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Comprehensive Bible Encyclopedia

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    "IF" there exists any such thing as 'The Word of God'; [and ALL evidence proves such does exist:]

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    LETTER "C"

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    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole NEW TESTAMENT

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    [4] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, JOSHUA To ESTHER

    [5] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, JOB To SONG of SOLOMON

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    [10] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, ROMANS To THE-REVELATION

    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole OLD TESTAMENT



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    AMERIPEDIA: George Washington on HOMOSEXUALITY




      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-N-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


    How To Use This Page

    ** To SEARCH for any word, subject or Scripture on this website, use the GOLD-BOX SITE SEARCH near top of page: over 600,000 pages available from Cambridge Theological Seminary Archives;

    ** To SEARCH for anyword, subject or Scripture on this SINGULAR-WEB-PAGE you are now on, (which may be from 100-3,000 regular notebook sized pages);

      [1] Go to the TOP TOOLBAR of your Monitor and find EDIT

      [3] Click EDIT and menu drops down: "Click FIND

      [3] Type in word, Scripture or whatever you are looking for;

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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).


      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;


      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


        Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

        The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

        The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

        This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

        Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!


        All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

          > NEVER 2 letters;

          > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

          > ALWAYS 3 letters!

          > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

        Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

      Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!


        ,b>Why is "GOD" in English significant?

        For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

        Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

          >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

          >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

          >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

          >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

          >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

          >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

          >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

          ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

          ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

          ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

          ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

          FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

          FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

          FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

          FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

        So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"


        Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;
          In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .

          . . . that NO OTHER LANGUAGE DEVELOPED OR NEEDED . . .

          . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

          Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

          Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

          "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

          The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:







        All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

        Letter "C"

          See KAH.

        CABBON, kab'on;
          An unidentified place in the Shephelah of Judah near Eglon (Josh 15:40). It is possibly the same as MACHHKA, which see.

        *CABIN, kab in
          ("vaults"; Jer 37:1, RV, "cells"): In the East the prison often consisted of a pit (cf "dungeon-house" HA" and "house of the pit" ) with vaulted cells around it for the confinement of prisoners.

          The phrase "and into the cells" is much like today, with prisoners being locked into the cells - AFTER - being locked into a prison, behind the outer walls.

        *CABUL [Kabul], ka' bul
          [Recall there is no letter "C" in Hebrew or Greek language].

          Amazingly, "Kabul" is the capital of the Eastern Province of Afghanistan in AD-2000, showing a link between the Arabic language - which is derived from the Original Hebrew, then Aramaic.

            (1) A city on the boundary between Asher and Zebulun (Josh 19:27). It corresponds to the Chaholo of Jos ( Vita, 43, etc), and is represented by the modern village Kahili, about nine miles S.E. of Acre.

            (2) A district probably connected with (1), containing 20 cities, given by Solomon to Hiram king of Tyre (1 Kings 9:1-10 ff-forward).

        CADDIS, [Kadis] kad' is;
          [Recall there is no letter "C" in Hebrew or Greek language]

          See CADES, (Kadesh) See KADKSII (Apoc). CADES-BARNE, (Kadesh Barnea - southern region of Israel) See KADKSII- HAK.XKA (Apocj.

        CADHE, [Sadhe] tsa-tha ("S"):
          [Recall there is no letter "C" in Hebrew or Greek language]

          The eighteenth letter of the Heb alphabet, and as such employed in Psalm 119 to designate the 18th part, every verse of which begins with this letter. It is transliterated in this Encyclopaedia as g (almost). It came also to be used for the number For name, etc, see ALPIIAHKT; TSADHE.

        *CAESAR, [Kaiser] Pronounced "SEE' Zar" in English, but "Kai' (rhymes with 'eye') Zar" in Latin;
          [Note: Rememebr, neither Greek nor Hebrew have a "C" and the initial sound of the original word had a "k" sound to the Romans and Greeks.

          The letter "s" for most of relevant languages had a "z" sound, as "s" often does in modern English, as in Caesar, says, sows (pigs), etc;

          Thus the English "Caesar" was actually Greek and Latin "Kaiser" or a derivation thereof - which title Adolph Hitler took upon himself as some great leader.


          The word and title "Kaiser" is further perpetuated as modern nations derived from the word Kaiser simply as "CZAR": most notably, Russia, and others.

          In time, the "c" became silent, and the sound of ZAR is the modern title.

          Modern leaders still use this title, including American Presidents Reagan, Bush-I, Clinton, Bush-II and Obama, all having 'self-appointed Czars' over the head of various departments.

          Originally Caesar was the surname of Julius Caesar; afterward it became a title used by an extended family Roman Emperors that followed him.

          In the NT the name Caesar is applied to:

            1. Caesar Augustus (Luke 2:1, Caesar Augustus), who reigned 58 years, through Christ's birth to AD-14;

              [NOTE: From 44-BC to 27-BC Caesar Augustus was known as Octavian Gaius Caesar, when after these successful 17 years (Julius only ruled for three!) the Roman Senate designated him Augustus! The Great!

              Comparatively, the longest reigning King of Israel was Manassah, 55 years. END OF NOTE]

            2. Tiberius Caesar (Luk 3:1, Tiberius Caesar, presiding over Christ's Crucifixion; Luk 22:17-21).

            3. Claudius Caesar (Acts 18:1-4), Expelling all Jews including Priscilla and Aquila;

            4. Caesar Nero, was the unnamed "Caesar" to whom Paul appealed (Acts 25:11-12, 21) was Nero.

            5. Caesar Nero was also the "Unnamed-Caesar" of the Beast-Empire of the Revelation 13:17-18, according to most Early Church Fathers;

            6. Caesar Nero's number - "666" Revelation 13:17-18 - is very simply derived:

          Simplicity of 666;

          * The FIRST-6 was for the 6th Century of Rome, as all nations date papers from their existence including the USA. Literally ALL USA Documents are dated from 1776; Websearch it;

          * The SECOND-6 simply designated Nero as the 6th Emperor, which practice all nations used through all of history. It is natural for a nation to number their leader.

          For example in Europe:

            >> Every King is designated as King James I, James the VI, Henry the VIII, etc.

            >> Likewise the Popes for 1,500 years, they are ALL designated by number;

          For example in the USA:
            >> Washington was USA President #1,

            >> Lincoln #16,

            >> Reagan #40,

            >> Bush Senior #41, Clinton #42, Bush Jr. #43, Obama #44, Newt Gingrich? #45, etc.

            >> In fact, because the two "Bushes are both named George", they are most often designated by Bush #41 and Bush #43.

          In Rome:

            (1) Julius Caesar (ruled 3 years) was Emperor-1;

            (2) Caesar Augustus (ruled 58 years), Caesar the Great, was Emperor-2;

            (3) Tiberius Caesar was Emperor-3;

            (4) Caesar Caligula was Emperor-4;

            (5) Claudius Caesar was Emperor-5:

            (6) Caesar Nero was Emperor-6;

            # The first two "6's" of "666" were a given, but what would allow ALL Christians to easily identify the Great Persecutor and Killer of Christians - the Monster-beast of the Revelation 13 - while making such easy identification a complete unknown for almost all Romans . . .

            . . . derived from a third "6"

            # Actually, it was amazingly simple!

        Amazing and Simple:

          FACT: Christ's disciples were Citizens of Heaven with Christ as their King! Christians IMMEDIATELY began dating ALL THINGS from the BIRTH OF THEIR BELOVED SAVIOUR: Jesus Christ . . . which practice Christians STILL CONTINUE 2,000 years later!

            >> Nero was the Caesar who came to power in the 6th Decade of Christ,

            >> Since no centuries had passed since the Christ was born, the used the shorter term "decade" was used.

            >> Decade was used somewhat like English used "score" in old days.

              * EXAMPLE: Lincoln dated his famous Gettysburg address by "Four-score and seven years ago, our fore-fathers brought forth upon this continent . . ."

              * EXAMPLE: Lincoln also DATED his speech from the founding of the USA, NOT from the birth of Christ, King James, Fall of Rome or any other;

            FACT: Like the "NUMBERING of LEADERS" was a natural practice for all nations, dating national business from that nation's beginning (as Lincoln did at Gettysburg) has been done for all of recorded history.

              [MODERN EXAMPLE: The USA includes the Year of the USA from the Declaration of Independence on EVERY Official Document!]


            >> Thus the Christians, they - ALONG with all People - automatically identified Nero as the 6th Caesar, in Rome's 6th century,

            >> However, and more importantly to Christians, they - ALONE - identified Caesar Nero as "he who came to power in the 6th decade of Christ!"

            >> Thus Caesar Nero was:

              # "66" by Roman notation;

              # "666" by Christian notation;

            >> Caesar "666"
            went on to persecute Christians by a GREAT FIERY TRIAL" as Peter called it (1 Pet 4:12-14) Caesar Nero, "666" to Christians - did as follows:

              >> Caesar 666 burned Christians mercilessly - as scores of thousands of individuals were soaked in oil and burned hanging from lampposts as night torches;

              >> Caesar 666 burned the homes of multitudes of Christians - fiddling on his Palace Porch as he watched their homes burn to the ground!

              >> Then Caesar 666 confiscated the Christians' property for his personal grounds and gardens, buildings, etc;

              >> Then Nero blamed Christians for starting the fire - which burned a considerable part of Rome;

              >> Which blaming the Christians turned most Romans against them, whereby Caesar Nero decreed:

                These Christians dared burn Rome? Rome shall burn these Christians!

              >> The Romans then became happy for Christian deaths, much like Americans rejoiced at the deaths of Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Ladin.

                ** [Amazingly, no one asked for a REASON WHY thousands of poor Christians would burn their homes and all they had . . . leaving them cold and homeless . . .

                . . . without clothes, without furniture, without tools to work, without a place to find shelter from winds and rains for themselves and their children . . .

                . . . begging and destitute on the hostile streets of Rome!!!]

                But Caesar Nero declared the Christians guilty of burning Rome and the people believed their leader!

              >> In retaliation, Nero burned the now homeless Christians mercilessly - in mass - piled in huge burning piles on the vacant grounds and rubble of their charred homes, . . .

              . . . day after day the Romans hearing their pitiful cries and breathing the stench of burned-human flesh, come charred and rotting, some eaten by packs of dogs roaming the streets at night . . .

              . . . some of which partially-burned Christians were not even dead when dogs attacked them and their children!

            >> Besides burning masses, Nero - Caesar "666" burned noted individuals hanging them from lampposts for evening street-lights and celebration after soaking them in oil for days to make sure they burned brightly!


            This "Great Fiery Trial" spoken of by Apostle Peter in 1 Peter 4:12-15, lasted EXACTLY three-and-one-half prophesied years: part of Ad-63, AD-64, AD-65, AD-66;

            >> In which year - AD-66, Nero the 6th Emperor in the 6th Century of Rome, also Martyred Paul and Peter;

            >> Nero Martyred them after having ordered James the Just - Brother of Jesus and Bishop of Jerusalem - to be killed in Jerusalem;

              This they did by casting James down from the pinnacle of the Jewish Temple . . . but it didn't kill him!

              . . . badly injured and bleeding, James began crawling into the Temple to pray at the Holy Altar, where perhaps God would hear his cries and perform a miracle . . .

              . . . but James was beaten to death before reaching the Holy Altar . . . bludgeoned repeatedly in the head with a common hammer!

            ** Obviously, this abuse of Jews by the Romans greatly infuriated the Jews;

            ** And killing James the Just brought a heartache to Christian Jews as to want to "overthrow Roman occupation" at any price!

            ** Rebel they did!

        Two Periods: 3 1/2 Years Each Prophesied:

          >> The FIRST period of EXACTLY three-and-one-half prophesied years: was Caesar Nero, "666", burning the Christians at Rome, AD 63,64,65 and half of AD 66;

          >> The SECOND period of EXACTLY three-and-one-half prophesied years: was Caesar Nero, "666" - sending his Generals Vespasian and son Titus (each with a large army of up to 30,000 each!);

          >> To besiege Jerusalem in retaliation;

          >> This put-down of the rebellious Jews and siege of Jerusalem began in March-April of AD-67, . . .

          >> City Walls being breached and the Temple - with much of the City - destroyed in late summer-early autumn, AD-70; One of the most famous dates of history.






            AS JESUS PROMISED: "Not a hair of your head shall perish!" Luke 21:18

            TRULY AMAZING!

        >> Thus the Matthew 24 Prophecy (where Jesus prophesied the Greatest Tribulation of all time - with NONE to follow EVER AGAIN to be that bad,

          WAS FULFILLED withing ONE GENERATION - exactly as He prophesied!)

        >> And Christ's Revelation prophecy of "Two Periods of 3 1/2 years each: one in Rome, and one in Israel;

          WAS FULFILLED withing ONE GENERATION - exactly as He prophesied!)

        Amazing History;

        >> The Revelation was written between AD-55 and AD-63 we know for sure by the following evidence:

          [1] FACT: The Temple was till standing: Rev 11:1-3;

          [2] FACT: Jerusalem was the city to be destroyed, where Christ was crucified: Jerusalem: Rev 11:8,

          [3] The early Church leader and author Irenaeus wrote that the Revelation was written in the days of Domitius, which MANY modernist "assumed" was Caesar Domitian in the AD-90's This could not be for several reasons:

            (a) The Temple was destroyed in AD-70;

            (b) Jerusalem - prophesied to be destroyed in the Revelation 11:8, was destroyed in AD-70;

            (c) Laodicea, the 7th Church that was lukewarm and made Christ vomit (Rev 3:18-22) was destroyed by earthquake in AD-63-64 . . .and not rebuilt for decades;

            (d) Domitius, whom Irenaeus clearly mentioned, was NOT Caesar Domitian of AD-90's (which Domitian we all know of today) - but Domitius was the legal first name of Nero - the "666" Emperor! (which few know of today, including historians).

            (e) The Churches that Christ references in The Revelation 2 and 3 were ALL of Paul's First missionary Journey in the middle-late AD-40's and NONE of the churches he established in Greece on mission journeys two and three - Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, Corinth, were mentioned, . . .

            . . . supporting evidence that NONE of them had even been established yet!

            (f) There is much more;

            * For example, Christ prophesied "TEN DAYS/PERIODS" of Persecution to the Church at Smyrna (which name means "bitter persecution" Rev 2:10)

          * There were EXACTLY TEN Emperors who greatly persecuted Christians from Christ's Prophecy, which is not disputed by anyone;

          * The ten persecuting emperors began with Nero in AD-63 and ended with Diocletian in the early AD-30's, when Constantine the Great came to power and gave the Edict of Toleration that Christians were FREE and LEGAL in Rome, in Ad 313.

          * These facts are well-known, written by Jewish and Roman historians alike in ancient days, and are written in all manner of encyclopedias: Go to the Library or WEB-SEARCH it for yourself!

        >> Thus the Caesars had a major role in early Christianity;

        >> Amazingly the greatest Greek word used to describe Caesars was "Pantokrator" (Pan talk ruh TORE) - which is the word for the greatest of rulers that anyone could ever imagine - super-human and worthy of worship . . .

        . . . and in the Revelation God inspires John to use this SAME GREAT WORD for Jesus in Rev 19:1-6 . . . which word "Pantokrator" is translated in English as "OMNIPOTENT!"

        ***CAESAREA, 'Caesar - rea'

            PLEASE NOTE the many villages, towns and cities in the decades preceding and following the birth of Christ that are named "CAESAREA".

            These should NOTE be pronounced "CESS-A-REA" . . . but CAESAR-REA as they were all named after a particular CAESAR.

            The larger cities named after a particular Caesar, usually had a Temple of Worship in their honor as well.

            This practice was especially prevalent in the "Asia-Minor" area of which:

            >> Christ addressed ALL of His Letters to the Seven Churches in Revelation 2 and 3;

            >> Apostle Paul said: "All they which be in Asia are turned away from me, 2 Timothy 1:15;

            >> This is especially sad, since this was Paul's Last Letter, certainly a sad memory and burden which he carried to his death at the hands of Caesar Nero,

            >> Thus the fruit of much of his first missionary journey became "spoiled fruit";

        Cities Named Antioch:

          NOTE ALSO that the cities named "ANTIOCH" were named after a previous series of "Caesar-like" leaders of the middle-eastern region ruled by the Selucids - from the break-up of Alexander the Great's Greek Empire, from 250 BC to 100 BC.

          They had a dynasty of terribly abusive leaders named "ANTIOCHUS" (pronounced 'ANTI - O - CUSS'). Antiochus IV was especially brutal. He conquered and nearly destroyed Israel, drove them from the Jerusalem Temple and sacrificed "pigs" on the Holy Altar to mock them.

          It was this hated ruler ANTIOCHUS IV who added the title "Epiphanies" to his name, claiming to be "The Manifest God".

          It was this "Antiochus Epiphanies IV" who was the terrible dictator of Daniel 11 (NOT a future anti-Christ), who was finally overthrown by the amazing Jewish heroes the Makkabees.

          The five Makkabee brothers - whose father was a very devout and patriotic Jewish Priest - were among the greatest of Israel's Heroes for the 165 years preceding the Birth of Christ.

          **Their re-taking of the Temple, the cleansing of it and the re-lighting of the Lampstands is what the Jewish Holy-day (Holi-day)"HANUKKAH" is all about, with the lighting of the Lampstand, the Menorah.

          The feast was called in those days the "Feast of Dedication" since the Temple was "rededicated" and also called the "Feast of Lights" - since the Eternal Lamstand was re-lighted.

          **Even Jesus honored their great sacrifice and great victory by keeping the Feast of Dedication in the winter in their honor. John 10:22

            >> This is where modern Christians got the custom of associating "Lights with the Birth of Christ!"

            >> As Jesus was born ON or VERY CLOSE to the date of the Temple Re-dedication and Re-lighting;

          Thus "LIGHTS" and "CHRISTMAS" is a Scriptural practice and should be celebrated with all gusto.

          If you and your Church family are NOT familiar with the Books of the Makkebees, please do so, and be encourage by their great dedication to God!

        (1) Caesarea Philistina (Palestina by Roman spelling error!)
          Philistina, this ancient name in the Arab, still clings to the ruins on the sea shore, about 30 miles N. of Jaffa in Israel. It was built by Herod the (Jreat on the site of Stralo's Tower. (Ant, XIII, xi, 2; XV, ix, (>),

          Caesarea Sebaste was given it in honor of Caesar Augustus (ib, XVI, v, 1).

          With his usual magnificence Herod the Great lavished adornments on the city, erected sumptuous palaces and public buildings, a theater, and amphitheater with prospect to (ho sea; while a spacious system of sewers under the city secured cleanliness and health.

            **NOTE: The main reason Herod the Great was allowed to "exist" with power and such an arrogant title in the days of Caesar Augustus, (THE GREATEST), . . . because Herod the Great lavished great works on the cities named in honor of the Caesars!

            Shrewd indeed!

          But "the greatest and most laborious work of all" was a magnificent harbor "always free from the waves of the sea," which Jossephes says was not less than the Piraeus: this however is an exaggeration. It was of excellent workmanship, and all the more remarkable because the place itself was not suit able for such noble structures.

          The whole coast line, indeed, is singularly ill-fitted for the formation of harbors. The mighty breakwater was constructed by letting down stones f>()X 1SX5) ft. in size into twenty fathoms deep.

          The mole was 200 ft. wide. Part was surmounted by a wall and towers. A promenade and dwellings for mariners were also provided. The work was done in ten or twelve years. It became the residence of the Rom procurator. It passed into the hands of Agrippa I; and here he miserably died (Acts 12:19-23).

          /b>Here dwelt Philip the Evangelist (Acts 8:40; 21 S).

          To Caesarea Peter was sent to minister to the Roman centurion Cornelius (Acts 10). Thrice Paul passed through Caesarea (Acts 9:30; 18:22; Acts 21:8); hither he was sent under guard from Jerus to escape danger from the Jews (23 23); and here he was imprisoned till his final departure for Rome.

          Riots between (Gentiles and Jews in Caesarea gave rise to the war (BJ, II, xiii, 7; xiv, 4 f). Terrible cruelties were practised on the Jews under Felix and Florus. Here Vespasian was hailed emperor by his soldiers.


        Titus here celebrated the birthday of his brother Domitian by setting 2,500 Jews to fight with beasts in the amphitheater.

        Eusebius was bishop of Caesarea (313-40 AD).

        In f)lX AD a massacre of the Christians was organized and carried out by the Jews and Samaritans. The city passed into Moslem hands in In the time of the Crusades it fell, now to the Christians and now to the Moslems; and was finallv over thrown by Sultan Bibars in 121 ).") AD.

        The cathedral stood on the site of a temple built by Herod, where the ruins are seen today; as are also those of two aqueducts which conveyed water from . The landward wall of the Rom city was nearly 3 miles in length.

        (2) Caesarea Philippi (fi-lip i)

          At the base of Mt. Hermon, on a rocky terrace, ft. above sea-level, between Wady Klinxlidlwh and WCuly Zii iinh, lie the ruins of the ancient city.

          It was a center for the worship of Pan: whence the name Paneas, applied not only to the city, but to the whole district (Ant, XV, x, 3).

          It is possible that this may have been the site of ancient Baal- hermon; while Principal (1. A. Smith would place Dan here. The district was given by Augustus to Herod the Great 20 BC, by whom a temple of white marble was built in honor of the emperor.

          Paneas formed part of the tetrarchy of Philip. lie rebuilt and beautified the town, calling it Caesarea as a compliment to Augustus, and adding his own name to distinguish it from Caesarea on the coast of Sharon (Anl, XVIII, ii, 1; BJ, II, ix, 1).

          From Bethsaida Jesus and His disciples came hither, and on the way Peter made his famous confession, after which Jesus began to tell them of His coming passion (Mt 16 13 ff; Mk827ff). Some think that on a height near Caesarea Philippi Jesus was transfigured.


          Agrippa II renamed the town Neronias (Ant, XX, ix, 4). The ancient name how ever outlived both Caesarea and Neronias, and survives in the Arab, form Banian. The modern village, built among the ruins, contains 3">0 inhabit ants. The walls and towers of which the remains are seen date from Crusading times. The castle, cy-Suliciht fi, crowns the- hill behind the town, and must have been a place of strength from the earliest times.

          Its possession must always have been essential to the holding of the valley to the west. Immediately to the north of the town, at the foot of a steep crag, the fountain of the Jordan rises. Formerly the waters issued from a cave, Magharet rds en-Neba , "cave of the fountain head," now filled up with debris.

          Two niches cut in the face of the rock recall the idolatries practised here in olden times. A shrine of el-Khudr stands on the west of the spring. With the rich soil and plenti ful supplies of water, in a comparatively temperate climate, average industry might turn the whole district into a garden. As it is, the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. W. EWINC;

          Its Kaisaros oikias, "they that are of Caesar s household," Phil 4 22): These words occur in the epistle which Paul wrote from Rome near the end of his first imprisonment there, probably in the end of Gl AD, to the church in Philippi. They give us most interesting information in regard to the progress made in the propagation of the gospel in Rome.

          It is necessary to ask, in the first place, What is meant by the words "Caesar s household"? and when the meaning of that phrase is known, then it is needful to discuss the question which rises at once, In what way did the gospel enter Caesar s household? How is it that the gospel, which at the first chiefly advanced among the poorer classes in the Empire, made its way at a bound into the very palace of the Caesars?

          Caesar s household" meant the whole of the persons, slaves and freemen alike, composing the establishment of the emperor in his

          1. What palace on the Palatine Hill at Rome. Exactly Was The slaves of the imperial household Caesar s formed a host in themselves. At a Household? time when many a private citizen in Rome owned several hundreds of slaves, it need not surprise anyone to know that there was a vastly larger number of such persons in the palace of the emperor.

          This was a period when the city of Rome and the court of the Caesars swarmed with Asiatics, many of whom were Jews, and many of them would be in slavery, or in employ ment, in the imperial court.

          It cannot be forgotten that Poppaea, Nero's shameless consort, was a proselyte to Judaism and that she continued to advocate successfully the cause of the Jews before the emperor as occasion arose.

          These persons in the emperor s palace would be employed in every conceivable capacity as house hold servants, cooks, bathmen, gardeners, grooms, kennel-keepers, porters, doorkeepers, messengers, secretaries, amanuenses, teachers, librarians, architects, carpenters, shoemakers, and in all other forms of service.

          Of course they were not all slaves:

          there was a very large number of freemen. The domus or fnmih a C acsnris (represented by the Gr oikia Kaisaros) included the whole of the impe rial household, the meanest slaves as w r ell as the most powerful courtiers. On the character and constitution of this household w T e happen to possess more information than perhaps on any other department of social life in Rome.

          "In Rome itself, if we may judge by these inscriptions, the domus Augusta must have formed no inconsiderable fraction of the whole population; but it comprised likewise all persons in the emperor s service, whether slaves or freemen, in Italy and even in the provinces" (Lightfoot, Comm. on Phil, 171).


          the list of offices filled by members of the imperial household were also such functions as those of keepers of the wardrobe or of the plate-chest; even the "tasters" formed a separate class of servants under a chief of their own.

          To belong to Caesar's household would secure even to the lowest grade of slaves substantial privileges and immunities, and would give a certain social importance, which made this position a valued one. An office in the emperor s household, however mean, was thought of so highly, that in the monumental inscriptions such a fact is recorded with scrupulous care.

          2. The next inquiry is, How did the gospel win its

          way into Caesar s household?

          And, first, there is no need at all to suppose that the

          gospel was unknown, even in the palace, previous to the arrival of Paul Enter into in Rome. For in that numerous house- Caesar s hold of the emperor there would be Household?

          Jews, perhaps many of them; and all the Jews were at that time filled with Messianic hopes, and thus were ready to listen to the gospel. As soon therefore as the gospel entered Rome, as soon as it was proclaimed

          3. The in the many synagogues there, these Gospel members of Caesar s household could Known not fail, equally with the other memThere bers of the synagogue, to hear the before story of Jesus Christ and of His cross Paul s and resurrection.

          A fact such as this, Arrival that the gospel was known in Rome previous to Paul s arrival there, is quite sufficient to account for the other fact, that the gospel was known in Caesar s palace.

          But the propagation of the gospel received a great impetus and help forward, when Paul arrived in the city. For although he was a

          4. The "bound prisoner," his wrist fastened Gospel Ad- by an iron chain, day and night, to the vances in soldier who guarded him, he was able the Palace to "preach the kingdom of God and

          to teach those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, no man forbidding him" (Acts 28 31 AY). And in this way the gospel would again reach members of the emperor s household.

          Immediately after his arrival in Home, Paul had put himself in communication with "the chief of the Jews" probably the rulers of the synagogues in Rome and many of them came to him in his lodging and conferred with him.

          Those chief men of the Jews expressed their great desire to hear from him what his thoughts were in regard to the hope of Israel (ver 22); and naturally all the Jews in Rome would be equally desirous to gain this information from a man of the outstanding position and character of Paul.

          The Jewish community in Rome had for years past been permeated with the hope of the coming of the Messiah; indeed successive rumors of false Christs had kept them in a fever of excitement, which, on one occasion at least, had broken out in tumult, so strong was their hope of His speedy appearing.

          Thus it would come about, as a matter of course, that the gospel would reach all the Jews in Rome, and from this knowledge of Jesus, whom Paul proclaimed, the Jews who were in the service of the emperor could not possibly be excluded.

          But besides this, the fact that Paul was in daily contact and intercourse with the soldiers who guarded him could not fail to lead to 6. The the introduction of the gospel into

          Gospel the regiment. And as part of the Carried by Praetorian Guard was quartered in Paul s Sol- buildings on the Palatine Hill, attached dier-Guard to the emperor s palace there, there was thus one other channel through which the gospel would be made known to some of those who resided in the palace of Caesar. It is thus seen that there is nothing at all surprising in the fact that there were Christians in Caesar s house hold.

          6. Some of Lightfoot's suggestions and conjectures

          on this subject are exceedingly interesting. He re-views the names of the persons to whom Paul sends greeting in Rom 16 and compares them with the names of persons who lived at, that time, and which have been found in monumental inscriptions on the columbaria or places of sepulcher exhumed on the Appian Way.

          Many of the occupants of those 1 cnlunilxirin were freed men or slaves of the emperors, and were contemporaries of Paul. The result of Lightfoot's review of the names is that he claims to have established a fair presumption that among the salutations in Horn 16 some members at least of the imperial household are included (J hil, 177).

          In the household of the emperor there were neces sarily many persons of high rank. Perhaps we may find a hint that the gospel had been embraced by some in the higher grades of society, in such strange facts as the;

          execution of Titus Flavins Clemens, a man of consular rank and cousin to the emperor, and also in the fact that Flavia Domitilla, the wife of Flavins Clemens, was banished by Domitian, notwithstanding her near relationship to him, for she was the emperor s niece.

          Her daughter Portia also shared in the same punishment of exile. The charges brought against all three were atheism and inclination to Jewish customs: surely such charges M ere sufficiently vague and even self-contradictory. The opinion has been suggested that probably these three persons in the inner circle of (lie emperor s kinsmen were Christians.

          Ramsay (St. Paul the Trunllir, etc, 353), speak ing of Lightfoot s conjectures, already referred to, writes, "In all probability he is right still

          7. Aristo- thinking that all the slaves of Aristo- bulus and bulus (son of Herod the Great) and of Narcissus Narcissus (Claudius favorite f reed- man) had passed into the imperial

          household, and that members of their familiae are saluted as Christians by Paul (Rom 16 lOf fj." The fact of greatest interest, in the 1 whole subject is, that in society so profligate and corrupt as the court of Nero, there were; "saints,"

          Christian men whose garments were white an and who kept, themselves unspotted from the world amid surroundings so dreadful and in temptation so unceasing; that the 1 gospel was known and obeyed and loved, and that hearts anel lives were loyal to Christ even in the palace of Nero Caesar.

          Jon.v RI TUKKFURI)

          The earliest known form of cage made to confine a bird, fe>r the pleasure of its song or the beauty of its coloring, was a crude 1 affair of willows or other pliable twigs. Later cage s were made 1 e>f pottery, and now they are mostly made of wire.

          References in the Bible make it very clear that people 1 were ac customed to confine in cages such birds as they esp. prized for pets, or te> detain them for market purposes. James indicat ed t hat cage s we re 1 common when he wrote (3 7): "Fe>r every kinel e>f beasts and birds .... is tamed, anel hath been tamed by mankind." In Job (41 5) we find these lines

          "Wilt thou play with him as with a bird ? Or wilt thou bind him for thy maidens ?"

          The only way to play with a bird is to confine it so that it grows accustemienl te> you and thus loses fear. Jeremiah compared the civil state of Judah to a "cage [crate] full of birds" (5 27), "the houses of the rich beting stuffed with craftily-obtained wealth anel articles of luxury" (III)H). The sale of sparrows as an article of food still continues in the eastern markets. Jesus referrenl te> this (Mt

          10 29) angel it was He who entered the temple and overthrew "the seats of them that sold the: doves" (Mt 21 12; . In Rev 18 2 we- find a reference to "a hold [AV "cage"] of every unclean and hateful bird." See- also Ecclus 11 30.


        CAIAPHAS, ka a-fas,
          Kai- dphas; Caiaphas = Kephas [cf Dods in Exposi tor s d r Tml, 1, S03J, and has also been interpreted as meaning "elepivssion"; :

          Caiaphas was the surname of Joseph, a son-in-law of Annas (cf Jn 18 13), who filled the post of high priest from about 1S-30 AD, when he- was deposed by Vitellius (cf Jejs, Ant, XV1I1, ii, 2; iv, 3). He is mentioned by Lk as holding e>ffie e- at the time 1 of John the Baptist s preaching in the wilderness (Lk 3 2).

          Caiaphas took a leading part in the trial and condemnation of Jesus.

          It was in his court or palace that the chief priests (Saelelueees) anel Pharisees, who together constituted the Sanhedrin, assembled "that llicy might take Jesus by subtlety, and kill him" (cf Mt 26 3.4; Jn 11 49). The regal claims e>f the 1 new Messiah and the: growing fame of His works had made 1 them to dread both the vengeance ejf imperial Rome upon their nation, and the loss of their own personal authority and prestige (cf Jn 11 48).

          But Caiaphas pointed a way out of their dilemma: let them biele their time till the momentary enthusiasm of the populace was spent {cf Mt 26 5), anel then by the single sacrifice of Jesus they could at once get riel of a dangerous rival anel propitiate the frowns of Rome (cf Jn

          11 49.50; 18 14). The commentary of St. John upon this (Jn 11 51.52) indicates how the death of Jesus was indeed to prove 1 a blessing not only for Israel but also for all the- children of God; but not in the 1 manner which the cold-blooded statecraft e>f Caiaphas intended.

          The 1 advice e>f the 1 high priest was accepted by the Sanhedrin (ver 53), and they succeeded in arresting Jesus. After being led "to Annas first" (18 13), Jesus was conducted thence in bonds to Caiaphas (ver 24). According to Mt He was led immediately upon His arrest to Caiaphas (Mt 26 57).

          Mk and Lk do not refer to Caiaphas by name 1 . His conduct at this preliminary trial of Jesus (vs 57-b S), its time anel its procedure, were alme>st entirely ille>gal from the standpoint of the 1 the n existing Jewish law (cf JESUS CHRIST, THIAL OF; anel A. Taylor limes, The Trial of ./I.S /N C/irinh.

          False witnesses were first called, and when Jesus refused to reply to their charges, Caiaphas asked e>f Him if He were "the Christ, the 1 Son of (Joel" (ver (>3). Upon Our Lord s answering "Thou hast said" (ver 64), Caiaphas "re>nt his garments, saying, IIe hath spoken blas phemy: what further need have we of witnesses? belmld, now ye have heard the blasphemy" (ver (>.">).

          Fpoii this charge was Jesus found "worthy of death" (ver Gfi). Caiaphas is also mentioned in Acts 4 (> as being among those who presided over the trial of Peter and John. C. M. KERB

          "spear" or "smith," resembling in sound the* root kanah, "get," "ac- quire," Gen 4 1 RYm, but not necessarily derived from that re>e>t ; LXX Kd Cv, Kain):

          (1) In Ge-n 4 1-24 Cain is the first son of Adam and Eve. His birth is hailed as a manifestation of Jeh s help. He becomes "a tiller of 1. The the ground," and brings to Jeh an

          Scripture offering of the produce of the se>il, his Narrative brother Abel, the shepherd, bringing at the same time the fat of the first born of his own flock. From Cain and from his offering Jeh withholds the sign of acceptance which he grants to Abel. That the ground of this differ ence of treatment is to be found (so He 11 4) in



          Cage Calah

          Cain s lack of right disposition toward Jeh is shown by his behavior (see ABEL). Instead of humbling himself he gives signs of strong indignation at Jeh s refusal to favor him. Under the just rebuke of Jeh he hardens his heart and is further confirmed in impenitence. His jealousy of Abel, unrepented of, increases until it culminates in deliberate murder. Deliberate, for in Gen 4 8 we must restore a clause to the Heb text, all the ancient VSS bearing witness, and read "And Cain said unto Abel his brother, Let us go into the field," etc. In the vain attempt to conceal his crime Cain adds falsehood to his other sins. He is cursed "from," i.e. away from, that soil upon which he poured out his brother s blood, and must become 1 a fugitive and a wander er, far from the immediate presence of Jeh. Al though his remonstrance against the severity of his sentence displays no genuine contrition, still Jeh in pity appoints a sign" for his protection. Cain takes up his abode in the land of Nod ("wander ing"), and there builds a city and becomes the ancestor of a line which includes Jabal, forefather of tent-dwelling cattle-keepers; Jubal, forefather of musicians; Tubal-cain, forefather of smiths; and Lamecli, like Cain, a man of violence. In Cain s character we see "a terrible outburst of self- will, pride, and jealousy, leading to a total and relentless renunciation of all human ties and affec tion." "Among the lessons or truths which the narrative teaches may be instanced: the nature of temptation, and the manner in which it should be resisted; the consequences to which an unsubdued temper may lead a man; the gradual steps by which in the end a deadly crime may be committed; the need of sincerity of purpose lest our offering should be rejected; God s care for the guilty sinner after he has been punished; the interdependence upon one another of members of the human race; and the duties and obligations which we all owe to each other" (Driver). In He 11 4 Cain s spiritual deficiency is pointed out; 1 Jn 3 12 observes his envy and jealousy, as "of the wicked one," and Jude ver 11 makes him a very type of the ungodly. With few and bold strokes the story of Cain as it stands paints for us the character of the first of

          murderers and the scene of his detec- 2. Difficul- tion and condemnation. To the re- ties ligious purpose; of the narrative all

          other things are made tributary. But if we cannot refrain from putting the familiar question, Who was Cain s wife? it is also impossible upon close study of Gen 4, as it stands, to avoid asking what was the nature of the sign of Jeh s acceptance (ver 4), or of the "sign" appointed for Cain (ver 1">); or what we are to think of the introduction in the midst of the narrative, without explanation, of such important institutions as sac rifice (vs 3.4) and blood-revenge (ver 14); who were the persons of whom Cain stood in fear (ver 14); who inhabited the city he built (ver 17); how the wanderer and fugitive could become the city-builder; and why the; shepherd life should be represented as beginning with Abel (ver 2) and again with Jabal (ver 20) ; also whether the narrator means that not only the collection of men in cities (ver 17), but also animal husbandry, music and metal-working (ver 20-22) are to be looked upon with disfavor as having sprung from Cain or from his descendants? Most of these questions find their answers in one consideration: the narrative is not exhaustively complete and is not intended to be so. That a large body of racial traditions existed, from which, with the severest condensation, the author of Gen selected his material, is the conclu sion forced by close examination of the Gen narra tive and comparison of it with the most ancient extant traditions. "In Gen 4 these old stories

          are not told for their own sakes. The incomplete ness and the difficulties left unsolved do not allow this assumption to be made. They form simply the material foundation, to which higher 3. Critical ideas and doctrines are attached" Theories (Dillmann).

          Without going outside the Scripture text we may find strong evidence that the narrative under consideration is founded in part upon ancient sources. Let the line of Cain (4 17-24) be compared with that of Seth (5 1-29):


          Adam ("man") Adam ("man")

          Seth Enosh (" man")

          Oain Kenan

          Enoch Mahalalel

          Irad Jared

          Mehujael Enoch

          Methushael Methuselah

          I.amech Lamecli

          Jabal, Jubal, Tubal-cain Noah

          Sliem, Ham, Japhet

          The Heb forms of the names show even more clearly that Cain = Kenan, Irad = Jared. Methushael = Methuse lah: a single transposition, that of the first and third names after Cain, brings the two Enochs together, and likewise the similar names Mehujael and Mahalalel. Thus we have six names nearly or quite identical; seven ancestors in one list and ten in the other, ending in both cases with a branching into three important characters. Resemblances equally certain, though not by any means so olnious, exist between the names in this double list and the names of the; ten kings of Babylonia who reigned before the Flood, as the latter are given by Berosus, the Babylonian historian of the 3d cent. BG (see Skin ner, Driver, Sayc.o as below). Thus one source of which the author in Gen 4 made use appears to have been an ancient list in genealogical form, by which the first of mankind was linked with the beginnings of civili/.ed institutions and arts. Another part of his material was the story of a brother s murder of a brother (4 1-10). Many maintain at this point that tho narrative must be based upon the doings of tribes, rather than of individuals. It is true that not seldom in the OT tribal history is related under individual names (cf Gen 49; Jgs 1. and the tables of tribes in Gen 25 1-4; 36): yet the. tribe referred to can hardly bo the Kenites of the OT. who appear as tho close allies of Israel, not esp. bloodthirsty or revengeful, and haunted by no shadow of early crime against a brother tribe (see Ki: SITES). The" indications in 4 1-16 of a developed state of society and a considerable population may go to show that the narrative of the murder was not originally associated with the sons of the first man. Thus there is room to suppose that in the process of condensation and arrangement Cain, son of Adam; Cain, the murderer; and Cain, city-builder and head of a lino of patriarchs, have been made one. The critical conclusions here epitomised are indeed reached by a delicate and difficult process; but it is asserted in their favor that they make possible the removal of difficulties which could be explained in no other manner. The question which will arise with many. What theory of inspiration can be held consistently with the applica tion of such critical processes? is dealt with at length by most modern commentators (see CRITICISM; INSPIRA TION- j.

          LITERATT~TIF.. A. Dillmann, Genesis fET) ; S. "R. Driver, Genesis ("Westminster Commentaries"); H. K. Kyle, Early Narratives of Genesis; J. Skinner, GV/irs/.s (ICC); A. IT. Sayce, " Archaeology of the Book of Genesis, " Expos T, August, 1910, June, 1911.

          (2) In Josh 15 57, RV KAI.V, which ^see. See also KENITES. F. K. FARR

          CAINAN, ka nan, ka-I nan (Ka ivdv, Kalinin):

          (1) Gr form of Kenan (Lk 3 37): also AV form inOT (except, 1 Ch 1 2).

          (2) A son of Arphaxad (Lk 3 36), omitted in Gen 10 24; 11 12.

          CAKE. See HHKAD.

          CALAH, ka la (n?3 , kdliilj; XcLXax, Clidlach, also Chdlak or Kdlac.h; in Assyr Kalhu, Kalha, Kalhi, Kalah): The name of one of the great cities of Nimrod (Gen 10 11), or rather, Asshur (text), which formed, with Nineveh, Resen between Calah and Nineveh, and Rehoboth-Ir (probably lying more to the N.), Asshur s great fourfold capital. The meaning of the name is unknown, but if a Sumerian etymology be accepted, some such sig-

          Calah Calendar



          nihcation us "Holy Gate 1 " \\\\l\\\\n-inl_n or tlir like :i parallel to Ka-dinyim= IJdli-lli, "(lute of God" (see BAHKI>, BABYLON) - -might, be regarded us possible.

          As Xineveh is mentioned by Hammurabi, who

          reigned about 2000 BC, it. is cleur that that city

          was already, in his time, an important.

          1. Date of place; and the passage in (Jon 10 the City s 11 implies, though it does not actually Foundation prove, that Calah was of about the

          same period. The Assyr king Assur- nasir-apli (cir SX."> BC) states that Calah was made (probably = founded) by Shalmaneser (I) cir 1300 BC, but this is possibly simply an indication that he rebuilt it . Later on, the site seems to have become neglected, for Assur-nasir-apli states that,

          the city having fallen into ruin, he

          2. Early rebuilt it, and it thereafter became References practically the capital of the country, to the City for he not only reerected or restored

          its shrines and temples --the temple of Xinip, with the god s image; the temple of "the Lady of the Land," and the temples of Sin, CJula, and Enlil but he also received tribute there. Among his other works may be mentioned the water-channel 1 at i-hengala, and the plantations, whos<> fruits, apparently, he offered to the god Ass ur (Asslmr), and the temples of the city. It also became a favorite place of residence for the later kings_ of Assyria, who built palaces, and restored the city s temples from time to time.

          Calah occupied the roughly triangular tract formed by the junction of the (Jreater Zab (r.)

          wilh the Tigris d.i, which latter

          3. Its stream anciently flowed rather closer Position to the western wall than it does now,

          and would seem to have separated the small town represented by Selamiyeh from the extensive ruins of Calah, which now bear the name of Nimroml. The main ruins are situated on a large, rectangular platform on the bank of the old bed of the Tigris. The most prominent edifice

          was the great Temple-tower at the

          4. The N.W. corner a step-pyramid (z it/ Temple- t/iinil) like the Bab towers, constructed Tower of brick faced with stone, and rising,

          in stages, to a height of cir 120 ft., probably with a sanctuary at the top (see BAUKI,, TOWKK OF). A long vault occupies the basement- stage of this structure, and caused Sir A. II. Layard, its discoverer, to regard it as the probable traditional tomb of Xintis, under whose shadow the tragedy of Pyramis and Thisbe took place. Ovid (Mctam. iv.OS) describes the tomb of Ximis as having been situated "at the entrance of Xineveh. and, if this be correct, Calah must have 1 been regarded as the southern portion of that great city, which, on a preaching journey, may well have taken three days (Jon 3 3) to traverse, provided Khorsabad was in reality its northern extremity.

          The platform upon which the temple-tower of

          Calah was situated measures cir 700X400 yds.,

          and the portion not occupied by that

          5. The erection afforded space for temples Temples and palaces. In the center of the E. and Palaces side of this platform lie the remains

          of the palace of Assiir-nasir-apli, the chambers and halls of which were paneled with sculptured and inscribed slabs, the principal door ways being flanked with finely carved winged and human-headed lions and bulls". In the S.E. corner are the remains of the palace of Esarhaddon, built, at least in part, with material taken from the palace of Tiglath-pileser IV, which was situated in the S. portion of the platform. The remains of this last are, as a result of this spoliation, exceedingly meager. The S.W. corner of the platform contains

          the remains of the last palace built on the site a very inferior erection constructed for Assur-etil- Jlfini (cir 020 BC). One of the temples on this platform was that, dedicated to Xinip, situated at the S.\\\\V. corner of the temple-tower. The left- hand entrance was flanked by man-headed lions, while the sides of the right-hand entrance were decorated with slabs showing the expulsion of the evil spirit from the temple -a spirited sculpture now in t he Ximroud ( Jallery of t he British Museum. On the right-hand side of the entrance

          6. The was an arch-headed slab with a repre- Temple of sentation of King Assur-nasir-apli in Ninip low relief, standing in the usual con ventional attitude. Before it stood a

          stone tripod altar, implying that Divine honors were paid to this king. (Both these are now in the British Museum.; The remains of another temple were found to the E. of this, and there are traces of further buildings at other points of the platform.

          The slabs from Assur-nasir-apli s palace show this king s warlike expeditions, but as descriptive lettering is wanting, the campaigns cannot, be identified. Notwithstanding this disadvantage, however, they are of considerable importance, showing, as they do, incidents of his various campaigns the crossing of rivers, the march of his armies, the besieging of cities, the reception of tribute, the life of the camp and hunting the lion and the wild bull. The reliefs from the temples, which are much larger and finer, show the king engaged in various religious cere-

          7. The monies and ritual acts, and are among Sculptures the most striking examples of Assyr of Assur- sculpture. When looking at these nasir-apli works of art, the student s thoughts

          go back with thankfulness 1o those Assyrians who, through the generations, cared for and preserved these monuments, though the van dalism of Esarhaddon in dressing off the slabs of Tiglath-pileser IV to carve his own bas-reliefs thereon will ever be regretted.

          The site is described as being 14 miles S. of Kou- yunjik (Xineveh) and consists of an inclosure

          formed of narrow mounds still having

          8. The City the appearance of walls. Traces of Walls no less than 10S towers, Hie city s

          ancient defences, are said to be visible even now on the X. and E., when 1 the walls were further protected by moats. The area which the walls inclose about 2,331 X2.0!). ) yds. would con tain about 1,000 acres.

          Layard, Ximnh (iiul Its Ttandhix, and Niucrch anil Babylon, still remain the standard works upon the subject, and his Monuments of \\\\inerck gives the most complete collection of the sculptures found. See also George Smith, />/x- coveries, &nd Ra&s&m, Asshur and the Linn I of .\\\\i>- rnil. T. G. PINCHES

          CALAMITY, ka-lam i-ti (TX , eilh, "a load" or "burden" under which one is crushed, hence "mis fortune"; rrn , hayyah, i~rn, hainrah, "fall," "ruin," the latter word used only in pi.; $~] , r<i\\\\ "evil in essence," hence "adversity," once only, Ps 141 f>, II V "wickedness"): Purely an OT term, signifying adversities natural, but more often those that result from wickedness or moral evil. Various kinds: (1) Jolly, "a foolish son" (Prov 19 13); (2) (lixrttsi , unru tii, benurt merit, as in Job s experience (Job 6 2; 30 13); (3) persecution (2 S 22 19; Ps 18 18); (4) Divine retribution and judgment (Dt 32 35); cf ruin of the wicked (Prov 1 20, also 27 RV for "destruction" AV); (o) the devastation of war (Set 46 21); (0) adversities of any kind (Prov 27 10). DWIGHT M. PRATT



          Calah Calendar

          CALAMOLALUS, kal-a-mol a-lus, -mol-a ius (A, Ka\\\\ap.w\\\\dXos, Kalanidldlos, B, Ka\\\\a(j.cuKdX.o$, Kola- ittukdlox): This name is corrupt (I Esd 5 2 !). It h;is evidently arisen through combining the two names Lod and Undid, in the lists of Ezr (2 33) and Xeh (7 37j.

          CALAMUS, kal a-mus. See REED.

          CALCOL, kal kol, CHALKOL, kal kol (5352 , kalkui): Mentioned in 1 K 4 31 as one of the wise men wit h whom Solomon was compared. The better orthography is Calcol which AV gives for the same name in 1 Cli 2 (i. In the former passage, Calcol is the son of Mahol, while in the latter he is called the son of Zerah of t he t ribe of Judah, and a brot her of Ileman and Ethan.

          CALDRON, kol drun (the rendering of kalldljallt, "I" 1 ?, .s T/ 1 , T" , dudtt, ]" *$ , ayhmon): Kallahath is found only in 1 S 2 l4; Mic 3 3. It is a pot for cooking, of undefined size and char acteristics, in the former passage for sanctuary use, in the latter for domestic. ,S7/ is tr 1 caldron in Jer 1 13(RV); 52 ISf(AV); Ezk 11 3.7.11. It was distinctly a large pot, employed both for do mestic use and in the sanctuary. Dtldfi is tr 1 caldron only in 2 Oh 35 13. It was also a pot for cooking. Ayhnion. is tr 1 caldron by AV in Job 41 20, but it is a mistranslation; RV correctly has "rushes." GEORGE RICKEK BKKKY

          CALEB, ka Ieb p53 , kdli-bh; in the light of the. cognate Syr and Arab, words, the meaning is not "dog," which is 253 , kcl< bh, m Ileb, but "raging wit h canine madness"; XoAe p, C/iti/c/t) : As a person, Caleb, the son of .lephunneh, occurs in the story of the spies (Xu 13 IT). He represents the tribe of .Judah as its prince (Xu 13 b ; cf ver 2). While the majority of the men sent out by Moses bring back evil report, Caleb and Hoshea, or Joshua, the son of Xun, are the only ones to counsel the inva sion of the promised land (ib, 30; 14 Off). Ac cordingly, these two alone are permitted to survive (14 3X; 32 12). I pon the conquest and dis tribution of the land by Joshua, Caleb reminds the leader of the promise made by C.Jod through Moses, and so he receives Hebron as an inheritance for himself and his descendants (Josh 14 0-15), after driving out from thence the Anakim who were in possession of the city (15 14). In the || account in Jgs 1 S ff, the dispossession of the Can inhabitants of Hebron is ascribed to Judah (ver 10). Both accounts agree in mentioning Othniel, a younger brother of Caleb, as the conqueror of Kiriath- sepher or Debir; as his reward he receives the hand of Achsah. Caleb s daughter. AcJisah is given by her father a portion of the Southland; but, upon request, she obtains a more fruitful locality with upper and nether springs (Josh 15 15-19; Jgs 1 12-15).

          In 1 S 30 14 Caleb is undoubtedly the name of a clan which is, moreover, differentiated from Judah. Modern scholars therefore assume that Caleb was originally an independent clan which in historical limes merged with Judah. As Caleb is called the son of Kenaz (Jgs 1 13) or the Kenizzite (Xu 32 12), it is further believed that the Calebites were originally associated with an Edomite chin named Kenaz (Gen 36 11), and that they entered their future homes in the southern part of Pal from the south. Their migration up north would then be reflected in the story of the spies.

          In the genealogical tables (1 Ch 2), Caleb is made a descendant of Judah through his father Hezron. He is the brother of Jerahmeel, and the

          "father 1 of Hebron and of other towns in Judah. (Chelubai, ver ( .t, is apparently identical with Caleb.) Xabal, with whom David had an encounter, is called a Calebite, i.e. one belonging to the house of Caleb (1 S 25 3). MAX L. MAKGOLIS

          CALEB-EPHRATHAH, ka Ieb ef ra-tha (AV Caleb-ephratah, -ef ra-ta, "P^.EX 3/52, fcdlcbh ephrdthdh): The place where Hezron died (1 Ch 2 24). Many scholars, however, read with the LXX "after the death of Hezron, Caleb came unto Ephrath, the wife of Hezron, his fat her." The name does not occur elsewhere, and none resembling it has been recovered.

          CALENDAR, kal en-dar (Lat cnlctiduriiwi, "an account book," from calotdtic, "day on which ac counts were due"): The Heb or Jewish calendar had three stages of development: the preexilic, or Bib.; the postexilic, or Talmudic; and the post- Talmudic. The first rested on observation merely, the second on observation coupled with calculation, and the third on calculation only. In the first period the priests determined the beginning of each month by the appearance of the new moon and the recurrence of the prescribed feasts from the vernal and autumnal equinoxes. Thus the month Abih ( dbhibh), the first month of the year accord ing to the Levitical law, in which the Passover was to be celebrated, was determined by observation (Ex 12 2; Dt 16). After the exile more accurate methods of determining the months and seasons came into vogue, and calculation was employed to supplement and correct observations and the calendar was regulated according to the Bab system, as is evidenced by the names of the months which are derived from it. In later time s the calendar was fixed by mathematical methods (see art. "Calendar" in Jew Kite). The difficulty of ascer taining the first day of the new moon by observa tion, in the early period, led to the celebration of two days, as seems to be indicated in 1 S 20 27. We have only four names of months belonging to the preexilic period, and they are Phoen. Of these Abih ( dbhibh) was 1 he first, month, as already indi cated, and it corresponded to A /.svm (inyan) in the later calendar. It was the month in which the Exodus occurred and the month of the Passover (Ex 13 4; 23 15; 34 IS; Dt 16 1).

          The 2d month of this calendar was Ziv (zTw) (1 K 6 1.37); Enniim ( rtltdnlin) was the 7th (1 K 8 2), corresponding to Tixhrl of the later calendar, and linl (Inll) the 8th, corresponded to Marhcxran (marheshwdri) (1 K 6 3S). There were of course other month names in this old calendar, but they have not come down to us. These names refer to the aspects of the seasons: thus Abih ( <!- h/ilh/i) means grain in the ear, just ripening (Lev 2 14; Ex 9 31); Zir (zJir) refers to the beauty and splendor of the flowers in the spring; Ethan/in ( <~lh<ltni) means perennial, probably referring to living fountains; and Bui (brd) means rain or showers, being the month when the rainy season commenced. The full calendar of months used in the postexilic period is given in a table accom panying this art. The names given in the table are not all found in the Bible, as the months are usually referred to by number, but we find A T ?.san in Xeh 2 1 and Est 3 7; Rlimn in Est 8 9; Tammuz in Ezk 8 14, although the term as here used refers to a^Phoen god after whom the month was named; Elul occurs in Neh 6 15; Kwlfw (ARV "chislev") in Xeh 1 1 and Zee 7 1; Teb- Iwth in Est 2 10; Sh bhat in Zee 1 7 and Adhar in Ezr 6 15 and several times in Est. These months were lunar and began with the new moon, but their position in regard to the seasons varied


          Calf, Golden



          somewhat because of the intercalary month about every 1 hree years.

          The year (HIIT , shannln originally began in ihe autumn, as appears from Ex 23 1G and 34 22, where it is stated that the feast of Ingathering should be at the end of the year; the Sabbatic year began, also, in the 7th month of the calendar year (Lev 25 S 10), indicating that this had been ihe begin ning of the year. This seems to have been a reck oning for civil pin-poses, while the year beginning with A 7.svf/ ( , was for ritual and sacred purposes. Thi.s resulted from the fact that the great feast of the Passover occurred in this month and the other feasts were regulated by this, as we see from such passages as Ex 23 14-lGandDt 16 1-17. Jos (.-I///, I, iii, 3) says: "Moses appointed that Xlsdn, which is the same with XatilhicuH, should be the first

          II KHKI: w


          I" 1 ? P EP

          El til


          A 7.s7("(r

          7 ( l/hctli ^5vH ! udunaios. . . .

          Sh bhdt T21T2; reritios

          Ailfidr "~S Diixlrox.. . .


          month of their festivals, because he brought them out of Egypt in that month; so that this month began the year as to all solemnities lliey observed to the honor of God, although he preserved the original order of the months as to selling and buying and other ordinary affairs." A similar custom is still followed in Turkey, where the Mohammedan year is observed for feasts, the pilgrimage to Mecca and other sacred purposes, while the civil year begins in March O.S.

          The year was composed of 12 or 13 months ac cording as to whether it was ordinary or leap year. Intercalation is not mentioned in Scripture, but it was employed to make the lunar correspond ap proximately to the solar year, a month being added whenever the discrepancy of the seasons rendered it necessary. This was regulated by the priests, who had to see that the feasts were duly observed at the proper season. The intercalary month was added after the month of Ailhdr and was called the second Ailhdr pZP , shenl, *"l~^ , ica-acUiar, "and Adar"), and, as already indicated, was added about once in 3 years. More exactly, 4 years out of every 11 were leap years of 13 months (Jew Enc, art. Calendar"), this being derived from the Bab calendar. If, on the Kith of the month Nlsnn, the sun had not reached the vernal equinox, that month was declared to be the second Ailhdr and the following one Xlxdn. This method, of course, was not exact and about the 4th cent, of our era the mathematical method was adopted. The number of days in each month was fixed, seven having 30 days, and the rest 29. When the inter calary month was added, the first Aiihdr had 30 and the second 29 days. H. PORTER

          CALF, kdf (^r , *eghcl; *IS , par, or "IS , par, often rendered "bullock"): The etymology of both

          words is uncertain, but the former has a close in ihe Arab. V/7, "calf." 1 ar is generally used of animals for sacrifice, r>//7, in that and other senses. *E(/lnl is used of the golden calves and frequently in the expression, *eghcl ni/irli/~L\\\\ "fatted calf," or "calf of the stall," the latter being the literal mean ing (1 S 28 24; Jer 46 21; Am 6 4; Mai 4 2).

          At the present day beef is not highly esteemed by the people of the country, but mutton is much prized. In the houses of the. peasantry it is common to seu a young ram being literally stuffed with food, mulberry or other leaves being forced into its mouth by one of the women, who then works the sheep s jaw \\\\\\\\ith one hand. The animal has a daily bath of cold water. The result is de- liciously fat and tender mutton. Such an animal is called a inn Inf. From the same root we have ma lnf, "manger," suggestive of the Ileb i/mrli- k, ".stall."

          The calf for sacrifice was usually a male of a year old. Other references to calves are: "to skip like

          .\\\\f>T(fJ.i(TI.OS . AcUCTiOS

          . lld.vffj.os . Auios YopTTiaios

          . AFos

          . ATreXXatos

          . AuSi caibs

          March-April April-May

          May-June June-July July August. August September September -( >ctober ( )ctober- November November-December December- January

          \\\\\\\\fpirios January-February

          . ..Awrrpos February-March

          THE I ns l 1. X [L1C 1 I Klnli.

          a calf" (Ps 29 G); "the calf and the voting lion and the falling together" (Isa 11 G) ; "a habitation descried .... there shall the calf feed, and there shall he lie down, and consume the branches 1 here of" (Isa 27 10). See CATTLK.

          Ai.KKKD ELY DAY

          CALF, kaf, GOLDEN, gol d n:

          I. TIIK X \\\\MI:

          II. A.XelKXT C U.F WoK~HIP

          1. Narrative of Aaron s (lolden Calf 2. Jeroboam s (iolden Calves




          /. The Name. The term "3", ^et/firl, is the or dinary Heb name for a male calf and is as flexible as the Eng. name, applying to any animal from one a year old (Mic 6 (i) or perhaps younger (Lev 9 3; 12 G) to one three years old (Gen 15 9; cf Jer 34 IS. 19). It has been thought that the habitual use of this diminutive term for the golden bulls which Aaron and Jeroboam set up esp. as it is twice made feminine (Ilos 10 .5; 13 2) was intended to indicate their small sixe and thus to express con tempt, for Ihem. This however, though plausible, is by no means certain. It was not 1 heir sixe which made these bulls contemptible in the eyes of the prophets, and besides (here were no life-size bulls of molten gold in any surrounding countries so far as known. The reference to female calves that were kissed (13 2), presumably at Bethel, may refer not to the worship of the bulls, but to their female counterparts, since in all other countries such female deities invariably accompanied the bull gods. Bethel may be esp. mentioned because it was the "king s sanctuary" (Am 7 13) or because of the multitude of altars and high places found there (Ilos 10 8; cf 8 11; Am 5 20). False worship is also mentioned in connection with Jeroboam s apostasy, at Gilgal and Gilead (Hos 4 15; 12 11;




          Calf, Golden

          Am 4 4; 5 .">), Samaria (IIos 8 0; 10 5; 13 2. 10); and Beershcba (Am 5 5; 8 14) where no bulls had

          been set up by Jeroboam so far as stated. That these places receive more condemnation than Dan which is explicitly mentioned in only one passage (8 14) though it was a chief center of the bull worship (1 K 12 30) may be due to the fact that the worship of the female deity was the more popu lar. This was certainly true in neighboring coun tries and also in other cities in Pal, as has recently been proved by the excavations (see below).

          //. Ancient Calf Worship. The origin of animal worship is hidden in obscurity, but reverence for the bull and cow is found widespread among the most ancient historic culls. Even in the prehis toric age the influence of the bull symbol was so powerful that it gave its name to one of the most important signs of the Zodiac, and from early his toric times the horns of the bull were the familiar emblem of the rays of the sun, and solar gods were very commonly represented as bull-gods (Jensen, Kosmologie, 02-90; Winckler, Altorieutalische For- schungen, 1901-5, paxxim; Jeremias, Dux Alter der brih. Astronomic, 1909, IHIHX DH). The Egyptians, close neighbors of the I tebrews, in all eras from that of the Exodus onward, worshipped living bulls at Memphis (not Mendos, as EB) and Holiopolis as incarnations of Ptah and Ha, while one of the most elaborate rituals was connected with the life-size image of the Hathor-cow (Naville, Deir ci Balntri, Part 1 [1907], 103-07), while the sun was revered as the "valiant bull" and the reigning Pharaoh as "Bull of Bulls." But far more important in this connec tion is the fact that "call" worship was almost if not quite universal among all the ancient Sem peoples. If the immediate ancestors of Abraham did not revere this deity, they were certainly quite unlike their relatives, the Babylonians, among whom, according to all tradition, they lived before they migrated to Pal (( .en 11 28.30; Jos, Ant, I, vi, 5), for the Babylonians revered the bull as the symbol of their greatest gods, Ann and Sin and Marduk the ideograph of a young bullock forming a part of the latter s name while Iladadrimmon, an important Amorile deity, whose attributes re markably resemble those of Jeh (see Ward, AJSL, XXV, 175-85; Clay, Annum [1909], S7 -89), is pic tured standing on the back of a bull. In Phoenicia also the bull was a .sacred animal, as well as in northern Syria where it ranked as one of the chief Hittite deities, its images receiving devout worship (see further, Sayeo, Kuc of Rcl. and Elkicx, s.v. Bull"). Among all these peoples the cow goddess was given at least equal honor. In Babylonia the goddess Ishtar lias the cow for her symbol on very ancient seal cylinders, and when this nude or half- nude goddess appears in Pal she often stands on a bull or cow (see William Hayes Ward, Ci/limlcrs and Other Ancient, Oriental /vW.x), and under slightly dif ferent forms this same goddess is revered in Arabia, Moab, Phoenicia, Syria and elsewhere, while among the Sem Canaanites the bull was the symbol of Baal, and the cow of Astarte (see particularly Barton, Hebraiea, IX, 133-03; X, 1-74, and Semitic Ori gin*, ch vii; Driver, "Astarte" in Dll). Recent excavations in Pal have shown that during all eras no heathen worship was as popular as that of Astarte in her various forms (see S. A. Cook, Rcl. of Ancient Pal, 1909). That she once is found wearing ram s horns (PEFS [1903), 227) only reveals her nature more clearly as the goddess of fertility. Her relation to the sacred fish at Car- nion in Gilead and to the doves of Ascalon, as well as to female prostitution and to Nature s "resur rection" and fruitage, had been previously well known, as also her relation to the moon which governs the seasons. Is there any rational motif

          which can account for this widespread "calf" wor ship? Is it conceivable that this cult could so powerfully influence such intelligent and rather spiritually- minded nations as the Egyptians and Babylonians if it wore wholly irrational and con tained no spiritual content? And is there no rational explanation behind this constant fusion of the deity which controls the breeding of cattle with the deity which controls vegetation? How did the bull come to represent the "corn spirit," so that the running of a bull through the corn (the most de structive act) came to presage good crops; and how did the rending of a bull, spilling his life blood on 1 he soil, increase fertility? (See Eraser, (lolden lioiujh, 1 1, 291-93, 344.) The one real controlling motif ol all those various representations and functions of the "calf" god may be found in the ancient awe, esp. among the Semites, for the M ijxtt nj of Life. This seems to offer a sufficient reason why the bull, which is a most conspicuous example of life-giving power, should be so closely connected with the reproductive processes of the animal and vegetable kingdoms and also with the sun, which from earliest historic times was considered as preeminently the "giver of life." Bull worship was not always an exhibition of gross animalism, but, certainly in Bible times, often represented a concept which was the product of reflection upon one of the deepest, mysteries of Nature. Eew hymns in Egypt or Babylon express higher spiritual knowledge; and aspiration than those addressed to the bull gods or to ot hers honored wit h this t it le, e.g. this one to the god Sin of I r, the "heifer of Ann," "Strong young

          bull, with strong horns with beard of lapis-

          lazuli color .... self-created, full of developed fruit .... Mother-womb who has taken up his abode, begetter of all things, exalted habitation among living creatures; () merciful gracious father, in whose hand rests the life of the whole world; O Lord, thy divinity is full of awe like the far-off heaven and the broad ocean!" (Rogers, Rdiijion. of Babylonia ami Axxi/ria [190S|, 104). Many mod ern scholars believe that the primit i ve Egypt ians and Babylonians really thought of their earthly and heavenly gods as animals (see csp. Masporo, Bulletin crilii/nc, 1SISO; ReruR dc riiixtoirc des rcli</itts, ISVM, but it, seems certain that at least as early as the date of the Exodus these stars and beasts were not regarded by all as being themselves deities, but rather as symbols or representations of deity (Davis and Cobern, Ancient, Egypt, 2S1-S9; Brugsch, Die Aegyptologie, I, 135; Chwolsohn, Die tisabicr u. der tisabisinus, II, 134).

          The text of Ex 32 is certainly composite (see e.g. Bacon s "Exodus in loc. and DH), and some

          words and phrases are a verbal dnpli- 1. Narra- cate of the narrative of Jeroboam s tive of calf worship (cf Ex 32 4 with 1 K

          Aaron s 12 2S, and see || columns in Driver s

          Golden Deuteronomy). Some Bible critics so

          Calf analy/o the text as to make the entire

          calf story a later element, without ancient basis, added to some short original state ment like Ex 32 7-11, for the sake of satirizing Jeroboam s bull worship and its non-Levitical priest hood (see e.g. Kuenen, Hexaleuch). Most recent critic-shave however accepted the incident as an ancient memory or historic fact attested by the oldest sources, and used thus by the Deuterono- mist (Dt 9), though the verbal form may have been affected by the later editor s scorn of the northern apostasy. It seems clearly unreasonable to suppose that a Hob writer at any era would so fiercely abuse his own ancestors, without any tra ditional basis for his statements, merely for the sake of adding a little more which cast, reproach upon his northern neighbors, and it seems equally unlikely

          Calf, Golden Callisthenes



          that :uiy such baseless charges would have been accepted as true by the slandered nation. The old expositors, accepting the essential historicity of the account, generally followed Philo and the early Fathers in supposing this calf of gold \\\\vas an image of the Apis or Mnevis bulls of Egypt, and this is occasionally yet advocated by some Egyp tologists (e.g. Steindorf, Ancient E</i//>t I 1903], 1(57; cf also Jeremias, OT in Lit/fit of Ancient East [1911], II, 13S). The objections made to this view by tin- skeptics of the iSth cent., based on the supposed impossibility of such chemical and mechanical skill being possessed at that era, have mostly been made obsolete by recent discovery. The common modern objection that this could not have been Apis wor ship because the Apis was a living bull, is by no means conclusive, since images of Apis an- not uncommon and \\\\vere probably worshipped in the temple itself. It may be added that a renaissance of this worship occurred at t his very era. So Erman, llnndl>ool;af l<:<iui> Rd. (1907), 23-79. Modern Bible scholars, however, are practically unanimous in the opinion that the Golden Calf, if worshipped at all, must have been a representation of a Sem, not an Egyp, deity. In favor of this it may be suggested:

          (1) It was an era when each deity was considered as the god of a particular country and it would seem impossible t hat a nat ive Egyp god should be t hough t. of as joining with Egypt s enemies and assisting them to reach a land over which la- had no control.

          (2) The Israelitish religion shows little influence from Egypt, but was immensely influenced from Canaan and Babylon, Apis only being mentioned once (,ler 46 20 ftr 1 "heifer"]; cf E/k 20 7.S, and see Brugsch, Stcininsrhrift itn<l Bibelwort, passim, and Robertson, Early Ri Union of Ixrai I, 21 7 i. (3) Tin- bull and cow are now known to have been ordinary symbols for the most, popular deities which were worshipped by all the race-relatives of the Hebrews and nowhere more- devoutly than in Canaan and in the adjoining districts (sec- above). (4) Some of the chief gods of the pasture land of Goshen, where the Hebrews had resided for centuries (Gen 47 (>; 50 X), were Sem gods which were worshipped not only bv the Edomitic Bedawin and other foreigners living there by the pools of Tit horn" (cf Ex 111) but by the native Egyptians, Ramses II even naming a daughter after one of these. The special god of this district had as its symbol a bull calf, and one inscription actually speaks of the; statue of a "golden calf of (>()() pounds weight" which it was the custom to dedicate annually to one of these Sem gods, while another inscription mentions a statue of gold "a cubit in height" (Breasted, An-- ci.ent Record* of E(/!//>t [1 <)();">], 111, (130 -3S; Naville, (ioslicn, iStore Citij of I ithotn; Erman, Handbook, 173-74; Brugsch, op. cit.). (">) The chief proof, however, is the statement of the text that the feast- in connection with this worship was a "feast to Jehovah" (Ex 32 f>). When Moses disappeared for forty days in the Mount, it was not unnatural that the people should turn back to the visible symbols worshipped by their ancestors, and should give to them the new name or new attributes which had been attached to deity by Moses. The worship was condemned for much the same reason as that of Jeroboam s calves (see next section).

          Though this passage- (1 K 12 20-33; cf 2 Ch 10 14. If)) may have been reedited later, "there is

          no reason to infer that any detail of 2. Jero- fact is underived from the olden time" beam s (Burney, Heb Text of Kittys [1902],

          Golden and Dli). These calves which Jero-

          Calves boam set up were doubtless bulls

          (1 K 12 28, Heb) but at least as early as Ilosea s time it seems probable (see above) that the more licentious worship of the feminine prin

          ciple had been added to tin- official worship (Hos 10 r>; 13 2, Heb). This which elsewhere naturally

          and universally accompanied the bull worship could most, truly be called "(lie sin of Samaria" (Am 8 11) and be classed as the "sin of Jeroboam" (I K 14 9.10; 16 20; 2 K 10 29). There is no sufficient reason for explaining I lie term "molten" in any other than its most natural and usual sense (Ex 32 S.24; 2 K 17 1(1; 1)1 9 l(i), for molded metal idols wen- common in all eras in Pal and the surrounding count ries, 1 hough 1 he core of t he image- might be molten or graven of some inferior metal overlaid with gold (Isa 30 22; 40 19, Heb; l)t 7 25; Ex 32 4). These bull images wen- un doubtedly intended to represent Jeh (yet cf Robertson, op. cit., and ( )rr, 1 rolilini of OT [1900], 14")). The text explicitly identifies these images with Aaron s calf (1 K 12 2S), so that nearly all the reasons given above to prove that Aaron s image represented not an Egyp but an ancient Sem deity are equally valid here. To these various other arguments may be added: (1 ) The text itself states that it is Jeh who brought them from Egypt (Hos 2 1."); 12 13; 13 4), whom they call "My lord," and to whom they swear (Hos 2 Hi A\\\\m; 4 1">); and to whom they present their wine offerings, sacrifices and feasts (Hos 8 13; 9 4.f>, Heb: cf Am 5 S). (2) Jehu, though he destroyed all Baal idols, never touched these bulls (2 K" 10 2S.29). (3) The ritual, though freer, was essen tially that of the Jerus temple (1 K 12 32; IIos 5 0; Am 4 f>; 5 22.23; see, Oettli, (ircifxtcaldcr Mndicn [IS!).",], quoted in Dli, 1,342). (4) Even the southern prophets recognized that it was Jeh who had given .Jeroboam the kingdom (1 K 11 31; 12 1.~>.24) and only Jeh worship could have realixed Jeroboam s purpose of attaching to Un throne by this cult, such devout citi/ens as would otherwise be drawn to .Jerus to worship. It was to guard against, this appeal which the national sanc tuary made to devout, souls that this counter wor ship had been established. As Budde says, "A foreign cult would only have- driven the devout, Ephraimites the more surely over to Jerusalem" (AY/, of Israel [1S9 ,)], 113) . Jeroboam was not attempting to shock the conscience of his religious adherents by making heathenism the state religion, but. rather to win these pious worshippers of Jeh to his cause. (.">) The places selected for tin- bull worship wen- places already sacred to Jeh. This was preeminently true of Bethel which, cents, before Jerus had been ca])t ured from t he Jebusit es, had been identified with special revelations of Jeho vah s presence (Gen 13 3,1; 28 19; 31 13; 35 If,; 1 S 7 10; Hos 12 4). ((i) The history shows that the allegiance of his most pious subjects was retained (1 K 12 20) and that not even Elijah fled to the Southern, supposing that the Northern King dom had accepted the worship of heathen gods as its state religion. Instead of this, Elijah, though the boldest opponent of the worship of Baal, is never reported as uttering one word against tin- bull worship at Dan and Bethel.

          ///. Attitude of Elijah to the Bull Symbols. This surprising silence is variously explained. A few scholars, though without any historic or textual evidence for the charge, arc sure that the Bible narratives (though written by southern men) are fundamentally defective at this point, otherwise they would report Elijah s antagonism to this cult. Other few, equally without evidence, are com fortably sure that he fully approved the ancient ancestral calf cult. Others, with more probability, explain his position on the ground that, though he may not have favored the bull symbol which was never used by the Patriarchs so far as known, and certainly was not used as a svrnbol of Jeh in the


          Calf, Golden Callisthenes

          Southern Kingdom, or Hosea the northern prophet would have spoken of it yet being himself a north ern man of old ideals and simple habits, Elijah may have believed that, even with this handicap, the freer and more democratic worship carried on at the ancient holy places in the N. was less dangerous than the elaborate and luxurious ritual of the aris tocratic and exclusive priesthood of the S., which insisted upon political and religious centralization, and was dependent upon such enormous revenues for its support (of 1 K 12 10.11). At any rate it is self-evident that if Elijah had turned against Jeroboam and the state religion, it would have divided seriously the forces which needed to unite, in order to oppose with all energy the much fouler worship of Baal which just at this crisis, as never before or afterward, threatened completely to over whelm the worship of Jeh.

          IV. Attitude of Amos and Hosea to the Bull Symbols. It is easy to see why Ilosea might fiercely condemn a ritual which Elijah might rightly tolerate. (1) This calf worship may have deteriorated. Elijah lived closer to the time when the new state ritual was inaugurated and would naturally be at its best. Ilosea lived at an era when he could trace the his tory of this experiment for nearly two cents., and could see clearly that these images had not helped but greatly hindered the development of the ethical and spiritual religion of Jeh. Even if at first recog nized as symbols, these images had become common idols (Hos 12 11; 13 2. and pusHim). "This thing became a sin" (1 K 12 30; 13 34). The history of religion shows many such instances where the visible or verbal symbol which in one era had been a real aid to devotion at a later time became positively antagonistic to it (see IMAGES). As Baal was also worshipped under the form of a calf and as Jeh himself was at times called "Baal" (Isa 54 5; Jer 31 32; Hos 2 1(5 Ileb) this uneth ical tendency would be accelerated, as also by the political antagonism between Judah and Ephraim and the bitter hatred between the two rival priest hoods (cf 2 Ch 11 15; 13 9). Certain it is that by the middle of the 8th cent, the worship at, Dan and Bethel had extended itself to many other points and had become so closely affiliated with the heathen worship as to be practically indistinguishable at least when viewed from the later prophetic stand point. But (2) it cannot be doubted that the prophetic standpoint had changed in 200 years. As the influence of the northern worship had tended toward heathenism, so the influence of the southern worship of an imageless god had tended toward higher spiritual ideals. Elijah could not have recognized the epoch-making importance; of an imageless temple. The constant pressure of this idea God is Spirit had developed a new spiritual conscience, which by the Sth cent, was so keen that the worship of Jeh under the form of an image was not improperly considered as almost, if not quite as bad as out-and-out heathenism, just as the He- formers of the Kith cent, regarded the Roman Catholic images as little better than idols (Hos 8 5.6; 11 2; 13 2; cf 2 K 17 1(5.17). The in fluence of this new conscience is also seen in the fact that it is not simply or perhaps chiefly the calves" which are condemned, but the spirit of ungodliness and unkindness which also made the or thodox worship in Jerus little if any better than that at Bethel (Hos 6 4; 5 12.14). The influence of this theology God is Spirit had so filled the souls of these prophets that even the sacrifices had lost their importance when unaccompanied by kind ness and spiritual knowledge (Hos 6 6; 7 1), and it is the absence of this essential spirit, rather than the form of worship, which Amos and Hosea con demn in the Northern Kingdom (Am 2 6-8; 3 10;

          4 1; 5 7.12-15.21-24; 6 12; 8 4-6; Hos 4 2.3; 9 1; 10 12-14). These later prophets could also see, as Elijah could not possibly have seen, that unity of worship was imperatively needed, and that sacrifices in the old sacred "high places" must be discontinued. Only thus could superstitious fanati cism and religious disintegration be avoided. A miscellaneous and unregulated Jeh cult might be come almost as bad as heathenism. Indeed it might be worse if it gave the Baal spirit and interpretation to Jeh worship. See also ASTROLOGY, II, 2.

          LITERATURE. Besides references above, see csp. com mentaries of Dillmann and Driver on Exodus; Kuenen, lii-l.ii/ion of Ixrai l; \\\\V. R. Smith, Religion of Semites, 93- 113 and index; KoulK, Ihiu ptproblcmi- der altisraelitischen Religionsyeschichte; Baethgen, Beitr. zur semit. Kcliuions- ui xchichtc; Kittel, Ilisturu of lit /< -w.s; "Baal" and "Ash- toreth" in Enc of It, -I. ami Kthics (full lit.) ; "Golden Calf" in Jew Enc for Rabbinical and Mohammedan lit.

          CAMDEN M. COBERN

          CALF IMAGE. See IMAGES.

          CALITAS, kal i-tas (KaXirds, Kalitds, or Ka- X.ITCUS, Kdlcitdiif): One of the Levites who put away their foreign wives at the request of Esdras (Ezra), 1 Esd 9 23, "Colius, who was called Calitas." It is the Gr form of Heb Kelita (cf ii passage, Ezr 10 23, "Kelaiah, the same is Kelita"). He is also named with those who explained the law when read to the people by Esdras (1 Esd 9 48; cf Neh 8 7). It is not certain whether he is to be identified with the Kelita of Neh 10 10 (one of the Levites who signed the covenant made by Nehe- miah). The word probably means "dwarf."

          D. MIALL EDWARDS

          CALKER, kok er. See SHIPS AND BOATS.

          CALLING, kol ing (KX.ii<ris, A /c.s/.s, from kalcd, "I call") : Is a NT expression. The word is used chiefly by Paul, though the idea and term are found also else where. It has a definite, technical sense, the invi tation given to men by God to accept salvation in His kingdom through Jesus Christ. This invita tion is given outwardly by the preaching of the gospel, inwardly by the work of the Holy Spirit. \\\\Yith reference to Israel, it is on the part of God irrevocable, not repented of. Having in His eter nal counsel called this people, He intrusted them with great gifts, and because He did thus enrich them, He also, in the course of time, summoned them to fulfil the task of initiating the world into the way of salvation, and of preparing salvation for the world. Therefore He will not, desert His people, for He will not revoke that call (Rom 11 29). This calling is high or upward, in Christ, that is, made in heaven by God on account of Christ and calling man to heaven (Phil 3 14). Similarly it is a heavenly calling (He 3 1) ; also a holy calling, holy in aim, means, and end (2 Tim 1 9). Chris tians are urged to walk worthy of this calling (Eph 4 1) (ARV ami RV, but AV has "vocation"). In it there is hope; it is the inspirer of hope, and furnishes for hope its supreme object (Eph 4 4). Men are exhorted so to live that God will count them worthy of their calling (2 Thcss 1 11). They arc also urged to make their calling and elec tion sure (2 Pet 1 10). See ELECTION. There is a somewhat peculiar use of the word in 1 Cor 1 26 and 7 20, namely, that condition of life in which men were when God called them, not many of them wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, some circumcised, some uncircum- cised, some bond, some free, some male, some female, some married, some unmarried.


          CALLISTHENES, ka-lis the-nez (KaXXio-ee v^s, Kattistkencs): An officer of Nicanor who was charged with the burning of the sacred portals of the temple at the time of the desecration under

          Calneh Camel


          Antiochus Epiphanes (108 BC). After the decisive defeat of Nicanor s army at Emmaus (105 B( j the Jews celebrated the victory in the city of their fathers and burned C. who had fled into an out house with others who had set the sacred gates on fire, "the meet reward of their impiety" (2 Mace

          8 ;).

          CALNEH, kal ne (": *?, kalnch; XaXawr],

          Chalantic): The name of the fourth city of Nim-

          rod s kingdom (den 10 10), the three

          1. Identified preceding it being Babel, Erech, and with Accad, i.e. the capital of the realm of Nippur Babylonia and the chief cities of three

          of the principal states. The meaning of the name is unknown, and many regard the identification as uncertain. G. Rawlinson thought it to be the modern A" //A/ (or Xoufar), comparing the Talmudic (cf Yonia) Xonhtr, which is said to be the same as Calneh. What place-name Calneh corresponds with in cuneiform is doubtful. Fried. Delitzsch (\\\\Vo lag das I aradies . ) compared it with Kul-uim, but as we are told to pronounce this group as Kn/lnha, it seems unlikely that there is any con nection between the two. The identification pro posed by (i. Rawlinson, however, may be regarded as being supported by the bilingual Creation-legend, in which Merodach ( = Nimrod) is made the founder of Babylon, Ereeh and Nippur, which would in that case be three of the four cities mentioned in (Jen 10 10.

          The inscriptions reveal to us Nippur as a city with a glorious past. Sargon of Agade, Sur-Engur,

          Dungi and all the more prominent

          2. Nippur s kings of Babylonia in its larger sense Importance interested themselves in the rebuilding

          and restoration of its renowned tem ples, so as to gain the favor of their great divini ties. The city s earlier divine patrons were Enlil and Ninlil, the older Bel and Belt is, whose shrines were at the great temple-tower called E-kura, "the

          house of the land," and a poetical

          3. Its legend in Sumerian (dialectical) re- Deities and cording their visit to the city, and Their enumerating its sacred places, still Legends exists (PXBA, March, 11)11, 85 ff).

          Later, the chief deities of the city seem to have been Ninip, the son of Enlil, and his spouse Nin-Nipri, "the lady of Nippur." These two divine beings likewise evoked the muse of the city-scribes, who dealt with the glories of the god in a composition extending over several tablets, in which his favor to his spouse Nin-Nipri is ex tolled; and to whom a career very similar to that of Merodach, the head of the Bab pantheon, is attributed (P8BA, December, 1900, 270 ff). The great temple-tower of Nil fer, which was dedi cated to the god Enlil, was a very striking object among the buildings and temples of the city, and the

          lower stages are still in an extremely

          4. Its perfect condition. Most interesting, Ruins also, are the remains of streets and Today houses which enable the general con ditions of life in ancient Babylonia to

          be estimated, and suggest that they are similar to those subsisting even at the present day. Our knowledge of the city is almost entirely due to the American excavations at Niffer, inaugurated by Rev. J. P. Peters, which have been most fruitful, and have shed quite a new light on the city s his tory. See Peters Xippur (2 vols, 18S7); the many volumes written or edited by Professor II . V. Hilprecht under the general title The Baby lonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania; and Professor A. T. Clay s Light on the OT from Babel (Philadelphia, 1907). T. G. PINCHES

          CALNEH, kal ne, CALNO, kal no (rfe , ktilm-h [Am 6 2], "i:??, &//, [Isa 10 9j): "Probably the Kulnia (Kullani) associated with Arpad and Had- rach, Syrian cit ies, in the Assyr tribute list (Western Asiatic Inscriptions, II, 53, no. 3); Kullanhu about six miles from Arpad" (HDB, 1, 344, and 1-vol II DB, 109).

          CALPHI, kal fl. See CHALPHI. CALVARY, kal va-ri. See GOLGOTHA.

          CALVES, kavz, OF THE LIPS (LXX KapTriv XeiAe wv, k< i r />< i. cheileon): This is the AV render ing of a dubious Ileb text in Hos 14 2 (-" I "!S ? : n r,E!p , par i in s phathenu). The RV runs "So will we render a,s bullocks the offering of our lips." Strange as the text is, it may be retained, and it admits of at least a possible explanation. The prophet calls on his contemporaries to return in penitence to Jeh. Their worship should consist not of meaningless dumb ritual, but of "words"- hymns and prayers, expressive of real gratitude and of actual needs or perhaps pledges of repent ance and reform. The people respond and under take that their worship shall consist of "calves or bullocks of lips," i.e. not of animal offerings, but of promises of reform or vows of obedience, lint this explanation is forced and most modern com mentators follow the LXX, which presupposes a slightly different Hebrew text, and renders "Tpp n ^S , p rl s e phdthenu, "fruit of our lips," i.e. adoring gratitude or, as the author of the Epistle to the He, who quotes this verse from the LXX, explains it, "sacrifice of praise" (He 13 15). The same phrase occurs in Isa 57 19, where it signifies gladsome gratitude. T. LKWIS

          CAMBYSES, kam-bi sez (Aram., " T^D ; Pers, Kambiijiija; Assyr, Kambuzia; Egyp, Kambythet; Susian, Kanpuziya) : The older son of Cyrus, king of Persia. Some have thought that he is the Ahasuerus of Ezr 4 (i. This seems to be most improbable, in asmuch as the Heb form of Ahasuerus is the exact equivalent of the Old Pers form of Xerxes, and we have no evidence that Cambyses was ever called Xerxes.

          Ancient authorities differ as to who was the mother of Cambyses. It is variously said that she was Cassandane, a Pers princess, Amytis, a Median princess, or Nititis, a daughter of Apries king of Egypt. He had one brother, Bardes or Smerdes, whom he put to death secretly shortly after his ac cession, probably because of an attempted rebellion. Cambyses organized an expedition for the con quest of Egypt, which was rendered successful by internal treachery and by the aid of the Phoen, Cyprian and Gr fleets. During this campaign Cambyses seems to have acted with good general ship and with clemency toward the conquered. After the subjugation of Egypt, Gyrene and Barca, the modern Tripoli, submitted to his sway. He then desired to undertake the conquest of Carthage, but was compelled to give it up, because his Phoen allies, without whose ships it was impossible for him to conduct his army in safety, refused to join in an attack upon a country that had been colonized by them. He is said to have sent an army of 50,000 men against the oasis of Jupiter Ammon. This army is said to have perished in the sands. A little less unsuccessful expedition was made against Ethiopia. After some initial successes, Cambyses was forced to return to Egypt with the shattered remains of his army. He found that the Egyptians were in revolt, led by their king Psammetichus III, whose life he had formerly spared. This revolt



          Calneh Camel

          was put down with great harshness, the Egyp king being taken and executed, and many of the temples being destroyed. Shortly after this, Cambyses heard that a certain Magian, who claimed to be his brother Smerdes whom he had secretly put to death, had set himself up as king of Persia, and that almost the whole of his Asiatic dominions had acknowledged him as king. With the fragments of his army he started toward Persia to attack the usurper, but on the way was killed by a wound inflicted by himself, it is uncertain whether by accident or with intention. His general and cousin, Darius Hystaspis, soon put down the false Smerdis and reigned in his stead.

          For two or more years Cambyses was king of Babylon, while his father was king of the lands. The son was a drunkard and subject to fits of un bridled passion, but. seems to have been of good capacity as a general and as an administrator. Many of the tales that have been told against him were doubtless invented by his enemies, and he has left us no records of his own. That lie married his own sisters is probable; but it must be remembered that this was the custom of the Egyp kings of that time and may have been of the Pers kings as well. As to his conduct in Egypt, the only contemporary Egyp authority says that he worshipped before the holiness of Neit as all the pious kings had done, that he ordered that the temple of Neit should be purified, and that its revenues should be restored as they had been before they had been confiscated by Akhmes for his Clr troops. He adds also that not merely were the strangers who had taken up their abode in the temple of Neit ejected from her sanc tuary, but that their goods were taken away and their houses destroyed. Darius Hystaspis, the only other contemporary source of information, says of him simply that he was the son of Cyrus, of the same fat her ami mot her as Bardes, whom he slew secret ly at some time before he set out on his Egyp campaign; and that he died by suicide shortly after he had heard of the rebellion of Persia, Media and the other prov inces against him, and of the establishment of Gau- mata the Magian as king under the claim that he was "Bar/ia, the son of Cyrus and brother of Cambyses."

          The name of Cambyses is found in three of the Elephantine papyri recently published (September, 1911) by Professor Sachau of Berlin. The frag ment numbered 59 1 is so broken that it is impos sible to make out the connection or the sense. In papyrus 1, we are told that when Cambyses came to Egypt he found in the fortress of Yeb (Elephan tine) a temple or synagogue ( <iydra ), which had been built in the days of the Egyp kings; and that although he had torn down the temples of the Egyp gods, he had allowed no harm to be done to that of Jeh. The third papyrus is GO interesting, be cause of its mention of Bagoas, the Pers governor of Jerus in 407 BC, who had hitherto been known onlv from Jos, and of Dalayah the son of the San- ballat who opposed the rebuilding of the wall of Jerus in the time of Ezra-Nehemiah, that we shall now give a tr of it in full : "A memorial of that which Bagoas and Dalayah said to me: Thou shalt say in Egypt unto Arsames with regard to the house of the altar of the God of heaven that was built in the fortress of Yeb before the time of Cambyses and which the accursed (?) Waidrang destroyed in the 14th year of Darius the king, that it shall be built again upon its place as it was before, and that meal- offerings and incense-offerings shall be offered upon that altar as they used to be."

          LITERATI-UK. For further information as to the history of Cambysos see Kawlinson, Ancient Monarrhifx; 1 rasek, Geschichte d>-r Malcr unit Persrr; tho Bt histun inscr in the edd of tho various recensions by Bezold, Spiegel, Weisbach, Thomson, and King; Herodotus; Josephus; the Sachau papyri; and Petrie, History of Egypt, III.

          R. DICK WILSON

          CAMEL, kam el PpS , (jamal; KO.|J.TI\\\\OS, kd me lon; "C2, bckhe.r, and Yrp3, bikhrah [Isa 60 6; Jcr 2 23: "dromedary," ARVrn "young camel"], tJDT, rckhesh [I K 4 28; see HORSE], misnj , kirkaroth [Isa 66 20, "swift beasts," ARV "drome daries ); C n P E"]n " IS, b 1 no ha-rammakhim [Est 8 10, "young dromedaries," ARV "bred of the stud"]; D^1 F\\\\Wri, ahasht ranlin[Eat 8 10.14, AV "camels," ARV "that were used in the king s serv ice"]): There are two species of camel, the Arab, or one-humped camel or dromedary, C a nidus drome- darius, and the Bactrian or two-humped camel, Cattnlus bactrinnus. The latter inhabits the tem perate and cold parts of central Asia and is not likely to have been known to Bib. writers. The Arab, camel inhabits southwestern Asia and north ern Africa and has recently been introduced into parts of America and Australia. Its hoofs arc not typical of ungulates but are rather like great claws.

          Young Camels Grazing.

          The toes are not completely separated and the main part of the foot which is applied to the ground is a large pad which underlies the proximal joints of the digits. It may be that this incomplete sepa ration of the two toes is a sufficient explanation of the words "parteth not the hoof," in Lev 11 4 and Dt 14 7. Otherwise these words present a difficulty, because the hoofs are completely separated though the toes are not. The camel is a ruminant and chews the cud like a sheep or ox, but the stomach possesses only three compartments instead of four, as in other ruminants. The first two compart ments contain in their walls small pouches, each of which can be closed by a sphincter muscle. The fluid retained in these pouches may account in part for the power of the camel to go for a relatively long time without drinking.

          The Arab, camel is often compared with justice to the reindeer of the Esquimaux. It furnishes hair for spinning and weaving, milk, flesh and leather, as well as being an invaluable means of transportation in the arid desert. There are many Arab, names for the camel, the commonest of which \\\\sjamal (in Egypt g<unal), the root being common to Arab., Heb and other Sem languages. From it the names in Lat, Gr, Eng. and various Euro pean languages are derived. There are various breeds of camels, as there are of horses. The riding camels or dromedaries, commonly called hajln, can go, even at a walk, much faster than the pack camels. The males are mostly used for carrying burdens, the females being kept with the herds. Camels are used to a surprising extent on the rough roads of the mountains, and one finds in the posses sion of fclluhln in the mountains and on the littoral plain larger and stronger pack camels than are often found among the Bedawin. Camels were appar ently not much used by the Israelites after the time of the patriarchs. They were taken as spoil of war from the Amalekites and other tribes, but

          Camel s Hair Canaan



          nearly the only reference 1o their use by the later Israelites was when David was made king over all Israel at Hebron, when camels are mentioned among the animals used for bringing food for the celebra tion (1 Ch 12 40). David hat! a herd of camels, but the herdsman was Obil, an Ishmaelite (1 Ch 27 30). Nearly all the other Bib. references to

          Camels at the Sea of (jalil

          camels are t.o those possessed by Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Ishmaelites, Amalekiles, Midianitos, Ilagriles and the "children of the East" (see EAST). Two references to camels ((Jen 12 1<>; Ex 9 3) are regarded as puzzling because the testimony of the Egyp monuments is said to be against the presence of camels in ancient Egypt. For this reason, Gen 12 Iti, in connection with Abram s visit to Egypt, is turned to account by Canon Cheyne to substantiate his theory that, the Israel ites were not in Egypt but in a north Arab, land of Muxri (KB s.v. "Camel," 4). While the flesh of the camel was forbidden to the Israelites, it is freely eaten by the Arabs.

