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    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole NEW TESTAMENT

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      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






    All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

    Letter "A"


    Letter "A"

    The letter we call "A" in English, is also "A" pronounced "ALEPH" in Hebrew, and "A" pronounced "ALPHA" in Greek - such as Jesus being the "Alpha and Omega" (first and last letters of the Greek alphabet).

    A shocking mystery to the world, is that the initial letter of the Alphabet in almost every language of the world is "A", providing evidence that all languages are derivatives of the Original Hebrew Language, that God taught - or programmed - into Adam and Eve.

    0001, AB -

      The first Hebrew Word in a dictionary-Hebrew Lexicon by God begins with 'Aleph' - "A".

      Even more amazing, the first Hebrew Word devised by God begins by combining "A" - the first letter of the alphabet with letter "B" - the second letter of the alphabet, to get the first Hebrew word "Ab" (which rhymes with Bob, cob, rob, mob, etc).

      This first Hebrew Word by God - "Ab" - is STRONG'S NUMBER 0001 (that you can check in any Hebrew dictionary or lexicon) which word 'Ab' is Hebrew for "Father."

        In the King James Bible, this Hebrew word 'Ab' is translated into several different English words including 'chief', 'prince', 'principal', 'patrimony', 'families', and 'desire';

        How can this one little Hebrew word "Ab" - be translated into all those different English words in the Bible? Let's break it down step by step . . .

        . . . as it is the amazing foundation for the whole structure of God's Authority.


      [1] A true father is both a Chief and Prince;

      [2] A 'house' or 'household' is the family itself, NOT the building as modern English define 'house'!. Examples are as House of David, House of Moses, Household of faith, etc.

      [3] Thus a true house is people, not boards and bricks, and is the smallest unit of Government;

      [4] Also, the house is the definition of the legal jurisdiction of the Father. The jurisdiction of any authority is a geographic area - such as city court, state court national courts each have authority ONLY in their jurisdiction.

      The "Ab" - father - is first of all, the "Chief-and-Prince" of His Household!

      [5] The physical home of his "house-hold" (children, etc.) is the geographic jurisdiction of the Chief-Prince;

      [6] Thus Hebrew fathers have legal jurisdiction in two frames of Reference:

        [Jurisdiction-A] Jurisdiction of his family, where ever they may be at any time - in another tribe state or nation;

        [Jurisdiction-B] Jurisdiction of his location, within the district of his ownership the physical 'house' be it a building, tent, land inhabited, owned or rented) where the Father is Chief-Protector of all residents, and Prince-Enforcer to set rules and guidelines for all who are there in;

        Thus the "Ab" is the Chief-Prince within his jurisdiction of neighbors, strangers, distant relatives, and anyone who comes "under his roof" - "on his property" - which is "his jurisdiction.


      [1] A 'Principal' simply is the "PRINCE of a PALACE" - His Palace is His Home: this is a "PRINCE-a-PAL."

      [2] English literature picked up this Hebrew concept as every man is King of his Castle - be it a tent, trailer, teepee, hut or log cabin!

      [3] As the Principal, Father is Chief, judge, protector, defender, and provider;

      [4] 'Principality' in all of its applications, is nothing more than the defined regions of legal jurisdiction where the Prince is Chief!


      [1] A "Chief Prince", is a PRINCE of other Princes of a particular region: literally a "PRINCE of Princes" -

      [2] NT References to Jesus as Prince:

        [A] "Thou... art not the least among the Princes of Juda: for out of thee shall come a Governor, Mat 2:4Matthew 2:5-7 (in Context) Matthew 2 (Whole Chapter)

        [B] "And killed the Prince of Life, whom God hath raised from the dead; Acts 3:15 Acts 3:14-16 (in Context) Acts 3 (Whole Chapter)

        [C] "Him hath God exalted with His Right Hand to be a Prince and a Saviour, Acts 5:31 Acts 5:30-32 (in Context) Acts 5 (Whole Chapter)

        [D] "And from Jesus Christ, who is the faithful witness, and the first begotten of the dead, and the Prince of the Kings of the earth." Revelation 1:5 Revelation 1:4-6 (in Context) Revelation 1 (Whole Chapter)

      [E] This corresponds perfectly to LORD of Lords, KING of Kings, GOD of God's, WARRIOR of Warriors,

      [F] Thus a Chief Prince is a FATHER of Fathers, or a 'PRINCIPAL of Principals';

      [G] When applied to The Devil, as it is three times, he is called The PRINCE of Devils Matt 9:34, Matt 12:24, Mark 3:22, John 12:31, John 14:30;

        (a) In the Greek Language and Culture of the New Testament, this corresponds to the "Bishop" - the Overseer of any group - the Chairman,The "President" (simply the "Presiding Elder") - the Chief, the Prince, the Shepherd, etc., be it overseeing believers, elders, rulers, etc;

        (b) Likewise, in the New Testament, 'Principality' is geographic jurisdiction, and is the place where the Prince - that is the Principal - exercises the authority and duty of fatherhood, initially,

        and as Bishop, Chief, or Overseer, does so secondarily;


      This further corresponds to the New testament by connecting the requirements for Elders and Deacons to "Chief of their Houses (Deacon being overseer of civil or non-religious needs, such as food, shelter, justice, etc., SEE ACTS 6:1-12);

      In all cases, those becoming Bishops, Deacons, Elders - overseeing overs as FATHER of Fathers, CHIEF of Chiefs, and PRINCIPAL of Principals, are required to have proved themselves as follows:

        [1] They had to have "Ruled their household well;"

        [2] Having all children in subjection;"

        [3] "With proper attitude, (gravity)"

        [4] Thus showing they were Properly proven as Princes, Fathers, Chiefs, and Principals, functioning as the true Chief of their House;

        [5] This was required BEFORE being appointed (by election of the members) to position of PRINCE among Princes, and CHIEF among Chiefs, PRINCIPAL among Principals;


      The same concept is continued in modern USA, thousands of years after God gave this title of "ab" to Adam. In modern USA 'Principal' - as a Prince, as a Chef, as a Principal, is one who exercises authority over a jurisdiction of [a] a group of people, and [b] a literal geographic place;

      This corresponds to modern Public Schools:

        [1] A person in almost every community named a 'Principal' - as a FATHER of Fathers, as the Chief Father - is selected to do the Duty of all Fathers - to teach the children (As commanded in the Torah, in the Great Jewish 'Shema' in the great Commandment of Deut 6:1-10 - and as Chief Father is set over the formal education of children of a particular community;

        [2] This PRINCIPAL of all the local Principals ( as FATHER of all the local Fathers) ONLY has jurisdiction over the students, not their parents, not younger siblings at home, not relatives already out of school, not other students in a school across town, nor drivers on the highway, just the students;

        [3] This school Principal also has a jurisdiction over the GEOGRAPHIC PLACE where the students "gather" (synagogue in Hebrew);

        [4] Thus his Geographic jurisdiction extends to ALL citizens to some degree, when they are within his physical jurisdiction, such as adults must adhere to certain PRINCIPAL'S RULES:

          [A] No drunks on premise!

          [B] No drinking alcohol on premise!

          [C] No females in tiny bikini's or Thongs on premise!

          [D] No loud yelling or music on premise!


        This concept of appointing a Chief-Prince as the Principal of a Principality corresponds to much of modern life:

          [1] from agents representing companies (insurance agents, banking loan officers, etc.,)

          [2] to police, sheriffs, and law officers

          [3] to judges;

          [4] to CEO's of many companies;

          [5] to Mayors, and governors;

          [6] to Township Trustees and Justices of the Peace;

          [7] to President and "Chief Justice of the Supreme Court!"

        In each case, the "principal" has jurisdiction to some degree over

          [A] a certain group of people, over

          [B] a certain area/region;


        **The Tribes of Israel, ALL had the same Law and Constitution, but each had their own area of Jurisdiction where their Principals - Chief Elders, and judges had authority;

        [1] Even Synagogues with their Chief Rulers, Acts 8:18, Acts 18:17 were of this "ab" model, along with the Roman Catholic Church, the Anglican Church and the Primitive Methodist Churches ALL having "PARISHES" . . .

        [2] . . . that is their geographic region of Jurisdiction


        [1] The "Bishops" (Grk 'Episcopos') had a "Bishopric" their region of their jurisdiction - See Acts 2:12-24

        [2] This concept was equally applied to "Apostles" (Grk 'Apostolos') also had a "Apostleship" their region of their jurisdiction, as the replacement for Judas is called an Apostle, who by transgression fell, and whose "Bishopric" (region) needed someone to replace Judas - See Acts 2:12-24

        [3] In fact, the word apostle (not a Hebrew or Old Covenant word, not even a religious word). Apostle was taken from Greek Culture by inspiration of Christ to HIS APOSTLES.

        [4] What were Christ's Church's Apostles?

        [5] Apostle was the title of legal authority given by Greek Kings to their "Commander and Chief of Armed Forces" primarily the Navy in those days!

          No planes invented yet and armies could only get to islands by ships . . . thus navy had the upper hand for millennia!)

        [A] And the Apostle had legal jurisdiction over the SOLDIERS and the SHIP - or REGION they were to defend, attack, conquer, etc.

        [B] The Apostle could speak for the King, declare war on another people, or declare peace, make treaties of trade or otherwise, appoint lesser "principals", etc.

        [C] Thus Apostles were TRUE Principals, with a TRUE principality, their "Bishopric" their area of "Apostleship" etc.,

        [D] All inherent in the Hebrew word "ab" as Father-Chief-Prince, Prince of a Palace, making him a "Principal" and if elected by peers may become a PRINCE of Princes, CHIEF of Chiefs, PRINCIPAL among Principals:

        [E] All with authority over [A] a particular people where they may be . . . and [B] over a particular region/area, no matter who may be present!


        This "principality" concept is MISSING from almost all of the modern local churches:

          [1] Modern Churches have their "Principals" be they called pastors, elders, bishops, evangelists, teachers, or preachers;

          [2] Modern Churches DO NOT have their "Principalities" be they called pastors, elders, bishops, evangelists, teachers, or preachers;

          [3] Thus the modern church s DOOMED to fail culturally, BECAUSE they have no region whereby they can enforce Church discipline (unless they want to claim the miniscule area of their buildings!


          [4] Thus Churches cannot Discipline as Christ Commanded and commended:

            [A] Christ commanded the "whole Church" to judge - to be the court - among brethren at odds: Matt 18:14-20, and numerous teaching on HOW to keep Christ's command:

            [B] "JUDGE righteous judgement" and not according to circumstantial assumptions;

            [C] Paul commanded to have Church Court and to NEVER go before the law of the land, which is ALWAYS unjust; Numerous references, by I Cor 6:1-7

            [D] Paul commanded to have Church Court and to "seek a wise man among you" and/or simply to "set the least of the Church as Jury: I Cor 6:1-7, see also I cor 5:1-15 and many more;

            [E] Christ commanded carrying out "legal trials" as He commended the Church at Ephesus in Rev 2:2.

            [F] HOWEVER, modern Churches cannot do this!

            [G] IF a local Church attempts a serious church trial, the angry member often TAKES THE CHURCH TO SECULAR COURT! . . .

            [H]. . . INSTEAD of submitting to properly ordained authority of Elders as Paul commanded many times!

            [I] When Church Principals seek to carry out proper Church trials or more minor issues . . .Disgruntled members simply go to the Local Church across the street, across town or across county . . .

              (a). . . which "pseudo-church" also has no principality, no Apostleship, no Bishopric,

              (b) and no region of jurisdiction where discipline can be enforced!

            Thus modern Christian is DOOMED TO FAILURE!


        Herein lies the FAILURE of Modern Christianity in ALL western nations, and in ALL the lands they have IMPROPERLY EVANGELIZED!

          [1] They simply do NOT apply the Hebrew word "ab" - as being "father" . . .

          [2] . . . (in the patriarchal sense) as "Chief & Prince" as ruler of the household, and as "Principal" - as the Prince of the Palace, . . .

          [3] . . . REQUIRED to have a literal area of legal jurisdiction . . .

          [4] . . . which sadly, . . . all of modernity understands better than the Church of the Father of Spirits, the Father of the whole Family in Heaven and Earth!

          [5] . . . and because no modern local Bible Church has a jurisdiction, they cannot exercise any scriptural discipline:


        People simply go to the Church across the Street or across the town!

        If you are a minister, GO THOU and DO NOT Likewise!!!

        NOTE please see that many of the words following "Ab" in the Hebrew language are 'compound words' with 'ab' - Hebrew 'father' as the root word, including many negative words such as destruction, destroy, failure, sorrow, etc., . . .

        . . . such as

          >> ABBADON, the DESTROYER in the Revelation,

          >> which is AB + BADON

        The point is, that if the Evil One can attack the Office and Position of Father - the basic unit of Divine Government: the household-family;

        Seeing that father and family precede ALL other forms of government from Community to city to nation to synagogue to Church;

        If the Office and Position of 'Ab' - Father as Chief, Prince and Principal with a Principality can be destroyed among God's people, the whole of society is sure and soon to follow;

        The whole history of Israel bears this out;

        As does Modern USA: the destruction of modern fathers is the rampant demise of modern western society: the 'Ab' DESTROYED.

        Thus the Hebrew FATHER, the Chief, the Leader, the Prince, having a region of Jurisdiction, is the foundation of all Government, thus of all society!

        Lose the foundation, lose the whole structure;

          ***Thus the theme and purpose of the Ministry of John the Baptist was simply:


    PART-XI - Goal of Jesus and John the Baptist;

      Jesus came to re-establish each level of government, from the home, to the Synagogue and Elders, to the palace and king.

      Jesus was prophesied as follows:

        [1] Make every 'Mountain Low' (Mountain, the oppressor, to bring them Down;)

        [2] Make every 'Valley Filled' (Valley, the oppressed, to raise them UP;)

        [3] Make the 'Crooked Straight!' (Crooked are Unlawful, who must and will, become Lawful;)

        [4] Make the 'Rough Roads, Smooth!' (Rough are the 'Difficult', who will be made Better!;)

      Therefore, the Linguistic Scholar 'Sees the Hand of God even in the careful design of the Alphabet!

      Thus we should NOT be surprised when Jesus makes a GREAT CLAIM - not to be General of all Soldiers, Mathematician of all numbers, Thinker of all thoughts:

        *** But the Substance of ALL LETTERS: The Alpha and Omega, The "A" to "Z",

        Christ showing by claiming this TEN TIMES in the revelation of Jesus,M His Preeminent Sovereignty in ALL: All people, ALL places, ALL ages, ALL words, ALL Letters, and ALL Alphabets!

    PART-XII: Sadly, Hebrew Fatherhood is lost in English!

      The Hebrew word "ab" is translated into various words in the English Bibles, but it's primary understanding is "Father" - much more than "Prince" or "Chief" or "Principal" (those these are valid definitions), thus "ab" will ALWAYS be translated as "Father", . . .

      . . . rather than sometimes translating it as "prince" or "chief" - rather randomly - as the KJV does.

        [NOTE ASIDE: Messianic Jewish scholar Anayahu ben David began this study, going through Strong's Lexicon of the traditional Old Testament, and rendering EVERY Hebrew root word into its corresponding English word - as consistently as possible in the manner outlined above].

      NewtonStein has taken the concept to the next level, and shows CONTINUITY and CORRESPONDENCE of the Hebrew-Old Covenant to the GREEK New-Testament, then to the English;

        SADLY: Since God did not develop English Language, it is not perfectly constructed as was Hebrew in its origin. Thus the Hebrew root words do not always have a perfect-English counterpart, but it can be well-approximated as the example;

        As by far, most English speaking people associate the Hebrew word for Father with the English word father, RATHER than the word Prince, or Chief . . .

        . . . ALTHOUGH, these concepts of Prince and Chief DO NEED be taught to the English people, as being an important part of the identity, duty, definition, and role of father.

        DADS! It ALL depends on You!

    CONCLUSION: Thus All Authority Figures Should be as Dads!;

        Every authority figure in society is a simple extension of the "Ab" - the fathers - applied to ever-larger areas. All such persons should have the attitude of the father as protector and provider.

          >> School teachers,
          >> Principals,
          >> Coaches,
          >> Precinct Captains,
          >> Township Trustees,
          >> Mayors,
          >> City Councils,
          >> City Aldermen,
          >> County Commissioners/supervisors,
          >> Constables, Justice of the Peace,
          >> Governors,
          >> Presidents,
          >> Kings, Pharaohs, Caesars, Dictators,
          >> Various military Officers,
          >> Pastors-Ministers
          >> Chiefs of all kinds: Police, Fire, FBI, CIA,
          >> Child-Care workers,
          >> 4-H, Scout Leaders,
          >> Counselors, Psychiatrists, etc.,
          >> And many more;

        All of these positions are to do their WORK AS A FATHER WHO WILL DIE . . .


        See ALSO ALEPH, Hebrew; ALPHA, Greek, Long "A" English, Initial letter of their respective ALPHABETS;

      AALAR, a' a-lar,
        **See ALLAH.

      AARON, ar' un,
        Aaron, meaning uncertain:

        Gesenius suggests "mountaineer"; First, "enlightened"; others give "rich," "fluent." Cheyne mentions Redslob's "ingenious conjecture" of "the ark" with its mythical, priestly significance, EB s.v.) : Probably eldest son of Amram (Exodus 6 20), and according to the uniform genealogical lists (Exodus 6 10-20; 1 Chronicles 6 1-3), the fourth from Levi.

        This however is not certainly fixed, since there are frequent omissions from the lists of names which an; not prominent in the line of descent. For the corresponding period from Levi to Aaron the Judah list has six names (Ruth 4:9-20; 1 Chronicles 2:1-2 ->).

        Levi and his family were zealous, even to violence (Con 34:2; Exodus 32:26), for the national honor and religion, and Aaron no doubt inherited his full portion of this spirit. His mother’s name was Jochebed, who was also of the Levitical family (Exodus 6 20).

        Miriam, his sister, was several years older, since she was set to watch the novel cradle of the infant brother Moses, at whose birth Aaron was three years old (Exodus 7:7).

        When Moses fled from Egypt, Aaron remained to share the hardships of his people, and possibly to render them some service; for we

        2. Becomes are told that Moses int routed of God Moses his brother s cooperation in his mission Assistant to Pharaoh and to Israel, and

        that Aaron went out to meet his returning brother, as the time of deliverance drew near (Exodus 4:27). While Moses, whose great gifts lay along other lines, was slow of speech (Exodus 4:10), Aaron was a ready spokesman, and became his brother s representative, being called his "mouth" (Exodus 4:10) and his "prophet" (Exodus 7:1).

        After their meeting in the wilderness the two brothers returned together to Egypt on the hazardous mission to which Jehovah had called them (Exodus 4:27-31 ). At first they appealed to their own nation, recalling the ancient promises and declaring the imminent deliverance, Aaron being the spokesman. But the heart of the people, hopeless by reason of the hard bondage and heavy with the care of material things, did not incline to them.

        The two brothers then forced the issue by appealing directly to Pharaoh himself, Aaron still speaking for his brother (Exodus 6 10-13). He also performed, at Moses direction, the miracles which confounded Pharaoh and his magicians. With Hur, he held up Moses hands, in order that the rod of God might be lifted up, during the fight with Amalek (Exodus 17 10.12).

        Aaron next comes into prominence when at Sinai he is one of the elders and representatives of his tribe to approach nearer to the than the people in general were allowed to do, and to see the manifested glory of God (Exodus 24 1.9.10).

        3. An Elder Mount

        A few days later, when Moses, attended by his "minister" Joshua, went up into the mountain, Aaron exercised some kind of headship over the people in his absence. Despairing of seeing again their leader, who had disappeared into the mystery of communion with the invisible God, they appealed to Aaron to prepare them more tangible gods, and to lead them back to Egypt (Exodus 32:1-20).

        Aaron never appears as the strong, heroic character which his brother was; and here at Sinai he revealed his weaker nature, yielding to the demands of the people and permitting the making of the golden bullock. That he must however have yielded reluctantly, is evident from the ready zeal of his tribesmen, whose leader he was, to stay and to avenge the apostasy by rushing to arms and falling mightily upon the idolaters at the call of Moses (Exodus 32 26-28).

        In connection with the planning and erection of the tabernacle ("the Tent"), Aaron and his sons being chosen for the official priest-

        4. High hood, elaborate; and symbolical vest- Priest merits were prepared for them (Exodus 28);

        and after the erection and dedication of the tabernacle, he and his sons were finally inducted into the sacred office (Lev 8). It appears that Aaron alone was anointed with the holy oil (Leviticus V 8 12), but his sons were included with him in the duty of caring for sacrificial rite s and things. They servenl in receiving and presenting the vari- ems offerings, and could enter and serve in the first e hamber of the tabernacle; but Aaron alone, the high priest, the Mediates of the Old Covenant, could enter into the Holy of Holies, and that only once a year, on the great Day of Atonement fLev 16 12-14).

        After the departure of Israel from Sinai, Aaron joined his sister Miriam in a protest against the

        authority of Moses (Judges 12), which

        5. Rebels they assert eel 1e> be self-assumed. Against For this rebellion Miriam was smitten with leprosy, but, was made whole again, when, at the pleading of Aaron, Moses interceded with God for her. The sacred office of Aaron, requiring physical, moral and ceremonial cleanness of the strictest order, seems to have made him immune from this form of punishment.

        Somewhat later (Judges 16) he himself, along with Moses, became the object of a revolt of his own tribe in conspiracy with counselors of Dan and Reuben. This rebellion was subelueel and the authority of Moses and Aaron vindicated by the



        miraculous overthrow of the rebels. As they were being destroyed by the plague, Aaron, at Moses command, rushed into their midst with the lighted censer, and the destruction was stayed.

        The Divine will in choosing Aaron and his family to the priesthood was then fully attested by the miraculous budding of his rod, when, together with rods representing the other tribes, it was placed and left overnight in the sanctuary (Numbers 17). Sec AARON S ROD.

        After this event Aaron does not come prominently into view until the time of his death, near the close of the Wilderness period. Because of the impatience, or unbelief, of Moses and Aaron at Meribah (Numbers 20 12 i, the two brothers are prohibited from entering Canaan; and shortly after the last camp at Kadesh was broken, as the people journeyed eastward to the plains of Moab, Aaron died on Mount Hor (Horeb - Sinai). In three passages this event is recorded: the more detailed account in Nil 20, a second incidental record in the, list of stations of the wanderings in the wilderness (Numbers 33 3X.39), and a third casual reference (I)t 10 0) in an address of Moses. These are not in the least contradictory or inharmonious. The dramatic scene is fully presented in Numbers 20: Moses, Aaron and Eleazar go up to Mount Hor (Horeb - Sinai) in the people s sight; Aaron is divested of his robes of office, which are formally put upon his eldest living son; Aaron

        6. Further dies before the Lord in the Mount History at the age of 112;}, and is given burial

        by his two mourning relatives, who then return to the cam]) without the first and great high priest; when the people understand that he is no more, they show hot h grief and love by thirty days of mourning. The passage in Numbers 33 records the event of his death just after the list of stations in the general vicinity of Mount Hor; while Moses in Deuteronomy 10 states from which of these stations, viz. Moserah,

        that remarkable funeral procession made its way to Mount Hor. In the records we find, not contradiction and perplexity, but simplicity and unity. It is not within the view of this article to present modern displacements and rearrangements of the Aaronic history; it is concerned with the records as they are, and as they contain the faith of the OT writers in the origin in Aaron of their priestly order.

        Aaron married Elisheba, daughter of Amminadab,

        and sister of Nahshon, prince of the tribe of Judah,

        who bore him four sons: Nadab, Abihu,

        7, Priestly Eleazar and Ithamar. The sacrilegious Succession act and consequent judicial death

        of Nadab and Abihu are recorded in Lev 10. Eleazar and Ithamar were more pious and reverent; and from them descended the long line of priests to whom was committed the ceremonial law of Israel, the succession changing from one branch to the other with certain crises in the nation. At his death Aaron was succeeded by his oldest living son, Eleazar (Numbers 20 28; Deuteronomy 10 6).


      AARONITES, ar' on-iits;
        "belonging to Aaron": A word used in older Bibles, but not in the revised versions, to translate the proper name Aaron in two instances where it denotes a family and not merely a person (1 Chronicles 12:27; 27:17). It is equivalent to the phrases "sons of Aaron," "house of Aaron," frequently used in the OT. According to the books of Joshua and Chronicles the "sons of Aaron" were distinguished from the other Levites from the time of Joshua (e.g. Joshua 21 4.10.1:5; 1 Chronicles 6 54).

        (Num 17:1-10 and Lev 9:4) : Immediately after the incidents connected with the rebellion of Korah, Dathan and Abiram against the leadership of Moses and the priestly primacy of Aaron (Numbers 16), it became necessary to indicate and emphasize the Divine appointment of Aaron. Therefore, at the command of Jehovah, Moses directs that twelve almond rods, one for each tribe with the prince s name engraved thereon, be placed within the Tent of the Testimony.

        When Moses entered the tent the following day, he found that Aaron s rod had budded, blossomed and borne fruit, "the three stages of vegetable life being thus simultaneously visible." When the miraculous sign was seen by the people, they accepted it as final; nor was there ever again any question of Aaron s priestly right.

        The rod was kept "before the testimony" in the sanctuary ever after as a token of the Divine will (17 10). The writer of He, probably following a later Jewish tradition, mentions the rod as kept in the Holy of Holies within the ark (He 9 4; cf 1 Kings 8 <). See PRIEST, III. EDWARD MACK

      AB ubh or abh, the
        Hebrew and Aramaic, word for "father"): It is a very common word in the OT; this art. notes only certain uses of it. It is used both in the singular and in the plural to denote a grandfather or more remote ancestors (e.g. Jeremiah 35:1;). The father of a people or tribe is its founder, not, as is frequently assumed, its progenitor. In this sense Abraham is father to the Israelites (see, for example, Genesis 17 1 1-14.27), Isaac and Jacob and the heads of families being fathers in the same modified sense. The cases of Ishmael, Moab, etc, are similar.

        The traditional originator of a craft is the father of those who practise the craft (e.g. Genesis 4 20.21.22). Sennacherib uses the term "my fathers" of his predecessors on the throne of Assyria, though these were not his ancestors (2 Kings 19 12). The term is used to express worth and affection irrespective of blood relation (e.g. 2 Kings 13 14). A ruler or leader is spoken of as a father. God is father. A frequent use of the word is that in the composition of proper names, e.g. Abinadab, "my father is noble." See Am.

        The Aram, word in its definite form is used three times in the NT (Mark 14 3(>; Horn 8 15; Gal 4:1-10, the phrase being in each ease "Abba, Father," addressed to God. In this phrase the word "Father" is added, apparently, not as a mere translation, nor to indicate that Abba is thought of as a proper name of Deity, but as a term of pleading and of endearment. See also An HA. WILLIS J. BEE CHER

        AB (IS, abh ): The name of the fifth month in the Hebrew calendar, the month beginning in our July. The name does not appear in the Bible, but Jos gives it to the month in which Aaron died (Ant, IV, iv, 6; cf Numbers 33 38).

      ABACUC, ab a-kuk
        (Lat Abarnc) : The form given the name of the prophet Habakkuk in 2 Esdras 1 40.

      ABADDON, a-bad on
        "ruin," "perdition" – which is to ‘sell out for money, or love of money as with Judas - "destruction") : Though "destruction" is commonly used in translating Abaddon, the stem idea is intransitive rather than passive the idea of perishing, going to ruin, being in a ruined state, rather than that of being ruined, being destroyed.

        The word occurs six times in the OT, always as a place name in the sense in which Sheol is a place name. It denotes, in certain aspects, the world of the dead as constructed in the Hebrew imagination. It is a common mistake to understand such expressions in a too mechanical way. Like ourselves, the men of the earlier ages had to use picture language when they spoke of the conditions that existed after death, however their picturing



        Aaronites Abase

        of the matter may have differed from ours. In three instances Abaddon is parallel with Sheol (Job 26 6; Proverbs 15 11; 27 20). In one instance it is parallel with death, in one with the grave and in the remaining instance the parallel phrase is "root out all mine increase" (Job 28 22; Ps 88 11; Job 31 12). In this last passage the place idea comes nearer to vanishing in an abstract conception than in the other passages.

        Abaddon belongs to the realm of the mysterious. Only God understands it (Job 26:6; Proverbs 15:11). It is the world of the dead in its utterly dismal, destructive, dreadful aspect, not in those more cheerful aspects in which activities are conceived of as in progress there. In Abaddon there are no declarations of God s loving-kindness (Ps 88 11).

        In a slight degree the OT presentations personalize Abaddon. It is a synonym for insatiableness (Proverbs 27:20). It has possibilities of information mediate between those of "all living" and those of God (Job 28:22).

        In the NT the word occurs once (Rev 9:11), the personalization becoming sharp. Abaddon is here not the world of the dead, but the angel who reigns over it. The Greek equivalent of his name is given as Apollyon. ruder this name Bunyan presents him in the Pilgrim’s Progress, and Christendom has doubtless been more interested in this presentation of the matter than in any other.

        In some treatments Abaddon is connected with the evil spirit Asmodeus of Tobit (e.g. 3 8), and with the destroyer mentioned in Wisdom (18 25; cf 22), and through these with a large body of rabbinical folklore; but these efforts are simply groundless. See APOLLYOnorth WILLIS J~. BEECHER

        ABADIAS, ab-a-dl as (Greek) : Mentioned in 1 Esdras 8 35 as the son of Jeelus, of the sons of Joab, returned with Ezra from the captivity; and in Ezra 8 9 called "Obadiah the son of Jehiel."

        ABAGARUS, a-bag a-rus. See ABGARUSouth

        ABAGTHA, a-bag tha (XP CS, ahhuulr tlta, per haps meaning "fortunate one"): One of the 1 seven eunuchs, or "chamberlains, of Xerxes mentioned in Esther 1 10. The name is Persian, and is one of the many Persians marks in the Book of Esther.

        ABANAH, ab a-na, a-ba na (n:3X , ahhanah [K-thibh, LXX, Vulg]), or AMANA (nD12X, amanah [K"re, Pesh, Tg]; AV Abana [ARVni Ainana], RV ABANAH [RVm Amanah]): Mentioned in 2 Kings 5 12, along with the PHARPAR (q.v.), as one of the principal rivers of Damascus. The reading Amana (meaning possibly the "constant," or perennial stream) is on the whole preferable. Both forms of the name may have been in use, as the interchange of an aspirated b (bh = v) and m is not without parallel (cf Evil-merodach = Amil- marduk) .

        The A. is identified with the Chrysorrhoas ("golden stream") of the Greeks, the modern Nahr Baraela (the "cold"), which rises in the Anti- Lebanon, one of its sources, the Ain Barada, being near the village of Zebedani, and flows in a southerly and then southeasterly direction toward Damascus.

        A few miles southeast of Suk Wady Barada (the ancient Abila; see ABILEXE) the volume of the stream is more than doubled by a torrent of clear, cold water from the beautifully situated spring *Ain Fijch (Greek injjri, pcgf, "fountain"), after which it flows through a picturesque gorge till it reaches Damascus, whose many fountains and gardens it supplies liberally with water. In the neighbor hood of Damascus a number of streams branch off

        from the parent river, and spread out like an opening fan on the surrounding plain. The Barada, along with the streams which it feeds, loses itself in the marshes of the Meadow Lakes about 18 miles east of the city.

        The water of the Barada, though not perfectly wholesome in the city itself, is for the most part clear and cool; its course is picturesque, and its value to Damascus, as the source alike of fertility and of charm, is inestimable. C. II. THOMSON

        ABARIM, ab a-rim, a-ba rim: The stem idea is that of going across a space or a dividing line, or for example a river. It is the same stem that appears in the familiar phrase "beyond Jordan," used to denote the region east of the Jordan, and Hellenized in the name Peraea. This fact affords the most natural explanation of the phrases the mountains of the Abarim (Numbers 33 47.48); this mountain-country of the Abarim (Numbers 27 12; Deuteronomy 32 40); lye-abarim, which means "Heaps of the Abarim," or "Mounds of the Abarim" (Numbers 21 11; 33 44). In Numbers 33 45 this station is called simply lyim, "Mounds." It is to be distinguished from the place of the same name in southern Judah (Joshua 15 29). The name Abarim, without the article 1 , occurs in Jeremiah (22 20 RV, where AV translates "the passages"), where it seems to be the name of a region, on the same foot ing with the names Lebanon and Bashan, doubtless the region referred to in Numbers and I)t. There is no reason for changing the vowels in Ezekiel 39 11, in order to make that another occurrence of the same

        When the people of Abraham lived in Canaan, before they went to Egypt to sojourn, they spoke of the region east of the Jordan as "beyond Jordan." Looking across the Jordan and the Dead Sea they designate! 1 the mountain country they saw there as "the Beyond mountains." They continued to use these geographical terms when they came out of Egypt . We have no means of knowing to how extensive a region they applied the name. The passage s speak of the mountain country of Abarim where Moses died, including Nebo, as situated back from the river Jordan in its lowest reaches; and of the Mounds of the Abarim as farther to the southeast, so that the Israelites passed them when making their detour around the agricultural parts of Edom, before they crossed the Arnon. Whether the name Abarim should be applied to the parts of the eastern hill country farther to the north is a question on where we lack evidence. WILLIS J. BEECHER

        ABASE, a-bas : The English rendition (Job 40 11; Ezekiel 21 26), and of its derivative (Daniel 4 .37) = "bring down," "debase," "humble "; of (Isaiah 31 4) = "abase self," "afflict," "chasten self," "deal harshly with," etc; "to depress"; fig. humiliate" (in condition or heart): "abase," "bring low," "humble self" (Phil 4 12). The word is always employed to indicate what should be done to or by him who nurtures a spirit and exhibits a demeanor contrary to the laudable humility which is a natural fruit of religion. Such a person is warneel that the most extravagant audacity will not daunt Jehovah nor abate His vengeance (Isaiah 31 4), and gooel mem are exhorted to employ their powers to bring him low (Job 40 11; Ezekiel 21 20). If men are not able to curb the arrogant, God is (Daniel 4 37) ; and He has so constituted the world, that sinful arrogance must fall (Matthew 23 12 AV; Luke 14 11 AV; 18 14 AV). FRANK east HIRSCH

        Abate Abel-cheramim



        ABATE, a-bat : six times in OT for five different Hebrew words, signifying "to diminish," "reduce," "assuage"; of 1 ho Flood ((Jon 8 X) ; of strength (Deuteronomy 34 7); of pecuniary value (Lev 27:9); of wrath (Judges 8 3); of fire (Judges 11 2).

        ABBA, ab a (d(3pd, X3X , abba , Hebraic-Chald,

        "Father"): In Jewish and old-Christian prayers, a name by which God was addressed, then in oriental churches a title of bishops and patriarchs. So Jesus addresses God in prayer (Matthew 11:2; 26 3). 42; Luke 10 21; 22 12; 23 31; John 11 41; 12 27; 17 24.2). In Mark 14 3-5; Rom 8:l. and Gal 4 (5 6 varrip, ho patrr, is appended even in direct address, in an emphatic sense. Servants wore not permitted to use the appellation in addressing th head of the house. See Delitzsch on Rom 8 ]">; cf G. Dalman, drum, des jud.-palast. Araniriixrh. etc, 10, c. 3. J. east HAHKY

        ABDA, ab da (S~Zl", ablidd , perhaps, by abbre viation, "servant of JAH"): (1) The father of Adoniram, King Solomon s superintendent of forced labor (I K 4 Co. (2) A Levitt; mentioned in the statistical note in Noh (11 17). This "Abda the son of Shammua" is in the partly duplicate passage in I Chronicles (9 1(5) called "Obadiah the son of Shomaiah."

        ABDEEL, ab de-, "servant of God"): The father of Shelemiah, one of the offi cers whom King Jehoiakim commanded to arrest Baruch, the scribe, and Jeremiah the prophet, (Jeremiah 36 20).

        ABDI, ab di l" 1 "^", probably by abbre- viation "servant of JAH"): A Lovite, father of Kishi and grandfather of King David s singer Ethan (I Chronicles 6 44; cf 15 17). This makes Abdi a contemporary of Saul the king. (2) A Levite, father of the Kish who was in service at the begin ning of the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chronicles 29 12). Some mistakenly identify this Abdi with the former. (3) A man who in Ezra s time had married a foreign wife (Ezra 10 2(5). Not a Lovite, but "of the sons of Elam."

        ABDIAS, ab-dl as (2 Es 1 1 39 = Obadiah) : One of the Minor Prophets. Mentioned with Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and the Minor Prophets who shall be given as leaders to t ho "nat ion from t ho east " which is to overthrow Israel (cf OHADIAII).

        ABDIEL, ab di-el ("S" ! "3", dhh lTti, "servant of God"): A Gadito who lived in Gilead or in Ba- shan, and whose name was reckoned in genealogies of the time of Jot ham. king of Judah, or of Jero boam II, king of Israel (1 Chronicles 5 lo-17).

        ABDON, ab don (perhaps "service"; ) :

        (1) A judge of Israel for eight years (Judges 12 13- 15). The account says that he was the son of Hillel the Pirathonite, and that ho was buried in Pirathon in the land of Ephraim. No mention is made of great public services rendered by him, but it is said that he had seventy well-mounted sons and grandsons. So far as we can judge, he was placed in office as a wealthy elderly nrin, and per formed the routine duties acceptably. Very likely his two next predecessors Ibzan and Elon were men of the same type.

        An effort, has boon made to identify Abdon with the Bedan mentioned in 1 Samuel 12 11, but the iden tification is precarious.

        A certain importance attaches to Abdon from

        the fact that he is the last judge mentioned in the continuous account (Judges 2 (i 13 1) in the Book of Judges. After the account, of him follows the state ment that Israel was delivered into the hands of the Philistines forty years, and with that statement the continuous account closes and the series of per sonal stories begins the stories of Samson, of Micah and his Levite, of the Benjamite civil war, followed in our English Bibles by the stories of Ruth and of the childhood of Samuel.

        With the close of this last story (1 Samuel 4 18) the narrative of public affairs is resumed, at a point when Israel is making a desperate effort, at the close of the forty years of Eli, to throw off the Philistine yoke. A large part of one s views of the history of the period of the Judges will depend on the way in which he combines these events. My own view is that the forty years of Judges 13 1 and of 1 Samuel 4 18 are the same; that at the death of Abdon the Philistines assorted themselves as overlords of Nrael; that it was a part of their policy to suppress nationality in Israel; that they abolished the office of judge, and changed the high-priesthood to an other family, making Eli high priest; that Eli was sufficiently competent so that many of the functions of national judge drifted into his hands. It should bo not 0(1 that the regaining of inde pendence was signalized by the roost ablishment of the office of judge, with Samuel as incumbent (1 Samuel 7 (i and context). This view takes into the account that the narrative concerning Samson is detachable, like the narratives that, follow, Samson belonging to an earlier period. See SA.MSOX.

        (2) The son of Jeiol and his wife Maacah (1 Chronicles 8 30; 9 3(5). Jeiel is described as the "father of Gibeon. perhaps the founder of the Israelitish community there. This Abdon is described as brother to Nor, the grandfather of King Saul.

        (3) One of the messengers sent bv King Josiah to Huldah the prophetess (2 Chronicles 34 20) ; called Achbor in 2 Kings 22 12.

        (1) One of many men of Benjamin mentioned as dwelling in Jerus (1 Chronicles 8 23), possibly in Nehe- miah s time, though the date is not clear.


        ABDON, ab don ("l"^?, *abhdon, perhaps "serv ice"): One of the four Levitical cities in the tribe of Ashor (Joshua 21 30; 1 Chronicles 6 74). Probably the same with Ebron (in AV "Hebron") in Joshua 19 28, whore some copies have the reading Abdon. Now called Ahdeh, a few miles from the Mediterranean and about fifteen miles south of Tyro.

        ABED-NEGO, a-bod ne-go (Hob and Aram. Daniel 3:29, According to many, the n is an inten tional corruption of Nebo, the name of a Babylonian god, arising from the desire of the Hob scribes to avoid the giving of a heathen name to a hero of their faith. The name, according to this view, would moan "servant of Nebo." Inasmuch as l is a translation of the Babylonian , it seems more probable that HI QO also must be a translation of some Babylonian word. The goddess Ishtar is by the Babylonians called "the morning star" and "the perfect light"The morning star is called by the Aramaeans nor/ah, "the shining one," a word derived from the root negah, the equivalent of the Babylonian Hdfjii, "to shine."

        Abed-nego, according to this interpretation, would be the translation of Arad-Ishtar, a not uncommon name among the Assyrians and Babylonians. Canon Johns gives this as the name of more than thirty Assyrians, who are mentioned on the tablets cited by him in Vol. Ill of his great work entitled Assyrian Deeds and Documents. It means "servant of Ishtar."



        Abate Abel-cheramim

        Abed-nego was one of the three companions of Daniel, and was the name imposed upon the Hebrew Azariah by Nebuchadnezzar (Daniel 1 7). Having refused, along with his friends, to eat the provisions of the king s table, he was fed and flourished upon pulse and water. Having successfully passed his examinations and escaped the death with which the wise men of Babylon were threatened, he was appointed at the request of Daniel along with his companions over the affairs of the province of Babylon (Daniel 2).

        Having refused to bow down to the image which Nebuchadnezzar had set up, he was cast into the burning fiery furnace, and after his triumphant delivery he was caused by the king to prosper in the province of Babylon (Daniel 3). The three friends are referred to by name in 1 Alacc 2 59, and by implication in He li 33.31.

        R. DICK WILSON*

        ABEL, a bcl (bin, 1,, blicl; etymology uncertain. Some translation "a breath," "vapor," "transitoriness," which are suggestive of his brief existence 1 and tragic end; others take it to be a variant of Jabal, ynbhul, "shepherd" or "herclman," Genesis 4 20. Cf Assyr tiblu and Babylonian ahil, "son"): The second son of Adam and Eve. The absence of the vb. tnlrdh (den 4 2; cf ver 1) has been taken to imply, perhaps truly, that Cain and Abel were twins.

        "Abel was a keeper of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the ground," thus representing the two fundamental pursuits of civilized life,

        1. A the two earliest subdivisions of the Shepherd human race. On the Hebrew tradition of the superiority of the pastoral over agricultural and city life, see Exodus 7 , V, 351 i f. The narrative may possibly bear witness to the primitive idea that pastoral life was more pleasing to Jah than husbandry.

        "In process of time," the two brothers came in a solemn manner to sacrifice unto JAH, in order to express their gratitude to Him whose

        2. A tenants they were 1 in the land (vs 3.4. Worshipper See SACUIKICK). JAH signified

        His acceptance of the one offering and rejection of the other, we are not told. That it was due to the difference in the material of the sac rifice or in their manner of offering was probably the belief among the early Israelites, who regarded animal offerings as superior to cereal offerings.

        Both kinds, however, were fully in accord with Hebrew law and custom. It has been suggested that the LXX rendering of 4 7 makes Cain s offence a ritual one, the offering not being "correctly made or rightly divided, and hence rejected as irregular.

        "If thou makest a proper offering, but dost not cut in pieces rightly, art thou not in fault? Be still!"

        The LXX evidently took the rebuke to turn upon Cain s neglect to prepare his offering according to strict ceremonial requirements. SiAijs, dieles (LXX in loc.), however, implies TIP! (HFC), niithah (nattah), and would only apply to animal sacrifices. Cf Exodus 29 17; Lev 8 20; Judges 19 2 .); 1 Kings 18 2)5; and see COUCH.

        3.The true reason for the Divine preference is doubtless to be found in the disposition of the brothers (see CAIN). Well-doing consisted not in the outward offering Righteous (4 7) but in the right state of mind and Man feeling.

        The acceptability depends on the inner motives and moral char acters of the offerers. "By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent [abundant, plnoita] sacrifice than Cain" (He 11 4). The "more abundant sacrifice," Westcott thinks, "suggests the deeper gratitude of Abel, and shows a fuller sense of the claims of God" to the best. Cain's "works [the

        collective expression of his inner life] were evil, and his brother s righteous" (1 John 3 12). "It would be an outrage 1 if the goels looked to gifts and sacrifice s and not to the soul" (.Mcibiades II.149east150A).

        Cain s he-art was no longer pure; it had a criminal propensity, springing from envy and jealousy, which rendered both his offering and person unacceptable. His evil works and hatred of his brother culminated in the 1 act of mur der, specifically evoked by the opposite character of Abel s works and the acceptance of his offering.

        The evil man cannot endure the sight of gooelness in another.

        Abel ranks as the first martyr (Alt 23 35), whose blood cried for vengeance (Genesis 4 10; cf

        Rev 6:9.10) and brought despair 4. A (Genesis 4:13), whereas that of Jesus Martyr appeals to Cod for forgiveness and speaks peace (Lev 12 24) and is preference before Abel’s.

        The first two brothers in history stand as the types and representatives of the; two main and p. AT, enduring divisions of mankind, and bear witness to the 1 absolute antithesis and eternal enmity between good and evil.

        M. 0. EVANS

      ABEL, a be 1 !
        ( "meadow") : A word used in several compound names and places. It appears by itself as the name of a city concerneel in the rebellion of Shelia (2 Samuel 20" 14; cf IS), though it is there 1 probably an abridgment of the name Abel-beth-maacah. In 1 Samuel 6 IS, where the Ile b has "the great meadow," and the Greek "the great stone," AV translates "the great stone of Abel."

        ABEL-BETH-MAACAH, a bel-betli-ma a-ka

        "the meadow of the; house of Maacah") : The name appears in this form in 1 Kings 15 20 and 2 Kings 15 29. In 2 Samuel 20 15 (Hebrew) it, is Abel-beth-hammaacah (Maacah with the- article 1 ). In ver 14 of that chapter it appears as Beth-maacah, and in verse 14 and IS as Abel.

        In 2 Samuel it is spoken of as the city, far to the 1 north, where 1 Joab besieged Sheba, the son of Bichri. In 2 Kings it is mentioned, along with I Jon and other places, as a city in Naphtali captured by Tiglath- pileser, king of Assyria. The capture appears also in the records of Tiglath-pileser. In 1 Kings it is mentioned with Ijem and Dan and "all the 1 land of Naphtali" as being smitten by Benhadad of Damascus in the time 1 of Baasha.

        In the account in Chronicles parallel to this last (2 Chronicles 16 4) the cities mentioned are Ijon, Dan, Abel- maim. Abel-maim is either another name for Abel-beth-maacah, or the name of another place in the same vicinity.

        The prevailing identification of Abel-beth-maacah is with Ahil, a few mile s west of Dan, on a height overlooking the Jordan near its sources. The adjacent region is rich agriculturally, and the scenery and the water supply are especially fine. Abel-maim, "meadow water," is not an inapt designation of it. WILLIS J. BKECHER

        ABEL-CHERAMIM, ii bcl-ker a-inim

        D^"}3 , dbhcl h Tdmlia, "meadow of vineyards"): A city mentioned in the RV in Judges 11 33, along with Aroer, Minnith, and "twenty cities," in summa rizing Jephthah s campaign against the Ammonites. AV translates "the plain of the vineyards." The site has not been identified, though Eusebius and Jerome speak of it as in their time a village about seven Roman miles from the Ammonite city of Kabbah.

        Abel-maim Abiathar




        ABEL-MAIM, a bel-ma im (D^ 52X , abhcl "meadow of water"). See ABEL-BETH- M A AC Air.

        ABEL-MEHOLAH, a bel-mc-ho lah (528 "meadow of dancing"): The residence of Elisha the prophet (1 Kings 19 Kit. ,, hen Gideon and his . 500 broke their pitchers in the camp of Gideon, the Midianites in their first panic lied down the valley of Je/creel and the Jordan "toward Zererah" (Judges 7 22). Zererah (Zeredah) is Zarethan (2 Chronicles 4 17; el 1 Kings 7 41), separated from Succoth by the clay ground where Solomon made castings for the temple 1 . The winy;

        01 the Midianites whom Gideon pursued crossed the Jordan at Succoth (Judges 8 4 ff). This would indicate that. Abel-meholah was thought, of as a tract of country with a "border," ,Y. of the Jordan. some miles South of Beth-shean, in the territory either of Issachar or West Alanasseh.

        Abel-meholah ;s also mentioned in connection with the jurisdiction of Baana, one of Solomon s twelve commissary officers (I K 4 12) as below Jexreel, with Beth-shean and Zarethan in the same list.

        Jerome and Kusebius speak of Abel-meholah as a tract of country and a town in the Jordan valley, about ten Rom miles South of Beth-shean. At just that point the name seems to be perpetuated in that of the ,Yady Alalih, and Abel-meholah is commonly located near where that Wady, or the neighboring Wady, comes down into the Jordan valley.

        Presumably Adriel the Aleholathite (1 Samuel 18 1!);

        2 Samuel 21 Samuel) was a resident of Abel-meholah.

        J. BKMCIIKK

        ABEL-MIZRAIM, a bel-miz ra-im (D nS q 52S, "meadow of Egypt"): A name given to "the threshing floor of Atad," east of the Jordan and north of the Dead Sea, because Joseph and his funeral party from Egypt there held their mourning over Jacob (den 50 11). The name is a pun. The Canaanite residents saw the 1, "the mourning," and therefore that place was called

        It is remarkable that the funeral should have taken this circuitous route, instead of going directly from Egypt to Hebron. Possibly a reason may be found as we obtain additional details in Egypt his tory. The explanations which consist in changing the text, or in substituting the North Arabian Miiyi for Migrayim, are unsatisfactory.


        ABEL-SHITTIM, a bel-shit tim (S^t n 528, , "The meadow of the Acacias"): The name appears only in Numbers 33 40; but the name Shittim is used to denote the same locality (,u 25 1; Joshua 2 1; 3 1; ). The name always has the art., and the best expression of it in English would be "the Acacias." The vallev of the Acacias (Joel 3 IS [4 IS],) is, apparently, a different, locality.

        For many weeks before crossing the Jordan, Israel was encamped in the roundout of the Jor dan valley, north of the Dead Sea, east of the river. The notices in the Bible, supplemented by those in Jos and Eusebius and Jerome, indicate that the camping region was many miles in extent, the southern limit being Beth-jeshimoth, toward the Dead Sea, while Abel of the Acacias was the northern limit and the headquarters. The head quarters are often spoken of as east of the Jordan at Jericho (e.g. Numbers 22 1 ; 26 3.6. i). During the stay there occurred the Balaam incident (Numbers 22- 24), and the harlotry with Moab and Midian (Numbers 25) and the war with Midian (Numbers 31), in

        both of which Phinehas distinguished himself. It was from the Acacias that Joshua sent out the spies, and that Israel afterward moved down to the river for the crossing. Alicah aptly calls upon Jehovah s people to remember all that happened to them from the lime when they reached the Acacias to the time when Jehovah had brought them safely across the river to dilgal.

        Jos is correct in saying that Abel of the Acacias is the place from which the Deuteronomic law pur ports to have been given. In his time the name survived as Abila, a not very important town situated there. He says that it was "sixty fur longs from Abila to the Jordan," that is a little more than seven English miles (Ant, IV, viii, 1 and V, i, 1; />,/, IV, vii, (>). There seems to be a consensus for locating the site at l,<fr<in, near where the wady of that name comes down into the Jordan valley. WILLIS J. BEECHKR

        ABEZ, a bex: Csed in AV (Joshua 19 2()i for KHKZ, which see.

        ABGAR, ab gar, ABGARUS, ab-ga rus, ABAGA- RUS, a-bag a-rus ("Ap-yapos, Abgaros): Written also Agbarus and Augarus. A king of Edessa. A name common to several kings (toparchs) of Edessa, Alesopotamia. One of these, Abgar, a son of rchomo, the seventeenth (14th?) of twenty kings, according to the legend (//A,i.l3) sent a letter to Je.Mis, professing belief in His Alessiahship and asking Him to come and heal him from an incurable disease (leprosy?), inviting Him at the same lime to take refuge from His enemies in his city, "which is enough for us both." Jesus answering the letter blessed him, because he had believed on Him with out having seen Him, and promised to send one of His disciples after He had risen from the dead. The apostle Thomas sent Judas Thaddeus, one of the Seventy, who healed him (Cod. A/>oc. NT).

        A. L. BUESLICII

        ABHOR, ab-hor : "To cast away," "reject," despise," "defy," "contemn," "loathe," etc. (1) Tr 1 in theOT from the following Hebrew words amongst others: TT82L (bd ax/i), "to be or to become stink ing" (1 Samuel 27 12; 2 Samuel 16 21); 5T3 ( r /W), "to cast away as unclean," "to loathe"; cf Ezekiel 16 5 AV; Tp (/<<( ), "to loathe," "to fear" (Exodus 1 12 m; 1 Kings 11 2r,; Isaiah 7 10); fp.tJ (s///.v/ f ), "to detest" (Pa 22 21); 2XH (Id abh), 27F1 (Id ab/i), "to contemn" (Deuteronomy 23 7); I X^ 7 ! (demon}, "an object of eon- tempt," "an abhorring" (Isaiah, 66 21; Did 12 2 m). (2) Tr 1 in the NT from the following Or words: bdelussomai, which is derived from bdco, "to stink" (Rom 2 22); (i/toxtiif/ed, derived from ntnyco, "to hate," "to shrink from" (Rorn 12 9).

        A. L. BRESLICH

        ABI, a bl ("28, abhl): The name of the mother of King Hezekiah, as given in 2 Kings 18 2. Most naturally explained as a contraction of Abijah ("Jehovah is a father," or "is my father"), found in the passage in 2 Chronicles 29 1. The spelling in the oldest translation s seems to indicate that abhl is not a copyist s error, but a genuine contracted form. She is spoken of as the daughter of Zechariah, and was of course the wife of Ahaz.

        ABI, a bl, in the composition of names (" I 28, dbhl, "father"): The Hebrew words dbh, "father," and ah, "brother," are used in the forming of names, both at the beginning and at the end of words, e.g. Abram ("exalted one"), Joah ("Jehovah is brother"), Ahab ("father s brother"). At the beginning of a word, however, the modified forms dbhl and dhl are the ones commonly used, e.g.



        Abel-maim Abiathar

        Ahimelcch ("king s brother") and Abimelech (by the same analogy "king s father").

        These forms have characteristics which compli cate the question of their use in proper names. Es pecially since the publication in 1896 of Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, by G. Buchanan Gray, the attention of scholars has been called to this matter, without the reaching of any perfect consensus of opinion.

        The word abhi may be a nominative with an archaic ending ("father"), or in the construct state ("father-of"), or the form with the suffix ("my father"). Hence a proper name constructed with it may supposably be either a clause or a sentence; if it is a sentence, either of the two words may be either subject or predicate. That is to say, the name Abimelech may supposably mean either "father of a king," or "a king is father," or "a father is king," or "my father is king," or "a king is my father." Further, the clause "father of a king" may have as many variations of mean ing as there are varieties of the grammatical genitive. Further still, it is claimed that either the word father or the word king may, in a name, be; a desig nation of a deity. This gives a very large number of supposable meanings from which, in any case, to select the intended meaning.

        The older scholarship regarded all these names as construct clauses. For example, Abidan is "father of a judge." It explained different in stances as being different varieties of the genitive construction; for instance, Abihail, "father of might," means mighty father. The woman s name Abigail, "father of exultation," denotes one whose father is exultant. Abishai, "father of Jesse," denotes one to whom Jesse is father, and so with Abihud, "father of Judah," Abiel, "father of God," Abijah, "father of Jehovah." See the cases in detail in Gesenius Lexicon.

        The more recent scholarship regards most or all of the instances as sentences. In some cases it regards the second element in a name as a verb or adj. instead of a noun; but that is not impor tant, inasmuch as in 11 eb the genitive construction might persist, even with the verb or adj. But in the five instances last given the explanation, "my father is exultation," "is Jesse," "is Judah," "is God," "is Jehovah," certainly gives (he meaning in a more natural way than by explaining these names as construct clauses.

        There is sharp conflict over the question whether we ought to regard the suffix pronoun as present in these names whether the five instances should not rather be translation (1 Jehovah is father, God is father, Judah is father, Jesse is father, exultation is father. The question is raised whether the same rule pre vails when the second word is a name or a desig nation of Deity as prevails in other cases. Should we explain one instance as meaning "my father is Jesse," and another as "God is father"?

        A satisfactory discussion of this is possible only under a comprehensive study of Bible names. The argument is more or less complicated by the fact that each scholar looks to see what bearing it may have on the critical theories he holds. In the Hebrew Lexicon of Dr. Francis Brown the explanations exclude the construct theory; in most of the instances they treat a name as a sen tence with "my father" as the subject; when the second part of the name is a designation of Deity they commonly make that the subject, and either exclude the pronoun or give it as an alternative. For most persons the safe method is to remember that the final decision is not yet reached, and to consider each name by itself, counting the explana tion of it an open question. See NAMES, PROPER. The investigations concerning Sern proper

        both in and out of the Bible, have interesting theo logical bearings. It has always been recognized that words for father and brother, when combined in proper names with Yah, Yaliu, El, Baal, or other proper names of a Deity, indicated some relation of the person named, or of his tribe, with the Deity. It is now held, though with many differ ences of opinion, that in the forming of proper names many other words, e.g. the words for king, lord, strength, beauty, and others, are also_ used as designations of Deity or of some particular Deity; and that (he words father, brother, and the like may have the same use. To a certain extent the proper names are so many propositions in theology. It is technically possible to go very far in inferring that the people who formed such names thought of Deity or of some particular Deity as the father, the kinsman, the ruler, the champion, the strength, the glory of the tribe or of the individual. In particular one might infer the existence of a widely diffused doctrine of the father hood of God. It is doubtless superfluous to add that at present one ought to be very cautious in drawing or accepting inferences in this part of the field of human study. WILLIS J. BICECHKII

        ABIA, a-bi a, ABIAH, a-bl ah : Variants for AUIJAH, which see.

        ABI-ALBON, ab-i-al bon.a bi-al bon ("pa ?? "^ <ib/ii <;/ hhri/t, meaning not known. Gesenius infers from the Arab, a stem which would give the meaning "father of strength," and this is at worst not quite so groundless as the conjectures which explain ,il v bhon as a textual misreading for el or ba*al): Abi-albon the Arbathitc was one of David s listed heroes (2 Samuel 23 31), called Abie the Arbathite in 1 Chronicles 11 32. Presumably he was from Beth-arabah (Joshua 15 6.01; 18 22).

        ABIASAPH, a-bl a-saf, ab-i-a saf (nCSP^X, fibhi- (lx<lj)h, "inv father has gathered"): A descendant of Kohath the son of Levi (Exodus 6 24; 1 Chronicles 6 23.37 [South22]; 9 1!). In Chronicles the name is "D^ZN , ebh~ //<lsii[/li, which seems to be a mere variant spelling. The Sam version has the same form in Exodus. The list in Exodus terminates with Abiasaph, who is to be regarded as the contemporary of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron. The two lists in 1 Chronicles 6 lead up to the prophet Samuel and the singing com panies which David is said to have organized. The list in 1 Chronicles 9 leads up to the Korahite porters of the time of Nehemiah. Apparently all the lists intentionally omit names, just names enough being given in each to indicate the line.


        ABIATHAR, a-bl a-thar, ab-i-fi thar prTIlX , ebhi/dtlnlr, "father of super-excellence," or, "the super-excellent one is father." With changed phrase ology these are the explanations commonly given, though "a father remains" would be more in accord wit h the ordinary use of the stem yathar. The pious Abiathar was still conscious that he had a Father, even after the butchery of his human relatives) :

        The Scriptures represent that Abiathar was de scended from Phinehas the son of Eli, and through

        him from Ithamar the son of Aaron; 1. The (hat he was the son of Ahimelech the

        Biblical head priest at Nob who, with his

        Account associates, was put to death by King

        Saul for alleged conspiracy with David; that he had two sons, Ahimelech and Jona than, the former of whom was, in Abiathar s life time, prominent in (he priestly service (1 Samuel 21 1-9; 22 7ff; 2 Samuel 8 17; 15 27 ff; 1 Chronicles 18 16; 24 3.6.31). See AHIMELECH; AUITUB.

        Abiathar Abigail



        Abiathar escaped from the massacre of t he priests at Nob, and fled to David, carrying the ephod with him. This was a great accession to David s strength. Public feeling in Israel was outraged by the slaughter of the piiests, and turned stronglv against Saul. The heir of the priesthood, and in his can; the holy ephod, were now with David, and the fact gave to his cause prestige, and a certain character of legitimacy. David also felt bitterly his having been the unwilling cause of the death of Abiathar s relatives, and this made his heart warm toward his friend. Presumably, also, there was a deep religious sympathy between them.

        Abiathar seems to have been at once recognized as David s priesl, the medium of consultation with Jehovah through the ephod (1 Samuel 22 20 2:5; 23 6.9; 30 7.8). He was at the head of the priest hood, along wit h Zadok (1 Chronicles 15 J 1 j, when David, after his conquests (1 Chronicles 13 ."j; ef 2 Samuel 6>, brought the ark to Jerus. The two men are men tioned together as high priests eight times in the narrative of the rebellion of Absalom (2 Samuel 15 2Hfi, and are so mentioned in the last list of David s heads of departments <2 Samuel 20 2o). Abiathar joined with Adonijah. in his attempt to seize the throne (, K 1 7 12, and was for this deposed from the priesthood, though lie was treated with consideration on account of his earlv comrade ship with David (1 Kings 2 2fi.27i. Possibly In- remained high priest, emeritus, as Zadok and Abiathar still appear as priests in the li-ts of the heads of departments for Solomon s reigni 1 Kings 4 4). Particularly apt is the passage in 1 s 55 12-14, if one regards if a* referring to the relations of David and Abiathar in the time of Adonijah.

        There are t wo addit ional facts which, in view of the close relations between David and Abiathar, must be regarded as significant. One is that Zadok, Abiathar s junior, is uniformly mentioned first, in all the many passages in which the two are men tioned together, and is treated as the one ,vho is especially responsible. Turn to the narrative, and see how marked this is. The other similarly significant fact is that in certain especially respon sible matters (1 Chronicles 24, 18 Hi; 2 Samuel 8 l7) the interests of the line of Itimmar are represented, not by Abiathar, but by his son Ahimelech. There must have been some! lung in the character of Abia thar to account for these facts, as well as for his deserting David for Adonijah. To sketch his character might be a work for the imagination rather than for critical inference; but if seems clear that though he was a man worthy of the friendship of David, he yet had weaknesses or misfortunes that partially incapacitated him.

        The characteristic priestly function of Abialhar is thus expressed by Solomon: "Because thou barest the ark of the Lord Jehovah before David my father" (1 Kings 2 21). By its tense the verb denotes not a habitual act, but the function of ark-bearing, taken as a whole. Zadok and Abia thar, as high priests, had charge of the bringing of the ark to Jerus (1 Chronicles 15 11). We are not told whether it was again moved during the reign of David. Necessarily the priestly superintendence of the ark implies that of the sacrifices and services that were_ connected with the ark. The details in Kings indicate the existence of much of the cere monial described in the Pent, while numerous additional Pentateuchal details are mentioned in Chronicles.

        A priestly function much emphasized is that of obtaining answers from Cod through the ephod (1 Samuel 23 6.!); 30 7). The word ephod (see 1 Samuel 2 18; 2 Samuel 6 LI) does not necessarily denote the priestly vestment with the Trim and Thummim (e.g. Lev 8 7.8), but if anyone denies that this

        was the ephod of the priest Abiathar, the burden of proof rests upon him. This is not the place for inquiring as to the method of obtaining divine revelations through the ephod.

        Abiathar s landed estate was at Anathoth in Benjamin (1 Kings, 2 2(1), one of the cities assigned to the sons of Aaron (Joshua 21 18).

        Apart from the men who are expressly said to be descendants of Aaron, this part of the narrative mentions priests three times. David s sons were priests (2 Samuel 8 IS). This is of apiece; with David s carrying the ark on a new cart (2 Samuel 6), before he had been taught by the death of I zza. "And also Ira the Jairile was priest to the king" (2 Samuel 20 2t> ERV). "And Zabud the son of Nathan was , priest, friend of the king" (, K 4 ."> ERV). These instance s seem to indicate that David and Solomon had each a private- chaplain. As to the descent and function of these- two "priests" we have: not a weird of information, and it is illegitimate to im agine details cone-erning them which bring them into conflict with the rest of the record.

        No one will elispute that the- account thus far given is that of the- Bible- record as it stands. Critics e>f ce-rtain schools, however, 2. Critical de> ne>t accept the facts as thus re- Opinions corded. If a person is committed to Concerning the tradition that the- Deuteronomic Abiathar and the priestly ieleas of the Pent first originated semie 1 centuries later than Abiathar, and if he makes that tradition the standard by which to test his critical conclusions, he must of cemrse regard the Biblical account of Abiathar as unhistorical. Either the re-cord dis proves the tradition or the tradition disproves the record. There- is no third alternative. The men who accept the current critical theories understand this, and they have two ways of elefending the theories against the recorel. In some- instances they use- de-vices for discrediting the; record; in other instances they resort to harmonizing hypotheses, changing the record so as to make it agree with the the-ory. Without here discussing these matters, we must barely note some of their bearings in the case of Abial liar.

        For example-, to get rid of the testimony of Jesus (Mark 2 2li) to the effect that Abiathar was high priest and that the sanctuary at Nob was "the house of (Jod," it is affirmed that either Jesus or the evangelist is he-re- mistaken. The proof alleged for this is (hat Abiathar s service as priest elid not begin till at least a few days later than the incident n-fe-rre-d to. This is merely finical, though it is an argument that is gravely used by some scholars.

        Men affirm that the statements of the record as to the descent of the line of Eli from Itharnar are untrue; that on the contrary we must conjecture that Abiathar claimed dese-ent from Eleazar, his line- being the alleged senior line of that family; that the senior line became- extinct at his death, Zaelok being of a junior line, if indeed he inherited any of the blood of Aaron. In making such affir mations as these, men deny the Bible statements as resting on insufficient evielence, and substitute for them other statements which, confessedly, rest on no evidene-e at all.

        All such procedure is incorrect. Many are sus picious of statements found in the Books of Chronicles; that gives them no right to use their suspicions as if they were perceptions of fact. Supposably one may think the ree:orel unsatisfactory, and may be within his rights in thinking so, but that does not authorize him to change the record except on the basis eif evidence of some kind. If we treat the recorel of the time s of Abiathar as fairness demands that a record be treated in a court of justice, or a scientific investigation, or a business proposition,



        Abiathar Abigail

        or a medical case, we will accept the facts sub stantially us they are found in 8 and K and Chronicles and Alk. WILLIS J. BEECHER

        ABIB, ii bib Q"Q^> , ubnlbh, young ear of barley or other grain, Exodus 9 31; Lev 2 14): The first month of the Israelitish year, called Nisan in Neh 2 1; Esther 3 7, is Abib in Exodus 13 4; 23 15; 34 18; cf Deuteronomy 16 1. Abib is not properly a name of a month, but part of a descriptive phrase, "the month of young ears of grain." This may indicate the Israelitish way of determining the new year (Exodus 12 2), the year beginning with the new moon nearest or next preceding this stage of the growth of the barley. The year thus indicated was prac tically the same with the old Babylonian year, and pre sumably came in with Abraham. The Penta- teuchal laws do not introduce it, though they define it, perhaps to distinguish it from the Egyp wander ing year. See CALENDAR. WILLIS J. BEECHER

        ABIDA, a-bl da (""^S , tiblil<iha, "father of knowledge," or "my father knows"): A son of Midian and grandson of Abraham and Keturah (Genesis 25 4; 1 Chronicles 1 33). Abidah in AV in Genesis.

        ABIDAH, a-bi dah: Tsed in AV in Genesis 25 4 for

        A in i) A, which see 1 .

        ABIDAN, a-bl dan ("" 2X , ahfil<l/tnn, "fa! her is judge"): Abidan, son of Gideoni, was a "prince" of the children of Benjamin (Judges 2 22; 10 24). He was chosen to represent his tribe at the- census in the wilderness of Sinai (Judges 111). When, on the 1 erectiem, anointing and sanctification of the Tabernacle, the 1 heads of Israel offeTed, Abidan offeree 1 on the ninth day (Judges 7 00.0;").

        ABIDE, a-bld : OE worel signifying progressively

        to "await," "remain," "lodge," "sojourn," "dwell," "continue 1 ," "endure"; represented richly in ()T (AY) by 12 He b and in NT by as many Greek worels. In KY displaced oftem by words meaning "to so journ," "dwell," "ene-amp." The 1 He b and Greek originals in most frequent use are DuP , ytishabh, "to dwell"; ntvu, menu, "to remain." "A. [sit e>r tarry] ye hen 1 " (Genesis 22 ."); "The earth a. [con- tinueth] forever" (Eccl 14); "Who can a. [bear or endure] the day?" i.Mal 3 2); "Alllict ions a. [await] me" (Acts 20 123). The 1 past tense abode, in frequent use 1 , has the same meaning. "His bow a. [remained] in strength" (Genesis 49 24); "There he a." (dwelt) (.In 10 40).

        Abode, as a noun (Greek /*ovr], monf ) twice in NT: "make our a. with him" (John 14 23); "man sions," RYm "abiding-plfices" (John 14 2). The soul of the true 1 disciple and heaven are dwelling-places of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit.

        DwKiHT M. PilATT

        ABIEL, a bi-el, ab yel, a-hi cl (bSTqX , ahlncl, "my father is Goel," or "Goel is father"):

        (1) A elescendant of Benjamin the son of Jacob. Father of Kish the father of King Saul, and alse>, apparently, the father of Ner the 1 father of Saul s gene ral, Abne-r (1 Samuel 9 1; 14 51).

        (2) One of David s mighty men (1 Chronicles 11 32), calleel ABI-ALBOX, which see, in 2 Samuel 23 31.

        daughters, who brought a case before Moses (Numbers 36), he must have been an old man at the time of the conquest. He was the son of Gilead the son of Machir, in the sense of being a more 1 remote elescendant, for Machir had sons before the- death of Joseph (Genesis 50 23). The Machir that possessed Gilead and Bashan because he was "a man of war" was the Manassite family of Machir, with Jair as its great general (Joshua 17 1; 13 30.31; Numbers 32 39- 41; Deuteronomy 3 12-15). To Abiezer and other sons of Gileael territory was assigned west of the Jordan.

        In later general iems the name 1 surviveel as that of the family to which Ciele em belonged, and per haps also of the regiem which they oe-cupieel (Judges 6 34; 8 2). They are 1 also called Abie/rites (Judges 6 11.24; 8 32). The region was west of Shechem, with Ophrah for its principal cily.

        (2) One of David s mighty men, "the Anatho- thite" (2 Samuel 23 27; 1 Chronicles 11 2S), who was also one of David s month-by-month captains, his month being the ninth (1 Chronicles 27 12).


        ABIEZRITE, ab-i-e/ -rlt, a-bi-e/ rit : The 1 Gentile aelj. of ABIEZKU, which see.

        ABIEZER, ab-i-e zer, ii-bi-e -zpr pI^OX , *czcr, "father of help," e>r "my father is help." lezer, lezerite [in AV Jeezer, Jeezerite], is Abiezer with the letter bt-th omitted) :

        (1) A elescenelant of Joseph the son of Jacob, and head of one of the families of Manasseh that settleel west of the Jordan (Numbers 26 30; Joshua 17 1-0; 1 Chronicles 7 14-19). As he was great une-le to Zelophehad s

        ABIGAIL, al/i-gal, ABIGAL, ab i-gal (" dbhlghayil, or "T02X , dbhlghal, three times, or "" ^ . dbhiighayil, once-, or ""yZX , dbhighayil,

        once; "father," e>r "cause of je>y"):

        (1) The wife of Nabal, a rich she pherd of se)uthern Juelaea, whose 1 home was Maon ( 1 Samuel 25 2.3); shortly after Nabal s death she became the wife of David. Nabal grazed his flocks in or along the Southern Wilderness, where 1 David and his men protee-ted them from marauding tribes, so that not a sheep was lost. When Xabal was sheep-shearing and feasting at Carmel (in Judae-a), Daviel sent messengers requesting provisions for himse lf and me ii. But Nabal, who was a churlish fellow, answered the 1 messengers insultingly and sent the in away empty-handed. David, angered by sue-h mean ingratitude, gathered his 400 warriors and set out to destroy Nabal and all he had (1 Samuel 25 22). Meanwhile Abigail, a woman "of goexl understand ing. and e>f a be-auliful counte iiane e" (ver 3), hevird of the 1 rebuff given the men of David by IUT husband; and fearing what vengeance David in his wrath might work, she 1 gathered a considerable present of feuxl (ver IS), and hastene d te> meet the approaching soldie-rs. Her beautiful and prudent words, as also her fair face-, so won David that he elesisteel fmm his vengeful purpeise and accepted her gift (vs 32 35). When Abigail te>ld Nabal of his narrow escape 1 , he 1 was st He-ken with fVar, and elied ten days afterward. Shortly after this David te>ok Abigail to be his wife, although about the same time, probably a little 1 before , he hael also taken Ahinoam (ver 43); and the se 1 two were with him in Gath (1 Samuel 27 3). After Daviel became king in Hebron, Abigail bore 1 him his second son, Chileab (2 Samuel 3 3) en 1 Danie l, as he 1 is called in 1 Chronicles 31.

        (2) Sister of David and motheT of Amasa, at one time commaneler of David s army (1 Chronicles 2 10.17; Abigal 2 Samuel 17 25). in the 1 first passage- she is calleel David s sister, along with Zeruiah; while in the seconel she is calle-d the "daughter of Nahash." Se veral explanations of this conne-e-tion with Nahash have been suggested, any one 1 e>f which would be 1 suffie-ient to re-move contradiction: (1) That Nahash was another name of Jesse, as in Isaiah 14 29, mixh-shdrcNh nahduh yc$e (Kim); (2) That Nahash was the wife of Jesse 1 and by him mother of Abigail, which is least probable 1 ; (3) That Nahash, the father of Abigail and /eruiah, having dieel, his widow became the wife of Jesse, and bore sons to

        Abihail Abimelech



        him; (1) Th:i1 (he text of 12 Samuel 17 25 lias been cor rupted, "daughter of Naliash" having crept into the text. At all events she ,vas the sister of David by the same mother. Einv.utn MACK

        ABIHAIL, ab i-hal ( ^rPIlX ablil/nii/il; in some MSS 5TPI1X ril>lil/i(ii/il, when feminine, but. best reading is the former: "fat her, or cause, of si rength") : Five persons in the UT are called by this name: (1) A I.evite and the father of Zuriei, who in the Wilderness was head of the house of Merari, Levi s youngest son (Judges 3 :}">;; ( 2) The wile of Abishur, a man of the tribe of Judah, in the line of Haznm and .lerahmeel d Chronicles 2 2!); (o) One of the heads of the tribe of (lad, who dwelt in (Ulead of Bashan (1 Chronicles 5 1-1); (D Hither a wife of Hehoboam, king of .ludah, or mother of his wife Mahalatli, accord ing to the interpretation of the lex) (12 Chronicles 11 ISi; probably the latter view is correct, since there is no conjunction in 1 he text, and since the following ver (19) contemplates only one wife as already mentioned. This being true, she was the wife of .lerimath, a son of David, and daughter of Eliab, David s eldest brother. It is interesting to note this frequent intermarriage in the Davidic house; (.">) Father of Queen Esther, who became wife of Xerxes ( Biblical Ahasuerusj king of Persia, after the removal of the former queen, Yashti (Kst 2 1~>; 9 2 .). He was uncle of Mordecai.


        ABIHU, a-bl hu (iT.rVnX , fibhllin, "father he is," or "my father he is"): Second son of Aaron, the high priest (Exodus 6 2:>). With his older brother Xadab he "died before Jehovah," when the two "offered strange fire" (Lev 10 1.2). It may be inferred from the emphatic prohibition of wine or strong drink, laid upon (lie priests immediately after this tragedy, 1 hat I he two brot hers were going to their priestly functions in an intoxicated con dition (Lev 10 S-ll). Their death is mentioned three times in subsequent records (Judges 3 1; 26 (51; 1 Chronicles 24 2).

        ABIHUD, a-bl hud (-r.rPZS, ablnhrxlh, "father of maje-tv," or "my father is majesty," though some regard the second part as the proper name .ludah): The son of Bela the oldest son of Benja min (I Chronicles 8 o).

        ABIJAH, a-bl ja (H^St or "rPZS |2 Chronicles 13 20.21], ahhl i/aft. or dbhlyahu, "my father is Jehovah," or "Jehovah is father"): The name of six or more men and two women in the ( >T.

        (1) The seventh son of Becher the son of Benja min i 1 Chronicles 7 S).

        (2) The second son of the prophet Samuel (1 Samuel 8 2; 1 Chronicles 6 2S [6 13]).

        (M) The eighth among "the holy captains and captains of Cod" appointed by lot by David in connection with the priestly courses (1 Chronicles 24 10). Compare Zacharias of the course of Abijah" (Luke 15),

        (4) A son of Jeroboam I of Israel (1 Kings 14 1-1S). The narrative 1 describes his sickness and his mother s visit to the prophet Ahijah. lie is spoken of as the one member of the house of Jeroboam in whom there was "found some good thing toward Jehovah." With his death the hope of the dynasty perished.

        (") The son and successor of Hehoboam king of Judah (1 Chronicles 3 10; 2 Chronicles 11 2014 1). As to 1 In variant name Abijam (1 Kings 14 31; 15 1.7.S) see A m. i AM.

        The statements concerning Abijah s mother afford great opportunity for a person who is inter ested in finding discrepancies in t he Bible narrative. She is said to have been Maacah the daughter

        of Absalom (1 Kings 15 2; 2 Chronicles 11 20.21.22). As more than fit) years elapsed between the adoles cence of Absalom and the accession of Rehoboam, the suggestion at once emerges that she may have been Absalom s daughter in the sense of being his granddaughter. But Maacah the daughter of Absalom was the mother of Asa, Abijam s son and successor (1 Kings 15 10.13; 2 Chronicles 15 16). Further we are explicitly told that Absalom had three sons and one daughter (2 Samuel 14 27). It is inferred that the three sons died young, inasmuch as Absalom before his death built him a monument because he had no son (2 Samuel 18 IS). The daughter was distinguished for her beauty, but her name was Tamar, not Maacah. Finally, the narrative tells us that the name of Abijah s mother was "Micaiah the daughter of I riel of dibeah" (2 Chronicles 13 2).

        It is less difficult to combine all these statements into a consistent account than it would be to com bine some pairs of them if taken by themselves. When all put together they make a luminous nar rative, needing no help from conjectural theories of discrepant sources or textual errors. It is natural to understand that Tamar the daughter of Absalom married I riel of Oibeah; that their daughter was Maacah, named for her great -grandmother (2 Samuel 33; 1 Chronicles 3 2); that Micaiah is a variant of Maacah, as Abijah is of Abijam. Maacah mar ried Hehoboam, the parties being second cousins on the father s side; if they had been first cousins perhaps they would not have married. Very likely Solomon, through the marriage, hoped to conciliate an influential party in Israel which still held the name of Absalom in esteem; perhaps also he hoped to supplement the moderate abilities of Hehoboam by the great abilities of his wife. She was a. brilliant woman, and Hehoboam s favorite (2 Chronicles 11 21). On Abijah s accession she held at court the influential position of king s mother; and she was so strong that she continued to hold it, when, after a brief reign, Abijah was succeeded by Asa; though it was a position from which Asa had the authority to depo-e her (1 Kings 15 13; 2 Chronicles 15 Hi).

        The account in Chronicles deals mainly with a decisive victory which, it savs, Abijah gained over northern Israel (2 Chronicles 13), he having -100,000 men and Jeroboam SOO.OOO, of whom ">00.000 were slain. It is clear that t hese numbers are artificial, and were so intended, whatever may be the key to their meaning. Abijah s speech before the battle pre sents the same view of the religious situation which is presented in Kings and Amos and llosea, though with fuller priestly details. The orthodoxy of Abijah on this one occasion is not in conflict with the representation in Kings that he followed mainly the evil ways of his father Rehoboam. In Chronicles coarse luxury and the multiplying of wives are attributed to both father and son.

        ((i) A priest of Nehemiah s time, who sealed the covenant (Neh 10 7). Conjee! urally the same with the one mentioned in Neh 12 4.17.

        (7) The wife of Judah s grandson Hezron, to whom was traced the origin of Tekoa (1 Chronicles 2 24).

        (S) The mother of King Hezckiah (2 Chronicles 29 1), called Abi in 2 Kings. See Aid.

        WIT. i. is J. BEECHER

        ABIJAM, a-bT jam (2^5^, dbhlyam, "father of sea," or, "father of west"): The name given in Kings (1 Kings 14 31; 15 1.7.S) to the son of Reho boam who succeeded him as king of Judah. See ABIJAH.

        The name has puzzled scholars. Some have proposed, by adding one letter, to change it into "father of his people." Others have observed that the Or rendering in Kings is Abcioii. Either the lleb copy used by the Greek translator read abhlydltu,




        Abihail Abimelech

        Abijah, or else the translator substituted the form of the name which was to him more familiar. A few existing copies of the Hebrew have the reading Abijah, and Matthew 1 7 presupposes that as the OT reading. So they infer that Abijam in K is an erroneous reading for Abijah. This seems at present to be the pre vailing view, and it is plausible. It would be more convincing, however, if the name occurred but once in the passage in Kings, instead of occurring five times. It is improbable that a scribe would repeat the same error five times within a few sentences, while a translator, if he changed the name once, would of course change it the other four times.

        Exploration has revealed the fact that the whole region near the eastern end of the Mediterranean was known as "the west." "Father of the west" is not an inapt name for Rehoboam to give to the boy who, he expects, will inherit the kingdom of Solomon and David. The effect of the secession of the ten tribes was to make that name a burlesque, and one does not wonder that it was superseded by Abijah, "My father is Jehovah."


        ABILA, ab i-la. See AHILKXeast

        ABILENE, a-bi-le ne ( ApeiX^, Ahcilcnt; BA; Api,T]VT|, Ahile/te, X c Mentioned in Luke 3 1 as the tetrarchy of Lysanias at the time when John the Baptist began his ministry. The district derived its name from Abila, its chief town, which was situated, according to the Itinerarium An- tonini, IS Roman miles from Damascus on the way to Heliopolis (Baalbco. This places it in the neighborhood of the village of tin/: }, u<ly liurmla (see AHAXA), near which there are considerable ancient remains, with an inscription in (Ir stating that a "freedman of Lysanias thetetrarch" made a wall and built a temple, and another in Lat record ing the repair of the road "at the expense of the Abilenians." The memory of the ancient name probably survives in the Moslem legend which places the tomb of Abel in a neighboring height where there are ruins of a temple. Jos calls this Abila, lie LIINIUI IOH, lit. "the A. of Lysanius," thus distinguishing it from other (owns of the same name, and as late as the time of Ptolemy (cir 170 ADj the name of Lysanias was associated with it.

        The territory of Abilene was part of the Ituraean Kingdom, which was broken up when its king, Lysanias, was put to death by M. Antonius, c 3."> BC. The circumstances in which A. became a distinct tetrarchy are altogether obscure, and nothing further is known of the fetrarch Lysanias (Ant, XIX, v, 1; XX, ii, 1). In 37 AD the tet rarchy, along with other territories, was granted to Agrippa I, after whose death in 41 AD it was administered by procurators until 53 AD, when Claudius conferred it again, along with neigh boring territories, upon Agrippa 1 1. On Agrippa s death, toward the close of the 1st cent ., his kingdom was incorporated in the province of Syria. See LYSAXIAK. C. II. THOMSON

        ABILITY, a-bil i-ti (Sxivafiis, dtinamis, or to-xvs, ischus) . Variously used of resources, material, mental and spiritual; e.g. of wealth, "gave after their a." (Ezra 2 GO); of mental endowment, "a. to stand in the king s palace" (Daniel 14); of tal ents and character, "several a." (Matthew 25 lo); of spiritual strength, "minister, as of the a. which God giveth" (AV 1 Pet 411). It thus may signify either possessions, native capacity, or gifts of the Holy Spirit.

        ABIMAEL, a-bim a-el, ab-i-ma el Sbhlma el, "my father is God," or "God is father"): The ninth of the thirteen sons of Joktan, who was

        descendant of Shem, and son of Eber, and brother of Peleg in whose days the earth was divided (Genesis 10 2o-2<); 1 Chronicles 1 l<>-23). Like some of the other names in this list, the name is linguistically south Arabian, and the tribes indicated are south Arabians. On the Arab, elements in Hebrew propel names see Ilalevy, Melanges d e/rigraphie et d arc/tc- oloijic si initi(pifx; Zl)M(i, esp. early in 1SS3; D. H. Miiller, Epiymphie. Denkmaler aus Arabien; Glaser Skizze der (Icxch. nnd (Icot/. Anitiictix; and by index Hommel, Ancient. Hebrew Tradition; and Gray, Hebrew Proper Xatnen; and F. Giesebrecht, Die alttestamentliche Schatzung dcx (lolteattamcns.

        WILLIS J. BKECHKR ABIMELECH, a-bim e-lek (" pri "father of a king";: A name born persons.

        (1) The name of two kings of Philistia; the first was a contemporary of Abraham, the second, probably son of the former, was king in the ilavs of Isaac. It is quite possible that Abimelech was the royal title; rather than the personal name, since in the title of Ps 34 we find it applied to the king of Gath, elsewhere known by his personal name, Achish (I S 27 2.3). Shortly after the destruc tion of Sodom Abraham journeyed with his herds and flocks into the extreme SouthK. country of Pal (Genesis 20). While sojourning at Gcrar, the citv of Abimelech, king of the Phili country, he made believe that Sarah was his sister (ver 2), and Abimelech took her, intending to make her one of his wives. But God rebuked him in a dream, besides sending barrenness on the women of his household (vs 3.17). After Abimelech had re proved Abraham most justly for the deception, he dealt generously with him, loading him with presents and granting him the liberty of the land (vs 1 f.l."). When contention had arisen between the servants of the two men over the wells of water the two men made a covenant at a well, which took its name, Reersheba, from this fact of covenant- making (Genesis 21 31.32).

        (2) Nearly a cent, later than the events con nected with the first, Abimelech, as outlined above, a second Abimelech, king of the Philistines, is men tioned in relations with Isaac (Genesis 26), who in time of grievous famine went down from his home, probably at Hebron, to Gerar. Fearing for his life because of his beautiful wife, Rebekah, he called her his sister, just as Abraham had done with reference lo Sarah. Neither Abimelech nor any of his people took Rebekah to wife quite a vari ation from the Abrahamic incident; but when the falsehood was detected, he upbraided Isaac for what might have happened, continuing neverthe less to treat him most graciously. Isaac continued to dwell in the vicinity of Gerar, until contention between his herdsmen and those of Abimelech became too violent; then he moved away by stages, reopening the wells digged by his father (vs 1S-22). Finally, a covenant was made bet ween Abimelech and Isaac at Beersheba, just as had been made between Abraham and the first Abime lech (Genesis 26 2(i-33). The two kings of Philistia were probably father and son.

        (3) The title of Ps 34 mentions another Abime lech, who in all probability is the same as Achish king of Gath (1 Samuel 21 1022 1); with whom David sought refuge when fleeing from Saul, and with whom he was dwelling at the time of the Phili invasion of Israel, which cost Saul his kingdom and his life (1 Samuel 27). It appears from this that Abime lech was the royal title, and not the personal name of the Phili kings.

        (4) A son of Gideon (Judges 9) who aspired to be king after the death of his father, and did rule three

        Abinadab Ablution



        yours (ver 22). He first ,von the support of the members of his mother s family und their recom mendation of himself lo all Israel (vs 3.1). He then murdered ;ill the sous of his father, seventy in number, at Ophrah, the family home in the tribe of Manasseh, Jotliam the youngest sou alone escaping (ver 5). After this Abimeleeh was made ruler by an assembly of the people at Shechem. An insurrection led by ( laal the son. of Ebed having broken out ill Shechem, Abimeleeh, although he -net-ceded in capturing that city, was wounded to death by a mill-stone, which a. woman dropped from the wall upon his head, while he was storming the citadel of Thebez, into which the defeated rebels had retreated, after that oily also had been taken ( vs 51) 53). Finding that he was mortally wounded and in order to avoid the shame of death at a woman s hand, ho required his armor-bearer to kill him with his sword (ver 51). His cruel treat ment of the Shechemites (vs 4(5 I .l), when they took refuge from him in their strong tower, was a just judgment for their acquiescence in his crimes (vs 20.57); while his own miserable death was retribution for his bloody deeds (vcr 50).

        (5) A priest in the days of David; a descendant of Ithamar and Eli, and sou of Abiathar (I Chronicles 18 Hi). In the LXX and in 1 Chronicles 24 he is called A//imelech; but is not to be confused with Ahime- lech, the father of Abiathar, and therefore his grandfather. Ho shared with Zadok, of the line of Ithamar, the priestly office in the reign of David (I Chronicles 24 31). EDWARD MACK

        ABINADAB, a-bin a-dab (2"r?X , iMTml- (JJ/ilhh, father of willingness," or, "my father is willing." This is according to the ordinary usage of the second word in the name willing rather than "munificent" or noble"):

        (1) The man in whose house the men of Kiriath- jearim placed the ark, after its return from the land of the 1 hilis, his house being eit her in Giboah of Benjamin or "in the hill" (1 Samuel 7 1 ; 2 Samuel 6 3.4). To account for the ambiguity note that f/ihli ilfi means hill, and that the place-name Gibeah or dinarily has the definite article. It is natural to think that Abinadab was himself a man of Kiriath-jearim, though the account does not explicitly say so. The record is that the men of Kiriath-jearim were summoned to lake charge of the ark at a time when no one else dared to have- it (T S 6 20.121 ;; and the implication seems to be that they had no option to refuse. Possibly this was due to their being Gibeonites, and hereditary "bondmen" of "the house of my God 1 (.Joshua 9 17.23). However this may be, they sanctified Abinadab s son Klea/,ar to have charge of the ark. According to the He!) and some of the Greek copies, the ark was in Cibeah in the middle of the reign of King Saul (1 Samuel 14 18).

        About a century later, according to the Bible numbers, David went with great pomp to Kiriath- jearim, otherwise known as Baalah or Baale-judah, to bring the ark from Kiriath-jearim, out of the house of Abinadab in the hill (or, in Gibeah!, and place it in Jems (I Chronicles 13; 2 Samuel 6). The new cart was driven by two descendants of Abinadab. There may or may not have been another Abinadab then living, the head of the house.

        (2) The second of the eight sons of Jesse, one of the three who were in Saul s army when Goliath gave his challenge (1 Samuel 16 S; 17 13; 1 Chronicles 2 13).

        (3) One of the sons of King Saul (1 Chronicles 8 33; 9 39; 10 2; 1 Samuel 31 2). lie died in the battle of Gilboa, along with his father and brothers.

        (4) In 1 Kings4 II A V has "the son of Abinadab," where RV has BKN-AHIXADAH, which see.


        ABINOAM, a-bin 6-am, ab-i-no am (DJPP3&J, abftlno ( am, "father of pleasantness," or, "my

        father is pleasantness"): A man of Kedesh-naph- lali, the father of Barak who defeated the army of Jabin and Sisera (.Igs 4 0.12; 5 1.12).

        ABIRAM, a-bi ram (S^SX , ahlnrCun, "exalted father," or, "my father is an exalted one"):

        (1) The son of Eliab 1 he son of Pallu the son of Reuben (,u 26 5 IT; Deuteronomy 11 0). In company with his brother Dathan and Korah the Levite and others, he disputed the authority of Moses and Aaron in the wilderness (Numbers 16-17, 26; Deuteronomy 11 (5; Ps 106 17). Two hundred and fifty followers of Korah perished by fire at the doorway of the tent of meeting. Dathan and Abiram refused to come to t he tent of meeting, at the summons of Moses; and the earth opened where their tents were, and swallowed them and their families and | their goods. See KOKAU.

        (12) The firstborn son of Kiel the Bethelite, who rebuilt .Jericho in the time of Ahab (1 Kings 16 34; cf .Joshua 6 20). This incident has recently acquired a new interest owing to discoveries made at Ce/er and Megiddo concerning foundation sacrifices as anciently offered in Palestine. One should not be too positive in making statements concerning this, but the following is a possible interpretation of the record. The curse pronounced by Joshua on the man who should rebuild Jericho was of a piece with the other details, Jericho being treated exceptionally, as a city placed under the ban. The language of Joshua s curse is capable of being translated: Curse. 1 be the man before Jehovah who shall .... build ..... Jericho; [who] shall lay its foundation in his firstborn, and set up its g-ites in his youngest. According to this inter pretation the death of the builder s eldest and youngest sons is not spoken of as the penalty in volved in the curse, but as an existing horrible custom, mentioned in order to give solemnity to the diction of the curse. The writer in Kings cites the language of the curse by Joshua. The context in which he mentions the affair suggests that he regards Iliel s conduct as exceptionally flagrant in its wickedness. Hiel, in defiance 1 of Jehovah, not only built the city, but in building it revived the horrible old Canaanite custom, making his first- born son a foundation sacrifice, and his youngest son a sacrifice at, t he complet ion of t he work.


        ABIRON, a-bi ron ( Apapciv, Alxiron):

        (1) The I, XX form(Kcdus 45 IS AV) of Abiram, one of the sons of Eliab, who, with his brother Dathan, and with one of the same tribe, joined the conspiracy against Moses and Aaron (Numbers 16 1.1 2.2 1.25. 27; 26 .); Deuteronomy 11 0; Ps 106 17).

        (12) The eldest son of Hid, the Bethelite, who died prematurely, thus fulfilling the doom pro nounced on the posterity of him who should under take to rebuild Jericho (1 Kings 16 34). See AHIHAM.

        ABISEI, ab-i-se l. See ABISSKI.

        ABISHAG, ab i-shag, a-bl shag (ai^S , abhl- nfint/h, apparently, "father of wandering," that is, "cause of wandering," or "my father wanders"): The Shunammite woman who became nurse to King David (1 Kings , 1-4. 15; 2 17.21.22). She was chosen for the service with great care on account of her youth and beauty and physical vigor. She ministered to (lie king, that is, waited on him as personal a) ten hint and nurse. She also "cher ished" him in his feebleness gave to him through physical contact the advantage of her superabun dant vitality. This was a mode of medical treat ment recommended by the servants of the king,




        Abinadab Ablution

        and it appears to have been not wholly unsuccessful. She had an intimate knowledge of the condition of David, and was present at the interview of Bath- sheba with David which resulted in the placing of Solomon on the throne. If that act had been questioned she would have been a most important witness. By reason of this and of her personal charms, she might become a strong helper to any rival of Solomon who should intrigue to supplant him. Adonijah sought Abishag in marriage. On the basis of this and of such other evidence as may supposably have been in his possession, Solomon put Adonijah to death as an intriguer.


        ABISHAI, ab i-shl, a-bl shi O^nX, dbhlshai, in Chronicles " IPIIX , abhshai; meaning is doubtful, prob ably "my father is Jesse," BDB): Son of Zeruiah, David s sister, and one of the three famous brothers, of whom Joab and Asnhel were the other two (2 Samuel 2 18). He was chief of the second group of three among David s "mighty men" (2 Samuel 23 IS). He first appears with David, who was in the Wilder ness of Ziph, to escape Saul. When David called for a volunteer to go down into Saul s camp by night, Abishai responded, and counseled the killing of Saul when they came upon the sleeping king (1 Samuel 26 6-9). In the skirmish between the men of Ishbosheth and the men of David at CJibeon, in which Asahel was killed by Abner, Abishai was present (2 Samuel 2 Is. 24). He was with and aided Joab in the cruel and indefensible murder of Abner, in revenge for their brother Asahel (2 Samuel 3 30). In David s campaign against the allied Ammonites and Syrians, Abishai led the attack upon the Ammonites, while Joab met the Syrians; the battle was a great victory for Israel (2 Samuel 10 10-14). He was always faithful to David, and remained with him, as he fled from Absalom. When Shimei, of the house of Saul, cursed the fleeing king, Abishai characteristically wished to kill him at once (2 Samuel 16 _South9); and when the king returned victorious Abishai advised the rejection of Shimei s peni tence, and his immediate execution (2 Samuel 19 21). In the battle with Absalom s army at Mahanaim Abishai led one division of David s army, Joab and Ittai commanding the other two (2 Samuel 18 2). With Joab he put down the revolt against David of Sheba, a man of Benjamin (2 Samuel 20 6.10), at which Joab treacherously slew Amasa his cousin and rival, as he had likewise murdered Abner, Abishai no doubt being party to the crime. In a battle with the Philistines fate in his life, David was faint, being now an old man, and was in danger of death at the hands of the Phili giant Ishbihenob when Abishai came to his rescue and killed the giant (2 Samuel 21 17). In the list of David s heroes (2 Samuel 23) Abishai s right to leadership of the "second three" is based upon his overthrowing three hundred men with his spear (ver IS). He does not appear in the struggle of Adonijah against Solomon, in which Joab was the leader, and therefore is supposed to have died before that time.

        He was an impetuous, courageous man, but less cunning than his more famous brother Joab, although just as cruel and relentless toward rival or foe. David understood and feared their hard ness and cruelty. Abishai s best trait was his unswerving loyalty to his kinsman, David.


        ABISHALOM, a-bish a-lom: Variant of AB SALOM, which see.

      ABISHUA, a-bish U -a,
        abi-shoo a (TI^ZIS: , meaning uncertain, perhaps "father of wealth," or "my father is wealth"):

        (1) A son of Bela the son of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 4).

        (2) The son of Phinehas, who was grandson to Aaron (1 Chronicles 6 4.5.50; Ezra 7 5).

        ABISHUR, a-bl shur (TVCTUX , abhishur, "my father is a wall"): Great-grandson of Jerahmeel and Atarah, Jerahmeel being great-grandson of Judah. Abishur was son of Shammai, and was the husband of Abihail, and the father of sons (1 Chronicles 2 28.29).

        ABISSEI, a-bis f;-! (AV Abisei): An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esdras 1 2) = Abisue (1 Esdras 8 2) and Abishua (1 Chronicles 6 4 ff; Ezra 7 5).

        ABISUE, a-bis u-e (B, ApurcU, Abisal; A, AU- somri; AV Abisum = Abishua [1 Chronicles 6 4 ff; Eer 7 5] and Abissei [2 Esdras 12]): An ancestor of Ezra (1 Esdras 8 2).

        ABISUM, ab i-sum. See ABISTE (Apoc).

        ABITAL, ab i-tal, a-bl tal (bmjtf , abhltdl, "my father is dew"): One of the w ives of King David In the duplicated list (2 Samuel 3 4; 1 Chronicles 3 3) in which the sons born to David in Hebron are men tioned and numbered, the fifth is said to be Shephatiah the son of Abital.

        ^ ABITUB, ab i-tub, a-bl tub pTj-qsc, dblutubh, "father of goodness," or, "my father is goodness") : In AV Ahitub. A descendant of Benjamin and son of Shaharaim and llushim, born in the field of Moab (1 Chronicles 8 11).

        ABIUD, a-bl ud ( AfJiovS, Abioiid, perhaps "my fat her is majesty"; see AHIHUD): Mentioned in the genealogy of Jesus (Matthew 1 13 and not, elsewhere) as the son of Zerubbabel. See GENEALOGY.

        ABJECT, ab jekt : Only as a noun, and but once (Ps 36 15) for ro:, nckhctt, lit. "sniitten ones," i.e. "men of the lowest, grade" (Hengstenberg, Delitzsch), "the rabble," denned by the succeeding clause as those of such inferior station that they were unknown.

        ABLE, a b l: The Greek 5iW,ucu, tluti<n)i<ii, "to have power," may refer either to inherent, .strength, or to the absence of external obstacles, or to what- may be allowable or permitted. The Greek iVx&o, ischiio, as in Luke 13 24; John 21 6, refers always to the first of the above meanings. The use of the word as an adj. in AV of 2 Cor 3 6, is misleading, and has been properly changed in RV into "suffi cient, as ministers," i.e. "hath fitted us to be ministers."

        ABLUTION, ab-lu shun: The rite of ablution for religious purification seems to have been practiced in some form in all lands and at all times. The priests of Egypt punctiliously practised it (Herod otus ii.37). The Greeks were warned "never with unwashed hands to pour out the black wine at morn to Zeus" (Hesiod, Opera et Dies v.722; cf Homer, Iliad vi.266; ()d. iv.759). The Romans also observed it (Virgil, Aeneid ii.217); as did and do Orientals in general (cf Koran, Sura 5 8, etc).

        Ablutions for actual or ritual purification form quite a feature of the Jewish life and ceremonial. No one was allowed to enter a holy place or to approach God by prayer or sacrifice without having first performed the rite of ablution, or "sanctifi- cation," as it was sometimes called (Exodus 19 10 1 Samuel 16 5; 2 Chronicles 29 5; cf Jos, Ant, XIV, xi, 5).

        Three kinds of washing are recognized in Biblical and rabbinical law: (1) washing of the hands,

        Abner Abomination




        (2) washing of the hands and feet, and (3) immer sion of tin 1 ,vholc body in water. (1 and 2 = Greek viirTw, tit //to; 3 = Greek Aowu, loud).

        Something more than an echo of a universal practice is found in the Scriptures. The rabbis claimed to find support for ceremonial hand-wash ing in Lev 15 11. David s words, "I will wash my hand.s in innocency: so will I compass thine altar, () JAH" (Ps 26 (i; cf Ps 73 13), are re garded by them as warranting the inference that ablution of the hands was prerequisite to any holy act. This is the form of ablution, accordingly, which is most universally and scrupulously prac tised by Jews. Before any meal of which bread forms a part, as before prayer, or any act of wor ship, the hands must be solemnly washed in pure water; as also after any unclean bodily function, or contact with any unclean thing. Such hand- washings probably arose naturally from the fact that the ancients ate with their fingers, and so were first for physical cleansing only; but they came to be ceremonial and singularly binding. The Talm abundantly shows that eating with unwashed hands came to be reckoned a matter of highest importance "tantamount to committing an act of unchastity, or other gross crime." Akiba, when in prison, went without water given him to quench his thirst, rather than neglect the rite of ablution ( Er. 21(>). Only in extreme cases, according to the Mish, as on a battlefield, might people dispense with it. Simeon, the Essene, "the Saint" (Toseph. KclJm i.f>), on entering the holy place without having washed his hands, claiming that ho was holier than the high priest because of his ascetic life, was excommunicated, as under mining the authority of the Elders (cf *Eduy. 6 (>).

        Washing of the hands and feet is prescribed by the Law only for those about to perform priestly functions (cf Koran, Sura 5 8, in contrast: "When ye prepare yourselves for prayer, wash your faces and hands up to the elbows, and wipe your heads and your feet to the ankles"; Hughes, Diet, of I dam). For example, whenever Moses or Aaron or any subordinate priest desired to enter the sanctuary (Tabernacle) or approach the altar, he was required to wash his hands and feet from the laver which stood between the Tabernacle and the altar (Exodus 30 1 .); 40 31). The same rule held in the Temple at Jerusalem. The washing of the whole body, however, is the form of ablution most specifically and exact ingly required by the La,v. The cases in which the immersion of the whole body is commanded, either for purification or consecration, are very numerous. For example, the Law prescribed that no leper or other unclean person of the seed of Aaron should eat of holy flesh until he had washed his whole body in water (Lev 22 4-0); that anyone coming in contact with a person having an unclean issue, or with any article used by such a one, should wash his whole body (15 5-10); that a sufferer from an unclean issue (15 10.18); a menstruous woman (2 Samuel 11 2.4), and anyone who touched a men struous woman, or anything used by her, should likewise immerse the whole person in water (Lev 15 19-27): that the high priest who ministered on the Day of Atonement (16 24-28), the priest who tended the red heifer (Numbers 19 7.8.19), and every priest at his installation (Exodus 29 4; 40 12) should wash his whole body in water. Cf divers baptisms (immersions) in He 9 10, and see Broadus on Matthew 15 2-20 with footnote. (For another view on bathing see Kennedy in HDH, I, 257 v.)