          There are three references to the camel in NT: (1) to John s raiment of camel s hair (Mt 3 4; Mk 1 (>); (2) the words of Jesus that "it is easier for a camel (o go through a needle s eye, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of (Jod" (Mt 19 24; Mk 10 25; Lk 18 25); (3) the proverb applied to the Pharisees as blind guides, "that strain out the gnat, and swallow the camel" (Mt 23 24). Some MSS read ho kdinilox, "a cable," in Mt 19 24 and Lk 18 25.

          There are a few unusual words which have been tr 1 "camel" in text or margin of one or the other version. (See list of words at beginning of art.) Bckher and bikhrdh clearly mean a young animal, and the Arab, root word and derivatives are used similarly to the Ileb. Rdl:haxh, the root of n /,7.sA, is compared with the Arab, rakml, "to run," and, in KV, rckhcsh is tr 1 "swift steeds." Kirkdrdtli, rnni- mdkhlin and &hasht e ranim must be admitted to be of doubtful etymology and uncertain meaning.

          ALFRED ELY DAY

          CAMEL S HAIR (rpixes KO.|IT|\\\\OV, t riches kamt- tou): In Mt 3 4 and Mk 1 6 the description of John s raiment is explicit to the extent of telling the kind of hair of which his raiment was made. It is probable that his garment was made of a tawed camel skin, for the more expensive woven camel s hair garment would not be in keeping with the rest of the description. It is still common among the poor in some parts of Syria, when a camel or other animal dies, to remove its skin and, after treating the inner surface to stop decomposition, to make it up into various domestic articles. The writer once saw a peasant dragging a skin along the road which proved to be that of a donkey which had just died on the route. His intention was probably to make it up into a cloak. Some believe that Elijah s mantle was of camel s hair (2 K 1 8; cf Zee 13 4). Of that we cannot be sure, for in the East today the hairy garment is usually goat s hair or wool either woven or still clinging to the

          skin. It was much more likely to have been one of these latter. See SHEEP RAISING. Camel s hair, when woven into fabrics, as in rugs, makes an article of even softer and more glossy texture than wool. See WEAVING. JAMES A. PATCH

          CAMON, ka mon place," Jgs 10 5 AY).

          CAMP. See WAR.


          , km/ion, "standing- KAMON.

          CAMPHIRE, kam flr. See HENNA.

          CANA, ka na, OF GALILEE (Kavd rfjs TaXiXaias,

          Kami /r.s (lalilnias): This was the scene of Christ s earliest miracle, when, at the marriage feast, Ho turned water into wine (Jn 2 Iff). It was t he home of Nathanaol (21 2). From Cana, after the marriage, Jesus "went down" to Capernaum (2 12j, and re turned at the request of the centurion (4 46.51). These are the only notices of Cana in Scripture, and from t hem we learn merely t hat it was in ( ialilee, and in t he uplands W. of the lake. ()t her villages of the same name are mentioned by Jos, but probably this one is intended by 1 he Cana where for a time he dwelt. ( Vita, 10J which he locates in the plain of Asochis lib, 4 1 ). The ( Jr kttnd. probably transliterates an old Ileb kd/tdh, "place of reeds." This ancient name survives in Khirbct Kami, a ruined site with rock- hewn tombs, cisterns and a pool, on the northern edge of Xdld ct-i>a(tanf, the plain of Asochis. Xear by are marshy stretches whore reeds still abound: the name therefore is entirely appropriate. The name Kami </-./cl7l, the exact Aral), equivalent of Kana IT* (f<il/l<ii<ix, is also heard among t he nat ives. This, however, may have arisen from the suggested identification with Cana of the (Jospel. The posi tion agrees well enough with the Gospel data.

          Kcfr Ki nnah, a thriving village about 3J miles from Nazareth, on the southern edge of tiuhl Tor an, the plain S. of the range of that name, through which the road from Nazareth to Tibe rias passes, 1ms also many advocates. This identi fication is accepted by the Gr and Lat churches, which have both built extensively in the village; the Greeks showing stone jars said to have been used in the miracle, and the traditional house of

          Cana of Galilee.

          Nathanael being pointed out. A copious spring of excellent water rises W. of the village; and the pomegranates grown here are greatly prized. The change of name, however, from Kana to Kcnnah (note the doubled n}, is not easy; and there are no reeds in the neighborhood to give the name any appropriateness.

          Onom locates Cana in the tribe of Asher toward Great Sidon, probably thinking of Kdnd, a village about 8 miles S. of Tyre. The pilgrims of the



          Camel s Hair Canaan

          Middle Ages seem to be fairly divided as to the two sites. Saewulf (1102), Brocardius (1183), Marinus Sanutus (1321), Breydenbach (1483) and Anselm (1507) favor the northern site; while on the side of Kejr Kenneth may be reckoned St. Paula (383), St. Willibald (720), Isaac Chelo (1334) and Quaresimus (1610). It seems pretty certain that the Crusaders adopted the identification with Kkirbet Kund (Conder, Tent Work, (>9f). While no al)solute decision is possible, on the available evidence probability points to the northern site.

          Col. Conder puts in a claim for a third site, that of Mm Kand on the road from er-Reineh (a village about 1 2 mile from Nazareth on the Tiberias road) to Tabor (Tent Work, SI). W. Ewixu

          CANAAN, kfi nsin CANAANITES, ka nan-Its (""12, I," nu iin; Xavadv, Cftanudn):

          1. (ieography

          2. Meaning of the Name

          3. Tin! Results of Recent Excavations

          4. History

          ( 1 ) Stone Are

          (2) Bronze Age

          (:?) A Babylonian Province

          (4) .Jerusalem Founded

          (5) The llyksos

          ((i) Egyptian Conquest i 7) Tell el-Amarna Tablets , r >. The Invasion

          0. (Culture 7. Art

          s. Commerce

          .. Art of Writing


          Canaan is stated in Gen 10 6 to have been a son of Ham and brother of Mizraim, or Egypt. This indicates the Mosaic period when the conquerors of the XVIIIth and XlXth Egyp Dynasties made Canaan for a time a province of the Egyp empire. I nder the Pharaoh Meneptah, at the lime of the Kxodus, it ceased to be connected with Egypt, and the Egyp garrisons in the S. of the country were expelled by the Pliilis, who probably made them selves masters of the larger portion of it, thus caus ing the name of Philistia or Pal to become synony mous with that of Canaan (see Zeph 2 5). In the Am Tab, Canaan is written Kinakhna and Kinakh- khi. The latter form corresponds with the Gr Xra (Chnd), a name given to Phoenicia (Herat. Fray- tn< iilfi 254; Eusebius, Prm p. Er., i.K); ix.17).

          In Xu 13 29 the Canaanites are described as

          dwelling "by the sea, and along by the side of the

          Jordan," i.e. in the lowlands of Pal.

          1. Geog- The name was confined to the country raphy W. of the Jordan (Xu 33 .11; Josh 22

          9), and was esp. applied to Phoenicia (Isa 23 11; cf Mt 15 22). Hence Sidon is called the "firstborn" of Canaan (Gen 10 15, though cf Jgs 3 3), and the LXX translates "Canaanites" by "Phoenicians" and "Canaan" by the "land of the Phoenicians" (Ex 16 35; Josh 6 12). Kinakh- khi is used in the same restricted sense in the Am Tab, but it is also extended so as to include Pal generally. On the other hand, on the Egyp monuments Seti I calls a town in the extreme S. of Pal "the city of Pa-Kana na" or "the Canaan," which Conder identifies with the modern Klturhct Kenan near Hebron.

          As in the Am Tab, so in the OT, Canaan is used in an extended sense to denote the whole of Pal W. of the Jordan (Gen 12 5; 23 2.19; 28 1 ; 31 IS; 35 0; 36 2; 37 1; 48 7; Ex 15 15; Nu 13 2; Josh 14 1; 21 2; Ps 135 11). Thus Jerus which had Amorite and Hittite founders is stated to be of "the land of the Canaanite" (Ezk 16 3), and Isa (19 18) terms Hebrew, which was .shared by the Israelites with the Phoenicians and, apparently, also the Amorites, "the language of Canaan." Jabin is called "the king of Canaan" in Jgs 4 2.23.24; hut,

          whether the name is employed here in a restricted or extended sense is uncert ain.

          As the Phoenicians were famous as traders, it

          has been supposed that the name "Canaanite" is

          a synonym of "merchant" in certain

          2. Meaning passages of the OT. The pursuit of of the trade, however, was characteristic only Name of the maritime cities of Phoenicia, not

          of the Canaanitish towns conquered by the Israelites. In Isa 23 1 1 we should 1 r "Canaan" (as LXX) instead of "merchant city" (AV)J in IIos 12 7 (S), "as for Canaan" (LXX), instead of "he is a merchant" (AV); in Zeph 1 11, "people of Canaan" (LXX), instead of "merchant people" (AV); on the other hand, "Canaanite" seems to have acquired the sense of "merchant," as "Chal dean" did of "astrologer," in Isa 23 S, and Prov 31 24, though probablv not in Zee 14 21, and Job 41 6 (Hob 40 30).

          Much light has been thrown upon the history of Canaan prior to the Israeli! ish occupation by recent

          excavation, supplemented by the mon-

          3. The uments of Babylonia and Egypt. The Results of Pal Exploration led the way by its Recent excavations in 1S90 -92 at Tdl el- Excavation //<*//, which turned out to be the site

          of Lachish, first under Professor Flinders Petrie and then under Dr. Bliss. Pro fessor Petrie laid the foundations of Pal archaeology by fixing the chronological sequence of the Lachish pottery, and tracing the remains of six successive cities, the fourth of which was that founded by the Israelites. Between it and the preceding city was a layer of ashes, marking the period when the town lay desolate and uninhabited. The excavations at, Lachish were followed by others at Tell es-8afi, the supposed site of Gath; at Tell Sandahanna, the ancient Marissa, a mile S. of Jiet Jihrln, where inter est ing relics of the Gr period were found, and at Jerus, where an attempt was made to trace the city walls. Next, to Lachish, the most fruitful exca vations have been at Ge/er, which has been ex plored by Mr. Macalister with, scientific thorough ness and skill, and where a large necropolis has been discovered as well as the remains of seven successive settlements, the last of which comes down to the Seleurid era, the third corresponding with the first settlement at Lachish. The two first settlements go back to the neolithic age. With the third the Sem or "Amorite" period of Canaan begins; bronze makes its appearance; high-places formed of mono liths are erected, and inhumation of the dead is introduced, while the cities are surrounded with great walls of stone. While Mr. Macalister has been working at Gezer, German and Austrian expe ditions under Dr. Schumacher have been excavat ing at Tdl em-Mntexelliin, the site of Megiddo, and under Dr. Sellin first at Tell Ttnintilc, the ancient Taanach, and then at Jericho. At Taanach cunei form tablets of the Mosaic age were found in the house of the governor of the town; at Samaria and Ge/er cuneiform tablets have also been found, but they belong to the late Assyr and Bab periods. At Jericho, on the flat roof of a house adjoining the wall of the Canaanitish city, destroyed by the Israelites, a number of clay tablets were discovered laid out to dry before being inscribed with cuneiform charac ters. Before the letters were written and des patched, however, the town, it, seems, was captured and burnt. An American expedition, under Dr. Reisner, is now exploring ftehasliyeh (Samaria), where the ruins of Ahab s palace, with early He brew inscriptions, have been brought to light, as well as a great city wall built in the age of Nebu chadrezzar.

          (1) The Ntone age. The history of Canaan begins with the palaeolithic age, palaeolithic, implements




          having been found in (he lowlands. Our first knowledge of its population dates from the neolithic

          period. The neolithic inhabitants of 4. History Gezerwercpf short- stature (about 5 ft.

          4 in. in height;, and lived in eaves at least in the time of the first prehistoric settle ment and burned their dead. Their sacred place was a double cave with which cup-marks in the rock were connected, and their pottery \\\\vas rude; some of it was ornamented with streaks of red or black on a yellow or red wash. In the time of the second settlement a. rude stone wall was built around the town. The debris of the two neolithic .settle ments is as much as 12 ft . in depth, implying a long period of accumulation.

          Foundation Sacrifice Found at Gezer.

          (2) The bronze aye. The neolithic population was succeeded by one of Sem type, which intro duced the use of metal, and buried its dead. The name of Amorite has been given to it, this being the name under which the Sem population of Canaan was known to the Babylonians. Gezer was sur rounded by a great wall of stone intersected by brick towers; at Lachish the Amorite wall was of crude brick, nearly 29 ft. in thickness (of Dt 1 28). A "high-place 1 " was erected at (lexer consisting of 9 monoliths, running from N. to 8., and surrounded by a platform of large stones. The second mono lith has been polished by the kisses of the wor shippers; the seventh was brought from a distance. Under the pavement of the sanctuary lay the bones of children, more rarely of adults, who had been sacrificed and sometimes burnt, and the remains deposited in jars. Similar evidences of human sacrifice were met with under the walls of houses both here and at Taanach and Megiddo. In the Israelitish strata the food-bowl and lamp for light ing the dead in the other world are retained, but all trace of human sacrifice is gone. At Lachish in Israelitish times the bowl and lamp were filled with

          sand. The second "Amorite" city at (lexer had a long existence. The high-place was enlarged, and an Egyptian of the age of the Xllth Dynasty was buried within jts precincts. Egyp scarabs of the Xllth and Xlllth Dynasties are now met with; these give place to scarabs of the Hvksos period, and finally to those of the XYIllth Dynasty (1600 BC), Hit lite painted pottery of Cappadocian type is also found in the later debris of the city as well as seal-cylinders of the Bab pattern.

          (o) A Babylonian /trori/ic* . Meanwhile Canaan had for a time formed part of the Bab empire, (ludea, viceroy of Lagas under the kings of the Dynasty of I r (L 500 BCj, had brought "limestone" from 1 he "land of the Amorites," alabaster from Ml. Lebanon, cedar-beams from Anianus, and gold- dust from the desert between 1 al and Egypt. A cadastral survey was drawn up about the same time by I ru-malik, "the governor of the land of the Amorites," the name by which Syria and Canaan were known to the Babylonians, and colonies of "Amorites" engaged in trade were settled in the cities of Babylonia. After the fall of the Dynasty of I r, Babylonia was itself conquered by the Amor ites who founded the dynasty to which Khammu- rabi, the Amraphel of den 14 1, belonged (see HAMMCUAHI;. In an inscription found near Diar- bekir the only title given to Khammu-rabi is "king of t he land of t he Amorit es." Bab now became the official, literary and commercial language of Canaan, and schools were established there in which the cuneiform script was taught. Canaanitish culture became wholly Bab; even its t heology and gods were derived from Babylonia. The famous legal code of Kha.mmu-rabi (see IJ AMMTKAHI, CODI-; OK) was enforced in Canaan as in other parts of the empire, and traces of its provisions are found in Gen. Abram s adoption of his slave Eliezer, Sarai s con duct to Ilagar, and Rebekah s receipt of a dowry from the father of the bridegroom are examples of this. So, too, the sale of the cave of Machpelah was in accordance with the Bab legal forms of the Khammu-rabi age. The petty kings of Canaan paid tribute to their Bab suzerain, and Bab offi cials and "commerical travelers" (daniyari) fre quented t he country.

          (4j J<ru,s(i/< in fountlnl. We must ascribe to this period the foundation of Jems, which bears a Bab name (I ni-Sdlini, "the city of Salim"), and commanded the road to the naphtha springs of the Dead Sea. Bitumen was one of the most impor tant articles of Bab trade on account of its em ployment for building and lighting purposes, and seems to have been a government monopoly. Hence the rebellion of the Canaanitish princes in the naphtha district (den 14) was sufficiently serious to require a considerable force for its suppression.

          (5) The /////,-.s-as. The Amorite dynasty in Baby lonia was overt hrown by a I lit t it e invasion, and Bab authority in Canaan came to an end, though the influence of Bab culture continued undiminished. In the N. the Hittites were dominant; in the S., where Egyp influence had been powerful since the age of the Xllth Dynasty, the Ilyksos conquest of Egypt united Pal with the Delta. The Hvksos kings bear Canaanitish names, and their invasion of Egypt probably formed part of that general movement which led to the establishment of an "Amorite" dynasty in Babylonia. Egypt now became an appanage of Canaan, with its capital, accordingly, near its Asiatic frontier. One of the Hvksos kings bears the characteristically Canaanitish name of Jacob-el, written in the same way as on Bab tablets of the age of Khammu-rabi, and a place of the same name is mentioned by Thothmes III as existing in southern Pal.

          (6) Egyptian conquest. The Pharaohs of the




          XVIIIth Dynasty expelled the Hyksos and con quered Pal and Syria. For about 200 years Canaan was an Egyp province. With the Egyp conquest the history of the second Amorite city at Gezer comes to an end. The old wall was partially de stroyed, doubtless by Thothmes III (about 1480 BC) . A third Amorite city now grew up, with a larger and stronger wall, 14 ft. thick. The houses built on the site of the towers of the first wall were filled with scarabs and other relics of the reign of Amon-hotep III (1440 BC). At Lachish the rums of the third city were; full of similar remains, and among them was a cuneiform tablet referring to a governor of Lachish mentioned in the Am Tab. At Taanach cuneiform tablets of tLc same age have been discovered, written by Canaanites to one an other but all in the Bab script and language.

          (7) Tell d-Amnnni tablet*. In the Am Tab we have a picture of Canaan at the moment when the Asiatic empire of Egypt was breaking up through the religious and social troubles that marked the reign of Amon-hotep IV. The Ilittites were at tacking it in the N.; in the S. of Canaan the Klia- biri or "confederate" bands of free-lances were acquiring principalities for themselves. _ The_petty kings and governors had foreign troops in their pay with which they fought one against the other; and their mercenaries readily transferred their alle giance from one paymaster to another, or seized the city they were engaged to defend. Hit tiles, Mitannians from Mesopotamia, and other for eigners appear as governors of the towns; the Egyp government was too weak to depose them and was content if they professed themselves loyal. At times the Canaanitish princes intrigued with the Assyrians against their Egyp masters; at other times with the Mitannians of "Aram-Naharaim" or the Ilittites of Cappadocia. The troops sent by the Egyp Pharaoh were insufficient to suppress the rebellion, and the authority of the Egyp com missioners grew less and less. Eventually the king of the was compelled to pass openly over to the Hittite king, and Canaan was lost to the Pharaohs.

          Gaza and the neighboring towns, however, still remained in their hands, and with the recovery of Egyptian power under the XlXth 5. The Dynasty allowed Seti I to march once

          Israelitish more into Canaan and reduce it again Invasion to subjection. In spite of Hit tit e attacks the country on both side s of the Jordan acknowledged the rule of Seti and his son Ramses II, and in the 21st year of the latter Pharaoh the long war with the Hit tit es came to an end, a treaty being made which fixed the Egyp frontier pretty much where the Israelitish frontier afterward ran. A work, known as The Travels of the Mohar, which satirizes the misadventures of a tourist in Canaan, gives a picture of Canaan in the days of Ramses II. With the death of Ramses II Egvp rule in Pal came finally to an end. The Philis drove the Egyp garrisons from the cities which commanded the military road through Canaan, and the long war with the Hittites ex hausted the inland towns, so that they made but a feeble resistance to the Israelites who assailed them shortly afterward. The Egyptians, however, never relinquished their claim to be masters of Canaan, and when the Philis power had been overthrown by David we find the Egvp king again marching northward and capturing Gezer (1 K 9 16). Meanwhile the country had become to a large extent Israelite. In the earlier days of the Israelitish invasion the Canaanitish towns had been destroyed and the people massacred; later the two peoples intermarried, and a mixed race was the result. The portraits accompanying the names of the places

          taken by Shishak in southern Pal have Amorite features, and the modern fcllahin of Pal are Canaan ite rather than Jewish in type.

          Canaanitish culture was based on that of Baby lonia,, and begins with the introduction of the use of copper and bronze. "When Canaan

          6. Culture became a Bab province, it naturally

          shared in the civilization of the ruling power. The religious beliefs and deities of Baby lonia were superimposed upon those of the primitive Canaanite. The local Baal or "lord" of the soil made way for the "lord of heaven," the Sun-god of the Babylonians. The "high-place" gradually be came a temple built after a Bab fashion. The sacred stone, once the supreme object of Canaanitish wor ship, was transformed into a Beth-el or shrine of an indwelling god. The gods and goddesses of Baby lonia migrated to Canaan; places received their names from Nebo or Nin-ip; Hadad became Amurru "the Amorite god" ; Istar passed into Ashtoreth, and Asirtu, the female counterpart of Asir, the national god of Assyria, became Asherah, while her sanc tuary, which in Assyria was a temple, was identified in Canaan with the old fetish of an upright stone or log. But human sacrifice, and more csp. the sac rifice of the firstborn son, of which we find few traces in Babylonia, continued to be practised with undiminished frequency until, as we learn from the excavations, the Israelitish conquest brought about its suppression. The human victim is also absent from the later sacrificial tariffs of Carthage and Marseilles, its place being taken in them by the ram. According to these tariffs the sacrifices and offerings were of two kinds, the zaifat or sin offering and the slide m or thank-offering. The sin offering was given wholly to the god; part of the thank- offering would be taken by the offerer. Birds which were not allowed as a sin offering might constitute a thank-offering. Besides the sacrifices, there were also offerings of corn, wine, fruit and oil.

          What primitive Canaanitish art was like may be

          seen from the rude sculptures in the Warti el-Qana

          near Tyre. Under Bab influence it

          7. Art rapidly developed. Among the Can

          spoil captured by Thothmes III were tables, chairs and staves of cedar and ebony inlaid with gold or simply gilded, richly embroidered robes, chariots chased with silver, iron tent poles studded with precious stones, "bowls with goats heads on them, and one with a lion s head, the workmanship of the land of Zahi" (the Phoen coast), iron armor with gold inlay, and rings of gold and silver that were used as money. At Taanach, gold and silver ornaments have been found of high ar tistic merit. To the Israelites, fresh from the desert, the life of the wealthy Canaanite would have appeared luxurious in the extreme.

          The position of Canaan made it the meeting- place of the commercial routes of the ancient world. The fleets of the Phoen cities are cele-

          8. Com- brated in the Am Tab, and it is prob- merce able that they were already engaged

          in the purple trade. The inland towns of Canaan depended not, only on agriculture but also on a carrying trade: caravans as well as "com mercial travelers" (damgari) came to them from Cappadocia, Babylonia and Egypt. Bronze, silver, lead, and painted ware were brought from Asia Minor, together with horses; naphtha was exported to Babylonia in return for embroidered stuffs; copper came from Cyprus, richly chased vessels of the precious metals from Crete and corn from Egypt. Baltic amber has been found at Lachish, where a furnace with iron slag, discovered in the third Amorite city, shows that the native iron was worked before the age of the Israelitish conquest. The manufacture of glass goes back to the same epoch.

          Canaanitess Canneh


          As far back as 2oOO BC, alabaster and limestone had been sent to Babylonia from the quarries of tin- Lebanon.

          Long before the age of Abraham the Bab seal- cylinder had become known and been imitated in

          Syria and Canaan. But it was not 9. Art of until Canaan had been made a Bab Writing province under tin- Khammu-rabi

          dynasty that the cuneiform system of writing was introduced together with the Bab lan guage and literature. Henceforward schools wen- established and libraries or archive-chambers formed where the foreign language and its complicated syllabary could be taught, and stored. In tin- Mosaic age the Taanach tablets show that the inhabitants of a small country town could corre spond with one another on local matters in the foreign language and script, and two of the Tell el- A mania letters are from a Canaanitish lady. The

          naturally to convey the idea of sluggishness. In the account of the plagues (Ex 7 10), names arc- used descriptively to designate the different waters of Egypt : n /idrdl/i, "flowing streams," for the main channels of the river, and if on in for other .streams, which by contrast must mean, as it should accord ing to its use by the Egyptians, "the sluggish streams," i.e. "canals." as it is rendered by the Revisers. This meaning of the word being thus clearly established, it is appropriately used in the R\\\\ m in the other instances of its occurrence in like circumstances. M. (I. KYI.K

          CANANAEAN, ka-na-ne an, CANAANITE, k:V- nan-It. See SIMOX (( AXAXAKAX).

          CANDACE, kan da-se(Kav8aKTj, KumlriL-r): Queen of t he Ethiopians (Acts 8 127;. IMiny states that the name Caiidace had already been borne for many

          CANALS IN EGYPT.

          official notices of the name by which each year was known in Babylonia were sent to Canaan as to other provinces of the Bab empire in the cuneiform script ; one of these, dated in the reign of Khammu- rabi s successor, has been found in the Lebanon.

          I.ITKU STTHI:. H. Vincent, Can/Kin tl n iirr.-i I erplorn- tion recente, 1UO7; C. A. Smith. Historical Geography of tin- 11 <>!,, Land, IS ll; Publications of the Palest ini: Exploration Fund; E. Sellin, Till Ta annek ami Him Naehlene auf <t,-m Till Ta annek, 1904-5; Schumacher, Till Mutesellim, liHt .t; Thicrscli. Die neueren A u.^jm- bungen in I lih ixtimi. lllO.s.

          See, further, ARKITE; AHVADITK: H\\\\\\\\i.: (;IKI;ASIMTK; HITTITI.; HIVITK; J MUCSITK; KAHMOMTK; K I:\\\\IZZITE; PA i.ios TI \\\\i:; PKUIZ/ITK; UKI-HAI.M ; SINITK; TK.M \\\\NITE.

          A. H. SAYCE

          CANAANITESS, ka nan-It-es. See SHUA; BATH- SHU A.

          CANALS, ka-nalz (S HS 1 ; , y e orlm): The word "canals" occurs in several places in the RVm (Ex 7 1!); 8 5; Isa 19 0; Xah 3 S). .yWisan Egyp word, the designation of the Nile (Brugsch, Groi/r, I, S, 7S). The proper name- of the Nile as a god was Ilapi. There were several common designa tions of the Nile, but the usual one was if dr, Heb pi. if drlni. The primary meaning of if or in Egyp is not. certain, but its significance in use for the Nile is plain enough. All the waters in Egypt were of the Nile and this word if or was used to denote all of them, the Nile and all its ramifications through (he whole irrigating system. Thus if drlni, Niles, came to be used. As only the main channels of the Nile had much current, the if drJni came

          years by the queens of El hiopia ( vi.2!)). See ETHIO PIA. Her treasurer, "a eunuch of great authority," was baptized by Philip the Evangelist on his return from worshipping in Jerus.

          CANDLE, kan d l, CANDLESTICK, kan d 1-siik ("11, nrr; \\\\v\\\\vos, lin-hnox; I"! "Ml "2 , nr nonlh; X.x>xvia, Inch n /ti) :

          (1) "Candle" is found in the OT, AY, as the rendering of ncr, and in the NT for IHC/IHO*. In .-ill places except. Jer 25 10 and Zeph 1 12 (sec m) HY givc-s the more- exact rendering "lamp." See LAMP. Candle, in our sense of the term, was unknown to antiquity.

          (2) "Candlestick" stands for what was a common and indispensable article of ancient house furniture. a lamp-stand (m iidrd/i). Accordingly we find it mentioned in a case thoroughly representative of the furnishings of an oriental room of the plainer sort, in the account of "the prophet s chamber" given in 2 K 4 10. Here we find that the furniture- consisted of a bed," a "table," a "seat," and a "candlestick," or lamp-stand. The excavations of Petrie and Bliss at Lachish (Tell r/-7/r.s/y, 104), not to mention others, help to make it clear that a lamp- stand is meant in passages where the Heb word, i"t/drah, or its C.r equivalent lurlinia, is used. Ac cordingly throughout the NT, RV has consistently rendered Inrtinia by "stand" (Mt 5 !">; Mk 4 2l"; Lk 8 l(i; 11 :).

          (3) The "candlestick" of Dnl 5 ."> is rather the candelabrum (ncbhrashltV ) of Belshazzar s ban-



          Canaanitess Canneh

          queting-hall. The "golden candlestick" of the tabernacle and the temple requires special treat ment. See CANDLESTICK (( .OLDEN); TABERNA CLE.

          (1) Certain figurative uses of "candle" and "candlestick" in the Bible demand attention. The ancient and still common custom of the East of keeping a house lamp burning night and day gave rise to the figure of speech so universally found in oriental languages by which the continued pros perity of the individual or the family is set forth by the perennially burning lamp (see Job 29 3: "when his lamp shined upon my head"; Ps 18 28: "Thou wilt light my lamp"). The converse in usage is seen in many passages (see Job 18 0: "His lamp above him shall be put out"; 21 17: "How oft is it that the lamp of the wicked is put out"; Prov 24 20: "The lamp of the wicked shall be put out"; Jer 25 10: "Take from them _. . . . the light of the lamp"). The same metaphor is used in Rev 2 5 to indicate the judgment with which the church of Ephesus was threatened: "1 will move thy candlestick out of its place." "The seven golden candlesticks" (Rev 1 20) which John saw were "the seven churches," the appointed light-bearers and dispensers of t he religion of the risen Christ . Hence the significance of such a threat .

          GEO. B. EACER

          CANDLESTICK, kan d 1-stik, THE GOLDEN, gold"n (rr."v!, i n< ir<lh, lit. lamp-stand"): An important part of the furniture of the tabernacle and temples. See TAHERNACLE; TEMPLE; LAMP.

          The candlestick is first met with in the descrip tions of the tabernacle (Ex 25 31-39; 37 17-24). It was, with the utensils connected with 1. The it (snuffers, snuff dishes), to be made

          Tabernacle of pure beaten gold, of one piece, a talent in weight (Ex 25 39). It con sisted of a pedestal or base, of a central stem (the name "candlestick" is specially given to this), of six curving branches three on each side and of seven lamps resting on the tops of the branches and stem. Stem and branches were ornamented

          FIG. 1. Golden Candlestick (from Arch of Titus).

          with cups like almond-blossoms, knops and flowers four of this series on the stem, and three on each of the branches. Some, however, understand the "cup" to embrace the "knop" and "flower" (calyx and corolla). The shape of the pedestal is uncer tain. Jewish tradition suggests three small feet; the representation of the candlestick on the Arch of Titus has a, solid, hexagonal base (see Fig. 1).

          Fie;. 2. Coin of Antigonus (40-37 BC).

          The position of the candlestick was on the S. side of the holy place (Ex 40 24).

          In Solomon s temple the single golden candlestick

          was multiplied to ten, and the position was altered.

          Thi candlesticks were now placed in

          2. Temple front of the Holy of Holies, five on one of Solomon side, five on the other (1 K 7 49; 2 Ch

          4 7). Further details are not given in the texts, from which it may be presumed that the model of the tabernacle candlestick was followed.

          The second temple reverted to the single golden

          candlestick. When the temple was plundered by

          Antiochus Epiphanes, the candle-

          3. Temple stick was -taken away (1 Mace 1 21); of Zerub- after the cleansing, a new one was babel made by Judas Maccabaeus (4 49.f)0).

          The same arrangement of a single

          golden candlestick, placed on the S. side of the holy

          place, was continued in Herod s Temple (Jos, BJ, V,

          v, 5). It was this which, carried away

          4. Temple by Titus, was represented on his Arch of Herod at Rome.

          The immediate object of the candle stick was to give light in the holy place. The lamps were lighted in the evening and burned till the

          5. Use and morning Symbolism (Ex 30 7.

          S; Lev 24

          3; 1 S 3 3; 2 Ch 13 11), light being ad mitted into the temple during the day by the upper windows. Jos in his cosmical speculations (BJ , V, v, 5) takes the seven lamps to signify the seven planets. In Zechariah s vision of the golden candlestick (4 2 f fy, the seven lamps are fed by two olive trees which are inter preted to be "the two anointed ones," Zerubbabcl and Joshua the civil and spiritual representatives of the theocracy. The candlestick here, like the seven candlesticks in Rev 1 20.21, symbolizes the church of God, then in its OT form, the idea con veyed being that God s church is set to be a light- giver in the world. Cf Christ s words (Mt 5 14.16; Lk 12 3o), and Paul s (Phil 2 15).

          The oldest known representation of the seven- branched candlestick is on a coin of Antigonus, cir 40 BC (see Madden s Coins of the Jews, 102). For literature see TAHEKNACLE; TEMPLE.

          JAMES ORB

          CANE, kan. See REED.

          CANKER, kan ker. See GAXOREXK. CANKERED, kan kerd (Jas 5 3 RV, "rusted").

          CANKER-WORM, kan ker-wurm (p ^ , ijdck, [Joel 1 4; 2 2.~>; Nah 3 15. 10]): The name given to a larval stage of the LOCUST (q.v.). See also CATERPILLAR.

          CANNEH, kan e (7133, kanncli; Xavda, Chanda): Mentioned in Ezk 27 23 in connection with Haran and Eden as one of the places with which Tyre had commercial relations. This is the only reference to the place and the site is unknown. Gesenius and others think it is probably the same as Calneh of Am 6 2 or of Gen 10 10, and Calno of Isa 10 9. According to the Tgs, Eusebius, and Jerome, this place is identical with Ctesiphon, which was situated on the Tigris. One codex of De Rossi has made this identification in the passage in Ezk 27 23. Cornill thinks Canneh is the Calneh of Am 6 2, but Cheyne thinks the name is really non existent. He says the words rendered "and Can neh and Eden" should rather be "and the sons of Eden." A. W. FORTUNE



          CANON, kan un, OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. THE:


          1. Tlic Christ inn Term "( anon"

          2. The ( (H respondinic Hebrew Kxpressioa :;. The " Hidden Hooks" of t lie Jews

          t. Tlie Determining l > rineii)le in the Formation of

          tin 1 ( anon

          5. The Tripartite Division of the OT G. How Account for the Tripartite Division? II. EXAMINATION or THK WITNKSSI.^

          1. The OT s Witness to Itself

          2. Tlu- Samaritan Pentateuch

          3. The LX.V Version

          4. Keel us, or the Wisdom of Jesus ben Siraeh , r >. The Prologue to Kcclesiuslieu.s

          ti. 1 and - Maccabees

          7. I hilo

          t s. The XT as a Witness

          9. 4 Fsdras

          10. Josephus

          11. The Councils of Jamnia

          12. The Taltnud

          1:5. Jewish Doubts in the 2d Cent. AD 14. Summary and Conclusion III. TIIK CANON IN TIIK CHKISTIAN Curucn

          1. In the Eastern or Oriental Church

          2. In the Western Church


          /. Introductory. The problem of how we came by 39 books known as OT "Scripture" i.s ;i purely historical investigation. The question involved is, not who wrote the several books, but who made them into a collection, not their origin or contents, but their history; not Clod s part, but man s. Our present aim, accordingly, must be to t race t he process by which the various writings became "Scripture."

          The word "canon" is of Christian origin, from the

          Gr word Kavuv, k/mon, which in turn i.s probably

          borrowed from the Ileb word, ni]? ,

          1. The kdni h, meaning a reed or measuring Christian rod, hence norm or rule. Later it Term came to mean a rule of faith, and "Canon" eventually a catalogue or list. In

          present usage it signifies a collection of religious writings Divinely inspired and hence authoritative, normative, sacred and binding. The term occurs in Clal 6 1(1; 2 Cor 10 1. ! Hi; but it is first employed of the books of Scripture in the technical sense of a standard collection or body of sacred writings, by the church Fathers of the 4th cent.; e.g. in the 59th canon of the Council of Laodicea (3(13 AD); in the Festal Epistle of Athanasius (3(5o AD); and by Amphilochius, archbishop of Iconium (395 AD).

          How the ancient Hebrews expressed the concep tion of cunonicity is not known; but it is safe to say that the idea, as an idea, existed

          2. The long before there was any special Correspond- phrase invented to express it. In the ing Heb NT the word "Scriptures" conveys Expression unquestionably the notion of sacred- ness (Mt 21 42; Jn 5 39; Acts 18

          24). From the 1st cent. AD and following, however, according to the Talm, the Jews employed the phrase "defile the hands. Writings which were suitable to be read in t he synagogue were designated as books which "defile the hands." What this very peculiar oriental expression may have origi nally signified no one definitely knows. Probably Lev 16 24 gives a hint of the true interpretation. According to this passage the high priest on the great Day of Atonement washed not only when he put on the holy garments of his office, but also when he put them off. Quite possibly, therefore, the expression "defile the hands" signified that the hands which had touched the sacred writings must- first be washed before touching aught else. The idea expressed, accordingly, was one akin to that of tuhoo. That is to say, just as certain garments worn by worshippers in encircling the sacred Kaaba at Mecca are taboo to the Mohammedans of today, i.e. cannot be worn outside the mosque, but must

          be left at the door as the worshippers quit the sanctuary, so the Heb writ-ings which were fit, to be read in the synagogue rendered the hands of those who touched them taboo, defiling their hands, as they were wont, to say, .so that, they must first, be washed before engaging in any secular business. This seems to be the best explanation of this enig ma! ical phrase. Various o! her and somewhat fanci ful explanations of it, however, have been given: for example, to prevent profane uses of worn-out synagogue rolls (Huhl); or to prevent placing con secrated grain alongside of the .sacred rolls in the synagogues that it might become holy, as the grain would attract- the mice and the mice would gnaw the rolls (Strack, Wildeboer and others); or to pre vent the sacred, worn-out parchments from being used as coverings for animals (CJraet/0; or to "de clare the hands to be unclean unless previously washed" (Fiirst, Clreen). Hut no one of these ex planations satisfies. The idea of taboo is more likely imbedded in the phrase.

          The rabbins invented a special phrase to desig nate rolls that were worn-out or disputed. These they called t/ mlzlni, meaning "hidden

          3. The away." Cemeteries filled with Heb "Hidden manuscripts which have long been Books" of buried are frequently found today the Jews in Egypt in connection with Jewish

          synagogue s. Such rolls might first be placed in t lie <j ni:<llior rubbish chamber of the sanctuary. _ They were not, however, apocryphal or uncanonical in the sense of being extraneous or outside the regular collection. For such the Jews had a special term ,s" phanm hlronlm, "books that are outside." These could not be read in the synagogues. "Hidden books" were rather worn- out parchments, or canonical rolls which might by some be temporarily disputed. See Ai ocuvi UA. _ Who had the right to declare a writing canonical? To this question widely divergent answers have been given. According to a certain

          4. The De- class of theologians the several books termining of the OT were composed by authors Principle in who were conscious not. only of their the Forma- inspiration but also that their writings tion of the were destined to be handed down to Canon the church of future generations as

          sacred. In other words each writer canonized, as it- were, his own writings. For example, Dr. W. II. Clreen (C<u,, t , 35 f, l()(i, 110) says: "Xo formal declaration of their canonicity was needed to give them sanction. They were from the first not only eagerly read by the devout

          but believed to be Divinely obligatory Each

          individual book of an acknowledged prophet of Jeh, or of anyone accredited as inspired by Him to make known His will, was accepted as the word

          of Clod immediately upon its appearance

          Those books and those only were accepted as the Divine standards of their faith and regulative of their conduct which were written for this definite [purpose by those whom they believed to be inspired of Clod. It was this which made them canonical. The spiritual profit found in them corresponded with and confirmed the belief in their heavenly origin. And the public official action which further attested, though it did not initiate, their canonicity, followed in the wake of the popular recognition

          of their Divine authority The writings of

          the prophets, delivered to the people as a declara- tion of the Divine will, possessed canonical author ity from the moment of their appearance

          The canon floes not derive its authority from the church, whether Jewish or Christian; the office of the church is merely that of a custodian and a witness." So likewise Dr. J. D. Davis (Pres. and Rcf. Review, April, 1902, 182).



          On the contrary, Dillnuum (Jahrb. fur deulsche Tticol., Ill, 420) more scientifically claims that "his tory knows nothing of the individual books having

          been designed to be sacred from their origin

          These books bore indeed in themselves from the first those characteristics on account of which they were subsequently admitted into the sacred col lection, but yet always had first to pass through a shorter or longer period of verification, and make trial of the Divine power resident within them upon the hearts of the church before they were outwardly and formally acknowledged by it as Divine books." As a matter of fact, the books of the OT are still on trial, and ever will be. So far as is known, the great majority of the writers of Holy Scripture did not arbitrarily hand over their productions to the church and expect them to be regarded as canon Scripture. Two parties are involved in the making of canonical Scripture the original authors and the church both of whom were inspired by the same Spirit. The authors wrote inspired by the Divine Spirit, and the church ever since Jewish and Christian alike has been inspired to recog nize the authoritative character of their writings. And so it will be to the end of time. "We cannot be certain that anything comes from (!od unless it bring us personally something evidently Divine" (Briggs, The Study of Holy Scripture, 1G2).

          The Jews early divided the OT writings into three

          classes: (1) the Turdh, or Law; (2) the N e blii lm,

          or Prophets; and (3) the K e thubhim. or

          5. The Writings, called in Gr the Hagiographa. Tripartite The Turdh included the 5 books of the Division Pentateuch (Gen, Ex, Lev, Nu, Dt), of the OT which were called "the Five-fifths of

          the Law." The N bhl l/n embraced (a} the four so-called Former Prophets, Josh, Jgs, 1 and 2 S, counted as one book, 1 and 2 K, also counted as one book; and (b) the four so-called Latter Prophets, Isa, Jer, Ezk, and the Twelve Minor Prophets, counted as one book; a total of 8 books. The K ihubhlm, or Writings, were 11 in all, including Ps, Prov, and Job, the five M e ghill<lth or Rolls (Cant, Ruth, Lam, Eccl, Est), Dnl, Ezr-Neh, counted as one book, and 1 and 2 Ch, also counted as one book; in all 24 books, exactly the same as those of the Prot estant canon. This was the original count of the Jews as far as we can trace it back. Later certain Jewish authorities appended Ruth to Jgs, and Lam to Jer, and thereby obtained the number 22, which corresponded to the number of letters in the Heb alphabet; but this manner of counting was secondary and fanciful. Still later others divided S, K, Ch, Ezr-Neh and Jer-Larn into two books each respectively and thereby obtained 27, which they fancifully regarded as equivalent to the 22 letters of the Heb alphabet plus 5, the num ber of letters having a peculiar final form when standing at the end of a word. Jerome states that 22 is the correct reckoning, but he adds, "Some count both Ruth and Lam among the Hagiographa, and so get 24." 4 Esd, which is the oldest (85-96 AD) witness to the number of books in the OT, gives 24.

          The answer to the question of how to account for

          the tripartite division involves the most careful

          investigation of the whole process

          6. How Ac- by which the canon actually took count for shape. If the entire canon of the OT the Tripar- were formed, as some allege, by one tite Divi- man, or by one set of men, in a single sion? age, then it is obvious that the books

          must have been separated into three groups on the basis of some material differences in their contents. If, on the other hand, the proc ess of canonization was gradual and extended over several generations, then the various books were

          separated from one another probably because one section of the canon was closed before certain other books of similar character were written. At any rate it is difiicult to see why K and Ch are not included in the same division, and especially strange that Dnl does not stand among the prophets. To explain this mystery, mediaeval Jews were wont to say that "the Prophets were inspired by the spirit i of prophecy, whereas the Writings by the lioly Spirit," implying different degrees of inspiration. But this is a distinction without a difference, the Holy Spirit and the spirit of prophecy are one and the same. Modern Protestants distinguish be tween the donum prophcticum and the munus propheticum, i.e. between the gift and the office of prophecy. They allow that Daniel possessed the gift of prophecy, but they deny that he was Divinely appointed to the office of prophet. But compare Mt 24 15, which speaks of "Daniel the prophet," and on the other hand, Am 7 14, in which Amos resents being considered a prophet. Oehler modi fies this explanation, claiming that the threefold division of the canon corresponds to the three stages of development in the religion of Israel, namely, l Mosaisrn, Prophetism, and Hebraism. According to Oehler, the Law was the foundation of the entire canon. From it there were two lines of develop ment, one objective, the Prophets, the other sub jective, the Writings. But Oehler s theory does not satisfactorily account for Ezr and Neh and Ch, being in the third division; for in what sense can they be said to be more subjective than Jgs, S, and K? The LXX version (250-1 50 BC) takes no notice of the tripartite division. The true solution proba- / bly is that the process was gradual. When all the witnesses have been examined, we shall probably discover that the Law was canonized first, theProph- ets considerably later, and the Writings last of all. And it may further become evident that the two last divisions were collected synchronously, and hence that the tripartite divisions of the canon are due to material differences in their contents as well as to chronology.

          //. Examination of the Witnesses. Though the OT does not tell us anything about the processes

          of its own canonization, it does fur- 1. The nish valuable hints as to how the

          OT s Wit- ancient Hebrews preserved their writ- ness to It- ings. Thus in Ex 40 20 it is stated self (cir that the "testimony," by w ? hich is 1450-444 meant the two tables of the Law BC) containing the Ten Commandments,

          was put into the Ark of the Covenant for safe-keeping. In Dt 31 9.24-26, the laws of Dt are said to have been delivered to the sons of Levi, and by them deposited "by the side of the ark . . . . that it may be there for a witness against thee." Such language indicates that the new law- book is regarded "as a standard of faith and action" (Driver, Dt, 343). According to 1 K 8 9, when Solomon brought the Ark up from the city of David to the Temple, the two tables were still its only contents, which continued to be carefully preserved. According to 2 K 11 12, when Joash was crowned king, Jehoiada the high priest is said to have given (lit. "put upon") him "the testimony," which doubtless contained "the substance of the funda mental laws of the covenant," and was regarded as "the fundamental charter of the constitution" (cf H. E. Ryle, Canon of the OT, 45). Likewise in Prov 25 1, it is stated that a large number of proverbs were copied out by Hezekiah s men. Now all these, and still other passages which might be summoned, witness to the preservation of cer tain portions of the OT. But preservation is not synonymous with canonization. A writing might easily be preserved without being made a standard


          of faith ;iiid conduct. Nevertheless the two ideas \\\\ an: closely related; for, when religious writings are sedulously preserveil it is hut natural to infer that their intrinsic value was regarded as correspond ingly precious.

          Two other passages of paramount, importance remain to be considered. Tin; first is 2 K 22 8 If, describing the finding of the "Book of the Law, and how Josiah the king on the basis of it instituted a religious reformation and bound the people to obey its precepts. Here is an instance in which the Law, or some portion of it (how much no one can say), is regarded as of normative and authori tative character. The king and his coadjutators recognize at once that it is ancient and that it con tains the words of Jeh (2 K 22 13.18.19). Its authority is undisputed. Vet nothing is said of its "canonicity," or that it would "defile the hands" ; consequently there is no real ground for speaking of it as "the beginnings of the canon," for in the same historic sense the beginnings of the canon an; to be found in Ex 24 7. The other passage of paramount importance is Neh 8 8 f , according to which Ezra is said to have "read in the book, in the law of Clod, distinctly." Not only did E/ra read the Law; he accompanied it with an interpre tation. This seems to imply, almost beyond ques tion, that in Ezra s time (414 BC) the Law, i.e. the Pent, was regarded as canonical Scripture. This is practically all that the ( )T says about itself, though other passages, such as Zee 7 12 and Dnl 9 2 might be brought forward to show the deep regard which the later prophets had for the writ ings of their predecessors. The former of these is the Ittriix c!nxxicns in the OT, leaching the in spiration of the Prophets; it is the OT to 2 Tim 3 1C).

          Chronologically the OT is of course our most ancient witness. It brings us down to 444 BC. The next in order is the Samaritan 2. The Pent, the history of which is as follows :

          Samaritan About 432 BC, as we know from Neh Pentateuch 13 28 and Jos (Ant, XI, vii, 2 viii, (cir 432 4), Nehemiah expelled from the Jewish

          BC) colony in Jems Manasseh, the polyg

          amous grandson of Eliashib the high priest and son-in-law of Sanballat. Manasseh founded the schismatic community of the Samari tans, and instituted on Mt. (lerizim a rival temple- worship to that at Jems. Of the Samaritans there still survive today some 170 souls; they reside in Sheehem and are known a.s "the smallest religious sect in the world." It is true that Jos, speaking of this event, confuses chronology somewhat, making Nehemiah and Alexander the (Ireat contemporaries, whereas a cent, separated them, but the time ele ment is of little moment . The bearing of the whole matter upon the history of the formation of the canon is this: the Samaritans possess the Pent only; hence it is inferred that at the time of Manas- / seh s expulsion the Jewish canon included the Pent 1 and the Pent only. Budde (EB col. 6n9) says: If alongside of the Law there had been other Afirml trritiitfl*, it would be inexplicable why these last also did not pass into currency with the Samari tans." Such a conclusion, however, is not fully warranted. It is an argument from silence. There are patent reasons on the other hand why the Samar itans should have rejected the Prophets, even though they were already canonized. For the Samaritans would hardly adopt into their canon books that glorified the temple at Jems. It cannot, accord ingly, be inferred with certainty from the fact that the Samaritans accept the Pent only, that there- fore the Pent at the time of Manasseh s expulsion | was alone canonical, though it may be considered a reasonable presumption.

          The LXX version in (ir is the first tr of the OT ever made; indeed the OT is the first book of any note in all lit. to receive the honor of j 3. The being tr 1 into another tongue. This

          Septuagint fact in itself is indicative of t he esteem Version in which it was held at the time. The (cir 250- work of < r was inaugurated by Ptolemy 150 BC) Philadelphia (28.5-247 BC) and prob

          ably continued for well-nigh a cent, (cir 250-150 BC). Aristeas, a distinguished odicer of Ptolemy, records how it came about. It appears that Ptolemy was exceedingly fond of books, and set his heart on adding to his famous collection in Alexandria a tr of the Heb Pent. In order to ob tain it, so the story goes, the king set free 108,000 Jewish slaves, and sent them with presents to Jerus to ask Eleazar the high priest for their Law and Jewish scholars capable of translating it. Six learned rabbis from each tribe ((1X12 = 72) were sent. They were royally feasted; 70 questions were asked them to test their wisdom, and after 72 days of cooperation and conference they gave the world the OT in the Gr language, which is known as the LXX version. To this fabulous story, Christian tradition adds that the rabbis did the work of translating in 72 (some say 3(>) separate cells on the island of Pharos, all working independently of each other, and that it- was found at the expiration of their seclusion that each had produced a tr exactly word for word alike, hence supernaturally inspired. Justin Martyr of the 2d cent. AD says that he was actually shown by his Alexandrian guide the ruins of these LXX cells. The story is obviously a fable. The kernel of real truth at the bottom of it is probably that Ptolemy Philadelphia about the middle of the 3d cent. BC succeeded in obtaining a tr of the Law. The other books were 1 r 1 subsequently, perhaps for private use. The lack of unity of plan in the books outside the Law indicates that probably many different hands at different times were engaged upon them. There is a subscription, moreover, at the close of the tr of Est which states that Lysimachus, the son of Ptolemy in Jems, tr 1 it. But the whole was apparently completed before Jesus ben Sirach the younger wrote his Prologue to Ecclus (cir 132 BC 1 ).

          Now the LXX version, which was the Bible of Our Lord and His apostles, is supposed to have included originally many of the Apocryphal books. Furthermore, in our present LXX, the canonical and Apocryphal books stand intermingled and in an order which shows that the translators knew r noth ing of the tripartite division of later Judaism, or if they did they quite ignored it. The order of the books in our English OT is of course derived from the LXX through the Vulg of St. Jerome. The books in the LXX are arranged as follows: Pent, Josh, Jgs, Ruth, 1 and 2 S, 1 and 2 K, 1 and 2 Ch, 1 and 2 Esd, Neh, Tob, Jth, Est, Job, Ps, Prov, Eccl, Wisd, Ecclus, Hos, Am, Mic, Joel, Ob, Jon, Nah, Ilab, Zeph, Hag, Zee, Mai, Isa, Jer, Bar, Lam, Ep. Jer, Ezk, Dnl, 1, 2 and 3 Mace. On the basis of the LXX, Catholics advocate what is known as the "larger" canon of the Jews in Alex andria; Protestants, on the other hand, deny the existence of an independent canon in Alexandria in view of the "smaller" canon of the Jews in Pal. The actual difference between the Catholic and Protestant OTs is a matter of 7 complete books and portions of two others: viz. Tob, Jth, Wisd, Ecclus, Bar, 1 and 2 Mace, together with certain additions to Est (10 416 24) and to Dnl (3 24-90; Three; Sus ver 13 and Bel ver 14). These Protestants reject as apocryphal because there is no sufficient evidence that they were ever reckoned as canonical by the Jews anywhere. The fact that the present LXX includes them is far from conclusive that the



          original LXX did, for the following reasons: (1) The design of the LXX was purely literary; Ptolemy and the Alexandrians were interested in building up a library. (2) All the extant MSS of the LXX are of Christian not Jewish origin. Between the actual tr of the LXX (cir 250-150 BC) and the oldest MSS of the LXX extant (cir 350 AD) there is a chasm of fully 500 years, during which it is highly possible that the so-called Apocryphal books crept in. (3) In the various extant MSS of the LXX, the Apocryphal books vary in number and name. For example, the great Vatican MS, which is probably the truest representative which remains of the Alexandrian Bible," and which comes down to us from the 4th cent. AD, contains no Book of Mace whatever, but does include 1 Esd, which St. Jerome and Catholics generally treat as apocryphal. On the other hand, the Alexandrian MS, another of the great MSS of the LXX, dat ing from the 5th cent. AD, contains not only the extra-canonical book of 1 Esd, but 3 and 4 Mace, and in the NT the 1st and 2d Epistles of Clement, none of which, however, is considered canonical by Rome. Likewise the great Sinaitic MS, hardly less important than the Vatican as a witness to the LXX and like it dating from the 4th cent. AD, omits Bar (which Catholics consider canonical), but includes 4 Mace, and in the NT the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hennas; all of which arc excluded from the canon by Catholics. In other MSS, 3 Mace, 3 Esd and Pr Man are occasionally included. The problem as to how many books the original LXX version actually included is a very complicated one. The probabil ity is that it included no one of these variants. (4) Still another reason for thinking that there never existed in Egypt a separate or "larger" canon is the fact that during the 2d cent. AD, the Alexan drian Jews adopted Aquila s Or version of the OT in lieu of their own, and it is known that Aquila s text excluded all Apocryphal books. Add to all this the fact that Philo," who lived in Alexandria from cir 20 BC till 50 AD, never quotes from one of these Apocryphal books though he; often does from the canonical, and that Origen, who also resided in Alexandria (cir 200 AD), never set his imprimatur upon them, and it becomes reasonably convincing that there was no "larger" canon in Alexandria. The value of the evidence derived from the LXX, accordingly, is largely negative. It only indicates that when the tr of the OT into Gr was made in Alexandria, the process of canonization was still incomplete. For had it been actually complete, it is reasonable to suppose that the work of tr would have proceeded according to some well- defined plan, and would have been executed with greater accuracy. As it is, the translators seem to have taken all sorts of liberties with the text, adding to the books of Est and Dnl and omitting fully one-eighth of the text of Jer. Such work also indicates that they were not executing a public or ecclesiastical trust, but rather a private enter prise. Our necessary conclusion, therefore, is that the work of canonization was probably going on in Pal while the work of tr was proceeding in Alexan dria.

          Our next witness is Jesus ben Sirach who (cir 170 BC) wrote a formidable work entitled Ecclus, otherwise known as Sir. The author 4. Ecclus, lived in Jerus and wrote in Heb. His or the Wis- book is a book of Wisdom resembling dom of Prov; some of his precepts approach

          Jesus ben the high level of the Gospel. In many Sirach (cir respects Ecclus is the most important 170 BC) of all the Apocryphal books; theo logically it is the chief monument of primitive Sadduceeism. In chs 44-50, the author

          sings a "hymn to the Fathers," eulogizing the mighty heroes of Israel from Enoch to Nehemiah, in fact from Adam to Simon, including the most famous men described in the OT, and making ex plicit mention of the Twelve Prophets. These facts would indicate that the whole or, at least, the most of the OT was known to him, and that already in his day (180 BC) the so-called Minor Prophets were regarded as a special group of writ ings by themselves. What the value of Ecclus is as a witness, however, depends upon the inter pretation one places on 24 33, which reads: "1 will yet pour out doctrine as prophecy and leave it unto generations of ages." From this it is in ferred by some that he feels himself inspired and capable of adding to the canon already in existence, and that, though he knew the full prophetic canon, he did not draw any very definite line of demarka- tion between his own work and the inspired writ ings of the prophets. For example, he passes over from the patriarchs and prophets of Israel to Simon the son of Onias, who was probably the high priest in his own time, making no distinction between them. But this may have been partly due to personal conceit; cf 39 12, "Yet more will I utter, which I have thought upon; and I am filled as the moon at the full." Yet, perhaps, in his day still ( only the Law and the Prophets were actually canonized, but alongside of these a body of lit. was being gathered and gradually augmented of a nature not foreign to his own writings, and therefore not clearly marked off from literary com positions like his own. Yet to Sirach the Law is everything. He identifies it with the highest wisdom; indeed, all wisdom in his judgment is derived from a study of the Law (cf 19 20-24; 15 1-18; 24 23; 2 16; 39 1).

          The Prologue or Preface to Ecclus is our next witness to the formation of the canon. It was

          written by the grandson of Jesus ben 5. The Sirach, who bore his grandfather s

          Prologue name (cir 132 BC). Jesus ben Sirach to Ecclus t he younger tr 1 in Egypt his grand- (cir 132 father s proverbs into Gr, and in doing BC) so added a Preface or Prologue of his

          own. In this Prologue, he thrice refers to the tripartite division of the OT. In fact the Prologue to Ecclus is the oldest witness we have to the threefold division of the OT books. He says: "Whereas many and great things have been delivered unto us by the Law and the Prophets, and by others, .... my grandfather, Jesus, when he had given himself to the reading of the Law, and the Prophets, and other books of our Fathers, and had gotten therein good judgment (RV "having gained great familiarity therein"), was drawn on also himself to write something pertaining to learning

          and wisdom For the same things uttered

          in Heb and tr 1 into another tongue, have not the same force in them; and not only these things, but the Law itself, and the Prophets, and the rest of the books, have no small difference, when they are spoken in their own language." These are explicit and definite allusions to the threefold division of the OT writings, yet only the titles of the first and second divisions are the technical names usually employed; the third is especially vague because of his use of the terms, "the other books of the Fathers," and "the rest of the books." However, he evidently refers to writings with religious contents; and, by "the other books of the Fathers," he can hardly be supposed to have meant an indefinite number, though he has not told us which they were or w r hat was their number. From his further statement that his grandfather, having immersed himself in the Law and the Prophets, and other books of the Fathers, felt drawn on also himself to write some-



          thing fur the profit of others, it may be inferred that in his time there was as yet no definite gulf fixed between canonical writings and those of other men, and that the sifting process was still going on (cf W. R. Smith, OTJC-, 17S-79).

          1 Mace was written originally in Heb; 2 Mace in Cir, somewhere between 125 and 70 BC. The author of 1 Mace is acquainted, on the 6. 1 and 2 one hand, with the deeds of John Mace i be- Ilyrcanus (135 to 105 BC), and knows tween 125 nothing on the other of the conquest and 70 BC) of Pal by Pompey (03 BC). The value of t his book as a witness to the history of the canon centers about his allusions to Daniel and the Psalms. In 1 Mace 1 51, he tells how Antiochus Epiphanes "set up the abomination of desolation" upon the altar at Jerus, referring must likely to Dnl 9 21-27; and in 1 Mace 2 59.00 he speaks of Ananias, Azarias and Misael, who by believing were saved from the fiery furnace, and of Daniel, who was delivered from the mouths of the lions (cf Dnl 1 7; 3 20; 6 2:5). From these allu sions, it would seem as though the Book of Dnl was at that time regarded as normative or canonical. This is confirmed by 1 Mace 7 10.17, which intro duces a quotation from Ps 79 2, with the solemn formula, "According to the words which he wrote"; which would suggest that the Ps also were already canonical.

          2 Mace, written cir 121 BC, also contains a couple of passages of considerable importance to us in this investigation. Both, however, are found in a spurious letter purporting to have been sent by the inhabitants of Judaea to their fellow-count rv- inen residing in Egypt. The first passage (2 Mace 2 13) tells how Nehemiah, "founding a library, gathered together the acts of the kings, and the prophets, and of David, and the epistles of the kings concerning holy gifts." These words throw no special light, upon the formation of the canon, but they do connect with the name of Nehemiah the preservation of public documents and historical records of national interest, and how he, as a lover of books, founded a library. This is in perfect agreement with what we know of Nehemiah s character, for lie compiled the genealogy of Neh 7; besides, collection precedes selection. The other passage (2 Mace 2 11) reads: "In like manner also Judas gathered together all things that were lost by reason of the war we had, and they remain with us." Though found in a letter, supposed to be spurious, there is every reason for believing this statement to be true. For when Antiochus, the arch enemy of the nation, sought to stamp out the religion of the Jews by destroying their books (cf 1 Mace 1 56.57), what would have been more natural for a true patriot like Judas than to attempt to re-collect their sacred writ ings? "This st at oment, therefore," as Wildeboer says, "may well be worthy of credence" (The Origin, of the Canon ofthcOT, 40). Though it yields nothing definite as to the number of the books recovered, it is obvious that the books collected were the most precious documents which the nation possessed. They were doubtless re ligious, as was the age.

          Philo is our next witness. He flourished in Alexandria between cir 20 BC and 50 AD, leaving be hind him a voluminous literature. Un- 7. Philo fortunately, he does not yield us much (cir 20 BC- of positive value for our present 60 AD) purpose. His evidence is largely nega

          tive. True, he nowhere mentions the tripartite division of the OT, which is known to have existed in his day. Nor does he quote from E/k, the Five Megilloth (Cant, Ruth, Lam, Eccl, Est), Dnl, Ch, or from the Twelve Minor Prophets, except Hos, Jon, and Zee. Moreover

          lie held a loose view of inspiration. According to Philo, inspiration was by no means confined to the sacred Scriptures; all truly wise and virtuous men are inspired and capable of expressing the hidden things of (lod. But as Dr. Green (Canon, 130) rightfully contends, "Philo s loose views of inspiration cannot be declared irreconcilable with the acceptance of a fixed canon, unless it is first shown that he places others whom he thinks in spired on a level with the writers of Scripture. This he never does." Philo s reverence for the "Law" was unbounded. In this respect IK; is the type of other Alexandrians. He (motes predom inatingly from the Law. Moses was to him the source of all wisdom, even the wisdom of the (Jen- tiles. Concerning the laws of Moses, he is reported by Eusebius as saying: "They have not changed so much as a single word in them. They would rather die a thousand deaths than detract anything from these laws and statutes." On the other hand, Philo never quotes any of the Apocryphal books. Hence it may safely be assumed that his canon was essentially ours.

          The evidence furnished by the NT is of the highest importance. When summed up, it gives the unmistakable impression that 8. The NT when the NT was written (cir 50- asaWit- 100 AD) there was a definite and ness (cir 50 fixed canon of OT Scripture, to which -TOO AD) authoritative appeal could be made. And first, too much importance can scarcely be attached to the names or titles ascribed to the OT writings by the authors of the NT: thus, "the .scripture" (Jn 10 35; 19 3(5; 2 Pet 1 20), "the scriptures" (Mt 22 29; Acts 18 24), "holy scriptures" (Rom 1 2), "sacred writings" (2 Tim 3 15), "the law" (Jn 10 34; 12 34; 15 25; 1 Cor 14 21), "law and prophets" (Mt 5 17; 7 12; 22 40; Lk 16 l(i; 24 44; Acts 13 15; 28 23). Such names or titles, though they do not define the limits of the canon, certainly assume the existence of a complete and sacred collection of Jewi>h writings which are already marked off from all other lit. as separate and fixed. One passage (Jn 10 35) in which the term "scrip ture," is employed seems to refer to the OT canon as a whole; "and the scripture cannot be broken." In like manner the expression "law and prophets" is often used in a generic sense, referring to much more than merely the 1st and 2d divisions of the OT; it seems rather to refer to the old dispensation as a whole; but the term "the law" is the most general of all. It is frequently applied to the entire OT, and apparently held in Christ s time among the Jews a place akin to that which the term "the Bible" does with us. For example, inJn 10 34; 12 34; 15 25, texts from the prophets or even from the Ps are quoted as part of "the Law"; in 1 Cor 14 21 also, Paul speaks of Isa 28 11 as a part of "the law." These names and titles, accordingly, are exceedingly important; they are never applied by NT writers to the Apoc rypha.

          One passage (Lk 24 44) furnishes clear evidence of the threefold division of the canon. But here again, as in the Prologue of Sir, there is great un certainty as to the limits of the 3d division. Instead of saying "the law, the prophets and the writ ings," Luke says, "the law, the prophets and the psalms." But it is obvious enough why the Pss should have been adduced by Jesus in support of His resurrection. It is because they especially testify of Christ; they were, therefore, the most important part of the 3d division for His immediate purpose, and it may be that they are meant to stand a potiori for the whole of the 3d division (cf Budde, EB, col. 669).



          Another passage (Mt 23 35; cf Lk 11 51) seems to point to the final order and arrangement of the books in the OT canon. It reads: "That upon you may come all the righteous blood shed on the earth, from the blood of Abel the righteous unto the blood of Zachariah son of Barachiah, whom ye slew between the sanctuary and the altar." Now, in order to grasp the bearing of this ver upon the matter in hand, it must be remembered that in the modern arrangement of the OT books in Heb, Ch stands last; and that the murder of Zachariah is the last recorded instance in this arrangement, being found in 2 Ch 24 20.21. But this murder took place under Joash king of Judah, in the 9th cent. BC. There is another which is chronologi cally later, namely, that of Uriah son of Shemaiah who \\\\vas murdered in Jehoiakim s reign in the 7th cent. BC (Jer 26 23). Accordingly, the argu ment is this, unless Ch already stood last in Christ s OT, why did He not say, "from the blood of Abel unto the blood of Uriah"? He would then have been speaking chronologically and would have included all the martyrs whose martyrdom is recorded in the OT. But He rather says, "from the blood of Abel unto the blood of Zachariah," as though He were including the whole range of OT Scripture, just as we would say "from Genesis to Malachi." Hence it is inferred, with some degree of justification also, that Ch stood in Christ s time, as it does today in the Heb Bible of the Massorets, the last book of an already closed canon. Of course, in answer to this, there is the possible ob jection that in those early days the Scriptures were still written by the Jews on separate rolls.

          Another ground for thinking that the OT canon was closed before the NT was written is the numer ous citations made in the NT from the OT. Every book is quoted except Est, Eccl, Cant, Ezr, Neh, Ob, Nah, and Zeph. But these exceptions are not serious. The Twelve Minor Prophets were always treated by the Jews en bloc as one canonical work; hence if one of the twelve were quoted all were recognized. And the fact that 2 Ch 24 20.21 is quoted in Mt 23 35 and Lk 11 51 presupposes also the canonicity of Ezr-Neh, as originally these books were one with Ch, though they may possibly have already been divided in Jesus day. As for Est, Eccl, and Cant, it is easy to see why they are not quoted: they probably failed to furnish NT writers material for quotation. The NT writers simply had no occasion to make citations from them. What is much more noteworthy, they never quote from the Apocryphal books, though they show an acquaintance with them. Professor Gigot, one of the greatest of Roman Catholic author ities, frankly admits this. In his General Intro duction to the Study of the Scriptures, 43, he says: "They never quote them explicitly, it is true, but time and again they borrow expressions and ideas from them." As a matter of fact, NT writers felt free to quote from any source; for example, Paul on Mars Hill cites to the learned Athenians an astronomical work of the Stoic Aratus of Ciliria, or perhaps from a Hymn to Jupiter by Cleanthes of Lycia, when he says, "For we are also his off spring" (Acts 17 28). And Jude vs 14.15 almost undeniably quotes from En (19; 60 8) a work which is not recognized as canonical by any except the church of Abyssinia. But in any case, the .mere quoting of a book does not canonize it; nor, on the other hand, does failure to quote a book ex clude it. Quotation does not necessarily imply sanction; no more than reference to contemporary lit. is incompatible with strict views of the canon. Everything depends upon the manner in which the quotation is made. In no case is an Apocryphal book cited by NT authors as "Scripture," or as the

          work of the Holy Spirit. And the force of this statement is not weakened by the fact that the authors of NT writings cited the LXX instead of the original Heb; for, "they are responsible only for the inherent truthfulness of each passage in the form which they actually adopt" (Green, Canon, 145). As a witness, therefore, the NT is of para mount importance. For, though it nowhere tells us the exact number of books contained in the OT canon, it gives abundant evidence of the existence already in the 1st cent . AD of a definite and fixed canon.

          4 Esd in Lat (2 Esd in Eng.) is a Jewish apoca lypse which was written originally in Greek toward the close of the 1st cent, (cir 81-90

          9. 4 Esd AD). The passage of special interest (cir 81-96 to us is 14 19-48 which relates in AD) most fabulous style how Ezra is given

          spiritual illumination to reproduce the Law which had been burned, and how, at the Divine command, he secludes himself for a period of 40 days, after which he betakes himself with five skilled scribes to the open country. There, a cup of water is offered him; he drinks, and then dictates to his five amanuenses continuously for 40 days and nights, producing 94 books of which 70 are kept secret and 24 published. The section of supreme importance reads as follows: "And it came to pass, when the forty days were fulfilled, that the Most High spake, saying, The first that thou hast written, publish openly, that the worthy may read it ; but keep the seventy last, that thou mayest deliver them only to such as be wise among the people; for in them is the spring of understand ing, the fountain of wisdom, and the stream of knowledge.^ And I did so" (4 Esd 14 45-48). The story is obviously pure fiction. No wonder that a new version of it arose in the Kith cent., according to which the canon was completed, not by Ezra alone, but by a company of men known as the Great Synagogue. From the legend of 4 Esd it is commonly inferred that the 24 books which remain after subtracting 70 from 94 are the ca nonical books of the OT. If so, then this legend is the first witness we have to the number of books contained in the OT canon. This number corre sponds exactly with the usual number of sacred books according to Jewish count, as we saw in 5 above. The legend, accordingly, is not without value. Even as legend it witnesses to a tradition which existed as early as the 1st Christian cent., to the effect that the Jews possessed 24 specially sacred books. It also points to Ezra as the chief factor in the making of Scripture and intimates that the OT canon has long since been virtually closed.

          Flavius Josephus, the celebrated Jewish his torian, was born 37 AD. He was a priest and a Pharisee. About 100 AD, he wrote

          10. Jos a controversial treatise, known as "Contra Contra Apioitcnt, in defence of the Apionem" Jews against their assailants, of whom (cir 100 Apion is taken as a leading rcpre- AD) sentative. Now Apion was a famous

          grammarian, who in his life had been hostile to the Jews. He had died some 50 years before Contra Apionem was written. Jos wrote in Gr to Greeks. The important passage in his treatise (I, 8) reads as follows: "For it is not the case with us to have vast numbers of books dis agreeing and conflicting with one another. We have but twenty-two, containing the history of all time, books that are justly believed in. And of these, five are the books of Moses, which com prise the laws and the earliest traditions from the creation of mankind down to the time of his (Moses ) death. This period falls short but by a little of three thousand years. From the death of Moses



          to the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, the suc cessor of Xerxes, the prophets who succeeded Moses wrote the history of the events that occurred in their own time; in thirteen books. The remaining four documents comprise hymns to God und prac tical precepts to men. From the days of Artaxerxes to our own time; every event has indeed been recorded. But these recent records have not been deemed worthy of equal credit with those which preceded them, because (he exact succession of the prophets ceased. But what faith we have placed in our own writings is evident by our con duct; for though so great an interval of time (i.e. since they were written) has now passed, not a soul has ventured either to add, or to remove, or to alter a syllable. But it is instinctive in all Jews at once from their very birth to regard them as commands of God, and to abide by them, and, if need be, willingly to die for them."

          The value of this remarkable passage for our study is obviously very great. In the first place Jos fixes the number of Jewish writings which are recognized as sacred at 22, joining probably Ruth to Jgs and Lam to Jer. He also classifies them according to a threefold division, which is quite peculiar to himself: 5 of Moses, 13 of the prophets, and 4 hymns and maxims for human life. The 5 of Moses were of course the Pent; the 13 of the prophets probably included the S regular N l//n lin plus Dril, Job, Ch, Ezr-Xeh, and Est ; the "4 hymns and maxims" would most naturally consist of Ps, Prov, Cant and Eccl. There is little doubt that his 22 books are those of our present Heb canon.

          Another very remarkable fact, about Jos state ment is the standard he gives of eaiionicity, namely, antiquity; because, as he says, since Artaxerxes age the succession of prophets had ceased. It was the uniform tradition of Jos time that prophetic inspira tion had ceased with Malachi (cir 445-432 BC). Hence, according to him, the canon was closed in the reign of Artaxerxes (465-425 BC). lie does not pause to give any account of t he closing of the canon; he simply assumes it, treating it as unnecessary. Prophecy had ceased, and the canon was according ly closed; the fact did not require to be officially proclaimed. As remarked above, the value of Jos as a witness is very great. But just here an important question arises: How literally must we interpret his language? Was the OT canon actually closed before 425 BC? Were not there books and parts of books composed and added to the canon subsequent to his reign? Dr. Green seems to take Jos literally (Canon, 40, 78). But Jos is not always reliable in his chronology. For example, in his Antiquities (XI, vi, 13) he dates the story of Esther as occurring in the reign of Artaxerxes I (whereas it belongs to Xerxes reign), while in the same work (XI, v, 1) he puts Ezra and Nehemiah under Xerxes (whereas they belong to the time of Artaxerxes). On the whole, it seems safer on internal grounds to regard Jos statements concerning the antiquity of the Jewish canon as the language not of a careful historian, but of a partisan in debate. Instead of expressing absolute fact in this case, he was reflect ing the popular belief of his age. Reduced to its lowest terms, the element of real truth in what he says was simply this, that he voiced a tradition which was at that time universal and undisputed; one, however, which had required a long period, per haps hundreds of years, to develop. Hence we conclude that the complete OT canon, numbering 22 books, was no new thing 100 AD.

          According to the traditions preserved in the Mish, two councils of Jewish rabbis were held (90 and 118 AD respectively) at Jabne, or Jamnia, not far S. of Joppa, on the Mediterranean coast, at which the

          books of the OT, notably Eccl and Cant, were dis cussed and their canonicity ratified. Rabbi Gamaliel 11 probably presided. Rabbi Akiba

          11. The was the chief spirit of the council. Councils of What was act ually determined by these Jamnia (90 synods has not been preserved to us and 118 accurately, but by many authorities AD) it is thought that the great controversy

          which had been going on for over a cent, between the rival Jewish schools of Hillel and Shammai was now brought to a close, and that the canon was formally restrict ed t o our 39 books. Per haps it is within reason to say that at Jamnia the limits of the Heb canon were officially and finally determined by Jewish authority. Not that official sanction created public opinion, however, but rather confirmed it .

          The Tahn consists of two parts: (1) The Mish

          (compiled cir 200 AD), a collection of systematized

          tradition; and (2) the Gemara, (! indru,

          12. The (completed about 500 AD), a "vast and Talm (200- desultory commentary on the Mish." 500 AD) A Baraitha , or unauthorized gloss,

          known as the Bdbhd Butkrd 14 b, a Talmudic tractate, relates the "order" of the various books of the OT and who "wrote" or edited them. But it says nothing of the formation of the canon. To write is not the same as to canonize; though to the later Jews the two ideas were closely akin. As a witness, therefore, this tractate is of little value, except that it confirms the tripartite division and is a good specimen of rabbinic speculation. For the full text of the passage, see Ryle, Canon of l/x OT, 273 IT.

          During the 2d cent. AD, doubts arose in Jewish minds concerning four books, Prov, Cant, Eccl,

          and Est. In a certain Talmudic

          13. Jewish tractate it is related that an attempt Doubts in was made to withdraw (ganaz, "cou th e 2d ceal," "hide") the Book of Prov on Cent. AD account of contradictions which were

          found in it (cf 26 4.5), but on deeper investigation it was not withdrawn. In another section of the Talmud, Rabbi Akiba is represented as saying concerning Cant: "God forbid that any man of Israel should deny that the Song of Songs defileth the hands, for the whole world is not equal to the day in which the Song of Songs was given to Israel. For all Scriptures are holy, but the Song of Songs is the holiest of the holy." Such extravagant language inclines one to feel that real doubt must have existed in the minds of some concerning the book. But the protestations were much stronger against Eccl. In one tractate it is stated: "The wise men desired to hide it because its language was often self-contradictory (cf Eccl 7 3 and 22; 42 and 9 4), but they did_not hide it because the beginning and the end of it consist of words from the Torah (cf 1 3; 12 13.14)." Likewise Est was vigorously disputed by both the Jer us and Bab Gemaras, because the name of God was not found in it; but a Rabbi Simeon ben Lakkish (cir 300 AD) defended its canonicity, put ting Esther on an equality with the Law and above the Prophets and the other Writings. Other books, for example, Ezekiel and Jonah, were dis cussed in post-Talmudic writings, but no serious objections were ever raised by the Jews against either. Jonah was really never doubted till the 12th cent. AD. In the case of no one of these disputed books were there serious doubts; nor did scholastic controversies affect public opinion.

          This brings us to the end of our examination of the witnesses. In our survey we have discovered (1) that the OT says nothing about its canoniza tion, but does emphasize the manner in which the Law was preserved and recognized as authoritative;



          (2) that to conclude that the Jews possessed the Law only, when the renegade Manasseh was ex pelled by Nehemiah from Jerus, because 14. Sum- the Samaritans admit of the Law alone mary and as the true canon, is unwarrantable; Conclusion (3) that the LXX version as we know it from the Christian MSS extant is by no means a sufficient proof that the Alexandrians possessed a "larger" canon which included the Apoc; (4) that Jesus ben Sirach is a witness to the fact that the Prophets in his day (ISO BC) were not yet acknowledged as canonical; (5) that his grandson in his Prologue is the first, witness to the customary tripartite division of OT writings, but does not speak of the 3d division as though it were already closed; (6) that the Books of Alacc seem to indicate that the Ps and Dnl are already included in the canon of the Jews; (7) that Philo s testimony is negative, in that he witnesses against the Apocryphal books as an integral part of Holy Scripture; _(8) that the NT is the most explicit wit ness of the series, because of the names and titles it ascribes to the OT books which it quotes; (9) that 4 Esd is the first witness to the number of books in the OT can on -24; (10) that Jos also fixes the number of books, but in arguing for the antiquity of the canon speaks as an ad vocal e, voicing popular tradition, rather than as a scientific historian; (11) that the Councils of Jarnnia may, with some ground, be considered the official occasion on which the Jews pronounced upon the limits of their canon; but. that (12) doubts existed in the 2d cent, concerning certain books; which books, however, were not seriously questioned.

          From all this we conclude, that the Law was canonized, or as we would better say, was recog nized as authoritative, first, cir 444 BC; that the Prophets were set on an even footing with the Law considerably later, cir 200 BC; and that the Writ ings received authoritative sanction still later, cir 100 BC. There probably never were three separate canons, but there were three separate classes of writ ings, which between 4-50 and 100 BC doubtless stood on different bases, and only gradually became authoritative. There is, therefore, ground for thinking, as suggested above (_6), that the trip artite division of the OT canon is due to material differences in the contents as well as to chronology.

          ///. The Canon in the Christian Church. In making the transition from the Jewish to the Christian church, we find the same 1. In the canon cherished by all. Christians Eastern or of all sects have; always been disposed Oriental to accept without question the canon Church of the Jews. For (Hints, all branches

          of the Christian church were prac tically agreed on the limits set by the Jews, but eventually the western church became divided, some alleging that Christ sanctioned the "larger" canon of Alexandria, including the Apocrypha, while others adhered, as the Jews have always done, to the canon of the Jews in Pal. Taking the eastern or oriental church first, the evidence they furnish is as follows: The Pesh, or Syr version, dating from cir 150 AD, omits Ch; Justin Martyr (104 AD) held to a canon identical with that of the Jews; the Canon of Melito, bishop of Sardis, who (cir 170 AD) made a journey to Pal in order carefully to investigate the matter, omits Est. His list, which is the first Christian list we have, has been preserved to us by Eusebius in his Eccl. Hist., IV, 26; Origen (d. 254 AD), who was educated in Alexandria, and was one of the most learned of the Gr Fathers, also set himself the task of know ing the "Heb verity" of the OT text, and gives us a list (also preserved to us by Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., VI, 5) in which he reckons the number of books as 22 (thus agreeing with Jos). Inadvertently he

          omits the Twelve Minor Prophets, but this is manifestly an oversight on the part of either a scribe or of Eusebius, as he states the number of books is 22 and then names but 21. The so-called Canon of Laodicea (cir 3(33 AD) included the canonical books only, rejecting the Apocrypha. Athanasius (d. 305 AD) gives a list in which Est is classed as among the non-canonical books, but he elsewhere admits that "Est is considered canonical by the Hebrews." However, he included Bar and the Epistle of Jeremiah with Jeremiah. Amphiloch- ius, bishop of Iconium (cir 380 AD), speaks of Est as received by some only. Cyril, bishop of Jerus (d. 386 AD), gives a list corresponding with the Ileb canon, except that he includes Bar and the Epistle of Jeremiah. Gregory of Nazianzus in Cappadocia (d. 300 AD) omits Est. But Anastasius, patriarch of Antioch (560 AD), and Leontius of Byzantium (580 AD) both held to the strict Jewish canon of 22 books. The Nestorians generally doubted Est. This was due doubtless to the influence of Theodore of Mopsuestia (cir 300-457 AD) who disputed the authority of Ch, Ezr, Neh, Est and Job. The oriental churches as a whole, however, never canonized the Apocrypha.

          Between 100 and 400 AD, the NT writings became canonical, occupying in the Christian church a place of authority and sacred- 2. In the ness equal to those of the OT. The Western tendency of the period was to receive Church everything which had been tradition

          ally read in the churches. But the transference of this principle to the OT writings produced great confusion. Usage and theory were often in conflict. A church Father might declare that the Apocryphal books were uninspired and yet, quote them as "Scripture," and even introduce them with the accepted formula, "As the Holy Ghost saith." Theologically they held to a strict canon, horniletically they used a larger one. But even usage was not uniform. 3 and 4 Esd and the Book of En arc; sometimes quoted as "Holy Writ," yet the western church never received these books as canonical. The criterion of usage, therefore, is too broad. The theory of the Fathers was grad ually forgotten, and the prevalent use of the LXX and other versions led to the obliteration of the distinction between the undisputed books of the Heb canon and the most popular Apocryphal books; and being often publicly read in the churches they finally received a quasi-canonization.

          Tertullian of Carthage (cir 150-230 AD) is the first of the Lat Fathers whose writings have been preserved. He gives the number of OT books as 24, the same as in the Talm. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers in France (350-36S AD), gives a catalogue in which he speaks of "Jeremiah and his epistle," yet his list numbers only 22. Rufinus of Aquileia in Italy (d. 410 AD) likewise gives a complete list of 22 books. Jerome also, the learned monk of Bethlehem (d. 420 AD), gives the number of ca nonical books as 22, corresponding to the 22 letters of the Heb alphabet, and explains that the five double books (1 and 2 S, 1 and 2 K, 1 and 2 Ch, Ezr-Neh, Jer-Lam) correspond to the five final letters of the Heb alphabet. In his famous Pro- lagiis Galcains or "Helmed Preface" to the books of S and K, he declares himself for the strict canon of the Jews; rejecting the authority of the deutero- canonical books in the most outspoken manner, even distinguishing carefully the apocryphal ad ditions to Est and to Dnl. As the celebrated Cath olic writer, Dr. Gigot, very frankly allows, "Time and again this illustrious doctor [Jerome] of the Lat church rejects the authority of the deutero- canonical books in the most explicit manner" (General Intro, 56).

          Canon of f !he NT



          Cont emporaneous wit Ii Jerome in Bethlehem lived Augustine in North Africa (.353-430 AD). He was the bishop of Hippo; renowned as thinker, theo logian and saint, in the three great Councils of Hippo (MM) and Carthage (.397 and 41!) AD], of which he was the leading spirit, he closed, as it were, the great debate of the previous generations on the subject of how large shall be the Bible. In his essay on Christian Doctrine, he catalogues I he books of Scripture, which had been transmitted by the Fathers for public reading in the church, giving their number as 41, with which he says the author ity of the ()T is ended." These probably corre spond with the present canon of Catholics. But it is not to be supposed that Augustine made no distinction between the proto- and deutero-canon- ical books. On the contrary, he limited the term "canonical" in its strict sense to the books which arc inspired and received by the Jews, and denied that in the support of doctrine the books of \\\\\\\\isd and Ecclus were of unquestioned authority, though long custom had entitled them to respect. And when a passage from 2 Mace was urged by his opponents in defence of suicide, he rejected their proof by showing that the book was not received into the Heb canon to which Christ was witness. At the third Council of Carthage (31)7 ADi. however, a decree was ratified, most probably with his ap proval, which in effect placed all the canonical and deutero-canonical books on the same level, and in the course of time they actually became considered by some as of equal authority (see DKTTKUO- ( \\\\\\\\OMICAL BOOKS). A few years later, another council at Carthage (419 AD) took the additional step of voting that their own decision concerning the canon should be confirmed by Boniface, the bishop of Rome; accordingly, thereafter, the question of how large the Bible should be became a matter to be settled by authority rather than by criticism.

          From the 4lh to the 16th cent . AD the process of gradually widening the limits of the canon con tinued. Pope Oelasius (492-496 AD) issued a decretal or list in which he included the OT apoc rypha. Yet even after this official acl of the papaiy the sentiment in the western church was divided. Some followed the strict canon of Jerome, while others favored the larger canon of Augustine, without noting his cautions and the distinctions he made between inspired and uninspired writings. Cassiodorus (556 AD) and Isidore of Seville (636 AD) place the lists of Jerome and Augustine side by side without deciding between them. Two bishops of North Africa, Primasius and Jnnilius (cir 550 AD) reckon 24 books as strictly canonical and explicitly state that the others are iiot of the same grade. Popular usage, however, was indiscrimi nate. Outside the Jews there was no sound Heb tradition. Accordingly, at the Council of Florence (1442 AD), "Eugenius IV, with the approval of the Fathers of that assembly, declared all the books found in the Lat Bibles then in use to be inspired by the same Holy Spirit, without distin guishing them into two classes or categories" (cf C.igot, (lencrnl Intro, 71). Though this bull of Eugenius IV did not deal with the canonicity of the Apocryphal books, if, did proclaim their in spiration. Nevertheless, down to the Council of Trent (1546 AD), the Apocryphal books possessed only inferior authority; and when men spoke of canonical Scripture in the strict sense, these were not included.

          Luther, the great Saxon Reformer of the Kith cent., marks an epoch in the history of the Christian OT canon. In translating the Scriptures into German, he gave the deutero-canonical books an intermediate position between the OT and the NT. The Lutheran church, also, while it does not ex

          pressly define the limits of the canon, yet places the Apocryphal writings by themselves as distinct and separate from Holy Scripture. This indeed was the attitude of all the early Reformers. In. the Zurich Bible of 1529, as in the Genevan version in English of 1560, the Apocryphal books were placed apart with special headings by themselves. Thus the early Reformers did not entirely reject the Apoc ryphal writings, for it was not an easy task to do so in view of the usage and traditions of centuries.

          Rome had vacillated long enough. She realized that something must be done. The Reformers had sided with those who stood by Jerome. She therefore resolved to settle the matter in an ecclesi astical and dogmatic manner. Accordingly the Council of Trent decreed at their fourth sitting (April 8, 1546), that the Apocryphal books were equal in authority and canonical value to the other books of sacred Scripture; and to make this decree effective they added: "If, however, anyone receive not as sacred and canonical the said books entire with all their facts, and as they have been used to be read in the Catholic church, and as they are contained in the Old Lat Vulg ed .... let him be anathema." The decree was the logical out come of the ever-accumulating snowball tendency in the western church. The historical effect of it upon the church is obvious. It closed forever the field of Bib. study against all free research. Naturally, therefore, the Vatican Council of 1S70 not only reiterated the decree 1 but found it easy to take still another step and canonize tradition.

          Repealed endeavors were made during the Kith and 17th cents, to have the Apocryphal books removed from the Scriptures. The Synod of Dort (1618-19), Gomarus, Deodatus and others, sought to accomplish it, but failed. The only success achieved was in getting them separated from the truly canonical writings and grouped by themselves, as in the Gallican Confession of 1559, the Anglican Confession of 1562, and the Second Helvetic Con fession of 1566. The Puritan Confession went farther, and declared that they were of a purely secular character. The various continental and Eng. versions of the Bible then being made like wise placed them by themselves, apart from the acknowledged books, as a kind of appendix. For example, the Zurich Bible of 1529, the French Bible of 1535, Coverdale s English tr of 1536, Matthew s of 1537, the second ed of the Great Bible, 1540, the Bishops of 156S, and the AV of Kill. The first Eng. version to omit them al together was an ed of King James s Version pub lished in 1629; but the custom of printing them by themselves, between the OT and the NT, con tinued until 1S25, when the Edinburgh Committee of the British and Foreign Bible Society protested that the Society should no longer translate these Apocryphal writings and send them to the heathen. The Society finally yielded and decided to exclude them (May 3, 1X27"). Since then, Protestants in Great Britain and America have given up the prac tice of publishing the Apoc as a part of sacred Scripture. In Europe, also, since 1S50, the ten dency has been in the same direction. The Church of England, however, and the American Episcopal church, do not wholly exclude them; certain "read ings" being selected from Wisd, Ecclus and Bar, and read on week days between October 27 and November 17. Yet, when the ERV appeared in 1885, though it was a special product of the Church of England, there was not so much as a reference to the Apocryphal writings. The Irish church likewise removed them; and the ARV ignores them altogether.

          LlTKKATURK. G. Wilclcboer, Thf On i/in of tin- fiiinni

          of the (>r, tr i by B. W. Bacon, London, Luzao. & To..



          1895 H E. Ryle, The Canon of the OT, London and New York, Macmillan, 1892; F. Buhl, Canon and Text of the OT, tr<i by John MacPherson, Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark 1892; W 7 . H. Green, General Intro to the OT, The Canon, New York, Scribner, 1898; W. Robertson Smith, The OT in the Jewish Church, 2d ed, London, \\\\ & C. Black, 1895; F. E. Gigot, General Intro to the Holy Scriptures, 3d ed. New York, Cincinnati and Chi cago Benziger Bros., 1903; B. F. Westcott, The Bible in the Christian Church, London and New York, Macmillan, 1901- C. A. Briggs, General Intro to the Stud*/ of Holy Scripture, New York, Scribner, 1899; A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Divine Library of the OT, London and New York, Macmillan, 1892; Hastings, Dli, 111, 900, art " OT Canon" by F. H. Woods; Cheney and Black s EB, I, 1899 art. "Canon" by K. Budde; The New Schaff- Herzog Enc of Reliijious Knowledge, II, 1908, art. "Canon of Scripture" by H. L. Strack; Jour, of Bib. Lit., 1895, 118-28, art. "The Alleged Triple Canon of the OT, by W. J. Beecher; Abbe A. Loisy, Jlistoire du canon de I ancien testament, Paris, 1890; J. Fu rst, De.r Kanon cles AT, Leipzig, 1808; E. Reuss, Histoire dn canon fles saintes ecritures flnnx I ei/lise chretienne, Strassburg, 1864, Eng. tr, Edinburgh, 1891.


          CANON, kan un, OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, THE:


          1. Early Christians Had the OT

          2. No Intention of Writing the XT II. THREE STAGES OF THE PROCESS

          1. From the Apostles to 170 AD

          (1) Clement of Rome; Ignatius; Polycarp

          (2) Forces Increasing Value of Writings (a) Apologists. Justin Martyr

          (&) Gnostics. Marcion

          2. From 170 AD to 220 AD

          (1) Irenaeus

          (2) Muratorian Fragment

          3. 3d and 4th Cents.

          (1) Origen

          (2) Dionysius

          (3) Cyprian.

          (4) Eusebius

          (5) Athanasius

          (f>) Council of Carthage. Jerome; Augustine LITERATURE

          /. Two Preliminary Considerations. The canon is the collect ion of 27 books which the church (gener ally) receives as its NT Scriptures. The history of the canon is the history of the process by which these books were brought together and their value as sacred Scriptures officially recognized. That process was gradual, furthered by definite needs, and, though unquestionably continuous, is in its earlier stages difficult to trace. It is always well in turning to the study of it to have in mind two considerations which bear upon the earliest phases of the whole movement. These are:

          (1) The early Christians had in their hands

          what was a Bible to them, viz. the OT Scriptures.

          These were used to a surprising extent

          1. Early in Christian instruction. For a whole Christians cent, after the death of Jesus this Had the OT was the case. These Scriptures were

          read in the churches, and there could be at first no idea of placing beside them new books which could for a moment rank with them in honor and authority. It has been once and again discussed whether Christianity from the first was a "book-religion." The decision of the matter depends upon what is referred to by the word "book." Christianity certainly did have from the very beginning a book which it reverenced the OT but years passed before it had even the begin nings of a book of its own. What has been called "the wealth of living canonical material," namely, prophets and teachers, made written words of sub ordinate value. In this very teaching, however,

          with its oral traditions lay the begin-

          2. No In- nings of that movement which was tention of ultimately to issue in a canon of writ- Writing ings. (2) When the actual work of the NT writing began no one who sent forth

          an epistle or framed a gospel had before him the definite purpose of contributing toward the formation of what we call "the Bible." All the NT

          writers looked for "the end" as near. Their words, therefore, were to meet definite needs in the lives of those with whom they were associated. They had no thought of creating a new sacred lit. And yet these incidental occasional writings have come to be our choicest Scripture. The circumstances and influences which brought about this result are here briefly set forth.

          //. Three Stages of the Process. For convenience of arrangement and definiteness of impression the whole process may be marked off in three stages: (1) that from the time of the apostles until about 170 AD; (2) that of the closing years of the 2d cent. and the opening of the 3d (170-220 AD); (3) that of the 3d and 4th cents. In the first we seek for the evidences of the growth in appreciation of the peculiar value of the NT writings; in the second we discover the clear, full recognition of a large part of these writings as sacred and authoritative; in the third the acceptance of the complete canon in the East and in the West.

          (1) The first period extending to- 170 AD. It does not lie within the scope of this art. to recount the origin of the several books of the 1. From the NT. This belongs properly to NT Apostles to Introduction (q.v.). By the end of 170 AD the 1st cent, all of the books of the NT were in existence. They were, as treasures of given churches, widely separated and honored as containing the word of Jesus or the teaching of the apostles. From the very first the authority of Jesus had full recognition in all the Christian world. The whole work of the apostles was in interpreting Him to the growing church. His sayings and His life were in part for the illumina tion of the OT; wholly for the understanding of life and its issues. In every assembly of Christians from the earliest days He was taught as well as the OT. In each church to which an epistle was written that epistle was likewise read. Paul asked that his letters be read in this way (1 Thess 6 27; Col 4 16). In this attentive listening to the exposition of some event in the life of Jesus or to the reading of the epistle of an apostle began the "authorization" of the traditions concerning Jesus and the apostolic writings. The widening of the area of the church and the departure of the apostles from earth emphasized increasingly the value of that which the writers of the NT left behind them. Quite early the desire to have the benefit of all possible instruction led to the inter change of Christian writings. Polycarp (110 AD ?) writes to the Philippians, "I have received letters from you and from Ignatius. You recom mend me to send on yours to Syria; I shall do so either personally or by some other means. In return I send you the letter of Ignatius as well as others which I have in my hands and for which you made request. I add them to the present one; they will serve to edify your faith and perseverance" (Epistle to Phil, XIII). This is an illustration of what must have happened toward furthering a knowledge of the writings of the apostles. Just when and to what extent "collections" of our NT books began to be made it is impossible to say, but it is fair to infer that a collection of the Pauline epistles existed at the time Polycarp w r rote to the Phil and when Ignatius wrote his seven letters to the churches of Asia Minor, i.e. about 115 AD. There is good reason to think also that the four Gospels were brought together in some places as early as this. A clear distinction, however, is to be kept in mind between "collections" and such rec ognition as we imply in the word "canonical." The gathering of books was one of the steps preliminary to this. Examination of the testimony to the NT in this early time indicates also that it is given with



          no intention of framing the canonicity of NT books, lu numerous instances only "echoes" of the thought of the epistles appear; again ([notations are incom plete; both showing that Scripture words are used as the natural expression of Christian thought. In the same way the Apostolic Fathers refer to the teachings and deeds of Jesus. They witness to the substance and not to the authenticity of the Gospels." That this all may be more evident let us note in more detail the witness of the sub- apostolic age.

          Cloncnt of Rome, in 95 AD, wrote a letter in the name of the Christians of Rome to those in Corinth. In this letter he uses material found in Alt, Lk, giving it a free rendering; (see chs 46 and 13); he lias been much influenced bv the Epistle to tin- He (see chs 9, 10, 17, 19, 36). He knows Rom, Cor, and there are found echoes of 1 Tim, Tit, 1 Pet and Eph.

          The Epistles of Ignatius (115 AD) have corre spondences with our gospels in several places (Eph 5; Rom 6, 7) and incorporate language from nearly all of the Pauline epistles. The Epistle to Polycarp makes large use of Phil, and besides this cites nine of the other Pauline epistles. Ignatius quotes from Alt, apparently from memory; also from 1 Pet, and 1 Jn. In regard to all these three writers Clement, Polycarp, Ignatius it, is not enough to say that they bring us reminiscences or quotations from this or that book. Their thought is tinctured all through with NT truth. As we move a little farther down the years we come to "The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles" (cir 120 AD in its present form; see DIDACHKJ ; the Epistle of Barnabas (cir 130 AD) and the Shepherd of Hernias (cir 130 AD). These exhibit the same phenomena as appear in the writings of Clement, Ignatius and Polycarp as far as references to the NT are concerned. Some books are emoted, and the thought of the three writings echoes again and again the teachings of the NT. They bear distinct, witness to the value of "the gospel" and the doc trine of the apostles, so much so as to place these clearly above their own words. It is in the Epistle of Barnabas that, we iirst come upon the phrase "it, is written," referring to a NT book (Alt) (see Ejiix., iv.14). In this deepening sense of value was enfolded the feeling of authoritativeness, which slowly was to find expression. It, is well to add that what we have so far discovered was true in widely separated parts of the Christian world as e.g. Rome and Asia Minor.

          The lit. of the period we are examining was not, however, wholly of the kind of which we have been speaking. Two forces were calling out other expressions of the singular value of the writings of the apostles, whether gospels or epistles. These were (a) the attention, of (fie civil government in view of the rapid growth of the Christian church and (/)) hcrcKi/. The first brought, to the defence or commendation of Christianity the Apoloyixtx, among whom were Justin Martyr, Aristides, Alelito of Sardis and Theophilus of Antioch. By far the most important of these was Justin Martyr, and his work may be taken as representative. He was born about 100 AD at Shechem, and died as a martyr at Rome in 105 AD. His two Apologies and the Dialogue with Trypho are the sources for the study of his testimony. He speaks of the "Alemoirs of the Apostles, called Gospels" (Ap., i.66) which were read on Sunday interchangeably with the prophets (i.P>7). Here emerges that equivalence in value of these "Gospels" with the OT Scriptures which may really mark the beginning of canonization. That these Gospels were our four Gospels as we now have them is yet a disputed question; but the evidence is weighty that they

          were. (See Purves, Testimony of Justin Martyr to Early Christianity, Lect V.) The fact that Tatian, his pupil, made a harmony of the Gospels, i.e. of our four Gospels, also bears upon our inter pretation of Justin s "Alemoirs." (See Hemphill, The. Diatessaron of Tatian.) The only other NT book which Justin mentions is the Apocalypse; but, he appears to have known the Acts, six epistles of Paul, He and 1 Jn, and echoes of still other epistles are perceptible. "When he speaks of the apostles it is after this fashion: By the power of God they proclaimed to every race of men that they were sent by Christ to teach to all the Word of God" (Ap., i.39). It is debatable, however, whether this refers to more than the actual preach ing of the apostles. The beginning of the forma tion of the canon is in the position and authority given to 1 he Gospels.

          While the Apologists were busy commending or defending Christianity, /ic/v.s.y in the form of Gnosticism was also compelling attention to the matter of the writings of the apostles. From the beginning gnostic teachers claimed that Jesus had favored chosen ones of His apostles with a body of esoteric truth which had been handed down by secret tradition. This the church denied, and in the controversy that went, on through years the question of what, were authoritative writings became more and more pronounced, liasilidese.g., who taught in Alexandria during the reign of Hadrian (AD 1 17-3S), had for his secret authority the secret tradition of the apost le Alat thias and of Glaucias, an alleged in terpreter of Peter, but he bears witness to Alt, Lk, Jn, Rom, 1 Cor, Eph, and Col in the effort to rec ommend his doctrines, and, what is more, gives them the value of Scripture in order to support more securely his teachings. (See Philosopfioumcna of Ilippolytus, VII, 17). Valentinus, tracing his au thority through Theodas to Paul, makes the same general use of NT books, and Tertullian tells us that he appeared to use the whole NT as then known.

          The most noted of the Gnostics was Alan-ion, a native of Pontus. He went to Rome (cir 1-10 AD), there broke with the church and became a danger ous heretic. In support of his peculiar views, he formed a canon of his own which consisted of Luke s Gospel and ten of the Pauline epistles. He rejected the Pastoral Epistles, He, Alt, Alk, Jn, the Acts, the Catholic epistles and the Apocalypse, and made a recension of both the gospel of Lk and the Pauline epistles which he accepted. His importance, for us, however, is in the fact that he gives us the first clear evidence of the canonization of the Pauline epistles. Such use of the Scriptures inevitably called forth both criticism and a clearer marking off of those books which were to be used in the churches opposed to heresy, and so "in the struggle with Gnosticism the canon was made." We are thus brought to the end of the first, period in which we have marked the collection of NT books in greater or smaller compass, the increasing valuation of them as depositions of the truth of Jesus and His apos tles, and finally the movement toward the claim of their authoritativeness as over against perverted teaching. No sharp line as to a given year can be drawn between the first stage of the process and the second. Forces working in the first go on into the second, but results are accomplished in the second which give it its right to separate consideration.

          (2) The period from 170 AD to 220 ^ AD. This is the age of a voluminous theological literature busy with the great issues of church canon 2. From and creed. It is the period of the 170 AD to great names of Ircnaeus, Clement of 220 AD Alexandria, and Tertullian, repre

          senting respectively Asia Minor, Egypt and North Africa. In passing into it we come into



          the dear light of Christian history. There is no longer any question as to a NT canon; the only difference of judgment is as to its extent. What has been slowly but surely shaping itself in the consciousness of the church now comes to clear expression.

          Irenaeus Th&t expression we may study in Irenaeus as representative of the period. He was born in Asia Minor, lived and taught in Koine and became afterward bishop of Lyons. He had, therefore, a wide acquaintance with the churches, and was peculiarly competent to speak concerning the general judgment of the Christian world. As a pupil of Polycarp, who was a disciple of John, he is connected with the apostles themselves. An earnest defender of the truth, he makes the NT in great part his authority, and often appeals to it. The four Gospels, the Acts, the epistles of Paul, several of the Catholic epistles and the Apocalypse; are to him Scripture in the fullest sense. They are genuine and authoritative, as much so as the OT ever was. He dwells upon the fact that there are four gospels, the very number being prefigured in the four winds and the four quarters of the earth. Every attempt to increase or diminish the number is heresy. Tertullian takes virt ually the same posi tion (Adi\\\\ Marc., iv.2), while Clement of Alexan dria quotes all four gospels as "Scripture." By the end of the 2d cent, the canon of the gospels was settled. The same is true also of the Pauline epistles. Irenaeus makes more than two hundred citations from Paul, and looks upon his epistles as Scripture (Adc. liner., iii.12, 12). Indeed, at this time it may be said that the new canon was known under the designation "The Gospel and the Apostles" in contradistinction to the old as "the Law and the Prophets." The title "New Testa ment" appears to have been iirst used by an un known writer against Montanism (cir 193 AD). It occurs frequently after this in Origen and later writers. In considering all this testimony two facts should have emphasis: (1) its wide extent: Clement, and Irenaeus represent parts of Christen dom which are widely separated; (2) the relation of these men to those who have gone before them. Their lives together with those before them spanned nearly the whole time from the apostles. They but voiced the judgment, which silently, gradually had been selecting the "Scripture" which they freely and fully acknowledged and to which they made appeal.

          The Murntorian Fragment. Just here we come upon the Munitorian Fragment, so called because discovered in 1740 by the librarian of Milan, Mural ori. It dates from some time near the end of the 2d cent., is of vital interest in the study of the history of the canon, since it gives us a list of NT books and is concerned with the question of the canon itself. The document comes from Rome, and Light foot assigns it to Hippolytus. Its list contains the Gospels (the first line of the fragment is incomplete, beginning with Mk, but Mt is clearly implied), the Acts, the Pauline epistles, the Apocalypse, 1 and 2 Jn (perhaps by implication the third) and Judo. It does not mention He, 1 and 2 Pet, Jas. In this list we have virtually the real position of the canon at the close of the 2d cent. Complete unanimity had not been attained in reference to all the books which are now between the covers of our NT. Seven books had not yet found a secure place beside the gospel and Paul in all parts of the church. The Palestinian and Syrian churches for a long time rejected the Apocalypse, while some of the Catholic epistles were in Egypt considered doubtful. The history of the final acceptance of these belongs to the third period.

          (3) The period included by the 3d nnd 4th cents. It has been said that "the question of the (-anon did not make much progress in the 3. 3rd and course of the 3d cent." (Reuss, History 4th Cents, of the Canon of Holy Scripture, 125). \\\\Vc have the testimony of a few not able teachers mostly from one center, Alexandria. Their consideration of the question of the disputed book serves just here one purpose. By far the most distinguished name of the 3d cent, is Origen. He was born in Alexandria about 185 AD, and be fore he was seventeen became an instructor in the school for catechumens. In 203 he was appointed bishop, experienced various fortunes, and died in 254. His fame rests upon his ability as an exegete, though he worked laboriously and successfully in other fields. His testimony is of high value, not simply because of his own studies, but also because of his wide knowledge of what was thought in other Christian centers in the world of his time. Space permits us only to give in summary form his conclusions, esp. in regard to the books still in doubt. The Gospels, the Pauline epistles, the Acts, he accepts without question. He discusses at some length the authorship of He, believes that "God alone knows who wrote it," and accepts it as Scripture. His testimony to the Apocalypse is given in the sentence, "Therefore John the son of Zebedee says in tin- Revelation." He also gives sure witness to Jude, but wavers in regard to Jas, 2 Pet, 2 and 3 Jn.

          Another noted name of this cent, is Dipnysius of Alexandria, a pupil of Origen (d. 205). His most interesting discussion is regarding the Apoc alypse, which he attributes to an unknown John, but he does not dispute its inspiration. It is a singular fact that the western church accepted this book from the first, while its position in the East was variable. Conversely the Epistle to the He was more insecure in the West than in the East. In regard to the Catholic epistles Dionysius supports Jas, 2 and 3 Jn, but not 2 Pet or Jude.

          In the West the name of Cyprian, bishop of Carthage (24S-58 AD), was most influential. He was much engaged in controversy, but a man of great personal force. The Apocalypse he highly honored, but he was silent about, the Epistle to the He. lie refers to only two of the Catholic epistles, 1 Pet and 1 Jn.

          These testimonies confirm what was said above, viz. that, the end of the 3d cent, leaves the question of the full canon about where it was at the begin ning. 1 Pet and 1 Jn seem to have been every where known and accepted. In the West the five Catholic epistles gained recognition more slowly than in the East.

          In the early part, of the 4th cent. Eusebius (270- 340 AD), bishop of Caesarea before 315, sets before us in his Church History (III, chs iii-xxv) his estimate of the canon in his time. He does not of course use the word canon, but he "conducts an historical inquiry into the belief and practice of earlier generations." He lived through the last. great persecution in the early part of the 4th cent., when not only places of worship were razed to the ground, but also the sacred Scriptures were in the public market-places consigned to the flames (HE, VIII, 2). It was, therefore, no idle question what book a loyal Christian must stand for as his Scripture. The question of the canon had an ear nest, practical significance. Despite some obscurity and apparent contradictions, his classification of the NT books was as follows: (1) The acknowl edged books. His criteria for each of these was authenticity and apostolicity and he placed in this list the Gospels, Acts, and Paul s epistles, including He. (2) The disputed books, i.e. those which had

          Canopy Capharsalama



          obtained only partial recognition, to which he assigned Jas, .hide, 2 Pel, and 2 Jn. About the Apocalypse also lie was not sure. In this testimony there is not much advance over that, of the 3d cent. It is virtually the canon of Origen. All this makes evident the fact that as yet no official decision nor uniformity of usage in the church gave a completed canon. The time, however, was drawing on when various forces at work were to bring much nearer this unanimity and enlarge the list of acknowledged books. In the second half of the 4th cent, repented efforts wen 1 made to put an end to uncertainty. Attiu/i<ixit<f> in one of his pastoral letters in connection with the publishing of the ecelosiast ical calendar gives a list of the books comprising Scripture, and in the 1 NT portion are included ail the 27 books which we now recogni/e. "These are the wells of salvation," he writes, "so that he who thirsts may be satisfied with the say ings in these. Let, no one add to these. Let nothing be taken away." Gregory of Nazianzen (d. 390 AD) also published a list omitting Rev, as did Cyril of Jerus (d. 3S(>), and finite at, t he end of the cent. (4th) Isidore of Pelusium speaks of (he "canon of truth, the Divine Scriptures." For a con siderable time the Apocalypse was not accepted in (he Palestinian or Syrian churches. Athanasius helped toward its accep(ance in the church of Alexandria. Some differences of opinion, however, continued. The Syrian church did not, accept, all of the Catholic epistles until much later.

          The Council of Cdrtltttyr in 397, in connection with its decree, that aside from the canonical Scriptures nothing is to be read in church under the name of Divine Scriptures," gives a list of the books of the NT. After this fashion there was an endeavor to secure unanimity, while at, (he 1 same time differences of judgment and practice 1 continued. The 1 books which had varied treatment through these early cents, were He, the Apocalypse and the five minor Catholic epistles. The advance of Christianity under Constantino had much to do with the reception of the whole group of books in (he East. The task which the emperor gave to Eusebius to prepare "fifty copies of the Divine Scripture s" established a standard which in time gave recognition to all doubtful books. In the West., Jerome and Augustine were the controlling factors in its settlement of the canon. The publi cation of the Vulg virtually determined the matter.

          In conclusion let it be noted how much the human element was involved in the whole process of forming our NT. No one would wish to dispute a providential overruling of if all. Also it is well to bear in mind that all the books have 1 not the 1 same 1 clear title to their places in the canon as far as the history of their attestation is concerned. Clear and full and unanimous, however, has been the judgment from the 1 beginning upon the Gospels, the Acts, the Pauline epistles, 1 Pot and 1 Jn.

          LITERATURE. Rouss, History of the Canon of Holy Flrrii>tiires; E. C. Moon 1 , The XT in the Christian Church; Gregory, Cnnon ami Text. <>f thf \\\\T: Introductions to NT of Jiilicher, Weiss, Jteuss; Zahn, i;,-*chichtf des Xt-nti st. Kniians; Harnack, Dux XT urn tins Jnhr 200; Oirn/iolof/ie dir altchristlichen Literatur: Wcstcott, Thf Canon of the NT; /aim, Forschuntn ti zur Gesch. des neatest. Kanons.

          J. S. RlGGS

          CANOPY, kan 6-pi (HSfl , Imp pah, from a mot meaning "to inclose" or "cover"): Isa 4 5 AV has "defence," ERV "canopy," ARV "covering," the last being best, though "canopy" has much in its favor. In Ps 19 5 (He 19 6) hnppdh is used of (he bridegroom s e hamber and in Joel 2 1(5 of the briele s. Among the Hebrews the 1 huppah was originally the chamber in which the bride awaited the groorn for the marital union. In Jth

          10 21; 13 9.15; 16 19 the word canopy occurs as the Eng. equivalent of the Gr KUVUWC IOV, kuno- pciort, which was primarily a mosquito-net and then a canopy over a bed, whether for useful or for decorative purposes. JOHN RICHARD SAMPEY

          CANTICLES, kan ti-k lz. See SONG OF SONGS.

          CAPERBERRY, ka per-ber-i (Wag, abhl- ydnah; Kdirrrapis, kdpparis; Eccl 12 5 RVm): The 1 tr "the caperberry shall fail" (RV "burst") instead of ^"desire shall fail" (AV) has the support of the LXX and of some Talmudic writers (see G. F. Moore, JBL, X, 55-64), but it is doubtful. ^ The caperberry is the fruit of (ho thorny caper, Capparis spinom (N.O. Capparidaccae), a common Pal plant with pretty white flowers and brightly colored stamens. Largely on account of its habit of growing out of crevasses in old walls it has been identified by some with the HYSSOP (q.v.). The familiar "capers" of commerce are the young buds, but the berries we re the parts most used in aneiont_ times; their repute as excitants of sexual desire is ancient and widespread. Various parts of this plant are still used for medical purposes by the modern peasants of Pal.

          E. W. G. MASTER.MA.Y

          CAPERNAUM, ka-per na-um (Kairepvaovii [TR], Ka<}>apvaovn [BXD, etc], Kapernaotim, Kapliar- iKioiini): The woe spoken by the Master against this great city has bee^i fulfilled to the uttermost (Mt 11 23; Lk 10 15). So completely has it perished that the very site is a matter of dispute today. In Scripture Capernaum is not mentioned outside 1 the 1 Gospels. When Jesus finally depart (-el from Nazareth, He dwelt in Capernaum (Mt 4 13) and made it the main center of His activity during a large part of His public ministry. Near by He called the 1 fishermen to follow Him (Mk 1 16) , and the publican from the receipt of custom (Mt 9 9, etc). It was the scene of many "mighty works" (Mt 11 23; Mk 1 34). Here Jesus healed the centurion s son (Mt 8 5, etc), the nobleman s son (Jn 4 4(5), Simon Peter s mother-in-law (Mk 1 31, etc), and the paralytic (Mt 9 1, etc); cast out the unclean spirit (Mk 1 23, etc); and here also, probably, He raised Jairus daughter to life (Mk 6 22, etc). In Capernaum the little child was used to (each the disciples humility,, while in the synagogue Jesus delivered His ever-memorable discourse 1 on the bread of life (Jn 6).

          Fre>m the notice s in the Gospels we gather that Capernaum was a city of considerable importance. Some think that the words "shalt thou be exalted," etc (Mt 11^23; Lk 10 15), mean that it stood on an elevated site. Perhaps more naturally they re-fer to the excessive pride of the inhabitants in their city. It was a customs station, and the resi dence of a high officer of the king (Mt 9 9; Jn 4 4(5, etc). It was occupied by a detachment of Re>m soldiers, whose commander thought the good will of the people worth securing at the expense of building for them a synagogue (Mt 8 5; Lk 7 5). It stood by the sea (Mt 4 13) and from Jn 6 17 ff (cf Mt 14 34; Mk 6 53), we see that it was either in or near the plain of Gennesaret.

          Jos twice mentions Capernaum. It played no great part in the history of his time, and seems to have eleclined in importance, as he refers to it as a "village." In battle in el-Bateihdh his horse fell into a quagmire, and he suffered injury which dis abled him for further fighting. His soldiers carried him to the village of Capernaum (this reference is however doubtful; the name as it stands is Kcpfiar- nomon which Niese corrects to Kepharnokon), whence he was removed to Tarichaea (Vita, 72). Again he eulogizes the plain of Gennesaret for its



          Canopy Capharsalama

          wonderful fruits, and says it is watered by a most fertile fountain which the people of the country call Capharnaum. In the water of this fountain the Coracinus is found (BJ, III, x, 8). Jos there fore corroborates the Bib. data, and adds the infor mation as to the fountain and the Coracinus fish. The fish however is found in other fountains near the lake, and is therefore no help toward identification.

          The Fountain at Khan Minyeh.

          The two chief rivals for the honor of representing Capernaum are Tell Hum, a ruined site on the lake shore, nearly 2 miles W. of the mouth of the Jordan; and Khan Minyeh, fully 2% miles farther west, at the N.E. corner of the plain of Dr. Tristram suggested *Ain El-Mailotrirernh, a large spring inclosed by a circular wall, on the western edge of the plain. But it stands about a mile from the; sea; there are no ruins to indicate that any considerable village ever stood here; and the water is available for only a small part of the plain.

          In favor of Tell Hum is Onom, which places Cho- razin 2 miles from Capernaum. If Kerdzeh is Cho- razin, this suits Tell Hum better than Khan Minyeh. To this may be added the testimony of Theodosius (cir 530), Antoninus Martyr (600), and John of \\\\Vurtzburg_ (1100). Jewish tradition speaks of Tankhum, in which are the graves of Nalium and Rabbi Tankhum. Identifying Kefr \\\\ahum with Tankhum, and then deriving Tell Hum from Tan khum, some have sought to vindicate the claims of this site. But every link in that chain of argument is extremely precarious. A highway ran through Tell Hum along which passed the caravans to and from the E.; but the place was not in touch with the great north-and-south traffic.

          There is also no fountain near Tell Hum answer ing the description of Jos. Of recent advocates of Tell Hum, it is sufficient to name Schiirer (//.// , IV, 7l) and Buhl (GAP, 224 f). In this connection it may be interesting to note that the present writer, when visiting the place recently (1911), drew his boatman s attention to a bit of ruined wall rising above the greenery W. of the lagoon, and asked what it was called. Kamset el Kiifry, was the reply, which may be frrely rendered, "church of the infidels." This is just the Arab, equivalent of the Jewish "church of the minim,."

          For Khan Minyeh it may be noted that Gcnnesa- ret corresponds to el-Ghuweir, the plain lying on the N.W. shore, and that Khan Minyeh stands at the N.E. extremity of the plain; thus answering, as Tell Hum cannot do, the description of the fJospels. The copious fountains at et-Tabigha, half a mile to the E., supplied water which was conducted round the face of the rock toward Khan, Mintjeh at a height which made it possible to water a large portion of the plain. If it be said that Jos must have been carried to Tell Hum as being nearer the

          scene of his accident see however, the comment above it does not at all follow that he was taken to the nearest place. Arculf (1670,) described Capernaum as on a "narrow piece of ground between the mountain and the lake." This does not apply to Tell Ihl/n; but it accurately fits Khan Minyeh. Isaac Chelo (1.334) says that Capernaum, then in ruins, had been inhabited by Minim, that is, Jewish converts to Christianity. The name Minyeh may have been derived from them. Quaresimus (1620-26) notes a Khan called Menieh which stood by the site of Capernaum. Between the ruined Khan and the sea there are traces of ancient build ings. Here the road from the E. united with that which came down from the N. by way of Khan J ubb Yusif, so that this must have been an impor tant center, alike from the military point of view, and for customs. This is the site favored by, among others, G. A. Smith (HGHL, 456 f; EB, s.v.) and Cornier. Sanday argued in favor of Khan Mini/th in his book, The. Xncrl *SY/rs of the Gospel, but later, owing to what the present writer thinks a mistaken view of the relation between Tell Hum and the fountain at e(-Tabi<jha, changed his niind (Expos T, XV, 100 ff). There is no instance of a fountain 2 miles distant being called by the name of a town. Tell Ililm, standing on the sea shore, was independent of this fountain, whose strength also was spent in a westward direc tion, away from Tell Hum.

          The balance of evidence was therefore heavily in favor of Khan Miinjeh until Professor R. A. S. Macalister published the results of his researches. He seems to be wrong in rejecting the name Tell IJ Ton in favor of Talhum; and he falls into a curious error regarding the use of the word tell. No one who speaks Arab., he says, "would ever think of applying the word Tell, mound, to this flat widespread ruin." In Egyp Aral)., however, tell means "ruin"; and Rev. Asad Mansur, a man of education whose native language is Aral)., writes: "I do not understand what the objectors mean by the word tell. In Arab, tell is used for any heap of ruins, or mound. So that the ruins of Tell. Hilin. themselves are today a tell " (Expos. April, 1907, .370 ). Professor Macalister is on surer ground in discussing the pottery found on the rival sites. At Khan Minyeh he found nothing older than the Arab, period, while at Tell Hum pottery of the Horn period abounds "exactly the period of the glory of Capernaum" (PEFS, April and July, 1907). If this be confirmed by further examination, it disposes of the claim of Khan Mitujih. Im portant Horn remains have now been found between the ruined Khtln and the sea. It is no longer open to doubt that this was the site of a great Rom city. The Rom period however covers a long space. The buildings at Tell Hum are by many assigned to the days of the Antonines. Is it possible from the remains of pottery to make certain that the city flourished in the time of the Ilerods? If the city at Tell Hum had not yet arisen in the days of Christ, those who dispute its claim to be Capernaum are under no obligation to show which city the ruins represent. They are not the only extensive ruins in the country of whose history we are in ignorance.

          W. EWING

          CAPH. See KAPII.

          CAPHARSALAMA, kaf-ar-sal a-ma, kaf-ar-sa- la ma ( Xo.^, Chapharsalamd): The site of an indecisive skirmish between Judas Maccabaeus and Nicanor, an officer of the king of Syria and governor of Judaea. The situation cannot be precisely fixed but it must have been in the neigh borhood of Jcrus, for Xicanor, after losing 5,000 men, retired with the remainder to "the citv of

          Caphenatha Captivity



          David" (1 Mace 7 20-32). _ The first part of the word, "Caphar," means village or hamlet; the last part has been identified with Siloam and also with Khirbi l Dcir *SV//u///, about l 2\\\\ miles \\\\Y. of Jerus.

          CAPHENATHA, ka-feu a-tha


          See CHAPHKN-

          CAPHIRA, ka-fl ra (A. Kcujnpd, K<ipf,ir<i, B, Ileipa,, / <//</): A town whose inhabitants returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 1!)J. It corresponds to CHEPHIBAH (Ezr 2 25), which see.

          CAPHTHORIM, kaf tho-rim (2T.PE2 , knphto- riin). See CAPHTOIUM.

          CAPHTOR, kaf tor, CAPHTORIM, kaf tor-im

          ("HPE2 , k(i[>htdr, C^IFiSi , Icaplilon m ; KairiraSoKLa,

          Kappadokia, racjjTopieifji, Gaphtori-

          1. First dm, Ka^TOpuip., Ka i>hti>rniin): The, Theory: count rv and people whence came the Crete Philis (Gen 10 14 = 1 Ch 1 12 [here

          the clause "whence went forth the Philis" should probably come after Caphtorimj; Dt 2 23; Jer 47 4; Am 9 7). Jer (loc. cit.) calls it an "island"; there is evitlence of ancient con nection between Crete and Philistia; and the Philis are called Cherethites, which may mean Cretans (see CHERETHITES). These considerations have led many to identify Caphtor with the impor tant island of Crete. It should be noted, however, that the word "^ , 7, used by Jeremiah, denotes not only "isle," but also "coast land."

          Ebers (Aegyptai. u/id die liiichcr Moses, 130 ff) thought that Caphtor represented the Egyp I\\\\dft-ur,

          holding that Kal t w.-is the Egyp name

          2. Second for the colonies of Phoenicians in the Theory: Delta, extended to cover the Phoe- Phoenicia nicians in the north and their colonies.

          Kaft-ur. therefore, would mean "Greater Phoenicia. But the discovery of Kaptar among the names of countries conquered by Ptol emy Auletes in an inscription on the Temple of Kom Ombo is fatal to this theory.

          A third theory would identify Caphtor with the

          Kafto of the Egyp inscriptions. As early as the

          time of Thotmes 111 the inhabitants

          3. Third of this land, the Kufti, are mentioned Theory: in the records. In the trilingual in- Cilicia script ion of Canopus the name is ren dered in Gr by J tioinike, "Phoenicia."

          This seems to be an error, as the Kafti portrayed on the monuments have no features in common with the Semites. They certainly represent a western type. It is held that the Egyp Kafto is a district in Asia Minor, probably Cilieia. The sea-pirates, the piintxtili, whom HameseslII subdued (cir 1200 BC), entered Syria from the north. The r in the name is the Egyp equivalent of the Semitic I. Therefore Purasatl=Pilishti, "Philistines." And so it is pro posed to identify Caphtor with Cilicia. A serious object ion to this theory is the absence of the final "r" in Kafto. McCurdy s suggestion (JII)H) that it represents a Heb watt), written as a vowel-letter in an original Kafto, does not carry conviction.

          It is impossible to give a certain decision; but the balance of probability seems still inclined to the first theory. W. EWING

          CAPPADOCIA, kap-a-do shi-a (t) KcunraSoKia,

          he K(ippadokia) : An extensive; province in eastern Asia Minor, bounded by the Taurus mountains on the S., the Anti-Taurus and the Euphrates on the E., and, less definitely, by Pont us and Galatia on the N. and W. Highest mountain, Argaeus, over 13,000 ft. above sea-level; chief rivers, the Pyramus

          now Jihan, Sarus now Sihon, and Ilalys now the Ku/ul; most important cities, Caesarea Mazaea, Comana, Miletene now Malatia, and Tyana now Bor. At Malatia the country unrolls itself as a fertile plain; elsewhere the province is for the most part composed of billowy and rather barren up lands, and bleak mountain peaks and pastures.


          Coi7i of Ariarat hi

          The Gr geographers called Cappodax the son of Ninyas, thereby tracing the origin of Cappadocian culture to Assyria,. Cuneiform tablets from l\\\\ul Tcpe (Kara Eyuk), deciphered by Professors Pinches and Sayce, show that in the era of Kham- murabi (see HAMMI-RAHI) this extensive ruin on the ox-bow of the Ilalys and near Caesarea Mazaca, was an outpost of the Assyr-Bab Empire. A Hittite civilization followed, from about 2000 BC onward. Malatia, Gunm, Tyana and other old sites contain important and undoubted Hittite remains, while sporadic examples of Hittite art, architecture and inscriptions are found in many places, and the number is being steadily increased by fresh discovery. After the llittites fade from sight, following the fall of Carchemish, about 718 BC, Cappadocia ("merges as a satrapy of Persia. At the time of Alexander the Great it received a top-dressing of Gr culture, and a line of native kings established an independent, throne, which lasted until Cappadoeia was incorporated in the Kom Empire, 17 AD. Nine rulers bore the name of Ariarathes (RY Aral lies) the founder of the dynasty, and two were named Ariobar/anes. One of these kings is referred to in 1 Mace 15 22. The history of this Cappadocian kingdom is in volved, obscure and bloody.

          Pagan religion had a deep hold upon the popu lation prior to the advent of Christianity. Comana was famous for its worship of the great goddess Ma, who was served, according to Strabo, by (5,000 priestesses, and only second to this was the worship paid to Zeus at Yenasa.

          Representatives from Cappadoeia were present at Pentecost (Acts 2 9), and Peter includes the converts in this province in the address of his letter (1 Pet 1 1). Caesarea became one of the most important early centers of Christianity. Here the Armenian youth of noble blood, Krikore, or Gregory the Illuminator, was instructed in the faith to which he afterward won the formal assent of his whole nation. Here Basil governed the churches of his wide 1 diocese and organized monasticism. His brother, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory Naxianzen, lived and labored not far away. Cappadocia passed with the rest of Asia Minor into the Byzantine Empire, but from its exposed position early fell under the domination of the Turks, having been conquered by the Seljukians in 1074. G. E. WHITE

          CAPTAIN, kap tin: In AV there are no fewer than 13 Ileb words, and 4 different Gr words, which are rendered by this one Eng. word. In the RV some of these are rendered by other Eng. words, and so we find for "captain": "marshal" (Jer 61 27; Nah 3 17), "prince" (1 S 9 1(>), "governor" (Jer 61 23.28), while in the case of one of these



          Caphenatha Captivity

          Heb words a different construction is found al together (Jer 13 21).

          Of Heb words in the OT rendered by "captain" (1) the most frequent is IE?, sar, which denotes "a military commander," whether of 1. In the thousands or hundreds or fifties OT (Nu 31 48; 1 S 8 12 and many other

          places), tiar is the chief officer of any department, civil and religious, as well as military captain of the guard AV and RV, chief of the executioners RVm (Gen 37 36); chief butler (Gen 40 9); chief baker (Gen 40 1(J); chief of a district, (Neh 3 15); chiefs of tribes (Naphtali; Zebulun, Ps 68 27); chiefs over gangs of slaves (Ex 1 11); chiefs of the priests and the Levites (Ezr 8 29). (2) 31, rabh, later Heb for chief of the executioners or captain of the guard, a title always given to Nebuzar-adan (2 K 25 8ff; Jer 39 Off) and to Arioch (Dnl 2 14). Compare also Rab-mag, chief of the magicians (Jer 39 13), and Ashpenaz, chief of the eunuchs (Dnl 1 3). (3) IZJX n, ro sh, "head" over a host (Israel in the wilderness, Nu 14 4), over tribes (Dt 29 10, where RV renders "heads"), over thousands (1 Ch 12 20). Abijah, king of Judah, before _ joining battle against Jeroboam, claimed "God himself is with us for our captain" AV, "with us at our head" RV (2 Ch 13 12). (4) tr^E? , shallsh, originally the third man in the chariot, who, when the chief occupant was the king, or commander- in-chief, was of the rank of captain (2 K 7 2; 9 25), the term "third man" being generalized to mean "a captain" in 2 K 10 25; 2 Ch 8 9, where "chief of his captains" combines (1) and (4). (5) T 1 ?; , ndghldh, leader by Divine appoint ment: of Saul (1 S 9 16, "captain," AV, "prince" RV 10 1); of David (2 S 5 2); of Hezekiah (2 K 20 5); with a charge in connection with the temple (2 Ch 31 13). It is the word used of Messiah "the prince" (Dnl 9 25), who is also Prince of the Covenant (11 22). (6) fc^ lBD , ?m.s7 , rendered "captain" in AV Nu 2 3.5.7 only, there in RV and in other places, both AV and RV, rendered "prince." In 1 Ch 7 40 "chief of the princes" combines (3) and (6). (7) HnS , pehah, is found almost entirely in a foreign title denoting "governor," and belongs to the later history of Israel (Neh 2 7.9; Ezr 8 36; Hag 1 1), rendered "captain" in exclusively foreign associations (1 K 20 24; 2 K 18 24; Dnl 3 27 f). (8) "p?]? , kdqm (from root of kadi, Arab, for "judge"), denotes "dictator," almost "usurper," and is found in "rulers of Sodom" AV and RV, "judges of Sodom" RVm (Isa 1 10), used of Jephthah in sense of "captain" AV, "chief" RV (Jgs 11 6), found combined with (3), "head and captain" (AV, "head and chief" RV Jgs 11 11). In Josh 10 24 it denotes commanders of troops, AV "captains of the men of war," RV "chiefs of the men of war." (9) 13 , kar, in Ezk 21 22 "to set captains" AV, is tr d "to set battering rams" RV. (10) bys , ba*al, only once in "captain of the ward" (Jer 37 13). (11) ICBI? , tiphsar, a dignitary belonging to an oriental court, in AV rendered "captain," in RV "marshal" (Nah 3 17; Jer 61 27). (12) LT5TP , shalllt, in Dnl 2 15 of Arioch, the king s captain; in Eccl 8 8 "having power over," and in 7 19 used of "mighty men" (RV "rulers"). Of Gr words rendered by "captain" in NT there are the following: (1) dpxtJJ^, archegos, rendered

          "captain" in He 2 10 AVbut relegated 2. In the to the margin in RV, where "author" NT (of their salvation) is preferred, this

          being the rendering of He 12 2 AV and RV, "author" (and finisher of our faith),

          "captain" being still retained in RVm. Cf Acts 3 15 and 5 31, where the same Gr word is rendered "Prince," the RVm of the former passage _giving "Author." In the Risen and Ascended Christ the various conceptions thus expressed are found to blend. (2) xiXi apx *, chiliarchos, the Lat tribunus militiim of which there were six to a legion, com manding the six cohorts of which it was com posed. In its lit. acceptation it would be "com mander of a thousand," and it is so used in Acts 22 28 where it designates the commander of the Rom garrison in Jerus, consisting of a cohort, and is rendered "chief captain" (Jn 18 12; Acts 21 31; 22 24; 24 22). It is used more vaguely in the sense of "military officer" in Mk 6 21 ; Rev 6 15; 19 18. (3) ffTpaT-rjyos, stratcyus, used only by St. Luke in the NT, and almost exclusively of (a) officials in charge of the Temple (Lk 22 4.52; Acts 41; 5 24.26). The captain of the Temple had the superintendence of the Levites and priests who were on guard in and around the Temple, and under him were stratuyoi, who were also captains of the Temple police, although they took their instruc tion from him as their head. Pie was not only a priest, but second in dignity only to the high priest himself; (b) the exception to St. Luke s general usage is where the word is used of the chief author ities in civil affairs at Philippi; where "the magis trates," as the word is rendered (Acts 16 20 f), called themselves "praetors" (slratcyoi). In the case of Paul and Silas they placed themselves in peril of removal from their office by ordering them to be beaten, being Romans and uncondemned. (4) trrpaTOTreSapx 7 ? 5 , stratopeddrchcs, the captain of the guard to whom Julius of the Augustan band (according to the TR, Acts 28 16) delivered St. Paul and his fellow-prisoners. The word has dis appeared from RV, but the passage in which ^it occurs has attestation which satisfies Blass, Sir William Ramsay, and other _ scholars. It \\\\yas supposed that this was the captain of the Praetorian guard, but Mommsen and Ramsay believe him to be the princcps pereyrinorum castrorum. See AU GUSTAN BAND; ARMY, ROMAN. T. NIOOL

          CAPTIVE, kap tiv COtp, shebhi, H55 , ydldh; al\\\\- (idXwTos, aichmdlotos and its derivatives): The fre quent references in the OT to captives as men forci bly deported (from the Heb root H2E3 , shdbhdh) or inhabiting a land foreign to them (from Heb Hv3, gdldh) reflect the universal practice of the ancient world. The treatment of captives was sometimes barbarous (2 S 8 2) but not always so (2 K 6 21. 22). See further under ASSIH and WAR.

          Figurative: Except in Job 42 10 the fig. use of the idea is confined to the NT, where reference is made to the triumphal reign of the Lord Jesus (Lk 4 18; Eph 4 8), or, on the other hand, to the power of the devil (2 Tim 2 26), or of false teachers (3 6); cf also Rom 7 23; 2 Cor 10 5. See CAPTIVITY.

          F. K. FAHH

          CAPTIVITY, kap-tiv i-ti . (nbij , gdlah, mba, gdluth, rvGEJ, sh e bkuth, <"P1EJJ, shibhydh; (ieToiKeo-a, metoikesia) :


          1. Western Campaigns of Shalmaneser II, 860- 825 BC

          2. Of Rimmon-nirari III, 810-781 BG :i. Of Tiglath-pileser III, 745-727 BO

          4. Of Shalmaneser IV, 727-722 BC Siege of Samaria

          5. Samaria Captured by Sargon, 722 BC

          6. Depopulation and Kcpopulatiou of Samaria

          7. The Ten Tribes in Captivity

          II. OF JUDAH (THE WORK OF THE CHALDAF.AN POWF.R) Southern Kingdom and House of David

          1. Break-up of Assyria

          2. Downfall of INmeveh, GOG BC

          3. Pharaoh Necoh s Revolt




          4. Defeat at Oiirchemish, ii(H B<

          5. The Ncixv Babylonian Empire, under Xebuchad- nv,/,ar, <i04 -5H2 B(

          The Mission of Jeremiah, <>2<> -5SO I!( 0. Revolt and Punishment of .IHioiaUim, ((),S 51(7

          BO 7. Siege and Surrender of Jerusalem under Jehoia-

          cliin, . r )!)7 IK) S. l- irst Deportation, 5<)7 BO

          The Baskets of Ki^s !). The Ministry of Ezokicl, 592 -570 BO

          10. Jeremiah s Ministry in Jerusalem. 5!>7 5SS UC 1

          11. /edekiah s Rebellion and Siege of Jerusalem, 5ss-5S<> BO

          Jeremiah " Falling Away to tin; Chaldaeans"

          12. Destruction of Jerusalem, 5sr> IK

          Flight, Capture, and Punishment of /edekiah 1:5. Second Deportation of Inhabitants, 5sii BC

          14. Tliird Deportation, 5s I BC

          (1) Number and Quality of Exiles

          (2) The Residue Left

          15. (iedaliah. Governor of Judah

          (1) Jeremiah and the Flight to Egypt

          (2) Descendants of the Fugitives, 471-411 BC 10. The Kxiles in Babylon: Their Social Condition,

          Hit 405 BC

          17. Tlio Rise and Development of Judaism IS. The Ket urn by Permission of Cyrus, 5I5S BO 1 J. Rebuilding of the Temple, 5:5ii BC

          Completed 515 B(

          20. Reforms and Labors of Ezra and Xehemiah, 415 BC

          21. Modern Theories of the Return

          22. Importance (if the Period Ezra- Xehemiah LITERATURE

          /. Of the Northern Kingdom. The captivity of the Northern Kingdom was the work of the great Assyr power having its .seat 1. Western at Nineveh on the Tigris. The ein- Campaigns pire of Assyria, founded nearly 2UOO of Shalman- BC, had a long history behind it eser II, when its annals begin to take notice

          860-825 BC of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. The reign of Shalinaneser II (Sb O- $2") BC) marks the first contact between these powers. This is not the Shalmaneser mentioned in 2 K 17 and 18, who is the fourth of the name and nourished more than a cent, later. Shal maneser II was contemporary during his long reign witli Jehoshaphat, Jehoram, Aha/iah and Joash, kings of Judah; with Ahab, Aha/iah, Jehoram and Jehu, kings of Israel; with Hazael and Bon- hadad II, kings of Syria at Damascus, and with Mesha, king of Moab. The Assyr authorities for his reign are an inscription engraved by himself on the rocks of Armenia; the Black Obelisk brought by Layard from Nimroud, now in the British Museum; and the texts engraved on the bronze gates of Balawat, discovered by Ilormuzd Hassan i in 1S7S, and recogni/ed as the swinging gates of Shalmaneser s palace. From these authorities we learn that in hisGth year he encountered the com bined forces of Damascus, Hamath, Israel, and other states which had united to oppose his progress west ward, and completely routed thorn in the battle of Karkar (S.">4 BC). The danger which threatened the western states in common had brought Syria and Israel together; and this is in accord with the Scrip ture narrative which tells of a covenant, denounced by God s prophet, between Ahab and Benhadad (1 K 20 34 IT), and mentions a period of three years when there was no war between Syria and Israel. The defeat of the allies seems, however, to have broken up the confederacy, for, soon after, Ahab is found, with the aid of Jehoshaphat of Judah, attempting unsuccessfully, and with fatal result to himself, to recover from the weakened power of Syria the city of Ramoth-gilead (1 K 22). In another cam paign to the West, which likewise finds no record in Scripture, Shalmaneser received the tribute of Tyre and Sidon, and of "Yahua of Khtimri," that is, of Jehu, of the land of Omri, as Israel is called on the monuments.

          The next Assyrian monarch who turned his arms against the West was Rimmon-nirari III (S10-7S1

          BC), grandson of Shalmaneser II. Although he

          is not mentioned by name in Scripture, his presence

          and activity had their influence upon

          2. Of Rim- contemporary events recorded in 2 K.

          mon-nirari He caused Syria to let go her hold of

          III, 810-781 Israel; and although he brought Israel

          into subjection, the people of the

          Northern Kingdom would rather have

          a ruler exercising a nominal sovereignty over them

          in distant Nineveh than a king oppressing them in

          Damascus. Hence Rimmon-nirari has been taken

          for the saviour whom Clod gave to Israel, so that

          they went out from under the hand of the Syrians"

          (2 K 13 r>; cf ver 2:]).

          With the death of Rimmon-nirari in 781 BC, the power of Assyria received a temporary check, and on the other hand the kingdom of Judah under l"/ziah and the kingdom of Israel under Jeroboam II reached the zenith of their political prosperity. In 745 BC, however, a usurper, Pul, or Pulu, ascended the throne of Assyria, and reigned as Tiglath-pileser III. It, is by the former name that he is first mentioned in the Scripture narrative ! K 15 19; 1 Ch 5 20), and by the latter that he is mentioned on the monuments. That the two names belong to one man is now held to be certain (Schrader, COT, 1, 230 f).

          Tiglath-pileser was one of the greatest monarchs of antiquity. He was the first to attempt to con solidate an empire in the manner to Tig- which the world has become accus- lath-pileser tomed since Rom times. lie was not 111,745-727 content to receive tribute from the kings and rulers of the states which he conquered. The countries which he conquered became subject provinces of his em pire, governed by Assyr satraps and contributing to the imperial treasury. Not long after he had sealed himself on the throne, Tiglath-pileser, like his predecessors, turned his attention to the West. After the siege of Arpad, northward of Aleppo, the Assyr forces made their way into Syria, and putting into operation the Assyr method of deportation and repopulation, the conqueror annexed Ilamath which had sought the alliance and assistance of Azariah, that is Czziah, king of Judah. Whether he then refrained from molesting Judah, or whether her prestige was broken by this campaign of the Assyr king, it is not easy to say. In another cam paign he certainly subjected Menahem of Israel with other kings to tribute. What is stated in a word or two in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser is recorded at length in the Bible history (2 K 15 19 IT): "There came against the land Pul the king of Assyria; and Monahom gave Pul a thousand talents of silver, that his hand might be with him to confirm the kingdom in his hand. And Menahem exacted the money of Israel, even of all the mighty men of wealth, of each man f>0 shekels of silver, to give to the king of Assyria. So the king of Assyria turned back, and stayed not there in the land." In the reign of Pekah, under his proper name of Tiglath-pileser, he is recorded to have raided the northern parts of Israel, and carried the inhabitants away into the land of Assyria (2 K 15 29). Wo next hear of Ahaz, king of Judah, appealing to the Assyrians for help against "these two tails of smoking firebrands," Rezin of Syria and Pekah, the son of Remaliah (Isa 7 4). To secure this help he took the silver and gold of the house of the Lord, and sent it as a present to the king of Assyria (2 Iv 16 8). Meanwhile Tiglath-pileser was set ting out on a new campaign to the West. He carried fire and sword through Syria and the neigh boring lands as far as Gaza, and on his return he capt tired Samaria, without, however, razing it to the ground. Pekah having been slain by his own




          people, the Assyr monarch left Hoshea, the leader of the conspiracy, on the throne of Israel as the vassal of Assyria.

          In 727 BC Tiglath-pileser III died and was suc ceeded by Shalmanescr IV. His reign was short

          and no annals of it have come to 4. Of Shal- light. In 2 K 17 and 18, however, maneser IV, we read that Hoshea, relying upon 727-722 BC help from the king of Egypt, thought

          the death of Tiglath-pileser a good opportunity for striking a blow for independence. It was a vain endeavor, for the end of the kingdom of Israel was at hand. The people were grievously given over to oppression and wickedness, which the prophets Amos and Hosea vigorously denounced. Hosea, in particular, was "the prophet of Israel s decline and fall." Prophesying at this very time he says: "As for Samaria, her king is cut off, as foam upon the water. The high places also of Aven, the sin of Israel, shall be destroyed: the thorn and the thistle shall come up on their altars; and they shall say to the mountains, Cover us; and to the hills, Fall on us" (Hos 10 7.S; cf vs 11.1")). \\\\o less stern are the predictions by Isaiah and Alicah of the doom that is to overtake Samaria: "Woe to the crown of pride of the drunkards of Ephraim, and to the fading flower of his glorious beauty, which is on the head of the fat valley of them that are overcome with wine" (Isa 28 1). "Kor the transgression of Jacob is all this, and for the sins of the house of Israel. What is the trans gression of Jacob? is it not Samaria? .... There fore I will make Samaria as a heap of the field, and as places for planting vineyards" (Mic 1 5.15). No help came from Egypt. With the unaided and en feebled resources of his kingdom Hoshea had to face the chastising forces of his sovereign. He was made prisoner outside Samaria and was most likely carried away to Nineveh. Meanwhile the land was over run and the capital doomed to destruction, as the prophets had declared.

          Not without a stubborn resistance on the part of her defenders did "the fortress cease from

          Ephraim" (Isa 17 3). It was only 6. Samaria after a three years siege that^the Captured Assyrians captured the city (2 K 17 by Sargon, 5). If we had only the record of the 722 BC Hebrew historian we should suppose

          that Shalmaneser was the monarch to whom fell the rewards and honors of the capture. Before the surrender of the city Shalmaneser had abdicated or died, and Sargon, only once mentioned in Scripture (Isa 20 1), but one of the greatest of Assyr inonarchs, had ascended the throne. From his numerous inscriptions, recovered from the ruins of Khorsabad, we learn that he, and not Shalman eser, was the king who completed the conquest of the revolted kingdom and deported the inhabitants to Assyria. "In the beginning [of my reign]," says Sargon in his Annals, "the city Samaria [I took] with the help of Shamash, who secures victory to me [. . . . 27,290 people inhabit ers of it] I took away captive; 50 chariots the property of my royalty, which were in it I appropriated. [. . . . the city] I restored, and more than before I caused it to be inhabited; people of the lands conquered by my hand in it [I caused to dwell. My governor over them I appointed, and tribute] and imposts just as upon the Assyrians I laid upon them." The Assyr Annals and the Scripture history support and supplement each other at this point. The sacred historian describes the deportation as follows : "The king of Assyria took Samaria, and carried Israel away into Assyria, and placed them in Halah, and on the Habor, the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes .... because they obeyed not the voice of Jeh their God, but transgressed

          his covenant, even all that Moses, the servant of

          Jeh, commanded, and would not hear it, nor do

          it" (2 K 17 0.7; 18 11.12). The re-

          6. Depopu- population of the conquered territory lation and is also described by the sacred histori- Repopula- an: "And the king of Assyria brought tion of men from Babylon, and from Cut hah, Samaria and from Avva, and from Hamath

          and Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of the children of Israel; and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof" (2 K 17 24). The fact that Sargon introduced foreign settlers taken in war into Samaria is attested by inscriptions. That there were various episodes of deportation and repopu- lation in connection with the captivity of the Northern Kingdom appears to be certain. We have seen already that Tiglath-pileser 111 deported the population of the northern tribes to Assyria and placed over the depopulated country governors of his own. And at a time considerably later, we learn that Sargon s grandson Esarhaddon, and his great-grandson Ashur-bani-pal, "the great and noble Osnappar," imported to the region of Samaria settlers of nations conquered by them in the East (Kzr 4 2.10). Of the original settlers, whom a priest, carried away by the king of Assyria but brought back to Bethel, taught "the law of the god of the land," it is said that "they feared Jehovah, and served their own gods, after the manner of the nations from among whom they had been carried away" (2 K 17 33). The hybrid stock descended from those settlers is known to us in later history and in the Gospels as the Samaritans.

          We must not suppose that a clean sweep was made

          of the inhabitants of the Northern Kingdom. No

          doubt, as in the Bab captivity, "the

          7. The Ten poorest of the land wen; left to be Tribes in vinedressers and husbandmen" (2 K Captivity 25 12). The numbers actually de ported were but a moiety of the whole

          population. But the kingdom of the Ten Tribes was now at an end. Israel had become an Assyr province, with a governor established in Samaria. As regards the Golah the captives of Israel in the cities of the Medes it must not be supposed that they became wholly absorbed in the population ;unong whom they were settled. We can well believe that they preserved their Israeli! ish tra ditions and usages with sufficient clearness and tenacity, and that, they became part of the Jewish dispersion so widespread throughout the East. It is quite possible that at length they blended with the exiles of Judah carried off by Nebuchadrezzar, and that then Judah and Ephraim became one nation as never before. The name Jew, therefore, naturally came to include members of what had earlier been the Northern Confederacy of Israel as well as those of the Southern Kingdom to which it properly belonged, so that in the post -exilic; period, Jehudi, or Jew, means an adherent of Judaism without regard to local nationality.

          //. Of the Southern Kingdom (Judah). The cap tivity of Judah was the work of the great Chaldaean power seated at Babylon on the Euphrates. While the Northern Kingdom had new dynasties to rule it in quick succession, Judah and Jerus remained true to the House of David to the end. The Southern Kingdom rested on a firmer foundation, and Jerus w T ith its temple and priesthood secured the throne against the enemies who overthrew Samaria for nearly a cent, and a half longer.

          Sargon, who captured Samaria in 722 BC, was followed by inonarchs with a great name as con querors and builders and patrons of lit., Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal. When Ashurbanipal died in 025 BC, the dissolution of the Assyr Empire



          \\\\vas not far off. Its hold over the West had greatly

          slackened, and the tributary peoples \\\\vere breaking

          out into revolt. Hands of .Scythians,

          1. Break-up :i nomad Aryan race, from the region of Assyria between the Caucasus and the Caspian,

          were sweeping through the Assyr Em pire as far as Pal and Egypt, and the prophecies of Jeremiah and Zephaniah reflect- their methods of warfare and fierce characteristics. They were driven back, however, at the frontier of Egypt, and appeal- to have returned to the North without invading Judah.

          From the North these hordes were closing in upon Nineveh, and on all sides the Assyr power

          was being weakened. In the "Burden

          2. Downfall of Nineveh," the prophet Nahum of Nineveh, foreshadows the joy of (lie kingdom of 606 BC .Judah at the tidings of its approaching

          downfall: "Behold, upon the moun tains the feet of him that bringeth good tidings, that publisheth peace! Keep thy feasts, O Judah, perform thy vows; for the wicked one shall no more pass through thee; he is utterly cut off" (Nah 1 l.~>; cf 3 S-ll). The Medes regained their inde pendence and under their king, Cyaxares, formed an alliance with the Chaldaeans, who soon after ward revolted under the leadership of Nabopolas- sar, viceroy of Babylon. Rallying 1 hese various ele ments to his standard Nabopolassar laid siege to the Assyr capital, and in (JOti BC., Nineveh, which had been the capital city of great conquerors, and had "multiplied [her] merchants above the stars of heaven" (Xah 3 1(5), fell before the combined forces of the Medes and Chaldaeans, fell suddenly and finally, to rise no more. Of the new Bab Empire upon which the Chaldaeans now entered, Nebuchad rezzar, whose father Nabopolassar had associated him with him on the throne, was the first and most eminent ruler.

          That the people of Judah should exult in the overthrow of Nineveh and the empire for which it

          stood we can well understand. Jerus

          3. Pharaoh herself had by find s mercy remained Necoh s unconquered when Sennacherib nearly Revolt a cent, before had carried off from the

          surrounding country 200, !.">() people and had devastated the towns and fortresses near. But the hateful Assyr yoke had rested upon Judah to the end, and not upon Judah only but even upon Egypt and the valley of the Nile. In 60S BC Pharaoh Neooh revolted from his Assyr suzerain and resolved upon an eastern campaign. He had no desire to quarrel with Josiah of Judah, through whose territory he must pass; but in loyalty to his Assyr suzerain Josiah threw himself across the path of the Egyp invader and perished in the battle of Megiddo. The Pharaoh seems to have returned to Egypt, taking Jehoahaz the son of Josiah with him, and to have appointed his brother Jchoi- akirn king of Judah, and to have exacted a heavy tribute from the land.

          But he did not desist from his purpose to win an

          eastern empire. Accordingly he pressed forward

          till he reached the Euphrates, where

          4. Defeat he was completely routed by the Bab at Car- army under Nebuchadrezzar in the chemish, decisive battle of Carchemish, 604 BC. 604 BC The battle left the Chaldaeans undis puted masters of Western Asia, and

          Judah exchanged the yoke of Assyria for that of Babylon.

          So far as cruelty was concerned, there was little to choose between the new tyrants and the old oppressors. Of the Chaldaeans Habakkuk, who flour ished at the commencement of the new Empire,

          says: "They are terrible and dreadful Their

          horses also are swifter than leopards, and are more

          fierce than the evening wolves; and their horse men spread themselves: yea, their horsemen come from far; they fly as an eagle that hast-

          5. TheNeweth to devour" (Hab 1 7.8 ARVm). Babylonian Over Western Asia, including Judah, Empire Nebuchadrezzar since the battle of Car- under chemish was supreme. It was vain Nebuchad- for Judah to coquet with Egypt when rezzar, 604- Nebuchadrezzar had along and power- 562 BC ful arm with which to inflict chastise ment upon his disloyal subjects.

          The mission of Jeremiah the prophet in this crisis of the history of Judah was to preach obedience and loyalty to the king of Babylon, and moral reformation as the only means of escaping the Divine vengeance impending upon land and people. lie tells them in the name of Cod of the great judgment that was to come at the hand of the Chaldaeans on Jerus and surrounding peoples. lie even predicts the period of their subjection to Chal- daean domination: "And this whole land shall be a desolation, and an astonishment ; and these nations shall serve the king of Babylon seventy years" (Jer 25 11). This preaching was unpalatable to the partisans of Egypt and to those who believed in the inviolability of Jerus. But with stern rebuke and with symbolic action he proclaims the doom of Jerus, and in the face of persecution and at the risk of his life, the prophet fulfils his ministry.

          Jehoiakim, who was first the vassal of Pharaoh Necoh, and then of Nebuchadrezzar, was in cor ruption and wickedness too faithful

          6. Revolt a representative of the people. Jere- and Punish- miah charges him with covetousness, ment of the shedding of innocent blood, op- Jehoiakim, pressioii and violence (Jer 22 l:i-l .)). 608-597 BC The fourth year of Jehoiakim was the

          first year of Nebuchadrezzar, who, fresh from the victory of Carchemish, was making liis sovereignty felt in the western world. The despicable king of Judah became Nebuchadrez zar s vassal and continued in his allegiance three years, after which he turned and rebelled against him. But he received neither encouragement nor help from the neighboring peoples. "Jehovah sent against him bands of the Chaldeans, and bands of the Syrians, and bands of the Moabites, and bands of the children of Animon, and sent them against Judah to destroy it, according to the word of Jehovah, which he spake by his servants the prophets" (2 K 24 2)._ The history of the latter part of Jehoiakim s reign is obscure. The Ileb historian says that after a reign of eleven years he slept with his fathers, from which we infer that he died a natural death. From Daniel we learn 1 hat in the third year of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadrezzar came up against Jerus and besieged it, and carried off, along with vessels of the house of God, members of t he seed royal, and of the nobility of Judah, among whom was Daniel the prophet. That Jehoiakim was included in what seems to be a first instalment of the captivity of Judah is expressly affirmed by the Chronicler who says: "Against him [Jehoiakim] came up Nebuchadnezzar .... and bound him in fetters, to carry him to Babylon" (2 Ch 36 6). However the facts really stand, the historian adds to the record of the death of Jehoi akim and of the succession of Jehoiachin the sig nificant comment: "And the king of Egypt came not again any more out of this land : for the king of Baby lon had taken, from the brook of Egypt unto the river Euphrates, all that pertained to the king of Egypt" (2 K 24 7).

          Jehoiachin who succeeded Jehoiakim reigned only three months, the same length of time as his unfortunate predecessor Jehoahaz (2 K 23 31). The captivity of Jehoahaz in Egypt and the cap-




          tivity of Jehoiachin in Babylon are lamented in a

          striking elegy by Ezekiel, who compares them to

          young lions, the offspring of the mother

          7. Siege lioness Israel, which learned to catch and Sur- their prey and devoured men, but were render of taken in the pit of the nations and Jerusalem put in rings, so that their roar was under no more heard in the mountains of Jehoiachin, Israel (Ezk 19 1-9). Nebuchadrezzar 597 BC came in person while his servants were

          besieging Jerus, and Jehoiachin sur rendered at discretion. So the king and his mother and his servants and his princes and his officers were carried off with the mighty men of valor, even ten thousand captives. None remained, save the poorest sort of the people of the land. He carried out thence all the treasures of the house of Jehovah, and the treasures of the king s house, and cut in pieces all the vessels of gold, which Solomon king of Israel had made in the temple of Jehovah, as Jehovah had said. And

          all the men of might, even seven thou-

          8. First sand, and the craftsmen and the smiths Deportation, a thousand, all of them strong and 697 BC apt for war, even them the king of

          Babylon brought captive to Babylon. And the king of Babylon made Mattaniah, Jehoi- achin s father s brother, king in his stead, and changed his name to Zedekiah (2 K 24 10-17). From Jehoiachin dates the carrying away into Baby lon, the year being 597 BC. The unfortunate monarch lived in exile in Babylon 38 years, and seems to have retained the respect and loyalty of the exiles among whom he dwelt.

          It was with reference to the deportation of the princes and craftsmen and smiths that Jeremiah had his vision of the baskets of figs one containing figs very good, like the first ripe figs; the other very bad, so bad they could not be eaten (Jer 24 1-3). The good figs were the captives of Judah carried away into the land of the Chaldaeans for good; the, bad figs were the king Zedekiah and his princes and the residue of Jerus, upon whom severe judg ments were yet to fall till they were consumed from off the land (vs 4-10).

          Among the captives thus carried to Babylon and placed on the banks of the Chebar was the priest- prophet Ezekiel. Five years after the

          9. The captivity he began to have his wonder- Ministry of ful "visions" of God, and to declare Ezekiel, their import to the exiles by the rivers 692-570 BC of Babylon. To the desponding cap tives who were engrossed with thoughts

          of the kingdom of Judah, not yet dissolved, and of the Holy City, not yet burned up with fire, Ezekiel could only proclaim by symbol and allegory the destruction of city and nation, till the day when the distressing tidings reached them of its complete overthrow. Then to the crushed and despairing captives he utters no lamentations like those of Jeremiah, but rather joyful predictions of a rebuilt city, of a reconstituted kingdom, and of a renovated and glorious temple.

          Although the flower of the population had been

          carried away into Babylon and the Temple had

          been despoiled of its treasures, Jerus

          10. Jere- and the Temple still stood. To the miah s Min- inhabitants who were left behind, and istry in to the captives in Babylon, Jeremiah Jerusalem, had a message. To the latter he 697-588 BC offered counsels of submission and

          contentment, assured that the hate ful and repulsive idolatries around them would throw them back upon the law of their _God, and thus promote the work of moral and spiritual re generation within them. Thus saith Jen, I will give them a heart to know me, that I am Jehovah:

          and they shall be my people, and I will be their God; for they shall return unto me with their whole heart (Jer 24 5.7). To "the residue of Jerus" his counsels and predictions were distasteful, and exposed him to the suspicion of disloyalty to his people and his God. None of his warnings was more impressive than that symbolically proclaimed by the bands and bars which the prophet was to put upon his neck to send to the kings of Edom and Moab and Ammon and Tyre and Sidon, who seem to have had ideas of forming an alliance against Nebuchad rezzar. Zedekiah was also urged to submit, but still entertained hopes that the king of Babylon would allow the captives of Judah to return. He even him self went to Babylon, perhaps summoned thither by his suzerain (Jer 51 59). With an Egyp party in Jerus urging an alliance with Egypt, and with a young and warlike Pharaoh on the throne, Hophra (Apries), Zedekiah deemed the opportunity favor able for achieving independence, and entered into an intrigue with the Egyp king. So Zedekiah rebelled against the king of Babylon (2 K 24 20).

          It was a bold throw, but Nebuchadrezzar would

          brook no such disloyalty from his vassals. He

          marched at once to the West , and com-

          11. Zede- mitted to Nebuzaradan the task of kiah s Re- capturing Jerus, while he himself es- bellion and tablished his headquarters at Riblah, the Siege in Syria, on the Orontes. Meanwhile of Jerusa- the Pharaoh with his army crossed lem, 588- the frontier to the help of his allies, 586 BC and compelled the Chaldaeans to raise

          the siege of Jerus and meet him in the field (Jer 37 5). But here his courage failed him, and he retired in haste without offering battle. Nebuzaradan now led back his army and the siege became closer than before.

          During the breathing-space afforded by the with drawal of the Chaldaeans, Jeremiah was going out of the city to his native Anathoth, some 4 miles to the N.E. across the ridge, on family business (Jer 37 11-15). His departure was observed, and he was charged with falling away to the Chaldaeans, and cast into an improvised dungeon in the house of Jonathan the scribe. While there the king sent for him and asked, "Is there any word from Je hovah?" And Jeremiah answered fearlessly, "There is. Thou shalt be delivered into the hand of the king of Babylon." For a time Jeremiah, by the favor of Zedekiah, enjoyed after this a greater measure of freedom; but as he continued to urge in hearing of all the people the duty of surrender, his enemies vowed that he should be put to death, and had him cast into a foul empty cistern, where he ran the risk of being choked or starved to death. Once again the king sought an interview with the prophet, giving him private assurance that he would not put him to death nor allow his enemies to do so. Again the prophet counseled surrender, and again he was allowed a measure of freedom.

          But the end of the doomed city was at hand.

          In the llth year of Zedekiah, 586 BC, in the 4th

          month, the 9th day of the month, a

          12. De- breach was made in the city (Jer 39 struction of 1.2), and the final assault completed Jerusalem, the work that had been done by 586 BC months of famine and want. Zede kiah and his men of war do not seem

          to have waited for the delivery of the last assault. They fled from the city by night "by the way of the king s garden, through the gate betwixt the two walls," and made eastward for the Arabah. But the army of the Chaldaeans pursued them, and over took Zedekiah in the plains of Jericho. They took him prisoner and brought him to Nebuchadrezzar at Riblah, where the king of Babylon first slew the son of Zedekiah, and then put out his eyes. With




          the suns of the captured monarch were slain all the nobles of Judah. This time neither city nor temple nor palace was spared. Nebuzaradan "burnt the house of Jeh, and the king s house; and all the houses of Jerus, even every great house, burnt he with fire" (2 K 25 9). His soldiers, too, broke down the walls of Jerus round about. The treasure and the costly furnishings of the Temple, in so far as they had escaped the former spoliation, were carried away to Babylon. The ruin of Jerus was complete. The Hook of Lamentations utters the grief and shame arid penitence of an eyewitness of the captures and desolation of the; Holy City: "Jehovah hath accomplished his wrath, he hath poured out his fierce anger; and lie hath kindled a fire in Zion, which hath devoured the founda tions thereof. The kings of the earth believed not, neither all the inhabitants of the world, that the adversary and the enemy would enter into the gates of Jerus. Woe. unto us! for we have sinned. For this our heart is faint ; for these things our eyes arc dim; for the mountain of Zion, which is desolate: the foxes walk upon it" (Lam 4 11.12; 5 10. IS).

          "So Judah," says the prophet who had been

          through the siege and the capture (if not rather the

          editor of his prophecies), "was carried

          13. Second away captive out of his land" (Jer Deporta- 52 27). The statements of the num- tion of In- bers carried away are, however, con- habitants, flicting. In Jer (52 2S-30) we read of 586 BC three deportations: that of 597 BC

          when 3,023 Jews were carried off; that of 5SO BC when Nebuchadrezzar carried off S32 persons; and one later than both in f>Xl BC, when

          Nebuzaradan carried away captive of

          14. Third the Jews 745 persons a total of 4,000. Deporta- In 2 K 24 15.10 it is said that in 597 tion, 581 BC Nebuchadrezzar carried to Babylon

          S,()()() men. Dr. (leorge Adam Smith taking all the data together estimates that the very highest figures possible are 02,000 or 70,000 men, women and children, less than half of the whole 1 nation (Jerusalem, II, 20S-70). In 597 BC, Nebu chadrezzar carried off the princes and nobles and craftsmen and smiths, leaving behind the poorest sort of the people of the land (2 K 24 14). In 5SO BC Nebuzaradan carried off the residue of the people that were left in the city, but he "left of the poorest of the land to be vinedressers and husband men" (2 K 25 12). "They were, as the Bib. nar ratives testify, the poorest of the. land, from whom every man of substance and energy had been sifted; mere groups of peasants, without a leader and with out a center; disorganized and depressed; bitten by hunger and compassed by enemies; uneducated and an easy prey to the heathenism by which they were surrounded. We can appreciate the silence 1 which reigns in the Bible regarding them, and which has misled us as to their numbers. They were a neg ligible quantity in the religious future of Israel: without initiative or any influence except that of a dead weight upon the efforts of the rebuilders of the nation, when these at last returned from Baby lonia" (Jerusalem, II, 209-70).

          Over those who were left behind, Gedaliah was appointed governor, with his residence at Mizpah,

          where also a Bab contingent remained

          15. Geda- on guard. Jeremiah had the choice Hah, Gov- of being taken to Babylon or of re- ernor of maining in Judah. He preferred to Judah remain with the residue of the people

          under the care of Gedaliah. With the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael, a, traitorous scion of the royal house, who in turn had to flee and made good his ( scape, it looked as if the last trace of the former kingdom of Judah was wiped out. Against

          the counsel of Jeremiah, the remnant, led by Johanan the son of Kareah, resolved to take 1 refuge in Egypt and insisted that Jeremiah and his friend Baruch should accompany them. It is in Egypt, amid disappointment and misrepresentation which he had to endure, that we have our last glimpse of the prophet of the downfall of Judah. Of the descendants of those settlers in Egypt remarkable remains have been discovered within the last few years. They consist of Aram, papyri which were found at Assouan, the ancient Syene, and which belong to a time not more than a cent, after the death of Jeremiah. The documents arc accounts and contracts and deeds of various kinds, from which we gather that in the 5th cent. BC there we re Je ws keeping themselves apart as they do still, weirshipping Jeh, and no other God, and even having a te inple and an altar of sacrifice to which they brought offerings as their fathers diel at Jerus before the destruction of the 1 Temple. Thcse> papyri give us _ valuable glimpse s of the social condition and religious inte rest of the 1 se ttle rs. Seo DISPEH.SION.

          Of the Je-wish captive s carrieel off by Nebuchad rezzar and settled by the rivers of Babylon, we learn something from the prophecies

          16. The of Daniel which are now generally Exiles in belie-vcel to belong to the Macca- Babylon bean period, and much from the

          prophecies of Ezekiel, from the Psalms of the Captivity, anel from the See-onel Isaiah, whose glowing messages of encouragement anel com fort were inspired by the thought of the Return. I Venn Haggai and Ze>e-hariah we see how the work of rebuilding the Te inple was cone-e-iveel anel e-arried out. Of the social condition of the 1 Exile s an intc-r- esting revelation is given by the exe avations at Nippur. From cuneiform taulets, now in the Im perial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople, pre- se rve d among the business archive s of the: wealthy firm of Murashu, sons of Nippur, in the reign of Artaxerxes I anel Darius II (4(54-405 BC), there can be read quite a number of Je wish names. And the 1 remarkable thing is that many of the names are those known to us from the genealogical and other lists of the Books of K anel Ch and Ezr anel Neh. Professor Ililprecht (The Babylonian. Expedition, IX, 13 IT) infers from an examination of these that a considerable number of the Jewish exiles, carrieel away by Nebuchadrezzar after the destruction of Je>rus, were scttlenl in Nippur anel its neighborhood. Of this fact there are- various proofs. The Tal- muelic traelition which identifier Nippur with Calneh (Gen 10 10) gains new force in the light of these facts. And "the river Khebar in the land of the Chaldeans," by which Ezekicl saw his vision, is now known from inscriptions to be a large navi gable canal not far from Nippur (ib, 27.28).

          The influence of the Captivity as a factor in the development of Judaism can hardly be overesti mated. "The captivity of Juelah,"

          17. The says Dr. Foakes- Jackson (Biblical Rise and History of the Hebrews, 316) "is one Develop- of the greatest events in the history

          ment of of religion With the captivity

          Judaism the history of Israel ends, and the his tory of the Jews commences." Placed

          in the midst of heathen anel idolatrous surround ings the Golah recoiled from the abominations of their neighbors and clung to the faith of their fathers in the God of Abraham. Exposed to the taunts and the scorn of nations that despised them, they formed an inner circle of their own, and culti vated that exclusiveness which has marked them ever since. Being without a country, without a ritual system, without any material basis for their life as a people, they learned as never before to prize those spiritual possessions which had come




          down to them from the past. They built up their nationality in their new surroundings upon the foundation of their religion. Their prophets, Jere miah and Ezekiel, had encouraged and stimulated them with the assurance of spiritual blessings, and the promise of restoration. For their whole social and domestic and spiritual life there was needed some steady and continuous regulative principle or scheme. The need of this threw their leaders and thinkers back upon the Law of Moses. The rabbi and the scribe took the place of the sacrificing priest, The synagogue and the Sabbath came to occupy a new place in the religious practice of the people. These and other institutions of Judaism only at tained to maturity after the Return, but the Cap tivity and the Exile created the needs they were meant to supply. While the prophets were clear and explicit in setting forth the Captivity, they were not less so in predicting the Return. Isaiah with his doctrine of the Remnant, Micah, Zepha- niah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and others gifted with the vision of God, cheered the nation, each in their day, with the hope of restoration and return, not for Judah only but for Israel as well. Vineyards were to be planted again upon the mountains of Samaria as well as in the valleys of Judah. _ Jere miah had even predicted the length of the period of the Exile, when he declared that the inhabitants of the land should serve the king of Babylon for seventy years (Jer 25 12; 29 10).

          It was in Cyrus, who brought about the fall of

          Babylon and ended the New Babylonian Empire

          in 539 BC, that the hopes of the exiles

          18. The came to be centered. He was the Return by battle-axe" with which Jeh was to Permission shatter Babylon (Jer 51 20), and as he of Cyrus, proceeded on his path of victory the 538 BC unknown Seer whom we call t he Second

          Isaiah welcomed him as the liberator of his people. "Thus saith Jehovah .... of Jerus, She shall be inhabited; and of the cities of Judah, They shall be built, and I will raise up the waste places thereof; that saith to the deep, Be dry, and I will dry up thy rivers; that saith of Cyrus, He is my shepherd, and shall perform all my pleasure, even saying of Jerus, She shall be built ; and of the temple, Thy foundation shall be laid" (Isa 44 26-28).

          Within a year of the entry of Cyrus into Babylon

          an edict was issued (2 Ch 36 22.23; Ezr 1 Iff),

          granting permission to the exiles to

          19. Rebuild- return and build a house for the Lord ing of the in Jerus. He also brought forth the

          vessels of the Temple which Nebuchad rezzar had carried away and handed them over to Sheshbazzar, the prince of Judah; and Sheshbazzar brought them with him when they of the Captivity were brought up from Babylon unto Jerus.

          Particulars of the Return are given in the Books of Ezr and Neh, and in the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah. Of the exiles 42,360 returned under Sheshbazzar, besides slaves; and under Jeshua the son of Jozadak the priest, and Zerubbabel, the son of Shealtiel, first an altar was built _and then the foundations of the Temple were laid. In conse quence of the opposition of the Samaritans, who were refused any share in the restoration of the Temple, the work of rebuilding was greatly hindered, and came to a stop. It was then that Haggai and Zechariah urged the resumption of the work and partly by denouncing the niggardliness of the people and partly by foreshadowing the glorious future in store for the Temple, hastened forward the enter prise. At length in the month Adar, in the 6th year of Darius (515 BC) the work was completed and the Passover celebrated within the courts of the restored Sanctuary (Ezr 6 15-18).

          Temple, 536 BC

          For some decades the history is silent , and it was in 458 BC that Uzra set out for Jerus taking 1,800

          Jews along with him. fie found that 20. Re- the returned Jews had become allied

          forms and in marriage with the people of the Labors of land and were in danger of losing their Ezra and racial characteristics by absorption Nehemiah among the heathen (Ezr 9). It was

          due no doubt to his efforts and those of Nehemiah, supported by the .searching and power ful utterances of Malachi, that this peril was

          Terra-Cotta Cylinder Containing the History of the Cap ture of Babylon by Cyrus the Groat.

          averted. Thirteen years later (445 BC) Nehemiah, the cupbearer of Artaxerxes, having heard of the desolate condition of the Holy City, the place of his fathers sepulchers, obtained leave of his master to visit Jerus. With letters to the governors on the route and to the keeper of the king s forest, he set out, and came safely to Jerus. Having himself inspected the walls he called the people to the work of repairing the ruins, and despite the taunts and calumny and active hostility of the Sam opposi tion he had the satisfaction of seeing the work completed, the gates set up and the city repeopled. Nehemiah and Ezra then gathered the people



          together 1o hear the words of the Law, and at a solemn convocation the Law was read and explained to the assembly. Thereafter a covenant was entered into by the people that, they would observe the Law of Moses and not intermarry with the heathen nor trailic on the Sabbath, but would pay a third of a shekel annually for the services of the Temple and would bring first-fruits and tithes (Xeh 10 2Sff).

          The course of the history as here set forth has been disputed by some modern scholars, who hold that there was no return of the exiles 21. Modern under Cyrus and that the rebuilding of Theories of the Temple was the work of the Jews the Return who remained behind in Judah and Jerus (EH, art. " E/ra-Nehcmiah"). This view, held by the late Professor Ko>ters of Leyden and supported by Professor II. P. Smith and other scholars, proceeds largely upon the rejection oH he historical character of the Hook of Ezr-Neh. The historical difficulties which are found in the book are by no means such as to war rant us_in denying the fact of the Return and the work of Ezra in connection with Nchetniah. As regards the Return, the course of the narrative is too well supported by documents which bear upon them the stamp of historical truth to be rashly dis puted. Moreover, it seems highly improbable that an enterprise requiring such energy and skill and faith should have been undertaken, without stimulus from without, by the residue of 1 he people. We have already seen how little initiative was to be expected of the poorest of the people; and the silence of Haggai, on the subject of the Return, is no argument against it. That the Judaism of Pal required invigoration by an infusion of the zeal and enthusiasm which grew up in the Judaism of Bab, is manifest from the story of the Captivity.

          From the age of Nehcmiah and the period im mediately preceding it came influences of the utmost moment for the; future. Within these 22. Impor- hundred years," says the late Dr. P. tance of the Hay Hunter in After the. Exile (I, xvi), Period the teaching of Moses was established

          Ezra- as the basis of the national life, the

          Nehemiah first steps were taken toward the forma tion of a canon of Scripture. Jewish society was moulded into a shape which succeeding cents, modified, but did not essentially change. During this period the Judaea, of the days of Our Lord came into being. Within this period the forces which opposed Christ, the forces which rallied to His side, had their origin. This cent, saw the rise of parties, which afterward became sects under the names of Pharisees and Sadducees. It laid the foundation of Rabbinism. It fixed 1 he attitude of the Jews toward the Gentiles. It put the priesthood in the way to supreme authority. It gave birth to the Samaritan schism." Figurative uses. See CAPTIVE.

          LITKRATT-RE. SchradiT, COT, I; McOurdv, HP \\\\f. I, 2S1 if, II, 24!) IT, III; O. K. Buruey, Notes on 11,1, Text of Bks of Kimjs; Foakes-.Tackson, Bil>. Hixt of the Hebrews, 200-412; (i. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 223- 349; Cambridge Biblical Essays, 93-135; P. Hay Hunter, Tin Stori/ of Daniel and After the Exile; EB, art. " K/ra- Nehemlah " ; Xicol, Recent Archiu-ulouv and the Hi hie.

          239-78; It. P. Smith, OT Hint, 219-412; Kittel, I list uf the JJfbrcu-s, II, 329 If.


          T. NICOL See PHILEMON.

          CARABASION, kar-a-ba zi-on ( Pa|3ao-a>v, Rha- bayid/i, Kapa.pao-uov, Kurdhnawn; Marimoth) : One of the sons of Baani (1 Esd 9 34) who had married foreign wives, during the captivity. The name is allowed to be corrupt; it seems to be repre sented by Meremoth in the list of Ezr 10 36.

          CARAVAN, kar a-van, kar-a-van (PHS , J drah): This word is not found in AV, but RV employs it three times, viz. in Job 6 IS. 19 (orhr>th), where AV renders "paths" (ver IS) and "troops" (ver I!))- m Isa 21 13 ( dr fydlh), where AV and EV give "travelling companies," and in Ezk 27 25 (skaruth) where AV gives a totally different tr. The Heb text in Ezk is dubious, but in Isa and Job "caravan" is undoubtedly a correct rendering of the Heb (cf also Gen 37 25). The inhabitants of Pal were familiar with the caravans the goods trains of the Seni world which traveled between Baby lon and Syria on the one hand to Arabia and on the other to Egypt. The main routes between these countries passed through Canaan. Isaiah refers to caravans of Jedanites" a trading Arab, tribe who conveyed their wares to Babylon. Job compares his would-be friends to a deceitful brook, full in the rainy season, but dry in summer, which entices caravans to turn aside- from the main route m the hope of a plentiful supply of water, but which fails the thirsty travelers when they need it most - T.LEWIS

          CARAVANSARY, kar-a-van sa-ri. See INN.

          CARBUNCLE, kar bim-k l. See STO.VKS, PKF- CIOU8.

          CARCAS, kar kas (CS~!2 , karkas): One of seven chamberlains, ordered to summon Queen Vashti before King Ahasuerus (Est 1 10). The Targ alle gorizes the first five of the names.

          CARCASS, CARCASE, kar kas: The dead body of a beast ; used sometimes in a contemptuous way of the dead body of a human being. The use of the word as applied to a living body is not found in either ( )T or NT. (1) It occurs as a tr of the Heb V Pegher, in Gen 15 11; this Heb word is also tr 1 dead body" in Nu 14 29; 1 S 17 4<>- Isa 34 3; 66 21; Ezk 6 5; 43 79, and "corpse" in Nah 3 3. (2) The Heb Pte , n"WuI<lh, is also tr 1 "carcass" in Lev 5 2; 11 S.ll; Jer 16 IS, but as "dead body" in Dt 28 2(5 ("body" Josh 8 20; 1 K 13 22.20; 2 K 9 37); Isa 6 25 Jer 7 33; 16 4; 19 7. (3) In Jgs 14 8 the word "?"?, i/Kip/trldh, from b?: , naplxtl, "to incline" or "fall," is also tr d "carcass." (-1) In Mt 24 28 the word "carcase" (not. "carcass") is used to render the Gr irr^a, plonta, the reference probably being here to the dead body of an animal For the body of a human being the Gr is tr 1 "corpse" (Mt 14 12; Mk 6 29; 15 45), and "dead bodies" (Rev 11 S.9). W. N. STEAHXS

          CARCHEMISH, kar ke-mish (t : ^2ri2 , kark*- itnxh; Xapfafel CAameis, Kapxa(j.eis, Karchameis) : An exceedingly ancient Hittite city on the banks of the Euphrates, identified with Jerablus (Hierapolis) about 23 hours from Aleppo, between Bircjik and Membij. The Assyr form of the name is Kargamis or Gargamis, but its meaning is doubtful, the inter pretation "Fort of the god Chemosh" having been suggested before it was known that the Assyr-Bab form of Chemosh was not Kamish or Gami xh, but Kammusu (Kammosu). Systematic excavations on the site have apparently only just been made, those undertaken by Consul J. Henderson, after the death of G. Smith the Assyriologist, having been mainly devoted to the excavation of sculptures. etc. The site has vast walls and palace-mounds about 8,000 ft. in circumference. _ The earliest occurrence of the name is in an adjec tival form, namely, Karkamisu, "Carchemishite,"



          applied to a vase or measure of 200 qa, in a list

          of property at Sippar in the reign of Ammi-saduga

          (cir 1900 BC). Later on, the Egyp

          1. Evidence poet known as Pentaur refers to the of the people of Carchemish (Qarqamesa) as City s Early forming, with the men of Arvad, Existence Aleppo and Gozan, part of "the host

          of the miserable king of the Hittites" (Hattii-Ul), who fought against Rameses II at the battle of Kadesh. The first Assyr king to mention Carchemish is Tiglath-pileser I (cir 1268 BC), who states that he plundered "from the neighbor hood of the land of Suhu [the Shuhites] as far as Carchemish of the land of Ilattu" in one day.

          Later, the city attracted the attention of the Assyr king Assur-nasir-apli, who started on the 8th

          of lyyar, about the year 870 BC,

          2. Its Later to the conquest of the district, and History received tribute from the son of Bit-

          Bahiani; and, a little later, from Sangara of Carchemish, who is described as king of the Hittites. This tribute consisted of 20 talents of silver, various objects of gold, 100 talents of copper, 250 talents of iron, furniture, chariots and horses an enormous treasure. Shalmaneser II, son of Assur-nasir-apli, also took tribute from the king of Carchemish here referred to. On the first occasion when the two monarchs met, Sangara was in alliance with the Sam alians, Patinians, and Til-Bursip. After the capture of Sazabe (858 BC), a strong city of Sangara of Carchemish, all the opposing princes submitted. The tribute paid by the Hittite king on this occasion is depicted on strip F of the bronze coverings of the gates of Balawat, which has four representations of the place two in the upper and two in the lower row of reliefs. The Kurkh monolith states that, the tribute consisted of "2 talents of gold, 70 talents j of silver, 80 talents of bronze, 100 talents of iron, 30 talents of purple stuff, 500 weapons, his daughter with a dowry, and 100 daughters of his great men, 500 oxen, and 5,000 sheep." A yearly tax was also imposed. The reliefs show two long trains of tribute-bearers, that in the lower row escorting the princess, who, apparently accompajiied by her father, goes to meet the Assyr king. Samsi-Adad, Shalmaneser Il s son, merely mentions Carchemish as being on the western limits of his empire.

          In the time of Tiglath-pileser IV, the city was

          ruled by King Pisiri(s), who paid tribute as an

          Assyr vassal. On the accession of

          3. Tiglath- Sargon of Assyria, however, Pisiris pileser IV tried to throw off the Assyr yoke, Receives and made alliance with Meta of Its Tribute, Moschi (Mesech) and other rulers, and Sargon but was taken prisoner in the opera- of Assyria tions which followed. In the sub- Incorpo- sequent plundering of the city, those rates It who suffered most were the inhabitants

          of the city who had been most active against Assyria. These were carried captive, and their places filled, as was the custom, by Assyr settlers. The city s importance under Assyr rule continued, the "mana of Carchemish" being one of the standard weights in use at Nineveh. After incorporation into the Assyr empire it was ruled by Assyr governors, one of whom, Bel-emuranni, was eponym for the year 691 BC (reign of Sen nacherib). The OT gives later details. In the time of Josiah, Pharaoh Necoh marched to fight against the city, and the Jewish king went out to meet him, but lost his life at Megiddo (2 Cli 36 20 ff). Four years later (605 BC), the Egyp king was himself defeated by Nebuchadrezzar under the walls of the city (Jer 46 2) in the battle which decided the fate of Western Asia.

          The art of Carchemish was that of the Hittite nation to which the city belonged, but it was strongly influenced by the style of 4. Sculp- the Assyrians, and exhibits a manner- ture and ism if anything more pronounced. The Inscriptions inscriptions found on the site are in Found at the usual Hittite style boldly carved Carchemish natural objects and implements in relief arranged in boustrophedon- bands between division-lines. It is not improbable, however, that cuneiform was also used, and texts in Phoen characters may, by chance, be found. The patron-deity of the city was the Asiatic goddess Atargatis, whose worship, when the place lost its importance, was removed to the new Hierapolis now represented by the ruins of Mcmhij.

          T. G. PINCHES

          CARE, kar, CAREFULNESS, kar fool-ness, CAREFUL, kar fool: The Eng. word "care" has such a variety of meanings, and so many Heb and Gr words in the Bible are tr d by this Eng. expression and its compounds, that it is difficult to organize t hem into a single brief article. We may do so, how ever, by remembering that into our word are really woven two strands, one Teutonic and one Lat. The former clement implies a measure of trouble or sorrow, as the pain from a blow, a throb, a dis tress in the mind; the latter, from Lat cura, implies a stretching forward, attention to some person _ or thing. We can often discern these two senses side by side in the Bible, and sometimes they almost nm into one another. This is so esp. in the AV. We can treat the subject best by keeping separate, as far as possible, these two senses.

          /. In the Sense of Anxiety, Solicitude. In the

          OT several words arc tr 1 "care," in this sense.

          "Thy father hath left off caring for

          1. Sub- the asses," concern about them lit. stantives "matters of the asses" ("HI, dibhrc,

          1 S 10 2). "They shall eat bread by weight, and with care" ("ttX" , d e - aghah, "care fulness" RV; "tearfulness" ARV, Ezk 4 16). The same word is rendered carefulness (AV and RV; "fearf ulness, " ARV, Ezk 12 18-19); and "fear" (AV; "carefulness," RV and ARV, Josh 22 24). Again, "heaviness" (AV, RV and ARV), but "care" (RVm and ARVm, Prov 12 25). Once more, "sorrow" (AV, RV and ARV), but "care" (RVm and ARVm, Jer 49 23). There is also the word rrnn , haradhah, "trembling," "fear," "anx iety." It is rendered "trembling" (Gen 27 33 AV). But "thou hast been careful for us with all this care" ("showed us all this reverence," RVm, ARVm, 2 K 4 13).

          In the NT care, in the sense of anxiety, is the meaning given to, merimna, the condition of being drawn mentally in different directions, distraction of mind. "Care of the world" (Alt 13 22; Mk 4 19; Lk 8 14, "c. of this life," Lk 21 34); "care of all the churches" (2 Cor 11 28) ("anxiety," RV and ARV); "casting all your care upon him" ("anxiety," RV, ARV, 1 Pet 5 7). Also in the Apoc, "My heart faileth for care" (1 Mace 6 10); "Care bringeth old age before the time" (Sir 30 24). To these may be added the adj. amerimnos, "1 would have you without carefulness" (AV; "free from cares," RV and ARV, 1 Cor 7 32).

          In the OT (3X , da agh, "to have concern or

          anxiety for"). "Not be careful in the year of

          drought" (Jer 17 8). (lb DIE? , sum

          2. Verbs Icbh, "to set the heart upon"), "If we

          flee away, they will not care for us" ("set their heart upon us" AVm, 2 S 18 3).

          In the NT (fj.fpifj.vdu, merimndo), "Thou art care-

          Careah Carmi



          till and troubled 11 ("anxious" RV and AHV, Lk 10 41). "He that is unmarried careth for things that belong to the Lord" ("is careful for," RV and AHV 1 Cor 7 32-34). "Members should have the same care one for another" (1 Cor 12 2.~>). "Who will naturally care [AHY "care truly") for your state" (Phil 2 20). "Bo careful for nothing" ("in nothing be anxious," HV and AHV, Phil 4 (i). The Vpoc has "careful" (Bar 3 IS; and the HV has "he not careful overmuch," when a distinction is plainly made between care in the sense of anxiety and of attention, for a person cannot be too attentive, hut he may he too anxious (2 Esd 2 27).

          The impersonal vb. (/xe Xei, mild), though not quite so strong as iinrini nnn, always implies a degree of concern higher than is felt in mere atten tion- "Caresl thou not that we perish?" (Mk 4 3S). "Carest not for anvone" (AV "no man " Mt 22 Hi; Mk 12 14). "Dost thou not care that my sister did leave me to serve alone?" (Lk 10 10). "Careth not for the sheep 1 (Jn 10 13) "Cared for the poor" (Jn 12 G). "(iallio cared for none of these tilings" (Acts 18 17). "Care not for it" (1 Cor 7 21). "He careth for you" (1 Pet 5 7). "Doth Ood care for oxen?" i better, "Is it for the oxen that Cod caret h?" HYand ARV, 1 Cor 9 9).

          //. In the Sense of Attention. -In the sense of attention, with the flavor of earnestness added from the original Teutonic meaning of the 1. Sub- word care, we have the tr of cTTrui Or;

          stantives xpmidt, "speod," "earnest care." "\\\\\\\\ hat carefulness it wrought in you" ("earnest care, 11 HA , AHA , 2 Cor 7 11). "Our care lor you in the sight of Ood" ("earnest care " RV ARV, 2 Cor 7 12). "Put the same care into the heart of Titus" ("earnest care," HV, ARY. 2 Cor 8 iGj. \\\\\\\\ e have also (ppoveTv, p/ironch/ the infin. used as a suhst . "Your care for me hath flourished" ("thought," HV, AHV, Phil 4 10). \\\\ls ( , 0POI/T/S, phrontis, "thought" ("care" AHV, Wisd 6

          i/ ; 7 t).

          J A land which Jehovah thy Cod caret li for" (Urn, dura*/,, "seek after") ("seeketh after," HVm AHVm, Dt 11 12). "No man careth 2. Verbs for my soul" ("sought" AVm, Ps 142 "TPn, hdshah). "We are not care ful to answer" (AV, AVm, AHVm; "Wo have no need to answer," HV. ARV, Dnl 3 IGi. In the XT ewifHiMofuu, epimellomai, "Take care of him" (Lk

          ?/- ;i ;t"V,- , H()W shn11 " t;lk( f !i" of the church <>l Ood . (1 Hm 3 5). tpovrlfa, phrontizo, "to be thoughtful or mindful of," "may he careful to main tain good works" (Tit 3 S). G. H. THEVER


          CAREFULLY, kar f(7ol-i : The same two strands 01 anxiety and of attention appear in this word as in care. Several words in the Hob and Or are thus rendered m the Eng. YSS. "Anxiously" is the thought m "The inhabitants of Maroth waited carefully for good" (~bn, f,iilati, "to be in pain," "was grieved" A Yin, "waiteth anxiously" RV AHA , "is in travail" HVm, ARVm, Mic 1 12)

          In the sense of attentirdy, the Hob emphatic expression, the infinite absolute with the finite vb. is rendered "carefully" in, "Thou shall care fully hearken" (lit. "hearing, thou shalt hear," diligently hearken" HV, AHV, Dt 15 5). The same Hob is rendered "diligently hearken" AV- "hearken diligently" HV, ARV (Dt 11 13; 28 1).

          In the NT o-jrovdaiortpus, spoi/daioleron, "I sent him the more carefully" ("diligently" RY, AHY.