        Bathing in the modern and non-religious sense is rarely mentioned in the Scriptures (Exodus 2 5 Pharaoh s daughter; 2 Samuel 11 2 RV Bathsheba, and the interesting case 1 Kings 22 38). Public

        baths are first met with in the Greek period included in the "place of exercise" (1 Mace 1 14), and remains of such buildings from the Rom period are numerous. Recently a remarkable series of bath-chambers have been discovered at Gezer, in Pal, in connection with a building which is sup posed to be the palace built by Simon Maccabaeus (Kennedy [illust. in PKF8, 1905, 294 f]).

        The rite of ablution was observed among early Christians also. Eusebius (HE, X, 4.40) tells of Christian churches being supplied with fountains or basins of water, after the Jewish custom of pro viding the laver for the use of the priests. The Apos Const (VIII. 32) have the rule: "Let all the faithful .... when they rise from sleep, before they go to work, pray, after having washed them selves" (nipsdmenoi) .

        The attitude of Jesus toward the rabbinical law of ablution is significant. Mark (7 3) prepares the way for his record of it by explaining, The Phar isees and all the Jews eat not except they wash their hands to the wrist (puymf). (See LTJM, II, 11). According to Matthew 15 1-20 and Mark 7 1-23 Pharisees and Scribes that had come from Jerusa lem (i.e. the strictest) had seen some of Jesus disciples eat bread with unwashed hands, and they asked Him: Why do thy disciples transgress the tradition of the elders? for they wash not their hands when they eat bread." Jesus answer was to the Jews, even to His own disciples, in the highest degree surprising, paradoxical, revolutionary (cf Matthew 12 8). They could not but see that it applied not merely to hand-washing, but to the whole matter of clean and unclean food; and this to them was one of the most vital parts of the Law (cf Acts 10 14). Jesus saw that the masses of the Jews, no less than the Pharisees, while scrupu lous about ceremonial purity, were careless of inward purity. So here, as in the Sermon on the Mount, and with reference to the Sabbath (Matthew 12 1 ff), He would lead them into the deeper and truer significance of the Law, and thus prepare the way for setting aside not only the traditions of the elders that made void the commandments of God, but oven the prescribed ceremonies of the Law themselves, if need be, that the Law in its higher principles and meanings might be "fulfilled." Here He proclaims a principle that goes to the heart of the whole matter of true religion in saying: "Well did Isaiah prophesy of you hypocrites" (Mark 7 6-13) you who make great pretense of devotion to God, and insist strenuously on the externals of His service, while at heart you do not love Him, making the word of God of none effect for the sake of your tradition!

        LITERATUReast For list of older authorities see McClin- tock and Strong, Cyclopedia; Nowiick, Biblische Archae- ologie, II, 275-99; and Spitzer, Ueber Baden und Bader bei den alien Hebrdern, 1884.

        GEO. B. EAGER

        ABNER, ab ner p:3, abhner; in 1 Samuel 14 50 the Hebrew has the fuller form, "IJP^X , abhlner, Abiner; cf Abiram by the side of Abram; meaning, "my father is a lamp") : Captain of the host under Saul and Ishbosheth (Eshbaal). He was Saul s cousin; Ner the father of Abner and Kish the father of Saul being brothers, the sons of Abiel (lS1450f). In 1 Chronicles 8 33; 939 the text appears to be faulty; read: "And Ner begat Abner, and Kish begat Saul." According to 1 Chronicles 27 21 Abner had a son by the name of Jaasiel.

        Abner was to Saul what Joab was to David. Despite the many wars waged by Saul, we hear little of Abner during Saul s lifetime. Not even in the account of the battle of Gilboa is mention made of him. Yet both his high office and his kinship to the king must have brought the two




        Abner Abomination

        men in close contact. On festive occasions it was the custom of Abner to sit at table by the king s side (1 Samuel 20 25). It was Abner who introduced the young David fresh from his triumph over Goliath to the king s court (so according to the account in 1 Samuel 17 57). We find Abner accom panying the king in his pursuit of David (1 Samuel 26 5 ff). Abner is rebuked by David for his negli gence in keeping watch over his master (ib, 15).

        l"pon the death of Saul, Abner took up the cause of the young heir to the throne, Ishbosheth, whom he forthwith removed from the neighborhood of David to Mahanaim in the East-Jordanic country. There he proclaimed him king over all Israel. By the pool of Gibeon he and his men met Joab and the servants of David. Twelve men on each side engaged in combat which ended disastrously for Abner who fled. He was pursued by Asahel, Joab s brother, whom Abner slew. Though Joab and his brother Abishai sought to avenge their brother s death on the spot, a truce was effected; Abner was permitted to go his way after three hundred and threescore of his men had fallen. Joab naturally watched his opportunity. Abner and his master soon had a quarrel over Saul s concubine, Rizpah, with whom Abner was intimate. It was certainly an act of treason which Ishbosheth was bound to resent. The disgruntled general made overtures to David; he won over the tribe of Benjamin. With twenty men of them he came to Hebron and arranged with the king of Judah that he would bring over to his side all Israel. He was scarcely gone when Joab learned of the affair; without the knowledge of David he recalled him to Hebron where lie slew him, "for the blood of Asahel his brother." David mourned sincerely the death of Abner. "Know ye not," he addressed his servants, "that there is a prince and a great man fallen this day in Israel?" He followed the bier in person. Of the royal lament over Abner a fragment is quoted:

        "Should Abner die as a fool dicth ? Thy hands were not bound, nor thy feet put into


        As a man fallrth before the children of iniquity, so didst thou fall. "

        (See 2 Samuel 3 6-38.) The death of Abner, while it thus cannot in any wise be laid at the door of David, nevertheless served his purposes well. The back bone of the opposition to David was broken, and he was soon proclaimed as king by all Israel.

        MAX L. MARGOLIS ABODE, a-bod . See ABIDeast

        ABOLISH, a-bol ish (flfTI, haihath, "to be broken down," "made void," "My righteousness shall not be abolished" [Isaiah 51 G], i.e. as shown in God s faith fulness to His promises; <"inp muhuh, "to erase, "blot out," "that your works rnay be abolished" [Ezekiel 6 6] ; KaTap-yew, kntarged, "to render in operative," "bring to nought," "make of no effect," "when he shall have abolished all rule" [1 Cor 15 24], every power opposed to God s kingdom; "having abolished in his flesh the enmity" [Eph 2 15]): By His death, Christ did away with the race separa tion due to historic ordinances and ceremonial laws (as of circumcision and uncircumcision); through the cross He wrought the reconciliation, and secured that common access to the Father by which the union is maintained.

        "Our Saviour Christ Jesus .... abolished death" (2 Tim 1 10). Men still die, "it is ap pointed unto men" (He 9 27), but the fear of death as having power to terminate or affect our personal existence and our union with God, as a dreadful stepping out into the unknown and un knowable (into Sheol of the impenetrable gloom),

        and as introducing us to a final and irreversible judgment, has been removed. Christ has taken out of it its sting (1 Cor 15 55 f) and all its hurt ful power (He 2 14); has shown it to be under His control (Rev 1 IS), brought to light the incorrupt ible life beyond, and declared the ultimate de struction of death (1 Cor 15 2(5; cf Rev 20 14). The Greek _ (katargeitai) indicates that the process of destruction was then going on. M. O. EVANS

        ABOMINATION, a-bom-i-na shun (b*3? , picjgul, ni?ip,_ td cbhdh, pj?B, 6 ./, r /, Tf [f-ptt, shikJfut;]): Three distinct Hebrew words are rendered in the Eng lish Bible by "abomination," or "abominable thing," referring (except in Genesis 43 32; 46 34) to things or practices abhorrent, to Jehovah, and opposed _to the ritual or moral requirements of His religion. It would be well if these words could be distinguished in translation, as they denote different degrees of abhorrence or loathsomeness.

        The word most used for this idea by the Hebrews and indicating the highest degree of abomination

        , tu cbfidh, meaning primarily that which offends the religious sense of a people. When it is said, for example, "The Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews; for that is an abomi nation unto the Egyptians," this is the word used; the significance being that the Hebrews were repugnant to the Egyptians as foreigners, as of an inferior caste, and especially as shepherds (Genesis 46 34).

        The feeling of the Egyptians for the Greeks was likewise one of repugnance. Herodotus (ii.41) says the Egyptians would not kiss a Greek on the mouth, or use his dish, or taste meat cut with the knife of a Greek.

        Among the objects described in the OT as "abominations" in this sense are heathen gods, such as Ashtoreth (Astarte), Chemosh, Milcom, the "abominations" of the Zidonians (Phoenicians), Moabiles, and Ammonites, respectively (2 Kings 23 13), and everything connected with the worship of such gods. When Pharaoh, remonstrating against the departure of the children of Israel, exhorted them to offer sacrifices to their God in Egypt, Moses said: "Shall we sacrifice the abom ination of the Egyptians [i.e. the animals worshipped by them which were taboo, to rb/id/i, to the Israel ites] before their eves, and will they not stone us?" (Exodus 8 26).

        It is to be noted that, not only the heathen idol itself, but anything offered to or associated with the idol, all the paraphernalia of the forbidden cult, was called an "abomination," for it "is an abomination to JAH thy God" (Deuteronomy 7 25.2G). The Deuteronomic writer here adds, in terms quite significant of the point of view and the spirit of the whole law: Neither shalt thou bring an abomination into thy house and thus become a thing set apart [her em tabooed] like unto it; thou shalt utterly detest it and utterly abhor it, for it is a thing set apart (tabooed). To cbhah is even used as synonymous with "idol" or heathen deity, as in Isaiah 44 19; Deuteronomy 32 10; 2 Kings 23 13; and esp. Exodus 8 22 ff.

        Everything akin to magic or divination is like wise an abomination (to cbhd/i); as are sexual transgressions (Deuteronomy 22 5; 23 18; 24 4), esp. incest and other unnatural offences: "For all these abominations have the men of the land done, that were before you" (Lev 18 27; cf Ezekiel 8 15). It is to be noted, however, that the word takes on in the later usage a higher ethical and spiritual meaning: as where "divers measures, a great and a small," are forbidden (Deuteronomy, 25 14-10); and in Proverbs where "lying lips" (12 22), "the proud in heart"

        Abomination Abound




        (16 . r >), "I lie way of (lie wicked" (15 9), "evil de vices" (15 20), and "lie that justified! the wicked, and he that condemned! the righteous" (17 15), are said to be an abomination in God s sight.. At last prophet and sage are found to unite in declaring that any sacrifice, however free from physical blemish, if offered without purity of motive, is an abomination: Bring no more an oblation of false hood an incense of abomination it is to me (Isaiah 1 13; cf Jeremiah 7 10). "The sacrifice of the wicked" and the prayer of him "that turncth away his ear from hearing the law," are equally an abomi nation (see Proverbs 15 S; 21 27; 28 9).

        Another word rendered "abomination" in the AV is f]2TIJ, sfick( C or flpTp, sh Helens. It expresses generally a somewhat less degree of horror or religious aversion than lu chltdh, but sometimes seems to stand about on a level with it in meaning. In Deuteronomy 14 3, for example, we have the command, "Thou shall- not eat any abominable thing," as introductory to the laws prohibiting the use of the unclean ani mals (see CI.KAN- AND l x CLEAN" ANIMALS), and the word there used is trSfliltali. But in Lev 11 10-13.; Isaiah 66 17; and in E/k 8 10 .s/icA-cf is the word used and likewise applied to the pro hibited animals; as also in Lev 11 43 s/ie/sep is used when it is commanded, "Ye shall not make yourselves abominable." Then .s7/<7,v<^ is often used parallel to or together with to chhah of that which should be held as detestable, as for instance, of idols and idolatrous practices (see esp. Deuteronomy 29 17; Hos 9 10; Jeremiah 41; 13 27; 16 IS; E/k 11 IX- 21; 20 7.S). It is used exactly as to*ebhah is used as applied to Milcom, the god of the Ammonites, which is spoken of as the detestable thing (.s/irA.vf) of the Ammonites (1 Kings 11 5). Still even in such cases In r/il/n/i seems to be the stronger word and to express that which is in the highest degree abhorrent.

        The other word used to express a somewhat kindred idea of abhorrence and translation 1 "abomination" in AV is ""E , i>ii/!/iil; but it is used in the Hebrew Bible only of sacrificial flesh that has become stale, putrid, tainted (see Lev 7 IS; 19 7; Ezekiel 4 14; Isaiah 65 4). Driver maintains that it occurs only as a "technical term for such state sacrificial flesh as has not been eaten within the prescribed time," and, accordingly, he would everywhere render it specifically "refuse meat." Compare Iclifin m r (/fid,ll, "the loathsome bread" (from (/<i nl, "to loathe") Mai 1 7. A chief interest in the subject for Christians grows out of the use of the term in the expression abomination of desolation" (Matthew 24 15 and Mark 13 14), which see. See also ABHOR.

        LTTKHATUReast Commentators ad loo. Rabbinical lit. in point. Driver; Weiss; (iriitz, GcscA. der Juden, IV, n. 15.

        GEO. B. EAGER

        ABOMINATION, BIRDS OF, Lev 11 13-19: "And these ye shall have in abomination among the birds; they shall not be eaten, they arc an abom ination: the eagle, and the gier-eagle, and the ospray, and the kite, and the falcon after its kind, every raven after its kind, and the ostrich, and the night-hawk, and the sea-mew, and the hawk after its kind, and the little owl, and the cormorant, and the great owl, and the horned owl, and the pelican, and the vulture, and the stork, the heron after its kind, and the hoopoe, and the bat." Deuteronomy 14 12-18 gives the glede in addition.

        Each of these birds is treated in order in this work. There are two reasons why Moses pro nounced them an abomination for food. Either they had rank, offensive, tough flesh, or they were connected with religious superstition. The eagle, gier-eagle, ospray, kite, glede, falcon, raven, night-

        hawk, sea-mew, hawk, little owl, cormorant, great owl, horned owl, pelican and vulture were offen sive because they were birds of prey or ate carrion or fish until their flesh partook of the odor of their food. Young ostriches have sweet, tender flesh and the eggs are edible also. In putting these birds among the abominations Moses must have been thinking of grown specimens. (Ostriches live to a remarkable age and on account of the dis tances they cover, and their speed in locomotion, their muscles become almost as hard as bone.) There is a trace of his early Egyp training when he placed the stork and the heron on this list. These birds, and the crane as well, abounded in all coun tries known at that time and were used for food according to the superstitions of different nations. These, three were closely related to the ibis which was sacred in Egypt and it is probable that they were protected by Moses for this reason, since they were eaten by other nations at that time and cranes are used for food today by natives of our south eastern coast states and are to be found in the markets of our western coast. The veneration for the stork that exists throughout the civilized world today had its origin in Pal. Noting the devotion of mated pairs and their tender care for the young the Hebrews named the bird haxulhah, which means kindness. Carried down the history of ages with additions by other nations, this un doubtedly accounts for the story now universal, that the stork delivers newly-born children to their homes; so the bird is loved and protected. One ancient Rom writer, Cornelius Nepos, recorded that in his time both crane and storks were eaten; storks were liked the better. Later, Pliny wrote that no one would touch a stork, but everyone was fond of crane. In Thessaly it was a capital crime to kill a stork. This change from regarding the stork as a delicacy to its protection by a death penalty merely indicates the hold the character istics of the bird had taken on people as it became better known, and also the spread of the regard in which it was held throughout Pal. The hoopoe (q.v.) was offensive to Moses on account of ex tremely filthy nesting habits, but_ was_ considered a great delicacy when captured in migration by residents of southern Europe. See also ABOMINA TION"; BIRDS, UNCLEAN*.


        ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION, des-o- la shun: The Hebrew root for abomination is fjPE , Khakaq, "to be filthy," "to loathe," "to abhor," from which is derived 7]->TlJ or flptp , shikkug, or shikkug, "filthy," esp. "idolatrous." This word is used to de scribe specific forms of idolatrous worship that were specially abhorrent, as of the Ammonites (1 Kings 11 5.7); of the Moabites (1 Kings 11 7; 2 Kings 23 13). When Daniel undertook to specify an abomination so surpassingly disgusting to the sense of morality and decency, and so aggressive against everything that was godly as to drive all from its presence and leave its abode desolate, he chose this as the strongest among the several synonyms, adding the qualification "that maketh desolate" (Daniel 11 31 12 11), LXX pS<l,uy/j.a tprmdxreus, bdel-ug-ma er-e-mo-se-os. The same noun, though in the plural, occurs in Deuteronomy 29 17; 2 Kings 23 24; Isaiah 66 3; Jeremiah 4 1; 730; 1327; 3234; Ezekiel 20 7.8.30; Daniel 9 27; Hos 9 10; Zee 9 7. The NT equivalent of the noun is /35Airy/oa, bdel-ug-ma = "detestable," i.e. (specially) "idolatrous." Alluding to Daniel, Christ spoke of the "abomination of desolation" (Matthew 24 15; Mark 13 14).

        Since the invasion of the Assyrians and Chal- daeans, the Jewish people, both of the Northern and of the Southern kingdom, had been without political




        Abomination Abound

        independence. From the Chaldaeans the rulership

        of Judaea had been transferred to the Persians, and

        from the Persians, after an interval

        1. The of 200 years, to Alexander the Great. Historical From the beginning of the Persians sover- Background eignty, the Jews had been permitted

        to organize anew their religious and political commonwealth, thus establishing a state under the rulership of priests, for the high priest was not only the highest functionary of the cult, but also the chief magistrate in so far as these prerogatives were not exercised by the king of the conquering nation. Ezra had given a new significance to the toruh by having it read to the whole congregation of Israel and by his vigorous enforcement of the law of separation from the Gentiles. His emphasis of the law introduced the period of legalism and finical interpretation of the letter which called forth some of the bitterest invectives of our Saviour. Specialists of the law known as "scribes" devoted themselves to its study and- subtle interpretation, and the pious beheld the highest moral accomplishment in the extremely conscientious observance of every pre cept. But in opposition to this class, there were those who, influenced by the Hellenistic culture, introduced by the conquests of Alexander the Great, were inclined to a more "liberal" policy. Thus two opposing parties were developed: the Hellenistic, and the party of the Pious, or the Chasidim, hasulfum (llasidaeans, 1 Mace 2 42; 7 13), who held fast to the strict ideal of the; scribes. The former gradually came into ascend ency. Judaea was rapidly becoming Hellenistic in all phases of its political, social and religious life, and the "Pious" were dwindling to a small minor ity sect. This was the situation when Antiochus Epiphanes set out to suppress the last vestige of the Jewish cult by the application of brute force.

        Antiochus IV, son of Antiochus the Great, became the successor of his brother, Seleucus IV,

        who had been murdered by his min-

        2. Antio- ister, Heliodorus, as king of Syria chus (175-164 BC). He was by nature Epiphanes a despot; eccentric and unreliable;

        sometimes a spendthrift in his liber ality, fraternizing in an affected manner with those of lower station; sometimes cruel and tyrannical, as witness his aggressions against Judaea. Polyb- ius (26 10) tells us that his eccentric ideas caused some to speak of him as a man of pure motive and humble character, while others hinted at insanity. The epithet Epiphanes is an abbreviation of thcos epiphants, which is the designation given himself by Antiochus on his coins, and means "the god who appears or reveals himself." Egyp writers translate the inscription, "God which comes forth," namely, like the burning sun, Horos, on the hori zon, thus identifying the king with the triumphal, appearing god. When Antiochus Epiphanes arose to the throne, Onias III, as high priest, was the leader of the old orthodox party in Judaea; the head of the Hellenists was his own brother Jesus, or, as he preferred to designate himself, Jason, this being the Greek form of his name and indicating the trend of his mind. Jason promised the king large sums of money for the transfer of the office of high priest from his brother to himself and the privilege of erecting a gymnasium and a temple to Phallus, and for the granting of the privilege "to enroll the inhabitants of Jerusalem as citizens of Antioch." Antiochus gladly agreed to everything. Onias was removed, Jason became high priest, and hence forth the process of Hellenizing Judaea was pushed energetically. The Jewish cult was not attacked, but the "legal institutions were set aside, and illegal practices were introduced" (2 Mace 4 11).

        A gymnasium was erected outside the castle; the youth of Jerusalem exercised themselves in (lie gymnastic art of the Greeks, and even priests left their services at the altar to take part in the con test of the palaestra. The disregard of Jewish custom went so far that many artificially removed the traces of circumcision from their bodies, and with characteristic liberality, Jason even sent a contribution to the sacrifices in honor of Heracles on the occasion of the quadrennial festivities in Tyre.

        Under these conditions it is not surprising that Antiochus should have had both the inclination and the courage to undertake the 3. The total eradication of the Jewish reli-

        Suppression gion and the establishment of Greek of the polytheism in its stead. The observ-

        Jewish Cult ancc of all Jewish laws, especially those relating to the Sabbath and to circumcision, were forbidden under pain of death. The Jewish cult was set aside, and in all cities of Judaea, sacrifice s must be brought to the pagan deities. Representatives of the crown everywhere enforced the edict. Once a month a search was instituted, and whoever had secreted a copy of the Law or had observed the rite of circumcision was condemned to death. In Jerusalem on the 15th of Chislev of the year 145 net Xd, i.e. in December 1()S BC, a pagan altar was built on the Great Altar of Burnt Sacrifices, and on the 25th of Chislev, sacrifice was brought on this altar for the first time (1 Mace 1 54.59). This evidently was the "abomination of desolation." The sacrifice, ac cording to 2 Mace was brought to the Olympian Zeus, to whom the temple of Jerusalem had been dedicatee!. At the feast of Dionysus, the Jews were obliged to march in the Bacchanalian pro cession, crowned with laurel leaves. Christ applies the phrase to what was to lake place at the advance of the Romans against Jerusalem. They who would behold the "abomination of desolation" standing in the holy place, He bids flee to the mountains, which probably refers to the advance of the Rom army into the city and temple, carrying standards which bore images of the Rom gods and were the objects of pagan worship.

        FHA.VK east Hiusrn

        ABOUND, a-bound , ABUNDANCE, a-bun - dans, ABUNDANT, a-bun dant, -LY, a-bun danl-li: These words represent in the EV a considerable variety of different words in the Hebrew and Greek original. In the OT they most frequently stand for some form of the stem rah//, signifying "to cast together," "to increase." In Proverbs 8 24 the primary idea is "to be heavy" (root kabhculh) , in 1)1 33 1 ( .) and Job 22 11 it is "to overflow" (.s//-7 /;// ); in Job 36 31 it is "to plait together," "to augment," "to multiply" (makhblr from kd- bhnr); in Isaiah 47 9 it is "strength" ( oc///o//); in

        1 Kings 18 41 it is "tumult-," "crowd" (human); in Eccl 5 12 it is "to fill to satiety" (RV "fulness"); in Isaiah 15 7 il is "excellence 1 " (i/ilhrdh) and in 66 11 "a full breast" (zlz); in Jeremiah 33 (> it is "copious ness" ( athtrcth from *dlhnr). In several passages (e.g. Ezekiel 16 49; Ps 105 , 50; Isaiah 56 12) RV gives other and better renderings than AV. In the NT perissos, pcrissriio, pcrissc.ia, etc, are the usual words for "abundant," "abound," "abundance," etc (the adj. signifies "exceeding some number or measure"). A slight formal difference of concep tion may be noted in pleondzo, which suggests that the abundance has resulted from augmenta tion. In Rom 5 20 the two words stand in the closest connection: Where sin abounded [by its increase] grace abounded more exceedingly [was rich beyond measure]. In Mark 12 44; Luke 21 4;

        2 Cor 8 20; 12 7; Rev 18 3 RV gives improved

        About Abraham




        renderings instead of "abundance," and in Titus 3 G and 2 Pet 1 11 instead of "abundantly."

        J. R. VAN PELT

        ABOUT, a-bout : The use of this word as prep., in the sense of "around," is confined to the OT. In the NT, generally an adverb, for (!r cos, /<as or "fwxc i." RV adopts it in several idiomatic translation" of ,n< ll<l, referring to what is about to be, i.e. on the point of occurring, or immediately impending, amending AV, in Acts 5 35; 27 2; Rev 12 4, etc.

        ABRAHAM, a bra-ham:

        I. NAME

        1. Various Forms

        2. Ktymolofjy ;?. Association

        II. KINDHKD

        III. CAKKKK

        1 Period of Wandering 2. Period of Residence at Hebron ,,. Period of Residence in the, Nugcb IV. CONDITIONS OF I, in:

        1. Kconomic ( onditions

        2. Social Conditions

        3. Political Conditions

        4. Cultural Conditions

        V. ClI AUAI I l.H

        1. Religious Beliefs

        2. Morality

        ;!. Personal Traits VI SIGNIFICANT!: IN TIIK HISTORY or KELIOION

        1. in the OT

        2. In the NT

        ;{. In Jewish Tradition t. In the Koran


        1. The Allegorical Interpretation

        2. The Personification Theory X The Mythical Theory

        1. Tlu " Saga" Theory

        /. Name. In the OT, when applied to (lie pa triarch, the name appears as ~"}2X , abhram, up

        to ( .en 17 ">; thereafter always as 1 Various ErPlS , al>hrdh<im. Two other per- Forms sonsVire named C"yQ!* , ahlilrdm. The

        identity of this name with tibhrdm cannot be doubted i n view of the variation between dhh incr and ahlincr, dbhlshdldm and abhshalom, etc A. also appears in the list at Karnak of places conquered by Sheshonk I: Ibnn (no. 72) re])resonts 2-QX, with which Spiegelberg (Aegypt. linnaylown zitni A T, 1 1) ]m)|)oses to connect the preceding name (no. 71 ) />? hkrl , so that the whole would read "the field of Abram." Outside of Palestine this name (Mini inn) has come to light just where from the Biblical tradition we should expect to find it, viz., in Babylonia (e.g. in a con tract of the reign of Apil-Sin, second predecessor of Hammurabi; also for the aunt (!) of Esarhaddon (iSO (>(><) BC). I ngnad has recently found it, among documents from Dilbat dating from the Hammurabi dynasty, in the forms A-ba-am-ra-ma, A-ba-am-ra-am, as well as A-lxi-ra-ma.

        I T ntil this latest discovery of the apparently full, historical form of the Babylonian equivalent, the best

        that could be done with the etymology 2. Ety- was to make the first constituent

        niology "father of" (construct -i rather than

        suffix -i), :vnd the second constituent "Ram," a proper name or an abbreviation of a name. (Yet observe above its use in Assyria for a woman; cf AHISHAC; AHKJAII.). Some were inclined rather to concede that the second element was a mystery, like the second element- in the ma jority of names beginning with ahh and ah, "father" and "brother." But the full cuneiform writing of the name, witli the case-ending am, indicat es t hat the noun "fat her" is in t he accusative, governed by the verb which furnishes the second component, and that this verb therefore is prob ably ram u ( = Hebrew GiTl , rah am) "to love," etc; so that the name would mean something like "he

        loves the [his] father." (So Ungnad, also Ranke in Gressmann s art. "Sage und Geschichte in den Patriarchenerzahlungen," ZATW [1910], 3.) Anal ogy proves that this is in the Babylonian fashion of the period, and that judging from the various writings of this and similar names, its pronunciation was not far from abh-ram.

        While the name is thus not "Hebrew" in origin, it made itself thoroughly at home among the Hebrews, and to their ears conveyed 3. Associa- associations quite different from its tion etymological signification. "Popular

        etymology" here as so often doubtless led the Hebrew to hear in ahk-rdm, "exalted father," a designation consonant with the patriarch s na tional and religious significance. In the form ahh-rdhdm his ear caught the echo of some root (perhaps r-h-m; cf Arab, ruhdin, "multitude") still more suggestive of the patriarch s extensive progeny, the reason ("for") that accompanies the Change of name (Jen 17 5 being intended only as a verbal echo of the sense in the sound. This longer and commoner form is possibly a dialectical variation of the shorter form, a variation for which there are analogies in comparative Sem grammar. It is, however, possible also that the two forms are different names, and that abh-rdhdm is etymologi- cally, and not merely by association of sound, "father of a multitude" (as above). (Another . theory, based on South-Arabic orthography, in Hornmel, Altisraelitische Ueberlieferung, 177.)

        //. Kindred. Genesis 11 27, which introduces A., contains the heading, "These are the generations of Terah." All the story of A. is contained within the section of Genesis so entitled. Through Terah A. s ancestry is traced back to Shem, and he is thus related to Mesopotamia!! and Arabian fami lies that belonged to the "Semitic" race. He is further connected with this race geographically by his birthplace, which is given as ur-kasdlm (see I ll), and by the place of his pre-Canaanitish resi dence, Haran in the Aramaean region. The purely Sem ancestry of his descendants through Isaac is indicated by his marriage with his own half-sister (Genesis 20 12), and still further empha sized by the choice for his daughter-in-law of Rebekah, descended from both of his brothers, Nahor and Haran (Genesis 11 2); 22 22 f). Both the beginning and the end of the residence in Haran are left chronologically undetermined, for the new beginning of the narrative at Genesis 12 1 is not intended by the writer to indicate chronological sequence, though it has been so understood, e.g. by Stephen (Acts 7 4). All that is definite in point of time is that an Aramaean period of resi dence intervened between the Babylonian origin and the Palestinian career of A. It is left to a comparison of the Bib. data with one another and with the data of archaeology, to fix the opening of A. s career in Pal not far from the middle of the 20th cent. BC.

        ///. Career. Briefly summed up, that career was as follows. A., endowed with .JAH s promise of limitless blessing, leaves Haran with 1. Period of Lot his nephew and all their establish- Wandering ment, and enters Canaan. Successive stages of the slow journey southward are indicated by the mention of Shcchem, Bethel and the Negeb (South-country). Driven by famine into Egypt, A. finds hospitable reception, though at the price of his wife s honor, whom the Pharaoh treats in a manner characteristic of an Egyp monarch. (Gressmann, op. cit., quotes from Meyer, Gcxchirhte.dcs Alterthums, I 2 , 142, the passage from a magic formula in the pyramid of Unas, a Pharaoh of the Fifth Dynasty: "Then he [viz. the Pharaoh] takes away the wives from their husbands whither he will, if desire seize his heart.") Retracing




        About Abraham

        the path to Canaan with an augmented train, at Bethel A. and Lot find it necessary to part company. Lot and his dependents choose for residence the great Jordan Depression; A. follows the backbone of the land southward to Hebron, where he settles, not in the city, but before its gates "by the great trees" (LXX sing., "oak") of Mamre.

        Affiliation between A. and the local Amoritish

        chieftains is strengthened by a brief campaign, in

        which all unite their available forces

        2. Period of for the rescue of Lot from an Elamite Residence king and his confederates from Baby- at Hebron Ionia. The pursuit leads them as far

        as the Lebanon region. On the return they are met by Melchizedek, king of Salem, priest of el ,iyon, and blessed by him in his priestly capacity, which A. recognizes by presenting him with a tithe of the spoils. A. s anxiety for a son to be the bearer of the divine promises conferred upon a "seed" yet unborn should have been relieved by the solemn renewal thereof in a formal covenant, with precise specifications of God s gracious purpose. But human desire cannot wait upon divine wisdom, and the Egyp woman Hagar bears to A. a son, Ishmael, whose exist ence from its inception proves a source of moral evil within the patriarchal household. The sign of circumcision and the change of names are given in confirmation of the covenant still unrealized, together with specification of the time and the person that should begin its realization. The theophany that sym bolized outwardly this climax of the Divine favor serves also for an intercessory colloquy, in which A. is granted the deliverance of Lot in the impending overthrow of Sodom. Lot and his family, saved thus by human fidelity and Divine clemency, exhibit in the moral traits shown in their escape and sub sequent life the degeneration naturally to be expected from their corrupt environment. Moab- ites and Ammonites are traced in their origin to these cousins of Jacob and Esau.

        Removal to the South-country did not mean

        permanent residence in a single spot, but rather a

        succession of more or less temporary

        3. Period of resting-places. The first of these Residence was in the district of Gerar, with in the whose king, Abirnelech, A. and his Negeb wife had an experience similar to the

        earlier one with the Pharaoh. The birth of Isaac was followed by the expulsion of Ishmael and his mother, and the sealing of peaceful relations with the neighbors by covenant at Beer- sheba. Even the birth of Isaac, however, did not end the discipline of A. s faith in the promise, for a Divine command to sacrifice the life of this son was accepted bonn fulc, and only the sudden inter position of a Divine prohibition prevented its obedient execution. The death of Sarah became the occasion for A. s acquisition of the first permanent holding of Pal soil, the nucleus of his promised inheritance, and at the same time suggested the probable approach of his own death. This thought led to immediate provision for a future seed to inherit through Isaac, a provision realized in Isaac s marriage with Rebekah, granddaughter of A. s brother Nahor and of Milcah the sister of Lot. But a numerous progeny unassociated with the promise grew up in A. s household, children of Keturah, a woman who appears to have had the rank of wife after Sarah s death, and of other women unnamed, who were his concubines. Though this last period was passed in the Negeb, A. was interred at Hebron, in his purchased possession, the spot with which Sem tradition has continued to associate him to this day.

        IV. Conditions of Life. The life of A. in its outward features may be considered under the

        following topics: economic, social, political and cultural conditions.

        A. s manner of life may best be described by the adjective "semi-nomadic," and illustrated by the

        somewhat similar conditions prevail- 1. Economic ing today in those border-communi- Conditions ties of the East that fringe the Syrian

        and Arabian deserts. Residence is in tents, wealth consists of flocks, herds and slaves, and there is no ownership of ground, only at most a proprietorship in well or tomb. All this in common with the nomad. But there is a relative, or rather, intermittent fixity of habitation, unlike the pure Bedawi, a limited amount of agriculture, and finally a sense of divergence from the Ishmael type all of which tend to assimilate the semi- nomadic A. to the fixed Canaanitish population about him. As might naturally be expected, such a condition is an unstable equilibrium, which tends, in the family of A. as in the history of all border- tribes of the desert, to settle back one way or the other, now into the city-life of Lot, now into the desert-life of Ishmael.

        The head of a family, under these conditions, becomes at the same time the chief of a tribe, that

        live together under patriarchal rule

        2. Social though they by no means share with- Conditions out exception the tie of kinship. The

        family relations depicted in Genesis conform to and are illuminated by the social features of CH. (See K. D. Macmillan, art. "Mar riage among the Early Babylonians and Hebrews," Princeton Theol. Review, April, 1908.) There is one legal wife, Sarah, who, because persistently child less, obtains the coveted offspring by giving her own maid to A. for that purpose (cf CH, 144, 140). The son thus borne, Ishmael, is A. s legal son and heir. When Isaac is later borne by Sarah, the elder son is disinherited by divine command (Genesis 21 10-12) against A. s wish which represented the prevailing law and custom (CH, 108 f). The "maid-servants" mentioned in the inventories of A. s wealth (Genesis 12 10; 24 3~>) doubtless furnished the "concubines" mentioned in Genesis 26 as having borne sons to him. Both mot hers and children were slaves, but had the right to freedom, though not to inheritance, on the death of the father (CH, 171). After Sarah s death another woman seems to have succeeded to the position of legal wife, though if so the sons she bore were disin herited like Ishmael (Genesis 25 /}). In addition to the children so begotten by A. the "men of his house" (Genesis 17 27) consisted of two classes, the "home-born" slaves (Genesis 14 14; 17 12 f. 23.27) and the "purchased" slaves (ib). The extent of the patriarchal tribe may be surmised from the number (318) of men among them capable of bearing arms, near the beginning of A. s career, yet after his separation from Lot, and recruited seemingly from the "home-born" class exclusively (Genesis 14 14). Over this entire establishment A. ruled with a power more, rather than less, absolute than that exhibited in detail in the CH: more absolute, because A. was independent of any perma nent superior authority, and so combined in his own person the powers of the Babylonian paterfamilias and of the Can city-king. Social relations outside of the family-tribe may best be considered under the next heading.

        It is natural that the chieftain of so considerable

        an organism should appear an attractive ally and

        a formidable foe to any of the smaller

        3. Political political units of his environment. Conditions That Canaan was at the time com posed of just such inconsiderable

        units, viz. city-states with petty kings, and scattered fragments of older populations, is abun-




        dandy clear from the Biblical tradition and veri fied from other sources. Egypt was the only great power with which A. came into political contact after leaving the East. In the section of Genesis which describes this contact with the Pharaoh A. ia suitably represented as playing no political role, but as profiting by his stay in Egypt only through an incidental social relation: when this terminates he is promptly ejected. The role of conqueror of Chedorlaomer, the Elamite invader, would be quite out of keeping with A. s political status else where, if we were compelled by the narrative in Genesis 14 to suppose a pitched battle between the forces of A. and those of the united Babylonian armies. What that chapter requires is in fact no more than a midnight surprise, by A. s band (including the forces of confederate chieftains), of a rear-guard or baggage-train of the Babylonians inadequately manned and picketed. ("Slaughter" is quite too strong a rendering of the original hakkoth, "smiting," ver 17.) Respect shown A. by the kings of Salem (ver 18), of Sodom (ver 21) and of Gerar (Genesis 20 14-l(i) was no more than might be expected from their relative degrees of political importance, although a moral precedence, assumed in the tmdition, may well have contributed to this respect.

        Recent archaeological research has revolutionized our conception of the degree 1 of culture which A. could have possessed and therefore 4. Cultural presumably did possess. The high Conditions plane which literature had attained in both Babylonia and Egypt, by 2000 BC is sufficient witness to the opportunities open to the man of birth and wealth in that day for the interchange of loft y t hough t . And, wit hout having recourse to A. s youth in Babylonia, we may assert even for the scenrs of A. s matnrer life the presence of the same culture, on the basis of a variety of facts, the testimony of which converges in this point, that Canaan in the second millennium BC was at the center of the intellectual life of the East and caanot have failed to afford, to such of its in habitants as chose to avail themselves of it, every opportunity for enjoying the fruits of others cul ture and for recording the substance of their own thoughts, emotions and activities.

        V. Character. A. s in ward life may be consid ered under the rubrics of religion, ethics and per sonal traits.

        The religion of A. centered in his faith in one God, who, because believed by him to be possess or of heaven and earth (Genesis 14 22; 1. Religious 24 3), sovereign judge of the nations Beliefs (15 14) of all the earth (18 25), dis

        poser of the forces of Nature (18 14; 19 24; 20 17 f), exalted (14 22) and eternal (21 33), was for A. at least the only God. So far as the Biblical tradition goes, A. s monotheism was not aggressive (otherwise in later Jewish tradition), and it is theoretically possible to attribute to him a merely "monarchical or "henotheistic" type of monotheism, which would admit the coexistence with his deity, say, of the "gods which [his] fathers served" (Joshua 24 14), or the identity with his deity of the supreme god of some Canaanite neighbor (Genesis 14 18). Yet this distinction of types of monotheism does not really belong to the sphere of religion as such, but rather to that of speculative philosophical thought. As religion, monotheism is just monotheism, and it asserts itself in corollaries drawn by the intellect only so far as the scope of the monotheist s intellectual life applies it. For A. JAH not only was alone God; He was also his personal God in a closeness of fellowship (Genesis 24 40; 48 15) that has made him for three religions the type of the pioua man

        (2 Chronicles 20 7; Isaiah 41 8; Jas 2 23.; note the Arab, name of Hebron is El-KJudil, i.e. the friend [viz. of God]). To JAH A. attributed the moral attributes of justice (Genesis 18 25), righteousness (18 19), faithfulness (24 27), wisdom (20 6), goodness (19 19), mercy (20 6). These qualities were expected of men, and their contraries in men were punished by JAH (Genesis 18 19; 20 11). He manifested Himself in dreams (Genesis 20 3), visions (15 1) and theophanies (18 1), including the voice or apparition of the Divine mal akh or messenger ("angel") (Genesis 16 7; 22 11). On man s part, in addition to obedience to JAH s moral require ments and special commands, the expression of his religious nature was expected in sacrifice. This bringing of offerings to the deity was diligently practiced by A., as indicated by the mention of his erection of an altar at each successive residence. Alongside of this act of sacrifice there is sometimes mention of a "calling upon the name" of JAH (cf 1 Kings 18 24; Ps 116 13 f). This publication of his faith, doubt less in the presence of Canaanites, had its counterpart also in the public regard in which he was held as a "prophet" or spokesman for God (Genesis 20 7). His mediation showed itself also in intercessory prayer (Genesis 17 20 for Ishmael; 18 23-32; cf 19 29 for Lot; 20 17 for Abime- lech), which was but a phase of his general prac tice of prayer. The usual accompaniment of sac rifice, a professional priesthood, does not occur in A. s family, yet he recognizes priestly prerogative in the person of Melchizedek, priest -king of Salem (Genesis 14 20). Religious sanction of course sur rounds the taking of oaths (Genesis 14 22; 24 3) and the sealing of covenants (21 23). Other cus toms associated with religion are circumcision (Genesis 17 10-14), given to A. as the sign of the per petual covenant; tithing (14 20), recognized as the priest s due; and child-sacrifice (22 2.12), enjoined upon A. only to be expressly forbidden, approved for its spirit but interdicted in its practice.

        As already indicated, the ethical attributes of God were regarded by A. as the ethical require ment of man. This in theory. In

        2. Morality the sphere of applied ethics and

        casuistry A. s practice, at least, fell short of this ideal, even in the few incidents of his life preserved to us. It is clear that these lapses from virtue were offensive to the moral sense of A. s biographer, but we are left in the dark as to A. s sense of moral obliquity. (The "dust and ashes" of Genesis 18 27 has no moral implication.) The demands of candor and honor are not sat isfactorily met, certainly not in the matter of Sarah s relationship to him (Genesis 12 11-13; 20 2; cf 11-13), perhaps not in the matter of Isaac s intended sacrifice (22 5.S). To impose our own monogamous standard of marriage upon the patriarch would be unfair, in view of the different standard of his age and land. It is to his credit that no such scandals are recorded in his life and family as blacken the record of Lot (Genesis 19 30- 38), Reuben (35 22) and Judah (38 15-18). Similarly, A. s story shows only regard for life and property, both in respecting the rights of others and in expecting the same from them the antipo des of Ishmael s character (Genesis 16 12).

        Outside the bounds of strictly ethical require ment, A. s personality displayed certain charac teristics that not only mark him out

        3. Personal distinctly among the figures of history, Traits but do him great credit as a singularly

        symmetrical and attractive character. Of his trust and reverence enough has been said under the head of religion. But this love that is "the fulfilling of the law," manifested in such piety toward God, showed itself toward men in exceptional





        generosity (Genesis 13 9; 14 23; 23 9.13; 24 10; 25 6), fidelity (14 14.24; 17 IS; 18 23-32; 19 27; 21 11; 23 2), hospitality (18 2-8; 21 8) and compassion (16 6 and 21 14 when rightly under stood; 18 23-32). A solid self-respect (Genesis 14 23; 16 6; 21 25; 23 9.13.16; 24 4) and real courage (14 14-16) were, however, marred by the cowardice that sacrificed Sarah to purchase per sonal safety where he had reason to regard life as insecure (20 11).

        VI. Significance in the History of Religion. A. is a significant figure throughout the Bible, and plays an important role in extra-Biblical Jewish tradition and in the Mohammedan religion.

        It is naturally as progenitor of the people of

        Israel, "the seed of A.," as they are often termed,

        that A. stands out most prominently

        1. In the in the OT books. Sometimes the OT contrast between him as an individual

        and his numerous progeny serves to point a lesson (Isaiah 51 2; Ezekiel 33 24; perhaps Mai 2 10; cf 15). "The God of A." serves as a designa tion of Jch from the t ime of Isaac t o t he latest period ; it is by this title that Moses identifies the God who has sent him with the ancestral deity of the children of Israel (Exodus 3 15). Men remembered in those later times that this God appeared to A. in the- ophany (Exodus 6 3), and, when he was still among his people who worshipped other gods (Joshua 24 3) chose him (Xeh 9 7), led him, redeemed him (Isaiah 29 22) and made him the recipient of those special blessings (Mic 7 20) which were pledged by covenant and oath (so every larger historical book, also the historical Ps 105 [ver 9]), notably the inheritance of the land of Canaan (Deuteronomy 6 10). Nor was A. s religious personality forgotten by his posterity: he was remembered by them as God s friend (2 Chronicles 20 7; Isaiah 41 8), His servant, the very recollection of whom by God would offset the horror with which the sins of his descendants inspired JAH (Deuteronomy 9 27).

        When we pass to the NT we are astonished at the wealth and variety of allusion to A. As in the

        OT, his position of ancestor lends him

        2. In the much of his significance, not only as NT ancestor of Israel (Acts 13 26), but

        specifically as ancestor, now of the Levitical priesthood (He 7 5), now of the Mes siah (Matthew 1 1), now, by the peculiarly Christian doctrine of the unity of believers in Christ, of Christian believers (Gal 3 16.29). All that A. the ancestor received through Divine election, by the covenant made with him, is inherited by his seed and passes under the collective; names of the promise (Rom 4 13), the blessing (Gal 3 14), mercy (Luke 1 54), the oath (Luke 1 73), the cove nant (Acts 3 25). The way in which A. responded to this peculiar goodness of God makes him the type of the Christian believer. Though so far in the past that he was used as a measure of antiquity (John 8 58), he i.s declared to have "seen" Messiah s "day" (John 8 56). It is his faith in the Divine promise, which, just because it was for him pecul iarly unsupported by any evidence of the senses, becomes the type of the faith that leads to justi fication (Rom 4 3), and therefore in this sense again he is the "father" of Christians, as believers (Rom 4 11). For that promise to A. was, after all, a "preaching beforehand" of the Christian gospel, in that it embraced "all the families of the earth" (Gal 3 8). Of this exalted honor, James reminds us, A. proved himself worthy, not by an inoperative faith, but by "works" that evidenced his righteousness < (Jus 2 21; cf Jn8_39). The obedience that faith wrought in him is what is especially praised by the author of Hebrews (He 11 8.17). In accordance with this high estimate

        of the patriarch s piety, we read of his eternal felicity, not only in the current conceptions of the Jews (parable, Luke 16), but also in the express asser tion of Our Lord (Matthew 8 11; Luke 13 28). Inci dental historical allusions to the events of A. s life are frequent in the NT, but dp not add anything to this estimate of his religious significance.

        Outside the Scriptures we have abundant evi dence of the way that A. was regarded by his posterity in the Jewish nation. The

        3. In Jew- oldest of these witnesses, Ecclesias- ish Tradi- ticus, contains none of the accretions tion of the later A. -legends. Its praise

        of A. is confined to the same three great facts that appealed to the canonical writers, viz. his glory as Israel s ancestor, his election to be recipient of the covenant, and his piety (including perhaps a tinge of "nomism") even under severe testing (Ecclus 44 19-21). The improbable and often unworthy and even grotesque features of A. s career and character in the later rabbinical nudrashim are of no religious significance, beyond the evidence they afford of the way A. s unique posi tion and piety were cherished by the Jews.

        To Mohammed A. is of importance in several ways. He i.s mentioned in no less than 188 verses

        of the Koran, more; than any other

        4. In the character except Moses. He is one Koran of the series of prophets sent by God.

        He is the common ancestor of the Arab and the Jew. He plays the same role of religious reformer over against his idolatrous kins men as Mohammed himself played. He builds the first pure temple for God s worship (at Mecca!). As in the Bible so in the Koran A. is the recipient of the Divine covenant, for himself and for his posterity, and exhibits in his character the appro priate virtues of one so highly favored: faith, righteousness, purity of heart, gratitude, fidelity, compassion. He receives marked tokens of the Divine favor in the shape of deliverance, guidance, visions, angelic messengers (no theophanies for Mohammed!), miracles, assurance of resurrection and entrance; into paradise. lie is called "Imam of the peoples" (2 118).

        VII. Interpretations of the Story of A. Other than the Historical. There are writers in both ancient and modern times who have, from various standpoints, interpreted the person and career of A. otherwise than as what it, purports to be, viz. the real experiences of a human person named A. These various views may be classified accord ing to the motive or impulse which they believe to have led to t he creation of this story in the mind of its author or authors.

        Philo s tract, on A. bears as alternative titles, "On the Life of the Wise Man Made Perfect by Instruction, or, On the Unwritten 1. The Alle- Law." A. s life is not for him a history gorical In- that serves to illustrate these things, terpretation but an allegory by which these things are embodied. Paul s use of the Sarah-Hagar episode in Gal 4 21-31 belongs to this type of exposition (cf allcgnroumcna, ver 24), of which there are also a few other instances in his epistles; yet to infer from this that Paul shared Philo s general attitude toward the patriarchal narrative would be unwarranted, since his use of this method is incidental, exceptional, and merely confirmatory of points already established by sound reason. "Luther compares it to a painting which decorates a house already built" (Schaff, "Gala- tians," Excursus).

        As to Philo A. is the personification of a certain type of humanity, so to some modern writers he is the personification of the Hebrew nation or of a tribe belonging to the Hebrew group. This view,

        Abraham Absalom




        which is indeed very widely held with respect to

        the patriarchal figures in general, furnishes so many

        more difficulties in its specific appli-

        2. The Per- cation to A. than to the others, that Bonification it has been rejected in A. s case even Theory by some who have adopted it for figures

        like Isaac, Ishmael and Jacob. Thus Mever (Die Ixrdclilctt. unit Hire. Nachbarslamine, 2.">(); cf also note on p. 2.~>l), speaking of his earlier opinion, acknowledges that, at the time when he regarded the assertion of Stade as proved that Jacob and Isaac were tribes," even then lie "still recognized A. as a mythical figure and originally a god." A similar differentiation of A. from the rest, is true of most of the other adherents of the views about to be mentioned. Hence also Wcll- IrMiscn says (Prolegomena 6 , 317): "Only A. is cer tainly no name of a people, like Isaac, and Lot; he is rather ambiguous anyway. ,, e dare not of course on that account hold him in this connection as an historical personage; rather than that he might be a free creation of unconscious fiction. He is probably the youngest figure in this company and appears to have been only at a relatively late date put before his son Isaac."

        ("rged popularly by Noldeke (I in tii iicn Itricli, [1S71], I, oOSi O and taken up by other scholars,

        especially in the case of A., the view

        3. The gained general currency among those Mythical who denied the historicity of (!en, Theory that the patriarchs wen 1 old deities.

        From this relatively high estate, it was held, they had fallen to the plane of mere mortals (though with remnants of the hero or even demigod here and there visible) on which they appear in den. A new phase of this mythical theory has been developed in the elaboration by Winckler and others of their astral-theology of the Babylonian world, in which the worship of A. as the moon-god by the Semites of Pal plays a part. A. s traditional origin connects him with I r and Ilaran, leading centers of the moon-cult. Apart, from this fact the arguments relied upon to establish this identification of A. with Sin may be judged by the following samples: "When further the consort of A. bears the name, Sarah, and one of the women among his closest, relations the name Milcah, this gives food for thought, since these names correspond precisely with the titles of the female deities worshipped at- Ilaran alongside the moon- god Sin. Above all, however, the number 31$, that appears in Cien 14 14 in connection with the figure 1 of A., is convincing; because this number, which surely has no historical value, can only be satisfactorily explained from the circle of ideas of the moon-religion, since in the lunar year of 3.">4 days there are just 31$ days on which the moon is visible deducting 30 days, or three 1 for each of the twelve, months, on which the moon is invisible" (Baentsch, Monotheismus, 60 f). In spite of this assurance, however, nothing could exceed the scorn with which these combinations and conjectures of Winckler, A. Jcremias and others of this school are received by those who in fact differ from them with respect to A. in little save the answer to the question, what deity was A. (see e.g. Meyer, op. eil., 2.72 I, 2")(i f).

        C.unkel (Genesis, Introduction), in insisting

        upon the resemblance of the patriarchal narrative

        to the "sagas" of other primitive

        4. The peoples, draws attention both to the "Saga" human traits of figures like A., and Theory to the very early origin of the material

        embodied in our present book of Genesis. First a.s stories orally circulated, then as stories committed to writing, and finally as a number of collections or groups of such stories formed into a

        cycle, the A. -narratives, like the Jacob- and the Joseph-narratives, grew through a long and com plex literary history. Gressrnann (op. cit., 9-34) amends Gunkel s results, in applying to them the principles of primitive literary development laid down by Professor Wundt in his Volkerpsychologie. He holds that the kernel of the A. -narratives is a series of fairy-stories, of international diffusion and unknown origin, which have been given "a local habitation and a name" by attaching to them the (< x fii/pothesi) then common name of A. (simi larly Lot, etc) and associating them with the country nearest to the wilderness of Judaea, the home of their authors, vi/. about Hebron anil the Dead Sea. A high antiquity (1300-1100 BC) is asserted for these stories, their astonishing accuracy in details wherever they can be tested by extra- Biblical tradition is conceded, as also the proba bility that, "though many riddles still remain un solved, yet many other traditions will be cleared up by new discoveries" of archaeology.

        J. OSCAR BOYD


        ABRAHAM S BOSOM, b(^)//iim(K6,iros A(3pad(jL,

        kolpoH Abriid/n; KoXiroi Aj : Figurative. The ex pression occurs in Luke 16 22.23, in the parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus, to denote the place of repose to which Lazarus was carried after his death. The fig. is suggested by the practice of the guest at a feast reclining on the breast of his neigh bor. Thus John leaned on the breast of Jesus at supper (John 21 20). The rabbis divided the state after death (Sheol) into a place for the righteous and a place for the wicked (see ESCHATOLOGY OF OT; SHKOL); but it is doubtful whether the fig. of Jesus quite corresponds with this idea. "Abra ham s bosom" is not spoken of as in "Hades," but rather as distinguished from it (Luke 16 23) a place of blessedness by itself. There Abraham receives, as at a feast, the truly faithful, and admits them to closest intimacy. It may be regarded as equiva lent to the "Paradise" o f Luke 23 43. See HADES; PAKADISIO. JAMES OUR

      ABRAM, a brain.
        See ABRAHAM.

      ABRECH, a brek;
        Transliteration of the Hebrew "OX, ahhrckh, in Genesis 41:43 , of which both the origin and meaning are uncertain. It was the salutation which the Egyptians addressed to Joseph, when he was made second to Pharaoh, and appeared in his official chariot .

        (1) The explanations based upon Hebrew derivation are unsatisfactory, whether as AV "bow the knee," from :f"Q,6arafc/i (hiph. imp.) or marginal "tender father," or "father of a king" of the Tg. The form as hiph. imp. instead of habhrekh, is indefensible, while the other two derivations are fanciful.

        (2) The surmises of Egyptologists are almost without number, and none are conclusive. Skinner in COHIIH. on (len. selects "attention!" after Spiegelberg, as best . Speaker s Comm. suggests "rejoice thou" from ab-nek. liDli gives preference to the optic a-hor-k, "prostrate thyself."

        (3) The most satisfying is the Assyr abarakku, meaning "grand vizier" or "friend of a king," as suggested by Fried. Delitzsch; for Babylonian laws and customs were dominant in western Asia, and the Hyksos, through whom such titles would have been carried into Egypt, were ruling there at that time.


        ABROAD, a-brod: An idiomatic rendering of d<f>iKfTo. aphlketo (lit. "arrived"), "come abroad" is used in Rom 16 19 to indicate a report that has




        Abraham Absalom

        been most widely diffused (lit. "did reach unto all"). Similar idiomatic translation a of AV have been replaced in RV by those more literal, as in Mark 4 22; Luke 8 17; Mark 6 14; 1 Thess 1 8. Used also in other idiomatic renderings, as "spread abroad" (diuphe- mizo), Mark 1 45; "noised abroad" (dialaleo), Luke 1 65; "scattered abroad," John 11 52; Acts 8 1, etc; in all these cases for the pervasive meaning of the Greek preposition in composition. In Genesis 15 5, hug means "outside." H. east JACOBS


        ABRONAH, a-bro na, AV Ebronah (n: "a?, ^abhruuah): One of the stations of Israel in the wilderness on the march from Sinai to Kadcsh - the station next before that at Ezion-geber on the eastern arm of the Red Sea (Numbers 33 34.35).

        ABSALOM, ab sa-lom (BttX , abhshalom,

        "father is peace," written also Abishalom, 1 Kings

        15 2.10): David s third son by

        1. A Genesis- Maacah, daughter of Talmai, king eral Favor- of Geshur, a small territory between ite Hormon and Bashan. Absalom was

        born at Hebron (2 Samuel 3 3), and moved at an early age, with the transfer of the capital, to Jerus, where he spent most of his life. lie was a great favorite of his father and of the people as well. His charming manners, his personal beauty, his insinuating ways, together with his love of pomp and royal pretensions, captivated the hearts of the people from the beginning. He lived in great style, drove in a magnificent chariot and had fifty men run before him. Such magnificence produced the desired effect upon the hearts of the young aristocrats of the royal city (2 Samuel 15 1 IT).

        When Amnon, his half-brother, ravished his sister

        Tamar, and David shut his eyes to the grave

        crime and neglected to administer

        2. In Exile proper punishment, Absalom became

        justly enraged, and quietly nourished his anger, but after the lapse of two years carried out a successful plan to avenge his sister s wrongs. He made a great feast for the king s sons at Baal- hazor, to which, among others, Amnon came, only to meet his death at the hands of Absalom s servants (13 1 IT). To avoid punishment he now fled to the court of his maternal grandfather in Geshur, where he remained three years, or until David, his father, had relented and condoned the murderous act of his impetuous, plotting son. At the end of three years (13 3X) we find Absalom once more in Jerus. It was, however, two years later be fore he was admitted to the royal presence (14 2X). Absalom, again reinstated, lost no opportunity to regain lost prestige, and having his mind made

        up to succeed his father upon the

        3. Rebels throne, he forgot the son in the poli- against His tician. Full of insinuations and rich Father in promises, especially to the dis

        gruntled and to those having griev ances, imaginary or real, it was but natural that he should have a following. His purpose was clear, namely, to alienate as many as possible from the king, and thus neutralize his influence in the selec tion of a successor, for he fully realized that the court party, under the influence of Bathsheba, was intent upon having Solomon as the next ruler. By much flattery Absalom stole the hearts of many men in Israel (15 6). How long a period elapsed between his return from Geshur and his open rebellion against his father David is a question which cannot be answered with any degree of certainty. Most authorities regard the forty years of 15 7 as an error and following the Syr and some editions of the LXX, suggest four as the

        correct text. Whether forty or four, he obtained permission from the king to visit Hebron, the ancient capital, on pretence of paying a vow made by him while at Geshur in case of his safe return to Jerus. With two hundred men he repairs to Hebron. Previous to the feast spies had been sent throughout all the tribes of Israel to stir up the discontented and to assemble them under Absalom s flag at Hebron. Very large numbers obeyed the call, among them Ahithophel, one of David s shrewdest counselors (15 7ff).

        Reports of the conspiracy at Hebron soon reached

        the ears of David, who now became thoroughly

        frightened and lost no time in leaving

        4. David s Jerus. Under the protection of his Flight most loyal bodyguard helled to Gilead

        beyond Jordan. David was kindly received at Mahanaim, where he remained till after the death of his disloyal son. /adok and Abiathar, two leading priests, were intent upon sharing the fortunes of David; they went so far as to carry the Ark of the Covenant with them out of Jerus (15 24). David, however, forced the priests and Levites to take it back to its place 1 in the city and there remain as its guardians. This was a prudent stroke, for these two great priests in Jerus acted as intermediaries, and through their sons and some influential women kept up constant communications with David s army in Gilead (15 24 ff). Hushai, too, was sent back to Jerus, where he falsely professed allegiance to Ab salom, who by this time had entered the royal city and had assumed control of the government (15 32 IT). Ilushai, the priests and a few people less conspicuous performed their part well, for the counsel of Ahithophel, who advised immediate action and advance upon the king s forces, while everything was in a panic, was thwarted (17 1 ff); nay more, spies were constantly kept in contact with David s headquarters to inform the king of Absalom s plans (17 15 if). This delay was fatal to the rebel son. Had he acted upon the shrewd counsel of Ahithophel, David s army might have been conquered at the outset.

        When at length Absalom s forces under the generalship of Amasa (17 25) reached Gilead,

        ample time had been given to David

        5. Absa- to organize his army, which he divided lom s Death into three divisions under the efficient and Burial command of three veteran generals:

        Joab, Abishai and Ittai (18 Iff). A great battle was fought in the forests of Ephraim. Here the rebel army was utterly routed. No fewer than 20,000 were killed outright, and a still greater number becoming entangled in the thick forest, perished that day (18 7 f). Among the latter was Absalom himself, for while riding upon his mule, his head was caught in the boughs of a great oak or terebinth, probably in a forked branch. "He was taken up between heaven and earth; and the mule that was under him went on" (18 !(). In this position he was found by a soldier who at once ran to inform Joab. The latter without a moment s hesitation, notwith standing David s positive orders, thrust three darts into the heart of Absalom. To make his death certain and encouraged by the action of their general, ten of Joab s young men "compassed about and smote Absalom, and slew him" (18 15). lie was buried in a great pit, close to the spot where he was killed. A great pile of stones was heaped over his body (18 17), in accordance with the custom of dishonoring rebels and great criminals by burying them under great piles of stone (Joshua 7 20; 8 29). Thomson informs us that Syrian people to this day cast stones upon the graves of murderers and outlaws (LB, II, 61).

        Absalom Abstinence




        The death of Absalom was a source of great

        grief to the fond and aged father, who forgot the

        ruler and the king in the tender-

        6. David s heart oil parent. His lament at the

        Lament gate of Mahanaim, though very brief,

        is a classic, and expresses in tender

        language the feelings of parents for wayward

        children in all ages of the world (2 Samuel 18 33).

        Little is known of Absalom s family life, but we read in 14 27 that he had three sons and one daughter. From the language of 18 18, it is inferred that the sons died at an early age.

        Absalom s Tomb: As Absalom had no son to perpetuate his memory "he reared up for him self a pillar" or a monument in the King s dale, which according to Josephua was two furlongs from Jerusalem (Ant, VII, x, 3). Nothing is known

        Absalom s Tomb.

        with certainty about this monument. One of the several tombs on the east side of the Kidron passes under the name of Absalom s tomb. This fine piece of masonry with its graceful cupola and Ionic pillars must be of comparatively recent origin, probably not earlier than the Rom period.

        west west DA VIES

        ABSALOM (Apoc) (B, ApcrcroiX.a>|j.os, Abcs- sdlunws and Abessal&m; A, Absdlomos; AV Ab- salon) :

        (1) Father of Mattathias, a captain of the Jewish army (1 Mace 11 70; Ant, XIII, v, 7).

        (2) Father of Jonathan who was sent by Simon Maccabcc to take possession of Joppa; perhaps identical with A (1) (1 Mace 13 11; Ant, XIII, vi, 4).

        (3) One of two envoys of the Jews, mentioned in a letter sent by Lysias to the Jewish nation (2 Mace 11 17).

        ABSALOM, ab sa-lon. See ABSALOM (Apoc).


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    ABSOLUTION, ab-so-lu shun (translation of vbs. Xi5o>, lud, "loose," etc, and d^^^t, aphiemi, "release," "give up," etc): Not a Bib., but an ecclesiastical term, used to designate the official act described in Matthew 16 19: "Whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven," and Matthew 18 18: "What things soever ye shall loose," etc, and interpreted by John 20 23: "Whose soever sins ye forgive, they are forgiven unto them" (see KEYS, POWER OF). The Roman church regards this as the act of a properly ordained priest, by which, in the sacrament of Pen

    ance, he frees from sin one who has confessed and made promise of satisfaction. Protestants regard the promise as given not to any order within the church, but to the congregation of believers, exercis ing its prerogative through the Christian ministry, as it s ordinary executive. They differ as to whether the act be only declarative or collative. Luther regarded it as both declarative and collative, since the Word always brings that which it offers. The absolution differs from the general promise of the gospel by individualizing the promise. What the gospel, as read and preached, declares in general, the absolution applies personally. See also FOR GIVENESSouth H. east JACOBS

    ABSTINENCE, abs ti-nens: Abstinence as a form of asceticism reaches back into remote antiquity, and is found among most ancient peoples. It may be defined as a self-discipline which consists in the habitual renunciation, in whole or in part, of the enjoyments of the flesh, with a view to the cultiva tion of the life of the spirit. In its extremest forms, it bids men to stifle and suppress their physical wants, rather than to subordinate them in the interest of a higher end or purpose, the underlying idea being that the body is the foe of the spirit, and that the progressive extirpation of the natural desires and inclinations by means of fasting, celibacy, voluntary poverty, etc, is "the way of perfection."

    This article will be concerned chiefly with ab stinence from food, as dealt with in the Bible. (For other aspects of the subject-, see TEMPERANCE; SELF-DENIAL; CLEAN; UNCLEANNESS; MEAT, etc). Thus limited, abstinence may be either public or private, partial or entire.

    ( )nly one such fast is spoken of as having been

    instituted and commanded by the Law of Moses,

    that of the Day of Atonement. This

    1. Public is called "the Fast" in Acts 27 9

    Fasts (cf Ant, XIV, iv, 3; Philo, Vit Mos,

    II, 4; Schtirer, //./ P, I, i, 322).

    Four annual fasts were later observed by the Jews in commemoration of the dark days of Jerus the day of the beginning of Nebuchadrezzar s siege in the tenth month, the day of the capture of the city in the fourth month, the day of its destruc tion in the fifth month and the day of Gedaliah s murder in the seventh month. These are all re ferred to in Zee 8 19. See FASTSouth

    It might reasonably be thought that such solemn anniversaries, once instituted, would have been kept up with sincerity by the Jews, at least for many years. But Isaiah illustrates how soon even the most outraged fen-lings of piety or patriotism may grow cold and formal. Wherefore have we fasted and thou seest not? the exiled Jews cry in their captivity. We have humbled our souls, and thou takest no notice. Jell s swift answer follows: Because your fasting is a mere form! Behold, in the day of your fast ye find your own pleasure and oppress all your laborers (cf Isaiah 68 3; Exodus positor s Bible, ad loc.). That is to say, so formal has your fasting grown that your ordinary selfish, cruel life goes on just the same. Then JAH makes inquest: "Is such the fast that I have chosen? the day for a man to afflict his soul? Is not this the fast that I have chosen: to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the bands of the yoke, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poor that are cast out to thy house? Then shalt thou call, and Jch will answer; thou shalt cry, and he will say, Here I am" (vs 5-9). The passage, as George Adam Smith says, fills the earliest, if not the highest place in the glorious succession of Scriptures exalting practical




    Absalom Abstinence

    love, to which belong Isaiah 61; Matthew 25; 1 Cor 13. The high import is that in God s view character grows rich and life joyful, not by fasts or formal observances, but by acts of unselfish service inspired by a heart of love.

    These fasts later fell into utter disuse, but they were revived after the destruction of Jerus by the Romans.

    Occasional public fasts were proclaimed in Israel, as among other peoples, in seasons of drought or public calamity. It appears according to Jewish accounts, that it was customary to hold them on the second and fifth days of the week, for the reason that Moses was believed to have gone up to Matthew. Sinai on the fifth day of the week (Thursday) and to have come down on the second (Monday) (cf Did, 8; Apos Const, VIII, 23).

    In addition to these public solemnities, indi viduals were in the habit of imposing extra fasts upon themselves (e.g. Jth 86; Luke 2

    2. Private 37); and there were some among the Fasts Pharisees who fasted on the second

    and fifth days of the week all the year round (Luke 18 12; see Light foot, ad loc.).

    Tacitus alludes to the "frequent fasts" of the Jews (History, V, 4), and Jos tells of the spread of fasting among the Gentiles (CAp, II, 40; cf Ter- tullian, ad Nat, i.13). There is abundant evidence that many religious teachers laid down rules con cerning fasting for their disciples (cf Mark 2 18; Matthew 9 14; Luke 6 33).

    Individuals and sects differ greatly in the degrees

    of strictness with which they observe fasts. In

    some fasts among the Jews abstinence

    3. Degrees from food and drink was observed of Strict- simply from sunrise to sunset, and ness in washing and anointing were permitted. Abstinence In others of a stricter sort, the fast

    lasted from one sunset till the stars appeared after the next, and, not only food and drink, but washing, anointing, and every kind of agreeable activity and even salutations, were pro hibited (Schiirer, II, ii, 11!); Edersheim, Life and Times, I, 6G3). Such fasting was generally prac tised in the most austere and ostentatious manner, and, among the Pharisees, formed a part oi their most pretentious externalism. On this point the testimony of Matthew 6 16 is confirmed by the Mish.

    There arose among the Jews various kinds of ascetics and they may be roughly divided into

    three classes.

    4. Absti- (1) The Esscncs. These lived to- nence gether in colonies, shared all things among in common and practised voluntary Different poverty. The stricter among them Kinds of also eschewed marriage. They were Ascetics indifferent, Philo says, alike to money,

    pleasure, and worldly position. They ate no animal flesh, drank no wine, and used no oil for anointing. The objects of sense were to them "unholy," and to gratify the natural craving was "sin." They do not seem to come distinctly into view in the NT. See ESSEXESouth

    (2) The hermit ascetics. These fled away from human society with its temptations and allure ments into the wilderness, and lived there a life of rigid self-discipline. Jos (Vila, 2) gives us a notable example of this class in Banus, who "lived in the desert, clothed himself with the leaves of trees, ate nothing save the natural produce of the soil, and bathed day and night in cold water for purity s sake." John the Baptist was a hermit of an en tirely different type. He also dwelt in the desert, wore a rough garment of camel s hair and subsisted on "locusts and wild honey." But his asceticism was rather an incident of his environment and vocation than an end in itself (see "Asceticism,"

    DCC). In the fragments of his sermons which are preserved in the Gospels there is no trace of any exhortation to ascetic exercises, though John s disciples practised fasting (Mark 2 18).

    (3) The moderate ascetics. There were many pious Jews, men and women, who practised asceti cism of a less formal kind. The ascetieism of the Pharisees was of a kind which naturally resulted from their legal and ceremonial conception of religion. It expressed itself chiefly, as we have seen, in ostentatious fasting and externalism. But there were not a few humble, devout souls in Israel who, like Anna, the prophetess, served God "with fastings and supplications night and day" (Luke 2 37), seeking by a true self-discipline to draw near unto God (cf Acts 13 2.3; 14 23; 1 Tim 5 5).

    Some of the rabbis roundly condemned abstinence, or asceticism in any form, as a principle of life. "Why must the Nazi rite bring a sin 6. Absti- offering at the end of his term?" nence as (Numbers 6 13.14) asks Eliezer ha-Kappar Viewed in (Siphra , ad loc.); and gives answer, the Talmud Because he sinned against his own person by his vow of abstaining from wine"; and he concludes, "Whoever undergoes fast ing or other penances for no special reason commits a wrong." "Man in the life to come will have to account for every enjoyment offered him that was refused without sufficient cause" (Rabh, in Yer. Kid., 4). In Maimonides (Hd-Yadh ha-Hazakah, De l uth 3 1) the monastic principle of abstinence in regard to marriage, eating meat, or drinking wine, or in regard to any other personal enjoyment or comfort, is condemned as "contrary to the spirit of Judaism," and "the golden middle-way of modera tion" is advocated.

    But, on the other hand, abstinence is often con sidered by the rabbis meritorious and praiseworthy as a voluntary means of self-discipline. "I par took of a Nazirite meal only once," says Simon the Just, "when I met with a handsome youth from the south who had taken a vow. When I asked the reason he said: I saw the Evil Spirit pursue me as I beheld my face reflected in water, and I swore that these long curls shall be cut off and offered as a sacrifice to JAH ; whereupon I kissed him upon his forehead and blessed him, saying, May there be many Nazirites like thoc in Israel!" (Nuzlr, 46). "lie holy" was accordingly interpreted, "Exercise abstinence in order to arrive at purity arid holi ness" ( Aft. Zurah, 20&; Siphra , K dhoshlm). "Ab stain from everything evil and from whatever is like unto it" is a rule found in the Talm (ffnllin, 44/>), as also in the Did (3 1) a saying evidently based on Job 31 1, "Abstain from the lusts of the flesh and the world." The Mosaic laws concerning diet are all said by Rabh to be "for the purification of Israel" (Lev ~R. 13) "to train the Jew in self- discipline."

    The question of crowning interest and significance to us is, What attitude did Jesus take toward fast ing, or asceticism? The answer is to 6. The At- be sought in the light, first of His prac- titude of tice, and, secondly, of His teaching. Jesus to (1) His practice. Jesus has even

    Fasting been accounted "the Founder and

    Example of the ascetic life" (Clern. Alex., Strom, III, 6). By questionable emphasis upon His "forty days " fast, His abstinence from marriage and His voluntary poverty, some have reached the conclusion that complete renunciation of the things of the present was "the way of per fection according to the Saviour."

    A fuller and more appreciative study of Jesus life and spirit must bring us to a different conclu sion. Certainly His mode of life is sharply differ entiated in the Gospels, not only from that of the

    Abubus Access



    Pharisees, but also from that of John the Baptist. Indeed, He exhibited nothing of the asceticism of those illustrious Christian saints, St. Bernard and St. John of the Cross, or even of St. Francis, who "of all ascetics approached most nearly to the spirit of the Master." Jesus did not flee from t he world, or eschew the amenities of social life. He contributed to the joyousness of a marriage feast, accepted the hospitality of rich and poor, permitted a vase of very precious ointment to be broken and poured upon Ilis feet, welcomed the society of women, showed tender love to children, and clearly enjoyed the domestic life of the home in Bethany. There is no evidence that He imposed upon Him self any unnecessary austerities. The "forty days " fast (not mentioned in Mark, the oldest, authority) is not an exception to this rule, as it was rather a necessity imposed by His situation in the wilder ness than a self-imposed observance of a law of fasting (cf Christ s words concerning John the Baptist : "John came neither eating nor drinking"; see the article on "Asceticism," !)(. (!). At anv rate, lie is not here an example of the traditional asceticism. Ilestands forth throughout the (iospels "as the living type and embodiment of self-denial," yet the marks of the ascetic are not found in Him. His mode of life was, indeed, ,so unascetic as to bring upon Him the reproach of being "a gluttonous man and a winebibber" (Matthew, 11 19; Luke 7 34).

    (2) ///.s- ti iiclntty. Beyond question, it was, from first to last, "instinct with the spirit of self- denial." "If any man will come after me, let him deny himself," is an ever-recurring refrain of His teaching. "Seek ye first the kingdom of Cod," is ever His categorical imperative (Matthew 6 33 AY; Luke 12 31). This is to Him the nntnmi bnnnin all desires and strivings which have not this as their goal must be suppressed or sacrificed (cf Matthew 13 44-40; 19 21; Mark 10 21; Luke 9 59.00; 14 20 with Matthew 5 29.30; Mark 9 43-47; Matthew 16 24 f; Mark 8 34 f; Luke 9 23 f; and 14 33). In short, if any man find that the gratification of any desire of the higher or lower self will impede or distract him in the performance of his duties as a subject of the Kingdom, he must forego such gratification, if lie would be a disciple of Christ. "If it cause thee to stumble," is always the condition, implied or expressed, which justifies abstinence from any particular good.

    According to the record, Jesus alluded to fasting only twice in His teaching. In Matthew 6 Hi-lX, where voluntary fasting is presupposed as a reli gious exercise of Ilis disciples, He warns them against making it the occasion of a parade of piety: "Thou, when thou fastest, anoint thy head, and wash thy face; that thou be not seen of men to fast, but of thy Father who is in secret." In short, lie sanctions fasting only as a genuine ex pression of a devout and contrite frame of mind.

    In Matthew 9 14-17 ( Mark 2 18-22; Luke 6 33-39) in reply to the question of the disciples of John and of the Pharisees, Jesus refuses to enjoin fast ing, lie says fasting, as a recognized sign of mourning, would be inconsistent with the joy which "the sons of the bridechamber" naturally feel while "the bridegroom is with them." But, he adds, suggesting the true reason for fasting, that the days of bereavement will come, and then the outward expression of sorrow will be appropriate. Here, as in the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus sanc tions fasting, without enjoining it, as a form through which emotion may spontaneously seek expression. His teaching on the subject may be summarized in the one word, subordination (1)CG).

    To the form of fasting He attaches little impor tance, as is seen in the succeeding parables of the Old Garment and the Old Wine-skins. It will not

    do, He says, to graft the new liberty of the gospel on the body of old observances, and, yet more, to try to force the new system of life into the ancient molds. The new piety must manifest itself in new forms of its own making (Matthew 9 10.17; Mark 2 21. 22; Luke 5 30. 3S). Yet Jesus shows sympathy with the prejudices of the conservatives who cling to the customs of their fathers: "No man having drunk old wine desireth new; for he saith, The old is good." But to the question, Was Jesus an ascetic? we are bound to reply, No.

    "Asceticism," as Harnack says, "has no place in the gospel at all; what it asks is that we should struggle against Mammon, against care, against selfishness; what it demands and disengages is love -the love that serves and is self-sacrificing; and whoever encumbers Jesus message with any other kind of asceticism fails to understand it" (,, liut is Christianity? 88).

    On the whole, unquestionably, the practice and

    teachings of the apostles and early Christians were

    in harmony with the example and

    7. The teaching of the Master. But a tend-

    Practice ency, partly innate, partly trans-

    and Teach- mitted from Jewish legalism, and

    ing of the partly pagan, showed itself among

    Apostles their successors and gave rise to the

    Vila Religiosa and Dualism which

    found their fullest expression in Monasticism.

    It is worthy of note that the alleged words of Jesus: But this kind goeth not out save by prayer and fasting (Mark 9 29; Matthew 17 21 AV), are cor ruptions of the text, (Cf Tob 12 8; Sir 34 2(5; Luke 2 37). The Oxyrhynchus fragment (disc. 1897) contains a lot/ion with the words U-tjci JCNOUS, can i tip. iicstcuc.te ton kt tsninn, on mf hcnnie ten. bttnilci- an ton thcoi i: "Jesus saith, Except ye fast to the world, ye shall in no wise find the Kingdom of Cod," but the "fasting" here is clearly meta phorical.

    LiTKKATriiK. BiiiKham, Antiquities; west Bright, Some Aspects of 1 ri mitfi;- C/iurrf, Life (IS .)S); J. (). Haimay,

    Enc Tl,, ,,l., XLV, XLVI, 45, 40; Jew Enc, and Bible Dictionaries acl loc.


    ABUBUS, a-bu bus ("Apo^(3os, Aboubos): The father of Ptolemy, who deceitfully slew Simon Maccabee and his sons at Dok near Jericho (1 Mace

    16 11.15).

    ABUNDANCE, a-bun dans, ABUNDANT, a-bun dant, See AISOIND.

    ABUSE, a-bu//: "To dishonor," "to make mock of," "to insult," etc. (1) Tr 1 in the OT from bbj, *alal, "to do harm," "to defile" (Judges 19 25), "to make mock of" (1 Samuel 31 4). (2) Tr d in the NT from dpaevoKotTrjs, arscnokoites, lit. "one who lies with a male," "a sodomite" (1 Cor 6 9; 1 Tim 1 10; AV "for them that defile themselves with mankind"). (3) In AV 1 Cor 7 31 "as not abusing it," from /caraxpaojucu, kaiachrdomai, "to abuse," i.e. misuse; RV "using it to the full," also 1 Cor 9 18. See USeast

    ABYSS, a-bis , THE (TJ apv<ro-os, he dbussos): In classical Greek the word is always an adj., and is used (1) lit. "very deep," "bottomless"; (2) fig. "un fathomable," "boundless." "Abyss" does not occur in the AV but the RV so transliterates &pv<rcros in each case. The AV renders the Greek by "the deep" in two passages (Luke 8 31; Rom 10 7). In Rev the AV renders by "the bottomless pit" (9 1.2.11; 11 7;

    17 8; 20 1.3). In the LXX abussos is the render ing of the Hebrew word DinP (t e hom). According to




    Abubus Access

    primitive Sem cosmogony the earth was supposed to rest on a vast body of water which was the source of all springs of water and rivers (Genesis 1 2; Deuteronomy 8 7; Ps 24 2; 136 (i). This subterranean ocean is sometimes described as "the water under the earth" (Exodus 20 4; Deuteronomy 5 8). According to Job 41 32 fhdtn is the home of the leviathan in which he ploughs his hoary path of foam. The LXX never uses abussos as a rendering of ^"XTp, sh e dl ( = Sheol= Hatlcs) and probably t e hum never meant the "abode of the dead" which was the or dinary meaning of tihuol. In Ps 71 20 t hom is used fig., and denotes "many and sore troubles" through which the psalmist has passed (cf Jon 2 f>). But in the NT the word abuxxos means the "abode of demons." In Luke 8 31 the AV renders "into the deep" (Weymouth and The Twentieth Century NT = "into the bottomless pit"). The demons do not wish to be sent to their place of punishment before their destined time. Mark simply says "out of the country" (5 10). In Rom 10 7 the word is equivalent to Iltules, the abode of the dead. In Rev (where the AV renders invariably "the bottomless pit") uhuxxox denotes the abode of evil spirits, but not the place of final punishment; it is therefore to be dist inguished from the "lake of fire and brimstone" where the beast and the false prophet are, and into which the Devil is to be finally cast (19 20; 20 10). See also ASTRONOMY, III, 7. THOMAS LEWIS

    ABYSSINIA, ab-i-sin i-a. See ETHIOPIA.

    ACACIA, a-ka sha ("Iptp , shittah, the shittah tree of AV, Isaiah 41 19, and nBtp~iS37 , V/rf-.s/i itltih, acacia wood; shittah wood AY, Exodus 25 />.!(). 13; 26 IT). 20; 27 1.0; Deuteronomy 10 3.): X hit tali (=shintah) is equivalent to the Arab, sant which is now the name of ,,ie-Acd- cia Nilolica(,(), Leguminosae), but no doubt the name once in cluded other species of desert acacias. If one particular spe cies is indicated in the OT it is probably the Acacia Kcyal the Arab. 8eyi/al which yields the well-known gum-arabic. This tree, which has finely bipinnate leaves and glob- ular flowers, grows to a height of twenty feet or more, and i t s stem may some times reach two feet in < hickness. The tree often assumes a characteristic umbrella-like form. The wood is close-grained and is not readily attacked by insects. It would be well suited for such purposes as described, the construction of the ark of the covenant, the altar and boarding of the tabernacle. Even today these trees survive in con siderable; numbers around *Ain Jidy and in the val leys to the south. east ,V. (i. MASTEKMAN

    ACATAN, ak a-tan. See AKATAN (Apoc).

    Shittim Wood Acacia Seyal.

    ACCABA, ak a-ba, ak-a ba (B, AKKa(3d, AkkaM; A, Tapd, Cuba; AV Agaba) = Hagab (Ezra 2 46); see also HAGABA (Xeh 7 48): The descendants of A. (temple-servants) returned with Zerubbabel to Jems (1 Esdras 5 30).

    ACCAD, ak ad, ACCADIANS, ak-a di-ans. See BABYLONIA.

    ACCARON, ak a-ron ( Adaptor, Akkani): Mentioned in 1 Mace 10 89 AV; a town of the Philistines, known as Ekron Cj"P.p", Y/.TO//) in OT, which King Alexander gave to Jonathan Macca- baeus as a reward for successful military service in western Pal. It. is also mentioned in the days of the Crusades. See EKKOX.

    ACCEPT, ak-sept , ACCEPTABLE, ak-sep ta-b l, ACCEPTATION, ak-sep-ta -shun: "To receive with favor," "to take pleasure in"; "well-pleasing"; "the act of receiving."

    Accept, used (1) of sacrifice, "a. thy burnt- sacrifice" CjTEn , ildnhcn, "accept, as fat," i.e. receive favorably; Ps 20 3); (2) of persons, "Jell a. Job" (Job 42 9, Xte3, ?/.su ,. "to lift up," "take," "re ceive"); (3) of works, "a. the work of his hands" (Deuteronomy, 33 11 run, rtlQuh, "to de-light in"). In NT (1) of favors, "We a with all thankful ness" (&iro8tx o f JMl , apodechomai, Acts 24 3); (2) of jKTsonal appeal, "He a. our exhortation" (2 Cor 8 17); (3) of God s impartiality (Ao/^Sdvw, Zarttfcdno, "to take," "receive"); "accepteth not man s per son" (Gal 2 G).

    Acceptable, used (1) of justice (irQ , bdhar,

    "choose, select"), "more a than sacrifice"

    (Proverbs 21 3); (2) of words ("EH, hephrc,, "delight in," "sought .... a. words" (Eccl 12 10); (3) of timers ("iT , ra(;dn, "delight," "approbation"; 5e/cr6s, deldoK, "receivable") "a. year of the Lord" (Isaiah 61 2|AV]; Luke 4 19); (4) of spiritual sacrifice (evirpbffSeKTos, euprdsdcktos, "well received"), "a. to God" (1 Pet 2 o); (.">) of patient endurance (xp s, charts, "grace," "favor") "This is a. with God" (1 Pet 2 20).

    Acceptation, used twice to indicate the trust worthiness of the gospel of Christ s saving grace: "worthy of all a." (1 Tim 1 1.5; 4 9).

    These words are full of the abundant grace of God and are rich in comfort to believers. That which makes man, in word, work and character, acceptable to God , and renders it possible for God to (KT( /if him, his service 1 and sacrifice 1 , is the ful- ne ss of the 1 Divine 1 mercy and grace and forgive ness. He 1 "chose us" and made 1 us, as adopted sons, the heirs of His grace 1 "which lie 1 freely be st e>weel on us in the Beloved" (Eph 1 G; cf AY).


    ACCEPTANCE, ak-scp -tans: A rendering of ihe II eb p3n , r f(ln, "elelight," found only in Isaiah 60 7. It pictures God s delight in His redeemed pee>])le in the 1 Messianic era, when their gifts, in joyful and profuse abundance 1 , "shall come up with ae-evplance em mine 1 altar." With "accepteel" and othe-r kinelreel words it. implies redeeming grace as the 1 basis of Divine 1 favor. It is the "living, holy sacrifie-e" that is "acceptable 1 to Goel" (Rom 12 1; cf Titus 3 4-0).

    ACCESS, ak ses (irpocra-yto-yTi, prosagogt, "a lead ing to or toward," "approach"): Thrice useel in the NT to indicate the; acceptable way of ap- proach to God and of admission to His favor. Jesus saiel, "I am the way" (John 14 G). His blexxl is the "new and living way" (He 1 10 20). Only thremgh Him have we "a. by faith inte) this grace

    Acco Accommodation




    wherein we stand" (Rom 5 2); "Through him we both have a. by one Spirit unto the Father" (Eph 2 18 AV); "in whom we have .... a. in confidence, through our faith in him" (Eph 3 12).

    The goal of redemption is life in (lod, "unto the Father." The means of redemption is the cross of Christ, "in whom we have our redemption through his blood" (Eph 1 7). The agent in redemption is the Holy Spirit, "by one Spirit," "sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise" (Eph 1 13). The human instrumentality, faith. The whole process of approach to, and abiding fellowship with, Clod is summed up in this brief sentence: Access to the Father, through Christ, by the Spirit, by faith.


    ACCO, ak o 02?, ,ikkd; Aicxw, Akcho; IlToX.(j.a is, Ake. Plolemu is; Modern Arab. *Akkd, Eng. Acre; AV Accho) : A town on the Syrian coast a few miles north of Carmel, on a small promontory on the north side of a broad bay that lies between it and the modern town of Haifa. This bay furnishes the best anchorage for ships of any on this coast except that of St. George, at Beirut, and Alexandretta at the extreme north. As the situation commanded the approach from the sea to the rich plain of Esdraeloii and also the coast route from the north, the city was regarded in ancient times of great importance and at various periods of history was the scene of severe struggles for its possession. It fell within the bounds assigned to the Israelites, particularly to the tribe of Asher, but they were never able to take it (Joshua 19 24-31; Judges 1 31). It was, like Tyre and Sidon, too strong for them to attack and it became indeed a fortress of unusual strength, so that it withstood many a siege, often baffling its assailants. In the period of the Crusades it was the most famous stronghold on the coast, and in very early times it, was a place of importance and appears in the Am Tab as a possession of the Egyp kings. Its gov ernor wrote to his suzerain professing loyalty when the northern towns were falling away (Am Tab 17 BM, 95 B). The Egyp suzerainty over the coast, which was established by Thothmes 111 about 1480 BC, was apparently lost in the 14th cent., as is indicated in Am Tab, but was regained under Seti 1 and his more famous son Rameses II in the 13th, to be again lost in the 12th when the Phoen towns seem to have established their independence. Sidon however surpassed her sisters in power and exercised a sort of hegemony over the Phoen towns, at least in the south, and A. was included in it (Rawl. Phoenicia, 407-8). But when Assyria came upon the scene it had to submit to this power, although it revolted when ever Assyria became weak, as appears from the mention of its subjugation by Sennacherib (ib 449), and by Asshur-bani-pal (ib 458). The latter "quieted" it by a wholesale massacre and then carried into captivity the remaining inhabitants. Upon the downfall of Assyria it passed, together with other Phoen towns, under the dominion of Babylon and then of Persia, but we have no records of its annals during that period; but it followed the fortunes of the more important cities, Tyre and Sidon. In the Seleucid period (BC 312-65) the town became of importance in the contests between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies. The latter occupied it during the struggles that succeeded the death of Alexander and made it their stronghold on the coast and changed the name to PTOLEMAIS, by which it was known in the Greek and Rom period as we see in the accounts of the Greek and Rom writers and in Jos, as well as in NT (1 Mace 6 22; 10 39; 12 48; Acts 21 7). The old name still con tinued locally and reasserted itself in later times.

    The Ptolemies held undisputed possession of the place for about 70 years but it was wrested from them by Antiochus III, of Syria, in 219 BC and went, into the permanent possession of the Seleucids after the decisive victory of Antiochus over Scopas in that year, the result of which was the expulsion of the Ptolemies from Syria, Pal and Phoenicia (Ant, XII, iii, 3). In the dynastic struggles of the Seleucids it fell into the hands of Alexander Bala, who there received the hand of Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy Philometor, as a pledge of alliance between them (ib XIII, iv, 1). Tigranes, king of Armenia, besieged it on his invasion of Syria, but was obliged to relinquish it on the ap proach of the Romans toward his own dominions ( BJ , I, v, 3). Under the Romans Ptolemais became a colony and a metropolis, as is known from its coins, and was of importance, as is attested by Strabo. But the events that followed the con quests of the Saracens, leading to the Crusades, brought it into great prominence. It was cap tured by the Crusaders in 1110 AD, and remained in their hands until 1187, when it was taken from them by Saladin and its fortifications so strength ened as to render it almost impregnable. The importance of this fortress as a key to the Holy Land was considered so great by the Crusaders that they put forth every effort during two years to recapture it, but all in vain until the arrival of Richard Ccxmr tie Lion and Philip Augustus with reinforcements, and it was only after the most strenuous efforts on their part that the place fell into their hands; but it cost them 100, 000 men. The fortifications were repaired and it was after ward commit tetl to the charge of the knights of St. .John, by whom it was held for 100 years and received the name of St . Jean d Acre. It was finally taken by the Saracens in 1291, being the last place held by the Crusaders in Pal.

    It declined after this and fell into the hands of the Ottomans under Selim 1 in 1510, and re mained mostly in ruins until the 18th cent., when it came into the possession of Jez/ar Pasha, who usurped the authority over it and the neighboring district and became practically independent of the Sultan and defied his authority. In 1799 it was attacked by Napoleon but was bravely and successfully defended by the Turks with the help of the English fleet, and Napoleon had to abandon the siege after he had spent two months before it and gained a victory over the Turkish army at Tabor. It enjoyed a considerable degree of pros perity after this until 1831 when it was besieged by Ibrahim Pasha, of Egypt, and taken, but only after a siege of more than five months in which it suffered the tlest ruction of its walls and many of its buildings. It continued in the hands of the Egyptians until 1840 when it was restored to the Ottomans by the English whose fleet nearly reduced it to ruins in the bombardment. It has recovered somewhat since then and is now a town of some 10,000 inhabitants and the seat of a Mutasarrifiyet, or subdivision of the Vilayet of Beirut. It con tains one of the state prisons of the Vilayet, where long-term prisoners are incarcerated. Its former commerce has been almost wholly lost to the town of Haifa, on the south side of the bay, since the latter has a fairly good roadstead, while Acre has none, and the former being the terminus of the railway which connects with the interior and the Damascus-Mecca line, it has naturally supplanted Acre as a center of trade. H. PORTER

    ACCOMMODATION, a-kom-mo-da shun :


    1. Three Uses of the Term

    2. The Importance of the Subject




    Acco Accommodation


    1. Interpretation a Science

    2. Scientific Accommodation


    1. Allegory in Scripture

    2. Hidden Truths of Scripture

    3. Prophecy and Its Fulfilment

    4. Conclusion


    1. General Principles

    2. Accommodation a Feature of Progressive Reve lation

    3. The Limits of Revelation

    4. The Outcome of Revelation

    f>. The Question as to Christ s Method LITERATURE

    /. Introductory. The term "accommodation" is used in three senses which demand careful discrim ination and are worthy of separate

    1. Three treatment: (1) (.he use or application Uses of the of a Script ure reference in a sense Term other than the obvious and literal one

    which lay in the mind and intent of the writer; (2) the theory that, a passage, according to its original intent, may have more than one meaning or application; (3) the general principle of adaptation on the part, of Cod in His self-reve lation to man s mental and spiritual capacity.

    Important issues are involved in the discussion of this subject in each of the three divisions thus

    naturally presented to us in thevari-

    2, The Im- ous uses of the term. These issues portance of culminate in the supremely impor- the Subject tant principles which underlie the

    question of Clod s adaptation of His revelation to men.

    //. Accommodated Application of Scripture Passages. It is obvious (hat the nature of thought

    and of language is such as to const i-

    1. Interpre- tute for all human writings, among tation a which the Bible, as a document to be Science understood, must be placed, a science

    of interpretation with a definite body of laws which cannot be violated or set aside with out confusion and error. This excludes the inde terminate and arbitrary exegesis of any passage 1 . It must be interpreted with precision and in accordance with recognized laws of interpretation. The first and most fundamental of these laws is that a passage is to be interpreted in accordance with the intent of the writer in so far as that can be ascertained. The, obvious, literal and original meaning always has the right of way. All arbi trary twisting of a passage in order to obtain from it new and remote meanings not justified by the context is unscientific and misleading.

    There is, however, a scientific and legitimate use of the principle of accommodation. For ex ample, it is impossible to determine

    2. Scientific beforehand that a writer s specific Accommo- application of a general principle is dation the only one of which it is capable.

    A bald and literal statement of fact may involve a general principle which is capable of broad and effective application in other spheres than that originally contemplated. It is perfectly legitimate to detach a writer s statement from its context of secondary and incidental detail and give it a harmonious setting of wider application. It will be seen from this that legitimate accommoda tion involves two things: (1) the acceptance of the author s primary and literal meaning; (2) the extension of that meaning through the establish ment of a broader context identical in principle with the original one. In the article on QUOTA TIONS IN NT (q.v.) this use of the term accommoda tion, here treated in the most general terms, is dealt with in detail. See also INTERPRETATIOnorth

    ///. Double Reference in Scripture. The second use of the term accommodation now emerges for

    discussion. Are we to infer the presence of double reference, or secondary meanings in Scripture? Here again we must distinguish between the legiti mate and illegitimate application of a principle. While we wisely deprecate the tendency to look upon Scripture passages as cryptic utterances, we must also recognize that many Scripture references may have more than a single application.

    We must recognize in the Scriptures the use of

    allegory, the peculiar quality of which, as a form of

    literature, is the double reference

    1. Allegory which it contains. To interpret the in Scripture story of the Bramble-King (Judges 9

    7-1") or the Parables of Our Lord without reference to the double meanings which they involve would be as false and arbitrary as any extreme of allegorizing. The double meaning is of the essence of the literary expression. This does not mean, of course, that the poetry of the Bible, even that of the Prophets and Apocalyptic writers, is to be looked upon as allegorical. On the contrary, only that writing, whether prose or poetry, is to be interpreted in any other than its natural and obvious sense, in connection with which we have definite indications of its allegorical char acter. Figures of speech and poetical expressions in general, though not intended to be taken literally because (hey belong to the poetical form, are not to be taken as having occult, references and alle gorical meanings. Dr. A. B. Davidson thus char acterizes the prophetic style (OT I m/i/ircy, 171; see whole chapter): "Prophecy is poetical, but it is not allegorical. The language of prophecy is real as opposed to allegorical, and poetical as opposed to real. When the prophets speak of natural objects or of lower creatures, they do not mean human things by them, or human beings, but these natural objects or creatures themselves. When Joel speaks of locusts, he means those creatures. When he speaks of the sun and moon and stars, he means those bodies." Allegory, therefore, which contains the double reference, in the sense of speaking of one thing while meaning another, is a definite and recognizable literary form with its own proper laws of interpretation. See ALLEGORY.

    There is progress in the understanding of Scrip ture. New reaches of truth are continually being brought to light. By legitimate and

    2. Hidden natural methods hidden meanings are Truths of being continually discovered. Scripture (1) It is a well-attested fact that

    apart from any supernatural factor a writer sometimes speaks more wisely than he knows. He is the partially unconscious agent for the expression of a great truth, not only for his own age, but for all time. It is not often given to such a really great writer or to his age to recognize all the implications of his thought. Depths of meaning hidden both from (he original writer and from earlier interpreters may be disclosed by moving historical sidelights. The element of permanent value in great literature is due to the fact that the writer utters a greater truth than can exhaustively be known in any one era. It belongs to all time.

    (2) The supernatural factor which has gone to the making of Scripture that no one man or group of men, that not all men together, can know it exhaustively. It partakes of the inex- haustibleness of God. It is certain, therefore, that it will keep pace with the general progress of man, exhibiting new phases of meaning as it moves along the stream of history. Improved exegetical appa ratus and methods, enlarged apprehensions into widening vistas of thought and knowledge, increased insight under the tutelage of the Spirit in the growing Kingdom of God, will conspire to draw





    up now meanings from the depths of Scripture. The thought of Clod in any given expression of truth can only be progressively and approximately known by human beings who begin in ignorance and must be taught what they know.

    (3) The supernatural factor in revelation also implies a twofold thought, in every important or fundamental statement of Scripture: the thought of Cod uttered through His Spirit to a man or his generation, and that sdinc thought with reference to the coining ages and to the whole truth which is to be disclosed. Every separate item belonging to an organism of truth would naturally have a twofold reference: first, its significance alone and of itself; second, its significance with reference to the whole of which it is a part. As all great Scriptural truths are thus organically related, it follows that no one of them can be fully known apart from all the others. From which it follows also that in a process of gradual revelation where truths are given successively as men are able to receive them and where each successive truth prepares the way for others which are to follow, every earlier statement, will have two ranges of meaning and application that which is intrinsic and that which flows from its connection with the entire organism of unfolding truth which finally appears.

    (1) The principles thus far expressed carry us a certain way toward an answer to the most impor tant question which arises under this

    3. Prophecy division of the general topic: the and Its Ful- relation between the OT and the XT filment through prophecy and its fulfilment.

    Four specific points of connection in volving the principles of prophetic anticipation and historical realization in the career of Jesus are alleged by NT writers. They are of vital impor tance, inasmuch as these four groups of interpreta tions involve the most important _ elements of the OT and practically the entire NT interpretation of Jesus.

    (2) (a) The promise made to Abraham (den 12 1-3; cf 13 14-1S; 15 1 -0, etc) and repeated in substance at intervals during the history of Israel (see Exodus 6 7; Lev 26 12; Deuteronomy 26 17 10; 29 12.13; 2 Samuel 7; 1 Chronicles 17, etc) is interpreted as having reference to the distant, future and as fulfilled in Christ (see Gal 3 for example of this interpreta tion, esp. ver 14; also QUOTATIONS IN NT).

    (6) The OT system of .sacrifice s is looked upon as typical and symbolic, hence, predictive and realized in the death of Christ interpreted as atone ment for sin (He 10, etc).

    (c) References in the OT to kings or a king of David s line whose advent, and reign are spoken of are interpreted as definite predictions fulfilled in the advent and career of Jesus the Messiah (Ps 2, 16, 22, 110; cf Luke 1 69, etc).

    O/) The prophetic conception of the servant of JAH (Isaiah 42 If; 44 If; 52 1353 12; cf Acts 8 32-35) is interpreted as being an anticipatory description of the character and work of Jesus centering in His vicarious sin-bearing death.

    (3) With the details of interpretation as involved in the specific use of OT statements we are not concerned here (see "QUOTATIONS," etc) but only with the general principles which underlie all such uses of the OT. The problem is: Can we thus interpret any passage or group of passages in the OT without being guilty of what has been called "pedantic supernaturalism"; that is, of distorting Scripture by interpreting it without regard to its natural historical connections? Is the interpre tation of the OT Messianically legitimate or ille gitimate accommodation?

    (a) It is a widely accepted canon of modern

    interpretation that the institutions of OT worship and the various messages of the prophets had an intrinsic contemporary significance.

    (b) But, this is not to say that its meaning and value are exhausted in that immediate contem porary application. Beyond question the prophet was a man with a message to Jus own age, but there is nothing incompatible, in that fact, with his having a message, the full significance of which reaches beyond his own age, even into the far dis tant future. It would serve to clear the air in this whole region if it were only understood that it is precisely upon its grasp of the future that the lever age of a great message for immediate moral uplift rests. The predictive element is a vital part of the contemporary value.

    (c) The material given under the preceding analysis may be dealt with as a whole on the basis of a principle fundamental to the entire OT economy, namely: that each successive age in the history of Israelis dealt with on the basis of truth common to the entire movement of which the history of Israel is but a single phase. It is further to be remembered that relationship between the earlier and later parts of the Bible is one of organic and essential unity, both doctrinal and historical. By virtue of this fact the predictive element is an essential factor in the doctrines and institutions of the earlier dispensation as originally constituted and dclircri il, hence forming a part of its contem porary significance and value, both pointing to the future and preparing the way for it. In like manner, the element, of fulfilment is an essential element of the later dispensation as the completed outcome of the movement begun long ages before. Prediction and fulfilment are essential factors in any unified movement begun, advanced and com pleted according to a single plan in successive periods of time. We have now but to apply this principle in general to the OT material already in hand to reach definite and satisfactory conclusions.

    (4) (n) The promise maele to Abraham was a living message addressed elire ctly to him in the immediate e-ireninistances of his life upem which the delivery and aereptane-e of the 1 promise made- a permanent impress; but it was of vaster proportions than e ouM be re-alize d within the compass of a single human life>; for it includeel himself, his pos terity, and all mankind in a single- circle 1 of promised blessing. So far as the patriarch was concerned the immediate-, ce>nte>mporary value of the promise lay in the fact that it, ceme-e rueel him not alone but in relationship to the future and te> mankind. A prediction was thus imbe-eldeel in the- very heart of the word of (!e>el which was the obje-e-t of his faith a prediction whie-h served to ensphere his life in the plan e>f ( Joel for all mankind and to fasten his ambition to the service of that plan. The promise was predictive in its e-ssence and in its contemporary meaning (see Beecher, Prophets and Promise, 213).