          Phil 2 2S). The vb. (tKftrfa, dueled, "I seek out," is tr 1 "seek carefully": "though he sought it care fully with tears" ("diligently" RV, ARV, He 12 17)

          HV adds others (d K p^6u, akribod, "L ascertain exactly ), "learned of them carefully" RV ("dili gently" AY: "exactly" ARV, Mt 2 7.1G) The adv. akribds, "search out carefully" RV ("dili gently" AY; "exactly" A in , Mt 2 S). "Taught carefully RV ("diligently" AV; "accurately" ARV, Acts 18 2.-)). "More carefully" HV ("more perfectly AV, "more accurately" AHY, Acts 18 26). EiriffKoirfa, c/)ixko[>cr>. "1 oversee," is rendered "look carefully" (RV, ARY, "look diligently" AV He 12 1.")).

          In the Apoc mcrininuu is tr 1 "carefully," as "Wo should carefully think of thy goodness" ("ponder" HV, Wisd 12 22). G. II. TREVER

          CARELESS, kar los, CARELESSLY, kar les-li:

          I hose words always mean, "without anxiety,"

          the confidence springing from a sense of security

          I here is both the vb. flip 2, bdtitti, "lie trusted ,"

          and the noun rrj2, bd/tli, "Ye careless daughters"

          (HYm "confident") (Isa 32 9-11). People dwelt

          cureless ("in security" HV. AHY, Jgs 18 7); "eare-

          Ethiopians" (Ezk 30 9). "Thou that dwellest

          carelessly" ("sittest securely" H\\\\ , ARV, Isa 47

          "Thou that dwellest carelessly" ("securely"

          in, AHV, "confidently" AVm, E/k 39 (i). "The

          city that dwelt carelessly" (Zeph 2 15). ARV

          and H\\\\ add "72, bd:dh, "he despised," using the

          participle in "He that is careless of his ways shall

          die," "despiseth" AV, ARVm, HVm (Prov 19 1G).

          CAREM, kfi rem (Kaptp., Knn -in): A city of Judah interpolated by the LXX (Josh 15"o9). Probably BETH-HACCHEREM (q.v.).

          CARIA, ka ri-a (Kapia, Knr ni): A country in the S.\\\\\\\\ . of Asia Minor which extended on the N. to Lydia, on the E. to Phrygia, on the S. to Lycia, and the W. to the Aegean Sea. Its borders, however, like those of most of the ancient countries of Asia Minor, were never definitely fixed; hence the diffi culty presented by the study of the political divi sions. ^ The general surface of t he count ry is rugged, consisting of mountainous ridges running across it, and terminating as promontories jutting into the sea. Its history consists chiefly of thai of its prac tically independent cities of which Miletus (Acts 20 l. r >-20) and Cnidus (Acts 27 7) are the chief. For some time previous to 1GS BC it had lost its independence, and belonged to the island of Rhodes, hut in that year Home made it again free. Accord ing to 1 Mace 15 23, Caria was one of several places to which the Rom senate in 139-138 BC sent letters in favor of the Jews, a fact showing that its population was mixed. Its coast cities, however, were peopled chiefly by Creeks. In 129 BC Caria became a part of the Rom province of Asia, and from that date its history coincides with that of the province. Though Paul and others of (he apostles traversed Caria in their missionary journeys, only its cities are mentioned by name in that connection. E. J. BANKS

          CARITES, kar i-tez ("HS , kari, "one ready," "life-guardsman"): A body of troops mentioned in 2 K 11 4.19 (AV "captains"). Instead of CHERE- THITES (q.v.), the Kethibh of 2 S 20 23 offers the

          reading Citrilcx.

          CARMANIANS, kar-ma ni-anz. See CAUMO-

          \\\\ I A N S .

          k CARME, kar me. See CHARME.


          Careah Carmi

          CARMEL, kar mel (5-]3 , or, with art., VKTOn , ktirmd, "fruit garden," or ha-karmel; Jos, 6 Kdp|M|- Xos, /io KdrmcloK, Kapp.r|\\\\iov opos, Karmdion oros)

          (\\\\) A beautifully wooded mountain range run ning for about 13 miles in a south-easterly direction from the promontory which drops on the shore of the Mediterranean near Haifa, at the southern extremity of the plain of Acre, to the height of et- Mahrakah which overlooks the plain of Esdraelon. On the top of the promontory, at a height of 500 ft the monastery of St. Elias stands. From this point there is a gradual ascent until the greatest height is reached at Eflych (1,742 ft.), the peak at el-Mahrakah being only some 55 ft, lower. ^ mountain usually named with the art., the Carmel" still justifies its name, "the garden with fruit trees." The steep slopes on the N. and E., indeed, afford little scope for cultivation, although trees :uid brushwood grow abundantly. But to the S and W. the mountain falls away to the sea and the plain in a series of long, fertile valleys, where the "excellency" of Carmel finds full illustration today. There an; a few springs of good water; but the main supplv is furnished by the winter rams, which are caught and stored in great cisterns. 1 he villages on the slopes have a look of prosperity not too ott< seen in Syria, the rich soil amply rewarding the toil of the husbandmen. Oak and pun-, myrtle and honeysuckle, box and laurel flourish; the sheen ot fruitful olives fills many a hollow; and in the time of flowers Carmel is beautiful in a garment of many colors. Evidences of 1 he ancient husbandry which made it famous are found in the cisterns, and the oil and wine presses cut in the surface ot the rock. There is probably a reference to the vine culture here in 2 Ch 26 10. In the fig. language of Scrip ture it appears as the symbol of beauty (Cant 7 o , of fruit fulness (Isa 35 2), of majesty (Jer 46 IS), of prosperous and happy life (ib, 50 lan<niishing of Carmel betokens the vengeance o! God upon the land (Nah 1 4); and her decay, utter desolation (Am 1 2; Isa 33 9).

          Rou-hly triangular in form, with plains stretch ing from "its base on each of the three sides, the mountain, with its majestic form and Asylum massive bulk, is visible from afar.

          and Sane- Its position deprived it of any great tuary value for military purposes. It com

          manded none of the great highways followed by armies: the passes between Esdraelon and Sharon, to the E. of Carmel, furnishing the most convenient paths. But the mountain beckoned the fugitive from afar, and in all ages has offered asylum to the hunted in its caves and wooded glens. Also its remote heights wi;h their spacious outlook over land and sea; its sheltered nooks and em bowering groves have been scenes of worship from old lime. Here stood an ancient altar of Jeh (1 K 18 30) We may assume that there was also a sanctuary of Baal, since the worshippers of these deities chose the place as common ground for the great trial (1 K 18). The scene is traditionally located at cl-Miiljrnknli, "the place of burnt sacri fice " which is still held sacred by the Druzes. A Lat chapel stands near, with a great cistern. A good spring is found lower down the slope. Just, below on the N. bank of the Kishon stands the mound called Tell d-kiwis, "mound of the priest. From the crest of Carmel Elijah descried the coming storm, and, descending the mountain, ran before the chariot of Ahab to the gate of Jezreel (1 K 18 42 ff). Under the monastery on the western promontory is a cave, said to be that, of Elijah. An older tradition locates the cave of the prophet at ed-Deir, near Am c.s-XT/i. It may have been the scene of the events narrated in 2 K 1 9 ff. Elisha also was a

          familiar visitor to Mt. Carmel. It was within the, territory allotted to Asher; in later times it, passed into the hands of Tyre (BJ , III, iii, 1).

          (2) A city of Judah, in the uplands near Hebron, named with Maon and Ziph (Josh 15 55). Here Saul for some reason not stated set up a monument or trophy (I S 15 12; lit. "hand"). It was the

          f Judah.

          home of Xabal the churlish and drunken flock- master, whose 1 widow Abigail David married (1 S 25); and also of Hem>, one of David s mighty men (2 S 23 35; 1 Ch 11 37). It is represented by the modern d-Karmil, about 10 miles to the b.E. of Hebron. Kami/I is the pronunciation given me by several natives this spring. There are consider able ruins, the most outstanding feature being a square tower dating from the 12th cent., now going swiftly to ruin. There are also caves, tombs and a large reservoir. W. Ewixa

          CARMELITE, kar rnel-It P ?"?")? , Av/n/, 77; Kap|AT|\\\\tos, Kunnfliox, KapjjniXiTT]9, Karmelitcs) : A native of the Judaean Carmel. Those who are thus named are Xabal, the husband of Abigail (1 S 30 5, etc), and He/ro (AV Hezrai), one of David s mighty men (2 S 23 35). In 2 S3 IS LXX reads Its Abigaias /c.s Karmehas, ot Abigail the Canneliless" (1 S 27 3; 1. Ch 3 1). See fol lowing art., CARMKLITESS.

          CARMELITESS, kar mel-lt-es, kar-mel-1 tes (rP?p"p, ktirni lllh; Kap|AT|Xia, Kannfli-n): A name applied only to Abigail, t he wife, of Xabal, and subsequently of David, a native; of Carmel m Judah (1 S 27 3; l Ch 3 1).

          CARMI, kar ml p 1 ?"}? > karntl, "fruitful," "noble"):

          (1) \\\\ son of Reuben who came to Egypt with Jacob (Gen 46 <; Ex 6 14; 1 Ch 5 3). Also the name of a family of which Carmi was the head (Nu 26 6).

          (2) A Judahite (1 Ch 2 7), son of Zabdi, ac cording to Josh 7 1, and father of Achan, who is given the name of "Achar" in 1 Ch 2 7. This last form "Achar" is preferred to the usual "Achan in order to bring out the play on the Heb word for "troubler." The Heb runs b&nTTH liny "C7 , *akhar *okher yixm el, "Achar, the troubler of Israel." As regards the phrase "the sons of Carmi (1

          2 7) Carmi is probably to be taken as the son of Zimri ( = Zabdi, Josh 71). The Tg, however, has "Carmi who is Zimri." The LXX identifies Zimn and Zabdi.

          (3) In 1 Ch 4 1, Carmi, elsewhere called son of Zabdi or Zimri, is made son of Judah; but Well- hausen correctly changes "Carmi" to "Chelubai" (cf 1 Ch 2 9). HORACE J. WOLF

          Carmonians Caspin, Caspis



          CARMONIANS, kar-mo ni-anz; AV Carmani- ans: A people mentioned in one of the visions ":m horrible vision" (2 Esd 16 30 ff) of the "Apocalypse of Ksdras." Their country, Carmania, was an extensive province of Asia lying between Part hia and Ariana and the N. side of the Pers Gulf, and extending to Drangiana and Gedrosia on the K. and to the river Bagradas and Persis on the \\\\V. It is frequently mentioned by the ancient writers, among others by Strabo and Arrian, who describe the inhabitants as closely resembling the Medians and Persians in manners and customs. In tjie passage cited they are intended to denote a fierce and warlike people, being described as "raging in wrath as wild boars of the wood" and associated with the "dragons of Arabia." J. HUTCHISON

          CARNAIM, kar-nfi im, kar na-irn (Kapvefv, Kar achi, 1 Mace 5 20, KapvaCv, Kdrnain, vs 43 f, TO Kdpviov, to Kdrniou, 2 Mace 12 121.21)): One of the strong cities besieged and captured by Judas Maccabaeua in his campaign 10. of the Jordan (1 Mace 5 20.43 f). In the temple of Atargatis. which was situated here, those who fled from the city were put to death. It is apparently identical with Ashleroth Karnaim. It is called Camion in 2 Mace 12 21.

          CARNAL, kar nal: In the OT there is an ex pression which indicates sexual intercourse (rQ?!? yiT, xhiklflihnlh zira\\\\ "lying of seed," Lev 18 20; 19 20; Nu 5 13). In the NT the words rendered "carnal" are derived from <rdp$, sdrkx, "flesh." This refers to the flesh as opposed to the lu it inn, "spirit," and denotes, in an ethical sense, mere human nature, the lower side of man as apart from the Divine influence, anil therefore estranged from God and prone to sin; whatever in the soul is weak and tends toward ungodliness (see FLESH). Thus one may be carnal (ffdpKivos, tuirkinos), sold under sin (Rom 7 14). Christians may be carnal (xtirlc/non, 1 Cor 3 1; sarkikos, 1 Cor 3 3); the lower side of their being is dominant and not the spirit, hence they fall into sins of envy and strife. The weapons of the Christian warfare are not carnal, not merely human (of t he flesh RY, ARY), but spiritual (2 Cor 10 4); "not after the law of a carnal com mandment" (He 7 16); "The carnal mind is enmity against God ("mind of the flesh" RV, ARV, Rom 8 7). So, "to be carnally minded is death" ("mind of the flesh" RV, ARV, Rom 8 0). There are "car nal ordinances," in contrast to the spiritual ones of the gospel (He 9 10); "Minister unto them in carnal things," those that pertain to the body in contrast to spiritual things (Rom 15 27; 1 Cor" 9 11). The same expressions are elsewhere rendered "fleshlv" (2 Cor 1 12; 3 3 RV "hearts of flesh"; 1 Pet 2 11).

          Is there any difference between sarkinos and sark/kos. The former more definitely denotes the material of which an object is made. It may ex press with emphasis the idea of .sv//-/,-/7ro.s, the spiritual given up as it were to the flesh. See MAN (THE NATURAL). G. II. TREVER

          CARNION, kar ni-on. See CARNAIM.

          CAROUSINGS, ka-rouz ingz (TTOTOIS, polois, dat ive pi. of potos) : This word is found only in ARV and once only (1 Pet 4 3). The AV translates it "banquet ings." It is one of the gentile excesses of fleshly indulgence against which the Christians are warned by Peter.

          CARPENTER, kar pen-ter (C^n, hdranh; T KTV, tekLon): This word, which is a general word for a graver or craftsman, is ti id "carpenter" in 2 K 22 6;

          2 Ch 24 12; Ezr 3 7; Isa 41 7. The same word is rendered "craftsman" in the ARV of Jer 24 1 and 29 2 and "smith" in the ARV of Zee 1 >0 In 2 S 5 11; 2 K 12 1 1 ; 1 Ch 14 1; and Isa 44 13, harash occurs with *cg (wood), and is more exactly tr 1 "carpenter" or "worker in wood." Tekton, the corresponding Gr word for artificer is tr 1 "carpenter" in Mt 13 .5.5 and Mk 6 3. See CARVING; CRAFTS.

          CARPUS, kar pus (Kdpiros, K/ir//o8): A name but once mentioned in the NT (2 Tim 4 13), "I he cloak that I left at Troas with Carpus." These words were written from the dungeons, where Paul was confined during his second imprison ment. The name, common enough in Paul s day, signifies "fruit" (Young) or "wrist" (Davis). The words indicate that Paul must have been very well acquainted with the family of Carpus. lie was presumably one of his converts; and the apostle must have lodged with him and also have had con siderable confidence in him, since he committed to his care not only the comparatively valueless "cloak," but esp. the priceless "books and parch ments." It is idle to attempt to find out the identity of Carpus, but one cannot help wondering what were the contents of these books and parch ments for which the apostle longed in his bitter second imprisonment. HENRY E. DOSKEK

          _ CARRIAGE, kar ij (T:2 , Hi, n^22 , k bhwtdah, nX1u33, ti *u <; eirio-Kcvao-dnevoi, cpiskeunsdmenoi ; RV "We took up our baggage"; ARVm "made ready" ) : One or the other of the above words occurs in six different places and all have been tr 1 in the AV by "carriage" in its obsolete meaning (Jgs 18 21; 1 S 17 22 [twice!; Isa 10 2S; 46 1; Acts 21 15). In the RV and ARV these are tr 1 by the more modern expressions "goods," "baggage," or "the things that you carried." In 1 S 17 20 AVm "place of the carriage" occurs as the equivalent of "trench." The Heb ma f/aldh may mean "the place of wagons" as tr 1 in RV, as it is not at all improbable that the encampment was surrounded by the baggage train. JAMES A. PAT< H

          CARRY, kar i (Su" , mlxd , 5n: , nahacih): The EV rendering of a number of I leb and Gr words, and it has several shades of meaning, of which the fol lowing are the most important:

          (1) "To take up," "to bear," "to transport from one place to another," as, "to carry away handker chiefs" (Acts 19 12), "to carry a corpse" (Gen 50 13), and "to be carried away by the wind" (Dnl 2 3.5).

          (2) "To cause to go" or "come," "to lead," "to drive," as, "to be carried away to Babylon" (2 K 20 17), "to be carried away to" Pilate" (Mk 15 1), "to carry away cattle" (Gen 31 IS), and "to carry away daughters" (Gen 31 20).

          (3) "To uphold," or "sustain," "and even to hoar hairs will I carry you" (Isa 46 4).

          (4) "To bear," or "endure," as, "to carry sor rows" (Isa 53 4).

          (.5) "To overwhelm," "to bear away," "to destroy," as, "to carry away as with a flood" (Ps 90 5).

          (0) "To influence," "to move," as, "to carry away with dissimulation" (Gal 2 13), "to carry away with error" (2 Pet 3 17), "to be carried away by strange teachings" (He 13 9). A. W. FORTUNE

          CARSHENA, kar sho-na, kar-she na ( karsh e na ) . The first named among the "seven princes of Persia and Media" under Ahasuerus (Est 1 14). See PRINCES, THE SEVEN.



          Carmonians Caspin, Caspis

          CART, kiirt (H* 1 ^, aghuluh): The Heb word has been tr d in some passages "cart," and in others "wagon." In one ver only has it been tr d "chariot." The context of the various passages indicates that a distinction was made between vehicles which were used for carrying baggage or produce and those used for carrying riders (chariots), although in their primitive form of construction they were much the same (cf Eng. "carl" and "carriage").

          Egyptian Cart (with Two Wheels).

          Carts, like "chariots" fq.v.), were of Assyr origin. They were early carried to Egypt where the flat nature of the country readily led to their adoption. From Egypt they gradually found their way among the people of the Palestinian plains. In the hills of Judaea and Central Pal, except where highways were built (1 S 6 12), the nature of the country prevented the use of wheeled vehicles. 1 S 6 show that the people of the plains used carts. The men of Kiriath-jearim found it easier to carry the ark (1 S 7 1). Their attempt, to use a cart later (2 S 6 3.G; 1 Ch 13 7) proved dis astrous and they abandoned it. for a safer way (2 S 6 13).

          Modern Cart.

          That carts were used at a very early date is indicated by Nu 7 3.7.8. That these vehicles were not the common mode of conveyance in Pal is shown in Gen 45. Pharaoh commanded that Joseph s brethren should return to their father with their beasts of burden (45 21) and take with them Egyp wagons (45 19.21; 46 6) for bringing back their father and their families. The very unusual sight of the wagons was proof to Jacob of Joseph s existence (45 27).

          Bible descriptions and ancient Bab and Egyp pictures indicate that the cart was usually two- wheeled and drawn by two oxen.

          With the Arabian conquests and subsequent ruin of the roads wheeled vehicles disappeared from Syria and Pal. History is again reoeating itself. The

          Circassians, whom the Turkish government has settled near Caesarea, Jerash (Gerasa) and Amman (Philadelphia), have introduced a crude cart which must be similar to that used in OT times. The two wheels are of solid wood. A straight shaft is joined to the wooden axle, and to this a yoke of oxen ia attached. On the Philistian plains may be seen carts of present-day Egyp origin but of a pattern many cents, old. With the establishment of govern ment roads during the last 50 years, European vehicles of all descriptions are fast coming into the country.

          One figurative reference is made to the cart (Isa 5 18), but its meaning is obscure.

          JAMES A. PATCH

          CARVING, karv ing: Carving, or engraving, was extensively used among the peoples of Bible lands. There were no materials used in the arts which were not subjected to the graver s skill. Carved objects of wood, stone, ivory, clay, bronze, gold, silver and glass discovered today show how skilful the ancient carvers were. Carving was principally done in bas-relief, although Ex 28 11 shows that in cised lines were also used. The signets and scarabs are examples of this class of carving. Several Heb words have been tr d "carved in the AY. PcscL or p silis found in Jgs 18 IS; 2 Ch 33 7.22; 34 3.4; hdkah in 1 K 6 3.1. The tr "graven" appears in the RV of all these passages. In 1 K 6 29.32.35, kdla appears; in 1 K 6 18.32, ni.ikla ath; in 1 K 6 29 and Ps 74 6, pittiT h; in Ex 31 5; 35 33, haro- sficth (see CARPENTER); huttlbhah in Prov 7 10 is better tr d "striped" as in the RV. For further notes on carving, see CRAFTS. JAMES A. PATCH

          CASDIM, kaz dim. See CHEWED.

          CASE, kas: Ordinarily to describe the circum stances or condition of things; sometimes, jurid ically (ah-ia, aitla, Alt 19 10; Acts 25 14), as that for which a reckoning has to be given, as frequently the Lat vr.s. In Ex 5 19, "they were in evil case," is interpreted by RV as "were set on mischief."

          CASEMENT, kas ment. See HOUSE.

          CASIPHIA, ka-sif i-a, ka-sif-e a (X?SC2 , kdifiph- yu ): An unidentified place in North Babylonia, near the river Ahava, to which Ezra sent for "min isters for the house of our God" (E/r 8 17). Some have thought the name to be connected with kcxcph, "silver" or "money." LXX renders an/u- rid toil topou, as in 1 Esd 8 45, "the place of the treasury."

          CASLUHIM, kas lu-him, kas-lu him kddu.hlin; Xao-(i&)vii(i, Ctiasmdniciin): The name of a people mentioned in Gen 10 14; 1 Ch 1 12 as descended from Miaraim. The parenthesis should probably follow Caphtorim. _ From them, it is said, sprang the PHILISTINES, which see.

          CASPHON, kas fon. See CASPHOR.

          CASPHOR, kas for (AV Casphon; Ka<r4>cop, AVs- phor, 1 Mace 5 26; Xa<r<}>u>v, Chasphdn, Xao-<|>to0, Chasphoth, ver 30; Kao-rreiv, Kaspcin, 2 Mace 12 13): A city E. of the Jordan captured by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace 5 36). It is probably identi cal with Caspis of 2 Mace 12 13. It was a fortress of great strength, with a lake near it. This has led some to think it may be represented by el-Muzerib, an important station on the pilgrim route to Mecca. The ancient name of this city, however, has not been discovered. See ASHTAROTH.

          CASPIN, kas pin, CASPIS, kas pis. See CAS PHOR.

          Cassia Cattle



          Cassia fin

          CASSIA, kash a: T\\\\vo Hob words, (1) n~p kiilt/tl/i, \\\\vhich is mem ioned, along with inyrrli ciiiiuinion, calamus and olive oil, as one of the in gredients of the "holy anointing oil" (Ex 30 21 1 it was, too, one of the wares in which Yedan and Javan traded with Tyre (Ezk 27 1(0; it is identi fied in t he IVsh and the Tg

          with (2). (2) rnr$j?,

          h Cl ntli (plur. only, prob ably referring to t iie st rips of bark I, a word from which is derived the (lr Kacria, Av/.s/V/, and hence cassia (.Ps 45 S). It is probable. that both (1) and (.12; re fer to ( V/.s .s /c/. lit/urn, the inner bark ot ( inn a inn imnii ctixxid, a ])lant growing in cuxxia.

          eastern Asia clo>ely allied

          to that which yields the cinnamon of commerce. It is a fragrant, aromatic bark and was probably used in a powdered form. Bolh as an ingredieni in unguents and as one of the perfumes at funerals, cassia, like cinnamon, was much used by 1 he Homans. The cassia of Scripture- must be clearly distinguished from the entirely distinct CV/N.s-m lunceolotn. and ( . ohoriita which yield t he familiar senna. The proper name KK/.IAH (q.v.) is the sing, form of Ic ^-J ol/i.

          E. W. G. MASTERMAN

          CAST: In general "to throw," with various degrees of violence; usually, with force, but. not so necessarily, as e.g. in "cast a net." "cast lots." When applied to molten metal, as in Eng., first, to let, run into molds," with reference to their descent by gravity, and, then, "to form," as in Ex 25 12, etc. t sually in the NT for /idXXw, hi lid, but, not always. Thus, in Lk 1 20 "cast in her mind" means "considered" (SieXoyifero, (lii log izt to); "cast reproach" for (lr diveioL^ov, fnn- niizon^ "reproached" (Mt 27 44j; casting down" for Ka.dai.piiw, kulhui- red," "demolishing" (.2 Cor 10 4); "casting all anx iety upon" (I Pet 5 7), a still stronger term, as in Lk 17 2 AV; Acts 27 19. As a fundamental Gr word, it is compounded with many prepositions, "about," "away," "down," "forth," "in," "into," "off," "out," "up," "upon." "Cast down" in 2 Cor 4 AV is used in a military sense of one pros trated, but not killed in battle" Cf Ps 42 5 with RVm. "Castaway" of AY in 1 Cor 9 27, is in KV "rejected" (cf He 6 S), d36/a/xos, wldkiino*, i.e. what the application of a test shows to be counterfeit, or unfit; tr "reprobate" in Horn 1 28; 2 Cor 13 5. (J.7, etc. II. E. JACOBS

          CASTANETS, kas ta-nets, kas-ta-nets (^?:?l*C , m e na*an*lm) : Are mentioned in 2 S 6 5 among the musical instruments upon which David and the house of Israel played at the time of the bringing up of the ark out of the house of Abinadab. This word is incorrectly tr 1 "cornets" in the AV. The castanet was probably about, the same kind of instrument as the Egyp sis/rum, and the RV has "sistra" in the margin of 2 S 6 5. The sixlnim was a loop-shaped metal frame through which were passed loose rods at the ends of which were rings. The instrument was held by a long handle and was rattled during songs and dances. It was used in Egypt in religious worship or to scare away evil influences. There is only the one reference to this instrument in the Bible. A. \\\\V. FORTUNE

          CASTAWAY, kast a-wa (dSoKifios, ailnkiinon, from dokinidzo, "1 test," "1 approve after testing," hence approved after being tested) : This word is rendered "castaway" only in AV: "1 myself should be a cast

          away" ("rejected" RV, AHY, 1 Cor 9 27). But the same word occurs a number of times usually tr 1 "reprobate" (Horn 1 2S; 2 Cor 13 5-7: 2 Tim 3 8; Tit. 1 Hi); "rejected" (He 6 8;.

          CASTLE, kas"l. See FORTIFICATION.

          CASTOR, kas ter, AND POLLUX, pol uka. Sec DIOSCURI; ASTRONOMY.

          CAT (atXoupos, nUonrnx): The only mention of this animal is in liar 6 22. It is not mentioned in the canonical Scriptures, though Bochart (Hicroz., 862) gives "wild cats" as the equivalent of cli/in, in I>a 13 21; 34 14; Jer 50 30; Ps 74 10, where EV gives "wild beasts of the desert." Mention is, however, made of cats, cntliod, in the Welsh Bible (Isa 34 14). The only mention of the aitttt. in clas sical Lat writers is in Martial xiii.fiO. How the cat was regai iled in Egypt is described in Herod, ii.liti and Rawlinson a notes. In Bar 6 22 cats are men- tioned with "bats, .swallows and birds" as sitting with impunity on the images of the heathen gods which are unable to drive them off. See also ZO OLOGY. J. HUTCHISON

          ^ CATECHIST, kat 6-kiat, CATECHUMEN, kat- e-ku men (Ka.Tti\\\\lltiv, katechizein, "to resound," "to teach," "to instruct"): A catechist is a teacher who instructs his pupils in the elements of his own religion. In the OT he teaches them the rudiments of OT truth; in the NT he teaches the principles of the Christian faith. A catechumen, one whom the catechist instructs or catechizes, in preparation for the ceremony of baptism.

          The words are derived from Kar^elv, katc- c/i i/i, meaning "to give a .sound," "to answer," "to echo." Classically it, was used of the sounding down of rushing water, of the falling of music from a ship to the sea. Then it came to signify the sounding down of words of command or instruction. The preposit ion kntd st rengt hens 1 he meaning, bring ing out more emphatically the back or return sound, t lie echo, 1 he answer. So it came to mean familiar verbal instruction, a free informal discussion be tween teacher and pupil. Luke informs Theophilus (Lk 1 4) that he intends to give him a succinct and orderly account of those tilings which he had pre viously received by word of mouth (peri hdn katc- chfthes). See also the (lr in Acts 18 25 and 21 21 : Rom 2 18; 1 Cor 14 10; Gal 6 6. In all these passages the Gr vb. is "catechised."

          We do not find in the NT an organized catechu- mcnate, such as we find in the 3d and 4th cents. The apostles preached mainly to synagogue-in structed Jews who were familiar with the law and t he prophets and the Psalms, or to Gentiles who had learned from the Jews and had become "proselytes" (q.v.). The first apostolic preaching and teaching was to convince the hearers that Jesus was the promised Messiah, the Saviour of the world As believers multiplied, the contrast between them and those who rejected the teaching became more and more marked. Opposition, scorn and perse cution became more bold and bitter. The Chris tians were compelled to set forth and defend their beliefs more clearly. They had to meet and answer keen and persistent, objections. And so the neces sity for clear, systematic and organized teaching grew more and more into the form of an ordered catechumenate. The Apos Const s, from the latter part of the 3d cent., show the institution in a fair state of development. A Jew, pagan, or heretic of good moral standing, upon application to the deacon, presbyter, or bishop, was admitted into the state of catechumen by the sign of the cross and the imposition of hands (tich-Herz s.v.).



          Cassia Cattle

          The basis for the Christian catechumenate we find in the great commission (Mt 28 19.20). The aim of this commission was to make disciples, i.e. believing followers. The means for this discipling are baptizing and teaching. The result of using the means is that those who have become disciples are to observe all things whatsoever Christ has commanded.

          Jesus Himself at twelve years of age had become a child of the law, a catechumen. He increased in wisdom and learned obedience. He became the great Catechist instructing His disciples, other private individuals and the multitudes. See an ex ample of His catechizing in Mt 16 13 ff.

          Paul was a master in method. See examples of use of the modern pedagogical method of ap perception in Acts 14 14 ff; 17 16 ff; 19 8.9. The catechetical method is frequently found in the epistles (see 1 Cor 3 1.2; He 5 11.14; 6 1.2; 1 Pet 22; 1 Jn 2 13), and so the idea of religious nurture and instruction is found all through the NT. The catechist and the catechumen are there. It was not something new in the NT. Its roots lie buck and run through the OT. The narrative of God s first communication with man, inside the gates of Eden, concerning commandment, law, sin, its consequences, its remedy, takes a cate chetical form. The importance of systematic^ in struction, both public and private, is emphasized throughout the OT and NT, although it might not always take the form of catechizing in the modern pedagogical sense. In the patriarchal age the father was the prophet, the teacher, the catechist, in his house, which often included several families with their servants (see Gen 18 19). Matthew Henry explains thus: "Abraham not only took care of his children, but his whole household, in cluding his servants, were catechized" (see also Ex 12 26; Dt 6 1-9; Josh 4 6.7; 24 15; Ps 34 11). Priests and Levites in addition to their sacerdotal functions were catechists (instructors) among the people (Lev 10 11; Dt 33 10; 2 Ch 15 3; E/k 44 23). In later times the synagogues had regular instruction in the law and the prophets. See EDUCATION; INSTRUCTION; TEACHER.

          G. H. GERBERDING

          CATERPILLAR, kat er-pil-er (b^Cn , hasll [Ps 78 46; Joel 1 4, etc]; pb^ , ydek [Ps 105 34 AV, ARV "grasshopper"; Jer 51 14.27 AV; elsewhere "canker-worm"]) : A name given to a larval stage of the LOCUST (q.v.).

          CATHOLIC, kath 6-lik, EPISTLES (n.o-To\\\\al Ka0o\\\\iKai, epistolai katholikai): In distinction from the apostolic or Pauline epistles which were ad dressed to individual churches or persons, the term "catholic," in the sense of universal or general, was applied by Origen and the other church Fathers to the seven epistles written by James, Peter, John and Jude. As early as the 3d cent, it came to be used in the sense of "encyclical," "since," as Theodoret says, "they are not addressed to single churches, but generally [katholou] to the faithful, whether to the Jews of the Dispersion, as Peter writes, or even to all who are living as Christians under the same faith." Three other explanations of the term have been given, viz. (1) that it was intended to indicate a common apostolic authorship (only a few support this view) ; (2) that it signifies that the seven epistles were universally received as genuine; (3) that it refers to the catholicity of their doctrine, i.e. orthodox and authoritative versus heretical epistles whose teachings were in harmony with Christian truth. By some misconception of the word "catholic" the Western Church interpreted it as signifying "canonical" and sometimes called

          these epistles epistolae canonicae. That it was orig inally used in the sense of "general" epistles is now commonly received.

          This is evident from their form of address. St. James wrote to all Jews, "of the Dispersion," who had embraced the Christian faith. In his first epistle St. Peter addressed the same Christians, including also gentile converts, resident in five provinces of Asia Minor: "elect who are sojourners of the Dispersion." His second epistle is to all Christians everywhere. St. John s first letter was evidently written to a cycle of churches and in tended for universal use. St. Jude also had in mind all Christians when he said "to them that are called beloved in God," etc. The seeming ex ceptions are 2 and 3 Jn, addressed to individuals, but included with the catholic epistles as properly belonging with St. John s first epistle and of value to the general reader. The character and contents of these seven epistles are treated under their various heads. The letters of St. James and St. Jude belong to the Judaic school of Christianity; those of St. Peter to a broad and non-partisan type of faith that both includes and mediates between the Judaists arid Paulinists. St. John s lett,ers_were written after the internal doctrinal controversies of the church had ceased, and the pressure of opposi tion and error from without tended to unite his "little children" in a new community of love and spiritual life. DWIGHT M. PKATT

          CATHUA, ka-thu a (Ka0ov<i, Kathoud; B, Kovd, Ko-ud): Head of a family of temple-servants who returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 30); corresponds to Giddel in Ezr 2 47.

          CATTLE, kat"l (rVQn-1, b hcmdh, "a dumb beast"; Tup 1 )?, mikneh, "a possession," from nj]y , kanah, "to acquire" [cf Arab, knna , "to acquire," and Gr KTTJVOS, ktfnos, "beast," and pi. KTT|vea, kttnea, "flocks," from Krao|, ktdomai,^ "to ac quire," flocks being both with the Homeric peoples and with the patriarchs an important form of property; cf Eng. "fee"]; "^2Z, fo /t, "small cattle," "sheep" or goats [cf Arab, da n, "sheep"]; nip , sch, a single sheep or goat [cf Arab, shah]; rCX^, m r lfVkh<lh, "property," from :jXb , IcVakh, "to min ister" [cf Arab, maldkah and mulk, "property," from malak, "to possess"]; S">Ta , m c rl\\\\ "fatling" [1 K 1 9]; 8p^a, thremma [Jn 4 12], "cattle," i.e. "that which is nourished," from rpt^xa, trepho, "to nourish"; T2 , bdkdr, "kine," "oxen" [cf

          Arab, baknr, "cattle"]; TIE, shor, Tin, tor [Dnl 4 25], ravpos, tuuros [Mt 22 4], "ox" or "bull"; POVS, bous, "ox" [Lk 13 15]; ?*$ , clcph, only in pi., D^SbK, alaphun, "oxen" [Ps 8 7]): From the foregoing and by examination of the many refer ences to "cattle," "kine" or "oxen," it is apparent that there are important points of contact in deriva tion and usage in the Heb, Gr and Eng. terms. It is evident that neat cattle were possessed in abundance by the patriarchs and later Israelites, which is far from being the case in Pal at the present day. The Bedawin usually have no cattle. The felldhm in most parts of the country keep them in small numbers, mostly for plowing, and but little for milk or for slaughtering. Travelers in the Holy Land realize that goat s milk is in most places easier to obtain than cow s milk. The commonest cattle of the felldhm are a small black breed. In the vicinity of Damascus are many large, fine milch cattle which furnish the delicious milk and cream of the Damascus bazaars. For some reason, probably because they are not confined and highly

          Cattle Cease



          fed, the bulls of Pal are meek creatures as compared with their European or American fellows.

          In EV the word "cattle" is more often used in a wide sense to include sheep and goats than to denote merely neat cattle. In fact, bdkdr, which distinc tively denotes neat cattle, is often rendered herds," as g o n, lit. "sheep," is in a large number of instances tr d "flocks." A good illustration is found in Gen 32 7: "Then Jacob .... divided the people [V7wJ that were with him, and the flocks [<, <l n], and the herds \\\\bdkdr], and the camels [g mattim], into two companies [mahanoth]." For the last word AV has "drove" in Gen 33 S, RV "company."


          Next 1o (, d n, the word most commonly rendered "flock" in EV is *cdhcr, from root "to arrange," "to set in order." *Edher is rendered "herd" in Prov 27 23, and in Joel 1 IS it occurs twice, being rendered "herds of cattle 1 ," *cdhre bdkdr, and "flocks of sheep," *edhre ha-gon. Miknch is rendered "flock" in Nu 32 26, "herd" in Gen 47 18, and "cattle" in a large number of passages. Other words rendered "flock" are: mar*lth (r. rcfah [Arab. raV/.], "to pasture"), once in Jer 10 21; *asht e roth d n, "flocks of thy sheep," RV "young of thy flock," in Dt 7 13, etc, ashtdroth being pi. of *ashtoreth, or Ashtorcth; hdslph, once in 1 Iv 20 27: "The children of Israel encamped before them [the Syrians] like two little flocks of kids," hdslph sig nifying "something stripped off or separated," from root hasaph, "to strip" or "to peel," like the Arab. katl*, "flock," from root kata\\\\ "to cutoff"; iroifj.vti, poimne (Mt 26 31): "The sheep of the flock shall be scattered," and (Lk 2 8): "keeping watch by night over their flock"; irol^viov, poimnion (Lk 12

          32): "Fear not .little flock," and (1 Pet 5 2): "Tend the flock of God which is among you."

          Figurative: Not only poimne and poimnion but also *edher and QO II are used fig. of God s people; e.g. Isa 40 11: "He will feed his flock [*edlier\\\\ like a shepherd"; Zee 10 3: "Jeh of hosts hath visited his flock I cdhcr], the house of Judah"; Isa 65 10: "And Sharon shall be a fold of flocks" (f O n-); Jer 23 2: "Ye have scattered my flock" (fo ); Ezk 34 22: "Therefore will I save my flock" (QO II); Mic 7 14: "Feed .... the flock [fo n] of thy heritage."

          The wild ox or wild bull, RV "antelope" (f d or to of Dt 14 5 and Isa 61 20), is considered by the writer to be probably the Arabian oryx, and in this he is in agreement with Trist ram ( X HB) . Trist ram however thinks that the unicorn (rem or r c cm), RV "wild ox," was the aurochs, while the present writer believes that this also may well have been the oryx, which at the present day has at least three names in Aral)., one of which, bakar-ul-ivahsh, means "wild ox." See ANTELOPE.

          Our domestic cattle are believed by some of the best authorities to be of the same species as the ancient Euro pean wild ox or aurochs, Bos tauru,*, which is by others counted as a distinct species under the title of Bux p/-i >n<- f/c/mt,*. The aurochs was widely spread over Europe in Kom times, but is now extinct. Some degenerate! wild cattle are preserved in some British parks, but these ac cording to Lydekkcr in the Royal Natural History are probably feral descendants of early domestic breeds. Tristram cites the occurrence in the Dog River bone breccia of teeth which may be those of the aurochs, but this is a deposit accumulated by prehistoric man of an unknown antiquity to be variously estimated according to the predilections of the geologist at a few thousands or a few score of thousands of years, and is far from proving that tins animal existed in Pal in Bible times or at any time.

          The European bison (Bos or Bison bonasmis) is thought by some to tie the wild ox of the Bible. This is a forest- dwelling species and is now confined to the forests of Lithuania and the Caucasus. It was formerly more widely distributed, but there is no certain evidence that it ever lived as far S. as Pal, and there have probably never existed in Pal forests suitable to be the haunts of this animal.

          About the Sea of Tiberias and the Jordan valley and in the plain of Coele-Syria there exist today Indian buffaloes (Bos bubalus), some feral and some in a state of domestication, which are believed to have been intro duced in comparatively recent times. See BEAST; CALF.

          ALFRED ELY DAY

          CAUDA, ko da (KcuiSa, Kutlda; also called KXavSa, Klaiida; AY Clauda; the modern Gr name Gatidho supports the form Cauda): An island 23 miles W. of Cape Matala. It is a small island, and can never have supported a large population, or have 1 been of any importance. Its elevation to the rank of a bishopric in Byzantine times must have been due to its association with the voyage of St. Paul. The ship with Paul on board was driven under the lee of Cauda (Acts 27 16); in the calm water south of the island the crew succeeded in hauling in the boat, undergirding the ship and slackening sail. W. M. CALDER

          CAUL, kol :

          (1) rnrP, ydthereth (Ex 29 13), the large lobe or flap of the liver, which is usually mentioned to gether with the kidneys and the fat as the special portions set aside for the burnt offering (Lev 3 4.10.15; 49; 74; 8 16.25; 9 10.19).

          (2) "llUC , s e ghor (from the root sdghar, "to inclose," "shut up"), Hos 13 8, lit. the inclosure or covering of the heart, the caul or pericardium, or perhaps the chest as surrounding the heart. It must not be forgotten, however, that the expres sion may be taken in the sense of "mailcoat of the heart," i.e. hardened heart, which is shut to the influence of God s grace. So Luther and many modern translators and commentators.

          H. L. E. LUERING



          Cattle Cease

          CAUSE, kos : In both AV and RV "for this cause" (AV "cause"} occurs in Ex 9 10 as the rendering of P. ST "VOJ2, ba dbJiur zo th = " m order that"; "to the end that"; so also in Dni 2 12 for ~2p~" HI", kol-k e bhel d e nah, and in 2 Ch 32 20 AV for PS5T~by, t (il-zu th, where RVS read "because of." In the NT the word is used adverbially in the tr of several Gr phrases: eVera TOVTOV, heneka toutou (Mt 19 5; Mk 10 7); Sta TOVTO, did (onto, Jn 12 27; Rom 1 20; 13 6; 15 9 (RV "therefore"); 1 Cor 11 30; 1 Thess 2 13; 2 Thess 2 11; 1 Tim

          1 10; He 9 15; ek rotro, eis tmito, Jn 18 37 (where AV varying Ihe phraseology reads "to this end." "for this cause 1 "); 1 Pet 4 AV; TOVTOV x&P 1 ", !< <- l/iu cfidrin, Eph 3 14. Unusual renderings occur, as "for his cause" ( = "because of"), 2 Cor 7 12; as = "affair," "thing," obs. in AV 1 K 12 15; 2 Ch 10 15, where the word occurs as a paraphrase of "23? , n xihhtlli. ( = "turn of affairs"). In 1 S 25 31* (AV, RV) "causeless" ( = without cause ARV) occurs arbitrarily in adv. sense.

          W. N. STKAKXS

          CAUSEWAY, koz wa (more correctly CAUSEY, ko /i): This word occurs in 1 Ch 26 10. IS for the lleb ri^C 52 , ni xiHah; LXX iraffrofpoplov T??S dra/id- <rews, jxixliijt/iiirio/t tes anabdseos. In 2 Ch 9 11 the word is tr 1 "terraces" (LXX dra^do-eis, anabdseis). Cf BDB, s.v., where rn SC^, in -yilldtli, is an error for Pl-yCtt, mi^adhoth (l K 10 12). In all the above passages reference is made to a series or flight of steps leading up into the temple. The word also signifies a prepared, traveled road, as in Nu 20 11); Jgs 20 31f.45; 1 S 6 12; 2 S 20 12 f; 2 K 18 17 (Isa 36 2); Isa 7 3; 11 10; 19 23; 33 S; 40 3; 49 11; Jer 31 21.

          Figurative: In Isa 59 7 the word (i e xilluli) occurs in a fig. sense, so also in .Jgs 5 20; Prov 16 17. \\\\V. N. STKAK.NS

          CAVE, kav (rP"12 , in Tird/i [cf Arab, ma/jhamh], ---, hor [Job 30 AV], P^nTS , in r tiillolli [Isa

          2 H)]; OTT-T), ope [lie 11 38], o"rrT]X.cuov, x/>fluinn [.In 11 3S] ; hor, more often rendered "hole," is akin to Arab, khnur, "gulf" or "inlet," but is also related to nt tlrah [cf also Aral), (jlninr "low-land," esp. of the Jordan valley and Dead Sea]. M hiHnlh [r. halal, "to pi(>rce" (cf Arab, kfiall, "to pierce" ]

          Cave in Lebanon Converted into a Shrine.

          occurs only in Isa 2 19, where AV has "caves and translates m *uroth in the same ver by "holes." In RV these words are very properly change<

          about. Spdaion is a common Gr word for "cave"; ope means rather hole"): In Pal as in other lime stone countries, caves are of frequent occurrence,

          Natural Bridge at Lebanon.

          and not a few of large size are known. Water from the rain and snow, seeping down through cracks, enlarges the passages through which it goes by dis solving away the substance of the rock. Just as upon the surface of the land the trickling streams unite to form brooks and rivers, so many subter ranean streams may come together in a spacious channel, and may issue upon the surface as a bold

          Stream Issuing from Cave at Afka, Lebanon.

          spring. The cave of the Dog Hiver near lie ir tit and that of Afka (perhaps Aphek [Josh 13_4])_in Lebanon are excellent examples of this. Not in frequently after forming a cave the stream of water may find some lower outlet by a different route, leaving its former course dry. In some cases the hinder part of the roof of the cave may fall in, leaving the front part standing as a natural bridge. Numerous shallow caves, esp. in the faces of cliffs, are formed not by sec-ping water, but by atmos pheric erosion, a portion of a relatively soft stratum of rock being hollowed out, while harder strata above and below it are but liltk 1 worn away. Many of the hermits caves originated in this way and were artificially enlarged and walled up at the mouth. The principal caves mentioned in the Bible are those of MACHPELAH, MAKKEDAH and ADULLAM (q.v.). See DEN. ALFRED ELY DAY

          CEASE, ses: A remarkable array of 20 Heb and Gr words is so tr 1 . In the AV 15 of the former

          Cedar Censer



          :itnl :!()! the latter arc used only once with this rendering. The originals most, frequently in use are 3~n, tidtl/idl, "to leave off"; ~3Tp , xltnbliatli, "to rest trom" (labor;; Trawjjuai, pm/oii/iii, "to make to cease." l V\\\\v words illustrate better the 1 ertilitv of the Heh in expressing limitless shades of meaning, impoverished by 1 he use of one Eng. word. This extensive variety is, however, well expressed by "cease": i.e. stop, come to an <>/<!, e.g. ceasing (if tears (,ler 14 17); work (Ezr 4 24); grinders Eccl 12 ;{); thnmhr (Ex 9 29); M /rirA / (Job 3 17); ii/ujcr (1 s 37 8). The, significance of shabhath lies in its being the He!) for Sabbath, im plying complete cessation: as of marma (Josh 5 12); sfn/e <;m/ iijniniiimj (Prov 22 l()j; occurs with negative to show the ceaseless Providence of (!od inXature: "summer and winter .... shall not c." (Gen 8 22). In the NT it illustrates Christ s power over Nature; wind and raging sea ceased ( Lk 8 24); over a sinner s licarl: "not ceased to kiss my feet" (SiaXaVuj, <ii/i[cipo) ( Lk 7 45); <l< rolioii of the early disciples, "ceased not to teach and to preach Jesus as the Christ" (Acts 5 42); the eternity and blessedness of the believer s sabbatic rest (dbroAeiTrw, ajmldpo) (He 4 10 AV). DWKIUT AI. PKATT

          CEDAR, se dar, se der (T1X , Y/r?, from Heb root meaning "to bo firm"; KdSpos, /.-(V/vwj: The ere2 was iu almost all the ( )T references the true cedar, CIY//-//.S I/hunt., but the name may have been applied in a loose way to allied trees, such as junipers and pines. In Nu 24 G "as cedar-trees beside the waters" the reference must, as is most probable, be purely poetical (see ALOKS) or the drazlm must signify some other kind of tree which flourishes beside water.

          Cedar is twice mentioned as a substance for

          ritual cleansing. In Lev 14 4 the cleansed leper

          was sprinkled with the blood of a

          1. Cedar "clean bird" into which had boon put for Ritual cedar-wood, and scarlet, and hyssop." Cleansing In Nu 19 (i "cedar-wood, and hyssop,

          and scarlet" were to bo cast into the holocaust of the red heifer. (For the symbolical meaning see CLF.A.V) Here it, is very "generally considered that the cedar could not have been the wood of CIY//-//.S lihuni, which so far as we know never grew in the wilderness, but that of some species of juniper according to Post, Juniperis phoenicea, which may still be found in the wilder ness of Edom.

          Cedar trees are everywhere mentioned with ad miration in the <>T. Solomon made the cedar the first of trees (t K 4 3)5). They are

          2. Cedar the "glory of Lebanon" (Isa 35 2; Trees in 60 !. {). The most boastful threat of the OT Sennacherib was that he would cut

          down the tall cedars of Lebanon (Isa 37 24). They were strong, as is implied in

          "The voice of Jeh Is powerful; .

          The voice of .Icli brraket li the cedars; Yen. .loll breaketh in pieces ihc cedars of Lebanon" (Ps 29 4.r>;.

          The cedars are tall "whose height was like the height of the cedars" (Am 2 9; 2 K 19 2. 5) majestic (2 K 14 9), and excellent (Cant 5 15). The Assyr power is compared to "a cedar in Lebanon with fair branches, and with a forest -like shade, and of high stature; and its top was among the thick boughs .... its stature was exalted above all the trees of the field; and its boughs were multiplied, and its branches became long" (Ezk 31 3-5). They are in particular God s trees

          The trees of Jeh are filled with moisture,

          The cedars of Lebanon, which lie hath planted"

          104 Hi).


          Doubtless as a reminiscence of this the Syrians today call the cedar W.s- cr ruhb, "the cedar of the Lord. The growth of the cedar is typical of that ol the righteous man (Ps 92 12).

          That cedars were once very abundant in the Lebanon is evident (1 K 6 9-1S; 10 27). What they contributed to the glory and beauty of that district may be seen in Zee 11 1-2:

          "Open j 1 ,^. ^^; Lebanon, that the tire may devour

          Wail, O flr-tree for the cedar is fall,.,,, because the

          glorious |K\\\\ ,,i] ones are destroyed Wail, O ye oaks of Bashan, for the strong forest is come

          Cedars oi Lebanon at the Besherri Grove.

          The wood of the cedar has always been highly prized much more so than the sycamore (1 K 10 27; Isa 9 10). David IKK! a house 3. Cedar of cedar built for him by Hiram, king Timber of Tyre (2 S 5 11), and he prepared cedar-trees without number" for the temple which his son was to build (1 Ch 22 4). Cedar timber was very much used in the construc tion of Solomon s temple and palace, the trees being cut in the Lebanon by Sidonians by orders of the king of Tyre "Hiram gave Solomon timber of cellar and timber of fir according to all his desire" (1 K 5 (>-!()). One of Solomon s most important buildings was known as "the house of the forest, of Lebanon" (1 K 7 2; 10 17; 2 Ch 9 16), on account of the source of its materials. While cedar was well adapted for beams (1 K 6 9; Cant 1 17), boards (Cant 8 9), pillars (1 K 7 2) and ceilings (Jer 22 14), it was suited as well for carved work, such as idols (Isa 44 14.15). It was also used for ships masts (Ezk 27 5).

          The Cedrus libani still survives in the mountains of Syria and flourishes in much greater numbers in the Taurus mountains. "There are 4. Cedars groves of cedars above d-Mcfaqir, in Modern Bar&k, *Ain Zehaltah, Hadilh, Be- Syria shcrri, and Sir" (Post, Flora, 751).

          Of these the grove at Besherri is of world-wide renown. It consists of a group of about 400 trees, among them some magnificent old patri archs, which lies on the bare slopes of the Lebanon



          Cedar Censer

          some 6,000 ft. above the sea. Doubtless they are survivors of a forest, which here once covered the mountain slopes for miles. The half a dozen highest specimens roach a height of between 70 and 80 ft., and have trunks of a circumference of 40 ft. or more. It is impossible to estimate with any certainty their age, but they may be as much as 800, or even 1,000, years old. Though magnifi cent, these are by no means the largest of their kind. Some of the cedars of Amanus are quite 100 ft. high and the Himalayan cedar, Cedrus deodara, a variety of Cedrus libani, reaches a height of 150 ft. The impressiveness of the cedar lies, however, not so much in its height and massive; trunk, as in the wonderful lateral spread of its branches, which often exceeds its height. The branches grow out hori zontally in successive tiers, each horizontal plane presenting, when looked at from above, the appear ance of a green sward. The loaves are about an inch long, arranged in clusters; at first they are bright green, but they change with age to a deeper tint, with a glaucous hue; the foliage is evergreen, the successive annual growths of leaves each Listing two years. The cones, 4 to 6 in. long, are oval or oblong-ovate, with a depression a1 times at the apex; they require two years 1o reach maturity and then, unlike other conifers, they remain attached to the tree, dropping out their scales bearing the seeds.

          The wood of the cedar, specially grown under the conditions of its natural habitat, is hard, close grained, and takes a high polish. It is full of resin (Ps 92 14) which preserves it from rot and from worms. Cedar oil, a kind of turpentine extracted from the wood, was used in ancient times as a pre servative for parchments and garments.

          E. W. G. MASTERMAX

          CEDRON, se dron. See KIDKON.

          CEILAN, se lan. See KILAN.

          CEILED, sold, CEILING, sel ing (AV and KRV Cieled, Cieling; the Hob words for "ceiled" are

          nsn , hij>i>ah,, "ED , sdphan, wPJTip , sdhi/>h; for "ceiling," "JED , sijtpitn): Ceiling occurs only in 1 K 6 15. It comes from the root saphan, mean ing "to cover." It has its common meaning of the upper surface; of a room; there is, however, some doubt, of the text. Ceiled is found in 2 Ch 3 5 ([hippdh] , Jer 22 14; Hag 1 4 [sdphan in both]; Ezk 41 16 [sdhlph]), the text of the last passage being doubtful. In none of these cases does "ceiled" refer to the upper surface of a room, but to the covering or paneling of the inner walls of a house with cedar or other costly wood. This is in accord ance with a common early use of the Kng. word, no longer frequent. GEORGE RICKEK BERRY

          CELEBRATE, sel 6-brat: Of the three Heb words so rendered ^*n, hulal, "to praise," is pre eminently significant. It is an onomatopoetic word meaning "to give a clear, sharp sound," as in vocal rejoicing, celebration. Its equivalent in Ethiopic is ellell, Ger. hallcn, Eng. halloo, and ap pears in the great choral word Hallelujah of the Heb religion. Passing into Christian use it has become the term most expressive of majestic praise. Pss 113-118 and 136 are called Halld psalms. Found in Hezekiah s psalm of praise for his mir aculous recovery: "Death cannot celebrate thee" (Isa 38 18). 3}n, hdyhaffh, root meaning "to move in a circle," hence "to keep a festival" by sacred leaping and dancing; "celebrate [RV "keep"] a feast" (Lev 23 41); rQTB, shdbhnth, "to rest," i.e. keep or observe a holy day; "celebrate [RV "keep"] your sabbath" (Lev 23 32).

          DWIGHT M. PRATT

          CELESTIAL, se-les ohal (eirovpavtos, cponrdiiiox, "above the sky," "heavenly"): Peculiar to Paul s majestic argument on the resurrection: celestial vs terrestrial bodies (1 Cor 15 40) with reference pos sibly to sun and moon, etc, but more probably to the bodies of angels in distinction from those of beasts and mortal men (of Christ s words, Alt 22 30; Lk 20 36); including also doubtless in the apostle s thought the resurrection-body of Jesus and of the saints already taken into glory. Light is thrown on its meaning by the rendering of the same Gr original as "heavenly places" (Eph 1 3.20; 2 6; 3 10); "heavenly" (1 Cor 15 48). Hence "celestial" as used by Paul indicates the soul s continued life beyond the grave, the spiritual body of the redeemed in heaven, who, in Christ, have put on immortalit. DWIGIIT M. PKATT

          CELLAR, sel er, sel ar dcpvirrri, lent pic; >): Krnptc is found only in Lk 11 33, and is rendered "cellar" in RV; AV has "secret place." In this passage it doubtless moans a cellar beneath a house. Etymologically the Gr word means "a covered place," and in classical Cr its usage includes vaults and crypts as well as cellars. It seems evi dent that it was only the larger houses in Pal in which cellars were used with any frequency. It is shown by the excavations that in rebuilding a town which was in ruins the old houses were sometimes utilized as collars for the new. ogar, is rendered cellar only in 1 Ch 27 27 f. It is an erroneous rendering, the correct meaning being stores, or sup plies, of wine and oil. GEORGE RICKEK BEKKY

          CELOSYRIA, se-lo-sir i-a. See COELK-SYKIA.

          CENCHREAE, son kre-e \\\\YH Kcnchrcai; AV incorrectly Cenchrea) : A sea port of Corinth on the eastern side of the isthmus (see CORINTH). Here according to Acts 18 IS, St. Paul had his hair shorn before sailing for Syria, since he had a vow. A local church must have been established there by St. Paul, since Phoebe, the deaconess of Cenchreae, was intrusted with the Epistle to the Romans, and was commended to them in the highest terms by the apostle, who charged them to "assist her in whatsoever matter she may have need" (Rom 16 1.2).

          CENDEBAEUS, sen-de-be us (KcvStpatos, Ken- dcbdioft; AV Cendebeus) : A general of Antioohus VII who was appointed "captain of the seacoast" of Pal (1 Mace 15 3S if) after the- defeat of Try- phon by Antiochus 138 BC. He fortified Kedron :md harassed the Jews in various ways. As Simon Maccabaeus was too old to attack C. in person he sent his two eldest sons, Judas and John, who de feated him with groat loss at Modin (1 Alacc 16 1-10).

          CENSER, sen ser: In AV censer is used as a tr of two Heb words, viz. nPrTD, niahtdh, and rntppJT?, miktereth. The former word is generally rendered "censer," sometimes "firepan," and in three cases (Ex 25 38; 37 23; Nu 4 ft) "snuffdish" It denoted a bowl-shaped vessel used for different purposes, viz. (1) a censer, in which incense was burnt (Lev 10 1); (2) a firepan, made of bronze, used in connection with the altar of burnt offering (Kx 27 3); (3) a snuffdish, i.e. a receptacle to hold pieces of burnt lamp-wick removed by the tongs or snuffers (Ex 25 38). Probably in all these eases the same kind of vessel was meant, viz. a bowl-shaped utensil with a handle, not unlike a saucepan. The other Heb word (derived from the same root as the word for "incense") denoted a vessel for conveying incense (Ezk 811; 2 Ch 26

          Census Chaldea



          19). The (!r word Ovfuarripiov, tfntmiaterion, by which Ilic LXX rendered miktcrcth, is used also in He 9 4, where AV gives "censer," but ARV is

          .;. . ; tfJ^f


          probably more correct, viz. "altar of incense" (see Commentaries s.v.). C f also Rev 8 3.5, where \\\\ij3avuT6s , IHxntdtoH, properly the adj. of "frank incense," is tr 1 "censer." T. LKWIS

          CENSUS, sen sus. See DAVID; (,)riKixirs.

          CENTURION, sen-nYri-un: As the name implies, Ka.TovTapxT]s or -os, hekatontdrches or -ON; KVT-U- piaiv, IccnlnrirHi, Lat ccnti<rio, was the commander of a hundred men, more or less, in a Rom legion. St. Matthew and St. Luke use the (Ir word while St. Mark prefers the Lat form, as he does in the case of other words, seeing that he wrote primarily for Rom readers. The number of centurions in a legion was 60, that being at all epochs the number of centu ries, although the number varied in the cohort or spc ira. The ordinary duties of the centurion were to drill his men, inspect I heir arms, food and clothing, and to command them in the cam]) and in the field. Centurions were sometimes employed on detached service the conditions of which in the provinces are somewhat obscure. Men like Cornelius and .Julius (Acts 10 1 ; 27 1) may have been separated from the legion to which they properly belonged for the dis charge of special dut ies. They and ot her centurions mentioned in the Gospels and the Acts (Mt 8 5; Mk 15 39.44.45; Lk 23 47) are represented by the sacred writers in a favorable light. See Arcrs- TAX BAND. T. NICOL

          CEPHAS, se fas. See PKTKK (Si.Mox).

          CERAS, se ras (Krjpds, A mix; RV KERAS


          CERTAIN, ser tin, CERTAINLY, ser tin-li, CERTAINTY, ser tin-ti: The rendering of some Heb words and forms expressive of what is defi nitely settled or determined.

          (1) Tr of the Ileb l *" , ndkhon, "to be estab lished" or "fixed," as in Dt 13 14 (Heb 15); 17 4; 1 S 23 23 (cf Ex 16 4, "a certain rate every day" AV). In the NT it is the rendering of do-^aATfc, asphalts, dcr<dAa, (txphdlcia, from V privative and s/ittdUciit, "to shake" or "move"; as in Lk 1 4, "the certainty of those things" = actual circum stances; Acts 21 34; 22 30; 25 26.

          (2) The word "c." is also employed in the OT to bring out the force of the absolute infinitive form used with the finite vb. to express emphasis or to strengthen the idea of the main vb. (Kautzsch-

          ( lesenius, Jlcl> Grammar, tr Collins-Cowloy, 357, 3). Such usage occurs in Gen 18 10; Josh 9 24; Lev 5 19; 24 1(1; 1 S 20 3 AV; 1 K 2 37; Jer 26 15; 36 29; 42 19.22; 44 17.

          (3) The word "c." is also made auxiliary to bring out the force of such expressions as the Heb 32^, !/i iruli/i, "to be firm," as in Dan 2 8; also in the NT, of the vb. affraretv, itntult in, as in 1 Cor 411, "have no certain dwelling-place."

          (4) Mention might be made also of "c." as the rendering of sundry words, as "X, akh, in Lam 2 Hi: "2, /,-7, in Ex 3 12; and Svrus, oiitds, in Lk 23 17, all being expressions for what is sun-, beyond doubt. \\\\V. N. STEARNS

          CERTIFY, ser ti-fl: Occurs in (1) 2 S 15 28 (~i n ."n , haggldh, "to show," "announce," from ""!!>; , nntjhadh); (2) E/r 4 14.16; 5 10; 7 24 (TTin , AS- <lhii\\\\ to make known," from 3H" 1 , y e dha*; Aram, for >""?, i/adtin*); (3) Est 2 22 AV ("H2S5, anmr, "to say," "tell," so RV); and (4) Gal 1 11 AV (yvuplfr, </ii<>riz<~>, "to make to know," so RV). In the EV, accordingly, the word has not the strong, specific sense of "to make certain," but only the broader sense of "to make to know." Cf Ps 39 5 (Prayer Book version), "that I may be certified how long I have to live."

          CETAB, E

          See KKTAB.

          CHABRIS, ka bris ( A(3pis, Abrfs, Xap P is, Chabrns) . Son of Gothoniel, one of the three rulers of Bethulia in the time of Judith (Jth 6 15; 8 10; 10 6).

          CHADIAS, ka di-as, THEY OF (RV CHADIA- SAI, ka di-a-sl; A, Xa8do-ai, Cfidtldn(ii; B, ol Xa- Sidcrat, hoi Chadidsai) . The inhabitants of the city here referred to returned with Zerubbabel, along with the Ammidioi (1 Est 5 20). The name is not found in Ezr and Xeh. The Chadiasai have been taken for the people of Kadesh and the Ammidioi for the people of Humtah (Josh 15 54). Possibly the place is identical with Kcdesh of Josh 15 23.

          CHAEREAS, ke re-as (Xaipe as, Chaired*; AV Chereas): Brother of Timotheus, the Ammonite leader against Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace 5 6). lie held 1 he fortress of ( laxara (the "Jazer" of 1 Mace 5 S) to which Timotheus fled from Judas. The latter pursued him and captured the fortress after a vigorous siege. In the slaughter which followed the two brothers, Ch. and Tim., were killed (2 Mace 10 32.37).

          CHAFE, chaf p. 1 ? , innr, "bitter"; hence bitter of soul, deadly, destructive, ferocious, "as a bear robbed of her whelps"): Occurs only in 2 S 17 S; used by Hushai to characterize David s supposedly fierce mood at t he 1 ime of Absalom s armed rebellion.

          CHAFF, chaf: Four different words have been ti" 1 "chaff" in the OT:

          (1) "p!2, w <-><;, is found in Job 21 IS; Ps 1 4; 35 5; Isa 17 13; 29 5; 41 15; IIos 13 3; Zeph 22. . .

          (2) It ll? H , fHlxhrisii, occurs in two vs (Isa 5 24 and 33 11). Cf "//*// 7,s7i," an Arab, word which, as commonly used, denotes grass either standing or cut, green or dry, although, strictly speaking, dry or cut grass alone. In RY Isa 5 24 the tr is "dry grass."

          (3) 12P, tcbhcn, is tr 1 "chaff" in AV (Jer 23 28). The same word is rendered "straw" in RV (cf Arab. tibn).


          Census Cbaldea

          (4) TIX , ur, a Chald word, occurs in Dnl 2 35.

          In the NT &x v P v , dchuron, is found in Mt 3 12 and Lk 3 17.

          In the process of winnowing, as it has been car ried on in the East for thousands of years, the grain is tossed into the air so that the wind may cause a separation of chaff and straw. The light husks from the wheat and fine particles of straw are dis persed by the wind in the form of a fine dust; the heavier straw which has been broken into short pieces by the threshing process falls near at hand on the edge of the threshing-floor, while the gram falls back upon the pile. In Syria and Pal, that which falls near at hand as cut straw is called tibn. This word occurs in the Arab, tr of Mt 3 12 and Lk 3 17. This straw is ordinarily saved and fed as "roughage" to the animals. It could easily be gathered and burned, as indicated in the above- mentioned vs, while the chaff is blown away beyond recovery, a strong figure to depict complete anni hilation (Job 21 18; Lsa 29 5; 41 16; Hos 13 3, Dnl 2 35). See AGRICULTURE; STRAW; WIN NOWING. JAMES A. PATCH

          CHAIN, chan, CHAINS, chanz: Chains were used by the Hebrews:

          (1) As ornaments: n"^iS , efadhah, nS^tiS , n e tlphah, pj? , *anak, "TCH , rabhldh, PHttiniZJ , shar- sh rah, pirn , rattok. As ornaments for the person they were worn about the ankles (Xu 31 50; Isa 3 20) and about the neck (Cant 4 9; Ezk 16 11). They were used as ornaments for the ephod and breastplate of the high priest (Ex 28 14; 39 15). These chains were of pure gold. Solomon placed chains before the oracle in the temple (1 K 6 21), and these were also of pure gold. They were used as ornaments for graven images (Isa 40 19) and around the necks of prized animals. This was true of the camels taken from the Midianites by Gideon (Jgs 8 21.26).

          (2) As marks of distinction: TO"? , rabhidh, Tf^n Op:pn) hamunukh (hamnlkh): That seems to be true of the chain which Pharaoh placed about the neck of Joseph (Gen 41 42), and of the one which the king of Babylon promised to the wise men (Dnl 5 7).

          (3) As means of confining prisoners: ^EH:, n hoshcth; aXwm, hdlusis: A number of passages that were tr d "chains" in the AV are tr d "fetters" in the RV (see Jgs 16 21; 2 S 3 34). Among the Romans the prisoner was chained to one or two guards (Acts 12 6.7; 21 33; Eph 6 20; 2 Tim 1 16). These chains were perhaps made of copper or an alloy of copper and tin.

          (4) As a figurative expression : pS? , dnak. The Psalmist likens pride to a chain about the neck (73 6), and in Prov it is stated that the young man who hears the instruction of his father and forsakes not the law of his mother shall find that they are chains about his neck (1 9). In Rev 20 1 the angel is described as descending with a great chain in his hand. According to the AV Peter speaks of the fallen angels as having been delivered into "chains of darkness" (2 Pet 2 4), <mpd, seird, and Jude speaks of them as being reserved in "everlast ing chains" (Jude ver 6, RV "bonds"), 5e<r/*6s, des- mds. See also PUNISHMENTS. A. W. FORTUNE

          CHAIR, char. See SEAT; SEATS, CHIEF.

          CHALCEDONY, kal-sed 6-ni, kal sR-do-ni. See STONES, PRECIOUS.

          CHALCOL, kal kol. See CALCOL.

          CHALDEA, kal-de a, CHALDEANS, kal-de anz (D H iCS , kasdlin, D">Tlp3 f"ltf , crcg kasdlm; XaX.So.ia, Chaldaia, XaXSaicu, Chaldaioi) :

          1. Geographical Position Seats of the Chaldeans

          2. Originally Suniero- Akkadian

          3. History of the Chaldean Tribes

          4. Merodach-baladan and Sargou of Assyria

          5. Suzubu

          6. Musezib-Marduk

          7. Merodach-buladan s Son

          8. Na id-Marduk

          9. Palia

          10. Nabu-bel-sumati and Others His Tragic End

          11. The Chaldeans Forge Ahead

          12. Nabopolassar s Revolt against Assyria

          13. The Chaldeans as Learned Men

          "Kasdlm," "land of Kandlm" or "the Chal deans," is the usual designation, in the OT, for the land and the people (Jcr 50 10; 51 24; 24 5; 25 12). The corresponding Gr form with I for s follows the Assyr-Bab Kaldu, mat Kaidi, "Chaldean, land of the Chaldeans." Kasdim is possibly connected with the name of Kesed (Kcscdh), nephew of Abraham (Gen 22 22), and may be derived from the Assyr-Bab root kasadu, "to capture," suggesting that the Chaldeans were originally tribes of nomadic plunderers (cf Job 1 17).

          In its widest acceptation, Chaldea is the name of

          the whole of Babylonia, owing to the fact that the

          Chaldeans had given more than one

          1. Geo- king to the country. In the strict graphical sense, however, their domain was the Position tract at the N.W. end of the Pers Gulf,

          which was often called by the Assyro- Babylonians mat Tdmtim, "the Land of the Sea," a province of unknown extent. When these tribes migrated into Babylonia is uncertain, as is also their original home; but as they are closely related to the Aramaeans, it is possible that their first settle ments lay in the neighborhood of the Aramaean states bordering on the Holy Land. Tiglath- pileser IV (742 BC) speaks of the ra asani or chiefs of the Kahili, and the mention of numerous Ara maean tribes in Babylonia itself shows that their example of settling there soon found imitators, as did the Anglo-Saxons when they invaded Britain. Among the Chaldean tribes in Babylonia may be mentioned Bit Amukkani, whose capital was Sapia; Bit Yakin, which furnished the dynasty to which Merodach-baladan II belonged; and probably also Bit Dakkuri, as all three lay near the Pers Gulf. Sargon of Assyria excludes Bit-Amukkani and Btt- Dakkuri, and speaks of "the whole of the land of Chaldea, as much as there is; the land of Bit- Yakini, on the shore of the Salt River [the Pers Gulf], to the border of Tilmun" (the; island of Bahrein and the adjacent mainland) (Pavement hiscr., IV, 11. 82, 83, 85, 86). It was probably the influence of the Babylonians among whom they settled which changed these nomads into city- dwellers. Sennacherib refers to 75 (var. 89) strong cities and fortresses of Chaldea, and 420 (var. 800) smaller towns which were around them; and there were also Chaldeans (and Aramaeans) in Erech, Nippur (Calneh), Kis, Hursag-kalama, Cuthah, and probably Babylon.

          The "land of the sea" (mat Tdmtim} is mentioned

          in the chronicle of the early Bab Jungs (rev. 14) as

          being governed by Ea-gamil, contem-

          2. Origi- porary of Samsu-titana (cir 1900 BC), nally Su- but at that period it was apparently mero- one of the original Surnerp-Akkadian Akkadian states of Babylonia. It is doubtful

          whether, at that early date, the Chal deans had entered Babylonia and founded settle ments there, though the record mentions Aramaeans somewhat later on. .

          Chaldea Chambers in S.


          Ono of the earliest references to the Chaldeans is that of Shalmaneser II of Assyria, who, on invad ing Babylonia, in the eponymy of Bel-

          3. History bunaya (Sol BC), cai)tured the city of the Chal- Baqani, which belonged to Adini of dean Tribes the Chaldean tribe of Dakuri. After

          plundering ami destroying the place, Shalmaneser attacked Erizudi, the capital, where upon Adini submitted and paid tribute. On this occasion Yakini, of "the Land of the Sea," also paid tribute, as did Musallim-Marduk, son of Ainuk- kani (the Bit-Amukkani mentioned above). The next Assyr ruler to mention the country is Adad- nirari III (S10 BC), who speaks of all the kings of the Chaldeans, which evidently refers to the various states into which the Chaldean tribes were divided. Later on, Sargon of Assyria, in his 12th year, de cided to break the power of Merodaeh-baladan, who had made himself master of Babylon. To effect this, he first defeated the Garnbulians, who were the Chaldean king s supporters, and the Elam- ites, his allies over the border. The Chaldean, however, did not await the Assyr king s attack, but escaped to Yatburu in Elam, leaving considerable spoil behind him. Though extensive operations

          were carried out, and much booty

          4. Mero- taken, the end of the campaign seems dach-bala- only to have come two years later, dan and when Dur-Yakin was destroyed by Sargon of tiro and reduced to ruins. In the Assyria "Annals of Hall XIV" Sargon claims

          to have taken Merodaeh-baladan prisoner, but this seems doubtful. Merodaeh- baladan fled, but returned and mounted the throne again on Sargon s death in 70f> BC. Six months later Sennacherib, in his turn, attacked him, and he again^ sought safety in flight. A Chaldean chief named Suzubu, however, now came forward, and

          proclaimed himself king of Babylon, 6. Suzubu but being defeated, he likewise fled.

          Later on, Sennacherib attacked the Chaldeans at Nagitu and other settlements in Elamit c-territory which Merodaeh-baladan and his followers had founded. After the death of Mero daeh-baladan, yet another Chaldean, whom Sen nacherib calls likewise Suzubu, but whose 1 full name

          was Musezib-Marduk, mounted the

          6. Musezib- Babylonian throne. This ruler ap- Marduk plied for help against Sennacherib of

          Assyria to Umman-menanu, the king of Elam, who, taking the bribe which was offered, supported him with an armed force, and a battle was fought at Ilalule on the Tigris, in which Sen nacherib claims the victory probably rightly. Musezib-Marduk reigned 4 years, and was taken prisoner by his whilom ally, Umman-menanu, who sent him to Assyria.

          In the reign of Esarhaddon, Nabu-zer-napisti- lisir, one of the sons of Merodaeh-baladan, gathered

          an army at Larsa, but was defeated

          7. Mero- by the Assyrians, and fled to Elam. dach- The king of that country, however, baladan s wishing to be on friendly terms with Son Esarhaddon, captured him and put

          him to death. This prince had a brother named Na id-Marduk, who, not feeling himself safe in the country which had acted treach erously toward his house, fled, and made submission

          to Esarhaddon, who received him

          8. Na id- favorably, and restored to him the Marduk dominion of the "Land of the Sea."

          This moderation secured the fidelity of the Chaldeans, and when the Elamit e Urtaku sent inviting them to revolt against their suzerain, they answered to the effect that Na id-Marduk was their lord, and they .were the servants of the king

          of Assyria. This took place probably about 650 BC, in the reign of Esarhaddon s son Assur-bani- apli (see OSNAPPAR).

          Hostility to Assyria, however, continued to exist

          in the tribe, Palta, grandson of Merodaeh-baladan,

          being one of the prisoners taken by

          9. Palia Assur-bani-apli s troops in their oper

          ations against the Garnbulians (a Babylonian, and perhaps a Chaldean tribe) later on. It was only during the struggle of Samas-sum- ukin (Saosduchimos), king of Babylon, Assur-bani- apli s brother, however, that they took sides against Assyria as a nationality. This change was due to the invitation of the Bab king who may have been regarded, rather than Assur-bani-apli, as their overlord. The chief of the Chaldeans was at that time another grandson of Merodaeh-baladan,

          Nabu-bel-sumati, who seized the As-

          10. Nabu- Syrians in his domain, and placed them bel-sumati in bonds. The Chaldeans suffered,

          with the rest, in the great defeat of the Bab and allied forces, when Babylon and the chief cities of the __ land fell. Mannu-ki-Babili of the Dakkurians, Ea-sum-ikisa of Bit-Amukkani, with other Chaldean states, were punished for their complicity in Samas-sum-ukin s revolt, while Nabu-bel-sumati fled and found refuge at the court of Indabigas, king of Elam. Assur-bani-apli at once demanded his surrender, but civil war in Elam broke out, in which Indabigas was slain, and Uniman- aldas mounted the throne. This demand was now renewed, and Nabu-bel-sumati, fearing that he would be surrendered, decided to end his life. He therefore directed his armor-bearer to dispatch him, and each ran the other through with his sword. The prince s corpse, with the head of his armor- bearer, were then sent, with some of the Chaldean fugitives, to Assyria, and presented to the king. Thus ended, for a time, Chaldean ambition in Baby lonia and in the domain of eastern politics.

          With the death of Assur-bani-apli, which took

          place about (>2(j BC, the power of Assyria fell, his

          successors being probably far less

          11. The capable men than he. This gave occa- Chaldeans sion for many plots against the Assyr Forge empire, and the Chaldeans probably Ahead took part in the general movement.

          In the time of Saracus (Sin-sarra- iskun of Assyria, cir 020 BC) Busalossor would seem to have been appointed general of the forces in Babylonia in consequence of an apprehended invasion of barbarians from the sea (the Pers Gulf) (Eusebius, Chrotiicon, book i). The new general, however, revolted against the Assyrians, and made himself master of Babylonia. As, in other cases, the Assyrians seem to have been exceedingly faith ful to their king, it has been thought possible that

          this general, who was none other than

          12. Nabo- Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchad- polassar s rozzar, was not really an Assyrian, but Revolt a Babylonian, and probably a Chal- against dean. This theory, if correct, would Assyria explain how Babylonia, in its fullest- sense, obtained the name of Chaldea,

          and w r as no longer known as the land of Shinar (Gen 10 10). The reputation of Merodaeh-bala dan, the contemporary of Hezekiah, may have been partly responsible for the change of name.

          It was not in the restricted sense, but as a syno nym of Babylonian, that the name Chaldean ob tained the signification of "wise man." That the Chaldeans in the restricted and correct sense were more learned than, or even as learned as, the Baby lonians in general, is unlikely. Moreover, the native inscriptions give no indication that this was the case. The Babylonians in general, on the other



          Chaldea Chambers in S.

          hand, were enthusiastic students from very early times. From their inscriptions, it is certain that

          among their centers of learning may 13. The be classed Sippar and Larsa, the chief Chaldeans seats of sun-worship; Nippur, it lent i- as Learned tied with the Calneh of Gen 10 10; Men Babylon, the capital; Borsippa in the

          neighborhood of Babylon; t r of the Chaldees; arid Erech. There is, also, every prob ability that this list could be extended, and will be extended, when we know more; for wherever an important temple existed, there was to be found also a priestly school. "The learning of the Chal deans" (Dnl 14; 22; 47; 6 7.11) comprised the old languages of Babylonia (the two dialects of Surnerian, with a certain knowledge of Kassitc, which seems to have been allied to the Hittite; and other languages of the immediate neighbor hood) ; some knowledge of astronomy and astrology; mathematics, which their sexagesimal system of numeration seems to have facilitated; and a certain amount of natural history. To this must be added a store of mythological learning, including legends of the Creation, the Flood (closely resembling in all its main points the account in the Bible), and apparently also the Temptation and the Fall. They had likewise a good knowledge of agriculture, and were no mean architects, as the many cele brated buildings of Babylonia show compare not only the descriptions of the Temple of Belus (see BABEL, TOWER OF) and the Hanging Gardens, but also the remains of Gudea s great palace at Lagas (Tel-loft.), where that ruler, who lived about 2500 BC, is twice represented as an architect, with plan and with rule and measure. (These statues are now in the Louvre.) That their architecture never attained the elegance which characterized that of the West, is probably duo to the absence of stone, necessitating the employment of brick as a substitute (Gen 11 3). See BABYLONIA; SHINAR. T. G. PINCHES

          CHALKSTONE, chok stfm (-l}" 1 :^ . abhneghir [cf Eben-ezer, "IJ^ n "2X , ebften Itd- ezer, "stone of the help." 1 S 7 12]): In Isa 27 9 we have: "There fore by this shall the iniquity of Jacob be forgiven, and this is all the fruit of taking away his sin: that he maketh all the stones of the altar as chalkstones that are beaten in sunder, so that the Asherim and the sun-images shall rise no more." Abhne-ghir is compounded of ebhen, "stone," which occurs in many passages, and gir or g tr, "lime" (cf Aral). J7r, "gypsum" or "quicklime"), which occurs only here and in Dnl 6 5: "wrote .... upon the plaster [gir] of the wall of the king s palace." Nearly all the rock of Pal is limestone. When limestone is burned, it is converted into lime, which is easily broken into pieces, and, if allowed to remain open to the air, becomes slaked by the moisture of the atmosphere and crumbles into dust. The reference is to the destruction of the allar. It may mean that the altar will be burned so that the stones will become lime, or, more probably, that the stones of the altar will be broken as chalks! ones (i.e. lumps of quicklime) are broken. There is no doubt that lime was known to the Egyptians, Assyrians and Hebrews, though clay, with or without straw, was more commonly used in building. 10 von bitumen ("slime") appears to have been used for mortar. See CLAY; LIME; SLIME. ALFRED ELY DAY

          CHALLENGE, chal enj: Only in Ex 22 9, where AV has taken Heb amar, "say," in the sense of "claim." RV "whereof one saith, This is it," points more definitely to the idea of identification of the stolen personal property.

          CHALPHI, kal fl (XaXcju, Chalphi; AV Calphij : Father of Judas, who, along with Mattathias, steadily supported Jonathan at the battle of Gen- nesar when the hosts of Demetrius princes were routed (1 Mace 11 70).

          CHAMBER, cham ber (the tr of the following Heb words: "Tin, hcdher, "SH , huppdh, ?^1, y*3T, yafu a \\\\ rGlpb, lishkdh, "CTL", nishkah, Aaliyah, 3753?, fc/d , and the Aram, word *illltli): For the most part the word chamber is the expression of an idea which would be adequately expressed by the Eng. word "room," in accordance with an earlier use of the word, now little employed. For the arrangement of rooms in a Heb house, see HOUSE. Hcdher is a word of frequent occurrence, and designates a private room. JJuppdh is tr d "chamber" only in Ps 19 5, where it is used in con nection with "bridegroom," and means a bridal chamber. The same Heb word used of the bride in Joel 2 16 is rendered "closet." Y(iyl a * and //df<t a are found only in 1 K 6 5.(>.10 (AV only in all the passages), yuqCt, 1 ^ being the reading of K l thlbh and i/dfl" of K Te in each case. Here the meaning is really "story, as given in RV, except in ver 6, where doubtless the text should be changed to read fia-eld\\\\ "the side-chamber." Lishkdlt, a frequent word, and the equivalent nisftkdli, infrequent, are used ordinarily of a room in the temple utilized for sacred purposes, occasionally of a room in the palace. *Allyah and the equivalent Aram. *-illith signify "a roof chamber," i.e. a chamber built on the flat roof of a house. Qeld*, when used of a chamber, desig nates a side-chamber of the temple. It is usually rendered "side-chamber," but "chamber" in 1 K G 5.8 (AV), where RV has "side-chamber."



          CHAMBERING, cham ber-ing: Illicit inter course; the rendering in EV since Tyndale of KCH TCUS, koitdis (lit. "beds," Rom 13 13). The Gr usage is paralleled in classic authors and the LXX; like the Eng. participle, it denotes repeated or habitual acts. The word is not recorded elsewhere in Eng. lit. as vb. or participle in this sense; in Otliello, iii, 3, a chamborer is an intriguer, male wanton, in Byron, Werner, IV, 1, 404, a gallant or carpet knight, and in Chaucer, Clerk s Tale, 70(i, a concubine.

          CHAMBERLAIN, cham ber-lin: In the OT the word rendered chamberlain, 0"HO , sdrls, is more properly "eunuch," an officer which oriental monarchs placed over their harems (Est 1 10.12.15; 2 3.14.21; 4 4f; 6 2.14; 7 9; 2 K 23 11). This officer seems also to have had other duties. See under EUNUCH. In the NT (1) oiVo^/uos, oikonomos, lit. manager of the household, apparently the "treas urer" as in RV "Erastus the treasurer of the city saluteth you" (Rom 16 23). Cf adapted use as applied to Christian apostles and teachers, bishops, and even to individual members; in which cases, rendered "stewards" (1 Cor 4 1; Tit 1 7; 1 Pet 4 10). (2) In Acts 12 20, "Blast us the king s chamber lain" (ho epi toil koitdnos tou basileos, "he who is over the king s bed-chamber"), not treasure-chamber, as above; here /trtief/Ttux cnbicnl<>, or chief valet de chambre to the royal person, a position involving much honor and intimacy.




          Chambers, etc Change



          CHAMBERS OF IMAGERY, im aj-ri, im a-jer-i

          (rnSip O, HHiskll/t): The reference (E/k 8 12) is to chambers in the temple where the elders of Israel were wont to assemble and practise rites of an idolatrous character. What the imagery consisted of, we may gather from ver 10: symbolic repre sentations of beasts and reptiles and "detestable things." It is thought that these symbols were of a zodiacal character. The worship of the planets was in vogue at the time of the prophet among the degenerate Israelites.

          CHAMELEON, ku-mc ln-un (113, koh, RV LAND CROCODILE [Lev 11 30]; n^TTlP, tin- shcmdh, AV mole, R V CHAMELEON [Lev il 30]) :

          Ko a h, which in the A Vis rendered "chameleon" and in the RV "land crocodile," means also "strength" or "power," as in Gen 4 12; 1 S 2 9; Ps 22 lo; Isa 40 29, and many other passages. The LXX has x a / J - aL ^ u ", chamaileon, but on account of the

          ordinary meaning of the word, ku"h, it has been thought that some large lizard should be under stood here. The desert monitor, Varan us griseus, one of the largest of lizards, sometime attaining the length of 4 ft., is common in Pal and may be the animal here referred to. The name "monitor" is a tr of the German irarneti, "to warn," with which has been confused the Arab, name of this animal, u aran or w<iml, a word of uncertain etymology.

          The word tinshcnnth in the same verse is rendered in AV "mole" and in RV "chameleon." The LXX has d<T7rd\\\\a, aspdlax (=spdlax, "mole"). Tin- shcmi lh also occurs in the lists of unclean birds in Lev 11 18 and Dt 14 10, where it is rendered: AV "swan"; RV "horned owl"; LXX irop^vpiuv, porphurwn (i.e. "coot" or, ace. to some, "heron"); Vulg, "swan." It appears to come from the root iiasham, "to breathe"; cf n r shdidh, "breath" (Gen 27; Job 27 3 AV, etc). It has therefore in Lev 11 30 been referred to the chameleon on ac count of the chameleon s habit of puffing up its body with air and hissing, and in the other passages to the pelican, on account of the pelican s great pouched bill.

          The common chameleon is abundant in Pal, being found also in North Africa and in Spain. The other species of chameleons are found principally in Africa and Madagascar. It is not only a harmless but a decidedly useful creature, since it feeds upon insects, esp. flies. Its mode of capturing its prey is most interesting. It slowly and cautiously advances until its head is from 4 to 6 in. from the insect, which it then secures by darting out its tongue with great rapidity. The pigment cells in its skin enable it to change its color from pale yellow to bright green, dark green and almost black, so that it can har monize very perfectly with its surroundings. Its peculiar toes and prehensile tail help to fit it for its life in the trees. Its prominent eyes with circular lids, like iris diaphragms, can be moved independently of each other.

          and add to its striking appearance. See LAND CROCO DILE; MOLE; SWAN; HORNED OWL; PELICAN.

          ALFRED ELY DAY

          CHAMOIS, sham i, sha-mwa , sha-moi (Taj, zcnxr; Ka(ATj\\\\oTrdp8aXis, kamelopdrdalis) : Occurs only once in the Bible, i.e. in the list of clean animals in Dt 14 5. Gesenius refers to the vb. zfimar, "to sing," and suggests the association of dancing or leaping, indicating thereby an active animal. M Lean in EB cites the rendering of the Tgs dim , or "wild goat." Now there are two wild goats in Pal. The better known is the ibex of the 8., which may well be the ya el (EV "wild - O at"; Job 39 1; Ps 104 18; 1 S 24 2) , as well as the a^o (EV "wild goat," Dt 14 5). The other is the pa- sang or Pers wild goat which ranges from the N.E. of Pal and the Syrian desert to Persia, and which

          From A oi/. Xn/. Hist., l>y permission.

          Chamois: Persian Wild Goat or Pasang Capra aegagrus. (This may be the zemer, E V chamois, of Dt 14 5.)

          may be the zcmcr (EV "chamois"). The accom panying illustration, which is taken from the Royal Natural History, shows the male and female and young. The male is distinguished by its larger horns and goatee. The horns are in size and cur vature very similar to those of the ibex (see GOAT, sec. 2), but the front edge is like a nicked blade instead of being thick and knotty as in the ibex. Like the ibex it is at home among the rocks, and climbs apparently impossible cliffs with marvelous

          Tristram (NHB) who is followed by Post (HDB) suggests that zcnicr may be the Barbary sheep (Or is tragelaphus), though the latter is only known to inhabit the Atlas Mountains, from the Atlantic to Tunis. Tristram supports his view by reference to a kebsh ("ram") which the Arabs say lives in the mountains of Sinai, though they have apparently neither horns nor skins to show as trophies, and it is admitted that no European has seen it. The true chamois (Rupicapra tragus) inhabits the high mountains from the Pyrenees to the Caucasus, and there is no reason to suppose that it was ever found in Syria or Pal. ALFRED ELY DAY

          CHAMPAIGN, sham-pan , sham pan (HIT? , *arabhdh, Tiyp^ , bik^dh): A champaign is a flat open country, and the word occurs in Dt 11 30 AV (RV "the Arabah") as a tr of drdbhdh, for which AV has in most places "the plain," and RV "the Arabah," when it is used with the art. and denotes



          Chambers, etc Change

          a definite region, i.e. the valley of the Jordan from the Sea of Galilee to the Dead Sea (Dt 2 8; 3 17; 4 49; Josh 3 16; 8 14; 11 1G; 12 1.3.8; 2 S 2 29; 47; 2 K 14 25; 25 4; Jer 39 4; 52 7), and also the valley running southward from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Akabah (Dt 1 1). Ezk 47 8 has for ha- arabhah "the desert," AVm "plain, RV "the Arabah." The pi. is used in Josh 5 10; 2 K 25 5, "the plains of Jericho," and in Nu 22 1 and 26 3, "the plains of Moab." Elsewhere *arabhah is rendered in EV "desert" or "wilderness" (Job 24 5; 39 6; Isa 33 9; 35 1.6; 40 3; 41 19; 51 3; Jer 2 6; 17 6; 50 12). At the present day, the Jordan valley is called the Ghaur (of Heb wr, "to dig," m e arah, "cave," and Aiab.magharah, "cave"). This name is also applied to the deltas of streams flowing into the Dead Sea from the E., which are clothed with thickets of thorny trees and shrubs, i.e. Ghaur-id-Mezrcfah, at the mouths of Wadi-Kerak and Wddi-Beni-IIammad, Ghaur-us- Sdfiych, at the mouth of Wadi-ul-Hisa. The name "Arabah" (Arab, al-* Arabah) is now confined to the valley running southward from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Akabah, separating the mountains of Edom from Sinai and the plateau of at-Tih. See ARABAH.

          Ezk 37 2 AVm has "champaign" for bik ah, which is elsewhere rendered "vale" or "valley." Bik* ah seems to be applied to wide, open valleys, as "the valley of Jericho" (Dt 34 3), "the valley of Megiddo" (2 Ch 35 22; Zee 12 11), "the valley of Lebanon" (Josh 11 17). If Baal-Gad be Ba albek and "the valley of Lebanon" be Cocle- syria, the present name of Coele-syria, al-Bikvf (pi. of buk ah, "a low, wet place or meadow"), may be regarded as a survival of the Heb bik l ah.

          ALFRED ELY DAY

          CHAMPION, cham pi-un (D^rTlZJiX, ish ha- benayim): In 1 S 17 4.23 this unusual expression occurs in the description of Goliath. It means lit. "the man of the two spaces," "spaces," or "space between," and is perhaps to be explained by the fact that there was a brook flowing through the valley separating the two armies. In 1 S 17 51 the word champion is the rendering of the Heb gibbor, "mighty man."

          CHANAAN, ka nan, ka na-an (Xavadv, Chana- dn) Chanaanite, ka nan-it, AV in the Apoc (Jth 5 3.16) and NT (Acts 7 11; 13 19) for RV CANAAN, CANAANITE (q.v.).

          CHANCE, chans: The idea of chance in the sense of something wholly fortuitous was utterly foreign to the Heb creed. Throughout the whole course of Israel s history, to the Heb mind, law, not chance, ruled the universe, and that law was not something blindly mechanical, but the expression of the per sonal Jeh. Israel s belief upon this subject may be summed up in the couplet,

          "The lot is cast into the lap; But the whole disposing thereof is of Joh"

          (Prov 16 33).

          A number of Heb and Gr expressions have been tr 1 "chance," or something nearly equivalent, but it is noteworthy that of the classical words for chance, ffwrvxio; suntuchia, and rvx^, tiicfie, the former never occurs in the Bible and the latter only twice in the LXX.

          The closest approach to the idea of chance is found in the statement of the Philis that if their device for ascertaining the cause of their calamities turned out a certain way they would call them a chance, that is, bad luck (rn^T? , mikrch, 1 S 6 9). But note that it was a heathen people who said this. We have the same Heb noun and the vb.,

          from which the noun is taken, a number of times, but variously rendered into Eng. : Uncleanness that "chanceth him by night" (Dt 23 10). "Her hap was to light on the portion of the field" (Ruth 2 3). "Something hath befallen him" (1 S 20 26). "One event happeneth to them all" (Eccl 2 14.15) ; "that which befalleth the sons of men" ("sons of men are a chance," ERVm)(Eccl 3 19). "There is one event to the righteous and to the wicked" (Eccl 9 2.3). Here the idea certainly is not something independent of the will of God, but something unexpected by man.

          There is also X"lp r , kdrd , "If a bird s nest chance to be before thee in the way" (Dt 22 6). Both the above Heb words are combined in the, statement "As I happened by chance upon Mount Gilboa" (2 S 1 6). "And Absalom chanced to meet the servants of David" ("met the servants," 18 9, A\\\\ ) "And there happened to be there a base fellow" (2 S 20 1).

          We have also 3ttS , pcghn\\\\ "Time and chance happeneth to them "all," meaning simply occur rence (Eccl 9 11). "Neither adversary, nor evil occurrence" (1 K 5 4).

          In the NT we have <rvyKvpia, sugknria, "coinci dence," a meeting apparently accidental, a coinci dence. "By chance a certain priest was going down that way" (Lk 10 31). Also el TI^OI, ci luchoi. ^ "It may chance of wheat, or of some other kind," i.e. we cannot tell which (1 Cor 15 37). "It may be" (1 Cor 14 10).

          If we look at the LXX we find tuche used twice. "And Leah said, [En tuchc] With fortune" ("a troop cometh," AV; "fortunate," RV; "with fortune," RVm, Gen 30 11). Note, it was no Israelite, but Leah who said this. "That prepare a table for Fortune, and that fill up mingled wine unto Destiny" ("fate," Isa 65 11). In this passage tuche stands for the Heb "Cft , m r nl, the god of destiny, and Fortune is for Gad, the old Sem name for the god of fortune found in inscriptions, private names, etc. Note here, however, also, that the prophet was rebuking idolatrous ones for apostasy to heathen divinities.

          \\\\Ve have also in the Apoc, "these things which have chanced," RV "to be opened unto thee" (2 Esd 10 49). See also GAD; MENI.


          CHANCELLOR, chan sel-er: The rendering in E/r 4 8.9.17 of the Heb D37t3~b^2, b" el t e cm; LXX BdaX, Baal (9), Ea\\\\ydfj., Balyatn (17), the latter being an incorrect tr of He!) 2. In 1 Esd 2 16.25, Ee t \\\\Te6nos, Beeltethmos (cf Ezr 4 8) occurs as a cor rupt ion, doubtless of D?tp~53?5, b"*el t : cm. The term in question designates an Assyr office, viz. that of the "master or lord of official intelligence," or "postmaster" (Sayce).

          CHANGE, chanj : A word which seeks to express the many shades of meaning contained in 13 varia tions of 9 Heb words and 5 Gr. These signify, in turn, "to change," "to exchange," "to turn," "to put or place," "to make other" i.e. "alter," "to disguise oneself." wlbn , hdlaph, and its derivatives, occurring often, indicates "to pass away," hence alter, renew, e.g. (1) "changes of raiment" (Gen 45 22; Jgs 14 12.13.19); (2) "changed my wages ten times" (Gen 31 7.41); (3) heavens changed "as a vesture" (Ps 102 26); (4) "changes and warfare" (Job 10 17), i.e. relays of soldiers as illustrated in 1 K 5 14 (RVm "host after host is against me"); (5) "till my change come" (RV "release"), i.e. death (Job 14 14); (6) "changed the ordinances" (ARV "violated the statutes"), i.e. disregarded law (Isa 24 5); (7) change of mind

          Change, etc Chariot



          (Hub 1 11 AV). Used also of change of character, JDn, haphakh: (1) of leprosy, "changed unto white" (Lev 13 16); (2) fig. of the moral life, "Can the Ethiopian change his skin?" (Jer 13 23); so also "HE , mur, and derivatives, "changed their gods" and "their glory," etc (Ps 106 20; Jer 211; Hos 4 7). Other words used to indicate change of name (2 K 24 17); of day and night (Job 17 12); of times and seasons (Dm 1 2 21); of countenance (Dnl 7 2S); of behavior (1 S 21 13); God s un- changeableness, 1, Jeh, change not" (Mai 3 6).

          In the NT the word has to do chiefly with spiritual realities: (1) /xeraTt ^t, metatlthemi, of the necessary change of the priesthood and law under Christ (He 7 12); (2) d\\\\\\\\drrw, alldttu, of His chang ing the customs of Moses (Acts 6 14); (3) of moral change, e.g. debasement (Rom 1 23.25.26); (4) of bodily change at the resurrection (1 Cor 15 51.52; fj.eTa.o- xv p-ari fa, nietftschen/atizo, Phil 3 21 AV); (5) Mera/SdXXw, metabdllo, of change of mind in presence of a miracle (Acts 28 6); (6) of the change to come over the heavens at the great day of the Lord (He

          I 12; cf 2 Pet 3 10.12).

          Figurative uses indicated separately in the course of the article. DWIGHT M. PRATT

          CHANGE OF RAIMENT, ra ment. See DHKSS.

          CHANGER, chan jer (KO\\\\XvpicrT*|s, Icollubistts, "money-changer," and so rendered Mt 21 12; Mk

          II 15): A banker or other person who changes money _ at a fixed rate. Indignant at the profane traffic in the temple Jesus "poured out the chan gers money" (Jn 2 15). So used only here. For fuller treatment see BANK; MONEY-CHANGERS.

          CHANNEL, chan el (p^SX, aphlk [r. pES, dphak, "to hold or contain," "to be strong"; cf Arab. />/, "to overcome," and ajik, "preemi nent"]; nbittJ , shibboleth [r. baiZJ, shnbhal, "to go," "to go up or grow," "to flow"; cf Arab, anlxd, "to flow," "to rain," "to put forth ears"; salxilat, "an ear of grain"; sabil, "a road," "a public fountain"]): In Job 12 21; 40 IS; 41 15 we have aphlk in the sense of "strong" (but cf 40 18, RV "tubes" [of brass]). Elsewhere it is tr 1 "river," "brook," "stream," "channel" or "watercourse." Shib boleth (in the dialect of Ephraim sibbolcth [Jgs 12 6]) means "an ear of grain" (Cien 41 off; Ruth 2 2; Isa 17 5) or "a flood of water" (Ps 69 2.15; Isa 27 12). In 2 S 22 10 (cf Ps 18 15) we have:

          "Then the channels of the sea appeared, The foundations of the world were laid bare, By the rebuke of Jeh, At the blast of the breath of his nostrils."

          This is reminiscent of "fountains of the deep" (Gen 7 11; 82; Prov 8 2<S). It is a question how far we should attribute to these ancient writers a share in modern notions of oceanography, but the idea seems to be that of a withdrawal of the water of the ocean, and the laying bare of submarine declivities and channels such as we know to exist as the result of erosion during a previous period of elevation, when the given portion of ocean floor was dry land.

          The fact that many streams of Pal flow only dur ing the rainy season seems to be referred to in Job 6 15; and perhaps also in Ps 126 4. See BROOK; RIVER. ALFRED ELY DAY

          CHANT C^nS , parat) : Occurs only once in AV in Am 6 5, and the meaning of the Heb is uncer tain. Par at corresponds to an Arab, root meaning to anticipate. It may therefore signify to improvise, to sing without care or preparation. RV "to sing idle songs" suits the context. See Driver, Joel and Amos.

          CHANUNEUS, ka-nun e-us (Xavowaios, Chanou- naios; AV Channuneus) : A Levite in the list of 1 Esd 8 48, probably corresponding to "Merari" in Ezr 8 19.

          CHAPEL, chap el (ttnp Q , mikdash, "a holy place"; RV SANCTUARY , q.v.): "It is the king s chapel" (Am 7 13 AV), an expression indicative of the dependence of this sanctuary on the court.

          CHAPHENATHA, ka-fen a-tha (Xa^vaOd, Cha- phenathd; AV Caphenatha): A name apparently given to part of the eastern wall of Jerus or a fort in that neighborhood which is said (1 Mace 12 37) to have been repaired by Jonathan Maccabaeus. The place cannot now be identified. Various speculations have been made as to the origin of the name, but they can hardly be said to throw any light on the passage cited.


          CHAPMAN, chap man (pi. D"nrn ^Tp:X , aiishe ha-tamm): Word used only once in AV (2 Ch 9 14, ARV "the traders"; cf also 1 K 10 15 RV, where the Heb uses the same expression). The Eng. word means "merchant"; cf the vb. "to chaffer," and the Germ. Kaufin<inn. The Heb means "those who go about" as merchants.

          CHAPT (nnn, hathath): The Ileb \\\\i-nn hathath means "broken," "terrified" or "dismayed." This term as it occurs in Jer 14 4 is rendered "chapt" in EV, "cracked" in AHV, and "dismayed" in RYm. Inasmuch as t he Heb term means "broken," it is not incorrectly rendered "chapt" or "chapped," which means to be cracked open.

          ^CHARAATHALAN, kar-a-ath a-lan (XapaaOa- Xdv, Charaathaldn; AV Charaathalar [1 Esd 5 36]): Most probably a corruption of the text. The names "Cherub, Addan, and Immer" in the lists of Ezr 2 59 and Neh 7 61 are presented in the text cited as "Charaathalan leading them, and Allar."

          CHARACA, kar a-ka. See CHARAX.

          CHARASHIM, kar a-shim (B^flTin , h&rashlm, "craftsmen"). See GK-IIARASHIM.

          CHARAX, kar ax (ls TOV Xdpaica, rv .s ton, Chd- raka; AV Characa, kar a-ka; Xdpafj, Chdnix): A place mentioned only in 2 Mace 12 17. It lay E. of the Jordan and is said to be 750 stadia from Caspis, and to be inhabited by Jews called Tubieni, that is, of Tobie (Tob) in Gi lead (1 Mace 6 9.13; 2 Mace 12 17). There is no clue as to the direc tion in which Ch. lay from Caspis. Possibly Kerak (Kir-moab), in post-Bib, times called Charamoba and Moboucharax, may represent the place. It lay about 100 miles S. of el-Mezerib, S.E. of the Dead Sea.

          CHARCHEMISH, kar ke-mish. See CAHCHE-


          CHARCHUS, kar kus. See BARCHUS.

          CHAREA, ka rO-a (Xap^a, Charea): Head of a family of temple-servants (1 Esd 5 32); called "Harsha" in Ezr 2 52; Neh 7 54.

          CHARGE, charj, CHARGEABLE, char ja-b l (from Lat carrus, "a wagon," hence "to lay or put a load on or in," "to burden, or be a burden") : .

          Figurative: (1) of a special duty (PH QTpia , mishmereth, "thing to be watched"), "the c. of Jeh"



          Change, etc Chariot

          (Lev 8 35), the injunctions given in Ex 29; "the c. of the tabernacle" (Nu 1 53); "the c. of the sons of Gershon" (3 25); (2) of the burden of expense ("33, kdbhedh, "to be, or make heavy"; dSdwavos, addpanos, "without expense"), "lest we be charge able unto thee" (2 S 13 25 AV, RV "burdensome"); "The former governors .... were c. unto the people" (Neh 5 15m "laid burdens upon"); "that .... I may make the gospel without c." (1 Cor 9 18; seeCHAKCEs); (3) of oversight, care, custody, "Who gave him a c. over the earth?" (Job 34 13); "to have the c. of the gate" (2 K 7 17); "c. of the vessels of service" Ch 9 28); "cause ye them that have c. [rn~jx , p e kuddoth, "inspectors"] over the city" (Ezk 9 1); "who had the c. of all her treasure" (Acts 8 27 AV, RV "was over"); (4) of a command, injunction, requirement, "He gave him a c." (Gen 28 6) ; "His father charged the people with the oath" (1 S 14 27); "Jesus strictly [m "sternly"] charged them" (Mt 9 30); "I charge you by the Lord" (1 Thess 6 27 AV, RV "adjure"); "having received such a c." (Acts 16 24, wapayye\\\\la, paraggelia, "private or extra message"); "This c. I commit unto thee" (1 Tim 1 18); (5) of blame, responsibility, reckoning, "Lord, lay not this sin to their c." (Acts 7 (50); "nothing laid to his c." (23 29); "Who shall lay anything to the c. of God s elect?" (Rom 8 33). M. 0. EVANS

          CHARGER, char jer (ARV "platter"): A word which meant in the older Eng. speech a flat dish or platter. It is used in the Bible as the tr (1) of rnrp , k ^arah, which in Nu 7 19 AV (RV "platter") and repeatedly in that chapter denotes one of the gifts made by the several princes at the dedication of the tabernacle; (2) of by"OX , dghartdl, a word of uncertain derivation used in Ezr 1 9 (AV) twice to designate certain temple vessels which might better be called "libation bowls"; (3) of irlva, pinnx, used Mt 14 8.11; Mk 6 25.28 (EV) for the dish in which the head of John the Baptist was presented. DAVID FOSTER ESTES

          CHARGES, char jiz (Sa-n-aveuo, dapando, "to spend"): "Be at charges for them" (Acts 21 24, AV "with them"), i.e. pay the sacrificial expenses of these poorer Nazirites (cf Jos, Ant, XIX, xvi, 1).

          CHARIOT, char i-ot P?^ , mcrkdbh, rQ3"T2 , merkdbhdh, "riding-chariot," 23"), rekhebh, "war- chariot"; apua, hdrma) :

          1. Chariots of Egypt

          2. of the Canaanites

          3. " of Solomon and Later Kings

          4. " of the Assyrians

          5. " of Chaldaeaiis, Persians, Greeks

          6. In the NT

          7. Figurative Use LITERATURE

          It is to the chariots of ancient Egypt that refer ence is first made in Scripture. Joseph was honored by being made to ride in the second 1. Chariots chariot of King Pharaoh (Gen 41 43). of Egypt Joseph paid honor to his father on his arrival in Goshen by meeting him in his chariot (Gen 48 29). In the state ceremonial with which the remains of Jacob were escorted to Canaan, chariots and horsemen were conspicuous (Gen 50 9). In the narrative of the departure of the Israelites from Egypt and of Pharaoh s futile attempts to detain them the chariots and horsemen of Pharaoh figure largely (Ex 14; 15 4. 19). It was with the Hyksos invasion, some cents. before the Exodus, that the horse, and subsequently the chariot, were introduced for purposes of war into Egypt ; and it may have been the possession of chariots that enabled those hated shepherd warriors to overpower the native Egyptians. The Egyp

          chariot was distinguished by its lightness of build. It was so reduced in weight that it was possible for a man to carry his chariot on his shoulders without fatigue. The ordinary chariot was made of wood and leather, and had only two occupants, the fight ing man and his shield-bearer. The royal chariots were ornamented with gold and silver, and in the battle of Megiddo Thothmes III is represented as standing in his chariot of electrum like the god of war, brandishing his lance. In the battle the vic torious Egyptians captured 2,041 horses and 924 chariots from the Syrian allies.

          Egyptian War-Chariot.

          The Canaanites had long been possessed of horses and chariots when Joshua houghed their horses

          and burnt their chariots with fire at 2. Chariots the waters of Merom (Josh 11 6.9). of the The chariots of iron which the Canaan-

          Canaanites ites could manoeuvre in the plains and

          valleys proved a formidable obstacle to the complete conquest of the land (Jgs 1 19). Jabin had 900 chariots of iron, and with them he was able to oppress the children of Israel twenty years (Jgs 4 3). The Philis of the low country and the maritime plain, of whom we read in Jgs and S, were a warlike people, were disciplined and well armed and their possession of chariots gave them a great advantage over the Israelites. In the war of Michmash they put into the field the incred ible number of 30,000 chariots and 6,000 horsemen, only in the end to suffer a grievous defeat (1 S 13 5; 14 20). In the battle of Gilboa, however, the chariots and horsemen of the Philis bore down all opposition, and proved the destruction of Saul and his house. Of these chariots there have come down to us no detailed description and no representation. But we cannot be far wrong in turning to the chariot of the Hittites as a type of the Canaanite and Phili chariot. It is not from the monuments of the Hittites themselves, however, but from the repre sentations of the Kheta of the Egyp monuments, that we know what their chariots were like. Their chariotry was their chief arm of offence. The Hittite chariot was used, too, for hunting; but a heavier car with paneled sides was employed for war. The Egyp monuments represent three Hittites in each car, a practice which differed from that of Egypt and attracted attention. Of the three, one guided the chariot, another did the fighting with sword and lance, and the third was the shield-bearer.

          Chariot Charm



          The Israelites living in a mountainous country were tardy in adopting the chariot for purposes of

          war. David houghed all the chariot 3. Chariots horses of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, of Solomon and "reserved of them for a hundred and Later chariots" (2 S 8 4), and Adonijah Kings prepared for himself chariots and

          horsemen with a view to contest the throne of his father (1 K 1 5). But Solomon was the first in Israel to acquire chariots and horses on a national scale, and to build cities for their ac commodation (1 K 9 19). In AIT of the OT we read that Solomon had agents who received droves of horses from Egypt, and it is added: "And a chariot came up and went out of Egypt for 600 shekels of silver, and a horse for 150; and so for all the kings of the Hittites, and for the kings of Syria, did they bring them out by their means" (1 K 10 29). On the strength of a warrantable emendation of the text it is now proposed to read the preceding (ver 28): "And Solomon s import of horses was from Musri and from Kue; the king s traders received them from Kue at a price" where Musri and Kue are North Syria and Cilicia. No doubt it was Egypt out of which the nation was forbidden by the Deuteronomic law to multiply horses (Dt 17 16), but on the other hand the state ment of Ezk (27 14) that Israel derived horses, chargers and mules not from Egypt but from Tpgarmah North Syria and Asia "Minor agrees with the new rendering (Burney, Notes on Hebrew Text ^ of the Books of Kings, in loc.). From Solo mon s time onward chariots were in use in both kingdoms. Zimri, who slew Elah, son of Baasha, king of Israel, was captain of half his chariots (1 K 16 9). It was when sitting in his chariot in disguise beside the driver that Ahab received his fatal wound at Ramoth-gilead (1 K 22 34). The floor of the royal chariot was a pool of blood, and "they washed the chariot by the pool of Samaria" (vs 35.38). It was in his war-chariot that his serv ants carried Josiah dead from the fatal field of Megiddo (2 K 23 30). The chief pieces of the Heb chariot were (1) the pole to which the two horses were yoked, (2) the axle resting upon two wheels with six or eight spokes (1 K 7 33) into which the pole was fixed, (3) a frame or body open behind, standing upon the axle and fitted by a leather band to the pole. The chariots of iron of which we read (Jgs 4 3) were of wood strengthened or studded with iron. Like that of the Hittite, the Heb chariot probably carried three men, although in the chariot of Ahab (1 K 22 34) and in that of Jehu (2 K 9 24 f) we read of only two.

          Assyrian Chariot.

          In the later days when the Assyrians overran the lands of the West, the Israelites had to face the

          chariots and the hosts of Sennacherib 4. Chariots and of the kings (2 K 19 23). And of the the} faced them with chariots of their

          Assyrians own. An inscription of Shalmaneser

          II of Assyria tells how in the battle of Karkar (854 BC) Ahab of the land of Israel had

          put into the field 2,000 chariots and 10,000 soldiers. But the Assyr chariotry was too numerous and powerful for Israel. The Assyr chariot was larger and heavier than the Egyp or the Heb : it had usually three and sometimes four occupants (Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria, 322). When we read in Nahum s prophecy of "chariots flashing with steel," "rushing to and fro in the broad ways" (Nah 2 3.4), it is of the Assyr chariots that we are to think being hastily got together for the defence of Nineveh. In early Bab inscriptions of the 3d millennium before Christ there is evidence of the use of the war-chariots, and Nebuchadrezzar in

          5. Chariots his campaigns to the West had char- of Chal- iots as part of his victorious host (Jer daeans, 47 3). It was the Persians who first Persians, employed scythed chariots in war; and Greeks we find Antiochus Eupator in the

          Seleucid period equipping a Gr force against Judaea which had 300 chariots armed with scythes (2 Mace 13 2).

          In the NT the chariot is only twice mentioned. Besides the chariot in which the Ethiopian eunuch

          was traveling when Philip the cvangel-

          6. In the 1st made up to him (Acts 8 28.29.38), NT there is only the mention of the din

          of war-chariots to which the onrush of locusts in Apocalyptic vision is compared (Rev

          In the fig. language of Scripture, the chariot has

          a place. It is a tribute to the powerful influence

          of Elijah and Elisha when they are

          7. Figura- separately called "the chariots of Israel tive Use and the horsemen thereof" (2 K 2 12;

          13 14). The angelic hosts are declared to be God s chariots, twice ten thousand, thousands upon thousands (Ps 68 17). But chariots and horses themselves are a poor substitute for the might of God (Ps 20 7). God Himself is represented as riding upon His chariots of salvation for the defence of His people (Hab 38). In the Book of Zee, the four chariots with their horses of various colors have an apocalyptic significance (Zee 6). In the worship of the host of heaven which prevailed in the later days of the kingdom of Judah, "the chariots of the sun" (see art.) were symbols which led the people into gross idolatry and King Josiah burnt them with fire (2 K 23 11).

          LITERATURE. Nowack, Heb Arch., I, 36Gf ; Garstang, Land nftln- Hiltitrx, MV.l f ; MasjHTO, Xtrugijle of the \\\\ations and Life in Ancient Ei/t/pt and Assyria; Kawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, II, 1-21.

          T. NICOL


          mark bhdth ha-shcmcsh) : These, together "with "horses of the sun," are mentioned in 2 K 23 11. They are said to have stood in the temple, a gift of the kings of Judah. Josiah removed the horses from the precincts of the temple and burned the chariots. Among the Greeks, Helios was endowed with horses and chariots. Thus the course of the sun as he sped across the skies was understood by the mythological mind of antiquity. The Bab god _Shamash ( = Heb Shemcsh) likewise had his chariot and horses as well as his charioteer. The cult of the sun and other heavenly bodies which was particularly in vogue during the latter days of the Judaean monarchy (cf 2 K 23 5; Ezk 8 16 f; Dt 17 3; Jer 8 2) seems to have consti tuted an element of the Canaanitish religion (cf the names of localities like Beth-shemesh and the like). The chariots of the sun are also referred to in En 72 5.37; 76 4, and Gr Apoc of Bar 6.

          MAX L. MARGOLIS

          CHARITABLY, char i-ta-bli (Kara d-ydiniv, katd agdpen): The RV, which substitutes "love" for "charity" regularly, removing the latter word from



          Chariot Charm

          the vocabulary of Scripture, makes a like change in Rom 14 15, the only occurrence of "charitably" in AV; RV "in love." See CHARITY.

          CHARITY, char i-ti (d-ydm], agape):

          1. A New Word

          2. A Ne\\\\v Ideal

          3. An Apostolic Term

          4. Latin Kquivalcnts

          5. English Translation (i. Inward Motive

          7. Character

          8. Ultimate Ideal

          9. Almsgiving 10. Tolerance

          In AV in 26 places from 1 Cor 8 1 onward. The same Gr word, -which appears in the NT 115 times, is elsewhere tr 1 by "love."

          The subst. agape is mainly, if not exclusively, a

          Bib. and ecclesiastical word (see Deissmann, Hihlc

          tiliulii-x, 1 JS if), not found in profane

          1. A New writings, although the vb. agapdtt, Word from which it is derived, is used in

          classical C.r in the sense of "love, founded in admiration, veneration, esteem, like the Lat diligtrc" (Grimm-Thayer), rather than natural emotion (Lat ainarc). It is a significant evidence of the sense of a new ideal and principle of life that

          permeated the Christian consciousness

          2. A New of the earliest communities, that they Ideal should have made current a new word

          to express it, and that they should de rive that word, not from the current or philosophical language of Gr morality, but from the LXX.

          In the NT the word is apostolic, and appears first and predominantly in the Pauline writings.

          It is found onlv twice in the Synoptics

          3. An (Alt 24 12; Lk 11 42), and although Apostolic it is in both places put in the mouth of Term the Saviour, it can easily be understood

          how the language of a later time may have been used by the narrator, when it is considered that these gospels were compiled and reduced to writing many years after the spread of the Pauline epistles. The word is not found in ,las, Alk or Acts, but it appears in Paul 75 times, in ,Jn 30 times, in I el -1 times, in Jude twice anil in He twice. Jesus Christ gave the thing and the spirit in (lie church, and the apostles (probably Paul) invented the term to express it. ^ hen Jerome came to translate the

          Gr testament into Lat , he found in that,

          4. Latin language no word to represent agape. Equivalents Anmr was too gross, and he fell back

          on dilcctio and carilax, words which, however, in their original meanings were too weak and colorless to represent </gap<~ adequately. No principle seems to have guided him in the choice! of the one word or the other in particular places. Car Has in Eng. became "charity," and was taken

          over by the Eng. translators from the

          5. English Vulg, though not with any regularity, Translation nor as far as can be judged, according

          to any definite principle, except that it is used of agape only in man, never as it denotes a quality or action of God, which is always tr 1 by "love." \\\\Yhen agape is tr 1 by "charity" it means either (1) a disposition in man which may qualify his own character (1 Cor 8 1) and be ready to go forth to God (1 Cor 8 3) or to men; or (2) an active and actual relation with other men, generally within the church (Col 3 14; 1 Thess 3 0; 2 Thess 1 3; 1 Tim 1 5; 4 12; 1 Pet 4 S; 5 14), but also absolutely and universally (1 Cor 13). I n the earlier epistles it stands first and unique as the supreme principle of the Christian life (1 Cor 13), but in the later writings, it is enumerated as one among the Christian virtues (1 Tim 2 15; 2 Tim 2 22; 3 10; Tit 2 2; 2 Pet 1 7; Rev 2 19). In Paul s psalm

          of love (1 Cor 13) it is set forth as an innermost

          principle contrasted with prophecy and knowledge,

          faith and works, as the motive that

          6. Inward determines the quality of the whole Motive inner life, and gives value to all its

          activities. If a man should have all gifts of miracles and intellect, and perform all the works of goodness and devotion, "and have not love, it profitcth nothing," for they would be purely ex ternal and legal, and lacking in the quality of moral choice and personal relation which give life its value (vs 1-3). Love itself defines men s relation to men as generous, tolerant and forgiving. "Love suffereth long, and is kind; love envieth not" (ver 4). It determines and defines a man s own character and

          personality. It is not boastful and

          7. Char- arrogant, but dignified, pure, holy, acter courageous and serene. Evil cannot

          provoke it nor wrong delight it. It bears cheerfully all adversity and follows its course in confident hope (vs 4-7). It is final virtue, the ultimate ideal of life. Many of life s activities cease

          or change, but "love never faileth."

          8. Ultimate To it all other graces and virtues are Ideal subordinated. "Now abideth faith,

          hope, love, these three; and the greatest of these is love" (vs 8-13). In one passage only in the NT (3 Jn ver (>) agape seems to have a meaning that comes near to the later, ecclesiastical meaning

          of char/I ;/ as almsgiving. With the

          9. Alms- growing legalism of the church and the giving prevalence of monastic ideals of moral ity, car/las came to mean the very

          opposite of Paul s agape just- "the giving of goods to feed the poor," which "without love profiteth nothing." At present the word means either liber ality to the poor, or tolerance in judging the actions of others, both qualities of love, but

          10. Toler- very inadequate to express its totality. ance The Revisers have therefore accurate ly dropped the word and substituted

          "love" for it in all passages. It is interesting to note that in Welsh the reverse process has occurred: cariad (from Lat cart tax) was used throughout to translate agape, with the result thai in both religious and ordinary speech the word has established itself so firmly as almost to oust the nat ive word serrh.

          T. Ri:i:s

          CHARM, charm: Definition. Tin* word charm is derived from the Latin carmen, "a song," and demotes strictly what is sung; then it conies to mean a magical formula chanted or recited with a view to certain desired results. Charm is distin guished from amulet in this, that the latter is a material object having as such a magical potency, though it is frequently an inscribed formula on it that gives this object its power (see A.MTLKT). The w r ord charm stands primarily for the incantation, though it is often applied to an inscribed amulet.

          A charm may be regarded as having a positive or a negative effect. In the first, case it is supposed to secure some desired object or result, (see AMI- LET). In the second, it is conceived as having the power of warding off evils, as the evil eye, the in flictions of evil spirits and the like. In the last, its negative meaning, the word "countercharm" (Ger man, Gegeuzauberj is commonly used.

          Charms are divisible into two general classes according as they are written (or printed) or merely spoken :

          (1) Written charms. Of these we have examples in the phylacteries and the m ztlzah noticed in the art. AMULET. In Acts 19 13-20 we read of written charms used by the Ephesians, such as are else where called e<f>(?(Tia (ephexia grdmmata). Such magical formulae wen; written generally on leather, though sometimes on papyrus, on lead, and

          Charme Chedorlaomer



          even on gold. Those 1 me-ntioneel in the> above pas sage must have boon inscribed on some very valuable material, gold perhaps, or they could not have cost 2,000 ( = 50,000 drachmas). Charms of the kind have boon dug up from the ruins of Ephosus. In modern Egypt drinking-bowls are used, inscribed with passages from the Koran, and it is considered very lucky to drink from such a "lucky bowl," as it is called. Parts of the Koran and often complete miniature copies are worn by Egyptians and esp. by Egyp soldiers (luring war. These are buried with the dead bodies, just as the ancient Egyptians in terred with their dead portions of the Book of the Dead or even the whole book, and as the early Abyssinians buried with dead bodies certain magical texts. .Jos (Ant, VIII, ii, 5) says that Solomon composed incantations by which demons were ex orcised and diseases healed.

          (2) ^i>nl;cit c/Kinntf are at least as widespread as those inscribed. Much importance was attached by the ancients (Egyp, Bab, etc) to the manner in which Hie incantations wen 1 recited, as well as to the substance of Hie formulae. If beautifully uttered, and with sufficient frequency, such in cantations possessed unlimited power. The stress laid on the mode of reciting magical charms necessi tated the existence 1 of a priestly class and did much to increase the power of such a class. The binding force of the uttered word is implied in many parts of the OT (see Josh 9 20). Though the princes of Israel had promised under false pretences to make a covenant on behalf of Israel with the ( iiboon- ites, they refused to break their promise because the word had been given. The words of blessing and curse were believed to have in themselves Hie power of self-realization. A curse was a means of d -s- truction, not a mere realization (see Xu 22-24, Balaam s curses; ,Jgs 5 23; Job 31). In a similar way the word of blessing was believed to insure its own realization. In (ien 48 S -22 the greatness of Ephraim and Manasseh is ascribed to the blessing of Jacob upon them (see further Ex 12 32; Jgs 17 2; 2 S 21 3). It is no doubt to be understood that the witch of Endor raised Samuel from the dead by the recitation of some magical formula (1 S 28 7 f f).

          The uttering of the tetragrammaton was at a verv early time (at, latest, 300 BC) believed to be magi cally potent, and hence- its ordinary use was for bidden, so that instead of Jeh, the Jews of the time, when the earliest part, of the LXX was tr 1 , used for this Divine name the appellative ( it/fionai = "Lord." In a similar way among the Jews of post- Bib. and perhaps of even Bib. times, the pronun ciation of the Aaronio blessing (Xu 6 21 20) was supposed to possess great, efficacy and to be a means of certain good to the person or persons involved. Evil spirits were, exorcised by Jews of Paul s day through the use of the name of the Lord Jesus (Act s 19 13). In the Talm (/ .y7//7w 110,;) it is an in struction that if a man meets a witch he should say, "May a pot of boiling dung be stuffed into your mouth, you ugly witch," and her power is gone. For literature see AMULET.

          T. WITTON DAVIES

          CHARME, k-ir me- (so RY; AY Carme; Xapurfj, Charmt): A Or transliteration of Heb hdrim. The name of a priestly family in the list of those who returned from the Exile (1 Esd 5 25 = IIarim in Ezr 2 39 = Xeh 7 42).

          CHARMIS, kar mis (Xdp|ieis, ( 1 h<innci.ti, Channels, A, XaX^is, Chalnuis): The son of Mel- chicl, one of the three 1 elders or rulers of the town of Bethulia (Jth 6 15; 8 10; 10 6).

          CHARRAN, kar an (Xappdv, Charrhdn): Gr form of HARAN (q.v.) (Acts 7 2.4;.

          CHASE, chas. See HUXTIXG.

          CHASEBA, kas r-ba (Xao-pd, Chasi bd): The name of a family of temple-servants in the list, of those who returned from Babylon (1 Esd 5 31). The name is not given in the passages in Ezr and Xeh.

          CHASTE,, CHASTITY, chas ti-ti. See CKIMES; MAERIAGE.

          CHASTENING, chas"n-ing, CHASTISEMENT,

          chas tiz-ment : These- two words corresponding to Heb "1CTT2 , imlffilr, and Gr TrcuSeia, paith ni, are distinguished in Eng. use, in that chastisement" is applied to the infliction of pain, either as a pun ishment or for recalling to duty, while- "chastening" is a wider term, indicating the discipline or training io which one is subjected, without, as in the other term, referring to the means employed to this end. The narrower term occurs in RY but once in the XT and then in its verbal form, Lk 23 10: "I will therefore chastise him." AY use s it also in lie 12 S.

          The meaning of the- word paidcia grows with the progress of revelation. Its full significance- is un folded in the XT, when reconciliation through Christ has brought inte> prominence the true fatherhood of Cod (He 12 5.10). In the- OT, where it occurs about ]0 times, the radical meaning is that simply of training, as in Dt 8 5: "As a man chaste-net h his son, so Jeh thy God chastene-th thee." But, as in _a dispensation where- the- distinguishing fea ture is that, of the strictest justice, retributive punishment becomes not only an important, but a controlling factor in the training, as in Lev 26 2S: "I will chastise- you se-ven times for your sins." In this sense, it is used of chastisements inflicted Io nian even unjustly: "My father chastised yem with whips, but 1 will chastise you with scorpions" (1 K 12 11). As, therefore, the thought of the suffering inflicted, or that of the- end toward which it is directed, preponderates, the Psalmist can pray: "Xeither chasten me in thy hot displeasure" (Ps 6 1), and take- comfort in the words: "Blesse-d is the- man whom thou cliastenest " (Ps 94 12). Hence it is common in both AY and RV to finel the- He-b milxar, and Gr paideic tr d as "instruction." Illustra tions are most numerous in Prov.

          In the NT the Gr paitlrin is used with a variety similar to its corresponding Heb in the OT. Ex amples of the fundamental idea, viz. that of "train ing," are- found in such passage s as Acts 7 22; 22 3, where Moses anel Paul are 1 said to have be-en "instructed," and 2 Tim 3 10, whe-re Scripture is said to be "profitable- .... for instruction" (cf 1 Tim 1 20; 2 Tim 2 25; Tit 2 12; Rom 2 20). A similar, but not. identical, thought, is found in Eph 6 4: "Nurture them in the chastening and admonition of the- Lord." But when puiil/iu is described as bringing pain, the mystery of suffer ing, which in the- OT is most fully treated in the 1 Book of Job, at last finels its explanation. The child of God realizes that he cannot be beneath God s wrath, and hence that the chastening which he endure-s is not destructive, but e-onve-tive (1 Cor 10 13; 11 32; 2 Cor 69; Re-v 3 19). In He 12 5-11, such consolation is aiTeirded, not, as in the above passages, by incidental allusions, but by a full argument upon the basis of Prov 3 11 f, an OT text, that has depth anel richness that can be understood anel appropriated only by those whe> through Christ have; learned to recognize the Om nipotent Ruler of heaven and earth, as their loving and considerate Father. On the basis of this passage, a distinction is often drawn between punishment and chastisement; the former, as an



          Charme Chedorlaomer

          act of justice, revealing wrath., and the latter, as an act of mercy, love. Since to them that are in Christ Jesus, there is no condemnation (Rom 8 1) they can suffer no punishment, but only chastise ment. Where there is guilt, there is punishment; but where guilt has been removed, there can be no punishment. There being no degrees of justifica tion, no one can be forgiven in part, with a partial guilt still set to his account for which he must yet give a reckoning, either here or hereafter. If, then, all the righteousness of Christ belongs to him, and no sin whatever remains to be forgiven, either in whole or in part, all life s sorrows are remedial agencies against danger and to train for the king dom of heaven. II. E. JACOBS

          CHATTER, chat er (7S2 , fuphaph): This word, which means to "peep," "twitter," or "chirp," as small birds do, is tr 1 "chatter" only in Isa 38 14, "Like a swallow or a crane, so did I chatter." See CHIKP.

          CHAVAH, kfi va (LXX ZVj, Zw): A trans literation of the Heb <Vjn , hatcwdh or hurrah, which means "life giver," "living," and appears in our Eng. VSS as Eve (Gen 3 20 AVm).

          CHEBAR, ke bar plZ , k e bhar, "joining" [Young], "length" [Strong]; XofJoip, Chobdr): The river by the side of which his first vision was vouchsafed to Ezekiel (1 1). It is described as in the land of the Chaldaeans," and is not, therefore, to be sought in northern Mesopotamia. This rules out the Ilabor, the mod. Chabour, with which it is often identified. The two names are radically distinct: THn could not be derived from "122. One of the great Bab canals is doubtless intended. Hilprecht found mention made of (nuru) k/ilmni, one of these canals large enough to be navigable, to the E. of Nippur, "in the land of the Chaldaeans." This "great canal" he identifies with the mod. xhd(t c>t-\\\\ll, in which probably we .should recognize the ancient Chebar. \\\\Y. Ewixo

          CHECK Py"^, miisnr): Occurs in Job 20 3 AV, "I have heard the check of my reproach" (RV "the reproof which putteth me to shame"), i.e. a check or reproof, such as that which closes the last speech of Job (eh 19), and intended to put Zophar to shame.

          CHECKER-WORK, chek er-wurk (NETWORK) (rC^niT , s e bhakhah) : This was a kind of ornamenta tion used on the tops of the pillars of Jachin and Boaz before the porch of the Temple (1 K 7 11). Its exact form is not known. See TKMPLK. For "a broidered coat" (Ex 28 4 AV), RV gives "a coat of checker work." See BROIDERED; EMBROIDERY.

          23? v^~2 , k e dhorla*dmer; XoSoX.Xo-y6fj.op, C /K>-

          CHEDORLAOMER, ked-dr-lii-d mer, ked-or-lfi o- mer

          (lollogomor) :

          1. Was He the Elaraite King Kudur-Iahgumal .

          2. Kudur-lahgumal and the Babylonians :j. The Son 6^ Eri-Ekua

          4. Durmah-ilani. Tudhul(a) and Kudur-lahmal

          5. The Fate of Sinful Rulers

          6. The Poetical Legend

          7. Kudur-lahgumal s Misdeeds

          8. The Importance of the Series

          The name of the Elarnite overlord with whom Amraphel, Arioch and Tidal marched against Sodorn and Gomorrah, and the other cities of the plain (Gen 14 1 ff). The Gr (LXX) form of the name is Chodollogomor, implying a different, vocalization, the assimilation of r with I, and the pronunciation of o as gho (Codorlaghomer). This suggests that, the Elam- ite form, in cuneiform, would be Kudur-lagamar,

          the second element being the name of a god, and the whole therefore meaning "servant of La omer" (La- gamar), or the like. A Bab deity worshipped at Dilmu, Lagamal, may be the same as the Elamite Lagamar. This name is not. found in the cuneiform inscriptions, unless it be, as is possible, the fancifully- written Kudur-lah[gu]mal (or Kodorlahgomal) of three late Bab legends, one of which is in poetical form. Besides this Elamite ruler, two of these tablets mention also a certain Eri-Aku or Kri-Akua, son of Durmah-ilani, and one of them refers to Tudhul[a] or Tidal. See ERI-AKU, 4.

          Objections have been made to the identification

          of Chedorlaomer with the Kudur-lah[gu]mal of these

          texts, some Assyriologists having flatly

          1. Was He denied the possibility, while others ex- the Elamite pressed the opinion that, though these King names were respectively those with Kudur- which they have been identified, they lahgumal? were not the personages referred to in

          Gen 14, and many have refrained from expressing an opinion at all. The main reason for the identification of Kudur-lah[gu]mal[?] with Che dorlaomer is its association with t he names Eri-Eaku and Tudhul[a] found on 1 \\\\vo of the documents. No clear references to the expedition against the Cities of the Plain, however, have been found in these texts. The longer of the two prose compositions (Brit. Mim., Sp. II, 987) refers to the bond of heaven

          [extended?] to the four regions, and

          2. Kudur- the fame which he (Merodach?) set lahgumal for [the Elamites] in Babylon, the city and the of [his] glory. So [?the gods], in their Babylonians faithful (or everlasting) counsel, de creed to Kudur-lahgumal, king of Elam,

          [their favor?]. He came down, and [performed] what was good to them, and exercised dominion in Babylon, the city of Kar-Dunias (Babylonia). When in power, however, lie acted in a way which did not please the Babylonians, for he loved the winged fowl, and favoured the dog which crunched the bone. "\\\\\\\\hat(?) king of Elam was there who had (ever) [shown favor to?] the shrine of E-saggil?" (E-sagila, the great temple of Belusat Babylon). A letter from Durmah-ilani son of Eri-Ekua (?Arioch)

          3. The Son is at this point quoted, and possibly of Eri-Ekua forms t lie justification for the sentences

          which had preceded, giving, as they do, reasons for the intervention of the native ruler. The mutilation of the inscription, however, makes the sense and sequence very difficult to follow.

          The less perfect fragment (Sp. Ill, 2) contains,

          near the beginning, the word hatinnu, and if this

          be, as Professor V. Ilommel has sug-

          4. Durmah- gested, part of the name Hammurabi ilani, Tud- (Amraphel), it would in all probability hul(a) and place the identification of Kudur- Kudur- lahgumal (?) with Chedorlaomer be- lahmal yond a doubt. This inscription states,

          that Merodach, in the faithfulness of his heart, caused the ruler not supporting [the temples of Babylonia] to be slain with the sword. The name of Durmah-ilani then occurs, and it seems to be stated of him that he carried off spoil, and Babylon and the temple E-saggil were inun dated. He, however, was apparently murdered by his son, and old and young [were slain] with the sword. Then came Tudhulfa] or Tidal, son of Gazzafni?], who also carried off spoil, and again the waters devastated Babylon and E-saggil . But to all appearance Tudhul[a], in his turn, was over taken by his fate, for "his son shattered his head with the weapon of his hands." At this point there is a reference to Elam, to the city Ahhea(?), and to the land of Rabbatu m , which he (?"fhe king of p]lam) had spoiled. _ Whether this refers to some expedition to Palestine or not is uncertain, and

          Cheek Chemosh



          probably unlikely, as tlio next j)lirasc speaks of devastation inflicted in Babylonia. But an unto ward fate overtook this ruler likewise, 6. The Fate for Kudur-Iahmal ( = lahgumal), his of Sinful son, pierced his heart with the steel Rulers sword of his girdle. All these refer

          ences to violent deaths are apparent Iv cited to show the dreadful end of certain kings, "lords of sin," with whom Alerodach, the king of the gods, was angry.

          The third text is of a poetical nature, and refers several times to "the enemy, the Klamite" ap parently Kudur-lahgu[malJ. In this

          6. The noteworthy inscription, which, even in Poetical its present imperfect state, contains Legend 7S lines of wedge-written text, the

          destruction wrought by him is related ill detail. He cast down the door (of the temple) of Isfar; entered Du-mah, the place where the fates were declared (see BAHKL, BABYLON), and told his warriors to take the spoil and the goods of the temple. lie was afraid, however, to proceed

          to extremities, as the god of the place

          7. Kudur- ."flashed like lightning, and shook the lahgumal s |holyj places." The last two para- Misdeeds graphs state that, he set his face to

          go down to Tiamtu (the seacoast; see CHALDEA), whither Ibi-Tutu, apparently the king of that district, had hastened, and founded a pseudo- capital. Hut the Klamite seems afterward to have taken his way north again, and after visiting Bor- sippa near Babylon, traversed "the road of dark ness the road to Alesku" (?Mesech). He de stroyed the palace, subdued the princes, carried off the spoil of all the temples and took the goods [of the people] to Elam. At this point the text breaks off.

          \\\\\\\\here these remarkable inscriptions came from there ought to be more of the same nature, and if

          these be found, the mystery of Chedor-

          8. The laomer and Kudur-Iahgumal will prob- Importance ably be solved. At present it can only of the be said, that the names all point to Series the early period of the Elamite rulers

          called Kudurides, before the land of Tiamtu or Tamdu was settled by the Chaldaeans. Evidently it was one of the heroic periods of Baby lonian history, and some .scribe, of about 350 BC had collected together a number of texts referring to it. All three tablets were purchased (not ex cavated) by the British Museum, and reached that institution through the same channel. See the Journal of the Victoria I nxtitntc, 1S95-9G, and Pro fessor Sayce in L tiBA (1900), 193 ff, 241 ff; (1907), < f. T. G. PINCHES

          CHEEK, chek, CHEEKBONE, chek bdn: (1) TI?, I hi; o-ia-ywv, siagdn, "the jaw," "jaw bone," "side of the face." The Ileb word denotes originally freshness and rounded softness of the cheek, a sign of beauty in youth and maiden (Cant 1 10; 5 13). The oriental guards with jealous care his cheek from touch or defilement, therefore a stroke on the cheek was, and is to this day, regarded as an act of extreme rudeness of behavior, a deadly affront. Our Saviour, however, teaches us in Alt 6 39 and Lk 6 29 that even this insult, is to be ignored and pardoned.

          Jawbones of animals have been frequently used as tools and weapons among primitive people. We see this .sufficiently proven from cave deposits in many parts of the world, and from recent eth nological researches, esp. in Australia. In the light of this evidence it is interesting to note that Samson used a jawbone of an ass with success against his enemies the Philis (Jgs 16 15).

          (2) rripbtt, malko"h (Ps 22 15), is a dual form indicative of the two jaws, to which a parched tongue seems to cleave.

          (3) nrbnp , m thalPah (Job 29 17), better "chock teeth" (q.v.). H. L. E. LUEKINCJ

          CHEEK TEETH (n2?5Pp , m"thal^ah, transposed from nytt Q, malttfah [only in Ps 68 G], lit. "the biter," "crusher," "molar," "jaw-teeth," "great teeth" [Job 29 17m; Joel 1 (>]).

          Figurative: The word is used as a synonym of reckless strength and cruelty.

          CHEER, cher, CHEERFULNESS, cher fcTol-nes: The Eng. word "cheer" meant (1) originally face, countenance (Gr ndpa, kdra, "head," through OFr. chere, "face"), (2) then the expression on the face, esp. (3) the expression of good spirits, and finally (4) good spirits, without any reference; to the facial expression. The noun "cheer" in EV is only found with adj. "good" (except 1 Ksd 9 54, "great cheer"), the word not having quite lost its earlier neutral character (any face expression, whether joyous or otherwise). In OT, n 112 , tdbh, is tr 1 "cheer," "let thy heart cheer thee" (see GOOD); D at , s(linc"h, "to rejoice" is so tr 1 in Dt 24 5, "shall cheer his wife" (AV "cheer up his wife"), and Jgs 9 13, "wine, which cheeroth God { fidhltn] and man." The phrase "of good cheer" occurs in OT in Job 9 27 (AV "comfort"); in Apoc, 1 Esd 9 54; Wisd 18 G; Bar 4 5.30; Sir 18 32 AV (ItV "lux ury"); in NT for Gr cuOt tutted, cuthumos, in Acts 2722.25.3(5, and for thawed in Alt 9 2 22 (\\\\V "comfort"); 14 27; Alk 6 50; 10 49 (RV; "com fort" in AV); Jn 16 33; Acts 23 11. "Cheer" as vb. trans, occurs in Eccl 11 9; Deut 24 5; Jgs 9 13.

          Cheerful occurs in Prov 16 13.15 (AV "merry"); Zee 8 19; 9 17 A V; Sir 30 25; 2 Cor 9 7.

          Cheerfully, Acts 24 10.

          Cheerfulness, Rom 12 8. D. AIi.u.i, EDWARDS

          CHEESE, chez. See FOOD; MILK.

          CHELAL, ke Ial (bbs , k ldl, "perfection"): One of the b ne Pahath-Md abh who took "strange wives" (Ezr 10 30).

          CHELCIAS, kel si-as. See HELKIAS; HILKIAH.

          CHELLIANS, kel i-anz: The people of "Chellus" (Jth 2 23) (q.v.).

          CHELLUH, kel u. See CIIELUHI.

          CHELLUS, kel us (XcXXovs, Chdloiis), a place named (Jth 1 9) among those W. of the Jordan to which Nebuchadnezzar sent, his summons. It is mentioned along with "Kades," and as it lay N. of the "children of Ishmael" it may with some probability be taken as lying S.W. of Jems. It has been conjectured that it may be Chalutzah (Reland, Pal, 717), a place under the form Elusa well known to the ancient geographers.

          ^ CHELOD, ke lod (XeXtovS, CheleoM, Cheleoul) : In Jth 1 6 it is said that "many nations of the sons of C. assembled themselves to the battle." They are mentioned as obeying the summons of Nebuchadnezzar to his war against Arphaxad. No very probable suggestion has been made as to the meaning of Chelod.

          CHELUB, ke lub:

          (1) 3lb3, k lubh, father of Alehir (1 Ch 4 11); the name is probably a variation of Caleb. Well-



          Cheek Chemosh

          hausen (De gentibus el familiis Judueis) reads 352 "pTTn "3 , kdlcbh ben hczrun.

          (2) Father of E/ri (1 Ch 27 26), one of the officers of David. See GKNEALOCY.

          CHELUBAI, ke-loo bl ("9^5, lc lribhay): An other form of Caleb used in 1 Ch 2 9; cf 2 1S.42. Caleb is here described as the brother of Jerahmeel, and son of Hezron, a remote ancestor, instead of as the son of Jephunneh. See CALEB.

          CHELUHI, kel 6o-hl pnil , Muhl, Kt,; VP.? , k e liihu, K e re; RVm Cheluhu; AV Chelluh) : Men tioned iii the list of persons with foreign wives (Ezr 10 35 = 1 Esd 9 34j.

          CHEMARIM, kem a-rim (a^l^S , k<"marlm, a pi. whose sing. Icdtncr is not found in the OT): Occurs only once in the text of EV (Zepli 1 4, AV Che- marims), though the Heb word is found also in 2 K 23 5 (EV "idolatrous priests") and Hos 10 5 (EV "priests," EVm, however, having "Che- niariin" in both places). Some regard the word as an inter])olation in Zej)h 1 4, since the LXX omits it and its presence disturbs the parallelism. The word, which is of Aram, origin (kutnra, priest), is used in the OT only in an unfavorable sense 1 , its origin and associations naturally suggesting Syr affinities. In the Syr, however, no such connotation is involved. In the Pesh version of the OT it is used indifferently of idolatrous priests and of priests of Jeh, while in the same version of the NT it is used of the Levitical priests and of Our Lord (e.g. lie 2 17; 3 1; 4 14. If), and often) and in Acts 19 :!.") it is the rendering of neokoros (RV temple- keeper," AV "worshipper"). The question of the root idea of the word remains unsettled. The traditional supposition, which finds some support even among modern scholars, is that the verbal form means "to be black," the priests being sup posed to have been clad in black. But, it is doubt ful whether the root had this meaning. Another conjectur<> takes the root to mean "to be sad," the priest being a man of a sad countenance, an ascetic. Cheyne would relate the word to the Assyr I,- urn- mar u, having the sense of "a clean vesture." It is at all events probable that the priests, both in Israel and in the surrounding nations, employed white vestments, rather than black, when in the performance of their official functions. According to Mish, Middoth, v.4, a Levitical priest who had become disqualified for service put on black gar ments and departed, while the others put on white garments and went in and ministered. The refer ence to the Baal worship in 2 K 10 22 seems more congruous with this view; hence probably black- robed priests (Chemarim) of Baal and the unfaith ful priests of Jeh shall be cut off together. (!.. A. Smith (11TP, II, 56) reads "the priestlings with the priests." J. R- VAN PELT

          CHEMOSH, ke rnosh (ETaS , k l mosh; Xa^ws, Chamos) :

          1. Moabites the People of rhemosh

          2. Solomon and Chemosh Worship

          3. Josiah Putting Down Chemosh Worship

          4. Chemosh and Ammonites

          5. Moabite Stone

          6. Mosha"s Inscription and OT

          7. Chemosh in the Inscription

          8. Parallels between Inscription and OT Record

          9. Ethical Contrast LITERATURE

          The national God of the Moabites, as Baal of the Zidonians, or Milcom (Moloch, Malcam) of the Am monites. The Moabites are apostrophized in an old Heb song as the "people of Chemosh" (Nu 21 29). Jeremiah in his oracle of doom upon Moab

          has recourse to the same old song and calls the

          people "the people of Chemosh." The impotence

          of the god to deliver his people is de-

          1. Moabites scribed by the prophet in figures repre- the People sent ing him as going into captivity with of Chemosh them, his priests and princes together,

          and Moab is to be ashamed of him as Israel was of the Golden Calf of Bethel, which did not avail to stive the Northern Kingdom from the conquering Assyr power (Jer 48 7.13.46).

          For Chemosh, "the abomination of Moab," as for Moloch, "the abomination of the children of

          Ammon," Solomon, under the in-

          2. Solomon fluence of his idolatrous wives, built and Che- a high place in the mount before Jerus mosh (1 K 11 7). It was natural that they Worship should desire to worship still after

          the manner of the gods of their native land, but although the effect, of all this was seen in the moral and spiritual deterioration of Solomon himself there is no indication that the immoralities and cruelties associated with such worship were then practised in Jerus. In the days of Ahaz and Manasseh, even as early as the days of Abijam of Judah, they were (1 K 15 12.13). Josiah found t hese abominations of alien worship, which had been

          introduced by Solomon and added to

          3. Josiah by Ahaz and Manasseh, flourishing Putting when he came to the throne. Moved Down by the prohibitions of the Book of Chemosh the Law (Dt 12 29-31; 18 10), Jo- Worship siah pulled down and defiled the high

          places and the altars, and in order to make a clean sweep of the idolatrous figures, "he brake in pieces the pillars," or obelisks, "and cut down the Asherim," or sacred poles, "and filled their places with the bones of men" (2 K 23 1-20). There is one passage where Chemosh is desig nated the god of the Ammonites (Jgs 11 24).

          Jephthah is disputing the right of the

          4. Chemosh Ammonite s to invade territory which and belongs to Israel because Jeh has Ammonites given it to them by conquest. And he

          asks: Shoiildst thou not possess the territory of those whom Chemosh, thy god, dispos sesses, and we the territory of all whom Jeh, our god, dispossesses? It may be that he is called here the god of the Ammonites by a mere oversight of the historian; or that Moab and Ammon being kindred nations descended from a common ancestor, Lot, Chemosh may in a sense belong to both. We notice, however, that Jephthah s argument in meeting the claim preferred by the king of Ammon passes on to Israel s relation to the Moabites and makes mention only of well-known Moabite cities. Chemosh is accordingly named because of his asso ciation with Moab, the cities of which are being spoken of, although strictly and literally Milcom should have been named in an appeal addressed as a whole to the Ammonites (vs 12-2S; cf Moore ad loc.).

          The discovery of the Moabite Stone in 1SG8 at Dibon has thrown light upon Chemosh and the

          relations of Moab to its national god. 6. Moabite The monument, which is now one of Stone the most precious treasures of the

          Louvre in Paris, bears an inscription which is the oldest specimen of Sem alphabetic writing extant, commemorating the successful effort made about 860 or 850 BC by Mesha , king of Moab, to throw off the yoke of Israel. We know from the OT record that Moab had been reduced to subjection by David (2 S 8 2); that it paid a heavy tribute to Aliab, king of Israel (2 K 3 4); and that, on the death of Ahab, Mesha 1 its king rebelled against- Israelite rule (2 K 3 5). No/t till the reign of Jehoram was any

          Chemosh Cherubim



          effort made to recover the lost dominion. The king of Israel then allied himself with the kings of Judah and Edorn, and marching against Moab by the way of the Red Sea, inflicted upon Mesha a defeat so de cisive that the wrath of his god, Chemosh, could be appeased only by the sacrifice of his son (2 K 3 6 ff). The historical situation described in the OT nar rative is fully confirmed by Mesha"s inscription. There are, however, divergences in

          6. Mesha"s detail. In the Book of K the revolt Inscription of Mesha is said to have taken place and the after the death of Ahab. The in- OT scription implies that it must have

          taken place by the middle of Ahab s reign. The inscription implies that the subjec tion of Moab to Israel had not been continuous from the time of David, ami says that Omri, the father of Ahab, had reasserted the power of Israel and had occupied at least a part of the land.

          It is with what, the inscription says of Chemosh

          that we are chiefly concerned. On the monument

          the name appears twelve times.

          7. Chemosh Mesha is himself the son of Chemosh, in the In- and it was for Chemosh that he built scription the high place upon which the monu ment was found. He built it because

          among other reasons Chemosh had made him to see his desire upon them that hated him. It was because Chemosh was angry with his land that ( )mri afflicted Moab many days. Omri had taken possession of the land of Medeba and Israel dwelt in it his days and half his son s days, but Chemosh restored it in Mesha"s days. Mesha took Ataroth which the king of Israel had built for himself, slew all the people of the city, and made them a gazing-stock to Chemosh and to Moab. Mesha brought thence the altar-hearth of Dodo, and dragged it before Chemosh in Kerioth. By command of Chemosh, Mesha attacked Nebo and fought against Israel, and after a fierce struggle he took the place, slaying the inhabitants en masse, 7,000 men and women and maidservants, devoting the city to Ashtor-Chemosh and dragging the altar vessels of Jeh before Chemosh. Out of Jahaz, too, which the king of Israel had built, Chemosh drove him before Mesha . At the instigation of Chemosh, Mesha fought against lloronaim, and, although the text is defective in the closing paragraph, we may surmise t hat Chemosh did not fail him but restored it to his dominions.

          Naturally enough there is considerable obscurity

          in local and personal allusions. Dodo may have

          been a local god worshipped by the

          8. Parallels Israelites E. of the Jordan. Ashtor- between Chemosh may be a compound divinity Inscription of a kind not unknown to Sem my- and OT thology, Ashtor representing possibly Record the Phoen Ashtoreth. What is of

          importance is the recurrence of so many phrases and expressions applied to Chemosh which are used of Jeh in the OT narratives. The religious conceptions of the Moabites reflected in the inscription are so strikingly like those of the Israelites that if only the name of Jeh were substi tuted for that of Chemosh we might think we were reading a chapter of the Books of K. It is not in the inscriptions, however, but in the OT narrative that we find a reference to the demand of Chemosh for human sacrifice. "He took his eldest son," says the Heb annalist, "that should have reigned in his stead, and offered him for a burnt-offering upon the wall. And there was great wrath against Israel: and they departed from him, and returned to their own land" (2 K 3 27). This appears to indicate that the Israelites had to give up their purpose to fasten the yoke of bondage again upon Mesha and that they returned empty-handed to

          their own land. But this fortunate result for Moab was due to the favor of Chemosh, and in particular to the human sacrifice by which he was propitiated. If we find in these representations of Chemosh in the OT narrative and in Mesha"s inscription a

          striking similarity to the Heb concep- 9. Ethical tion of Jeh, we cannot fail to notice Contrast the lack of the higher moral and

          spiritual elements supplied to the religion of Israel by the prophets and indeed from Moses and Abraham downward. "Chemosh," says W. Baudissin, "is indeed the ruler of his people whom he protects as Yahweh the Israelites, whom he chastises in his indignation, and from whom he accepts horrible propitiatory gifts. But of a God of grace whose long-suffering leads back even the erring to Himself, of a Holy God to whom t he offer ing of a pure and obedient heart is more acceptable than bloody sacrifices, of such a God as is depicted in Israel s prophets and sweet singers there is no trace in the Moabite picture of Chemosh. While Mesha is represented as offering up his own son in accordance with the stern requirements of his re ligion, OT law-givers and prophets from the be ginning condemned human sacrifice" (RE 3 , art. "Kemosh").

          LITERATURE. RE 3 , art. "Kemosh" ; Cooke, Text-Book of Nort/i-Xcmitic Inscriptions, " Moabite Stone," 1-14; W. Robertson Smith, Prophets of Israel, 49 ft; Sayce HCM 364 ff.

          T. XICOL

          CHENAANAH, kr-na a-na (n:y:2 , k ntfdnah, fern, form of "Canaan," though others explain it as "toward Canaan") : The name of two men:

          (1) The fourth-named of the seven sons of Bil- ham, son of Jediael, of the tribe of Benjamin, a leading warrior in the time of David (1 Ch 7 10).

          (2) Father of the false prophet Zedekiah, who encouraged Ahab against Micaiah (1 K 22 11.24; 2 Ch 18 10.23).

          CHENANI, k5-na nl p;:3 , knanl, "planted"): One of the names mentioned in Neh 9 4, in con nection with the constitution of "congregation." If the names represent houses or families, eight Levitical houses probably sang some well-known psalm on this occasion. If they are names of indi vidual representatives, they were probably deputed to recite or chant some special prayer in order to lead the worship of the people.

          CHENANIAH, ken-a-nl a OrP::3 , k nanyahu, and rPjIS , k e nanydh, lit. "established by God"): Chief of the Levites who was over "the songs," or "the carrying" (viz. "of the ark") from the house of Obed-edom to Jems (1 Ch 15 22.27; 26 29).

          CHEPHAR-AMMONI, ke-far-am 6-nl (AV Che- phar-haammoni ; ^lE^n 1?3 , k"phar hd ammoni; B, K<j>6upd Kal Mov, Kepheird kai Monei; A, Ka- 4>T]pa|A|Aiv, Kapheramrnin, "village of the Ammon ites"): A place in the territory of Benjamin (Josh 18 24). It may be identical with Kefr Vina, a ruined site about two miles to the N.E. of Bethel.

          CHEPHAR-HAAMONI, ke-far-ha-am 6-m. See CHEPHAR-AMMONI .

          CHEPHIRAH, ke-fl ra (rTPDSn , ha-k e phirah; B, Ka<J>ipd, Kapht ird [Josh 9]; A has Chepheird, B has Kal 4>eipd, kai Pheird [Josh 18]): One of the cities of the Hivites who by guile made alliance with Israel (Josh 9 17). It was in the lot of Ben jamin (18 26), and was reoccupied after the return from Babylon (Ezr 2 25; Neh 7 29). It is repre sented by the modern Keflreh, to the S.W. of Gibeon, and N. of Karyat el-* A nab. It stands on high ground, with many ancient remains.



          Chemosh Cherubim

          CHERAN, ke ran Cj"J3 , k e ran) : A Ilorite clan- name, occurring in the genealogy of Seir, the Horite (Gen 36 26), and in the |j list in 1 Ch 1 41. Dill- mann derives it from kar, "a lamb."

          CHERETHITES, ker o-thlts (DTH3 , k e rethlm, ha-k e rethl; X\\\\0, Chclcthi "executioners," "life-guardsmen"): A people in South Pal whoso territory bordered upon that of Judah (1 S 30 14). In ver 16 this land is apparently identified with that of the Philis. In Ezk 25 16 the Philis and the Cherethites are threatened together; while in Zepli 2 5 the Cherethites are evidently the dwellers in "the land of the Philis," "the inhabitants of the sea- coast." LXX in both Ezk and Zeph renders the name "Cretans." The translators may have been "guided only by the sound." But Zeus Cretagenes in Gaza suggests a connection with the island of Crete. See, however, CAPHTOR. It may be taken as certain that the Cherethites were a Phili clan. In conjunction with the Pelethites they are frequently named as forming the guard of David (2 S 8 IS, etc). It was the custom of many ancient monarchs to have a guard of foreign mercenaries. W. EWING

          CHERISH, cher ish ( 3D , sakhan; QaXirw, tftdl/>o): tiakhan, "to act the friend," "to be useful," is tr d "cherish" (1 K 1 2.4); 1fitilf>d, "to warm," "to make warm," "to foster" (Eph 6 29), said of the regard the husband .should have for his wife, even as his own flesh which he "nourisheth and cherish- elh, even as Christ also the church," and in 1 Thoss 2 7, of Paul amongst his converts, "as when a nurse cherisheth her o\\\\vn children."

          CHERITH, kr rith, THE BROOK (r"n3 bn: , nnhul 1; rltti; Xeijiappovs X.o$$&9 t Cheimdrrhou-sChor-

          r/idl/i): The placo where Elijah hid and was miracu lously fed, after announcing the drought to Ahab

          Traditional Site of Brook Choritb.

          (1 K 17 3). It is described as being "before," that is "east," of Jordan. It cannot therefore be identified with Wadij el-Kelt, to the W. of Jericho. The retreat must be sought in some recess of the Gilead uplands with which doubtless Elijah had been familiar in his earlier days.

          CHERUB, ke rub (3 ? ,"13 , k e rubh; Xepovp, Clic- roiib, Xapoiip, C/mroub): A place in Babylonia from which people whose genealogies had fallen into con fusion went up at the return from exile (Ezr 2 ")!); Xeh 7 61); unidentified. In 1 Esd 5 36 we read "Charaathalan leading them, and Allar," a phrase that seems to have arisen through confusion of the names in the passages cited above.


          1. As Guardians of Paradise

          CHERUBIM, cher fi-bim, dier no-him (IT k riibhlm, pi. of cherub, 3/H3 , k e rubh}: Through the influence; of the Sept, "cherubim" was used in the earlier Eng. VSS, also as a sing., hence the pi. was made to sound "cherubims." The etymology of the word cannot be ascertained.

          In Gen 3 24 the cherubim are placed by God, after the expulsion of Adam from the garden of Eden, at the east thereof, together with the naming sword "to keep the way of the tree of life." In their function as guardians of Paradise the cherubim bear an analogy to the winged bulls and lions of Babylonia and Assyria, colossal figures with human faces standing guard at the entrance of temples (and palaces), just as in Egypt the approaches to the sanctuaries are guarded by sphinxes. But the Bab colossi go by the name of himtissu, or sficdu; no designation at all approaching the Heb k rubh has so far been found in the Assyr language. Nor are thus named I lie winged figures, half human and half animal, which in Bab and Pers art are found on both sides of the "sacred tree." Thus a Bab origin of the Heb cherubim is neither proved nor disproved. If we look for further analogies which, of course, do not indicate a borrowing on the part of the He brews, we may mention the fabulous griffins (ypvires, grupcs), usually represented as having the heads and wings of an eagle and the body and hind quar ters of a lion; they were believed by the Greeks to inhabit Scythia, and to keep jealous watch over the gold of that country.

          If we read between the lines of the Paradise account in Gen (cf 3 S), the garden of Eden, the primeval abode of man, reveals itself 2. The as more than that: it was apparently

          Garden as the dwelling-place of God. In the the Abode polytheistic story of the creation of of the Gods the world and early life of man, which, while in several respects analogous (cf 3 22), is devoid of the more spiritual notions of Hebraism, the garden was the abode of the gods who alone had access to the tree of life from the fruit of which they derived their immortality. Adam, before the fall, is conceived as a superhuman being; for while he is forbidden to taste of the fruit of the tree of knowledge, the way to immortality is open to him; for it is only after transgressing the Divine command that he merits death and becomes mortal. The choice* of immortal innocence and mortal knowl edge lay before him; he ejected death with knowl edge .

          The mythical elements of the Paraelise story are still more pate iit in Ezk 28 13 ff, where the fall of the king of Tyre is likemed to that of primeval man. The garden is situated on a holy mountain of Elohim( = God te> Ezekiel, but goels in the primitive source), the mountain of assembly of Isa 14 13, high above the stars in the recesse s of the North. It is a wonderful place, adorned with all manner of precious stones. The re man, pe rfect from the day he was createel, resplendent with beauty, excelling in wisdom, walks

          3. The Cherubim as Attend- ants of the Deity

          Cherubim Chicken



          among the fiery si ones, like a cherub with out stretched wings. The cherubs are apparently the attendants of the Deity, beauteous angels, of whom man was to be one: but he fell from glory and was hurled from the sanctuary which he had polluted. Some of the angelic attendants of the Deity within are placed in (Jen without, to do service as guardians of the unapproachable holy garden.

          As attendants of (!od, they bear the throne upon which lie descends from His high abode. Thus

          in the description of a theophany in 4. As Ps 18, we read:

          Bearers "He bowed (tic hc;ivens ul so. and came down; of the - ^ U< 1 thick darkness was under his fed .

          Thrnnp ^ "^ " r " ( t upon !l cherub, and did fly

          Yea, lie soared upon the wings of the wind" (,\\\\ s and 10).

          Hence the Lord, or, as the fuller title goes, the Lord of Hosts, is repeatedly styled "He that sitteth [throned] above the cherubim" (Ps 80 1 ; 99 1 ; IS

          4 4, and elsewhere). There is certainly no trace here of bull figures: bulls do not fly. The under lying conception is, it seems, rather that of the storm cloud. Cf Ps 104 3:

          " \\\\Vlio niaketh the clouds his chariot; Who walketh upon the wings of the wind."

          The Ileb for "chariot" is ^2"1, r khilbli, a sort of inverted I," rulih.

          But the function of the cherubim as bearers and movers of the Divine throne is brought out most, clearly in the vision of E/ekiel (ch 1, 6. In the with which cf ch 10). In ch 1 the Vision of prophet, designates them as "living Ezekiel creatures" (tnti/i/utln; but upon hearing

          God s words addressed to the "man clothed in linen" (10 2) he perceives that the living creatures which he saw in the first vision were cherubim (ver 20); hence in 9 3 the chariot or throne, from which the glory of (!od went up, is spoken of as a cherub. The following is a descrip tion in detail of the cherubim as seen by Ezekiel. They are represented as four living creature s, each with four faces, man, lion, ox (replaced in the ch by cherub), and eagle (1 10; 10 14), having the figure and hands of men (1 5.8), and the feet of calves (ver 7). Each has four wings, two of which are stretched upward (ver 11), meeting above and sustaining the "firmament," that is, the bottom of the Divine throne (1 22; 10 1), while two are stretched downward, conformable the one to the other, so as to cover their bodies (1 11.23). In appearance, the living creatures resemble coals of fire (cf 10 2.6 f, where the "man clothed in linen" is bidden fill both his hands with coals of fire from between the cherubim), burning like torches, the fire flashing up and down among the creatures, a bright fire out of which lightning goes forth (1 13). Thus the creatures run and vanish as the appear ance of a flash of lightning (ver 14). The cherubim do not turn as they change direction, but always go straight forward (1 9.17; 10 11), as do the wheels of the cherubic chariot with rings full of eyes round about (1 18; 10 12). The cherubim represent the spirit, or will, in the wheels: at the direction of the spirit, the wheels are lifted up from the bottom and the chariot moves upward (1 19 f; 10 16 f). The cherubim are thus the moving force of the vehicle.

          Ezekiel s cherubim are clearly related to the seraphim in Isaiah s inaugural vision (Isa 6). Like

          the cherubim, the seraphim are the 6. Relation attendants on God as He is seated to Seraphim upon a throne high and exalted; they and Other are also winged creatures: with twain Angels they cover their faces, and with twain

          they cover their feet, and with twain they fly. Like the Levites in the sanctuary be

          low, they sing a hymn of adoration: "Holy, holy, holy, is ,)eh of hosts: the whole earth is full of his glory." In the Hook of Enoch, the cherubim, seraphim, and ophannim (wheels), and all the angels of power constitute the "host of God," the guardians of His throne, the singers of praise ascribing blessedness to "the Lord of Spirits," with the archangel Gabriel at their head (sec- 20 7 40; 61 10 f; 71 7). And so in the Jewish daily liturgy the seraphim, ophannim, and "living crea tures" constitute the heavenly choir who, the elect. ministers of the Living God, rendy to do the will of their maker with trembling, intone in sweet harmony the Thrice-holy. In the Tahu, the cheru bim are represented as having the likeness of youths (wit ha fanciful etymology, ^n + 3, k"+rilbh, "like a youth"; N ///,/.- . >/>; IJn// 13/>\\\\ while, accord ing to tjie Midr, they have no definite shape, but appear indifferently as men or women, or as spirits and angelic beings (den nibba 21).

          The "four living creatures" of Rev 4 6 ff are

          clearly modeled upon K/ekiel, with supplementary

          touches from Isaiah. Full of eyes

          7. In Rev 4 before and behind, they are in the

          midst, of the throne, and round about it. One resembles a lion, the other a calf, and the third a man, and the fourth a flying eagle. Each of the creatures has six wings. "They have no rest, day and night, saying, Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God, the Almighty, who was and who is and who is to come."

          In the temple of Solomon, two gigantic cherubic

          images of olive-wood plated with gold, ten cubits high,

          stood in the innermost, sanctuary (the

          8. Orna- tiblilr) facing the door, whose wings, mental five cubits each, extended, two of them Cherubim meeting in the middle of the room to in the constitute the throne, \\\\\\\\hile two ex- Temple of tended to the walls (1 K 6 23-28; Solomon 8 6.7; 2 Ch 3 10-13; 5 7.8). The

          Chronicler represents them as the chariot of the Lord (1 Ch 28 18). There were also images of the cherubim carved on the gold-plated cedar planks which constituted the inner walls of the temple, and upon the olive-wood doors (1 K 6 20. 3f>; 2 Ch 3 7); also on the bases of the portable lavers, interchanging with lions and oxen (1 K 7 29-36). According to the Chronicler, thev were also woven in the veil of the Holy of Holies (2 Ch 3 14).

          Ezekiel represents the inner walls of the temple

          as carved with alternating palm trees and cherubim,

          each with two faces, the lion looking

          9. In the on one side, the man on the other Temple of (Ezk 41 18-2. )).

          Ezekiel In the Tabernacle, there were two

          cherubim of solid gold upon the golden slab of the "lid," or "mercy-seat," facing each other, with wings outstretched above, so as to con stitute a throne on which the glory of

          10. In the the Lord appeared, and from which He Tabernacle spake (Ex 25 18-22; 37 7-9; Nu 7

          89; He 9 5). There were also cheru bim woven into the texture of the inner curtain of the Tabernacle and 1 he veil (Ex 26 1.31; 36 8.35). There were no cherubim in the temple of Herod, but the walls were painted with figures of them (see Talm Yoma Ma). In the times of Jos no one knew what the Scriptural cherubim looked like (Ant, VIII, iii, 3).

          LITERATURE. BDB, s.v.; KAT*, 529 f, and refer ences; commentaries on CU-n and Ezk.

          MAX L. MARGOLIS

          CHERUBIM. The cherubic forms in the con stellation figures. See ASTRONOMY, II, 8.

          CHESALON, kes a-lon ( 1503, k e sdlon; Xacr- Xwv, Chaalon, Xa<ra\\\\cov, Chasalon) : One of the cities



          Cherubim Chicken

          on the N. boundary of Judah (Josh 15 10). In the 4th cent, it was a "very large village." It, is now Kesld, 2,()S7 ft. above sea-level, a small village perched on a mountain ridge to the S. of Wady d llumar. See PEF, III, 25, 26; Sh XV11.

          CHESED, ke sed, kes ed (D^ttS , kasdlm; Xdo-JJaS, Chdszad): One of the sons of Nahor and Milt-ah (Gen 22 22); was probably the father of the Casdim. The early Bab form Kasilu appears in Assyr as Kaldu or Kaldu. EV follows the Assyr and Gr style of writing the name and uses Chaldees or Chaldaeans instead of Casdim. The Chaldaeans dwelt in the lower valley of the Euphrates, at (he head of the Pers Gulf. Abram came from I r of the Chaldees (Gen 11 28.31; 15 7; Neh 9 7). In Job 1 17 the Casdim are described as invading the land of Fz, the eldest brother of Chesed (Gen 22 21.22). In the days of Nebuchadrezzar 1 he Casdim overran Syria and Pal and carried the people of Judah in successive deportations into captivity (2 K 24 If.lOff; 25 Iff). In Dnl 2 2.5 the Casdim are named with the magicians and astrologers as a learned class, skilled in interpretations. Casdim is sometimes used in Heb for the land of Chaldaea (Ezk 23 15 f; 11 24). JOHN RICHARD SAMPEY

          CHESIL, ke sil, kcs il (^03 , k e sll; A, Xao-C P , Chaseir) : A town in the extreme S. of Judah named with Eltolad, Hormah and Ziklag (Josh 15 30). The name does not occur again. In Josh 19 4 it is replaced by Bethul (LXX Bcu^X, Budhtl), and in 1 Ch 4 30 by Belhuel. "Chesil" may have arisen from a misreading of the text.

          CHESNUT, ches nul. See CHESTNUT.



          CHEST, chest Ktp<oT6s, kibolos) :

          (1) The ark of the covenant in OT is invariably denoted by the word aron, elsewhere rendered AV and 11 V_ "chest." See AUK.

          (2) Aron is also the word rendered "coffin" (Gen 50 20: "and he was put in a coffin in E."). See COFFIN.

          (3) In K and Ch (2 K 12 9.10; 2 Ch 24 S.K). 11) aron stands uniformly for a money chest. It is the "chest" that Jehoiada, the priest, placed in the court "beside the altar" and "bored a hole in the lid of" that the priests might "put therein all the money that was brought into the house of Jelf (2 K 12 9); and "the chest" that King Joash com manded to be made and set "without at the gate of the house of Jeh" to receive "the tax that Moses the servant of God laid upon Israel" (2 Ch 24 S. 10.11). One feature is common to the thing meant in all these applications the c. was rectangular in shape, and, most probably in every instance, made of wood.

          (4) Jos (Ant, VI, 1.2) uses (he equivalent of the word to denote the "coffer" (1 S 6 S f f EV), or small chest, in which the princes of Philistia de posited the gold mice.

          (5) In NT times the "chests" that were pro vided in the court of the women, in the temple of Herod, to receive the various kinds of money gifts had the exceptional shape of a trumpet (if Sh e jpa- lim, vi.5 may be trusted) wide at the bottom and gradually narrowing toward the top, hence called rniETtt? , shdpharolh. It was into these that the Master was watching the multitude casting in their money when He saw the poor widow cast in her two mites (Mk 12 41.42).

          (0) In Ezk 27 24, where the prophet is giving an inventory of the merchandise of Tyre, another word entirely is used ((fnazim), and it is rendered in AV and RV "chests" ("chests of rich apparel,

          bound with cords and made of cedar"). Accord ing to Cornill, Davidson, Smend and others this rendering is without sufficient support (sec; I)l> and comni. in loc.). GEO. B. EAUEK

          CHESTNUT, ches nut, TREE. See PLANK TKF.K.

          CHESULLOTH, ke-sul oth (HlSCSn , ha-k e sul- loth; B, Xa<ra\\\\co9, Chasaloth, A, Ax<raXio9, .\\\\clic- saloth): A town on the border of Zcbulun (Josh 19 18), the same as Chisloth-tabor (19 12). It, is represented by the modern village Iksul. on the northern edge of Esdraelon, cir 3 miles W. of Ml. Tabor.

          CHETH, khath. See HKTH.

          CHETTIIM, ket i-im, ket-I im See KITTIM.

          CHEW, choo, elm, CUD (rna nrr, ma*0leh gerdh, lit. "bringing up" [ARVm], i.e. "chewing the cud," from ydrar, "1o roll," "ruminate"): One of the marks of cleanliness, in the sense of fitness for food, of a quadruped, given in Lev 11 3 and Dt 14 6, is the chewing of the cud. Among the ani mals considered clean are therefore included (lie ox, the sheep, the goat, the hart, the gazelle, the roebuck, the wild goat, (lie pygarg, the antelope and the chamois. Several of the forbidden animals are expressly named in the passages, e.g. the camel, the rock-badger, the hare and (he swine. In addi tion to the distinctions between clean and unclean animals mentioned in the Bible, (lie Talm points out that the; clean animals have no upper (eeth, that their horns are either forked, or if not forked they are clear of splinters, notched with scales and round, and that certain portions of the meat, of clean animals tear lengthwise as well as across. Many theories have been advanced as to the reasons for the distinctions wit h regard to the chewing of t he cud and the cloven hoof. See ./< Km-, s.v. "Clean." The most obvious is that ruminating ani mals and animals without claws were apparently cleaner-feeding animals than the others.


          CHEZIB, ke zib. Sec ACIIZIR (1).

          CHICKEN, chik"n, chik in (AS clccn or cijccn; Lat Gallus ferrugineus; dXeKxpuwv, alcLiruu//, masc. and fern.): A barnyard fowl of any age. The record is to be found in the books of the disciples, but Jesus is responsible for the only direct mention of chickens in the Bible. M( 23 37, contains this: "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, that killeth the prophets, and stonelh (hem (hat are sent unto her! how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!" Luke s version of the name scene says: "Even as a lien gathereth her own brood under her wings" (13 34). There is no reference to chickens in the OT sufficiently clear (o specify our common domestic bird. The many references to "fatted fowl" in these older records, in accordance with (he text and the history of (he other nations, were pigeons, guineas, ducks, geese and swans. The import at ion of peafowl by Solomon is mentioned. The cock and hen are distinctive birds and would have been equally a marvel worth recording had they been introduced at thai time. From the history of the bird in other countries it is a safe estimate to place their entrance into Pal between five and six hundred years BC. That would allow sufficient time for them to increase and spread until they would be well known and common enough to be used effectively in the ministry of Jesus Christ. Every historical fact and indication




          points to the capture and domestication of the 1 red jungle fowl in Burniah. The Chinese records prove thai they first secured imported fowl from the West in 1400 BC. Their use for food dated from 1200 to S()() BC, in the Hook of Mann, but it was specified that only those that ran wild were to he eaten. From these countries they were im ported to Greece and Italy, and from there carried south into Pal. Homer (A 10; cf also utrktrunn, P 602) names a man Cock, alektor, which seems to indicate that ho knew the bird. Pindar gives them slight mention; Aristophanes wrote of them as "Pers birds," which indicates that they worked their way westward by importation. I cannot find them in the records of Aristotle 1 , but Aristophanes advanced the idea that not the gods, but the birds were rulers of men in ancient times, and compared the comb of the cock with the crown of a king, and pointed out that when he "merely crows at dawn all jump up to their work" (Aves, 4.S9-90). They were common in Italy in the days of Pliny, who was ten years old at the time of the crucifixion of Christ. Pliny gave many rules for raising chickens, proving that Hiiich was known of their habits in his time. Yet so credulous was he and so saturated with superstition, that, mixed with his instructions for preserving eggs, brooding and raising chickens, is the .statement that on account of the lighting power of the cocks the lions feared them. lie wrote that a man named Galerius in the time of the consuls, Lepidus and Catulus, owned a barnyard fowl that spoke. He names Lenius Strabo as the first man to devise a "coupe" to keep fowl in and "cram" them to fatness. He gave the laws governing the use of fowl at table and recorded that in Egypt eggs were hatched in manure beds, which is conclu sive proof that birds had been carried across the Mediterranean several cents, previous. The records of Babylon, 600 BC, contain figures undoubtedly intended for cocks, and they were reproduced in marble in Lycia at that time. In all those repro ductions the birds have the drooping tail of the wild, and there is no record of the date at which they erected the tail, lifted the head and assumed the upright bearing of today.

          ( JE\\\\E STEATTON-PORTER

          CHIDE, chid: Only in the OT, translating lleb 2" 1 "! , rtbh, a word which is more frequently rendered "strive." Since in Cen 31 36; Jgs 8 i; Ps 103 9, the strife is one of words, it means in these pas sage s, "scold," or "sharply censure," and is applied either to mutinous protests and reproaches of in feriors to a superior, or, as in the last of these pas sages, to rebukes administered by a superior to inferiors.


          OF (T"P? ~\\\\~\\\\Z, gorcn klilhun; LXX B, omits; A has XeiXw, Clicilo): The place when- I zza per ished because he touched the ark (1 Ch 13 9). In 2 S 6 6 it is called the threshing-floor of Na- chon. No name resembling either of these* has been discovered.

          CHIEF, chef: The Eng. word is in AV of OT the tr of some 17 different He b words, most frequently of ro sh, "head," sar, "prince 1 ," and re sfrith, "be 1 - ginning." The principal changes made by RV are 1 :

          (1) Heb beth abh, "house of a father," being recog- ni/od as a technical term denoting a subelivision of a tribe, ro sh is rendered lit. "hoael," when it eiccurs in connection with this phrase, so that "chief fathers" (Num 31 26) ami "chief of the fathers" (Ezr 1 5) ^become "heads of fathers houses";

          (2) He 1 !) ndf/lntlh and nasi are more accurately tr 1 "prince" in such passages as 1 Ch 6 2; Nu 3 32; (3; the misinterpretations which brought about the

          tr "chief" for n<;ilnu, "corners," Isa 41 9, and for nia alt li, "asee iit," in 2 Ch 32 33, are eeHToctoel.

          In tlie 1 XT "e-hief" is in most of its appearances the- tr of (!r proton, "first"; the KV roads first" for AV "chief," "ehiefest," in Mt 20 27; Mk 10 44; Acts 16 12. The reading in the latter passage is a difficult on<>, but the AV "Philippi, which is the chie-f city of that part of Maceelonia," seems to imply a political authority which Philippi eliel not posse-ss^HV "a e-ity of Macedonia, the first of the district." Grnrcftdn, "prince 1 ," "ruler," is rendered by AV "chief," by RV "prince," in Lk 11 15; AV "chie>f Pharisees," RV "rulers of the 1 Pharisee s," in Lk 14 1.

          The 1 original meaning of "chief" having been weakened, the comparative and superlative were admit te d into English, the 1 latte-r onlv appearing in AV or K\\\\ : 1 S 2 29; Cant 5 10; 2 (W 11 5, etc.

          On "chief of Asia" (Acts 19 31 AV) see ASIARCH.

          F. K. FA Kit

          CHIEF FRIENDS, GOOD, MEN. See 1 Fun.xns, CHIEF; (loon, CIIIKF; CIIIKK.

          CHIEF MUSICIAN, mu-zish an. Se e ASAPH.

          CHIEF SEATS, chef se~ts (irpcoTOKaOeSpia, pro- tokathedria) . It was one of the repmae hes urged by Our Lord against the scribe s and Pharisee s that they loved the chief se-ats in the 1 synagogue s (Mt 23 6; Mk 12 39; Lk 11 43; 20 46,). These we re special seats set in front of the ark cemtaining the Scripture s and of the ivader s platform, and facing tlie congregation. They were 1 specially reserved for those who were he ld in the highest honor in the con gregation. TheTe were seventy-one such seats in the 1 great synagogue of Alexandria, which we re 1 oe-e-upie-d bv the nicmbe-rs of the givat Council in that city (see SYN.\\\\(;oe;rE).


          CHILD, child, CHILDREN, chil drcn ( ]3 , ben, "son," ~b^ , yclcdh, "child", "1>? , na ar, "lad"; TeKvov, teknon, ircu8iov, /xiidioti): The Hebrews re gareled the presene-e of chilelren in the 1 family as a mark of Divine 1 favor and greatly te> be desired (Cm 15 2; 30 1 ; 1 S 1 11.20; Ps 127 3; Lk 1 7.2S). The 1 birth of a male 1 child was e sp. a cause for reje)icing (Ps 128 3, lleb); more 1 men, more de- fende rs for the tribe 1 . If there 1 we re 1 no sems born to a household, that family or branch bee-ame lost. If the wife proveel childle ss, other wife 1 or wives might be added to the family (Gen 16 f). Further, each Je-wisli mother, at le ast in later times, hoped that her sem might prove to be 1 the- Messiah. The custenn of Levirale marriage 1 , which was not limiteel te> the Ih b people 1 , rest eel on the principle that if a man elie-d childless his brother should marry his wielow, the chilelren of such union being considereel as belonging to the 1 brother whose name and line were 1 thus preserved from extinction (Dt 25 5; Cen 38 26; Mt 22 24).

          Chilelren were sometimes dedicateel to f!e>el, even bet env their birth (1 S 1 11). Name s often were significant: Moses (Ex 2 10); Samuel (1 S 1 20); Ichabod (4 21; cf Gen 30) (se e 1 PKOPKR NAMES). The firstborn son belonged to Cod (Nu 3 44 ff). The ceremony of redeeming the; firstborn occurred on the- thirtieth day. Frienels of the family were invitee! to a feast, the rabbi also being present. The e hild was placed in the 1 hands of the priest. The father carried some gold or silver in a cup or vessel. The priest asked the mother whether this was her firstborn, and, on being answered in the affirmative, claimed the child as Jehovah s. The father offered the redemption money, which was acce-pted in exchange for the chile! (cf 1 Pet 1 18). Sec FIRSTBORN. Other stages in the life of the e hilel were celebrated with fitting ceremonies. In




          the fourth ye:ir, in Pal, on the second day of the Passover occurred the ceremony of the first cutting of the boy s hair, the friends sharing the privilege. Sometimes, as in the case of the wealthy, the weight of the child in currency was given as a donation to the poor. In common with the custom of other eastern peoples, male children were circumcised (Gen 17 12), the rite being performed on the eighth day.

          Early education was cared for in the home, the children growing up more or less with the mother (Prov 6 20; 31 1; 2 Tim 1 5; 3 14.15), and the girl continuing with her mother until her mar riage. In wealthier families tutors were employed (1 Ch 27 32). Schools for children are first, men tioned by Jos (Ant, XV, x, 5). According to the Talm the first school for children was established about 100 BC, but in the time of Jesus such schools were common. Children were taught to read and to write even in families of moderate means, these arts being widely diffused as early as GOO BC, if not earlier (Isa 8 1; 10 19). Great stress was laid on the Torah, i.e. the law of Moses. Boys were trained also in farming, the tending of cattle, and in the trades. The religious training of the boy began in his fourth year, as soon as he could speak distinctly. The religious life of the girl also began early. In later times at least children took part in the Sabbath and Passover festivals and boys attended synagogue and school regularly.

          Children were subject to the father (Neh 5 5 marks the extreme], who in turn was bound to protect them, though he himself had the power of life and death (Lev 18 21; 20 2 ff). Respect for and obedience to parents were stoutly upheld by public opinion (Ex 20 12; Dt 5 10; cf Prov 6 20; Mic 7 0; Dt 21 18 21; Ex 21 15).

          Both the OT and NT afford abundant evidence of the strength of the bond that bound the Heb family together (Gen 21 10; 2 S 18 33; 1 K 3 2:j Iff 2 K 4 19; Isa 8 4; Job 29 5; Mt 19 13; 20 20; Mk 9 24; Lk 2 4S; Jn 4 47; He 2 13; 11 23). The gift of a son from Jeh was the height of joy; the loss of a child marked the depth of woe. A hint occurs in the custom of naming a man as the father of his firstborn son (HDli, I, 3S2), or even the use of the father s name as a surname (Bar-jonah, Bartimaeus) and such continues in Syria at the present, day. This idea is further instanced in the use, in both OT and NT, of the terms to express the relation between God and men (Ex 4 22; Dt 14 1 ; 32 0; Jer 3 4; Zee 12 10; Mai 1 0). See also FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS; SONS.

          LITERATURE. Benzinger, Hebraische Archflologie, 2d ed, 1907, 112-23; for rabbinical lore, Frit ilenberg in Jew Enc, IV, 27 f.

          \\\\V. N. STKAHXS

          Figurative: Child is the EV rendering of the Gr T^KVOV, leknon. , The corresponding Heb words ("3, ben, and "I.^? , yclcdli, are usually tr ci "son," but they have practically the same significance in the fig. use of the term. Child is used fig. to describe:

          (1) An affectionate greeting. Jesus addressed the sick of the palsy as "child" (Mk 2 5 RVm).

          (2) The disciples, or followers, of a teacher. Jesus addressed His disciples as children (Mk 10 24). Paul referred to Timothy as his child (1 Tim 1 2), and also to Onesimus (Philem ver 10). John also designated the disciples to whom he was writing as his children (2 Jn ver 4). The same use of "children" or "sons" is common in the OT (see 1 K 20 35; 2 K 2 3.5.7; 4 38). As_a term of special endearment, disciples are sometimes called "little children" (reKvta, tcknia). Jesus thus ad dressed His disciples when He was speaking about His departure (Jn 13 33). Paul thus addressed

          the Galatians (Gal 4 19), and that was a favorite expression with John (see 1 Jn 2 1 ; 44; 5 21). A term that was even more endearing was paidia, which means "little ones" or "babes." Jesus used this term once in addressing His disciples after His resurrection (Jn 21 5), and John also used this term occasionally in saluting those to whom he was writing (1 Jn 2 IS).

          (3) Those who belong to God. Children of God is a common expression in both the OT and the XT. It is based on the relation between parents and children, and in general describes God s affection for His own, and their dependence upon Him, and moral likeness to Him. The term is sometimes used of those who are disloyal to God, and they are designated as "rebellious children" (see Lsa 30 1). See CHILDREN OK (ion.

          (4) Those who belong to the devil. Those who are like the devil in thought and action are desig nated as "children of the devil" (1 Jn 3 10).

          (5) One s relation to something to which he belongs, or by which he is dominated in his affection for it. Thus we have (<i) the children of a city or country (see Jer 2 10; Mt 23 37), and this des ignates those who belong to that particular city or country; (t>) children of wisdom (Mt 11 19 AV; Lk 7 35), and these are the ones whose lives are dominated by wisdom. WH adopted enjoti for tcknon in Mt 11 19, but this seems to be without any good reason; (r) children of obedience (1 Pet

          1 14), and these are the ones who are eager to obey; (d) children of light (Eph 5 8), and this designates those whose souls are illumined by the light.

          (0) Those who are liable to some particular fate. Thus we have (a) children of cursing, or those who are exposed to cursing (2 Pet 2 14), and (/>) children of wrath or those who are exposed to wrath (Eph 2 3).

          (7) Moral likeness or spiritual kinship (Gal 3 7 AV; cf Jn 8 39; "the children of Abraham"). See sees. (3), (4). A. W. Foim \\\\K

          CHILD-BEARING, child bar-ing: Only in 1 Tim

          2 15: "She shall be saved through her fm "the"] chilli-bearing (Sict. rfjs reKvo-yovias, din Its t< 7,- nogonitix). The reference is to the calling of woman as wife and mother, as her ordinary lot in life, and to the anxieties, pains and perils of maternity, as the culmination and representation of the penalties woman has incurred because of the Fall (Gen 3 10). "She shall be saved by keeping faithfully and simply to her allotted sphere as wife and mother" (Duni- melow). The preposition did is not used here instrument ally, as though child-bearing were a means of her salvation, but locally, as in 1 Cor 3 15, "saved so as through fire," where life is saved by rushing through the flames. The explanation by reference to the incarnation, with an appeal to Gal 4 4, favored by Ellicott and others, seems very mechanical. H. E. JACOBS

          CHILDHOOD, child hood, GOSPELS OF THE.


          CHILDREN OF EDEN, e d n (-p? ^3, b>ne ^cdhcn): In 2 K 19 12; Isa 37 12 "t lie children of Eden that were in Telassar" are mentioned in con nection with "Gozan, and Haran, and Rezeph" as having been destroyed by the Assyrians who were before the time of Sennacherib. The expression, "the c. of E. that were in T.," undoubtedly referred to a tribe which inhabited a region of which Telas sar was the center. Telassar means "the hill of Asshur" and, according to Schrader, it was a name that might have been given to any place where a temple had been built to Asshur. Inasmuch as



          Gozan, and llaran, and Re/eph were in Mesopo tamia it would seem probable thai "I lie c. of I 1 ], that were in T." belonged to the same locality. The "c. of 10." is <iuite probably to be identified with the hit *Ailin/. of the inscriptions and this referred to a district on the middle Euphrates. According to the inscriptions Gozan, Haran, Re/.eph, and Bit Adini were destroyed by Sen nacherib s forefathers, and this is in accord with the account in 2 K and Isa.