    (b) So also it is with the Messianic King. The Kingdom as an institution in Israel is described from the beginning as the perpetual mediatorial reign of God upon earth (see Exodus 19 3-0; 2 Samuel 7 8-10, etc), and the King in whom the Kingdom centers is God s Son (2 Samuel 7 13.15) and earthly representative. In all this there is much that is immediate ly contemporaneous. The Kingdom and the Kingship are ele>scribed in terms of the ideal and that ideal is useel in every age as the ground of immediate appeal to loyalty and devotion on the part of the King. None the less the predictive element lie>s at the center of the representation. The very first recorded expression of the Messianic promise to Daviel involves the prediction of uncon ditioned perpetuity to his house, and thus grasps





    the entire future. More than this, the character istics, the functions, the dignities of the king are so described (I s 102; Isaiah 9 6.7) as to make it clear that the conditions of the Kingship could be met only by an uniquely endowed person coining forth from God and exercising divine functions in a world wide spiritual empire. Such a King being described and such a Kingdom being promised, the recipients of it, of necessity, were set to judge the present and scrutinize the future for its realization. The conception is, in its original meaning and expression, essentially predictive.

    (c) Very closely allied with this conception of the Messianic King is the prophetic ideal of the Serv ant of JAH. Looked at in its original context we at once discover that it is the ideal delineation of a mediatorial service to men in behalf of JAH which has a certain meaning of fulfilment in any person who exhibits the Divine character by teaching the truth and ministering to human need (for application of the term see Isaiah 49 o.ii.T; 60 10; esp. 45 1). But the service is described in such exalted terms, the devotion exacted by it is so high, that, in the application of the ideal as a test to the present and to the nation at large, the mind is inevitably thrown into the future and centered upon a supremely endowed individual to come, who is by preeminence the Servant of JAH.

    (<l) The same principle may be applied with equal effectiveness to the matter of Israel s sacri ficial system. In the last two instances this fact emerged: No truth and no institution can ex haustively be known until it has run a course in history. For example, the ideas embodied in the Messianic Kingship and the conception of the Servant of JAH could be known only in the light of history. Only in view of the actual struggles and failures of successive kings and successive generations of the people to realize such ideals could their full significance be disclosed. More over, only by historic process of preparation could such ideals ultimately be realized. This is pre eminently true of the OT sacrifices. It is clear that the NT conception of the significance of OT sacrifice in connection with the death of Christ is based upon the belief that the idea embodied in the original institution could be fulfilled only in the voluntary sacrifice of Christ (see He 10 1-M). This view is justified by the facts. Dr. Davidson (op. cit., 239) holds that the predictive element in the OT sacrifices lay in their imperfection. This imperfection, while inherent, could be revealed only in experience. As they gradually deepened a sense of need which they could not satisfy, more and more 1 clearly they pointed away from them selves to that transact ion which alone could realize in fact what they express in symbol. A harmony such as obtained between OT sacrifice and the death of Christ could only be the result of design. It is all one movement, one fundamental operation; historically prefigured and prepared for by antici pation, and historically realized. OT sacrifice was instituted both to prefigure and to prepare the way for the sacrifice of Christ in the very process of fulfilling its natural historic function in the economy of Israel.

    The total outcome of the discussion is this: the interpretation of these representative OT ideas and institutions as referring to 4. Con- Christ and anticipating His advent elusion is no illegitimate use of the principle

    of accommodation. The future ref erence which takes in the entire historical process which culminates in Christ lies within the immediate and original application and constitutes an essen tial element of its contemporary value. The original statement is in its very nature predictive

    and is one in doctrinal principle and historic con tinuity with that which forms its fulfilment.

    IV. Accommodation in Revelation. (1) It is

    evident that Clod s revelation to men must be con veyed in comprehensible terms and

    1. General adjusted to the nature of the human Principles understanding. That is clearly not

    a revelation which does riot reveal. A disclosure of God s character and ways to men involves the use and control of the human spirit in accordance with its constitution and laws. The doctrine of inspiration inseparable from that of revelation implies such a divine control of human faculties as to enable them, still freely working within their own normal sphere, to apprehend and interpret truth otherwise beyond their reach.

    (2) The Bible teaches that in the height and depth of His being God is unsearchable. His mind and the human mind are quantitatively incommensurable. Man cannot by searching find out God. His ways are not our ways and His thoughts are not our thoughts.

    (3) But, on the other hand, the Bible affirms with equal emphasis the essential qualitative kinship of the divine and the human constitutions. God is spirit man is spirit also. Man is made in the image of God and made to know God. These two principles together affirm the necessity and the possibility of revelation. Revelation, con sidered as an exceptional order of experience due to acts of God performed with the purpose of making Himself known in personal relationship with man, is necessary because man s finite nature needs guidance. Revelation is possible because man is capable of such guidance. The Bible affirms that God s thoughts are not our thoughts, but that they may become ours because God can utter them so that we can receive them.

    (4) These two principles lead to a most impor tant conclusion. In all discussions of the principle of accommodation it is to be remembered that the capacity of the human mind to construct does not measure its capacity to receive and appropriate. The human mind can be taught what it cannot independently discover. No teacher is limited by the capacity of his pupils to deal unaided with a subject of study. He is limited only by their capacity to follow him in his processes of thought and exposition. The determining factor in reve lation, which is a true educative process, is the mind of Clod which stamps itself upon the kindred and plastic mind of man.

    (1) The beginnings of revelation. Since man s

    experience is organically conditioned he is under

    the law of growth. His entire mental

    2. Accom- and spiritual life is related to his modation a. part and lot in the kingdom of organ- Feature of isms. The very laws of his mind Progressive reveal themselves only upon occasion Revelation in experience. While it is true that

    his tendencies are innate, so that he is compelled to think and to feel in certain definite ways, yet it is true that he can neither think nor feel at all except as experience presents material for thought and applies stimulus to feeling. Man must live in order to learn. He must, therefore, learn gradually. This fact conditions all revela tion. Since it must deal with men it must be progressive, and since it must be progressive it must necessarily involve, in its earlier stages, the principle of accommodation. In order to gain access to man s mind it must take him where he is and link itself with his natural aptitudes and native modes of thought. Since revelation in volves the endeavor to form in the mind of man the idea of God in order that a right relationship with Him may be established, it enters both the




    intellectual and moral life of (lie human race and must, accommodate Itself to (he humble beginnings of early human experience. The chief problem of revelat ion seems to have been to bring these crude beginnings within the scope of a movement the aim and end of which is perfection. The appli cation of the principle of accommodation to early human experience with a view to progress is accomplished by doing what at first, thought seema to negate the very principle upon which the mental and moral life of man must permanently rest. (d) It involves the authoritative revelations of incomplete and merely tentative truths, (b) It involves also the positive enactment of rudimen tary and imperfect morality.

    In both these particulars Scripture has accom modated itself to crude early notions and placed the seal of authority upon principles which are outgrown and discarded within the limits of Scrip ture itself. But in so doing Scripture has saved the very interests it has seemed to imperil by virtue of two features of the human constitution which in themselves l<iy hold u/xi/t perfection and serve to bind together the crude beginnings and the mature achievements of the human race. These two principles are (c) the idea of truth; (<l) the idea of obligation.

    (2) It is mainly due to these two factors of human nature that any progress in truth and conduct is possible to men. ,Yhat is 1 rue or right in matter of specific fact varies in the judgment of different individuals and of different ages. But the august and compelling twin convictions of truth and right, as absolute, eternal, authoritative, are present from the beginning of human history to the end of it. Scripture seizes upon the fact that these great ideas may be enforced through crude human conceptions and at very rudimentary stages of culture, and enforcing them by means of revelation and imperative law brings man to the test of truth and right and fosters his advance to larger conceptions and broader applications of both fundamental principles. Canon Mozley in discussing this principle of accommodation on its moral side, its necessity and its fruit fulness, says: "How can the law properly fulfil its object of cor recting and improving the moral standard of men, unless it first maintains in obligation the standard which already exists? Those crudely delineated conceptions, which it tends ultimately to purify and raise, it must first impose" (Riding Ideas in Early Ages, 1S3; cf Alt 5 17 with 21.27.33).

    Since the chief end of revelation is to form the mind of man with reference to the purpose and will of God to the end that man may enter 3. The into fellowship with (lod, the question

    Limits of arises as to how far revelation will be Revelation accommodated by the limitation of its sphere. How far does it seek to form the mind and how far does it leave the mind to its own laws and to historical educative forces? Four foundation principles seem to be sufficiently clear: (a) Revelation accepts and uses at every stage of its history such materials from the common stock of human ideas as are true and of permanent worth. The superstructure of revelation rests upon a foundation of universal and fundamental human convictions. It appeals continually to the rooted instincts and regulative ideas of the human soul deeply implanted as a preparation for reve lation. (6) Regard is paid in Scripture to man s nature as free and responsible. He is a rational being who must be taught through persuasion; he is a moral being who must be controlled through his conscience and will. There must be, there fore, throughout the process of revelation an ele ment of free, spontaneous, unforced life in and

    through which the supernatural factors work. (r) Revelation must have reference, even in its earliest phases of development, to the organism of truth as a whole. What is actually given at any time must contribute its quota to the ultimate summing up and completion of the entire process. (d) Revelation must guard against injurious errors which trench upon essential and vital matters. In short, the consistency and integrity of the move ment through which truth is brought to disclosure must sacredly be guarded; while, at the same time, since it is God and man who are coming to know each other, revelation must be set in a broad environment of human life and entrusted to the processes of history. See REVELATIOnorth

    It is now our task briefly to notice how in Scrip ture these interests are safeguarded. We must

    notice (a) the principle of accommo- 4. The dation in general. It has often been

    Outcome of pointed out that in every book of the Revelation Bible the inimitable physiognomy of

    the writer and the age is preserved; that the Biblical language with reference to Nature is the language of phenomena; that its doctrines are stated vividly, tropically, concretely and in the forms of speech natural to the age in which they were uttered; that its historical documents are, for the most part, artless annals of the ancient oriental type; that it contains comparatively little infor mation concerning Nature or man which antici pates scientific discovery or emancipates the religious man who accepts it as a guide from going to school to Nature and human experience for such information. All this, of course, without touching upon disputed points or debated questions of fact, involves, from the point of view of the Divine mind to which all things are known, and of the human mind to which certain facts of Nature hidden in antiquity have been disclosed, the principles of accommodation. Over against this we must set certain contrasting facts:

    (b) The Scripture shows a constant tendency to transcend itself and to bring the teaching of the truth to a higher level. The simple, primitive ideas and rites of the patriarchal age are succeeded by the era of organized national life; with its ideal of unity and the intensified sense of national calling and destiny under the leadership of God. The national idea of church and kingdom broadens out into the universal conception and world-wide mission of Christianity. The sacrificial symbolism of the OT gives way to the burning ethical realities of the Incarnate Life. The self-limitation of the Incarnation broadens out into the world-wide potencies of the era of the Spirit who uses the letter of Scripture as the instrument of His universal ministry. It is thus seen that by the progressive method through a cumulative process God has gradually transcended the limitation of His instru ments while at the same time He has continuously broadened and deepened the Spirit of man to receive His self-disclosure.

    (c) More than this, Scripture throughout is marked by a certain distinct and unmistakable quality of timelessness. It continually urges and suggests the infinite, the eternal, the unchangeable. It is part of the task of revelation to anticipate so as to guide progress. At every stage it keeps the minds of men on the stretch with a truth that they are not able at that stage easily to apprehend. The inexhaustible vastness and the hidden fulness of truth are everywhere implied. Prophets and Apostles are continually in travail with truths brought to their own ages from afar. The great fundamental verities of Scripture are stated with uncompromising fulness and finality. There is no accommodation to human weakness or error.




    Its ideals, its standards, its conditions are absolute and inviolate.

    Not only has Israel certain fundamental ideas which are peculiar to herself, but there has been an organizing spirit, an "unique spirit of inspi ration" which has modified and transformed the materials held by her in common with her Sem kindred. Even her inherited ideas and institu tions are transformed and infused with new mean ings. We note the modification of Sem customs, as for example in blood revenge, by which savagery has been mitigated and evil associations eliminated. We note the paucity of mythological material. If the stories of Adam, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Samson were originally mythological they have ceased to be such in the Bible. They have been humanized and stripped of superhuman features. (See "Fable," IIGHL, 220 if.)

    If we yield to the current hypothesis as to the Babylonian background of the narratives in Genesis, we are still more profoundly impressed with that unique assimilative power, working in Israel, which has enabled the Biblical writers to eradicate the deep-seated polytheism of the Babylonian documents and to stamp upon them the inimitable features of their own high monotheism (see BABYLONIA). We note the reserve of Scripture, the constant restraint exercised upon the imagination, the chastened doctrinal sobriety in the Bible references to angels and demons, in its Apocalyptic; imagery, in its Messianic promises, in its doctrines of rewards and punishments. In all these particulars the Bible stands unique by contrast, not merelv with popular thought, but with the extra-canonical lit. of the Jewish people (see DEMONS, etc).

    We come at this point upon a most central and difficult problem. It is, of course, alleged that Christ adopted the attitude of con- 6. The currence, which was also one of ac-

    Question as commodation, in popular views con- to Christ s cerning angels and demons, etc. It Method is disputed whether this goes back to the essential accommodation in volved in the self-limiting of the Incarnation so that as man He should share the views of His contemporaries, or whether, with wider knowledge, He accommodated Himself for pedagogical pur poses to erroneous views of the untaught people about Him (sec DCC, art. "Accommodation"). The question is complicated by our ignorance of the facts. We cannot say that Jesus accommo dated Himself to the ignorance of the populace unless we are ready to pronounce authoritatively upon the truth or falseness of the popular theory. It is not our province in this article to enter upon that discussion (see INCARNATION and KENOSIS). We can only point out that the reserve of the NT and the absence of all imaginative extravagance shows that if accommodation has been applied it is most strictly limited in its scope. In this it is in harmony with the entire method of Scripture, where the ignorance of men is regarded in the pre sentation of God s truth, while at the same time their growing minds are protected against the errors which would lead them astray from the direct path of progress into the whole truth reserved in the Divine counsel.

    LITERATUReast (a) For the first division of the subject consult standard works on Science of Interpretation and Homilotics sub loo.

    (b) For second division, among others, Dr A B Davidson, OT Prophecy; Dr. Willis J. Bcecher, Prophets ana Promise.

    (r) For the. third division, the most helpful single work is the one quoted: Mozley, Kiilinn I,I,;IK in Early Ayes, published by Longmans as "OT Lectures."


    ACCOMPLISH, a-korn plish: Richly repre sented m the OT by seven Hebrew synonyms and in

    Accommodation Accountability

    the NT by five Greek (AV); signifying in Hebrew (1) "to complete" (Lam 4 11); (2) "to fulfil" (Daniel 9 2); (3) "to execute" (1 Kings 5 9); (4) "to set apart" i.e. "consecrate" (Lev 22 21); (5) "to establish" (Jeremiah 44 25 AV); (G) "to have pleasure in" (Job 14 0); (7) "to perfect" (Ps 64 0); in Greek (1) "to finish" (Acts 21 5); (2) "to bring to an end" (He 9 G); (3) "to be fulfilled" (Luke 2 G); (4) "to fill out" (Luke 9 31); (5) "to complete" (Luke 12 50).

    ACCORD, a-k.lrd , ACCORDING, ACCORD INGLY, a-kord ing-li: In OT HS , pch, "mouth," "to fight with one accord" (Joshua 9 2). " E^, l e phl, "according to the mouth of," "according to their families" (Genesis 47 12, "ace. to [the number of] their little ones" RVm). In Isaiah 59 18 the same Hebrew word, 5"2 , A" a/, is rendered "according to" and "accordingly." In NT b^oOv^aSbv^ honiothu- inwlun, indicative of harnionv of mind or action, (Acts 1 14; 2 4G; 7 57; 18 12) and Kara, l;ald, "of the same mind .... ace. to Christ Jesus" (Rom 15 5); avTo^aros, (inlonidtox, "of itself," "without constrain!," "opened to them of its own accord" (Acts 12 10), i.e. without human agency (cf Lev 25 5 AV; Mark 4 2S) ; avOaipfros, autfial- rclux, "of his own free choice" (2 Cor 8 17). God "will render to every man according to his works" (Rom 2 G), that is, agreeably to the nature of his works (1 Cor 3 S), but salvation is not according to works (2 Tim 1 !); Titus 3 5). See DEED. M. O. EVANS

    ACCOS, ak os ( AK X S, Hnkcling): The grand father of Eupolemus, whom Judas Maccabaeus sent with others to Rome in 1(51 BC, to negotiate a "league of amity and confederacy" (1 Mace 8 17). The name occurs in the OT as Hakkoz CPp"!3, /Kikkijr), who was a priest in the reign of David (1 Chronicles 24 10).


    ACCOUNTABILITY, a-koun-ta-bil i-ti: The general teaching of Scripture on this subject is

    summarized in Rom 14 12: "So then 1. Scriptur- each one of us shall give account of alPrinciples himself to God." But this implies,

    on the one hand, the existence of a Moral Ruler of the universe, whose will is revealed, and, on the other, the possession by the creature of knowledge and free will. In Rom 4 15 it is expressly laid down that, where no law is, neither is there transgression ; but, lest this might seem to exclude from accountability those to ,,hom the law of Moses was not given, it is shown that even heathen had the law to some extent revealed in conscience; so that they are "without excuse" (Rom 1 20). "For as many as have sinned without the law shall also perish without the law: and as many as have sinned under the law shall be judged by the law" (Rom 2 12). So says Paul in a passage which is one of the profoundest discussions on the subject of accountability, and with his sentiment agrees exactly the word of Our Lord on the same subject, in Luke 12 47.4S: "And that servant, who knew his lord s will, and made not ready, nor did according to his will, shall be beaten with many stripes; but he that knew not, and did things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. And to whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required: and to whom they commit much, of him will they ask the more." There is a gradual development of accountability accom panying the growth of a human being from infancy to maturity; and there is a similar development in

    Accoz Achan




    the race, as knowledge grows from less to more. In the full light of the gospel human beings are far more responsible than they were in earlier stages of intellectual and spiritual development, and the doom to which they will be exposed on the day of account will be heavy in proportion to their privileges. This may seem to put too great a premium on ignorance; and a real difficulty arises when we say that., the more of moral sensitive ness there is, the greater is the guilt; because, as is well known, moral sensitiveness can be lost through persistent disregard of conscience; from which it might seem to follow that the way to diminish guilt was to silence the voice of conscience. There must, however, bo a difference between the responsibility of a conscience that has never been enlightened and that of one which, having once been enlightened, has lost, through neglect or recklessness, the goodness once possessed. In the practice of the law, for example, it is often claimed that a crime committed under the influence of intoxication should be condoned; yet everyone must feel how different this is from innocence, and that, before a higher tribunal, the culprit will be held to be twice guilty first, of the sin of drunkenness and then of the crime.

    Wherever civilization is so advanced that there exists a code of public law, with punishments

    attached to transgression, there goes 2. Connec- on a constant education in the sense tion with of accountability; and even the Immortality heathen mind, in classical times, had

    advanced so far as to believe in a judgment beyond the veil, when the shades had to appear before the tribunal of Hhadamanthus, Minos and . Eacus, to have their station and degree in the underworld decided according to the deeds done in the body. How early the Hebrews had made as much progress has to be discussed in con nection with the doctrine of immortality; but it is certain that, before the OT canon closed, they believed not only in a judgment after death but in resurrection, by which the sense of accounta bility was fastened far more firmly on the popular mind. Long before, however, there was awakened by the sacred literature the sense of a judgment of God going on during the present life and expressing itself in everyone s condition. The history of the world was the judgment, of the world; prosperity attended the steps of the good man, but retribu tion sooner or later struck down the wicked. It was from the difficulty of reconciling with this belief the facts of life that the skepticism of Hebrew thought arose; but by the same constraint the pious mind was pushed forward in the direction of the full doctrine of immortality. This came with the advent of Him who brought life and immor tality to light by His gospel (2 Tim 1 10). _ In the mind of Jesus not only were resurrection, judgment and immortality unquestionable postu lates; but He was brought into a special connection with accountability through His consciousness of being the Judge of mankind, and, in His numerous references to the Last Judgment, He developed the principles upon which the conscience will then be tried, and by which accordingly it ought now to try itself. In this connection the Parable of the Talents is of special significance; but it is by the grandiose picture of the scene itself, which follows in the same chapter of the First (lospel, that the mind of Christendom has been most powerfully influenced. Reference has already been made to the discussions at the commencement of the Epistle to the Romans in which our subject finds a place. By some the apostle John has been supposed to revert to the OT notion of a judgment proceeding now in place of coming at the Last Day; but

    Weiss (Dcr johanneische Lehrbegriff, II, 9) has proved that this is a mistake.

    Up to this point we have spoken of individual accountability; but the subject becomes more complicated when we think of the 3. Joint and joint responsibility of several or many Corporate persons. From the first the human Responsi- mind has been haunted by what is bility called the guilt of Adam s first sin.

    There is a solidarity in the human race, and the inheritance of evil is too obvious to be denied even by the most optimistic. There is far, however, from being agreement of opinion as to the relation of the individual to this evil legacy; some contending fiercely against the idea that the individual can have any personal responsibility for a sin hidden in a past so distant and shadowy, while others maintain that the misery which has certainly been inherited by all can only be justi fied in a world governed by a Clod of justice if the guilt of all precedes the misery. The question enters deeply into the Pauline scheme, although at the most critical point it is much disputed what the Apostle s real position is. While joint respon sibility burdens the individual conscience, it may, at the same time, be said to lighten it. Thus, in Ezekiel 18 one of the most weighty ethical discussions to be found in Holy Writ is introduced with the popular proverb, "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children s teeth are set on edge," which proves to be a way of saying that the respon sibility of children is lightened, if not abolished, through their connection with their parents. In the same way, at the present time, the sense of responsibility is enfeebled in many minds through the control over character and destiny ascribed to heredity and environment. Even criminality is excused" on the ground that many have never had a chance of virtue, and it is contended that to know everything is to forgive everything. There can be no doubt that, as the agents of trusts and partnerships, men will allow themselves to do what they would never have thought of in pri vate business; and in a crowd the individual sus tains psychological modifications by which he is made to act very differently from his ordinary self. In the actions of nations, such as war, there is a vast and solemn responsibility somewhere; but it is often extremely difficult to locate it whether in the ruler, the ministry or the people. So interesting and perplexing are such problems often that a morality for bodies of people, as dis tinguished from individuals, is felt by many to be the great desideratum of ethics at the present time.

    On this subject something will be found in most of the works on either philosophical or Christian ethics; see esp. Lemme s Christliche Ethik, 242 ff.


    ACCOZ, ak oz ( AK|3s, Akbos; RV AKKOS, q.v.): 1 Esdras 5 38, head of one of the priestly families, which returned from the Exile, _but was unable to prove its descent, when the register was searched. See also Ezra 2 61.

    ACCURSED, a-kurs ed, a-kurst : In the Book of Joshua (6 17.18; 7 and 1 Chronicles (2 7) "accursed" (or "accursed thing" or "thing ac cursed") is the AV rendering of the Hcb word, D")n , heron. The RV consistently uses "de voted" or "devoted thing," which the AV also adopts in Lev 27 21.28.29 and in Numbers 18 14. "Cursed thing" is the rendering in two passages (Deuteronomy 7 20; 13 17); and in one passage (Ezekiel 44 29 AV) "dedicated thing" is used. In four places the AV renders the word by "curse" (Joshua 6 18; Isaiah 34 5; 43 28; Mai 3 24; [4 6]) whilst in another passage (Zee 14 11) "utter destruction"




    Accoz Achan

    is adopted in translation. These various renderings are due to the fact that the word herein sometimes means the act of devoting or banning (or the condition or state resulting therefrom) and some times the object devoted or banned. ,Ve occa sionally find periphrastic renderings, e.g. 1 Samuel 15 21: "the chief of the things which should have been utterly destroyed," AV (lit. "the chief part of the ban"); 1 Kings 20 42: "a man whom I appointed to utter destruction," AV (lit. "a man of my ban" (or "banning"). The root-word meant "to separate," shut off." The Arab, harlm de noted the precincts of the temple at Mecca, and also the women s apartment (whence the word harem). In Hebrew the word always suggested "sep arating" or "devoting to God." Just as TE~]3 , kadhosh, meant "holy" or "consecrated to the serv ice" of JAH, and so not liable to be used for ordinary or secular purposes, so the stein of herein meant "devoting" to JAH anything which would, if spared, corrupt or contaminate the religious life of Israel, with the further idea of destroying (things) or exterminating (persons) as the surest way of avoid ing such contamination. Everything that might paganize or affect the unique character of the reli gion of Israel was banned, e.g. idols (Deuteronomy 7 26); idolatrous persons (Exodus 22 20,); idolatrous cities (Deuteronomy 13 13-18). All Can. towns where the cult of Baal flourished were to be banned (Deuteronomy 20 16-18). The ban did not always apply to the gold and silver of looted cities (Joshua 6 24). Such valuable arts, were to be placed in the "treasury of the house of Yahweh." This probably indicates a slackening of the rigid custom which involved the total destruc tion of the spoil. According to Judges 18 14, "every thing devoted in Israel" belonged to Aaron, and Ezekiel 44 29 AV ordained that "every dedicated thing" should belong to the priests (cf Ezra 10 8). In the NT "accursed" is the AV rendering of ANATHEMA (q.v.). THOMAS LEWIS

    ACCUSER, a-kuz er: This word, not found in the OT, is the rendering of two Greek words: (1) Kar??- yopos, katttjoros, that is, a prosecutor, or plaintiff in a lawsuit, or one who speaks in a derogatory way of another (Acts 23 30.35; 25 16.18; Rev 12 10); (2) Aid/3o,os, didbolos, meaning adver sary or enemy. This word is rendered "accuser" in the AV and "slanderer" in the RV and the ARV (2 Tim 3 3; Titus 2 3). According to the rabbinic teaching Satan, or the devil, was regarded as hostile to God and man, and that it was a part of his work to accuse the latter of dis- lovalty and sin before the tribunal of the former (see Job 1 6 ff ; Zee 3 If; Rev 12 10).

    west ,V. DA VIES

    ACELDAMA, a-sel da-ma. See AKELDAMA.

    ACHAIA, a-ka ya ( Axaid, Achaia): The small est country in the Peloponnesus lying along the southern shore of the Corinthian Gulf, north of Arcadia and east of Elis. The original inhabitants were lonians; but these were crowded out later by the Achaeans, who came from the East . According to Herodotus, the former founded twelve cities, many of which retain their original names to this day. These cities were on the coast and formed a confederation of smaller communities, which in the last century of the independent history of Greece attained to great importance (Achaean League). In -Rom times the term Achaia was used to include the whole of Greece, exclusive of Thessaly. Today Achaia forms with Elis one district, and contains a population of nearly a quarter of a million. The old Achaean League was renewed in 280 BC, but became more important in 251, when Aratus of Sicyon was chosen commander-in-chief. This

    great man increased the power of the League and gave it an excellent constitution, which our own great practical politicians, Hamilton and Madison, consulted, adopting many of its prominent devices, when they set about framing the Constitution of the United States. In 146 BC Corinth was de stroyed and the League broken up (see 1 Mace

    15 23); and the whole of Greece, under the name of Achaia, was transformed into a Rom province, which was divided into two separate provinces, Macedonia and Achaia, in 27 BC.

    In Acts 18 12 we are told that the Jews in Corinth made insurrection against Paul when Gallic was deputy of Achaia, and in 18 27 that Apollos was making preparations to set out for Achaia. In Rom 16 5, "Achaia" should read "ASIA" as in RV. In Acts 20 2 "Greece" means Achaia, but the oft -mentioned "Macedonia and Achaia" generally means the whole of Greece (Acts 19 21; Rom 15 26; 1 Thess 1 8). Paul commends the churches of Achaia for their liber ality (2 Cor 9 13).

    LITERATUReast Soc Gerhard, Ueber den Volksstamm der A. (Berlin, 1854); Klatt, Forschunyen zur Geschichte des urhaifcheii Hurnltx (Berlin, 1877); M. Dubois, Lcs ligues ttoliennr rt aclici nnr (Paris, 1855); Capes, History o/ the Achaean I.rauui- (London, 1SSS); MahafTy, Problems, 177-80; Busolt, dr. Staatsaltrr, 2d cd (1892), 347 ff; Toeppfer, in Pauly s Realencyclopaedie.

    For Aratus see Hermann, xtiuitsulter, 18S5; Krakaucr, Abhandluny ucbrr Aratus (Breslau, 1874); Ncunicyer, A rut in aus Siki/on (Leipzig, 1886); Holm, History of Greece.

    J. east HARRY

    ACHAICUS, a-ka i-kus ( AXCUKOS, Achaikds, belonging to Achaia"): A name honorably con ferred upon L. Mummius, conqueror of Corinth and Achaia (cf CORINTH). A. was one of the leaders of the Corinthian church (to be inferred from 1 Cor 16 15 ff) who, visiting Paul at Ephesus with Stephanas and Fortunatus, greatly relieved the Apostle s anxiety for the Corinthian church (cf 1 Cor 5 1 ff). Paul admonishes the members of the Cor church to submit to their authority (cf 1 Thess 5 12) and to acknowledge their work (1 Cor

    16 15 ff).

    ACHAN, a kan Cj?7 , *akhan [in 1 Chronicles 2 7 Achar, "137, *dkhar], "troubler") : The descendant of Zerah the son of Judah who was put to death, in Joshua s time, for stealing some of the "devoted" spoil of the city of Jericho (Joshua 7). The stem ,lkhan is not used in Hebrew except in this name. The stem *akhar has sufficient use to define it. It denotes trouble of the most serious kind Jacob s trouble when his sons had brought him into blood feud with his Can. neighbors, or Jephthah s trouble when his vow required him to sacrifice his daughter (Genesis 34 30; Judges 11 35). In Proverbs (11 17.29; 15 6.27) the word is used with intensity to describe the results of cruelty, disloyalty, greed, wickedness. The record especially speaks of Achan s conduct as the troubling of Israel (1 Chronicles 2 7; Joshua 6 18; 7 24). In an outburst of temper Jonathan speaks of Saul as having troubled the land (1 Samuel 14 29). Elijah and Ahab accuse each the other of being the troubler of Israel (1 Kings 18 17.18). The stem also appears in the two proper names ACHOR and OCHRAN (q.v.).

    The crime of Achan was a serious one. Quite apart from all questions of supposable superstition, or even religion, the herein concerning Jericho had been proclaimed, and to disobey the proclamation was disobedience to military orders in an army that was facing the enemy. It is commonly held that Achan s family were put to death with him, though they were innocent; but the record is not explicit on these points. One whose habits of thought lead him to expect features of primitive

    Achar Acquaint




    savagery in such a rase as this will be sure to find what he expects; a person of different habits will not be sure that the record says that any greater cruelty was practised on the family of Aehan than that of compelling them to be present at the exe cution. Those who hold that the Deuteronomic legislation comes in any sense from Moses should not be in haste to think that its precepts were violated by Joshua in the case of Achan (sec Deuteronomy 24 10).

    The record says that the execution took place in the arable valley of Achor, up from the Jordan valley. See ACHOR. WILLIS J. BEECHEH

    ACHAR, a kar: Variant of ACHAN, which sec.

    ACHAZ, il kaz ("A X a?, Achnz), AV (Alt 1 9): Greek form of Aftuz (thus RV). The name of a Kin;;; of Israel.

    ACHBOR, ak bor (T327, ,,klibor, "mouse"):

    (1) The father of Baal-hanan, who was the seventh of the eight kings who reigned in Edom before there were kings in Israel (Genesis 36 3X.39;

    1 Chronicles 1 -19).

    (2) The son of Micaiah (called in Chronicles Abdon the son of Micah) who went with Hilkiah.the priest and other high officials, at the command of King Josiah, to consult Huldah the prophetess concern ing the book that had been found (2 Kings 22 12 14"

    2 Hi 34 20).

    It may be presumed that this Achbor is also the man mentioned in Jeremiah (26 22; 36 12) as the father of Jonathan, who went to Egypt for King Jehoiakim in order to procure the extradition of I riah the prophet, and who protested against the burning of Baruch s roll. WILLIS J. BEECHEK

    ACHIACHARUS, a-ki-ak a-rus (B A X iaxapos, Achidcharos; Axeix a Ps> Achcich<iros): Governor of Assyria. A. is the son of Anael, a brother of Tobit (Tob 1 21). Sarchedonus (Esarhaddon), the king of Assyria, appointed him over all "ac counts of his kingdom" and over all "his affairs" (Tob 1 21 f; cf Daniel 2 4S). At his request Tobit comes to Nineveh (Tob 1 22). A. nourishes Tobit, while the latter is afflicted with disease (Tob 2 10). He attends the wedding-feast of Tobias (Tob 11 IS). Is persecuted by Aman, but saved (Tob 14 10).

    ACHIAS, a-ki as: An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esdras

    1 2). Omitted in other genealogies.

    ACHIM, fi kim ( AxeCn. Actinm): A descendant of Zerubbabel and ancestor of Jesus, mentioned onlv in Matthew 1 14.

    ACHIOR, a ki-or ( Axiwp, Arhior): General of the Ammonites, who spoke in behalf of Israel before Holofernes, the Assyr general (Jth 6 5ff). Holofernes orden>d him bound and delivered at Bethulia to the Israelites (Jth 6), who received him gladly and with honor. Afterward he became a proselyte, was circumcised, and joined to Israel (Jth 14). In Numbers 34 27 it is the LXX reading for Ahihud, and in the Hebrew would be TliTnSj:, dhl or, "brother of light."

    ACHIPHA, ak i-fa; AV Acipha, as i-fa ( A X u|>d, Achiphd), in the Apoc (1 Esdras 5 31) head of one of the families of the temple-servants, who returned with Zerubbabel; same as the OT HAKUPHA (Ezra

    2 51; Neh 7 53), which see.

    ACHISH, a kish (C-gS, akhish): King of the city of Gath in the days of David. His father s name is given as Maoch (1 Samuel 27 2), and Maacah (1 Kings 2

    39). David sought the protection of Achish when he first fled from Saul, and just after his visit to Nob (1 Samuel 21 10-15). Fearing rough treatment or betrayal by Achish, he feigned madness. But this made him unwelcome, whereupon he fled to the Cave of Adullam (1 Samuel 22 1). Later in his fugitive period David returned to Gath to be hos pitably received by Achish (1 Samuel 27 1 ff), who gave him the town of Ziklag for his home. A year later, when the Philistines invaded the land of Israel, in the campaign which ended so disas trously for Saul (1 Samuel 31), Achish wished David to participate (1 Samuel 28 1-2), but the lords of the Philistines objected so strenuously, when they found him and his men with the forces of Achish, that Achish was compelled to send them back. Achish must have been a young man at this time, for he was still ruling forty years later at the beginning of Solomon s reign (1 Kings 2 39). He is mentioned as Abimelech in the title of Ps 34. See ABIMELECH 3. EDWARD MACK

    ACHITOB, ak i-fob: Same as Ahitob. Used in 1 Esdras 8 2; cf 2 Esdras 1 1 AV. See AHITUH 3.

    ACHMETHA, ak me-tha (Ezra 6 2; d/jni /liu ; LXX Ajiaed, Atnalhd; Pesh

    ah/iKlt/mn; in Tiglath Pileser s inscr. cir 1100 MC Amadana: in Darius Bcldxtun Inscr., 11, 7(i 7S, IItint/maldn(i "l ) ,m^ of Assembly"; Aypdrava, Agbdtana, in Herodotus; E/c^dram, Ekbdlana, Xenophon, etc; so 1 Esdras 6 23; Tob 3 7; 6 5; 7 1; 14 12.14; Jth 1 1.2.14; 2 Mace 9 3; Talm

    "v ? ^) hamdan; now .jljCtJC, hamadan): This,

    the ancient capital of Media, stood (lat. 3450 N

    long. 4S 32 east) near the modern

    1. Location Hamadan, 100 miles westSouthwest of Tehran,

    almost ),()"() feet above the sea, cir 1 miles from the foot of Matthew. Orontes (Alvand).

    It was founded or rebuilt by Dei okes (Dayaukku) about 700 BC on the site of Ellippi an ancient city

    of the Manda, and captured by Cyrus

    2. History 549 BC who brought Croesus there

    as captive (Herodotus i.153). It was the capital of the 10th Nome under Darius I. Cyrus and other Persians kings used to spend the two summer months there yearly, owing to the compara tive coolness of the climate. Herodotus describes it as a magnificent city fortified with seven concen tric walls (i.98). Its citadel (bir e thd ; Ezra 6 2, wrongly rendered "palace" in RV) is mentioned by Arrian, who says that, when Alexander took the city in 324 BC, he there stored his enormous booty. In it the royal archives were kept. It stood on a hill, where later was built a temple of Mithra. Polybius (x.27) speaks of the great strength of the citadel. Though the city was unwalled in his time, he can hardly find words to express his admi ration for it, especially for the magnificent royal palace, nearly 7 stadia in circumference, built of precious kinds of wood sheathed in plates of gold and silver. In the city was the shrine of Aine (Xamea, Anahita?). Alexander is said to have destroyed a temple of ^Esculapius (Mithra?) there. Diodorus tells us the city was 250 stadia in circumference. On Matthew. Alvand (10,728 feet) there have been found inscriptions of Xerxes. Doubtless Ecbatana was one of the "cities of the Medes" to which Israel was carried captive (2 Kings 17 6). It should be noted that Greek writers mention several other Echatanas. One of these, afterward called Gazaca (Takhti Sulaiman, a little South of Lake Urmi, hit, 36 28 north, long. 47 9 east) was capital of Atropatene. It was almost destroyed by the Mughuls in the 12th cent. Sir H. Rawlin-




    Achar Acquaint

    son identifies the Ecbatana of Tobit and Herodotus with this northern city. The southern and far more important Ecbatana which we have described is certainly that of 2 Mace 9 3. It was Cyrus Median capital, and is doubtless that of Ezra 6 2. Classical writers spoke erroneously of Ecbatana (for Ecbatana) as moderns too often do of Hamadan for Hamadan.

    Hamadan has perhaps never fully recovered from the fearful massacre made there in 1220 AD by

    the Mongols, but its population is 3. Present about 50,000, including a considerable Condition number of descendants of the Israel

    ites of the Dispersion (tracing descent from Asher, Xaphtali, etc)- They point to the tombs of Esther and Mordecai in the neighborhood. It is a center for the caravan trade between Bagh dad and Tehran. There is an American Presby terian mission at work.

    A uthoritics (besides those quoted above) : Ctesias, Curtius, Anim. Marccllinus, Pausanias, Strabo, Diod. Siculus; Ibnu l Athjr, Yaqflt, Jaliangusha, Jami u t Tawarlkh, and modern travelers.

    ,V. ST. CLAIH TISDALL ACHO, ak o. See Acco.

    ACHOR, a kor (TO? , d/c/ior, "trouble," the idea of the word being that of trouble which is serious and extreme. See AC. IIAN): Tlie place where Achan was executed in the time of Joshua (Joshua 7 24.26). In all the five places where it is mentioned it is described as the *cmck, the arable valley of Achor. There; is no ground in the record for the current idea that it must have been a locality with horrid and dismal physical features. It was on a higher level than the camp of Israel in the Jordan valley, and on a lower level than Dcbir a different Debir from that of Joshua 15 15. In a general way, as indicated by the points men tioned in the border of Judah, it was north of Bcth- arabah, and south of Debir (Joshua 7 24; 15 7). Many identify it with the Wady Kelt which de scends through a deep ravine from the Judaean hills and runs between steep banks south of the modern Jericho to Jordan, the stream after rains becoming a foaming torrent. Possibly the name may have been applied to a region of considerable extent. In Isaiah 65 10 it is a region on the east side of the mountain ridge which is in some sense bal anced with Sharon on the west side. By implication the thing depicted seems to be these rich agricul tural localities so far recovered from desolation as to be good grounds for cattle and sheep. Hosea recognizes the comforting aspect of the dreadful affair in the valley of Achor; it was a doorway of hope to pardoned Israel (Hos 2 15 [17]), and he hopes for like acceptance for the Israel of his own day. WILLIS J. BEECHEU

    ACHSA, ak sa: Used in AV in 1 Chronicles 2 49 for

    ACHSAH, which see.

    ACHSAH, ak sa (nC3? , *akhsah; in some copies SDDJ, W-//.s in l Chronicles 2 49) , "anklet"): The daughter of Caleb whom he gave in marriage to his younger kinsman Othniel the son of Kenaz, as a reward for smiting Kiriath-sepher (Joshua 15 16 ff; Judges 1 12 ff). Caleb, the narrative says, established Achsah in the South-country, and in addition, at her asking, gave her certain important springs of water the "upper basins" and the "nether basins." Professor G. F. Moore identifies these with the groups of springs in Scit ed-Dilbeh (notes on Judges in Polychrome Bible).


    ACHSHAPH, ak shaf (SlflbX, akhshaph, "sor cery," or "fascination"): A city in the northern

    part of the territory conquered by Joshua. The king of Achshaph was a member of the coalition against Israel under Jabin and Sisera. It is men tioned with Hazor, Megiddo, Taanach, etc, in the list of conquered kings. It is one of the cities marking the boundaries of the tribe of Asher (Joshua 11 1; 12 20; 19 25). Several attempts have been made to identify the site of it, but explorers are not agreed as to the identification.

    ACHZIB, ak zib P^TDX , akhzlbh, "lying" or "disappointing"): The name of two towns in Palestine: (1) A town in western Judah in the lowlands, mentioned in connection with Mareshah and Keilah as one of the cities allotted to Judah (Joshua 15 44), and in Mic (1 14), where it suggests play upon its meaning, "deceptive" or "failing," possibly the place having received its name from a winter spring or brook, which failed in summer It is also called Chezib (IPT? , k"zlbh [Genesis 38 5]), where Judah was at the time of the birth of his son Shelah. In 1 Chronicles 4 22 it is called Cozeba, AV "Chozeba" (X2T3 , kozcbhd ), clearly seen to be the same as Achzib, from the places with which it is grouped. (2) It has been identified with the modern ^Ayin-Kezbch in the valley of Elah, and north of Adullam. EDWARD MACK

    (3) Mod. Zib LXX variously: Joshua 19 29 B Ex6p, Echozdb, A, A^i^, Achzeiph; Judges 1 31, B, Ao-xat, ANciiazel, A, Ao- x v8e(, Aschcudel, Greek Ecdippa: A small town some miles north of Acre on the coast. It is mentioned in Joshua 19 29 as falling within the possessions of the tribe of Asher, but they never occupied it, as they did not the neigh boring Acre (Acco). The Phoen inhabitants of the coast were too st rongly entrenched to be driven out by a people who had no fleet. The cities on the coast doubtless aided one another, and Sidon had become rich and powerful before this and could succor such a small town in case of attack. Achzib was a coast town, nine miles north of Acco, now known as Ez-Zib. It appears in the Assyr inscrip tions as Aksibi and Sennacherib enumerates it among the Phoen towns that he took at the same time as Acco (702 BC). It was never important and is now an insignificant village among the sand dunes of the coast. It was the border! own of Galilee on the west, what lay beyond being unholy ground.


    ACITHO, ACITHOH, as i-tho (variant of AHI- TUB): The name in AV of an ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1).

    ACKNOWLEDGE, ak-nol ej (^V^O-KM, gignd- sku) : To declare that one recognizes the claims of a person or thing fully established. Both in OT and NT expressed by various forms of the word "know" (Proverbs 3 6; Isaiah 61 9; Col 2 2 AV). The Psalmist (Ps 32 5) "acknowledged" his sin, when he told God that he knew the guilt of what he had done. The Corinthians (2 Cor 1 14) "acknowl edged" Paul and his companions when they formally recognized their claims and authority.

    ACQUAINT, a-kwant , ACQUAINTANCE, a- kwan tans (-yvwo-ToC, gndstoi): Terms referring to various degrees of knowledge, but implying more or less detailed information; applied to God s omniscience (Ps 139 3), to the grief of the Suffer ing Servant of Jehovah (Isaiah 53 3), and to the knowledge which man should have of God. The noun in the concrete, unless limited by a quali fying term, means more than one who has been known simply in passing, and implies a degree of

    Acra Acts




    intimacy, as may be seen in Luke 2 44; 23 49; 2 Kings 12 5. II. east JACOBS

    ACRA, ak ra, a kra (1 Alacc 1 33 RV, "cita del"). See JERUSALEM.

    ACRABATTENE, ak-ra-ba-te ne. See AKRABAT-

    TINE (ApOC).

    ACRABBIM, ak-rab im: Incorrect translitera- ation of D^ZHpy ikrabblm, of Joshua 16 3 in AV. Sec AKRABBI.M.

    ACRE, a ker, a ker. Sec Acco.

    ACRE, a ker

      A term of land-measurement used twice in the English VSS of the Bible (Isaiah 5 10; 1 Samuel 14 14), and said to be the only term in square measure found in the OT. The Eng. word "acre" originally signified held.

      Then it came to denote the measure of land that an ox team could plow in a day, and upon the basis of a maximum acre of this kind the standard aero of 100 square rods (with variations in different regions) was fixed.

      The word translated 1 acre denotes a yoke of animals, in the sense of a team, a span, a pair; it is always the "team" never used to denote the actual "yoke" by which the team are coupled together.

      The phrase ten yokes of vineyard (Isaiah 6:10) may naturally mean vineyard covering as much land as a team would plow in ten days, though other plausible meanings can also be suggested. In 1 Samuel 14 14 the same word is used in describing the limits of space within which Jonathan and his armor-bearer slew twenty Philistines.

      The translation of RV, "within as it were half a furrow s length in an acre of land," means, strictly, that they were slain along a line from two to twenty roils in length. The word rendered "furrow," used only here and in Ps 129 3, is in Brown s Hebrew Lexicon defined as "plowing-ground."

      This gives the rendering "as it were in half a plowing-stint, a yoke of ground," the last two phrases defining each the other, so that the meaning is substantially that of the paraphrase in AV.

      There is here an alleged obscurity and uncertainty in the text, but it is not such as to affect either the translation or the nature of the event.


      ACROSTIC, a-kros tik: The acrostic, understood as a short poem in which the first letters of the lines form a word, or name, or sentence, has not yet been proved to occur in ancient lleb literature. The supposed examples found by some scholars in Ps 2 1-4 and 110 16-4 are not generally recog nized. Still less can be said in favor of the suggestion that in Esther 1 20 four words read from left to right form by their initials an acrostic on the name YIIWH (cf Konig, End 293). In Byzantine hymn-poetry the term acrostichis with which our word "acrostic" is connected wns also used of alpha betical poems, that is poems the lines or groups of lines in which have their initials arranged in the order of the alphabet. Acrostics of this kind are found in pre-Christian lleb literature as well as elsewhere in ancient oriental literature. There are twelve clear instances in the OT: Pss 25, 34, 37, lllf, 119, 145; Proverbs 31 10-31, and Lam 1-4. There is probably an example in Pss 9 and 10, and possibly another in Nah 1 2-10. Outside the Canon, Sir 51 13-30 exhibits clear traces of alphabetic arrangement. Each of these fifteen poems must briefly be discussed.

      1 ss 9 and 10, which are treated as one psalm in LXX and Vulg, give fairly clear indications of original alphabetic structure even in the AIT. The initials of 9 1.3.5 are respectively uleph, beth, (jlmcl; of vs vdr, zayin, hcth, tcth and yudh. The first ver of 10 begins with larnedh and vs with koph, resh, shin and

      tav. Four lines seem to have been allotted to each letter in the original form of the poem. In Ps 25 all the letters are represented except vdv and koph, In ver 18 we find resh instead of the latter as well as in its place in ver 19. In ver 2 the alphabetical letter is the initial of the second word. The last verse is a supernumerary. There are mostly two lines to a letter. In Ps 34 all the letters are repre sented except vdv, ver 6 beginning not with it, as was to be expected, but with zayin. The last verse is again a supernumerary. Since here and in 25 22 the first word is a form of pddhdh it has been suggested that there may have been here a sort of acrostic; on the writer s name Pedahel (p e dhah el), but there is no evidence that a psalmist so named ever existed. There are two lines to a letter. In Ps 37 all the letters are represented except *ayln which seems however from LXX to have been present in the earliest text. As a rule four lines are assigned to each letter. In Pss lllf are found two quite regular example s with a line to each letter. Ps 119 offers another regular example, but. with 16 lines to a letter, each alternate line beginning with its letter. Vs 1-S, for instance, each begin with uleph. In Ps 145 are found all the letters but nun. As we find in LXX between vs 13 and 14, that is where the nun couplet ought to be:

      "Faithful is (he Lord in his words And holy in his works,"

      which may represent a lleb couplet beginning with nun, it would seem that a ver has dropped out of the A IT. Proverbs 31 10-31 constitutes a regular alphabetical poem with (except in ver 15) two lines to a letter. Lam 1 is regular, with three line s to a letter. Lam 2,3,4, are also regular with a curious exception. In each case pc precedes *ayin, a phenomenon which has not yet been explained. In 2 there are three or four lines to a letter except in ver 17, where there seem to be five. In 3 also there- are three lines to a letter and each line begins with that letter. In 4 there are two lines to a letter except in ver 22 where there are probably four lines. Lam 5 has twice as many lines as the letters of the alphabet but no alphabetical arrangement. In Nah 1 1-10 ff De-lit zsch (following Frohnmeyer) in 1876, Bie-kell in 1880 and 1894, Gunke-1 in 1893 and 1895, G. B. Gray in 1898 (Expos, September) and others have pointed out possible traces of original alpha betical structure. In the Alassoretic text, however, as generally arranged, it is not distinctly discernible. Sir 51 13-30: As early as 1882 Bickell reconstructed this hymn on the basis of the Greek and Syr VSS as a lle>b alphabetical poem. In 1897 Schechter (in the judgment of most scholars) discovered the original text in a collection of fragments from the Geni/ah of Cairo, and this proved the correctness of Bickell s idea and even the accuracy of some de-tails of his reconstruction. The- poem begins with dlcph and has lav as the initial letter of the last line but one. In vs the letters mem, nun, ( ayln, pe, qddhe, koph and resh can be traced at the beginnings of lines in that order. Samekh is absent (e-f Schechter-Taylor, The Wisdom of Ben Kim, Ixxvi-lxxxvii).

      As this rapid survey will have shown, this form of acrostic as employed by Hebrew writers consisted in the use of letters of the alphabet as initials in their order, at regular intervals, the distance between two different le-tte-rs ranging from one to sixteen lines. Once each le-tter is thus used three times, in another case eight times. The corruption of the text has in some- case s le-d to considerable interference with the alphabetical arrangement, and textual criticism has endeavored to re-store it with varying success.

      These alphabetical poems have been unduly depreciated on account of their artificial structure




      Acra Acts

      and have also been regarded for the same reason as of comparatively late origin. This latter conclusion is premature with present evidence. The poems in Lam undoubtedly go back as far as the 6th cent. BC, and Assyr testimony takes us back farther still for acrostic poems of some kind. Strictly alphabeti cal poems are of course out of the question in Assyr because of the absence of an alphabet, but there arc texts from the library of Ashur-bani-pal each verse-line in which begins with the same syllable, and others in which the initial syllables read together compose a word or sentence. Now these texts were written down in the 7th cent. BC, but may have been copied from far earlier Babylonian originals. There can be little doubt that oriental poets wrote acrostic at an early period, and therefore the use of some form of the acrostic is no clear indication of lateness of date. (For these Assyr acrostics cf Weber, Die Literal ur tier Bubi/loiticr und Assyrer, 37.)

      LITERATUReast Iti addition to authorities already cited: Kouig,, 5S, (Hi, 74, 7(i. 399, 404, 419, and Stilistik, etc, .i~i7 ff; Budde, Gi rln<-hii- </< / alt-hebr&ischen Littfm- tur, 150, 90, 241. 291; art. "Acrostic" in llDli (larger and smaller) and Hastings. Em- of R> lit/ion un<l Ethirs, and Jew Enc; commentaries on Ps, Nail, Proverbs and Lain; Driver, 1 arallel Psalter; King, Early Religious Poetry of the Hebrews, ell iv.



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    ACTS, APOCRYPHAL, a-pok ri-fal


    ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, a-pos ls:
      I. TITLE

      II. TEXT




      VI. I) ATI:








      1. Title. It is possible, indeed probable, that the book originally had no title. The manuscripts give the title in several forms. Aleph (in the inscription) has merely "Acts" (Prdxeis). So Tischendorf, while Origen, Didymus, Eusebius quote from "The Acts."

      But HI) Aleph (in sub scription) have "Acts of Apostles" or "The Acts of the Apostles" (Prdxeis Apostolon). So Westcott and Hort, Nestle (cf Athanasius and Euthalius). Only slightly different is the title in 31.01, and many other cursives (Praxeis ton Apostolon, "Act s of the Apostles").

      So Griesbach, Scholz. Several fathers (Clement of Alex, Origen, Dionysius of Alex, Cyril of Jerus, Chrysostom) quote it as "The Acts of the Apostles" (Hui Pmxeis ton Apostolon). Finally A 2 EGH give it in the form "Acts of the Holy Apostles" (Praxeis ton Hagion Apostolon). The Memphitic VS has "The Acts of the Holy Apostles." Clearly, then, there was no single title that commanded general acceptance. Text. (1) The chief documents. These are the Primary Uncials (X ABCD), E which is a bilingual Uncial confined to Acts, later Uncials like HLP, the Cursives, the Vulgate, the Pesh and the Harelean Syriac and quotations from the Fathers. We miss the Curetonian and Syr Sin, and have only fragmentary testimony from the Old Latin.

      (2) The modern editions of Acts present the types of text (TR; RV; the critical text like that of WTI or Nestle or Weiss or von Soden). These; three types do not correspond with the four classes of text (Syrian, Western, Alexandrian, Neutral) outlined by Hort in his Introduction to the New Tes tament in Greek (1882). These four classes are broadly represented in the documents which give

      us Acts.

      But no modern editor of the Greek NT has given us the Western or the Alex type of text, though Bornemann, as will presently be shown, argues for the originality of the Western type in Acts. But the TR (Stephanas 3d ed in 15~>0) was the basis of the AV of 1011.

      This ed of the Greek NT made use of a very few MSS, and all of them late, except D, which was considered too eccentric to follow. Practically, then, the AV represents the Syr type of text which may have been edited in Antioch in the 4th cent.

      Various minor errors may have crept in since that date, but substantially the Syr recension is the text of the AV today. Where this text stands alone, it is held by nearly all modern scholars to be in error, though Dean Burgon fought hard for the originality of the Svr text (The Revision Rei isctl, 1882).

      The text of WH is practically that of B, which is held to be the Neu tral type of text. Nestle, von Soden, Weiss do not differ greatly from the text of VVH, though von Soden and Weiss attack the problem on independent lines. The text of the RV is in a sense a compromise between that of the AV and the critical text, though coining pretty close to the critical text. Cf Whitney, The Reviser s Greek Text, 1892.

      For a present-day appreciation of this battle of the texts see J. Rendel Harris, Side Lights on the New Tes tament, 15)08. For a detailed comparison between the AV and the RV Acts see Rackham, The Acts of the Ajtosllcti, xxii.

      (3) In Acts the Western type of text has its chief significance. It is the merit of the late Friedrich Blass, the famous classicist of Germany, to have shown that in Luke s writings (Gospel and Acts) the Western class (especially D) has its most marked characteristics. This fact is entirely independent of the theory advanced by Blass which will be dis cussed directly.

      The chief modern revolt against the theories of WH is the new interest felt in the value of the Western type of text. In particular D has come to the front in the Book of Acts. The feeble support that D has in its peculiar readings in Acts (due to absence of Cur. Syr and of Old Lat) makes it difficult always to estimate the value of this document.

      But certainly these readings deserve careful consideration, and some of them may be correct, whatever view one holds of the D text. The chief variations are, as is usual with the Western text, additions and paraphrases. Some of the prejudice against D has disappeared as a result of modern discussion.

      (4) Bornemann in 1848 argued that D in Acts represented the original text. But he has had very few followers.

      (5) J. Rendel Harris (1891) sought to show that D (itself a bilingual MS) had been Latinized. He argued that already in lot) AD a bilingual MS existed. But this theory has not won a strong following.

      Chase (1893) sought to show that the pecul iarities were due to translation from the Syr.

      (7) Blass in 189o created a sensation by arguing in his Commentary on Acts (Acta Apostolorum, 24 ff) that Luke had issued two editions of the Acts, as he later urged about the Gospel of Luke (Philology of the Gospels, 1898). In "1896 Blass published this Roman form of the text of Acts (Acta Apostolorum, secundum Formam qnae videtur Romanam).

      Blass calls this first, rough, unabridged copy of Acts /3 and considers that it was issued at Rome. The later edition, abridged and revised, he calls a. Curiously enough, in Acts 11 28, D has "when we had gathered together," making Luke present at Antioch. The idea of two edd is not wholly original with Blass. Leclerc, a Dutch philologist, had suggested the notion as early as the beginning of the 18th cent. Bishop Light-





      foot had also mentioned it (On a Fresh Revision of the NT, 29). But Blass worked the matter out and challenged the world of scholarship with his array of arguments. He has not carried his point with all, though he has won a respectable following. Zahn (Mini, II, 338 ff, 1899) had already been working toward the same view (348). He accepts in the main Blass s theory, as do Belser, Nestle, Salmon, Zockler.

      Blass acknowledges his debt to Corssen (l)cr cyprianische Text der Arid Apostolorurn, 1892), but Corssen considers the a text as the earlier and the ft text as a later revision.

      (8) Hilgenfeld (Ada A postolorum, etc, 1899) ac cepts the notion of two odd, but denies identity of authorship.

      (9) Schmiedel (En) vigorously and at much length attacks Blass s position, else "the conclusions reached in the foregoing sections would have to be with drawn." lie draws his conclusions and then demolishes Blass! He does find weak spots in Blass s armor as others have done (B. Weiss, Der Codex Din <ler Apostelgeschichte, 1897; Page, Class. Rev., 1897; Ilarnack, The Acts of the Apostles, 1909, 45). See also KnouTmg, The, Acts of the Apostles, 1900, 47, for a sharp indictment of Blass s theory as being too simple and lacking verification.

      (10) Ilarnack (The Arts of the Apostles, 48) doubts if Luke himself formally published the book. He thinks that he probably did not give the book a final revision, and that friends issued t wo or more edd. He considers that the so-called p recension has a "series of interpolations" and so is later than the a text.

      (11) Ramsay (The Church in the Roman Empire, 150; St. Paul the Traveller, 27; Expos, 1895) considers the ft text to be a 2d-cent. revision by a copyist who has preserved some very valuable 2d- cent. testimony to the text.

      (12) Headlam does not believe that the problem has as yet been scientifically attacked, but that the solution lies in the textual license of scribes of the Western t vpe (cf Hort, Introduction, 122 if). But Headlam is still shy of "Western" readings. The fact is that the Western readings are sometimes correct as against the Neutral (cf" Matthew 27 49).

      It is not necessary in Acts 11 20 to say that_ Hellenaa is in Western authorities (AD, etc) but is not a Western reading. It is at any rate too soon to say the final word about the text of Acts, though on the whole the a text still holds the field as against the /3 text. The Syr text is, of course, later, and out of court.

      Unity of the Book.

      It is not easy to discuss this question, apart from that of authorship. But they are not exactly the same. One may be con vinced of the unity of the book and yet not credit it to Luke, or, indeed, to anyone in the 1st cent. Of course, if Luke is admitted to be the author of the book, the whole matter is simplified. His hand is in it all whatever sources he used.

      If Luke is not the author, there may still have been a competent historian at work, or the book may be a mere com pilation. The first step, therefore, is to attack the problem of unity. Holtzrnann (Kinl, 383) holds Luke to be the author of the "we" sections only.

      Schmiedel denies that the Acts is written by a com panion of Paul, though it is by the same author as the Gospel bearing Luke s name. In 1845 Schleier- macher credited the "we" sections to Timothy, not to Luke. For a good sketch of the theories of "sources," see Knowling on Acts, 25 ff. Van Mancn (1890) resolved the book into two parts, Acta Petriond Aeta Pauli, combined by a redactor. Sorof (1890) ascribes one source to Luke, one to Timothy. Spit (a also has two sources (a Pauline- Lukan and a Jewish-Christian) worked over by a redactor. Clemen (1905) has four sources (History of the Hellenists, History of Peter, History of Paul,

      and a Journey of Paul), all worked over by a series of editors. Hilgenfeld (1895) has three sources (Acts of Peter, Acts of the Seven, Acts of Paul). Jungst (1895) has a Pauline source and a Petrine source. J. Weiss (1893) admits sources, but claims that the book has unity and a definite aim.

      B. Weiss (1902) conceives an early source for the first part of the book. Ilarnack (The Acts of the Apostles, 1909, 41 f) has small patience with all this blind criticism: "With them the book passes as a compara tively late patchwork compilation, in which the part taken by the editor is insignificant yet in all cases detrimental; the we sections are riot the property of the author, but an extract from a source, or even a literary fiction."

      He charges the critics with "airy conceit and lofty contempt." Harnack has done a very great service in carefully sifting the matter in his Luke the Physician (1907). He gives detailed proof that the "we" sections are in the same style and by the same author as the rest of the book (20-120).

      Ilarnack does not claim originality in this line of argument: "It has been often stated and often proved that the we sections in vocabulary, in syntax, and in style are most intimately bound up with the whole work, and that this work itself (including the (iospel), in spite of all diversity in its parts, is distinguished by a grand unity of literary form" (Luke the Physician, 26). He refers to the "splendid demonstration of this unity" by Klostermann ( Vindiciae Lucanae, 18(50), to B. Weiss, who, in his commentary (1893, 2 Aufl, 1902) "has done the best work in demon strating the literary unity of the whole work," to "the admirable contributions" of Vogel (Zur Charakteristik des Lnkas, etc, 2 Aufl, 1899)

      to the "yet more careful and minute investigations" of Hawkins (Home, Synopticae, 1899, 2d cd, 190!), to the work of Hobart (The Medical LaiKjuatje of St. Luke, 1882), who "has proved only too much" (Luke the Physician, 175), but "the evidence is of overwhelming force" (198).

      Harnack only claims for himself that he has done the work in more detail and with more minute accuracy with out claiming too much (27). But the conversion of Ilarnack to this view of Acts is extremely sig nificant. It ought not to be necessary any more to refute the partition theories of the book, or to set forth in detail the proofs for the unity of the book.

      Perhaps the compilation theory of Acts is nowhere set forth more cogently than in Mc- Ciiffert s The Apostolic Age (1897). See a powerful refutation of his argument by Ramsay in Pauline and Other Studies (1906, 302-21).

      "I think his clever argumentation is sophistical" (305). Harnack is fully aware that he has gone over to the side of "Hamsay, Weiss and Zahn": "The results at which I have arrived not only approach very nearly to, but are often coincident with, the results of their re search" (The Acts of the Apostles, 302).

      He is afraid that if these scholars failed to get the ear of critics "there is little prospect of claiming the attention of critics and compelling them to reconsider their position." But he has the advantage of coming to this conclusion from the other side. Moreover, if Harnack was won by the force of the facts, others may be.

      This brief sketch of Harnack s experience may take the place of detailed presentation of the arguments for the unity of the book. Harnack sets forth in great wealth of detail the characteristic idioms of the "we" sections side by side with paral lels in other parts of Acts and the Gospel of Luke. The same man wrote the rest of Acts who wrote the "we" sections.

      This fact should now be acknowl edged as proven. This does not mean that the writer, a personal witness in the "we" sections, had no sources for the other parts of Acts. This aspect of the matter Will be considered a little later.





      IV. The Author. Assuming the unity of the book, the argument runs as follows: The author was a companion of Paul. The "we" sections prove that (Acts 16 10-17; 20 6-16; 21; 27; 28). These sections have the fulness of detail and vivid descrip tion natural to an eye-witness. This companion was with Paul in the second missionary journey at Troas and at Philippi, joined Paul s party again at Philippi on the return to Jerusalem during the third tour, and probably remained with Paul till he went to Rome.

      Some of Paul s companions came to him at Rome: others are so described in the book as to preclude authorship. Aristarchus, Aquila and Priscilla, Erastus, Gaius, Mark, Silas, Timothy, Trophimus, Tychicus and others more or less insignificant from the point of view of connection with Paul (like Crescens, Demas, Justus, Linus, Pudens, Sopater, etc) are easily eliminated. Curi ously enough Luke and Titus are not mentioned in Acts by name at all.

      They are distinct persons as is stated in 2 Tim 4 10 f . Titus was with Paul in Jerusalem at the conference (Gal 21) and was his special envoy to Corinth during the time of trouble there. (2 Cor 2 12 f; 12 18.) He was later with Paul in Crete (Titus 1 5) . But the absence of mention of Titus in Acts may be due to the fact that he was a brother of Luke (cf 2 Cor 8 18; 12 18). So A. Souter in DCG, art, "Luke." If Luke is the author, it is easy to understand why his name does not appear. If Titus is his brother, the same explanation occurs. As between Luke and Titus the medical language of Acts argues for Luke. The writer was a physician. This fact Hobart (The Medical Language of S7. Luke, 1882) has demon strated. Cf Zahn, Einl, 2, 435 ff; Harnack s Luke the Physician, 177 ff. The arguments from the use of medical terms are not all of equal weight, But the style is colored at points by the language of a physician. The writer uses medical terms in a technical sense. This argument involves a minute comparison with the writings of physicians of the time. Thus in Acts 28 3 f kathdpto, ac cording to Hobart (288), is used in the sense of poisonous matter invading the body, as in Diosco- rides, Animal. Yen. Proem, So Galen, De Typis 4 (VII, 467), uses it "of fever fixing on parts of the body." Cf Harnack, Luke the Physician, 177 f. Harnack agrees also that the terms of the diagnosis in Acts 28 8 "are medically exact and can be vouched for from medical literature" (ib. 176 f). Hobart has overdone his argument and adduced many examples that are not pertinent, but a real residuum remains, according to Harnack. Then pimprasthai is a technical term for swelling. Let these serve as examples. The interest of the writer in matters of disease is also another indication; cf Luke 8 43. Now Luke was a companion of Paul during his later ministry and was a physician. (Col 4 14). Hence he fulfils all the requirements of the case. The argument thus far is only probable, it is true; but there is to be added the undoubted fact that the same writer wrote both Gospel and Acts (Acts 1 1). The direct allusion to the Gospel is reinforced by identity of style and method in the two books. The external evidence is clear on the matter. Both Gospel and Acts are credited to Luke the physician. The Muratorian canon ascribes Acts to Luke. By the end of the 2d cent, the authority of the Acts is as well established as that of the Gospel (Salmon, Introduction to the NT, 1885, 366). Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, all call Luke the author of the book. The argument is complete. It is still further strengthened by the fact that the point of view of the book is Pauline and by the absence of references to Paul s epistles. If one not Paul s companion had written Acts, he would certainly have made

      some use of them. Incidentally, also, this is an argument for the early date of the Acts. The proof that has won Harnack, the leader of the left in Germany, to the acknowledgment of the Lukan authorship of Acts ought to win all to this position.

      V. Canonicity. The use of the Acts does not appear so early or so frequently as is true of the gospels and the Pauline epistles. The reason is obvious. The epistles had a special field and the gospels appealed to all. Only gradually would Acts circulate. At first we find literary allusions without the name of book or author. But Holtz- mann (Einl, 1892, 406) admits the use of Acts by Ignatius, Justin Martyr, Polycarp. The use of the Gospel according to Luke by Tatian and Mar- cion really involves knowledge of the Acts. But in Irenaeus frequently (Adv. Haer., i. 23, 1, etc) the Acts is credited to Luke and regarded as Scrip ture. The Canon of Muratori lists it as Scripture. Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria attribute the book to Luke and treat it as Scripture. By the time of Eusebius the book is generally acknowl edged as part of the canon. Certain of the hereti cal parties reject it (like the Ebionites, Marcipnites, Manichaeans). But by this time the Christians had come to lay stress on history (Gregory, Canon and Text of the NT, 1907, 184), and the place of Acts is now secure in the canon.

      VI. Date. (1) Luke s relations to Josephus. The acceptance of the Lukan authorship settles the question of some of the dates presented by critics. Schmiedel places the date of Acts between 105 and 130 AD (EB). He assumes as proven that Luke made use of the writings of Jos. It has never been possible to take with much seriousness the claim that the Acts shows acquaintance with Jos. See Keim, Geschichte Jesu, III, 1872, 134, and Krenkel, Josephus und Lucas, 1894, for the arguments in favor of that position. The words quoted to prove it are in the main untechnical words of common use. The only serious matter is the mention of Theudas and Judas the Galilean in Acts 6 36 f and Josephus (Ant, XX, v, If). In Jos the names occur some twenty lines apart and the resemblance is only slight indeed. The use of peilho in connection with Theudas and apostt sai concerning Judas is all that requires notice. Surely, then, two common words for "persuade" and "revolt" are not enough to carry conviction of the writer s use of Josephus. The matter is more than offset by the; differences in the two reports of the death of Herod Agrippa I (Acts 12 19-23; Jos, Ant, XVIII, vi, 7; XIX, viii, 2). The argument about Jos may be definitely dis missed from the field. With that goes all the ground for a 2d-cent, date. Other arguments have been adduced (see Holtzmann, Einl, 1892, 405) such as the use of Paul s epistles, acquaintance with Plu tarch, Arrian and Pausanias, because of imitation in method of work (i.e. j| lives of Peter and Paul, periods of history, etc), correction of Gal in Acts (for instance, Gal 1 17-24 and Acts 9 26-30; Gal 2 1-10 and Acts 15 1-33). The parallel with Plu tarch is fanciful, while the use of Paul s epistles is by no means clear, the absence of such use, indeed, being one of the characteristics of the book. The variation from Gal is far better explained on the assumption that Luke had not seen the epistles.

      (2) 80 AD is the limit if the book is to be credited to Luke. The majority of modern critics who accept the Lukan authorship place it between 70 and 80 AD. So Harnack, Lechler, Meyer, Ramsay, Sanday, Zahn. This opinion rests mainly on the idea that the Gospel according to Luke was written after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD. It is claimed that Luke 21 20 shows that this tragedy had already occurred, as compared with Mark 13 14 and Matthew 24 15. But the mention of armies is very




      general, to be sure. Attention is called also to the absence of the warning in Luke. Harnack (The Act* of the AjinxtliK, 291 f) admits that the arguments in favor of the date 70-XOare by no means conclusive, lie writes "to warn critics against a too hasty closing of the chronological question."


      In his new book (ic I ntersuchungen zur Apostelgcschichte, etc, 11)1 1, South 81) Harnack definitely accepts the date before the destruction of Jerus. Light foot would give no date to Acts because of the uncertainty about the date of the Gospel.

      (3) Before 70 A I). This date is supported by Blass, Ileadlam, Maclean, Rackham, Salmon. Harnack, indeed, considers that "very weighty con siderations" argue for the early date. lie, as already stated, now takes his stand for the early date. It is obviously the simplest way to understand Luke's close of the Acts to be due to the fact that Paul was still in prison.

      Harnack contends that the efforts to explain away this situation are not "quite satisfactory or very illuminating." lie does not mention Paul s deatli because he was still alive. The dramatic purpose to bring Paul to Koine is artificial. The supposition of a third book from the use of proton in Acts 1 1 is quite gratuitous, since in the Koine, not to say the earlier (ireek, "first" was often used when only two were mentioned (cf "our first story" and "second story," "first wife" and "second wife").

      The whole tone of the book is that which one would naturally have before M AD. After the burning of Rome and the destruction of Jerusalem the attitude maintained in the book toward Romans and Jews would have been very difficult unless the date was a long time after ward. Harnack wishes "to help a doubt to its just dues." That "doubt" of Harnack is destined to become the certainty of the future. (Since this sentence was written Harnack has settled his own doubt.) The book will, I think, be finally credited to the time (53 AD in Rome. The (iospel of Luke will then naturally belong to the period of Paul s imprisonment in Caesarea. The judgment, of Mof- fatt (Iljxloricnl ,T, 11)01, 41(5) that "it cannot be earlier" than SO AD is completely upset by the powerful attack of Ilarnack on his own previous position. See also MolTatt s I ntrntl nrtinn In tin Lit. of the NT (1911) and Koch s Die Abfassimgszeit des lukanischen (!< schichtswerkes (1911).

      VII, Sources Used by Luke. If we now assume that Luke is the author of the Acts, the question remains as to the character of the sources used by him. One is at liberty to appeal to Luke 1 1-4 for the general method of the author. He used both oral and written sources. In the Acts the matter is somewhat simplified by the fact that Luke was the companion of Paul for a considerable part of the narrative (the "we" sections, 16 11-17; 20 f>; 21 IS; 27 and 28). It is more than probable that Luke was with Paul also during his last stay in Jerusalem and during the imprisonment at Caesarea. There is no reason to think that Luke suddenly left Paul in Jerusalem and returned to Caesarea only when he started to Rome (27 1). The absence of "we" is natural here, since it is not a narrative of travel, but a sketch of Paul s arrest and series of defence s. The very abundance of material here, as in chs 20 and 21, argues for the presence of Luke. But at any rate Luke has access to Paul himself for information concerning this period, as was true of the second, from ch 13 to the end of the book. Luke was either present or he could have learned from Paul the facts used. He may have kept a travel diary, which was drawn upon when necessary. Luke could have taken notes of Paul s addresses in Jerus (ch 22) and Caesarea (chs 24-26). From these, with Paul s help, he probably composed the account of Paul s conversion (9 1-30). If, as I

      think is true, the book was written during Paul s first Roman imprisonment, Luke had the benefit of appeal to Paul at all points. But, if so, he was thoroughly independent in style and assimilated his materials like a true historian. Paul (and also Philip for part of it) was a witness to the events about Stephen in 6 S 8 1 and a participant of the work in Antioch (11 19-30). Philip, the host of Paul s company (21 Samuel) on the last journey to Jerusalem, was probably in Caesarea still during Paul s confinement there. He could have told Luke the events in 6 1-7 and 8 4-40. In Caesarea also the story of Peter s work may have been derived, possibly even from Cornelius himself (9 32 11 IS). Whether Luke ever went to Antioch or not we do not know (Codex Bezae has "we" in 11 2S), though he may have had access to the Antiochian traditions. But he did go to Jerus. However, the narrative in ch 12 probably rests on the authority of John Mark (12 12.25), in whose mother s house the disciples were assembled. Luke was apparently thrown with Mark in Rome (Col 4 10), if not before. For Acts 1-5 the matter does not at first seem so clear, but these chapters are not necessarily discredited on that account. It is remarkable, as ancient historians made so little mention of their sources, that we can connect Luke in the Acts with so many probable fountains of evidence. Barnabas (4 3(5) was able to tell much about the origin of the work in Jerus. So could Mnason. Philip also was one of the seven (6 f>; 21 Samuel). We do not know that Luke met Peter in Rome, though that is possible. But during the stay in Jerusalem and Caesarea (two years) Luke, had abundant opportunity to learn the narrative of the great events told in Acts 1-5. He perhaps used both oral and written sources for this section. One cannot, of course, prove by linguistic or historical arguments the precise nature of Luke s sources in Acts. Only in broad outlines the probable materials may be sketched.

      VIII. The Speeches in Acts. This matter is important enough to receive separate treatment. Are the numerous speeches reported in Acts free compositions of Luke made to order a la Thueydi- des? Are they verbatim reports from notes taken at the time and literally copied into the narrative? Are they substantial reports incorporated with more or less freedom with marks of Luke s own style? In the abstract either of these methods was possible. The example of Thucydides, Xenophon, Livy and Jos shows that ancient historians did not scruple to invent speeches of which no report was available. There are not wanting those who accuse Luke of this very thing in Acts. The matter can only be settled by an appeal to the facts so far as they can be determined. It cannot be denied that to a certain extent the hand of Luke is apparent in the addresses reported by him in Acts. But this fact must not be pressed too far. It is not true that the addresses are all alike in style. It is possible to distinguish very clearly the speeches of Peter from those of Paul. Not merely is this true, but we are able to compare the addresses of both Paul and Peter with their epistles. It is not prob able that Luke had seen these epistles, as will presently be shown. It is crediting remarkable literary skill to Luke to suppose that he made up "Petrine" speeches and "Pauline" speeches with such success that they harmonize beautifully with the teachings and general style of each of these apostles. The address of Stephen differs also sharply from those of Peter and Paul, though we are riot able to compare this report with any original work by Stephen himself. Another thing is true also, particularly of Paul s sermons. They are wonderfully suited to time, place and audience.





      They all have a distinct Pauline flavor, and yet a difference in local color that corresponds, to some extent, with the variations in the; style of Paul s epistles. Professor Percy Gardner (The Speeches of *S7. Paul in Ads, in Cambridge Biblical Essays, 1909) recognizes these differences, but seeks to explain them on the ground of varying accuracy in the sources used by Luke, counting the speech at Miletus as the most historic of all. But he admits the use of sources by Luke for these addresses. The theory of pure invention by Luke is quite discredited by appeal to the facts. On the other hand, in view of the apparent presence of Luke s style to some extent in the speeches, it can hardly be claimed that he has made verbatim reports. Besides, the report of the addresses of Jesus in Luke s Gospel (as in the other gospels) shows the same freedom in giving the substance without exact reproduction of the words that is found in Acts. Again, it seems clear that some, if not all, the reports in Acts are condensed, mere outlines in the case of some of Peter s addresses. The ancients knew how to make shorthand reports of such addresses. The oral tradition was probably active in preserving the early speeches of Peter and even of Stephen, though Paul himself heard Stephen. The speeches of Paul all show the marks of an eye witness (Bethge, Die paulinischen Reden, etc, 174). For the speeches of Peter, Luke may have had documents, or he may have taken down the cur rent oral tradition while he was in Jerusalem and Caesarea. Peter probably spoke in Greek on the day of Pentecost. His other addresses may have been in Aram, or in Greek. lint the oral tradition would certainly carry them in Greek, if also in Aram. Luke heard Paul speak at Miletus (Acts 20) and may have taken notes at the time. So also he almost cer tainly heard Paul s address on the steps of the Tower of Antonia (eh 22) and that before Agrippa (ch 26). There is no reason to think that he was absent when Paul made his defences before 1 Felix and Festus (chs 24-25). lie was present on the ship when Paul spoke (ch 27), and in Rome when he addressed the Jews (ch 28). Luke was not on hand when Paul delivered his sermon at Antioch in Pisid- ia (ch 13j, or at Lystra (ch 14), or at Athens (ch 17). Hut these discourses differ so greatly in theme and treatment, and are so essentially Pauline that it is natural to think that Paul himself gave Luke the notes which he used. The sermon at Antioch in Pisidia is probably given as a sample of Paul s missionary discourses. It contains the heart of Paul s gospel as it appears in his epistles. lie accentuates the death and resurrection of Jesus, remission of sins through Christ, justification by faith. It is sometimes objected that at Athens the address shows a breadth of view and sympathy unknown to Paul, and that there is a curious Attic tone to the Greek style. The sermon does go as far as Paul can (cf 1 Cor 9 22) toward the standpoint of the Greeks (but compare Col and Eph). How ever, Paul does not sacrifice his principle of grace in Christ. He called the Athenians to repentance, preached the judgment for sin and announced the resurrection of Jesus from the dead. The father hood of God and the brotherhood of man here taught did not mean that God winked at sin and could save all men without repentance and forgive ness of sin. Chase (The Credibility of Ada) gives a collection of Paul s missionary addresses. The his torical reality and value of the speeches in Acts may be said to be vindicated by modern scholarship. For a sympathetic and scholarly discussion of all of Paul s addresses see Jones, St. Paul the Orator (1910). The short speech of Tertullus (Acts 24) was made in public, as was the public statement of Festus in ch 26. The letter of Claudius Lvsias

      to Felix in ch 23 was a public document. How Luke got hold of the conversation about Paul between Festus and Agrippa in ch 26 is more difficult to conject lire.

      IX. Relation of Acts to the Epistles. There is no real evidence that Luke made use of any of Paul s epistles. He was with Paul in Rome when Col was written (4 14), and may, indeed, have been Paul s amanuensis for this epistle (and for Eph and Philem). Some similarities to Luke s style have been pointed out. But Acts closes without any narrative of the events in Rome during the years there, so that these epistles exerted no influence on the composition of the book. As to the two preceding groups of Paul s epistles (1 and 2 Thews; 1 and 2 Cor, Gal, Rom) there is no proof that Luke saw any of them. The Fpistle to the Romans was probably accessible to him while in Rome, but he does not seem to have used it. Luke evidently preferred to appeal to Paul directly for information rather than to his epistles. This is all simple enough if he wrote the book or made his data while Paul was alive. But if Acts was written very late, it would be strange for the author not to have made use of some of Paul s epistles. The book has, therefore, the great advantage of covering some of the same ground as that discussed in the earlier epistles, but from a thoroughly independent stand point. The gaps in our knowledge from the one source are often supplied incidentally, but most satisfactorily, from the other. The coincidences between Acts and Paul s epistles have been well traced by Paley in his Home Puulinac, still a book of much value. Knowling, in his Witness of the Epistles (1S92), has made a more recent study of the same problem. But for the apparent conflict between Gal 2 1-10 and Acts 15 the matter might be dropped at this point. It is argued by some that Acts, written long after Gal, brushes to one side the account of the Jerusalem conference given by Paul. It is held that Paid is correct in his personal record, and that Acts is therefore unhistorical. Others save the credit of Acts by arguing that Paul is referring to an earlier private conference some years before the public discussion recorded in Acts 15. This is, of course, possible in itself, but it is by no means required by the variations between the two reports. The contention of Light foot, has never been really overturned, that in Gal 2 1-10 Paul gives the personal side of the conference, not a full report of the general meeting. What Paul is doing is to show the Galatians how he is on a par with the Jerusalem apostles, and how his author ity and independence were acknowledged by them. This aspect of the matter came out in the private conference. Paul is not in Gal 2 1-10 setting forth his victory over the Judai/ers in behalf of Gentile freedom. But in Acts 15 it is precisely this struggle for Gentile freedom that is tinder discussion. Paul s relations with the Jerusalem apostles is not the point at all, though it is plain in Acts that they agree. In Gal also Paul s victory for Genesis tile freedom comes out. Indeed, in Acts 15 it is twice mentioned that the apostles and elders were gathered together (vs 4. G), and twice we are told that Paul and Barnabas addressed them (vs 4. 12). It is therefore; natural to suppose that this private conference narrated by Paul in Gal came in between vs 5 and 6. Luke may not, indeed, have seen the Epistle to the Galatians, and may not have heard from Paul the story of the private conference, though he knew of the two public meetings. If he did know of the private meeting, he thought it not pertinent to his narration. There is, of course, no contradiction between Paul s going up by reve lation and by appointment of the church in Antioch. In Gal 2 1 we have the second (Gal 1 18) visit to





      Jerusalem after his conversion mentioned by Paul, while that in Acts 15 is (lie third in Acts (9 28; 11 2!) f ; 15 2). But Ihere was no particular reason for Paul to mention the visit in Acts 11 30, which did not concern his relation to the apostles in Jerusalem. Indeed, only the "elders" are mentioned on this occasion. The same independence between Acts and Gal occurs in Gal 1 17-24, and Acts 9 20-30. In Acts there is no allusion to the visit to Arabia, just as there is no mention of the private conference in Acts 15. So also in Acts 15 35-39 there is no mention of the sharp disagreement be tween Paul and Peter at Antioch recorded in Gal 2 11 ff. Paul mentions it merely to prove his own authority and independence as an apostle. Luke had no occasion to record the incident, if he was acquainted with the matter. These instances il lustrate well how, when the Acts and the epistles vary, they really supplement each other.

      X. Chronology of Acts. Here we confront one of the most perplexing questions in New Testament criticism. In general, ancient writers were not so careful as modern writers are to give precise dates for historical events. Indeed, it was not easy to do so in view of the absence of a uniform method of reckoning time. Luke does, however, relate his narrative to outward events at various points. In his (iospel he had linked the birth of Jesus with the names of Augustus as emperor and of Quirinius as governor of Syria (Luke 2 1 fj, and the entrance of John the Baptist upon his ministry with the names of the chief Roman and Jewish rulers of the time (Luke 3 1 f). So also in the Acts he does not leave us without various notes of time. He does not , indeed, give the date of the Ascension or of the Crucifixion, though he places the Ascension forty days after the Resurrection (Acts 1 3), and the great Day of Pentecost would then come ten days later, "not many days hence" (1 5). But the other events in the opening chapters of Acts have no clear chronological arrangement. The career of Stephen is merely located "in these days" (6 1). The beginning of the general persecution under Saul is located on the very day of Stephen s death (8 1), but the year is not even hinted at. The conversion of Saul comes probably in its chronologi cal order in 9, but the year again is not given. We have no hint as to the age of Saul at his conversion. So again the relation of Peter s work in Caesarea

      (10) to Ihe preaching to the Greeks in Antioch

      (11) is not made clear, though probably in this order. It is only when we come to 12 that we reach an event whose date; is reasonably certain. This is the death of Herod Agrippa I in 44 AD. But even so, Luke does not correlate the life of Paul with that incident. Ramsay (St. Paul the Tranllir, 49) places the persecution and death of James in 44, and the visit of Barnabas and Saul to Jerusalem in 46. About 44, then, we may consider that Saul came to Antioch from Tarsus. The "fourteen years" in Gal 2 1, as already shown, probably point to the visit in Acts 15 some years later. But Saul had been in Tarsus some years and had spent some three years in Arabia and Damascus after his conversion (Gal 1 18). Beyond this it is not possible to go. We do not know the age of Saul in 44 AD or the year of his conversion. He was probably born not far from 1 AD. But if we locate Paul at Antioch with Barnabas in 44 AD, we can make some headway. Here Paul spent a year (Acts 11 26). The visit to Jerusalem in 11, the first missionary tour in 13 and 14, the conference at Jerusalem in 15, the second missionary tour in 16-18, the third missionary tour and return to Jerusalem in 18-21, the arrest in Jerusalem and two years in Caesarea in 21-26, all come between 44 AD and the recall of Felix and the coming of

      Festus. It used to be taken for granted that Festus ("line in 60 AD. Wieseler figured it out so from Josephus and was followed by Light foot. But Eusebius, in his "Chronicle," placed that event in the second year of Nero. That would be 56, unless Eusebius has a special way of counting those years. Mr. C. II. Turner (art. "Chronology" in HDh) finds that Eusebius counts an emperor s regnal year from the September following. If so, the date could be moved forward to 57 (cf Rackham on Acts, Ixvi). But Ramsay (ch xiv, "Pauline Chronol ogy," in Pauline and Other Studies) cuts the Gordian knot by showing an error in Eusebius due to his disregarding an interregnum with the reign of kings. Ramsay here follows Erbes (Todestage I aali und Petri) in this discovery and is able to fix upon 59 as the date of the coming of Festus. Prob ably 59 will have to answer as a compromise date. Between 44 AD and 59 AD, therefore, we place the bulk of Paul s active missionary work. Luke has divided this period into minor divisions with rela tive dates. Thus a year and six months are men tioned at Corinth (Acts 18 11), besides "yet many days" (18 IX). In Ephcsus we find mention of "three months" (19 8) and "two years" (19 10), the whole story summed up as "three years" (20 31). Then we have the "two years" of delay in Caesarea (24 27). We thus have about seven of these fifteen years itemized. Much of the remain ing eight was spent in (he journeys described by Luke. We are told also the time of year when the voyage to Rome was under way (27 9), the length of the voyage (27 27), the duration of the stay in Melita (28 11), and the time spent in Rome at the close of the book, "two whole years" (28 30). Tims it is possible to fix upon a relative schedule of dates, though not an absolute one. Harnack (The Acts of the A/mslles, eh i, "Chronological Data") has worked out a very careful scheme for the whole of Acts. Knowling has a good critical resume of the present state of our knowledge of the chronology of Acts in his Conntientnri/, 38 ff ; cf also Clemen, Die Chronologic der panliniscJicn liriefe (1X93). It is clear, then, that a rational scheme for events of Paul s career so far as recorded in the Acts can be found. If 57 AD, for instance, should be taken as the year of Festus coming rather than 59 or (it) AD, the other dates back to 44 AD would, of course, be affected on a sliding scale. Back of 44 AD the dates are largely conjectural.

      XL Historical Worth of Acts. It was once fashionable to discredit Acts as a book of no real value as history. The Tiibingen school re garded Acts as "a late controversial romance, the only historical value of which was to throw light on the thought of the period which produced it" (Chase, The Cmlibilili/ of Ads, 9). There are not wanting a few writers who still regard Acts as a late eirenicon between the Peter and Paul parties, or as a party pamphlet in the interest of Paul. Somewhat fanciful parallels are found between Luke s treatment of both Peter and Paul. "Accord ing to Holtzmann, the strongest argument for the critical position is the correspondence between the acts of St. Peter and the other apostles on the one side and those of St. Paul on the other" (Headlam in HDB). But this matter seems rather far fetched. Peter is the leading figure in the early chapters, as Paul is in the latter half of the book, but the correspondences are not remarkably striking. There exists in some minds a prejudice against the book on the ground of the miracles recorded as genuine events by Luke. But Paul himself claimed to have wrought miracles (2 Cor 12 12). It is not scientific to rule a book out beforehand because it narrates miracles (Blass, Ada Apostolo-rum, 8). Ramsay (St. Paul the Traveller, 8) tells his experi-





      encc in regard to the trustworthiness of Acts: "I began with a mind unfavorable to it, for the in genuity and apparent completeness of the Tubingen theory had at one time quite convinced me." It was by actual verification of Acts in points where it could be tested by inscriptions, Paul s epistles, or current non-Christian writers, that "it was gradually borne in upon me that in various details the narra tive showed marvelous truth." He concludes by "placing this great writer on the high pedestal that belongs to him" (10). McGiffert (The Apos tolic Age) had been compelled by the geographical and historical evidence to abandon in part the older criticism. He also admitted that the Acts "is more trustworthy than previous critics allowed" (Ramsay, Luke the Physician, 5). Schmiedel (EB) still argues that the writer of Acts is inaccurate because he was not in possession of full information. But on the whole Acts has had a triumphant vindication in modern criticism. Jiilicher (Einl, 355) admits "a genuine core overgrown with legendary accretions" (Chase, Crcilihilili/, 9). The moral honesty of Luke, his fidelity to truth (Rack- ham on Acts, 46), is clearly shown in both his Gospel and the Acts. This, after all, is the chief trait in the true historian (Ramsay, S7. Paul the Trarellrr, 4). Luke writes as a man of serious purpose and is the one New Testament writer who mentions his careful use of his materials (Luke 1 1-4). His atti tude and spirit are those of the historian. He reveals artistic skill, it is true, but not to the dis credit of his record. He does not give a bare chronicle, but he writes a real history, an interpre tation of the events recorded. He had adequate resources in the way of materials and endowment and has made conscientious and skilful use of his opportunity. It is not necessary here to give in detail all the points in which Luke has been vin dicated (see Knowling on Acts, Ramsay s books and Harnack s Luke and Acts). The most obvious are the following: The use of "proconsul" instead of "propraetor" in Acts 13 7 is a striking instance. Curiously enough Cyprus was not a senatorial province very long. An inscription has been found in Cyprus "in the proconsulship of Paulus." The first men of Antioch in Pisidia is like the (13 50) "First Ten," a title; which "was only given (as here) to a board of magistrates in Greek cities of the East" (MacLean in one-vol. ffDli). The "priest of Jupiter" at Lystra (14 13) is in accord with the known facts of the worship there. So we have Perga in Pamphylia (13 13), Antioch in Pisidia 13 14), Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (14 0), but not Iconium (14 1). In Philippi Luke notes that the magistrates are called strotegoi or praetors (16 20), and are accompanied by lictors or rhnb- douchoi (16 35). In Thessalonica the rulers are politarchs (17 0), a title found nowhere else, but now discovered on an inscription of Thessalonica. He rightly speaks of the Court of the Areopagus at Athens (17 19) and the proconsul in Achaia (18 12). Though Athens was a free city, the Court of the Areopagus at the time were the real rulers. Achaia was sometimes associated with Macedonia, though at this time it was a separate senatorial province. In Ephesus Luke knows of the Asiarchs (19 31), "the presidents of the Common Council of the province in cities where there was a temple of Rome and the Emperor; they superintended the worship of the Emperor" (Maclean). Note also the fact that Ephesus is "temple-keeper of the great Diana" (19 35). Then observe the town clerk (19 35), and the assembly (19 39). Note also the title of Felix, "governor" or procurator (24 1), Agrippa the king (25 13), Julius the centurion and the Augustan band (27 1). Chronicles 27 is a marvel of interest and accuracy for all who wish to know

      details of ancient seafaring. The matter has been worked over in a masterful way by James Smith, Voyage and /Shipwreck of St. Paid. The title "First Man of the Island" (28 7) is now found on a coin of Melita. These are by no means all the matters of interest, but they will suffice. In most of the items given above Luke s veracity was once challenged, but now he has been triumphantly vindicated. The force of this vindication is best appreciated when one recalls the incidental nature of the items mentioned. They come from widely scattered districts and are just the points where in strange regions it is so easy to make slips. If space allowed, the matter could be set forth in more detail and with more justice to Luke s worth as a his torian. It is true that in the earlier portions of the Acts we are not able to find so many geographical and historical corroborations. But, the nature of the material did not call for the mention of so many places and persons. In the hitter part Luke does not hesitate to record miraculous events also. His character as a historian is firmly established by the passages where outside contact has been found. We cannot refuse him a good name in the rest of the book, though the value of the sources used certainly cuts a figure. It has been urged that Luke breaks down as a historian in the double mention of Quirinius in Luke 2 2 and Acts 6 37. But Ramsay (,, as Christ Horn <it Bethlehem?) has shown how the new knowledge of the census system of Augustus derived from the Egyp papyri is about to clear up this difficulty. Luke s general accuracy at least calls for suspense of judgment, and in the matter of Theudas and Judas the Galilean (Acts 6) Luke as compared with Josephus outclasses his rival. Harnack (The. Acts of the. Apostles, 203-29) gives in his usual painstaking way a number of examples of "inaccuracy and discrepancy." But the great bulk of them are merely examples of independence in narration (cf Acts 9 with 22 and 26, where we have three reports of Paul s conversion). Harnack did not, indeed, once place as high a value on Luke as a historian as he now does. It is all the more significant, therefore, to read the following in Harnack s The Acts of the Apostles (298 f) : "The book has now been restored to the position of credit which is its rightful due. It is not only, taken as a whole, a genuinely historical work, but even in the

      majority of its details it is trustworthy

      Judged from almost, every possible standpoint of historical criticism it is a solid, respectable, and in many respects an extraordinary work." That is, in my opinion, an understatement of the facts (see Ramsay), but it is a remarkable conclusion concerning the trustworthiness of Luke when one considers the distance that Harnack has come. At any rate the prejudice against Luke is rapidly disappearing. The judgment of the future is forecast, by Ramsay, who ranks Luke as a historian of the first order.

      XII. Purpose of the Book. A great deal of dis cussion has been given to Luke s aim in the Acts. Baur s theory was that this book was written to give a conciliatory view of the conflict, between Peter and Paul, and that a minute parallelism exist.s in the Acts between these two heroes. This tendency theory once held the critical field, but it does not take into view all the facts, and fails to explain the book as a whole. Peter and Paul are the heroes of the book as they undoubtedly were the two chief personalities in apostolic history (cf Wendt, Apostel- geschichte, 17). There is some parallelism between the careers of the two men (cf the worship offered Peter at Caesarea in Acts 10 25, and that to Paul in 14 11; see also the punishment of Ananias and Sapphira and that, of Elymas). But Knowling (Acts, 16) well replies that curiously no use is made of the





      death of both Peter and Paul in Rome, possibly at the same time. If the Acts was written late, this matter would be open to 1 he knowledge of the writer. There is in truth no real effort on Luke s part to paint Paul like Peter or Peter like Paul. The few similarities in incident are merely natural his torical parallels. Others have seen in the Acts a strong purpose to conciliate gentile (pagan) opinion in the fact that the Rom governors and military oflieers are so uniformly presented as favorable to Paul, while the Jews are represented as the real aggressors against Christianity (cf Josephus attitude toward Home). Here again the fact is beyond dispute. But the other explanation is the more natural, vi/. that Luke brings out this aspect of the matter because it was the truth. Cf B. Weiss, Kinl, ;"><><). Luke does have an eye on the world relations of Christianity and rightly reflects Paul s ambit ion to win t lie Hoinan Empire to ( hrist (see Rom 15), but that is not to say that he has given the book a political bias or colored it so as to de prive it of its historical worth. It is probably true (cf Knowling, Art*, 1">; ,1. Weiss, l el>translation die Al>xirl/l und <l> ii literariisckcft Charakler der Aposlelgeschichte) that Luke felt, as did Paul, that Judaism reali/ed its world destiny in Christianity, that. Christianity was the true Judaism, the spiritual and real Israel. If Luke wrote Acts in Pome, while Paul s case was still before Nero, it is easy to understand the some what long and minute account of the arrest and trials of Paul in Jerusalem, Caesarea and Rome. The point would be that the legal aspect of Chris tianity before Rom laws was involved. Hitherto Christianity had found shelter as a sect of Judaism, and so was passed by Oallio in Corinth as a nlii/io licitd. If Paul was condemned as a Christian, the whole aspect of the matter would be altered. Chris tianity would at once become rtliijin illicil/t. The last word in the Acts comments on the fact that Paul, though still a prisoner, was permitted to preach unhindered. The importance of this point is clearly seen as one pushes on to the Xeronian persecution in (it. After that date Christianity stood apart from .Judaism in the eye of Rome. I have already stated my belief that Luke dosed the Acts when he did and as he did because the events with Paul had only gone thus far. Numerous scholars hold that Luke had in mind a third book (Acts 1 1), a possible though by no means necessary inference from "first treatise. It was a climax to carry the narrative on to Rome with Paul, but it is rather straining the point to find all this in Acts 1 8. Rome was not "the nethermost part of the earth," Spain more nearly being that. Nor did Paul take the gospel to Rome. Besides, to make the arrival of Paul in Rome the goal in the mind of Christ is too narrowing a purpose. The purpose to go to Rome did dominate Paul s mind for several years (19 21), but Paul cuts no figure in the early part of the book. And Paul wished to push on from Rome to Spain (Rom 15 24). It is probably true that Luke means to announce his purpose in Acts 1 1-8. One needs to keep in mind also Luke 1 1-4. There are various ways of writing history. Luke chooses the biographical method in Acts. Thus he conceives that he can best set forth the tre mendous task of interpreting the first thirty years of the apostolic history. It is around persons (cf Harnack, The Acts of the A panties, 117), two great figures (Pet (T and Paul), that the narrative is focused. Peter is most prominent in 1-12, Paul in 13-28. Still Paul s conversion is told in Acts 9 and Peter reappears in 15. But these great personages do not stand alone. John the Apostle is certainly with Peter in the opening chapters. The other apostles are mentioned also by name (1 13) and a number of times in the first twelve chapters (and

      in 15j. But after 15 they drop out of the narra tive, for Luke follows the fortunes of Paul. The other chief secondary figures in Acts are Stephen, Philip, Barnabas, James, Apollos, all Hellenists save James (Harnack, 120). The minor characters are numerous (John, Mark, Silas, Timothy, Aquila and Priscilla, Aristarchus, etc;. In most eases Luke gives a distinct picture of these incidental person ages. In particular he brings out sharply such men as (lallio, Claudius, Lysias, Felix, Festus, Herod, Agrippa I and II, Julius. Luke s concep tion of the apostolic history is that it is the work of Jesus still carried on by the Holy Spirit (1 If). ( hrist chose the apostles, commanded them to wait for power from on high, filled them with the Holy Spirit and then sent them on the mission of world conquest. In the Acts Luke records the waiting, the coming of the Holy Spirit, the planting of a powerful church in Jems and the expansion of the gospel to Samaria and all over the Roman Empire. He addresses the book to Theophilus as his patron, a (ientile Christian plainly, as he had done with his gospel. The book is designed for the enlightenment of Christians generally concerning the historic origins of Christianity. It is in truth the first church history. It is in reality the Acts of the Holy Spirit as wrought through these men. It is an inspiring narration. Luke had no doubt whatever of the future of a gospel with such a historv and with such heroes of faith as Peter and Paul."

      XIII. Analysis.

      1. The connection between the work of the apostles and that of Jesus (1 1-11 I.

      2. The equipment of the early disciples for their task (1 122 47).

      (n) The disciples obeying Christ s parting com mand (1 12-14).

      (b) The place of Judas filled (1 ir>-2(>).

      (c) Miraculous manifestations of the presence of the Holy Spirit (2 1-13).

      (d) Peter s interpretation of the situation (2 14-36).

      (e) The immediate effect of the sermon (2 37-41).

      (/) The new spirit in the Christian community (2 42 17;.

      3. The development of the work in Jerusalem (3 18 In).

      at) An incident in the work of Peter and John with Peter s apologetic (3).

      (/;) Opposition of the Sadducees aroused by the preaching of the resurrection of Jesus (4 1-31).

      (r) An internal difficulty, the problem of pov erty (4 325 11).

      (d) (ireat progress of the cause in Hie city (5 12-16).

      (r) Renewed hostility of the Sadducees and (lamalid s retort to the Pharisees (5 17- 42).

      (/") A crisis in church life and the choice of the seven Hellenists (6 1-7).

      (<;) Stephen s spiritual interpretation of Chris tianity stirs the antagonism of the Pharisees and leads to his violent death (6 8 8 In).

      4. The compulsory extension of the gospel to Judaea, Samaria and the neighboring regions (8 17>-40).

      (a) The great persecution, with Saul as leader (8 lb-4).

      (b) Philip s work as a notable example of the work of the scattered disciples (8 5-40).

      5. The conversion of Saul changes the whole situa tion for Christianity (9 1-31).

      (a) Saul s mission to Damascus (9 1-3). (6) Saul stopped in his hostile course and turns Christian himself (9 4-18).





      (<) Saul becomes :i powerful exponent of the gospel in Damascus and Jerusalem (9 19-30.). (d) The church has peace (9 31).

      6. The door opened to the Gentiles, both Roman and Greek (9 3211 30).

      (a) Peter s activity in this time of peace (9 32- 43).

      (b) The appeal from Cornelius in Caesarea and Peter s response (10).

      (c) Peter s arraignment before the Pharisaic element in the church in Jerusalem (11 1-18).

      (d) Greeks in Antioch are converted and Barna bas brings Saul to this work (11 19-2(5).

      (c) The Greek Christians send relief to the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem (11 27-30).

      7. Persecution from the civil government (12).

      (a) Herod Agrippa 1 kills James and imprisons Peter (12 1-1!).

      (b) Herod pays the penalty for his crimes (12 20-23).

      (c) Christianity prospers (12 24 f).

      8. The gentile propaganda from Antioch under the leadership of Barnabas and Saul (13, 14).

      (a) The specific call of the Holv Spirit to this work (13 1-3).

      (b) The province of Cyprus and the leadership of Paul (13 4-12).

      (c) The province of Pamphylia and the desertion of John Mark (13 13).

      (d) The province of Galatia (Pisidia and Lyca- onia) and the stronghold of the gospel upon the native population (13 14 14 24).

      (c) The return and report to Antioch (14 25- 28).

      9. The gentile campaign challenged by the Juda- i/ers (15 1-35).

      (<i) They meet Paul and Barnabas at Antioch who decide to appeal to Jerusalem (15 1 3i.

      (b) The first public meeting in Jerusalem (16 1 f .

      (c) The second and more extended discussion with the decision of the conference (15 0-29).

      (d) The joyful reception (in Antioch) of the victory of Paul and Barnabas (15 30-3.").

      10. The second great campaign extending to Europe (15 3(518 22).

      (a) The breach between Paul and Barnabas over John Mark (15 3(5-39).