          The "Kden" of K/k 27 2:} is usually taken as the name of a place in .Mesopotamia with which Tyre had commercial relat ions, and probably belongs to the region of "the e. of K.," discussed above.

          Some writers think the "Bet h-eileii" of Am 1 5 RVm [ARV "Aven"] is to be identified with the Bit *Aili/ii of the inscriptions and hence with "the c. of E.," but. this is doubtful. This was perhaps in Syria in the neighborhood of Damascus.

          A. "\\\\V. FORTUNE

          CHILDREN OF GOD:

          Introduction: Meaning of Terms I. OT TI:ACHIN<I

          1. Mythological Survivals

          2. Created Sonsliip

          ;?. [srael s Collective Covenant Sonship

          4. Individual and Personal Itekition

          5. I liiversiilixing the Idea II. NT TEACHING

          1. Physical and Limited Sonship Disappears

          2. As Keli^ious Kxperience. or l s\\\\ chological Fact (li Filial Consciousness of Jesus

          (2) Communicated to M en :?. As Moral Condition, or Kthical Fact

          4. A.S State of Being, or Ontological Fact (I i Fssence of Christ s Sonship

          (2) And of Men s

          5. As Relation to < lod. or Theological Fact ( 1 ) Fterna I ( eneral ion

          (2) The Work of (irace

          Children (Sons and Daughters) of God ( n Z5 and ain SS! ti:2 , ///(rand b /inth c/<lhli, lit. "sons

          and daughters of (!od"; rtKva. 9toi>, Meaning tekna UH-OI I, and vto( Oeov, futi/il of Terms tlu oii): wo AV; but RV translates the

          latter (!r |)hrase more accurately "sons of God." Tcknn contains the idea of origin or descent, but, also that of personal relation, and is often used metaphorically of "that intimate and reciprocal relationship formed between men by the bonds of love, friendship, trust, just as between parents and children" ((irimm-Thayer). lluini, too, conveys the ideas of origin, and of personal relation, but the latter in the fuller form in which it appears in mature age. "The difference between huios and teknon appears to be that whereas liknon denotes the natural relationship of child to parent. In i i ox implies in addition to this the recognized status and legal privileges reserved for sons" (Sanday and Ileadlam, on Rom 8 11). This difference obtains, however, only in a very general sense.

          The above phrases denote the relation in which men are conceived to stand to God, either as de riving their being from Him and depending upon Him, or as standing in that personal relation of intimate trust and love toward Him which consti tutes the psychological fact of sonship. The exact significance of the expression depends upon the conception of God, and particularly of His Father hood, to which it corresponds. It therefore attains to its full significance only in the NT, and its mean ing in the OT differs considerably, even though it marks stages of development up to the XT idea.

          /. OT Teaching. The most primitive form of the idea appears in Gen 6 1-4, where the sons of

          God by marrying the fair daughters of 1. Mytho- men become the fathers of the giants, logical These were a subordinate order of

          Survivals Divine beings or demi-gods, and the

          title here may mean no more, although it was probably a survival of an earlier idea of the

          actual descent of these; gods from a higher God. The idea of a heavenly court where the sons of < lod come to present, themselves before Jeh is found in quite late lit. (.Job 10; 21; 38 7; Ps 29 1; 89 (i). In all these cases the phrase implies a certain kinship with God and dependence upon Him on the part of the Divine society around Him. But there is no evidence to show whether the idea of descent of gods from God survived to any extent, nor is there any indication of a very close personal relationship. Satan is unsympathetic, if not hostile. In one obviously polytheistic reference, the term implies a similarity of appearance (Dnl 3 25). In a secondary sense the t itles "gods," and sons of the Most High" are given to magistrates, as exercising God s authority (Ps 82 G).

          The idea of creation has taken the place of that of

          procreation in the OT, but without, losing the sense

          of sonship. "Saith Jeh, the Holy One

          2. Created of Israel, and his Maker: Ask me . . . . Sonship concerning my sons, and concerning

          the work of my hands" (Isa 45 11). Israel acknowledges the absolute sovereignty of God as her Father and Maker (Isa 64 S). Israel s Maker is also her Husband, and by inference the Father of her children (Isa 54 5). Since all Israel has one Father, and one God created her, the tribes owe brotherly conduct to one another (Mai 2 10). Jell upbraids His sons and daughters whom He as their Father bought, made and established. "He forsook God who made him, and lightly esteemed

          the Rock of his salvation Of the Rock that

          beiiat thee thou art unmindful, and hast forgotten God that gave thee birth" (I)t 32 ti.1.5. 18 ff). These passages reveal t he t ransit ion from the idea of original creat ion to t hat of making and establishing Israel as a nation. All things might be described as children of God if creation alone brought it to pass, but Is rael stands in a unique relation to God.

          The covenant relation of God with Israel as a

          nation is the chief form in which man s sonship

          and God s fatherhood appear in the

          3. Israel s OT. "Israel is my son, my firstborn" Collective (Kx422); "When Israel was a child, Covenant then I loved him, and called my son Sonship out of Egypt" (Hog 11 1). And to

          be children of God involves the obliga tion to be a holy people (I)t 14 1.2). But Israel has proved unworthy of her status : "I .... have brought ii]) children, and they have rebelled against me" (Isa 1 2.4; 30 I. .)). Yet He will have pity upon them: "for I am a father to Israel, and Kphraim is my firstborn" (Jer 31 9.20). Israel s unworthiness does not abolish the relation on God s side; she can therefore return to Him again and submit to His will (Isa 63 Hi; 64 S); anil His pity exceeds a mother s love (Isa 49 15). The filial relation of Israel to God is summed up and sym bolized in a special way in the Davidic king: "I will be his father, and he shall be my son" (2 S 7 14=1 Ch 17 13; cf 1 Ch 22 10; 28 G; Ps 2 7).

          God s fatherhood to collective Israel necessarily tends to develop into a personal relation of father

          and son between Him and individual

          4. Individ- members of the nation. The children ual and of Israel, whatever their number, shall Personal be called "the sons of the living God" Relation (Hos 1 10). Jeh s marriage relation

          with Israel as a nation made individual Israelites His children (Hos 2 19.20; Jer 3 14.22; cf Isa 50 1; E/,k 16 20.21; 23 37), and God s owner ship of His children, the individual members of the nation, is asserted (cf Ps 127 3). Chastisement and pitv alike God deals forth as Father to His children (Dt 1 31; 8 5; Ps 103 13), and these are intimate personal relations which can only obtain between individuals.



          In another direction the idea of God as the father of Israel tends to be modified by the inclusion of the Gentiles. The word "first -born" (in 5. Univer- Ex 4 22 and Jer 31 9.20) may be salizing the only an emphatic form of expressing Idea sonship, or it may already suggest

          the possibility of the adoption of the Gentiles. If thai idea is not present in words, it is an easy and legitimate inference from several pas sages, that Gentiles would be admitted some day into this among the rest of Israel s privileges (Isa 19 25; 65 1; Zee 14 1C).

          //. NT Teaching. As the doctrine of Divine fatherhood attains its full spiritual and moral sig nificance in the NT, so does the

          1. Physical experience and idea of sonship. All and Limited traces of physical descent have dis- Sonship appeared. Paul s quotation from a Disappears heathen poet : For we are also his off spring" (Acts 17 28), whatever its origi nal significance, is introduced by the apostle for the purpose 1 of enforcing the idea of the spiritual kin ship of God and men. The phrase "Son of God" applied to Christ by the Horn centurion (Mt 27 54; Mk 15 39) may or may not, in his mind, have involved the idea of physical descent, but its utter ance was the effect of an impression of similarity to the gods, produced by the exhibition of power attending His death. The idea of creation is as sumed in the NT, but generally it is not prominent in the idea of sonship. The virgin birth of Jesus, however, may be understood as implying either the creative activity of the Holy Spirit, or the commu nication of a preexist ent Divine being to form a new human personality, but the latter idea also would involve; creative activity in the physical realm (cf Lk 3 3S: "Adam [son] of God 1 ). The limi tations of the OT conception of sonship as national and collective disappear altogether in the NT; God is father of all men, and of every man. In potentiality at least every man and all men are sons of God. The essence of sonship consists in a personal experience and moral likeness which places man in the most intimate union and communion with God.

          (1) The filial consciousness of Jesus. Divine son- ship was first realized and made manifest in the con sciousness of Jesus (Ml 11 27). For

          2. As Re- Him it meant unbroken personal know- ligious ledge of God and communion with I lim. Experience, and the sense of His love for Him and or Psycho- of His satisfaction and delight in Him logical Fact (Mt 3 17; 17 5; Mk 1 11; 97; Lk

          3 22; 9 35). "\\\\Vhetlier the "voice out of the heavens saying, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased" was objective or not. its message always dwelt in the filial consciousness of Jesus. The Father s love; was to Him a source of knowledge and power (Jn 5 20), the reward of llis self-sacrifice (10 17) and the inspiration of His love for men (15 9).

          Sonship meant for Him His Messianic mission (Mt 16 16.17). It involved His dependence on the Father and His obedience to Him (Jn 5 19.30; 8 29), and a resulting confidence in His mission (5 3(>; 10 3(5.37). It filled Him with a sense of dignity, power and glory which the Father gave Him, and would yet give in larger measure (Mt 26 (i3.(>4; 16 27; "jn 17 5).

          (2) Communicated to men. Jesus communicated His own experience of God to men (Jn 14 ?)) 1 hat they also might know the Father s love and dwell in it (Jn 17 2(5). Through Him and through Him alone can they become children of God in fact and in experience (Jn 1 12; 14 (i; Mt 11 27). It is therefore a distinctively Christian experience and always involves a relation of faith in Christ and

          moral harmony with Him. It differs from His experience in one essential fact, at least in most men. It involves an inner change, a change of feeling and motive, of ideal and attitude, that may be compared to a new birth (Jn 3 3). Man must turn and return from disobedience and alienation through repentance to childlike submission (Lk 15 1X-20). It is not the submission of slaves, but the submission of sons, in which they have liberty and confidence before God (Gal 4 6), and a heritage from Him for their possession (Gal 4 6.7; Rom 8 17). It is the liberty of self-realization. As sons they recogni/e their kinship with God, and share his mind and purpose, so that His commands be come their pleasure: "For this is the love of God, that we keep his commandments: and his com mandments are not grievous" (1 Jn 5 3). They have boldness and access to God (Eph 2 IS; 3 12). \\\\Yith this free union of love with God there comes a SCUM of power, of independence of circumstances, of mastery over 1 he world, and of the possession of all things necessary which become the heirs of God (Mt. 6 20.32; 7 11). "For whatsoever is begotten of (Jod overcome) h the world" (1 Jn 5 4). They learn that the whole course and destiny of creation is for the "revealing of the sons of God" (Rom 8 19.21).

          Christ s sonship involved His moral harmony with the Father: "I have kept my Father s com mandments, and abide in his love 1

          3. As Moral (Jn 15 10; 8 53). He accomplished Condition, the work which the Father gave Him or Ethical to do (Jn 17 4; 519), becoming Fact obedient even unto death, yea, the

          death of the cross" (Phil 2 8). And sonship makes the same demand upon men. The peacemakers and those who forgive like God are His children (Mt 5 9,15; Lk 6 35). "For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, these, [and these only) are sons of God" (Horn 8 14). God will be Father to the holy (2 Cor 6 18). The test and mark of the children of God is that they do righteousness and love the brethren (1 Jn 3 10). They are blameless and harmless, without blemish, in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation (Phil 2 15). Therefore their ideal of life is to be "imitators of God" and to walk in love even as Christ did (Eph 51). Sonship grows to its con summation as the life grows in the likeness of Christ, and the final destiny of all sons is to be ever like Him (1 Jn 3 2).

          Sonship is properly and primarily a relation, but it may so dominate and transform the whole of a

          man s life, thought and conduct as to

          4. As State become his essential being, the most of Being, or comprehensive category under which Ontological all that he is may be summed up. Fact (1) Ess<-nre of sons/i i/) in- Christ.

          It is so that the NT comprehends the person of Christ. Everything that He did, He did as God s son, so that He is the Son, always and ever Son. In the beginning, in the bosom of the Father, He is the OXLV !>I-:<;OTTI;\\\\ (q.v.) Son (Jn 1 1.1S). He is born a Son of God (Lk 1 35). He begins life in the things of His Father (Lk 2 49). His whole life is that of the beloved Son (Mt 3 17; 17 5). As Son of God He dies (Mt 26 (53; Lk 22 70; Mt 27 40.43; cf Jn 5 IS) In His resur rection He was declared to be the Son of (Jod with power (Rom 1 4); as Jesus the Son of God He is our great high priest in heaven (He 4 14), and in the glory of His father He will come to judge in the last day (Mt 16 27).

          (2) Men s sonship. Unlike Him, men s moral sonship is neither eternal nor universal. Are they therefore sons in any sense always and every where? All children are heirs of the kingdom of



          God and objects of the Father s care (Lk 18 16; Mt 18 10). But men may turn away from the Father and become unworthy to be called His sons (Lk 15 13.19). They may become children of the devil (1 Jn 3 10; Jn 8 44), and children of wrath (Eph 2 3). Then they lose the actuality, but not the potentiality, of sonship. They have not the experience or character of sons, but they are still moral and rational beings made in the image of God, open to the appeal and influence of His love, and able to "rise and go to their Father." They are objects of God s love (Jn 15 13; Rom 5 S) anil of His gracious search and seeking (Lk 15 4; Jn 11 .52). But they are actual sons only when they are led by the Spirit of God (Rom 8 14); and even so their sonship will only be consummated in the resurrection (Rom 8 23; Lk 20 3(5).

          In the relation of father and son, fatherhood is original and creative. That does not necessarily

          mean priority in time.

          5. As Rela- (1) Eternal generation. Origen s doc- tion to God, trine of the eternal generation of Christ , or Theologi- by which is meant that God and Christ cal Fact always stood in the relation of Father

          and Son to one another, is a just in terpretation of the NT idea that the Son "was in the beginning with God" (pros ton, Tticon). But Jesus was conscious of His dependence upon the Father and that His sonship was derived from Him (Jn 5 19.36). Still more manifest is it that men derive their sonship from God. He made them for Himself, and whatever in human nature qualifies men to become sons of God is the free gift of God. But men in their sin and disobedience could not come to a knowledge of the Father, had He not "sent forth his Son .... that we might receive the adoption of sons" (Gal 4 4.5): "Be hold what manner of love the Father hath bestowed upon us, that we should be called children of God" (1 Jn 3 1); "God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten son" (q.v.) who gave men "the right to become children of God, even to them that believe on his name" (Jn 3 16; 1 12). It is not the children of the flesh but the children of the promise who are children of God (Rom 9 4). The mere act of birth does not constitute men into children of God, but His covenant of free grace must be added. God being essentially Father made men and the universe, sent, His Son and His Spirit, "for the revealing of the sons of God." But they can only know the Father, and realize their sonship when they respond to His manifestation of fatherly love, by faith in God and obedience to Him.

          (2) _ The work of grace. The question whether sonship is natural and universal or conditional upon grace working through faith, does not admit of a categorical answer. The alternatives are not strict antitheses. God does all things as Father. To endow man with rational and moral nature capable of his becoming a son was an act of love and grace, but its whole purpose can be communicated only in response to faith in Christ. But a natural son- ship which is not actual is meaningless. A man s moral condition and his attitude toward God are the most essential elements of his nature, for a man s nature is just the sum total of his thoughts, acts and states. If these are hostile or indifferent to God, there is nothing left that can have the real ity or bear the name of son. For if the word son be used of mere creaturehood and potentiality, that is to give it a meaning entirely different from NT usage. All men by nature are potential sons, because God has made them for sonship and does all things to win them into their heritage. Men may be sons of God in a very imperfect and ele mentary manner. The sharp transitions of Pauline and Johannine theology are rather abstract dis

          tinctions for thought than actual descriptions of spiritual processes. But Paul and John also con template a growth in sonship, "till we all attain unto the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a fullgrown man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ" (Eph 4 13). See SONS OF GOD.

          For lit. and further discussion, see special arts, on ADOPTION; GOD; JESUS CHHIST. T. REES

          CHILDREN OF ISRAEL, iz ra-el (? b r nc yisra el): A very common term in both the <>T and the NT, and it refers to the Israelites as the descendants of a common ancestor, Jacob, whose name was changed to Israel (see Gen 32 24-32). It was customary to designate the mem bers of the various tribes as the children of the one from whom the tribe originated (see Nu 1 20-43; Ezr 2 3-61), and it was natural that the people who boasted of Israel as their ancestor should be designated as his children. The first, reference to the descendants of Jacob is found in the account of the changing of Jacob s name to Israel, and the purpose is to connect them with the experience in Jacob s life which led to the change in his name: "Therefore the children of Israel eat not the sinew of the hip, which is upon the hollow of the thigh, unto this day: because he touched the hollow of Jacob s thigh in the sinew of the hip." At the time when this was written "the c. of I." was a term that was commonly applied to the Israelites. In 2 K 17 34 they are called "the children of Jacob," and this occurs in connection with the account of the changing of Jacob s name to Israel and is intended to connect them closely with their father Jacob, who was favored of God.

          After a time, it is quite likely that the term "c. of I." lost its peculiar significance and was simply one of the popular terms designating the inhabitants of Pal, but at first it was intended to connect these people with their ancestor Jacob whose name was changed to Israel. The Jews of the NT times con nected themselves with Abraham rather than with Jacob (sec 1 Jn 8 39; Rom 9 7; Gal 3 7, T^KVO., tekna, or viol A/Spad^, hiiioi Abraant).

          A. \\\\V. FORTUNE


          CHILDREN OF THE EAST, est (3"f3 ^ ,

          b e tte kedhctn): A term which in a general way desig nated the inhabitants of the country E. of Pal. The Hebrews thought of their own country as occupying the central place, and of the other parts of the world in relation to this. They spoke of the "queen of the south" (Mt 12 42), and of the "king of the south" (Dnl 11 5.6). They spoke of people coming from "the east and the west" and sitting down with the patriarchs (Mt 8 11).

          The term "children of the east" seems to have been applied to the inhabitants of any part of the country E. of Pal. It is stated that Jacob, when he fled from Esau, "came to the land of the children of the east" (Gen 29 1), and the place to which he came w y as Haran in Mesopotamia. In Jer 49 28 the inhabitants of Kedar are called "the children of the east," and in later Jewish lit. Kedar is identi fied with the Arabs (see KEDAR). Job was desig nated as "the greatest of all the children of the east" (Job 1 3), and the land of Uz was mentioned as his home (Job 1 1). While it is impossible abso lutely to locate the land of Uz, it must have been on the edge of the desert which was E. of Pal. The children of the east seem to have been famous for their wisdom. It is said that "Solomon s wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the children of the east" (1 K 4 30), and "Wise-men from the east" came to



          of God

          Jerus seeking the one that was born king of tin- Jews (Mt 21).

          Many of the inhabitants of the east country were regarded as descending from Abraham (see Gen 25 (5), and hence they were related to Israel.

          A. W. FOKTI MO

          CHILEAB, kil G-ab PX~2 , kil dhh; AaXovtd, Dalouid, "restraint of father"): A son of David, born to him at Hebron. His mother was Abigail, whom David married after the death of her hus band Nabal, the Carmelite (2 S 3 3). In the cor responding account (1 Ch 3 1) he is called "Daniel; the meaning of which name ("God is my judge } points to its having been given in order to com memorate God s judgment upon Nabal (1 S 25 39; cf (Jen 300). Some suppose that he bore both names, but the LXX reading here Dalouia (1 Ch Dutnnitl), and the identity of the last three letters of the Heb word "Chileab" with the first, three of the following word, seems to indicate that the text of Samuel is corrupt. HORACE J. WOLF

          CHILION,kil i-on ("i 1 " , kili/on, "pining." "wast ing away"): One of the two sons of Elimelech and Naomi, ""Mahlon and Chilion, Ephrathites of Beth- lehem-judah" (Ruth 1 2). With his mother and brother he came into Moab and there both married Moabitish women, Orpah being the name of Chili an s wife and Ruth that of the wife of Mahlon (4 9. 10). Both died early and Orpah remained in Moab while Ruth accompanied Naomi back to Bethlehem. When Boaz married Ruth he "bought all that was Elimelech s, and all that was Chilian s, and Mahlon s, of the hand of Naomi" (4 9). \\\\\\\\ T . L. WALKER

          CHILMAD, kil mad ("I 1 ? "?, kilmadh; XapjAav, Charindn): A city or district mentioned after Sheba and Asshur as supplying merchandise to Tyre (Ezk 27 23). By changing -in into w (common^ in \\\\s<vr-Bab) this has been compared with Kal- waJlia near Bagdad (G. Smith, TSliA, 1,01; De- litzsch, Parodies, 200), but the identification seems improbable. Though regarded as the name of a country in the LXX and the Vulg (Charman; Chelmad}, there is some doubt whether this view of the word is correct. The Tg substitutes Madhai, "Media," and on this account, Mez (Stadt tlamnt, 24) amends to Kol Madhai, "all Media." Tin- absence of the copula "and" has caused others to further modify the vocalization, and by reading k e liinimi<lh instead of Chilmad, the sense "Asshur was as the apprentice of thy trading" (Kimhi, Hitzig. Cornilli is obtained, but is not satisfactory. Probably both text and tr are susceptible of im provement. T. G. PlXCHES

          CHIMHAM, kim ham (3ni33 , kimham [2 S 19 37.38] or "ni22 , kimhan [2 S 19 40] or DnTOS, k mdhem [Jer 41 17 Kt.] ; this reading, however, may probal)ly be safely ignored): One of the sons of Barzillai the Gileadite, who supported David while the latter was in exile in Mahanaim (2 S 19 37). After the death of Absalom, Barzillai was invited to spend the remainder of his life with the king; but he refused, and sent his son Chimham in his stead. From the mention of "the habitation of Chimham, which is by Beth-lehem" (Jer 41 17 AV), it has been inferred that Chimham received a grant of land from David s patrimony at Bethlehem, which retained his name for at least four cents. It has been suggested that his name was probably Ahinoam (E^nS , ahlnd am}.

          HORACE J. WOLK

          CHIMNEY, chim ni. See HOUSE.

          CHINNERETH, kin e-reth (rn|? , kinnerdh [Dt 3 17; Josh 19 35, etc]) or CHINNEROTH,

          kin C-roth (nl"i:? , kindroth; B, K^veptO, Kerur&h, A, XtvepoO, Chenerdth [Josh 11 2]): Taking the order in which the towns are mentioned, this city seems to have lain N. of Rakkath (? Tiberias). It may have occupied the site of el-Mejdel, at the S.W. corner of the plain of Gennesaret ,. From this city the sea took its OT name (Nu 34 11, etc).

          CHIOS, ke os, ki os (Xios, Chios}: An island belonging to Turkey in the Aegaean Sea, S. of Lesbos, and very near the mainland of Asia Minor. St. Paul s vessel passed it on his last, voyage to Jerus (Acts 20 15). The channel here is very picturesque. From St. Luke s expression, _ "we came the following day over against Chios," it has been conjectured that, they were becalmed; more probably it simply means that, because of the dark moon, they lay at anchor for the night on the Asian coast opposite the island (IIDB, s.v.). Herod, when on his way to Agrippa at the Bosphorus, "continued many days at Chios" and conferred many royal benefactions upon the inhabitants (Jos, Ant, XVI, ii, 2).

          The soil is sterile (though well cultivated), the climate mild. Earthquakes are frequent. In the mountains (highest 4,000 ft.) beautiful blue marble with white veins, and excellent, potter s clay, were quarried in antiquity. In modern times large quantities of ochre are mined. The chief industry is the culture of the silkworm, the cocoons being sent to Lvons. Oranges, lemons, almonds, brandy, anise, mastich and leather are also exported. The inhabitants, who are almost entirely Greeks, num ber about 00,000. The capital, Castro, has a population of 1 5,000. The place where Homer is said to have collected his pupils around him is still pointed out to the traveler at the foot, of Mt. Epos, near the coast. It is in reality (probably) a very old sanctuary of Cybele, the Mother of the Gods. The tragic poet ton, the historian Theo- pompus and the sophist Theocritus were natives of Chios. The Chians were especially famous for their skill in telling stories, and for their levity. A familiar proverb says that "it is easier to find a green horse t han a sober-minded Sciot" (Conybeare and Howson, XX, 549).

          The oldest inhabitants of the island were Leleges, Cretans and Carians, who were conquered by the lonians. The latter made Chios one of the most flourishing states in Ionia. When the Persians overran Asia Minor and oppressed the Gr colonies, the Chians showed a Pan-Hellenic spirit. They sur rendered, however, to Cyrus in 540 BC. Never theless, 40 years later they joined in the rebellion of Aristagoras against the Persians. In the naval engagement off the island Lade they fought with 100 ships and displayed great bravery. Again they fell into the power of Persia; but after the battle of Mycale (479) the Chians joined the Athenian confederacy. In 412 they sided with the Peloponnesians, in the 19th year of the war which Athens had been waging against Sparta and her allies. For this act, of treason the Athenians dev astated the island. At the end of the war the Chians revolted from Sparta and, after the battle of Naxos (376), became an ally of Athens once more. Oppressed now by Athens, as she had been by Sparta, Chios made an alliance with Thebes in 303 and defended herself successfully against the Athenian general, Chares; and in 355 Athens was forced to recognize the island s independence. Later the Chians became friends of the Romans and in the war with Mithridates were obliged to surrender their ships to the Pontic king and in addition pay him 2,000 talents.

          In 1307 AD Turkish pirates subjugated and laid waste the island. Tim Turks themselves became mas-

          no r o P se. Chosen



          tors of Chios in ir><;<;. In the war of the Or revolution tin- Chians joined tin- Crooks (1<YI>. 1S21) but were over powered by (ho Turks. The I aslm doc-reed that the island should he tiUerly devastated; 2:5.000 Chians were, massacred and -I /.(MM) sold into slaverv. Only 5000 escaped. A second attempt to regain their freedom was made in INL 7. but met with failure. When the kingdom of Oroeec was established two years later, Chios was not included. On April :>,, ISM, (he island was visited |>\\\\- ii lerribie earthquake, the city of Castro being almost entirely destroyed.

          LITERATURE. Conybcare and Ilowson, The Lift <m<l Einxth-s of St. Paul; \\\\\\\\.AI. Kamsay. St. Paulthi Travel ler; O. II. Gilbert, The Student s Life of l>,,ul (chiefly concerned with the chronology and order of events in Paul s lifei; Eckonbrecher, /;/, ///-,/ Chios (1845) Pauli, id un the Mitteilungen d*r (.h;,,jr. Gcnellschaft in Hamburg, 1S.SO--M i.

          J. E. HARKY

          CHIRP, cherp (CBS, fuphaph): "Chirp" occurs in the A VIM and RVm of Isa 29 4, "Thy voice shall ho as of one that hath a familiar spirit, out of the ground, and thy speech shall whisper [in, "chirp"] out of the dust." The reference is to "the .sounds made by wizards and ventriloquists, who imitated the chirping of the bats which was supposed to proceed from the lower world"; hence for "peep" of AV in Is: i 8 1 .) we have "chirp" "wizards, that chirp and that mutter."

          Figurative: We have also in Isa 10 14 RV, in a fig. allusion to young birds, "chirped" instead of "peeped." See CHATTER. W. L. WALKKK

          CHISLEU, kis lu, CHISLEV, kis lev. See Kis-


          CHISLON, kis lon, ki/ loii ( V5C3 , kixldn, "strength ^: A prince of Benjamin, the father of Elidad (Xu 34 21).

          CHISLOTH-TABOR, kis-loth-ta bor, kiz loth-. 8ee CHKSULLOTH.

          CHITLISH, kit lish (TZJibn?, kithllsh, "separa tion"; AV Kithlish, 10 HV "Chithlish," kith lish): An unidentified town named with Lahnian and Gedcroth in the Shephelah of Judah (Josh 15 40).

          CHITTIM, kit im. See KITTIM.

          CHIUN, kl un: Thus Hob 1^3, kJymt, is trans literated hi Am 6 20 AV. The vowels represent an assimilation to some 1 such word as slti/ckilt;, "detestable thing," or {/ill ill, "idol" (properly "a filthy thing";, in consonance with the well-known habit of the punctuators (cf !fbi2 , mule/://, Molech with the vowels of bdxlicth,, PIT 2 , "shame"). The Syr VS has preserved the correct vocalization; apparently also the Sept, albeit the consonants have suffered corruption (so particularly in the Gi ft I SS of Acts 7 43). There can be no doubt that we should vocalize "T2 , /curan = the Assyr Kai(a)- wanu = Kaiamanu by which at least in late Bab Saturn was indicated. The passage in Amos refers to the Saturn worship which appears to have been in vogue in 1 he prophet s days. The Israelites shall carry with them into exile the images of their gods (render with the in of RV: "Yea, ye shall take up," The received vocalization is as old as Aquila and Symmachus. MAX L. MARGOLIS

          CHIUN, kl un (AIM 5 2(5 AV) : Called in Acts Rophan" ( Pefx<j)dv, Jihcmpfidn), the planet Saturn. See ASTROLOGY.

          CHLOE, klo e (XXoi], Clilor, " a tender shoot"): A woman, presumably a Christian, mentioned only Cor 1 11. She was a resident either (if Corinth or of Ephesus. Paul had been informed by some of her household, probably Christian slaves, of the dissensions in the church at Corinth. Nothing more is known of her.

          CHOBA, kd ba, CHOBAI, ko ba-I (X|3A, Chobd Jth 4 I; Xtopat, C/tdbnl, 15 4 f ) : A place named along with Jericho, Aesora, and the valley of Salem (Jth 4 4; 15 4f). Roland s (Pal, 721) suggestion ol Uioabis, which the Peutinger Tables give as 12 Rom miles from Scythopolis, seems probable. It may be identical with el-Mekhubby, about 11 miles from Beisan (Scythopolis), and 3 miles from Tubax.

          CHOENIX, ke niks (xotvi, choinix): A Gr dry measure, almost equal to one quart. Mentioned in the XT only in Rev 6 6, where RVm would read choenix instead of the indefinite tr "measure." The ver is then obviously a threat of famine.

          CHOICE, chois. See CHOOSE; WILL.

          CHOKE, chok (irvtyw, ptni/d, and its compounds): Is used in its primary sense of "to strangle," or "to suffocate," in describing the fate of the swine (Lk 8 33 AV). The RV has "drowned," but "choked" is the correct rendering of the Gr word.

          Figurative: I) is used in the sense of "to strangle" "smother," "suffocate," as if by depriving of breath, in describing the fate of the young grain growing in the midst of thorns (ftlt 13 7). The fig. is carried a little farther still in describing the w;iy the word, planted in the heart, is overcome by the care of the world, and the deceit fulness of riches (M1 13 22). A. W. FORTUNE

          CHOLA, kd la (X\\\\<i, Clnlld; AV Cola): This

          names occurs only with that of Chobai (see CHOUA) in Jth 15 4. It may be identical with the modern Ka un, between el-Mekhubby and Beisan.

          CHOLER, kol er: Lit . "bile," is used in the sense of a disease (xo\\\\tpa, cholera) (Sir 31 20; 37 30), and in the sense of bitter anger ("Vta , mflror) (Dnl 8 7; 11 11 EV, ARV "anger").

          u CHOOSE, choT.z, CHOSEN, cho z n OH3 , bnhrir,

          ?, />at>/i<il, X"13, hdra, rO3 , barah; K\\\\e -yu>, r/o-

          I. IN TIIK <)T

          1 . 11 urnan < hoieo

          2. Cod Chooses Kin^ of Israel

          . 5. Cod Chooses Jerusalem

          4. Election of Israel

          5. Jehovah s ( irace

          (1) An Act of Sovereignty

          C2) For .Mankind s Sake II. IN THE NT

          1. Various Meanings

          2. ( )f ( iod s l- ree ( .race

          :5. ritimate Antinomies

          4. Election Corresponds to Experience

          The words denote an act of comparison of two or more objects or persons, the preference and selection of one, or of a few out of a larger number for a certain purpose, function, position or privilege.

          /. In the OT. For bahar and its derivatives:

          men choosing wives (Gen 6 2); Lot choosing the

          cities of the Plain (Gen 13 11); often

          1. Human of kings and generals choosing soldiers Choice for their prowess (e.g. Ex 17 9; Josh

          8 3; 1 S 13 2; 2 S 10 9; 17 1). The word bahar is often used for "young men," as being choice, in the prime of manhood. The most im portant uses of bahar are these: of Israel choosing a king (1 S 8 IS; 12 13); of moral and religious choice: choosing Jeh as God (Josh 24 15.22), or

          other gods (Jgs 5 S; 10 14); the way

          2. God of truth (Ps 119 30); to refuse the evil Chooses and choose the good (Isa 7 15.16); cf King of David s choice of evils (2 S 24 12). A Israel leading idea is that of God choosing

          Moses as leader (Nu 16 5.7; 17 5); the Levites to the priesthood (1 S 2 28; 2 Ch 29 11); Saul as king (1 S 10 24), David (2 S 6 21; 1 K




          Choose, Chosen

          11 34), Solomon (1 Ch 28 5). All this follows from the theocratic- idea that God rules personally over Israel as His chosen people. A more important, but still .subsidiary, idea is that of Jeh choosing Jerus as the place of His habitation and worship (Dt 12 5; and 20 other times, Josh 9 27; 1 K 8 44.48; Ps 132 i:j; Zee 1 17; 2 12; 3

          3. God 2). This was the ruling idea of Josiah s Chooses reformation which was instrumental in Jerusalem putting down polytheistic ideas and

          idolatrous practices in Israel, and was therefore an important factor in the development of Heb monotheism; but it was an idea that Heb monotheism had to transcend and reject to attain its full growth. "The hour comet h, when neither in this mountain, nor in Jerusalem, shall ye worship the Father" (.Jn 4 21).

          But the fundamental idea of choosing, which

          governs all others in the OT, is that of God choosing

          Israel to be His peculiar people, lie

          4. Election cho>e Abraham, and made a covenant of Israel with him, to give him the land of

          Canaan i\\\\eh 9 7ff): "For thou art a holy people unto Jeh thy God: .Jeh thy God hath chosen t hee to be a people for his own possession, above all peoples that are upon the face of the earth . . . . because Jeh loveth you, and because he would keep the oath which he sware unto your fathers" (Dt 7 6-8). Historically this idea originated in the old conception of .Jeh as the tribal God of Israel, bound to her by natural and indissoluble ties (see GOD). But as their conception of , Jeh became more moral, and the idea of ilis riuht eon-ness predomi nated, it was ivcognized that there was no natural and necessary relai ion and harmony between Israel and Jeh thai accounted for lli<- favor of a righteous God toward her, for Israel was no better than her neighbors (Am 1, 2). Why then was Jeh Israel s God, and Israel His people? It was by an act of free

          choice and sovereign grace on God s

          5. Jeho- part. "You only have I known of all van s the families oft lie earth" (Am 3 2). In Grace Hos the relation is described under the

          figure of a marriage tie, Jeh is Israel s husband: and to realize the force of the figure, it is necessary to recall what ancient and oriental mar riage customs were. Choice and favor were almost entirely made by the husband. The idea of the covenant which Jeh out of Ilis free grace made with Israel comes to the fore-front in Dt and Jer. Because lie loved her, and for no other reason, lie has chosen Israel to be Ilis peculiar people-. In Isa 40-66 the idea is carried farther in t wo directions: (1) Jeh s gracious choice of Israel rests ultimately on His absolute sovereignty: "O .Jacob my serv ant, and Israel, whom 1 have cJiosen: thus saith Jeh that made- tliee, and formed thee from the; womb" (44 1.2; cf Isa 29 1(5; Jer 18 6; Isa 64 Sj. For Israel s deliverance Cyrus and his world- empire are- in Jell s hands as clay in the potter s hands (Isa 45 9.10). (2) "Israel is elect for the sake of mankind." ThU is the moral interpretation of a choice that otherwise appears arbitrary and irrational. Clod s purpose- and call of salvation are unto all mankind. "Look unto me, and be ye saved, all the ends of the- earth; for I am Goel, and there is none else-" (Isa 45 22). Anel Israel is His servant, chosen, the messenger He sends, "to bring forth justice to the Gentiles" (Isa 42 1.19; 43 10.12). The- idea is further developed in the conception of the SKKVAXT OF Jion (q.v.) as the faith ful few (or one) formed "from the womb to be his servant, to bring Jacob again to him," "for a light to the Gentiles," Cod s "salvation unto the end of the- earth" (Isa 49 1-0; 52 1353 12) (cf Isaiah s doctrine of the Remnant: She-arjashub; also, the righteous, the ge>dly, the meek, in Pss; and see

          Skinner, Isaiah, II, xxxff). As the conception of personality and of individual relation and respon sibility to God developed from Ezk onward, together with the resulting doctrine of personal immortality, the conditions were prepared for the application of the idea of election to individuals (cf Ps 65 4).

          Coordinate with the idea of God choosing Israel runs the complementary idea that Israel should prove faithful to the covenant, and worthy of the choice. God has chosen her, not for any merit in her, but of His free grace, and according to His purpose of salvation, but if Israel fails to respond by faithful conduct, fitting her to be His servant and messen ger, He- may and will cast her off, or such portion of her as proves unworthy. Sec Oehler, OT Ttuol., 1, 256 ff, 2S7 f.

          Three other Heb words expressing choice in minor matters are: kdbhal, for David s choice of evils (1 Ch 21 11); bara , to mark out a place (Ezk 21 19), to select singers and porters for the! temple (1 Ch 9 22; 16 41); hdrdli, to choose a man to represent Israel against Goliath (1 S 17 8).

          //. In the NT. The- whole conception of God,

          of His relation to Israel, and of Ilis action in history

          indicated above , const it ut e-d the reli-

          1. Various giems heritage of Jesus Christ and His Meanings disciples. The national conciousness

          had to a considerable- extent given place to that of the individual; and salvation ex tended beyond the present life into a state of bless- celness in a future world. But the- central ideas remain, and are only modified in the NT in so far as Jesus Christ becomes the Mediator and Agent of God s sovereign grace-. Ekh yo and its derivatives arc- the words that generally express the idea in the NT. They are used (1) of the general idea of selecting one out of many (Lk 14 7); (2) of choos ing men for a particular purpose-, e.g. of the church choosing the seven (Acts 6 5); of the choice of dele-gates from the Council of Jerus (Acts 15 22. 25; cf 2 Cor 8 19), chciro ton <!; choose by vote (RV "appoint") (cf Acts 10 41), procheirotoneo; (3) of moral choice (Mk 13 20): "Mary hath chosen the good part" (Lk 10 42); (4) of Christ as the chosen Messiah of God (Lk 23 35; 1 Pe t 2 4 AV); (5) of Christ choosing His apostles (Lk 6 13; Jn 6 70; 13 IS; 15 16.19; Acts 1 2.24); Paul (Acts 9 15; cf 22 14 AV), proc.heirizomai; Rufus(Rom 16 13); and Paul chose Silas (Acts 15 40), cpilegd; (6) of God (a) choosing Israel (Acts 13 17; cf Rom 9 11), ih) choosing the- Christian church as the new Israel (1 Pet 2 9 AV), (f) choosing the members of the church from among the- poor (.las 2 5), the- foolish, weak and despised (1 Cor 1 27-28), (d) choosing into His favor and salvation a few out of inanv: "Many are called, but few are chosen" (Mt 20 16 [omitted in RV] ; 22 14); God shortens the; days of the- de-struction of Jerus "for the elect s sake, whom he chose" (Mk 13 20).

          In Eph 1 4-6 every phrase tells a different phase of the conception: (1) God chose (and fore-

          ordaine-d) the saints in Christ before the

          2. Of God s foundation of the world; (2) according Free Grace to the good pleasure of His will; (3)

          unto adoption as sons through Jesus Christ unto Himself; (4) to be holy and without blemish before Him in love; (5) to the praise of the glory of His grace; (6) which He fre-ely bestowed on them in the Beloved. And in Rev 17 14, the trium phant church in heaven is described as "called and chosen and faithful." God s sovereign choice governs the experience and testing of the saints at every point from beginning to end.

          Thus in the NT as in the OT (1) God s covenant of grace is free and unconditional. It is unto all mem, now as individuals rather than nations, and without distinction of race or class. It is no less


          Christ, Exalt, of



          free and sovereign, because it is :i father s grace.

          (2) Israel is still a chosen race for a special purpose.

          (3) The church and the saints that constitute it are chosen to the full experience and privileges of son- ship. (4) Cod s purpose of grace is fully revealed and realized through Jesus Christ.

          This doctrine raises certain theological and

          metaphysical difficulties that have never yet been

          satisfactorily solved. (1) How can

          3. Ultimate (!od be free if all His acts are prc- Antinomies ordained from eternity? This is an

          antinomy which indeed lies at the root of all personality. It is of the essence of the idea of personality that a person should freely determine himself and yet act in conformity with his own character. Every person in practice and experience solves this antinomy continually, though he may have no intellectual category that can coordinate these two apparently contradictory prin ciples in all personality. (2) How can Cod be just, if a few are chosen and many are left? And (3) How can man be free if his moral character proceeds out of Cod s sovereign grace? It is certain that if God chose all or left all lie would be neither just nor gracious, nor would man have any vestige of freedom. The doctrine describes accurately (a) the moral fact, that some accept salvation and

          others reject it; (h) the religious fact

          4. Election that (lod s sovereign and uncondi- Corre- tional love is the beginning and cause spends to of salvation. The meeting-point of Experience t he act ion of grace, and of man s libert y

          as a moral and responsible being, it does not define. Nor has the category as yet been dis covered wherewith to construe and coordinate these two facts of religious experience together, although it is a fact known in every Christian experience that where Cod is most sovereign, man is most free. For other passages, and the whole idea in the NT, see ELECTION". T. RKES

          CHOP (Tins, pumx):

          Figurative: This word, meaning "to cut in pieces," "to distribute," often tr 1 "spread," is rendered "chop" in Mic 3 3, they "chop them in pieces, as for the pot," fig. for the destruction of Cod s people through the cruel exactions of their rulers.

          CHORASHAN, kor-ash an, ko-ra shan. See COR-


          CHORAZIN, ko-ra zin (Xopa^v, Chnrnrin, Mt 11 21; Xtopaijiv, Chorazin, Lk 10 13; WII Xo- paijeiv, Chorazein): \\\\ city whose name appears only in the woe pronounced against it by Christ (Mt 11 21; Lk 10 13). Its appearance there, how ever, shows that it must have been a place of some importance, and highly privileged by the ministry of Jesus. It was already deserted in the time of Eusebius, who places it- 2 miles from Capernaum (Ononi, s.v.). We can hardly doubt that it is represented by the extensive ruins of KiTdzch, on the heights to the north of Tell Hunt. It is utterly desolate: a few carved stones being seen among the heaps. There are traces of a Rom road which connected the ancient city with the great highway between north and south which touched the lake shore at Khan Minych. W. EWING

          CHOREE, kor be (Xoppd, Chorbe; AV Corbe): Head of a family which returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 12). The name apparent Iv corresponds to Zaccai in Ezr 2 9 and Xeh 7 14.

          CHOSAMAEUS, kos-a-me us (A, 2i(iwv Xocra- (icuos, Simon Chosamaios; B, Xocrd.(j.aos, Chosdma-

          os): Occurs in 1 Esd 9 32 as the name of one of the sons of Annas. But in the || passage (Ezr 10 31)

          the name is simply Sliimeon, followed by "Benjamin, Malluch, Shemariah," which are omitted in 1 Esd. The LXX of Ezr 10 31 has Ze/j-euv, Scnnon, followed by the three omitted names. The difference may have arisen from a mistake of a copyist, or from the use of an imperfect MS.

          CHOSEN, cho z n. See CHOOSE.

          CHOZEBA, ko-ze ba (5CT2 , kozchha . de ceitful"): Same as ACII/IH and CHKZIH (q.v.j.


          under several title>; also CHRIST, OFFICKS OF.


          CHRIST, THE EXALTATION, egz-ol-ta simn, OF:

          1. TNI: KKSI KHKCTION

          l . Its ( Uoriflcation of < hrist

          2. Resurrection Body Identity, Change, Present

          I, oca lit y

          . >. The Agent of (lie Resurrection II. . \\\\SCK.\\\\SIO\\\\ OK Or it Li i ui) 1. Its Act iiiilii \\\\ 2. (ieneral Doctrine .*<. Lutheran Doctrine

          t. Relation to Doctrine of KxisU iice-l- ortn ">. Necessity 111. KX.M.TATION TO Tin; HniiiT HAND OK GOD

          1 . Its Significance

          2. Its Kssential Necessity IN". Tin: SK.COND An VENT

          1. Reality 2. Judgment

          This term is given to that condition of blessed- ne>s, glory and dominion into which ( )ur Lord entered alter the completion of His earthly career of humiliation and suffering, and which is to be re . .arded as 1 he reward of I lis meritorious obedience, and the issue of His victorious struggle, and at the same time the means of His prosecution and com pletion of His work as Redeemer and Saviour of the world. The classic passage of Scripture, rich in sug gestion, and the source of much controversy in the development of Christian theology, is Phil 2 5-11. The word "exalted of ver 9, vTrepv^ou>, huperup- xoo, occurs only in this place in the NT and, like its Lat representative, is limited to ecclesiastical use. Cf Rom ? 14 9; Eph 1 19-23; 1 Pet 3 21.22.

          Christ s Exaltation includes His Resurrection, Ascension, Session at the right hand of Cod, and Advent as Judge and Consumrnator of the world s redempt ion.

          /. The Resurrection. The historic place and

          validity of this event will be found under other

          heads; our concern is with the event

          1. Its Glori- as it relates to the glorification of Our fication of Lord. (1) It revealed His power Christ over death. (2) It confirms all His

          claims to Divine Sonship. (3) It attests His acceptance and that of His work by God. (1) It crowns t he process of the redemption of the world. (">) It forms the beginning of that new creation which is life (Mental, and over which death can have no power, (li) It is the entrance of the Son of Cod into the power and glory of the New Kingdom, or the restored Kingdom of the Sovereign Ruler of the t ni verse. The following Scriptures among many others may be consult eel: Rev 1 18; Acts 2 24; Rom 1 4; 1 Cor 15 20; Jn 5 25; Rom 4 25; Rom 6 4.5; Col 2 12; Phil 3 10; Rom 6 9.

          An interesting and important, question arises in connection with Christ s exaltation, relating to the

          nature of the body of the risen Lord.

          2. Christ s It was clearly identical with that of Resurrec- His natural life. It was recognized tion Body by the marks which were upon it:

          Lk 24 39.40; Jn 20 24-29. It re ceived food: Lk 24 43 (cf 24 30; Jn 21 12.13;




          Christ, Exalt, of

          Acts 10 41). Nevertheless it was changed. After the resurrection, it was not at once recognized : Jn 20 15; 21 7; Lk 24 31. It appeared under apparently new conditions of relation to material substance: Jn 20 19; Lk 24 3(3. It suddenly became visible, and as suddenly vanished. These facts suggest what reverently may be surmised as to its exalted condition. The apostle s declaration as to the resurrection-body of the redeemed furnishes some hints: 1 Cor 15 35-49; cf Phil 3 21. We may cautiously, from the history of the resurrection and the Pauline doctrine, conclude, that Our Lord still possesses a human body. It is of material substance, with new properties. It occupies space. It was seen by Paul, by Stephen, by the seer of the Apocalypse. It is glorious, incorruptible, spiritual. By whom was the resurrection effected? It is referred by some Scriptures to God. See Ps 16 10

          (cf Acts 2 27.31); and the distinct affir- 3. The mationby Peter (Acts 2 32). Paul de-

          Agent of dares that Christ was "raised .... the Res- through the glory of the Father" (Rom urrection 64). In Eph 1 19. 20, it was the mighty

          power of God which was wrought in Christ "when he raised him from the dead." Else where it is ascribed to Christ Himself. He declared: "Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up" (Jn 2 19). InJn 10 17.18, Our Lord declares: "I lay down my life, that I may take it again. No one taketh it away from me, but I lay it down of myself. I have power to lay it down, and 1 have power to take it again." The; efficient agent is said, according to the generally received reading of Rom 8 2, to have been the Spirit of God, and thus the resurrection is referred to each person of the God head. The doctrine of the Lutheran church refers the act to the human power of the Lord Himself, which by incarnation had been endowed with attri- but es of Deit y. This view consist s wit h t heir t caching of the omnipresence of the body of Jesus (see below on the section "Ascension").

          //. The Ascension of Our Lord. The exalta tion of Christ consisted further in His ascension.

          Some have held that the resurrection

          1. Its and ascension of Jesus ought to be Actuality regarded as aspects of the same event.

          But Mary saw the riwn Lord, though she was forbidden to touch Him, for "I am not, yet ascended unto the Father: but go unto my brethren, and say to them, I ascend," etc (Jn 20 17). This, compared with the invitation to Thomas to touch Him, eight days later, suggests something in the ascension added to that which the resurrection implied, and the general thought of the church has consistently regarded the latter as a further step

          in the exaltation of the Lord. The

          2. General fact of ascension is recorded in Mk Doctrine 16 19, and Lk 24 50.51, and with of the greater detail in Acts 1 9-11. Accord- Church ing to these accounts, the ascension

          was seen by the disciples, and this suggests that heaven is a locality, where are the angels, who are not ubiquitous, and where Christ s disciples will find the place which He declared He was going to prepare for them (Jn 14 2). Heaven is also undoubtedly referred to as a state (Eph 2 0; Phil 3 20), but Christ s body must be in some place, and where He is, there is Heaven.

          This is certainly the doctrine of the church in general, and seems to be consistent with the Scrip tural teaching. But the Lutherans

          3. Lutheran have maintained that the ascension Doctrine of the Lord merely involved a change

          of state in the human nature of Christ. He possessed during His life on earth the Divine attributes of omnipresence, omnipotence and omnis cience, but He voluntarily abstained from their

          exercise. But at His ascension He returned to the full use of these powers. The ascension is Christ s return to immensity. The community of natures gave these Divine qualities to the humanity of Jesus, which Luther declared involved its ubiquity, and that as He was at the right hand of God, and God was everywhere, so Christ in His human person ality was in no specific place but everywhere. This omnipresence is not of the infinite extension of the body of the Lord, but He is present as God is every where present in knowledge and power.

          Another theory of the ascended humanity of the Lord depends upon the conception of the Son of

          God laying aside at incarnation the 4. Theory "existence-form of God," and while of Laying affirming that Christ s body is now in aside the a definite place, it proceeds to hold that Existence- at the ascension the accidental and Form of variable qualities of humanity were God laid aside, and that He dwells in heaven

          as a glorified man. Ebrard says: "He has laid aside forever the exist (Mice form of God, and assumed that of man in perpetuity, in which form by His Spirit, He governs the church and the world. He is thus dynamically present to all His people." This form of doctrine seems to involve as the result of the incarnation of the Son of God His complete and sole humanity, lie is no more than a man. The Logos is no longer God, and as the ascension did not involve the reassumption of the "existence-form of God," Christ in glory is only a glorified man.

          The ascension was necessary, in conformity with the spiritual character of the kingdom which Christ

          founded. Its life is that of faith, 6. Its not sight. A perpetual life of even

          Necessity the resurrected Christ on earth would

          have been wholly inconsistent with the spiritual nature of the new order. The return of Christ to the special presence of God was also part of His high-priestly service (see CHRIST, OFFICES OF) and His corporal absence from His people was the condition of that gift of the Spirit By which salvation was to be secured to each believer and promulgated throughout the world, as declared by Himself (Jn 16 7). Finally, the ascension was that physical departure of the Lord to the place which He was to prepare for His people (Jn 14 2.3). The resurrection was this completion of the objec tive conditions of redemption. The ascension was the initial step in the carrying out of redemptive work in the final salvation of mankind.

          ///. Exaltation Completed at the Right Hand of God. The term "the right hand of God" is

          Scriptural (Acts 7 55.50; Rom 8 34;

          1. Its Eph 1 20; He 1 3; 10 12; 12 2; Significance 1 Pet 3 22) and expresses the final

          step in the Lord s exaltation. Care must be taken in the use of the expression. It is a figure to express the association of Christ with God in glory and power. It must not be employed as by Luther to denote the relation of the body of Christ to space, neither must it be limited to the Divine nature of the Logos reinstated in the con ditions laid aside in incarnation. Christ thus glorified is the God-man, the theanthropic person, Divine and human. This exaltation is based upon the essential glory of the Son of God, who "being

          the brightness of his glory and the

          2. Its Es- express image of his person .... sat sential down on the right hand" (Ho 1 3 AV). Necessity It is the claim which the Lord makes

          for Himself in His prayer (Jn 17 4.5), and is thus specifically declared in Phil 2 6-11: "God highly exalted Him." But in His glory Christ received the power universal and Divine. In Eph 1 20-22 His supreme dignity and power are

          Christ, Exalt, of



          affirmed "far above .... every name," "all things .... under His feel" (of He 2 S; 1 Cor 15 27; 1 Pet 3 22). Christ ;d (he "right hand of God" is the highly suggestive picture of His universal dominion asserted by Himself (Mt 28 IS): "All authority hath been given unto me in heaven and on earth." It is vain to speculate upon (he relation of Christ s nature in this exalted state. \\\\Ye cannot distinguish between the human and Divine. We can only believe in, and trust and submit, to the ( )ne ( ilorilied Person who t hus administers the king dom in perfect harmony with its Divine laws in all the ages, and His own revelation of the will of Clod, as given to man in His own earthly career: pitiful, tender, serving, helping, restoring, saving, trium phant. The exaltation is for His mediatorial and finally saving \\\\\\\\ork. lie is (he Head of His church; Jie is the Lord of angels and men; lie is the Master of (he ages.

          IV. The Second Advent. The exaltation of Christ is to be completed by His coming again at the close of (lie dispensation, to complete His redemptive work and judge; (lie world, and so to establish (he, final Kingdom of Cod. This belief has found a place in all the ecumenical symbols. Theology has ever included it in its eschatology. It is clear that, (he apostles and the early church ex pected t he second coming of the Lord as an immedi ate event, the significance of which, and especially the effect of the nonfulfilmenl ol which expectation, does not fall within UK; province, of this article (o consider. The various theories of the Parousia, the different ideas as to the time and the form of (he second Advent, do not concern its relation to the exaltation of the Lord. Whenever and how ever He may return; whether He is ever coming to (he church and to the world, His visible or His spiritual presence, do not affect, the fact that lie has been exalted to the position of ultimate Lord and final judge of men. We may therefore define this crowning condition of exaltation as:

          (1) An- tulrcnt, real, personal and visible. We must guard against, the extremes of limiting this

          advent, on the one side to a final

          1. Reality particular event, on the other to those

          critical and catastrophic movements in world history which have led to the extension of < .od s kingdom and a virt ual judgment of men. The Lord is ever coming, and also He will return. See Acts 1 11; Lk 17 21; Ml 24 30; 25 31; Lk 19 12; Mt 13 40.11. U): Lk 18 S; Jn 5 2S.29; 6 H).54; 21 22; Acts 3 20; 2 Thess 1 10; He 9 2S; .las 5 S; Jnde ver 14; 1 .In 2 2S; Rev 1 7. The reality and visibility of t lie advent depend upon (he personal and abiding relation of the Lord to the world-redemption. Christianity is not merely a spiritual dynamic drawn from a series of past events. It is the living relation of the complete humanity of (he redeemed to 1 he ( !od man, and must t herefore be consummated in a spiritual and material form. The ultimate of Christianity is no more docetie than was its original. A reverent faith will be satisfied \\\\vi(h the fact of the glory whenever it shall arrive. The form and t hue are unrevealed. Prepa ration and readiness are better than speculation and imaginary description.

          (2) TJie J nilf/iii( i/l is clearly taught by Scripture. Our Lord declares that lie is appointed Judge (Jn 5

          22; 9 39). Paul teaches (hat we must

          2. Judg- "all stand before (he judgment -seat of ment God" (Rom 14 10). Here again there

          is t he suggest ion of the judgment which is ever being made by the Lord in His office as Sovereign and Administrator of the kingdom; but there is also the expectation of a, definite and final act of separation and discernment. What ever may be the form of this judgment (and here again a wise

          and reverent silence as to the unrevealed is a be coming attitude for the believer), we arc sure that He who will make it, is the glorified Word incarnate, and it will be the judgment of a wisdom and justice and love t hat will be t he complete glory of t he Christ. See also ASCENSION; JUDGMENT; PAROUSIA; RKSUH- KKCTION. LL. D. BKVAN



          Sec HUMANITY OF


          CHRIST, OFFICES, of is-is, OF:

          General Titles of Our Lord


          History of (lie Theory II. THE THREEFOLD OFFICE IN THE OT

          The Failure of the Offices to Secure Their Desired Ends

          III. THE PROPHET

          The Forecast of the True Prophet


          1. Christ s Manner of Teaching

          2. Christ as Prophet in His Church V. THE I m KsTHoon OF CHRIST

          I . .Judaic I riesthood

          L . Sacrificial Relations of Christ in the (iospels

          3. Christ s Ethical Teaching Affected by Sacrificial Ideas

          1. Mutual Continuations of the Synoptics

          5. The Dual Outgrowth of Sacrifice, the Victim

          and Sacrifice! (>. Christ s I riesthood in the Apostolic Ministry

          and Kpistlrs

          7. The Crowning Testimony of the Epistle to the Hebrews

          8. Christ s Relation to Sin Expressed in Sacrificial Terms

          VI. CHRIST S KIMII.Y OIIH i:

          The Uivakdoun of the Secular Monarchy VII. THE M KSSI \\\\MC BASIS OF THE THREEFOLD OFFICE


          This term has been used by theologians to de scribe the various characters of Our Lord s redemp tive work. Many appellative and General metaphorical titles are found in Titles of Scripture for Christ, designativc of Our Lord His Divine and human natures and His work: God (Jn 20 28); Lord (Mt 22 43.44); Word (Jn 1 1.14); Son of Clod (Mt, 3 17; Lk 1 35; Col 1 15; 1 Jn 6 20); Firstborn from the dead (Col 1 18); Beginning of the Creation of Cod (Hev 3 14); Image of Clod (2 Cor 4 4); Express Image of His Person (He 1 3 AV); Alpha and Omega (Rev 1 8; 22 13); Son of Man (Mt 8 20; .In 1 f>l; Acts 7 56); Son of David (Mt 9 27; 21 9); Last Adam (1 Cor 15 45.47); Captain of Salvation (He 2 10m); Saviour (Lk 211; Jn 4 42; Acts 6 31); Redeemer (Isa 69 20; Tit 2 14); Author and Perfecter of Faith (He 12 2); Light of the World (Jn 8 12); Lamb of Clod (Jn 1 29.36); Creator of all things (Jn 1 3.10); Mediator (1 Tim 2 5); Prophet (Dt 18 15; Lk 24 19); Groat High Priest (He 4 14); King (Lk 1 33; Rev 17 14; 19 16); Way, Truth and Life (Jn 14 6). These and many others express the media torial office of the Lord. As mediator, He stands between God and Man, revealing the Father to man, and expressing the true relation of man to God. The term (Gr /jLecrlTrjs, mcsites), moreover, signifies messenger, interpreter, advocate, surety or pledge, in Gal 3 19.20, where a covenant is declared to be assured by the hand of one who intervenes. Thus the covenant is confirmed and fulfilled by Him who secures that its stipulations should be carried out, and harmony is restored where before there had been difference and separation (1 Tim 2 5; He 8 6; 9 15; 12 24). Thus is expressed the purpose of God to redeem mankind by mediation.



          /. Christ s Mediation Expressed in the Specific Offices. In present ing a systematic idea of this Redemptive Work of Christ by Mediation, Christian thought gave to it a harmonious character by choos ing the most general and familiar titles of the Lord as the most inclusive categories expressive of the mode of Redemption. These were prophetic, priestly and regal.

          The first trace of this division is found in Euseb. HE, I, 3, and his Demonstratio Evangelica, IV, l. r >. It was accepted very largely in the Gr Historical church, and continues to be used by Review of Russian ecclesiastical writers. The the Theory Rom church has not so generally fol lowed it, though it is found in the writings of many Rom theologians. The earlier reformers, especially Lutheran, ignored it. But Gerhard employed it and the Lutheran theologians followed his example, although some of these repudi ated it, as Ernest i, Doderlein and Knapp. Calvin employed the division in his Institutes, II, If). It was incorporated in the Heidelberg Catechism and has been adopted by most theologians of the lie- formed church and by Eng. and American divines. In Germany most theological writers, such as De Wette, Sehleiermacher, Tlioluck, Nitzsch, Ebrard, adopt it, affirming it as expressive of the essential quality of the work of redemption, and the most complete presentment of its contents. The justi fication of this position is found in the important place occupied in the progress of revelation by those to whom were intrusted the duties of teaching and leading men in relation to God in the offices of priest , prophet and king. Even the modern development. of Christian thought which extends the view of Divine dealing with man oven- the entire race and its religious history, not excluding those who would find in the most recent conditions of the world s life the outworking of the will of God in the pur poses of human salvation, cannot, discover any better form of expressing Christ s relation to man than in terms of the prophetic, the priestly and the governmental offices. The prophet is the instru ment of teaching: the priest expresses the ethical relation of man to God; while the king furnishes the typical form of that exercise of sovereign aut hor- ity and Providential direction which concerns the practical life of the race.

          //. The Threefold Office as Presented in the OT. From the close relation which Jesus in both His person and work bore to the OT dispensation, it is natural to turn to the preparatory history of the early Scriptures for the first notes of these media torial offices. That the development of the Jewish people and system ever moved toward Christ as an end and fulfilment is universally acknowledged. The vague and indeterminate conditions of both the religious and national life of Israel manifest a definit e movement toward a clearer apprehension of man s relationship to God. Nothing is more clear in Israel s history than the gradual evolution of official service both of church and state, as expressed in the persons and duties of the prophet, the priest and the king. The early patriarch contained in him self the threefold dignity, and discharged the three fold duty. As the family became tribal, and the tribe national, these duties were divided. The order of the household was lost for a while in the chaos of the larger and less homogeneous society. The domestic altar was multiplied in many "high places." Professional interpreters of more or less religious value began to be seers, and here and there, prophets. The leadership of the people was occa sional, ephemeral and uncertain. But the men of Divine calling appeared from time to time; the foundation work of Moses was built on; the regular order of the worship of Jeh, notwithstanding many

          lapses, steadily prevailed. Samuel gave dignity to his post as judge, and he again beheld the open vision of the Lord; he offered I he appointed sacri fices; he established the kingly office; and although he was not, permitted to sec; the family of David on the throne, like- Moses he beheld afar off the promised land of a Divinely appointed kingdom. With the accession of the Davidic house, the three orders of God s service; were completely developed. The king was seated on the throne, the priest, was ministering at the one altar of the nation, the prophet with the Divine message was ever at, hand to teach, to guide and to rebuke.

          Notwithstanding this growth of the special institutions prophet, priest and king the religious and national condition was by no The Failure means satisfactory. The kingdom was of the divided; external foes threatened tin-

          Threefold existence of the nation; idolatry was Offices to not extinguished, and the prophets who Secure were true to Jeh were compelled to

          Their warn and rebuke the sins of the rulers

          Desired and the; people, and even to testify Ends against, the priests for their unfaithful

          ness to the truth and purity of tin- re ligion which they professed. The best hopes of Israel and the Divine promises seem thus to be contradicted by the constant failure 1 of the; pe-ople to realize; tln-ir best ideals. He-nce slowly arose 1 a vague expectation of reform. The 1 idea of the better e-ondition which was coming grew ever more; distinct, and seitled down at length to Israel s Messianic hope, expressed in various forms, finally converging to i he looking for of one who should in some mysterious way gather into himself the- ideas which belonge-d especially to the three 1 great offices.

          ///. The Prophet. In this art. we are concerned only with the offices as they tend to their fulfil ment in Christ. For tin- more general t real mem of each office, re-fVivnce must be- made- to the special arts.

          The first appearance 1 of the- idea of the special prophet of Je-h is in Dt 18 l.~>. Mose-s had be -en sent by tin- people 1 to hear the Lord s The Fore- words on tln-ir behalf (Ex 20 U); cast of the Dt 5 27); and this incident in tin- True late-r pas-age- of Dt. 18 If) -22 is con- Prophet nected with the promise 1 of a prophet, while at tin- same time re-fe^re-ncc is made to the general fact, of prophecy ami the 1 con ditions of its validity and aeveptane-e. Here; we find the germ of the; expectation of the. Prophet, which occupie;el so large; a plae-e in the; mind of Israe-1. In the act of the people; se-nding Mose-s to re-e-e-ive the 1 word, and Je-h s promise 1 to send a pmphe-t whom the-y would accept, we see- also tin- suggestion of a distinction between the fir^t dis pensation and the latte-r. The Divine- promise was to the e-fTevt that what, was given by Moses God would e-onsummate 1 in a. prophetic revelation through a peTson. The conception of this person ality is found in the; se-e-ond part, of Isa (40 66). Isaiah s mission was vain, Isa 49 4, but the; coming one shall prevail, 49 -53 (/w.s.s////). But the success of this servant of Jeh was not to be 1 only as a propln-t , but, by taking on himself the- penalty of sin (53 f>), ami by being made; an onVring for sin; and as Mighty Vie-tor triumphing over all foes (53 10-12), the dignities of whose 1 kingship are set forth in various parts of the; pre>phe-tic writings. Thus the general effect of the; course; of the; earlier revelation may be summed up m *h s prophetic ministry with whievh has been combiner! a priestly and a royal character. It was an ever-advancing manifestation e>f the nature and will of God, ele-live reel by inspired men who spake at sunelry times and in divers man ners, but whose message was perfected and extended



          by Jesus Christ (He 1 1), who thus became the Prophet of the Lord.

          IV. Christ, the Prophet. Christ s ministry illus trates the prophetic office in the most extensive and exalted sense of the term. He was designed and appointed by the Father (Isa 61 1.2; cf Lk 4 16- 21; Mt 17 5). In 1 Cor 1 30, Christ is declared 1o be made to us wisdom. His intimate knowledge ofGod(Jn 1 18; Mt 11 27; Jn 16 15), the quali ties of His teaching dependent upon His nature, both Divine and human (Jn 3 34); His authority (Jn 1 9.17.18; Lk 4 18-21); His knowledge of God (Mk 12 29; Jn 4 24; Mt 11 25; Jn 17 11. 25; Mt 18 35) these all peculiarly fitted Christ to be the Revealer of God. Besides His doctrine of God, His ministry included the truth concerning Himself, His nature, claims, mission, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, and the religious life of man. He taught as none other the foundation of religion, the facts on which it was based, the essence of Divine service, the nature of sin, the grace of God, the means of atonement, the laws of the kingdom of God and the future state. By the acknowledgment of even those who have denied His Divine nature and redemptive work, He has been recognized as the Supreme Moral Teacher of the world. His claim to be the Prophet is seen in that He is the source of the ever-extending revelation of the eternal. His own words and works He declared were only part of the fuller knowledge which would be furnished by the system which He established (Lk 9 45; 18 34; Jn 12 10; 14 26; 15 26; 16 12.13.14).

          How remarkable was His method of teaching!

          Parable, proverb, absolute affirmation, suggestion,

          allusion to simple objects, practical life

          1. Christ s these all made His teaching powerful, Manner of easily understood, living; sometimes Teaching His action was His word and all with

          a commanding dignity and gracious winsomeness, that was felt by His hearers and has ever been recognized (Mt 7 29). So perfect and exalted was the teaching of Jesus that many have supposed that revelation ceased with Him, and the immediate followers whom He especially inspired to be His witnesses and interpreters. Certainly in Him the prophetic ministry culminated.

          An important aspect of Christ s prophetic office is that of His relation to the church as the source,

          through the instrumentality of His

          2. Christ as Spirit, of ever-enlarging knowledge of Prophet in Divine truth which it has been able His Church to gain. This is the real significance

          of the claim which some churches make to be the custodians and interpreters of the tradition of faith, with which has also gone the theory of development not as a human act but as a ministra tion of the Lord through His Spirit, which is granted to the church. Even those who hold that all Divine truth is to be found in the sacred Scriptures have yet maintained that God has much truth still to bring out of His word by the leading and direc tion of the Spirit of Jesus. The Scripture itself declares that Christ was the light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world (Jn 1 9). He Himself promised that the Spirit which He would give would guide His followers into all truth (Jn 16 13). The apostles claimed to receive their teaching and direction of the church from the Lord (1 Cor 11 23). The testimony of Jesus is definitely declared to be the spirit of prophecy (Rev 19 10). Indeed, all the apostolic writings in almost every line affirm that what they teach is received from the Spirit, who is the Spirit of the Lord.

          V. The Priesthood of Christ. For the history of the development of the priesthood of Israel on which Our Lord s High-Priesthood is ideally based, reference must be made to the art. esp. dealing

          with that subject. The bearings of that institution upon the work of Jesus as Redeemer alone fall under this section. Judaism like all 1. Judaic religions developed an extensive sys- Priesthood tern of priestly service. As the moral sense of the people enlarged and be came more distinct, the original simplicity of sac rifice, especially as a commensal act, in which the unity of the celebrants with each other and with God was expressed, was expanded into acts regularly performed by officials, in which worship, thanks giving, covenant and priestly expiation and atone ment were clearly and definitely expressed. The progress of sacrifice may be seen in the history of the OT from Cain and Abel s (Gen 4 3.4), Noah s (Gen 8 20), Abraham s covenant (Gen 15 9-18), etc, to the elaborate services of the Mosaic ritual set forth in Lev, the full development of which is found only in the later days of Israel. When Christ appeared, the entire sacerdotal system had become incorporated in the mind, customs and lan guage of the people. They had learned more or less distinctly the truth of man s relation to God in its natural character, and esp. in that aspect where man by his sin had separated himself from God and laid himself open to the penalty of law. The conception of priesthood had thus grown in the consciousness of Israel, as the necessary instrument of mediation be tween man and God. Priestly acts were performed on behalf of the worshipper. The priest was to secure for man the Divine favor. This could only be gained by an act of expiation. Something must be done in order to set forth the sin of man, his acknowledg ment of guilt, the satisfaction of the law, and the assurance of the Divine forgiveness, the restored favor of God and finally the unity of man and God. That the work of Christ partook of the nature of priestly service is already indicated by refer ences in the Gospels themselves. He

          2. Sacri- was called "Jesus; for it is he that shall ficial Rela- save his people from their sins" (Mt 1 tions of 21). Salvation from sin, in the habit of Christ in thought at which the Jew had arrived, the Gospels must have expressed itself most clearly

          in the symbolic signification of the sacrifices in the temple. Thus in the very name which Our Lord received His priesthood is sug gested. The frankincense of the Magi s offering is not without its mystical meaning (Mt 2 11). Some may find in the Baptist s words, "baptize you in the Holy Spirit and in fire" (Mt 3 11), a suggestion of priestly action, for the understanding of John s declaration must be found in the conventional ideas of the Jewish thought of the period, determined as they undoubtedly were by the history of priestly service in the past and the fully developed ritual of the temple. The baptizing of the proselyte was not necessarily a priestly act, as indeed we cannot be certain that the baptism was always necessary at the introduction of a proselyte into the Jewish church. But the association of circumcision with the initia tion of the proselyte certainly introduced the priest, and the sprinkling of the congregation by the priest was a familiar part of his official duties. It is quite probable therefore that John s use of the expression carried with it something of the sacerdotal idea.

          The spirit of Our Lord s teaching, as seen in the

          Sermon on the Mount, etc, as it reflects the thought

          of the Galilean ministry, may be re-

          3 . Christ s garded as prophetic rather than priestly . Ethical Still the end of the teaching was Teaching righteousness, and it was impossible Affected by for a Jew to conceive of the securing of Sacrificial righteousness without some reference Ideas to priestly administration and influence.

          The contrast of the effect of Christ s teaching with that of the scribes (Mt 7 29) keeps



          us in the vicinity of the law as applied through the sacerdotal service of which the scribes were the inter preters and teachers, and surely therefore a hint of Our Lord s relation to priesthood may have found its way into the minds of His immediate hearers. He was careful to recognize the authority of the priest (Mt 8 4).

          The doctrine of sacrifice emerges somewhat more distinctly in the reference to the cross, which Our Lord associates with the thought of finding life by losing it (Mt 16 24.25), and when the taking up the cross is interpreted by following Christ, and this hint is soon followed by Christ s distinct reference to His coming sufferings (Alt 17 9.12), more defin itely referred to in vs 22.23. Now the object of the work of the Lord takes clearer form. The Son of Man is come to save that which was lost (Mt 18 11 ARVm) . As the time of 1 he cat ast rophe drew nearer, the Lord became still more distinct in His references to His coming death (Mt 20 IS. 19), and at length declares that "the Son of man came .... to give his life a ransom for many" (Mt 20 28). Our Lord s quotations (Mt 21 42; 23 39) concerning the rejected "corner stone," and the Blessed One "that cometh in the name of the Lord" (I s 118 22.20), are drawn from a psalm filled with the spirit of the priestly service of the temple, and in their reference to Himself again illustrate the ever-increasing recog nition of His priesthood. lie also uses the official term "Christ" (Messiah, the anointed one) more frequently (Mt 24 5. 23.24). On the eve of the be trayal and trial the crucifixion is clearly foretold (Mt 26 2); and the death (26 12). The full significance of the death is asserted at the institution of the Lord s Supper. The bread is "my body," the wine is "my blood of the new covenant," and it is declared to be "poured out for many unto remission of sins" (Mt 26 20-2S m).

          A similar succession of ideas of Our Lord s priestly work may be found in the other gospels (see Mk 1 S.44; 8 29; see below on 4. Mutual the significance of the term Christ; Confirma- 8 31.34; 9 9.10). The inability of the tion of the disciples to understand the lite that Synoptics was to follow death here is indicated the truth of the gospel of death and resurrection so closely bound up with the concep tion of sacrifice, where the blood is the life which given becomes the condition of the new union with God, being thus revealed by Christ as the initial doctrine to be continuously enlarged (9 31; 10; 11 9; 12 10; 13 21.22; 14 8.22- 25.01.02). In Lk the priestly "atmosphere" is intro duced in the earliest part of the narrative, the his tory of Zacharias and Elisabeth giving emphasis to the setting of John s own mission (Lk 1). The name Jesus (Lk 1 31); the special relation of the new kingdom to sin, necessarily connected with sacrifice; in the mind of a priest, found in Zacharias psalm (Lk 1 77.78); the subtle suggestion of the Suffering One in the "also" of 2 35 AV (ARV omits) shows that the third Gospel is quite in line with the two other Synoptics (see also Lk 3 3; 6 14). The claim to forgive sins must have suggested the sacrificial symbol of remission (Lk 5 24; 9 23; 13 35; 14 27; 18 31; 20 14; 22 19.20; 24 7.2(5. 40.47). In the Fourth Gospel, we have the word of the Baptist, "Behold, the Lamb of God" (.In 1 29.3(5), where Christ s relation to sin is distinctly expressed (see LAMB OF GOD) the baptism in the Spirit (1 33). It is highly probable that the apostle John was the "other" of the two disciples, (1 40) and, having heard the Baptist s words, is the only evangelist who records them, thus intro ducing from his personal knowledge the sacrificial idea earlier into his history than the Synoptics. Christ declares that He will give His life for the

          life of the world (6 51). The entire passage (vs 47-05) is suffused with the conception of "life for life," one of t he elements constituting the conception of the sacrificial act . In 8 2S (cf 3 14; 12 32) Christ predicts His crucifixion. The Good Shepherd gives His life for the sheep (10 15). In vs 17. IS, Christ claims the power to lay down His life and to take it again. He is the sacrifice and the Sacrificer.

          Here appears for the first time the double rela tion of Christ to the sacrificial idea, worked out in the later thought of the church into

          5. The the full significance of Our Lord s Dual Out- priestly office. In 11 25.20 Christ is growth of the source of life, and life after death. Sacrifice, It is hardly possible that this concep- Victim and tion should not have 1 , even if remotely Sacrificer suggested, some reference to the sig nificance of sacrifice; for in the sac rifices the Divine claim for the blood, as specially to be set apart as the Divine portion, was ever pres ent. God ever claimed the blood as His; for to Him the life was forfeited by sin. And moreover He alone possesses life and gives it. Of that for feit and that Divine sovereignty of life, sacrifice is the expression. This is fully realized and made actual in Christ s life and death for man, in which man shares by His unity with Christ. Man at once receives the penalty or sin in dying with Christ, and rises again into the new life which Our Lord opened, and of which He is the ceaseless energy and power through the spirit of God. The emergence of tliis idea is illustrated by t he evangelist in the sayings of Caiaphas, where as the high priest of the nation he gives, though unconsciously, a sig nificant expression to the truth that, it was "expedi ent" that- Jesus should die for 1 he nation and for the children of God everywhere scattered (11 47- 52). Here the symbolic significance of sacrifice is practically realized: death in the place of another and the giving of life to those for whom the sacri fice was offered. The vitalizing power of Christ s deatli is asserted in the discourse following the visit of the Greeks (12 24-33). The idea of life from the dying seed is associated with the conception of the power of attraction and union by the cross. The natural law of life through death is thus in harmony with the gift of life through sacrifice involving death. That sacrifice may be found much more widely than merely in death, is shown by the law of service illustrated in the washing of the disciples feet (13 14-17); and this is declared to spring out of love (15 13). For the priestly ideas of Our Lord s prayer (Jn 17) see IXTKHCKSSION ; INTERCESSION OF CHRIST; PRAYERS OF CHRIST.

          Christ s priestly office finds illustration in the

          Acts of the Apostles, in the apostolic declaration

          of Christ s Messianic office, not only

          6. Christ s Lord, but also Christ the Anointed Priesthood One (Acts 2 30). Peter s reference in the Apos- 1 o the stone which completed the tolic Min- t emple, the service of which was essen- istry and tially sacrificial, as the Symbol of Epistles Christ, the Crown of that Spiritual

          Temple (Acts 4 11); Philip s applica tion of the passage in Isa of the sheep led to the slaughter (Isa 63 "7.8) to Our Lord (Acts 8 32.35); Peter s discourse to Cornelius, culminating in the remission of sins through Christ (Acts 10 43) all indicates the steady growth in the apostolic ministry of the conception of Our Lord s priestly office. The idea takes its most distinct form in Paul s sermon at Antioch (Acts 13 38.39). The necessity of Christ s death and resurrection was the essence of Paul s message (Acts 17 3). And in the address to the elders, the church is declared to have been purchased by God with His own blood (Acts 20 28).



          AH the epistles express the; more elaborated thought of the apostolic; ministry, the sacrifice of Our Lord naturally finds more definite exposition, and inasmuch as He was both active and passive in the offering of Himself, the conception of sacri fice branches into the twofold division, the object offered, and the person offering. It must never be forgotten, however, that the thought of Christ s sacrifice even when thus separated into its two great divisions necessarily involves in each conception the suggestion of the other: God setting Him forth as a propitiation through faith in His blood (Rom 3 2.1). He was delivered for our offences and raised for our justification (Rom 4 25). Through Him we have access to the conditions of justification and peace (Horn 5 2). Christ died for the ungodly, and \\\\ve are justified by IILs blood (Rom 5 8.9). The conception of life both as forfeit from man and gift by (!od, expressed by sacrifice, runs through the reasoning of Rom 8 (see esp. 11.32-34, where Christ who died for man rises from the dead, and becomes the intercessor; the victim and the High Priest are thus united in the Lord, and thus He becomes full expression and supplier of the love of God which is the perfect, life). In I Cor 1 23 Paul affirms the preaching of the cross as the center of his message. The subject of his teaching was not merely Christ, but Christ and Him crucified (1 Cor 2 2). In 1 Cor 5 7 Christ is declared to be the Passover, and sacrificed for us (1 Cor 10 Ki-lS). The manifestation of the death of the Lord by the bread and wine is given in the account of the insti tution of the Supper (1 Cor 11 20). In 1 Cor 15 3 Christ is said expressly to have died for our sins. Christ s sacrifice lies at the basis of all the thought of the Galatian epistle (1 4; 2 20; 3 13).

          In Kph we have the definite statement of re demption through the blood of Christ (Kph 1 7). Christ s humiliation to the cross is given in Phil 2 8; community with Christ s death, one of the impor tant elements of sacrifice , in Phil 3 10.11. For giveness, the essence of redemption, is declared to be through the blood of Christ (Col 1 14). Peace is secured through the blood of the cross, and recon ciliation (Col 1 20); the presentation of us in Christ s flesh through death, holy and unblamable and unreprovable to Cod (Col 1 22). The com munity of sacrifice sets forth t he oneness of believers with Christ (Col 3 1-4). Christ is declared to be the one Mediator between ( lod and man, who gave Himself a ransom for all (1 Tim 2 5.0).

          The chief source of the priestly conception of Our Lord is the Kpistle to the He. Christ is declared to have by Himself purged our sins 7. The (He 1 3); to taste of death for every

          Crowning man (He 2 9); that He might be a Testimony merciful and faithful High Priest to of the make reconciliation for the sins of the

          Epistle people (He 2 17; cf He 31); the

          to the community of sacrifice (He 3 14); our

          Hebrews great High Priest has passed into the heavens (He 4 14); His pitifulness (4 15); the authority and power of Christ s priest hood fully set forth (He 5). Christ was made a High Priest after the order of Melchizedek (He 6 0). The priesthood of Christ being of the order of Mel chizedek is more excellent than the Aaronic priest hood (He 7). Christ s priesthood being eternal, that of the Aaronic is abolished (He 8). Christ s high- priesthood is made effectual by His own blood; and He entered once for all into the holy place, and has become the Mediator of a New Covenant \\\\ (He 9 11-15). Christ is forever the representa tive of man in heaven (He 9 24-28). Christ by the sacrifice of Himself forever takes away sin, and has consecrated the new and living way to God (He 10). He is the Mediator of the New

          Covenant (He 12 21). The, entire Epistle, is steeped in the concept ion of ( hrist s priesthood.

          In 1 Pel, 1 2 the sacrificial element appears in I he "sprinkling O f I he blood of Jesus Christ,." The sufferings of the Lord were prophesied, the spirit of the Anointed One signifying what, the prophets desired to know (1 11); the redemption by the precious blood of Christ is of "a lamb without blemish and without spot." (1 Hi); the priesthood of believers was /fimui/li Chris). (2 5), who carried up our sins in his body to the tree (2 24 RVm).

          In the Joliannine writings we have the cleansing from sin by the blood of .Jesus Christ. (1 .In 1 7), Christ is said to have laid down 1 1 is life for us (1 Jn 3 10). The sacrifice as well as the teaching of Christ, is insisted on in the coming by blood as well as by water (5 0).

          The appearance of Christ in Rev 1 13 is high- priestly; His robe is the talar, the high-priestly garment. The sacrificial place of Christ is indicated by "a Lamb .... as though it had been slain" (Rev 5 0.9.12). The repeated title of Christ, throughout the Apocalypse is The Lamb.

          This review of the Scripture teaching on priest hood clearly indicates the development of thought

          which led to the affirmation of Our 8. Christ s Lord s priestly office. He came to Relation to put away sin. The doctrine of sin Sin Ex- was intimately associated with tin-

          pressed in prieMly service of the temple. The Sacrificial sacrifices were in some cases sin offer- Terms ings, and in these there ever appeared,

          by the function of the blood which is the life, the fatal loss of life by sin, the punishment of which was the withdrawal of the Divine gift of life. The life was always in the sacrifice; reserved for God. It was natural therefore when Christ appeared that His work in taking away sin should have been interpreted in the light- of sacrificial thought. We find the idea steadily developed in the NT. lie was the sacrifice, the Lamb of God. The question as to who offered the sacrifice 4 was answered Himself. Then He became in the conception of apostolic teaching, esp. emphasized in the Kpistle to the He, the priest as well as the sacrifice. This was at lenut h completely defined in the theology of the church, and has generally been accepted as selling forth an important aspect of Our Lord s redemptive work.

          VI. Christ s Kingly Office. The association of rule with the redemption of mankind was earlv

          found in Divine revelation. It is The Break- in the Protemngdium of Gen 3 15; down of the covenant with Abraham contains the Secular it (Gen 22 17.lSi; the blessing of Monarchy Jacob reflects it. (Gen 49 10). After

          the successive attempts to establish a visible and earthly monarchy, its settlement, in the family of David was associated with Divine pre monitions of continued and gracious royalty (2 S 7 1S-2!); 23 1-7; Pss 2, 45, 72, 110). The failure of the earthly monarchy and the fatal experiences of the kingdom turned the thought of the devout, esp. guided by prophetic testimony, to a coming king who should restore the glory of the Davidic house and the people of Israel. Here and there the conception appears of the more extended reign of the Coming One, and the royal authority finds a growing place in the prophetic Scriptures (Isa 2 1-4; 9 0.7; 11 1-10; 42 1-4; 52 13-15; 53 12; 60; Jer 23 5.0; 30 18-24; Dnl 2 44: 7 9-14.27; Mic 5 1-4; Zee 3). The postexilic conception of the king became one of the supreme and most active ideas in the Jewish mind. The reign of the Messiah was to be earthly, and all nations were to be subject to the Jew. The Jews of Pal seem to have retained the more patriotic and the more




          material form of the idea (see 1 Mace 14 41), while the Egyptian and dispersed Jews began to regard the more spiritual character of the coming Messiah. References to the future blessedness of Israel under the restored royalty do not appear so largely in the Apoc writings which it must be re membered reflect chiefly their Egyp-Jewish sources. Still there are some passages of interest (Bar 4 215; Tob 13;^ Ecclus 35 18.19; 36 11-16; 47 11.22). In the NT we have references to the strong expectation of the restored royalty and kingdom (Jn 1 49; 6 1.5; 12 12-15; Acts" 1 6). Christ s kingship was speedily recognized by those who saw His works of power, and acknowledged His authority. He Himself clearly claimed this authority (Alt 22 43-45; Jn 18 36.37). It- was however not a king dom based upon material and external power and rule, but on the foundation of truth and righteous ness. The Kingdom of Heaven or of God is famil iar to every reader of the words of Jesus. It w-as thus He described the new order which He had come to establish, of which He was to be the Lord and Administrator; not an earthly dominion after the fashion of this world s kingdoms; it was to be the rule of mind and of spirit. It was to be extended by ethical forces, and the principle of its authority was centered in Christ Himself. It was to be devel oped on earth but perfected in the future and eternal life. Some divines have distinguished Christ s regal power as that of nature, that of grace, that of glory. Many believe that there is to be a personal visible reign of Christ upon the earth. Some hold that this will be produced by His advent prior to an age of millennial glory. Other views regard the advent as the close of earthly conditions and the final judgment..

          VII. The Messianic Basis of the Threefold Office of the Lord. That the developments of Jewish thought centered round what may conveniently be called the idea of the Messiah is plain to any st u- dent of the OT and other Jewish writings. They sprang from the ethical and theological ideas of tin s people, interpreted by and expressed in their polit ical and religious forms, and continually nurtured by their experiences in the varied course of their national life. The essence of Messianic belief was a personal deliverer. Jewish history had always been marked by the appearance anil the exploits of a great man. The capacity of the production of exceptional and creative individuals has been the characteristic of the race in all its ages. A judge, a lawgiver, a teacher, a seer, a king each had helped, or even saved the people in some critical period. Each had added to the knowledge of God, whether received or rejected by the people. The issues of such service had remained, enshrined in a growing lit., or made permanent in a finally cen tralized and unified ritual, recorded in chronicle and lyric. The hope of Israel at one time did not, take the completely personal form; indeed, it is probably easy to exaggerate the Messianic element as we look back from the perfect realization of it, in the Christian revelation and history. Much that has been called Messianic has been the result of reading into the OT what has been derived from Christian thought and experience. Zeph has been described as a picture of Israel s restoration and triumph. Yet apparently it has no reference to the personal element. Still the "Messiah" begins to appear in the prophetic writings (see above), esp. in the royal elements of His office. It is at this point that the meaning of the term is to be con sidered. "Jeh s anointed" is found as applied to a king, and is familiar in this use in the OT. But anointing belonged to the priesthood and to the prophetic order, if not actually, at least metaphor ically, as setting apart (see l K 19 16; Ps 105

          15; Isa 61 1). And the word Messiah (Christ) the Anointed, came to be used for that conception of a person, perhaps first employed definitely (Dnl 9 24-26), who should be the Deliverer of the Jews and even still more widely, a Redeemer. In the age immediately preceding the Christian, the idea had taken possession not, only of the Jews, but also of the Samaritans (Jn 4 25) ; and was not altogether unknown in gentile thought; e.g. Sib Or, in. 97; Virgil Ed. iv. It involves certainly the prophetic and royal offices and, in the idea of a Suffering Servant, was closely allied to the objects of the sacrificial order.

          The claim of Jesus to be the Christ, and the recognition of this claim by His followers and apos tles, gave a new meaning to the teaching of the OT, and the writings lying outside the canon, but which were familiar to the people. Especially was the suffering and death of the Lord and its relation to sin the occasion of a new understanding of the Mosaic and later-developed sacrificial system. Jesus as the Offerer of Himself perfected the function of the priest, as He became the Lamb of God who taketh away the sins of the world. He thus com pleted the threefold ministry of the Messiah as the Prophet who reveals, the "Priest who offers and intercedes, the King who rules. In Him the offices are commingled. He rules by His sacrifice and His teaching; He reveals by His Kingship and His offering. The offices spring from both His person and His work, and are united in the final issue of the salvation of the world. See also EXALTATION- OF CHRIST; INTERCESSION OF CHRIST.

          LITERATURE. Eusch.. HE, 1,3; Aug., DC civ. Dei, x. 0; Catech. Council of Trent; Calvin, Instil., II 15- Heidelb. Catech. Ans. ;51 and Reformed Litnrg; Thanks giving aft. Inft. Rapt.; ,J. Gerhard, Loci Theolo,,- Spener Catechism.; Ernest!, DC offido Christ,: triplici; Knapp, 1 neology, sec. 107; Kbr&TO., Herzog Realencyc., s.v. Fur ther discussion is found in the standard theologies as Pve Smith, Firs< Lines, and Scrip. Testim. to the Messiah; Hodge. Miedd, Weiss, Bib. Theol. of the NT, Van Oosterzee. Christian Dogmatics. See also ETigginson, Kcce .\\\\f,-ssius; Moule s brief hut suggestive statement in Outlines of Christian Doctrine; Ritschl, .1 Critical llistoni of the Chris tian Doctrine of Justification tunt Reconciliation esp Introduction; Dorner, The Development of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ.



          CHRISTIAN, kris chan, kris ti-an (Xpio-navos,

          Christianas) :

          1. Historicity of Acts 11 20

          2. Of Pagan Origin

          3. The Christian Attitude to the Name

          4. Was Christian the Original Form ?

          5. The Christians and the Empire

          r>. Social Standing of the Early Christians 7. Christian Self-Designations LITERATURE

          The word Christian occurs only three times in the NT (Acts 11 26; 26 28; and l Pet 4 1(5). The first passage, Acts 11 26, gives the 1. Histo- origin of the term, "The disciples were ricity of called Christians first in Antioch." The Acts 11:26 older generation of critical scholars dis puted the historicity of this statement. It was argued that, had the term originated so early, it must have been found far more frequently in the records of early Christianity; sometimes also that the termination -iauus points to a Lat origin. But there is general agreement now that these objec tions are groundless. The historicity of the Lukan account is upheld not only by Harnack, but by the more radical Knopf in Die Schriftcn dcs NT, edited by Johannes Weiss. In early imperial times, the adjectival termination -ianos was widely diffused throughout the whole empire. Originally applied to

          Christian Christianity



          the slaves belonging to the great households, it had passed into regular use to denote the adherents of an individual or a party. A Christian is thus simply an adherent of Christ. The name belongs, as Ramsay says, to the popular slung, as indeed sect and party names generally do. It is only after a considerable interval, and very often under protest, that such names are accepted as self-designations.

          The name, then, did not. originate with the

          Christians themselves. Nor would the .Jews have

          applied it to the followers of Jesus,

          2. Of Pa- whose claim to be the Christ they gan Origin opposed so passionately. They spoke

          of the Christians as "the sect of the Nazarenes" (Acts 24 o); perhaps also as "Gal ileans," a term which the emperor Julian attempted later vainly to revive. The word must have been coined by the heathen population of Antioch, as the church emerged from the synagogue, and a Chris tianity predominantly gentile took its place among the religions of the work!.

          Perhaps the earliest occurrence of C/irixlinn as a self-designation is in Did 12 4. In the Apolo gists and Ignatius on the other hand

          3. The the word is in regular use. 1 Pet Christian simply takes it over from the anti- Attitude to Christian judicial procedure of the law the Name courts, without in any way implying

          that the Christians used it among them selves. There is every probability, however, that it was the danger which thus began at an early date to attach to the name which commended it to the Christ ians themselves as a t it le of honor. 1 )eissmann ( Lirfil nun Oxt,-,,, 2M>) suggests that Cf/rixtiini means xlai f of (7/m7, as ( in-nnrinn means s/a/r of ( acmtr. But the word can scarcely have had that fulness of meaning till the Christians themselves had come to be proud of it.

          According to tradition, Luke himself belonged to Antioch. In Acts 11 27. 2S Codex I) reads "There was much rejoicing, and when we had as sembled, there stood up," etc. In view of the greater authority now so frequently accorded to the so-called Western text, we cannot summarily dis pose of such a reading as an interpolation. If the historian was not only an Antiochene, but, a mem ber of the original gentile Christian church, we have the explanation alike of his interest in the origin of the name Christian, and of the. detailed precision of his information.

          In all three NT passages the uncorrected Codex X reads "Chrestian." We know from many sources that this variant was widely 4. Was current in the 2d cent. Blass in his

          Christian ed of Acts not only consistently reads the Origi- Chrestian, but, conjectures that Chres- nal Form? tian is the correct reading in Tacitus (Annul.*, xv. 44), the curliest extra- Biblical testimony to the word. The Tacitus MS has since been published in facsimile. This has shown, according to Hurnack (Minion and Expan sion, ET, I, 413, 414), that Chrestian" actually was the original reading, though the name "Christ" is correctly given. Harnack accordingly thinks that the Lat historian intended to correct the popular appellation of cir G4 AD, in the light of his own more accurate knowledge. "The common people used to call them Chrestians, but the real name of their founder was Christ." Be this as it may, a confusion between "Christos" and the fa miliar Gr slave name "Chrestos" is more intelligible at an early date than later, when Christianity was better known. There must have been a strong tendency to conform the earlier witnesses to the later, familiar, and etymologically correct., usage. It is all the more remarkable, therefore, that X* re tains "Chrestian." On the whole it seems probable

          that this designation, though bestowed in error, was the original one.

          The fuller discussion of this subject more ap propriately falls under the arts, dealing with the relation of the church and empire.

          5. The Suffice it here to say that Paul ap- Christians parent ly hoped that by his acquittal and the the legal position of Christianity as Empire a religio licita would be established

          throughout the empire, and that 1 Pet belongs to a time when the mere profession of Chris tianity was a crime in the eyes of the state, but that in all probability this was a new position of affairs. That early Christianity was essentially a move ment among the lower non-literary classes has been rightly emphasized -above all by

          6. Social Deissmann. This is a circumstance Standing of of the utmost importance for the the Early correct understanding of the early Christians history of our faith, though probably

          Deissmann in some degree exaggerates and misplaces the significance. Is it correct to say, for example, that "primitive Christianity was relatively indifferent to politics, not as Chris tianity, but as a movement of the humbler folks, whose lot on the whole had certainly been lightened by the Empire" (Licht v/nn O.sYr/i, 254)? Very probably however the difficulties of the Pauline gentile mission were appreciably increased by the fact that he touched a lower social stratum than that of the original Jewish Christianity of Pal. No class more resents being associated in any way with the "submerged masses" than the self-respect ing peasant or artisan, who seems to have formed the backbone of the Pal church. The apostle had consequently to fight, against social, no less than racial and religious, prejudices.

          The Christians originally called themselves "Disciples," a term afterward restricted to personal hearers of the Lord, and regarded as a 7. Christian title of high distinction. The ordinary Self-Desig- self-designations of the apostolic age nations are "believers" (Acts 5 14; 1 Tim

          4 12), "saints" (Acts 9 13.32.41; Rom 1 7), "brethren" (Acts 6 3; 10 23, etc), "the elect" (Col 3 12; 2 Tim 2 10), "the church of Cod" (Acts 20 28m), "servants [slaves] to Cod" (Rom 6 22; 1 Pet 2 1(>). The apostolic authors refer to themselves as "servants [slaves] of Christ Jesus" (Phil 1 1). Other expressions are occa sionally met with, of which perhaps the most significant is: Those "that call upon the name of the Lord" (Acts 9 14; Rom 10 12.13; 1 Cor 1 2). ( f Pliny s report to Trajan (Eristic*, X, 97) : "They

          affirmed that they had been wont to assemble

          and address a hymn to Christ as to a god."

          LITERATURE. The most recent discussion of tho names of Christian believers, including "Christian," is in Har nack s Mission and Expansion of fhrixtianitit, RT (2d ed, 190S). 1. MO lir. See also KH, II1)I{, bed, with I he lit. there cited. On (he social status of tho early Christians, cf Orr s Neglected Fart,,,-.-- in the Study of the Early Progress <>f Christianity; on the, religions signifi cance of the name, see CHRISTIANITY.

          JOHN DICKIE

          CHRISTIANITY, kris-chan i-ti, kris-chi-an i-ti, kris-ti-un i-ti (Xpio-navio-fios, Christianismds):

          I. IN PRINCIPLE AND ESSENCE 1. Early t se of Term

          2. NT Implications: Messiahship Resurrection Redemption Pauline Summaries

          3. Did .Jesus Claim to Bo Christ?

          4. The Resurrection Its Evidence

          5. Two Contrasted Estimates of Our Lord s Person (l; Tho Non-Believing Estimate not Truly


          (2) Tho Believing Estimate Relation to Ex perience

          6. Christianity an Experience of Salvation

          7. Jesus and the Gospel



          Christian Christianity

          8. NT Types of Doctrines

          9. Naturalistic Interpretations the Religio-Historic School


          1. "Religion of Christ" and "The Christian Re- ligion"

          (1) The Historical Jesus Is Supernatural

          (2) Essence of Christianity in Redemption

          2. Modern. Definitions

          (1) Schleiermacher

          (2) Hitschl

          3. Place in Historical Religions

          (1) This Place Unique

          (2) Universality of Christianity

          (a) Islam

          (b) Buddhism

          (3) The Absolute Religion

          (4) Religion of Redemption

          4. Development and Influence

          (1) Expansion of Christianity (a) Apostolic Age

          (6) Succeeding Period (r) Modern Missions

          (2) Doctrinal Shaping (a) ( nosticism

          (6) Monarchianism

          (<) Arianism

          (d) Sin and (Jraee

          (c) Person of Christ (/) The Atonement ((/) The Reformation

          (/,) Lutheran and Reformed

          (3) Its Influence

          (a) The Ancient \\\\Vorld

          (b) The Modern World

          (<) Testimony of Professor Huxley LITERATURE

          /. In Principle and Essence. Unlike "Christ iun"

          (AV), the term "Christianity," so far as is known,

          was first used by the Christians them-

          1. Early selves, but does not occur in the NT. Use of It is exactly parallel to Judaism ("the Term Jews religion"), found not only in

          Cal 1 1:5.14, but in 2 Mace 2 21, etc. Our earliest authority for the word "Christian- ism" is Ignatius of Antioch. Christian is now a title of honor, and the Christian s glory is "to live accord ing to Christ ianism" (Ignatius, Ad magnes, 10).

          While, however, the name is foreign to the NT, the NT is by universal consent our most important

          source of information regarding the

          2. NT Im- tiling. Christianity arose out of the life plications: and work of Jesus of Nazareth, who Messiah- claimed to be "the Christ." During ship Res- Jesus lifetime this claim was admitted urrection by a circle of adherents, in whose view, Redemp- afterwards, it was triumphantly vindi- tion catedby His resurrection from the dead.

          By resurrection He "was declared to be the Son of God with power" (Rom 1 4). ^ ith this was united from the first the recognition of Christ as the Clod-sent Redeemer, through whom has come to the world forgiveness, reconciliation with God and Divine spiritual power.

          Pauline summaries. One of the oldest summaries of Christianity is that of Paul in 1 Cor 15 3.4: "For I delivered unto you first of all that which also I received : that Christ died for our sins accord ing to the scriptures; .... and that he hath been raised on the third day according to the scriptures." Of similar purport are the apostle s words in 2 Cor 5 18.19: "God, who reconciled us to himself through Christ, and gave unto us the ministry of reconcil iation; to wit, that God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself, not reckoning unto them their trespasses." From this reconciliation springs the new life of believers (Rom 6; 2 Cor 6 14-17).

          More recently some have denied that Jesus

          advanced any such claim to Messiahship, but always

          upon purely arbitrary and subjective

          3. Did Je- grounds. On the one hand these sus Claim writers have been profoundly impressed to Be the by the grandeur of Jesus character; Christ? on the other they have looked upon

          the claim to stand in such a unique relation to God and man as unfounded or mean

          ingless. They have sought, accordingly, to escape the difficulty by denying that Jesus regarded Him self as the Anointed of the Lord (thus, e.g. Wrede). Sometimes they have gone the length even of affirm ing that Jesus was not so regarded by His personal disciples. Divine honors were accorded Him only gradually, as the memory of what He actually was faded away, and an idealization begotten of Chris tian faith took its place. The notion of Messiah is merely a piece of Jewish folklore. This position in its distinctively modern form has been answered, it seems to us, with absolute conclusiveness, by Professor James Denney in his Jesus an/I the Gospel. In a historical point of view, nothing in Jesus life is more certain than that He regarded Himself as the Christ, the culmination and fulfilment of the Divine revelation given to Israel. This conviction of His is the point round which His whole message revolves. The most recent NT theology, that, e.g. of Dr. Paul Feine (1910), rightly starts from Jesus Messianic consciousness, and seeks to under stand His whole teaching in the light of it. Doubt less, like everything else which Jesus touched, the concept of Messiahship becomes transmuted and glorified in His hands. Our Lord was in no way dependent upon current beliefs and expectations for the content of His Messianic; consciousness. But is it likely that His followers, without His authority, would have attributed Messiahship to one so utterly unlike the Messiah of popular fancy? The NT proves not only that the Christians from the very outset were fully persuaded, on what they regarded as adequate grounds

          4. The in history and experience, that their Resurrec- Lord had risen from the dead, but also tion that this conviction mastered them,

          giving direction and purpose to their whole lives. Historical Christianity was erected on the foundation of a Risen Lord.

          Its evidence. On this point Professor Denney says (Jesus anil the Gospel, 111): "The real histor ical evidence for the resurrection is the fact that it was believed, preached, propagated, and produced its fruit and effect in the new phenomenon of the Christian church, long before any of our gospels

          were written Faith in the resurrection was

          not only prevalent but immensely powerful before any of our NT books were written. Not one of them would ever have been written but for that faith. It is not this or that in the NT it is not the story of the empty tomb, or of the appearing of Jesus in Jerus or in Galilee which is the primary evi dence for the resurrection: it is the NT itself. The life that throbs in it from beginning to end, the life that always fills us again with wonder, as it beats upon us from its pages, is the life which the Risen Saviour has quickened in Christian souls. The evidence for the resurrection of Jesus is the existence of the church in that extraordinary spiritual vitality which confronts us in the NT. This is its own ex planation of its being."

          The best Christian thought of our day has no

          more difficulty than had the apostles in holding

          and establishing what Principal For-

          5. Two syth fitly calls "the superhistoric Contrasted finality of Christ." In the very Estimates nature of the case, wherever the prob- of Our lem of Our Lord s person has been Lord s seriously faced, there have always Person been two distinct estimates of His

          value, that of assured faith, based upon personal experience of His redemptive power, and that of mere externalism.

          (1) The latter or -non-believing estimate has no more right now to call itself "historical" or "sci entific," than it had, nearly nineteen hundred years ago, to crucify the Lord of glory. The priests



          doubtless though! Iliat they understood Jesus better than the ignorant, deluded Galileans. Yet the boldest champion of "the religio-historie method" would scarcely claim that theirs was t lie correct judgment. As a mailer of fact, the so-called criti cal school are no more free from presuppositions than is the most thoroughgoing traditionalist. Nor have they a monopoly either of historical knowledge or of critical acumen. No truths are accessible to them which are not equally available for the Christian believer. No proof exists, beyond their own unsupported assertions, that they are better interpreters of the common truth. On the other hand, that whole range of experience and conviction in which the Christian believer finds the supreme assurance 1 of the truth of his religion is to them a sealed book. Surely, then, it is the height of absurd ity to maintain that the external, non-believing, estimate of Our Lord s person is likely to be the more correct one. From the standpoint of Chris tian faith, such an external estimate is necessarily inadequate, whether it finds expression in a mechan ical acceptance of the whole ecclesiastical Chris- tology, or in the denial that such a person as Jesus of Na/aret h ever lived.

          (2) The believing <-Ntini(itc of Our Lord s person is the essence of Christianity as a historical religion. But according to the NT this estimate is itself Divinely inwrought and Divinely attested (Mt 16 17; 1 Cor 12 :*; 1 Jn 4 2.)3) . It presupposes the perfect objective self-manifestation of Cod in .Jesus Christ on the one hand, and the subjective appropriation of this revelation by faith on the other. No argument against the reality of the revelation can be built upon the fact, generally acknowledged by Christian theologians nowadays, that the Deity of Our Lord and the supernatural origin of our religion can neither be proved nor disproved independently of one s personal attitude to Christianity. This follows necessarily from the nature of the apprehension of Divine truth. Spirit ual things an> spiritually discerned. There can be no impersonal knowledge of religious, any more than of ethical and aesthetic, truth. In these realms another s knowledge has no real meaning for anyone till he has felt its power and tested it in his own experience. Evangelical Christians do not accept the Deity of the Lord as the cardinal article of their religious fait h on any merely external authority whether of Scripture or of tradition, or even of His own recorded words apart from experi ence of Christ. They accept it precisely as they accept the authority of Scripture itself, because of the witness of the Spirit with their spirits. The combined testimony of Scripture and tradition is confirmed in their religious life, when by receiving Jesus as Our Lord and Saviour they experience the Christian power. This power is the great experi enced reality in the light of which alone the other realities become intelligible. "One thing I know, that, whereas I was blind, now 1 see" (Jn 9 25). "Lord, to whom .shall we go? thou hast the words of eternal life" (Jn 6 (>S).

          The true church of Christ consists of all who have experienced the power of Christ, delivering them

          from the guilt, the stain, and the 6. Chris- dominion of sin and bringing the peace tianity an of Cod into their souls. Nothing Experience less than this is either the gospel of of Salvation Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,

          or the historic faith of Christendom, or a religion adequate to human need. The Christian doctrine is partly the assertion of the reality of this power, partly its interpretation. Facts of history and theological propositions are vital to our faith, just in proportion as they are vitally related to this power. The Christian essen

          tials are those elements, historical and dogmatic, without wliich Christianity would lose in whole or in part its living power to reconcile sinful man to the all-righteous, loving ( iod.

          Thus Jesus Himself belongs to His gospel. He

          is the heart and core of it. Christianity is both a

          rule of life and a doctrine. But in

          7. Jesus its inmost nature and being it is and the neither an ethic, nor a theology, but a Gospel religion a new relation to Cod and

          man, Divinely mediated through Jesus Christ in His life, death and resurrection. As many as receive Him, to them gives He the right to become children of Cod, even to them that believe on His name, who are born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of Cod (Jn 1 12). He brings man to God by bringing God to man, and the power of God into man s sin-stained life.

          It can scarcely be claimed that NT Christianity was in a theological point of view absolutely homo geneous. Various types can be dis-

          8. NT tinguished with more or less clearness; Types of even the ordinary reader feels a dilTer- Doctrines ence of 1 heological at mosphere bet ween

          e.g. Rom and ,Jas. This is inevitable, and need occasion no perplexity to Christian faith. All theology is partly interpretation the relation of universal and eternal reality to personal thought. Hofmann rightly says that genuine Christian faith is one and the same for all, but that everyone must have his own theology, if he is to have any at all. In all genuine serious thought there is a personal element not precisely the same for any two individuals. It is possible to find in the NT foreshadowings of all the great distinctive types of historic Christianity. But the essential purpose of the NT is to make Christ real to us, to proclaim reconciliation to God through Him, and to convey the Christian power to our lives. The NT everywhere exhibits the same Christ, and bears witness to the same redeeming, life-trans forming power.

          The attempt has often been made to explain Christianity as the natural product of contemporary

          forces intellectual and religious- -most

          9. Natural- recently by the so-called "religio- istic Inter- historic school." But at most they pretations - have only shown that the form in the Religio- which the religious concepts of primi- Historic tive Christianity found articulate School expression was to some extent in fluenced ah extra, and that the earliest

          Christians were in their general intellectual out look the children of their own time. They have not proved that the distinctive content of Chris tianity was derived from any external source. They have not even realized what they have to prove, in order to make good their contention. They have done nothing to account for the Christian power on their principles.

          LITERATURE. See tho NT Theologies, especially that Of Koine (1910); Soeborg, Fundamental Truths of the Christian Religion (ET vory incorrect, 190S); Seoberg s Lfhrhurh <1. Dogmengeschichte, 12(1 ed, I, 1908; Brown, Essence of Christianity, Now York, 1902; W. N. Clarko, What Shall We Think of Christianity t Now York, 1899; above all Dummy, Jesus and the Gospel (1909), and Forsyth, Person, and Place of Jesus Christ (1909).

          JOHN DICKIE

          II. Historical and Doctrinal. In its historical and doctrinal relations, developments, and influence, and its connection with the successive phases of human thought, Christianity presents many points of interest, only the more prominent of which can here briefly be touched upon.

          A convenient starting-point is the well-known distinction of Lessing (Fragment in Works, XI,



          242 ff ) between "the religion of Christ" and "the Christian religion" a distinction which still ex actly marks the attitude to Christianity 1. "Reli- of the modern so-called "historical" gion of school. By "the religion of Christ"

          Christ" is meant the religion which Christ

          and "The Himself acknowledged and practised Christian as man; by "the Christian religion" Religion" is meant the view which regards Christ as more than man, and exalts Him as an object of worship. From this standpoint the problem for the historian is to show how the religion of Christ came to develop into the Christian religion in modern speech, how the "Jesus of history" became the "Christ of faith."

          (1) The historical Jesus is supernatural. It has already been pointed out (under 1 above) that the view of Jesus on which the assumed contrast rests is not one truly historical. The fallacy lies in regarding the Jesus of history as simply a man among men holier, diviner in insight, but not essentially distinguished from 1 he race of which He was a member. This is not the Christ of apostolic faith, but as little is it the picture of the historical Jesus as the Gospels actually present it. There, in His relations alike to God and to man, in His sinlessness, in His origin, claims, relation to OT revelation, judgeship of the world, in His resurrec tion, exaltation, and sending of the Spirit, Jesus appears in a light which it is impossible to confine within natural or purely human limits. He is the Saviour who stands over against the race He came to save. It is the same fallacy which under lies the contrast frequently sought to be drawn between the religious standpoints of Christ and Paul. Paul never for an instant dreamt of putting himself on the same plane with Christ. Paul was sinner; Christ was Saviour. Paul was disciple; Christ was Lord. Paul was weak, struggling man; Christ was Son of God. Jesus achieved redemption; Paul ap propriated it. These things involved the widest, contrasts in attitude and speech.

          (2) Essence of Christianity in redemption. Though, therefore, Christ, in His relations of love and trust to the Father, and perfection of holy character, necessarily ever remains the Great Exemplar to whose image His people are to be conformed (Rom 8 29), in whose steps (hey are to follow (1 Pet 2 21), it is not correct to describe Christianity simply as the religion which Christ, practised. Christianity takes into account also the work which Christ came to do, the redemption He achieved, the blessings which, through Him, are be stowed on those who accept Him as their Saviour, and acknowledge Him as their Lord. Essentially Christianity is a religion of redemption; not, there fore, a religion practised by Jesus for Himself, but one based on a work He has accomplished for ot hers. Experimentally, it may be described as consisting, above all, in the joyful consciousness of redemption from sin and reconciliation to God through Jesus Chrisl , and in the possession of a new life of sonship and holiness through Christ s Spirit . Everything in (he way of holy obedience is included here. This, at least, reduced to its simplest terms, is undeniably what Christianity meant for its first preachers and teachers, and what historically it has meant for the church ever since.

          Definitions of Christianity are as numerous as

          the writers who treat of the subject ; but one or two

          definitions may be glanced at as illus-

          2. Modern trative of the positions above assumed.

          Definitions As modern types, Schleiermacher and

          Ritschl may be selected in preference

          to writers of more conspicuous orthodoxy.

          (1) Schleiermacher, in his Der Christtiche Claube, has an interesting definition of Christianity. Chris-

          tianity he speaks of as "a form of monotheistic faith, of the teleological order of religion (i.e. in which the natural is subordinated to the moral), the peculiarity of which, in distinction from other religions of this type, essentially is, that in it every thing is referred to the redemption accomplished through Jesus of Nazareth" (sec. 11). As, in general, Schleiermacher s merit is recognized to lie in his bringing back, in a time of religious decay, the person of Christ to a central place in His religion, so here his true religious feeling is manifested in his fixing on the reference to redemption by Christ as the distinctive thing in Christianity.

          (2) Ritschl s definition is more complicated, and need not here be cited in full (cf his Just if. and Itccon., Ill; ET, 13). The import ant point is that, like, Schleiermacher, Ritschl gives, together with the idea of the kingdom of God, an essential place to the idea of redemption in the conception of Christianity. Christianity," he says, "so to speak, resembles not a circle described from a single centre, but an ellipse which is determined by two. foci" (Jb., 11). The idea of the kingdom of God furnishes the tel eological, the idea of redemption the religious, ele ment in Christianity. There is truth in this; only it is to be remembered that the kingdom of God, as representing the end, can only, in a world of sin, be brought into existence through a redemption. Re demption, therefore, still remains the basal concep tion.

          In the enlarged view of modern knowledge, Christianity can be no longer regarded in isolation, but is seen to take its place in the long 3. Place in series of historical religions. It ap- Historical pears, like these other religions, in a Religions historical context; has, like some of them, a personal founder; claims, as they also do, or did, (he allegiance of multitudes of the population of the world; presents in externals (e.g. the possession of Scriptures), sometimes in ideas, analogies to features in these religions. For this reason, an influential modern school is disposed to treat Christianity, as before it, the religion of Israel, as simply one of these historical religions "nothing less, but also nothing more;" explaining it from the inherent laws of religious development, and rejecting the idea of any special, authoritative revelation. Sacred books are pitted against sacred books; moral codes against moral codes; Jesus against founders of other religions; gospel stories against legends of the Buddha; ideas like those of (he virgin birth, the incarnation, the resurrection, against seeming parallels on other soils. For examination of the principal of these alleged re semblances, see COMPARATIVE RKLICION.

          (1) This place unique. Here it is desirable to look at the place of Christianity in the series of historical religions in certain of its wider aspects. The uniqueness of Christ s religion, and justification of its claim to a special, Divine origin, will only appear the more clearly from the comparison. In general, it need only be remarked that no other religion in the world has ever even professed to present a plain, historically developed, progressive revelation, advancing through successive stages in the unfold ing of a Divine purpose of grace, till it culminates in the appearance of a person, life, character and work, like that of Jesus Christ ; not in one single instance.

          (2) Universality of Christianity. A distinction is commonly made between national and univer sal religions, and Christianity is classed as one of the three universal religions the other two being Buddhism and Mohammedanism (cf e.g. Kuenen s Hibbert Lectures on National Religions and Uni versal Religions). There is certainly agreement in the fact that the two religions named with Chris-



          tianity are not national" religions; that they are "universal," in the sense in which Christianity is, may be denied. Neither Buddhism nor Moham medanism has any fitness to become a religion for the world, nor, with all their remarkable extension, have they succeeded in establishing themselves, as Christianity has done, in East, and West, in Old World and in New. Mohammed boasted that he would plant his religion wherever the palm tree grew (Palgrave), and this still marks very nearly the range of its conquests. It is not a revivifying influence, but u blight on all higher civilization. It degrades woman, perpetuates slavery, fosters intolerance, and brings no real healing for the spiritual woes of mankind. Kmldhixm, again, notwithstanding its wide spread in China and neigh boring lands, has in it no real spring of moral progress, and is today withering up at, t lie root. Its system of "salvation" attainment of A i-rrana is not for the many but the few. It has not a message for all men alike. Buddha does not pro fess that all can accept his method, or ought to be asked to do so. For the multitude it is impossible of attainment. In practice, therefore, instead of one, he has three codes of duty one for the laity, who continue to live in the world; one for the monks, who do not aspire to Arahatship or saint hood: and one for those who would reach the goal of Nirvana. These last are very few; only two cases are specified, besides Buddha himself, of success in this endeavor. In contrast, with these Christianity approves itself as a strict ly universal religion the only religion of its kind in the world. In its doctrines of the one God and Father, and of the brot hcrhood of all mankind; its teaching on uni versal need through sin, and universal provision for salvation in Christ; its gospel of reconciliation addressed to all; its pure spirituality in worship and morality; its elevating and emancipating tend ency in all the relations of human life, it, approves itself as a religion for all sections and races of man kind, for all grades of civilization and stages of culture, appealing to that which is deepest in man, capable of being understood and received by all. and renewing and blessing each one who accepts and obeys it. The history of missions, even among the most degraded races, "in all parts of the globe, is the demonstration of this truth. (On the uni- versalism of Christianity, cf Batir, Church Hint of the First Three Cents., I, Pt 1.)

          C3) The ahxolnte religion. It is the custom, even in circles where the full supernatural claims of Christianity are not admitted, to speak of Christ s religion as, in comparison with others, "the absolute religion," meaning by this that in Christianity the true idea of religion, which in other faiths is only striven after, attains to complete and final expres sion. Hegel, e.g. speaks of Christianity as the Absolute or Revealed Religion" in the sense that in it the idea is discovered of the essential unity of God and man (thus also T. II. Green, E. Caird, etc); others (e.g. Pfleiderer) in the meaning that it, expresses the absolute "principle" of religion a Divine sonship. Christianity also claims for itself, though in a more positive way, to be the absolute religion. It is (lie final and perfect revelation of God for which not only revelation in Israel, but 1 he whole providential history of the race, was a Divinely ordained preparation (Gal 4 4). It is absolute in the sense that a larger and fuller revelation than Christ has given is not needed, and is not to be looked for. Not only in this religion is all truth of Nature about God s being, attributes and character, with all truth of OT revelation, purely gathered up and preserved, but in the person and work of the incarnate Son a higher and more com plete disclosure is made of God s Fatherly love and

          gracious purposes to mankind, and a redemption is presented as actually accomplished adequate to all the needs of a sinful world. Mankind can never hope to attain to a higher idea of God, a truer idea of man, a profounder conception of the end of life, of sin, of duty, a Diviner provision for salvation, a more perfect satisfaction in fellowship with God, a grander hope of eternal life, than is opened to it in the gospel. In this respect again, Christianity- stands alone (cf W. Douglas Mackenzie, The Final Faith, a Statement of the Nature and Authority of Christianity as the Religion of the World).

          (1) Reliijion of redemption. A third aspect in which Christianity as a historical religion is some times _ regarded is as a religion of redemption. In this light a comparison is frequently instituted between it and Buddhism, which also in some sort is a religion of redemption. But the comparison brings out only the more conspicuously the unique and original character of the Christian system. Buddhism starts from t he conception of the inherent, evil and misery of existence, and the salvation it promises as the result of indefinitely prolonged striving through many successive lives is the eternal rest and peace of non-being; Christianity, on the other hand, starts from the conception that everything in its original nature and in the intent of its Creator is good, and that the evil of the world is the result, of wrong and perverted development- holds, therefore, that redemption from it is possible by use of appropriate means. And redemption here includes, not merely deliverance from existing evils, but restoration of the Divine likeness which has been lost by man, and ultimate blessedness of the life everlasting. Dr. Boyd Carpenter sums up the contrast thus: "Tn Buddhism redemption comes from below; in Christianity it is from above; in Buddhism it comes from man; in Christianity it comes from God" (Permanent Elements in Reliaion. Intro, 31).

          Christianity, as an external magnitude, has a

          long and chequered history, into the details of

          which it is not the purpose of this art.

          4. Devel- to enter. Ecclesiastical developments

          opment and are left untouched. But a little may

          Influence be said of its outward expansion, (if

          the influences that helped to mould

          its doctrinal forms, and of the influence which it

          in turn has exercised on the thought and life of the

          peoples into whose midst it came.

          (1_) Expansion of Chrixlinni/i/. From the first Christianity aimed at being a world-conquering principle. The task it set before itself was stu pendous. Its message was not one likely to com mend it to either Jew or Greek (1 Cor 1 23). It renounced temporal weapons (in this a contrast with Mohammedanism); had nothing to rely on but^the naked truth. Yet, from the beginning (Acts 2) it had a remarkable reception. Its universal principle was still partially veiled in the Jewish- Christian communities, but with Paul it freed itself from all limitations, and entered on a period of rapid and wide diffusion.

          (a) The apostolic age: It is the peculiarity of the Pauline mission, as Professor W. M. Ramsay points out, that it followed the great lines of Rom communication, and aimed at establishing itself in the large cities the centers of civilization (Church in Roman Empire, 147, etc). The Book of Acts and the Epistles show how striking were the results. Churches were planted in all the great cities of Asia Minor and Macedonia. In Rome Tacitus testifies that by the time of Nero s persecution (64 AD) the Christians were a "great multitude" ("ingens multitudo" [Annals xv.44]).

          (6) Succeeding period: Our materials for esti mating the progress of Christianity in the post-



          apostolic age arc scanty, hut they suffice to show us the church pursuing its way, and casting its spell alike on East and West, in centers of civilization and dim regions of barbarism. In the last quarter of the 2d cent, great churches like those of Carthage and Alexandria burst into visibility, and reveal how firm a hold the new religion was taking of the empire. Deadly persecution could not slop this march of the church to victory. From the middle of the 3d cent, there is no question that it was pro gressing by leaps and bounds. This is the period in which Harnack puts its great expansion (K.r- pansion, II, 4f>5, ET). On the back of the most relentless persecution it had yet endured, the Diocletian, it suddenly found itself raised by the arms of Constantine to a position of acknowledged supremacy. By this time it had penetrated into all ranks of society, and reckoned among its ad herents many of noblest birth.

          (c) Modern missions: It is unnecessary to trace the subsequent course of Christianity in its con quest of the northern nations. For a time the zeal for expansion slumbered, but, with the revival of the missionary spirit at the close of the LSth cent., a new forward movement began, the effects of which in the various regions of the heathen world are only now beginning to be realized. It is impossible to read without a thrill what was accomplished by the pioneers of Christian missions in the South Seas and other early fields; now the tidings of what is being done in India, China, Japan, Korea, Africa and elsewhere, by Christian preaching and education, awaken even more astonishment. Countries long closed against the gospel are now opened, and the standard of the cross is being carried into all. The church is arousing to its missionary obligations as never before. Still, with all this progress, im mense obstacles remain to be overcome. Including all the populations of nominally Christian lands, the adherents of the Christian religion are reckoned to amount only to some 560,000,000, out of a total of over 1,600,000,000 of the population of the world (Hickmann). This looks discouraging, but it is to be remembered that it is the Christian peoples that represent the really progressive portion of the human race.

          (2) The doctrinal shaping of Christianity has taken place largely as the result, of conflict with op posing errors. First, as was inevitable, its conflict was waged with that narrowest section of the Jew ish-Christian community the Ebionites of early church history who, cleaving to circumcision, disowned Paul, and insisted that, the (ientiles should observe the law (Gal 6 13.14; see EHIOX- ITES). These, as a party of reaction, were soon left behind, and themselves fell under heretical (Essenian) influences.

          (a) Gnosticism: A more formidable conflict was that with Gnosticism the distinctive 1 heresy of the 2d cent., though its beginnings are already within the apostolic age (cf Lightfoot, Colossians). This strange compound of oriental theosophy and ideas borrowed from Christianity (see GNOSTICISM) would have dissolved Christ s religion into a tissue of phantasies, and all the strength and learning of the Church were needed to combat its influence. Its opposition was overruled for good in leading to a fixing of the earliest creed (see APOSTLES CREED), the formation of an authoritative NT canon (see BIBLE; CANON), and the firm assertion of the reality of Christ s humanity.

          (6) Monarchianism: Christianity had now entered the world of Gr thought, and ere long had contests to sustain within its own borders. First came as saults (3d cent.) on the idea of the Trinity in what are known as the Monarchian heresies the asser tion that the Father Himself was incarnate and

          suffered in Christ (Patripassianism), or that the Trinity consisted only in "modes" of the Divine self-revelation (Sabellianism) .

          (c) Arianism: These were hardly repelled when a yet greater danger overtook the church in the outbreak (.318 AD) of the violent Arian controversy, the Son Himself being now declared to be a creature, exalted, before all worlds, but not truly of the nature of God. The commotion produced by this contro versy led to the summoning of the first ecumenical council that of Nicaea (325 AD), and the framing of the Nicene Creed, affirming the full deity of the Son. A like controversy about the Spirit (the Macedonian, 4th cent.), led to the confirming of this creed, and adoption of additional clauses, at the Council of Constantinople (3S1 AD).

          (d) Sin and grace: The doctrine of the Trinity was now settled, but new controversies speedily sprang up in the West on sin and grace (Pelagius and Augustine) (411-1S AD), and in the East in the long series of controversies known as the Chris- tological, bearing on the right apprehension of the person of Christ (4th to 7th cents.) : as against Pe lagius, who denied original sin, and affirmed man s natural ability to keep the whole law of God, Augustine vindicated the complete dependence of man on the grace of God for his salvation.

          (e) Person of Christ : And as against errors succes sively denying the reality of a human soul in Jesus (Appollinarianism), dissolving the unity of His per son (Nestorianism, condemned at Ephesus, 431 AD), or conversely, fusing together the Divine and human into one nature (Eutychianism, Monophysitism), the church maintained, and embodied in a Creed at Chalcedon ( lf)l AD), theintegrity of the two natures, Divine and human, in the one Divine person of the Lord. These decisions are upheld by all branches of the church Gr, Lat , Protestant.

          (/) The atonement: The mediaeval scholastic period made one great, advance in the attempt of Anselm in his Cur Dens Homo (10X9) to lay deep the foundations of a doctrine of atonement in the idea of the necessity of a satisfaction for human sin: Abelard, on the other hand, denied the need of satisfaction, and bccainc the representative of what are known as moral theories of the atonement. It was reserved for the Protestant Reformers, how ever, to bring this doctrine to its true bearing, as furnishing the ground for man s free justification before God in his union with Christ, who had made full sat isfact ion for his guilt . Then; have been many theories of atonement, but. the idea that Christ has "satisfied Divine justice" is too firmly imbedded in all the Reformation creeds, and lias too profound a Scriptural support, to be removed.

          (0) The Kith cent. Reformation, on its outward side, was a revolt, against the errors and corruptions of the papacy, but in its positive aspect it may be described as" the reassert ion of the sole mediator- ship of Christ (as against priestly intervention), the sole authority of Scripture (as against tradition), and justification by faith alone (as against salvation by works of merit). The schism meant, a separation of the great Protestant communities and nations from the church of Rome, which, by its claim of papal supremacy, had already separated from itself the great Gr communion.

          (//) Lutheran and Reformed: Within Protestant ism itself a difference of genius between the Swiss and German Reformers, with divergences of view on the sacraments, led to the formation of two main types the Lutheran (German) and the Reformed (Swiss) and between these two, as respects theol ogy and church order, later Protestantism has mostly been divided. Luther represented the one; Calvin for long was the chief name in the other. With the rise of Arminianism and other forms of

          Christianity Chronicles



          dissent from the peculiarities of Calvinism, the asj ><><( of Protestantism became more variegated. Of the later divisions, producing the numerous modern sects which yet own allegiance to the common head (Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Metho dists, Baptists, Congregationalists, etc), it is not necessary here to speak. The unity of spirit re vealed in creed, worship and combined endeavors in Christ s service goes deeper than all outward differences.

          (3) Its ^influence. Christianity preaches a king dom of C.od, or supremacy of God s will in human hearts and human affairs, by which is meant, on its earthly side, nothing less than a complete recon struction of society on the two great bases of love to (Jod and love to man "Thy will be done, as in heaven, so on earth" (Mt 6 10). The influence of Christianity is paramount in all the great advances that have been made in the moral and social amel ioration of the state of mankind.

          (a) The ancient world: It was so undoubtedly in the ancient world. The world into which Chris tianity came was one fast sinking into dissolution through the weight of its own corruptions. Into that world Christianity brought, a totally new idea of man as being of infinite dignity and immortal worth. It restored the well-nigh lost, sense of responsibility and accountability to (!od; breathed into the world a new spirit of love and charity, and created that wealth of charitable and beneficent institutions with which Christian lands are now full (I.ecky speaks of it- as "covering the globe with countless institutions of mercy, absolutely unknown in the whole pagan world," ///*/ of J/om/,s, II, 91); set up a new moral ideal and standard of integrity which has acted as an elevating force on moral conceptions till the present hour; restored woman to her rightful place as man s helpmeet and equal; created the Christian home; gave the slave an equal place with his master in the kingdom of God, and struck at the foundations of slavery by its doctrines of the natural brotherhood and dignity of man; created self-respect, and a sense of duty in the use of one s powers for self-support and the benefit of others; urged to honest labors; and in a myriad other ways, by direct teaching, by the protest of holy lives, and by its general spirit, struck at the evils, the malpractices, the cruelties of the time.

          (h) The modern world: Despite many failures, and gross backslidings in the church itself, these ideas, implanted in the world, and liberating other forces, have operated ever since in advancing the progress of the race. They exist, and operate far beyond the limits of the church. They have been taken up and contended for by men outside the church by unbelievers even when the church itself had become unfaithful to them. None the less they are of Christian parentage. They lie at the basis of our modern assertion of equal rights, of justice to the individual in social and state arrangements, of the desire for brotherhood, peace and amity among classes and nations. It is Chris tian love which is sustaining the best, purest and most self-sacrificing efforts for the raising of the fallen, the rescue of the drunkard, the promotion of enlightenment, virtues, social order and happi ness. It is proving itself the grand civilizing agency in other regions of the world. Christian missions, with their benign effects in the spread of education, the checking of social evils and barbarities, the crea tion of trade and industry, the change in the status of women, the advance in social and civilized life, generally, is the demonstration of it (see Dennis, Christian J\\\\ fissions and Social I rot/rcss).

          (c) Testimony of Huxley: Professor Huxley will not be regarded as a biased witness on behalf

          of Christianity. Yet this is what he writes on the influence of the Christian Scriptures, and his words may be a fitting close to this article: "Through out the history of the western world," he says, "the Scriptures, Jewish, and Christian, have been the great instigators of revolt against the worst forms of clerical and political despotism. The Bible has been the Magna Chart a of the poor, and of the oppressed; down to modern times no state has had a constitution in which the interests of the people are so largely taken into account, in which the duties, so much more than the privileges, of rulers are insisted upon, as that drawn up for Israel in Dt and Lev; nowhere is the fundamental truth that the welfare of the State, in the long run, de pends upon the uprightness of the citi/enso strongly laid down. Assuredly the Bible talks no trash about the rights of man; but it insists upon the equality of duties, on (he liberty to bring about that righteous ness which is somewhat different from struggling for rights ; on the fraternity of taking thought for one s neighbor as for one s self."

          I.iTi:it.\\\\Triii:. See works cited in Part I above; also Kueneii, Hibbert Lectures for 1SS2, \\\\ntional Kdiuioiix and Universal ltcli<,,ons; W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the. Hinnan Empire; M. Duds, Mohammed, Ruddlia, (nut Cln-ist; on early expansion of Christianity, Haniack, Mission and Expansion of ( hristianity, and Orr, Ney- lected Factor^ in the Htndy of tin Karl a I ntyresx of Chris tianity; on the essence of Christianity, W. Douglas Mackenzie, The Final Faith; on the influence of Chris tianity, C. L. Brace, (iestn i; I hlhoni, Christian Charity in the Ancient Church; C. Schmidt, Hnriul He- suits nf Karln Christi/uiita; Leeky, History of European Mural*: Dennis. Christian Missi<nisand Social J roiiress- Reports of World Miss. Conference, 1 .)!().

          JAMES ORR

          CHRISTOLOGY, kris-tol o-ji. See PERSON OF CHRIST.

          CHRISTS, krists. See CIIKISTS, FALSE; MES SIAH.

          CHRISTS, FALSE, fols (xJ/tvSoxpurroi.,

          chrixloi.): In His discourse on the last things, uttered by Him on the Tuesday of the

          1. Christ s week of His Passion, Jesus solemnly Warnings forewarned His disciples that many

          would come in His name, saying "1 am the Christ," who would deceive many; that there would arise false Christs and false prophets, who would show great signs and wonders, so as to lead astray, if possible, even the elect ; that, therefore, if any man said to them, "Lo, here is the Christ," or "I,o, there," they were not to believe it (Mt 24 5.11.23-2."); Mk 13 6.21-2:5; Lk 21 8).

          The warning was needed. Do Wette, Meyer, and others have, indeed, pointed out that there is

          no historical record of anyone expressly

          2. Early claiming to be the, Christ prior to the Notices destruction of Jerus. This, however,

          is probably only in appearance (cf Lange, Cotnin. on Mt 24 3). Edcrsheim remarks: "Though in the multitude of impostors, who, in the troubled time between the rule of Pilate and the destruction of Jerus, promised Messianic deliverance to Israel, few names and claims of this kind have been specially recorded, yet the hints in the NT, and the references, however guarded, in the Jewish historian, imply the appearance of many such seducers" (Jesus the Messiah, V, eh vi; in 1000 ed, II, 440). The revolts in this period were generally connected with religious pre tensions in the leaders (Jos, I3J, II, xiii, 4 "de ceived and deluded the people tinder pretense of Divine inspiration"), and, in the fevered state of Messianic expectation, can hardly have lacked, in SOUK; instances, a Messianic character. Judas of (lalilee (Acts 5 37; Jos, Ant, XVIII, i, 1, 0; BJ, II, viii, 1) founded a numerous sect (the Gaulonites)



          Christianity Chronicles

          by many of whom, according to Origcn ( Horn on Lk, 25), he was regarded as the Messiah (cf DB, s.v.). The Theudas of Acts 5 30, "giving himself out to be somebody," may or may not be the same as the Theudas of Jos (Ant, XX, v, 1), but the latter, at least, made prophetic claims and deluded many. He promised to divide the river Jor dan by a word. Another instance is the "Egyp tian" for whom Paul was mistaken, who had made an "uproar" (Acts 21 38; RV "sedition") one of a multitude of "impostors and deceivers," Jos tells us, who persuaded multitudes to follow them into the wilderness, pretending that they would exhibit wonders and signs (Ant, XX, viii, (>). This Egyptian was to show them that, at his com mand, the walls of Jerus would fall down (I1J, II, xiii, 5). Of another class was the Samaritan Dosi- theus, with whom Simon Magus was said to be connected (see refs to Eusebius, Origen, Hippolytus, Clementine writings, etc, in 1) H, s.v.). He is alleged to have been regarded as "the prophet like unto Moses," whom (iod was to raise up.

          The most celebrated case of a false Christ is

          that of Bar-Cochba (to give the name its usual

          form), the leader of the great insur-

          3. Bar- rection under Hadrian in 132 AD (Eus., Cochba HE, IV, 0; for Jewish and other aut hori-

          tics, see the full account in Schtirer, HJP, I, 2, pp. 207 ff, ET). The insurrection was on a scale which it required the whole force of the Rom empire to put down (cf Schiirer). The leader s own name was Simon, but the title, "Bar-Cochba ("son of a star"), was given him with reference to the prophecy in Nu 24 17 of the star that should come out of Jacob. Rabbi Akiba, the most cele brated doctor of his time, applied this prophecy, with that in Hag 2 0.7, to Simon, and announced him as the Messiah. He is commonly known in Jewish lit. as Barcosiba, probably from his birth place. Immense multitudes flocked to his standard, and the Christians in Pal were severely persecuted. Coins were issued in his name. After tremendous efforts the rebellion was crushed, and Jerus was converted into a Horn colony (Aclia Capitolitui), which Jews were forbidden to enter.

          Among the Jews themselves, in later times,

          many pseudo-Messiahs have arisen. An interest jng

          account, of some of these is given by

          4. Jewish Mr. Elkan Adler in his Introduction Pseudo- to the volume, Aspects of the llch Messiahs dcnius (London, Rout ledge, 1910).

          "Such there had been," this writer says, "from time to time ever since the destruction of the Temple." In the Kith and 17th cents., however, the belief in pseudo-Messiahs took new and remark able shape s. Among the names mentioned is that of David Reubeni, or David of the tribe of Reuben (1524), who ultimately fell a sacrifice to the Inquisition. Under his influence a Portuguese royal secretary, Diego Pires, adopted the Jewish faith, changed his name to Solomon Molko, and finally proclaimed himself the Messiah. In 1529 he published some of his addresses under the title of The Bonk of Wonder. He was burned at the stake at Mantua. "Other Kabbalists, such as Isaac Luria and Chajim Vital and Abraham Shalom, proclaimed themselves to be Messiahs or forerunners of the Messiah, and their works and MSS are still piously studied by many oriental Jews." The chief of all these false Messiahs was Sabbat ai Zeyi, born at Smyrna in 1020. "His adventures," it is said, "created a tremendous stir in western Europe." He ultimately became an apostate to Islam; notwithstanding which fact he had a line of successors, in whom the sect of Donmeh, in Salonica, continue to believe. Another mentioned is Jacob Frank, of Podolia, who revealed himself

          in 1755 as the Holy Lord, in whom there dwelt the same Messiah-soul that had dwelt in David, Elijah, Jesus, Mohammed, Sabbatai Zevi, and his followers. Jewish lit. in the 18th cent, is full of controversial writing connected with Sabbat ianism. As a special source of information on modern false Messiahs among the Jews, Lange mentions the serial Dibhre cmcth, or Words of Truth (Breslau, 1853- 54). JAMES OHK

          CHRONICLES, kron i-k ls, BOOKS OF 2" 1 52^n , dibh e re hti-yanntn, "The Words of the Days" ; LXX IIapaXei.irofj.e va>v, paralciponienon):

          1. The Name

          2. The Position of Chronicles in the OT

          3. Two Books, or One?

          4. The Contents

          5. Sources Biblical and Kxtra-Biblical

          6. Xehemiah s Library

          7. The \\\\Vay of I sing the Biblical Sources S. Additions by the Chronicler

          9. Omissions by the Chronicler

          10. The Kxtra-Biblical Sources

          11. The Object in Writing the Books of Chronicles \\\\ 2. The Text

          13. Critical Estimates

          14. Date and Authorship

          15. Evidence as to Date and Authorship Arguments for a Later Date

          16. Truthfulness and Historicity

          (1) Alleged I roofs of Untruthfulness

          (2) Truthfulness in the Various Parts

          17. The Values of the Chronicles LITERATURE

          The analogy of this title to such Eng. words as diary journal, chronicle, is obvious. The title is one which frequently appears in the 1. The Heb of the OT. It is used to denote

          Name the records of the Medo-Pers monarchy

          (Est 2 23; 6 1; 10 2), and to denote public records, either Pers or Jewish, made in late postexilian times (Neh 12 23), and to denote public records of King David (1 Ch 27 24). But its most common use is to denote the Judahite and Israelite records referred to in the Books of K as sources (1 K 14 19; 15 7 and about 30 other places). Therefcr- ences in K are not to our present Books of Ch, for a large proportion of them are to matters not men tioned in these. Either directly or indirectly they refer the reader to public archives.

          As applied to our present Books of Ch this title was certainly not intended to indicate that they are strictly copies of public documents, though it may indicate that they have a certain official character distinguishing them from other contemporary or future writings. The (!r title is Paraleipomenon, "Of Things that have been Left Untold." Some copies add "concerning the kings of Judah," and this is perhaps the original form of the title. That is, the Gr translators thought of Ch as a supplement to the other narrative Scriptural books. Jerome accepted the Gr title, but suggested that the Heb title would be belter represented by a derivative from the Gr word chronos, and that this would fit the character of the book, which is a chronicle of the whole sacred history. Jerome s suggestion is followed in the title given to the book in the Eng. and other languages.

          In most of the VSS, as in the Eng., the Books of Ch are placed after the Books of K, as being a later account of the matters narrated in 2. The K; and Ezr and Neh follow Ch as

          Position of being continuations of the narrative. Chronicles In the Heb Bibles the Books of Ezr in the OT and Xeh and 1 and 2 Ch are placed last. By common opinion, based on proof that is entirely sufficient, the three books con stitute a single literary work or group of works, by one author or school of authors. It is convenient to use the term "the Chronicler" to designate the author, or the authors if there were more than one.




          It is the regulation thing to say that 1 and 2 Ch

          were originally one book, which has been divided

          into two. The fact is that Ch is

          3. Two counted as one book in the count Books, or which regards the OT as 22 or 24 One? books, and as two books in the count

          which regards the whole number of books as 39; and that both ways of counting have been in use as far back as the mailer can be traced. Both ways of counting appear in the earliest Chris tian lists, those of Origen and Melito, for example. 1 Ch closes with a summary which may naturally be regarded as the closing of a book.

          With respect to their contents the Books of Ch arc naturally divided into three parts. The first

          part is preliminary, consisting mostly

          4. The of genealogical matters with accom- Contents panying facts and incidents (1 Ch

          1-9). The second part is an account of the accession and reign of David (1 Ch 10-29). The third part is an account of the events under David s successors in the dynasty (2 Ch).

          The genealogies begin with Adam (1 Ch 1 1) and extend to the latest OT times (1 Ch 9; cf Xeh 11, and the latest names in the genealogical lines, e.g. 1 Ch 3 19 ff). The events incidentally men tioned in connection with them are more numerous and of more importance than the casual reader would imagine. They are some do/ens in number. Some of them are repeated from the parts of the OT from which the Chronicler draws as sources for example, such statements as that Ximrod was a mighty one, or that in the time of Peleg 1 he earth was divided, or the details concerning the kings of Edom (1 Ch 1 10.19.43 ft; ef Gen 10 8.25; 36 31 ff). Others are instances which the Chronicler has taken from other sources than the OT for instance, the story of Jabcz, or the accounts of the Simeonite conquests of the Meunim and of Amalek (1 Ch 4 9.10.38-43).

          The account in Ch of the reign of David divides itself into three parts. The first part (1 Ch 10-21) is a series of sections giving a general view, includ ing the death of Saul, the crowning of David over the twelve tribes, his associates, his wars, the bring ing of the ark to .Jems, the great Davidie promise, the plague that led to the purchase of the thresh ing-floor of Oman the Jebusite. The second part (1 Ch 22 29 2 2<t) deals with one particular event and the preparations for it. The event is the mak ing Solomon king, at a great public assembly (1 Ch 23 1; 28 1 fT). The preparations for it include arrangements for the site and materials and labor for the temple that is to be built, and the organ izing of Levites, priests, singers, doorkeepers, cap tains, for the service of the lemple and the kingdom. The third part (1 Ch 29 225-30) is a brief account of Solomon s being made king "a second time" (cf 1 K 1), with a summary and references for the reign of David.

          The history of the successors of David, as given in 2 Ch, need not here be commented upon.

          The sources of the Books of Ch classify them selves as Biblical and extra-Biblical. Considerably more than half the contents come

          5. Sources from the other OT books, especially Biblical and from S and K. Other sources men- Extra- tioned in the Books of Ch are the Biblical following:

          (1) The Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel (2 Ch 16 1 1 ; 25 26; 28 20; 32 32).

          (2) The Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah (2 Ch 27 7; 35 27; 36 8).

          (3) The Book of the Kings of Israel (2 Ch 20 34).

          (4) The Book of the Kings (2 Ch 24 27).

          It is possible that these may be four variant forms

          of the same; title. It is also possible that they may be references to our present Books of K, though in that case we must regard the formulas of reference as conventional rather than exact.

          (5) The Book of the Kings of Israel (1 Ch 9 1), a genealogical work.

          (0) The Midr of the Book of the Kings (2 Ch 24 27).

          (7) The Words of the Kings of Israel (2 Ch 33 IS), referred to for details concerning Manasseh.

          Observe that these seven are books of Kings, and that the contents of the last three do not at all correspond with those of our Biblical books. In the seventh title and in several of the titles that are yet. to be mentioned it is commonly understood that "Words" is the equivalent of "acts" or "his tory"; but it is here preferred to retain the form "Words," as lending itself better than the others to the syntactical adjustments.

          (S) The Words of Samuel the Man of Vision and the Words of Nathan the Prophet and the Words of Gad the Seer (I Ch 29 20) are perhaps to be counted as one work, and identified with our Books of Jgs and S.

          (9) The Words of Nathan the Prophet (2 Ch 9 29; cf 1 Iv 11 41-53). Source concerning Solomon.

          (10) The Prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite (2 Ch 9 29; cf 1 K 11 29 IT; 14 2 ff, etc). Solomon.

          (11) The Visions of Jedo the Seer (2 Ch 9 29; cf 1 K 13). Solomon.

          (12) The Words of Shemaiah the Prophet (2 Ch 12 1.1; cf 1 K 12 22 fT). Hehoboam.

          (13) "Shemaiah wrote" (1 Ch 24 0). David.

          (14) Iddo the Seer in Reckoning Genealogies (2 Ch 12 I. )). Rehoboam.

          (15) "The Words [The History] of Jehu the son of Hanani, which is inserted in the Book of the Kings of Israel" (2 Ch 20 34; cf 1 K 16 1.7.12). Jehoshaphat .

          (10) "The rest of the acts of Uzziah, first and last, did Isaiah the Prophet, the son of Amoz, write" (2_Ch 26 22; cf Isa 11; 6).

          (17) "The Vision of Isaiah .... in the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel" (2 Ch 32 32; cf 2 K 18 20; Isa 36 39, etc). Ilezekiah.

          (IS) The Words of the Seers (2 Ch 33 19m). Manasseh.

          (19) References to "Lamentations," and to "Jer emiah," etc (2 Ch 35 2f>). Josiah.

          (20) The Midr of the Prophet Iddo (2 Ch 13 22). Ahijah.

          These numbers, from 12 to 20, are referred to as works of prophets. At first thought there is plausi bility in the idea that the references may be to the sections in S and K where these several prophets are mentioned; but in nearly all the cases this ex planation fades out on examination. The Chronicler had ace-ess to prophetic writings not now known to be in existence.

          (21) Liturgical writings of David and Solomon (2 Ch 35 4; cf Kzr 3 10). Josiah.

          (22) Commandments of David and Gad and Nathan (2 Ch 29 25). Hezekiah.

          (23) The Commandment of David and Asaph and Heman and Jeduthun (2 Ch 35 15). Josiah.

          (24) Chronicles of King David (1 Ch 27 24).

          (25) Last Words of David (1 Ch 23 27).

          Add to these many mentions of genealogical works, connected with particular times, those for example of David, Jotham, Jeroboam II (1 Ch 9 22; 5 17), and mentions of matters that imply record-keeping, from Samuel and onward (e.g. l Ch 26 20-28). Add also the fact that the Chronicler had a habit, exhibited in Ezr and Neh, of using and quoting what he represents to be public documents, for example, letters to and from Cyrus and Artaxerxes and Darius and Artaxerxes Longimanus (Ezr 1 1;




          6 3; 4 7.17; 5 6; 6 6; 7 11; Neh 2 7). It is no exaggeration to say that the Chronicler claims to have had a considerable library at his command.

          If such a library as this existed we should per haps expect to find some mention of it somewhere. Such a mention I think there is in the 6. Nehe- much discussed passage in 2 Mace 2 miah s 13-15. It occurs in what purports to

          Library be a letter written after 164 BC by the Maccabean leaders in Jerus to Aristobulus in Egypt. The letter has a good deal to say concerning Nehemiah, and among other things this: "And how he, founding a library, gathered together the books about the kings and prophets, and the [books] of David, and letters of kings about sacred gifts." It says that these writings have been scattered by reason of the war, but that Judas has now gathered them again, and that they may be at the service of Aristobulus and his friends.

          This alleged letter contains statements that seem fabulous to most modern readers, though they may not have seemed so to Judas and his compatriots. Leaving out of view, however, the intrinsic credi bility of the witness, the fitting of the statement into certain other traditions and into the phenomena presented in Chronicles is a thing too remarkable to neglect. In the past, men have cited this pas sage as an account of the framing of a canon of Scripture the canon of the Prophets, or of the Prophets and the Hagiographa. But it purports to be an account of a library, not, of a body of Scripture; and its list of contents does not appear to be that of either the Prophets or the Hagiog rapha or both. But it is an exact list of the sources to which the author (or authors) of Ch and Ezr and Neh claim to have access "books about the kings" (see above, Nos. 1-7), "and prophets" (Nos. 8-20), "and of David" (Nos. 21-25 ff), "and letters of kings about sacred gifts" (those cited in Ezr and Neh). The library attributed to Xrh corresponds to the one which the Chronicler claims to have used; and the two independent pieces of evidence strongly confirm each the other.

          The method in which the Biblical sources are used in Ch presents certain remarkable features. As a typical instance; study 1 Ch 10 7. The in comparison with 1 S 31. In verses

          Way of 1-12 the passage in Chronicles is just

          Using the a transcription, with slight changes, of Biblical the passage in S. A large part of Ch Sources is thus made up of passages tran scribed from S and K. The alterna tive is that the Chronicler transcribed from sources which had earlier been transcribed in S and K, and this alternative may in some cases be the true one.

          This phenomenon is interesting for many reasons. It has its bearings on the trustworthiness of the information given; a copy of an ancient document is of higher character as evidence than a mere report of the contents of the document. It has a bearing on questions concerning the text; are the texts in K and Ch to be regarded as two recensions? It is especially interesting as illustrating the literary processes in use among the writers of our Scriptures.

          It is sometimes said that they used their sources not by restating the contents as a modern compiler would do, but by just copying. It would be more correct to say that they do this part of the time. In 1 Ch 10 the copying process ceases with the 12th ver. In vs 13 and 14 the Chronicler con denses into a sentence a large part of the contents of 1 S; one clause in particular is a condensation of 1 S 28. So it is with other parts. 1 Ch 1 1-4 is abridged from Gen 6 at the rate of a name for a section; so is 1 Ch 1 24-27 from Gen 11 10-26. In the various parts of Ch we find all the methods

          that are used by any compiler; the differentiating fact is simply that the method of transcribing is more used than it would be by a modern compiler. In the transcribed passages, almost without ex ception, there has been a systematic editorial revi sion. Words and clauses have been pruned out , and grammatical roughness smoothed away. Regularly the text in Chronicles is somewhat briefer, and is more fluent than in S or K. If we give the matter careful attention we will be sure that this revi- sional process took place, and that it accounts for most of the textual differences between Ch and the earlier writings, not leaving many to be accounted for as corruptions.

          Of course the most significant changes made by the Chronicler are those which consist in additions and omissions. It is a familiar fact 8. Addi- that the added passages in Ch which tions by the bulk largest are those which deal with Chronicler the temple and its worship and its attendants -its priests, Levites, musi cians, singers, doorkeepers. Witness for example the added matter in connection with the bringing of the ark to Jerus, the preparations for the temple, the priests joining Rehoboam, the war between Abijah and Jeroboam, the reforms under Asa and Jehoshaphat, details concerning Uzziah, Hezekiah s passover, the reform of Manasseh, the passover of J(siah(l Ch 15-16, 22-29; 2 Ch 11 13-17; 13; 14; 15; 17; 19; 20; 26 16-21; 29-31; 33 10-20; 35). It has been less noticed than it should be that while the Chronicler in those passages magnifies the cere monial laws of Moses, he magnifies those of David yet more.

          Next in bulk comes the added genealogical and statistical matter, for example 1 , the larger part of the preliminary genealogies, details as to David s followers, Rehoboam s fortified cities and family affairs with details concerning the Shishak inva sion, Asa s military preparations and the invasion by Zerah, with numbers and dates, Jehoshaphat s military arrangements, with numbers, Jehoram s brothers and cither details concerning him, t zziah s army and his business enterprises (1 Ch 2-9; 12; 27; 2 Ch 11 5-12.1S-23; 12 3-9; 14 3-15; 17 1-5.10-1*); 21; 26 6-15).

          The Chronicler is sometimes spoken of as inter ested in priestly affairs, and not in the prophets. That is a mistake. He takes particular pains to magnify the prophets (e.g. 2 Ch 20 20; 36 12.16). He uses the word "prophet" 30 times, and the t\\\\vo words for "seer" (hozeh and ro eh) respectively 5 and 11 times. He gives us additional information concerning many of the prophets for example, Samuel, Gad, Nathan, Ahijah, Shemaiah, Hanani, Jehu, Elijah, Isaiah, Jeremiah. He has taken pains to preserve for us a record of many prophets con cerning whom we should otherwise be ignorant Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun, Jedo (2 Ch 9 29), Iddo, theOded of Asa s time, Jahaziel the son of Zechariah, Eliezer the son of Dodavah, two Zechariahs (2 Ch 24 20; 26 5), unnamed prophets of the time of Am- aziah (2 Ch 25 5-10.15.16), Oded of the time of Ahaz (2 Ch 28 9).

          In addition, however, to the materials that can be thus classified, it is the method of the Chronicler to preserve interesting incidents of all kinds by working them into his narrative. When he reaches Jair in his genealogical list, he finds himself in possession of a bit of information not contained in the older writings, and he inserts it (1 Ch 2 21 ff). He is interested to keep alive the memory of the "families of scribes which dwelt at Jabez" (1 Ch 2 55). lie has found items concerning craftsmen, and concerning a linen industry, and a potters industry, and he connects these with names in his list (1 Ch 4 14.21.23). He has come across




          ;i bit of a hymn in the name of Jabez, and he at taches the hymn to his list of names us an annota tion (1 Ch 4 9.10). There are matters concerning the sickness and the burial of Asa, and concerning the bad conduct of .Joash aft er t lie deal h of Jehoiada, and concerning constructions by Hezokiah (2 Ch 16 12.1.3; 24 lf>-27; 32 27-30), that seem to the Chronicler worth preserving, though they are not recorded in the earlier writings. The fruits of the habit appear, in many scores of instances, in all parts of the Books of Ch,

          As the Books of Ch thus add matters not found

          in the older books, so they leave out much that is

          contained in the Books of S and K.

          9. Omis- Here, however, the question should sions by the rat her be as to what the Chronicler Chronicler has retained from his sources than as

          to what, he has omitted. He writes for readers whom lie assumes to bo familiar with the earlier books, and he retains so much of the older narrative as seems to him necessary for defining the relations of his new statements of fact 1 o t hat narrative. From the point where the history of David begins he has omitted everything that is not strictly connected with David or his dynasty the history of northern Israel as such, the long nar ratives concerning the prophets, such distressing affairs as those of Ainnon and Absalom and Adonijah and the faithlessness of Solomon, and a multitude of minor particulars. \\\\\\\\"e have already noticed his systematic shortening of the passages which he transcribes.

          There are two marked phenomena in the parts of Ch which were not taken from the other canonical

          books. They are written in later

          10. The Hob of a pretty uniform type; many Extra- parts of them are fragmentary. The Biblical Hob of the parts that were copied Sources from S and K is of course the classical

          Hob of those books, generally made more classical by the revision to which it has been subjected. The Hob of the other parts is pre sumably that of the Chronicler himself. The dif ference is unmistakable. An obvious way of account ing for it is by supposing that the Chronicler treated his Scriptural sources with especial respect, and his other sources with more freedom. Wo will presently consider whether this is the true account.

          There are indications that some of the non- Biblical sources were in a mutilated or otherwise fragmentary condition when the Chronicler used them. Broken sentences and passages and con structions abound. In the tr s these are largely concealed, the translators having guessed the mean ings into shape, but the roughnesses are palpable in the Hob. They appear less in the long narratives than in the genealogies and descriptive passages. They arc sometimes" spoken of as if they were char acteristic; of the later Hob, but there is no sense in that,

          For example, most of the genealogies are incom plete. The priestly genealogies omit some of the names that are most distinguished in the history, such names as those of Jehoiada and two Azariahs (2 K 11 9, etc; 2 Ch 26 17; 31 10). Many of the genealogies are given more than once, and in variant forms, but with their incompleteness still palpable. There are many breaks in the lists. We read the names of one group, and we suddenly find ourselves in the midst of names that belong to another group, and with nothing to call attention to the transition. The same phenomena appear in the sections in 1 Ch 23 2 27. These contain a succession of matters arranged in absolutely sys tematic order in classes and subclasses, while many of the statements thus arranged are so fragmentary as to be hardly intelligible. The most natural

          explanation of these phenomena assumes that, the writer had a quantity of fragments in writing clay tablets, perhaps, or pottery or papyrus, or what not, more or less mutilated, and that he copied them as best he could, one after another. A modern writer, doing such work, would indicate the lacunae by dots or clashes or other devices. The ancient copyist simply wrote the bits of text one after another, without such indications. In regard to many of the supposable lacunae in Ch scholars would differ, but there are a large number in regard to which all would agree 1 . If some one would print, a text of Ch in which those should be indicated, he would make an important contribution to the in telligibility of the books.

          On the basis of these phenomena what judgment

          can we form as to the purposes for which the books

          of Ch wore written? There are those

          11. The who find the answer to this question a Object in very simple one. They say that the Writing the interests of the writer" were those of Books of the temple; priesthood, that it seemed Chronicles to him that the older histories did not

          emphasize those interests as they ought , and that he therefore wrote a new history, putting into it the views and facts which he thought should be there. If this statement wore modified so as not to impugn the good faith of the Chronicler, it would be nearly correct as a stat ement of part of his purpose. His purpose was to preserve what he regarded as historical materials that were in danger of being lost., materials concerning the temple- worship, but also concerning a large variety of other matters. He had the historian s instinct for laying hold of all sorts of details, and putting them into permanent form. His inspiration from God (we do not here discuss the nature of that inspira tion) led him this way. He wanted to save for the future that which he regarded as historical fact, The contents of the book, determined in part by his enthusiasm for the temple, were also determined in part by the nature of the materials that we re providentially at his disposal. There seems also to have been present in his consciousness the idea of bringing to completion the body of sacred writings which had then been accumulating for centuries.

          As we have seen, the Gr translators gave to the Books of Ch a title which expressed the idea they had of the work. They regarded it as (lie pres entation of matters which had been omitted in the earlier Scriptures, as written not to supersede the older books, but to supplement them, as being, along with Ezr and Neh, a work that brought the Scriptures up to date, and made them complete.

          The text of the Books of Ch has been less care fully preserved than that of some other parts of the ( )T. Wit ness for example the numbers

          12. The 42 and 8 for the ages of Ahaziah and Text Johoiaehin (2 Ch 22 2; cf 2 K 8 2(>;

          2 Ch 36 9; cf 2 K 24 8). There is no proof, however, of important textual corruption. As we have seen, the fragmentary character of cer tain parts is probably in the main due to exactness in following fragmentary sources, and not to bad text; and the differences between S or K and Ch, in the transcribed passages, are mostly due to intended revision rather than to text variations.

          In critical discussions less semblance of fair play has been accorded to Ch than even to most of the

          other Scriptures. It is not unusual

          13. Critical to assume that the Chronicler s refer- Estimates once to sources is mere make-believe,

          that he "has cited sources simply to produce the impression that he is writing with authority." Others hurry to the generalization that the Books of K mentioned in Ch (see Nos. 1-7 above) are all one work, which must therefore have




          been an extensive Midr (commentary, exegetical and anecdotal) on the canonical Books of K; and tkat the references to prophetic writings are to sec tions in this Midr; so that practically the Chronicler had only two sources, the canonical books and this midrashic history of Israel; and that "it is impos sible to determine" whether he gathered any bits of information from any other sources.

          Into the critical theories concerning Ch enters a hypothesis of an earlier Book of K that was more extensive than our present canonical books. And in recent publications of such men as Biichler, Ben- zinger and Kittel are theories of an analysis of Ch into documents for example, an earlier writing that made no distinction between priests and Levites, or an earlier writing which dealt freely with the canonical books; and the later writing of the Chronicler proper.

          What we know in the matter is that three sets of authors combined in producing the Books of Ch first, the men who produced the canonical sources, second, the men who produced the other sources, and third, the man or men who directly or indirectly put the contents of these sources together into the book which we have. We have no means of knowing what most of the intermediate processes were, and it is superlatively useless to guess. It is gratuitous to say that the mention of sources in Ch is not made in good faith. It is probable that among the sources were Midrashim that were nearly contemporaneous. It is exceed ingly improbable that none of 1 lie sources mentioned were genuine and ancient. All probabilities agree to the effect that the returned exiles and their near descendants were likely to study the ancient his tory of their race, and to gather materials for that purpose. As we have seen, the phenomena of the book indicate the presence, of an antiquarian mo tive which was sure to be interested in genuine items of evidence from the remote past.

          The current opinion sixty years ago was that the Books of Ch and the whole OT were completed about 404 BC, near the time when 14. Date Artaxerxes Mnemon succeeded Darius and Nothus. The statement now fashion-

          Authorship able is that the Books of Ch were com pleted not later than about 2.~>0 BC, and this constantly degenerates into the statement that they were written about 250 BC or later. In fact, they were completed within the lifetime of Ne- hemiah, not later or not much later than 400 BC.

          In discussing this we cannot ignore the fact that Ch and Ezr and Neh are one work, or, if you prefer, one series. The closing vs of 2 Ch duplicate the opening vs of Ezr. This is not, probably, an in advertent repetition. The Books of Ch were written later than the other parts of the series. The closing vs are the Chronicler s notification to his readers that he has brought up the earlier history to the point at which he had previously begun the narrative in Ezr.

          The testimony concerning Ezra and the "men of the Great Synagogue" and Nehemiah and their work on the Scriptures does not deserve the con tempt with which some persons treat it. We know nothing concerning the Great Synagogue as an organization, but we know much concerning the succession of men, from Daniel to Simon the Just, who are called the men of the Great Synagogue. The old traditions do not say that Ezra was the founder of the succession, but they make him the typical person in it. Two bits of tradition are not necessarily inconsistent if one attributes work to Ezra which the other attributes to the men of the Great Synagogue. The regulation remark that tradition attributes Biblical work to Ezra and not to Nehemiah is untrue. Nehemiah was one of the

          men of the Great Synagogue, and prominent as such. He is introduced to us as a handsome boy, a king s favorite, coining to Jerus in 444 BC. In 433 BC he returned to the king. After an unknown interval of time he came back to Judaea, and pre sumably spent the remainder of his long life there, dying some years or some decades after 400 BC.

          The placing of the work of the Ch at the close of the Heb Scriptures is in itself of the nature of testi mony. The men who placed it there 15. Evi- testify thereby to their belief that dence as to these are the latest writings of the OT Date and aggregate. We an; familiar with the Authorship testimony of Bub fid lialkra to the effect that most of the later books of the OT were due to the men of the Great Synagogue and to Ezra, but that Nehemiah completed the Books of Ch. We cannot avoid including the Ch among the 22 books which Jos says were written before the death of Artaxerxes Longimanus (CAp, I, 8). Of course the limit of time here really intended by Jos is not the death of Artaxerxes, but the life time of men who were contemporary with him that of Nehemiah, for example 1 . We have already noted the testimony concerning Xehemiah s library (2 Mace 2 13-15). The time when the library was being gathered was the most likely time for it to be used as the Chronicler has used it. Add the recapitulation in Keel us (44-49), which mentions Nehemiah latest in its list of OT worthies.

          Internal marks, also, justify the conclusion that the work of the Chronicler was complete before Nehemiah died. The abundant presence of Pens words and facts, with the absence of Gr words and facts, seems conclusive to the effect that the work was done before the conquests of Alexander rendered the Gr influence paramount. In some of the sec tions (e.g. Ezr 7 2Si f; Neh pasaiin) Ezra and Ne hemiah speak in the first person. The whole work makes the impression of being written up to date. The latest situation in Ch is the same with that in Neh (1 Ch 9; cf Neh 11 312 26). The latest event mentioned is the differentiating of the Samari tan schism. A certain enrolment was made (Neh 12 22-26) in the reign of Darius, up to the high- priesthood of Johanan (elsewhere called Jonathan and John), but including Jaddua the son of Johanan in the high-priestly succession. Ezra and Nehe miah were still in office (Neh 12 26). This enrol ment naturally connects itself wit h the expulsion of Jaddua s brother Manasseh for marrying into the family of Sanballat (Neh 13 2S; Jos, Ant, XI, 7-S). Jaddua belongs to the fifth generation from Jeshua, who was high priest 538 BC. Jos says that Sanballat held a commission from Darius. He mentions a certain Bagoas, "general of another Artaxerxes army," as in relations with the high priest John.

          Arguments for a later date. Jos, however, ap parently regards the Darius who commissioned Sanballat as the last of the kings of that name, and says that Jaddua was contemporary with Alex ander the Great, thus dating the Samaritan schism a little before 331 BC. All scholars reject these statements when they are used for dating the Sa maritan schism, but some scholars eagerly accept them for the purpose of proving the late date of the last books of the Heb Bible. The argument never was valid, and it is completely exploded by the Aram, papyri recently discovered in Egypt, which show that Bagoas and the high priest Johanan and the sons of Sanballat were contemporaries in 407 BC, the 17th year of Darius Nothus, and for some years earlier.

          Dr. Driver (LOT, ed 1897, 518) expresses an opinion very commonly held concerning the Chronicles: "The only positive clue which the




          book contains as to the date at which it was com posed is the genealogy in 1 Ch 3 17-24, . carried down to the sixth generation after Zerub- babel. This would imply a date not earlier than about 350 BC." Turn to the passage and do your own arithmetic on it. Jeconiah was born 014 BC ( 2 K 24 8). If as an average each of the sons in the succession was born when his father was about 25 years old, that would bring the first, birth in the Gth generation from /erubbabel to about 414 BC, and not 3.")() BC . This is not an improbable showing.

          Dr. Driver suggests, however, that in ver 21 we should follow the (ir reading instead of the Heb. This would give us: "And the sons of Ilananiah: Pelatiah, and Jeshaiah his son, Rephaiah his son, Arnan his son, Obadiah his son, Shecaniah his son." The meaning here is ambiguous. It may be understood to be that each of the six men named after Ilananiah was the son of t lie man named before him (cf vs 10-14, or 1 Ch 6 20-30.50-53); or as counting the six as the sons of Ilananiah (cf 3 16; 7 20.21, etc). Understanding it in the first of these two ways the number of generations after Zerubbabel would be increased to eleven. Ho many generations before the early decades of the 4th cent. BC would be exceptional, though not impossible. But the statement that there were 11 generations is weak, being based on a conjectural interpretation of an unproved text emendation, and standing uncon firmed in opposition to credible proof.

          "The Books of Ch are a tendency writing of little historical value"; "a distorted picture in the interest of the later institutions of post exilic 16. Truth- Judaism"; "some ancient facts, having fulness and trickled down through oral or written Historicity tradition, are doubtless preserved. .... They are few indeed compared with the products of the imagination, and must be sifted like kernels of wheat from a mass of chaff." These statements, taken at random from the book that happens to be handiest, fairly represent the opinion held by many. They regard the Ch as a fabrication made in the interest of a religious party, a fabrication in which the history has been intentionally falsified.

          A principal motive for this opinion is to dis credit the testimony of Ch against certain critical theories, the said testimony being more full and detailed than that in S anil K and the prophets. But on the whole question the testimony of Ch is to the same effect with that of the other books. The testimony of the other books supports that of the Ch. The discrediting of Ch is part of a theory which denies the historical trustworthiness of prac tically all parts of the OT and XT.

          (1) Alleged proof* of nittriithfnln< ss. Against the Ch it is alleged that they sometimes contradict the older books; but nearly all the instances are capable of satisfactory solution. The large numer als in Ch, for example those concerning the armies of David, Abijah, Jeroboam, Asa, Zerah, Jehosha- phat, Amaziah, Uzziah, are adduced as extrava gant and incredible. Most of the difficulty in connection with such numbers, whether in Ch or Ex or Nu or Jgs or S, disappears when we observe that they clearly belong to an artificial way of counting. These numbers are given in even thousands or even hundreds (even fifties or tens in a very few instances), which would not be the case if the hundreds and thousands were merely numeri cal. _ It is alleged that the Chronicler views the glories of the past as on a larger scale than that in which they are presented in the earlier books, but this is not uniformly the case. On the basis of these allegations the Chronicler is charged with an extravagance that is inconsistent with sober truth

          fulness, but this charge follows the fate of the others. It is said that the Chronicler lacked trust worthy sources, but that is a thing to be proved, not taken for granted, and we have seen that it is improbable. It is alleged that the text is in such bad shape as to render the contents unreliable Ihis may be balanced against the counter conjec ture that, since the Books of Ch have not been so often copied as the Books of K, their text is in the transcribed passages to be preferred to that of K Iu /!. IU . the reasons alleged against the historicity ol Ch dwindle on examination, though there remain some problems that cannot be so easily disposed of. J Truthfulness in the various parts. Different parts of the Ch have their own separate problems of historicity. Take the genealogies, for example it anyone had fabricated them, he would not have put them into their present fragmentary form, in which they have no story interest, and are of no direct use to anybody. On the other hand it is reasonable to account for their present form by the hypothesis that the writer used such materials as he had. This hypothesis is not derogatory to the inspiration of the writer. Deity saw fit to have these materials placed in the Scriptures, and to this end lie influenced men of different generations through providential leadings and through impul ses of the Spirit, No one thinks that the Spirit- guided man who put the genealogies in their final form received them as miraculous revelations. He received them as the product of effort in study his own efforts and those of his predecessors. He is entitled to be counted as truthful if he used good judgment and fidelity in selecting and recording his materials.

          Similar statements would be true in regard to the other statistical matter, and in regard to the many incidents that are mentioned in connection with the genealogies and other matters. To think of them as inventions by the Chronicler is not con gruous with human experience. They are too brief and broken to have interest by themselves as stories. You can assign no possible reason that one could have for inventing them. They bear the marks of being genuine antiquarian discoveries. The final writer believed that he had come across facts which would be of interest if put into connec tion with the history as currently narrated. These matters are much more reasonably accounted for as facts than as inventions. And furthermore, a good many of them, first and last, have been corroborated by exploration. Take, for example, Manasseh s being carried to Babylon by the cap tains of the king of Assyria, or the account of I z- ziah s military greatness (2 Ch 33 11; 26 6ff), or the references to industries in 1 Ch 4 14-23 (cf PEFS, 1905, 243, 328; or Bible Sidelights from Gezer 150 ff).

          Possibly on a different footing is such a passage as the account of Abijah and Jeroboam (2 Ch 13 3- 18). It says that Abijah had 400,000 men and Jeroboam 800,000, of whom 500,000 were slain in the battle. One might plausibly argue that these num bers were intended as a notice to the reader that he is to understand the story, not as fact, but as a work of the imagination, a religious parable, a midrashic narrative sermon, taken from the Midr of Iddo (ver 22). Whether or no one finds this argument con vincing, anyone can see that it does not accuse the Books of Ch of being untruthful. If the passage is a parable it is true in the sense in which it was in tended to be understood. A similar case is the account of Jehoshaphat s peril from the invading nations and his wonderful rescue (2 Ch 20).

          On still a different footing are such narratives as those concerning the bringing up of the ark, the first making of Solomon king, the reforms under



          Asa, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah. These are sober narratives, with nothing in them to suggest flights of the imagination. Probably no one doubts that the Chronicler intended them to be under stood as historical fact. If one is under bondage to the modern tradition which dates Dt from the time of Josiah and the priestly laws from after the exile, he must needs count these parts of Ch as falsified history; but if he is free from that bondage he will see no strong reason for counting them so.

          In fine men are correct when they say that the greatest values of the Books of Ch lie in their availability for vividly illustrating 17. The the great truths of religion. They are Values of correct when they assign great value the to these books as depicting the ideas

          Chronicles of the time \\\\vhen they were written. But they are none the less of great value as repeating from the other Scriptures the outline of the history of the religion of Jeh, and pre senting additional material for the filling in of that outline.

          LITERATURE. Among the older commentaries; on Ch see that of Kcil in the Keil-Delitzseh series, published in Eng. in 1872; that of Zockler in the Lange series, 1870; that of Barker in the Pulpit Commentary, after 1880. Among more recent works, from the point of view which denies the historicity of Ch, see K. Kittcl in the Poly chrome Bible, 1895, and Curtis and Masdon in the International Critical Commentary, 1910. A brilliant characterization from that point of view is that by Torrey, "The Chronicler as Editor and as Independent Narrator" in AJSL, January, 1909, and subsequent numbers. On the other side see Bivrher, Rcaxonnbli Biblical Criticism, 1911, ehs xviii and xxii; "Is the Chroni cler a Veracious Historian?" in liihlf student (October, 1899 and subsequent numbers), is a defense of the his toricity. All works on OT Introduction discuss the questions concerning Ch. In view of the many proper names in Ch, such a book as (Iray, Stiulifx in Ht-b Proper Names, has its uses. For the chronological facts, especi ally in connection with the closing of the OT history, see Beecher, Dated Events of the OT, 1907. For the Egyp papyri see Drei Aramaische Papi/rusurkunden atis Ele- phantine, Saehaii, Berlin, 1907, or the Appendix to Toff- teen, Historic Exodus. Also Sprengling s art. in .l./.SA, April, 1911. As to light on the Ch from explorations, see "The Excavations of Gezer, 1902-5, and 1907-9," PEF;or Bible Sidelights from the Mounds of Gezer, 1900. For other books see the lists in EB and // DB.


          CHRONOLOGY, kro-nol 6-ji, OF THE OLD TESTAMENT:


          1. Difficulties of the Subject

          2. Flan of Treatment

          8. Bible to Be Regarded as Highest Authority II. THE AGES BETWEEN THE TESTAMENTS





          1. Causes of Variation in Systems

          2. Some Important and Pivotal Dates 8. Difficulties to Be Removed

          4. Overlappings VII. FROM THE DISRUPTION TO THE EXODUS

          Indications of Overlapping VIII. FROM THE EXODUS TO BIRTH OF ABRAHAM

          .Main Points at Issue IX. FROM ABRAHAM TO THE CREATION

          A Suggested Interpretation LITERATURE

          /. Introductory. For evident reasons the student of Biblical chronology must meet many difficul ties, and must always be severely 1. Difficul- handicapped. First of all, the OT ties of the is not purely nor intentionally a book Subject of history. Nor does it present a formulated system of chronology, its many numbers and dates being used principally with a view to the spiritual facts and truths with which the authors were concerned. We are not, therefore, to expect to find a perfectly arranged order of periods and dates, though happily for us in our investigation we shall indeed find many accurately dated events, frequent consecutions of

          events, and orderly successions of officials; as, for example, the numerous genealogical tables, the succession of judges and the lists of kings.

          Furthermore, there is not to be found in the OT one particular and definitely fixed era, from which all of its events arc dated, as is the case in Christian history. The points of departure, or reckoning, are found to vary in different periods of the advancing history; being at one stage the Creation, at an other the migration of Abraham, or the Exodus, or again the disruption of the kingdom. Ordina rily dates and all time-allusions are comparative, i.e. they are related to the reign of some contem porary monarch, as the vision of Isaiah "in the year that king I zziah died" (Isa 6 1), or to some un usual occurrence, historical or natural, as the great earthquake (Am 1 1; Zee 14 5). Only occa sional reference is found to some event, which marks an era-beginning; such as the Exodus (Jgs 11 16. 26; 1 K 6 1).

          The general lack of uniformity among writers on Bib. chronology contributes further toward increase of the already perplexing confusion. It is almost possible to say that no two writers agree; and proposed harmonies are with each other most inharmonious. The two arts, on OT chronology in a recent work (Murray, 7////.S. Bible Dictionary, 1!)()S), for example, are several hundred years apart at certain points. Wide diversity of opinion exists about the most prominent events, such as the call of Abraham and the age of his famous contem porary Hammurabi, the year of the Exodus, and the beginning of Solomon s temple. Naturally there is less variance of opinion about later dates, some of which, e.g. the fall of Samaria and the destruction of Jerus, may be considered as fixed. A like wide range of opinion prevails among archae ologists with regard to events in contemporaneous history, the difference between Goodspeed and Hommel in the dates of early Bab history being five hundred years, and the beginning and extent of the Hyksos period in Egypt varying in different "authorities" by hundreds of years. Nor should the difference in the various and total numbers of the Heb, Samaritan and LXX texts of the pre- Abrahamic ages be left out of sight in any state ment of the difficulties attending the discussion of this subject.

          These difficulties, and others as serious, have determined the plan of this article . The usual met hod of development has been to 2. Plan of begin with the sources of OT history, Treatment and to follow its course downward. While such a system may have its advantages, there is, however, this serious disad vantage connected with it: that the least certain dates are confessedly those at the beginning of the records, and the tise of them at the foundation renders the whole structure of the discussion more or less uncertain. Archaeology and comparative history have done much to fix dates from the Exodus downward, bringing these later cents, by discovery and translation almost into the position of attested history. But the ages before the Exodus, and par ticularly before Abraham, still lie from the very nature of the case in great obscurity. And thus any system beginning with the indistinct early past, with its compacted numbers and their un certain interpretation, is much like a chain hung on thin air. The writer purposes, therefore, begin ning with certain familiar, important and pivotal dates, to gather around and relate to these the events and persons of the OT. Such accepted dates are: the completion of the Second Temple in 516, the fall of Jerusalem in 5S6, the fall of Samaria in 721, tribute to Shalmanezer II from Jehu in 842, and from a member of Omri s dynasty



          in S54. Such OT events us mark the beginning of eras are the Disruption, Solomon s temple, the Kxoelus and Abraham s Call. The material and the plan, then, almost, necessarily require! that, we begin at the; end of the history and work logically backward to the earlier stages, at which we may hope to arrive with firm ground under our feet for the disposition of the more uncertain problems. It is hoped that on this plan the system of chronology will not be mere speculation, nor a personal theory, but of some certainty and affording some assurance in days of wild assertion and free manipulation.

          It should be remembered that this is a study of Bible chronology, and therefore; full value will be given to the explicit and positive 3. The statements of the Bible. Surely t he-

          Bible to Be time has ce>me, when all fair-minded Regarded men should recognize that a clear as Highest and straightforward eleclaration of t he- Authority Sacreel Scripture-s is not to be sum marily rejecte-d because- of its apparent contradiction by some- unknown and irre-spemsible- person, who coulel stamp clay en 1 chisel steme. It has been all too common that are-haeological and critical adventurers have- doubted and reeiuireel accurate 1 proe>f of every Bible Statement, but have been ready enough to give cre-dence- to any state ment from ancient pagan source-s. We- assume, as we have every reasem to elo, the trustworthiness of the- Bible records, which have- been ceirroborate-d in countless instances; and we shall follow their guid ance in preference; to any other. The help of con temporaneous history und the wit ne i sse>f are-hac-ology can be use-el to advantage 1 , but shemld not be substituted for the 1 plain facts of the Scriptures, which are full worthy of our trust and regard. The province of a chronology of the- Bible is pmperly to present in system the elates therein given, with an hemest effort to harmonize the difficulties, using the external helps, but ever re-gardful of Scripture aut hority and rights.

          //. The Ages between the Testaments. Between the coming of Christ and the 1 e liel of OT history there lie in round numbers four hundred years. But while these were extra-Biblical ages, they were neither barren nor uneven! fill years; for in them will be 1 founel much of the- highest value in the development. e>f Jewish life, and in the preparation for the Messiah. And thus they have their proper plae-e in Bible; chronology (see BETWEEN TUP: TESTAMENTS). The birth of e-sus could ne>t have been later than 4 BC, since Herod the Great die-el in April e>f that year. Ileroel be-came king of Judaea in 37 BC. Pal had been conquered and Jerus entered by the Romans under Pompey in f)6 BC, the Je-ws e-emiing in this way under the power of Home-. Tin 1 Kom age was preceded by the government e>f priest -kings, with which the Idumaean Antipater bevame identified by marriage-, so that Herod, whom Rome made king, was both Jew and alien.

          The- period of the Maccabees, which endeel in 30 BC with 1 he removal of Antigonus by the Romans in favor of Herod, began 16S BC with Judas. Antipater, who had been appointed procurator of Juelaea in 47, was assassinated in 43 BC. The period of the Seleucidae stretches from its close with the regency of Antiochus VII in 128 back to its founder, Seleucus, 312 BC. The most notable- of these monarchs from the Jewish point of view was Antiochus Epiphanes, who reigned from 175 to 164, and in 168 gave occasion to the rise of the Maccabees by his many acts of impiety and oppres sion, particularly the elesecration of the Jerus temple. In 203 BC Antiochus the Great, who had become king of Syria in 223, took Jerus, and later, in 108, annexed Juelaea to Syria. Previous to this Judaea had been an Egyp dependency, as after the

          death of Alexander the (Jreat, 323 BC, and the division of his empire, it had been annexed by Ptolemy Soter to Egypt. Pte>lemy Philadelphia, becoming king 2SO BC, encouraged the tr of the Heb Scriptures into Gr, the result being the LXX version, anel all it meant by way of preparation for the spread of Christianity. Alexander s defeat of Darius III, or Cpdomannus, at Arbela in 331 brought the Pe-rs empire to an end, fulfilling the- long- cherished ambition of the Greeks for mastery of Asia. The long reign of the Biblie-al king of Persia, Artaxerxes Lpngimanus, e-xtende-d from 465 to 424 BC, and in reaching his reign we finel ourselves in the region of the OT history. Reversing the emler e>f this brief re-view anel setting out from OT point of view, we have the feillowing table for the cents, between the Testaments:

          Death of Artaxerxes I, and succession of Darius II 424

          Acevssion of Darius III, last of Pe-rs monarchs 336

          Alexander succe-eds Philip as king of Mace donia 33Q

          Ale-.xander visits Jerus 332

          Battle of Arbela and overt hrenv of Persia 331

          Death e>f Alexander and division e>f his empire 323

          Ptolemy Soter attaches Judaea te> Egypt 320

          Seleucid era begins with ae-cession of Seleucus 1 312

          Ptolemy Philadelphus reigns in Egypt 2S3

          Traditional date of beginning of LXX versiem


          Antiochus the Great, king of Syria

          He: annexes Juelaea to Syria

          Antiochus Epiphanes ascends the throne

          He makes Jason high priest, removing Onias. .

          Desecration of Temple by Ant. Epiph

          Resistance; of Mat tat hias and rise of Maccabees

          Judas Maccabaeus vie-torieius

          Judas elie-s, succeeded by Jonathan

          Jonathan slain, slice-ceded by Simem

          Simon becomes high priest

          Succeeded by John Hyrcanus

          Aristobulus I be-e-ome-s high priest

          Alexander Jannaeus

          Jerus taken by Pemipey

          Antipater appointed pme-urate>r of Judaea. . . .

          Antipater murdered

          Antigonus, last Maccabe-an, put on throne...

          Slain by He-rexl, who becomes king of Judaea. .

          Augustus made Rom emperor.

          Restoration of Temple begun

          Birth of Jesus Christ in Bethle-he-m cir

          Death of Herod the Gre-at. .

          250 223 198 175 174 168 168 166 160 143 142 135 106 105 63 47 43 40 37 31 19 5


          ///. The Persian Period. Elite-ring now the last pe-riod <jf OT history, whie-h may be- calle-d the- Pe-rs period, we find that the activities of Ezra, Ne-he- miah and other Jewish leaders are dated by the regnal years of the kings of Persia (e.g. Hag 1 1; Zee 1 1; Ezr 1 1; Neh 21); and consequently the difficulties in the chrone)le>gy of this period are not great. Recently a fanciful effort has been made to place the events narrated in Esther, Ezra and Nehemiah in the time of the Bab Captivity, claim ing Scripture warrant from the occurrence of these names, with Mordecai, in Ezr 2 2 and Neh 7 7; but altogether without success (see Prince of Judah, or Days of Nehemiah Kcdated). These names were doubtless of common occurrence, and their appear ance among those returning with Zerubbabel is not sufficient to affect the historical evidence for the accepted dates of Ezra and Nehemiah. The at tempt to move back these dates into the 6th cent., to associate Nehemiah with Daniel anel Mordecai and to place his work before Zerubbabel may be dis missed as pure fancy and impossible of reconcilia tion with the OT narrative.

          Artaxerxes I began his reign, which gives date



          to Ezra and Nehemiah, in 465 BC. In his 7th year, 458, Ezra went from Babylon to Jems by the king s decree (Ezr 7 7), taking back with him the vessels of the Temple and much besides for the worship at Jerus, accompanied also by a great company of returning Jews. Nehemiah followed from Shushan in the 20th year of the king (Neh 1 1), having heard of and being distressed by the partial failure of Ezra s efforts. Under his wise and courageous leadership, the city walls were speedily restored, and many reforms accomplished. He returned after twelve years (433) to the service of the king in Shushan (Neh 13 6), but in a short time, hearing evil tidings from Jerus, w r ent back to complete his reforms, and apparently spent the rest of his life in that work. Although the Bible is silent, such is the testimony of Jos. The Book of Mai, reflecting the difficulties and evils of this time, is evidently to be placed here, but not with exact ness, as it might have been written as early as 460 or as late as 420.

          The period from the return under Ezra (458) back to the completion of the Temple in the reign of Darius I (516) is, with the exception of incidental references and the assignment of undated books and incidents, practically a blank. Here belong, we believe, the Book of Est, possibly Mai, some of the Pss, and those social and religious tend encies among the returned exiles, which made the vigorous reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah so neces sary. But the OT does not draw the curtain from the mystery of that half-century, that we may know the happenings and watch the development. Be yond this blank we come again to explicit dates. The second temple, begun with the Return under Zerubbabel, was completed in the 6th year of Darius, i.e. 516. The building of it, which had been early abandoned for selfish reasons, was resumed in the 2d year of Darius under the exhortation of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah (Hag 1 1; Zee 1 1). Darius the Great began his reign in 521. Cambyses succeeded Cyrus in 527. Baby lon was taken by the Persians in 538, and shortly after the Jews, under the edict of Cyrus, began their return to Jerus, reaching their destination by 536 at the latest. Cyrus overthrew Lydia in 545, the Medes five years earlier, and must have come to the Pers throne not later than 555. His con quest of Asia Minor opened the contest between Per sia and Greece for supremacy, to be continued by Darius and Xerxes, resulting finally at Arbela (331) in Gr triumph under Alexander, and the inauguration of a new age.

          The table for the Pers period of OT history, following the stream upward, is therefore as follows:

          Death of Nehemiah cir 400

          Death of Artaxerxes I 424

          Nehemiah comes second time to Jerus 432

          Nehemiah returns to Persia (Neh 13 6) 433

          First coming of Neh and repairing of walls . . . 445

          Book of Malachi, possibly cir 450

          Return of Ezra and his company 458

          Accession of Artaxerxes 1 465

          Events of Book of Esther cir 480

          Accession of Xerxes (Ahasuerus) 486

          Defeat of Darius at Marathon 490

          Completion of the Temple 516

          Ministry of Haggai and Zechariah 520

          Darius Hystaspis becomes king 521

          Death of Cyrus and accession of Cambyses . . . 527 Arrival of Jews in Jerus under edict of Cyrus. . 536

          Capture of Babylon by Persians 538

          Croesus of Lydia defeated by Cyrus 545

          Persia and Media united cir 550

          Supremacy of Cyrus over Elam and Persia . . cir 556 Birth of Cyrus, supposed to be in 600

          IV. Babylonian Period. Just preceding the Pers is the Bab period of OT chronology, over lapping, of course, the former, and finally super seded by it in Cyrus conquest of Babylonia. This period may properly be said to begin with the death in 626 BC of Asshurbanipal, the last great ruler of Assyria. At this time Nabopolassar had been made governor of Babylonia, subject to the supremacy of Assyria. With Asshurbanipal s death Nabopolassar became independent sovereign of Babylonia, and shortly entered into league with the Medes to overthrow the rule of Assyria, and then to divide its empire between them. This was accomplished in the fall of Nineveh (606) which brought the end of the mighty Assyr empire, the last king being Sinsharishkun (the historic Saracus), a son of Asshurbanipal. Some years before his death in 604 Nabopolassar associated with him on the throne of Babylonia his son Nebu chadnezzar, most, illustrious ruler of the new Bab empire, and intimately connected with the history of Judah in the last years of that kingdom. His long reign came to an end in 562.