      (b) From Antioch to Troas with the Mace donian Cry (15 4016 10).

      (f) In Philippi in Macedonia the gospel gains a foothold in Europe, but meets opposition (16 11-40).

      (d) Paul is driven also from Thessalonica and Berea (cf Philippi), cities of Macedonia also (17 1-15).

      (e) Paul s experience in Athens (17 16-34).

      (/) In Corinth Paul spends nearly two years and the cause of Christ wins legal recog nition from the Roman governor (18 1-17).

      (y) The return to Antioch by way of Ephesus, Caesarea and probably Jerusalem (18 18-22).

      11. The third great tour, with Ephesus as head quarters (18 2320 3).

      (a) Paul in Galatia and Phrygia again (18 23).

      (b) Apollos in Ephesus before Paul comes (18 24-28).

      (c) Paul s three years in Ephesus (19 1 20 la).

      (d) The brief visit to Corinth because of the troubles there (20 16-3).

      12. Paul turns to Jerusalem again with plans for Home (20 421 1(5).

      (a) His companions (20 4).

      (b) Rejoined by Luke at Philippi (20 5 f).

      (0 The story of Troas (20 7-12).

      ((/) Coasting along Asia (20 13-1(5).

      (c) With the Ephesian elders at Miletus (20


      (/) From Miletus to Tyre (21 1-0). (g] From Tyre to Caesarea (21 7-14). (//) From Caesarea to Jerusalem (21 15 f).

      13. The outcome in Jerusalem (21 15 23 30).

      () Paul s reception by the brethren (21 15-17).

      (b) Their proposal of a plan by which Paul could undo the work of the Judaizers con cerning him in Jerusalem (21 18-26).

      (c) The uproar in the temple courts raised by the Jews from Asia as Paul was carrying out the plan to disarm the Judaizers (21 27-30).

      (d) Paul s rescue by the Roman captain and Paul s defence to the Jewish mob (21 31

      22 23).

      (c) Examination of the chief captain (22 24-

      29). (/) Brought before the Sanhedrin (22 30

      23 10).

      (;/) Cheered by the Lord Jesus (23 11). (It) Paul s escape from the plot of Jewish con spirators (23 12-30).

      14. Paul a prisoner in Caesarea (23 3126).

      (a) The flight to Caesarea and presentation to Felix (23 31-35).

      (b) Paul s appearance before Felix (24).

      (c) Paul before Festus (25 1-12).

      (d) Paul, as a matter of curiosity and courtesy, brought before Herod Agrippa II (25 13 26 32).

      15. Paul going to Rome (27 128 15).

      (a) From Caesarea to Myra (27 1-5).

      (b) From Myra to Fair Havens (27 0-.8).

      (c) From Fair Havens to Malta (27 9- -28 10).

      (d) From Malta to Rome (28 11-15).

      16. Paul in Rome at last (28 16-31).

      (a) His quarters (28 1(5).

      (b) His first interview with the Jews (28 17-22).

      (c) His second interview with the Jews (28 23-28).

      (d) Two years afterward still a prisoner, but with freedom to preach the gospel (28 30 f).

      LITEHATTHeast Besides the works referred to above sec Wendt s edition of Meyer s Kommentar (lS9!t); Headlam in IIDH; Knowllng on Acts in Expositor s Creek Testament (1900); Knowling, Witness of the Epistles (ISO.!), Testimony of St. Paul to Christ (1905); Moffatt. Ifistnn rnl XT (1901).

      Here is a selected list- of important works:

      1. Introduction: .Bacon, Intro to the NT (1900); Bennett and Adcnoy. liihlicnl Intro (1S99); Bleek, Einl in das XT (4 Aufl, 1900) ; South Davidson. (3d cd. 1S94); C. R. Gregory. Canon and Text of the XT (1907); H. J. Holtzmann, Einl in das XT (3 Aufl, 1892); .Jacquics, /{istoire ties lieres <ln XT (1905-8); Jtilichcr, Intro to the XT (translation, 1904); Pcakc. Critical Intro to the XT (1909); Rcuss, Canon of tin- Hob/ Scripture* (translation, 1880); Salmon,

      /list Intro to the Xtitdn of tin- Books of tin: XT (7th ed, 1890); von Sodcn. Tin- History of Earli/ Christian Lit. (translation, 190IS); B. Weiss. .1 Manual of Intro to the NT (translation, 1SS9); "vYcstcott, Ilistorii of the Canon of the NT (1SG9); /aim. Intro to the XT (translation, 1909); Motratl, Intro to the Lit. of

      the XT (1911).

      2. Text : See general works on textual criticism of the XT (Gregory, Kenyon, Nestle, Tischendorf, Scrivener, von Soden, B. Weiss, "Westcott, etc). Of special trea tises note Blass. J hilolo;/// of the (lospels (189S). A eta Apostolorum (1S95); Bornemann, Aria Apostolorum (1848); Chase, Old Si/riac, Element in the Text of Codex Bezae (1893); Corssen, Der <-i/prianisrhe Text der Aria Apostolorum (1<S92): Klostermann. J rohle/ne irn A pastel Texte (1883); Klostemiann, Vindiciae Lucanae (1866); Nestle, Philolot/ia (1890); J. Kendel Harris, Study of Codex Bezae (1891).

      3. Apostolic History: For literature on the life of Paid see Robertson, Epochs in the Life of Paul (1909), 321-27, and art. PATL in this encyclopaedia. Important general works are the following: Bartlet, The Apostolic Af/e (1899); Baumgarten, The Apostolic History (translation, 1854); Blunt, Studies in the Apostolic. Age. (1909); Burton, Records and Letters of the Apostolic Aye (1895); Doellinger, The First Aye of the Church (translation, 1867); DobschiltZ, Christian Life in the Primitive Church (translation.


      Adam in OT




      1901); Kwald. History of the Apostolic Times (t-r, Vol VI in History of Israel); Farrar, Early Day* of Christianity U-SS7); Fisher, The Jityin.ninij.-i of Christianity (1877); (lilbcrt, Christianity in the Apostolic Aye (190.S); Har- nack, The Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuriis (translation. 1904-5); Hausrath, ,eiit. Zeitgeschichte (Bd 2 1H72); Heinriei, Dan I rrhristenl am (1902); llolt/mann, Neut. Zeitgeschichte (1X95); Hort, Judaistic Christianity (1SDS); <)n.iiini:ntion of the Early Christian Churches (1895); Leehler, The Apostolic ami 1 ost- Apostolie Tutus (translation. ISSdi; Litflitfoot, Dissertations on the -,postoltc Aye (1S92): Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry in the Early Centuries (1902); Mo( iitfert. ,1 History of Christianity in the Apostolic Aye (1X97); Neander, History of the I lnntim.j and Trainint/ of the Christian Church (ISS .O; I lleiderer, Christian Oriyins (l .)O(ij; Pressense, The Early Years of Christianity (ls70i; Purves. Christianity in the Apostolic Aye (1<K)1); Hamsay, The Church in the Roman Empire (IS W); Kitsclil. Die Entstthnii i der altl:ath. K/rehe ( 1 Samuelf>7 ) ; Hopes. The Apos tolic Aye in the Light of Modern Criticism (1!K)C; Wcix- siicker. The Apostolic Age of the Christian Church (translation, 1S94- 95); Pictures of the Apostolic Church (1910).

      4. Special Treatises on The Acts: Belser, liiitr/iyc :ur Er/cliirnii / il, r .1 postelyesch iehte (1S97); Benson. Ad- dresses on, the Acts of the Apostles (1901); Hethge, Die paulinisehen Reden tier Apostelgeschichte (1HS7); J31ass, .1(7(1 Apostolorum secundum For mam quae videtur Roma- nam (l.S9li); Chase. The Credibility of the Hook of the Acts of the Apostle* (1902); Clemen, Die Apostelge- Kehtehte, i/n Liehteder mueren Forschii ni/cn (1905); Fieiie, Eine i-arkonunisrhc .,elieiiliiferuny <les l.ul;as in Krnn- i/elium und Apostcly, sctnctite, (1.S91); Harnack, Luke. the Physician (translation, 1907); The Acts of the Apostle.-, (1909); HilKenfeld, Act,i Apostolorum Graece et Latine (1X99) ; Jiintfst. DieQuillen d> r Apostelgeschichte (is 1 .)."); Krenkel, Joseph us und Lucas (1S94); Luekok, Footprints of the Apostles as Traced by St. Luke in the Acts (1S97); J. Li^lltfoot, Hebrew and Talmud/en! eastrereitations on the Acts of the Apostles (17<>Xj; Paley, llorac Paulinae (Birks ed, L850); Ramsay. St. I nnl the Traceller (,SW; 1 au- line and Other Studies (190li>; Cities of St. 1 aul ( 1 90S ) , Luke the Physician, and Other Studies (190S); .1. Smith, Voi/nye and Shipwreck of St. I niil (4th ed. ISSO); Sorof. Die Entstehung d, r Apostelgeschichte (ls ( .0); Spitta, Die

      A poste/i/escfiiehte. Hire Quellcn and ilerin yeseh ichtl icher ,V,rth (1.S91); Stiller. An Intro to the Hook of Acts (1S92); VoKi l, Ziir Character istik des Lukas nach Sprnche und Stil (1S97); J. Weiss, i eber die Absieht und die liter, i- rischen Character der Apostelyesehiehte (1S97); Zeller, The Contents and Origin of the Acts of the A posth s (translation, 1S75); Maurice Jones, St. I nnl the Orator (1910).

      5. Commentaries: There an; the urcat .standard works. like Bede. Ben^el, Calvin, Chrysostom. (i rot ins. The chief modern commentaries are the following: Alex ander (1X57), Alford (tith ed, IS(i.S), Bartlet (1901), Blass (Ada Aposto/orum. 1S95), Ewald (Apostelgeschichte, 1S71), Felten (Apostelgeschichte, 1S92), Racket t (1SS2), Iloll/.mann (Hand-Commentar, :5 Aufl, 1901), Ivna- benbauer (Actnx Aposioi. 1X99), Knowling (Exposi tor s (ir Text, 1900), Luthardt und Zoeckler (Apostel geschichte, 2d ed, 1S94). Medarvey (1S92), Meyer (translation by (iloa and Dickson, lxxr, Meyer-Wendt (Apostel geschichte, 1XXX). Noestfen (Apostelgeschichte, 1882), Ols- hausen (is:52), Paf;e (1S97). Hackham (1901). Hendall, (1S97), Stokes (1892), J5. Weiss (Apostelgeschichte, 1S92, 2d ed).


      ACTS OF PILATE, pl hit, pi lat. Sec APOCHY- PHAL GOSPELSouth

      ACTS OF SOLOMON: "The hook of the nets of Solomon" (1 Kings 11 41), probably a history based on the stale documents kept by the official recorder. See 14 19.29; 15 23.31; 16; 22 39.45, etc.

      ACUA, ak u-a. See Aero.

      ACUB, a kub (H, AKOveJ), Akm tph; A, Akovfi, Akoum) = Bakbuk (Ezra 2 51; Xeh 7 53): The descendants of A. (temple-servants) returned with Zerubbabel to Jerus (1 Esdras 5 31).

      ACUD, a kud ( AKov5, Akoud; AV Acua) = AKKUB (Ezra 2 45) which see; omitted in Neh 7: The descendants of A. (temple-servants) returned with Zerubbabel to Jerus (1 Esdras 5 30).

      ADADAH, a-da da (rny"? , adtfadhah): A city in the southern part of Judah (Joshua 15 22). The older copies of the Greek text have Arouel, but that is not a sufficient reason for identifying the name with the Aroer of 1 Samuel 30 28. Some scholars

      adopt the change of text, and identify the site with Aritrdlt, about seven miles Southeast of Beer-sheba. Others identify it with Adadah, eight or nine miles Southeast of Arad.

      ADADRIMMON, a-dad-rim on : Shorter and less accurate name of a place in the Valley of Megiddo, which tradition connected with the death of King Josiah (Zee 12 11; 2 Chronicles 35 22). See HADADKIMMOnorth

      ADAH, a da (H"!? , *ddhdh, "adornment"):

      (1) One of the two wives of Lamech the descendant of Cain (Genesis 4 19.20.23). The narrative in Genesis assigns to her two sons, Jabal the "father" of tent- dwelling people, and Jubal the "father of all such as handle the harp and pipe." Jos says that Lamech had 77 sons by Ada and Zillah (Ant, I, ii, 2).

      (2) According to Genesis 36, the Hittito wife of Esau, daughter of Elon, and mother of Eliphaz. In this chapter Esau s other wives are Oholibamah, a Hivite, and Basemath the daughter of Ishmael. The names are differently given else where (den 26 34; 28 9). Basemath is said to be the daughter of Elon. The daughter of Ishmael is called Mahalath. In place of Oholibamah the Hivite we find Judith the daughter of Beeri the Hittite. Data are lacking for the solution of the problem. WILLIS J. BEECHEH

      ADAIAH, a-da ya, a-di a (PP"? , Wliayah, "Jeho vah hath adorned") :

      (1) Apparently the seventh of the nine sons of Shimei, who is apparently the same with Shema, who is the fifth of the sons of Elpaal, who is the second of the two sons of Shaharaim and Hushim (1 Chronicles 8 21). Shaharaim and his descendants are listed with the descendants of Benjamin, though his relations to Benjamin are not stated.

      (2) A Levite; ancestor to David s singer Asaph, and a descendant of the fifth generation from Gershom (1 Chronicles 6 41).

      (3) The father of Maaseiah, who was one of the captains of hundreds associated with Jehoiada the priest in making Joash king (2 Chronicles 23 1).

      (4) A resident of Bozkath, and father of Jedidah the mother of King Josiah (2 Kings 22 1).

      (5) A descendant of Judah through Perez. His great -great -grandson Maaseiah resided in Jerus after Nehemiah had rehabilitated the city (Xeh 11 5).

      (6) One of the men of Israel, not a priest or Levite, but "of the sons of Bani," who promised Ezra that he would part with his foreign wife (Ezra 10 29).

      (7) The same man or another, in a different group of the sons of Bani (Ezra 10 39).

      (S) One of the priests of the latest Bible times, mentioned with a partial genealogy (Neh 11 12; 1 Chronicles 9 12). WILLIS J. BEECHER

      ADALIA, a-da-H a (S^X , ddfialya , probably a Persians name, meaning unknown) : One of the ten sons of Haman who were put to death by the Jews (Esther 9 8).

    ADAM, ad am,
      IN OT AND APOC (D lS , adhdm; LXX A8d|i, Adam): The Hebrew word occurs some 560 times in the OT with 1. Usage the meaning "man," "mankind." Etymology Out-and side Genesis 1-5 the only case where it is unquestionably a proper name is 1 Chronicles

      1 1. Ambiguous are Deuteronomy 32 8, AV "sons of Adam," RV "children of men"; Job 31 33 AV "as" RV "like Adam," but margin "after the manner of men"; Hos 6 7 AV "like men," RV "like Adam," and vice versa in the margin. In



      Genesis 1 the word occurs only twice, vs 26.27. In Genesis 2-4 it is found 26 times, and in 6 In the last four cases and in 4 25 it is obviously in tended as a proper name;

      but the VSS show considerable uncertainty as to the rendering in the other cases.

      Most modern interpreters would restore a vowel point to the Hebrew text in 2 20; 3 17.21, thus introducing the definite article, and read uniformly "the man" up to 4 25, where the absence of the art. may be taken as an indication that "the man" of the previous narrative is to be identified with "Adam," the head of the genealogy found in 6 1 ff . Several conjectures have been put forth as to the root-meaning of the Hebrew word: (1) creature; (2) ruddy one; (3) earthborn. Less prob able are (4) pleasant to sight and (5) social, gregarious.

      Many argue f rom the context that the language of Genesis 1 26.27 is general, that it is the creation of the human si>ccies, not of any particular 2. Adam individual or individuals, that is in the described. But (1) the context does

      Narrative not even descend to a species, but of Genesis arranges created things according to

      the most general possible classification: light and darkness; firmament and waters; land and seas; plants; sun, moon, stars; swimming and flying creatures; land animals. Xo possible parallel to this classification remains in the case of mankind. (2) In the narrative of Genesis 1 the recur rence of identical expressions is almost rigidly uni form, but in the case of man the unique statement occurs (ver 27), "Male and female created he them." Although Dillmann is here in the minority among interpreters, it would be difficult to show that he is wrong in interpreting this as referring to one male and one female, the first pair. In this case we have a point of contact and of agreement with the narrative of eh 2. Man, created in God s image, is given dominion over every animal, is allowed every herb and fruit tree for his sustenance, and is bidden multiply and fill the earth. In Genesis 2 , 5 5 the first man is made of the dust, becomes a living creature by the breath of God, is placed in the garden of Eden to till it, gives names to the animals, receives as his counterpart and helper a woman formed from part of his own body, and at the woman s behest eats of the forbidden fruit of "the tree of the knowledge of good and evil." With her he is then driven from the garden, under the curse of brief life and heavy labor, since should ho eat or continue to eat? of the fruit of the "tree of life," not previously forbidden, he might go on living forever. He becomes the father of Cain and of Abel, and of Seth at a time after the murder of Abel. According to 6 3.5 Adam is aged 130 years at the birth of Seth and lives to the age of 930 years.

      That man was meant by the Creator to be in a peculiar sense His own "image"; that he is the

      divinely appointed ruler over all his 3. Teach- fellow-creatures on earth; and that ings of the he enjoys, together with them, God s Narrative blessing upon a creature fit to serve the

      ends for which it was created these things lie upon the surface of 1 26-31. In like manner 2-4 tell us that the gift of a blessed immor tality was within man s reach; that his Creator ordained that his moral development should come through an inward trial, not as a mere gift; and that the presence of suffering in the world is due to sin, the presence of sin to the machinations of a subtle tempter. The development of the doctrine of the fall belongs to the NT (see ADAM IN NT; FALL, THE).

      Allusions to the narrative of the creation and the fall of man, covering most points of the narrative

      of Genesis 1-4, are found in 2 Esdras 3 4- 4 30; 6 54-56; 7 11.46-48; Tob 8 6; Wisdom 2 23 f;

      9 2 f ; 10 1 f; Ecclus 16 14; 17 1-4; 4. Adam in 25 24; 40 1; 49 16. In both 2 Esdras Apocrypha and Wisdom we read that death came upon

      all men through Adam s sin, while 2 Esdras 4 30 declares that "a grain of evil seed was sown in the heart of Adam from the beginning." Aside from this doctrinal development the Apoc offers no additions to the OT narrative. F. K. FAHH

      _ADAM IN OT (Evolutionary 1 Interpretation): C~X, adham, "man," Genesis 1 26, or "a man," Genesis 2 5; D"lSn, ha- adMm, "the man"; mostly with the article as a generic term, and not used as the proper name of a patriarch until 6 3, after which the name first given to both man and woman [-5 2] is used of the man alone): The being in whom is embodied the Scripture idea of the first created man and ancestor of mankind. The account, which belongs mostly to the oldest stratum of the Genesis story (J) merits careful attention, because evolutionary science, history, and new theology have all quarreled with or rejected it on various grounds, without providing the smallest approach to a satisfactory substitute.

      /. What the Writer Meant to Describe. It is

      important first of all, if we can, to get at what the

      author meant to describe, and how it

      1. Deriva- is related, if at all, to literal and tion and factual statement.

      Use of the (1) Scholars have exercised them- Name solves much, but with little arrival at

      certainty, over the derivation of the name; a matter which, as it is concerned with one of the commonest words of the language, is of no great moment as compared with the writer s own understanding of it. The most plausible conjec ture, perhaps, is that which connects it with the Assyr ndamu, "to make," or "produce," hence, "the produced one," "the creature." The author of Genesis 2 7 seems to associate it, rather by word play than derivation, with hk- tidhamah, "the ground" or "soil," as the source from which man s body was taken (of 3 10.23). The name ad ham ah itself seems to be closely connected with the name Edom (D^IX, Sdhom, Genesis 25 30), meaning "red"; but whether from the redness of the soil, or the ruddiness of the man, or merely the incident recorded in (Jon 25 30, is uncertain. Without doubt the writer of Genesis 2, 3 had in mind man s earthly origin, and understood the name accordingly. (2) The account of the creation is twice given, and from two very different points of view. In the first account, Genesis 1 26-31, man is

      2. Outline represented as created on the sixth of the day along with the animals; a species Genesis in the animal world; but differing Narrative from them in bearing the image and

      likeness of God, in having dominion over all created things, and in having grains and fruits for food, while they have herbs. The writer s object in all this seems to be as much to identify man with the animal creation as to differentiate him from it. In the second account, 2 4 3 24, man s identity with the animal is ignored or at least minimized (cf 2 20), while the object is to determine his status in a spiritual individualized realm wherein he has the companionship of God. JAH God "forms" or "shapes" him out of the dust of the ground, breathes into his nostrils the breath

      1 It ought to ho superfluous to say that the unfolding or development of the human personality here identified with evolution is something far higher, deeper, and other than anything that can he fathered upon Darwin or Herbert Spencer. Evolution (unfolding) is the great processor movement; natural selection and survival of the fittest name only guesses at some of its methods.

      Adam in OT



      of life, and with .such special distinction he becomes, like other created things, a "living soul" (nei>hcsh hiii/i/ah; cf 2 7 with 1 30). He is placed in a garden situated somewhere among the rivers of Babylonia, his primitive occupation being to dress and keep it. In the midst of the garden are two mysterious trees, the tree of life, whose fruit seems to have the potency of conferring immortality (cf 3 22), and the tree of the knowledge of good arid evil, whose fruit is not to be eaten under penalty of death. Meanwhile, as in naming the animals the man finds no real companion, JAH God "builds" one of the man s ribs into a woman, and the man recognizes her spiritual unity with him, naming her accordingly. The story goes on to relate, without note of lime, how the serpent, the subtlest of beasts, urged on the woman the desirable qualities of the fruit of the forbidden tree, intimating that (Jod had made the prohibition from envy, and roundly denying that death would be the consequence of eating. Accordingly the woman took and ate, and gave to her husband, who also ate; and the immedi ate consequence was a sense of shame, which caused them to cover their nakedness with girdles of fig leaves, and a sense of guilt (not differentiated by Adam from shame, 3 10), which made the pair reluctant to meet JAH God. He obtains the con fession of their disobedience, however; and passes prophetic sentence: on the serpent, of perpetual antipathy between its species and the human; on the woman, of sorrows and pains and subservi ence to the man; and on the man, of hardship and severe labors, until he returns to the dust from which he was taken. As the pair have chosen to eat of the tree of knowledge, lest now they should eat of the tree of life they are expelled from the garden, and the gate is guarded by flaming sword and Cherubim.

      (3) It is impossible to read this story with the entire detachment that we accord to an ancient

      myth, or even to a time- and space- 3. History conditioned historical tale. It con- or Exposi- tinually suggests intimate relations tion? with the permanent truths of human

      nature, as if there were a fiber in it truer than fact. And this provokes the inquiry whether the author himself intended the account of the Edenic state and the Fall to be taken as literal history or as exposition. He uniformly makes the name generic by the article (the adam or man), the only exceptions, which are not real exceptions in meaning, being 1 2(> and 2 5, already noted. It is not until 5 3, where the proper name Adam is as it were officially given, that such his tory as is conditioned by chronology and genealogy begins. What comes before this, except the some what vague 1 location of the Eden region, 2 10-14, reads rather like a description of the primordial manhood nature, not in philosophical but in nar rative language. It is not fable; it is not a worked- over myth; it is not a didactic parable; it is (to speak technically) exposition by narration. By a descriptive story it traces the elemental movement of manhood in its first spiritual impact on this earthly life. In other words, instead of being concerned to relate a factual series of events from the remote past, the writer s penetrative intuition goes down ward and inward to those spiritual movements of being which are germinal in all manhood. It is a spiritual analysis of man s intrinsic nature, and as such must be spiritually discerned. An analogous manner of exposition may be seen in the account of Our Lord s temptation in the wilderness, Matthew 4 1-11, which account, if authentic, must have come ulti mately from Our Lord Himself.

      //. How the Story Looks Today. Scarcely any other Script ure story has so suffered from the

      changes wrought by modern thinking as has this story of Adam. On the one hand it is felt that to refer the fall and inherited guilt of mankind to this experience of Adam as a cause is to impose too great a burden, dogmatic and historic, on this primitive story. Yet on the other hand the story, including this implication of the primal fall, refuses to be dismissed as an outworn or fantastic myth. It lays hold so vitally on the roots of human nature that our only course is not to reject it but to re-read it with the best light our age affords. And whether best or not, the evolutionary light in which all modern thought is colored cannot be ignored.

      (1) The divergent assumptions of the traditional and the evolutionary view may be roughly stated

      thus: of the traditional, that in con- 1. In the sequence of this Eden lapse man is Light of a ruined nature, needing redemption Evolution and reinstatement, and that therefore

      the subsequent spiritual dealing with him must be essentially pathological and remedial; of the evolutionary, that by the very terms of his creation, which the lapse from obedience did not annul, man is spiritually a child needing growth and education, and that therefore the subsequent deal ing with him must foster the development within him of a nature essentially normal and true. It is evident that these two views, thus stated, merely regard two lines of potency in one nature. With out rejecting the traditional, or stopping to inquire how it and the evolutionary may coexist, we may here consider how the story before us responds to the evolutionary view. Only it must be premised the evolution whose beginning it describes is not the evolution of the human species; we can leave natural science and history to take care of that; but, beginning where this leaves off, the evolution of the individual, from the first forth- putting of individual initiative and choice toward the far-off adult and complete personality. This, which in view of its culmination we may call the evolution of personality, is evolution distinctively spiritual, that stage and grade of upward moving being which succeeds to the material and psychical (cf 1 Cor 15 4"). 4(5). On the material stage of evolution, which the human species shares with the beast and the plant, Scripture is silent. Nor is it greatly concerned with the psychical, or cul tural development of the human species, except to reveal in a divinely ordered history and litera ture its essential inadequacy to the highest manhood potencies. Rather its field is the evolution of the spirit, in which alone the highest personal values are realixed. In the delimitation of this field it has a consistent origin, course and culmination of its own, as it traces the line of spiritual uprise and growth from the first Adam, who as a "living vsoul" was subject to the determinism of the species, to the last Adam, who as a "life-giving spirit" is identified with the supreme Personality in whom Divine and human met and blended. Of this tremendous evolution the story of Adam, with a clearness which the quaint narrative style of exposi tion does not impair, reveals the primal and direct ive factors.

      (2) Just as the habitat and the nature of created things answer to each other, so the environment in

      which man is placed when he comes 2. The Gar- from his Creator s hand connotes the den Habitat kind of life he is fitted to live. He

      is placed not in wild and refractory Nature but in a garden watered and planted with a view to his receiving care and nurture from above. Nature is kindly and responsive, furnishing fruits ready to his hand, and requiring only that he "dress and keep" the garden. Of all the trees he may freely eat, including the tree of life; save only the




      Adam in OT

      most centrally located of all, the tree of "knowl edge of good and evil." The being fitted to this habitat is a man adult in stature and intelligence, but still like a child; not yet individualized to deter minate character, not yet exerting a will of his own apart from the will of his Creator; in other words, as spiritually considered, not yet detached from the spirit of his personal Source. All this reads like the description of a life essentially negative, or rather neutral, with free communication both downward and upward, but neither that of a domes ticated animal nor of a captive god; a being bal anced, as it were, between the earthly and the Divine, but not yet aware of the possession of that individual will and choice which alone can give spiritual significance to a committal to either.

      (:!) In the first story of man s creation, 1 26-31, describing his creation as a species, the distinction of male and female is explicitly included 3. The Or- (1 27). In the second story (2, 3), ganic Factor wherein man is contemplated rather as an individual, the description of his nature begins before any distinct ion of sex exists. If the writer meant this Tatter to portray a condition of man in time or in natural fact, then; is thus a discrepancy in accounts. If we regard it, however, as giving a factor in spiritual evolution, it not only becomes full of meaning but lays hold pro foundly on the ultimate teleology of creation. The naive story relates that the woman was "builded" out of the already shaped material of the man s body, in order to supply a fellowship which the animals could not ; a help "answering to" him (k : i <ih<lo; cf 2 IS margin). Then it makes the man recognize this conjugal relation, not at all with reference to sexual passion or the propagation of species but as furnishing man occasion, so to say, for loving and being loved, and making this capacity essential to the integrity of his nature. The value of this for the ultimate creative purpose and revelation is as marvelous as it is profound; it is the organic factor in realixing the far-reaching design of Him who is evolving a being bearing His image and deriving from Him the breath of life. That Clod is Spirit (.In 4 21), that God_ is love (1 .In 4 8.1(5) and love "creation s final law," may as an idea be later revelation; but meanwhile from the beginning, in the commonest relation oi lite, a pulsation of mutual love is implanted, by making man a dual nature, wherein love, which is the an tithesis of self-seeking, has the equal and compan ionable object necessary to its existence. Thus in the conjugal relation the potency of the highest, and broadest spiritual value is made intrinsic. In all the dubious course of his subsequent evolution, this capacity of love, though itself subject to the corrupt io optiini pcssinid, is like a redeeming element at the heart alike of the individual and of society.

      (4) "Even in this neutral garden existence it is noteworthy that the man s nature evinces its superiority to the animal in the 4. The In- absence of determinism. He is not vasion of enslaved to an instinct of blind con- Subtlety formity to an external will. In other words," he can cooperate intelligently in his own spirit ual evolution. He has the power of choice, ministered by the stimulus of an unmotived prohibition. He can abstain arid live, or eat and die (2 16.17). No reasons are given, no train of spiritual consequences, to one whose spirit is not yet awake; in this pre-spiritual stage rather the beginnings of law and prescription must be arbi trary. Yet even in so rudimentary a relation we are aware of the essential contrast between animal and spiritual evolution, in that the latter is not a blind and instinctive imposition from without, but

      a free course submitted to man s intelligence and cooperation. And it is a supremely significant fea ture of the narrative to make the first self-interested impulse come by the way of subtlety. "The serpent," the writer premises, "was more subtle than any beast of the field which JAH God had made." It points to a trait which he puts on the border-line between the species and the individual, the disposition, not indeed to rebel against a law of being, but to submit it to refinement and accom modation or perhaps from sheer curiosity to try conclusions with it. The suggestion came first from the lower creation, but not from what is animal in it; and it was eagerly responded to by the woman, the finer and more spiritually awake of the pair. Not to press this too far, it is significant that the first impulse toward individual initiative rises through the free play of intellect and reason. It seems to promise a subtler way of being "like Clod." To differentiate more minutely the re spective parts of man and wife in the affair, which are portrayed in the light of sex distinction, would be beyond our present scope. See EVeast

      (o) Two trees "in the midst of the garden" (2 9) are mentioned at the outset; but the tree of life, the permitted one, seems no more to 5. The have been thought of until it was no

      Fateful longer accessible (3 22) ; indeed, when

      Venture the woman speaks to the serpent of "the tree which is in the midst of the garden" (3 3) she has only one tree in mind, and that the prohibited one. The other, as it was counted in with their daily fare and opportunity, seems to have been put by them with those privileges of life which are ignored or postponed; besides, the life it symbolized was the perpetuation of the gar den-life" they were living, such life as man would live before his spirit was awake to the alternatives of living a life innocent and blissful, but without the stimulus of spiritual reaction. And it was just this latter that the alternative of the two trees afforded; a reaction fateful for good or evil, needing only the impulse that should set the human spirit in motion. Consider the case. If manhood were ever to rise from a state of childhood, wherein every thing was done and prescribed for him, into a life of free choice and self-moved wisdom, it is hard to see how this could have been brought about except by something involving inhibition and pro hibition; something that he could not do without incurring a risk. This is what the "tree of the knowledge; of good and evil" (2 17) means. The tree by its very name was alike a test and a lure. John a sense we ma} say the temptation began with God; but it was "not a temptation to evil. Sym bolized in the two trees, but actual in the oppor tunity of spiritual committal, two ways of life stood open before him. On the one hand, it was open to him to fortify his spirit in obedience and against the lure of perilous knowledge, thus deepen ing and seasoning his negative innocence into posi tive holiness. That such a course was feasible was shown centuries later in the Divine Son of Man, who in perfect loyalty of the child yet in perfect wisdom of adultness fulfilled the primal sinless ideal of the first Adam. On the other hand there was the lure of the forbidden knowledge, to which the serpent, gave the false glamor of godlikeness, and which could be had by detaching his individual will from that of God, and incurring the experience of self-seeking, and taking the risk. It was the latter that was chosen ; this however not in the spirit of rebellion or temptation, but in the desire for a good beyond what the childlike limitations of Eden afforded (3 6). This then was the first _ motived uprise of the spirit of manhood, taking the initiative and acting for itself. So far forth, as the self-

      Adam in OT Adam in NT




      assertion of the individual, it was as truly a stage of spiritual evolution as if the man had maintained obedience; but there was in it the rupture of his spirit s union with its personal Source; and the hapless committal to self, which is rightly called a Fall. So strangely mingled were the spiritual elements in this primal manhood initiative. See FALL, THeast

      (6) The Scripture does not say, or even imply, that by this forth-putting of initiative the man was committed to a life of sin and 6. The depravity. This was the idea of a

      Fitted later time. By the nature of the

      Sequel case, however, he was committed to

      the fallibility and unwisdom of his own untried nature; in other words, to the perils of self-reliance. Naturally, too, the gulf of detach ment from his spiritual Support would tend to widen as he trusted himself more exclusively. It lay with him and his species to perfect the indi vidual personality in the freedom which he had chosen. And in this tlic possibilities both upward toward godlikeness and downward toward the abysms of self were immensely enlarged. Life must henceforth be lived on a broader and pro- founder scale. But to this end Eden with its tender garden nurture can no longer be its habitat, nor can man s existence be fitly symbolized by a tree from which he has only to take and subsist indefi nitely (3 22). It. must encounter hardship and sweat and toil; it must labor to subdue a reluctant soil to its service (3 17-1 .); it must return at last to the dust from which man s body was formed (3 19). Yet there is vouchsafed a dim and dis tant presage of ultimate victory over the serpent- power, which henceforth is to be man s deadly enemy (3 15). At this point of the exposition it is that the inchoate manhood is transplanted from the garden to the unsubdued world, to work out its evolution under the conditions of the human species. The. pair becomes the family, with its family interests and cares; the family becomes the unit of social and organized life; the members receive individual names (3 20; 6 2); and chrono logically measured history begins.

      ///. How Adam Is Recognized in the OT. After the story of Adam is given as far as the birth of Cain and Abel (4 1.2) and Seth (4 25;, the "book of the generations of Adam" begins at 6 1, and five verses are taken up with a statistical outline of his life, his offspring, and his 930 years of earthly existence.

      (1) Here at Genesis 5 5, in the canonical books of the OT almost all allusion to him ceases, and nothing whatever is made of his 1. In the fateful relation to the sin and guilt OT Ca- of the race. (See ADAM IN TIIK NT.) nonical This latter idea seems to have come

      Books to consciousness only when men s sense

      of sin and a broken law was more ingrained than it seems to have been in canonical times. In the case of the few allusions that occur, moreover, the fact that the name "Adam" is identical with the word for "man" makes the reference more or less uncertain; one does not know whether the patriarch or the race is meant. In the Song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32), in the clause ver 8, "when he separated -the children of men" (or "Adam"), the reference, which is to the distribution of races as given in Genesis 10, may or may not have Adam in mind. In like manner Zophar s words (Job 20 4), "Knowest thou not this of old time, since man [or Adam] was placed upon earth?" may or may not be recognition by name of the first created man. Job s words (31 33), "if like Adam I have covered my transgressions," sound rather more definite as an allusion to Adam s hiding

      himself after having taken the fruit. When Isaiah says (Isaiah 43 27), "Thy first father sinned," it is uncertain whom he means; for in 51 2 he says, "Look unto Abraham your father," and Ezekiel has told his people (Ezekiel 16 3), "The Amorite was thy father, and thy mother was a Hittite." The historical consciousness of the prophets seems to have been confined to the history of the Israelitish race.

      (2) The references in the Apocryphal books (Sir, Tob, 2 Esdras) deal with Adam s origin, his

      lordship over creation, and in the 2. In the latest written book with the legacy Apocrypha of sin and misery that the race inherits

      from him. The passages in Sir (132 BC) where he is mentioned are 33 10; 40 1, and 49 16. Of these the most striking, 40 1, "Great travail is created for every man, and a heavy yoke is upon the sons of Adam," is hardly to be con strued as a reference to our heritage of his sin. In Tob (BC 2d cent.) he is mentioned once (8 6), "Thou madest Adam, and gavest him Eve." 2 Esdras, written supposedly some time after 70 AD, is of a somber and desponding tone throughout ; and its references to Adam (2 Esdras 3; 4 30; 6 54; 7 11.46.48) are almost all in lament over the evil he has implanted in the race of men by his transgression. The first reference (3 5) is rather remarkable for its theory of Adam s nature: "And [thou] commandedst the dust, and it gave thee Adam, a body without a soul, yet it was the work manship of thine hands," etc. His indictment of Adam culminates (7 4<S) in the apostrophe: "() thou Adam, what hast thou done? for though it was thou that sinned, the evil is not fallen on thee alone, but upon all of us that come of thee."


      [EDITORIAL N"OTeast The promoters of the Enri/rlo- pai ilia are not to be understood as endorsing all the views set forth in Dr. Oemmg s article. It was thought right, however, that a full and adequate presentation of so suggestive an interpretation should be given.]

      ADAM IN THE NT ( ASAji, A<li}: The name of Adam occurs nine times (in five different passages) in the NT, though several of these are purely incidental.

      /. Gospels. In Luke 3 38 the ancestry of Jesus Christ is traced up to Adam, "Adam, the son of God," thereby testifying to the acceptance of the OT genealogies of Genesis. This is the only place in the Gospels in which Adam is actually named, though there is an allusion to him in Matthew 19 4-6 ( = Mark 10 6-8), referring to Genesis 1 27 and 2 24.

      //. Epistles. Adam is used by Paul as the founder of the race and the cause of the intro duction of sin in order to point the 1. Rom comparison and contrast with Christ 6:12-21 as the Head of the new race and the cause of righteousness. The passage is the logical center of the ep., the central point to which everything that precedes has converged, and out of which everything which follows will flow. The great ideas of Sin, Death, and Judgment are here shown to be involved in the connection of the human race with Adam. But over against this there is the blessed fact of union with Christ, and in this union righteousness and life. The double headship of mankind in Adam and Christ shows the significance of the work of redemption for the entire race. Mankind is ranged under two heads, Adam and Christ. There are two men, two acts and two results. In this teaching we have the spiritual and theological illustration of the great modern principle of solidarity. There is a solidarity of evil and a .solidarity of good, but the latter far surpasses the former in the quality of the obedience of Christ as compared with Adam, and the facts of




      Adam in OT Adam in NT

      the work of Christ for justification and life. The section is thus no mere episode, or illustration, but that which gives organic, life to the entire ep. Although sin and death are ours in Adam righteous ness and life are ours in Christ, and these latter two are infinitely the greater (ver 11); whatever we have lost in Adam we have more than gained in Christ. As all the evils of the race sprang from one man, so all the blessings of redemption come from One Per son, and there is such a connection between the Person and the race that all men can possess what the One has done. In vs 12-19 Paul institutes a series of comparisons and contrasts between Adam and Christ; the two persons, the two works and the two consequences. The fulness of the apostle s j meaning must be carefully observed. Not only does he teach that what we have derived from the first Adam is met by what is derived from Christ, but the transcendence of the work of the latter is regarded as almost infinite in extent. "The full meaning of Paul, however, is not grasped until we perceive that the benefits received from Christ, the Second Adam, are in inrcrxe. ratio to the disaster entailed by the first Adam. It is the surplusageof this grace that in Paul s presentation is commonly overlooked" (Mabie, The Divine Jtcaxon of the Cross, 116).

      The contrast instituted here between Adam and Christ refers to death and life, but great difficulty turns on the interpretation of the two 2. 1 Cor "alls." "As in Adam all die, so also in 15:22 Christ shall all be made alive." Dods

      (Expositor s H/hlf, . MO) interprets it of Adam as the source of physical life that ends in death, and of Christ as the source of spiritual life that never dies. "All who are by physical deriva tion truly united to Adam incur the death, which by sinning lie introduced into human experience; and similarly, all who by spiritual affinity are in Christ enjoy the new life which triumphs over death, and which he won." So also Edwards, who does not consider that then 1 is any real unfairness in interpreting the former "all" as more 1 extensive than the latter, "if we bear in mind that the con ditions of entrance into the one class and the other are totally different. They are not stated here. But we have them in Horn 5 5-11, where the apostle seems as if he anticipated this objection to the analogy which he instituted between Adam and Christ. Both alike are heads of humanity, but they are unlike in this (as also in other things, Rom 6 15), that men are in Adam by nature, in Christ by faith" (Corinthian*, 412). ( lodet considers that. "perhaps this interpretation is really that which corresponds best to the apostle s view," and he shows that zoopoieisthai, "to be made alive," is a more limited idea than cue / rest liai, "to be raised," the limitation of the subject thus naturally pro ceeding from the special meaning of the verb itself. "The two pntiles (all) embrace those only to whom each of the two powers extends." But (Jodet favors the view of Meyer and Ellicott that "all" is to be given the same interpretation in each clause, and that the reference is to all who are to rise, whether for life or condemnation, and that this is to be "in Christ": "Christ will quicken all; all will hear His voice and will come forth from the grave, but not all to the true resurrection of life : see John 6 2!)" (Elli cott, Corinthians, 3(),). C.odet argues that "there is nothing to prevent the word quicken, taken alone, from being used to denote restoration to the fulness of spiritual and bodily existence, with a view either to perdition or .salvation" (Corinthians, 355). There are two serious difficulties to the latter interpretation: (1) The invariable meaning of "in Christ" is that of spiritual union; (2) the ques tion whether the resurrection of the wicked really

      finds any place in the apostle s argument in the entire chapter.

      "The first man Adam became a living soul. The last Adam became a life-giving spirit." The ref erence to Adam is from Genesis 2 7; the

      3. 1 Cor reference to Christ is due to the fact of 16:45 what He had done and was doing in

      His manifestation as Divine Redeemer. Behind results the apostle proceeds to nature. Adam was simply a living being; Christ a life-giving Being. Thus Christ is called Adam as expressive of His Headship of a race. In this ver He is called the "last" Adam, while in ver 47 the "second." In the former ver the apostle deals not so much with Christ s relation to the first Adam as to the part He takes in relation to humanity, and His work on its behalf. When precisely Christ became life-giving is a matter of difference of opinion. Rom 1 4 As sociates power with the resurrection as the time when Christ was constituted Son of (Jod for the purpose of bestowing the force of Divine grace. This gift of power was only made available for His church through the Ascension and the gift of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost. It is possible that the word "life-giving" may also include a reference to the resurrection of the body hereafter.

      Paul uses the creation of man and woman in his

      argument for the subordination of woman (den 2

      7-2."). This is no mere Jewish reason-

      4. 1 Tim ing, but an inspired statement of the 2:13.14 lijincnl meaning of the passage in den.

      The argument is a very similar one to that in 1 Cor 11 Samuel.9. When the apostle slates that "Adam,,as not beguiled," we must apparently understand it as simply based on the text in den to which lie refers (den 3 13), in which Eve, not Adam, says, "The serpent beguiled me." In dal 3 10 he reasons similarly from "seed" in the singular number, just as He 7 reasons from the silence of den 14 in regard to the parentage of Melchizedck. Paul does not deny that Adam was deceived, but only that he was not directly de ceived. His point is that Eve s facility in yielding warrants the rule as to women keeping silence.

      "And Enoch, the seventh from Adam" (den 6).

      Bigg says that the ((notation which follows is a

      combination of passages from Enoch,

      5. Jude though the allusion to Enoch himself

      ver 14 is evident Iv based on the story in


      ///. Conclusions. As we review the use of "Adam" in the NT, we cannot fail to observe that Paul assumes that Adam was a historical person ality, and that the record in den was a record of facts, that sin and death were introduced into the world and affected the entire race as the penalty of the disobedience of one ancestor. Paul evidently takes it for granted that Adam knew and was responsible for what he was doing. Again, sin and death are regarded as connected, that death ob tains its moral quality from sin. Paul clearly believed that physical dissolution was due to sin, and that there is some causal connection between Adam and the human race in regard to physical death. While the reference to death in Rom 5 as coining through sin, is primarily to physical death, yet physical death is the expression and sign of the deeper idea of spiritual death; and even though physical death was in the world before Adam it was only in connection with sin that its moral meaning and estimate became clear. Whether we are to interpret, "for that all sinned," as sinning _when Adam sinned, or sinning as the result of an inher ited tendency from Adam, the entire passage implies some causal connection between him and them. The need of redemption is thus made by the apostle to rest on facts. We are bound to Adam by birth,

      Adam, Books of Adina




      and it is open to us to become bound to Christ by faith. If we refuse to exchange our position in Adam for that which is offered to us in Christ we become answerable to God; this is the ground of moral freedom. The NT assumption of our com mon ancestry in Adam is true to the facts of evo lutionary science, and the universality of sin predicated is equally true to the facts of human experience. Thus redemption is grounded on the teaching of Scripture, and confirmed by the uncon- tradicted facts of history and experience. Whether, therefore, the references to Adam in the NT are purely incidental, or elaborated in theological discussion, everything is evidently based on the record in Genesis. west II. GRIFFITH THOMAS

      ADAM, BOOKS OF: Books pretending to give the life and deeds of Adam and other ( )T worthies existed in abundance among the Jews and the early Christians. The Talm speaks of a Book of Adam, which is now lost, but which probably furnished some of the material which appears in early Chris tian writings. The , it<i Adami was translation 1 from the Ethiopic by Dillmann (1S53), and into English by Malan (The Book of Adam anil Ere, London, 1SX2). The Testament of Adam is a portion of the , it<t Adami (published by Kenan in 1X53) and so prob ably is the Diatlif ke ton Protopldston (Fabrieius, II, 83). See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE; APOCRYPHA.

      M. 0. EVANS

      ADAM, CITY OF (2"X, ad/iam, "red" or BDtt "made"): A city in the middle of the Jordan valley near ZARETHAN (Joshua 3 10), which see. The name probably survives at the Damieh Ford, near the mouth of the Jabbok twenty miles above Jericho. An Arabian historian asserts that about 1205 AD the Jordan was here blocked by a land slide. The inner gorge of the Jordan is here narrow with high banks which would facilitate such an obstruction as permitted the waters to "pile up" above to Adam and run out below, permitting Joshua s host to cross on dry land (Nil"/ , II, 15; Wright, fiCOTII, 130 34).


      ADAMAH, ad a-ma (ITC S, Minimal,; ASajit, Adami): A fortified city in the territory of Naph- tali, named between Chinnereth and Ramah (Joshua 19 30). It is probably identical with the modern Adma/i, a ruin on the plateau about 10 miles north of Beisan.

      ADAMANT, ad a-mant (T ttC , xlidmir [Ezekiel 3 9; Zee 7 12|): In the passages cited and in Jeremiah 17 1, where it is rendered "diamond," the word shdnnr evidently refers to a hard stone. The word adamant ("unconquerable") is used in the early C,r writers for a hard metal, perhaps steel, later for a metal like gold and later for the diamond. The Hebrew fihdmlr, the Greek adamax (from which word diamond as well as adamant is derived) and the Eng. adamant occur regularly in fig. expressions. All three are equally indefinite. Adamant may therefore be considered a good translation for shdnilr, though the LXX does not use adamas in the pas sages cited. There is a possible etymological identification of shamir with the Greek sw//r/.s (xineri* or Ntniris), emery, a granular form of corundum well known to the ancients and used by them for polishing and engraving precious stones. Corun dum in all its forms, including the sapphire and ruby, is in the scale of hardness next to the diamond. In EV Isaiah 50; 7 23-25; 9 18; 10 17; 27 4; 32 13, xhanrir is translation 1 brier. See also STONES, PRECIOUSouth


      ADAMI, ad a-mi; a-da ml: Mentioned in AVasa separate name, where RV has ADAMI-XEKEB, which see (Joshua 19 33).

      ADAMI-NEKEB, ad a-mi ne keb PP.3H itt" , ddhdml ha-nekebfi, "the ground of the piercing," that is of the pass, or defile): A place mentioned in indicating the border of Naphtali (Joshua 19 33). In AV Adami and Nekeb arc given as separate names, and it is an open question which view of the matter is correct. Most of the Greek texts give the names as two. The Vulg has "Adami quae est Neeeb." The Jerusalem Talm gives two names, though instead of Hannekeb or Nekeb it has Siyaddthah (Meg 1 1, or Neubauer s (feoydu Talm, 225). In tin 1 list of places conquered by Thot limes III of Egypt occurs the name NKBU (Tomkins, Rcc of I axt, new series, V, 47), which seems to be the same with Nekeb.

      The list of names for the border of Naphtali (Joshua 19 33.34) has no name in common with the list of cities (vs 35 -3X) unless Adami and Adamah are the same. The PE Survey maps locate Ada mah at Damieh, about seven miles northwest of the exit of the Jordan from the Lake of Galilee, and Adami at Khurbet Adamah, five or six miles south of the exit. Conder, Tomkins and others place Adami at Damieh, and identify Nekeb by its Talmudic name in the neighboring ruin Seiy&deh. Conder says (art. "Nekeb," HDB) that the "pass" implied in the name Nekeb "is probably one leading from the eastern precipices near Tiberias."


      ADAN, a dan. Sec ADDA.V.

      ADAR, a dar O"X , ddftar, meaning uncertain) : The Babylonian name of the twelfth month of the year. I "seil in the Bible only in Ezra 6 15 and eight times in Esther. At first the author in Esther defines Adar as the twelfth month, but afterward omits the nu meral. In order to maintain the relation of the year to the seasons it was customary to add a second Adar, as often as was needed, as an intercalary month.

      ADAR, a dar: In AV (Joshua 15 3) for ADDAR, which see.

      ADARSA, a-diir sa. See ADASA.

      ADASA, ad a-sa ( ASao-dL,; AV Adarsa): A town less than four miles from Bet h-horon (30 furlongs Ant, All, x, 5; 1 Mace 7 40) and a day s journey from Gazara (1 Mace 7 45), where Judas Maccabee defeated and killed Nicanor, a general of Demetrius (1 Mace 7 40 i fj. The ruin of Adaseh nearGibeon (,SH7 J , III, XVII).

      ADBEEL, ad br-el ( -S^-jS, adMf cl, "God s discipline," possiblv): The third of the twelve sons of Ishmael (Genesis 25 13; 1 Chronicles 1 2 .). The name appears in the Assyr records as that of a north Arabian tribe residing somewhere SAY. of the Dead Sea.


      (1),, epidiatdssomai, "to add to," "to arrange in addition": Found only in Gal 3 15, which may thus be paraphrased : "To take a familiar illustration: even a man s will, when ratified, no third party may annul or supplement" (Dummelow, in loc.).

      (2) emTi0T][u, cpililhemi, "to put upon," "If any man shall add unto them, God shall add unto him the plagues" (Rev 22 18). The book is not to be falsified by addition or excision (see BOOK) by the interpolation of unauthorized doc trines or the neglect of essential ones (cf Deuteronomy 4 2; 12 32). See also IMPART; SUPPLY.

      M. O. EVANS

      ADDAN, ad an (ftS , addan; in Neh fn , addon; connected in some way with the name of



      Adam, Books of Adina

      the god Addu) : A name mentioned in the list of the returning exiles (Ezra 2 59, duplicated in Neh 7 61). It is one of several names of Babylonian localities from which came men who were unable to declare their genealogy as Israelites.

      ADDAR, ad iir P~X , addar, "glorious." See AKD) :

      (1) A grandson of Benjamin, sometimes counted as one of his sons (1 C h 8 3).

      (2) A town on the southern border of Judah (Joshua 15 3, AY "Adar"). The same as Hazar-addar (Numbers 34 4).

      ADDER, ad er (2 ? t 2? ,. akhxhuhfi [Ps 140 3];

      "rS, pcl/icn [ Ps 58 4]; ITS?, <;ii>h oni [Proverbs 2332]; lb n ?r, sh phlphon [Genesis 49 17]; 3TES , fr /;/* [AYm; Isaiah 14 29]): This word is used for several Mel) originals. In each case a poisonous serpent is clearly indicated by the context. It is

      Hooded Snake. Length about 4 fuet.

      impossible to tell in any case just what species is meant, but it must be remembered that the Kng. word adder is used very ambiguously. It is from the Anglo-Saxon nivilrr, a snake or serpent, and is the common Kng. name for , ij><-m l>< ntx, L, the common viper, which is found throughout Europe and northern Asia, though not in Bible lands; but the word adder is also used for various snakes, both poisonous and non-poisonous, found in differ ent parts of the world. In America, for instance, both the poisonous moccasin (Ancistrodon) and the harmless hog-nosed snakes (Heterodon) are called adders. See SKKI F.XT. AI.FKF.D ELY DAY

      ADDI, ad I ( A8SC, Aild r, ASSeC, Addei): An ancestor of Joseph, the husband of Mary, mother of Jesus; fourth from Zerubbabel m the ascending genealogical series (Luke 3 2S).

      ADDICT, a-dikt : Found only in AV of 1 Cor 16

      15, for Or raffo-u, /^ The house of Stephanas is said to be "addicted to the ministry of the saints," i.e. they have so "arranged" their affairs as to make of this service a prime object; ItV "set themselves to minister."

      ADDO, ad d (A, ASSci, Addo; B, ESSeiv, E<Mein) = I(,<l<> (Ezra 5 1; 6 14): The father (Zee 1 1.7 grandfather) of Zechariah the prophet (1 Esdras 6 1).

      ADDON, ad on. See ADDAX.

      ADDUS, ad us ( ASSovs, Addoiix) : The descend ants of A. (sons of Solomon s servants) returned with Zerubbabel to Jerusalem (1 Esdras 5 34). Omit ted in Ezra 2 and Xeh 7.

      ADER, a der: Used in 1 Chronicles 8 15 AV for EDER, which see.

      ADIABENE, a-di-a-be ne ( ASiop^, Ailiabeni): A state lying on the east of the Tigris, on the greater and lesser rivers Zab, in the territory of ancient Assyria. For the half-century terminating with the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, Adia- bene is especially interesting by reason of the careers of its king, I/ates, and his mother Helena, who became Jews. They had their part in the Jewish-Roman wars, and in various ways were typical of the existing situation. (See Ant, XX, 2-5; HJ, II, xvi, 4; xix. 2; V, iv, 2; vi. 1; xi. 5; VI, vi, 4.) Somewhat later Adiabenc was absorbed into the Roman Empire and became one of the six provinces which formed the larger province of Assyria, though Pliny and Ammianus sometimes call the large province by the name Adiabene.


      ADIDA, ad i-da ( ASiSdi, Ailidii): A town of the Benjamin tribe near Lod and ( )no located upon a hill facing the "plain country" of Judaea, rebuilt and fortified by Simon Maccabee (1 Mace 12 3S), who later encamped here to meet the army of Try- phon (1 Mace 13 13; Ant, XIII, vi, 5). It was also here that Aretas, king of Arabia, met Alexan der Janneus in battleand defeated him (Ant, XIII, xv, 2). Perhaps the Kl-lladlthch of today located about three miles east of Lydda or Lod. See HADID.

      ADIEL, ad i-el (2JT"y , *ad/n <~l "ornament of God"):

      (1) One of the "princes" of the tribe of Simeon, who, in the days of Hezekiah, smote the aborigines of Gedor and captured the valley (1 C h 4 30 it).

      (2) Father of Maasai, one of the priests who dwelt in Jerusalem after the return from the Exile (1 Chronicles 9 12).

      (3) Father of Azmaveth who was over David s treasures (1 Chronicles 27 25).

      ADIN, a din ("" "", * fid In it, "adorned"): The name of a family, "the sons of Adin" (Ezra 2 15; 8 0; Neh 7 20; 10 l<>; 1 Esdras 5 14; 8 32), mentioned among the returning exiles. The list in Ezra 2 is placed in the midst of the narrative concerning Zerubbabel, but its title and its contents show that it also includes the later Jewish immigrants into Pal. The list in Neh 7 is a duplicate of that in Ezra, but with variations; most of the variations are naturally accounted for by supposing that one copy was made later than the other and was brought up to date. In Ezra and 1 Esdras the number of the sons of Adin is said to be 454; in Neh it is 055. The 50 males, led by Ebed the son of Jona than, who came with Ezra, may or may not hav> been included in the numbers just mentioned. Among the names of those who sealed the cove nant along with Neh are 1 1 that are placed under the caption "the chiefs of the people" (Xeh 10 14-20), and nearly half of these are the family names of the list in Ezra 2 and Neh 7. It is nat ural to infer thai in these cases a family sealed the covenant collectively through some representative. In that case the Adin here mentioned is the same that is mentioned in the other places. See also AUINU. WILLIS J. BEKCHEH

      ADINA, ad i-na, a-dl na (X^"? , adhina , "adorned"): "Adina the son of Shiza the Reu- benite, a chief of the Reubenites, and thirty with him" (1 Chronicles 11 42). This is in that part of the list of David s mighty men in which the Chronicler supplements the list given in 2 Samuel.

      Adino Adonijah




      ADINO, ad i-no, a-dl no (IS" 1 "!?, *adhlno, "his adorned one"): The senior of David s "mighty fnen." "Josheb-basshebeth a Tahchemonite, chief of the captains; the same was Adino the Eznite, against eight hundred slain at one time" (2 Samuel 23 cS). This very exact rendering makes it evident even to an English reader that the text is imper fect. C linsburg offers a corrected form taken substantially from the parallel passage in 1 Chronicles 11 11: "Jashobeam a son of a Hachmonite, chief of the captains; he lifted np his spear." This is plausible, and is very generally accepted, and elimi nates the names Adino and Eznite, which do not occur elsewhere in the Bible. Sonic of the facts are against this. The Sept has the names Adino and Eznite. The Lat finds no proper names in the passage, but so translates the words as to presup pose the Hebrew text as we have it. It may be a case for suspended judgment.

      The texts concerning David s mighty men are fragmentary both in S and in Chronicles. If they were more complete they would perhaps make it clear that the three seniors were comrades of David at Pas-dammim, Ephcs-dammim (1 Chronicles 11 13; 1 Samuel 17 1); and that we have in them additional details concerning that battle. The record says that on the death of (ioliath the Philistines fled and the Israelites pursued (1 Samuel 17 52 ff), but it is not improbable that during the retreat portions of the Phili force rallied, so that there was strenuous fighting. WILLIS ,). BKKCHKR

      ADINU, ad i-nu, ADIN ( ASivov, Adinmt, 1 Esdras 6 14; ASiv, Adhi, 1 Esdras 8 32): Cf Adin (Ezra 2 15; 8 0; Neh 7 20; 10 1(5). The descendants of A. (leaders of the nation) returned with their families to Jerus: one party being with Zerubbabel (454 members 1 Esdras 5 11). a second party with Ezra (250 members 1 Esdras 8 32).

      ADINUS, ad i-nus. See IADINTS (Apoc).

      ADITHAIM, ad-i-tha im (C")rVH< , l tidhlthayim "double ornament, passage, or prey"): A city in "the lowland" (Shephelah, not as AV "valley") of Judah (Joshua 15 3(5). Site unknown, but possibly same as ADIDA (q.v.).

      ADJURATION, ad-ju-ra shun: The act of re

      quiring or taking a solemn oath. In a time of military peril Saul adjured the people (H5X, dlah, "to take oath") and they took oath by saying "Amen" (I S 14 21). When Joshua pronounced a ban on Jericho (Joshua 6 2(5) he completed it with an oath ("5^ , shubha 1 , "to cause to swear"). Often used in the sense of a solemn charge without the administration of an oath (1 Kings 22 1(1; 2 Chronicles 18 15; Cant 2 7; 5 8.0; 1 Thess 5 27). With reference to the withholding of testimony, see Lev 5 1 and Proverbs 29 24. The high priest sought to put Jesus under oath (^o/>/c/fu>, cxnrkizo, "to force to an oath," Matthew 26 03). Adjure also means to solemnly implore (op/c/fw, horkizo) as when the man with an unclean spirit appealed to Jesus: "I adjure thee by Cod, torment me not" (Mark 5 7); or seven sons of Sceva, exorcists, sought in the name of Jesus to expel demons (Acts 19 13).

      (1) The exacting of an oath has, from time imme morial, been a customary procedure in conferring civil and ecclesiastical office and in taking legal testimony. Though often allowed to become painfully trivial and a travesty on its inherent solemnity, the taking of an official oath or the swearing of witnesses is still considered essential to the moral integrity of government, secular or spiritual. False swearing, under solemn oath, con

      stitutes the guilt and heinousness of perjury. The universality of oath-taking is humanity s tribute, whether pagan or Christian, to the sacredness of truth.

      (2) Civilized nations administer oaths under three heads: political, ecclesiastical, legal. The sov ereign of England receives the crown only as he or she responds affirmatively to the solemn adjuration of the archbishop or bishop: "Will you solemnly promise and swear to govern," etc, closing with the affirmation, "So help me (iod." A fundamental conviction of civilized nations was expressed by Lycurgus: "An oath is the bond that keeps the state together." It is the most solemn appeal to the in violability of the human conscience, and the sacred- ness of a vow as witnessed both by CJod and men. See also OATH. DWIGIIT M. PHATT

      ADLAI, ad la-I, ad ll (^~V , adhlay; LXX ASX, Adli and A8a, Add l , "lax, weary"): The fat her of Shaphat, an overseer of David s herds in the lowlands (1 Chronicles 27 29).

      ADMAH, ad mii (np~X , adhmdh): From a root signifying red; one of the Cities of the Plain (Cic- car) (den 10 1!); 14 2.S; Deuteronomy 29 23; IIos 11 Samuel) upon which Abraham and Lot looked from the heights of Bethel; destroyed with Sodom and (lomorrah. Conder tentatively identifies it with the City of Adam referred to in Joshua 3 16, and thinks that perhaps the name may be preserved in that of Damieh Ford, near the mouth of the river Jabbok; but that point could not have been in view from Bethel. See VALE of SIDDIM.

      ADMATHA, ad ma-tha, ad-ma tha adhmatfia ) . One of "the seven princes of Persia and Media, who saw the king s face, and sat first in the kingdom" (Esther 1 14); of 2 Kings 25 19; Ezra 7 14. The LXX gives only three names.

      ADMIN, ad min. See AUMI.

      ADMINISTER, ad-min is-ter (SiaKOvew, dia- knnco), ADMINISTRATION, ad-min-is-tra shnn (SidKovia, diakonla) . Terms used in AV in 1 Cor 12 5; 2 Cor 8 19.20; 2 Cor 9 12 respec tively, and replaced in 11 V by "minister" and "ministration." The root idea of both words is "service," hence to supply, or conduct or attend to anything; the performance of official duty, the conduct of affairs, the various forms of spiritual or social service. "Minister," used either of an act or of an office, is the term that best represents the apostolic thought and ideal.


      ADMIRATION, ad-mi-ra shun (9aii|a.a, tlunlmn, "a marvel" or "wonder"; 6au|j.a.a>, thaumdzo, "to wonder"): A term thrice used in AV in the NT, to express a wonder that includes approval, high esteem; replaced in RV by three renderings better suited to convey the various kinds of surprise, wonder, admiration, expressed by this fertile word: viz. in 2 Thess 1 10, "to be admired," reads in RV "to be marvelled at"; in Jude ver 10 "having men s persons in admiration" is rendered "showing respect of persons"; in Rev 17 6 "won dered with great admiration" is replaced by "with a great wonder." The Or original is used frequently in the NT, esp. in the Gospels, to express marvel and wonder at the supernatural works of Jesus.

      Dwir.HT M. PRATT

      ADNA, ad na (XSTO, *adhna , "pleasure"; Al- 8aive, Aidaine):

      (1) An Israelite in Ezra s time who, having mar ried a foreign wife, divorced her. He belonged to Pahath-moab (Ezra 10 30).




      Adino Adonijah

      (2) A priest of the family of Harum, during the high-priesthood of Joiakim son of Jethua (Neh 12 12-15).

      ADNAH, ad tui (PI!"", adhndh, "pleasure"; E8vd, Edna):

      (1) A warrior of the tribe of Manasseh, who deserted Saul and joined David s forces at Ziklag (1 Chronicles 12 20.21).

      (2) An officer of high rank, perhaps the command- er-in-chief of Jehoshaphat s army (2 Chronicles 17 14). Here the spelling in Hebrew is nj"tP , adhnah.

      ADO, a-doo : Found only in Mark 5 39 AV: "Why make ye this ado and weep?" Here "make ado" is used to translate the Greek verb 0opu/^o//cu, thorubeomai (cf Matthew 9 23 AV, where it is like wise rendered "making a noise"). "Ado" as a subst. is OE for "trouble" or "fuss," used only in the .sing.; and in the early Eng. VSS it com bined well with the verb "make," as here, to trans late the Greek word rendered elsewhere "causing an uproar," or "tumult," "making a noise," etc (see Acts 17 5; 20 10). Cf Shakespeare, Romeo and Juliet, III, 4, "We ll keep no great ado; a friend or two." GKO. B. EAGER

      ADONAI, a-do nl, ad-o-na I (" "Si, adhonay): A Divine name, translation d "Lord," and signifying, from its derivation, "sovereignty." Its vowels are found in the MT with the unpronounceable tetra- grammaton mrp ; and when the Hebrew reader came to these letters, he always substituted in pronun ciation the word " dd/ionay." Its vowels combined with the tetragrammaton form the word "Jehovah." See Coo, NA.MKS OF.

      ADONIBEZEK, a-do-nl-be zek udhonlbhczek, "lord of Bezek"): Lord of a town, Bezek, in southern Palestine, whom the tribes of Judah and Simeon overthrew. Adonibezek fled when his men were defeated, but was captured, and was punished for his cruelty in cutting off the thumbs and great toes of seventy kings by a similar mutilation. Being brought to Jerusalem, he died there (Judges 1 5-7). This not to be confused with Adonizedek, as in the LXX. This is quite another name.

      ADONIJAH, ad-o-nl ja (IH^X or PP^X, adhonlyahu or adhdnlyah, "my lord is Jehovah"):

      (1) The son of David and Haggith, the fourth of David s sons, born in Hebron after David became king of Judah, principally known for his attempt to become king instead of Solomon (2 Samuel 3 4; 1 Chronicles 3 2; 1 Kings 1 and 2). The record gives no details concerning Chileab, the son of David and Abigail. Leaving him out, Adonijah was the oldest living son of David, after the death of Amnon and Absalom.

      In treating the record it has been needlessly obscured by neglecting or distorting the time data. It says that the rebellion of Absalom broke out "at an end of forty years" (2 Samuel 15 7). The natural meaning is not forty years after the last- mentioned preceding date, but at the close of the fortieth calendar year of the reign of David. As David reigned 40| years (2 Samuel 6 4.5), the close of his fortieth calendar year was the beginning of his last year. That the date intended was at the be ginning of a vernal year is confirmed by the ref erences to the season (2 Samuel 17 19.28). Instead of giving this number Jos says that 4 years had elapsed since the last preceding date, which is very likely correct.

      Many considerations show that the outbreak cannot have occurred much earlier than the fortieth

      year of David; for Amnon and Absalom were born after David s reign began, and were men with establishments of their own before Amnon s offence against Tamar, and after that the record, if we accept the numeral of Jos, accounts for 2 plus 3 plus 2 plus 4, that is, for 11 years (2 Samuel 13 23.38; 14 28; Ant, VII, ix, 1). In the year following David s fortieth year there was ample room for the rebellions of Absalom and of Sheba, the illness of David, the attempt of Adonijah, ami the beginning of the reign of Solomon. All things confirm the number forty as giving the date of the outbreak. The common assumption that the forty is to be reduced to four, on the basis of the number in Jos, is contrary to the evidence.

      On this view of the chronology all the events fall into line. David s idea of making Solomon king was connect CM 1 with his temple-building idea. This is implied in K, and presented somewhat in full in Chronicles. The preparations described in Chronicles (1 Chronicles 22-29) seem to have culminated in David s fortieth year (1 Chronicles 26 31). David s policy was not altogether popular with the nation. His assembly (1 Chronicles 28 1) is mostly made up of sarim and other appointed officials, the hereditary Israelitish "princes" and "elders" being con spicuous by their absence. The outbreak under Absalom was mainly a matter of skilful manipu lation; the hearts of the people were really with David. And yet the party of Absalom was dis tinctly a legitimist party. It believed in the succession of the eldest son, and it objected to many things in the temple-building policy. Joab and Abiathar and others sympathized with this parly, but they remained with David out of per sonal loyalty to him.

      The Absalom campaign began early in the calen dar year. There is no reason to think that it lasted more than a few weeks. Later in the year a few weeks are enough time to allow for the campaign against Sheba. Joab must have been more or less alienated from David by David s appointment of Amasa to supersede him. Then came David s serious illness. Abishag was brought in, not to "attend upon David during his declining years," but to put her vitality at his disposal during a few weeks. Joab and Abiathar did not believe that David would ever do business again. Their per sonal loyalty to him no longer restrained them from following their own ideas, even though these were contrary to his wishes.

      The narrative does not represent that Nathan and Bathsheba influenced David to interfere in behalf of Solomon; it represents that they suc ceeded in arousing him from his torpor, so that he carried out his own wishes and intentions. Per haps resting in bed had done something for him. The treatment by Abishag had not been unsuccess ful. And now a supreme appeal to his mind proved sufficient to arouse; him. He became himself again, and acted with his usual vigor and wisdom.

      Adonijah is described as a handsome and showy man, but his conduct does not give us a high opinion of his capabilities. He had no real command of the respect of the guests who shouted "Live King Adonijah." When they heard that Solomon had been crowned, they "were afraid, and rose up, and went every man his way." Adonijah made his submission, but afterward attempted to engage in intrigues, and was put to death.

      (2) One of the Levites sent out by Jehoshaphat, in his third year, with the Book of the Law, to give instruction in Judah (2 Chronicles 17 8).

      (3) One of the names given, under the heading "the chiefs of the people," of those who sealed the covenant along with Nehemiah (Neh 10 1(5).


      Adonikam Adoption




      ADONIKAM, a. l-r.-nl kani (CppriX , adhdtnkain, "my lord lias risen up"): The name of a family of the returning exiles (Ezra 2 1M; Neh 7 IS). " The sons of Adonikam," men and women and children, numbered (>(>!> according to t he list as given in Ezra, but (5(57 according to the copy in Neh. Either included among these or in addition to them was the contingent that came with Ezra, "Eliphalot, Jeuel, and Shemaiah, and with them (50 males" (Ezra 8 13).

      ADONIRAM, ad-d-nl ram ("7 n r~X , a/lh/ln iratn, "my lord is exalted"): An official of Solomon (1 JK 4 15; 5 14). Near the close of the reign of David, and at the opening of the reign of Reho- boam, the same office was held bv Adorani (2 Samuel 20 24; 1 Iv 12 IS). The name Adoram seems to be a contraction of Adoniram, and doubtless the same person held the office in all the three reigns. The name also appears as Hadoram (2 Cli 10 IS). In AY and KV the office is vari- antly described as "over the tribute," which is misleading, and "over the levy," which is correct, though obscure. In AR, it is uniformly "over the men subject to taskwork." Adoniram was at 1 he head of the department of forced labor for the government. The record is to the effect that peoples conquered by Israel, excepting the Canaan- ites, were to be spared, subject to the obligation to forced labor on the public works (Deuteronomy 20 11); that, this law was actually extended to the Canaan- ites (Joshua 16 10; 17 13; Judges 1 L Sff); that David, in his preparations for the temple, organized and handed over to Solomon a service of forced labor (1 Chronicles 22 2.1"), etc); that under Solomon this service was elaborately maintained (1 Kings 6 13 IT; 9 ir>ff; 2 Chronicles 8 7 f f). "it was not for the temple only, but for all Solomon s numerous building enterprises. In theory men of Israeli) ish blood were free from this burden, but practically they found it a burden and a grievance. At the acces sion of Rehoboam they protested against it (1 Kings 12; 2 Chronicles 10). Nothing in the account is more indicative of Rehoboam s utter lack of good judg ment than his sending his veteran superintendent of the forced labor department to confer with the people. The murder of Adoniram, and the ig nominious flight of Rehoboam, were natural conse quences. WILLIS J. BIOKCHKK

      ADONIS, a-do nis: A name for the Babylonian god TAMMUZ, which see. The word occurs only in ERVm of Isaiah 17 10, where for "pleasant plants" is read plantings of Adonis." The ARV rightly omits this marginal suggestion.

      ADONI-ZEDEK, a-dd-ni-ze dek (p TTJlS, ,Wio- ni<;c<Ui< k, "lord of righteousness"): King of Jems at the time of the conquest of Canaan (Joshua 10 1). ,Yhen he heard of the fall of Ai and the submission of the (libeonites, he entered into a league with four other kings to resist Joshua and Israel, and to punish (libeon (Joshua 10 3.4), but was over thrown by Joshua in a memorable battle (vs 12-14). Adoni-y.edek and his four allies were shut up in a cave, while the battle lasted, and afterward were taken out by Joshua s order, put to death and hanged on trees (Joshua 10 22-27). It is noticeable that the name is almost the equivalent of Mel- chizedek, p Tpi.- C , mn1ki?c(Uick, "king of righteous ness, 1 who was ruler of Jerus in the time of Abra ham. EDWARD MACK

      ADOPTION, a-dop shun (vlo0(ria, huiothcsia, "placing as a son") :

      I. TIIK GENERAL LKCAL IDEA 1. In the OT 2. (ireek 3. Roman


      1. In (Jill us Liberty

      2. In Rom as Deliverance from Debt

      III. TH i; ( n KISTI , , Kxi Liu i:,ci:

      1. In Relation to Justification

      2. In Relation to Sanctilicalion :{. In Relation to Regeneration

      IV. As (ioi/s ACT

      1. Divine Fatherhood

      2. Its Cosmic Range

      This term appears first in NT, and only in the epp. of Paul (( ial 4 o; Rom 8 lf).23; 9 4; Eph 1 /j) who may have coined it out of a familiar Cr phrase of identical meaning. It indicated generally the legal process by which a man might bring into his family, and endow with the status and privileges of a son, one who was not by nature his son or of his kindred.

      /. The General Legal Idea. The custom pre vailed among Creeks, Romans and other ancient peoples, but it does not appear in Jewish law.

      Three cases of adoption are mentioned: of Moses

      (Exodus 2 10), Cenubath (1 Kings 11 20) and Esther

      (Esther 2 7.1"), but it is remarkable

      1. In the OT that they all occur outside of Pal

      in Egypt and Persia, when- the prac tice of adoption prevailed. Likewise the idea appears in the NT only in the epistles of Paul, which were addressed to churches outside Pal. The motive and initiative of adoption always lay with the adoptive father, who thus supplied his lack of natural offspring and satisfied the claims of affection and religion, and the desire to exercise paternal authority or to perpetuate his family. The process and conditions of adoption varied with different peoples. Among oriental nations it was extendi-d to slaves (as Moses) who thereby gained their freedom, but in Creece and Rome it was, with rare exceptions, limited to citizens.

      In Creece a man might during his lifetime, or by

      will, to take effect after his death, adopt any male

      citizen into the privileges of his son,

      2. Greek but with the invariable condition that

      the adopted son accepted the legal obligations and religious duties of a real son.

      In Rome the unique nature of paternal authority (patria j><)l<xl<ix), by which a son was held in his

      father s power, almost as a slave was

      3. Roman owned by his master, gave a peculiar

      character to the process of adoption. For the adoption of a person free from paternal authority (xni ./>///), the process and effect were practically the same in Rome as in Creece (ailro- (/nl/m. In a more specific sense, adoption proper (adoptio) was the process by which a person was transferred from his natural father s power into that of his adoptive father, and it consisted in a fictitious sale of the son, and his surrender by the natural to the adoptive father.

      //. Paul s Doctrine. As a Rom citizen the apostle would naturally know of the Rom custom, but in the cosmopolitan city of Tarsus, and again on his travels, he would become equally familiar with the corresponding customs of other nations, lie employed the idea metaphorically much in the manner of Christ s parables, and, as in their case, there is danger of pressing the analogy too far in its details. It is not clear that he had any specific form of adoption in mind when illustrating his teaching by the general idea. Under this figure he teaches that Cod, by the manifestation of His grace in Christ, brings men into the relation of sons to Himself, and communicates to them the experi ence of sonship.

      In Gal Paul emphasizes especially the liberty enjoyed by those who live by faith, in contrast to the bondage under which men are held, who guide their lives by legal ceremonies and ordi nances, as the Galatians were prone to do (5 1).




      Adonikam Adoption

      The contrast between law and faith is first set

      forth on the field of history, as a contrast between

      both the pre-Christian and the Chris-

      1. In Gal tian economies (3 23.24), although in as Liberty another passage he carries the idea of

      adoption back into the covenant rela tion of Ciod with Israel (Rom 9 4). But here the historical antithesis is reproduced in the con trast between men who now choose to live under law and those who live by faith. Three figures seem to commingle in the description of man s condition under legal bondage that of a slave, that of a minor under guardians appointed by his father s will, and that of a Rom son under the pat r ia potestas (Gal 4 1-3). The process of lib eration is first, of all one of redemption or buying out (Greek cxagordsei) (4 5). This term in itself applies equally well to the slave who is redeemed from bondage, and the Rom son whose adoptive father buys him out of the authority of his natural father. But in the latter case the condition of the son is not materially altered by the process: he only exchanges one paternal authority for another. If Paul for a moment thought of the process in terms of ordinary Rom adoption, the resulting condition of the son he conceives in terms of the more free; and gracious Greek or Jewish family life. Or he may have thought of the rarer case of adop tion from conditions of slavery into the status of sonship. The redemption is only a precondition of adoption, which follows upon faith, and is accompanied by the sending of "the Spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying, Abba, Father," and then all bondage is done away (4 5-7).

      In Rom (8 12-17) the idea of obligation or debt

      is coupled with that of liberty. -Man is thought

      of as at one time under the authority

      2. In Rom and power of the flesh (8 5), but when as Deliver- the Spirit of Christ comes to dwell ance from in him, he is no longer a debtor to the Debt flesh but to the Spirit (8 12.13), and

      debt or obligation to the Spirit is itself liberty. As in Gal, man thus passes from a state of bondage into a state of sonship which is also a state of liberty. "For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, these [and these only] are sons of God" (8 14). The spirit of adoption or sonship stands in diametrical opposition to the spirit of bondage (8 15). And the Spirit to which we are debtors and by which we are led, at once awakens and confirms the experience of sonship within us (8 1(5). In both places, Paul conveys under this figure, the idea of man as passing from a state of alienation from God and of bondage under law and sin, into that relation with God of mutual confidence and love, of unity of thought and will, which should characterize the ideal family, and in which all restraint, compulsion and fear have passed away.

      ///. The Christian Experience. As a fact of Christian experience, the adopt ion is the recognition and affirmation by man of his sonship toward God. It follows upon faith in Christ, by which man be comes so united with Christ that his filial spirit enters into him, and takes possession of his con sciousness, so that he knows and greets God as Christ does (cf Mark 14 3(5).

      It is an aspect of the same experience that Paul describes elsewhere, under another legal metaphor, as justification by faith. According 1. In Rela- to the latter, God declares the sinner tion to Jus- righteous and treats him as such, tification admits him to the experience of for giveness, reconciliation and peace (Rom 6 1). In all this the relation of father and son is undoubtedly involved, but in adoption it is emphatically expressed. It is not only that the

      prodigal son is welcomed home, glad to confess that he is not worthy to be called a son, and willing to be made as one of the hired servants, but he is embraced and restored to be a son as before. The point of each metaphor is, that justification is the act of a merciful judge setting the prisoner free, but adoption is the act of a generous father, taking a son to his bosom and endowing him with liberty, favor and a heritage.

      Besides, justification is the beginning of a proc ess which needs for its completion a progressive course of sanctification by the aid of

      2. In Rela- the Holy Spirit, but adoption is tion to Sane- coextensive with sanctification. The tification sons of Ciod are those led by the

      Spirit of God (Rom 8 14); and the same spirit of God gives the experience of sonship. Sanctification describes the process of general cleans ing and growth as an abstract process, but adoption includes it as a concrete relation to God, as loyalty, obedience, and fellowship with an ever-loving Father.

      Some have identified adoption with regeneration, and therefore many Fathers and Roman Catholic

      theologians have identified it with

      3. In Rela- baptismal regeneration, thereby ex- tion to eluding the essential fact of con- Regenera- scions sonship. The new birth and tion adoption are certainly aspects of the

      same totality of experience, but they belong to different systems of thought, and to identify them is to invite confusion. The new birth defines especially the origin and moral quality of the Christian experience as an abstract fact, but adoption expresses a concrete relation of man to God. Nor does Paul here raise the question of man s natural and original condit ion. It is pressing the analogy too far to infer from this doctrine of adoption that man is by nature not God s son. It would contradict Paul s leaching elsewhere (e.g. Acts 17 2S), and he should not be convicted of inconsistency on the application of a metaphor. He conceives man outside Christ as morally an alien and a stranger from God, and the change wrought by faith in Christ makes him morally a son and conscious of his sonship; but naturally he is always a potential son because; God is always a real father.

      IV. As God s Act. Adoption as God s act is an eternal process of His gracious love, for He "fore ordained us unto adoption as sons through Jesus Christ unto himself, according to the good pleasure of his will" (Eph 1 5).

      The motive and impulse of Fatherhood which

      result in adoption were eternally real and active

      in God. In some sense He had be-

      1. Divine stowed the adoption upon Israel Fatherhood (Rom 9 4). "Israel is my son, my

      first-born" (Exodus 4 22; cf Deuteronomy 14 1 ; 32 G; Jeremiah 31 <); Hos 11 1). God could not reveal Himself at all without revealing something of His Fatherhood, but the whole revelation was as yet partial and prophetic. When "God sent forth his Son" to "redeem them that were under the law," it became possible for men to receive the adoption; for to those who are willing to receive it, He sent the Spirit of the eternal Son to testify in their hearts that they are sons of God, and to give them con fidence and utterance to enable them to call God their Father (Gal 4 5.G; Rom 8 15).

      But this experience also is incomplete, and looks

      forward to a fuller adoption in the response, not

      only of man s spirit, but of the whole

      2. Its Cos- creation, including man s body, to mic Range the Fatherhood of God (Rom 8 23).

      Every filial spirit now groans, because it finds itself imprisoned in a body subjected to

      Ador Adrammelech




      vanity, but it, awaits a redemption of the body, perhaps in the resurrection, or in .some final con summation, when the whole material creation shall be transformed into a fitting environment for the sons of God, the creation itself delivered from the bondage of corruption into the liberty of the glory of the children of Clod (Rom 8 21). Then will adoption be complete, when man s whole personality shall be in harmony with the spirit of sonship, and the whole universe favorable; to its perseverance in a state of blessedness. See CIIIL-

      LITF.UATUReast Lightfoot, Galiitid/i.! ; Sunday, Itiimanx; Lidtfctt. Futhrrhood of (iu,l; Uitsclll, Justification nnd Reconciliation.

      T. RICKS

      ADOR, a dor, ADORA, a-dd ra ( ASiopd, A<loni): In Idumaea, mentioned in Ant, XIII, i,, 1 as one of the cities captured by Hyrcanus, and referred to in 1 Mace 13 20. See ADOKAIM.

      ADORAIM, ad-o-ra im "a pair of knolls," perhaps): One of several cities in Judah that were fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chronicles 11 9). The name appears in Jos and in 1 Mace as Adora or Dora or Dor. Its location is indicated in general by that of the other cities which the record in Chronicles groups with it. Common consent identifies it with Dura, about five miles ,V. by South of Hebron.

      ADORAM, a-dd ram. See ADONIKAM.


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    ADORATION, ad-o-ra shun: Though this word never occurs in EV, it represents aspects of worship which are very prominent in the Bible.

    I. Etymology. The word is derived from Lat adortirc =

    (1) "to speak to,"

    (2) "to beseech," "en treat,"

    (3) "to do homage," "to worship"; from <;.s (or is), mouth. Some have supposed that the root ON points to the Rom practice of applying the hand to the mouth, i.e. kissing the hand to (a person or thing), as a token of homage.

    Meaning. Adoration is intense admiration culminating in reverence; and worship, together with the outward acts and attitudes which accom pany such reverence.

    It thus includes both the subjective; sentiments, or feelings of the soul, in the presence of some superior object or person, and the appropriate physical expressions of such sentiments in outward acts of homage or of wor ship. In its widest sense it includes reverence to beings other than God, esp. to monarchs, who in oriental countries were regarded with feelings of awe.

    But it finds its highest expression in religion. Adoration is perhaps the highest type of worship, involving the reverent and rapt con templation of the Divine perfections and preroga tives, the acknowledgment of them in words of praise, together with the visible symbols and postures that express the adoring attitude of the creature in the presence of his Creator.

    It is the expression of the soul s mystical realization of God s presence in His transcendent greatness, holiness and lovingkindness. As a form of prayer, adoration is to be distinguished from other forms, such as petition, thanksgiving, confession and intercession.

    Outward Postures. In the OT and NT, these are similar to those which prevailed in all oriental countries, as amply illustrated by the monuments of Egypt and Assyria, and by the customs still in use among the nations of the East. The chief attitudes referred to in the Bible are the following:

    Among the Orientals, esp. Persians, prostration (i.e. falling upon the knees, then gradually inclining the body, until the forehead touched the ground) was common as an expression of profound rev erence and humility before a superior or a bene

    factor. It was practised in the worship of Yah-

    weh (Genesis 17 3; Numbers 16 45; Alt 26 39, Jesus in

    Gethsemane; Rev 1 17), and of idols

    1. Prostra- (2 Kings 5 18; Daniel 3 5.6), but was by tion no means confined to religious exer cise s. It was the formal method of

    supplicating or doing obeisance to a superior (e.g.

    1 Samuel 25:23 f; 2 Kings 4:37; Esther 8:3; Mark 5:22; John 11:32).

    A substitute for prostration was kneeling, a common attitude - in worship, frequently mentioned in OT and NT (e.g. 1 Kings 8:54; Ezra 9:5;

    2. Kneeling Ps 95:1-2 --> (; Isaiah 45:23; Luke 22:41,

    Christ in Gethsemane; Acts 7 (10; Eph 3 14). The 1 same attitude was sometimes adopted in paying homage te> a fellow-creature, as in 2 Kings 1 13. "Sitting" as an attitude of prayer (only 2 Samuel 7 IS | 1 Chronicles 17 1(5) was probably a form of kneeling, as in Mahometan worship.

    This was the most usual posture 1 in prayer, like that of modern Jews in public worship. Abraham

    "stood before JAH" when he interceded

    3. Standing for Soelom (Genesis 18 22). Cf 1 Samuel 1 26.

    The Pharisee in the parable "stood and prayed" (Luke 18 11), and the hypocrites are said to "pray standing in the synagogues, and in the corners of the streets (Matthew 6 5 AV).

    The above postures were accompanied by various

    attitude s of the- hands, which we re either lifted

    up toward heaven (Ps 63 4; 1 Tim

    4. The 2 Samuel), (Exodus 9 29; Ezra 9 5; Hands Isaiah 1 15), or both (1 Kings 8 54).

    The heathen practice of kissing hands to the heavenly bodie-s as a sign of adoratiem is re ferred te> in Job 31 27, and of kissing the idol in 1 Kings 19 IS; Hos 13 2. The kiss of

    5. Kiss of homage is mentioned in Ps 2 12, if the Adoration te xt there be 1 correct. Kissing hands

    to the object. e)f adoration was custom ary among the Romans (Pliny xxviii.5). The NT word fe>r "worship" (proskuneo) lit. means to kiss the hand te> (one). See also ATTITUDKSouth

    IV. Objects of Adoration. The only adequate object of adoration is the 1 Samuelupreme Being. He only who is the 1 sum of all perfect ions can fully satisfy man s instincts of reverence, and elicit the complete homage of his soul.

    Yet, as already suggest eel, the crude beginnings

    e>f religious adoration are to be found in the respect

    paid lo created beings regardeed as

    1. Fellow- possessing superior claims and powers, Creatures esp. te> kings and rulers. As instance s

    we- may mention the woman of Tekoa falling em her face to do obeisance to King David (2 Samuel 14:4), and the king s servants bowing elown to do reverence to Hainan (Esther 32). Cf Ruth

    2 10; 1 Samuel 20:41; 2 Samuel 1:2, 14 22.

    On a higher plane, as involving some recognition of divinity, is the 1 homage paid to august and mys terious objects in Nature, or to

    2. Material phenomena in the physical work! Objects which we re supposed to have some

    divine significance. To give rever ence to material objects themselves is conelemneei as idolatry throughout the OT. Such e.g. is the case with the worship of "the host of heaven" (the heavenly bodies) sometimes practised by the Hebrews (2 Kings 17 16; 21 3.5).

    So Job protests that he never proved false to God by kissing hanels to the sun and moon in token of adoration (Job 31: 26-28). We have reference in the OT to acts of homage paid to an ielol or an image, such as falling elown before it (Isaiah 44 15.17.19; Daniel 3 7), or kissing it (1 Kings 19 18; Hos 13 2).

    All such prac tices are condemned in uncompromising terms. But when material things produce a reverential attitude, not to themselves, but to the Deity whose




    Ador Adrammelech

    presence they symbolize, (hen they are regarded as legitimate aid.s to devotion; e.g. Jirc as a manifestation of the Divine presence is described as causing the spectator to perform acts of reverence (e.g. Exodus 3 2.5; Lev 9 24; lK1838f). In these instances, it was Yahweh Himself that was worshipped, not the fire which revealed Him.

    The sacred writers are moved to religious adora tion by the contemplation of the glories of Nature. To them, "the heavens declare the glory of God; and the firmament sheweth his handiwork." (Cf esp. the "nature-Pss" 8, 19, 29, 104.)

    On a still higher plane is the adoration prac tised in the presence of supernatural agents of the Divine will. When an angel of God

    3. Angels appeared, men fell instinctively before

    him in reverence and awe (e.g. Genesis 18 2; 19 1; Numbers 22 31; Judges 13 20; Luke 24 4.5). This was not to worship the creature instead of the Creator, for the angel was regarded, not as a dis tinct individual having an existence and character of his own, but as a tlieophany, a self-manifestation of God.

    The highest form of adoration is that which is directed immediately to God Himself, His kingly attributes and spiritual excellencies

    4. The being so apprehended by the soul Deity that it is filled with rapture and praise,

    and is moved to do Him reverence 1 . A classical instance is the vision that initiated Isaiah into the prophetic office, when he was so possessed with the sovereignty and sublimity of God that he was filled with wonder and self-abase ment (Isaiah 6 1-5). In the OT, the literature of adoration reaches its high-water mark in the Pss (cf esp. the group Pss 95-100), where the ineffable majesty, power and holiness of God are set forth in lofty strains. In the NT, adoration of the Deity finds its most rapturous expression in Rev, where the vision of God calls forth a chorus of praise addressed to the thrice-holy God (4 S 11; 7 11.12), with whom is associated the Redeemer-Lamb.

    How far is Jesus regarded in the NT as an object of adoration, seeing that adoration is befitting only

    to God? During Our Lord s lifetime

    5. Jesus lie was often the object of worship Christ (Matthew 2 11; 82; 9 IS; 14 33; 15

    25; 20 20; 28 0.17; Mark 5 (i; John 9 38). Some ambiguity, however, belongs to the Greek word proskumi n, for while it is the usual word for "worshipping" God (e.g. John 4 24), in some contexts it means no more than paying homage 1 to a person of superior rank by kneeling or prostra tion, just as the unmerciful servant is said to have fallen down and worshipped his master the king (Alt 18 20), and as Jos speaks of the Jewish high priests as proskunoumenoi (Ii-1, IV, v, 2). On the other hand, it certainly implies a consciousness, on the part of those 1 who paid this respect te> Jesus, and of Jesus Himself, of a very exceptional superiority in His person, fe>r the 1 same homage 1 was re-fused by Peter, when offered to him by Cornelius, on the ground that he himself also was a man (Acts 10 25 f), and even by the angel before whom John pros trated himself, on the ground that Goel alone 1 was to be "worshipped" (Rev 22 8.0). Yet Jesus never repudiated such tokens of respect. But whatever about the "days of His flesh," there is no doubt that after the ascension Christ became to the church the object of adoration as Divine, and the homage paiel to Him was indistinguishable in character from that paiel to God. This is proved not only by isolated passages, but still more by the whole tone of the Acts and epp. in relation to Him. This adoration reaches its highest expression in Rev 5 9-14, where the Redeemer-Lamb who share s the throne of God is the subject of an outburst of

    adoring praise: on the part of the angelic hosts. In 4 s 11 the hymn of adoration is addressed to the Lord God Almighty, the Creator; here it is adelresseel to the Lamb on the ground of His re deeming work. In Rev the adoration of Him "who sitteth on the 1 throne 1 " and that of "the 1 Lamb" flow together into one stream of ecstatic praise (cf 7 0-11). D. MIALL EDWARDS

    ADORN, a-dorn (Koo-p.6u>, kostnco): Has as its primary meaning "to arrange 1 ," "to put in order," "to decorate." It is used with reference to the 1 manner in which Christian women were urgeel to dress. This was a vital question in the 1 early church, ami both Paul and Peter give advice on the subject (1 Tim 2 0; 1 Pet 3 3) Sec DKKSSouth

    Figurative: In Matthew 12 44 AV the word is translation d "garnish" and is used in a fig. sense 1 . It describes accurately the condition of the Jewish nation. Even though they have 1 swept out idolatry and have 1 adorneel the : life with much ceremony and endless religious prescriptions yet the evil spirit can say, "I will return In nuj IIOHSC." This same thing has re- peateelly been done by individuals and nations when reforms have 1 been instituted, but Christ was not en throned and the 1 heart or nation was still dominated by evil. It is use-d also in a fig. sense 1 with reference to the- graces of the: Christian life. When we re-- member how very highly Orientals esteem the 1 adorn ment of the 1 body, its use here becomes very forceful. It is this that makes Ps 45 13 of special significance as to the beauty and glory of the 1 church as she is presenter! to God. See alse> Pre>v 1 9; 4 0; Isaiah 61 10; 1 Pet. 3 4.5. Consecration to God, the in dwelling of His Spirit, right eousness, a meek and quiet spirit the-se 1 are the 1 true 1 adornments of the 1 life. All these passage s carry with t lie-in the 1 ielea of jety, the 1 satisfaction that should be ours in these possessions. JACOB west KAPP

    ADRA, a dra. Se-e AHAD (city).

    ADRAMMELECH, a-dram el-ek, and ANAM- MELECH, a-nam el-ek (TfbpTJg and TJ^Z", adhrammelekh and *d,nammelekh, apparently, ae-- cording to Assyrian usage, "Adar is prince-," "Aim is prince." liy Palestinian usage it would be "Adar is king," "Ami is king"):

    (1) The names given by the Israeli! ish narrator to the- god or gods importer! into the 1 Samuelamaritan land by the- men of Sepharvaim whom the king of Assyria had settled there: (2 Kings 17 31). In the Babylonian pantheon Aim, the ge>d of heaven, is one 1 of the three chief gods, and Adar, otherwise known as Ninib, is a solar ge>d. Concerning the statements in this ver in K, archaeologists differ in some im portant points, and it is a case in which a sus- penele-el judgment may be: becoming in one who is not an expert. But at least a portion of the: alleged diflie-ulties have 1 arisen from failures to get the 1 pemit of view of the- Israeli! ish narrator. He is writing from a time: considerably later than the: cstab- lishment of the- institutiems of which he speaks late enough te> render the phrase "unto this day" suitable- (2 Kings 17 31), late- enough so that words and usages may have unde-rgone_ modification. He is describing a mixture of religions which he evidently reganls as deserving of contempt and ridicule, even apart from the 1 falsity of the religions ine-lude-d in it. This mixture he describes as con taining ingredients of three kinds first, the im- porteel religions of the imported peoples; second, the local high-place religions (vs 32, etc), and third, the JAH religion of Northern Israel (not that of Jerus). It is not likely that he thought that they practised any cult in its purity. They contami nated the religion of Je-h by introducing Canaanitish

    Adramyttiura Adultery



    usages into if, and they arc likely to have done the same with (lie ancestral religions which they brought with them. Tin; proper names may he correct as representing 1 al visage, even if they differ some what from the proper Babylonian usage. The writer says that they "burnt t heir children in the fire to Adram- melech," but this does not, necessarily prove that he thought that they brought this practice from Babylonia; his idea may be that they corrupted even their own false cult by introducing into it this horrible Canaanitish rite. In considering the bearings of (he evidence of the monuments on the c:ise, considerations of this kind should not be neglected.

    (2)_The name of a son of Sennacherib king of Assyria-- -one of the two who slew him and escaped, indirectly leading to the accession of Esar-haddon (2 Kings 19 37; Isaiah 37 38). .Mention of the inci dent is found on the monuments, and traces of the name appear in the writings of Abydenus and I olv- histor. WILLIS ,}. BKKCIIKK

    ADRAMYTTIUM, ud-ra-mit i-um Adramuttion; for other forms see Thayer s lexicon): Ail anHent city of Mysia in the Rom Province of Asia. Tin- only reference in the XT to it is in Acts 27 2 which says that Paul, while being taken a, pris oner Irom Caesarea to Rome, embarked upon a ship belonging to A.

    The city, with a good harbor, stood at the head of the (lulf of Adraniyttium facing the island of Les bos, and at the base of Matthew. Ida. Its early history is obscure. While some authors fancy that it wa s the Pedasus of Homer, others suppose that it was founded by Adramys, the brother of the wealthy Croesus; probably a small Athenian colonv existed there long before the time of Adramvs. When Pergamus became the capital of Asia, A. grew to be a city of considerable importance, and the metropolis of the X.west part of the province. There the assi/es were held. The coins which the peasants pick up ill the surrounding fields, and which are frequently aids in determining the location and historv of the cities of Asia Minor, were struck at A. as late as the 3d cent. AD, and sometimes in connection with Kphesus. ("pon them the effigies of Castor and Pollux appear, showing that A. was the seat of worship of t hese deit ies.

    _ The ancient city with its harbor has entirely disappeared, but on a hill, somewhat farther inland, is a village of about one thousand houses bearing the name Edremid, a corruption of the ancient name_ Adramys. The miserable wooden huts occupied by (!r fishermen and by Turks are sur rounded by vineyards and olive trees, hence the chief trade is in olive oil, raisins and timber. In ancient times A. was noted for a special ointment which was prepared there (Pliny, A7/, xiii.2.5).

    I-;. J. BAXKS

    ADRIA, a dri-a (6 A8pas, [WII] ho Hndr nix or tin Adr titx): In (Ir Adrian (Polybios i.2.4), Adrittlilcc. Tiinlaxxii (Strabo iv.2()lj, and Ailritttilcon. Priai/os (Ptolemy iii. 15.2), and in Lat Adruilicum inure (Livy xl. 57. 7), Adrinnnni. man: (Cicero in. Pisoncin 3S), Adriaticus sinus (Livy x.2.4j, and Mara superum (Cicero ad Alt. ).5.1). The Adriatic Sea is a name derived from the old Etruscan city Atria, situated near the mouth of the Po (Livy v. 33.7; Strabo v.214). At first the name Adria was only applied to the most northern part of the sea. _But after the development of the Syracusan colonies on the Italian and lllyrian coasts the application of the term was gradually extended southward, so as to reach Mons Garganua (the Abruzzi), and later the Strait of Hydruntum (Ptolemy iii. 1.1; Polybios vii.19.2). But finally the name embraced the Ionian Sea as well, and we

    find it employed to denote the Culf of Tamil urn (ServiusAen xi.f>40), the Sicilian Sea (Pausanias v. 25), and even the waters between Crete and Malta (Orosius i.2.!H)j. Procopius considers Malta as lying at the western extremity of the Adriatic Sea (i.14). After leaving Crete the vessel in which the apostle Paul was sailing under military escort was "driven to and fro in the .xm of Adria" four teen days (Acts 27 27 j before it approached the shore of Malta. We may compare this with the shipwreck of .Jos in "the middle of the Adria" where he was picked up by a ship sailing from Cyrcne to Puteoli (Jos, , ita, 3). GEORGE 11. AI.I.K.N

    ADRIEL, a dri-el (SJjr-n? , *wlhrl cl, "my help is God"): The son of Barzillai the Meholath- ite, to whom Merab the daughter of King Saul was married when she should have been given to David (1 Samuel 18 10; 2 Samuel 21 8). "Michal" in 21 Samuel is a textual error easily accounted for. Adriel and Merab had five sons, whom David handed over to the blood vengeance of the men of (libeon. The name Adriel seems to be Aram., the equivalent of the Hebrew name Axriel.

    ADUEL, a-dfi el ( ASovT|,, Ado/if I): An ancestor of Tobit (Tob 1 1).

    ADULLAM, a-dul am (=51^, Whullam): (,) A city, with dependencies, and anciently having a king, mentioned five times in the ()T, each time in a list with other cities (Joshua 12 l.V 16 3.",; 2 Chronicles 11 7; Mic 1 If); Xeh 11 3()J. In the list of 31 kings whom Joshua smote, Adullam follows Hormah, Arad, Libnah, and precedes Mak- kedah. Among the 11 Judahite cities of the first group in "the lowland" Adullam is mentioned be tween Jarmuth and Socoh. In the list of 15 cities fortified by Kehoboam it appears between Socoh and (iath. Micah gives what, may be a list of cities concerned in some Assyr approach to Jems; it begins with (lath, includes Lachish, and ends with Mareshah and Adullam. And Adullam is still in the same company in the list in Neh of the cities "and their villages" where the men of Judah then dwelt, In the time of the patriarchs it, was a place to which men "went down" from the central moun tain ridge (den 38 1). Judas Maccabaeus found it still existing as a city (2 Mace 12 3<S). Common opinion identifies Adullam with the ruin *Aid-</-Ma, 13 miles westSouthwest from Bethlehem (see 1K1IIL, 22!) If). This is in spite of the testimony of the Onom, which, it is alleged, confuses Adullam with Kglon._ Presumably the city gave its name to the cave of Adullam, the cave being near the city.

    (2) The cave of Adullam, David s headquarters during a part of the time when he was a fugitive from Saul (1 Samuel 22 1 ; 2 Samuel 23 13; 1 Chronicles 11 15). Sufficient care has not been exercised in reading the Bible statements on this subject. To begin with, Hebrew syntax permits of the use of the word "cave" collectively; it may denote a group or a region of caves; it is not shut up to the meaning that t lien- was one immense cave in which David and his 400 men all found accommodations at once. All reason ings based on this notion are futile.

    Further, by the most natural syntax of 2 Samuel 23 13-17 (duplicated with unimportant variations in 1 Chronicles 11 15-19), that passage describes two dif ferent events, and does not connect the cave of Adullam with the second of these. "And three of the thirty chief men went down, and came to David in the harvest time unto the cave of Adullam; and the troop of the Philistines was encamped in the valley of Rephaim. And David was then in the stronghold; and the garrison of the Philistines was then in Beth-lehem. And David longed, and said,




    Adramyttium Adultery

    Oh that one would give me water," etc. Concerning these three seniors among David s "mighty men" it is narrated, first, that they were David s comrades in a certain battle, a battle which the Chronicler identifies with Pas-dammim, where David slew Goliath; second, that they joined David at the cave of Adullam, presumably during the time when he was in hiding from Saul; third, that at a later time, when the Philistine s were in the valley of Rephaim (cf 2 Samuel 5 18), and David was "in the stronghold" (Jos says "at Jerusalem," Ant, VII, xii, 4), these men broke through the Phili lines and brought him water from the home well of Bethlehem.

    The cave of Adullam, like the city, was "down" from the central ridge (1 Samuel 22 f; 2 Samuel 23 13). The city was in Judah; and David and his men were in Judah (1 Samuel 23 3) at a time when, apparently, the cave was their headquarters. Gad s advice to David to return to Judah (1 Samuel 22 3.5) was given at a time when he had left the cave of Adullam. If the current identification of l Aiil-cl-.Mn. as Adul lam is correct, the cave of Adullam is probably the cave region which has been found in that vicinity.

    It has been objected that this location is too far from Bethlehem for David s men to have brought the water from there. To this it is replied that thirteen or fourteen miles is not an excessive dis tance for t hree except ionally vigorous men to go and return; and a yet stronger reply is found in the consideration just mentioned, that the place from which the men went for the water was not the cave of Adullam. The one argument for the tradition to the effect that St. Chariton s cave, a few miles Southeast of Bethlehem, is Adullam, is the larger size of this cave, as compared with those near Aitl-d-Mn We have already seen that this has no force.

    In our current speech "cave of Adullam" sug gests an aggregation of ill-assorted and disreputable men. This is not justified by the Bible record. David s men included his numerous and respectable kinsmen, and the representative of the priesthood, and some of David s military companions, and some men who afterward held high office in Israel. Even those who are described as being in distress and debt and bitter of soul were doubtless, many of them, persons who had suffered at the hands of Saul on account of their friendship for David. Doubtless they included mere adventurers in their number; but the Scriptural details and the circum stances alike indicate that they were mainly homo geneous, and that most of them were worthy citizens. WILLIS J. BKKCHEK

    ADULLAMITE, a-dul am-It : The gentilic adj. of ADCLLAM, which see. It is used only of Judah s friend Hindi (Genesis 38 1.12.20).

    ADULTERY, a-dul ter-i: In Scripture desig nates sexual intercourse of a man, whether married

    or unmarried, with a married woman. 1. Its It is categorically prohibited in the

    Punishment Decalogue (seventh commandment,

    Exodus 20 14; Deuteronomy 5 IS): "Thou shall not commit adultery." In more specific language we read: "And thou shalt not. lie carnally with thy neighbor s wife, to defile thyself with her" (Lev 18 20). The penalty is death for both guilty parties: "And the man that committeth adultery with another man s wife, even he that committeth adultery with his neighbor s wife, the adulterer and the adulteress shall surely be put to death" (Lev 20 10). The manner of death is not par ticularized; according to the rabbis (Siphru ad loc.; Kanhedhrin 526) it is strangulation. It would seem that in the days of Jesus the manner of death was interpreted to mean stoning ("Now in the law Moses commanded us to stone such," John 8 5, said of the woman taken in adultery). Neverthe

    less, it. may be said that in the case in question the woman may have been a virgin betrothed unto a husband, the law (in Deuteronomy 22 23 f) providing that such a person together with her paramour be stoned to death (contrast ver 22, where a woman married to a husband is spoken of and the manner of death is again left general). Ezekiel 16 40 (cf 23 47) equally mentions stoning as the penalty of the adulteress; but it couples to her sin also that of shedding blood; hence the rabbinic interpretation is not necessarily controverted by the prophet. Of course it may also be assumed that a difference of custom may have obtained at different times and that the progress was in the line of leniency, strangulation being regarded as a more humane form of execu tion than stoning.

    The guilty persons become amenable to the

    death penalty only when taken "in the very act"

    (John 8 4). The difficulty of obtaining

    2. Trial by direct legal evidence is adverted to by Ordeal the rabbis (see M<ilck<ltli In). In the

    case of a mere suspicion on the part of the husband, not substantiated by legal evidence, the woman is compelled by the law (,u 5 11 -30) to submit to an ordeal, or God s judgment, which consists in her drinking the water of bitterness, that is, water from the holy basin mingled with dust from the floor of the sanctuary and with the washed-of f ink of a writing containing the oath which the woman has been made to repeat. The water is named bitter with reference to its effects in the case of t he woman s guilt ; on the other hand, when no ill effects follow, the woman is proved innocent and the husband s jealousy unsubstan tiated. According to the Mish (Sotd/i 9) this ordeal of the woman suspected of adultery was abolished by Johanan ben Zaccai (after 70 AD), on the ground that, the men of his generation were not above the suspicion of impurity. See article BITTKK, BIT TERN KSSouth

    Adultery was regarded as a heinous crime (Job 31 11). The 1 prophets and teachers in Israel re peatedly upbraid the men and women

    3. A Hei- of their generations for their loose- nous Crime ness in morals which did not shrink

    from adulterous connections. Nat urally where luxurious habits of life were indulged in, particularly in the large cities, a tone of levity set in: in the dark of the evening, men, with their features masked, waited at their neighbors doors (Job 24 15; 31 9; cf Proverbs 7), and women for getful of their Clod s covenant broke faith with the husbands of their youth (Proverbs 2 17). The prophet Nathan confronted David after his sin with Bath- sheba, the wife of ("riah, with his stern rebuke ("Thou art the man," 2 Samuel 12 7); the penitential psalm (51) "Miserere" was sung by the royal bard as a prayer for divine pardon. Promiscuous intercourse with their neighbors wives is laid by Jeremiah at the door of the false prophets of his day (Jeremiah 23 10.14; 29 23).

    While penal law takes only cognizance of adul terous relations, it is needless to say that the moral

    law discountenances all manner of

    4. Penal illicit intercourse and all manner of and Moral unchastity in man and woman. While Distinctions the phrases "harlotry," "commit har lotry," in Scripture denote the breach

    of wedlock (on the part of a woman), in tin; rabbinic writings a clear distinction is made on the legal side between adultery and fornication. The latter is condemned morally in no uncertain terms; the seventh commandment is made to include all manner of fornication. The eye and the heart are the two intermediaries of sin (Palestinian Talm, B rakhuth Gh). A sinful thought is as wicked as a sinful act (Nidddh 136 and elsewhere). Job makes

    Adummim Affect




    a covenant with his eyes lest lie look upon a virgin (31 1). And so Jesus who came "not to destroy, but to fulfil (Ml 5 17), in full agreement with the ethical and religious teaching of Judaism, makes the intent of the seventh commandment explicit when he declares that "every one that looketli on a woman to lust after her hath committed adultery with her already in his heart (Matthew 6 2S). And in the spirit of Ilosea (4 15) and Johanan ben Zaccai (see above) Jesus has but scorn for those that are ready judicially to condemn though they be themselves not free from sin! "He that is without sin among you, let him first, cast a stone at her" (John 8 7). Whereas society is in need of the death penalty to secure the inviolability of the home life, Jesus bids the erring woman go her way and sin no more. How readily His word might be taken by the unspiritual to imply the condoning of woman s peccability is evidenced by the fact that 1 he win ile sect ion ( John 7 53 -811) is omit ted by "most ancient authorities" (see St . Augustine s remark).

    Adultery ax a (frou/nl of rcc. The meaning of the expression "some unseemly thing" (I)t 24 1) being unclear, there was great variety of opinion among the rabbis as to the grounds upon which a husband may divorce his wife. While the school of Ilillel legally at least allowed any trivial reason as a ground for divorce, the stricter interpretation which limited it to adultery alone obtained in the school of Shammai. Jesus coin cided with the stricter view (see Matthew 5 32; 19 <), and commentaries). From a moral point of view, divorce was discountenanced by the rabbis like wise, save of course for that one ground which indeed makes the continued relations between hus band and wife a moral impossibility. See also CUIMKS; DIVORCeast MAX L. MAHCOLIS

    5. A

    Ground of Divorce

    ADUMMIM, a-dum im perhaps "red spots"): The ascent, of Adummim" is one of the numerous landmarks mentioned in defining the northern border of Judah westward from the mouth of the Jordan to Jerusalem, and in defining the southern border of Benjamin east ward from Jerusalem to the mouth of the Jordan (Joshua 15 7; 18 17). It is identified with the gorge part of the road from .Jericho up to Jerusalem.

    The Inn of tho Good Samaritan.

    Its present name is Tala*ab-ed-Dumm, "ascent of blood." The stone is marked by "curious red streaks," a phenomenon which probably accounts for both the ancient and the modern names, and for other similar names which have been applied to the locality. It is the scene of our Saviour s story of the Good Samaritan, and tradition of course locates the inn to which the Sam brought the wounded man (see HGHL, 265). WILLIS J. BEECHER

    ADVANTAGE, ad-van taj (]3D , sakhan): In Job 35 3 is interpreted in succeeding clause us "profit." In Rom 3 1 Treptcnros,, is likewise inter preted by a paraphrase in the next sentence. RV prefers to render filcoiickted by "take advantage," where AV has "defraud" (2 Cor 7 2) or "make gain of" (2 Cor 12 17; cf 2 Cor 2 11). In Jude (ver 16), "advantage" (opMleia) means "profit."


    ADVENTURE, ad-ven tfir: "To risk," "to dare," referring always to an undertaking attended with some peril (Judges 9 17: "My father adventured his life"). Cf Deuteronomy 28 f>6. So also Eccl 5 14: "Riches perish by evil adventure." Only once in NT for SiSufu, dido in i. (Acts 19 31), where Paul s friends beg him "not to adventure himself [archaic for "venture"] into the theatre."

    ADVERSARY, ad ver-sa-ri, ad ver-sa-ri: This word (in the sing, or pi.) is used in the ( )T to render different Hebrew words. In thirty-two cases the word corresponds to the noun "12, gar, or the verb "H2 , Gdrar. This noun is the ordinary word for "foe" or "adversary." In twelve passages the Hebrew word, of which "adversary" is the f r, is "L^!? , xtitdn = noun or "jt?TZJ , satan=verb. This stem means "to oppose," or "thwart" anyone in his purpose or claims.

    The angel of JAH was saidn to Balaam (Numbers 22 22). The word often denotes a political adversary (1 Kings 11 14.2:5.25). In four cases (viz. Prologue to Job; Zee 3 1.2; 1 Chronicles 21 1; Ps 109 (5) the AV retains Satan as the rendering. But it is only in 1 Chronicles that the word is used without the art., that is, strictly as a proper name. The LXX gives 5id/3o,os, ili(il>itlnti, as the rendering, and both in Job and Zee, Satan is portrayed as the "false accuser." In two cases "adversary" represents two Hebrew ex pressions which mean the "opponent in a suit "or "controversy" (Job 31 35; Isaiah 50 8).

    In the NT "adversary" represents: (1) avriKel- iJLfvot, inilikc tiHcittii, the participle of a verb which means "to be set over against," "to be opposed" (Luke 13 17; Phil 1 2S). (2) dvridiKos, antidikox, "opponent in a lawsuit," "prosecutor" (Matthew 5 25; Luke 12 5S; 18 3; I Pet 5 S). According to the last passage the devil is the "accuser" or "prosecutor" of believers, but according to another writer they have an "advocate" or "counselor for the defense" with the Father (1 John 21). In one passage (He 10 27) "adversary" represents a (lr word, hnpcnnnl ioK, which means "set over against," "contrary to" a word used in classical (!r and in the LXX. THOMAS LEWIS

    ADVERSITY, ad-vxir si-ti: In RV exclusively an OT term, expressing the various forms of distress

    and evil conveyed by four Hebrew words: 252, fda, "a halting" or "fall"; ~nS , f aruh, "straits," "dis tress," "affliction"; "12, $ar, "straitness," "afflic tion"; y,, ra , "bad," "evil," "harmful." These words cover the whole range of misfortunes caused by enemies, poverty, sorrow and trouble. "Ad versity," which occurs once in AV in NT (He 13 3: KaKoi xotf/uei os, kakouchotimenos, "ill-treated") is dis placed in RV by the lit. rendering which illustrates or interprets a common phase of adversity.


    ADVERTISE, ad ver-tiz: This word is found twice in the OT: In Numbers 24 14 (from Hebrew ??? , 7/d oc, "to advise") Balaam advises Balak of the future of Israel and its influence upon his kingdom ("I will advertise thee"). In AV Ruth 4 4 (from




    Adummim Affect

    "TS? nb3 , gdldh ozen, "to uncover the ear," "to reveal") Boaz in speaking to the nearer kinsman of Ruth: "I thought to advertise thee" (RVm "uncover thine ear").

    ADVICE, ADVISE, ADVISEMENT, ad-vis , ad-vlz , ad-vlz ment: Aside from their regular meaning these words are peculiarly employed as follows: (1) Advice: In 2 Samuel 19 43 (from "CH , ddbhdr, "word") the meaning is equal to "request" (RVm "were we not the first to speak of bringing back"). In 1 Samuel 25 33 AV (from C?I2, ta*am, "taste," "reason") "advice" is equal to "sagacity" (RV "blessed be thy discretion"). In 2 Chronicles 25 "17 (from } y^ , ?/aV/c, "to give or take counsel") the meaning seems to be "to consult with oneself"; cf also Judges 19 30 AV (RV "take counsel"). (2) Advise: In 2 Samuel 24 13 AV (from }"P, yadha, "to know") "to advise" means "to advise oneself," i.e. "to consider" (RV "advise thee"). Cf also 1 Chronicles 21 12 AV (RV "consider" from riSP. , rd dh, "to see") and Proverbs 13 10 where "well- advised" is the same as "considerate" (from }*"^ , yd nc; see 2 Chronicles 25 17). (3) Adriacmcnt (anti quated): Found once in the OT in 1 Chronicles 12 19 (from ri", ec/lh, "counsel"), where "upon ad visement" means "upon deliberation." Cf 2 Mace 14 20 AV (RV "when these proposals had been long considered"). A. L. BRESLICH

    ADVOCATE, ad vo-kfit (irapd.KX.iiTos, pardklctos): Found in 1 Jii 2 1, "If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the right eous." The (lr word has several shades of mean ing: (I) a legal advocate; (2) an intercessor; (3) a helper generally. In the passage before us the first, and second meanings are included. Christ in heaven intercedes for Christians who sin upon earth. The next, ver declares that lie is the "pro pitiation for our sins" and it is His propitiatory work which lies at the basis of His intercession. The margins of RV and ARV give as alternative readings Comforter, Helper, Clr Paraclete. Beyond doubt however, "advocate" is the correct translation in the passage in the ep. The same Greek word also occurs in the Gospel of John (14 16.20; 15 26; 16 7) referring not to Christ but to the Holy Spirit, to whom Christ refers as "another comforter" whom He will send from the Father. In the Gospel various functions are ascribed to the Spirit in rela tion to believers and unbelievers. The word in the Gospel is inadequately translation d "Comforter." The Spirit according to these passages, is more than Comforter and more than Advocate. See PARA CLETE; COMFORTER; HOLY SPIRIT.

    east Y. MULLIXS

    ADYTUM, ad i-tum (Lat, from Greek aSxn-ov, diluton, adj. ddutos, "not, to be entered"): Applied to the innermost sanctuary or chambers in ancient. temples, and to secret places which were open only to priests: hence also to the Holy of Holies in the Jewish temple. See TEMPLeast

    AEDIAS, a-exll as ( AT|8eCas, Aedeias): Men tioned in 1 Esdras 9 27, being one of those who agreed to divorce their alien w ives. This name is sup posed to be a corruption of the Greek HXt a, Helia, there being no Hebrew equivalent for it, and in Ezra 10 26, the name occurs in the correct form as Elijah (~ptf , ellydh="God is Jehovah").

    AELIA, e li-a. See JERUSALEM.

    AENEAS, r-ne as ( AiWas, Airier): A para lytic at Lydda, who, after he "had kept his bed eight years," was miraculously healed by Peter (Acts 9 33.34).

    AENON, e non (Atvwv, Ainon): The place where John was baptizing "because there was much water there" (John 3 23). It, was on the west side of the Jordan, the place where John baptized at the first being on the east (John 1 28; 3 26; 10 40). We may be sure it was not in Sam territory. Onom locates it 8 Rom miles South of Scythopolis (Beisdn), this stretch of land on the west, of the Jordan being then, not under Samaria, but. under Scythopolis. Its position is denned by nearness to Salirn. Various identifications have been suggested, the most prob able being the springs near Umm d- Anuldn, which exactly suit, the position indicated by Onom. See discussion under SALIM. W . EWING

    AEON, e on: This word originally meant "dura tion," "dispensation." In the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle the word is alui>, aion, from which this word is transliterated. In the gnostic philosophy it has a special meaning and is there used to solve the problem of the world order. In the infinite separation between God and the world, it was taught, there must of necessity be mediating powers. These powers are the aeons and are the successive emanations from God from eternity. They are spiritual, existing as distinct entities. They con stituted the Divine fulness or the Divine Pleroma. The name was applied t o 1 hese beings for t wo reasons : because they were thought to partake of the eternal existence of God and because they were supposed to govern the various ages. The idea of the aeons in various forms may be found in nearly all oriental philosophy that attempted to deal with the prob lem of the world order. It appears in the writings of Philo, in Shintoism, in the old Zoroastrian religion. See GNOSTICISM. JACOH west KAPP

    AESORA, e so-ra, AV Esora, tf-so ra (Alo-upd, AiKorti): A town in the borders of Samaria, men tioned in connection with Beth-horon and Jericho (Jth 4 4), and from this association we judge that it was in the eastern part of Samaria.

    AFFECT, AFFECTION, a-fekt , a-fek shun: The lit. meaning of "affect" is to act, upon (Lat ad, "to," "upon," facia, "to do"). It has various shades of meaning, and occurs in the following senses in the Eng. Bible: (1) In its lit. sense: Lam

    3 51, "Mine eye affecteth my soul." (2) In the sense of "to endeavor after" "desire," "court": Gal

    4 17, "They zealously affect [RV "seek"] you .... that ye may affect [RV "seek"] them," i.e. they earnestly court your favor, that you may court theirs. Paul means that the proselytizing zeal of the Judaizers was rooted in personal ambition. The past part, "affected" (RV "sought") has the same meaning in ver 18. The same Greek word (zcloo) is translation 1 "desire earnestly" in RV (1 Cor 12 31; 14 1.39). "Affect" has a similar meaning in Ecclus 13 11. (3) In the passive, it occurs in the sense of "to be disposed," in a neutral sense, with an advb. to characterize the nature of the disposi tion: Acts 14 2, "evil affected against, the brethren." So also 2 Mace 4 21; 13 26.

    "Affection" occurs in the following senses: (1) In the lit. sense: the state of having one s feelings acted upon or affected in some way; bent or dis position of mind, in a neutral sense (the nature of the affection, whether good or bad, needing further description in the context). So Col 3 2, "Set your affection [RV "mind"] on things above"; Col 3 5, "inordinate affection" (here "affection" by itself is neutral; the addition of the adj. makes it equivalent to "passion" in an evil sense, as in RV). (2) In a good sense: tender feeling, warm attachment, good will; the word in itself carrying a good meaning apart from the context. 1 Chronicles 29

    Affinity Affliction




    3, "because I have set my affection on the house of my God"; Rom 1 31; 2 Tim 3 3, "without natu ral affection"; 2 Cor 6 12 "Ye are straitened in your own affections" (lit. "bowels," regarded as the seat of kindly feelings; cf Eng. "heart"). So 2 Cor 7 !">. (3) In an evil sense in the plur. = passions: (1:11624, "the flesh, with the affections [RV "passions"] and lusts" ; Rom 1 26, "God gave them unto vile affections" (RV "passions").

    "Affectioned" occurs once, in a neutral sense: Rom 12 10, "affect ioned [i.e. "disposed"] one to another." In 1 Thess 2 Samuel, we have "affection ately," in a good sense. D. Mi ALL EUWAHDS

    AFFINITY, a-fm i-ti ("Pn , htithan, "to join one self")- This term is used three times in the OT: (1) in 1 Kings 3 1, where we read thai "Solomon made affinity with Pharaoh king of Egypt"; (2) in 2 Chronicles 18 1, where it is stated that Jehoshaphat "joined affinity with Ahab," and (3) in E/r 9 14, where it is asked: "Shall we .... join in affinity with the peoples that do these abominations?" The Hebrew word thus rendered in the above three passages refers in each case to marriage alliances rather tl 1:111 to family or political ivlat ionships. See MAKIUAGK; FAMILY. west west DAVIES

    AFFIRM, AFFIRMATIVES, a-fur ma-tivs (Biurx- vpL^ofj-ai, diischurizomai) . The verb "affirm" occurs in several passages of the NT in the sense of "assert" (Luke 22 f>9; Acts 12 ir>; 25 19 [0d<w, pli(<-xl;i~>,; Rom 3 S [0^, phetni]; 1 Tim 1 7; Til us 3 8 [5ia/3epai6o/xcu, diabebaioomai]. Tlie Hebrew does not employ affirmative particles, but gives a positive reply by either repeating the word in question or by substituting the first person in the reply for the second person in the question, or by employing the formula: "Thou hast said" or "Thou hast rightly said." The Saviour used this idiom (<rv e^Tras, su el /HIS) when answering Judas and Caiaphas (Matthew 26 2"). 04). A peculiar ele gance occasionally attaches to the interpretation of the Scriptures because of their use of an affirma tive and a negative together, rendering the sense more emphatic; sometimes the negative occurs first, as in Ps 118 17: "I shall not die, but live"; sometimes the affirmative precedes, as in Isaiah 38 1: "Thou shalt die, and not live." John 1 20 is made peculiarly emphatic because of the negative placed between two affirmatives: "And he confessed, and denied not; and he confessed, 1 am not the Christ."


    AFFLICTION, a-flik shun: Represents no fewer than 1 1 Hebrew words in the OT, and 3 ( Ir words in the NT, of which the most common are "CSJ ( #?), 6,fyis (thlljmix). It is used (1) actively = that which causes or tends to cause bodily pain or mental distress, as "the bread of affliction" (Deuteronomy 16 3; 2 Chronicles 18 26); often in pi., as "Many are the afflictions of the righteous" (Ps 34 19); (2) passively = the state of being in pain or trouble, as "to visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction" (Jas 1 27). The following are the chief forms of affliction referred to: (1) Individual affliction, esp. sickness, poverty, the oppression of the weak by the strong and rich, perverted justice. (2) National. A great place is given in the OT to affliction as a national experience, due to calamities, such as war, invasion, conquest by foreign peoples, exile. These form the background of much of the prophetic writings, and largely determine their tone and char acter. (3) In the NT the chief form of affliction is that due to the fierce antagonism manifested to the religion of Jesus, resulting in persecution.

    /. The Source of Affliction. The Hebrew mind did not dwell on secondary causes, but attributed everything, even afflictions, directly to the great

    First Cause and Author of all things: "Shall evil

    befall a city, and JAH hath not done it?" (Am 3 6);

    "I form the light, and create darkness;

    1. God 1 make peace, and create evil [i.e. ca

    lamity]; I am JAH, that doeth all these things" (Isaiah 46 7). Thus all things, including ca lamity, were referred to the Divine operation. The Hebrew when afflicted did not doubt the universal sover eignty of God; yet, while assuming this sovereignty, he was sometimes tempted to accuse Him of indif ference, neglect or forget fulness. Cf Job ptitmim; Isaiah 40 27; 49 11; K/k 8 12; 9 .).

    Yet there are traces of a dualism which assigns a certain vague limit to God s absolute sovereignty,

    by referring affliction to an evil

    2. Evil agency acting in quasi-independence Agents of God. There could, however, never

    be more than a tendency in this direc tion, for a strict dualism was incompatible with the standpoint of Jewish monotheism. Thus Saul s mental affliction is attributed to an "evil spirit," which is yet said to be "from JAH" (1 Samuel 16 14; 18 10; 19 9); and the fall of Ahab is said by Micaiah to be due to the "lying spirit " which cut iced him to his doom, in obedience to God s command (1 Kings 22 20-22). In the prologue of Job, Job s calamities are ascribed to the Satan, but even he receives his word of command from God, and is responsible to Him, like the other "sons of God" who surround the heavenly throne. He is thus "included in the Divine will and in the circle of Divine providence" (Schult/). After the prologue, the Satan is left out of account, and Job s misfor tunes are at t ributed directly to the Divine causality. In later Judaism, the tendency to trace the origin of evil, physical and moral, to wicked spirits became more marked, probably because of the influence of Persians dualism. In NT times, physical and mental maladies were thought to be due to the agency of evil spirits called demons, whose prince was Heel/e- 1mb or Satan (Mark 1 23 if; 3 22 f; 5 2ff; Matthew 9 32 f, etc). Christ gave His assent to this belief (cf the woman under infirmity, "whom Satan hath bound," Luke 13 l(i). Paul attributed his bodily affliction to an evil angel sent by Satan (2 Cor 12 7), though he recognized that the evil agent was subordinate to God s purpose of grace, and was the means of moral discipline (vs 7.9). Thus, while the evil spirits were regarded as malicious authors of physical maladies, they were not, in a strictly dualistic fashion, thought to act in complete independence; rather, they had a certain place assigned to them in the Divine Providence.

    //. Meaning and Purpose of Affliction. Y, hy did God afflict men? How is suffering to be ex plained consistently with the goodness and justice of God? This was an acute problem which weighed heavily upon the Hebrew mind, especially in the later, more reflective, period. We can only briefly indi cate the chief factors which the Scriptures con tribute to the solution of the problem. We begin with the OT.

    The traditional view in early Hebrew theology was that afflictions were the result of the Divine law of retribution, by which sin was invari- 1. Punitive ably followed" by adequate punish- or Retrib- ment. Every misfortune was a proof utive of sin on the part of the sufferer.

    Thus Job s "friends" sought to con vince him that his great sufferings were due to his sinfulness. This is generally the standpoint of the historians of Israel, who regarded national calamities as a mark of the Divine displeasure on account of the people s sins. Hut this nai ve belief, though it contains an important element of truth, could not pass uncontested. The logic of facts would suffice to prove that it was inadequate to cover all cases;




    Affinity Affliction

    e.g. Jeremiah s sufferings were due, not to sin, but to his faithfulness to his prophetic vocation. So the "suffering servant" in Isaiah. Job, too, in spite of his many woes, was firm in the conviction of his own integrity. To prove; the inadequacy of the penal view is a main purpose of the Book of Job. : A common modification of the traditional view was, that the sorrows of the pious and the prosperity of the wicked were only of brief duration; in the course of time, things would adjust themselves aright (e.g. Job 20 off; Ps 73 3-20). But even granting time for the law of retribution to work itself out, experi ence contradicts the view t hat a man s fortune or mis fortune is an infallible proof of his moral quality.

    The thought is often expressed that afflictions are

    meant to test the character or faith of the sufferer.

    This idea is especially prominent in

    2. Proba- Job. Cod allowed the Satan to test, tional the reality of Job s piety by over whelming him with disease and mis fortunes (2). Throughout the poem Job main tains that he has stood the test (e.g. 23 10-12). Cf l)t 8 2.10; Ps 66 10 f; 17 3; Isaiah 48 10; Jeremiah 9 7; Proverbs 17 3.

    For those who are able to stand the test, suffering

    has a purificatory or disciplinary value. (1) The

    thought, of affliction as a discipline or

    3. Disci- form of Divine teaching is found in plinary and Job, especially in t lie speeches of Klihu, Purificatory who insists that tribulation is intended

    as a method of inst rud ion to save man from the pride and presumption that issue in destruc tion (Job 33 14-30; 36 S-lO.lo RV). The same conception is found in Ps 94 12; 119 (17.71. (2) The purificatory function of trials is taught in such passages as Isaiah l LM; Zee 13 9; Mai 3 2.3, where the process of refining met als in fire and smelting out the dross is the metaphor used.

    The above are not fully adequate to explain the mystery of the afllidions of the godly. The pro-

    foundest contribution in the OT to a

    4. Vicarious solution of the problem is the idea of and Re- the vicarious and redemptive ^ig- demptive nificance of pain and sorrow. The

    author of Job did not touch this rich vein of thought in dealing with the afflictions of his hero. This was done by the author of the Second- Isaiah. The classical passage is Isaiah 52 13 53, which deals with the woes of the oppressed and afflicted Servant of Cod with profound spiritual insight. It makes no difference to the meaning of the afflic tions whether we understand by the Servant the whole Hebrew nation, or the pious section of it, or an individual member of it, and whether the speakers in 53 are the Jewish nation or the heathen. The significant point here is the value and meaning ascribed to the Servant s sufferings. The speakers had once believed (in accordance with the tradi tional view) that the Servant suffered because Cod was angry with him and had stricken him. Now they confess that his sorrows were due, not to his own sin but to theirs (vs 4-ti.S). His sufferings were not only vicarious (the punishment of their sin falling upon him), but redemptive in their effect (peace and health coming to them as a result of his chastisement). Moreover, it was not only redemptive, but expiatory ("his soul guilt-offering," ver 10) a remarkable adumbration of the Chris tian doctrine of atonement.

    So far we have dealt only with OT teaching on

    the meaning and purpose of affliction. The NT

    makes no new contribution to the

    5. The solution of the problem, but repeats

    New Tes- and greatly deepens the points of

    tament view already found in the OT. (1)

    There is a recognition throughout

    the NT of the law of retribution (Gal 6 7). Yet

    Jesus repudiates the popular view of the invariable connection between misfortune and moral evil (John 9 2 f). It is clear that He had risen above the conception of Cod s relation to man as merely retributive (Matthew 5 4o, sunshine and rain for evil men as well as for the good). His followers would suffer tribulation even more than unbelievers, owing to the hostile reaction of the evil world, similar to that which afflicted Christ Himself (Alt 5 10 f; 10 l()-2;j; John 15 IS 20; 16 33). Similarly the Acts and the epp. frequently refer to the sufferings of Christians (e.g. Acts 14 22; 2 Cor 4 S-ll; Col 1 24; He 10 32; 1 Pet 4 13; Rev 7 14). Hence afllidions must have some other than a purely punitive purpose. (2) They are probational, affording a test by which the spurious may be separated from the genuine members of the Christian church (Jas 1 3.12; 1 Pet 1 7; 4 17), and (3) a means of discipline, calculated to purify and train the character (Horn 53; 2 Cor 12 7.!>; Jas 1 3). (4) The idea of vicarious and redemp tive suffering gets a far deeper significance in the NT than in t he OT, and finds concrete realization ui a historical person, Jesus Christ. That which is foreshadowed in Second-Isaiah becomes in the NT a central, pervasive and creative thought. A unique place in the Divine purpose is given to the passion of Christ. Yet in a sense, His followers partake of His vicarious sufferings, and "fill up .... that which is lacking of the afflictions of Christ" (Col 1 24; cf Phil 3 10; 1 I d 4 13). Here, surely, is a profound thought which may throw a flood of light on the deep mystery of human affliction. The cross of Christ furnishes the key to the meaning of sorrow as the greatest, redemptive force in the uni verse.

    ///. Endurance of Affliction. The Scriptures abound in words of consolation and exhortation adapted to encourage the afflicted. Two main considerations may be mentioned. (1 ) The thought of t lie beneficent sovereignty of ( lod. "Jch reigneth; let the earth rejoice," even though "clouds and darkness are round about him" ( Ps 97 1.2.i; "All things work together for good to them that love Cod (Horn 8 28 AV). Since love is on the throne of the universe, we may rest assured that all things are meant for our good. (2) The thought that tribulation is of brief duration, in comparison with the joy that shall follow (Ps 30 ">; Isaiah 54 7 f; John 1622); a thought which culminates in the hope of immortality. This hope is in the OT only beginning to dawn, and gives but a faint and flickering light, except in moments of rare exalta tion and insight, when the thought of a perfect future blessedness seemed to offer a solution of the enigmas of life (Job 19 2.V27; Pss 37, 49, 73). I ,ut in die NT it is a postulate of faith, and by it the Christian is able to fortify himself in affliction, re membering that his affliction is light and momen tary compared with the "far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory" which is to issue out of it (2 Cor 4 17 AV; cf Matthew 5 12; Horn 8 18). Akin to this is the comfort derived from the thought of the near approach of Christ s second coming (Jas 5 7.S). In view of such truths as these, the Bible encourages the pious in trouble to show the spirit of patience (Ps 37 7; Luke 21 19; Rom 12 12; Jas

    1 3.4; 5 7-11; 1 Pet 2 20), and even the spirit of positive joy in tribulation (Matthew 5 11 f; Rom 5 3;

    2 Cor 12 10; Jas 1 2.12; 1 Pet 4 13). In the NT emphasis is laid on the example of Jesus in patient endurance in suffering (John 16 33; Jas 6 7-11; 1 Pet 2 1923; 3 17 f). Above all, the Scriptures recommend the afflicted to take 1 refuge in the supreme blessedness of fellowship with Cod, and of trust in His love, by which they may enter into a deep peace that is undisturbed by the trials

    Affright Agape




    and problems of life- (Ps 73, esp. 23-2S; Isaiah 26 3.4; John 14 1.27; Phil 4 7; d pii.^lm).


    AFFRIGHT, a-frlt : Designates ;i state of terror occasioned by some unexpected and startling occurrence; not as strong as "ama/ed," which refers more to the stupor resulting from fright. In the NT most frequently for f^iopSoi, ( nijthoboH (Luke 24 37: Acts 10 -I: Kev 11 13). RV uses it also lor pturdmenoi of Phil 1 2X, a word "properly used of scared horses" (Ellicott).

    AFOOT, a-fifot nre^e-uo), /tczi iid, "to go on foot"): By walking from Troas to Assos Paul avoided the tedious voyage round Cape Lectuin (Acts 20 13 AV; cf Mark 6 33).

    AFORE, a-fdr : Archaic for "before" of time, or "formerly"; frequently occurs as compound, as in "aforetime," "aforehand," etc; in the NT most commonly for the (!r prefix rrpo, />ri/, in compound words (Rom 1 2; 15 4j; at other times, for Greek advb. TTore, ]><>/< , "at some time," "once" (John 9 13; 1 Pet 3 f>; Col 3 7).

    AFRESH, a-fresh : Only in He 6 (i. "seeing they crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh," where it stands for the prefix of the (!r (titnxlini- roiinlas. It has been disputed whether in this word and has the reiterative force ("again," "anew"). In classical Greek /ii/n.^tnnruo has always the simple; sense of "to crucify," (i.e. "to raise ///> on a cross," aim being merely "up"). So some would render il here (e.g. Cremer, Li-.r. <>f XT (fr). Against this it is argued (1) that the classical writers had no occasion for the idea of crucifying anew (cf Winer. De verb. Co////>., etc, Pt [II, 9 ff, Leip/ig, 1S-13>; (2) that in many compounds nun signifies both "up" and "again," as in annUepi). which means "to re cover sight" as well as "to look up"; (3) that the rendering "crucify afresh" suits the context; (4) that the (!r expositors (e.g. Chrys) take it so with out questioning. (So also Bleek, Lunernann, Al- ford, Weslcott; cf Vulg rnrxnni rrncifit/i /itcx.)


    AFRICA, af ri-ka: The name of this tract, as

    continent , do

    1. Africa as Known to the Ancients

    not occur in the Bible, and it was only n later days known as one of the )iiarters of the world, under 1 the name >f Libya -that portion opposite the -oast of Greece and west of Egypt. Naturally the most considerable part

    of Africa known to the Hebrews was Egypt itself, but Libya is regarded as being referred to under the names of Lehabirn and Lubim (Ludini) (Genesis 10 13; 2 Chronicles 12 3) words indicat ing, as often with the Semites, not the country itself, but its inhabitants. Other portions of Africa known to the Hebrews were Cush or Ethiopia, and Put, whose inhabitants they regarded as be longing to the llarnitic stock. Canaan, also Cushite and therefore Hamitic, naturally did not belong to the African continent, showing that the divisions of the then known world into "quarters" (Europe, Asia, Africa) had not taken place when the Table of the Nations (Genesis 10 1 IT) was drawn up indeed, these divisions were not apparently thought of until many centuries later. The Casluhim and the Naphtuhim (Genesis 10 13.14) were in all probability African peoples, though their position is in general regarded as uncertain. For the Hebrews, to all appearance, the southernmost point of Africa was Cush or Ethiopia, called by the Assyrians and Babylonians Kusu and Meluhha (Meroe), which included the district now known as the Soudan, or Black region. The sons of Cush, ami also those of his firstborn, Sheba, were all Arabian tribes,

    nominally under the domain of Mizraim or Egypt, and on this account classed with the descendants of Ham.

    It will thus be seen that the Negro districts were

    practically unknown to the ancient Hebrews,

    though men and women of Negro race

    2. The must have come within their ken. It Cushites seems doubtful, therefore, whether and the there be, in the Bible, any reference Negroes to that race, either collectively or

    individually, the word Cushite stand ing, not for Negro, but for Ethiopian. This term is applied to Moses (first) wife (Numbers 12 1); and it will probably be generally admitted, that the great, Hebrew lawgiver is not likely to have espoused a Negro woman. The Ethiopian eunuch converted by Philip the Evangelist (Acts 8 2(1 If) was an of ficial of Meroe, and an educated man, for he could read the ()T in the Greek (Sept) version. Commerce must have revealed to the Hebrews the where abouts- of the various peoples of Africa with whom they came into contact, and they acquired a personal knowledge of Egypt when the 12 tribes were in bondage there. During this period, it may be supposed, they saw from time to time visitors from the South people who are not mentioned in t he sacred books of the ( )T because the Hebrews, as a nation, never came into contact with them. Apart from Egypt, the history of the portion of Africa known to the Hebrews was a chequered one, as it came successively under 1 Egyp, Phoen, Grand Rom civili/ation. That it was not overrun, or even influenced, by the barbarous tribes of the South, is due to the fact that the Mediterranean tract is isolated from the central (and southern) portion of that continent by the Sahara. In the Talrn it is

    related that Alexander penetrated

    3. Hebrew Africa on Libyan asses to find a race Tradition of women, with whom he had conver sation, and from whom, as he after ward confessed, being a fool, lie learned wisdom a legend suggesting some possible tradition of the Ama/ons of Dahomey. But even in the Talrn it is 1 1 lain I v the nearer (northeast) portion of Africa which is referred to, the Africans, who had the reputation of being flat-footed, being associated with the Canaanites. See also CUSH; ETHIOPIA; MIZRAIM.


    AFTER, aft er, AFTERWARD, aft er-werd: The fundamental thought, in which all shades of mean ing unite, is that of succession either in time or place. This succession may be immediate or remote. A very common adaptation of this conception is the use of "after" to denote "according to," "after the manner of," or "in the order of," as in Genesis 1 2f>; Eph 4 24; Luke 1 .); Rom 5 14; He 4 1 1 1 1! Vrn "unto" i, and in many passages where the Greek uses the preposition Kara, katd, as Matthew 23 3; Rom 8 1; 1 Cor 1 2t>, etc. "In proportion to": Ps 28 4; cf 90 1">. It sometimes correctly translates a peculiar Greek idiom of the prep. 5id, did, with the gen, indicating time elapsed, as Mark 2 1, lit. "through some days," "after some days had passed"; rf Acts 24 17. While the Greek is expressed by a variety of words, the Hebrew uses ahar for both prep, and advb. H. east JACOBS

    AFTERNOON, af-ter-noon (G1*n nVJ3 , n toth ha-yom, "the declining of the day"; Judges 19 8 AV): The expression DI^H CH3 , k"Iwm ha-yom, "in the heat of the day" (Genesis 18 1) refers to the early afternoon when the sun is a little past its zenith, its rays still being very strong. The phrase rP~D C"Pn , l -ril"h ha-yom, "in the cool of the day" (Genesis 3 8) is in contrast to the last phrase and points to the late afternoon; in the Orient a cooling breeze




    Affright Agape

    arises at this period of the day, and it is then that much of the day s business is transacted. See DAY.

    AGABA, ag a-ba: A fortress in Judaea. The first of 22 "strong places" which by its commander Galestus was given over to Aristobulus, the son of Alexander Janneus and Alexandra, when he (his mother, the queen, being dangerously ill) attempted to get control of the Judaean government (Ant, Xlll, xvi, 5).

    AGABUS, ag a-bus ("Aya.$o<s, Agabos): A Chris tian prophet of Jerus, twice mentioned in Acts.

    (1) In Acts 11 27 f, we find him at Antioch foretell ing "a great famine over all the world," "which," adds the historian, "came to puss in the days of Claudius." This visit of Agabus to Antioch took place in the winter of 43-44 AD, and was the means of urging the Antiochian Christians to send relief to the brethren in Judaea by the hands of Barnabas and Saul. Two points should be noted. (a) The gift of prophecy here takes the form of prediction. The prophet s chief function was to reveal moral and spiritual truth, to "forth-tell" rather than to "foretell"; but the interpretation of God s message sometimes took the form of pre dicting events. (/>) The phrase "over all (he world" (practically synonymous with (he Rom Empire) must be regarded as a rhetorical exagger ation if strictly interpreted us pointing to a general and simultaneous famine. But there is ample evidence of severe periodical famines in various localities in the reign of Claudius (e.g. Suet, ( /a ml. IS; Tac. Ann. xii.43), and of a great dearth in Judaea under the procurators Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander, 44-4S AD (Ant, XX, ii, (5;^ v, 2), which probably reached its climax cir 4(5 AD.

    (2) In Acts 2i 10 f we find Agabus at Cucsarea warning Paul, by a vivid symbolic action (after (he manner of ()T prophets; cf Jeremiah 13 1 IT; E/k 3, 4) of the imprisonment and suffering he would undergo if he proceeded to Jerus. (3) In late tradition Agabus is included in lists of the seventy disciples of Christ. D. MIALL EDWARDS

    AGADE, ag a-de: Ancient name for Akkad (or ACCAD, q.v.), one of the chief cities of Babylonia (Genesis 10 10), and the capital city of Sargon, who lived and ruled in Babylonia cir 3500 BC. Together with Shunir it formed part of one of the royal titles: "kings of Shunir [Sumer] and Accad."

    AGAG, a gag (rOSJ , (ir/hdgh, or WX , aghngh, meaning unknown, possibly "violent," KDIi): A name, or title, applied to (he king of the Amalekites, like Abimelech in Philistia and Pharaoh in Egypt. It is used of two of these kings: (1) A king of Arna- lek, mentioned by Balaam (Numbers 24 7) in his blessing of Israel; (2) A later king, in (he days of King Saul (1 Samuel 16). Saul was sent with his urmy to destroy the Amalekites, who had so violently opposed Israel in the Wilderness. He disregarded (he Divine command, sparing (he best of the spoil, and saving Agag the king alive (1 Samuel 16 8.9). After rebuking Saul, Samuel had Agag put to death for all the atrocities committed by himself and his nation (1 Samuel 15 32.33). EDWARD MACK

    AGAGITE, a gag-It, P uX, aghaghl, from Wtf, ftghagh, "a member of the house of Agag") : A title of opprobrium given to Hainan (Esther 3 1.10; 8 3.5; 9 24). Jewish tradition always assigned the arch-enemies of Israel membership in the house of Amalek, the hereditary foe of the nation. Cf Ant, XI, vi, 5. The word Agag has properly been taken by Delitzsch as related to the Assyr ayagu, "to be powerful," "vehement," "angry." In the

    Greek parts of Esther, Haman is termed a Macedonian (12 (5; 16 10). The name Haman is probably of Elamitic origin. Oppert s attempt to connect the term "Agagite" with "Agaz," a Median tribe men tioned by Sargon, has found no supporters. See AGAG. EL J. WOLF

    AGAIN, a-gen : Advb. denoting repetition; in XT, generally for TrdXtc, piilin, "back," "once more." Occasionally, it- has the force of a con nective, synonymous with "moreover," as in Rom 15 10 ff; I Cor 3 20, etc. The expression "born again" of AV, .In 3 3.7; 1 Pet 1 23, translating the Greek "tinothen" and "and" in com]), becomes in RY "anew," i.e. "over again." As these particles mean "from above" ami "up," (heir use as indi cating repetition is sometimes disputed, but without further foundation than that "again" does not exhaust the meaning.

    AGAIN, BORnorth See REGENERATIOnorth

    AGAINST, u-genst (Kara, kntn; tvavriov, cnnnt i- on; irpds, pros): Prep, expressing contrast. When used of direction, equivalent to "toward" (Matthew 10 35; 12 14, etc); when of position, meaning "opposite," "facing," "in front of" (1 Kings 7 5; Genesis 15 10; Rom 8 31); when of action, "opposed to" (Matthew 511; 26 59; 1 Cor 4 (5); "in resistance to" (lie 12 4); "provision for" (Greek m, lit. "unto, toward" (1 Tim 6 19). Sometimes also applied to what breaks an established order us "customs" (Acts 28 17), "nature" (Rom 1 2(5). Peculiar shades of meaning may be traced by careful examination of the variety of preps, in Hebrew and Greek employed in the Scriptures, that are translated into English by this one word. II. east JACOBS

    AGAPE, ug a-pe (d-ydirr], (if/a/x ) : The name Agape or "love-feast," as an expression denoting

    the brotherly common meals of the 1. The early church, though of constant use

    Name and in the post -canonical literature from the Thing the time of Ignatius onward, is found

    in the XT only in Jude ver 12 and in 2 Pet 2 13 according to a very doubtful reading. For the existence of (he Christian common meal, however, we have abundant XT evidence. The "breaking of bread" practise:! by the primitive community in Jerusalem according to Acts 2 42. 4o must certainly be interpreted in the light of Pau line usage (1 Cor 10 1(5; 11 24) as referring to the ceremonial act of the Lord s Supper. But the added clause in ver 4(5, "they took their food with gladness and singleness of heart," implies that a social meal was connected in some way with this ceremonial act. Paul s references to the abuses that had sprung up in the Corinthian church at the meetings for the observance of the Lord s Supper (1 Cor 11 20-22.33.34) make it evident (hat in Corinth us in Jerusalem (he celebration of the rite was associated with participation in a meal of a more general character. And in one of the "we" sections of Acts (20 11) where Luke is giving personal testi mony as to the manner in which the Lord s Supper was observed by Paul in a church of his own found ing, we find the breaking of bread associated with and yet distinguished from an eating of food, in a manner which makes it natural to conclude that in Troas, as in Jerusalem and Corinth, Christians when they met together on the first day of the week were accustomed to partake of a common meal. The fact that the name Agape or love-feast used in Jude ver 12 (RY) is found early in the 2d cent. and often afterward as a technical expression for the religious common meals of the church puts the meaning of Jude s reference beyond doubt.






    So far us the Jerusalem community was con cerned, the common meal appears to have sprung out, of the koi,nvn w or communion that.

    2. Origin of characterized the first days of the the Agape Christian church (cf Acts 1 14; 2 1

    etc). The religious meals familiar to Jews the Passover being the great type would make it natural in Jerusalem to give expression by means of table fellowship to the sense of brother hood; and the community of goods practised by the infant church (2 -14; 4 32) would readily take the particular form of a common table at which the wants of t he poor were supplied out of the abundance of the rich (6 1 if). The presence of the Agape in the (ir church of Corinth was no doubt due to the initiative of Paul, who would hand on the observ ances associated with the Lord s Supper just as he had received them from the earlier disciples; but participation in a social meal would commend itself very easily to men familiar with the common meals that formed a regular part of the procedure at meetings of those religious clubs and associa tions which were so numerous at that time through out the Greek-Rorn world.

    In the opinion of the great majority of scholars the Agape was a meal at which not only bread and

    wine but all kinds of viands were used,

    3. Relation a meal which had the double purpose to the of satisfying hunger and thirst and Eucharist giving expression to the sense of Chris tian brotherhood. At the end of this

    feast, bread and wine were taken according to the Lord s command, and after thanksgiving to Cod were eaten and drunk in remembrance of Christ and as a special means of communion with the Lord Himself and through Him with one another. The Agape was thus related to the Eucharist, as Christ s last Passover to the Christian rite which He grafted upon it. It preceded and led up to the Eucharist, and was quite distinct from it. In opposition to this view it has been strongly urged by some modern critical scholars that in the apos tolic age the Lord s Supper was not distinguished from the Agape, but that the Agape itself from beginning to end was the Lord s Supper which was held in memory of Jesus. It seems fatal to such an idea, however, that while Paul makes it quite evident that bread and wine were the only elements of the memorial rite instituted by Jesus (1 Cor 11 23-20), the abuses which had come to prevail at the social gatherings of the Corinthian church would have been impossible in the case of a meal consisting only of bread and wine (cf vs 21.33f). More over, unless the Eucharist in the apostolic age had been discriminated from the common meal, it would be difficult to explain how at a later period the two could be found diverging from each other so completely.

    In the Did (cir 100 AD) there is no sign as yet

    of any separation. The direction that the second

    Eucharist ic prayer should be offered

    4. Separa- "after being filled" (x.l) appears to tion from imply that a regular meal had imme- the diately preceded the observance of the Eucharist sacrament. In the Ignatian Epistles

    (cir 110 AD) the Lord s Supper and the Agape are still found in combination (Ad Hmi/rtt viii.2). It has sometimes been assumed that. Pliny s letter to Trajan (cir 112 AD) proves that the separation had already taken place, for he speaks of two meetings of the Christians in Bithyn- ia, one before the dawn at which they bound them selves by a "sacrament um" or oath to do no kind of crime, and another at a later hour when they partook of food of an ordinary and harmless char acter (Ep x. 96). But as the word "sacramentum" cannot be taken here as necessarily or even prob

    ably referring to the Lord s Supper, the evidence of this passage is of little weight. When we come to Justin Martyr (cir 150 AD) we find that in his account of church worship he does not mention the Agape at all, but speaks of the Eucharist as follow ing a service which consisted of the reading of Scripture, prayers and exhortation (A/>ol, Ixvii); so that by his time the separation must have taken place. Tertullian (cir 200 ADj testifies to the continued existence of (he Agape (A/>ol, 39), but shows clearly that in the church of the West, the Eucharist was no longer associated with it (!)< Corona, 3). In the East the connection appears to have been longer maintained (see Bigg, Christian Platonists f Alexandria, 102 f f), but" by and by the severance became universal; and though the Agape continued for long to maintain itself as a social function of the church, it gradually passed out of existence or was preserved only as a feast of charity for the poor.

    Various influences appear to have cooperated in this direction. Trajan s enforcement of the old law against clubs may have had some- 6. Reasons thing to do with it (cf Pliny as above), for the but a stronger influence probably

    Separation came from the rise of a popular sus picion that the evening meals of the church were scenes of licentious revelry and even of crime. The actual abuses which already meet us in the apostolic age (1 Cor 11 20 ff; Jude ver 12), and which would tend to mult iply as the church grew in numbers and came into closer contact with the heathen world, might suggest the advisability of separating the two observances. But the strongest influence 1 of all would come from the growth of the ceremonial and sacerdotal spirit by which Christ s simple institution was slowly turned into a mysterious priestly sacrifice. To Christ Himself it had seemed natural and fitting to institute the Supper at the close of a social meal. But when this memorial Supper had been trans formed into a repetition of the sacrifice of Calvary by the action of the ministering priest, the ascetic idea became natural that the Eucharist ought to be received fasting, and that it would be sacri legious to link it on to the observances of an ordinary social meal.

    LITKRATI-RF.. Zahn, art. ". ,gapon" in TTauck-Herzog, ni-,ili-,i<-i,/.-ln/><-i<lii ; Keating. Ai/ ii" "" / K ; SchafF, The Otili */ Church M<inn<il. ch xviii; Lambert. Harra- ments in th,- New Testament, Lcct viii; Weizsacker, The Apostolic Age, etc, I, r>i> If.


    AGAR, a gar ("A-yap, Agar) . Found once in the Apoc in the (!r (Bar 3 23) probably for the ( )T Hagar, mother of Ishmael, whose children are men tioned with the merchants of Meran (Midian) and Teman. In 1 Chronicles 5 10 the "Hagarites" AV, are located east of Gilead, and in the days of Saul were at war with the tribe of Reuben. See also vs 19.20 and 1 Chronicles 27 31. In Ps 83 <> the name of the same people is Hagarenes.

    AGARENES, ag-a-renz : Bar 3 23 AV. In the

    OT the word is HAGARENES (q.v.). See also AGAR above.

    AGATE, ag at . See STOXES, PRECIOUSouth

    AGE, aj : A period of time or a dispensation. In the above sense the word, occurs only once in AV, in the sing., as the translation of "111 , dor, which means, properly, a "revolution" or "round of time," "a period," "an age" or "generation of man s life"; almost invariably translation 1 "generation," "generations" (Job 8 8, "Inquire, I pray thee, of the former age"); we have the plur. as the translation of aiou, pro]), "duration," "the course or flow of time," "an age or period of




    the world," "the world" (Eph 2 7, "in the ages to come"; Col 1 20, "the mystery which hath been hid frontages and from generations," ERV, "from all ages," etc, ARVin, of gcitcai, "generations" (Eph 3 5 "generations," ver 21, "unto all genera tions for ever and ever," Greek m, "all the generations of the age of the ages")- "Ages" is given in in of AV (Ps 145 13; Isaiah 26 4, "the rock of ages").

    We have "age" in the above sense (2 Esdras 3 IS; Tob 14 5; aion) "ages," it/on (1 Esdras 4 40 [of Truth] "she is the strength," etc, "of all ages"), g(-nca,JlV, "generation" (Wisdom 7 27; 1 Mace 2 01); Ecclus 24 33, cly yntcrix aionon, "generations of ages"; ,,"isd 14 0, "generations" (t/cntxcos).

    RV has "age" for "world" (lie 6 5); "ages" for "worlds" (HVm He 1 2; ARVm; cf 1 Tim 1 17) (in, "unto the ages of the ages"); "ages" for "world" (I Cor 10 11; He 9 20). ERV has "all ages" for "the beginning of the world" (Eph 3 9, ARV t "for ages"); "king of the ages" for "king of saints" (Rev 15 3, corrected text: m, many ancient authorities read "nations"; ,Jeremiah 10 7). See EVER LASTING. YV. L. WALKER

    AGE, OLD AGE, in individual lives (~ ~~ , heledh; f]X.iKia, luiik ui): We have scarcely any word in the ( )T or XT which denotes "age" in the familiar modern sense; the nearest in the ( )T is perhaps hdcdfi, "life," "lifetime," and in the NT lif likni, "full age," "manhood," but which is rendered "stature" in Matthew 6 27, etc, AV; hrlfdh occurs (Job 11 17, "Thine age shall be clearer than the noonday " HV "[thy] life"; Ps 39 5. "Mine ; ,ge is as nothing before thee," AR,", "my life-time"): we have /iclilcia (John 9 21.23, "He is of age"; lie 11 11 "past age," Luke 2 52, "Jesus increased in wisdom and age," so HVm, AVm, Eph 4 13); t/dm, day, (days), is used m the OT to express "age" ((Jen 47 28), "| l ie ,, hole age of Jacob." A, , "the days of the years of his life"; but it occurs mostly in connec tion with old age); hen, "son" (Judges 8 2.1; 1 Chronicles 23 3.24); kela-h, "to be complete," is translation 1 "full aur" (Job 5 20); tt lcioK, "complete" (He 5 14, RV, "fullgrown men," m, "])erfecl"), </r/r, "a revolu tion," "a period" is translation 1 "age" (Isaiah 38 12, "Mine age is departed and removed from me as a shepherd s tent," ARV, "My dwelling is removed, and is carried a ,va_y from me as a shepherd s tent," ERV, "mine age," m, "or habitation"; Delit/sch "mv home"; cf Ps 49 19 [20]; 2 Cor 5 S). In NT we have r/as. "year" (Mark 5 42, RV, "old"; Luke 2 37; 3 23,^ "Jesus .... about 30 years of age"). "Old ag< ," "aged," are the translation of various words, znl^n (zakun, "the chin," "the beard"), perhaps to have the chin sharp or hanging down, often translation "elders " "old man/ etc (2 Samuel 19 32; Job 12 20; 32 !> Jeremiah 6 Hi.

    In NT we have prrshi itrs, "aged," "advanced in days" (Titus 2 2; Philem 9); presbutis, "aged woman" (Titus 2 3); /irnln tirkox en /,c//,m//.s, "ad vanced in days" (Luke 2 30); (/tras, "old age" (Luke 1 30).

    RV has "old" for "the age of" (1 Chronicles 23 3), "own age" for "sort" (Daniel 1 10); "aged" for "ancients" (Ps 119 100); for "ancient " (Isaiah 47 0); for"old"(IIe 8 13); "aged men" for "the ancients" (Job 12 12); for "aged" (Job 12 20), "elders."

    (1) Among the Hebrews (and Orientals generally)

    old age was held in honor, and respect was required

    for the aged (Lev 19 32), "Thou shall,

    Regard for rise up before the hoary head, and

    Old Age honor the face of the old man"; a

    mark of the low estate of the nation

    was that "The faces of elders were not honored";

    "The elders have ceased from the gate" (Lam 5

    12.14). Cf Job 29 8 (as showing the exceptionally

    Agar Agony

    high regard for Job). Sec also Wisdom 2 10; Ecclus 8 0.

    (2) Old age was greatly desired and its attain ment regarded as a Divine blessing (Genesis 15 15; Exodus 20 12, "that thy days may be long in the land"- Job 5 20; Ps 91 10, "With long life will I satisfy him"; 92 14; cf Isaiah 65 20; Zee 8 4; 1 Samuel 2 32).

    (3) A Divine assurance is given, "Even to old age I am he, and even to hoar hairs will I carry you" (Isaiah 46 4); hence it was looked forward to in faith and hope (Ps 71 9.18).

    (4) Superior wisdom was believed to belong to the aged (Job 12 20; 15 10; 32 7.1); cf 1 Kings 12 S); hence positions of guidance and authority were given to them, as the terms "elders," ""pres byters" and (Arab.) "sheik" indicate.

    west L. WALKER

    AGEE, a ge (K3N , aghe , "fugitive"): AHararite, father of Shammah, one of David s "three mightv men" (2 Samuel 23 11). In 1 Chronicles 11 34 we read of one "Jonathan the son of Shagee the Hararite " The parallel in 2 Samuel 23 32.33 reads "Jonathan Shammah the Hararite." If we read "Jonathan [son of] Shammah," then Agee is the grandfather of Jonathan. Some, however, think 1 Chronicles 11 34 to be correct, and read "Shagee" for "Agee" in 2 Samuel 23 11, and for "Shammah" in 2 Samuel 23 33. This makes Jonathan and Shammah brothers.

    AGES, ROCK OF: Applied to Jehovah as an encouragement for trust (Isaiah 26 4 RVm; AV "everlasting strength").

    AGGABA, a-ga ba ( Ayyapd, Aggafxi, and A W a- pa, Agrabd; AV Grabaj = Hagabah (E/r 2 45) and Hagaba (Xeh 7 IX) : The descendants of A (temple-servants) returned with Zerubbabel to Jerus (1 Esdras 5 29). See also AcCABA.

    AGGAEUS, a-ge us ( Ayyalos, Agg<ti<ix; AV Aggeus): Haggai, one of the Minor Prophets. A. prophesied in the second year of the reign of Darius (cf E/r 4 24; 5 1) with Zacharias in Jerus (1 Esdras 6 1; 7 3). In 2 Esdras 1 40 he is mentioned as one who with others shall be given as "leader to the nation from the east ."

    AGIA, agi-a ( A-yid, Agid; AV Hagia)= Hattil (Ezra 2 57; Xeh 7 59): The descendants of A. (sons of t he servant s of Solomon) ret urned wit h Zerubbabel to Jerus (1 Esdras 5 34).

    AGONE, a-gon : In AV of 1 Samuel 30 13. Old past part, of "to go." RV has "ago," viz. "three days ago," lit. "the third day."

    AGONY, ag o-ni (d-yuvta, ,,,^,111,; Vulg ngoin ti): A word occurring only once in the NT (Luke 22 41), and used to describe the climax of the mysterious soul-conflict and unspeakable suffering of Our Lord in the garden at Gethsemane. The term is derived from the Greek a yon "contest" and this in turn from the Greek <t<jd "to drive or lead," as in a chariot race. Its root idea is the struggle and pain of the severest athletic contest or conflict. The wrestling of the athlete has its counterpart in the wrestling of the suffering soul of the Saviour in the garden. At. the beginning of this struggle He speaks of His soul being exceeding sorrowful even unto death, and this tumult of emotion culminated in the agony. All that can be suggested by the exhausting struggles and sufferings of charioteers, runners, wrestlers and gladiators, in Grecian and Roman amphitheaters, is summed up in the pain and death- struggle of this solitary word "agony." The word was rendered by Wyclif (1382) "maad in agonye"; Tindale (1534) and following translators use "an





    agony." The record of Jesus suffering in Gethsem- ane, in the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew 26 36-46; Mark 14 32-42; Luke 22 30-46, and also in He 5 7. 8) indicates that it was threefold:

    The agony of His soul wrought its pain on His

    body, until "his sweat became as it were great

    drops of blood falling down upon the

    1. Physical ground" (Luke 22 44, omitted by some

    ancient authorities;. He offered His prayers and supplications "with strong crying and tears" (Ih 1 6 7). The intensity of His struggle so distressed and weakened Him that Luke says "there appeared unto him an angel from heaven, strength ening him." The I hreefold record of t he evangelists conveys the idea of the intensest physical pain. vs the wire carries the electric current, so every nerve in Jesus physical being felt the anguish of His sen sitive soul as He took upon Himself the burden of the world s sin and moral evil.

    The crisis of Jesus career as Messiah and Re deemer cam" in Gethsemane. The moral issue of

    His atoning work was intelligently

    2. Mental and voluntarily met here. TheGospels

    exhaust language in attempting to portray the stress and struggle of this conflict. "My soul is exceeding sorrowful even unto death." "Being in an agony he prayed more earnestly, saying, Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass away from me." The mental clearness of Christ s vision of humanity s moral guilt and the energy of will necessary to meet the issue and take "this cup" of being the world s sin-bearer, indicate the awful sorrow and anguish of His supernatural con flict. It is divinely significant that the word "agony" appears but once in all Scripture. This solitary word records a solitary experience. Only One ever compassed the whole range of the world s sorrow and pain, anguish and agony. The shame of criminal arrest in the garden and of subsequent condemnation and death as a malefactor had to His innocent soul the horror of humanity s entire and ageless guilt. The mental and moral anguish of Jesus in Gethsemane interprets the meaning of Paul s description of the atonement, "Him who knew no sin he made to be sin on our behalf" (2 Cor 5 21 i. The agony of Jesus was supremely within the realm of His spirit. The effect of sin in separating the human soul from God was fath-

    3. Spiritual omed by the suffering Saviour in the

    fathomless mystery of His super natural sorrow. Undoubtedly the anguish of Gethsemane surpassed the physical torture of Calvary. The whole conflict was wrought out here. Jesus filial spirit, under the burden of the world s guilt, felt isolated from the Father. This awful, momentary seclusion from His Father s face con stituted the "cup" which He prayed might pass from Him, and the "agony" of soul, experienced again on the cross, when He felt that Cod had forsaken Him.

    No theory of the atonement can do justice to the threefold anguish of Jesus in Gethsemane and on Calvary, or to the entire trend of Scripture, that does not include the substitutionary element in His voluntary sacrifice, as stated by the prophet: "JAH hath laid on him the iniquity of us all," Isaiah 63 6; and by His apostles: "who was delivered up for our trespasses," Rom 4 25; "who his own self bare our sins," 1 Pet 2 24.

    The word "agony" also occurs in 2 Mace 3 14.16.21 AV ( RV "distress") in describing the dis tress of the people at the attempt of Ileliodorus to despoil the treasury of the temple in the days of Onias. I),VK;HT M. PRATT

    AGRAPHA, ag ra-fa ("A-yp<x<|>a, dgrapha): The word dgraphos of which ayrapha is the neuter

    plur. is met with in classical Greek and in Greek papyri

    in its primary sense of "unwritten," "unrecorded."

    In early Christian lit., esp. in the

    1. The writings of Clement of Alexandria, it Term and was used of oral tradition; and in Its History this sense it was revived by Koerner

    in a Leipzig Program issued in 1776 under the title DC scrmo/tihus Christi uyraphois. For some time it was restricted to sayings of Christ not recorded in the Gospels and believed to have reached the sources in which they are found by means of oral tradition. As however graph?, the noun with which atjrapha is connected, can have not only the general meaning "writing," . but the special meaning "Scripture," the adj. could signify not only "oral" but also "uncanonical" or "non- canonical"; and it was employed by Resch in the latter sense in the 1st ed of his great work on the subject which appeared in German in 1SS!) under the title, Ayrapha: Kxtra-canonical d ox pel Frayiwntx. The term was now also extended so as to include narratives as well as sayings. In the second ed (also in German) it is further widened so as to em brace all extra-canonical sayings or passages con nected with the Bible. The new title runs: Ayra- p/i/i: Extra-canonical Fragments of Scripture; and the volume contains a first collection of OT ayra/ilia. The term _is still however used most frequently of non-canonical sayings ascribed to Jesus, and to the consideration of these this art. will mainly be de voted.

    Of the 361 ayrapha and apocrypha given by Resch

    about 160 are directly ascribed to Christ. About 30

    others can be added from Christian and

    2. Extent of Jewish sources and about 80 sayings Material found in Muhamnuuhm literature (/*,>-

    pns T, V, . r )0, 107, 177 f, ,503 f, f><il, etc). The last-mentioned group, although not entirely without interest, may largely be disre garded as it is highly improbable that it represents early tradition. The others come from a variety of sources: the NT outside of the Gospels, Gospel MSS and VSS, Apocryphal Gospels and an early collection of sayings of Jesus, liturgical texts, patristic and mediaeval lit. and the Talm.

    Many of these sayings have no claim to be regarded as independent ayrapha.. At least five classes come

    under this category. (1) Some are

    3. Sayings mere parallels or variants, for in to Be stance: "Pray and be not weary," Excluded which is evidently connected with

    Luke 18 1; and the saying in the Talm: "I, the Gospel, did not come to take away from the law of Moses but to add to the law of Moses have I come" (Shah 1 !(>/>) which is clearly a variant of Matthew 6 17. (2) Some sayings are made up of two or more canonical texts. "I chose you before the world was," for example, is a combination of John 15 1!) and Eph 1 4; and "Abide in my love and I will give you eternal life" of John 8 31 and 10 2South (3) . Misquotation or loose quotation ac counts for a number of alleged agrapha. "Sodom is justified more than thou" seems to be really from Ezekiel 16 f)3 and its context. "Let not the sun go down upon your wrath" is of apostolic not evan gelic origin (Eph 4 26). "Anger destroys even the prudent" comes from LXX of Proverbs 15 1.

    (4) Some sayings must be rejected because they cannot be traced to an early source, for instance, the fine saying: "Be brave in war, and fight with the old serpent, and ye shall receive eternal life," which is first met with in a text of the 12th cent.

    (5) Several sayings are suspicious by reason of their source or their character. The reference to "my mother the Holy Spirit," in one of them, has no warrant in the acknowledged teaching of Christ and comes from a source of uncertain value, the





    Gospel according to the Ho. Pantheistic sayings such as "I arn thou and thou art 1, and wherever thou art I am"; "You are 1 and I am you"; and perhaps the famous saying: "Raise the stone and thou wilt find me; cleave the wood and there am I," as well as the sayings reported by Epiphanius from the Gospel of the Ebionites seem to breathe an atmosphere different from that of the canonical Gospels.

    When all the sayings belonging to these five classes, and a few others of liturgical origin, have been deducted there remain about 4. Sayings thirty-five which are worthy of men- in NT tion and in some cases of careful con

    sideration. Some are dealt with in the art. LOGIA (q.v.J. The others, which are given here, are numbered consecutively to facilitate reference. The best authenticated are of course those found in the NT outside; of the Gospels. These are (1) the great saying cited by Paul at Miletus: "It is more blessed to give than to receive" (Acts 20 3/J); (2) the words used in the institution of the Eucharist preserved only in 1 Cor 11 24 f; (3) the promise of the baptism" of the Spirit (Acts 1 o and 11 10;; and (4) the answer to the question : "Dost thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?" (Acts 1 7f). Less certain are (5) the description of the Second Advent, said to be "by the word of the Lord" (1 Thess 4 1,5 if); anil (6) the promise of the crown of life to them that love God (.Jas 1 12;.

    Of considerable interest aresomeadditions, in MSS of the Gospels an<l_VSSouth One of the most remark able (~) is the comment of Jesus on a 6. Sayings man s working on the Sabbath day in MSS inserted after Luke 6 4 in Codex D and and VSS the 1 Yeer MS recently discovered in Egypt: "If thou knowest what thou doest, O man, blessed art thou, but if thou knowest not, thou art accursed and a transgressor of the law." Another (S) also found in D and in several other authorities is appended to Matthew 20 2,S: "Hut ye seek ye from little to increase and from greater to be less." In the Curetonian Syriac the latter clause runs: "and not from greater to be less." The new saying is noteworthy but obscure. A third passage (9) of less value but still of interest is an insertion in the longer ending of Mark, between ver 14 and ver 1">, which was referred to by Jerome as present in codices in his day but has now been met with in Or for the first time in the above- mentioned Freer MSouth (For facsimile see Am. Journal of Archaeology, 190South) In reply to a com plaint of the disciples about the opposition of Satan and their request: "Therefore reveal thy righteousness even now," Jesus is reported to have said: "The limit of the years of the authority of Satan is fulfilled, but other dreadful things are approaching, and in behalf of those who had sinned was I delivered unto death in order that they might return to the truth and might sin no longer, that they might inherit the spiritual and incorruptible glory of righteousness in heaven." This alleged utterance of the risen Lord is most probably of secondary character (cf Gregory, Das Freer Lo- gion: Swete, Two New Gospel Fragments).

    Apocryphal and patristic literature supplies some notable sayings. The first place must be given (10) to the great saying which in its 6. Sayings shortest form consists of only three from the words: "He ["become," "show your- Fathers, selves to be"] approved money- etc changers." Resch (Agrapha 2 , no. S7)

    gives 69 references, at least 19 of which date from the 2d and 3d cents., although they represent only a few authorities, all Egyptian. I he saying seems to have circulated widely in

    the early church and may be genuine. Other early sayings of interest or value, from these sources, must be ^given without comment. (11) "The heavenly Father willeth the repentance of the sin ner rather than his punishment" (Justin Martyr). (12) "That which is weak shall be saved by that which is strong" (eir 300 AD;. (13; "Come out from bonds ye who will" (Clement of Alexandria). (14; "He thou saved and thy soul" (Theodotus in id;. (IT); "Blessed are they who mourn for the perdition of unbelievers" (Didaskalia). (1(3; "He who is near me is near the fire; he who is far from me is far from the kingdom" (Origen;. (17; "He who has not been tempted has not been approved" (Didaskalia, etc). (IS) He who makes sad a brother s spirit is one of the greatest of criminals" (Ev Hebrew). (19) "Never be glad except when ye have seen your brother in love" (ib). (20) "Let not him who seeks cease .... until he find, and when he finds he shall be astonished; astonished he shall reach the kingdom, and when he has reached the kingdom he shall rest" ((Mement of Alexandria and Logia of Oxyrhynchus). (21) In a fragment of a Gospel found by Grenfell and Hunt at Oxyrhynchus (O Papyri no. 6.5f>; is the following non-canonical passage in a canonical context: "He Himself will give you clothing. His disciples say unto Him: ,, hen wilt thou be manifest to us and when shall we see thee? He saith: When ye shall be stripped and not be ashamed." The saying or apocryphon exhibits considerable likeness to a saying cit ed by Clement of Alexandria from the Gospel according to the Egyptians, but the difference is great enough to make original identity doubtful. Another frag ment found by the same explorers on the same site ) Papyrino. S40) preserves two agra/>ha or apae- rypha which though clearly secondary are very curious. The first (22) is the concluding portion of a saying about the punishment of evil-doers: "Be fore a man does wrong he makes all manner of subtle excuses. Hut give heed lest you also suffer the same things as they for the evil-doers among men receive not their due among the living (Greek zoix) only but also await punishment and much torment." Professor Swete (Tiro ,e,u Gospel Fragments), accents zdois as the plural of zdon and thus finds a contrast between the fate of animals and that of human beings. The second saying (23) is a rather lengthy reply to the complaint of a Pharisaic stickler for outward purity. The most interesting part of it as edited by Swete runs as follows: "Woe

    to you blind who see not Hut I and my

    disciples who thou sayest have not been dipped have dipped in the waters of eternal life which come down from God out of heaven." All these texts from Oxyrhynchus probably date from the 2d cent. Other Egypt sources, the so-called Coptic Apocryphal Gospels (Texts and Studies Camb. I,, 2, 1896), contain several sayings which are of interest as coining from the same religious environment. The following three are the most remarkable. (24) "Repent, for it is better that a man find a cup of water in the age that is coming than all the riches of this world" (130). (25) "Better is a single footstep in My Father s house than all the wealth of this world" (130f). (20) "Now therefore have faith in the love of My Father; for faith is the end of all things" (176). As in the case of the Lor/in these sayings are found in association with canonical sayings and parallels. Since the Logia may well have numbered scores, if not hundreds, it is at least possible that these Coptic sayings may have been taken from the missing portions of this collection, or a recension of it, and therefore they are not unworthy of notice as conceivably early a graph a. To these sayings of Christian derivation may be added

    Agrarian Laws Agriculture




    (27) one Muhammadan saying, that inscribed in Arabic on the chief gateway of the city Kuttov- pore Sikri built by Akbar: "The world is but a bridge, over which you must pass, but must not. linger to build your dwelling" (In the. l/iittuldi/nx by Miss Gordon dimming, cited by Griffenhooi e, The ( ittrrittt n Smjimjs of ( hrixl, 12S).

    Although the number of nt/ru/i/in purporting to be sayings of Jesus which have been collected by scholars seems at first sight imposing, 7. Result those which have any tiling like a strong claim to acceptance on the ground of early and reliable source and internal character are disappointingly few. Of those given above nos. 1-4, 7, X, 10 which have mostly early attestation clearly take precedence of the rest. Xos. 11-20 are early enough and good enough to merit respectful consideration. Still the propor tion of genuine, or possibly genuine, material is very small. Ropes is probably not far from the truth when lie remarks that "the writers of the Synoptic Gospels did their work so well that onlv stray bits here and there, and these but of small value, were left for the gleaners." On the other hand it. is not necessary to follow Wellhausen in rejecting the nt/ni/>fin in to/o. Recent discoveries have shown that they are the remains of a con siderable body of extra-canonical savings which circulated more or less in Christian circles, esp. in Egypt, in the early cents., and the possible presence in what we possess of a sentence or two actuullv spoken by .lesiis fully justifies research.

    The second edition of the work of Resch includes

    17 a/jrtiii/Ki from AISS of Acts and 1 John most of

    which are from Codex D, 31 apostolic;

    8. Other ti/>i>cri////ia, and <>l> <ii/rn/>/i/i and <ti>or-

    Agrapha ri/i>fiu connected with the OT. 1<) of

    the latter are largely taken from pseu-

    depigrapha, a pseudo-Ezekiel for instance. These

    (ii/nt/ihit some of which are really textual variants

    are of inferior interest and value.

    LiTEnATUReast The chief aut Monties are tho (lerman book of Mm American scholar .). II. Ropes, Ih, Spriiche Jrxti, ilie in ili-, i kanonixchen /: rn ,/< / ir,t i,i,-lil iiberliefrrt Kind, and his art. "Agrapha" in IIDH (extra volr and MID Often-mentioned work of Resell. Tho former has great critical yalno. and tho latter, especially in tho Jd ed, is a veritable thesaurus of material. For a full survey of tho literature up to lor> seo that work. pp. 14-17. There is much criticism in liauer s l)u* 1,,-1,,-n Ji-*u i< Zeitalter tier neutestamentlichen Apokryphen, eh vii. Amoiifr smaller works special mention may bo made of Prebendary Blomflold s T u-,-,,t //-/ /< Agrapha (19OO); and tlu) book of ( irilfenhoofe. the title of which is given above. Thorn are recent arts, on the subject in Illtli (KM) .), "Unwritten Sayings." and ix G. ,Sayings (l"n- written)"; Am. Journal of Archaeoloyi/, XII (1908) 49- , r >">; II. A. Sanders. New MSS from K /ui t; also ib, XIU (1909), 1HO. Seo LOGIA.


    1. The Sabbath Year

    2. Tho Jubilee

    3. Its Object.

    4. The Letfal Rules

    5. Ideas and Circumstances of tin: Legislation (i. Form of the Legislation

    7. Its Operation and Kxtension

    8. Other Laws AllVcting the Land

    The Mosaic provisions on 1 his subject form one of the most characteristic and interesting portions of the legislation. The main institutions are two, viz., the Sabbath year and the jubilee, and they are closely linked together.

    In every seventh year the land was to lie fal low "that the poor of thy people may eat: and what they leave the beast of the field 1. The shall eat" (Exodus 23 10 f; cf Lev 25 2-7).

    Sabbath And the Sabbath of the land shall Year be for food for you; for thee, and for

    thy servant, and for thy maid, and for thy hired servant and for thy stranger that sojourn with thee; but for thy cattle, and for the

    beasts that are in thy land, shall all the increase thereof be for food (Lev 25 (if). This has been quoted at, length because the rendering of JOY is misleading. "The Sabbath of the land" does not mean that the natural increase; thereof is to be eaten by the Israeli! ish peasant. That interpre tation is excluded by vs :{-"). 20-22. What is intended is clearly shown by the latter of these two passages, "I will command my blessing upon you in the sixth year." The principle on which the manna had been provided for Sabbaths was to apply to the harvest, of the sixth year, and this is the import, of the phrase.

    After "seven sabbaths of years, even forty and

    nine years" a trumpet: was to be blown throughout

    the land on the tenth day of the

    2. The seventh month (i.e. the Day of Atone- Jubilee ment ) and the fiftieth year was to be

    hallowed and celebrated as a "jubilee." No agricultural work of any kind was to be performed, but "ye may [so correct FA VJ eat the increase thereof out of the field" (Lev 25 12). CJod would so bless the land in the sixth year that it would bring forth enough lor t he Sabbath year, the ensuing jubilee and the subsequent period to the harvest of the ninth year (vs 20 22i.

    In addition to being a period in which the land

    was left fallow, the jubilee was intended to meet

    the economic evils that befell peasants

    3. Its in ancient societies. Wars or unfa- Object vorable seasons would soon reduce a

    iarmer to a condition in which he would have to borrow. Hut money is rarely to be had without interest and security, and in early communities the rates of interest were very high indeed, while the only security the farmer could offer would consist, of his land and the persons of himself and his children. Hence we find insol vency giving rise to the alienation of land and to slavery all over the world sometimes with the retention of civil rights (as in Rome and Israel), at others in a more unalloyed form. The jubilee aims at both these evils. It is provided that in that year the peasants who had lost, their full freedom through insolvency should be free; (see HHL, off) and all lands that had been sold should return to the original owner or his family. "And the land shall not be sold in porpetuitv; for the land is mine: for ye are strangers and sojourners with me" (ver 2:!). To this theory there are parallels elsewhere, e.g. in Togoland (Heinrici, Zritxchrift fi ir n-n/lt ic/i<>n<le, Rechtswissenschaft, XI, 138).

    Lev 25 containing the land laws gives effect, to

    this view by enacting that when an Israelite was

    compelled to part with his land there

    4. The was to be a "redemption" of land, and Legal Rules that in default of redemption the land

    should return to its original owner in the jubilee year. This "redemption" covers two ideas a right of preemption by the next of kin in the first instance, and if that were not exercised, a right on the part- of the original owner to buy back the land before the jubilee (vs 24-2S). The theory did not apply to houses in walled cities. Those might be redeemed within a year of sale: in default the property passed for ever and was un affected by the jubilee (vs 2!)f). Villages were reckoned us country (ver 31). The Levitical cities were subject to the rules of land, not of walled cities (vs 32 f; read with (he Vulg in ARVm, "if they have not been redeemed" in vs 32), and their fields were not to be sold (ver 34). All sales of lands to which the jubilee applied were to be made on the basis of the number of crops (vs 14 ff ) ; in fact, what was sold was not the property itself but the usufruct (i.e. the right of using, reaping,




    Agrarian Laws Agriculture

    etc) till the year of the jubilee. Similarly with the laws of Lev 27 16-2."), where the general principle is that if a field be sanctified the value shall be esti mated according to the number of years to the jubilee. Unfortunately the text is corrupt and it is impossible to make out the exact circumstances in which no further redemption was allowed (ver 20).

    The land laws are the product of many inde pendent ideas and circumstances First such

    a system as that expounded in the 25th

    5. Ideas chapter of Lev could only be put for- and Cir- ward by one who had to work on what cumstances is so very rare in history a clean slate. of the In other words, the system of land Legislation tenure hen; laid down could only be

    introduced in this way by men who had no preexisting system to reckon with. Secondly, there is (mutatis mutandis) a marked resemblance between the provisions of Lev and the system intro duced in Egypt by Joseph ((Jen 47). The land is the Lord s as it is Pharaoh s; but the 1 towns which are built on that land are not subject to the same theory or the same rules. Perhaps the ex planation is that Joseph s measures had affected only those who gained their living by agriculture, i.e. the dwellers in the country. Thirdly, the system shows the enormous power that the con ception of family solidarity possessed in the Mo saic age And fourthly, the enactment is

    inspired and illuminated by the humanitarian and religious convictions to which reference has already been made" (Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute, XI A, 160). Undoubtedly the most strik ing feature of the enactment, is to be found in these religious convictions with the absolute reliance on constant Divine intervention to secure the working of the law (vs 20 ff).

    Lev 26 shows clearly that this legislation was conceived as the terms of a covenant made between

    God and the children of Israel, and it

    6. Form appears from vs 42-45 that this of the covenant, was regarded as being con- Legislation nected with the covenants with the

    patriarchs though it is also a covenant made with the generation that came forth from Egypt. The land was originally promised to Abra ham in a covenant (Genesis 17) and it would seem that these laws are regarded as attaching to that covenant which had been renewed with his de scendants. Indeed the laws appear to be presented as terms of the sworn agreement (covenant) under which God was about to give Israel the possession of Canaan.

    As respects the operation of these laws we have no information as to the observance of any fallow

    years before the Exile: 2 Chronicles 36 21

    7. Its Oper- is rather unfavorable, but so obviously ation and echoes Lev 26 43 that it scarcely Extension seems to be meant as a historical state ment. But traces are to be found

    of the operation of other parts of the system. Ruth 4 shows us the law of redemption working, but with two notable extensions. ,Yidows have acquired a right of property in their husbands estates, and when the next of kin refuses to redeem, the right passes to the kinsman who is nearest in succession. Neither of these cases is contemplated by the Pent: both appear to be fresh applications of the Levitical law which, like all other legislations, had to be adapted to meet new sets of facts as they arose. Similarly Jeremiah 32 illustrates the law of pre emption, but here a small difficulty arises, for Lev 25 34 forbids the sale of 1 he suburbs of the Levitical cities. Probably however this refers only to sale outside the family and not as here to the nearest kinsman and heir presumptive. Similarly Ezekiel

    twice refers to the jubilee (7 12 f and 46 17) in terms that seem to show that he knew it as an existing institution (see SBL, 96; Churchman, May, 1906, 292). Historical traces of the Levitical cities are mentioned in the art. LEVITICAL CITIKSouth It should be added that under the monarchy a rule seems to have been introduced that derelict lands fell to the king (see 2 Samuel 9 9 f ; 1 X 21 16; 2 Kings 8 3.6).

    In later times there are several references to the fallow of the Sabbatical year (1 Mace 6 49.53: Ant, XIII, viii, 1; XIV, x, 6, etc).

    In addition to these laws Moses enacted pro visions favoring gleaning, on which see POOR. He also prohibited sowing a field or 8. Other vineyard with two kinds of seed (Lev Laws 19 19; Deuteronomy 22 9) and prescribed that

    Affecting for three years the fruit of trees should the Land not be eaten, while in the fourth it should be holy, and in the fifth it was to be available for ordinary purposes (Lev 19 23 ff). HAROLD M. WIKNKR

    AGREE, a-gre (<rx>|A<|>a>vw, siunptioneo, "to be of the same mind," "to come to a mutual under standing"): This is the sense of the word in Matthew 20 2; John 9 22, and other passages. In Mark 14 56 the word is iso.s and has the thought not only that their words did not agree, but also that the testi mony was not in agreement with or equal to what the law required in such a case. The thought of being equal occurs also in 1 John 5 8.

    The fig. use of the word in Matthew 18 19 makes it of special interest. The word there is sum pho ned, from which comes our word symphony, mean ing a harmonious blending. This agreement there fore is complete. Three persons are introduced: two human beings and the Father. They are in perfect agreement on the subject or purpose under consideration. It is therefore an inward unity produced by the Holy Spirit, leading the two into such an agreement with the Father. There will follow then, as a matter of course, what is promised in vs 19.20. In Acts 5 9 it sets forth the justice of Peter in dealing in the same manner in both cases. Ananias and Sapphira were in perfect agreement and equally guilty (Luke 5 36; Acts 16 15).



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    AGRICULTURE, ag ri-kul-tnr, ag ri-kul-chur:



    1. plowing of

    (1) Plowing and Sowing

    (2) Reaping

    (3) Threshing

    2. < arc of Vineyards

    3. Raising of Flocks

    I. Development of Agriculture. One may witness in Syria and Pal today the various stages of social progress through which the people of Bible times passed in which the development of their agricul ture played an important part. To the east the sons

    a, Polo or Beam, b. Yokes, c. Share, d, Handle. f. Points. Ox-goad (below).

    of Ishmael still wander in tribes from place to place, depending upon their animals for food and raiment, unless by a raid they can secure the fruits of the




    soil from the peoples, mostly of their own blood, who have given up wandering and are supporting themselves by tilling the ground. It is only a short step from this frontier life to the more protected territory toward the Mediterranean, where in comparatively peaceful surroundings, the wander ers become stationary.

    If the land which they have come to possess is barren and waterless, they become impoverished physically and spiritually, but if they have chosen the rarer spots where under ground streams burst forth into valleys covered with alluvial deposits (Exodus 3 X), they prosper and there springs up the more complicated community life with its servants, hirelings, gardeners, etc.


    division of labor ensues. Some leave the soil for the crafts and professions but still depend upon their farmer neighbors for their sustenance. (, K 5 11.) Such was the variety of life of the people among whom Jesus lived, and of their ancestors, and of the inhabitants of the land long before the children of Israel came to take possession of_it. Bible history deals with the Hebrews at a period when a large proportion of that people were en gaged in agrarian pursuits, hence we find its pages filled with references to agricultural occupations.

    II. Climatic Conditions and Fertility. With cli matic conditions and fertility so varied, the modi of cultivation, seedtime and harvest differed even in closely adjacent territory. On the coastal plains and in the low Jordan valley the soil was usually rich and the season was early, whereas in the moun tainous regions and high interior plains the planting and reaping times were from two weeks to a month later.

    To make use of the soil on the hillsides, terracing was frequently necessary. Examples of these old terraces still exist. On the unwatered plains the crops could be grown only in the winter and spring, i.e. during the rainy season. These districts dried up in May or June and remained fallow during the rainless summer.

    The same was true of the hilly regions and valleys except where water from a stream could be diverted from its channel and spread over the fields. In such districts crops could be grown irrespective of the seasons. See [RRIGATIOnorth

    III. Agricultural Pursuits. To appreciate the many references in the Bible to agricultural pur suits and the frequent allusions of Our Lord to the fields and their products, we must remember how

    Primitive Plowin

    different were the .surroundings of the farmers of that day from those among which most of us live or with which we are acquainted. What knowl edge we have of these pursuits is drawn from such references as disclose methods bearing a close similarity to those of the present day. The strong

    tendency to resist change which is everywhere manifest throughout the country and the survival of ancient descriptive words in the language of today further confirm our belief that we now wit ness in this country the identical operations which were used two thousand or more years ago.

    It would be strange if there were not a variety of ways by which the same object was accomplished when we remember that the ILeb people benefited by the experience of the Egyptians, of the Baby lonians, of the inhabitants of the land of their adoption, as well as of its late European conquerors. For this reason the drawings found on the Egyp monuments, depicting agricultural scenes, help us to explain the probable methods used in Pal.

    Three branches of agriculture were more promi nent than the others; the growing of grain, the care of vineyards (Numbers 18 , J()J, and the raising of flocks. Most households owned fields and vine yards and the richer added to these a wealth of flocks. The description of Job s wealth (in Job 1) shows that he was engaged in all these pursuits.

    Threshing Instrument with Sharp Troth.

    Ilezekiah s riches as enumerated in 2 Chronicles 32 27.28 suggest activity in each of these branches.

    In this and following descriptions, present-day methods as far as they correspond to ancient

    records will be dealt with.

    1. Growing (1) . On the of Grain plains, little or no preparation for

    plowing is needed, but in the hilly regions, the larger stones, which the tilling of the previous season has loosened and which the winter s rains have washed bare, arc picked out and piled into heaps on some ledge, or are thrown into the paths, which thus become elevated above the fields which they traverse. (See FIELD.)

    If grain is to be planted, the seed is scattered broadcast by the sower. If the land has not been used for some time the ground is first plowed, and when the seed has been scattered is plowed again.

    The sower may keep his supply of seed in a pocket made by pulling u)> his outer garment through his girdle to a suffi cient extent for it to sag down outside his girdle in the form of a loose pouch. He may, on the other hand, carry it in a jar or basket as the sowers are pictured as doing on the Egypt monuments.

    As soon as the seed is scattered it is plowed in before the ever-present crows and ravens can gather it up. The path of the plow in the fields of the hilly regions is a tortuous one because of the boulders jutting out here and there (Matthew 13 3 ff ) or because of the ledges which frequently lie hidden just beneath the surface (the rocky places of Christ s parable).

    When the plowman respects the footpaths which the sufferance of the owner has allowed to be trodden across his fields or which mark the boundaries between the lands of different owners, and leaves them unplowed, then the seed which has fallen on these portions becomes the food of the birds.

    Corners of the field where the plow cannot reach are hoed by hand. Harrowing-in as we know it is not practised today, except on some of the larger plains, and probably was not used in Pal in earlier times. (See HARROW)

    (2) Reaping. After the plowing is over, the





    fields arc deserted until after the winter rains, unless an unusually severe storm of rain and hail (Exodus 9 25; has destroyed the young shoots. Then a second sowing is made. In April, if the hot, east winds have not blasted the grain (see BLASTING) the bar ley begins to ripen.

    The wheat follows from a week to six weeks later, depending upon the alti tude. Toward the end of May or the first week in June, which marks the beginning of the dry season, reaping begins. Whole families move out from their village homes to spend the time in the fields until the harvest is over.

    Men and women join in the work of cutting the grain. A handful of grain is gathered together by means of a sickle held in the right hand. The stalks thus gathered in a bunch are then grasped by the left hand and at the same time a pull is given which cuts off some of the stalks a few inches above the ground (see

    a drag, the bottom of which is studded with pieces of basaltic stone. This drag, on which the driver, and perhaps his family, sits or stands, is driven in a circular path over the grain. In still other dis tricts an instrument resembling a wheel harrow is used, the antiquity of which is confirmed by the Egyp records. The supply of unthreshed grain is kept in the center of the floor. Some of this is pulled down from time to time into the path of the animals. All the while the partly threshed grain is being turned over with a fork.

    The stalks gradually become broken into short pieces and the husks about the grain are torn off. This mixture of chaiT ami grain must now be winnowed. This is done by tossing it into the air so that the wind may blow away the chaff (see ,Vi,,mvi.,G). When the chaff is gone then the grain is tossed in a wooden tray to separate from it the stones and lumps of

    d pulls the rest up by the roots. These handfuls are laid behind the reapers and are gathered up by the helpers (see ( .LEANING), usually the chil dren, and made into piles for transporting to the threshing-floor.

    (3) Threshing. The threshing-floors arc- con structed in the fields, preferably in an exposed posi tion in order to get the full benefit of the winds. If there is danger of marauders they are clustered together close to the village. The floor is a level, circular area 25 to 40 ft. in diameter, prepared by first picking out the stones, and then wetting the ground, tamping or rolling it, and finally sweeping it. A border of stones usually surrounds the floor to keep in the grain. The sheaves of grain which have been brought on the backs of men, donkeys, camels, or oxen, are heaped on this area, and the process of tramping out begins. In some localities several animals, commonly oxen or donkeys, are tied abreast and driven round and round the floor. In other places two oxen are yoked together to

    soil which clung to the roots when the grain was reaped. The difference in weight between the stones and grain makes separation by this process possible (see SIFTKD). The grain is now piled in heaps and in many localities is also sealed. This process consists in pressing a large wooden seal against the pile. When the instrument is removed it leaves an impression which would be destroyed should any of the grain be taken away. This allows the government officials to keep account of the tithes and enables the owner 1o detect any theft, of grain. Until the wheat is transferred to bags some one sleeps by the piles on the threshing- floor. If the wheat is to be stored for home con sumption it is often first washed with water and spread out on goats hair mats to dry before it is stored in the wall compartments found in every house (see STOREHOUSE). Formerly the wheat was ground only as needed. This was then a household task which was accomplished with the hand-mill or mortar (see MILL).

    Agrippa Ahab




    No clearer picture to correspond with present-

    day practice in vine culture (see VIM-;) in Pal could

    he given than that mentioned in Isaiah

    2. Care of 5 l.ti. drapes probably served an Vineyards important, part in the diet of Bible

    times as they do at present.. In the .season which begins in July and extends for at least three months, the humblest peasant us well as 1he richest landlord considers grapes as a necessary part of at least one meal each day. The grapes were not only eaten fresh but were made into wine (see WINEPRESS). No parallel however can be found in the Bible for the molasses which is made by boiling down the fresh grape juice. Some writers believe that this substance was meant in some passages translation 1 by wine or honey, but it is doubt ful. The care of the vineyards fitted well into the farmer s routine, as most of the attention required could be given when the other crops demanded no time.

    The leaders of ancient Israel reckoned their

    flocks as 11 necessary part of their wealth (see

    SIIKIOL- R.usixc). When a man s flocks

    3. Raising were his sole possession lie often lived of Flocks with them and led them in and out in

    search of pasturage (Ps 23; Matthew 18 12), but a man with other interests delegated this task to his sons (1 Samuel 16 11) or to hirelings. Hu man nature has not changed since the time when Christ made the distinction between the true shep herd and the hireling (.In 10 112). Within a short time of the- writing of these words the writer saw a hireling cursing and abusing the stray members of a flock which he was driving, not leading as do good shepherds.

    The flock furnished both food and raiment. The milk of camels, sheep and goats was eaten fresh or made into curdled milk, butter or cheese. More rarely was the flesh of these animals eaten (see FOOD). The peasant s outer coat is still made of a tawed sheepskin or woven of goats hair or wool (see WiOAVi,<i). The various agricultural opera tions are treated more fully under their respective names, (q.v.). JAM us A. PATCH

    AGRIPPA, a-grip a. See HEROD.

    AGUE, a gu (nrnp, /,W^/W/,): In Lev 26 1(5 AV is one of the diseases threatened as a penalty for disobedience to the law. The malady is said to "consume the eyes, and make the soul to pine away." The word means burning (Vulg "ardor") and was probably intended to denote the malarial fever so common now both in the Shephelah and in the Jordan valley. In LXX the word used (farepos, ikleros) means jaundice, which often accompanies this fever. RV translates it "fever." See FEVER.

    AGUR, a gur ("WX , ayhur, seeming, from com parison with Arab, roots, to mean either "hireling," or "collector," "gatherer"): One of the contribu tors to Proverbs; his words being included in 30. He takes an agnostic attitude toward (Jod and tran scendent things, and in general the range of his thought, as compared with that of other authors, is pedestrian. He shows, however, a tender rever ence and awe. His most notable utterance, per haps, is the celebrated Prayer of Agur (Proverbs 30 7-9), which gives expression to a charming golden mean of practical ideal. His sayings are constructed on a rather artificial plan; having the form of the so-called numerical proverb. See under PROVERBS, BOOK OF, II, G. JOHN FRANKLIN GENUNO

    AH, a, AHA, a-ha : Interjections of frequent occurrence in the OT, representing different Hebrew words and different states of feeling. (1)

    (if/ah, expressing complaint and found in the phrase "Ah, Lord JAH" (Jeremiah 1 (i; 4 10 etc; Ezekiel 4 14 etc). Elsewhere the word is translation 1 "alas!" (Joel 1 15). (2) FIX, V/./A, occurs once (E/k 21 1."), express ing grief in contemplating Israel s destruction. ( >) ~^0 , /" / , usually expresses malicious joy over the reverses of an enemy, and is introduced by the verb "to say" (BUB); so in Ps 35 21.25; Ezekiel 25 3; 26 2; 36 2; in the repeated psalm 40 15, 70 o. It expresses satiety in Isaiah 44 l(i; and repre sents the neighing of a horse in Job 39 25. (4) "Hit, /toy, expresses grief or pain, (Isaiah 1 4; Jeremiah 22 IS). In 1 Kings 13 :i() it is translation 1 "alas 1 " More fre quently it is used to indicate that a threat of judgment is to follow (Isaiah 10 5; 29 1; or to direct attention to some important announcement (Isaiah 55 1), where the Hebrew word is translation 1 "Ho." (5) (ir ovd, o/id, in Mark 15 21), used by those who mocked Jesus, as He hung upon the cross. All of these words are evidently imitative of the natural sounds, which spontaneously give expression to these emotions of complaint, grief, pain, exultation, etc. EDWARD MACK

    AH in proper names. See Am.

    AHAB, a hab ptfnX, nh ubh; Assyr a-ha-oh-hn; LXX A X adp, Achadb, but Jeremiah 29 21 f," Ax^Pi

    Ac/ii ih, which, in analogy with "p^VlX, btfTKX), etc, indicates an original IXTIi? , dhl abh, meaning "the father is my brother ]: The compound prob ably signifies that "the father," referring to God, has been chosen as a brother.

    Ahab, son of Omri, the seventh king of Israel,

    who reigned for twenty-two years, from S7(> to S54

    (I K 16 2S ff), was one of t he st rongest

    1. Ahab s and at the same time one of the weakest Reign kings of Israel. With his kingdom he

    inherited also the traditional enemies of the kingdom, who were no less ready to make trouble for him than for his predecessors. Occupy ing a critical position at the best, with foes ever ready to take advantage of any momentary weak ness, the kingdom, during the reign of Ahab, was compelled to undergo the blighting effects of mis fortune, drought and famine. But Ahab, equal to the occasion, was clever enough to win the admi ration and respect of friend and foe, strengthening the kingdom without and within. Many of the evils of his reign, which a stronger nature might have overcome, were incident to the measures that he took for st rengt hening t he kingdom.

    In the days of David and Solomon a beneficial

    commercial intercourse existed between the He

    brews and the Phoenicians. Ahab,

    2. His recognizing the advantages that would Foreign accrue to his kingdom from an alliance Policy with the foremost commercial nation

    of his time, renewed the old relations with the Phoenicians and cemented them by his marriage with Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal, king of Tyre (the Ithobalos, priest of Astarte mentioned by Meander).

    lie next turns his attention to the establishment of peaceful and friendly relations with the kindred and neighboring kingdom of Judah. For the first time since the division of the kingdoms the heredi tary internecine quarrels are forgotten, "and Jehoshaphat," the good king of Judah, "made peace with the king of Israel." This alliance, too, was sealed by a marriage relationship, Jehoram, the crown-prince of Judah, being united in marriage with the princess Athaliah, daughter of Ahab.

    Perhaps some additional light is thrown upon Ahab s foreign policy by his treatment of Benha- dad, king of Damascus. An opportunity was given




    Agrippa Ahab

    to crush to dust the threatening power of Syria. But when Benhadad in the garb of a suppliant was compelled to sue for his life, Ahab received him kindly as his brother, and although denounced by the prophets for his leniency, spared his enemy and allowed him to depart on the condition that he would restore the cities captured from Omri, and concede certain streets" in Damascus as a quarter for Israelitish residents. No doubt Ahab thought that a king won as a friend by kindness might be of greater service to Israel than a hostile nation, made still more hostile by having its king put to death. Whatever Ahab s motives may have been, these hereditary foes really fought side by side against the common enemy, the king of Assyria, in the battle at Karkar on the Orontes in the year 854, as is proved by the inscription on the monolith of Shal- maneser II, king of Assyria.

    Ahab s far-sighted foreign policy was the antithe sis of his short-sighted religious policy. Through his alliance with Phoenicia he not 3. His only set in motion the currents of

    Religious commerce with Tyre, but invited Policy Phoen religion as well. The worship

    of JAH by means of the golden calves of Jeroboam appeared antiquated to him. Baal, the god of Tyre, the proud mistress of the seas and the possessor of dazzling wealth, was to have an equal place with JAH, the God of Israel. Accordingly he built in Samaria a temple to Baal and in it erected an altar to that god, and at the side of the altar a pole to Asherah (1 Kings 16 32.33). On the other hand he tried to serve JAH by naming his children in his honor Ahaziah ("JAH holds"), Jehoram ("JAH is high"), and Athaliah ("JAH is strong"). However, Ahab failed to realize that while a coali tion of nations might be advantageous, a syncre tism of their religions would be disastrous. He failed to apprehend the full meaning of the prin ciple, "JAH alone is the Cod of Israel." In Jezebel, his Phoen wife, Ahab found a champion of the foreign culture, who was as imperious and able as she was vindictive and unscrupulous. She was the patron of the prophets of Baal and of the devo tees of Asherah (i K 18 19.20; 19 1.2). At her instigation the altars of JAH were torn down. She inaugurated the first great, religious persecution of the church, killing off the prophets of JAH with the sword. In all this she aimed at more than a syncretism of the two religions; she planned to destroy the religion of JAH root and branch and put that of Baal in its place. In this Ahab did not oppose her, but is guilty of conniving at the policy of his unprincipled wife, if not of heartily con curring in it.

    Wrong religious principles have their counterpart in false ethical ideals and immoral civil acts. Ahab, as a worshipper of Baal, not only in- 4. The troduced a false religion, but false

    Murder of social ideals as well. The royal resi- Naboth deuce was in Jezrecl, which had

    probably risen in importance through his alliance with Phoenicia. Close to the royal palace was a vineyard (1 Kings 21 1) owned by Naboth, a native of Jezrccl. This piece of ground was coveted by Ahab for a vegetable garden. He demanded therefore that Naboth should sell it to him or exchange it for a better piece of land. Na both declined the offer. Ahab, a Hcb, knowing the laws of the land, was stung by the refusal and went home greatly displeased. Jezebel, however, had neither religious scruples nor any regard for the civil laws of the Hebrews. Accordingly she planned a high-handed crime to gratify the whim of Ahab. In the name and by the authority of the king she had Naboth falsely accused of blasphemy against God and the king, and had him stoned to

    death by the local authorities. The horror created by this judicial murder probably did as much to finally overthrow (.he house of Omri as did the favor shown to the Tyrian Baal.

    Neither religious rights nor civil liberties can be

    trampled under foot without Divine retribution.

    The attempt to do so calls forth an

    5. Ahab awakened and quickened conscience, and Elijah imperatively demanding that the right

    be done. Like an accusing conscience, Elijah appeared before Ahab. His very name ("my God is JAH") inspired awe. "As JAH, the God of Israel, liveth, before whom 1 stand, there shall not be dew nor rain these years," was the conscience-troubling message left on the mind of Ahab for more than three years. On Elijah s reappearance, Ahab greets him as (lie troubler of Israel. Elijah calmly informs him that the king s religious policy has caused the trouble in Israel. The proof for it is to be furnished on Mount Carmel. Ahab does the bidding of Elijah. The people shall know whom to serve. Baal is silent. JAH answers with fire. A torrent of rain ends the drought. The victory belongs to JAH.

    Once more Elijah s indignation flashes against the house of Ahab. The judicial murder of Naboth calls it forth. The civil rights of the nation must be protected. Ahab has sold himself 1o do evil in the sight of JAH. Therefore Ahab s house shall fall. Jezebel s carcase shall be eaten by dogs; the king s posterity shall be cut off; the dogs of I lie city or the fowls of the air shall eat their bodies (1 Kings 21 20-2(5). Like thunderbolts the words of Elijah strike home. Ahab "fasted, and lay in sackcloth, and went, softly." But the die was cast, leh is vindicated. Never again, in the history of Israel can Baal, the inspirer of injustice, claim a place at the side of JAH, the God of righ( eousness.

    In common with oriental monarchs, Ahab dis played a taste for architecture, stimulated, no doubt, by Phoen influence. Large

    6. Ahab s building operations were undertaken Building in Samaria (1 Kings 16 32; 2 Kings 10 21). Operations Solomon had an ivory throne, but Ahab

    built for himself, in Jezreel, a palace adorned with woodwork and inlaid with ivory (1 Kings 21 1; 22 39). Perhaps Amos, one hundred years later, refers to the work of Ahab when he says, "The houses of ivory shall perish" (Am 3 15). In his day Hiel of Bethel undertook to rebuild Jericho, notwithstanding the curse of Joshua (1 Kings 16 33.34). Manv cities were built during his reign (1 Kings 22 39).

    Ahab was not only a splendor-loving monarch, but a great military leader as well. lie no doubt

    began his military policy by fortifying

    7. Ahab s the cities of Israel (1 Kings 16 34; 22 39). Military Benhadad (the Dadidri of (he Assyr Career annals; Iladadezer and Barhadad

    are Hebrew, Aram, and Arab, forms of the same name), the king of Syria, whose vassals the kings of Israel had been (1 Kings 15 19), promptly besieges Samaria, and sends Ahab an insulting mes sage. Ahab replies, "Let not him that girdeth on his armor boast himself as he that pufteth it off." At the advice of a prophet of JAH, Ahab, with 7,000 men under 232 leaders, inflicts a crush ing defeat upon Benhadad and his 32 feudal kings, who had resigned themselves to a drunken carousal (1 Kings 20-21).

    In the following year, the Syrian army, in spite of its overwhelming superiority, meets another defeat at the hands of Ahab in the valley, near Aphek. On condition that Benhadad restore all Israelitish territory and grant the Hebrews certain rights in Damascus, Ahab spares his life to the great indignation of the prophet (1 Kings 20 22 f).

    Ahab Ahaz




    In the year Southj|, Ahab with 2,000 chariots ;m<l 10,000 men, lights shoulder to shoulder with Ben- h:id;id against Shalmaneser 11, king of Assyria. At Karkar, on the Oremtes, Benhadad, with his allied forces, suffered an overwhelming defeat (COT, 11, i, 183 fj.

    Perhaps Benhadad blamed Ahal) for the defeat. At any rate he fails to keep his promise to Ahab (I K 22 :>; 20 :U). Lured by false- ])rophets, but against, the dramatic warning of Micaiah, Ahab is led to take up the gauntlet against Syria once more. His friend, Jehoshaphat , king of .Judah, joins him in the conflict. For t he first time since the days of David all Israel and Judah stand united against the common foe.

    Possibly the warning of .Micaiah gave Ahab a

    premonition that, this would be his last light.

    He enters the bat tie in disguise, but in

    8. Ahab s vain. An arrow, shot at random, mHicts Death a mortal wound. With the fortitude of

    a hero, in order to avoid a panic, Ahab remains in his chariot all day and dies at sunset. His body is taken to Samaria for burial. A great king had died, and the kingdom declined rapidly after his death. He had failed to comprehend the greatness of Jehovah; he failed to stand for the highest justice, and his sins arc 1 visited upon his posterity (I K 22 29 f).

    (1) The Motibili- Xlone (see MOAHITK STUNK) bears testimony (lines 7, S) thai Omri and his son

    (Ahab) ruled over the land of Me-h-

    9. Ahab deba for forty years. When Ahab and was occupied with the Syr wars, Archaeology Moab rose in insurrection. Mesha

    informs us in an exaggerated manner that "Israel perished with an everlasting destruc tion." .Mesha recognizes .Jell as the Clod of Israel.

    (2) The Monolith. of Xhtilinii.nrser II (Brit AIus; see- ASSYRIA) informs us that in South")4 Shahnaiieser II came in conflict with t he kingdom of Hamath, and that Benhadad II with Ahab of Israel and others formed a confederacy to resist the Assyrian advance. The forces of t he coalit ion were defeat ed at Karkar.

    ( .$) Ill-cent e.iTiii iitions. I nder the direction of Harvard I liiversity, excavations have been carried on in Samaria since 190South In 1909 remains of a Hel) palace were found. In this palace two grades of construction have been detected. The explorers suggest that they have found the palace of Omri, enlarged and improved by Ahab. This may be the "ivory house" built by Ahab. In August, 1910, about 7") potsherds were found in a building adjacent to Ahab s palace- containing writing. The script is the same as that of the Moabite Stone, the words being divided by ink spots. These oslraca see-in to be labels attached to jars kept in a room adjoining Ahab s palace. One of them reads, "In the ninth year. From Shaphtan. For Ba al- /amar. A jar of old wine." Another reads, "Wine of the vineyard of the Tell." These read ings remind one of Naboth s vineyard. In another room not far from where the otilrtim were found, "was found an alabaster vase inscribed with the name of Ahab s contemporary, Osorkon II of Egypt." Many proper names are found on the ox- trneii, which have their equivalent in the OT. It is claimed that the writing is far greater than all other ancient Hebrew writing yet known. Perhaps with the publication of all these writings we may expect much light upon Ahab s reign. (See OSTKACA; Ilnrranl Theological Rerieu", January, 1909, April, 1<)10, January, 1911; Sunday School Times, January 7, 1911; The Jewish Chronicle, January 27, 1911.) South K. MOSIMAN

    AHAB, ii hab, and ZEDEKIAH, zed-e-kl a ah dhh, "uncle"; irPp"? , (-ulhlaijahu, "JAH is my

    righteousness"): Ahab, son of Kolaiah, and Ze-ele- kiah, son of Maaseiah, were two prophets against whom Jeremiah uttered an oracle for prophesying falsely in the name of JAH, and for immoral con- duet . They should be- delivere-d over to Ne-buchad- re/zar and be slain, and the captives of Judah that were in Babylem should take- up the curse- e-on- e-erning them. "Je-h make- the-e- like- Zedekiah and like Ahab, whemi the- King of Babylon roasted in the fire-" (Jeremiah 29 21 if). S" F. 1 1 I:,TKH

    AHARAH, a har-a, a-har a (J"nnX, ahn A, Aapd, A nn i; B, Icu}>aT|X., Inp/iael, brother Rah, or, a brother s follower, though some: regard it as a textual corrupt iem for Ahiram): A son of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 1). Se-e AIIIHAM.

    AHARHEL, a-har hel ( "HiriX , aharhel, "brother of Hachel"; LXX d8e,4>ov PT|x.dp, ailel/ihoti Ifechab, " brother of Hechab" i : A son of Harum of the- tribe of Judah i I Chronicles 4 S).

    AHASAI, a ha-sl, a-ha sl. See- AH/.AI.

    AHASBAI, a-has bl (^SCHS;, ahaxbay, "bloom ing"): The father of Eli|)he-le-t , a Maacalhite, a soldie-r in David s army (2 Samuel 23 :U). He- was either a native of Abel-bet h-maacah (20 11) or, more probably, of Maacah in Syria (10 (>). The list in 1 Chronicles 11 3f).ol) gives dilfere-nt names en tirely. He-re we- have Fr and Ilephe-r, which simply show that the te-xt is corrupt in one or both places.

    AHASUERUS, a-haz-ii-e rus, or ASSEURUS (LXX Ao-<rovT]pos, , l.s.sowY/vw, but in Tob 14 1") . 1. surras ; the Lat form of the Hebrew "tL""~r ; iL ,jX , dhashwerosh, a name 1 better known in its emhnary (Ir form of Xe-rxe-s): It was the name- of two, or perhaps of three kings mentione-d in the canonical, or apocryphal, books of the OT.

    There- see-ms to be little- reasonable eloubt , that

    we slumlel ide-ntify the Ahasuerus of Esther, with the

    well-known Xerxes, who reigne-d ejver

    1. In Pe-rsia from 4S5 to Hi") BC, and who Esther made 1 the great, expedition against

    C.reece- that culminated in the- defeat of the Persians fe>rces at Salamis and Plataea. If Esther be taken as equivalent to Ishtar, it may well be the same as the- Amestris of Herodotus, which in Babylonian would be Ammi-Ishtar, e>r Fmmi-Ishtar. Arne-stris is said to have be-e-n t he- e laugh) e-r of Otanes, a distinguished ge-neral e>f Xerxe-s, and the: grand daughter e>f Sisamnes, a notorious judge 1 , who was put te> death with great cruelty by the king be-cause- eif malfeasance- in offie-e. Sisamnes may bi 1 in Babylonian Shamash-ammanu-[shallim|. If he were the 1 brother and Otanes the nephew of Alordecai, we can easily accemnt fe>r the e ase 1 with which the latter and his warel Esther, were 1 aelvanced and confirmed in their i)ositie)iis at the court of Xerxes.

    An Ahasuerus is mentioned in E/,r 4 6, as one to whom some persons unnamed wrote an accusa tion against Judah and Jerusalem.

    2. In Ezra Ewald and others have 1 suggest eel

    that this Ahasuerus was Cambyse-s, the son and successor e>f Cyrus. It sen-ins to be more probable that Xerxes, the son and successor of Darius Hystaspis, is meant: first, because in the following ver Artaxe-rxe-s, the sem and successor of Xerxe-s, is mentioned; and secondly, because we have- no evide-nce- whateve-r that Cambyses was ever called Ahasuerus, whereas there is absolute certainty that the 1 Persians Khshayarsha, the Hebrew dhashwerosh, the Greek ASSOIHM OS or Xerxes, and the Lat Ahasuerus, are the exact equivalents of one another.




    Ahab Ahaz

    In the apocryphal book of To!> (14 15 AV) it is said

    that before Tobias died he heard of the destruction

    of Nineveh, which was taken by Na-

    3. In Tobit buchodonosor and Assuerus. This

    Assuerus can have been no other than Cyaxares, who according to Herod. (i.l9b ) took Nin eveh and reduced the Assyrians into subjection, with the exception of the Babylonian district. As we shall see below, he was probably the same as the Ahas- ucrus of Daniel (9 1). The phrase "which was taken by Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus" is not found in the Syr version of Tob.

    An Ahasuerus is said in Daniel 9 1 to have been the father of Darius the Mede, and to have been of the

    seed of the Medes. It is probable

    4. In Daniel that this Ahasuerus is the same as

    the I vakhshatara of the IVrs recen sion of the Behistun inscription, which in the Babylonian is Umaku ishtar, in the Susian Makishtarra, and in Herod Cyaxares. It will be noted that both the Greek Cyaxares and the Hebrew Akhashwerosh omit the preformative wa and the / of the IVrs form I vakh- sliatara. That this Median king had sons living in the time of Cyrus is shown by the fact that two rebel aspirants to the throne in the time of Darius Hystaspis claimed to be his sons, to wit: Fra- vartish, a Median, who lied saying, "I am Khsha- thrita of the family of Uvakhshatara" (Behistun Inscr, col. II, v); and Citrantakhma, who said, "I am king in Hagartia of the family of ("vakli- shatara" (id, II, xiv). If we accept the identifi cation of Gubaru with Darius the Mede, then the latter may well have been another of his sons, at first a sub-king to Astyages the Scythian, as he was later to Cyrus the Persian. R. DICK WILSON

    AHAVA, a-ha va (X TiX , ahdwd ): The river in Babylonia on the banks of which Ezra gathered together the Jews who accompanied him to Jeru salem. At tills rendezvous the company encamped for three days to make preparation for the difficult and dangerous journey (Ezra 8 15 f f). On review ing the people and t he priests Ezra found no Levites among them; he therefore sent lo Iddo, "the chief at the place Ca>iphia." a request for ministers for the temple. A number of Levites with 220 Nethi- nini returned to the rendezvous with the depntat ion. Ezra had expressed lo the king his faith in the pro tection of (!od; being, therefore, ashamed to ask for a military escort he proclaimed a fast to seek of ( lod "a straight way." To , 2 priests Ezra assigned the care 1 of the offering for the temple in .Jerusalem. When all was ready the company "departed from the river Ahava." and journeyed in safety to Jerus.

    This river, apparently called after a town or district toward which if flowed (8 1."), remains unidentified, though many conjectures have been made. Rawlinson thinks it is the "Is" of Herod. (i.79), now called "Hit," which flowed past a town of the same name in the Euphrates basin, 8 days journey from Babylon. Some identify the dis trict with "Ivvah" (2 Kings 18 31, etc). Most prob ably, however, this was one of the numerous canals which intersected Babylonia, flowing from the Euphrates toward a town or district "Ahava." If so, identification is impossible. South V. HUNTER

    AHAZ, a haz ("HX , ,lhnz, "he has grasped," 2 Kings 16; 2 Chronicles 28; "is a 710 ff; A X at, Arhaz): Tin- mane is the same as Jehoahaz; hence 1. Name appears on Tiglath-pileser s Assyr in scription of 732 BC as la-n-f/a-zi. The sacred historians may have 1 dropped the first part of the name in consequence of the character of the king.

    Aha/ was the son of Jotham, king of Judah. lie succeeded to the throne at the age of 20 vears

    (according to another reading 25). The chronol ogy of his reign is difficult, as his son llezekiah is stated to have been 25 years of age

    2. The when he began to reign 16 years after Accession (2 Kings 18 2). If the accession of Ahaz

    be placed as early as 743 BC, his grandfather Uzziah, long unable to perform the functions of his office "on account of his leprosy (2 Chronicles 26 21), must still have been alive. (Others date Ahaz later, when Uzziah, for whom Jotham had acted as regent, was already dead.)

    Although so young, Ahaz seems at once to have

    struck out an independent course wholly opposed

    to the religious traditions of his nation.

    3. Early His first steps in this direction were the Idolatries causing to be made and circulated of

    molten images of the Baalim, and the revival in the valley of Hinnom, south of the city, of the abominations of the worship of Moloch (2 Chronicles 28 2.3). He is declared to have made his own son "pass through the fire (2 Kings 16 3); tin- chronicler puts it even more strongly: he "burnt his children in the fire" (2 Chronicles 28 3J. Other acts of idolatry were to follow.

    The kingdom of Judah was at this time in serious

    peril. Rezin, king of Damascus, and Pekah, king

    of Samaria, had already, in tin days of

    4. Peril Jotham, begun to harass Judah (2 Kings from Syria 15 37); now a conspiracy was formed and Israel to dethrone the young Ahaz, and set

    upon the throne a certain "son of Tabeel" (Isaiah 7 (>). An advance of the two kings was made against Jerus, although without success (2 Kings 16 5; Isaiah 7 1); the Jews were expelled from Elath (2 Kings 16 6), and the country was ravaged, and large numbers taken captive (2 Chronicles 28 off). Consternation was universal. The heart of Ahaz "trembled, and the heart of his people, as the trees of the forest tremble with the wind" (Isaiah 7 2). In his extremity Ahaz appealed to the king of Assyria for help (2 Kings 16 7; 2 Chronicles 28 Hi).

    Amid the general alarm and perturbation, the one

    man untouched by if in Jerus was the prophet

    Isaiah, Undismayed, Isaiah set him-

    5. Isaiah s self, apparently singlehanded, to turn Messages the tide of public opinion from 1 lie- to the King channel in which it was running, the

    seeking of aid from Assyria. His ap peal was to both king and people. By Divine direction, meeting Ahaz "at the end of the conduit of the upper pool, in tin- highway of the fuller s field, he bade him have no fear of "these- two tails of smoking firebrands," Rezin and Pekah, for, like dying torches, they would speedily be extinguished (Isaiah 7 3 ff). If he would not believe this he would not be established (ver {). Failing to win t lie young king s confidence, Isaiah was sent a second time, with the offer from JAH of any sign Ahaz chose to ask, "either in the depth, or in the height above," in attestation of the truth of the Divine word. The frivolous monarch refused the- arbitrament on the hypocritical ground, "1 will not ask, neither will I tempt JAH" (vs 10-12). Possibly his am bassadors were already despatched to the Assyr king. Whenever they went, they took with them a large subsidy with which to buy that ruler s favor (2 Kings 16 S). It was on this occasion (hat Isaiah, in reply to Aha/, gave the reassuring prophecy of Immanuel (Isaiah 7 13 if).

    As respects the people, Isaiah was directed to

    exhibit on "a great tablet" the words "For Maher-

    shalal-hash-baz" ("swift the spoil,

    6. Isaiah s speedy the prey"). This was attested Tablet by two witnesses, one of whom was

    Urijah, the high priest. It was a solemn testimony that, without any action on the part of Judah, "the riches of Damascus and the

    Ahaz, Dial of Ahijah




    spoil of S:im:iri;i shall be carried away before the king of Assyria" (Isaiah 8 1-4).

    It was as the prophet had foretold. Damascus

    fell, Re-zin was killed (2 Kings 16 9), and Israel was

    raided (15 29). The: action brought

    7. Fall of temporary relief to Judah, but had Damascus the effect of placing her under Ihe and Its heel of Assyria. Everyone then living Results knew that there could be no equal

    alliance between Judah and Assyria, and that the request for help, accompanied by the message, "I am thy servant" (2 Kings 16 7.8) and by "presents" of gold and silver, meant the submission of Judah and the annual payment of a heavy tribute. Had Isaiah s counsel been followed, Tiglath-pileser would probably, in his own interests, have been com pelled to crush the coalition, and Judah would have retained her freedom.

    The political storm having blown over for the present, with the final loss of the important, port

    of Elath on the Red Sea (2 Kings 16 t>),

    8. Sun-Dial Ahaz turned his attention to more of Ahaz congenial pursuits. The king was

    somewhat of a dilettante in matters of art, and he set up a sun-dial, which seems to have consisted of a series of steps arranged round a short pillar, the time being indicated by the posi tion of the shadow on the steps (cf 2 Kings 20 9-11; Isaiah 38 8). As it is regarded as possible for the shadow to return 10 steps, it is clear that each .step did not mark an hour of the day, but some smaller period.

    Another act of the king was to remove from the

    elaborate ornamental bases on which they had

    stood (cf 1 Kings 7 27-39), the ten lavera

    9. The of Solomon, and also to remove Lavers and Solomon s molten sea from the 12 Brazen Sea brazen bulls which supported it (cf 1 Kings

    7 2:5-26), the sea being placed upon a raised platform or pavement (2 Kings 16 17). I Yom Jeremiah 52 20, where the prophet sees "the 12 bra/en bulls that were under the bases," it has been conjectured that the object of the change may have been to transfer the lavers to the backs of t he- bulls.

    To this was adele-d a yet more daring act of im piety. In 7;52 Aha/ was, with other vassal prine-es,

    summoned to Damascus to pay hom-

    10. The age to Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings 16 10; his Damascus name appears in the- Assyr inserip- Altar tion). There he saw a heathen altar of

    fanciful pattern, which greatly pleased him. A model of this was sent to 1 rijah the: high priest, with instructions to have, an enlarged copy of it placed in the temple court. On the- king s return to Jerus, he- sacrihYeel at the- ne-w altar, but, not satisfied with its position, gave orde-rs for a change. The altar liael apparently been placeel on the east side of the old altar; directions were: now given for the bra/en altar to be move-d to the north, and the Damascus altar to be- placed in line with it, in front of the te-mple>, giving both equal honor. Orders were furthe-r given to Urijah that the cus tomary sacrifices should be- offeree! on the new altar, now called "the great altar," while the king re- serveel the brazen altar for himself "to inquire bv" (2 Kings 16 15).

    Even this eliel ne>t exhaust the royal innovations.

    We learn from a later notice that the doors of the

    temple porch were shut, that the golden

    11. Further candlestick was not lighte-d, that the Impieties offering of incense was not made, and

    other solemnities were suspeneled (2 Chronicles 29 7). It is not improbable that it was Aha/, who set up the horses of the sun merit ioneel in 2 Kings 23 11, and gave them accommodation in the precincts of the temple. He certainly built the

    "altars .... on the roof of the upper chamber of Ahaz," perhaps above the pe>rch of the- temple, fe>r the adorat ion of the heavenly bodie-s (ver 12). Many othe-r idolatries and acts of national apostasy are re-late-d regarding him (2 Chronicles 28 22 ff).

    In the later years of his unhappy reign there was

    a recurrence of hostilities with the inhabitants of

    Philistia and Eelom, this time with

    12. Recur- disaster to Judah (see the: list of places rence of lost in 2 Chronicles 28 ISouth 19). New appeal Hostilities was_ made to Tiglath-pileser, whose:

    subject Ahaz now was, and costly presents were sent from the temple, the royal palace , and even the, houses of the princes of Judah, but without avail (vs 19-21). The Assyr dis tressed Aha/, but rendered ne> assistance-. I?i his trouble- the- wie-keel king only "trespassed ve-t mem-" (ve-r 22).

    ^ Aha/ elied in 72,8, after 16 years of misused power.

    The exultation with which the event was regarde-d

    is reflecte-d in Isaiah s little prophecy

    13. Death written " in the- year that King Aha/ of Ahaz elieel" (Isaiah 14 28-32). The statement

    in 2 Kings 16 20 that Ahaz "was buried with his fathers in the- city of David" is to be under stood in the light of 2 Chronicles 28 27, that he was buried in Jerusalem, but that his body was not laid in the se-pulche-rs of the kings of Israel, His name- appears in the royal genealogies in 1 Chronicles 3 13 and Matthew 1 9.


    AHAZIAH, a-ha-zl a (rPTHX and fthazi/uk and dhazyahu, "JAH holds, or sustains "):

    /. Ahaziah. Son of Aliab and Jezebel, eighth king of Israel (I K 22 512 Kings 1 IS).

    Ahaziah became king e>ver Israel in the seven

    teenth year of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, and

    he re-igne-d two years, 854-853 BC.

    1. His There is here an incongruity between Reign the syne-hronism and (lie- length of the

    reigns of the kings. Jehoshaphat be gan to reign in the- fourth year of Ahab (1 Kings 22 41), and lie re-igned 22 years (I K 16 29). Accord ingly Ahaziah s first, year, in the- twenty-second year of Ahab, would fall in the- nineteenth year of Jehoshaphat. The chronological statement on 2 Kings 1 17 is probably taken from the Syr, and both are in harmony with a method of computation followed by certain C.r AISSouth

    A gexxl name- does not insure a good character.

    Ahaziah, the- "God-sustained," served Baal and

    worshippe-d him, and pre>ve>ke-d to anger

    2. His Jehovah, the- (iod of Israel, just as Character his father before him had done. He

    appe-ars to have: been weak and un fortunate, and calamities in quick succession pur sued him.

    Ahab hael sought the good and became an enemy

    to the best. His house- and the nation suffered the

    consequences. "Moab re:belle-d against

    3. The Israe-1 after the death of Ahab." Revolt of Ahaziah appears to have been too Moab weak to offer resistance. The Moabite

    Stone- dates the revolt in the days of Ahab. No doubt it began at the time of Ahab s last campaign against Syria.

    According to 1 Kings 22 48 f Ahaziah attempted

    to form an alliance with Jehoshaphat of Judah to

    revive the ancient maritime traffic, but

    4. His failed. According to 2 Chronicles 20 35-37 Maritime the alliance was consummated, in con- Alliance sequence of which the enterprise came

    to nothing. See JEHOSHAPHAT. Ahaziah suffered a severe accident by falling through the lattice in his upper apartment in




    Ahaz, Dial of Ahijah

    Samaria, and lay sick. As a worthy son of Jezebel and Ahah, he sent messengers to consult Baal- zebub, the god of Ekron, regarding 6. His his recovery. But Israel belonged

    Sickness to Jehovah. Accordingly the mes- and Death sengers were met by the prophet Elijah who for the last time warns against the corrupting moral influences of the Baal religion. "Thus saith Jehovah, Is it because then- is no God in Israel, that thou sendest to inquire of Baal-zebub, the god of Ekron? therefore thou shalt not come down from the bed whither thou art gone up, but shalt surely die" was the message which he sent back to the embassy, and the death of the king speedily followed.

    //. Ahaziah. Sixth king of Judah (2 Kings 8 25- 29; 9 10f = 2 Chronicles 22 1-!); also written Jehoahaz (2 Chronicles 21 17; 25 23), which is merely a trans position of the component parts of the compound. The form "Azariah (2 Chronicles 22 G) is an error, fifteen Hebrew MSS and all the VSS reading Ahaziah.

    Ahaziah, youngest son of Jehoram, began to

    reign in the twelfth year (2 Kings 8 25) of Jehoram of

    Israel. In 2 Kings" 9 29 it is stated as the

    1. His eleventh. The former is probably the Brief Hebrew, the latter the Greek method of corn- Reign putation, the LXX Luc also reading

    eleventh in 8 25. He was 22 years old when he began to reign and he reigned one year (2 Kings 8 2(5). The reading "forty two" (2 Chronicles 22 2> is a scribal error, since according to 2 Chronicles 21 5.20 Jehoram the father was only 40 years old at the time of his death. Syr, Arab, and Luc. read 22, LXX H 20. See CHRONOLOGY OF OT.

    (Of 2 Kings 8 27; 2 Chronicles 22 3,1.) In view of the disaster which befell the royal house (2 Chronicles 21 1(5.

    17), the inhabit ants of Jerusalem

    2. His placed Ahaziah the youngest son upon Character the throne. That "he walked in the

    way of the house of Aliab" is exempli fied by Chronicles to the effect that his mother, the daugh ter of Jezebel, counseled him in the ways of wicked ness and that the house of Ahab led him to his destruction. The? influence of Jezebel was at work in Judah. Ahaziah dedicated "hallowed things" to JAH (2 Kings 12 18), but he did evil in JAH s eyes.

    (Cf 2 Kings 8 28.2!); 2 Chronicles 22 5.0.) Ahaziah cul tivated the relations which had been established

    between the two kingdoms by Ahab.

    3. His Alii- Accordingly he joined his uncle Jeho- ance with ram of Israel in an expedition against Jehoram of Hazael, king of Syria. Ramoth-gilead Israel was captured and held for Israel against

    the king of Syria (2 Kings 9 14). How ever, Jehoram of Israel was wounded and returned to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds. It appears that the army was left in charge of Jehu at Ramoth- gilead. Ahaziah apparently went to Jems and later went down to Jezreel to visit Jehoram. In the mean time Jehu formed a conspiracy against Jehoram.

    The death of Ahaziah, as told in 2 Kings 9 10 f, differs from the account in 2 Chronicles 22 7-0. Accord ing to the account in K, Ahaziah who

    4. His is visiting Jehoram, joins him in a Death separate; chariot to meet Jehu. Je horam suspecting treachery turns to

    flee, but an arrow from the bow of Jehu pierces his heart and he dies in his chariot. Ahaziah tries to escape, but is overtaken near Ibleam and mor tally wounded by one of Jehu s men. He fled to the fortress of Megiddo, where he died. His servants conveyed his body in a chariot, to Jerus, where he was buried. According to the Chronicler, this account is very much abbreviated (2 Chronicles 22 7 f). His destruction is of God because of his alliance with Jehoram. Jehu, who was executing judgment on the house of Ahab, first slew the kins

    men of Ahaziah. He then sought Ahaziah who was hiding in Samaria. AY hen he was found, he was brought to Jehu and put to death. He was buried, but where and by whom we are not, told.

    That there were other traditions respecting the death of Ahaziah, is proved by Jos, who says that when Ahaziah was wounded he left his chariot and fled on horseback to Megiddo, where he was well cared for by his servants until he died (Ant, IX, vi, 3). South K. MOSIMAN

    AHBAN, ii ban ("2HX , afjhdn, "brother of an intelligent one"[?] Ax.a|3d.p, Acliabdr): The son of Abishur of the tribe of Judah (I Chronicles 2 29).

    AHER, a/her (inX , nlii-r, "another"; A^>, Aer): A man of Benjamin (I Chronicles 7 12), apparently a contracted form, perhaps the same as Ahiram (AV) (Judges 26 38) or Aharah (1 Chronicles 8 1).

    AHI or AH in proper names (TlSl or HS? , dhl or ak "brother"): The usage is practically the same with that of abh, dbhi. See Am; NAMKS, PKOPEK.

    AHI, a/hi pnX , dhl, "my brother," or perhaps a contraction from AHIJAH, which see): (1) A mem ber of the tribe of Cad (1 Chronicles 6 15). (2) A member of the tribe of Asher (1 Chronicles 7 34).

    AHIAH, a-hi a: A variant in AV (1 Samuel 14 3.18; 1 Kings 4 3; 1 Chronicles 8 7) for AHIJAH, which see. Also in theRV (Neh 10 20).

    AHIAM, a-hl am (uX n nX , dhl dm, "mother s brother"): One of David s thirty heroes. He was the son ot Sharar (2 Samuel 23 33) or "according to 1 Chronicles 11 35 of Sacar, the Hararite.

    AHIAN, a-hl an O^nS , V //", "brotherly"): A son of Shemida of the tribe of Manasseh (1 Chronicles 7 19).

    AHIEZER, a-hl-e zer (ITjpnS! , u/nY^r, "brother is help"): (1) A son of Ammishaddai, a Danite prince-, who acted as representative of his tribe on several occasions. (See Nil 1 12; 2 25; 7 00.71; 10 25.) (2) One of the mighty men or warriors, who joined David at Ziklag when a fugitive before Saul (1 Chronicles 12 3).

    AHIHUD, a-hl hud p*mnS! , dfulnWi, "brother is majesty"): (1) One of the chief men of the tribe of Asher. He was selected by Moses to help divide the land west of the Jordan (Numbers 34 27). (2) A son of Ehud of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 6.7). The text here is obscure and probably corrupt.

    AHIJAH, a-hl ja (rPnX or VPT1S5, dhlijdh or dljlijdliu, "brother of JAH," "my brother is JAH," "JAH is brother." In AV the name sometimes appears as Ahiah) :

    (1) One of the sons of Jerahmeel the great-grand son of Judah (1 Chronicles 2 25).

    (2) A descendant of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 7).

    (3) The son of Ahitub, priest in the time of King Saul (1 Samuel 14 3.18). Either he is the same with Ahimelech, who is mentioned later, or he is the father or brother of Ahimelech. He is introduced to us when Saul has been so long on the throne that his son Jonathan is a man grown and a warrior. He is in attendance upon Saul, evidently as an official priest, "wearing an ephod." When Saul wishes direction from God he asks the priest to bring hither the ark; but then, without waiting for the message, Saul counts the confusion in the Phili camp a sufficient indicat ion of the will of Providence, and hurries off to the attack. Some copies of the Greek

    Ahikam AMo




    here read "ephod" instead of "ark/ but the docu mentary evidence in favor of that reading is far from decisive. If I he Ilel> reading is correct, then the seclusion of the ark, from the time of its return from Philistia to the time of David, was not so absolute as many have supposed. See AHI.MKLKCH I.

    (4) One of David s mighty men, according to the list in 1 Chronicles 11 3C>. The corresponding name in the list in 2 8 23 31 is Eliam the son of Ahithophel the Gilonite.

    (5) A Levite of David s lime who had charge of certain treasures connected with the house of Clod (1 Chronicles 26 20). The (!r copies presuppose the slightly different text which would give in Eng. "and their brethren," instead of Ahijah. This is accepted by many scholars, and It is at least more plausible than most of the proposed corrections of the Hebrew text by the Cir.

    (6) Son of Shisha and brother of Elihoreph (1 Kings 4 3). The two brothers were scribes of Solomon. Can the scribes Ahijah and Shemaiah (1 Chronicles 24 <>) be identified with the men of the same names who, later, were known as distinguished prophets? Shisha is probably the same with Shavsha (1 Chronicles 18 1(>; cf 2 Samuel 8 17; 20 2.">), who was scribe under David, the office in this case descending from father to eon.

    (7) The distinguished prophet of Shiloh, who was interested in Jeroboam 1. In Solomon s lifetime Ahijah clothed himself with a new robe, met Jero boam outside Jerusalem, tore the robe into twelve pieces, and gave him ten, in token that he should become king of the ten tribes (1 Kings 11 2 ( .)-3 J). Later, when Jeroboam had proved unfaithful to JAH, he sent his wife to Ahijah to ask in regard to their sick son. The prophet received her harshly, foretold the death of the son, and threatened the extermination of the house of Jeroboam (1 Kings 14). The narrative makes the impression that Ahijah was at this time a very old man (ver 4). These incidents are differently narrated in the long addi tion at 1 Kings 12 24 found in some of the (Ir copies. In that: addition the account of the sick boy pre cedes that of the rent garment, and both are placed between the account of Jeroboam s return from Egypt and that of the. secession of the ten tribes, an order in which it is impossible to think that the events occurred. Further, this addition attributes the incident of the rent garment, to Shemaiah and not to Ahijah, and says that Ahijah was (i() years old.

    Other notices speak of the fulfilment of the threat ening prophecies spoken bv Ahijah (2 Chronicles 10 Ifr 1 Kings 12 l-i; 16 20). In 2 Chronicles "the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite" is referred to as a source for the history of Solomon (9 20).

    (S) The father of Baasha king of Israel (1 Kings 15 27.33; 21 22; 2 Kings 9 !).

    ( .) A Levite of Nehemiah s time, who sealed the covenant (Neli 10 2(5 AV). WILLIS J. BKKCHKU

    AHIKAM, a-hl kam (=p T , ntim, my brother has risen up ) : A prominent man of the time 1 of King Josiah and the following decades (2 Kings 22 12.14; 25 22; 2 Chronicles 34 20; Jeremiah 26 24; 39 14- 40 r>ff; 41 1 ff; 43 6). He was the son of Sha phan, who very likely is to be identified with Shaphan the scribe, who was at that time so promi nent. Ahikam was the father of (ledaliah, whom, on the capture of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar made governor of the land. Ahikam was a member of the deputation sent by Josiah to the prophetess Huldah to consult her concerning the contents of the Book of the Law which had been found. F rider Jehoiakim he had sufficient influence to protect Jeremiah from being put to death. On the capture of Jerusalem Nebuchadnezzar committed Jeremiah into the care of Gedaliah. It is clear that both

    Shaphan and his son, like Jeremiah, belonged to the party which held that the men of Judah were under obligation to keep the oath which they had sworn to the king of Babylon. WILLIS J. BEECHEH

    AHILUD, a-lu lud (T^nX, ahiludh, "child s brother," perhaps): The father of Jehoshaphat, who is mentioned as "recorder" in both the earlier and the later lists under David, and in the list under Solomon (2 Samuel 8 1(1 and 1 Chronicles 18 lf>; 2 Samuel 20 24; 1 Kings 4 3). In the absence of proof we may assume that the father of Baana, one of Solomon s district superintendents, was the same Ahilud (1 Kings 4 12).

    AHIMAAZ, a-hi-ma az, a-him a-a/ ( } &hlma?a$, perhaps "my brother is rage," or "broth er of rage"):

    (1) Father of Ahinoam the wife of King Saul (1 Samuel 14 ->().

    (2) The son of Zadok the high priest (1 Chronicles 6 South .).f>3). With his father he remained loyal to David in the rebellions both of Absalom and of Adonijah. With Jonathan the son of Abiathar he carried information to David when he fled from Absalom (2 Samuel 15 27.3(1; 17 17.20). At his own urgent request he carried tidings to David after the death of Absalom (2 Samuel 18 19 IT), lie told the king of the victory, and also, through his re luctance to speak, informed him of Absalom s death. By his reluctance and his sympathy he softened a little the message, which the Cushitc presently repeated more harshly.

    That Ahimaa/ did not succeed his father as high priest has been inferred from the fact that in the Solomon list of heads of departments (1 Kings 4 2) A/ariah the son of Zadok is mentioned as priest. It is assumed that this A/ariah is the one who ap pears in the genealogy as the son of Ahimaa/, and that for some reason Ahimaa/ was left out of the succession. These inferences are not justified by the record, though possibly the record does not absolutely disprove them. As the list stands it makes Zadok and Abiathar the high priests. A/ari ah and Zabud, the son of Nathan (vs 2.. r >), are spoken of as holding priestly offices of a different, kind. Ahimaa/ may have died early, or may have; followed some other career, but the simple fact is that we do not know.

    (3) Ahimaa/, in Naphtali, was one of Solo mon s twelve commissary officers (1 Kings 4 If), who married Basemath the daughter of Solomon. It is not impossible thai he was Ahimaa/ the son of Zadok, though there is no proof to that effect.


    AHIMAN, a-hl man (T^THX , d/nnnni, per haps, "brother of fortune," or, "my brother is fort une") :

    (1) One of the names given as those- of the three "children of the Anak" (Numbers 13 22; Joshua 15 II; cf Numbers 13 2S; 2 Samuel 21 10. IS), or the three "sons of the Anak" (Joshua 15 14; Judges 1 20). The three names (Ahiman, Shcshai, Talmai) also occur to gether in Judges 1 Kings). The word Anak in the Hebrew Bible has the definite article except in Numbers 13 33 and Deuteronomy 9 2. Its use is that of a common noun denoting a certain type of man, rather than as the proper name of a person or a clan, though this need not prevent our thinking of the Anakim as a clan or group of clans, who regarded Arba as their founder. The question is raised whether Ahiman and Sheshai and Talmai are to be thought of as persons or as clans. The most natural understand ing of the Bible statements is certainly to the effect that they were personal leaders among the Anakim of Kiriath-arba (Hebron). They were smitten and dispossessed by the tribe of Judah, with Caleb for leader.




    Ahikam Ahio

    (2) A Levite, one of the gatekeepers of the latest Bible times (1 Chronicles 9 17). He is associated with Akkub and Talmon and their brethren: ef Neh 11 19. WILLIS J. BEECHEH

    AHIMELECH, a-him e-lek (TfpinS , dhlmcU-kh, "brother of a kins," or, "my brother is king," or, "kins i s brother") :

    (1) The father of David s high priest Abiathar: son of Ahitub, the son of Phinehas, the son of Eli (1 Samuel 21 1.2.S; 22 9-20; 23 0; 30 7). Ahijah the son of Ahitub (1 Samuel 14 3.18) was either the same person under another name, or was Ahim- elech s father or brother. See AIU.IAII, 3. Ahim- elecli is an interest in" person, especially because he stands for whatever information we have con cerning the priestly office in Israel during the period between Eli and David. Whether the Dcutero- nomic law for a central sanctuary originated with Moses or not, its provisions were very imperfectly carried out during the times of the Judges. This was particularly tin case after the capture of the ark by the Philistines, and the deaths of Eli and his sons. From that time to the middle of the reign of David the ark was in the custody of the men of Kiriath-jearim "in the hill," or "in (iibeah" (1 Samuel 71; 2 Samuel 6 2.o). As a general proposition Israel "sought not unto it" (1 Chronicles 13 3), though then- is nothing to forbid the idea 1 1 1,- 1 1 it may, on occasion, have been brought out from its seclusion (1 Samuel 14 IS). Before and after the accession of Saul some of the functions of the national sand nary were t ran>- acted, of course very incompletely, at Cilgal (1 Samuel 10 S; 11 14.15; 13 7ff; 15 12.21.33). Whether there was a priesthood, with Ahitub the grandson of Eli as high priest, is a matter on which we have no information; but we may remind ourselves that the common assumption that such men as Samuel and Saul performed priestly offices is nothing but an assumpt ion.

    Alter Saul has been king for a good many years we find Ahijah in his retinue, acting as priest and wearing priestly vestments. A few years later Ahimelech is at the head of the very considerable priestly establishment at Nob. The scale on which it existed is indicated by the fact that sf> robed priests perished in the massacre (1 Samuel 22 ISj. They had families residing at Nob (ver 19). They were thought of as priests of Jehovah, and were held in reverence (ver 17). It was a hereditary priesthood (vs 11. If). Men deposited votive offerings there, the sword of Coliath, for example (21 9). There seems to have been some kind of police authority, whereby a person might be "de tained" (21 7). It was customary to inquire of JAH there (22 10. If). A distinction was made be tween the common and the holy (21 4-0). The custom of the shewlm-ad was maintained (21 0). In line, Jesus is crit ically correct in calling the place "the house of dod" (Mark 2 20). The account does not say that the ark was there, or that the burnt-offering of the morning and evening was offered, or that the great festivals were held. The priestly head of the establishment at Nob i.s repre sented to have been the man who had the right to the office through his descent from Aaron. It is gratuitous to assume that there were other similar sanctuaries in Israel, though the proposition that there were none might be, like other negative propo sitions, hard to establish bv positive proof.

    (2) A son of Abiathar (2 Samuel 8 17; 1 Chronicles 18 10; 24 0), and grandson of the above. In a list of the heads of departments under David, a list belonging later than the middle of David s 40 years, and in which David s sons appear, this Ahimelech, the son of David s friend, is mentioned as sharing with Zadok a high position in the priesthood. In

    this capacity, later, he shared with David and Zadok in the apportionment of the priests into 24 ancestral classes, 16 of the house of Eleazar, and S of the house of Ithanmr (1 Chronicles 24). In this account Ahimelech is mentioned three times, and with some detail. It is alleged as a difficulty that Abiathar was then living, and was high priest along with Zadok (1 Chronicles 15 11; 2 Samuel 15 29; 19 ] 1 ; 20 2f>; 1 Kings 2 27.!io; 4 4, etc). But surely there is no improbability in the affirmation that Abiathar had a son named Ahimelech, or that this son performed prominent prieslly functions in his father s lifetime.

    Many regard "Ahimelech the son of Abiathar" (Matthew gives A/n melech) as an inadvertent transposi tion for "Abiathar the son of Ahimelech." This is rather plausible in the passage in 2 Samuel 8 and the duplicate of it in 1 Chronicles 18 10, but it has no applica tion in the detailed account in 1 Chronicles 24. One must accept Ahimelech the son of Abiathar as historical unless, indeed, one regards the testimony of Chronicles to a fact as evidence in disproof of that fact. See AIUATHAK.

    (3) A Hittite, a companion and friend of David, when he was hiding from Saul in the wilderness (1 Samuel 26 0). WILLIS J. BKKCHKH

    AHIMOTH, a-hl moth (iVVaTIS , ahlnidth, "brother of death," or, "my brother is death"): A descendant of Kohath the son of Lev! (1 Chronicles 6 2f>); ancestor of Elkanah the father of Samuel. The name Mahath holds a similar place in the list that follows (6 of).

    AHINADAB, a-hin a-dab P ^nS , alnnwilinbli, "brother of willingness," or, "my brother is will ing"): Decidedly the ordinary use of the stem udd fidhh is to denote willingness rather than liber ality or nobleness. One of Solomon s twelve com missary officers (1 Kings 4 11). He was the son of Iddo, and his district was Mahanaim.

    AHINOAM, a-hi-no am, a-hin o-am (""ZTIN (l/jli/O iiiti , "my brother is pleasantness"):

    (1 ) I )aughter of Ahimaax, and wife of King Saul (1 Samuel 14 50).

    (2) The woman from Jex.reel whom David mar ried after Saul gave Michal to another husband. She and Abigail, the widow of Nabal, seem to have been David s only wives prior to the beginning of his reign in Hebron. His marriage to Abigail is mentioned first, with some details, followed by the statement, easily to be understood in the pluper fect, that he had previously married Ahinoam (1 Samuel 25 39 Hi. Three times they are mentioned to gether. Ahinoam always first (I S 27 :!; 30 f>; 2 Samuel 2 2), and Ahinoam is the mo! her of David s first. son, and Abigail of his second (2 Samuel 3 2; 1 Chronicles 3 1). Ahinoam s son was Amnon. The record really rep resents David s polygamy as a series of bids for political influence; the names of Amnon. Absalom, Adonijah suggest that the method was not finally a success. WILLIS J. BKKCHKK

    AHIO, a-hl d ("PnS5 , ahyd, variously explained as "his brother," "brotherly," "brother of JAH," "my brother is JAH"): Proper names containing a similar form of the name of JAH are found on the oxtrucci recently exhumed at Samaria. Tin- word is always treated as a common noun in the ordinary Or copies, being rendered either "brother" or "brothers," or "his brother" or "his brothers"; but this is probably to be taken as an instance of the relative inferiority of the Or text as compared with the MT. See OSTRAOA.

    (1 ) One of the sons of Beriah. the son of Elpaal, the son of Shaharaim and llushim, reckoned among the families of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 11). Beriah

    Ahira Ai



    and Shema are described as ancestral heads "of the inhabitants of Aijalon, who put to flight the in habitants of C.ath."

    (2) A descendant of Jeiel ("the fat her of Oibeon") and his ,vife Maacah (1 Cli 8 31; 9 37). King Saul apparently came from the same family (8 30 33; 9 39).

    (3) One of the men who drove the new cart when David first, attempted to bring the ark from the house of Abinadab to Jems ( 2 Samuel 6 3.4; 1 Chronicles 13 7). In Samuel I /za and Ahio are called sons of Abinadab. By the most natural understanding of the Biblical data about 100 years had elapsed since the ark was brought to the house; they were sons of that Abinadab in the sense of being his descendants. Whether he had a successor of the same name Hying in David s time is a matter of conjecture. WILLIS J. BKKCIIKH

    AHIRA, a-hl ra (2T~X , a/nm, "brother of evil," or, "my brother is evil"): A man of Naph- tali, contemporary with Moses. He is five limes mentioned as the son of Kuan. lie was the repre sentative of his tribe who assisted Moses in the census (Numbers 1 !.">). I le was the hereditary "prince" of Jhe tribe; lie made the tribal offering (Numbers 2 2<); 7 7S; cf ver S3), and was commander of the tribal host when on the march (Numbers 10 27).

    AHIRAM, a-hl ram (ZTT1X, alnrani, "exalted brother," or "my brother is exalted"): A son of Benjamin. .Mentioned third of the five in Numbers 26 3South3!). In 1 Chronicles 8 1 five sons are likewise men tioned, being explicitly numbered; the third name, Aharah ( ahrahj, is conjectured to be either a corruption of Ahiram or a different name for the same person. In 1 Chronicles 7 (iff is a fuller list of Benjamite names, but it is fragmentary and not clear. In it. occurs Aher ( tih<~r), which may be either Ahiram or Aharah with the end of the word lost. In (ien 46 21 ten sons of Benjamin are men tioned, some being there counted as sons who, in the other lists, are spoken of as more- remote descend ants. In this list Ehi (Wi7) is perhaps Ahiram apocopated. See AHARAH; AHKK; Em.

    ,, J. BKKCHKK

    AHIRAMITE, a-hl ram-Tt fE^ntf , a/mv7///7, of the family of Ahiram"; Numbers 26 38). See AHIKAM.

    AHISAMACH, a-his a-mak (TGC^nS, Y//,7.y7- tnakh, "my brother supports"): A nmn of the tribe of Dan, father of Oholiab, who was the assistant of Bezalel in I he building of the tent of meet ing and preparing its furniture (Exodus 31 (i; 35 34; 38 23j.

    AHISHAHAR, a-hish a-hfir

    "brother of dawn"): One of the sons of Billian, the son of Jediael, the son of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 7 10).

    AHISHAR, a-hish -ir (1Tpn , Mnxlinr, "my brother has sung"): Mentioned in Solomon s list of heads of departments as "over the household" (1 Kings 4 6).

    AHITHOPHEL, a-hith o-fel (bErTTX , W/7///- pfn-l, "brother of foolishness," perhaps): The real leader of the Absalom rebellion against David. He is described as "the king s counsellor," in a context connected with events SOUK- of which are dated in the fortieth year of David (1 Chronicles 27 33. 34; cf 26 31). Concerning him and his part in the rebellion we have rather full information (2 Samuel 15 12fT).

    Some hold that he was the grandfather of Bath sheba, and make much of this in forming their estimates of him. Does the evidence sustain this view? In I he latter half of the list of David s mighty

    men, not among the older veterans with whom the list begins, appears "Eliam the son of Ahithophel the Gilonite" (2 Samuel 23 34), the corresponding name in the other copy of the list being "Ahijah the Pelo- mte" (1 Chronicles 11 3(i). It is assumed that, this is the same Eliam who was fat her to Bath-sheba (2 Samuel 11 3) Apparently the Chronicler testifies (1 Chronicles 3 r>) that the mother of Solomon was "Bath-shua the daughter of Ammiel." Bathshua may easily be a variant, of Bathsheba, and the names Eliam and Ammiel are made up of the same parts, only in reversed order. It, is not strange that men have inferred that the son of Ahithophel was the father of Bath sheba.^ But the inference is really not a probable one. The record does not make the impression that Ahithophel was an older man than David. The recorded events of David s life after his mis conduct with Bathsheba cannot have occupied less than about twenty years; that is, he cannot have been at the time older than about fifty years. That Ahithophel had then a married granddaughter is I less probable than that there were in Israel two Eliams. Further, Ahithophel was not the sort of man to conspire against the interests of his grand daughter and her son, however he may, earlier, have resented the conduct of David toward her. Ahithophel s motive in the rebellion was doubtless ambition for personal power, though he very likely shared with many of his countrymen in the convic tion that it was unjust to push aside an older son by elevating a younger son to the throne.

    Ahithophel has a reputation for marvelous practical sagacity (2 Samuel 16 23). He did not show this in joining the conspiracy but it is in evidence in his management of the affair. According to the record the hearts of 1 he people, in spite of the much fault they had to find, were all the time with David. Absalom s only chance of success was by the method of surprise and stampede. There must be a crisis in which everybody would join Absalom because everybody thought that everybody else had done so. Such a state of public sentiment could last only a very few days; but if, in those few days, David could be put out of the way, Absalom might hold the throne in virtue of his personal popularity and in default of a rival. The first part of the program was carried out with wonderful success; when it. came to the second part, Ahithophel s practical wisdom was blocked by Hushai s adroit appeal to Absalom s personal vanity. Ahithophel saw with absolute clearness that Absalom had sacrificed his one opportunity, and he committed suicide to avoid participation in the shameful defeat which he saw could not be averted. WILLIS J. BKKTIIKK

    AHITOB, a-hl tob ( A,iTu>fi, ArJiUnh; A VAchitob) : One of the ancestors of Exra (1 Esdras 8 2 2 Esdras 11). Cf Anrrri<, 3 (E/r 7 2 et al.).

    AHITUB, a-hT tub (^iTnX , (ihitabl,, brother of goodness," i.e. "good brother," or, "my brother is goodness") :

    (1) The brother of Ichabod and son of Pliinehas the son of Eli (1 Samuel 14 3; 22, Accord ing to 1 Chronicles 24 he and his line were descended from Aaron through Ithamar. The record implies that, he was born while his father and grandfather were priests at Shiloh, and it says that he was the father and grandfather of priests; but it is silent, as to his own exercise of the priestly office. We have no information concerning the office from the time when the Philis captured the ark till Saul became king. See AHIJAH; AHIMELECH; AHIATHAR.

    (2) A descendant of Aaron through Eleazar: by this fact distinguished from Ahitub, the descend ant of Ithamar, though nearly contemporaneous with him. Esp. known as the father of Zadok




    Ahira Ai

    who, at Solomon s accession, became sole high priest (2 Samuel 8 17; 1 Chronicles 6 8; 18 1(3). His genea logical line, from Levi to the Exile, is given in 1 Chronicles 6 1-15 (5 27-41). The three successive names, Ahitub and Zadok and Ahimaaz, appear in 2 Samuel (8 17; 15 27, etc). The line is paralleled by select ed names in Ezra 7 1-5, and relatively late parts of it are paralleled in 1 Chronicles 9 11 and Neh 11 11. The best explanation of certain phenomena in Chronicles is that the record was copied from originals that ,vere more or less fragmentary. In some cases, also, a writer gives only such parts of a genealogy as are needed for his purpose. It is due to these causes that there are many omissions in the genea logical lists, and that they supplement one another. Allowing for these facts there is no reason why we should not regard the genealogies of Ahitub as having distinct historical value.

    (3) In the genealogies, in the seventh generation from Ahitub, the descendant of Eleazar, appears another Ahitub, the son of another Ainariah and the father (or grandfather) of another Zadok (1 Chronicles 6 11 [5 37]; 911; Neh 11 11). The list in Ezra 7 omits a block of names, and 1 he Ahitub there named may be either 2 or 3. lie is mentioned in 1 Esdras 8 2 and 2 Esdras 1 1, and the name occurs in Jth 81. In these places it appears in the Eng. ver sions in the various forms Ahitub, Ahitob, Achitob, Acitho. WILLIS J. BKKCUKK

    AHLAB, ii Iab (35P1S , ahlabh, "fat or fruitful") : A town of Aslier. It is clear, however, that the Israelites failed to drive away the original inhabi tants (,Judges 1 31). Some have identified Ahlab with Guxk 1 1 (dab or Geschila, northwest of the Sea of Galilee.

    AHLAI, ii H C^nX, ulilaij "O would that!"): (1) A Son of Sheshan (1 Chronicles 2 31) or according to ver 34 a daughter of Sheshan, for here we read: "Now Sheshan had no sons, but daughters." (2) The father of Zabad, a soldier in David s army (1 Chronicles 11 41).

    AHOAH, a-hd a (rnX , ,?///. "brotherly"!?]): A son of Bela of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 4).

    AHOHITE, a-ho hlt (VHnX , dhohl): A patro nymic employed in connection with the descendants of AHOAH (q.v.) such as Dodai (2 Samuel 23 9) or Dodo 1 Chronicles 11 12), Ilai (12!) or Zalmon (2 Samuel 23 28), and also Eleazar, son of Dodo (1 Chronicles 11 12). The family must have been fond of military affairs, for all the above were officers in David and Solomon s

    AHOLAH, a-ho la. See OHOLAH. AHOLIAB, a-ho-ll ab. See OHOLIAH. AHOLIAH, a-ho-ll a. See ( )HOLIAII. AHOLIBAH, a-hd li-ba. See OHOLIHAH. AHOLIBAMAH, a-ho-li-ba ma. See* )HOLIHAMAH.

    AHUMAI, a-hu mfi-I, a-hu mi p^nX , dhumay, "brother of water" [?]): A descendant of Shobal of the tribe of Judah (1 Chronicles 4 2).

    AHUZZAM, a-huz am, AHUZAM, a-hu zam (C-inS , dhuzzdm, "possessor"): A son of Ashahur of the tribe of Judah; his mother s name was Naarah (1 Chronicles 4 6); written Ahuzam in AV.

    AHUZZATH, a-huz ath (n-?n, ahuzzath, "pos session"): A "friend" perhaps a minister, of Abim- elech, king of Gerar. He together with Phicol,

    commander of the army, accompanied their sov ereign to Beersheba to make a covenant with Isaac ((Jen 26 2(1). The termination -ath reminds us of Phili proper names, such as Gath, Goliath, etc. Cf Genubath (1 Kings 11 20).

    AHZAI, a zi pTn$, ahzay, "my protector"): A priest who resided in Jems (Neh 11 13). The AV has Ahasai which is probably the same as Jahzevah of 1 Chronicles 9 12.

    AI, a/I C 1 " , //> written always with the def. art., " yn, /(- //) probably meaning the ruin," kindred root, ~" : " , *a,wah) .

    (1) A town of ctMitral Palestine, in the tribe of Benjamin, near and just east of Bethel (Genesis 12 8). It is identified with the modern Utiii/ii/t. just south of the village Di r Din nn (Conder in HDB; Delitzsch in Co nun. on Genesis 12 8) or with a mound, El-Tell, to the north of the modern village (Davis, Diet. Bib.). The name first appears in the earliest journey of Abraham through Pal (Genesis 12 8), where its location is given as east of Bethel, and near the altar which Abraham built between the

    Ascont to Ai: Path to Elijah s Translation.

    two places. It is given similar mention as he re turns from his sojourn in Egypt (Genesis 13 3). In both of these occurrences the AV has the form Hai, including the article in transliterating. The most conspicuous mention of Ai is in the 1 narrative of the Conquest. As a consequence of the 1 sin of Achan in appropriating articles from the devoted spoil of Jericho, the Israelites were 1 routed in the attack upon the town; but after confession and expiation, a second assault was successful, the city was taken and burned, and left a heap of ruins, the inhabitants, in number twelve 1 thousand, were put to death, the king captured, hanged and buried under a heap of stones at the gate of the ruined city, only the cattle being kept as spoil by the people (Joshua 7, 8). The town had not been rebuilt when Joshua was written (Joshua 8 28). The fall of Ai gave the Israelites entrance to the heart of Canaan, where at once they became established, Bethel and other towns in the vicinity seeming to have yielded with out a struggle. Ai was rebuilt at some later period, and is mentioned by ]sa (10 28) in his vivid descrip tion of the approach of the Assyr army, the feminine form (r,*y, ,iyydth) being used. Its place in the order of march, as just beyond Michmash from Jerusalem, corresponds with the identification given above. It is mentioned also in post-exilic times by Ezra (2 28) and Neh (7 32, and in 11 31 as fiT? , //?/ ), identified in each case by the grouping with Bethel.

    (2) The Ai of Jeremiah 49 3 is an Ammonite town, the text probably being a corruption of "iy , Vlr; or ~r"n, ka- lr, "the city" (BI)B). EDWAKD MACK

    Aiah Alema




    AIAH, u ya (I~PS , nyyuh, "falcon"; once in AV Ajah, (Ion 36 24): (1) A I Ionic, son of Ziheon, and brother of Anah, who was father of one of Esau s wives (den 36 24; 1 Chronicles 1 40). (2) Father of Ri/pah, a concubine of Saul, about whom Ish- bosheth falsely accused Abner (.2 Samuel 3 7), and whose sons were hanged to appease (he dibeonites, whom Saul had wronged (2 Samuel 21 8-11).

    AIATH, a yath (P*? , V; //////>): Found in Isaiah 10 28; feminine form of the city Ai (q.v.J.

    AID, ad (pin , hdznh, "to strengthen," "to aid"): A military term used only once in OT in AV (.Igs

    9 21) and displaced in RV by the lit. rendering, "who strengthened his hands." The men of She- cheni supported Abimelech in his fratricidal crime, with money, enabling him to hire men to murder his brethren. The fundamental idea in the word, as used in the OT, is abounding strength.

    AIJA, a-I ja (i?*-?, V/// // ): A form of name for city Ai, found in Nell 11 31. See Ai; AIATH.

    AIJALON, a ja-lon (~i2**$, ayyaldn, "deerplace"; AV Ajalon [Joshua 10 12]):*

    (1) The name of a town allotted I o I lie tribe of Dan (Joshua 19 42), which was also designated a Levitical city (Joshua 21 21), which fell to (lie Sons of Kohath (1 Chronicles 6 00). The first mention of Aijalon is in the narrative of Joshua s defeat of the five Amorite kings: "thou, Moon, in the valley of Aijalon" (Joshua

    10 12). The Danite.s failed to take it from the

    Valley of Aijalon.

    Amorites (Judges 1 3~>), although the men of Ephra- im held it in vassalage. Here Saul and Jonathan won a great victory over (he Philistines (I S 14 31). At one time it was held by the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 13). Rehoboam fortified it against the kingdom of Israel (2 Chronicles 11 10). In the days of King Aha/ it was captured by the I hilis (2 Chronicles 28 18). It has been identified with the modern Yalo; iis antiquity goes back to Am Tab, in which it has mention. It is situated NAN", of Jerus in a valley of the same name, which leads down from the mountains to the sea.

    (2) A town in the tribe of Zebulun, site unknown, where Elon the judge was buried (Judges 12 12).

    EnwAiti) MACK

    AIJELETH HASH-SHAHAR, a je-leth hash- sha har. See PSAL.MS; Soxc.

    AIL, ill (AS c</}<i H, "to pain"): As a verb trans, is "to trouble," "afflict" (obs) ; intrans, "to feel pain, trouble, uneasiness," etc; it represents Hebrew intik l f l:lia "what- to thee" (den 21 17, "What aileth thee, Ilagar?"; Judges 18 23; 1 Samuel 11 o; 2 Samuel 14 5; 2 Kings 6 2s; Isaiah 22 1): in Ps 114 .">, it is figura tively or poetically applied to (he sea, the rivet- Jordan, etc: "What ailed thee, O thou sea, that thou neddest?" etc; RV, "What aileth thee, O thou sea that thou flees) ?" etc; in 2 Esdras 9 42; 10 31, "What aileth thee?"

    AIM, am: In Wisdom 13 9. Lit. (r by AV of dr o-Toxeurao-0cu, slochdsasthai, which commonly means "to shoot at." This is interpreted and explained by RV as "explore," with a hint as to the nature of the process, and may be paraphrased: "If they be able to conjecture the mysteries of the universe."

    AInorth See A YInorth

    AIN, a/in ("p?, u//m, "eye or spring [of water]"):

    (1) A town in the extreme northwest corner of Canaan, so named, most probably, from a noted spring in the vicinity (Numbers 34 li). Thomson and after him Robinson make Ain the same as Ain <l-*Axy, the chief source of the Orontes, some fifteen miles Southwest of Riblah, which, in turn, is about twenty miles Southwest of Emesa (Hums). As Ain is named in connection with Lake dennesarct, some claim that Riblah of Numbers 34 11 must be another place farther South and closer to that lake.

    (2) A Levitical city (Joshua 21 10) in (he Negeb or southern part of Judah. It was first allotted to the tribe of Judah (15 32) but later to Simeon (19 7). The fact that, it is several times named in immediate connection with Rimmon has lent plausibility to the view that we have here 1 a com pound word, and that we should read En-Rimmon, i.e. Ain-Uimmon (see Joshua 15 32; 19 7; 1 Chronicles 432). See also Avix. west west DA VIES

    AIR, ar (O.TJP, ufr): In the OT "air is used (with one exception) in (he phrase "fowl" or "fowls (birds) of the 1 air." The Hebrew word is usually rendered "heaven" or "heavens." According to ancient Hebrew cosmogony the sky was a solid dome (firmament) stretching over the earth as a covering. In the above phrase the air means the space between the earth and (he firmament. In Job (41 10) "air" renders rp"l, rW h, "breath," "wind," spirit." The scales of the leviathan arc SO closely joined together that no air can penetrate. In (he NT the phrase "birds [or fowls] of i he air," occurs ten limes. This simply reproduces 1 lie 1 h braism not iced above. Apart from (his expression "air" in the AV repre sents (K r, which denotes the atmosphere which sur rounds us. The expression "beat ing the air" (1 Cor 9 20) means to "deal blows that do not get home" that miss the mark. In his conflict with (he lower life represented by the body, Paul compares him self to a boxer who aims with unerring accuracy at his opponent. No stroke is lost. Paul also uses the phrase "speaking into the air" (1 Cor 14 9) in reference (o (he unintelligible utterances of those who "spake 1 with tongues. In the expression, "prince of the powers of the air" (Eph 2 2 AV) we find an echo of the- current belief that the air was the dwelling place of spirits, especially e>f evil spirits.


    AIRUS, a-l rus, ar us ( laCpos, I dims) : AV, one of the heads of a familv of temple 1 servants (1 Esdras 5 31 RV JAIRI S), which returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel; in the 1 OT called Reaiah (Exr 2 47; Neh 7 50), and classed among the-

    AJAH, ii ja. See AIAH.

    An Edomite tribe, (den 36 24 AV).

    AJALON, aj a-lon. See AIJALOX.

    AKAN, a kan ("", (ikdn, "twisted"): A son of E/.er, a descendant of Esau of Seir (den 36 27). He is called Jaakan in 1 Chronicles 1 42. The AVm has Jakan.

    AKATAN, ak a-tan ( AKardv, Mcnli u,; AV Aca- tan= Hakka(an; E/,r 8 ]2,i: The father of Joannes who returned with Ezra to Jerus (1 Esdras 8 38).




    Aiah Alema

    AKELDAMA, a-kel da-ma ( AKeXSand, AkcMa- ? , or, in many MSS, AK,8ap.dx, Akeldamdch; AV Aceldama) : A Held said in Acts 1 11) to have been bought by Judas ,vi1h the "thirty pieces of silver." In Aft 27 0.7 it is narrated that the priests took the silver pieces which Judas had "cast down .... into the sanctuary" and "bought with them the potter s field, to bury strangers in. Wherefore that field was called, The field of blood, unto this day." Doubtless it was a supposed con nection between this potter s field and the potter s house (Jeremiah 18 2) and the Valley of the Son of Hin- noin (Jeremiah 19 2j which influenced the selection of the present, site which, like the Aram. ^"^pH (Dai- man), is today known as hakk-cd-dumm, "field of blood."

    Tradition, which appears to go back to the 4th cent., points to a level platform on, and some dis tance up, the southern slope of the Wtidy er Rababi (Valley of Ilinnom) just before it joins the Kidron Valley. I pon this spot there is a very remarkable ruin "(7S ft.X-")7 ft.) which for many centuries was used as a charnel house. The earth here was reputed to have the property of quickly consuming dead bodies. So great was its reputation that vast quantities of it are said to have been transported in 121") AD lotheCampo Santo at Pisa. When this building was standing entire, the bodies were low ered into it through five openings in the roof and then left to disintegrate, so that a few years ago there were very many feet of bones all over the floor. These have now been removed. A little Southeast of this ruin is a ne,v (Ireek monastery erected in recent years over the remains of a large number of cave tombs; many of the bones from "Akeldama" are now buried here. east west C. MASTKKMAN

    AKKAD, ak ad, AKKADIANS, a-ka di-ans. See ACCAD; ACCADIANSouth

    AKKOS, ak os ( Aicpws, MM* in 1 Kingssd 5 3S; AV Accos, which see;: The ( )T equivalent (1 Chronicles 24 10; Ezra 2 01; Neli 3 4.21) is HAKKOX CpfH , htikkoc,), which also see.

    AKKUB, ak ub P^p? , akkubh, "pursuer"): (1) A son of Elioenai, a descendant of Zerubbabel (1 Chronicles 3 24). (~2) A Levite porter on duty at the east gate of the second Temple (1 Chronicles 9 17).

    AKRABATTINE, ak-ra-ba-tl nn ( AKpapa-rrCvT!, Akmbultinc; A, Arabattine): A place in Idumaea where Judas Maccabee defeated the children of Esau (1 Mace 5 3).

    AKRABBIM, ak-rab im (once in AV Acrabbim

    [Joshua 15 3]; LT51P? , akrahbwi, "scorpions"): Three times found (Numbers 34 4; Joshua 15 3; Judges 1 30), and always with nbjpS , ma filch, "ascent" or "pass"; and so "Ascent of the Scorpions," an ascent at the Southwest point of the Dead Sea and a part of the boundary lint 1 between Judah and Edom. At this pass Judas Maccabaeus won a victory over the Edomites (1 Mace 5 3), called in the AV Arabattine.

    ALABASTER, al a-bas-ter (d,d|3acrTpov, aldbas- tmn [Matthew 26 7; Mark 14 3; Luke 7 37|j: In modern mineralogy alabaster is crystalline gypsum or sul phate of lime. The (!r word alabastron or alabds- tos meant a stone casket or vase, and alabastites was used for the stone of which the casket was made. This stone was usually crystalline stalag- nritic rock or carbonate of lime, now often called oriental alabaster, to distinguish it from gypsum. The word occurs in the Bible only in the three passages of the Synoptic Gospels cited above. See Box.

    ALAMETH, ul a-meth (ripP , alamclli, "con cealment"; 1 Chronicles 7 S AV): The name of a son of Becher and grandson of Benjamin. His name was preserved as the name of a town near Anathoth (ALLEMETII, 1 Chronicles 6 00 RVj. Except for the strong pausal accent in the Hebrew I he form of the word would be the same as ALKMKTH (q.v.).

    ALAMMELECH, a-lam e-lek: AV (Joshua 19 26) for ALLA.M.MKLECH (q.v.J.

    ALAMOTH, al a-moth. See Music.

    ALARM, a-larm (n^nFl, fnl ali): This expres sion is found six times in the C)T. The lleb word so rendered is derived from a verb meaning "to shout" or "blow a horn," as a signal for break ing up camp, starting on a journey or into battle, or in triumphant shout over the defeat of enemies. In a few instances it is employed of a cry of despair or distress. The noun fra ali translated "alarm" in Numbers 10 5 f refers to the signal given the people of Israel to start on their journev in the Wilderness. The passages in Jeremiah (4 10; 49 2) both refer to the summons for war. The same is true of Zeph 1 10.

    The law concerning the sounding of the alarm is fully stated in Numbers 10 1-10. Here we read that two silver trumpets of beaten work were sounded by the sons of Aaron in case of war and also "in the day of .... gladness" to gather the people together for the various feasts, new moons, sacri fices and offerings. west west DAVIKS

    ALBEIT, ol-be it (I va ,>.T,, hinn int ; lit. "lest"): Occurs in a paraphrase rather than as a translation of a clause in Philem 1!) A V. The thought is: "although" or "albeit" (synonym of "although") "1 might say," etc. This RV translates with intense literalness: "that 1 say not."

    ALCIMUS, al si-mus (2 ? p^S , ch/dkiltn, " Cod will rise"; "A,Ki(ios, Alkimos, "valiant"): A high priest for three years, 103-101 BC, the record of whose career may be found in 1 Mace 7 4 ">(); 9 l-f)7; 2 Mace 14; see also Ant, XII, 9-11; XX, 10. lie was a descendant of Aaron, but not in the high-priestly line (1 Mace 7 14; also Ant, XX, 10); and being ambitious for the office of high priest, he hastened to Antioch to secure the favor and help of the new king, Demetrius, who had just overthrown Antiochus Kupator and made him self king. Alcimus was of the Grecianizing party, and therefore bitterly opposed by the Maccabees. Demetrius sent a strong army under Baechides to establish him in the high-priesthood at Jems. The favor with which Alcimus was received by the Jews at Jems on account of his Aaronic descent was soon turned to hate by his cruelties. When Baechides and his army returned to Antioch, Simon Maccabaeus attacked and overcame Alcimus, and drove him also to Syria. There he secured from Demetrius another army, led by Nicanor, who, failing to secure Simon by treachery, joined battle with him, but was defeated ami killed. A third and greater army, under Baechides again, was dis patched to save the falling fortunes of Alcimus. Now Simon was overwhelmed and slain, Alcimus established as high priest and a strong force left in Jerus to uphold him. But he did not long enjoy his triumph, as he died soon after from a paralytic stroke. EDWARD MACK

    ALCOVE, al kov (H3p , kubbah; AV tent; ARV pavilion; ARVm alcove): Perhaps a large tent occupied by a prince (Numbers 25 8).

    ALEMA, al f -ma ( AX.6fj.ois, Alemois): A town in Gilead, mentioned once only (1 Mace 5 20),

    Alemeth Alexander



    besieged by the nations under Tirnotheus, together

    with Bosor and other cities; and probably relieved along with these cities by Judas Alaccabaeus, although no mention is made of Alema s relief. The name occurs the one time as dative pi.

    ALEMETH, al e-meth (t"Vp t> , alemetti, con cealment"): (1) RV for Alameth of the AV in 1 Chronicles 7 South (2) Descendant of Saul and Jonathan, and son of Jehoaddah, 1 Chronicles 8 3(i, or of Jarah, 1 Chronicles 9 42. The genealogies in the two chapters are, identical, and he is the fifth generation after Jonathan. (3) In some Hebrew texts, Cinsburg and Baer, for Alr LEMETH (q.v.); so in AV.

    ALEPH, -i lef (S, ): The first letter of the Hebrew alphabet. It is nearly soundless itself and best represented, as in this Enc, by the smooth breath ing ( ), but it is the direct ancestor of the (ir, Lat aiul Eng. a as in "father." In either case this beginning of the alphabet happens to be near the very basis of all speech -in one case the simple expiration of breath, in the other the simplest possible vocal action the actual basis from which all other vowels are evolved. It became also the symbol for t lie number one (1) and, with the diere- sis, 1 ,000. It is t he symbol also for one of the most famous of (Ir Biblical MSS, the Codex Sinaiticus. For name, written form, etc, see ALPHABET.

    east C. RICHARDSON

    ALEPPO, u-lep o. See BEUEA.

    ALEXANDER, al-eg-zan der ( A,^av8po s , .I/r.r- amlroH, lit. meaning "defender of men." This word occurs five times in the NT, Mark 15 21; Acts 4 (>; 19 33; 1 Tim 1 19.20; 2 Tim 4 llj: It is not certain whether the third, fourth and fifth of these passage s refer to the same man.

    (1) The first of these Alexanders is referred to in the, passage in Mark, where he is said to have been one of the sons of Simon of Cyrene, 1. A Son the man who carried the cross of of Simon Christ. Alexander therefore may have of Cyrene been a North African by birth. Matthew, Mark and Luke all record ( he fact, with varying detail, that Simon happened to be passing at the time when Christ was being led out of the city, to be crucified on Calvary. Mark alone tells that Simon was the fat her of Alexander and Rufus. From this statement of the evangelist, it is appar ent that at the time the Second (iospcl was written, Alexander and Rufus were Christians, and that they were well known in the Christian community. Mark takes it for granted that the first readers of his Gospel will at once understand whom he means.

    There is no other mention of Alexander in the NT, but, it is usually thought that his brother Rufus is the person mentioned by Paul in Rom 16 13, "Salute Rufus the chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine." If this identification is correct, then it follows, not only that the sons of Simon were Christians, but that his wife also was a Christian, and that they had all continued faith ful to Christ for many years. It would also follow that, the households were among the intimate friends of Paul, so much so that the mother of the family is affectionately addressed by him as "Rufus mother and mine." The meaning of this is, that in time past this lady had treated Paul with the tender care which a mother feels and shows to her own son.

    This mention of Rufus and his mother is in the list of names of Christians resident in Rome. Lightfoot (Coinm. on Phil, 170) writes: "There seems no reason to doubt the tradition that Mark wrote especially for the Romans; and if so, it is worth remarking that he alone of the evangelists describes Simon of Cyrene, as the father of Alex-

    ander and Rufus. A person of this name there fore (Rufus) seems to have held a prominent place among the Rom Christians; and thus there is at least fair ground for identifying the Rufus of St. Paul with the Rufus of St. Mark. The inscriptions exhibit several members of the household (of the emperor) bearing the names Rufus and Alexander, but this fact is of no value where both names are so common."

    ^ To sum up, Alexander was probably by birth a North African Jew; he became a Christian, and was a well-known member of the church, probably the church in Rome. His chief claim to recollec tion is that he was a son of the man who carried the cross of the Saviour of (he world.

    (2) The second Alexander, referred to in Acts 4 0, was a relative of Annas the Jewish high priest.

    He is mentioned by Luke, as having

    2. A Rela- been present as a member of the San- tive of hedrin, before which Peter and John were Annas brought to be examined, for what, they

    had done in the cure of the lame man at the gate of the temple. Nothing more is known of this Alexander than is here given by Luke. It has been conjectured that he may have been the Alex ander who was a brother of Philo, and who was also the alabarch or magistrate of the city of Alexan dria. But this conjecture is unsupported by any evidence at all.

    (3) The third Alexander is mentioned in Acts 19 33: "And some of the multitude instructed

    Alexander, the Jews putting him

    3. Alexan- forward. And Alexander beckoned der and the with the hand, and would have made a Riot at defence unto the people. But when Ephesus they perceived that he was a Jew, all

    with one voice," etc, RVm. In the matter of the riot in Ephesus the whole responsi bility rested with Demetrius the silversmith. In his anger against the Christians generally, but specially against Paul, because of his successful preaching of the gospel, he called together a meet ing of the craftsmen; the trade of the manufacture of idols was in jeopardy. From this meeting there arose the riot, in which the whole city was in com motion. The Jews were wholly innocent in the matter: they had done nothing to cause any dis turbance. But the riot had taken place, and no one could tell what would happen. Modern anti- Semitism, in Russia and other European countries, gives an idea of an excited mob stirred on by hatred of the Jews. Instantly recognizing that the fury of the Ephesian people might expend itself in violence and bloodshed, and that in that fury they would be the sufferers, the Jews "put forward" Alexander, so that by his skill as a speaker he might clear them, either of having instigated the riot, or of being in complicity with Paul. "A certain Alexander was put forward by the Jews to address the mob; but this merely increased the clamor and confusion. There was no clear idea among the rioters what they wanted: an anti-Jewish and an anti-Christian demonstration were mixed up, and probably Alexander s intention was to turn the general feeling away from the Jews. It is possible that he was the worker in bronze, who afterward did Paul much harm" (Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, etc, 279).

    (4) The fourth of the NT Alexanders is one of

    two heretical teachers at Ephesus the other being

    Hymenaeus: see art. s.v. against

    4. Alexan- whom Paul warns Timothy in 1 Tim 1

    der an 19.20. The teaching of Hymenaeus

    Ephesian and Alexander was to the effect that

    Heretic Christian morality was not required

    antinomianism. They put away

    "thrust from them," RV faith and a good con-




    Alemeth Alexander

    science; they wilfully abandoned the great central facts regarding Christ, and so they made ship wreck concerning the faith.

    In 2 Tim 2 17. IS, Hymenaeus is associated with Philetus, and further details are there given re garding their false teaching. What

    5. His they taught is described by Paul as Heresy "profane babblings," as leading to more Incipient ungodliness, and as eating "as doth Gnosticism a gangrene." Their heresy consisted

    in saying that the resurrection was past already, and it had been so far successful, that it had overthrown the faith of some. The doctrine of these three heretical teachers, Hy menaeus, Alexander and Philetus, was accordingly one of the early forms of Gnosticism. It held that matter was originally and essentially evil; that for i his reason the body was not an essential part of human nature; that the only resurrection was that of each man as he awoke from the death of sin to a righteous life; that thus in the case of everyone who has repented of sin, "the resurrection was past already," and that the body did not participate in the blessedness of the future life, but that salva tion consisted in the soul s complete deliverance from all contact with a material world and a ma terial body.

    Ho pernicious were these teachings of incipient Gnosticism in the Christian church, that they quickly spread, eating like a gangrene. The denial of the future resurrection of the body involved also (lie denial of the bodily resurrection of Christ, and even the fact of the incarnation. The way in which therefore the apostle dealt with those who taught such deadly error, was that he resorted to the same extreme measures as he had employed in the case of the immoral person at Corinth; he delivered Hymenaeus and Alexander to Satan, that they might learn not to blaspheme. Cf 1 Cor 6 5.

    (5) The fifth and last occurrence of the name

    Alexander is in 2 Tim 4 14.1"), "Alexander the

    coppersmith did me much evil: the

    6. Alexan- Lord will render to him according to der the his works: of whom do thou also beware Copper- [AV "of whom be thou ware also"]; smith for he greatly withstood our words."

    This Alexander was a worker in copper or iron, a smith. It is quite uncertain whether Alexander no. 5 should be identified with A. no. 4, and even with A. no. 3. In regard to this, it should be remembered that all three of these Alexanders were resident in Ephesus; and it is specially to be noticed that the fourth and the fifth of that name resided in that city at much the same time; the interval between Paul s references to these two being not more than a year or two, as not more than that time elapsed between his writing 1 Tim and 2 Tim. It is therefore quite possible these two Alexanders may be one and the same person.

    In any case, what is said of this last A. is that he had shown the evil which was in him by doing many evil deeds to the apostle, evidently on the occasion of a recent visit paid by Paul to Ephesus. These evil deeds had taken the form of personally oppos ing the apostle s preaching. The personal antago nism of Alexander manifested itself by his greatly withstanding the proclamation of the gospel by Paul. As Timothy was now in Ephesus, in charge of the church there, he is strongly cautioned by the apostle to be on his guard against this opponent.


    ALEXANDER BALAS, A. ba las ( AX^avSpos 6 BdXas Xe-y < 5| JLvo s> Alexandras ho Btilas legome- ?<o.s): He contended against Demetrius I of Syria for the throne and succeeded in obtaining it. He was a youth of mean origin, but he was put forth by the enemies of Demetrius as being Alexander,

    the son and heir of Antiochus Epiphanes. He received the support of the Rom Senate and of Ptolemy VI of Egypt, and on account of the tyranny of Demetrius, was favored by many of the Syrians. The country was thrown into civil war and Demetrius was defeated by Alexander in 150 BC and was killed in battle. Demetrius II took up the cause of his father and in 147 BC, Alexander fled from his kingdom and was soon after assas sinated.

    Our chief interest in Alexander is his connection with the Maccabees. Jonathan was the leader of the Maceabean forces and both Alexander and

    Tetradrachm (Ptolemaic talent) of Alexander Balas.

    Demetrius sought his aid. Demetrius granted Jonathan the right to raise and maintain an army. Alexander, not to be outdone, appointed Jonathan high priest, and as a token of his new office sent him a purple robe and a diadem (Ant, XIII, ii, 2). This was an important step in the rise of the Mac eabean house, for it insured them the support of the Chasidim. In 153 BC, Jonathan officiated as high priest at the altar (1 Mace 10 1-14; Ant, XIII, ii, 1). This made him the legal head of Judaea and thus the movement of the Maccabees became closely identified with Judaism. In 1 Mace 10 1, he is called Alexander Epiphanes.

    A. west FORTUNE

    ALEXANDER, THE GREAT ( A,eavSpos, AUxandrox) : Alexander, of Macedon, commonly

    called "the Great" (b. 356 BC), was 1. Parent- the son of Philip, king of Macedon, age and and of Olyrnpias, daughter of N cop- Early Life tolemos, an Epeirote king. Although

    Alexander is not mentioned by name in the canonical Scriptures, in Daniel he is designated by a transparent symbol (8 5.21). In 1 Mace 1 1 he is expressly named as the overthrower of the Persians empire, and the founder of that of the Greeks. As with Frederick the Great, the career of Alex ander would have been impossible had his father been other than he was. Philip had been for some years a hostage in Thebes: while; there he had learned to appreciate the changes introduced into military discipline and tactics by Epaminondas. Partly no doubt from the family claim to Herac- leid descent, deepened by contact in earlier days with Athenians like Iphicrates, and the personal influ ence of Epaminondas, Philip seems to have united to his admiration for Greek tactics a tincture of Hel culture, and something like a reverence for Athens, the great center of this culture. In military matters his admiration led him to introduce the Theban discipline to the rough peasant levies of Macedon, and the Macedonian phalanx proved the most formidable military weapon that had yet been de vised. The veneer of Greek culture which he had taken on led him, on the one hand, laying stress on his Hel descent, to claim admission to the comity of Hellas, and on the other, to appoint Aristotle to be a tutor to his son. By a combination of force and fraud, favored by circumstances, Philip got himself appointed generalissimo of the Hel states;

    Alexander Alexandria




    and further induced them to proclaim war against the "Great King. In all (his lie was preparing the way for his son, so soon to he his successor.

    lie was also preparing his son for his career.

    Alexander was, partly no doubt from being (he

    pupil of Aristotle, yet more imbued

    2. His with (!r feelings and ideas than was Preparation his father. He was early introduced for His into the cares of government and the Career practice of war. While Philip was

    engaged in the siege of Byzantium he sent his son to replace Antipater in the regency; during his occupancy of this post, Alexander, then only a youth of sixteen, had to undertake a cam paign against the Illyrians, probably a punitive expedition. Two years later, at the decisive battle of Chaeroneia, which fixed the doom of the Greek autonomous city, Alexander commanded the feudal cavalry of Macedon, the "Companions." He not only saved his father s life, but by his timely and vehement charge materially contributed to the victory.

    When all his plans for the invasion of Persia were complete, and a portion of his troops was

    already across the Hellespont, Philip

    3. His was assassinated. Having secured his Accession succession, Alexander proceeded to to the ( orinth, where he was confirmed in Hegemony his father s position of leader of Hellas of Greece against Darius. Before he could cross

    into Asia he had to secure his northern frontier against possible raids of barbarian tribes. He invaded Thrace with his army and overthrew the Tribal li , then crossed the Danube and inflicted a defeat on t he ( .(Mae. During his absence in these but slightly kmmn regions, the rumor spread that he had been killed, and Thebes began a movement to throw off the Macedonian yoke. On his return to (ireece he wreaked terrible vengeance on Thebes, not only as promoter of this revolt, but also as the most powerful of the Greek states.

    Having thus secured his real 1 , Alexander collected his army at Pella to cross the Hellespont, that he

    might exact the vengeance of (ireece

    4. Cam- on Persia for indignities suffered at paign in the hands of Xerxes, who "by his Asia Minor strength through his riches" had stirred

    up "all against the realm of Grecia" (Daniel 11 - AVj. Steeped as he was in the romance of the lliml, Alexander, when he came to the site of Troy, honored Achilles, whom lie claimed as his ancestor, with games and sacrifices. This may have been the outflow of his own romantic nature, but there was also wise policy in it; the Greeks were more readily reconciled to the loss of their freedom when it was yielded up to one who revived in his own person the heroes of the Ilia/I. It may be noted how exactly the point of Alexander s in vasion is indicated in Daniel s prophecy (8 f). I Yom Troy he advanced southward, and encoun tered the Persians forces at the Granicus. While in Uie conflict, Alexander exhibited all the reckless bravery of a Homeric hero. He at the same time showed the skill of a consummate general. The Persians army was dispersed with great slaughter. Before proceeding farther into Persia, by rapid marches and vigorously pressed sieges, he com pleted the conquest of Asia Minor. Here, too, he showed his knowledge of the sensitiveness of Asiatic peoples to omens, by visiting Gordium, and cutting the knot on which, according to legend, depended the empire of Asia.

    What he had done in symbol he had to make a reality; lie had to settle the question of supremacy in Asia by the 1 sword. He learned that Darius had collected an immense 1 army and was coming to meet him. Although the Persians host was esti- i

    mated at a half-million men, Alexander hastened

    to encounter it . Rapidity of mot ion, as symbolized

    in Daniel by the "he-goat" that "came

    5. Battle of from the west .... and touched Issus and not the ground" (Daniel 8 ;">;, was Alex- March ander s great characteristic. The two through armies met in the relatively narrow Syria to plain of Issus, where the Persians lost, Egypt to a great extent, the advantage of

    their numbers; t hey were defeated with tremendous slaughter, Darius himself setting the example of flight. Alexander only pursued the de feated army far enough to break it up utterly. He began his march southward along the scacoast of Syria toward Egypt, a country that had always im pressed the Greek imagination. Though most of the cities, on his march, opened their gates to the con queror, Tyre and ( iaza only yielded after a prolonged siege. In the case of the latter of these, enraged at the delay occasioned by the resistance, and emu lous of his ancestor, Alexander dragged its gallant defender Balis alive behind his chariot as Achilles had dragged the dead Hector. It ought to be noted that this episode docs not appear in Arrian, usually regarded as the most authentic historian of Alex ander. Josephus relates that after he had taken Ga/.a, Alexander went up to Jems, and saw Jad- dua the high priest, who showed him the prophecy of Daniel concerning him. The fact that none of the classic historians take any notice of such a detour renders the narrative doubtful: still it, con tains no element of improbability that the pupil of Aristotle, in the pursuit of knowledge, might, during the prosecution of the siege of Gaza, with a small company press into the hill country of Judaea, at once to secure the submission of Jeru salem which occupied a threatening position in regard to his communications, and to see something of that mysterious nation who worshipped one God and had no idols.

    When he entered Egypt, the whole country sub mitted without a struggle. Moved at once by the

    fact that Pharos is mentioned in the

    6. Found- O/ly.wy, and that he could best rule ing of Alex- Egypt from the scacoast, he founded andria and Alexandria on the strip of land oppo- Visit to the site Pharos, which .separated Lake Shrine of Mareotis from the Mediterranean. Jupiter The island Pharos formed a natural Ammon breakwater which made possible a

    spacious double harbor; the lake, communicating with the Nile, opened the way for inland navigation. As usual with Alexander, romance and policy went hand in hand. The city thus founded became the capital of the Ptolemies, and the largest city of the Hel world. He spent his time visiting shrines, in the intervals of arrang ing for the government of the country. The most, memorable event of his stay in Egypt was his expedition to the oracle of Jupiter Ammon (Amen- Ka) where he was declared the son of the god. To the Egyptians this meant no more than that he was regarded a lawful monarch, but he pretended to take this declaration as assigning to him a Divine origin like so many Homeric heroes. Hencefor ward there appeared on coins Alexander s head adorned with the ram s horn of Amcn-Ha. This impressed the eastern imagination .so deeply that Mohammed, a thousand years after, calls him in the (,)uran Ix1;a>i<l<r dhu nl-f/cirnain, "Alexander the lord of the two horns." It is impossible to believe that the writer of Daniel could, in the face of the universal attribution of the two ram s horns to Alexander, represent Persia, the power he overthrew, as a two-horned ram (Daniel 8 15.20), unless he had written before the expedition into Egypt.




    Alexander Alexandria

    Having arranged the affairs of Egypt, Alexander set out for his last encounter with Darius. In vain had Darius sent to Alexander offering 7. The Last to share the empire with him; the Battle with "king of J avail" (RVm) "was moved Darius with anger against him" (Dili 8 7) and

    would have nothing but absolute submission. There was nothing left for Darius but to prepare for the final conflict. He collected a yet huger host than that he had had under him at Issus, and assembled it on the plain east of the Tigris. Alexander hastened to meet him. Al though the plain around Gaugamela was much more suitable for the movements of the Persians troops, which consisted largely of cavalry, and gave them better opportunity of making use of their great numerical superiority to outflank the small ( !r army, the result was the same as at Issus overwhelming defeat and immense slaughter. The consequence of this victory was the submission of the greater portion of the Persians empire.

    After making some arrangements for the govern ment of the new provinces, Alexander set out in the pursuit of Darius, who had fled in the care or cus tody of Bessus, satrap of Bactria. Bessus, at last, to gain the favor of Alexander, or, failing that, to maintain a more successful resistance, murdered Darius. Alexander hurried on to the conquest of Bactria and Sogdiana, in the course of his expe dition capturing Bessus and putting him to death. In imitation of Bacchus, he proceeded now to invade India. He conquered all before him till he reached the Sutlej; at this point his Macedonian veterans refused to follow him farther.

    Thus compelled to give up hopes of conquests

    in the farther East, he returned to Babylon, which

    he purposed to make the supreme

    8. Close of capital of his empire, and set himself, His Life with all his superabundant energy, to

    organize his dominions, and fit Baby lon for its new destiny. While engaged in this work he was seized with malaria, which, aggravated by his recklessness in eating and drinking, carried him off in his 33d year.

    Alexander is not to be estimated merely _ as a military conqueror. If he had been only this, he

    would have left no deeper impress on

    9. His the world than Tamerlane or Attila. Influence While he conquered Asia, he endeav

    ored also to Hellenize her. He every where founded Greek cities that enjoyed at all events a municipal autonomy. ,Yith these, Hel thought and the Hel language were spread all over south western Asia, so that philosophers from the banks of the Euphrates taught in the schools of Athens. It was through the conquests of Alexander that Greek became the language of literature and commerce from the shores of the Mediterranean to the banks of the Tigris. It is impossible to estimate the effect of this spread of Greek on the promulgation of the gospel. J. east II. THOMSON-

    ALEXANDRIA, al-eg-zan dri-a (TJ he Alcxdndrciii ) : In 331 BC, Alexander the Great,

    on his way to visit the Oracle of 1. History Amon seeking divine honors, stopped

    at the west extremity of the Delta at the isle of Pharos the landing-place of Odysseus (Od. iv.35) His keen eye noted the strategic possi bilities of the site occupied by the little Egyptian village of Rhacotis, and his decision was immediate to erect here, where it would command the gateway to the richest domain of his empire, a glorious city to be called by his own name. Deinocrates, great est living architect, already famous as builder of the Temple of Diana, was given free hand and like a dream the most beautiful city of the ancient

    or modern world (with the single except ion of Rome) arose with straight, parallel streets one at least 200 feet wide with fortresses, monuments, palaces, government buildings and parks all erected accord ing to a perfect artistic; plan. The city was about fifteen miles in circumference (Pliny), and when looked at from above represented a Macedonian cloak, such as was worn by Alexander s heroic ancestors. A colossal mole joined the island to the main land and made a double harbor, the best in all Egypt. Before Alexander died (323 BC) the future of the city as the commercial metropolis of the world was assured and here the golden casket of the conqueror was placed in a fitting mausoleum. Under the protection of the first two Ptolemies and Euergetcs A. reached its highest prosperity, receiving through Lake Mareotis the products of Upper Egypt, reaching by the Great Sea all the wealth of the West, while through tin 1 Red Sea its merchant vessels brought all the treasures of India and Arabia into the A. docks without once being un laden. The manufactories of A. were extensive, the greatest industry however being shipbuilding, the largest merchant ships of the world and battle ships capable of carrying 1,000 men, which could hurl fire with fearful effect, being constructed here. This position of supremacy was maintained during the Rom domination up to the ">th cent, during which A. began to decline. Yet even when A. was captured by the Arabs ((VII) under the caliph Omar, the general could report: "I have taken a city containing 4,000 palaces and -1,000 baths and 400 theaters." They called it a "city of marble" and believed the 1 colossal obelisks, standing on crabs of crystal, and the Pharos, that white stone tower 400 ft . high, "wonder of the world," to be the creation of jinn, not of men. With oriental exag geration they declared that one amphitheater could easily hold a million spectators and that it was positively painful to go upon the streets at night because of the glare of light reflected from the white palaces. But with the coming of the Arabs A. began to decline. It sank lower when Cairo became the capital (cir 1000 AD), and received its death blow when a sea route to India was discovered by way of the Cape of Good Hope (cir 1 ")()(). Today the ancient A. lies entirely under the sea or beneath some later construction. Only one important relic remains visible, the so-called Pompev s Pillar which dates from the reign of Diocletian. Excavations by the English (ls .i.~ and Germans (lX!)X-<)!) have yielded few results, though Dr. G. Botti discovered the Sera- peum and some immense catacombs, and only recently (1007) some fine sphinxes. In its most flourishing period the population numbered from 000, 000 to X00,000, half of whom wen- perhaps slaves. At the close of the ISth cent, it, num bered no more than 7,000. Under the khedives it has recently gained something of its old im portance and numbers now 320,000, of whom 4(), 000 are Kuropeans, chiefly Greeks (Baedeker, Handbook, 1902; Murray, Handbook, l .)07j.

    Among the private papers of Alexander it is said a sketch was found outlining his vast plan of making a Greek empire which should 2. The include all races as harmonious units.

    Jews in In accordance with this, Europeans, Alexandria Asiatics and Africans found in A. a common citizenship. Indeed in sever al cities, under the Ptolemies, who accepted this policy, foreigners were even given superiority to natives. Egyptians and Greeks were con ciliated by the introduction of a syncretic religion in which the greatest Cr god was worshipped as Osiris, Kgyp god of the underworld, whose soul appeared visibly in the form of the Apis bull. This





    was the most popular and human form of the Egyp worship. This ne,v religion obtained phenomenal success. It was in furtherance of this general policy that the Jews in A. were given special privileges, and though probably not possessing full civic rights, yet they "occupied in A. a more in fluential position than anywhere else in the ancient world (Jew Enc). To avoid unnecessary friction a separate district was given to the Jews, another to the (! reeks and another to the native Egyptians. In the Or section were situated the palaces of the Ptolemies, the Library and Museum. In the Kgyp district was the temple dedicated to Serapis (Osiris-Apis) which was only excelled in grandeur by the capitol at Rome. The Jews possessed many synagogues in their own district and in Philo s day these were not confined to any one section of the city. Some synagogues seem to have exercised the right of asylum, the same as heathen temples.

    nate the first week in Lent as the "Fast of Ilerac- lius. Wisdom and many other influential writings of the Jews originated in A. Doubtless numbers of the recently discovered documents from the Cairo (fn iznh came originally from A. But the epochal importance of A. i.s found in the teaching which prepared the Hebrew people for the reception of a gospel for the whole world, which was soon to be preached bv Hebrews from Hellenized Galilee.

    _(1) In Daniel 11 the Ptolemies of A. and their wives, are made a theme of prophecy. Apollos,

    the "orator," was born in A. (Acts 18 3. Alexan- 24). Luke twice speaks of himself and dria s Influ- Paul sailing in "a ship of A." (Acts ence on the 27 <>; 28 11). Stephen disputed in Bible Jerusalem in the synagogue of the

    Alexandrians (Acts 6 9). These direct references are few, but. the influence of A. on the Bible was inest imable.



    I |Th,,,t Arsmnrum ^V-^-" "/, SouthMIM s^ rni-y L

    V Mi .,,

    One of these was so large that the IKI~/I/I signaled by aflagwhen the congregation should give the Amen! Kach district had a practically independent politi cal government. The Jews were at first ruled by a lleb ethnarch. By the days of Augustus a Council of Elders (yerimiti) had control, presided over by 71 archons. Because of their wealth, education and social position they reached high public office. l nder Ptol. VI and Cleopatra the two generals- in-chief of the royal army were Jews. Ptol. I had 30,000 Jewish soldiers in his army, whose barracks have only recently been discovered. It may have been a good thing that the persecu tion of Antiochus Epiphanes (2d cent. BC) checked Jewish Hellenization. During the Rom supremacy the rights of the Jews were maintained, except during their persecution for a brief period by the insane Caligula, and the control of the most im portant industries, including the corn trade, came into their hands. When Christianity became the state religion of Egypt the Jews at once began to be persecuted. The victory of Heraclius over the Persians (629 AD) was followed by such a massacre of the Jews that the Copts of Egypt still denomi-

    (2) The Sept, translation 1 in A. (3d to 2d cent. BC), preserves a lleb text 1,000 years older than any now known. This translation if not used by Jesus was certainly used by Paul and other NT writers, as shown by their quotations. It is Egyp even in trifles. This (!r Bible not only opened for the first time the "Divine Oracles" to the (Icntiles and thus gave to the OT an international influence, but it affected most vitally the Hebrew and Christian de velopment.

    (3) The Alex Codex (4th to ")th cent.) was the first of all the great uncials to come into the hands of modern scholars. It was obtained in A. and sent as a present to the king of England (162S) by Cyrellus Lucaris, the Patriarch of Con stantinople. The Sin and Vatican uncials with many other most important Bible MSS Hebrew, Greek, Coptic and Syr came from A.

    (4) John and several other NT writings have justly been regarded as showing the influence of this philosophic city. Neither the phraseology nor conceptions of the Fourth Gospel could have been grasped in a world which A. had not taught. Pflei- derer s statement that He "may be termed the most





    finished treatise of the A. philosophy" may be doubted, but no one can doubt the fact of Alex in fluence on the NT.

    With the founding of the University of A. began the "third great epoch in the history of civiliza tion" (Max Miiller). It was modeled 4. Influence after the great school of Athens, but of Alexan- excelled, being preeminently the "uni- dria on versity of progress" (Mahaffy). Here

    Culture for the first time is seen a .school of

    science and literature, adequately endowed and offering large facilities for definite original research. The famous library which at different eras was reported as possessing from 400,000 to 900,000 books and rolls the rolls being as precious as the books--was a magnificent edifice connected by marble colonnades with the Museum, the "Temple of the Muses." An observatory, an anatomical laboratory and large botanical and zoological gardens were available. Celebrated scholars, members of the various faculties, were domiciled within the halls of the Museum and received stipends or salaries from the government. The study of mathematics, astronomy, poetry and medicine was especially favored (even vivi section upon criminals being common); Alex archi tects were sought the world over; Alex inventors were almost equally famous; the influence of Alex art can still be marked in Pompeii and an Alex painter was a hated rival of Apelles. Here Euclid wrote his Klrimntx of Gcointlnj; here Archimedes, "that greatest mathematical and inventive genius of antiquity," made his spectacular discoveries in hydrostatics and hydraulics; here Eratosthenes calculated the size of the earth and made his other memorable discoveries; while Ptolemy studied here for 10 years and published an explanation of the stellar universe which was accepted by scientists for 14 cents., and established mathematical theories which are yet the basis of trigonometry. "Ever since this epoch the conceptions of the sphericity of the earth, its poles, axis, the equator, the arctic and antarctic circles, the 1 equinoctial points, the sol stices, the inequality of climate on the earth s surface, have been current notions among scientists. The mechanism of the lunar phases was perfectly understood, and careful though not wholly suc cessful calculations were made of inter-sidereal distances. On the other hand literature and art flourished under the careful protection of the court. Literature and its history, philology and criticism became sciences" (A. Weber). It may be claimed that in literature no special originality was dis played though the earliest "love stories" and pas toral poetry date from this period (Mahaffy); yet the literature of the Augustan Age cannot be understood "without due appreciation of the char acter of the Alex school" (EB, llth ed), while in editing texts and in copying and translating AISS inconceivable patience and erudition were dis played. Our authorized texts of Homer and other classic writers come from A. not from Athens. All famous books brought into Egypt were sent to the library to be copied. The statement of Jos that Ptolemy Philadelphia (285-247) requested the Jews to translate the OT into Cir is not in credible. It was in accordance with the custom of that era. Ptol. Euergetes is said to have sent to Athens for the works of Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, etc, and when these were transcribed, sent back beautiful copies to Greece and kept the originals! No library in the world excepting the prophetic library in Jerusalem was ever as valuable as the two Alex libraries. The story that the Arabs burned it in the 7th cent, is discredited and seemingly disproved (Butler). At any rate after this period we hear of great private libraries

    in A., but the greatest literary wonder of the world has disappeared.

    Though no department of philosophy was estab lished in the Museum, nevertheless from the 3d

    cent. BC to the 6th cent. AD it was 6. Influence the center of gravity in the philo- on Philos- sophic world. Here Neo-Pythagorean- ophy ism arose. Here Neo-Platonism, that

    contemplative and mystical reaction against the materialism of the Stoics, reached its full flower. It is difficult to overestimate the in fluence of the latter upon religious thought. In it the profoundest Aryan speculations were blended with the sublimes!. Sem concepts. Plato was numbered among the prophets. (I recce here ac knowledged the Divine Unity to which the OT was pledged. Here the Jew acknowledged that Athens as truly as Jerusalem had taught a vision of God. This was the first attempt to form a universal religion. The Alex philosophy was the Elijah to prepare the way for a Saviour of the world. The thought of both Sadducee and Pharisee was affected by it and much late pre-Christian Jewish lit. is saturated with it. Neo-Platonism drew attention to the true relation between matter and spirit, good and evil, finite and infinite; it showed the depth of antagonism between the natural and spiritual, the real and ideal; it proclaimed the necessity of some mystic union between the human and (he Divine. It stated but could not solve the problem. Its last word was escape, not recon ciliation (Ed. Caird). Neo-Platonism was the "germ out of which Christian theology sprang" (Caird) though later it became an adverse force. Notwithstanding its dangerous teaching concern ing evil, it was on the whole favorable to piety, being the forerunner of mysticism and sympathetic with the deepest, purest elements of a spiritual religion.

    According fo all tradition St. Mark, the evangel ist, carried the gospel to A., and his body rested

    here until removed to Venice, 828 AD. 6. Christian Prom this city Christianity reached Church in all Egypt and entered Nubia, Ethiopia Alexandria and Abyssinia. During the 4th cent.

    ten councils were held in A., it being the theological and ecclesiastical center of Christendom. The first serious persecution of Christians by heathen occurred here under Decius (251) and was followed by many others, the one under Diocletian (303-11) being so savage that the native Coptic church still dates its era from it. When the Christians reached political power they used the same methods of controversy, wrecking the Caesarion in 300 and the Scrapeum twenty- five years later. Serapis (Osiris-Apis) was the best beloved of all the native deities. His temple was built of most precious marbles and filled with price less sculptures, while in its cloisters was a library second only to the Great Library of the Museum. When Christianity became the state religion of Egypt the native philosophers, moved by patriotism, rallied to the support of Serapis. But Theodosius (391) prohibited idolatry, and led by the bishop, the Serapeum was seized, and smitten by a soldier s battle-axe, the image which probably represented the old heathen religion at its best was broken to pieces, and dragged through the streets. That day, as Steindorff well puts it, "Egyp paganism received its death blow; the Egyp religion fell to pieces" (History of Egypt). Thereafter heathen worship hid itself in the dens and caves of the earth. Even secret allegiance to Serapis brought persecution and sometimes death. The most appalling tragedy of this kind occurred in 415 when Hypatia, the virgin philosopher, celebrated equally for beauty, virtue and learning, was dragged by

    Alexandrians Allegory



    ;i mob to the cathedral, stripped, and torn to pieces before the altar. Some of the greatest Christian leaders used all their influence against such atroci ties, hut the Egyp Christians were always noted for their excitability. They killed heretics easily, but they would themselves be killed rather than renounce the very slightest and most intangible theological tenet. It only needed the change of a word e.g. in the customary version to raise a riot (Exodus/i<>x, VII, 75j. Some curious relics of the early Eg, p church have very recently come to light. The oldest autographic Christian letter known (3d cent.) proves that at that time the church was used as a bank, and its ecclesiastics (who, whether priests or bishops, were called "popes") were expected to help the country merchants in their dealings with the Horn markets. Some sixty let ters of t he -1th cent . writ ten to a ( hrist ian cavalry officer in the Egyp army are also preserved, while papyri and oslraca from cir 000 AD show that at this time no deacon could be ordained with out having first learned by heart as much as an entire Gospel or 25 I ss and two epistles of Paul, while a letter Irom a bishop of this period is filled with Scripture, as he anathematizes the "oppressor of the poor," who is likened unto him who spat in the face of Our Lord on the cross and smote Him on the head (. ,dolph Deissmaim, Lit/lit from, the Ancient Ha*/, etc, I .HO). Oppression of Jews and here! ics was not , however, forbidden and during the 5th and (ith cents. Egypt was a battle-field in which each sect persecuted every other. Even when the Arabs under the caliph Omar captured the city on Good Friday ((ill), Easier Day was spent by the orthodox in torturing supposed here tics! The next morning the city was evacuated and Jews and Copts received better treatment from the Arabs than they had from the Rom or Cr ecclesiastics. After the Aral) conquest the Coptic church, being released from persecution, pros pered and gained many converts even from the Mohammedans. Hut the Saracenic civilixation and religion steadily displaced the old, and the native learning and native religion soon disappeared into (lie desert. HytlieXth cent . Arab, had taken the place of Cr and Coptic, not only in public documents but in common speech. Then for 1,000 years the Egyp church remained without perceptible influence on culture or theology. Hut its early influence was immeasurable and can still be marked in Christian art, architecture and ritual as well as in philosophy and theology. IVrliap- its most visible influence was in the encourage ment of image-reverence and asceticism. It is suggestive that the first hermit (Anthony) was a native Egyp, and the first founder of a convent (Pachomius) was a converted Egyp (heathen) monk. Today A. has again become a Christian metropolis containing Copts, Romans, Creeks, Armenians, Maronites, Syrians, Chaldaeans and Protestants. The Protestants are represented by the Anglican church, the Scotch Free church, the evangelical church of Germany and the I nited Presbyterian church of the l".South (For minute divisions see Catholic Knc.)

    The first theological school of Christendom was founded in A. It was probably modeled after earlier Gnostic schools established for 7. Catechet- the study of religious philosophy. ical School It offered a three years course. There in Alexan- were no fees, the lecturers being sup- dria ported by gifts from rich students.

    Pantaenus, a converted Stoic philoso pher, was its first head (180). He was followed by ("lenient (202) and by Origen (232) under whom the school reached its zenith. It always stood for the philosophical vindication of Christianity. Among

    its greatest writers were Julius Africanus (215), Dionysius (205), Gregory (270), Eusebius (315), Athanasius (373) and Didymus (317), but, Origen (185-254) was its chief glory; to him belongs the honor of defeating paganism and Gnosticism with their own weapons; he gave to the church a "scien tific consciousness," his threefold interpretation of Scripture affected Hiblical exegesis clear down to the last century. Arius was a catechist in this instil nt ion, and Athanasius, the "father of ortho doxy" and "theological center of the Xicene age" (Schaf f), though not officially connected with the catechetical school was greatly affected by it, having been bred and trained in A. The school was closed toward the end of the 4th cent . because of theological disturbances in Egypt, but its work was continued from Caesarea and ot her centers, affect ing profoundly ,, oteru teachers like Jerome and Ambrose , and com pletely dominat ing Eastern thought . From the first there was a mystical and Docetic tendency visible, while its views of inspiration and methods of inter pretation, including its constant assumption of a secret doctrine for the qualified initiate, came legiti mately from Neo-1 latonism. For several centuries alter the school disbanded its tenets were combated by the "school of Antioch," but by the 8th cent . the Alex theology was accepted bv the whole Christian world, east and west .

    LITKRATTHK. Besides works mentioned in the text see especially: IVtric. Ilixtoni of K<i,/ot IN .MK V, VI; Mahair.v. Umpire of tin- Ptolemie* ilS!If>i; l ro,,r,^ of Jfi-llrnixm il!)(). r ).; Butler. Arab Conquest of Egypt Ht<>_>>; Krnst Siftflin. Ausgrabungen in Alexandrien I .Klx ; Har- nack. Lehrbuch der Doumenacschichte iis .if) I lOOi. and in New Scli-ll,r: il()10 ; limr. Alexandrian Theoloiry in Knr of HiUoioti <,,i l Ktlur* KMIS ; Kd Tainl. K rohttion of Theology in thr Greek Philosophers (,904r, 1 lleiderer, Philosophy <m<l Development <>( Reliuion [1804); Scliair, History of Christian Church isst MHO ; /ojiliel). fStudes sur I ancienne Aleiandrie ( I .IOin.


    ALEXANDRIANS, al-eg-/an dri-ans ( A,tav- Spets, Alexandreis) . Jeus of Alexandria, who had, with the Libertines and Cyrenians, a synagogue in Jerusalem. They were among those who disputed with Stephen (Acts 6 !).

    ALGUM, al gum (IT^-^X, alf/ilnniinn [2 Chronicles 2 X; 910f]; or ALMUG [ZT^-X , alnuji,n,,, , K 10 11 f]): It is generally sup]:osed that these

    Ahrum Tree San/alum albtii

    two names refer to one kind of tree, the consonants being transposed as is not uncommon in Sem words. Solomon sent to Hiram, king of Tyre, saying, "Send me also cedar-trees, fir-trees, and algum-trees,




    Alexandrians Allegory

    out of Lebanon" (2 Chronicles 2 8). In 1 Kings 10 11 it is said that the navy of Hiram that brought gold from Ophir, brought in from Ophir great plenty of almug-trees and precious stones." In the parallel passage in 2 Chronicles 9 10 it is said that "algum-trees and precious stones" were brought. From this wood "the king made .... pillars for the house of JAH, and for the king s house, harps also and psalteries for the singers: there came no such almug-trees, nor were seen, unto this day" (1 Kings 10 12). Tin- wood was evidently very precious and apparently came from K. Asia unless we suppose from 2 Chronicles 2 Samuel that it actually yrcw on Lebanon, which is highly improbable; it was evidently a tine, close- grained wood, suitable for carving. Tradition says that this was the famous sandal wood, which was in ancient times put to similar uses in India and was all through the ages highly prized for its color, fragrance, durability and texture. It is the wood of a tree, I tcroair pussantalinus (northI). Rantalaccae) , which grows to a height of 25 to 30 feet ; it is a native of the mountains of Malabar.

    east west G. MASTKKM ,,

    ALIAH, a-ll a (TVC" , ,tlydhr. One of the dukes, or heads of thousands of Edom (1 Chronicles 1 51). In Genesis 36 40 the name is Alvah ("V5" , <a1imh ), the only difference being the change of the weaker "I, r, of (Jen to the somewhat stronger, ", //, of the later Chronicles, a change which is not infrequent in I lei). He is not to be confused, as in IIDB, with the Alian of the same chapter.

    ALIAN, a-ll an ( ^" alyan): A descendant, of Esau, and son of Shobal (1 Chronicles 1 40). In the cor- re-pimding earlier genealogy ((Jen 36 23) the same person is given as Alvan ("~ " . ^ilinlni, the change of the third consonant being a simple one, common to Hebrew, occurring similarly in Aliah (q.v.). Alian is not to be identified with Aliah, since the groups of names in which these occur are quite different, and the context in each case is not the same.

    ALIEN, al yen: Found in the AV for *"13 , <jcr, (Exodus 18 3) = "guest," hence: "foreigner," "so- journer" RY; also for "CI , nelcfiar (Isaiah 61 5) = "foreign," "a foreigner" RV (concrete), "heath.en- dom" (abstract), "alien," "strange" (-er); and for T2I, nokhrl (Deuteronomy 1421 RY "foreigner"; cf Job 19 io; Ps 69 X; Lam 5 2) "strange," in a variety of degrees and meanings: "foreign," "non-relative," "adulterous," "different," "wonderful," "alien," "outlandish," " strange." In the NT we find dTr^X- ,oTpiwfj.evos. apcllotridmenos (Eph 4 IS; Col 1 21) = "being alienated," and allotrios (He 11 34) = "another s," "not one s own," hence: "foreign," "not akin," "hostile." In the OT the expression was taken in its lit . sense, referring to those who were not I.-raelites t lie heat hen; in the NT it is given a fig. meaning, as indicating those who have not be come naturalized in the kingdom of God, hence are outside of Christ and the blessing of the gospel.

    FKAM< east HIUSCH

    ALIENATE, fd yen-at ("Q2, ahlxir; diraXXoTpioco, nixillntrioo, "to estrange from"): In OT, for the break between husband and wife caused by unfaith fulness to the marriage vow (Je-r 6 8; Ezekiel 23 17); also applied 1o the diversion of property (Ezekiel 48 14). In NT, spiritually, for the turning of the soul from God (Eph 2 12; Col 1 21). The Greek allotrios, which is the root of the verb, is the opposite of id- i-os, "one s own." The word implies a former state, whence the person or thing has departed, and that, generally, by deterioration.

    ALIVE, a-llv (Tl , hiii, "living"; do>, zdd, "to live," dvada>, anazdd, "to live again"): These;

    Hebrew and Greek originals are the chief terms for life in both Testaments. They cover all life, including soul and spirit, although primarily referring to physical vitality. Striking examples may be cited: "Is your father yet a.?" (Genesis 43 7); "To whom he also showed himself a." (Acts 1 3). Often used of God: "the living God" (Joshua 3 10); also of the resurrection life: "In Christ shall all be made a." (1 Cor 15 22); of the soul s regenerate life: "Reckon .... yourselves .... a. unto God," "as those that are a. from the dead" (Rom 6 11.13 AY). The term is vital with the creative energy of (Jod; the healing, redemptive, resurrection life of Christ ; the renewing and recreative power of the Holy Spirit. DwniiiT M. Pit ATT

    ALL, 61: I sed in various combinations, and with different meanings.

    (1) All dlniKj, "Weeping all along as lie went" (Jeremiah 41 6), i.e. throughout the whole way he went, feigning equal concern with the men from Shiloh, etc, for the destruction of the Temple, so as to put them off their guard.

    (2) All in all, "That God may be all in all" (1 Cor 15 2S, Greek pan la en paxin, "all things in all [persons and| things"). "The universe, with all it comprises, will wholly answer to God s will and re flect His mind" (Dummelow).

    (3) All one, "It is all one" (Job 9 22), "it makes no difference whether I live or die."

    (4) At all, "If thy father miss me at all" (1 Samuel 20 tii. "in any wav," "in the least."

    (5) All to, "All to brake his skull" (Judges 9 53 AY) an obsolete form signifying "altogether"; "broke his skull in pieces."

    ((>) Often used indefinitely of a large number or a great part, "All the cat tie of Egypt died" (Exodus 9 0; cf vs 19.25); "all Judaea, and all the region roundabout" (Matthew 3 5); "that all the world should be enrolled" ( Luke 2 L); "all Asia and the world" (Acts 19 27); "All [people] verily held John to be a prophet" (Mark 11 32). AI. (). EVANS

    ALLAMMELECH, a-Iam f-le-k ( " *^X , ,,l- luninii-lrkli, "oak of a king"): A town in the tribe of Asher, the location of which is not known (Joshua 19 2(1; AV Alammelech).

    ALLAR, al ar (AY Aalar; Aa,dp, Aalur): Oc curring once (1 Esdras 5 3(5) and used apparently to indicate a place from which certain Jews came on then-turn from captivity, who could not prove their lineage-, and we re exe-lude-d for this reason from the privilege s e)f the prie-sthejoel. IIDtt identifies with Immer of E/r 2 59 and Neh 7 (>1 (q.v.), but this is ne>t at all e-e-rtain.

    ALLAY, a-la (rp"!"l, f/TtiT lj, "te> e-ause to rest," "soothe": "Gentleness allayelh [lit., "pacifieth"] gre>at eiffe nces" [Eccl 10 4]): The worel is applied to what "excites, disturbs and makes uneasy" (Smith, Syiioiii/iHx Discriminated, 10(5).

    ALLEGE, a-lej (iT-apaTi0-n|ii,, "paratithemi," "to

    set forth," Acts 17 3): It is not used in the Eng. Bible in its more mexle-rn and usual sense, "te> assert," but is about equivalent to "to prove."

    ALLEGIANCE, a-le jans (rrVQCTp , mishmereth, "a charge," from shdn/tir, "to ke-e-p," 1 Chronicles 12 29): RVm give s as lit. meaning, "ke-pt the charge of the- hemse- e>f Saul," which re-visers e-onsider fig. fe>r "maintaining their loyalty and fidelity," i.e>. "allegiance."

    ALLEGORY, al f -go-ri : The term allegory, be-ing derive-el fre>in dXXo d-yopeveiv, <illo agaretiein, sig nifying to say something differe-nt fremi what the

    Allegory Allure




    words themselves imply, can et ymologically be applied to any fig. form of expression of thought. In actual usage in theology, the term is employed in a restricted sense, being used however in three ways, viz. rhetorically, hermeneutically and hoini- letically. In the first -mentioned sense it is the ordinary allegory of rhetoric, which is usually defined as an extended or continued metaphor, this exten sion expanding from two or more statements to a whole volume, like Bunyan s J ilyrim s I roi/ Allegories of this character abound in the Scrip tures, both in ( )T and in NT. Instructive exam ples of this kind are found in Ps 80 8-19; Eccl 12 3-7; .In 10 1 10; Eph 6 11-17. According to traditional interpretation of both the Jewish exe gesis and of the Catholic and Protestant churches the entire book of Cant is such an allegory. The subject is discussed in full in Terry s Biblical Hermeneiitics, etc, ch vii, 214-3South

    In the history of Biblical exegesis allegory rep resents a distinct type of interpretation, dating back to pre-Christian times, practised particularly by the Alex -lews, and adopted by the early Church Fathers and still practised and defended by the Roman Catholic church. This method insists that, the literal sense, particularly of historical passages, does not exhaust the divinely purposed meaning of such passages, but that these latter also include a deeper and higher spiritual and mystical sense. The fourfold sense ascribed to the Scriptures finds its expression in the well-known saying: Littern gcsta dual; (/ui/l crnlux, tillri/oricn; ttioruli?;, quid (KJIIN; qu il .s /n/v.s, antujotjicii ("The letter shows things done; what you are to believe, the allegoric; what you are to do, the moral; what you are to hope, the anagogic"), according to which the allegorical is the hidden dogmatical meaning to be found in every passage. Cremer, in his Biblico-Theological Xnr Testament L(.rtcnn ; shows that this method of finding a hidden thought behind the simple 1 statement of a passage, although practised so ex tensively on the Jewish side by Aristobulus and especially Philo, is not of Jewish origin, but was, particularly by the latter, taken from the Alex Creeks (who before this had interpreted Cr my thology as the expression of higher religious con ceptions) and applied to a deeper explanation of ( )T historical data, together with its theophanies, anthropomorphisms, anthropopathies, and the like, which in their plain meaning were regarded as unworthy of a place in the Divine revelation of the Scriptures. Such allegorizing became the common custom of the early Christian church, although not practised to the same extent in all sections, the Syrian church exhibiting the greatest degree of sobriety in this respect. In this only Jewish prec edent was followed; the paraphrases commonly known as the Tg, the Midr, and later in its ex- tremest form in the Kabbalah, all showed this mark of eisegesis instead of exegesis. This whole false hermeneutical principle and its application orig inated doubtless in an unhistorical conception of what the Scriptures are and how they originated. It is characteristic of the NT, and one of the evi dences of its inspiration, that in the entire Biblical literature of that age, both Jewish and Christian, it is the only book that does not practise allego rizing but abides by the principle of the lit. interpre tation. Nor is Paul s exegesis in Gal 4 21-31 an application of false allegorical methods. Here in ver 24 the term allegoroumena need not be taken in the technical sense as expressive of a method of interpretation, but merely as a para phrase of the preceding thought; or, if taken tech nically, the whole can be regarded as an aryumentnm ad hominem, a way of demonstration found also else where in Paul s writings. The Protestant church,

    beginning with Luther, has at all times rejected this allegorizing and adhered to the safe and sane principle, practised by Christ and the entire NT, viz. Sc/ixii/n lie inferns, sol cjferas ("Do not carry a meaning into [the Scriptures] but draw it out of [the Scriptures]") It is true that the older Protestant theology still adheres to a sensus mystic us in the Scriptures, but by this it means those passages in which the sense is conveyed not per rerhn (through words), but />< r rrx verbis descriptor ( through things described by means of words"), as e.g. in the parable and I he type.

    In homiletics allegorizing is applied to the method which draws spiritual truths from common his torical statements, as e.g. when the healing of a leper by Christ is made the basis of an exposition of the healing of t lie soul by (lie Saviour. Naturally this is not interpretation in the exegetieal sense.

    C. II. SmonuE

    ALLELUIA, al-6-loo ya. See HALLELUJAH.

    ALLEMETH, al e-meth (ME 3? , Wlcmrth, "con cealment"; AV Alemeth, 1 Chronicles 6 GO): Name of a town in tribe of Benjamin, near Anathoth, one of the cities given to the sons of Aaron, the same as Almon of Joshua 21 ISouth The AV ALKMETH (q.v.) is based upon the Hebrew reading "72"^" , *alemcth. Its site is the modern Ahnit, a village a short dis tance northI 1 ], of Anathoth.

    ALLIANCE, a-ll ans: Frequent references are made to alliances between the patriarchs and for eigners. Abraham is reported to have

    1. In the had "confederates" among the chiefs Patriarchal of the Canaanites (Genesis 14 13). He Stories also allied with Abimelech, king of

    Gerar(21 22-31). Isaac s alliance with Abimelech (26 2(1-34), which is offered as an ex planation of the name Beer-sheba (ver 33), appears to be a variant of the record of alliance between Abraham and Abimelech. Jacob formed an al liance with Laban, the Syrian (31 44-54), by which Gilead was established as a boundary line between Israel and Aram. These treaties refer, in all probability, to the early period of Israel s history, and throw a good deal of light upon the relation between Israel and the Philisand the Syrians imme diately after the conquest of Canaan.

    The only reference to an alliance between Israel and foreign people prior to the conquest of Canaan,

    that, might be regarded as historical,

    2. In Pre- is that, made between Israel and the Canaanitic Kenite tribes at the foot of Sinai, the History precise nature of which, however, is

    not very clearly indicated. Such al liances led to intermarriages between the members of the allied tribes. Thus Moses married a Kenite woman (Judges 1 10; 4 11). The patriarchal mar riages refer to the existing conditions after the con quest. Possibly one more alliance belonging to that, period is that between Israel and Moab (Numbers 25 1-3). According to the narrative, Israel be came attached to t he daughters of Moab, at Shittim, and was led astray after Baal-peor. Its historicity is proven from the prophetic allusions to this event (cf Hos 9 10; Mir, 6 5).

    The invading hordes of Israel met with strong

    opposition on the part of the natives of Pal (Judges 1

    21.27-36). In time, alliances were

    3. During formed with some of them, which the Con- generally led, as might be expected, quest to considerable trouble. One concrete

    illustration is preserved in the story of the Gibeonites (Joshua 9). Intermarriages were fre quent. The tribe of Judah thus became consolidated through the alliance and the amalgamation with the Kenites and Calebites (Judges 1 10-16). These




    Allegory Allure

    relations between Israel and the Canaanites threat ened the preservation of Yahwism.

    Prohibitory measures were adopted in the legal codes with a view to Jewish separateness and purity (Exodus 23 32; 34 12.15; Deuteronomy 7 2; cf Judges 4. The 2 2.3; Lev 18 3.4; 20 22 f).

    Monarchy But at a very early date in the his tory of the Jewish kingdom the official heads of the people formed such alliances and inter married. David became an ally to Achish of (lath (1 Samuel 27 2-12) and later on with Abner, which led to the consolidation of Judah and Israel into one king dom (2 Samuel 3 17-21; 5 1-3). It appears likewise- that Toi, king of Hamath, formed an alliance with David (2 Samuel 9 10) and that Hiram of Tyre was his ally (1 Kings 6 12a). Alliances with foreign nations became essential to the progress of trade and com merce during the reign of Solomon. Two of his treaties are recorded: one with Hiram of Tyre (1 Kings 5 12-18; 9 11-14) and one with Pharaoh, king of Egypt (1 Kings 9 Hi).

    After the disruption, Shishak of Egypt invaded Judaea, and probably also Israel. This meant an abrogation of the treaty existing be- 6. The tween Israel and Egypt during t In-

    Divided reign of Solomon. In consequence of Kingdom the war between the two kingdoms, Asa formed an alliance with Ben- hadad of Syria (1 Kings 15 18-20J . Later on Ahab sought an alliance with Ben-hadad (1 Kings 20 31- 34). Friendly relations ensue-d between Israel and Judah, during the reign of Jehoshaphat, which continued to the close of the dynasty of Omri (1 Kings 22 2-4.50; 2 Kings 3 7). With the accession of Jehu, hostilities were resumed. In the Syro- Ephraimitic war, Israel was allied with Svria, and Judah with Assyria ( 2 Kings 16<>-!l; Isaiah 7). This opened the way to the Assyr power into both king doms. Relief against Assyria was sought in Egypt ; Hoshea rebelled against Shalmaneser, and allied with So (Sevechus, the Shabaka of the 25th Dynasty) and thus brought about the fall of Samaria. _

    Ile/ekiah likewise 1 sought an alliance with So, but derived no assistance- from him. He is re corded to have formed friendly rela-

    6. The tions with Berodach-baladan of Baby- Kingdom Ion (2 Kings 20 12-18). These alliances of Judah resulted in the introduclion of foreign

    cults into Jerus (2 Kings 16 10.11). Dur ing the reign of Manasseh, Yahwism was seriously threatened by foreign religious practices (2 Kings 21 2-9). The protesting spirit against, the prevailing conditions found expression in the Deuteronomy code, which emphasizes the national policy. Josiah fought against Pharaoh-necoh as an ally of Assyria (2 Kings 23 29). Jehoahaz continued the Assyr alliance and was dethroned in consequence by Pharaoh-necoh (ver 33). Jehoiakin was disposed to be friendly with Egypt, and even after his subjection to Nebuchad nezzar, he remained loyal to the Pharaoh (ver 35). Zedekiah came to the throne as an ally of Babylon. When he broke- this alliance, the destructiem of Jerus resulted (25).

    Judas Maccabaeus sought an alliance with the

    Romans (1 Mace 8; Jos, Ant, XII, x, <>) which was

    renewed by Jonathan (1 Mace 12 1 ;

    7. In Ant, XIII, v, 8) arid by Simon (1 Post-exilic Mace 15 17; Ant, XIII, vii, 3). Times Treaties were conclude-d with the

    Spartans (1 Mace 12 2; 14 20; Ant,

    XII, iv, 10; XIII, v, S). The Rom alliance was again renewed by Ilyrcanus about 128 BC (Ant,

    XIII, ix, 2). This alliance proved to be- of fatal consequence to the independence of the- Je-ws (Ant, XIV, iv, 4; and xiv, 5). For the rites con nected with the formation of the earlier alliances, see COVENANT. SAMUEL COHON

    ALLIED, a-lld (2"lj? , karobli, "near," as in (Jen 45 10; Exodus 13 17, etc/: Neh 13 4 refers either to family ties, as in Ruth 2 20, or to intimate asso ciation.

    ALLOM, al om (. A,,wv, A lion): RV AI.LXIN (q.v.): One of the families e)f the "servants of Solomon," whose descendants returned with Zerub- babel from Babylon in the First Re-turn, f>37 BC (1 Esdras 5 34). The name is not found in the parallel lists of Ezra and Nehemiah, although some have tried to identify with the- last name of each list, Ami of Ezra 2 57, and Amon of Neh 7 59. This is not probable.

    ALLON, al on CPSX , allon, "oak"):

    (1) A town in the tribe of ,aphtali in northern Palestine- (Joshua 19 33), according to AV, which follows some- Hebrew texts. It is better however to read with the RY , "oak" (""&?, elon), rather than as proper noun.

    (2) A prominent descendant of the tribe of Simeon (1 Chronicles 4 37).

    (3) RV for Allom of the AV in 1 Esdras 5 34 (q.v.).

    ALLON-BACUTH, al em-ba kuth (rVZa nUdn iHlklnlth; AV translite-rate-s Allon-bachuth, al-on-bak uth, "oak of weeping"): The 1 burial place of Deborah, the- nurse of Re-be-kah ((Jen 35 8); it appears from the narrative- that she made her home with Jacob, who had returned from Paddan- aram, and was sojourning at the time; at Bethel, in the vicinity of which was the- "oak of we-eping," under which she was buried.

    ALLOW, a-lou , ALLOWANCE, a-lou ans: The vb. "to allow" is used in AV to translation four different (!r words: (1) suncmloked, "to approve together" (with others) (RV "consent unto"), ^Luke 11 48. (2) prosdechomai, "to receive te> oneself," "admit:" (RV "look for," m "accept"); Acts 24 15. (3) </in- n.s/,-r>, "to know," "re-cognize 1 ": "That which I do, I allow not" (RV "I know not"), i.e. "I do not. under stand what 1 am doing, my coneluct is inexplicable to me" (Grimm-Thayer) ; Rom 7 15. (4) <lokini(hr>, "to prove-," "approve-." "Happy is lie that eon- denme-th not himself in the thing which he alloweth" (KV "approveth," i.e. in practice 1 ), i.e. who is not troubled with scruples; Horn 14 22. Thus RV has removed the vb. "allow" in each e j ase- in which it occurs in AY, it being somewhat ambiguous in meaning (its original sense, as derived freim I. at (tlliic/in, "to place-," "assign," "grant," being influ enced by another word, Lat allnuddrc, "to praise"). The noun "allowance-" occurs in the sense of quan tity of food allowed, in 2 Kings 25 30 (AV, RV) and the passage Jeremiah 52 34 (RV; "diet" in AV).


    ALLOY, a-loi (b HS , frrilill): In Isaiah 1 25 RVm; translation 1 "tin" in the- text. Elsewhere in both VSS b dhll is translation 1 Ti, (q.v.).

    ALLURE, a-lur (HPE , pn/tidfi, "to persuade," "woo," "entice-"; 5,<itu, i/d/iizd, "to entrap," "lay a bait"):

    (1) "I will allure her, and bring her into the wilderness" (Hos 2 14), with e-vielent reference to the Assyr invasion and the- devastation of the land, followed up by the Exile. Thus would Je-h entice Israel to repent by gentle punishment ; then would fejllenv her restoration and the outpouring of His love (vs 14 IT).

    (2) "They allure through the lusts of the flesh" (2 Pet 2 18, RV "entice"). Wicked men allure te> destruction; Clod (as above-) allures to punish ment, repentance and restoration. M. O. EVANS

    Almighty Alms



    ALMIGHTY, ol-mlf i: (1) ("HE, shaddai [Genesis 17 lj): Found in the OT fort y-eight times, most of these in the Hook of Job; it occurs either ;ilone or in combination with 5X , r7, "(lod"). The root meaning is uncertain. (2) (TravTOKpdTup, />nnloL r<i- lor), t he exclusive t r of this Greek word in 1 he XT, found principally in Rev (nine times); once besides ( 2 Cor 6 IS). Its occurrence in t he Apoc is frequent . See GOD, NAMKS OK.

    ALMODAD, al-md dad ("" ;i !2 ~X , <il,no<lha<lh, "the beloved," or, "(lod is beloved"): The first mentioned of the thirteen sons of Joktan (Genesis 10 2f>-2); 1 Chronicles 1 ID-23). A south Arabian name, and point ing to a sout h Arabian t ribe. See ABIMAKL.

    ALMON, al mon ("1^2-", ^ilnioii. "hidden"): A Levitical cit, in the tribe of Benjamin (Joshua 21 IS), the same as "Allemeth" RY, "Alemeth" AV, of 1 Chronicles 6 (H) (q.v.).

    ALMON-DIBLATHAIM, al mon-dib-la-lha im (D^npll 1 ^ "(tt-py, l alnwn dibhlattiayim, "Almon of the double cake of figs"): A station in the wilder ness journeyings of the Israelites, located in Moab between Diban-gad and the mountains of Abarim (Judges 33 -Hi. 47). It was near the end of the forty years wanderings. The name was probably given because the location was like two lumps of pressed figs. In both occurrences the word has the accusa- I ive ending of direct ion, and should properly be read : "Almon toward 1 )iblal haim." It was probably the same place as Bet h-diblal haim of Jeremiah 48 22, men tioned in | he prophet s oracle against .Moab.

    ALMOND, a in mid:

    (1) -pr, shalfMh, Genesis 43 1 1 ; Numbers 17 S, etc. The word xlmltul coni(,s from a Hebrew root meaning to "watch" or "wait." In Jeremiah 1 11.12 there is a play on the word, "And I said, I see a rod of an

    Almond .1 myydalux

    almond-tree [xhakedh]. Then said Jehovah unto me, Thou hast well seen: for I will watch [xhokcilli] over my word to perform it."

    (2) 7-b, /7.r; AV hazel, Genesis 30 37; lam is the mod Arab, name for "almond" Luz was the old name of BETHEL (q.v.).

    The almond tree is mentioned in Eccl 12 5,

    where in the description of old age it says "the

    almond -tree .shall blossom." The

    1. Almond reference is probably to the white hair Tree of age. An almond tree in full bloom

    upon a distant hillside has a certain likeness to a head of white hair.

    A rod of almond is referred to Genesis 30 37, where "Jacob took him rods of fresh poplar, and of the

    almond ,lil~] and of the plane-tree; and

    2. A Rod peeled white streaks in them" as a of Almond means of securing "ring-streaked, speck led, and spotted" lambs and goats a

    proceeding founded doubtless upon some ancient folklore. Aaron s rod that budded (Judges 17 2.3) was an almond rod. Also see Jeremiah 1 11 referred to above.

    The blossoms of the almond are mentioned Exodus 25 33 f; 37 I 1 .) f, etc. "Cups made like almond- blossoms in one branch, a knop (i.e.

    3. The knob) and a flower," is the description Blossoms given of parts of the sacred candle sticks. It is doubtful exactly what was

    intended the most probable is, as Dillmami has suggested, that the cup was modeled after the calyx of the almond flower. See CAXDLKSTICK.

    Israel directed his sons (Genesis 43 11) to carry

    almonds as part of their present to Joseph in Egypt.

    Palestine is a land where the almond

    4. The flourishes, whereas in Egypt it would Fruit appear to have been uncommon.

    Almonds are today esteemed a deli cacy; they are eaten salted or beaten into a pulp with sugar like the familiar German Mi/rzi /KUI.

    The almond is Amijf/dfdiix coin/minis (X.O. Unwind! ), a tree very similar to the peach. The common variety grows to the height of 2o feet and produces an abundant blossom which appears before the leaves; in Pal this is fully out at the end of January or beginning of February; it is the harbinger of spring. This early blossoming is supposed to be the origin of the name ahdl.ccdlt which contains 1 he idea of "early." The masses of almond trees in full bloom in some parts of Pal make a very beautiful and striking sight. The bloom of some varieties is almost pure white, from a little distance, in other parts the delicate pink, always present at the inner part of the petals, is diffused enough to give a pink blush to the whole blossom. The fruit is a drupe with a dry fibrous or woody husk which splits into two halves as the fruit ripens. The common wild variety grows a kernel which is bitter from the presence of a substance called amygdalon, which yields in its turn prussic (hydrocyanic) acid. Young trees are grafted with cuttings from the sweet variety or are budded with apricot, peach or plum. east west G. MASTKR.MAN

    ALMOST, ol most (IvoXfyw): In Acts 26 28 the Greek en oligo does not mean "almost," although scholars have for centuries translation 1 the clause "Almost thou persuadest me to become a Christian." The revisers saw clearly the errors of their predeces sors, so far as the signification of the first two words is concerned; but their explanation of the sentence is also erroneous; for the Greek cannot mean "With but little persuasion thou wouldst fain make me a Christian." Paul s reply proves that en oligo must be taken with the last word poiesai, not with pri- ///f/.s, since he takes up Agrippa s en oligo, couples it with en mcgdlo and continues with geneslhai which is the regular passive of poiesai (cf Lysias .xii.71 with 72). And the idea of "Christian" is also taken up and repeated in ho polos kai ego eimi.

    An investigation of the usage of en oligo shows that it was never used in the sense of "almost."




    Almighty Alms

    The phrase occurs first in the Hymn to Hermes, 240, and here it is evidently an abbreviated expres sion for the Homeric 6X17^ evl x^PV, oligo eni chord (M 423). Cf K 101, P 394. But it was used for both time and place, with the substantive expressed or understood (Time, i.93.1; iii.66.3; iv. 26.3; iv.55.3; ii.84.3; ii.SG.5; iv.96.3; v.112; vii. 67.3; vii.87.1; Find. Pyth. viii.131; Eur. Suppl. 1126; Hel. 771; lsoc.iv.83; Dem. lviii.60; iii.18). These uses persist from Homer far down into the post-classical literature (Plut. Per. 159 F; Coriol. 217 F; Mar. 427 A; Crass. 547 C; Polyb. x.18; Appian, Mithrad. 330; Themistius xi.!43C; Eus- tath. 11. B, p.339.1Sj. In the NT the phrase occurs also in Eph 3 3. Here too the common versions are incorrect. The clause in which the phrase occurs means simply, as 1 said a little while ago"- the addition of en oligo merely indicates that the interval indicated by ]>ro is short, an idea which would have been expressed in classical Greek by the simple dative, oligo and the adverb j>rnt< run (Ar. Thcsni. 57S; Aeschin. i. 2, 26, 72, 165; ii. 77, 147). Only a short while before Paul had expressed practically the same thought (Eph 3 3) and in almost identical language.

    Consequently, en oli-go, in the NT, means "a little," and is equivalent to ol it/on which occurs in 2 Pet 2 ISouth In classical writers the idea would have been expressed by oligon, or kaC oliyon. So en oligo, which originally signified "in a little space" (or time), conies to mean simply "a little" (bit), cin birchen, but is never equivalent to oligou ("within a little") in any period of the language. The King James translators disregarded the real significance of poic Mii, or adopted the reading of the inferior MSS (;/< ncxtlmi ), so as to make the rest of the sentence harmonize with their translation of the first two words; and the revisers force the last two words into an impossible service, since the object of poiesai of which cliristianon is the factitive predicate, must be a third person, but certainly not Agrippa. Some scholars are of the opinion that the thought is: "You are trying to persuade me so as to make me a Christian." This is, indeed, the Spanish version; but examples show that the infinitive after ireldeLv was used in a different sense. The best .MS reads TTI0EIC. This might, of course, stand for iretfais. But /j.e-!ri6Ei.s may point to an original ^e-rrnrode^. Cf Jas 4 5 and 2 Cor 5 2, Plato Ley. S55 east If these contentions be correct, the 1 verb means simply "earnestly desire," and not "persuade." Cf Herod. v. 03; Plato Prolog . 329 D; Aesch. Persians. 542; Soph. Phil. 534; Eur. H.F. 1408; I.T. 542; Cyd. 68; Ion 1432; Ar. /,//*. 605, Inn del; ti pothels; Agrippa is asking, "What do you want, Paul? What are you trying to do? Make me a Christian?" The implication in Paul s reply is that he is very desirous indeed of making him a Christian. And this interpretation harmonizes with the scene. The apostle s business at this juncture is not to convert heathen to Christianity; for he is in chains before Agrippa, Berenice, Festus and prominent men of Caesarea, meld pollen phantasias (ver 23), to answer the charges brought against him by the Jews. But he holds forth at length and with such ardor that the Roman king says (though not necessarily in irony): "You seem to be anxious to make me a Christian in small measure." And Paul responds: "both small and great." All the MSS, except Sinaiticus, have ireL6eis (Alexandr. TTEIOH 1 )- Several read genesthai (instead of poi- esai). Wetstenius (Amsterdam 1752) and Knapp (Halle 1829) follow these MSSouth So most of the old translation s : Coverdale (1535), "Thou persuadest me in a parte to become a Christen"; Biblia Sacra

    (Paris 1745) "In modico suades me C. fieri"; a Latin MS, 14th cent., now in Lane Sem., Cin cinnati; Rosenmueller s Scholia (1829), "Parum abest quin mihi persuadeas ut fiam"; Stier und Theile s Polyglotten Bihel (1849); Tregelles (1857- 79, with Jerome s version); Edouard Reuss, II is- toire apostoliqne (Paris 1876), "Tu vas me persuader bientot de devenir Chretien." The translation of Queen Elizabeth s Bible is "Somewhat thou bryngeste me in minde for to become Chryste." Wyeliffe renders "In litil thing thou councelist me for to be maad a Christen man." Erasmus takes en. oligo in the sense of "a little." Calvin s rendering, Thou wilt make me a Christian in a moment," has been adopted in various countries (Wetstenius, Kuinoel, Neander, de Wette, Lange, Robinson, llackett, Conybeare). The older scholars generally hold to "almost" (Valla, Luther, Heza, Grotius, C astalio, Du Veil, Bengel, Stier). Some interpret the phrase "with little labor" (Oecumenius, Ols- hausen, Baumgarten, Meyer, Lcchler). Neander maintains that if we adopt the readings en megalo in Paul s answer, Agrippa s words must be explained "with a few reasons" ("which will not cost you much trouble 1 "). Meyer-Wendt (Kritisch-exegetisches Handbiich uber die Apostelgeschichte) translates "mit Wenigcm ueberredest. du mich Christ zu werden." Meyer himself conceives the words to have been spoken sarcastically. See Classical Iferieir, XX 11, 238-41. J. east II Aim Y

    ALMS, ams, ALMSGIVING, ams-giv ing: The Eng. word "alms" is an abridged form of the Greek word, i,eri/jLoffvvr), eleemosune (ct "eleemosynary"), ai)])earing in gradually reduced forms in German Alinnxrn, Wyclif s Alimsxr, Scotch Air ntonx, and our alms.

    The later Jews often used "righteousness" Q f dhdknh as meaning alms, that being in their view the foremost righteousness. (Cf our modern use of "charity" to denote almsgiving.) This use is seen in the Talrn and in the frequent translations of the Hebrew word for "righteousness" (fdhukdh) by "alms" (eleemosune) in the LXX, though nothing warranting this is found in the Hebrew ( )T, or in the true text of the NT. This notion of right eousness as alms being well-nigh universal among .lews in Jesus day, and spreading even among Christians, accounts for "alms" in Matthew 6 1, where the true text has "righteousness": "Take 1 heed that ye do not your righteousness before men, to be seen of them" (RV with BSD, the Lat versions, etc). The oriental versions which generally read "alms" may be accounted for on the supposition that "alms" was first written on the margin as explaining the supposed meaning of "righteousness," and then, as according with this accepted oriental idea, was substituted for it in the text by the copyists.

    I)il:aiosiine and eleemosune are both used in the LXX to translation hesedfi, "kindness," and are also both used to translation c", "justice." Almsgiving was regarded not merely as a plain evidence of righteousness in general but also as an act of justice, a just debt owing to the needy. "Xo one refuses directly," Mackie says, hence, possibly, Christ s teaching in Luke 11 41, "Let your righteousness [charity] be from within," "Give your hearts to almsgiving."

    In the course of time the impulse and command to give alms in a true human way, out of pity, such as is found expressed in Deuteronomy 15 11 AV, "Thou shall open thine hand wide unto thy brother, to thy poor, and to thy needy, in thy land," gave place to a formal, "meritorious" practice, possessing, like sacrifice, as men came to think, the power of atoning for man s sins, and redeeming him from calamity and death. For instance, Proverbs 11 4 (cf 16 6;

    Almug Alphabet




    21 3) was expounded: "Water will quench blazing fire; so doth almsgiving; make atonement for sins" (Ecclus 3 30). "Lay up alms in thy storehouse; it shall deliver thee from affliction" (Ecclus 29 12). The story of Tob is especially in point : it is simply a lesson on almsgiving and its redeeming powers: "Alms delivers from death and will purge away all sin." (Tob 1 3. Hi; 2 14; 4 7-11; 12 Samuel.9. Cf Sir 29 HIT). Kindred teaching abounds intheTalm: "Alms-giving is more excellent than all offerings," is "equal to the whole law," will "deliver from the condemnation of hell," will "make one perfectly righteous," etc. According to Rabbi Assi, "Alms giving is a powerful paraclete between the Israelites and their Father in heaven; it brings the time of re demption nigh" (liahha lidthrd Talm ,0a).

    The Roman Catholics, holding the books of Tob and Sir to be canonical, find in them proof-texts for their doctrine of almsgiving, and likewise attach great, value to the gifts to the poor as atoning for sins. Protestants, by a nat ural react ion, have failed to hold always at its true value what was and is an important Christian duty (see Luke 12 33 AV, and ct Matthew 6 19-- 24: "Sell that ye have and give alms," etc). It seems to have been so regarded and kept up in 1 he Christ ian communit ies lint il t he beginning of the 4th cent. (Apos Const II 3(>; Cyprian, DC Ojxrn and Elccnin*. xiv).

    The teaching of .Jesus on the subject is important, first, as bearing upon Jewish ideas and practices, and second, as bearing upon present-day Christian ideas and practices.

    Tliis teaching appears most conspicuously in the Sermon on the Mount. Wliile showing what is required of the subjects of the Messianic reign, He avowedly sets forth a higher and more spiritual morality than that which was taught and practised by the scribes and Pharisees: "Except your right eousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no wise enter into the kingdom of heaven" (Matthew 5 20). There, too, He lays down the general principle embodied in the words of Matthew 6 1: "Take heed that ye do not your righteousness before men, to be seen of them," and illustrates it by applying it to the three exercises most valued among the Jews (commended together in Tob 12 Samuel), viz. almsgiving (Matthew 6 2.4), prayer (vs 5-15), and fasting (vs 16-18). Jewish writers claim that these are "the three cardinal disciplines which the synagogue transmitted to the Christian church and the Mohammedan mosque" (cf Koran, Sura 2 40, 104; 9 54).

    Clearly what Jesus here forbids in general is not publicity in performing good deeds, which is often necessary and proper, but ostentatious publicity, for the purjtnse of attracting attention. (The Greek conveys distinctly this idea of purpose, and the verb for "to be seen" is the one from which comes our word "theater.")

    Jewish writers, as also Cr and Rom philosophers, have many notable maxims upon the beauty and importance of being unostentatious in virtue, especially in deeds of benevolence. The Essenes had their treasury in a chamber of their own in the temple that both the giving and the taking should be unobserved (Mish, 8h k, v.f>). Rabbi Eleazer said, "Alms-giving should be done in secret and not before men, for he who gives before men is a sinner, and God shall bring also the good deed before his judgment" (li.H.Va; cf Eccl 12 14).

    In applying this principle to almsgiving Jesus teaches His disciple: "When . . . thou doest alms, sound not a trumpet before thee, as the hypocrites do" (Matthew 6 2). The conjecture of Calvin, followed by Stier and others, and mentioned as early as Euthy- mius, that it was a practice among Jews for an ostentatious almsgiver literally to sound a trumpet,

    or cause a trumpet to be sounded before him, in public places to summon the needy, is without foundation (Lightfoot) ; as is also the notion, made current by the rabbis and accepted by Edersheim (The Teni/>lt -, etc, 26), that by "sounding a trumpet" Jesus was alluding to the trumpet-like receptacles of brass in the temple treasury. There is no proof that these were found "in the synagogues," or "in the streets." "Sound a trumpet," according to the Clr commentators, and the best modern authori ties, is merely a fig. expression common to many languages, for self-parade efforts to attract notice and win applause (cf our vulgar Eng. saying about "blowing your own horn"). The contrast with the common practice instituted by Jesus is the significant tiling: "Hut when thou doest alms" "thou" is emphatic by position in the C<r "let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth," etc, i.e. "So far from trumpeting your alms giving before the public, do not even let it be known to yourself." Jesus here, Calvin well says, "silently glances at a kind of folly which prevails everywhere among men, that they think they have lost their pains if there have not been many spec tators of their virtues." (The traditional saying of Mohammed, "In almsgiving, the left hand should not know what the right has given," is evidently borrowed from this saying of Jesus.) It is worthy of note that, despite popular practice, to give alms with right motives, and only to those who were worthy to receive, was a matter of special solicitude and instruction with the best among Jews as well as among Christians. The words of the Psalmist, "Blessed is he that considered h the poor," are construed to be an admonition to "take personal interest in him and not simply give him alms" ( LIT. R. xxxiv). "When thou wilt do good, know to whom thou doest it. dive unto the good and help not the sinner" (Ecclus 12 !-(>; cf Ditl 1 5.(>). "He that gives a free offering should give with a well-meaning eye" ( Yer. B.I). 4 11). Jesus words concerning the "single" and the "evil" eye (cf Luke 11 34-3<>), and Paul s teaching, "God loveth a cheerful giver" (2 Cor 9 7-!) have their counterparts in Jewish teaching. Rabbi Eleazer, referring to IIos 10 12, taught this high doctrine: "The kindness displayed in the giving of alms decides the final reward" (X/ik. 4%). Other kin dred teaching in a way anticipated Jesus supreme lesson, "that thine alms may lie in secret : and thy Father who sect h in secret shall recompense thee" (Matthew 6 4).

    LITKR ,TTRK. Commentaries ad lor. Rabbinical lit- oraturo in point. I). C assel, Die Armenverwaltung des alien Ixnu-l, 1SouthS7. GKO. B. EACEK

    ALMUG, al mug. See ALC;UM.

    ALNATHAN, al na-than ( AXvaOdv, Alnathdn, "God has given," RV EIA ATHAX): Apocryphal name of a person (1 Esdras 8 44) corresponding to Klnathan of Ezra 8 16. He was one of the learned men summoned by Ezra, as he was beginning his journey to Jerus, and sent to Iddo to ask for minis ters for the house of JAH.

    ALOES, al oz, LIGNALOES, lln-al oz, lig-nal oz (2""*nX, ahdllm, Numbers 24 6, translation "lign-aloes" [ = lignum aloes, "wood of aloes"], Proverbs 7 17; rn5nj, dhaloth, Ps 45 8; Cant 4 14; dXot], aloe, John 19 39): Men tioned as a substance for perfuming garments (Ps 45 X) and beds (Proverbs 7 17). In Cant 4 14, it occurs in a list of the most precious spices. The most memorable use of aloes as a spice is in John 19 39: "There came also Nicodemus, he who at the first came to him at night, bringing a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred pounds." This




    Almug Alphabet

    was an immense quantity and if the aloes bore any large proportion to the myrrh the mixture must have been purchased at a very high cost . The most difficult mention of aloes is the earliest where (Numbers 24 5.6) Balaam in his blessing on Israel exclaims " How goodly aro thy tents, O Jacob, Thy tabernacles, () Israel! As valleys are they spread forth, As gardens by the river-side, As lign-aloes which Jehovah hath planted, As cedar-trees besido tho waters."

    As the aloes in question grow in east Asia it is difficult to see how Balaam could have come to speak of them as living trees. Post (Hl)Ii, 1, GO) suggests that they may possibly have been growing at that time in the Jordan valley; this is both improbable and unnecessary. Balaam need have had no actual tree in his mind s eye but may have mentioned the

    aloe as a tree famous over the Orient for its precious- ness. That the reference is poetical rather than literal may be supposed by the expression in the next ver cedar-trees beside the waters" a situation very unnatural for the high-mountain-loving cedar. Yet another explanation is that the He!) has been altered and that C"VTX, ( 17 HI, "terebinths" instead of D Cnji, afidllm, "aloes" stood in the original text.

    The aloe wood of the Bible is eaglewood so misnamed by the Portuguese who confused the Malay name for it (tujUn) with the Lat (K/uila, "eagle" a product of certain trees of the northO. Aquilariaceae, growing in SouthK. Asia. The two most valued varieties are A</uil<iri<i malaccensis and A. agatlocha both fine spreading trees. The resin, which gives the fragrant quality to the wood, is formed almost entirely in the heart wood; logs are buried, the outer part decays while the inner part, saturated with the resin, forms the "eagle wood" or "aloe wood" of commerce; "aloes" being the same wood in a finely powdered condition. To the Arabs this wood is known as *>/<!. It shows a beautiful graining and takes a high polish.

    These aloes must be clearly distinguished from the well-known medicinal aloes, of ancient, fame. This is a resin from Aloes socatriria, and allied species, of the northO. Lilinccnc, originally from the island of Socotra, but now from Barbadoes, the Cape of Good Hope and other places. The "American

    aloe" (Agave ainericana) which today is cultivated in many parts of Palestine, is also quite distinct from the Biblical plant . east ,V. G. MASTERMAN

    ALOFT, a-loft (lirdvw, c/xino): Only in 1 Esdras 8 92. Meaning obscure. The statement following a confession of sin means probably that Israel in penitence returning to the Lord, is exultant in the assurance of His forgiveness, and encouraged in efforts at reformation.

    ALONG, a-long : Corresponding to two different Hebrew words. ,Judges 9 2n; 1 Samuel 6 12; Jeremiah 41 0, joined with "come" and "go," vividly describes a course that is taken it emphasizes its directness and im- mediateness. In Judges 7 12, "lay tilont/ in the valley," probably means "all the length" or "at length."

    ALOTH, a loth (rvby, ,llotJi): So found in AV and RVm in 1 Kings 4 16, where the RY has BEA- LOTII (r. ~"Z, b <illdt!i). A town, or district in northern Pal, together with Asher under Baana, one of Solomon s twelve civil officers. Conder identifies with the ruin Alia, near Achzib. There was another Bealoth in southern Pal (Joshua 15 21). The difference in the form of the word in AV and RY is due to interpretation of the initial b as prepo sition "in" in the former, and as part of the word itself in the latter.

    ALPHA, al fa, AND OMEGA, d me-ga, o-me ga, o-meg a (A and fi = A and ( )j : The first and last letters of the Greek alphabet, hence symbolically, "beginning and end"; in Rev "The Eternal One" in 1 <S of the Father, in 21 and 22 13 of the Son. Cf Theodore), II K, iv.S: "We used alpha down to omega, i.e. all." A similar expression is found in Lat (Martial, v.2f>). Cf Aretas (Cramer s Catenae (IriHCdfin A T) on Rev 1 8 and Tertullian (Mono;?, f>): "So also two Greek letters, the first and last, did the Lord put on Himself, symbols of the beginning and the end meeting in Him, in order that just as A rolls on to 2 and fi returns again to A, so He might show that both the evolut ion of the beginning to the end is in Him and again the return of the end to the beginning." Cyprian, Tcstiin, ii.l; vi. 22; hi. 100, Paulinus of Nola Curni. xix.()45; xxx. SO; Prudent ius, ( titlirni., ix.10-12. In Patristic and later literature the phrase is regularly applied to the Son. God blesses Israel from alephto taw (Lev 26 3-13), but curses from woic to nifm (Lev 26 14 -13). So Abraham observed the whole law from <ll(~iih to taw. Consequently, "Alpha and Omega" may be a Greek rendering of the Hebrew phrase, which expressed among the later Jews the whole extent of a thing. J. east HARRY

    ALPHABET, al fa-bet : An alphabet is a list of the elementary sounds used in any language. More strictly speaking it is that particular 1. Defini- series, commonly known as the Phoen tion or Can alphabet, which was in use in

    the region of Pal about 1000 BC, and which is the ancestor of nearly all modern written alphabets whether Sem or European. It is the alphabet therefore of OT Hebrew and Aram, and NT Greek, of the superscription of Caesar and the Lat inscription on the cross, as well as of Eng. through the Greek and Lat. It is an interesting fact, with many practical bearings on text and exegesis, that three sets of letters so very unlike in appearance as Hebrew, Greek and modern Eng. should be tha same in origin and alike in nature. Although the earliest surviving inscriptions must, be a good deal later than the separation between the Greek and Hebrew, the records in each are more like one another than either is like its own modern printed form.




    The characteristics of an alphabet arc (1) the analysis of .sounds into single letters rather than syllables or images, (2) the fixed order of succession in the letters, (3) the signs for the sounds, whether names or written symbols.

    Of these the analysis into single letters, instead of whole words or syllables, is the characteristic element. The order of the letters may vary, as that of the Sanskrit does from the European, and yet the list remain not only alphabetic but the "same alphabet, i.e. each sound represented by a similar name or written character. On the face of it, therefore, it might be imagined that the Egyp and Hab, the Cypriote, the Alinoan and other forms earlier than the Can which are known or suspected to have hail phonetic systems, may have had lists of these forms arranged in a fixed order, but these lists were not alphabetic until the final analysis into individual letters.

    The name alphabet conies from (he first two letters

    of the (lr, (il/i/Ki lit In, just as the old Eng. name for

    the alphabet, //>< or nhrri-, is simply

    2. Name the first three letters of the Eng.

    alphabet, and thus is merely an abbre viation for the whole alphabet . It appears t hat the (reeks also used the first and last letters of the alphabet (nl/t/ni and <>t/i<</u) as the ,]e,vs did the first and last, or the first, middle and last letters of their alphabet, as abbreviation for the whole and in the same sense t hat in Eng. one says "jj to i/./ard." A I />fin and In fn are themselves derived from the Sem names for the same letters ( ctteph, belli) and have no meaning in the ( Jr.

    The question of the invention of this alphabet differs from the question of the origin of the written

    forms of the letters with which it is

    3. Inven- often confused, and relates to the tion recognition of the individual letters.

    Alphabetical language whether written or spoken, inward or outward, is distinguished from the pictographic, hieroglyphic, and syllabic stages by this analysis into individual sounds or letters. It begins with the picture, passes to the ideogram and syllable, and from the syllable to the letter. This is best seen in writing, but it is equally true in speech. At the letter stage the alphabet begins. It is alleged by some that another stage, a con sonantal writing, between syllabic and alphabetic writing, should be recognized. This would deny to the Phoen the character of a true alphabet since, as in all Sem languages, the vowels were anciently not written at all. Some go so far as to speak of it as syllabic in character, but on the other hand it may be said with equal pertinence that- various syllabaries are nearly alphabetic. When a

    r -


    A A


    Primitive Signs like A. (Chiefly from Evans,

    Hcrinta miiina.)

    syllabic writing is reduced, as was the case with the Egyp, the Cypriote and others, to a point where a character represents uniformly a certain consonant and a certain vowel, the vocal analysis has been made and the essential alphabet begun, although it was only later that men discovered that the con sonant common to several syllables might be ex pressed to advantage in writing by one unvarying sign, and later still that the vowels too might be distinguished to advantage.

    4. Origin of the Letters

    Few modern questions are changing shape so rapidly as that of the historical predecessor of the Can or Phoen alphabet. For a long time it was thought that l)e Rouge had solved the problem by tracing the letters to the Egyp hieratic. This is the view of most of the popular literature of the present time, but is wholly surrendered by most workers in the field now, in spite of the fact, that the latest studies in hieral ic show a still greater resemblance in forms (AIoHer, Ilicntl. I aldo- </rfi/iliii, 11HM). ,, inckler and others have claimed derivation from the Cuneiform, Praetorius from the Cypriote, Sayce gets at least three let ters from the Hittite. while Evans and others incline to believe that the Alinoan was the direct source of the alpha bet, introduced from Crete into Pal by the Philis who were Cretans, or at least that the two are from a common ancestor, which is also the ancestor of many other of the Mediterranean alphabets.

    The Paestos Disk, Face A.

    Some, like Evans and Mosso, even suggest that, perhaps through the Minoan, the letter forms may be traced to the pictographs of the neolithic era in the caves of Europe. There i<, in fact, an extra ordinary resemblance between some of the letters of the I hoen alphabet and some of the conven tionalized signs of the neolithic age, and it may not be too fantastic to imagine that 1 hese early signs are the historic ancestors of the written alphabetical characters, but that they were in any sense alphabet ical themselves is impossible if the invention of the alphabet was historical as here supposed, and is unlikely from any point of view.

    If in fact the Paestos disk dates from before 1600 BC, and if Dr. Hempl s resolution of it into Ionic Or is sound, we have another possible source or stock of characters from which the inventor of the alphabet may have chosen ( //r/r/K r .s Magazine, January, 1U11).

    The ideal written alphabet contains a separate; character for each sound used in any or every lan guage. Practically in most languages 5. Number the alphabet falls a good deal short of of Letters the number of recognized sounds to be expressed in that language and in pro nouncing dictionaries they have to be analyzed into say a broad, a short, a open, etc, by adding dia critical marks. "In educated English without re garding finer distinctions" (Edmonds, Com jiar/itivc Philology, 4f>) about fiO sounds are commonly used, but Murray distinguishes at least 9(>, and the number sometimes used or which maybe used is much greater,





    the possible number of vowel sounds alone being us marry as 72.

    Moreover the individual letters differ in sound in different individuals, and even in the same individual in sueeessive utterances of what would be called the same letter or the same sound. It is alleged that the average sound of the a for example, is never the same in any two languages; the a in father," even, is never the same in any two individuals, and that the same individual, even, never pro nounces it twice so exactly in the same fashion that the difference may not be detected by sound photography.

    The written alphabet is always thus less than the number of sounds used. The Phoen and the Hem alphabets generally had 22 letters, but they omitted the vowels. English has 2C>, of which many have two or more sounds.

    The names of the Greek alphabet are derived from the Sem names and are meaningless in the Clr, while in the Sem it has been pretty 6. Names clearly shown that they signify for of the the most part some object or idea of

    Letters which the earliest form of the written

    letter was a picture, as e.g. (llc/ifi, the ox. The forms of the letters are apparently derived from pictures of the ox, house, etc, made linear and finally reduced to a purely conventional sign which was itself reduced to the simplest writing motion. All this has been boldly denied by Mr. Pilcher (I SHA, XXVI [I .MM], "Ms 73; XXVII [1905], ()5-(>Sj, and the original forms declared to be geometric; but he does not seem to have made many converts, although he has started up rival claimants to his invent ion.

    The names of the letters at least seem to indicate the Sem origin of the alphabet, since the majority of them are the Sem najnes for the objects which gave name to the letter, and the picture of which gives form to the written letter.

    Following is Sayce a list (I SHA, XXXII [T.MO], 215-22) with some variants: (1) die pit = ox; (2) bftti = house (tent); (3) </7t/id = camel; (4) daleth = door , (5) /<e = house; (0) v;ir = nail (Evans, lent peg); (7) zi n/in = weapon; (8) Ijclh = fence; ( ( .) /r///=cakeof bread (, a package); (10) i/o/lh =hand; (II) kaph = palm of hand; (12) Inn/iilli = ox-goad ; (13) ninii = water flowing; (14) nun =fish; (15) timekh = ? , (10) "// " = eye; (17) pe = mouth; (IS) cnillii t rap (others, hook or nose or steps); (H) koph cage (Evans says picture is an outline head and Lid/.barski, a helmet); (20) TTS/I = head ; (21) &/(//;= tooth (not teeth); (22) In w = murk. Not all of these meanings are, however, generally accepted (cf also Noldeke, Hrilruw Strassb. [1904], 124-30; Lid/barski, Ei>hon<rix, II, 125-3!).

    The order of the letters differs more or less in

    different languages, but it is in the main the same in

    all the Sem and Western alphabets

    7. Order derived from the Phoen alphabet and

    of Letters this is roughly the order of the Eng.

    alphabet. This order is, however,

    full of minor variations even among the Western

    alphabets and in the Indian languages the letters

    are entirely regrouped on a different principle.

    The conventional order of the Semitic alphabet may be traced with some certainty in the Biblical books to as early as the Oth cent. BC, even accept ing the dates of a radical higher criticism, for there are more than a dozen passages in the OT composed on the principle of the alphabetical acrostic (Pss 111, 112, 119;Prov31 10-31; Lam 1, 2, 3, 4, etc) and the oldest of these are of this period (see ACROSTIC). The Formello abecedarium, if it is in fact from the 7th cent. BC, carries the known order back a century farther still and shows it prevailing in Italy as well as Pal. Moreover there are those who

    still consider some of the alphabetical psalms older even than this.

    It must, be noted, however, that while the order is in general fixed, there are local and temporary differences. In several cases e.g. the order of the sixteenth and seventeenth letters of the alphabet is inverted in the alphabetical acrostics, and this would seem to point to a time or place where pe, *nyin, was the accepted order. It happens that the inversion occurs in both the passages which are counted earliest by the modern critics (G. B. Gray in Hl)B~, 8). Mr. Sayce too has recently altered or restored the order by relegating the original sanu-kh to a place after shin, while Mr. Pilcher has quite reconstructed the original order on a geo metrical basis, to his own taste at least, as brd; hvg; innl; szt.

    Hebrew Inscribed Tablet from Gezer.

    A certain grouping together of signs according to the relationship of the objects which they repre sent has often been noticed, and Sayce (P8BA, XXXII [MHO], 215 22) thinks that he has (after having put xnunkk in its right place) reduced the whole matter to a sequence of pairs of things which belong together: ox-house, camel-tent door, house-nail, weapon-fence (city wall), bread-hand, open hand-arm with goad, water-fish, eye-mouth, trap-cage, head-tooth, xni/itlc/i, taw. This arranging he thinks was done by someone who knew that altiph was the West Sem for "leader" and tnw was the Cretan sign for ending an Amorite therefore in touch with the Phili. The final word on order seems not yet to have been spoken.

    The chief North Sem texts are (1) Moabite stone (cir 850 BC); (2) inscriptions of Zkr, Zen- jirli, etc (cir SOO); (3) Baal-Lebanon 8. The inscription (cir 750); (4) Siloam in-

    Earliest script ion (cir 700 BC); (5) Harvard Texts Samaritan ostraca (time of Ahab?);

    ((i) Gezer tablet; (7) various weights and seals before (>00 BC. The striking fact about the earliest inscriptions is that however re mote geographic-ally, there is on the whole so little difference in the forms of the letters. This

    Alphaeus Altar




    is particularly (rue of the North Sem inscriptions ami tends to the inference that the invention was after all not so long before the surviving inscriptions. While the total amount of the earliest Pal inscrip tions is not even yet very large, the recent, dis covery of the Sam ostraca, the (le/er tablet, and various minor inscriptions, is at least pointing to a general use of Sem writing in Pal at least as early as the 9th cent. BC.

    The tendency of letters to change form in con sequence of changed environment is not peculiar to alphabetical writing but is char- 9. Changes acteristic of the transmission of all in Letter sorts of writing. The morphology Forms of alphabetical writing has however its

    own history. The best source for studying this on the Sem side is Lid/barski s Handbuch (see below), and on the (!r side the best first, source is east South Roberts, Intro to (lr / /i/t/ra/i/i// (Cambr.). The best synoptical statement of the Sem is found in the admirable tables in the Jew Enr, V, i, 4 1!) ;,:!.

    For the later evolution of both Or and Lat alpha bets, east AI. Thompson s Introduction to Greek ond Latin 1 a/iuaijni />////, Oxford, li)12, is far the best introduction. In this he takes account of the great finds of papyri which havesorevolut ioni/ed the study of the forms of (I reek letters around the beginning of the Christian era, since his iirst Handbook was published. (.See arts, on the text of OT and NT.)

    In the Hebrew, the old Phoen alphabet of the early inscriptions had in the NT times given way to the square Aram, characters of the modern Hebrew which possibly came into use as early as the time of Ezra.

    The most comprehensive modern brief conspectus covering bot h Hebrew and ( lr is t hat reproduced in t his art. from the little manual of Specht. See also WRITING.

    LITERATI it i . Isaac Taylor s .1 1 plmh, -t C Jd cil. IS .X l) is still useful for orientation, and his ariiclc in the II hli likewise. l)iil Kdward ( lodd s little Shi,-// i,f the Alphabet (,ew York, 1!H)7). taken with Faulmann s (irxchichtr der Schrift and Hurl, dcr Sri, rift, is better for general purposes. For scientific purposes see the bibliography prelixed to Lid/barski s lliin,llni,-li der nordsemitischen Kiii ,/r fthik (IS!ts. -2 vols) and his Ephemeris passim to dato, Kvans ticri/ilii ii/i, in. (),f.. MIO .I, and the lit. of till)

    art. ,VIUTI,<; in this Encyclopaedia. See also ( . (;. Hall, "Origin of the, Phoen Alphabet" l S/l, XV W2-40S; K. J. Pileher, "The Origin of the Alphabet " / X/M. XXVI (liioti. His 7:i; Kraii/ Praotorius, "The Origin of the Canaanito Alphabet." Smithsonian lt i> (I .K)7). .-> .>r> r>01; South A. Cook. "The Old Hebrew Alph.ibet and tin! (!e/er Tablet,," / /. / X (I .H) .M. L>X t-:{() .). For Bible class work, II. X. Skinner s .S/wv ,,f tin- Lfttrrx <tn<! Fii/uri x (Chicago, I .IO.") is very admirably adapted to the purpose.

    east C. RtrilAKDSO.V

    ALPHAEUS, al-fe us ( A,4>aio s , Alpha! oa; WH, A,4>aios, I/dlul/dioN):

    (, ) The father of the second James in the list of the apostles (Matthew 10 : ,; Mark 3 IS; Luke 6 15; Acts 1 13).

    (2) Hie father of Levi, the publican (Mark 2 14). Levi is designated as Matthew in the ( lospel of Matthew. (9 9). There is no other reference to this Alphaeus.

    Some writers, notably Weiss, identify the father of Levi with the father of the second James. He says that James and Levi were undoubtedly brothers; but that seems improbable. If they were brothers they would quite likely be associated as are James and John, Andrew and Peter. Chry- sostom says James and Levi had both been tax- gatherers before they became followers of Jesus. This tradition would not lend much weight as proof that they were brothers, for it might arise through identifying the two names, and the western MSS do identify them and read James instead of Levi in Mark 2 14. This, however, is undoubtedly a corruption of the text. If it had been the original

    it would be difficult to explain the substitution of an unknown Levi for James who is well known.

    Many writers identify Alphaeus, the father of the second James, with Clopas of John 19 2~>. This had early become a tradition, and Chrysostom believed they were the same person. This identity rests on four suppositions, all of which arc; doubtful:

    (a) That the Mary of Clopas was the same as the Mary who was the mother of the second James. 1 here is a difference of opinion as to whether "Mary of Clopas" should be understood to be the wife of Clopas or the daughter of Clopas, but the former is more probable. We know from Alt 27 f>(> and Mark 15 40 that there was a James who was the son of Mary, and that this Alary belonged to that little group of women that was near Jesus at the time of the crucifixion. It is quite likely that this Alary is the one referred to in John 19 2"). That would make James, the son of Alary of Alt 27 .">(>, the son of Alary of Clopas. But Alary was such a common name in the NT that this supposition cannot be proven.

    (b) That the James, who was the son of Alary, was the same person as the James, the son of Alphaeus. ( .ranting the supposition under (a), this would not prove the identity of Clopas and Alphaeus unless this supposition can also be proven, but it seems impossible to either prove it or disprove it.

    (r) That Alphaeus and Clopas are different variations of a common original, and that the variation has arisen from different pronunciations of t he first letter H (7/1 of the Aram, original. There are good scholars who both support, and deny this theory.

    ( /) That Clopas had two names as was common at that time; but there is nothing to either sub stantiate or disprove this theory. See CLOPASouth

    It seems impossible to determine absolutely whether or not Alphaeus, the father of the second James, and Clopas of John 19 2."> are the same person, but it is quite probable that they are.

    A. west FoHTrXK

    ALSO, ol so; In the ( lr KCU, Ic/n , when it is equiva lent to "also or "even," is always placed before the word or phrase which it is intended to emphasize (e.g. Acts 12 3; 1 John 4 21). Matthew 6 14 should therefore read, "Your heavenly Father will forgive you also"; Luke 6 !. >, "Whom also he named apos tles"; He 8 ti, "The mediator of a better covenant also"; and 1 Thess 4 14, If we believe that Jesus died and rose again, so also [we believe that] those who are fallen asleep in Jesus, Clod will bring with Him.

    ALTANEUS, (Apoc).

    1-ta-ne us. See MALTA. ,,Krs

    ALTAR, ol ter (H3p2 , niizbc"fi, lit. "place of slaughter or sacrifice," from i~QT ; zdbliah, which is found in both senses; (Jujios, bomox [only in Acts 17 23], 6x>cria(rTT|piov, fhuisicisttrion) .

    I. ( i. ,ssi FIT ,TIOX OF TTi;nRF.,v ALTARS

    Importance of the Distinction II. LAV AI.TAHS 1. Pre-Mosaic I . In I he Mosaic Age :?. Dangers of the Custom 1. The Mosaic Provisions


    1. The Tabernacle Altar

    L>. Tim Altar of .Joshua 22

    :i. The Altar till Solomon

    4. Tho Horned Altar in L T se

    5. Tho Temple of Solomon 0. Tho Altar of Ahaz

    7. K/ekiel

    8. Tho Post-exilic Altar

    9. Idolatrous and Unlawful Altars 10. The Horns





    Alphaeus Altar


    1. A Gezer Altar

    2. The Taanach Altar of Incoiise LITERATURE


    I. Classification of Hebrew Altars. Before con sidering the Biblical texts attention must be drawn to the fact that these texts know of at least two

    FIG. 1. Cairn Altar.

    kinds of altars which were so different in appearance that, no contemporary could possibly confuse them. The first was an altar consisting of earth or unhewn stones. It had no fixed shape, bul varied with the

    to note this distinction, and the reader can hope to make sense of the Biblical laws and narratives only if he be very careful to picture to himself in every case the exact object to which his text refers. For the sake of clearness different terms will be adopted in this article to denote the two kinds of altars. The first will be termed "lay altars" since, as will be seen, the Law permitted any lay man to offer certain sacrifices at an altar of earth or unhewn stone without the assistance of a priest, while the second will be styled "horned altars," owing to their possession of horns which, as already pointed out, could not exist in a lay altar that con formed with the provisions of the law.

    //. Lay Altars. In (Jen we often read of the erection of altars, e.g. 8 20; 12 7; 13 4. Though

    no details are given we are able to 1. Pre- infer their general character with

    Mosaic considerable precision. In reading the

    accounts it is sometimes evident that we are dealing with some rough improvised structure. For example, when Abraham builds the altar for


    materials. It might consist of a rock (Judges 13 19) or a single large stone (1 Samuel 14 33-3 ~>) or again a number of stones (1 Kings 18 31 f). It could have no horns, for it would be impossible to give the stone horns without hewing it, nor would a heap of earth lend itself to the formation of horns. It could have no regular pattern for (lie same reason. On the other hand we meet with a group of passages that refer to altars of quite a different type. We read of horns, of fixed measurements, of a particular pattern, of bronze as the material. To bring home the difference more rapidly illustrations of the two types are given side by side. The first figure represents a cairn altar such as was in use in some other ancient religions. The second is a conjectural restoration of Hebrew altars of burnt offering and incense of the second kind.

    Both these might be and were called altars, but it is so evident that this common designation could

    not have caused any eye-witness to con- Importance fuse the two that in reading the Bible of the we must carefully examine each text

    Distinction in turn and see to which kind the

    author is referring. Endless confusion has been caused, even in our own time, by the failure

    the sacrifice of Isaac in den 22 it cannot be supposed that he used metal or wrought stone. When Jacob makes a covenant with Laban a heap of stones is thrown up "and they did eat there by the heap" (31 4(>). This heap is not expressly termed an altar, but if this covenant be compared with later covenants it will be seen that in these its place is taken by an altar of the lay type (X H L, ch 2), and it is reasonable to suppose that this heap was in fact used as an altar (cf ver 54). A further con sideration is provided by the fact that the Arabs had a custom of using any stone as an altar for the nonce, and certainly such altars are found in the Mosaic and post-Mosaic history. We may there fore feel sure that the altars of Genesis were of the general type represented by Fig. 1 and wen; totally unlike the altars of Fig. 2.

    Thus Moses found a custom by which the Israelite threw up rude altars of the materials most easily

    obtained in the field and offered sacri- 2. In the ficial worship to God on sundry oc- Mosaic casions. That the custom was not

    Age peculiar to the Israelites is shown by

    such instances as that of Balaam (Numbers 23 1, etc). Probably we may take the narrative





    of Jet hro s sacrifice as a fair example of the occasions on which such altars were used, for it cannot be supposed that Aaron and all the elders of Israel were openly commit t ing an unlawful act when they ate bread with Moses father-in-law before ( !od (Exodus 18 12). Again, t he narrative in which we see Moses building an altar for the purposes of a covenant probably exemplifies a custom that was in use for other covenants that did not fall to be narrated (Exodus 24 4 IT).

    But a custom of erecting altars might easily lend itself to abuses. Thus archaeology has shown us one altar though of a much later 3. Dangers date- which is adorned with faces of the (Fig- -1), a practice that was quite con-

    Custom trary to the Mosaic ideas of preserv

    ing a perfectly imageless worship. Other possible abuses were suggested by the current practices of the Canaanites or are explained by the terms of the laws. See Hum PLACeast

    Accordingly Moses regulated these lay altars. Leaving the occasion of their erection and use to

    be determined by custom he promul- 4. The gated the following laws: "An altar

    Mosaic of earth mayest thou make unto me,

    Provisions and mayest sacrifice thereon thy

    burnt offerings and thy peace offerings, thy sheep, and thine oxen; in all the place where I record my name 1 will come unto thee and I will bless thee. And if thou make me an altar of stone, thou shall not build it of hewn stones; for if thou lift thy tool upon it, thou hast polluted it. Neither mayest thou go up by steps unto mine altar," etc (Exodus 20 12-1-2(5; so correct EV). Several remarks must be made on this law. It is a law for laymen, not priests. This is proved by the second person singular and also by the reason given for the prohibition of steps since the priests were differently garbed. It applies in all the place where I record my name," not, as the ordinary rendering has it, "in every place." This latter is quite unintelligible: it is usually explained as mean ing places hallowed by theophanies, but there are plenty of instances in the history of lay sacrifices where no theophany can be postulated; see e.g. C.en 31 f>4; 1 Samuel 20" 6.29 (EPC, 185 f). "All the place" refers to the territory of Israel for the time Being. When Naaman desired to cease sacrificing to any deity save the God of Israel he was con fronted by the problem of deciding how he could sacrifice to Him outside this "place." He solved

    it by asking for two mules burden of the earth of the "place" (2 Kings 5 17). Lastly, as already noticed, this law excludes the possibility of giving the altars horns or causing them to conform to any given pattern, since the stone could not be wrought. One other law must be noticed in this connection: Deuteronomy 16 21 f: Thou shall not plant thee an (Wierah of any kind of tree beside the altar of the Lord thy God, which thou shall make thee. Neither shalt thou set thee up a pillar, which the Lord thy God hateth. Here again the reference is probably to the lay altars, not. to the religious capital which was under the control of the priests.

    ///. Horned Altars of Burnt Offering. In Exodus

    27 1-S (cf 38 1-7) a command is given to construct

    for the Tabernacle an altar of shittim

    1. The wood covered ,,Tlh bron/e. It was Tabernacle to be five cubits long by five broad Altar and three high. The four corners

    were to have horns of one piece with it. A network of bron/e was to reach halfway up the altar to a ledge. In some way that is defined only by reference to what was shown to Moses in the Mount the altar was to be hollow with planks, and it was to be equipped with rings and staves for facility of transport. The precise construction cannot be determined, and it is useless to specu late where the instructions are so plainly governed by what was seen by Moses in the Mount; but certain features that are important for the elucida tion of the Bible texts emerge clearly. The altar is rectangular, presenting at the top a square sur face with horns at the four corners. The more important material used is bron/e, and the whole construction was as unlike that of the ordinary lay altar as possible. The use of this altar in the ritual of the Tabernacle falls under the heading S A CHI- KICKSouth Here, we must notice that it was served by priests. Whenever we find references to the horns of an altar or to its pattern we see that the writer is speaking of an altar of this general type. Thus a criminal seeking asylum fled to an altar of this type, as appears from the horns which are mentioned in the two historical instances and also from such expressions as coming down or going up. See Asvi.r.M.

    We read in Joshua 22 9 ff that the children of Reuben and the children of Gad built an altar.

    In ver 2S we find them saying, "Be-

    2. The hold the /mttern of the altar," etc. Altar of This is decisive as to the meaning, Joshua 22 for the lay altar had no pattern. Ac cordingly in its general shape this

    altar must have conformed to the type of the Taber nacle altar. It was probably not made of the same materials, for the word "build" is continually used in connection with it, and this word would scarcely be appropriate for working metal: nor again was it necessarily of the same si/e, but it was of the same pattern: and it was designed to serve as a witness that the descendants of the men who built it had a portion in the Lord. It seems to follow that the pattern of the Tabernacle altar was dis tinctive and unlike^ the heathen altars in general use in Palestine and this appears to be confirmed by modern excavations which have revealed high places with altars quite unlike those contemplated by the Pent. See HIGH PLACeast

    In the subsequent history till the erection of

    Solomon s Temple attention need only be directed

    to the fact that a horned altar existed

    3. The while the Ark was still housed in a Altar till tent. This is important for two Solomon reasons. It shows a historical period

    in which a horned altar existed at the religious capital side by side with a number of lay altars all over the country, and it negatives the





    suggestion of G. A. Smith (Jerusalem, II, 64) that the ban; rock es-Sakhra was used by Solomon as

    the altar, since the unhewn rock ob- 4- The viously could not provide a horned

    Horned Al- altar such as we find as early as tar in Use 1 Kings 1 50-53. Note too that we read

    here of bringing down from the altar, and this expression implies elevation. Further in 9 25 we hear that Solomon was in the habit of

    FIG. 4. Rock Altar from Taanach.

    offering on the altar which lie had built, and this again proves that he had built an altar and did not merely use the temple rock. (See also Watson in I>EFX [January, 1910], 15 If, in reply to Smith.)

    For the reasons just given it is certain that Solo mon used an altar of the horned type, but we have no account of the construction in K.

    5. The According to a note preserved in the Temple of I, XX but not in the lleb, Solomon Solomon enlarged the altar erected by David

    on Araunah s threshing-floor (2 Samuel 24 25), but this notice is of very doubtful historical value and may be merely a glossator s guess. According to 2 Oh 4 1 the altar was made of bronze and was twenty cubits by twenty by ten. The Chronicler s dimensions are doubted by many, but the statement of the material is confirmed by 1 Kings 8 04; 2 Kings 16 10-15. From the latter passage it appears that an altar of bronze had been in use till the time of Ahaz. This king saw an

    altar in Damascus of a different pat-

    6. The Al- tern and had a great altar made for tar of Ahaz the temple on its model. As the text

    contrasts the great altar with the altar of bronze, we may infer that the altar of Ahaz was not made of bronze. Whether either or both of these altars had steps (cf Ezekiel 43 17) or were approached by a slope as in Fig. 2 cannot be deter mined with certainty. It may be noted that in Isaiah 27 9 we read of the stones of the altar in a passage the reference of which is uncertain.

    Ezekiel also gives a description of an altar (43 13-17), but there is nothing to show whether it

    is purely ideal or represents the altar of Solomon

    or that of Ahaz, and modern writers take different

    views. In the vision it stood before

    7. Ezekiel the house (40 47). In addition he

    describes an altar or table of wood (41 22). This of course could only be a table, not in any sense an altar. See TABLeast

    Ezra 3 2 f tells of the setting up of the altar by Zerubbabel and his contemporaries. No informa tion as to its shape, etc, can be ex-

    8. The tracted from this notice. We read Post-exilic of a defilement of the temple altar Altar in 1 Mace 1 54. This was made of

    stones (Exodus 20 24-20 having at this date been applied to the temple altar contrary to its original intent) and a fresh altar of whole stones was constructed (1 Mace 4 44-49). Presumably this altar had no horns.

    It is clear from the historical and prophetical books that in both kingdoms a number of unlawful altars were in use. The distinction has been drawn between lay and horned altars helps to these passages easy to under- Thus when Amos in speaking The horns of the altar shall be

    9. Idola trous Altars

    which altars make stand, of Bethel writes,

    cut off," we see that he is not thinking of lay altars which could have no horns (3 14). Again Hosca s "Because Ephraim hath multiplied altars to sin, altars have been to him for sin " (811; cf 10 1-8; 12 11 [12]), is not in contradiction to Exodus 20 24-26 because the prophet is not speaking of lay altars. The high places of Jeroboam (1 Kings 12 2s - .]:]) were clearly unlawful and their altars were unlawful altars of the horned type. Such cases must be clearly distinguished from the lay altars of Said and others.

    The origin of the horns is unknown, though there

    are many theories. Fugitives caught

    10. The hold of them (1 Kings 1 50.51), and vic-

    Horns thus could be tied to them (Ps 118


    IV. Altars of Incense. Exodus 30 1-10 contains the commands for the construction and use of an altar of incense. The material was shittim wood, the dimensions one cubit by one by two, and it also had horns. Its top and sides wen; overlaid with gold and it was surrounded by a crown or rim of gold. For facility of transport it had golden rings and staves. It stood before the veil in front of the ark.

    Solomon also constructed an altar of incense (1 Kings 6 20; 7 48; 1 Chronicles 28 18), cedar replacing shittim wood. The altar of incense reappears in 1 Mace 1 21; 4 49.

    FIG. 5. Incense Altars of Sandstone Found in the Hock Slirino at Sinai.

    V. Recent Archaeological Materials. Recently several altars have been revealed by excavations. They throw light on the Bible chiefly by showing what is forbidden. See esp. HIGH PLACeast Fig. 3





    represents an altar found at (So/or built into the

    foundation of a wall dating about (500 BC. Mr.

    Macalister describes it in the following

    I. A Gezer words: "It is a four-sided block of Altar limestone, 1 ft. 3 in. high. The top and

    bottom are approximately lOi and 9 in. square respect ively; but 1 hese are only t he aver age dimensions of the sides, which are not regularly cut. The angles are prolonged upward for an addi- t iona 1U in. as rounded knobs no doubt 1 he horns of the altar. The to]) is very slightly concave so as to hold perhaps an eighth of a pint of liquid" (/ J /-;/ ,S [.July, 1907], 196 f). The size suggests an altar of incense rather than an altar of burnt offering, but in view of the general resemblance between the Tabernacle altars of burnt offering and incense, this is a fact of minor importance. On the other hand, the shape, pat tern and material are of great interest . That the altar violates in principle the law of Exodus 20 2~> forbidding t he dressing of t he stones is obvious, though that passage does not apply in terms to altars of incense, but certainly the appearance of the block does recall in a general way the altars of the other type -the horned altars. Like them it is four-sided with a square top, and like them it has knobs or horns at each corner. Possibly it was formed in general imitation of the Temple altars.

    Other altars in Can high places exemplify by their appearance the practices prohibited by the Pent. See for illustrations II. Vincent, Cannon d apir* I exploration rcccn/c; }{. Kit t el, Xtndii-n znr iichn i- inch< it Arcfuiologie un/l Religions-Geachichte; South R. Driver, M<></( rn Research c/.s Illustrating tf/c Hiblc.

    Importance attaches to a terra colt a altar of

    incense found by Sellin at Taanacli, because its

    height and dimensions at the base

    2. The recall the altar of Exodus. "It was just

    Taanach lift, high, and in shape roughly like a

    Altar of truncated pyramid, the four sides at

    Incense the bottom being each IS in. long, and

    the whole ending at the top in a bowl

    afoot in diameter The altar is hollow

    Professor Sellin places the date of the altar at about

    700 BC An incense-altar of exactly the

    same shape .... but of much smaller size .... has been found quite recently at ( !e/er in debris of about 1000 (500 HC" (Driver, M,,,l,r,t, etc, So). These discoveries supply a grim comment on the theories of those critics who maintain that incense was not used by the Hebrews before the time of Jeremiah. The form of the altar itself is as contrary to the principles of the Pent law as any thing could be.

    On altar furniture see POTS; SHOVELS; BASINS; Fi.Ksii-unoKs; FiHK! A,s. On (he site, TKMPLK, and generally, AKIKI.; SACUIKICK; SAXCTTAHY; TAKKKNACI.K; IIicii BLACK.

    I^iTKUATfUK. R. Kittcl, S/itilii ii zur !i<-liriii.ii-}irii A r- i-hi ii>!n,/ie mill Religions-Geschichte, I and II; Hastings, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics; Murray. Illntr<it< ! Bibli Dictionarii: Eli. s. v. " Altar" : EPC,ch6. The dis cussions in the ordinary works of reference must be used with caution for the reason given in /above.

    1 1 AKOLI) M. ,YlEXEK


    1. Patriarchal Altars

    2. Sacred Sites

    :>,. I re-Tabcrnaelo Altars


    1. Altar before the Tabernacle

    2. Its History

    .i. Altar of Solomon s Temple

    4. Altar of Kzekiel s Templo

    5. Altar of Second Temple, (>. Altai of Herod s Templo


    1. In the Tabernacle

    2. Mode of Burning Incense

    3. In Solomon s Temple and Later

    4. In Herod s Temple

    5. Symbolism of Incense Burning

    /. In Worship: Tabernacle and Temples. In

    the literature of (lie Bible, sacrifices are prior to altars, and altars prior to sacred

    1. Patri- buildings. Their first mention is in archal the case of the altar built bv Noah Altars after the Flood ((Jen 8 20). The

    next is the altar built at the place of Shechem, by which Abraham formally took posses sion, on behalf of his descendants, of the whole land of Canaan (den 12 7). A second altar was built between Bethel and Ai (ver S). To this the patriarch returned on his way from Egypt (Genesis 13 4). His next place of sacrifice" was Hebron (ver IS); and tradition still professes to show the place where his altar stood. A subsequent altar was built on the top of a mountain in the land of Moriah for t he sacrifice of Isaac (Genesis 22 9).

    Eai-h of these four spots was the scene of some special revelation of Jehovah; possibly to the third

    of them (Hebron) we may attribute

    2. Sacred the memorable vision and covenant Sites of Genesis 15. These sites became, in

    after years, the most venerated and coveted perquisites of the nation, and fights for their possession largely determined its history. To them Isaac added an altar at Beersheba (Genesis 26 2"), probably a reereetion, on the same site, of an altar built by Abraham, whose home for many years was at Beersheba. Jacob built no new altars, but again and again repaired those at Shechem and Bethel. On one occasion he offered a sacrifice on one of the mountains of Gilead, but without mention of an altar (Genesis 31 f>4). There 1 were thus four or five spots in Canaan associated at once with the worship of Jehovah, and the name of their great ancestor, which to Hebrews did not lose their sanctity by the passage of time, viz. Shechem, Bethel, Hebron, Moriah and Beersheba.

    The earliest provision for an altar as a portion of

    a fixed establishment of religion is found in Exodus 20

    24-2(5, immediately after the pro-

    3. Pre- mulgat ion of the Decalogue. Altars are Tabernacle commanded to be made of earth or Altars of unhewn stone, yet so as to have,

    not steps, but only slopes for ascent to the same the injunction implying that they stood on some elevation (see ALTAI;, A, above). Before the arrival at Sinai, during the war with Amalek, .Moses had built an emergency altar, to which he gave the name Jehovah-Xissi (Exodus 17 lo). This was probably only a memorial altar (cf the altar Ed in Joshua 22 21 if). At Sinai took place (he great crisis in Israel s national history. It was required that the covenant about to be made with Jehovah should be ratified with sacrificial blood; but before Moses could sprinkle the Book of the Cove nant and the people who covenanted (Exodus 24 (5.7; cf lie 9 19), it was necessary that an altar should be built for the sacrificial act. This was done "under the mount," where, beside the. altar, were reared twelve pillars, emblematic of the twelve tribes of Israel (ver 4 ).

    In connection with the tabernacle and the suc cessive temples there were two altars the Altar of Burnt Offering (the altar by preeminence, Kzk 43 13), and the Altar of Incense. Of these it is now necessary to speak more particularly.

    II. The Altar of Burnt Offering ("b^H 113713 ,

    mizbdh hd-^uldh), The Brazen Altar (112713

    JVtpnsn, mizbah ha-n e hosheth) .

    1. Altar be- (By "brass" throughout understand

    fore the bronze.") The altar which stood

    Tabernacle before the tabernacle was a portable

    box constructed of acacia wood and

    covered on the outside with plates of brass (Exodus 27

    1 ff). "Hollow with planks," is its definition





    (ver Sj. It was live cubits long, five cubits broad, and three cubits high; on the ordinary reckoning, about 7 ft. on the horizontal square, and 4 ft. in height (possibly less; see CUBIT). On the "grat ing of network of brass" described as around and half-way up the altar (vs 4.5), see GKATI.,<;. Into the corners of this grating, on two sides, rings were riveted, into which the staves were inserted by which the Ark was borne (see STAVES). For its corner projections, see HORNS OF THE ALTAR. The prohibition of steps in Exodus 20 26 and the analogy of later altars suggest that this small altar before the tabernacle; was made to stand on a base or platform, led up to by a slope of earth. The right of sanctuary is mentioned in Exodus 21 14. For the utensils con nected with the altar, see PANS; SHOVELS; BASINS; FLESH-HOOKS; CENSEKSouth All these utensils were made of brass.

    The history of the altar before the tabernacle was

    that of the tabernacle itself, as the two were not

    parted during its continuance (see

    2. Its TABERNACLE). Their abolition did History not take place till Solomon s temple

    was ready for use, when the great high place at (iibeon (1 Kings 3 4) was dismantled, and the tabernacle and its holy vessels were brought to the new temple (8 4). Another altar had mean while been raised by David before the tabernacle he had made on Zion, into which the Ark of the Covenant was moved (1 Chronicles 15 1 ; 16 1). This would be a duplicate of that at ( libeon, ami would share its supersession at the erection of the first temple.

    In Solomon s temple the altar was considerably

    enlarged, as was to be expected from the greater

    size of the building before which it

    3. Altar of stood. "We are indebted to the Solomon s Chronicler for its exact dimensions Temple (2 Chronicles 4 1). It formed a square of

    twenty cubits, with an elevation of ten cubits (30X30X15 ft.; or somewhat less). It is described as "an altar of brass" (2 Chronicles 4 1), or "brazen altar" (1 Kings 8 (54; 2 Chronicles 7 7; cf 2 Kings 16 14), eit her as being, like its predecessors, encased in brass, or, as others think, made wholly of brass. It was not meant to be portable, but th:it the altar itself was movable is shown by the fact of Aha/, having it removed (2 Kings 16 14). Further details of its structure are not given. The altar stood in "the middle of the court that was before t he house," but proved too small to receive the gifts on the dav of the temple s dedication (1 Kings 8 (54; 2 Chronicles 7 7). It remained, however, the center of Israelitish wor ship for 2. centuries, till Aha/, removed it from the forefront of the house, and placed it on the northern side of his Damascene altar (2 Kings 16 14). This indignity was repaired by He/ekiah (cf 2 Kings 18 22), and the altar assumed its old place in the temple service till its destruction by Nebuchadnez zar in 58(5 BC.

    The altar of Ezekiel s ideal temple was, as planned, a most elaborate structure, the cubit used

    for this purpose being that of "a

    4. Altar of cubit and an handbreadth" (Ezekiel 43 Ezekiel s 13), or the large cubit of history (see Temple CUBIT). The paragraph describing

    it (43 13-17) is very specific, though uncertainty rests on the meaning of some of the details. The altar consisted of four stages lying one above another, gradually diminishing in size till the hearth was reached upon which the fire was lit. This was a square of twelve cubits (18 ft.), from the corners of which 4 horns projected up ward (ver 15). The base or lowest stage was one cubit in height, and had a border round about, half a cubit high (ver 13); the remaining stages were two, four, and four cubits high respectively

    (vs 14.15); the horns may have measured another cubit (thus LXX). Each stage was marked by the inlet of one cubit (vs 13.14). The basement was thus, apparently, a square; of eighteen cubits or 27 ft. The word "bottom" (lit. "bosom") in Ezekiel s de scription is variously interpreted, some regarding it as a "drain" for carrying off the sacrificial blood, others identifying it with the "basement." On its eastern face the altar had steps looking toward the east (ver 17) a departure from the earlier practice (for the reason of this, cf Perowne s art. "Altar" in DB).

    Of the altar of the second temple no measure ments are given. It is told only that it

    5. Altar was built prior to the temple, and was of Second set upon its base (Ezra 3 3), presum- Temple ably on the Sakhra stone the ancient


    In Herod s temple a difficulty is found in harmo nizing the accounts of the Mish and Jos as to the size of the altar. The latter gives

    6. Altar of it as a square of fifty cubits (HJ , Herod s V, v, 6). The key to the solution Temple probably lies in distinguishing be tween the structure of the altar proper

    (thirty-two cubits square), and a platform of larger area (fifty cubits square = 75 ft.) on which it stood. When it is remembered that the Sakhra stone is 56 ft. in length and 42 ft. in width, it is easy to see that it might form a portion of a platform built up above and around it to a level of this size. The altar, like that of Ezekiel s plan, was built in di minishing stages; in the Mish, one of one cubit, and three of five cubits in height, the topmost stage measuring twenty-six cubits square, or, with deduction of a cubit for the officiating priests, twenty-four cubits. Jos, on the other hand, gives the height at fifteen cubits. The altar, as before, had 4 horns. Both Jos and the Mish state that the altar was built of unhewn stones. The ascent, thirty-two cubits long and sixteen broad, likewise of unhewn stone, was on the south side. See further, TEMPI, E, HEROD South It is of this altar that the words were spoken, "Leave there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way, first be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and oifer thy gift" (Matthew 5 24).

    ///. The Altar of Incense (PTJ^n n3T12 , mizbah ha-k : torcth), Golden Altar (iri-TH H^rb , ?ni:h,ili

    ha-zahabh). This was a diminutive 1. In the table of acacia overlaid with gold, the Tabernacle upper surface of which was a square of

    one cubit, and its height two cubits, with an elevated cornice or crown around its top (Exodus 30 2f f). Like the great altar of burnt offering, it was in the category of "most holy" things (Exodus 30 10); a distinction which gave it a right to a place in the inner room of the cella or holy of holies. Hence, in 1 Kings 6 22, it is said to "belong to the oracle," and in lie 9 4 that chamber is said to have the "altar of incense." It did not, however, actually stand there, but in the outer chamber, "before the veil" (Exodus 40 26). The reason for this departure from the strict rule of temple ritual was that sweet incense was to be burnt daily upon it at the offering of every daily sacrifice, the lamps being then lit and extinguished (cf Numbers 28 3f; Exodus 30 7.8), so that a cloud of smoke might fill tin- inner chamber at the moment when the sacrificial blood was sprinkled (see MERCY -SEAT). To have burnt this incense within the veil would have required repeated entries into the holy of holies, which entries were forbidden (Lev 16 2). The altar thus stood immediately without the veil, and the smoke of the incense; burnt upon it entered the inner chamber by the openings above the veil.

    Al-tashheth Amasa




    For the material construction which admitted of this, see HOLY PLACeast

    For other uses of the altar of incense sec HORNS OF THE ALTAH, where it is shown that at the time of the offerings of special sin offerings and on the day of the annual fast its horns were sprinkled with blood. This, with the offer ing of incense upon it, were its only uses, as neither meal offerings might he laid upon it , nor libations of drink offerings poured thereon (Exodus 30 9). The Tamld, or standing sacri fice for Israel, was a whole burnt offering of a lamb offered twice daily with its meal offering, accompa nied with a service of incense.

    It is probable that the censers in use at the time of

    the construction of this altar and after were in shape

    like 1 a spoon or ladle (see TAIJLIO OF

    2. Mode of SHKWBKKAD), which, when filled with Burning live coals from the great altar, were Incense carried within the sanctuary and laid

    upon the altar of incense (Lev 16 12). The incense-sticks, broken small, were then placed upon the coals. The narrative of the deaths of Aaron s sons, Nadab and Abihu, is thus made in telligible, the fire in their censers not having been taken from the great altar.

    The original small altar made by Moses was super seded by one made by Solomon. This was made of

    cedar wood, overlaid with gold (1 Kings

    3. In 6 20.22; 7 48; 9 25; 2 Chronicles 4 19); Solomon s hence was called the golden altar." Temple and This was among "all the vessels of Later the house of (!od, great and small,"

    which Nebuchadnezzar took to Babylon (2 Chronicles 36 IS). As a consequence, when E/ekiel drew plans for a new temple, he gave it an incense altar made wholly of wood and of larger dimensions than before (E/k 41 22). It had a height of three cubits and a top of two cubits square. There was an incense altar likewise in the second temple. It was this altar, probably plated with gold, which Antiochus Epiphanes removed (1 Mace 1 21), and which was restored by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace 4 49). (On critical doubts as to the existence of the golden altar in the first and second temples, cf

    ror, 323.)

    That the Herodian temple also had its altar of

    incense we know from the incident of Zacharias

    having a vision there of "an angel ....

    4. In standing on the right side of the altar of Herod s incense" when he went into the temple Temple of the Lord to burn incense (Luke 1 11).

    No representation of such an altar ap pears on the arch of Titus, though it is mentioned by Jos (/?./, V, v, f>). It was probably melted down by John during the course of the siege (V, xiii, (5).

    In the apocalypse of John, no temple was in the restored heaven and earth (Rev 21 22), but in the earlier part of the vision was a temple 6. Symbol- (Rev 14 17; 15 G) with an altar and ism of a censer (83). It is described as

    Incense "the golden altar which was before the

    Burning throne," and, with the smoke of its incense, there went up before God the prayers of the saints. This imagery is in harmony with the statement of Luke that as the priests burnt incense, "the whole multitude of the people were praying without at the hour of incense" (1 10). Both history and prophecy thus attest the abiding truth that salvation is by sacrificial blood, and is made available to men through the prayers of saints and sinners offered by a great High Priest. west SHAW CALDECOTT

    AL-TASHHETH, al-tash heth, AL-TASCHITH, al-tas kith. See PSALMS; SONG.

    ALTOGETHER, ol-too-geth cr: Representing five Hebrew and three Greek originals, which variously sig

    nify (1) "together"; i.e. all, e.g. all men, high and low, weighed together in God s balance are lighter than vanity (Ps 62 9); so also 53 3; Jeremiah 10 8. (2) "all": BO RV, Isaiah 10 8: "Are not my princes all of them kings?" (3) "with one ncrnnl have broken the yoke"; so RV, Jeremiah 5 5. (4) "completely," "entirely," "fully": "so as not to destroy him altogether" (2 Chronicles 12 12; cf Genesis 18 21; Exodus 11 1; Ps 39 5; Jeremiah 30 11 AV; cf RV). (f>) "wholly": "altogether born in sins," John 9 34. (6) In 1 Cor 5 10 RV rendered "at all"; 1 Cor 9 10 "assuredly." (7) A passage of classic difficulty to translators is Acts 26 29, where "altogether" in RV is rendered "with much," Greek en mcydlo (en polio). See ALMOST. Many of the instances where "altogether" occurs in AV become "together" in RV. Used as an adj. in Ps 39 5 ("altogether vanity )- DWIGHT M. PKATT

    ALUSH, a lush (BJ*.b , aluah): A desert camp of the Israelites between Dophkah and Rephidim (Numbers 33 13.14). The situation is not certainly known. See WANDERINGS OF ISUAKL.

    ALVAH, al va (Hlby , ,du-uh) : A chief (AV duke) of Edom ((Jen 36 40), called "Aliah" in 1 Chronicles 1 of. Probably the same as Alvan, or Alian, son of Shobal son of Seir (Genesis 36 23; 1 Chronicles 1 40).

    ALVAN, al van (~fi? , <(thran, "tall"?): A son of Shobal, the Horite (Genesis 36 23). In 1 Chronicles 1 40 the name is written Alian, LXX "iiXd/u. It is probably the same as Alvah of Genesis 36 23, which appears in 1 Chronicles 1 51 as Aliah.

    ALWAY, 61 wa (archaic and poetic); ALWAYS, ol waz: Properly applied to acts or states perpet ually occurring, but not necessarily continuous. In Hebrew, most frequently, T 1 ?? , tdndh. In Greek Sid, iravros, did pantos, ordinarily expresses con tinuity. In Matthew 28 20 "alway" AV, RV "always," translation Greek 77.sY/,s ins hcmeras, "all the days," cor responding to the Hebrew idiom similarly rendered in I)t 5 29; 6 24; 11 1; 28 33; 1 Kings 11 30, etc. Greek aei in Acts 7 51; 2 Cor 6 10; 1 Pet 3 15, means "at every and any time."

    AMAD, a mad O^ a? , ViwW//): A town in northern Pal, which fell to the tribe of Asher in the division of the land (Joshua 19 2(5). The modern ruin Aniuil near Accho may be the site.

    AMADATHA, a-mad a-tha, AMADATHUS, a-

    mad a-tlms(Ad Esther 12 (5). See A MAN; HAMMED ATHA.

    AMAIN, a-man (translation (l from the Greek ls tjjvyriv top|AT]o-av, rz .s phiujtn tiormexan, "they rushed to flight"): The word is composed of the prefix "a" and the word "main," meaning "force." The expression is used by Milton, Parker, et al., but in Bib. lit. found only in 2 Mace 12 22 where it is used to describe the flight of Timotheus and his army after he suffered defeat at the hands of Judas Maccabee ("They fled amain," i.e. violently and suddenly).

    AMAL, a mal PP?, Carnal, "toiler"): A son of Helem of the tribe of* Asher (1 Chronicles 7 35).

    AMALEK, am a-lek (p? , ,unalck) : The son, by his concubine Tinma, of Eliphaz, the eldest son of Esau. He was one of the chiefs (AV dukes) of Edom (Genesis 36 12.16). See AMALEKITeast

    AMALEK, am a-lek, AMALEKITE, a-mal e-klt, arn a-lek-It (p^5! , amdlek, ""p^P, (iinalcki): A tribe dwelling originally in the region south of




    Al-tashheth Amasa

    Judah, the wilderness of et-Tih where the Israelites came into conflict with them. They were nomads as a people dwelling in that tract would naturally be. When they joined the Midianites to invade Israel they came with their cattle and their tents" (Judges 6 3-5). They are not to he identified with the descendants of Esau (Genesis 36 12. 1(5) because they are mentioned earlier, in the account of the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Genesis 14 7) and in Balaam s prophecy (Numbers 24 20) A. is called "the first of the nations," which seems to refer to an early existence. We are uncertain of their origin, for they do not appear in the list of nations found in Genesis 10. They do not seem to have had any relationship with the tribes of Israel, save as, we may surmise, some of the descendants of Esau were incorporated into the tribe. It is probable that they were of Sem stock though we have no proof of it.

    The first contact with Israel was at Rephidim, in the wilderness of Sinai, where they made an un provoked attack and were defeated after a desper ate conflict (Exodus 17 8-13; Deuteronomy 25 17. IS). On ac count of this they were placed under the ban and Israel was commanded to exterminate them (Deuteronomy 25 10; 1 Samuel 15 2.:}). The next encounter of the two peoples was when the Israelites attempted to enter Canaan from the west of the Dead Sea. The spies had reported that the Amalekites were to be found in the south, in connection with the Hittites, Jebusites and Amorites (Judges 13 2 .). The Israel ites at first refused to advance, but later deter mined to do so contrary to the will of God and the command of Moses. They were met by A. and the Canaanites and completely defeated (Judges 14 39-45;. A. is next found among the allies of Moab in their attack upon Israel in the days of Eglon (Judges 3 13). They were also associated with the Midianites in their raids upon Israel (Judges 6 3), and they seemed to have gained a foothold in Ephraim, or at least a branch of them, in the hill country (Judges 5 14; 12 15), but it is evident that the great body of them still remained in their old habitat, for when Saul made war upon them lie drove them toward Slmr in the wilderness toward Egypt (1 Samuel 15 1-9). David also found them in t lie same region (1 Samuel 27 8; 30 1). After this they seem to have declined, and we find, in the days of Heze- kiah, only a remnant of them who were smitten by the Simeonites at Mount Seir (1 Chronicles 4 41-43). They are once mentioned in Pss in connection with other inveterate enemies of Israel (Ps 83 7). The hatred inspired by the Amalekites is reflected in the passages already mentioned which required their utter destruction. Their attack upon them when they were just escaped from Egypt and while they were struggling through the wilderness made a deep impression upon the Israelites which they never forgot, and the wrath of David upon the messenger who brought him news of the death of Saul and Jonathan, declaring himself to be the slayer of Saul, was no doubt accentuated by his being an Amalekite (2 Samuel 1 1-16). H. POUTER

    AMAM, a mam (2 2X, amain): An unidentified town in southern Pal, which fell to Judah in the allotment of the land; occurs only in Joshua 15 26.

    AMAN, a/man ( Afxav, Amdn; B reads ., Adam): Tob 14 10; Ad Esther 12 6; 16 10.17, prob ably in each case for Hainan, the arch-enemy of the Jews in the canonical Book of Esther (cf Esther 3 1 with Ad Esther 12 6). In Ad Esther (16 10) Aman is repre sented as a Macedonian, in all other points corre sponding to the Haman of Esther .

    AMANA, a-ma na, a-ma na (Hjptf , dmdnah): A mountain mentioned in Cant 4 8 along with

    Lebanon, Senir and Hermon. The name probably means the "firm," or "constant." "From the top of Amana" is mistr 1 by the LXX aTrb apxV iriffreus, apo archfs pistcos. The Amana is most naturally sought in the Anti-Lebanon, near the course of the river Abana, or Amana (see ABANAH). Another possible identification is with Matthew. Amanus in the extreme north of Syria.

    AMARIAH, am-a-rl a (JTH CX , dmaryah, and iiTn/EX, dmaryahu, "the Lord has said"; cf HI ,, 180, 285): (1) A Levite in the line of Aaron- Eleazar; a son of Meraioth and grandfather of Zadok (1 Chronicles 6 7.52) who lived in David s time. Cf Zadok (2 Samuel 15 27, etc) also Ant, VIII, i, 3 and X, viii, 6. (2) A Levite in the line of Kohath- Helmm referred to in 1 Chronicles 23 19 and 24 23 at the lime when David divided the Levites into courses.

    (3) A Levite in the line of Aaron-Eleazar; a son of Azariah who "executed the priest s office in the house that Solomon built" (1 Chronicles 6 10 f). Cf Ezra 7 3 where in the abbreviated list this Am. is mentioned as an ancestor of Ezra. See AMARIAS (1 Esdras 8 2; 2 Esdras 1 2) and no. (4) of this art.

    (4) Chief priest and judge "in all matters of Jehovah" appointed by Jehoshaphat (2 Chronicles 19 11). Possi bly identical with Am. no. (3). (5) A descendant of Judah in the line of Perez and an ancestor of Ataiah who lived in Jerus after the Babylonian exile (Xeh 11 4). Cf linri (1 Chronicles 9 4) and no. (7)_ of this art., which Am. seems to be of the same family, (6) A Levite and an assistant of Kore who was ap pointed by Hezekiah to distribute the "oblations of Jehovah" to their brethren (2 Chronicles 31 15). (7) A son of Bani who had married a foreign woman (Kzr 10 42). See no. (5) of this art. (S) A priest who with Xehemiah sealed the covenant (Xeh 10 3); he had returned to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel (Xeh 12 2) and was the father of Jehohanan (cf Hanani, Ezra 10 20), priest at the time of Joiakim (Xeh 12 13). Cf Immer (Ezra 2 37; 10 20; Xeh 7 40) and also Emmeruth (AY "Meruth," 1 Esdras 5 24). (9) An ancestor of Zephaniah, the prophet (Zeph 11). A. L. BRESLICH

    AMARIAS, am-a-ii as (A, Ajxapias, Amarias; B, AfiapOetas, .1 murlf/riax) = Amariah no. 3: An an cestor of Ezra (1 Esdras 8 2; 2 Esdras 1 2).

    AMARNA, TELL EL-, tel-el-a-mar na. Sec TKLL i :L- AM A UNA TABLKTSouth

    AMASA, a-ma sa (XlBlpy , amasa , or read ^I *amminliai, i.e. " l t?" 1 C" , am yishai, "people of Jesse"): The form SttT Cy, is based upon a mis taken etymology (from = C ^" [V7///r;x| "to burden").

    (1) According to 2 Samuel 17 25, Amasa is the son of Abigail, the sister of Zeruiah and David, and It lira, an Israelite; but another source, 1 Chronicles 2 17, calls his father Jet her the Ishmaelite. He was a nephew of David and a cousin of Absalom, who made him commander of the army of rebellion. When the uprising had been quelled, David, in order to conciliate Amasa, promised him the position held by Joab; the latter had fallen from favor (2 S 19 13 ff). When a new revolt broke out under Sheba, the son of Bichri (2 Samuel 20), Amasa was intrusted with the task of assembling the men of Judah. But Joab was eager for revenge upon the man who had obtained the office of command that lie coveted. When Amasa met Joab at Gibeon, the latter murdered him while pretending to salute him (2 Samuel 20 8-10; 1 Kings 2 5).

    (2) Son of Hadlai, of the B nc. Ephrayim ("Chil dren of Ephraim"), who, obeying the words of the prophet Oded, refused to consider as captives the

    Amasai Amerce




    Judae-ans who had been taken from Ahaz, king of .hulah, by the victorious Israelites under the lead ership of Pekali (2 Chronicles 28 12). II. J. WOLK

    AMASAI, a-ma si rt,"" , V7//, perhaps rather to be read " fl?!??, *nnunistwi/; so Wellhausen IJC, II, 24, n.2):

    (1) A name in the genealogy of Kohath, son of Elkanah, a Levite of the Kohathite family (cf 1 Chronicles 6 2f>; 2 Chronicles 29 12).

    (2) Chief of the captains who met David at Zik- lag and tendered him their allegiance. Some have identified him with Amasa and others with Abishai, who is called Absliai in 1 Chronicles 11 2()m (cf 1 Chronicles 18 12). The difficulty is that neither Amasa nor Abishai occupied the rank of the chief of thirty according to the lists in 2 Samuel 23 and 1 Chronicles 11, the rank to which David is supposed to have appointed him (cf 1 Chronicles 12 IS).

    (3) One of the trumpet -blowing priests who greeted David when he brought back the Ark of the Covenant (cf 1 Chronicles 15 24).

    AMASHSAI, a-mash sl pCTBpSJ, ,~tni<is/iN(ii/ 1 prob ably a textual error for "T^S; , d//m.s7m//; the C [s] implies a reading ^C ar, based on a mistaken deri vation from C^r. The original reading may have- been "^"E" . *dmmishay; cf A.MASAI): Arnashsai is a priestly name in the post -exilic list of inhabitants of Jerus (Neh 11.13; Maasai, 1 Chronicles 9 12); the read ing in Chronicles is " l "iT2 , me/ .w/y, AV "Maasiai," RV "Maasai."

    AMASIAH, am-a-sl a (rPC^:? , V;/m,.s-//<7//, "Yahwe bears"): One of the captains of Jehoshaphat (cf 2 Chronicles 17 10).

    AMATH, a math, AMATHIS, am a-this (1 Mace; 12 2o). See II AM AT u.

    AMATHEIS, am-a-the is. See EMATHKISouth

    AMAZED, a-ma/d : A term which illustrates the difficulty of expressing in one Eng. word tin- wide range of startled emotion, wonder, astonish ment, awe, covered, in the OT, by four Hebrew words and in the NT by as many (!r words. Its Scripture originals range in meaning from amaxement ac companied with terror and trembling to an astonish ment full of perplexity, wonder, awe and joyous surprise. It is the word esp. used to show the effect of Christ s miracles, leaching, character and Divine personality on those who saw and heard Him, and wen- made conscious of His supernatural power (Matthew 12 23: "All the multitudes were atnazcil"). The miracles of Pentecost and the Holy Spirit s bestowal of the gift of tongues produced the same universal wonder (Acts 2 7: "They were all amazed and mar velled"). DWK;HT M. PHATT

    AMAZIAH, am-a-zi a (rPSttK , irrrcS , Smaf- yah, ainaqyahu, "Jehovah is mighty" f 2 Kings 14 1-20; 2 Chronicles 25): Son of Jehoash, and tenth king of Judah. Amaziah had a peaceable accession at the age of 2.">. A depleted treasury, a despoiled palace and temple, and a discouraged people were among the consequences of his father s war with Hazael, king of Syria. When settled on the throne, Amaziah brought to justice the men who had assassinated his father. A verbal citation of Deuteronomy 24 10 in 2 Kings 14 0, forbidding the punishment of children for a father s offence, shows that the laws of this book were then known, and were recog nized as authoritative, and, in theory, as govern ing the nation. His accession may be dated cir 812 (some put later).

    1 he young king s plan for the rehabilitation of his people was the restoration of the kingdom s military prestige-, so severely lowered 1. I he in his father s reign. A militia army,

    Edomite composed of all the young men above War - () years of age-, was first organized

    and placed upon a war footing (2 Chronicles 25 ;>; the number given, 300,000, is not a reliable one). Even this not being considered a large enough force to effect the project, 100 talents of silver were sent to engage mercenary troops for the expedition from Israel. When these came, a man of Cod strongly dissuaded the king from relying on them (2 Chronicles 25 7ft). When this was communicated to the soldiers, and they were sent back unemployed, it roused them to "fierce anger" (ver 10).

    Amaziah s purpose in making these extensive preparations for war, in a time of profound peace, is clcMi . To the Southeast of Judah lay the Edomite state, with its capital Occasion at Petra. For many years Edom had been subject to Jehoshaphat, and a Hebrew ;deputy" had governed it (1 Kings 22 47). In the reign of his son and successor, Jehoram, a con federacy of Philistines, Arabians and Edomites took Libnah and made a raid on Jerusalem. A band of these penetrated the palace, which they plundered, abducted some women, and murdered all Iheyoun" princes but the youngest (2 Chronicles 21 17; 22 1)." The public commotion and distress caused by such an event may be seen reflected in the short oracle of the prophet Obadiah, uttered against Edom, if, with some, Obadiah s date is put thus early.

    From that time "Edom .... made a king over themselves" (2 Chronicles 21 Samuel), and for fifty years fol lowing were practically independent. 3. The Vic- It was this blot on Jerusalem and the good name of Judah that Amaziah determined to wipe out. The army of retaliation went forward, and afte r a battle in the Valley of Salt, south of the Dead Sea, in which they were the victors, moved on to Petra. This city lies in a hollow, shut in by mountains, and approached only bv a narrow ravine, through which a stream of water flows. Amaziah took it "by storm" (such is Ewald s rendering of "by war," in 2 Kings 14 7). Great execution was done, many of the captives being thrown from the rock, the face of which is now cove-red with rock- cut ^tombs of the- (Jr-Kom age.

    The campaign was thus entirely successful, but had evil results. Mushed witli victory, Amaziah brought back the- gods of Edom, and 4. Apostasy paid them worship. For this ae-t of and Its apostasy, he was warned of approach-

    Punishment ing destruction (2 Chronicles 25 14-17). Disquieting news soon came relating to the conduct of the- troops sent back to Samaria. From Beth-horon in the south to the- bonier of the northern state- they had looted the- village s and killed someetf the cemntry people- who had attempted to defe-nd their property (2 Chronicles 25 13). To Ama ziah s elemand for reparation, Je-hoash s answer was the contemptuous erne of the well-known parable of the- Thistle and the Cedar.

    War was now inevitable. The kings "lookeel one another in the face," in the valley of Beth- shemesh, where there is a level space, suitable 1 to the- move-me-nts erf infantry. Judah was utterly rout eel, and the king himself taken prisoner. There being no treasures in the lately de- spoileel capital, Jehoash contented himself with taking hostages for future good behavior, and with breaking down 400 cubits of the- wall of Jerus at the northwest corner of the- defence (2 Kings 14 13.14; 2 Chronicles 25 22-24).

    tory in the Valley of Salt

    5. Battle of Beth- shemesh




    Amasal Amerce

    Amaziah s career as a soldier was now closed. He outlived Jehoash of Israel "fifteen years" (2 Kings 14 17). His later years were 6. Closing spent in seclusion and dread, and had Years and a tragical ending. The reason for his Tragical unpopularity is not far to seek. The End responsibility for the war with Je

    hoash is by the inspired writer placed upon the shoulders of Amaziah (2 Kings 14 9-11). It was he who "would not hear." The quarrel between the kings was one which it was not beyond the power of diplomacy to remedy, but no brotherly attempt to heal the breach was made by either king. When the results of the war appeared, it could not be but that the author of the war should be called upon to answer for them. So deep was his dis grace and so profound the sense of national humil iation, that a party in the state determined on Amaziah s removal, so soon as there was another to take his place. The age of majority among the Hebrew kings was 16, and when Amaziah s son was of this age, the conspiracy against his life grew so strong and open that he fled to Lachish. Here he was followed and killed; his body being insultingly carried to Jerusalem on horses, and not conveyed in a litter or coffin (2 Kings 14 10.20; 2 Chronicles 25 27.28). He was 54 years old and had reigned for 20 years. The Chronicler (2 Chronicles 26 1) hardly conceals the popular rejoicings at the exchange of sovereigns, when I/zziah became king.

    In the last ver of 2 Chronicles 25 is a copyist s error by which we read "in the city of Judah," instead of "in the city of David," as in the corresponding passage in Kings. The singular postscript to the record of Ama/iah in 2 Kings 14 22 is intended to mark the fact that while the port of Elath on the Red Sea fell before the arms, in turn, of Ama/iah and of his son Tzziah, it was the latter who restored it to Judah, as a part of its territory. Amaziah is mentioned in the royal genealogy of 1 Chronicles 3 12, but not in that of Matthew 1. There is a leap here from Jehoram to Czziah, Ahaziah, Jehoash and Ama/iah being omitted. ,V. SHAW CALDKCOTT

    AMBASSADOR, am-bas a-dor ("S^ , mal tikli, "messenger"; y^ , Uir, interpreter"; "P , fir, to go"; hence a messenger; Trpo-pevo>, prenlteud, to act as an ambassador, lit. to be older"): An am bassador is an official representative of a king or government, as of Pharaoh (Isaiah 30 4); of the princes of Babylon (2 Chronicles 32 31); of Neco, king of Egypt (2 Chronicles 35 21); of the messengers of peace sent by Hezekiah, king of Judah, to Sen nacherib, king of Assyria (Isaiah 33 7). The 1 same Hebrew term is used of the messengers sent by Jacob to Esau (den 32 3j; by Moses to the king of Edom (Judges 20 14). For abundant illustration consult Messenger" (TfXx 1 ^ , mnlTil-h) in any concordance. See CONCORDANCeast The inhabitants of Gibeon made themselves pretended ambassadors to Joshua in order to secure by deceit the protection of a treaty ("covenant") (Joshua 9 4).

    In the NT the term is used in a fig. sense. As the imprisoned representative of Christ at Rome Paul calls himself "an ambassador in chains" (Eph 6 20); and in 2 Cor 5 20 includes, with himself, all ministers of the gospel, as "ambassadors .... on behalf of Christ," commissioned by Him, as their sovereign Lord, with the ministry of recon ciling the world to Cod. The Bible contains no finer characterization of the exalted and spiritual nature of the minister s vocation as the represen tative of Jesus Christ, the King of kings, and Saviour of the world. DWKJIIT M. PRATT

    AMBASSAGE, am ba-sfij (irpr$(la, presbeia, "an embassy," a body of ambassadors on the message

    entrusted to them): Twice used by Christ (1) in the parable of the Pounds, of the citizens who hated the nobleman and sent an ambassage, refusing to have him reign over them, thus illustrating those who wilfully rejected His own spiritual sovereignty and kingdom (Luke 19 11); (2) of a weak king who sends to a stronger an ambassage to ask conditions of peace (Luke 14 32). Not used elsewhere in the Bible.

    AMBER, am ber. See STONES, PRECIOUSouth

    AMBITIOUS, am-bish us (<j>i,.OTi|i&&gt;nai,, philo- timeomai, "to be strongly desirous," "strive ear nestly," "make it one s aim"): Given as a marginal reading in Rom 15 20 ("being ambitious to bring good tidings"), 2 Cor 5 !) ("We are ambitious, whether at home or absent, to be well-pleasing unto him"), and 1 Thess 4 fl ( M hat ye be am bitious to be quiet").

    AMBUSH, am boosh (-^X, arabh, "to set an ambush"; 2"lSp, md drdbh, "an ambush"): A military stratagem in which a body of men are placed in concealment to surprise an enemy unawares, or to attack a point when temporarily undefended. This stratagem was employed successfully by Joshua at Ai (Joshua 8). Jeremiah calls upon the Medes to "set up a standard against the walls of Babylon, make the watch strong, set the watchmen, prepare the ambushes" (Jeremiah 51 12).

    AMBUSHMENT, am bnosh-ment (as above) has now disappeared in 2 Chronicles 20 22, where RV gives for "ambushment" "liers-in-wait." It still remains in 2 Chronicles 13 13 where both AV and RV render the Hebrew noun "ambushment."

    AMEN, a-men (in ritual speech and in singing a-men , a men) = "truly," "verily"): Is derived from the reflexive form of a vb. meaning "to be firm," or "to prop." It occurs twice as a noun in Isaiah 65 l(i, where we have (AY, RV) "God of truth."

    This rendering implies the pointing omen or cmiln i.e. "truth," or "faith fulness," a reading actually suggested by Cheyne and adopted by others. Amen is generally used as an advb. of assent or confirmation Jlut, "so let it be." In Jeremiah 28 6 the prophet indorses with it the words of Ilananiah.

    Amen is employed when an individual or the whole nation confirms a cove nant or oath recited in their presence (Numbers 5 22; I)t 27 15 ff; Neh 5 13, etc). It also occurs at the close of a ps or book of pss, or of a prayer.

    That Amen was appended to the doxology in the early church is evident both from St. Paul and Rev, and hen 1 again it took the form of a response by the hearers. The ritual of the installation of the Lamb (Rev 5 6-14) concludes with the Amen of the four beasts, and the four and twenty elders. It, is also spoken after "Yea: I come quickly" (22 20).

    And that Elev reflects the practice of the church on earth, and not merely of an ideal, ascended community in heaven, may be concluded from 1 Cor 14 16, whence we gather that the lay brethren were ex pected to say Amen to the address. (See Weiz- sacker s The Apostolic Age of the Christian Church, Eng. translation, II, 289.) JAMES MILLAR

    AMERCE, a-murs : Found in AV only in Deuteronomy 22 19, "And they shall amerce him in an hundred shekels of silver." Amerce is a legal term derived from the French ( = "at"; merci = "mercy," i.e. lit. "at the mercy" [of the court]).

    Here it is used of the imposing of aline, according to the Law of Moses, upon the man who has been proven by the Elders to have brought a false charge against the virginity of the maid he has married by saying to the father, "I found not thy daughter a maid."





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    re>vizd vur shun: On July 7, 1X70, it was moved

    in the Lower House of the Convoca-

    1. History lion of Canterbury tliat in the work

    of revision the cooperation of Ameri can divines be invited. This resolution was assented to, and on December 7, 1X71, the arrangements were completed. 1 nder the general presidency of Dr. Philip Schaff, an OT Company of fifteen scholars was formed, with Dr. ,V. II. (Jreen as chairman, ami a NT Company of sixteen members (including Dr. Schaff), with Dr. T. I). ,Voolsey_as chairman.

    Work was begun on October 4, 1x72, and took the form of offering criticisms on the suc cessive portions of t he English revision as t hey were received. These criticisms of the American Com panies were duly considered by the English Com panies during the second revision and the decisions ,vere again sent to America for criticism.

    The replies received were once more given consideration and, finally, the unadopted readings for which the American Companies professed deliberate prefer ence were printed as appendices to the two Testa ments as published in 1XX1 and 1XX.">.

    These lists, however, were not regarded by the American Companies as satisfactory. In the first place, it became evident that the English Companies, on account of their instructions and for other reasons, were not willing to make changes of a certain class.

    Consequently the American Companies insisted on only such readings as seemed to have a real chance of being accepted. And, in the second place, the English presses hurried the last part of the work and were unwilling to allow enough time for ade quate thoroughness in the preparation of the lists. But it was hoped that the first published edition of the ERV would not be considered definitive and that in the future such American proposals as had stood the test of public discussion might be incor porated into the text.

    This hope was disappointed the English Companies disbanded as soon as their revision was finished and their work stood as final. As a result the American Companies resolved to continue their organization. They were pledged not to issue or indorse any new revi sion within fourteen years after the publication of the EHY, and so it, was not until 1900 that the ARV NT was published. The whole Bible was issued in the following year.

    As the complete editions of the ARV give a full list of the changes made, only the more prominent

    need be mentioned here. A few of the

    2. Differ- readings printed in the appendices to ences from the ERV were abandoned, but many ERV new ones were introduced, including

    some that had been adopted while the English work was in progress but which had not been pressed. (.See above.) Still, in general appear ance, the ARV differs but slightly from the English. The most important addition is found in the page- headings.

    Some changes have been made in shorten ing the titles of the NT books. The printing of poetical passages in poetical form has been carried through more consistently. The paragraphs have been altered in some cases and (especially in the OT) shortened. The punctuation has been simplified, especially by the more frequent use of the semi colon.

    The removal of obsolete words ("magnifical," "neesings," etc) has been effected fairly thoroughly, obsolete constructions ("jealous over," etc) have been modernized, particularly by the use of "who" or "that" (instead of "which") for persons and "its" (instead of "his") for things.

    In the OT "Jehovah" has been introduced systematically for the proper II eb word, as has "Sheol" ("Hades" in the NT). Certain passages too literally rendered in the ERV ("reins," "by the hand of," etc) are given in modern

    terms. In the NT, the substitution of "Holy Spirit" for "Holy Ghost" was completed through out (in the ERV it is made in some twenty places), "demons" substituted for "devils, "Teacher" for "Master," and "try" for "tempt" when there is no direct reference to wrongdoing. And so on.

    It may be questioned whether the differences between the two Revisions are great enough to counterbalance the annoyance and

    3. Criticism confusion resulting from the existence of two standard versions in the same language.

    But, accepting the ARV as an accom plished fact, and acknowledging a few demerits that it has or may be; thought to have in compari son with the ERV (a bit of pedantry in Ps 148 12 or renderings of disputed passages such as Ps 24 6), these demerits are altogether outweighed by the superiorities with one exception.

    In the Psalter, when used liturgieally, the repetition of the won! "Jehovah" becomes wearisome and the ERV which retains "The Lord" is much preferable. Most to be regretted iti the ARV is its extreme conservatism in the readings of the original texts.

    In the OT the number of marginal variants was actually rcihtrcil. In the NT, only trivial changes are made from the so-called Revisers (Jreek Text, although this text did not represent the best .scholarly opin ion even in 18X1, while in 1900 it was almost uni versally abandoned. (Today in 1014 it is obsolete.)

    It is very unfortunate that the American Revisers did not improve on the example of their English brethren and continue their sessions after the publication of their version, for it is only by the successive revisions of /mlilixln-il work that a really satisfactory result can be attained

    No ARV" Apoc was attempted, a particularly unfortunate fact, as the necessity for the study of

    the Apoc has become imperative and

    4. Apocry- the ER V Apoc is not a particularly good pha piece of work. However, copies of the

    ARV can no,v be obtained with the ERV Apoc included. See KMII.ISH VERSIONSouth


    AMI, a nri, a me p CX , ami): Ancestor of a family among "Solomon s servants" in the Return (Ezra 2 f)7) ; the same as Amon in Neh 7 .59.

    AMIABLE, a mi-a-b l ("P-p, tfdhulh, "beloved"): Applied to the tabernacle or tent of meeting. "How a. ["lovely" RVm] are thy tabernacles" (Ps 84 1), the pi. having reference to the subdi visions and appurtenances of the sanctuary (cf 68 3").

    The adj. is rendered "amiable" in the sense of the French ainmhlc, lovely; but the usage of the Hebrew word requires it to be understood as meaning "dear," "beloved." Cf "so amiable a prospect" (Sir T. Herbert), "They keep their churches so cleanly and amiable" (Ilowell, 1044). "What made t he tabernacle of Moses lovely was not the outside, which was very mean, but what was within" (John Gill). See TABERNACLeast

    M. O. EVANS

    AMINADAB, a-min a-dab ( A(uva8dp, Amina- rlrib): AV: Greek form of Amminadab (q.v.). Thus RV (Matthew 1 4; Luke 3 33).

    AMISS, a-mis : There are two words translation 1 "amiss" in the NT, droTros, dtopos, referring to that which is improper or harmful (Luke 23 41; Acts 28 G), while /caKuis, [ctikos, refers to that which is evil in the sense of a disaster, then to that which is wicked, morally wrong. This latter is the use of it in Jas 4 3. The purpose of the prayer is evil, it is therefore amiss and cannot be granted (cf 2 Chronicles 6 37 ff).




    AMITTAI, a-mit I pPlCS , aniittay, "faithful") : The father of the prophet Jonah. He was from Gath-hepher in Zebulun (2 Kings 14 25; Jon 1 1).

    AMMAH, am a (HT2X , ammah, "mother" or "beginning"): A hill in the territory of Benjamin (2 Samuel 2 24), where Joub and Abishai halted at nightfall in their {)ursuit of Abner and his forces after their victory over him in the battle of Gibeon. It "lieth before Giah by the way of the wilderness of Gibeon"; but the exact location has not been identified. The same Hebrew word appears as the second part, of Metheg-ammah in 2 Samuel 8 1 AV, but rendered "mother cily" in RV, probably however not the same place as in 2 Samuel 2 24.

    AMMI, am i pi?? , Minimi, "my people"): A symbolic name given to Israel by Hosea (2 1 ; 2 3 in Hebrew text), descriptive of Israel in the state of restoration, and in contrast to sinful and rejected Israel, represented by Hosea s son, who was called Lo-ammi, "not my people," when born to the prophet (Hos 1 9.10). This restoration to the Divine favor is more fully described in Hos 2 21. 23 in words quoted by Paul (Rom 9 25.20). The use of such fig. and descriptive names is freemen) in the <)T; cf Isaiah 62 4.12.

    AMMIDIOI, a-mid i-oi (AY Ammidoi, am i-doi; AjjL(ii8ioi, Anini i/iini [also with aspirate]; oc curring only in 1 Esdras 5 20): One of the families returning from the Hah Captivity in the First Return, under Zerubbabel, in 537 BC. This name is not found in the corresponding lists of the canoni cal books, Ezra 2 and Neh 7. Their identity is uncertain.

    AMMIEL, am i-el pSn?? , ,nnnncl, "my kins man is Cod"; A|AtT|X, Amcifl]): A name borne by four men in the OT.

    (1) One of the twelve spies sent into Canaan by .Moses; son of Gemalli, of the tribe of Dan (Numbers 13 12).

    (2) A Benjamite, the father of Machir, a friend of David, living at Lodebar in (Ulead (2 Samuel 9 4.5; 17 27).

    (3) Father of Bathshua (or Bathsheba), one of David s wives, who was mot tier of Solomon (1 Chronicles 3 5). In the j| passage, 2 Samuel 11 3, by transposition of the two parts of the name, he is called Eliam, meaning "my Cod is a kinsman."

    (4) The sixth son of Obed-edom, a Levite, one of the doorkeepers of the tabernacle of Cod in David s life-time (1 Chronicles 26 5). EDWARD MACK

    AMMIHUD, a-mi hud ("Prn?7 , ,nnni7lnlilfi, "my kinsman is glorious"; variously in I, XX, Efj.iov8, Kniioud or St^iovS, Semioud or Ap.iov5, Ainiowl): The name of several OT persons.

    (1) Father of Elishama, who in the Wilderness was head of the tribe of Ephraim (Numbers 1 10; 2 18; 7 4South53; 10 22; 1 Chronicles 7 20).

    (2) Father of Shemuel, who was appointed by Moses from the tribe of Simeon to divide the land among the tribes after thev should have entered Canaan (Numbers 34 20).

    (3) Father of Pedahel, who was appointed from the tribe of Naphtali for the same purpose as the Ammihud of (2) (Numbers 34 2S).

    (4) In the AV and RVm for the Ammihur ("VTPly , *(uninlhiir, "my kinsman is noble"), who was father of Talmai of Ceshur, a little Aram, king dom east of the Lebanon mountains, to whom Absa lom fled after the murder of his brother Amnon. The weight of evidence seems to favor the reading Ammihur (2 Samuel 13 37).

    American RV Ammon

    (5) A descendant of Judah through the line of Perez (1 Chronicles 9 4). EDWARD MACK

    AMMIHUR, a-ml hur (A V and RVm; *ammlhur, "my kinsman is noble": Ep.iov8, E mi- owl). See AMMIHUD (4).

    AMMINADAB, a-min a-dab (S":"^? , W- minadhabh = "my people [or my kinsman] is gen erous or noble"): Three persons bearing this name are mentioned in the OT.

    (1) In Ruth 4 10. 20 and 1 Chronicles 2 10 Amminadab is referred to as one of David s ancestors. He was the great-grandson of Perez, a son of Judah (Genesis 38 29; 46" 12) and the great-grandfather of Boaz, who again was the great -grandfather of David.

    Aaron s wife, Elisheba, was a daughter of Am minadab (Exodus 6 23), while one 1 of the sons, viz. Xahshon, occupied an important position in the Judah-clan (Numbers 1 7; 2 3; 7 12; 10 14).

    (2) In the first Book of Chronicles (6 22) Amminadab is mentioned as a son of Kohath (and therefore a grandson of Levi) and the father of Korah. But in other genealogical passages (Exodus 6 IS; Numbers 3 19; 1 Chronicles 6 2) the sons of Kohath are Amram, Izliar, Hebron and I z/.iel, and in two places (Exodus 6 21; 1 Chronicles 6 3S) Izhar is mentioned as the father of Korah.

    (3) According to 1 Chronicles (15 10.11) Amminadab was the name of a priest who took part in the removal of the ark to Jerusalem. He was the son of 1 zziel, anil therefore a nephew of Amminadab, son of Kohath ( = Izhar). THOMAS LEWIS

    AMMINADIB, a-min a-dib (I" 1 ": TGV , f amn nrullnbh): The name occurs in AV and RYm only in one passage (Cant 6 12, "the chariots of Am- minadib"). In AVm and RV text, however, it is not regarded as a proper name, and the clause is rendered, "among the chariots of my princely people." Interpretations widely vary (see COM MENTARIES).

    AMMISHADDAI, am-i-shad l, am-i-shad-a I p sTZ,"^" , f ammishadday, "Shaddai is my kins man"): The father of Ahiezer, a Danite captain or "head of his fathers house," during the Wilderness journey (Numbers 1 12; 2 25, etc).

    AMMIZABAD, a-miz a-bad OnpEr , Wmt- zdblidilh. "my kinsman has made a present "): The son of Benaiah, one of David s captains for the third month (1 Chronicles 27 0).

    AMMON, am on; AMMONITES, am on-Its ("I?", antuion; C 1 "^" , *ammdmrn) . The Hebrew tradition makes this tribe descendants of Lot and hence related to the Israelites (Genesis 19 3S). This is reflected in the name usually employed in OT to designate them, Hen, Annul, B e ne Ammon, "son of my people," "children of my people," i.e. relatives.

    Hence we find that the Israelites are commanded to avoid conflict with them on their march to the Promised Land (Deuteronomy, 2 19). Their dwelling-place was on the east of the Dead Sea and the Jordan, between the Arnon and the Jabbok, but, before the advance of the Hebrews, they had been dis possessed of a portion of their land by the Amorites, who founded, along the east side of the Jordan and the Dead Sea, the kingdom of Sihon (Numbers 21 21-31).

    We know from the records of Egypt, esp. Am Tab, the approximate date of the Amorite invasion (14th and 13th cents., BC). They were pressed on the north by the Hittites who forced them upon the tribes of the south, and some of them settled east of the Jordan. Thus Israel helped A. by destroying their old enemies, and this

    Ammpnitess Amorites




    makes their conduct, at a later period the more reprehensible. In the days of Jephthah they oppressed the Israelites east of the Jordan, claim ing that the latter had deprived them of their terri tory when they came from Egypt, whereas it was the possessions of the Amorites they look (Judges 11 1-2S).

    They were defeated, but their hostility did not cease, and their conduct toward the Is raelites was particularly shameful, as in the days of Saul (1 Samuel 11) and of David (2 Samuel 10). This may account for 1 he cruel treatment meted out to them in the war that followed (2 Samuel 12 26-31).

    They seem to have been completely subdued by David and their capital was taken, and we find a better spirit manifested afterward, for Nahash of Rabbah snowed kindness to him when a fugitive (2 Samuel 17 27-29). Their country came into the possession of .leroboam, on the division of the kingdom, and when the Syrians of Damascus deprived the king dom of Israel of their possessions east of the Jordan, the A. became subjects of Benhadad, and we find a contingent of 1,000 of them serving as allies of that king in the great battle of the Syrians with the Assyrians at Qarqar (Xf>4 BC) in the reign of Shalmaneser II. They may have regained their old territory when Tiglath-pileser carried off the Israelites east of the Jordan into captivity (2 Kings 15 2!); 1 Chronicles 5 2(5). Their hostility to both kingdoms, Judah and Israel, was often manifested. In the days of Jehoshaphat they joined with the Moabites in an attack upon him, but met with disaster (2 Chronicles 20).

    They paid tribute to Jot ham (2 Chronicles 27 5). After submitting to Tiglath-pileser they were generally tributary to Assyria, but we have mention of their joining in the general uprising that took place under Sennacherib; but they sub mitted and we find them tributary in the reign of Esarhaddpn.

    Their hostility to Judah is shown in their joining the Chaldaeans to destroy it (2 Kings 24 2). Their cruelty is denounced by the prophet Amos (1 13), and their destruction by Jeremiah (49 1 -ti), E/k (21 2s 32), Zeph (2 Samuel.<)j. Their murder of Odaliah (2 Kings 25 22 2(5; Jeremiah 40 14) was a das tardly act. Tobiah the A. united with Sanballat to oppose Neh (Neh 4), and their opposition to the Jews did not cease with the establishment of 1 he latter in Judaea.

    They joined the Syrians in their wars with the Maccabees and were defeated bv Judas (I Mac 5 6).

    Their religion was a degrading arid cruel super stition. Their chief god was Molech, or Moloch, to whom they offered human sacrifices (1 Kings 11 7) against which Israel was especially warned (Lev 20 2-f>). This worship was common to other tribes for we find it mentioned among the Phoenicians.



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    AMMONITESS, am-on-I tes, a-mon i-tes (rPITEr, *ammonlth): A woman of the Ammon ites, Naamah, the mother of Rehoboam (1 Kings 14 21.31; 2 Chronicles 12 13; 24 2(5).

    AMNON, am non (fl5pg! , <unndn, "faithful"; cf flS^X, attrition, 2 Samuel 13 20, which is probably a diminutive. Wellhausen [7,7(7, II, 24, n.2] resolves Ti3" v CX into TSX, iininl, and "ft, nun, "my mother is the serpent"; cf NUN):

    (1) The eldest son of David and Ahinoam, the Jezreelites (cf 2 Samuel 3 2). As the crown prince and heir presumptive to the throne, he was intensely hated by Absalom, who was, therefore, doubly eager to revenge the outrage committed by Amnon upon his sister Tamar (2 Samuel 3 2; 13 1 IT; 1 Chronicles

    3 1).

    (2) A name in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chronicles

    4 20).

    AMOK, a mok (plE?, amok, "deep"): A chief priest who came to Jems with Zerubbabel (Neh 12 7) and the forefather of Eber, who was priest in the days of Joiakim (Neh 12 20).

    AMON, fi mon Cj"V3X , dmon): A name identical with that of the Egyp local deity of Thebes (No); cf Jeremiah 46 2"). The foreign name given to a Hebrew prince is remarkable, as is also the fact that it is one of the two or three royal names of Judah not compounded with the name of Jehovah. See MA.NASSKH. It seems to reflect the sentiment which his fanatical father sought to make prevail that JAH had no longer any more claim to identi fication with the realm than had other deities.

    (1) A king of Judah, son and successor of Ma- nasseh; reigned two years and was assassinated in his own palace by the officials of his household. The story of his reign is told briefly in 2 Kings 21 10-2(5, and still more briefly, though in identical terms, so far as they go, in 2 Chronicles 33 21-25. His short reign was merely incidental in the history of Judah; just long enough to reveal the traits and tendencies which directly or indirectly led to his death. It was merely a weaker continuation of the regime of his idolatrous father, though without Ihe fanaticism which gave the father positive character, and without the touch of piety which, if the Chron icler s account is correct, tempered the father s later years.

    If the assassination was the initial act of a revo lution, the latter was immediately suppressed by "the people of the land," who put to death the conspirators and placed Amon s eight -year-old son Josiah on the throne. In the view of the present, writer the motive of the affair was prob ably connected with the perpetuity of the Davidic dynasty, which, having survived so long according to prophetic prediction (cf 2 Samuel 7 1(5; Ps 89 3(5.37), was an essential guarantee of Jell s favor. Ma- nasseh s foreign sympathies, however, had loosened, the hold of JAH on the officials of his court ; so that, instead of being the loyal center of devotion to Israel s religious and national idea, the royal house hold was but a hotbed of worldly ambitions, and all the more for Manasseh s prosperous reign, so long immune from any stroke of Divine judgment. It is natural that, seeing the insignificance of Amon s administration, some ambitious clique, imitating the policy that had frequently succeeded in the Northern Kingdom, should strike for the throne. They had reckoned, however, without estimating the inbred Davidic loyalty of the body of the people. It was a blow at one of their most cherished tenets, committing the nation both politically and religiously to utter uncertainty. That this impulsive act of the people was in the line of t he purer religious movement which was ripen ing in Israel does not prove that the spiritually- minded "remnant" was minded to violence 1 and conspiracy; it merely shows what a stern and sterling fiber of loyalty still existed, seasoned and confirmed by trial, below the corrupting cults and fashions of the ruling classes. In the tragedy of Amon s reign, in short, we get a glimpse of the basis of sound principle that lay at the common heart of Israel.

    (2) A governor of Samaria (1 Kings 22 2(5); the one to whom the prophet Mieaiah was committed as a prisoner by King Ahab, after the prophet had disputed the predictions of the court prophets and foretold the king s death in battle.

    (3) The head of the "children of Solomon s serv ants" (Neh 7 59) who returned from captivity; reckoned along with the Nethinirn, or temple slaves. Called also Ami (Ezra 2 57).





    AMORITES, am o-rits ; Amorites ("HES , cmorl, always in the singular like the Babylonian Amurru from which it is taken; Ajioppaioi, Amorraioi):

    1. Varying Use of the Name Explained

    2. The. Amorite Kingdom

    3. Sihon s Conquest

    4. Disappearance of the Amorito Kingdom 5 Physical Characteristics of the Amorites

    The name Amorite is used in the OT to denote (1) the inhabitants of Pal generally, (2) the popu lation of the hills as opposed to the plain, and (3) a specific people under a king of their own. Thus (1) we hear of them on the west shore of the Dead Sea (Genesis 14 7), at Hebron (Genesis 14 13;, and Shechem (Genesis 48 22), in Gilead and Bashan (Deuteronomy 3 10) and under Hermon (I)t 3 8; 4 48). They are named instead of the Canaanites as ihe inhabitants of Pal whom the Israelites were required to exterminate (Genesis 16 Iti; Deuteronomy 20 17; Judges 6 10; 1 Samuel 7 14; 1 Kings 21 20; 2 Kings 21 11); the older population of Judah is called Amorite in Joshua 10 5.6, in conformity with which Ezekiel (16 3) that Jerus had an Amorite father; and the Gibeonites are said to have been "of the remnant of the Amorites" (2 Samuel 21 2). On the other hand (2), in Numbers 13 2!) the Amorites are described as dwelling in the moun tains like the Hittites and Jebusites of Jerus, while the Amalekites or Bedouins lived in the south and the Canaanites on the seacoast and in the valley of the Jordan. Lastly (3) we hear of Sihon, "king of the Amorites," who had conquered the northern half of Moab (Judges 21 21-31; Deuteronomy 2 26-35).

    Assyriological discovery has explained the varying use of the name. The Hebrew form of it is a translit eration of the Babylonian Anntrrii, which was

    1. Varying both sing, and pi. In the age of Abra- Use of the ham the Amurru were the dominant Name Exodus- people in western Asia; hence Syria plained and Pal were called by the Baby lonians "the land of the Amorites."

    In the Assyr period this was replaced by "land of

    the Hittites," the Hittites in the Mosaic age having

    made themselves masters of Syria and Canaan.

    The use of the name "Amorite" in its general

    sense belongs to the Babylonian period of oriental history.

    The Amorite kingdom was of great antiquity.

    About 2500 BC it embraced the larger part of

    Mesopotamia and Syria, with its capi-

    2. The tal probably at Ilarran, and a few Amorite centuries later northern Babylonia Kingdom was occupied by an "Amorite" dy nasty of kings who traced their descent

    from Samu or Sunm (the Biblical Shem), and made Babylon their capital. To this dynasty belonged Khammu-rabi, the Amraphel of Genesis 14 1. In the astrological documents of the period frequent reference is made to "the king of the Amorites." This king of the Amorites was subject to Baby lonia in the age of the dynasty of Vr, two or three centuries before the birth of Abraham. He claimed suzerainty over a number of "Amorite" kinglets, among whom those of Khana on the Euphrates, near the mouth of the Khabur, maybe named, since in the Abrahamic age one of them was called Kharnmu-rapikh and another Isarlim or Israel. A payment of a cadastral survey made at this time by a Babylonian governor with the Can name of Urirne- lech is now in the Louvre. Numerous Amorites were settled inUr and other Babylonian cities, chiefly for the purpose of trade. They seem to have enjoyed the same rights and privileges as the native Baby lonians. Some of them were commercial travelers, but we hear also of the heads of the great firms making journeys to the Mediterranean coast.

    In an inscription found near Diarbekir and dedi cated to Khammu-rabi by Ibirum ( = Eber), the governor of the district, the only title given to the

    Ammonitess Amorites

    Babylonian monarch is "king of the Amorites," where in stead of Amurru the Sumerian Murlu (Rebmoreh) is used. The great-grandson of Khammu-rabi still calls himself "king of the widespread land of the Amorites," but two generations later Babylonia was invaded by the Hittites, the Amorite dynasty came to an end, and there was once more a "king of the Amorites" who was not also king of Babylonia.

    Heads of Amorites, akin to North Africans.

    The Amorite kingdom continued to exist down to the time of the Israeli! ish invasion of Pal, and mention is made of it in the Egyp records as well as in the cuneiform Am Tab, and the Hittite ar chives recently discovered at Bogliaz-keui, the site of the Hittite capital in Cappadocia. The Egyp conquest of Canaan by the kings of the XVI I It h Dynasty had put an end to the effective govern ment of that country by the Amorite princes, but their rule still extended eastward to the borders of Babylonia, while its southern limits coincided approximately with what was afterward the north ern frontier of Naphtali. The Amorite kings, however, became 1 , at all events in name, the vassals of the 1 Egyp Pharaoh. When the Egyp empire began to break up, under the "heretic king" Amen- hotep IV, at the end of the XVII 1th Dynasty (1400 BC), the Amorite princes naturally turned to their more powerful neighbors in the north. ( >ne of the letters in the Tell el-Arnarna correspondence is from Ihe Pharaoh to his Amorite vassal Aziru the son of Ebed-Asherah, accusing him of rebellion and threatening him with punishment. Eventually Aziru found it. advisable to go over openly to the Hittites, and pay the Hittite government an annual tribute 1 of 300 shekels of gold. From that time forward the Amorite kingdom was a dependency of the Hittite empire, which, on the strength of this, claimed dominion over Pal as far as the Egyp frontier.

    The second successor of Aziru was Abi-Amurru (or Abi-Madad), whose 1 successor bore, in addition to a Sem name, the 1 Mitannian name e>f Bente- sinas. Bente-sinas was dethroned by the Hittite King Muttallis and imprisoned in Cappadocia, where he seems te> have me t. the 1 Hit lite prince Khattu-sil, whe> on the death of his brother Muttal lis seize d the 1 crown and resleiml Be-nte-sinas to his kingdom. Bente-sinas married the 1 daughter of Khattu-sil, while his own daughter was wedeled to the son of his Hittite suzerain, and an agreement, was made that the succession to the Amorite throne 1 should be confined to her descendants. Two or three generations later the Hittite empire was destroyeel by an invasion of "northern barbarians," the Phrygians, probably, of Greek history, who mare-heel southward, through Pal, against Egypt, carrying with them "the; king of the 1 Amorites." The in- vaelers, howeveT, were defeated and practically exterminate^! by Ramses III of the> XXth Egyp Dynasty (1200 BC). The 1 Amorite 1 king, captured on this occasion by the 1 Egyptians, was probably the immediate predecessor of the Sihon of the OT.





    Egyp influence in Canaan had finally ceased with the invasion of Egypt by the Libyans and peoples of the Aegean in the fifth year of 3. Sihon s Meneplah, the .successor of Ramses Conquest II, at the time of the Israelitish Exo dus. Though the invaders were re pulsed, the Egyp garrisons had to be withdrawn from the cities of southern Pal, where their place was taken by the Philis who thus blocked the way from Egypt to the north. The Amorites, in the name of their distant Hit lite su/erains, were ac cordingly able to overrun the old Egyp provinces on the easl side of the Jordan; the Amorite chief tain Og possessed himself of Bashan (Deuteronomy 3 S), and Sihon, "king of the Amorites," conquered the north ern part of Moab.

    The conquest must have been recent at the time of the Israelitish invasion, as the Amorite song of triumph is quoted in Numbers 21 27 2<), and adapted to the overthrow of Sihon himself by the Israelites. Woe unto tliee, it reads, ( ) Moab; them art undone, () people of Chemosh! [ChemoshJ hath given thy sons who escaped [the battle] and thy daughters into captivity to Sihon king of the Amorites. The flame that had thus consumed Heshbon, it is further declared, shall spread south ward through Moab, while Heshbon itself is rebuilt and made 1 he capital of the conqueror: "Come to Heshbon, that the city of Sihon [like the city of David, 2 Samuel 5 9] may be rebuilt and restored. For the fire has spread from Ileshbon, the flame from the capital of Sihon, devouring as far as Moab [reading <//(, with the 1>.,., instead of <//], and swallowing up [reading Ix il aft with the LX,| the high places of Arnon." The Israelitish invasion, however, pre vented the expected conquest of southern Moab from taking place.

    After the fall of Sihon the Amorite kingdom dis appears. The Syrians of Zobah, of Hamath and of Damascus take its place, while

    4. Disap- with the rise of Assyria the "Amor- pearance of ites" cease to be the representatives the Amorite in contemporary lit . of the inhabitants Kingdom of western Asia. At one lime their

    power had extended to the Babylonian frontier, and Bente-s mas was summoned to Cnp- padocia by his Hit lite overlord to answer a charge made by the Babylonian ambassadors of his having raided northern Babylonia. The Amorite king urged, however, that the raid was inereh an attempt to recover a debt of . ]() talents of silver.

    In Numbers 13 2!) the Amorites are described as moun taineers, and in harmony with this, according to Professor Petrie s notes, the Egyp

    5. Physical artists represent them with fair com- Characteris- plexions, blue eyes and light hair. It tics of the would, therefore, seem that they Amorites belonged to the Libyan race of north ern Africa rather than to the Sem

    stock. In western Asia, however, they were mixed with other racial elements derived from the sub ject populations, and as they spoke a Sem language one of the most important of these elements would have been the Semites. In its general sense, more over, the name "Amorite included in the Babylonian period all the settled and civilized peoples west of the Euphrates to whatever race they might belong. LITERATI-Reast Hugo Winokler, Mitti-ilii nt/<> n ilrr ilent- schcn Orient-Gesellschaft (1907), No. :<.">, Merlin; Sayce, The Races of the OT, Religious Tract Soc. . 1SOO.

    ,. II. SAYCE

    AMOS, a mos (CTCy , V7///o.s, "burdensome" or "burden-bearer"; Ap.u>s, Amos):


    1 . Name

    2. Native Place

    3. Personal History

    4. His Preparation


    (1) Knowledge of God

    (2) Acquaintance with History of His People

    (3) Personal Travel

    (4) Scenery of His Homo His Mission


    K BOOK

    Its Divisions 2. Its Outlook :<. Value of the Book

    (1) As a Picture of the Social Condition

    (2) As Picture! of the Religious Condition (:{) Testimony to History

    (4) Testimony to the Law (it) The Ritual

    (6) Ethical Teaching

    (5) The Prophetic Order (<>) The Prophetic Religion


    /. The Prophet. Amos is the prophet whose

    book stands third among the "Twelve" in the

    Hebrew canon. No other person

    1. Name bearing the same name is mentioned

    in the ( )T, the name of the father of the prophet Isaiah being written differently ( ?//(). There is an Amos mentioned in the genealogical series Luke 3 2f>, but he is otherwise unknown, and we do not know how his name would have been written in Hebrew. Of the signification of the prophet s name all that can be said is that a verb with the same stem letters, in the sense 1 of to load or to carry a load, is not uncommon in the language.

    Tekoa, the native 1 place, of Amos, was situated at a distance 1 of 5 miles South from Bethlehe in, from

    which it is visible 1 , and 10 mile s from

    2. Native Jerusalem, on a hill 2,700 ft. high, Place overlooking the 1 wilderness of Judah.

    It was made a "city for defence" by Kehoboam (2 Chronicles 11 6), and may have in fact received its name from its remote and expose-d position; fe>r the stem of which the 1 word is a deriva tive is of freenicnt oe-e-urrence in the sense e>f sound ing an alarm with the trumpet: e.g. "Blow the trumpet in Tekoa, and set up a sign of fire in Beth-haccerem" (Je-r 6 1 AV). The same 1 word is also used to signify the 1 setting up of a te iit by striking in the tent-pegs; and Jerome state s that there; was no village beyond Tekoa in his time. The name has survived, and the neighborhood is at the 1 present day the pasture-ground for large flocks of she>ep and goats. From the high ground e>n which the moelern village stands one 1 looks down on the bare undulating hills of one of the bleakest districts of Palestine, "the waste howling wilder ness," which must have suggested some of the startling imagery of the prophet s addresses. The place may have had as is not seldom the case with towns or village s a reputation fetr a special quality of its inhabitants; for it was from Tekoa that Joab felchcel the "wise 1 woman" who by a fe igneel story elTe cted the reconciliation of David with his banished son Absalom (2 Samuel 14). There are traces in the Book of Am of a shrewelness and mother-wit which are not so conspicuous in other prophetical books.

    The particulars of a personal kinel which are

    noted in the book are few but suggestive. Amos

    was ne)t a prophet or the son of a

    3. Personal prophet, he tells us (7 14), i.e. he did History not belong to the professional class

    which frequented the so-called schools of the prophets. He was "among the herdmen of Tekoa" (1 1), the wore! here used being found only once in another place (2 Kings 3 4) and applied to Mesha, king of Moab. It seems to refer to a special breed of sheep, somewhat ungainly in ap- pearance but producing an abundant fleece. In 7 14 the worel rendered "herdman" is different, and ele>notes an owner of cattle, though some, from the LXX rendering, think that the worel should be the same as in 1 1. He was also "a dresser of





    sycomore-trees" (7 14). The word rendered "dress er" (RV) or "gatherer" (AV) occurs only here, and from the rendering of the LXX (Kvifrv) it is conjectured that there is reference to a squeez ing or nipping of the sycamore fig to make it more palatable or to accelerate its ripening, though such a usage is not known in Pal at the present day.

    Nothing is said as to any special preparation of the prophet for his work: "The Lord took me from

    following the flock, and the Lord said 4. His unto me, Go, prophesy unto my people

    Preparation Israel" (7 15 ERV). In these words

    he puts himself in line with all the prophets who, in various modes of expression, claim a direct revelation from God. But the men tion of the prophetic call in association with the mention of his worldly calling is significant. There was no period interposed between the one and the other, no cessation of husbandry to prepare for the work of prophesying. The husbandman was pre pared for this task, and when God s time came he took it up. What was that preparation? Even if we suppose that the call was a momentary event, the man must have been ready to receive it, equipped for its performance. And, looking at the way in which he accomplished it, as exhibited in his book, we can see that there was a preparation, both internal and external, of a very thorough and effect ive character.

    (1) Knowledge of Cod. First of all, he has no doubt or uncertainty as to the character of the God in whoso name he is called to speak. The God of Amos is one whose sway is boundless (9 2 IT), whose power is infinite (8 Of), not only controlling the forces of Nature (4; 5 S f) but guiding the move ments and destinies of nations (6 1 if. 14; 9 7ff). Moreover, He is righteous in all His ways, dealing with nations on moral principles (1 3 if ; 2 Iff); and, though particularly favorable to Israel, yet making that very choice of them as a people a ground for visiting them with sterner retribution for their sins (3 2). In common with all the prophets, Amos gives no explanation of how he came to know God and to form this conception of His character. It was not by searching that they found out God. It is assumed that God is and that He is such a Being; and this knowledge, as it could come only from God, is regarded as undisputed and undis- pu table. The call to speak in God s name may have come suddenly, but the prophet s conception of the character of the God who called him is no new or sudden revelation but a firm and well- established conviction.

    (2) Acquaintance with history of his people. Then his book shows not only that ho was well acquainted with the history and traditions of his nation, which he takes for granted as well known to his hearers, but that he had reflected upon these things and realized their significance. We infer that he had breathed an atmosphere of religion, as there is nothing to indicate that, in his acquaintance with the religious facts of his nation, he differed from those among whom he dwelt, although the call to go forth and enforce them came to him in a special way.

    (3) Personal travel. It has been conjectured that Amos had acquired by personal travel the accurate acquaintance which he shows in his graphic delineations of contemporary life and conditions; and it may have been the case that, as a wool- merchant or flock-master, he had visited the towns mentioned and frequented the various markets to which the people were attracted.

    (4) Scenery of his home. Nor must we overlook another factor in his preparation: the scenery in which he had his home and the occupations of his daily life. The landscape was one to make a

    solemn impression on a reflective mind : the wide- spreading desert, the shimmering waters of the Dead Sea, the high wall of the distant hills of Moab, over all which were thrown the varying light and shade. The silent life of the desert, as with such scenes ever before him, he tended his flock or defended them from the ravages of wild beasts, would to one whose thoughts were full of God nourish that exalted view of the Divine Majesty which we find in his book, and furnish the imagery in which his thoughts are set, (1 2; 3 4f; 4 13; 5 8; 9 of). As he is taken from following the flock, he comes before us using the language and figures of his daily life (3 12), but there runs through all the note of one who has seen God s working in all Nature and His presence in every phenomenon. Rustic; he may be, but there is no rudeness or rusticity in his style, which is one of natural and impassioned eloquence, ordered and regular as coming from a mind which was responsive to the orderlv working of God in Nature around him. There is an aroma of the free air of the desert about his words; but the prophet lives in an ampler ether and breathes a purer air; all things in Nature and on the field of history are seen in a Divine light and measured by a Divine standard.

    Thus prepared in the solitudes of the extreme

    south of Judah, he was called to go and prophesy

    unto the people of Israel, and appears

    5. His at Bethel the capital of the Northern Mission Kingdom. It may be that, in the

    prosecution of his worldly calling, he had seen and boon impressed by the conditions of life and religion in those parts. No reason is given for his mission to the northern capital, but the reason is not far to seek. It is the manner of the prophets to appear whore they are most needed; and the Northern Kingdom about that time had come victorious out of war, and had reached its culmination of wealth and power, with the attend ant results of luxury and excess, while the Southern Kingdom had been enjoying a period of outward tranquillity and domestic content.

    The date of the prophet Amos can approximately be fixed from the statement in the first ver that his

    activity fell "in the days of U/ziah

    6. Date king of Judah, and int the days of

    Jeroboam the son of Joash king of Israel, two years before the earthquake." Both these monarchs had long reigns, that of Uzziah extending from 779 to 740 BC and that of Jero boam II from 7S3 to 743 BC. If we look at the years when they were concurrently reigning, and bear in mind that, toward the end of IJzziah s reign, Jot ham acted as co-regent, we may safely place the date of Amos at about the year 760 BC. In a country in which earthquakes are not uncommon the one here mentioned must have been of unusual severity, for the memory of it was long preserved (Zee 14 5). How long he exercised his ministry we are not told. In all probability the book is the deposit of a series of addresses delivered from time to time till his plain speaking drew upon him the resentment of the authorities, and he was ordered to leave the country (Am 7 10 ff). We can only conjecture that, some time afterward, he withdrew to his native place and put down in writing a con densed record of the discourses he had delivered.

    //. The Book. We can distinguish with more than ordinary certainty the outlines of the individual addresses, and the arrangement of the book is clear and simple. The text, also, has been on the whole faithfully preserved; and though in a few places critics profess to find the traces of later editorial hands, these conclusions rest mainly on subjective grounds, and will be estimated differ ently by different minds.





    The book falls naturally into three parts, n cog nizable by certain recurring formulas and general

    literary features.

    1. Its ( 1 j The first section, which is clearly

    Divisions recognizable, embraces chs 1 and 2. Here, after the title and designatioi of the prophet in ver 1, there is a .solemn procla mation of Divine authority for the prophet s words "JAH will roar from Ziem, and utter his voice from Jerusalem" (ver 2). This is notable in OIK who throughout the book recognizes (iod s powei as world-wide and His operation as extensive a* creation; and it should he a caution in view, on the one hand, of the assertion that the temple at Jerusalem was not more sacred than any of the numerous "high places" throughout the land, and, on the other hand, the superficial manner in which some writers speak of the Hebrew notion of a Deity whose dwelling-place was restricted to one locality beyond which His influence was not felt. For this Clod, who has His dwelling-place in Zion, now through the mouth of the prophet denounces in succession the surrounding nations, and this mainly not for offences committed against- the chosen people but- for moral offences against one another and for breaches of a law binding on humanity. It will he observed that the nations denounced are not named in geographical order, and the prophet exhibits remarkable rhetorical skill in the order of selection. The interest and sympathy of the hearers is secured by the fixing of the attention on the enormities of guilt in their neighbors, and curios ity is kept awake by the uncertainty as to where the next stroke of the prophetic whip will fall. Beginning with the more distant and alien peoples of Damascus, ( la/a and Tyre, he wheels round to the nearer and kindred peoples of Edom, Ammon and Moab, till he rests for a moment on the brother tribe of Judah, and thus, having relentlessly drawn the net around Israel by the enumeration of seven peoples, he swoops down upon the Northern King dom to which his message is to be particularly addressed.

    (2) The second section embraces e,hs 3 to 6, and consists apparently of a series of discourses, each introduced by the formula: "Hear this word" (3 1; 4 1; 61), and another introduced by a comprehensive: ",Voe to them that are at ease in Zion, and to them that are secure in the mountain of Samaria" (6 1). The divisions here are not so clearly marked. It will be observed e.g. that there is another "Wye" at 6 IS; and in ch 4, though the address at the outset is directed to the luxurious women of Samaria, from ver 4 onward the words have a wider reference. Accord ingly some would divide this section into a larger number of subsections; and some, indeed, have described the whole book as a collection of ill- arranged fragments. But, while it is not necessary to suppose that the written book is an exact repro duction of the spoken addresses, and while the division into chs has no authority, yet, we must allow for some latitude in the details which an impassioned speaker would introduce into his dis courses, and for transitions and connections of thought which may not be apparent on the surface. (3) The third section has some well-marked char acteristics, although it, is even less uniform than the preceding. The outstanding feature is the phrase. "Thus the Lord JAH showed me" (7 1.4.7; 8 1) varied at 9 1 by the words, "I saw the Lord stand ing beside the altar." We have thus a series of "visions" bearing upon, and interpreted as apply ing to, the condition of Israel. It is in the course of one of these, when the prophet comes to the words, "1 will rise against the house of Jeroboam with the sword" (7 9) that the interposition of

    Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, is recorded, with the prophet s noble reply as to his Divine call, and his rebuke and denunciation of the priest, ending with a prophetic announcement of t.he downfall and captivity of Israel (7 14 17).

    If the discourses are put down in chronological order of their delivery, it, would appear that Amos did not immediately take his departure, 2- Its since more visions follow this episode;

    Outlook and there is a special appropriateness in the intervention of Amaziah just at the point where it is recorded. As to the closing passage of this section (9 ll-lo) which gives a bright prospect of the future, there is a class of critics who are inclined to reject it just on this account as inconsistent with the severe denunciatory lone of the rest of the book. It is quite possible, however, that the prophet himself (and no succeed ing later editor) may have added the passage when he came to write down his addresses. There is no reason to believe that any of the prophets harsh though their words were believed that the God of Israel would make a full end of His people; in captivity: on the contrary, their assurance of God s faithfulness to His promise, and the deep- seated conviction that right would ultimately pre vail, lead us to expect even in the sternest or earliest, of the prophets the hope of a future glory that hope which grew brighter and brighter as the na tion s outlook grew darker, and attained intensity and clearness in the Messianic hope which sus tained them in the darkest days of exile. It is difficult to believe; that any of the prophets were; prophets of despair, or to cone-eive how they could have prophesied at all unless they hael a firm faith in the ultimate 1 triumph of the good.

    The Book of Am is particularly valuable from the> fact that he> is certainly one of the earliest prophets whose writings have come 3. Value deiwn to us. It is, like the Book of of the Book Hosea which belongs to about the same time, a contemporaneous docu ment of a period of great significance in the history of Israel; and not only gives graphic sketches or illuminating hints of the life and re-ligious condition of the> people, but furnishes a trustworthy standard for estimating the value of some other books whose date s are not so precisely de termined, a definite! starting-point for tracing the course of Israel s history.

    (1 ) As a picture of the nodal condition. The book is valuable- as embodying a cemtemporary picture of society and the condition of religion. From the abuses which the prophet denounces and the life like sketches he- elraws of the scenes amid which he moved, taken along with what we know otherwise of the historical movements of the period, we are able> te> form a fairly aelequate estimate of the con- dition of the age; and the country. During the reign of Jeroboam II the kingdom of Israel, after having been greatly reduced eluring preceding reigns, rose to a degree of extent and influence unexampled since the days of Solomon (2 Kings 14 25); and we are not astonished to reael in the Book of Am the haughty wore Is which he puts into the mouth of the pe>ople of his time when they spoke of Israel as the 1 "chief of the nations," a first-class power in modern language, and boasted of the "horns" by which they had attained that eminence (6 1.13). But success in war, if it encouraged this boastful spirit, brought also inevitable evils in its train. Victory, as we know from the Assyr monuments, meant plunder; for king after king recounts how mue-h spoil he had taken, how many prisoners he had carried awav; and we must assume that wars among smaller states would be conelucted on the lame methods. In such wars, success meant an





    extension of territory and increase of wealth, while defeat entailed the reverse. But it is to be remem bered that, in an agricultural country and in a society constituted as that, of Israel was, the result of war to one class of the population was to a great extent disastrous, whatever was the issue, and success, when it was achieved, brought evils in its train which even aggravated their condition. The peasant, required to take up arms for offence or defence, was taken away from the labors of the field which, in the best event, were for a time neg lected, and, in the worst, were wasted and rendered unproductive. And then, when victory was se cured, the spoils were liable to fall into the hands of the nobles and leaders, those "called with a name" (6 1), while the peasant returned to his wasted or neglected fields without much substantial resource with which to begin life again. The wealth secured by the men of strong hand led to the in crease of luxury in its possessors, and became actually the means of still further adding to the embarrassment of the poor, who were dependent on the rich for the means of earning their livelihood. The situation would be aggravated under a feeble or corrupt government, such as was certainly that of Jeroboam s successors. The condition prevails in modern eastern countries, even under com paratively wise and just administration; and that it was the state of matters prevailing in the time of Amos is abundantly clear from his book. The opening denunciation of Israel for oppression of the poor and for earth-hunger (2 0.7) is reechoed and amplified in the succeeding chs (3 9.10; 4 1; 5 11.12; 8 4-0); and the luxury of the rich, who battened on the misfortune of their poorer brethren, is castigated in biting irony in such passages as 6 3-0. Specially noticeable in this connection is the contemptuous reference to the luxurious women, the "kino of Bashan" (4 1), whose ex travagances are maintained by the oppression of the poor. The situation, in short, was one that has found striking parallels in modern despotic countries in the East, where the people are divided into two classes, the powerful rich, rich because powerful and powerful because rich, and the poor oppressed, men who have no helper, no "back" in the common eastern phrase, dependent on the rich and influential and tending to greater poverty under greedy patrons.

    (2) As a picture of the religious condition. In such a social atmosphere, which poisoned the ele mentary virtues, religion of a vital kind could not flourish; and there are plain indications in the words of Amos of the low condition to which it had sunk. There was, indeed, as we gather from his addresses, no lack of outward attention to the forms of worship; but these forms were of so corrupted a character and associated with so much practical godlessness and even immorality, that instead of raising the national character it tended to its greater degradation. The people prided themselves in what they regarded the worship of the national God, thinking that so long as they honored Him with costly offerings and a gorgeous ritual, they were pleasing Him and secure in His protection. Bethel, Dan, Gilgal, Beersheba, and we know not how many other places were resorted to in pil grimage by crowds of worshippers. With Sll the accompaniments of ceremonious ritual which the newly found wealth put in their power, with offer ings more than the legally prescribed or customary (4 4.5) the service of these sanctuaries was main tained; but even these offerings were made at the expense of the poor (5 11), the prevailing luxury forced its way even to the precincts of the altars (2 8), and justice and mercy were conspicuously absent from the religious life. The people seemed

    to have settled down to a complacent optimism, nourished no doubt by national prosperity, and, though there had not been wanting reminders of the sovereignty of a righteous God, in convulsions of Nature drought, famine, pestilence and earth quake (4 0-11) these had been of no avail to awaken the sleeping conscience. They put the evil day far from them (6 3), for JAH was their national God and "the day of the Lord," the good time coming (5 18), when God would come to their help, was more in their mind than the imperative duty of returning to Him (4 0.8, etc).

    (3) Testimony to history. The book is valuable for the confirmation it gives of the historical state ments of other books, particularly for the refer ences it contains to the earlier history contained in the Pentateuch. And here we must distinguish between references to, or quotations from, books, and statements or hints or indications of historical events which may or may not have been written in books or accessible to the prophet and his hear ers. Opinions differ as to the date of composition of the books which record the earlier history, and the oldest Biblical writers are not in the habit of saying from what sources they drew their informa tion or whether they are emoting from books. We can hardly believe that in the time of Amos copies of existing books or writings would be in the hands of the mass of the people, even if the power to read them was general. In such circumstances, if we find a prophet like Amos in the compass of a small book referring to outstanding events and stages of the past history as matters known to all his hearers and unquestionable, our confidence in the veracity of the books in which these facts are recorded is greatly increased, and it becomes a matter of comparatively less importance at what date these books were composed. Now it is re markable how many allusions, more or less precise, to antecedent history are found in the compass of this small book; and the significance of them lies not in the actual number of references, but in the kind of reference and the implications involved in the individual references. That is to say, each reference is not to be taken as an isolated testimony to some; single event in question, but involves a great deal more than is expressed, and is intelligible only when other facts or incidents are taken into consideration. Thus e.g. the reference to the over throw of Sodom and Gomorrah (4 11) is only intelligible on the supposition that the story of that catastrophe was a matter of common knowledge; and it would be a carping criticism to argue that the destruction of other cities of the plain at the same time and the whole story of Lot wore unknown in the days of Amos because they are not men tioned here in detail. So, when we have in one passage a reference to the house of Isaac (7 10), in another to the house of Jacob (3 13), in another to the house of Joseph (5 0) and in another to the enmity between Jacob and Esau (1 11), we cannot take these as detached notices, but must supply the links which the prophet s words would suggest to his hearers. In other words, such slight notices, just because they are incidental and brief, imply a familiarity with a connected patriarchal history such as is found in the Book of Genesis. Again, the prophet s references to the "whole family" of the "children of Israel" whom the Lord "brought up out of the land of Egypt" (3 1), to the Divine leading of the people "forty years in the wilderness, to possess the land of the Amorite" (2 10) are not odds and ends of popular story but links in a chain of national history. It seems to be on the strength of these and similar references in the books of Am and Hos, whose dates are known, that critics have agreed to fix the date of the earliest historical por-

    Amos Amram



    tions of the Pent as they understand them, viz. tlie parts designated as J and E, in the Sth and 9th cents. BC, i.e. at or shortly before the time of these prophets. It may be left to the unbiased judgment of the reader to say whether the references look like references to a newly composed document, or whether it is not more probable that, in an age when written documents were necessarily ie,v and not accessible to the multitude, these references are appeals to things well fixed in the national memory, a memory extending back to the things themselves. Or, if the prophet s words tire to be taken as suffi cient proof of 1 he existence of icrtttcn sources, the fact that the matters are assumed as well known would rather encourage the conclusion that the written sources in quest ion go back to a much earlier period, since the matters contained in them had by this time become matters of universal knowledge.

    (4) Ti slitnoinj to UK; Ldtc. And what about those other elements of the Pent of a legal and ritual character which bulk so prominent ly in t hose books? The question whether the Book of Am indicates an acquaintance with these or not is important because it is to a great extent on the silence ot prophetical and historical writers that critics of ti certain school relegate these legalistic portions of the Pent to a late date. Now at the outset it is obvious to ask what we have a reasonable right to expect. We have to bear in mind what was (he condition of 1 he people whom Amos addressed, and the purpose and aim of his mission to the Northern Kingdom. It is to be remembered that, tis we are told in the Book of K (I K 12 25 ff)> Jeroboam 1 deliberately sought to make a breach between the worship of Jerusalem and that, of his own kingdom, while persuading his people that the worship of .leh was being maintained. The schism occurred some 170 years before the time ol Amos and it is not probable that the worship and ritual of the Northern Kingdom tended in that interval to greater purity or greater conformity to what, had been the authoritative practice of the undivided kingdom at the temple of Jerus. ,Yhen, therefore, Amos, in face of the corrupt worship combined with elaborate ritual which prevailed around him, declares that, God hates and despises their feasts and takes no delight in their solemn assemblies (5 121), we are not justified in pressing his words, as is sometimes done, into a sweeping condemnation of till ritual. On the contrary, seeing that, in the very same connection (5 22), he specifies burnt offerings and meal offerings and peace offerings, and, in another passage (.4 4..1), daily sacrifice s and tithes, sacrifices of thanksgiving and free-will offerings, it is natural to infer that by these terms which are familiar in the Pent he is referring to those statutory observances which were part of the national worship of united Israel, but had been overlaid with corruption and become destitute of spiritual value as practised in the Northern Kingdom. So we may take his allu sions to the new moon and the Sabbath (8 5) as seasons of special sacredness and universally sanc tioned. Having condemned in such scornful and sweeping terms the worship that he saw going on around him, what was Amos to gain by entering into minute ritual prescriptions or defining the precise duties and perquisites of priests and Levites; and having condemned the pilgrimages to the shrines of Bethel, Gilgal, Beersheba, Samaria and Dan (44; 5 f>; 8 14), what was he to gain by quoting the law of Deut, as to a central sanctuary? And had one of his hearers, like the woman of Samaria of a later day, attempted to draw him into a dis cussion of the. relative merits of the two temples, we can conceive him answering in the spirit of the great Teacher: "Ye worship ye know not what:

    we know what we worship" (John 4 22 AV). A regu lation of the form was of no avail while the whole spirit of the observance; was corrupt; the soul of religion was dead, and the prophet had a higher duty than to dress out the carcase.

    At the root, of the corruption of the religion lay a rottenness of moral sense; and from beginning to end Amos insists on the necessity of a pun; and righteous life. In this connection his appeals are in striking agreement with the specially ethical demands of the law books, and in phraseology so much resemble them as to warrant the conclusion that the requirements of the law on these subjects were known and acknowledged. Thus his denun ciations of those who oppress the poor (2 7; 4 1; 8 4) are quite in the spirit and style of Exodus 22 21.22; 23 1); his references to the perversion of justice and taking bribes (2 ( >; 5 7. 10 IT; 6 12) are rhetor ical enforcements of the prohibitions of the law in Exodus 23 (>-X; when he reproves those that "lay themselves down beside every altar upon clothes taken in pledge" (2 Samuel) we hear an echo of the command: "If thou tit all take thy neighbor s garment to pledge, thou shalt, restore it unto him before the sun goeth down" (Exodus 22 2t>) ; and when he denounces those making "the ephah small, and the shekel great, and dealing falsely with bal ances of deceit" (8 ">) his words are in close agree ment with the law, "Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment , in mete-yard, in weights, or in measure. Just balances, just weight, a just ephah, and a just Inn, shall ye have" (Lev 19 35.36 AV).

    Ethical teaching. As a preacher of righteous ness, Amos affirms and insists upon those ethical parts of the law which are its vital elements, and which lie at the foundation of all prophecy; and it is remarkable how even in phraseology he agrees with the most, ethical book of the Pent, Deuteronomy . He does not, indeed, like his contemporary Ilosea, dwell on the love of God as Deuteronomy does; but, of sterner mould, in almost the very words of Deuteronomy, emphasizes the keeping of ( lod s commandments, and denounces those who despise the law (cf 2 4 with Deuteronomy 17 ID). Among verbal coincidence s have been noticed the combinations "oppress" and "crush" (4 1; Deuteronomy 28 :), "blasting" and "mildew" (4 <); Deuteronomy 28 22), and "gall" and "wormwood" (6 12; Deuteronomy 29 18). Cf also 9 S w it-h Deuteronomy 6 !.">, and note the predilection fe>r the- same word to "destroy" common to both books (cf 2 U with Deuteronomy 2 22). In view of all of which it seems an extraordinary statement to make that "the 1 silence 1 of Amos with referene-e to the cen tralization of worship, on which Deuteronomy is so explicit, alone seems sufficient to outweigh any linguistic similarity that can be discovered" (H. G. Mitchell,

    .1///H.S-, ii ti /s .s X /// /// /sVrf/rx/.s, ISo).

    (.") The prophetic order. As Amos is without doubt one of the earliest writing prophets, his book is invaluable as an example of what prophecy was in ancient Israel. And one thing cannot fail to impress the reader at, the very outset: viz. that he makes no claim to be the first or among the first of the line, or that he is exercising some new and hitherto unheard-of function. He begins by bole Hy speaking in God s name, assuming that even the people of the Northern Kingdom were familiar with that kinel of aeldress. Nay, he goes farther and states in unequivocal terms that "the Lord God will do nothing, but he revealeth his secret unto his servants the prophets" (3 7 AV). We need not search farther for a definition of the prophet as understood by him and other OT writers: the prophet is one to whom Goel reveals His will, and who comes forward to declare that will and pur pose to man. A great deal has been made of the words of Amaziah the priest of Bethel (7 12), as if they proved that the prophet in those times was




    Amos Amram

    regarded as a wandering rhetorician, earning his bread by reciting his speeches; and it has been inferred from the words of Amos himself that the prophets of his day were so disreputable a class that he disdained to be named along with them (7 14). But all this is fanciful. Even if we admit that there were men calling themselves prophets who prophesied for hire (Mic 3 5.11), it cannot be assumed that the expression here to "eat bread" has that meaning; for in other passages it seems simply to signify to lead a quiet or ordinary life, to go about one s daily business (see Exodus 24 11; Jeremiah 22 15). In any case we are not to take the estimate of a man like Amaziah or a godless popu lace in preference to the conception of Amos himself and his account of his call. It was not by man or by any college of prophets but by JAH Himself that he was appointed, and by whatever name IK; might be called, the summons was "Go, prophesy unto my people Israel" (7 15). There is no trace here of the "prophets becoming conscious of a dis tinction between themselves and the professional n h/nlni, who were apt simply to echo the patriotic and nationalistic sentiments of the people, and in reality differed but little from the soothsayers and diviners of Sem heathenism" (Ottley, The. Ifelii/ion of Israel. 90). Whoever the "professional n bfn u>i" may have been in his day, or whatever he thought of them if they existed, Amos tells us nothing; but he ranges himself with men to whom JAH has spoken in truth (3 7.S), and indicates that then- had been a succession of such men (2 11), faithful amid the prevailing corruption though tempted to be unfaithful (2 12); in short he gives us to under stand that the prophetic; order" goes back to a period long before his day and has its roots in the true and original religion of Israel.

    ((>) The prophetic relit/ion. Finally, from the Book of Am we may learn what the prophetic religion was. Here again there is no indication of rudimentary crudeness of conception, or of pain ful struggling upward from the plane of naturalism or belief in a merely tribal God. The God in whose name Amos speaks has control over all the forces of Nature (4 (iff; 5 X.9), rules the destinies of nations (6 2.14; 9 2-C>), searches the thoughts of the heart (4 13), is inflexible in righteousness and deals with nations and with men on equal justice (1 and 2; 9 7), and is most severe to the people who have received the highest privileges (3 2). And this is the (Jod by whose name his hearers call themselves, whose claims they cannot deny, whose dealings with them from old time are well known and acknowledged (2 11), whose laws they have broken (24; 3 10) and for whose just judgment they are warned to prepare (4 12). All this the prophet enforces faithfully and sternly; not a voice is raised in the circle of his hearers to controvert his words; all that Arna/iah the priest can do is to urge the prophet, to abstain from unwelcome words in Bethel, because it is the king s sanctuary and a royal house; the only inference is that the people felt the truth and justice of the prophet s words. The "prophetic religion" does not begin with Amos.

    LITERATUReast "west R. Harper, "Amos and Ilo.soa," in the ICC; South R. Driver, "Joel and Amos" in Cnm- bridt/e Bible for Kcloolx and CoUenes; H. (J. Mitchell. Amos, an Esxa;/ in eastrr</i:ix (Boston); A. B. Davidson, two arts, in Expos, M, scr, V. VI (1SS7); west K. Smith, Tin- I ruphftx of Limit; ( -. A. Smith, "The, Book of the Twelve Prophets," in Hs/mxi tor * Hill, ; .1. J. P. Vale- ton, A >n us I/IK/ Il<ix, <i (is<)4i; (, von Orelli, Die ztriilf kleinen Propheten, :<. Aufl. (1UOS) and ET; Xowack, "Die klcinen Propheten." in Haiul-Commcntar ;itm AT; Marti, "Das Dodekapropheton erkliirt," in Karzcr Hand-Com- mentar zum A T.


    AMOS, a mos ( Afuis, Amos): An ancestor of Jesus in Luke s genealogy, the eighth before Joseph, the husband of Mary (Luke 3 25).

    AMOZ, a moz ("pEX , umdf, "strong"): The father of Isaiah the prophet (2 Kings 19 2.20; 20 1; 2 Chronicles 26 22; 32 20.32; Isaiah 1 1; 2 1; 13 1; 20 2; 37 2.21; 38 1).

    AMPHIPOLIS, am-fip o-lis ( A|x4>tiro,is, Am- phipolis): A town in Macedonia, situated on the eastern bank of the Strymon (mod. titruma or Karaait) some three miles from its mouth, near the point where it flows out of Lake Prasias or Cer- cinitis. It lay on a terraced hill, protected on the north, west and South by the river, on the east by a wall (Time. iv.102), while its harbor-town of Ei on lay on the coast close to the river s mouth. The name is derived either from its being nearly sur rounded by the stream or from its being conspicuous on every side, a fact to which Thucydides draws attention (I.e.). It was at first called Ennea H/nloi, Nine Ways, a name which suggests its importance both strategically and commercially. It guarded the main route from Thrace into Macedonia and later became an important station on the Via Egnatia, the great Rom road from Dyrrhachium on the Adriatic to the Ilebrus (Maritzu), and it was the center of a fertile district producing wine, oil, figs and timber in abundance and enriched by gold and silver mines and considerable manu factures, especially of woolen stuffs. In 497 BC Arlstagoras, ex-despot of Miletus, tried to settle then 4 , and a second vain attempt was made in 4(>5- 4(>4 by the Athenians, who succeeded in founding a colony there in 437 under the leadership of Hag- non. The population, however, was too mixed to allow of strong Athenian sympathies, and in 424 the town fell away to the Spartan leader Brasi- das and defied all the subsequent attempts of the Athenians to recover it. It passed under the pro tectorate of Perdiccas and Philip of Macedon, and the latter finally made himself master of it in 358. On the Rom partition of Macedonia after the battle of Pydna (10S BC) Amphipolis was made a free city and capital of Macedonia Prima. Paul and Silas passed through it on their way from Philippi to Thessalonica, but the narrative seems to preclude a long stay (Acts 17 1). The place was called Popolin in the Middle Ages, while in modern times the village of Xeoehori (Turkish, Ycnikeni) marks the site (Leake, Xorthern (irecce, III, 1S1 ff; Cousinery, Mnmloine, I, 100 ff, 122 ff; Heuzey et Daumet, Mission archcol. de Maceiloi/tc, 165 ff).

    M Alters north Ton

    AMPLIAS, am pli-as (TR A^-n-Xias, Amplins). AV form: a contraction of AMPLIATTS (thus RV; q.v.).

    AMPLIATUS, am-pli-a tus ( AfnrXuiTos, X ABF, Amplinlos; A(j/7r,ids, DICLP, RV form; AV Am- pliasj: The name of a member of the Christian community at Home, to ,, hom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16 S). He is designated "my beloved in the Lord." It is a common name and is found in inscriptions connected with the imperial household. The name is found twice in the cemetery of Doini- tilla. The earlier inscription is over a cell which belongs to the end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2d cent. The bearer of this name was probably a member of her household and conspicuous in the early Christian church in Rome.

    AMRAM, am ram (2"TQy , *amrdm, "people exalted"):

    (1) Father of Aaron, Moses and Miriam (Exodus 6 20; Judges 26 59; 1 Chronicles 6 3; 23 13); and a son of Kohath, the son of Levi (Exodus 6 IS; Numbers 3 19, etc). It is not certain that he was literally the son of Kohath, but rather his descendant, since there were ten generations from Joseph to Joshua

    Amramites Amulet




    (1 Chronicles 7 20 27), while only four are actually men tioned from Levi to Moses for the corresponding period. Moreover the Kohathites at the time of the Exodus numbered S,6()() (Numbers 3 2S), which would therefore have been an impossibility if only two generations had lived. It seems best to regard Ami-am as a descendant of Kohath, and his wife Jochebed as a "daughter of Levi" in a general sense.

    (2) One of the Bani, who in the days of Ezra had taken a foreign wife (Ezra 10 31).

    (3) In 1 Chronicles 1 11 (AV) for the properly road HAM RAN of the RV ( T^n , ///,//), a Horite, who in (Jen 36 26 is called HEMDAX (q.v.).


    AMRAMITES, am ram-Tts p"l2~?2" , <<nnm>nl): The descendants of Amram, one of the Levitical families mentioned in Numbers 3 27 and 1 Chronicles 26 23, who had the charge of the tabernacle proper, guarding the ark, fable, candlestick, etc, called in 1 Chronicles 26 22 "the treasures of the house of JAH."

    AMRAPHEL, am ra-fel, am-ra fel (bs^X , Am raphel, or, perhaps better, am nljilni) : This name, which is identified with that of the ro- 1. The nowned Babylonian king Hammurabi (q.v.), is

    Expedition only found in Genesis 14 Lit, where he is Against mentioned as the king of Shinar (Baby-

    Sodom and Ionia), who fought against the cities of Gomorrah the plain, in alliance with Arioch king ol Ellasar, Chedorlaoiner king of Elam, and Tidal king of Nations (RV (JOIIM). The narrative which follows is very circumstantial. From it we learn, that Bera king of Sodom, Birsha king of Gomorrah, Shinab king of Admah, Sho- mober king of /eboiim, and the king of Bela or Zoar, had served Chedorlaoiner for 12 years rebelled in the 13th, and in the 1 1th year Chedor laoiner, with the kings enumerated, fought with and defeated them in the vale of Siddim, which is described as being the Salt Sea. Previous to this engagement, however, the Elamites and their allies had attacked the Rephaitn (Onlcclux: "giants") in Ashtaroth-karnaim, the /u/im (<>: "might v ones," "heroes") in Ham (O: (ImnliT), the Emim (O: "terrible ones") in Shaveh-kiriat haim, and the Horites in their Mount Seir, by the Desert. These having been rendered powerless to aid the revolted vassals, they returned and came to En- mishpat, or Kadesh, attacked the country of the Amalekites, and the Amorites dwelling in Hazazon- tamar (vs 2-7).

    At this juncture the kings of the cities of the

    plain came out against them, and opposed them

    with their battle-array in the vale of

    2. The Siddim. The result of the fi<r|,( W as, Preparation that the kings of Sodom and ( Jomorrah, and the with their allies, fled, and fell among Attack the bitumen-pits of which the place

    was full, whilst those who got awav took refuge in the mountain. All the goods anil food (the camp-equipment and supplies) of the kings of the plain wore captured by Chedorlaoiner and his allies, who then continued their march (to their own lands) (vs X-ll).

    Among the captives, however, was Lot, Abram s nephew, who dwelt in Sodom. A fugitive, having

    escaped, went and announced the re-

    3. Abra- suit of the engagement to Abram, who ham s Res- was at that time living by Mamro s cue of Lot oak plantation. The patriarch immedi ately marched forth with his trained

    men, and pursued them to Dan, where he divided his forces, attacked the Elainite-Babylonian army by night, and having put them to flight, pursued them again to Hobah, on the left (or north) of Damascus. The result of this sudden onslaught was that he rescued

    Lot, with the women and people, and recaptured Lot s goods, which the allies of Amraphel had carried off (vs 12-16).

    There is no doubt that the identification of Amra

    phel with the Hammurabi of the Babylonian inscriptions is

    the best that has yet been proposed,

    4. Difficul- and though there are certain difficulties ties of the therein, these may turn out lobe ap- Identifica- parent rather than real, when we know tion of more of Babylonian history. The / at the end Amraphel of Amraphel (which has also /;// instead

    of /; or h) as well as the fact that the expedition itself has not yet been recognized umonu; the campaigns of Hammurabi, must be acknowledged as two points hard to explain, though they may ultimately be solved by further research.

    It is noteworthy, however, that in the first ver of (Jen 14 Amraphel is mentioned first, which, if he be

    really the Babylonian Hammurabi, is easily

    5. Histori- comprehensible, for his renown to all cal Agree- appearance exceeded that of Chedor- ments laomer, his su/erain. In vs -1 and f>,

    however, it is Chedorlaoiner alone who is referred to, and he heads the list of eastern kings in ver .), where Tidal comes next (a quite natural order, if (Joiim be the Babylonian (Jute, i.e. the Medesj. Next in order comes Amraphel, king of Babylonia and su/erain of Arioch of Ellasar (Eri-Aku of Larxu), whose name closes tin 1 list. It may also be sug gested, that Amraphel led a Bub force against Sodom, as the ally of Chedorlaoiner, before he became king, and was simply crown prince. In that case, like Belshazzar, he was called "king" by anticipation. For further details see AHIOCII and ( iiKixmi,. ,OMKK, and cf EKI-AKT and H.,.,iMruAiu; for the history of Babylonia during Hammurabi s period, see that article. T. O. PI.NCHKS

    AMULET, am n-let (^~ , I,"ii", C^nb , //,- xhlin, n"7p, tn ztlzu/i, "p??!;!, fpfiillJn, r,?" 1 ^, fl^ith; <j>vX.o.KTT|pi.ov, phulakltrion) : Modern scholars are of opinion that our Eng. word amulet comes from the Lat (uniili lnni , used by Pliny (.,alnrtilis ///,,- lorin, xxviii, 2X; xxx, 2, etc), and other Lat writers; but no etymology for the Lat word has been dis covered. The present writer thinks the root exists in the Arab, hinildt, "something carried" (see Dozy, SupplementauxDictionnairesArabes, I, 327), though there is no known example of the use of the Arab. word in a magical sense. Originally "amulet" de noted any object supposed to have the power of removing or warding noxious influences believed to be due to evil spirits, etc, such as the evil eve, etc. But in the common usage it stands for an object worn on the body, generally hung from the neck, as a remedy or preservative against evil influences of a mystic kind. The word "amulet" occurs once in the RV (Isaiah 3 20) but not at all in the AV.

    The substances out of which amulets have been made and the forms which they have taken have

    been various.

    1. Classes (1) The commonest have consisted of Amulets of pieces of stone or metal, strips of parchment with or without inscriptions from sacred writings (Bible, Koran, etc). The earliest Egyp amulets known are pieces of green schist of various shapes animal, etc. These were placed on the breast of a deceased person in order to secure a safe passage to the under-world. When a piece of stone is selected as an amulet it is always portable and generally of some striking fig. or shape (the human face, etc). The use of such a stone for this purpose is really a survival of animism.

    (2) Gems, rings, etc. It has been largely held that all ornaments worn on the person were origi nally amulets. (3) Certain herbs and animal prepa-




    Amramites Amulet

    rations; t ho roots of certain plants have been con sidered very potent us remedies and preservatives.

    The practice of wearing amulets existed in the ancient world among all peoples, but esp. among Orientals; and it can be traced among most modern nations, esp. among peoples of backward civiliza tion. Nor is it wholly absent from peoples of the most advanced civilization of today, the English, Americans, etc. Though the word charm (see CHARM; has a distinct meaning, it is often insep arably connected with amulets, for it is in many cases the incantation or charm inscribed on the amulet that gives the latter its .significance. As dis tinguished from talisman (see TALISMAN) an amulet is believed to have negative results, as a means of protection: a talisman is thought to be the means of securing for the wearer some positive boon.

    Egyptian Amulets and Ear-rings.

    Though there is no word in the Hcb or (!r Scrip tures denoting amulet," the thing itself is mani festly implied in many parts of the 2. Amulets Bible. But it is remarkable that the in the Bible general teaching of the Bible and esp. that of the OT prophets and of the NT writers is wholly and strongly opposed to such things.

    (1) The Old, Testament. The golden ear-rings, worn by the; wives and sons and daughters of the Israelites, out of which the molten calf was made (Exodus 32 2f), were undoubtedly amulets. What other function could they be made to serve in the simple life of the desert? That the women s orna ments condemned in Isaiah 3 16-26 were of the same character is made exceedingly likely by an examina- tion of some of the terms employed. We read of rnoonlets and sunlets (ver IK), i.e. moon and sun- shaped amulets. The former in the shape of cres cents are worn by Arab girls of our own time. The "ear-drops," "nose-rings," "arm chains" and "foot chains" were all used as a protection to the part of the body implied, and the strong words with which their employment is condemned are only intelligible if their function as counter charms is borne in mind. In Isaiah 3 20 we read of I hashlm rendered "ear-rings" (AV) and "amulets" (RV). The Hebrew word seems to be cognate with the word for "serpent" (n hashlm; I and r often interchange), and meant probably in the first instance an amulet against a serpent bite (see Magic, Divination, and Demonology among

    the Hebrews and Their Neighbours, by the present, writer, 50 f, 81; cf Jeremiah 8 7; Keel 10 "l 1 ; I s 68 5). Crescent -shaped amulets were worn by animals as well as human beings, as Judges 8 21.26 shows.

    At Bethel, Jacob burned not only the idols ("strange gods") but also the ear-rings, the latter being as much opposed to Yahwism as the former, on account of their heathen origin and import.

    In Proverbs 17 8 the Hebrew words rendered "a precious stone" (Hebrew "a stone conferring favor") mean without question a stone amulet treasured on ac count of its supposed magical efficacy. It is said in Proverbs 1 9 that wisdom will be such a defence to the one who has it as the head amulet is to the head and that of the neck to the neck. The words rendered in the RV "a chaplet of grace unto thy head" mean lit. "something bound to the head conferring favor," the one word for the latter clause being identical with that so rendered above (hen). The Talm word for an amulet (If ml" -) denotes something tied or bound (to the person).

    We have reference to the custom of wearing amulets in Proverbs 6 21 where the reader is urged to "bind the in [i.e. the admonitions of father and mother] .... upon thy heart" and to "tie them about thy neck" words implying a condemnation of the practice of trusting to the defence of mere material objects.

    1 ndenieath the garments of warriors slain in the Maccabean wars amulets were found in the shape apparently of idols worshipped by their neigh bors (2 Mace. 12 40). It is strange but true that like other nations of antiquity the Jews attached more importance to amulets obtained from other nations than to those of native growth. It is probable that the signet ring referred to in Cant 8 0; Jeremiah 22 24; Hag 2 23 was an amulet. It was worn on the heart or on the arm.

    (2) The i>/ii/l(tctcrie3 ami the tn r zuzah. There is no distinct reference to these in the OT. The Hebrew technical term for the former (I /ihilUn) does not occur in Bib. Hebrew, and although the Hebrew word i e znzdh does occur over a dozen times its sense is invariably "door-[or "gate-"] post" and not the amulet put on the door-post which in later Hebrew the word denotes.

    It is (mite certain that the practice of wearing phylacteries has no Bib. support, for a correct exege sis and a proper understanding of t he context put it beyond dispute that the words in Exodus 13 9.16; Deuteronomy 6 Kf; 11 18-20 have reference to the exhorta tions in the foregoing verses: "Thou shalt bind them [the commands previously mentioned] for a sign upon thy hand, and they shall be for frontlets bet ween thy eyes. And them shalt write them upon the door-posts of thy house, and upon thy gates" (Deuteronomy 6 Kf). The only possible sense of these words is that they wen; to hold the precepts referred to before their minds constantly as if they were in scribed on their arms, held in front of their eyes, and written on the door- or gate-posts which they daily passed. That the language in Exodus 13 9.16 does not command the use of phylacteries is obvious; and that the same is true of Proverbs 33; 6 21; 73 where similar words are used is still more certain. Yet, though none of the passages enjoin the use of phylacteries or of the m e zuzah,they may all con tain allusions to both practices as if the sense were, "Thou shalt keep constantly before thee my words and look to them for safety and not to the phylacter ies worn on head and arm by the heathen." If, however, phylacteries were in use among the Jews thus early, it is strange that there is not in the OT a single instance in which the practice of wearing phylacteries is mentioned. Jos, however, seems to refer to this practice (Ant, IV, viii, 13), and it is frequently spoken of in the Mish (B rakhdth, i, etc).






    It is :i striking ;ind significant fact that the Apex- is wholly silent as to the three signs of Judaism, phylacteries, the in zuzuh and the c/c///i (or tassel attached to the corner of the prayer garment called tallith; cf Alt 9 20; 14 30 AV where "hem of the garment" is inaccurate and misleading).

    It is quite evident that phylacteries have a magical origin. This is suggested by the (!r name phulaklerion (whence the Eng. name) which in the 1st cent, of our era denoted a counter charm or defence (p/mlaxxo, "to protect") against evil influ ences. No scholar now explains theGr word at: de noting a means of leading people to keep (phulasso) the law. The Hebrew name t plnU tn ( = "prayers") meets us first in post-Bib. Hebrew, and carries wit h it the later vie,v that phylacteries are used during prayer in harmony with the prayers or other formu lae over the amulet to make it effective (see Budge, Egyptian Mayic, 27). See more fully under CIIAKM.

    LITFUATT-KT:. In addition to the lit. given in the course of tin; foregoing art., the following may be mentioned. On the general subject see the great works of Tyler (Eurly Ilixtoru < f .Mankind. I riin iticr ( iiltHri l and Fra/or. Gulden liumjh: also the series of arts, under "Charmsand Amulets" in Hastings En<- nf ]{< Union and Ethirn and the excellent article " Amulet " in the corresponding (ierman work, I)i> Kflii/inn in d-xrh irhti und Geytnwart. See further the art. "Amulet" in ./< Enr, and on Egyp amulets, Budge. Euyi>tiun Mn .iie, !>."> IT.


    AMZI, am zl PP?? , awf7, "my strength"): (1) A Leviteof the family of Merari ( l Chronicles 6 4<>). (2> A priest of the family of Adaiah in the second temple. His father s name was Zeehariah (Neh 11 12).

    ANAB, a nab ( I" , *a//ahh, "grapes"; B, Avcov, A nun or Avu>p, A noli): Mentioned in the list of cities which fell to Judah (Joshua 15 oO). In the list it follows Debir, from which it was a short dis tance to the Southwest It lay about twelve miles to the Southwest of Hebron. It was a city of the Anakim, from whom Joshua took it (Joshua 11 21). Its site is now known as the ruin *A>ml>.

    ANAEL, an a-el ( Ava.T|,, Anafi): A brother of Tobit mentioned once only (Tob 121) as the fat her of Achiacharus, who was an official in Nineveh under Esar-haddon.

    ANAH, a na (<~ly)P , dn<~ih, meaning uncertain; a Horite clan-name [Genesis 36]):

    (1) Mother of Aholibamah, one of the wives of Esau and daughter of Zibeon (cf (len 36 2.M.1South 25). The LXX, the Sam Pent, and the Pesh read "son," identifying this Anah with no. 3 (see below); Genesis 36 2, read n inn (Im-hun), for "^H" (ha- hiicn i.

    (2) Son of Seir, the Ilorite, and brother of Zibeon ; one of the chiefs of the land of Edom (cf Genesis 36 20.21 = 1 Chronicles 1 3S). Seir is elsewhere the name of the land (cf Genesis 14 G; Isaiah 21 11); but here the country is personified and becomes the mythical ancestor of the tribes inhabiting it.

    (3) Son of Zibeon, "Thisis Anah who found the hot springs in the wilderness" (cf Genesis 36 24=1 Chronicles 1 40.41). The word D^^n , ha-yemlm, occurs only in this passage and is probably corrupt. Ball (SHOT, Genesis, erit. note 03) suggests that it is a corruption of C E" 1 " } , u"-lu>nCun (cf Genesis 36 22) in an earlier vcr. Jerome, in his commentary on Genesis 36 24, assembles the following definitions of the word gathered from Jewish sources: (1) "seas" as though C" 1 ^, ynnnirim; (2) "hot springs" as though D n Tn , hanimlm; (3) a species of ass, "p 1 ?? , y mln; (4) "mules." This last explanation was the one most frequently met with in Jewish lit.; the tradition ran that Anah was the first to breed the mule, thus bringing into existence an unnatural

    species. As a punishment, God created the deadly water-snake, through the union of the common viper with the Libyan lizard (cf Genesis Kabbah 82 lf>; Yer. Ber 1 126; Babylonian PCS 54</; Ginsberg, Monat- scltrift, XL1I, 53cS-30).

    The descent of Anah is thus represented in the three ways pointed out above as the text stands. If, however, we accept the reading "3, ben, for r,3. , hatii, in the first case, Aholibamah will then be an unnamed daughter of the Anah of ver 24, not the Aholibamah, daughter of Anah of ver 2"> (for the Anah of this verse is evidently the one of ver 20, not the Anah of ver 24). Another view is that the words, "the daughter of Zibeon," an; a gloss, inserted by one who mistakenly identified the Anah of ver 2.") with the Anah of ver 24; in this event, Aholibamah, the daughter of Anah, will be the one ment ioned in ver 2.">.

    The difference between (2) and (3) is to be ex plained on the basis of a twofold tradition. Anah was originally a sub-clan of the clan known as Zibeon, and both were "sons of Seir" i.e. Horites.

    II. J. WOLF

    ANAHARATH, a-na ha-rath (rVTJIX , dna- harath, meaning unknown): A place which fell to the tribe of Issachar in the division of the land (Joshua 19 lit). Located in the valley of Jezreel toward the east, the name and site being preserved as t he modern cn-Xi^ilrn . HI) It is wrong in assign ing it to the tribe of Naphtali.

    ANAIAH, an-a-i a, a-nl a (i"TI" , ^andyah, "Jah has answered"): (1) a Levite who assisted Ezra in reading the law to the people (Neh 8 4), perhaps the person called Ananias in Esdras 9 43. (2) ( hie of those who sealed the covenant (Neh 10 22). He may have been the same as Anaiali (1).

    ANAK, a nak. See ANAKIM.

    ANAKIM, an a-kim (C" 1 "!;?, *annki.m; EvaKtji, Eniik nn, or Eva.Ki|i, Etiakeim; also called "sons of Anak" |Numbers 13 33], and "sons of the Anakim" [Deuteronomy 1 2,X]i: The spies (Judges 13 33) compared them to the Nephilim or "giants" of Genesis 6 4, and according to Deuteronomy 211 they were reckoned among the RKI-UAIM (q.v.). In Numbers 13 22 the chiefs of Hebron are said to be descendants of Anak, while "the father of Anak" is stated in Joshua (15 13; 21 11) to be Arba after whom Hebron was called "the city of Arba." Joshua "cut off the Anakim .... from Hebron, from Debir, from Anal), .... and from all 1 he hill-country of Israel," remnants of them being left in the Phili cities of Gaza, Gath and Ashdod (Joshua 11 21.22). As compared with the Israelites, they were tall like giants (Numbers 13 33), and it would therefore seem that the "giant" Goliath and his family were of their race. At Hebron, at the time of the Israeli) ish conquest, we may gather that they formed the body-guard of the Amorite king (see Joshua 10 5) under their three leaders Sheshai, Ahi- inan and Talmai (Numbers 13 22; Joshua 15 14; Judges 1 20). Am Tab show that the Can princes were accustomed to surround themselves with body guards of foreign mercenaries. It appears probable that the Anakim came from the /Egean like the Philistines, to whom they may have been related. The name Anak is a masculine corresponding with a feminine which we meet with in the name of the; goddess Onka, who according to the Greek writers, Stephanus of Byzantium and Hesychius, was the "Phoen," i.e. Syrian equivalentof Athena. Anketor Anukit was also the name of the goddess worshipped by the Egyptians at the First Cataract. In the name Ahi-man it is possible that -man denotes a non-Sem deitv. A. H. SAYCB


    Amzi Ananias

    ANAMIM, an a-mim (Q^ir , *anamitn): De scendants of Mi/raim (Genesis 10 13; 1 Chronicles 1 11). See TABLE OF NATIONSouth

    ANAMMELECH, a-imm e-lek (T^:? , <anmn- melckk = Assyr Anu-malik, "Aim is the prince"): A Hah (?) deity worshipped by the Sepharvites in Samaria, after being transported there by Sargon. The worship of Adrammelech (who is mentioned with Anammelech) and Anammelech is accom panied by the sacrifice of children by fire: "The burnt their children in the fire to Adrammelech and Anammelech, the gods of Sepharvaim" (2 Kings 17 31). This passage presents two grave difficulties. First, there is no evidence in cuneiform lit. that would point to the presence of human sacrifice, by fire or otherwise, as part of the ritual; nor has it been shown that the sculp tures or bas-reliefs deny this thesis. Much depends upon the identification of "Sepharvaim"; if, as some scholars hold, Sepharvaim and Sippar are one and the same cities, the two deities referred to are Babylonian. But there are several