          While the conflict, which brought Assyria to its end, and the attendant confusion, were absorbing the attention of Mesopotamia!! countries, Egypt under a new and virile dynasty was reviving her ambitions and intrigues for dominion in Asia. Pharaoh-necoh II taking advantage of the confusion and helplessness of Assyria invaded Pal in 609, intending to march on through Pal to attack Meso potamia. King Josiah in loyalty to his Assyr overlord opposed him, but was defeated and slain at the battle of Megiddo, after a reign of 31 years; apparently an unnecessary and foolish opposition on Josiah s part, as the plan of Necoh s march shows that Judah was not directly affected. After the victory at Megiddo, Necoh continued his march north-eastward, subduing Syria and hoping to have a hand in Mesopotamian affairs. But in 606 or 607 BC he was defeated at Carchemish and driven back to Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, fresh from victory over Nineveh. In the same year Nebuchadnezzar marched against Egypt, receiving the submission of Jerus as he passed through Pal, and sending noble hostages back to Babylon, among whom were Daniel and his three friends. The death of his father and his endangered succession recalled Nebuchadnezzar suddenly to Babylon, where he became sole ruler in (504. It appears that Necoh must have returned to Egypt after Megiddo and before the battle of Carchemish, as he made Jehoiakim king in place of Jehoahaz, whom he carried captive to Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar s vic tory at Carchemish and his march southward brought Judah in close relations with Babylon, and opened up the dramatic chapter of Jerusalem s fall and exile. These historic events fix the dates of the last kings and the closing incidents of the kingdom of Judah, as shown in the following table:

          Fall of Babylon and death of Belshazzar 538

          Co-regency of Belshazzar with his father

          (Dnl 81) 542

          Accession of Nabonidus, father of Belshazzar . . 555 Death of Nebuchadnezzar, and succession of

          Evil-Merodach 561

          Jehoiachin released from prison (Jer 52 31) ... 561

          Last dated prophecy of Ezk (40 1) 572

          Murder of Gedaliah and flight of Jews to Egypt 585

          Fall of Jerus and Third Deportation 586

          Beginning of Ezekiel s prophetic activity

          (Ezk 1 1) 592

          Accession of Zedekiah, last king of Judah .... 597 Brief reign of Jehoiachin, his removal to Baby lon; Second Deportation of captives in cluding Ezekiel 597



          Revolt and death of Jehoiakim; invasion of

          Nebuchadnezzar 598

          Death of Nabopolassar and accession of Neb uchadnezzar 604

          Nebuchadnezzar invades Pal; First Deporta tion, including Daniel 006

          Battle of Carchemish and route of Necoh 607

          Fall of Nineveh 007

          Jehoiakim made king by Necho 008

          Death of Josiah arid brief reign of Jehoahaz . . . 009

          Accession of Pharaoh Necho 010

          Nabopolassar, king of Bab on death of As- shurbanipal 020

          V. Assyrian Period and Judah after Fall of Samaria. This section, which may for conven ience be treated as a division, is the chronology of Judah under Assyria after the fall of the Northern Kingdom in 721. As the Scripture time-references are frequent and explicit, and the contemporaneous Assyr records are full, and explicit, also, the prob lems of this period are neither many nor insoluble. One difficulty is found in the fact, that the aggre gate years of the reigns of Hezekiah, Manasseh, Amon and Josiah fall one or two years short of the period between Hezekiah s accession in 720 and Josiah s death in 009. But, there is evidence of anarchical conditions at the close of Amon s reign (2 K 21 23.24), and it is probable that at least a year should be counted for the interregnum. The chief difficulty is with the invasions of Sennacherib in Hezekiah s reign. The confusion is caused by the apparent dating of Sennacherib s famous and dis astrous invasion of 701 in the 14th year of Heze- kiah s reign (2 K 18 13). Various attempts at reconciliation have been made; one attempt has been to place the beginning of Hezekiah s reign in 715, which is out of the question entirely, as it dis regards the exact, terms in which the beginning of his reign is placed before the fall of Samaria (2 K 18 10). _ Another suggestion has been that 24th" be read instead of "14th"; but this is pure conjec ture. There is a simple and satisfactory solution: in the chapters which contain the record (2 K 18 and Isa 36) it is evident that two invasions are described. Frequently in the Scriptures records are topical rather than chronological, and just, so in this instance the topic is Sennacherib s menace of Judah, and the ultimate deliverance by Jeh. The story includes two invasions: the first in the 14th year of Hezekiah (713) when Sennacherib led the armies of his father Sargon, the end of which, so far as Jerus was concerned, was the payment, of tribute by Hezekiah, as is accurately stated in 2 K 18 16. The second invasion, the description of which begins with the following ver (17), was the more serious, and is probably identified as that of 701, when Sennacherib had become king. The necessary insertion of a paragraph indicator be tween vs 16 and 17 satisfies every demand for harmony.

          From 609 BC, the year of Josiah s death, we count back 31 years to the beginning of his reign in 639; he attained his majority in the 8th year (632; 2 Ch 34 3); the reformation in his 12th year, at the time of the Scythian irruption, would fall in 628 (2 Ch 34 3); in the following year Jeremiah began to prophecy; and in Josiah s 18th year (021) the temple was "cleansed and the Book of the Law found (2 Ch 34 8). Allowing a year of confusion, Amon began his short reign in 642, and Manasseh his long reign of 55 years in 697, Hezekiah s reign of 29 years dating back to 726. Some fixed important abates of contemporaneous history are: death of Asshurbanipal, Assyria s last great king, in 626, with the consequent independence of Babylon and beginning of the 2d Bab empire.

          Asshurbanipal s long reign began in 668 on the death of his father Esarhaddon; who succeeded his father Sennacherib in 681. Sargon usurped the Assyr throne in 722, and died in 705. Shalmanezer IV, successor of Tiglath-pileser III, reigned for the brief space between 727 and 722. In Egypt the XXVth, or Ethiopian Dynasty, was in power from cir 720 to 667, two of its kings, So and Tirhakah having mention in the OT (2 K 17 4; 19 9- Isa 37 9), and after this the; XXVIth (a native) Dynas ty appeared, Pharaoh-necoh being one of its kings. The dates of this period we may summarize in the following table:

          Death of Josiah after reign of 31 years 609

          Pharaoh-necho begins to reign 010

          Josiah purifies temple; Book of the Law found 021

          Death of Asshurbanipal, and revival of Babylon 020

          Jeremiah enters upon his ministry 627

          Reformation in 12th year of Josiah 028

          Scythian invasion of Western Asia cir 030

          Majority of Josiah; good beginning of actual

          - . r g n 632

          Josiah proclaimed king at 8 years of age 039

          Assassination of Amon; ensuing confusion. . . . 040

          Death of Manasseh 642

          Manasseh carried to Babylon cir 050

          Asshurbanipal succeeds Esarhaddon 008

          Esarhaddon invades Egypt 070

          Probable settlement, of foreigners in Samaria. . 072

          Assassination of Sennacherib . 081

          Death of Isaiah, probably about 080

          Death of Hezekiah and accession of Manasseh. 097 Sennacherib s campaign against Egypt, siege of

          Jerus, and his disastrous rout 701

          Sargon dies and Sennacherib succeeds 705

          Embassy of Merodach-baladan to Hezekiah. . 711

          Sickness of Hezekiah 712

          First invasion of Pal by Sennacherib cir 713

          Sabako, or So, is king of Egypt 715

          Palestine invaded by Sargon; Ashdod taken

          , (Isa 20 1) 720

          IVT-11 of Samaria; end of Northern Kingdom. . . 721

          Sargon takes Assyr throne ; 722

          Revolt of Hoshea, and siege of Samaria begun. 724

          Hezekiah s reign begins 720

          Shalmanezer IV succeeds Tiglath-pileser III. . 727

          VI. Period of Divided Kingdom. The most complex, but most interesting, problems of OT chronology are found in the period of the Divided Kingdom. In the lit. of this period are found a larger number of dates and historical references than in that of any other. We have the assistance of several important sources and factors in arranging these dates: (1) The || records of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah serve as checks to each other, since the accession and death of the kings in each nation are fixed by reference to reigns of those of the other. Many other events are similarly re lated. (2) The history of the two kingdoms, or parts of it, at least, is given in three [| authorities: the Books of K, of Ch, and of the Prophets. (3) The Assyr records are fullest and are practically continuous in this period, the limu lists extending unbroken from 893 to 650 BC.

          But while this apparently should be the most satisfactory field for the chronologist, it has been

          found impossible to arrive at anything 1. Causes approaching certainty, and conse- of Variation quently there is considerable diver- in Systems gence among individuals and schools.

          One cause of variation is the difference between the Assyr royal lists and the total of the OT numbers for this period, the OT aggregate being 51 years greater then the Assyr lists. Two common rnethods of harmonizing this difference have been adopted: (1) to accept the OT aggregate



          as correct and to assume that the 51 years have been omitted from the Assyr lists (see W. J. Beech- er, Dated Events of OT, 18, 19); (2) to harmonize the OT numbers with the Assyr lists by taking into account the overlapping of reigns of kings who were, for brief periods, associated on the throne. Instances of such overlapping are the co-regency of I zziah and Jotham in Judah (2 K 15 5), and possibly the reign of Pekah contemporaneously with Menahem and Pekahiah in Israel (2 K 15 23-28). The latter method yields the most satis factory results, and will be adopted in this article. The chief point of difference will be the age of Solomon and the foundation-laying of the Temple. This may be found according to the former method by adding 51 years to the dates as given below. That the method of following the aggregate of the OT numbers must assume arbitrarily that there have been omissions from the Assyr lists, and that it also must resort to some overlapping and ad justment of the numbers as they are given in the text, are sufficient reasons against its adoption. And in meeting the difficulties of this period it should always be borne in mind that the OT is not a book of annals merely, and that dates are given not for any special interest in them, but to correlate and emphasize events. Ordinarily dates are given with reference to local situations and contemporary persons, and not as fixed by some great epoch- marking event; e.g. Fzziah s reign is fixed not with reference to the Disruption nor the Temple building, but by relation to his Israelite contemporary, Jeroboam II.

          However, there are some fixed dates, which are

          so by reason of their international significance,

          and upon these we may rest, with

          2. Some reasonable assurance. Such are the Important fall of Samaria (721 BC); the acces- and Pivotal sion of Tiglath-pilcser 111 (7-15); Dates tribute paid to Shalmaneser II by

          Jehu in 842, and by Ahab, or one of his dynasty, in 854; and the invasion of Judah by Pharaoh-shishak in the fifth year of Rehoboam (1 K 14 25). There are also certain coincident dates, fixed with fair accuracy, in the ] history of the two kingdoms, which serve both as starting- points and as checks upon each other. The most prominent of these are: the beginning of Ileze- kiah s reign, 5 years before the fall of Samaria (2 K 18 10); the synchronism of the reigns of Jeroboam II and Jotham (1 Ch 5 17), Jot ham s accession being used as a basis of calculation for the reigns of Israelite kings (2 K 15 30); the coincidence of the end of the Omri Dynasty and the death of Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 K 9), Jehu and Athaliah therefore beginning their reigns at the same time; and, primarily, the division of the kingdom and the synchronous beginning of the reigns of Jeroboam I and Rehoboam. Using these fixed dates and coincidences, we must find the sum maries of the reigns of Israelite and Jewish kings between 721, the 9th year of Hoshea and the 6th of Hezekiah, and 843, the beginning of the reigns of Jehu and Athaliah, to be 122 years each; and likewise the summaries from 843 back to the Dis ruption to be the same.

          The most serious difficulties are found near the

          end of the period, when conditions in the; Northern

          Kingdom were becoming anarchical,

          3. Difficul- and, also evident coregencies, the ties to Be extent of which is not evident, oe- Removed curred in the Southern Kingdom.

          Pekah is said to have reigned 20 years (2 K 15 27); and yet Menahem paid tribute to Assyria in 738, and he was succeeded for two years by his son Pekahiah, from whom Pekah seized the kingdom. This would allow Pekah only 6

          years of sovereignty. The explanation lies in the context: in the confusion which followed the death of Jeroboam, Pekah established his authority over the section E. of the Jordan, and to that year the numbers in 2 K 15 27.32; 2 K 16 1 refer. Uzziah was leprous the last, 16 years of his life, and Jotham his son was over the kingdom (2 K 15 5). The length of Jotham s reign was just 16 years, not additional to the 16 of the coregcncy, as this would result in the absurdity of making him coregent at the age of 9 years (2 K 15 33). Therefore nearly his whole reign is included in the 52 years of his lather. For some reason Aha/ was associated with his father Jotham before the death of the latter, since the 16 years of his reign plus the 5 of Hezekiah before the fall of Samaria bring his accession before the death of I zziah and Jotham, i.e. in 741. So that for approximately 6 years the three reigns were contemporaneous. That these 6 years may not be accounted for by a coregency with Hezekiah at the other end of Aha/ reign is evident from the age of Hezekiah at his accession (2 K 18 2), and from the radical difference in the policy of the two kings. Isa 7 1 may suggest that I zziah and Jotham died about the same time, and that Aha/ was regarded as suc ceeding both directly.

          Another difficulty is found at the beginning of Uzziah s reign, where he is said to have succeeded his father Amaziah at the age of 16, but is also said to have accomplished certain notable things after his father s death (2 K 14 21.22). Evidently, then, he became king before the death of Amaziah. When did this coregency begin? No better time is suggested than Amaziah s ignominious defeat by Jehoash of Israel in the 15th year of his reign, after which the people arose and put I zziah in his place, Amaziah living on for 15 years (2 K 14 17), so 1 that 15 of Amaziah s 29 years were contempo raneous with I zziah. Further, in the last, years of Joash of Judah then 1 may have been a coregency, since he was "very sick" in those years (2 Ch 24 25). Thus the totals o 1-16 years for the reigns of the kings of Israel and of 165 for the reigns of the kings of Judah between 721 and 812 are reduced to the actual 121 by the pverlappings, which are suggested in the narrative itself.

          For the first division of this period, from the rise of Jehu, cir 843, to the division of the kingdom, the totals of the reigns of the kings of 4. Over- Israel is 98 years, and of the kings of lappings Judah is 95. But there must be some overlappings. The interval between Ahab and Jehu, as shown by mention of them in the Assyr records, is 12 years; but the two sons of Ahab reigned 14 years, Ahaziah 2 and Jehoram 12. Evidently the last year of Ahab, in which came the defeat at Karkar, was the 1st, of Ahaziah, and the 2d of Ahaziah, who suffered in that year serious accident (2 K 1 2), was the first of Jehoram. It is probable that the long reign of Asa closed with Jehoshaphat as coregent (1 K 15 23), so the above totals of both kingdoms must be reduced to some extent, probably to 90 years, and the disruption of the kingdom placed about 933 BC. Shishak, founder of the XX I Id Dynasty, invaded Pal in the 5th year of Rehoboam (1 K 14 25), and in, or shortly before, the 21st year of his own reign, so that, he must have become sovereign of Egypt about 950 BC. Jeroboam fled to Egypt, after Solomon had reigned more than 20 years, as is shown by the connection of Jeroboam with the building of Millo; and so Jeroboam s flight must have been about the beginning of Shishak s reign. This is in accord with the OT records, since the hostile Shishak Dynasty must have arisen in the reign of Solomon, the dynasty which was ruling at the beginning of his reign having been in alliance with him. So



          we place the aeeession of Shishak about 950, his invasion of Judah in 929, and the Disruption in <): BC,

          An interesting instance of coregency in this period is that of Jehoshaphal and Jehoram, for while Ahaziah of Israel began to reign in the 17th year of Jehoshaphat (1 K 22 51) and died in the 2d year of Jehoram (2 K 1 17), the year of his death

          since the precocious Jewish sovereigns attained their majority at 15 years of age (cf 2 Ch 34 H). The coregency for 2 years of Joash and Amaziah (2 Ch 24 25) brings the aggregate years of the reigns of the kings of both kingdoms down to the accession of Jeroboam 11, three years before Uz- ziah s accession, into exact accord. Finally, the difference of three years in the totals of reigns in



          Fall of Samaria: cud of Kingdom of Israel

          Siege of Samaria begun; 7th year of Hoshea

          Hoshea made king by Tiglath-pileser (2 K 17 1).

          Death of Pekah (2 K 15 : .())

          Pekah and Rczin invade Judali (Isa 7 1)

          2d year of Pekah over all Israel (2 K 15 32)

          Pekah becomes king, killing Pekahiah (2 K 15 25.

          L 7 i

          Pekahiah succeeds; Menahem dies (2 K 15 22.23).

          Menahem pays tribute to Assyria (2 K 15 19) . . . .

          Menahem kills Shallum and reigns (2 K 15 13-17) .

          Zeehariuh succeeds Jeroboam II (2 K 15 Si

          Kra of political confusion; Pekah usurped author- /

          ity in Cilead (2 Iv 15 8-10 If) -

          llose a the Prophet ( Ho.s 1 1) )

          Amos the Prophet (Am 1 1; 7 9.10)

          Jonah the Prophet (2 K 14 25; Jon 1 1) 4th year of Jeroboam 11 (2 K 15 8) Death of Joash; Jeroboam succeeds (2 K 14

          Death of Jehoahaz (2 K 13 1)

          Joash becomes con-gent (2 K 13 1.10)

          Death of Jehu (2 K 10 35.3(1)

          Jchoaha/ con-gent in old age of Jehu (2 K 13 1) . .

          7th year of Jehu

          Jehu pays tribute- to Assyria

          Jehu destroys dynasty of Oniri, and reigns (2 K 10 36)

          Jehoram slain by Jehu (2 K 9 24)

          llth year of Jehoram

          5th year of Jehoram

          Jehoram succeeds Ahaxiah; fatal accident to Alia/; death of Ahab (I K 22 37; 2 K 1 2.17). .

          Battle of Karkar. tribute to Assyria

          Coregency of Aha/iah (I K 22 51)

          Naboth robbed and murdered by Jezebel (1 K 21 1 >

          Wars wit h Syria

          Klijah the Prophet appears (1 K 17 1)

          4th year of Ahab

          Ahab succeeds on death of Omri (1 K 16 29)

          Omri builds Samaria, having overcome all opposi tion to his reign (1 K 16 23.24)

          Zimri s brief reign after murder of Klah; people di vided between Omri and Tibni (1 K 16)

          Elali succeeds on death of Baasha (1 K 16 0.7). .

          Baasha begins building Kamah (1 K 15 17)

          Baasha founds new dynasty (i K 15 33). .

          Death of Jeroboam I, succession of N adab.

          20th year of Jeroboam

          ISth vcar of Jeroboam .

          Jeroboam king over Israel .


          721 723 726 729 730 734

          73(i 738


          748 749


          752 764

          7 7 5 7S7



          806 816



          84 t 850


          S55 cir 856

          sii7 S57 cir S70

          S72 s7 1




          887 896


          910 .H 1 913 915 929 933


          6th year of Hezekiah (2 K 18 10)

          4th year of Hezekiah (2 K 18 9)

          Accession of Hezekiah (2 Iv 18 1)

          12th year of Aha/, counting coregency

          20th year from beginning of Jotham s coregency

          Jot ham dies, Aliaz reigns alone (2 K 16 1)

          \\\\ Death of I zziah (2 K 15 2i; vision of Isaiah (6 1)

          / Jot ham reigns alone for short time

          52d year of I zziah 50th year of I zziah

          Aliaz becomes coregent (2 K 15 30; 17 1)

          39th year of Vzziah

          Regency of Jot ham began (2 K 15 5.32)

          Leprosy of I zziah (2 Ch 26 16-21)

          The great earthquake (Am 1 1 ; Zee 14 5)

          Vzziah frees Judah from vassalage to Israel (2 K

          15 1)

          Death of Amaziah (2 K 14 17: 2 (Mi 25 25) I zziah made king by the people (2 Iv 14 21.22) Humiliating defeat of Amaziah by Joash (2 K 14


          Death of Joash (2 K 12 1.21)

          Amaziah coregent (2 K 14 1; 13 10; 2 (Mi 24 25) 37th year of Joash

          23d year of Joash

          < Overthrow of Athaliah (2 K 11 21) "(Joash seven years old (2 K 12 1)

          Athaliah usurps throne on death of Aha/iah (2 K 11 1.3)

          Aha/iah slain by Jehu (2 K 9 27) in 1st year of

          his reign 2 K 8 25

          Aha/iah coregent with his father (2 K 9 29) Death of Jehoshaphat; sole reign of Jehoram

          (2 K 8 16) 18th year of Jehoshaphat, and 2d of Jehoram (2 K

          1"17; 3 1)

          Jehoshaphat aids Ahab against Syria (1 K 22 Iff) Jehoram becomes coregent

          sa dies and Jehoshaphat reigns alone (1 K 22 41)

          I hoshaphat coregent in Asa s 39th year (2 Ch 16 12)


          12) 38th year of Asa

          31st year of Asa

          27th year of Asa

          2(ith year of Asa

          War with Baasha in the 17th year of Asa

          Hanani the Prophet

          War with Zerah; A/ariah the prophet (2 Ch 14

          9; 15 1) 3d year of Asa 2d year of Asa

          Death of Abijah. succession of Asa (1 K 15 9) Kehoboam dies; Abijah succeeds (1 K 15 1) Invasion of Shishak (1 K 14 25) Rehoboam king over Judah

          was also the ISth of Jehoshaphat., so that the father and son reigned together about 5 years. It is evi dent also that Jehoshaphat ruled before his father s death, as the total of his reign is counted from the coregency s beginning (1 K 22 41), but certain events are dated from his sole reign on the death of Asa (1 K 22 51; 2 K 3 1). It is probable that the 6 years of Athaliah were included in the 40 years of the reign of Joash, the legitimate king. The age of his son, Amaziah, at his accession (2 Ch 25 1) does not operate against this probability,

          the two kingdoms from Jehu to the Disruption is explained by the fact that in Israel the first year of a king was coincident with the last of his prede cessor, whereas in Judah, certainly at the begin ning of this period, the first year of a king followed the death of his predecessor; e.g. while Asa began to reign in the 20th year of Jeroboam (1 K 15 9), Jeroboam, who reigned 22 years, died three years later in the second year of Asa (1 K 15 25). Ob servation of this principle in the accessions of the first three kings after Jeroboam removes the differ-



          encc, the long numbers of the reign of Asa being found to corroborate. The preceding table will illustrate these facts of the records, as harmonizing the dates of the two contemporaneous kingdoms.

          VII. From the Disruption to the Exodus. The period now to be considered extends from the dis ruption of the kingdom back to the Exodus. The reasons for combining the Biblical events within these widely separated dates into one period of such length are evident, viz. (1) the regular sequence of the history; (2) the occurrence of comprehensive numbers for the period as a whole, e.g. Jgs 11 20 and 1 K 6 1; the chronological data of the Book of Jgs, which lead directly up to the developments in the time of the united kingdom, e.g. the narrative of Ruth preparing the way for the reign of David. Characteristic of this period is the frequent occur rence of the general numbers SO, 40 and 20, which

          (Acts 13 21), are given as 40 years each; and here there may be some overlapping, Solomon, e.g. becoming king before David s deatli (1 K 1 43- 48). We are rather surprised to find that there is no statement of the length of Samuel s ministry, such as its important place in the national life would lead us to expect. The probable reason for this is that his life was paralleled largely by the reign of Saul and the administration of Eli. A period of 40 years is assigned to Eli (1 S 4 IS); the ag gregate of numbers given for the Judges is 410 years; Joshua ruled for 40 years (Jgs 2 8); and finally the wilderness wanderings covered another 40-year period. The sum total of all these num bers is 670 far beyond the comprehensive reck onings of Jgs 11 26; 1 K 6 1, and Acts 13 11). It is evident from Jgs 10 7.S; 13 1 that the periods of Ammonite and Phili oppression were either con-



          Xo. Years


          Xo. Years


          Death of .Solomon, followed by Disruption | 9:5:?

          Jeroboam a refugee in Egypt K; cir 94S

          Shishak rules Egypt 1 Hr 949

          Foundation of Temple laid 20 91 >9

          Deatli of David, in coregeiicy of Solomon 2 ,(71

          Solomon made king (1 K 1) 1 972

          David reigns over all Israel ,S2 1004

          David reigns over Judah I 7 1011

          David anointed by Samuel 1024

          Birth, of David 101 1

          Beginning of Saul s reign; Samuel still judge j 40 1051

          Samuel s administration (1 S 7 2.15) certainly I 20 1071

          Eli began to judge * 40 1111

          Samson (contemporary with Eli; Jgs 13 1) began 20 1 KU

          Oppression by Philistines 40 1171

          Abdon began to judge in Ephraim 8 117!)

          Eton began to judge in Zebulun 10 1 1x9

          Ibzan began to judge contemporaneous with Klon S 1 l .)7

          Jephthah s judgeship fi 120H

          Oppression by Ammonites (Jgs 12) is 1221

          Jair began to judge (including oppression of Aminon) 22 124:5

          Tola began to judge 2:? 12 CM;

          Abimelech s usurpation :5 12<>9

          Gideon s judgeship, including Abimelech 40 1HOO

          Oppression by Midian (Jgs 61) ! 7 i:uti

          Deborah and Barak co-judges i 40 1 :{">(>

          Oppression by Canaanites (Jgs 4 X) 20 137<>

          Period under Ehud and Shamgar (Jgs 3 :50.:il; 41) SO 1450

          Oppression by Mqab (Jgs 314) IS 1474

          Othniel of Judah judges 40 1514

          Oppression by Oushan-rishathaim (Jgs 3 Si 1522

          Entrance into Canaan under Joshua 40 15f>2

          Death of Moses ... 1 5<i:i

          Death of Aaron 1 5t;4

          Israel at Kadesh, 2d time ! 15ti4

          Israel at Sinai 1 ti() 1

          Exodus from Egypt, led by Moses 40 lti()2


          One year will he subtracted from each Inni; administration for nvorlauniiiK with nredecess,


          cir 94S

          cir 949










          11 OS

          1 10S

          i i i.5

          1 1 24 1 1 24 1 1 29

          il50 1172

          1 250 1 329 136S


          1 409 1410



          cir 144S


          are not necessarily to be taken always as exact , but. possibly at times indicating a round, or generation, number. In order to get the time limits of this period, it is necessary to count back 37 years from the end of Solomon s reign in 933 BC, and this brings us to that epoch-marking event, the laying of the foundations of the Temple in 969 or 970, the 4th year of his reign (1 K 6 1); and from this event we are brought by the addition of the comprehensive number 479, given in the same verse, back to the year of the Exodus, approximately 144S BC, making the total length of the period about 51(5 years.

          But the addition of the numbers given for the various reigns and administrations of the period yields a total which is much greater than 516, and therefore one must seek in the text indications of overlapping, which will bring (he narrative into harmony with itself. The reigns of Solomon (1 K 11 42), David (1 K 2 11) and Saul

          Indications of Over lapping

          temporaneous or very near together, and therefore that the comprehensive number, 300 years, of Jgs 11 26, reaches from the entrance into Canaan under Joshua down to the age of Samson, as well as of Jephthah. The administrations of Ibzan, Elon and Abdon (Jgs 12 8-13) should then be regarded as practically synchronous with Jephthah and Samson, and the number of their years should, in part at least , be left out of account . The numbers from Samson and Eli to Solomon are approximately fixed, 20 to Samson, 40 to Eli, 40 to Saul and 40 to David; and their total accords with the 300 before Jephthah, and the 40 of wilderness wander ings in making up the grand total (1 K 6 1) from Solomon to the Exodus. This proportion before and after Jephthah, or Samson, and the Phili op pression, approximately 330 and 150 years, is in agreement with the genealogies of Ruth 4 1S-22; 1 K 14 3; 22 9; 1 Ch 2, 6, 24. The shortening therefore of the excessive; aggregate of 670 years



          must, he sought in the records from Samson buck to Joshua. Assuming that the oppressions may be synchronous with the administrations of pre ceding or succeeding judges, that Abimelech s abortive attempt to become Icing (Jgs 9) should be included in Gideon s -10 years, and that parallel- ings are possible in the three judges just after Jeph- thah (Jgs 12 8-13) and the two just before (Jgs 10 1-5), it is possible to bring the detailed time- references of the Books of Jgs into satisfactory agreement, with the comprehensive numbers. That I lie period of the Judges is shorter than the aggre gate of the numbers assigned to each is further indicated by the manner in which the brief narra tives at the end of the book the migration of the Danites, the sin and punishment of Benjamin and the Book of Ruth, bring the earlier generations into close touch with the later; of the genealogy of David (Ruth 4 1S-22).

          The preceding table (p. 041) shows the dates of events according to the longer reckoning, and also according to the suggested shortening by taking into account the possible synchronisms. It should be remembered that these figures are not indisputable, but merely tentative and suggestive.

          VIII. From the Exodus to the Birth of Abraham. The period of OT chronology now to receive our attention is that which extends from the Exodus in cir 1148 BC back to the call and migration of Abraham. This may be called the period of the patriarchal wanderings, the formative or infancy period of the nation, and therefore of the highest interest historically and religiously. But it is not possible to fix its dates with indisputable accuracy, since, with rare exceptions, the events of the OT record are not related in their narration to eras or definite persons of the contemporary tuition.-; and since also the chronology of these nations is much in dispute among historians and archaeolo gists, with variations of hundreds of years.

          The chief points at issue here for determination of the chronological problems are the time of the Exodus, the duration of Israel s so- Main journ in Egypt and the date of Ham- Points at murabi. Considering these in their Issue order: (1) As to the Exodus, opinions have 1 been divided among the XVIIIth, XlXth and XXth dynasties as the time of the Oppression and Exodus of Israel, and there are plausible arguments for, and serious objections to, each of these periods. When all things have been considered it seems best to fix upon the XVIIIth Dynasty as the age of the Oppression and Exodus, Thothmes III as the Pharaoh of the Oppression, and t he years immediately following his death as the time of the Exodus, for the following reasons: (a) This is in harmony with the time-reckoning from the Temple of Solomon back to the. Exodus (1 K 6 1), and fully satisfies the Biblical numbers for the inter vening period, as shown above; while either later dynastic period would necessitate, either unnatural cramping or ruthless rejection of the Biblical num bers. To place the Exodus so late as Ramses III, after 1200 BC, is in the light of the Biblical reck oning an evident absurdity, (b) In the XVIIIth Dynasty we can look best for the Pharaoh "that knew not Joseph," as it was the leader of this dynasty, Alunes I, who conquered and drove otit the Hvksos, and left to his followers as a legacy cordial hatred of the Asiatics, (r) Thothmes III was a great, builder, and the heavy tasks of the Hebrews would fit well into his reign. He was also the champion of Amon, the god of Thebes, having been a priest of that god; therefore the religious signifi cance of the Exodus and the struggle preceding it were most natural in his age. (d) An inscription of Menephthah, son of Ramses II, indicates that

          Israel was in Pal in his time, therefore he could not have been the Pharaoh of the Exodus, nor his father the oppressor, (e) The objection that Pharaohs of the XlXth and XXth dynasties invaded and claimed sovereignty over Pal is of little conse quence, since these invasions usually involved only the sea-plain, and any city or district might secure immunity and maintain its status quo by payment of tribute. In later cents, many foreign invasions swept through Israel without disturbing the national integrity. As for the objection that the cities Ramses and Pithom indicate the age of Ramses II, it is altogether probable that they were built, long before his time, and only restored by him. For these reasons the earlier date is assigned to the Exodus. (2) Whether the duration of the sojourn in Egypt was 4)50 or 215 years will depend upon the interpretation of the comprehensive 430, or roundly 400, which is of frequent occurrence in the Bible as indicating the extent of the period of the Hebrews wanderings among, and oppression bv, the nations (Gen 15 13; Ex 12 40; Acts 7 6; Gal 3 17). These passages have been, and may properly be, interpreted as indicating the time of the actual sojourn in Egypt, or the time from the entrance of Abraham into Canaan to the Exodus. Modern archaeological discoveries and the logical conclusions from them, our better knowledge of the history and conditions of contemporaneous Egypt, the shortening of the Hvksos period, as by Meyer, Mahler and Breasted, and the acceptance of a later date for Hammurabi, all seem to favor tin; shorter, or 215-year, view of the sojourn. The remaining 215 years cover the period from Jacob s descent into Egypt back to the migration of Abraham. The shorter period is adopted here for the reasons already given; but by the addition of 215 the dates from the death of Joseph backward may be con formed to the theory of the longer period. (3) Ac cepting the almost universal and well-grounded judgment that the Amraphel of Cen 14 is the famous Hammurabi of the 1st Bab Dynasty, we should have assistance in determining the date of his Biblical contemporary Abraham, if the opinions of scholars about the age of Hammurabi were not so divergent. Goodspeed (Hist Bab. and /l.s.syr.) places his reign at 2297-2254 BC; Hommel (art. on "Babylonia," II DB) fixes the probable date at 1772-1717, an astonishing diver gence of 500 years, and suggestive of the spend thrift manner in which chronologists are accus tomed to dispose of the past ages of man. The difference in this instance is caused by the disposi tion of the lid Bab Dynasty, Goodspeed making its more than 360 years follow the Hammurabi Dynasty, and adding the years of the two; HommeJ on the other hand regarding the lid, or Southern, Dynasty as contemporaneous with the 1st, or Northern. But it is more probable that the truth lies between these extremes, since the lid Dynasty must have had some independent standing, and must have ruled alone for a time, in order to secure consideration as a dynasty. This moderate reck oning is now commonly adopted, Breasted placing Hammurabi at 1900 BC, Davis (in DB) about 1975, and Pinches (in Murray s Illus. B. Diet.) later than 2000 BC. It is in accord with the Bible numbers, as the following table shows, and does not vary materially from the reckoning of Vssher, which was based upon those numbers. Therefore the age of Hammurabi and Abraham may be con sidered as about 1900 BC, or 2100, if one estimates the sojourn in Egypt at 430 years. The former is more reasonable. The Am Tab, preserving cor respondence of the 14th and 15th cents, between the Pharaohs of the XVIIIth Dynasty and Pal and Babylon, by showing the contemporary sovereigns



          of the empires of (he Nile and the Euphrates, con tribute confirmation to the Biblical reckoning. It is possible that increased knowledge of the Hit t He empire and its dealings with Egypt, Pal and Bab may in the near future contribute, further con firmation. The foregoing conclusions may be sum marized in the following table:

          Addition of 2 1 5 Y ears 11C for Longer Sojourn in


          The Exodus from Egypt Jehovah appeared to Moses at Horeb

          cir 144S 1449

          Flight of Moses from Egypt.. .

          14SS .... 152X ....

          15:^2 ! ....

          Death of Lev! (approximation) *Possible date of Amram s birth Death of Joseph

          1570 17Xf) 1;-)X7 .... cir 1504 1X0!)

          Death of Jacob, aged 147 *Birth of Kohath, possibly ... Jacob and his sons go down to

          1(117 1X112 1(147 ....

          1(1114 1X7!)

          Joseph exalted over Egypt. 1() years estimated for / years of plenty and part of years

          11174 1XX!)

          Joseph sold by his brethren . . . Birth of Benjamin, death of Rachel

          111X7 1002 K10X ....

          Jacob left I addan-Aram, mcet-


          171)4 101!)

          fBirth of Eevi probably

          170X 1023

          Jacob marries Leah and Rachel His flight from Hebron to Haran

          1711 ....

          17 IX

          Death of \\\\braham

          17X0 I!)!);".

          Birth of Esau and Jacob Marriage of Isaac and Rebekah Death of Sarah (Gc.n 24 07). .

          1705 2010 1X15 .... 1X1(1 .... 1 X55 2070

          Destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah

          cir 1X5(1

          Birth of Ishmael

          lX(i!) ....

          Invasion by Chedorlaomer and

          cir 1X75 2000

          Abraham s sojourn in Egypt His migration from Harari to

          cir 1X7X .... 1XXO 2005

          1 <):<!) ....

          Birth of Abraham Birth of his father Terali

          cir 1055 2170 2025 2240

          IX. From Abraham to the Creation. One oilier general period of OT chronology remains for con sideration: from the age of Abraham back to the creation of the world, about, which in the nature of the case there can be no absolute certainty, and in which there is neither reason nor need for inflexi ble accuracy. The system, or succession, of num bers in the early chapters of Gen (6 and 11 10-26) has given rise, in the effort to explain these num bers, to several theories.

          (1) The literal interpretation, the best known advocate of which was Archbishop I ssher (d. 1656), whose literal arrangement was introduced into the margin of the AV after his death. This theory takes the birth- and death-numbers just as they are, and by addition of the time intervals between the birth of the various patriarchs, together with Adam s age at the birth of Seth, shows that 1,65(5 years elapsed from the Creation to the Flood, and 290 years from the Flood to Abraham s birth, according to the MT. But it must be apparent at the very outset, that, on the most liberal arrange ment of the numbers and the most conservative geological and anthropological estimate, this reck oning is not sufficiently long to satisfy the known facts of the age of the earth, of the life of man upon the earth, and of established historic dates. Even

          the conservative system of Professor Breasted (Attc. Egypt) place s the first certain date of Egyp history, viz. the introduction of the Sothic calendar. as early as 4241 BC, which is more than two cents. beyond I ssher s beginning of the world. More over, at that time an astronomical basis of reckon ing time was in existence, implying an age of culture already gone before. This difficulty was appre ciated by the earliest interpreters, as indicated by the variations of the Sam and LXX texts, the latter increasing the total of the age about 1,500 years and inserting a new name into the genealogical list of Gen 11. An interesting commentary on the literal method is that it makes Noah live until Abraham was seventy years old, and prolongs the life of Shem to within the lifetime of Jacob.

          (2) A second theory is the dynastic: that the long number of a patriarch s lifetime indicates the era during which his house or dynasty prevailed, to be followed by the long number of the next, dynasty; e.g. the 930 years of Adam were followed by the 912 of Seth, and so on until the period is stretched to cover thousands of years. But there are evident objections to this view: it does not account for the invariable origin of each succeed ing dynasty so near the beginning of its predecessor, and it disregards the manifest plan of the inspired author to narrate the descent of the human race through families and not by eras or empires.

          (3) By others it has been conjectured that the units of time have been different, in the ancient, ages of man; that originally the time-unit was the lunar cycle, by which the 969 lunar cycles of Me thuselah s life really should be reduced to a little more than ISO years of more recent times; and that in the days of Abraham a year measured from equinox to equinox had superseded the lunar time- measurement. It is possible that, the LXX vari ations were based upon this idea, since it increased the age at which ov< ry father begat, a son to at least 1G2 in the generations before the Mood. But even this expedient would not remove all difficul ties from the physical side; nor have we the slightest indication of the points at which these 1 radical changes of the lime-units were made. On the contrary the decrease of man s years seems to have come by somewhat gradual process, and not by sharp and tremendous breaks.

          (4) Others have thought to meet the difficulties by suggesting the omission of links in the chain of descent, in accordance with Heb custom of omitting inconsequential names from a genealogical list. The omission by Matthew of certain names from his genealogy of Jesus Christ, in order to pre serve his symmetrical scheme of fourteens (Mt 1 S), is an illustration in point. As corroborative of this it might be urged that the LXX does insert a name between Arpaehshad and Shelah (Gen 11 12). It may be said confidently that whatever theory of the genealogies before" Abraham one may adopt, it is altogether reasonable to suppose that one name, or many, may have been omitted from the line of descent .

          The dates resulting from the literal and exact interpretation of the genealogical lists of Gen 5 and 11 may be tabulated as follows:

          Death of Eber. . 1716 BC

          Death of Shem 1745

          Death of Shelah 1777

          Death of Arpaehshad 1806

          Death of Terah 1820

          Death of Serug 1854

          Death of Reu 1877

          Death of Noah 1885

          Death of Nahor 1907

          Death of Peleg 1907



          BIRTH OF ABRAHAM 1955

          Birth of Tenth 2025

          Birth of Nahor 2054

          Birth of Serug 2084

          Birth of Reu 21 l(j

          Hirth of IVleg 2140

          Birth of Kber 21SO

          Birth of Shelah 2210

          (Here LXX inserts Kainan with 130 years)

          Birth of Arpachshad 2245

          Death of Methuselah 2245

          Year of the Flood 2245

          Death of Lamech 2250

          Birt h of Sheni 2345

          Birth of Noah 2S45

          Death of Adam 2971

          Birth of Lameeh 3027

          liirth of Methuselah 3214

          Birth of Enoeh 3274

          Birth of Jarr-d ;5 1 1 1

          Birth of Mahalalecl 3500

          Birth of Kenan 357(i

          Birth of Knosh . ;w>(\\\\

          Birth of Seth 3771

          Creation of Adam 3001

          If the 130 year* of Kainan, whom the LXX inserts between Shelah and Arpachshad, be added, the date for Adam s creation is increased to 4031 BC. The exhibit of this table is most interesting and suggestive. Noah, Shem, Arpachshad, Shelah, Kber, I cleg were contemporaries of Abraham. Shem, Shelah and Kber were living after Jacob s birth. Adam, Enoch, Methuselah and Lameeh were contemporary; and Methuselah s long life came to an end in the year of the Flood.

          These genealogical lists of the early chapters of (len appear therefore not to have been given as an exact and exclusive svstem of A Sug- chronology; but it is more probable

          gested In- that they were written to present a terpretation general, compact, or mere outline statement, of the origin, early experi ence and apostasy of the human race, given with out the purpose of recording every possible link in the chain of descent, or every incident in the early racial experience. There are many indica tions, or suggestions at least, that this is the sensi ble and Divinely intended interpretation, some of which have been stated: the variant items and summaries of (he MT, LXX and Sam; the fre quent omission in Heb genealogies of one or more generations, the third, or later, descendant being truly regarded as a son; the age of (he world; the comparative antiquity of man; and the more an cient dates disclosed by archaeology. It should be noticed further that the inspired writer gives t< n generations from Adam to the Flood, and ten also from the Flood to Abraham, as if by the use of the decimal, or representatively human, number he would indicate to us that he is dealing with com prehensively complete numbers and not with those that are minutely complete, arranging in symbolic form the account of man s descent. See AXTEDI- H-VIAX PATRIARCHS.

          But while the age of man may be greater than the mechanical and exact sum of the Gen numbers, we should not be deluded into the belief that it is so great as some anthropologists and geologists, who are prodigal of their numbers, would have us think. The numbers of Gen are much nearer the facts than these dreary stretches and wastes of time. The formation of the Nile and the Euphrates valleys, which furnished historic man s first home, is quite recent, possibly not antedating 7000 BC; the account of the Flood is (he record of a great cataclysm which came upon historic man within

          these millenniums; we have the records of the presence of intelligent man in these fertile and recently formed centers without traces of his origin and development in, and movement from, other homes. Archaeology and ancient history bring civilized man upon us with somewhat of sudden ness, wel_l established in homelands of recent forma tion. Whence came these peoples whose great works and thoughts are found near the beginning of an ^ era so clearly limited by history and geog raphy? If they came from elsewhere and devel oped tediously, why have they left no (rail of (heir movement and no trace of the evolution? So late as the 3d millennium BC Mesopotamia was sparsely settled, and I> a l in the first half of the 2d millen nium was still thinly settled. It is a legitimate con clusion, then, that intelligent man s life on the earth does not extend far beyond the total of the Bible numbers (see ANTEDILUVIANS; DKH-CKJ. At the same time it is far from necessary to force a literal and exact interpretation on these" numbers, which were given rather to trace lineage, keep relationships, show development under the Divine, and fix responsibility, than to mark par ticular years.

          LITERATURE, t ssher, Chronolr>f/in Mr/ cm,- (i. Smith, Asayr Eponym Canon; Maspero, The Dawn, of Civiliza tion; Tin- Slru,/!/!,- of the Xativns; The 1 nxxi,,,/ of the Empires; Goodspeert, -I rii.--tnri/ of tin- Babylonians and

          Assyrians; Breasted. Ancient K,,, n ,t: Hist of Egypt, Mes opotamia and Israel in ///.-/ of World: Hommel, Ancient 11,1, Tradition; L. W. King, Chron,>l !lu of tin- Ii,,l, Kin,,*; Beecher, Dated Brents of OT; Auchinloss. Chronology of tin Holy Bible; various commentaries: Driver. HI: of (iene- sis; Skinner, Genesis; Moore. Comm. on Judges; G \\\\ smith, Isaiah" in Expositor s Bible, etc. Magazines: James Orr, "Assyrand Heb Chronology" in l r^l,,,terian Review, 1889; "Israel and the Kxodus" in Expositor,

          *> ; L). Davis, "Chronology of the Divided King dom in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, 18Q1 Bible Dictionaries: .1. D. Davis in l)i,-t. of the Hihl,-, West minster Press: Hommel. arts, on "Assyria" and "Bahv- loma" in ///;/;. of interest also, Franke Parker Chronology, l.s/iS.



          1. Birth of Jesus

          (1 ) Death of Herod

          (- ) < ensus of Quirinius

          (:<) Star of the Magi

          (4) Course of Abijah

          (" Day and Month

          ((>) Summary :. . Baptism of Jesus :<. First Passover I. Death of John the Baptist ">. Length of Jesus Ministry (>. Death of Jesus 7. Summary of Dates

          LlT F, K A T I H K


          1. Paul s Conversion

          ->. Death of Herod Agrippa I

          :?. Famine under Claudius

          t. Sergius I aulus

          "). Kdict of Claudius

          i. Callio

          7. Fest us

          8. Relative Chronology of Acts 0. Pauline Epistles

          10. Release and Death of Paul

          11. Death of Peter

          12. Death of James the Just I .i. The Synoptic Gospels, etc

          14. Death of John

          15. Summary of Dates LITERATURE

          The current Christian era is reckoned from the birth of Jesus and is based upon the calculations of Dionysius ((it h cent.). Subsequent investiga tion has shown that the Dionysian date is at least four years too late. Several eras were in use in the time of Jesus; but of these only the Varronian will be used coordinated with the Dionysian in the discussion of the chronology of the life of Jesus, 753 A.U.C. being synchronous with 1 BC and 754 A.U.C. with 1 AD. "



          /. Chronology of the Life of Jesus. Jesus was born before the death of Herod the Great (Mt 2 1 if) at the time of a census or enrol- 1. Birth of meat made in the territory of Herod in Jesus accordance with a decree of Augustus

          when Quirinius (RV, Cyrenius AV) was exercising authority in the Rom province of Syria (Lk 2 1 f). At the time of Jesus birth a star led the Magi of the East to seek in Jerus the infant whom they subsequently found in Bethlehem (Mt 2 1 ffj. John the Baptist was six months older than Jesus (Lk 1 30) and he was born in the days of Herod (Lk 15; cf 2 1) after his father, Zacharias, of the priestly course of Abijah, had been performing the functions of his office in the temple. (1) Death of Ilerod.Thc death of Herod the Great occurred in the spring of 750/4.* He ruled from his appointment in Rome 714/40 (Ant, XIV, xiv, 4-5, in the consulship of Caius Domitius Cal- vinus and Caius Asinius Pollio) 37 years, and from his accession in Jerus after the capture of the city 717/37 (Ant, XIV, xvi, 1-3; BJ, I, xvii, 9; I, xviii, 1-3; Dio Cassius xlix.22; cf. Schurer, GJV 3 , I, 35S, n. 11) 34 years (Ant, XVII, xviii, 1; BJ , I, xxxiii, 7-8; cf Schurer, op. cit., 1, 415, n. 107 where it is shown that Jos reckons a year too much, probably counting from Nisan 1 and" including partial years). Just before Herod s death there was an eclipse of the moon (Ant, XVII, vi, 4). According to astro nomical calculations an eclipse was visible in Pal on March 23 and September 15, 740/5, March 12, 750/4, and January 9, 753/1. Of these the most probable is that of March 12, 750/4. Soon after the eclipse Herod put to death his son Antipater and died five days later (Ant, XVII, vii; BJ, I, xxxiii, 7). Shortly after Herod s deal h the Passover was near at hand (Ant, XVII, vi, 4 ix, 3). In this year Passover (Nisan 15) fell on April 11; and as Archelaus had observed seven days of mourning for his father before this, I [(-rod s death would fall between March 17 and April 4. But as the 37th (34th) year of his reign was probably reckoned from Nisan 1 or March 28, his death may be dated be tween March 28 and April 4, 750/4.

          This date for Herod s death is confirmed by the evidence for the duration of the reigns of his three sons. Archelaus was deposed in 759/6 (Dio Cas sius lv.27 in the consulship of Aemilius Lepidus and Lucius Arruntius) in the 10th year of his reign (Ant, XVII, xiii, 2; cf BJ, II, vii, 3 which gives the year as the 9th). Antipas was deposed most probably in the summer of 792/39 (Ant, XVIII vii, 1-2; cf XVIII, vi, 11; XIX, viii, 2; BJ, II, ix, 6; Schurer, op. cit., I, 448, n. 46 and 416, n. 167). There are coins of Antipas from his 43d year (Mad den, Coins of the Jews, 121 ff). The genuineness of a coin from the 44th year is questioned by Schurer but accepted by Madden. The coin from the 45th yearjs most probably spurious (Schurer, op. cit., I, 417, n. 167). Philip died after reigning 37 years, in the 20th year of Tiberius August 19, 786/33- 787/34 (Ant, XVIII, iv, 6). There is also a coin of Philip from his 37th year (Madden, op. cit., 126). Thus Archelaus, Antipas and Philip began to reign in 750/4.

          (2) Census of Quirinius. The census or enrol ment, which, according to Lk 2 1 f, was the occa sion of the journey of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem where Jesus was born, is connected with a decree of Augustus embracing the Gr-Rom world. This decree must have been carried out in Pal by Herod and probably in accordance with the Jewish method each going to his own city rather than the Rom (Dig. 15, 4, 2; Zumpt, Das Geburtsjahr Christi, 195; Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, III,

          *The alternative numbers are BC or AD ic 750 A.TJ.C. =4 BC, etc.

          124 f; Schiirer, Theol. Ztq, 1907, 683 f; and on the other hand, Ramsay, Expositor, 1908, I, 19, n.j. Certainly there is no intimation of an insurrection such as characterized a later census (Acts 6 37; Ant, XVIII, i, 1; BJ, II, xvii, 7; cf Tac. Ann. vi.41 ; Livy Epit. cxxxvi, cxxxvii ; Dessau, Insert p. lot. 8el. no. 212, col. ii, 36) and this may have been due in no small measure to a difference iii method. Both Jos and Luke mention the later census which was made by Quirinius on the deposition of Archelaus, together with the insurrection of Judas which ac companied it. But while Jos does not mention the Herodian census although there may be some intimation of it in Ant, XVI, ix, 3; XVII, ii, 4; cf. Sanclemente, De ruly. aerae emend., 438 f ; Ram say, Was Christ Born at Beth. 1 , 178 ff Luke carefully distinguishes the two, characterizing the census at the time of Jesus birth as "first," i.e. first in a series of enrolments connected either with Quirinius or with the imperial policy inaugurated by the decree of Augustus. The Gr-Rom writers of the time do not mention this decree and later writers (Cassiodor, Isidor and Suidas) cannot be relied upon with certainty as independent witnesses (Zumpt, Geburtsjahr, 148 ff). Yet the geographical work of Agrippa and the preparation of abreviarium tolius imperil by Augustus (Tac. Ann. i.ll; Suet. Aug. 28 and 101; Dio Cassius liii.30; lvi.33; cf Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 1025, n. 3), together with the interest of the emperor in the organization and finances of the empire and the attention which he gave to the provinces (Marquardt, Ri nn. <S /w//.s;r/- tnili/inq, II, 211 f; cf 217), are indirectly corrobora tive of Luke s statement. Augustus himself con ducted a census in Italy in 726/28, 746/8, 767/14 (Mommsen, AY.s- Ges., 34 ff) and in Gaul in 727/27 (Dio Cassius liii.22, 5; Livy Epit. cxxxiv) and had a census taken in other provinces (Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyc., s.v. "Census," 1918 f; Marquardt, op. cit., II, 213). For Egypt there is evidence of a regular periodic census every 14 years extending back to 773/20 (Ramsay, op. cit., 131 ff; Grenfell and Hunt, Ox;/. Papyri, II, 207 if; Wilcken, Griech. Ostraka, I, 444 ff) and it is not improbable that this procedure was introduced by Augustus (Schurer, op. cit ., I, 515). The inference from Egyp to similar conditions in other provinces must indeed be made cautiously (Wilcken, pp. cit., 449; Marquardt, op. cit., 441); yet, in Syria the regular tribntinn rnpitis seems to imply some such preliminary work (Di</. 1. 15, 3; Appian, Xyr., 50; Marquardt, op. cit., II, 200, n. 2; Pauly-Wissowa, op. cit., 1921; Ramsay, op. cit., 154). The time of the decree is stated only in general terms by Luke, and it may have been as early as 727/27 (Zumpt, op. cit., 159; Marquardt, op. cit,, II, 212) or later in 746-8 (Huschke, Census, 34; Ramsay, op. cit., 158 ff), its execution in differ ent provinces and subject kingdoms being carried out at_ different times. Hence Luke dates the census in the kingdom of Herod specifically by con necting it with the administrative functions of Quirinius in Syria. But as P. Quint ilius Varus was the legate of Syria just before and after the death of Herod from 748/6-750/4 (Ant, XVII v 2 XVII, ix, 3; XVII, x, 1 and 9; XVII, xi, 1; Tac. Hist, v.9; and coins in Eckhel, Doctr. num. vet., Ill, 275) and his predecessor was C. Sentius Sa- turninus from 745/9-748/6 (Ant, XVI, ix, 1; x, 8; xi, 3; XVII, i, 1; ii, 1; iii, 2), there seems to be no place for Quirinius during the closing years of Herod s reign. Tertullian indeed speaks of Saturninus as legate at the time of Jesus birth (Adr. Marc., iv.9). The interpretation of Luke s statement as indicating a date for the census before Quirinius was legate (Wieseler, Chron. Xijn., 116" Lagrange, Revue Biblioue, 1911, 80 ff) is inad missible. It is possible that the connection of the



          census with Quirinius may bo due to his having brought to completion what, was begun by one of his predecessors; or Quirinius may have been com missioned especially by the emperor as Icyatus a>l (r//.s//.s (tcci/iicniloK to conduct, a census in Syria and this commission may have been connected tem porally with his campaign against the llomonad- enses in Cilicia (Tac. Ann. iii.4X; cf Noris, Ccnn- l<i/)h. 1 is., 320 ff; Sanciemeiite, op. cit., -121) /w.s.x////; Ramsay, op. cit., 23X). It. lias also been suggested by Bour (L Inscription tic (Juirinius, 48 ff) that Quirinius may have been an imperial procurator specially charged with authority in the, matter of the Ilcrodian census. The titulus Tiburt.inus ((7L, XIV, 3013; Dessau, Inner. Lnt. ,SV/., 918) if rightly assigned to him and there seems to bo no sufficient reason for questioning the conclusivc- ness of Mommsen s defence of this attribution (cf Liebenam, Vcrwaltungsgcsch., 305) proves that, he was twice legate of Syria, and the titulus Venetus (CIL, III, 66S7; Dessau, op. cit., 26S3) gives evi dence of a census conducted by him in Syria. His administration is dated by Ramsay (op. cit., 243) in 747/7; by Mommsen in the end of 750/4 or the beginning of 7") 1/3 (op. cit., 172 if), /aim (\\\\t / kirch. Zeitschr., 1893, I\\\\ , 633 ff), followed by Spit la (Zeitschr. f. d. neatest. Wins., 1900, VII, 293 ff), rejects the historicity of the later census connected by Jos with the deposition of Arehclaus, basing his view on internal grounds, and assigns the Lucan census to a time shortly after the death of Herod. This view however is rendered improbable by 1 he evidence upon which the birth of Jesus is assigned to a time before the death of Herod (Mt 2 1 ff; Lk 1 5; 2 1 fi; by the differentiation of the census in Lk 211" and Acts 6 37; by the definite con nection of the census in Jos with Syria and the territory of Archelaus (cf also the lit. Yenet.i; and by the general imperial policy in the formation of a new province (Marquardt, op. cit., II, 213). Moreover there seems to be no adequate ground for identifying the Sabinus of Jos with Quirinius as urged by Weber, who regards the two accounts (Ant, XVII, viii, 1 IT and XVII, iv, 5; X\\\\TIl,i, 2; ii, 1 IT) as due to the separation by Jos of accounts of the same events in his sources (Ziilxchr. f. <l. neutcsl. Wiss., 1909, X, 307 ffj -the census of Sabinus-Qui- rinius being assigned to 4 BC, just after I he death of Herod the Great. The synchronism of the second census of Quirinius with the periodic year of the Egyp census is probably only a coincidence, for it was occasioned by the deposition of Archelaus; but its extension to Syria may be indicative of its con nection with the imperial policy inaugurated by Augustus (Tac. Ann. vi.41; Ramsay, op. cit., 161 f).

          (3) Xtar of the Mntji. The identification of the star of the Magi (Mt 2 2; cf 2 7.9.16; Macrobius, tint., II, 4; Sanclemente, op. cit., 4f)6; Ramsay, op. cit., 215 ff) and the determination of the time of its appearance cannot be made with certainty, although it- has boon associated with a conjunction in 747/7 and 74S 6 of Saturn and Jupiter in the sign of Pisces a constellation which was thought to stand in close relation with the Jewish nation (Ideler, Handbiich d. ninth, u. tcch.C hron.,11, 400ff). When the Magi came to Jerus, however, Herod was present in the city; and this must have been at least several months before his death, for during that, time he was sick and absent. from Jerus (Ant, XVII, vi, 1 ff ; /?./, I, xxxiii, 1 ff).

          (4) Course of Aoijafi. The chronological cal culations of the time of the service of the priestly course of Abijah in the temple, which are made by reckoning back from the time of the course of Jehoiarib which, according to Jewish tradition, was serving at the time of the destruction of Jerus by Titus, are uncertain (Schiirer, op. cit., II, 337, n. 3; cf Lewin, Fasti Sacri, 836).

          (5) DIIIJ ami month. The day and month of Jesus birth are also uncertain. December 25 was cele brated by the church in the West as early as the 2d cent. if the date in Hippolytus on Dan., IV, 23, be genuine (cf Ehrhardt, Altchr. Lit., 1S80-1900, 383); but. January 6 was celebrated in the East as the anniversary both of the birth and of the baptism. The fact that shepherds were feeding their flocks at night when Jesus was born (Lk 2 8) makes it im probable that the season of the year was winter.

          (6) Sninnitinj. The birth of Jesus may therefore be assigned to the period 747/7 to 751/5, before the deatli of Herod, at the time of a census made bv Herod in accordance with a decree of Augustus and when Quirinius was exercising extraordinary authority in Syria Yarns being the regular legate of the province, i.e. probably in 748/6. See JKSUS CHRIST.

          The Synoptic Gospels begin their description

          of the public ministry of Jesus with an account

          of the ministrv of John the Baptist

          2. Baptism (Mt 3 1 ff; Mk 1 1 IT: Lk 3 Iff; of Jesus cf Jn 1 19 ff; 4 21; Jos, Ant, XVIII,

          iii, 3) and Luke definitely dates the baptism of Jesus by .John in the 15th year of Tibe rius. Luke also designates this event- as the be ginning of Jesus ministry, and by stating Jesus age approximately brings it into connection with the date of His birth. If Luke reckoned the reign of Tiberius from the death of Augustus, August 19, 707 14, the 15th year would extend from August, 19, 7S1/2S to August 18, 782/29; and if Jesus was about thirty years old at this time, Ills birth would fall in 751/3 to 752/2 or sometime after the death of Herod, which is inconsistent with Luke s own and Matthew s representation. This indeed was one of the common modes of reckoning the imperial reigns. The mode of reckoning from the assump tion of the tribunician power or from the designa tion as imperator is altogether unlikely in Luke s case and intrinsically improbable, since for Tiberius the one began in 748/6 and the other in 743/11 (l)io Cassias lv. 9; liv.33; Yell. ii. 99; Suet. Tib. ix.ll). But. if, as seems likely, the method of reckoning by imperial years rather than by the yearly consuls was not definitely fixed when Luke wrote, it is possible that he may have counted the years of Tiberius from his appointment in 764/11 or 765/12 to equal authority with Augustus in the provinces (Veil, ii 121 ; Suet. Tih. xx.21 ; Tac. Ann. i.3). This method seems not to have been emploved elsewhere (Lewin, op. cit., 11431 ; cf Ramsay, op. cit., 202 f). The coins of Antioch in which it is found are regarded as spurious tEckhel, op. cit., Ill, 276), the genuine coins reckoning the reign of Tiberius from the death of Augustus (ib. III, 278). If Luke reckoned the reigri of Tiberius from 764/11 or 765/12, the 15th year would fall in 778/25 or 779/26, probably the latter, and Jesus birth about thirty years earlier, i.e. about 748/6 or 749/5.

          At the time of the first Passover in Jesus ministry the Herodian temple had been building 46 years

          (Jn 2 20). Herod began the temple

          3. First in the 18th year of his reign (Ant, Passover XV, xi, 1, which probably corrects

          the statement in BJ, I, xxi, 1 that it was the 15th year; cf Schiirer, op. cit., I, 369 f, n. 12). As Jos reckons from the accession of Herod in 717/37, the 18th year would be 734/20 to 735/21 and 46 years later would be 780/27 to 781/28. The interval implied in John between this Passover and the beginning of Jesus ministry agrees well with the Lucan dating of the baptism in 779/26.

          The imprisonment of John the Baptist, which preceded the beginning of Jesus Galilean work, was continued for a time (Mt 11 2-19; Lk 7 18-35) but was finally terminated by beheading at



          the order of Herod Antipas. Announcement of

          the death was made to Jesus while in the midst of

          His Galilean ministry (Ml 14 3-12;

          4. Death Mk 6 14-29; Lk 9 7-9). Jos reports of John the that the defeat of Antipas by Aretas, Baptist in the summer of 789/36, was popu larly regarded as a Divine punish ment for the murder of John (Ant, XVIII, v, 2). But although Jos mentions the divorce of Aretas daughter by Antipas as one of the causes of hos tilities, no inference can lie drawn from this or from the popular interpretation of Antipas defeat, by which the interval between John s death and this defeat can be fixed (Schiirer, op. cit,, I, 443 f).

          The Synoptic Gospels mention the Passion Pass over at which Jesus ministry was terminated, but they contain no data by which the

          5. Length interval between the imprisonment of of Jesus John the Baptist and this Passover Ministry can be fixed with certainty. Yet

          indications are not wanting that the interval consisted of at least two years. The Sab bath controversy broke out in Galilee when the grain was still standing in the fields (Mt 12 1; Mk 2 23; Lk 6 1) and the condition of the grass when the Five Thousand were fed (Mt 14 15; Mk 6 39; Lk 9 12) points to the springtime, the Passion Passover marking the return of still another springtime (cf also Lk 13 7; Mt, 23 37). But the Gospel of John mentions explicitly three Pass overs (2 23; 64; 11 55) and probably implies a fourth (5 1), thus necessitating a ministry of at least two years and making probable a ministry of three years after the first Passover. The Pass over of 6 4 cannot be eliminated on textual grounds, for the documentary evidence is conclusive in its favor and the argument, against it based on the statements of certain patristic writers is uncon vincing (cf Turner, HDB,l, 407 f; Zahn, Kom., IV, 708 ff). The indications of time from 6 4 the Passover when the Five Thousand were fed in Galilee to 11 55 the Passion Passover are defi nite and clear (72; 10 22). But the interval between the first Passover (2 23) and the Galilean Passover (6 4) must have been one and may have been two years. The following considerations favor the latter view: Jesus was present in Jerus at a feast (5 1) which is not named but is called simply "a" or "the" feast of the Jews. The best authorities for the text are divided, some supporting the insertion, others the omission of the definite art. before "feast." If the art. formed part of the original text, the feast may have been either Taber nacles from the Jewish point of view or Passover - from the Christian point of view. If the art. was wanting in the original text, the identification of the feast, must be made on contextual and other grounds. But the note of time in 4 35 indicates the lapse of about nine months since the Passover of 2 23 and it is not likely that the Galilean min istry which preceded the feeding of the Five Thou sand lasted only about three months. In fact this is rendered impossible by the condition of the grain in the fields at the time of the Sabbath controversy. The identification of the feast of Jn 6 1 with Purim, even if the art. be not genuine, is extremely improbable; and if so, a Passover must have inter vened between 2 23 and 6 4, making the ministry of Jesus extend over a period of three years and the months which preceded the Passover of 2 23. While the identification cannot be made with cer tainty, if the feast was Passover the subject of the controversy with the Jews in Jerus as well as the season of the year would harmonize with the Synop tic account of the Sabbath controversy in Galilee which probably followed this Passover (cf the variant reading in Lk 6 1).

          Jesus was put to death in Jerus at the time of the Passover when Pontius Pilate was procurator

          of Judaea (Mt 27 2 ff; Mk 15 1 ff; 6. Death Lk 23 1 ff; Jn 18 29 ff; 19 1 ff; Acts of Jesus 3 13; 4 27; 13 28; 1 Tim 6 13; Tac.

          Ann. xv. 44), Caiaphas being the high priest, (Mt 26 3.57; Jn 11 49; 18 13 ff) and Herod Antipas the tetrarch of Galilee and Perea (Lk 23 7ff). Pilate was procurator from 779/26 to 789/36 (An/, XVIII, iv, 3; v, 3; cf Schiirer, op. cit., I, 487, n. 141); Caiaphas was high priest from 771/18 to 789/36 (Ant, XVIII, ii, 2; iv, 3; cf Schiirer, op. cit,, II, 271) and Antipas was tetrarch from 750/4 to 792/39. If the first Passover of Jesus ministry was in 780/27, the fourth would fall in 783/30. The gospels name Friday as the day of the crucifixion (Mt. 27 02; Mk 15 42; Lk 23 54; Jn 19 14.31.42) and the Synoptic Gospels represent this Friday as Nisan 15 the day following (or according to Jewish reckoning from sunset to sunset, the same day as) the day on which the paschal supper was eaten (Mt 26 17 ff; Mk 14 12 ff; Lk 22 7ffj. But, the Fourth Gospel is thought by many to represent the paschal meal as still uneaten when Jesus suffered (18 28; cf 13 29); and it is held that the Synoptic Gospels also contain traces of this view (Mt 26 5; Mk 14 2; 15 21; Lk 23 20]. Astronomical calculations show that Friday could have fallen on Nisan 14 or 15 in 783/30 according to different methods of reckoning (von Soden, EB, I, 806; cf Bacon, Journal of Bihlicul Literature, XXVIII, 2, 1910, 130 ff; Fotheringham, Jour, of Tln-ol. XtmlicH, Octo ber, 1910, 120 ff), but the empirical character of the Jewish calendar renders the result of such calculations uncertain (Schiirer, op. cit., I, 7491 ). In the_year 783/30 _ Friday, Nisan 15, would fall on April 7. There! is an early patristic tradition which dates the death of Jesus in the year 782/29, in the: consulship of the- Gemini (Turner, HDB, I, 413 f), but its origin and trustworthy character are problematical.

          1. Birth of Jesus, 748/6.

          2. Death of Herod the Great, 750/4.

          3. Baptism e>f Jesus, 779/26.

          7. Summary 4. First Passe>ver of Jesus ministrv, of Dates 7SO 27.

          5. Death of Jesus, 7X3/30.

          LITERATCRK. Scliuror, Gexrliirhtr <l<-x Jititixchcn Vol/crs irn Ze Halter Jcxu Christi, .\\\\. und 4. And., 1901-9 . } vols Etig. tr of the^ 2cl eel, in 5 vols, 1 885-94; Idelcr, //,/- buck dcr mathematiisrhen unit trrhnixchen Cltmtniloyir, lS25-2fi, 2 vols; Wleseler, Chrmioloijitchc. Synapse der Evangelien, 184. -!, Kng. tr; Lewin. Fax/i Sacri, 18t>5- Turner, art, "Chronology of the NT" in ///)/}, 1900, I, 40:5-20; von Soden, art. "Chronology" in Chevne; and Black. EB, 1899. I, 799-819; Ramsay. Wax Chrixl Born at Bethlehem f 1808; K. R. Montgomery Hitchcock, art, "Dates "in DC(J; Mommsen, Res Gestae Did Auguxti-.

          II. Chronology of the Apostolic Age. The chronology of the apostolic age must, be base-d on the data in Acts ami the epistolary lit, e>f the NT which afford contacts with persons or events of the Gr- Rom world. From the fixeel points thus secure-el a general outline of the relative chronology may be establisheel with reasonable probability.

          Paul was convcrteel near Damascus (Acts 9 3 ff; 22 off; 26 12 ff; Gal 1 17). After a brief stay in that city (Acts 9 19 ff) he went to 1. Paul s Arabia and then came again to Da- Conversion mascus (Gal 1 17). When he left Damascus the second time, he returne-el to Jerus after an absence of three years (Gal 1 18). The flight of Paul from Damascus (Acts 9 24) probably terminated his second visit, to the city. At that time the ethnarch of Aretas, the king of the Nabathaeans, acting with the- resident Jews (Acts 9 23 f), guarded the city to seize him (2 Ce>r 11 32). Aretas IV succeeded Oboelas about 9 BC,



          and reigned until about 40 AD. Damascus was taken by the Romans in 02 BC and probably con tinued under their control until the death of Tibe rius (March 37 AD). Rom coins of Damascus exist from the time of Augustus, Tiberius and Nero, but there are no such coins from the time of Caligula and Claudius (Schiirer. op. cit., I, 737; II, 153). Moreover the relations of Aretas to Augustus and Tiberius make it extremely improbable that In- held Damascus during their reign as part of his king dom or acquired it by conquest. The statement of Paul however seems to imply Nabathaean control of the city, and this is best explained on the suppo sition that Damascus was given to Aretas by Calig ula, the change in the imperial attitude being due perhaps to the influence primarily of Agrippa and possibly also of Vitellius (Steinmann, Aretas IV 1009, 34 ff). But if Paul s escape from Damascus was not earlier than 37 AD, his conversion cannot be placed earlier than 34 or 35 AD, and the journey to Jerus 14 years later ((Jal 2 1) not earlier than f)0 or 51 AD.

          Herod Agrippa I died in Caesarea shortly after a Passover season (Acts 12 23; of 12 3.19). Caligula had given him the fetrarohy 2. Death of of Philip and of Lysatiias in 37 AD Herod the latter either at this time or later

          Agrippa I with the title of king (Ant, XVIII, vi, 10; H.I , II, ix, 0) and this was in creased in 40 AD by the tetrarchy of Antipas ( \\\\nt XVIII, vii, If; HJ, II, ix, 0)*. Claudius gave him also Judaea and Samaria (Ant, XIX, v, 1; #./, II, xi, 5) thus making his territory even more ex tensive than that of his grandfather, Herod the Great. Agrippa reigned over "all Judaea" for three years under Claudius (Ant, XIX, viii, 2; B,l , II, xi, 6), his death falling in the spring of 44 AD, iii the 7th year of his reign. The games mentioned by Jos in this connection are probably those that were celebrated in honor of the ret urn of Claudius from Britain in 44 AD. There are coins of Agrippa from his (ith year, but the attribution to him of coins from other years is questioned (Schiirer, op. cit., 560, n. 40; Madden, op. cit., 132).

          The prophecy of a famine and its fulfilment under

          Claudius (Acts 11 2S) are associated in Acts with

          the death of Herod Agrippa 1 (11 30;

          3. Famine 12 23). Famines in Rome during the under reign of Claudius are mentioned by Claudius Suetonius (Claud, xviii), Dio Cassius

          (lx.ll), Tacitus (Annals xii.43), and Orosius (vii.6). Jos narrates in the time of Fadus the generosity of Helena during a famine in Pal (Ant. XX, ii, 5), but subsequently dates the famine generally in the time of Fadus and Alexander. The famine in Pal would fall therefore at some time be tween 44 and 48 (Schiirer, op. cit., I, 507, n. 8).

          When Paul visited Cyprus with Barnabas the

          island was administered by Sergius Paulus (Acts

          13 7 <T), a propraetor with the title

          4. Sergius proconsul (Marquardt, op. cit., I, 391). Paulus There is an inscription from Cyprus

          (Cagnat, I user, (/race, a/ircsrom. pertin., Ill, 930) dating from the 1st cent., and probably from the year 53 (Zahn, Note kirch. Zeitschr., 1904, XV, 194) in which an incident in the career of a certain Apollonius is dated in the prooonsulship of Paulus (eirl UavXov [dv0]virdTov, cpi Paiilou [anth]- npdtou). From another inscription (CIG, 2632), dated in the 12th year of Claudius, it appears that L. Annms Bassus was proconsul in 52. If the Julius Cordus mentioned by Bassus was his immediate predecessor, the proconsulship of Sergius Paulus may be dated at some time before 51.

          When Paul came to Corinth for the first time he met Aquila and Prisoilla, who had left Rome because of an edict of Claudius expelling the Jews

          from the city (Acts 18 2). Suetonius mentions an expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Claudius but

          K ** t ! VCS . no , date ( Cla "d- xxv ; cf Dio 5. lidict of Cassms lx.0). Orosius however dates Claudius the edict in the 9th year of Claudius or 49 AD (Hi#t. vii.O, 15); and al though Jos, from whom lie quotes, does not men tion this edict but records the favor shown by Claudius to the Jews and to Herod Agrippa I (Ant XIX, v, 1-3; of Dio Cassius Ix.O, 0, 9, 10; 8 2) it is not improbable- that the date is approximately accurate (Schiirer, op. cit., Ill, 02, n. 92).

          During Paul s first sojourn in Corinth the apostle was brought before the proconsul Gallio (Acts 18 12). This could not have been earlier 6. Galho than the year 44 when Claudius gave Achaia back to the Senate and the province was administered by a propraetor with the title of proconsul (Dio Cassius 1x24- Mar quardt, op. cit., I, 331 f; Hamsay, Ej-pn*., 1897 I, 207). Moreover the career of Seneca makes it improbable that his brother would be advanced to this position before 49 or 50 (Harnack, Chron., I, 237; Wieseler, Cliron. <l. apos. Zcitaltcrs, 119)! There is a fragmentary inscription from Delphi containing a letter from the emperor Claudius in which mention is made of Gallio. The inscrip tion is dated by the title of the emperor which contains the number 20. This is referred naturally to the acdammatio as im iterator" and dated in the year 52 before August, after which time the number 27 occurs in the title of Claudiaii inscrip tions. Gallio may therefore have been proconsul from the spring or summer of the year 51-52 or 52-53. The latter seems the more probable time (cf Aom. Bourguet, l)e rebus Delphicis, 1905, 03 f- Ramsay, Expos., 1909, I, 407 f; Princeton Th>- logical Review, 191 1, 290 f; 1912, 139 f; Deissmann Paulus, 1911, 159-177; Lietzmann, Zeitschriftfur wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1911, 345-54). ( W r hen Paul had been for two years a prisoner in -aesarea Felix was succeeded by Festus as proc urator of Judaea (Acts 24 27). The 7. Festus accession of Festus, which is placed by Eusebius in the Church History in he reign of Nero (ffK, II, 22, 1), is dated in the Chronicle in the version of Jerome in the 2d year of Nero, 50 AD, and in the Armenian version in the 14th year of Claudius, 54 AD. The excerpts from the Chronicle in Syncellus apparently follow the text underlying the version of Jerome, but state- simply that Festus was sent as successor of Felix by Nero (ed. Sohoene, II,. 154). After his removal from office Felix was tried in Rome, but escaped punishment through the influence of his brother Pallas, who, according to Jos, was in favor with Nero at that time (Anl, XX, viii, 9). Pallas was removed from office before February 13, 55 AD (Tac. Ann. xiii.14, 1; of 15, 1), but apparently continued to have influence with the emperor; for he fixed the terms of his removal and was permitted to enjoy his fortune for several years (Tac. Ann. xiii.14, If; 23, 1-3). His death occurred in 02 AD (Tac. Ann. xiv.05, 1). The trial of Felix must therefore have occurred before 62; but it is impossible to place it before the removal of Pallas for this would necessitate the removal of Felix iri 54 AD, and this is excluded by the fact that the first summer of Nero s reign fell in 55 AD. But if Eusebius reckoned the imperial years from Sep tember 1st after the accession (Turner, Jour of Theol. Hiulirii, 1902, 120 f; HDB, I, 418 f), the summer of the second year of Nero would fall in 57. In any event the removal and trial of Felix must have fallen after the removal of Pallas. The date of the Eusebian Chronicle is thus without sup port from Tacitus or Jos, and its value depends on



          the character of the source from which it was ob tained if there was such u source, for it is at least possible that the definite date owes its origin solely to the necessities imposed on Eusebius by the form of the Chronicle. It is not unlikely that the error of 5 years made by Eusebius in the reign of Agrippa II may be the source of a similar error in regard to Festus in spite of the fact that the framework of the Chronicle is generally furnished not by the years of the Jewish kings but by the imperial years (Erbes in Gebhardt u. Harnack, Texte und Unter- suchungen, N.F., IV, 1, 1899; Die Todestaye d. Apos. Paulus u. Petrus; Turner, Jour, of Thcol. Studies, 1902, III, 120 f; Ramsay, Pauline and Other Studies, 1906, 350 ff). There is evidence however in Acts 21 38 that Paul s arrest could not have been earlier than the spring of 55 AD. For Paul was supposed by the chief captain to be the Egyptian who had led an insurrection that had been suppressed by Felix during the reign of Nero (Ant, XX, viii, 6; BJ, II, 13, 5). Thus the accession of Festus, two years later (Acts 24 27), could not have been earlier than 57 AD.

          But if the summer of 57 AD is the earliest date possible for the accession of Festus, the summer of 60 AD is the latest date that is possible. Albinus, the successor of Festus, was present in Jerus in October, 62 AD (Ant, XX, ix, Iff), and while the administration of Festus was probably shorter than that of Felix (of Ant, XX, viii, 9-11; BJ , II, xiv, 1 with Ant, XX, vii, 1-8, 8; BJ, II, 12-13), it is not likely that it lasted less than two years. But as between 57 AD and 60 AD, probability favors the latter. For greater justice is thus done to the words of Paul to Felix: "Forasmuch as 1 know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation," etc (Acts 24 10). Felix was appointed by Claudius in 52 AD (Tac. Ann. xii. 54; Anl, XX, v, 2) and was continued in office by Nero. Most of the events of his administration are narrated by Jos under Nero (Ant, XX, viii, 5ff); and although Tacitus mentions an administration of Felix in Samaria w T hen Cumanua was administer ing Galilee (Ann. xii. 54), the omission of any direct reference to Judaea, the unusual character of such a double administration and the explicit statement of Jos that Claudius sent Felix as successor of Cu- manus, make it unlikely that Paul s statement is to be understood of an administration beginning earlier than 52 AD. If Festus succeeded in the summer of 60 AD, Paul s arrest would fall in 58 and the "many years" of Felix administration would cover a period of 6 years, from 52 AD to 58 AD (cf Schurer, op. cit., I, 577 f, n. 38). Ramsay argues in favor of 57 AD as the year of Paul s arrest and 59 AD as the year of the accession of Festus (Pauline and Other Studies, 1906, 345 ff).

          If Festus succeeded Felix in the summer of 60 AD, Paul would reach Rome in the spring of 61 AD, and the narrative in Acts would 8. Relative terminate in 63 AD (28 30). Paul s Chronology arrest in Jerus 2 years before the ac- of Acts cession of Festus (24 27) would fall

          in the spring of 58 AD. Previous to this Paul had spent 3 months in Corinth (20 3) and 3 years in Ephesus (20 31; cf 19 10), which would make the beginning of the third missionary journey fall about 54 AD. There was an interval between the second and the third journeys (18 23), and as Paul spent 18 months at Corinth (18 11) the beginning of the second journey w r ould fall about 51 AD. The Apostolic Council preceded the second journey and may be dated about 50 AD 14 years subsequent to Paul s first visit to Jerus (37 AD) in the third year after his conversion in 35 AD. The first missionary journey was made after the visit of Paul and Barnabas to Jerus with

          the alms from the church at Antioch (11 30; 12 25), about the time of the death of Herod Agrippa I, and would fall between 44 AD and 50 AD. Tin- growth of the early church in Jerus previous to Paul s conversion would thus extend over a period of about 5 years from 30 AD to 35 AD.

          Ten of the thirteen Pauline epistles were written

          during a period of about ten years between Paul s

          arrival in Corinth and the close of his

          9. Pauline first Horn imprisonment. These epis- Epistles ties fall into three groups, each pos sessing certain distinctive character istics; and although each reflects the difference in time and occasion of its production, they all reveal an essential continuity of thought and a similarity of style which evidences unity of authorship. The earliest group consists of the Thessalonian epistles, both of which were written from Corinth on the second missionary journey about 52 or 53 AD, while Silas (Silvanus) was still in Paul s company and shortly after Paul s visit to Athens (1 Thess 1 1; 3 1.2.6; 2 Thess 1 1). The major epistles belong to the third missionary journey. 1 Cor was written from Ephesus about 55 AD; "Gal probably from Ephesus, either before or after 1 Cor, for Paul had been twice in Galatia (Gal 4 13); 2 Cor from Macedonia about 57 AD; and Rom from Corinth about 57 or 58 AD. The imprisonment epistles were written from Rome: Col, Eph and Philem about 62 AD, and Phil about 63 AD.

          When Paul wrote to Philemon (Philem ver 22)

          and to the Philippians (Phil 2 24; cf 1 25), he

          expected a favorable issue of his trial

          10. Release in Rome and was looking forward to and Death another visit to the East. Before his of Paul arrest he had planned a journey to

          Spain by way of Rome (Rom 15 28), and when he bade farewell to the Ephesian elders at Miletus (Acts 20 25) he must have had in mind not only the dangers of his journey to Jerus, but also his determination to enter another field of labor. 1 Clement 5, the Muratori Canon and the Apocryphal Acts of Peter (Zahn, Einlltj.*, 1, 444 fj witness to the Spanish journey, and the Pastoral Epistles to a journey to the East and to another imprisonment in Rome. The two lines of evidence for Paul s release are independent and neither can be explained as derived merely from the statement of Paul s intention in Rom and in Philem and Phil. The historical situation implied in the Pas toral Epistles can be charged with artificiality only on the hypothesis that Paul was not released from his first Rom imprisonment. The data of these epistles cannot be fitted into any period of Paul s life previous to his imprisonment. But these data are embodied in just those parts of the Pastoral Epistles which are admitted to be Pauline by those who regard the epistles as containing only genuine fragments from Paul but assign the epistles in their present form to a later writer. On any hypothesis of authorship, however, the tradition which these epistles contain cannot be much later than the first quarter of the 2d cent. It is highly probable there fore that Paul was released from his first Rom im prisonment; that he visited Spain and the East ; and that he was imprisoned a second time in Rome where he met his death in the closing years of Nero s reign, i.e. in 67 or 68 AD. According to early tradition Paul suffered martyrdom by beheading with the sword (Tert., De praescr. hacr., xxxvi), but there is nothing to connect his death with the persecution of the Christians in Rome by Nero in 64 AD.

          Little is known of Peter beside what is recorded of him in the NT. The tradition of his bishopric of 20 or 25 years in Rome (cf Harnack, Gesch. d. altchr. Lit., II; Die Chronologic,, I, 243 f) accords neither with the implications of Acts and Gal nor



          with Paul s silence in Rom. But 1 Pet was prob ably writ. ten from Rome; (5 13; cf Euseb., UK,

          ii.15, 2) and the testimony to Peter s 11. Death martyrdom (implied in Jn 21 IS f) of Peter under Nero in Rome by crucifixion

          (Tert ., De prncx. finer., xxxvi; cf 1 Clem 5 1 fT) is early and probably trustworthy. Tradi tion also associates Peter and Paul in their Rom labors and martyrdom (Dionysius in Euseb., //A . ii.25, 8; Iren., Adv. //</., iii.l, 2; iii. 3, 1). The mention of the Vatican as the place of Peter s interment (Cains in Euseb., HE, ii.25, Of) may indicate a connection of his martyrdom with the Neronian persecution in (54 AD; but this is not certain. Peter s death may therefore be dated with some probability in Rome; between 04 and 07 AD. Jlis two epistles were written at some time before; his death, probably the First about 04 and the Second at some lime afterward and subsequent to the Epistle of Jude which it apparently uses. (The arguments against the Rom sojourn and mar tyrdom of Peter art; stated fully by Schmiedel in the EH, s.v. "Simon Peter," esp. col. 45S f f; on the other hand cf Zahn, Eiidcilumf, II. 17 IT, Eng. tr,

          11. ir>xff.)

          James the Just, the brother of the Lord, was

          prominent in the church of Jerus at the time of the

          Apostolic Council (Acts 15 13 f f; Gal

          12. Death 2 ); cf 1 !.); 2 12) and later when of James Paul was arrested he seems still to the Just have occupied this position (Acts 21

          IS f f), laboring with impressive devo tion for the Jewish people until his martyrdom about the year 00 AD (Ant, XX, ix, 1; Euseb ., HE, ii.23, 3ff; IIRE\\\\ V1I1, 5S1; Zahn, Kinlt>j.\\\\ I, 70). The Epistle of Jas contains numerous indications of its early origin and equally clear evidence that it was not written during the period when the ques tions which are discussed in the major epistles of Paul were agitating the church. It is probably the earliest book of the NT, written before the Apostolic Council.

          In the decade just preceding the fall of Jerus,

          the tradition of the life and teaching of , Jesus was

          committed to writing in the Synoptic

          13. The (lospels. Early tradition dates the Synoptic composition of Matthew s Gospel in Gospels the lifetime of Peter and Paul (Iren.,

          Adv. liner., iii.l, 1; Eusebius, HE, y.S, 2ff), and that of the Gospel of Mark either just before or after Peter s death (Clement in Euseb., HE, vi.14, 7; cf ii.lf>; and Irenaeus, Adr. linn-., iii.ll, 1; Presbyter of Papias in Euseb., HE, iii. 39, 15; cf also 2 Pet 1 15). The Lucan writings both the Gospel and Acts probably fall also in this period, for the Gospel contains no intimation that Jesus prophecy of the destruction of Jerus had been fulfilled (cf Lk 21 21; Acts 11 2S), and the silence of Acts about the issue of Paul s trial is best explained on the hypothesis of an early date (Jerome, DC rir. illustr., vii; Harnack, Ncue Untcr- such. zur Apostelgesch., 1911; cf also Lk 10 7; 1 Tim 6 IS). To this period belong also the Epistle of Jude arid the Epistle to the He (if addressed to Jewish Christians of Pal; but later, about 80 AD, if addressed to Jewish Christians of Rome [Zahn, Einllij?, II, 152]), the former being used in 2 Pet and the latter in 1 Clem.

          Early tradition connects John with Ephesus and mentions his continuing in life until the time of

          Trajan (Irenaeus, Adv. haer., ii.22, 5

          14. Death [Eusebius, HE, v.24]; iii.l, 1; v.30, of John 3; v.33, 4; Clement in Eusebius, HE,

          iii. 23, 5-19; Polycrates in Eusebius, HE, iii. 31, 3; v.24, 3; Justin, Dialogue, Ixxxi; cf Rev 1 1.4.9; 22 8; Jn 21 22.23.24; 19 35). He died probably about the end of the 1st cent. There

          is another but less well-attested tradition of martyr dom based chiefly on the De Boor fragment of Papias (Texteu. Unters., 1S8S), a Syr Martyrology of the 4th cent. (Wright, Jour, of Hacrcd Lit., 1805-00, VIII, 50 ff, 423 fT), the Codex Coislinianus 305 of Georgius Hamartolus. This tradition, it is thought, finds con firmation in Mk 10 35-40; Mt 20 20-23 (cf Bousset, Theologische Rundschau, 1905, 225 ff, 277 ff). Dur ing the closing years of his life John wrote the Revelation, the Fourth Gospel and the three Epistles.

          Conversion of Paul 35

          Deal h of James, son of Zebedee 44

          Death of Herod Agrippa 1 44

          15. Sum- Famine under Claudius 44-48

          mary of Epistle of James before 50

          Dates First missionary journey 45-49

          Edict of Claudius 49-50

          Proconsulship of Sergius Paulus ... before 51

          Apostolic Council 50

          Second missionary journey 50-53

          1 and 2 Thess from Corinth 52/53

          Proconsulship of Gallio 52/53

          Third missionary journey 54-58

          Paul in Ephesus 54-57

          1 Cor and Gal from Ephesus 55-57

          2 Cor from Macedonia 57

          Horn from Corinth 57/58

          Arrest of Paul in Jerus 58

          Accession of Festus not before 57

          j>robably t 60

          First Rom imprisonment of Paul 01-63/4

          Col, Eph, Philem, from Rome 62

          Phil from Rome 63

          Release of Paul and journeys in West and

          East 64-67

          1 Tim and Tit from Macedonia 65-66

          2 Tim from Rome 67

          Death of Paul in Rome 67/8

          Synoptic Gospels, Acts, Jink; and He, before 67

          1 and 2 Pet from Home 04-07

          Death of Peter in Rome 04-67

          Death of James the Just about 66

          Fourth Gospel, Revelation, Epistles of

          John from Ephesus before 100

          Death of John 98-100

          LITERATURE. In addition to the lit. mentioned in sec. 8: Anger, !)/ tcmpurum in actis apostolorum rations. 1833; _ "\\\\Viosclcr. Cln-oiiuloaie des aii*. Zritalters, 1848: Hoennicke, hi? Chronologie des Lcbenn des Paulux, 1903; Harnack. Gesch. d. altchr. Lit. bis Euseb., II. 1. Di, Clironologie bis Iren., 1897;. Lightfoot, Bibli cal Exxayx, 1893; Zahn, Eiuleituny, II, 1907 (Eng. tr, 1909).

          W. P. ARMSTRONG CHRYSOLITE, kris o-llt. See STO.VKW, PRE-


          CHRYSOPRASE, kris o-pra/, CHRYSOPRASUS,

          kri-sop ra-sus. See STONKS, PHECIOUS.

          CHUB, chub (3*2 , Jciibh). See CUB.

          CHUN, chun Cp3 , kiin, "founding"). See CUN.

          CHURCH, church:


          III. ITS USE IN THE NT

          1. In the Gospels

          2. In Acts

          3. In the Pauline Epistles


          1. Faith

          2. Fellowship

          3. Unity

          4. Consecration

          5. Power


          1. The General and Prophetic Ministry

          2. The Local and Practical Ministry LITERATURE



          The word "church," which is derived from Kt>/Ha/c6s, kuriakos, "of or belonging to the Lord," represents in the EV of the NT the Gr ^c/cXija-ta, ekklesia, Lat ccdesia. It is with the signification of this word ekklesia as it meets us in the NT, and with the nature of the society which the word is there used to describe, that the present art. is concerned.

          /. Pre- Christian History of the Term. All hough ekklesia soon became a distinctively Christian word, it has its own pre-Christian history; and to those, whether Jews or Greeks, who first heard it applied to the Christian society it would come with sug gestions of familiar things. Throughout the Gr world and right down to NT times (of Acts 19 39), ekklesia was the designation of the regular assembly of the whole body of citizens in a free city-state, "called out" (Gr ek, "out," and kalein, "to call") by the herald for the discussion and decision of public business. The LXX translators, again, had used the word to render the Heb kuhdl, which in the OT denotes the "congregation" or com munity of Israel, esp. in its religious aspect as the people of God. In this OT sense we find ekklesia employed by Stephen in the Book of Acts, where; he describes Moses as "he that was in the church [RVm "congregation"] in the wilderness" (Acts 7 38) . The word thus came into Christian history with associations alike for the Greek and the Jew. To the Greek it would suggest a self-governing demo cratic society; to the Jew a theocratic society whose members were the subjects of bhe Heavenly King. The pre-Christian history of the word had a direct bearing upon its Christian meaning, for the ekklesia of the NT is a "theocratic democracy" (Lindsay, Church and Ministry in the Early Cents., 4), a society of those who are free, but are always conscious that their freedom springs from obedience to their King.

          //. Its Adoption by Jesus. According to Mt 16 IS the name ekklesia was first applied to the Christian society by Jesus Himself, the occasion being that of His benediction of Peter at Caesarea Philippi. The authenticity of the utterance has been called in question by certain critics, but on grounds that have no textual support and are made up of quite arbitrary presuppositions as to the com position of the First Gospel. It is true that Jesus j had hitherto described the society He came to found as the "kingdom of God" or the "kingdom of heaven," a designation which had its roots in OT teaching and which the Messianic expectations of Israel had already made familiar. But now when it was clear that He was to be rejected by the Jewish people (cf ver 21), and that His society must move on independent lines of its own, it was natural that He should employ a new name for this new body which He was about to create, and thus should say to Peter, on the ground of the apostle s believing confession, "Upon this rock I will build my church." The adoption of this name, however, did not imply any abandonment of the ideas suggested by the conception of the kingdom. In this very passage (ver 19) "the kingdom of heaven" is employed in a manner which, if it does not make the two expres sions church and kingdom perfectly synonymous, at least compels us to regard them as closely cor relative and as capable of translation into each other s terms. And the comparative disuse by the apostolic writers of the name "kingdom," together with their emphasis on the church, so far from show ing that Christ s disciples had failed to understand His doctrine of the kingdom, and had substituted for it the more formal notion of the church, only shows that they had followed their Master s guid ance in substituting for a name and a conception that were peculiarly Jewish, another name whose

          associations would enable them to commend their message more readily to the world at large.

          ///. Its Use in the NT. Apart from the pas sage just referred to, the word ekklesia occurs in the Gospels on one other occasion only

          1. In the (Mt 18 17). Here, moreover, it may Gospels be questioned whether Our Lord is

          referring to the Christian church, or to Jewish congregations commonly known as syna gogues (see RVm) The latter view is more in keeping with the situation, but the promise im mediately given to the disciples of a power to bind and loose (ver 18) and the assurance "Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them" (ver 20) are evidently meant for the people of Christ. If, as is probable, the ekklesia of ver 17 is the Christian ekklesia of which Christ had already spoken to Peter, the words show that He conceived of the church as a society pos sessing powers of self-government, in which ques tions of discipline were to be decided by the collective judgment of the members.

          In Acts the ekklesia has come to be the regular designation for the society of Christian believers,

          but is employed in two distinct senses.

          2. In Acts First in a local sense, to denote the

          body of Christians in a particular place or district, as in Jerus (5 11; 8 1), in Antioch (13 1; 15 22), in Caesarea (18 22) a usage which reappears in the Apocalypse in the letters to the Seven Churches. Then in a wider and what may be called a universal sense, to denote the sum total of existing local churches (9 31 RV), which are thus regarded as forming one body.

          In the Pauline Epistles both of these usages are frequent. Thus the apostle writes of "the church

          of the Thessalonians" (1 Thess 1 1),

          3. In the "the church of God which is at Cor- Pauline inth" (1 Cor 12; 2 Cor 11). In- Epistles deed he localizes and particularizes

          the word yet further by applying it to a single Christian household or to little groups of believers who were accustomed to assemble in pri vate houses for worship and fellowship (Rom 16 5; 1 Cor 16 19; Col 4 15; Philem ver 2) an employment of the word which recalls the saying of Jesus in Mt 18 20. The universal use, again, may be illustrated by the contrast he draws be tween Jews and Greeks on ihe one hand and the church of God on the other (1 Cor 10 32), and by the declaration that God has set in the church apostles, prophets, and teachers (12 28).

          But Paul in his later epistles has another use of ekklesia peculiar to himself, which may be de scribed as the ideal use. The church, now, is the body of which Christ is the head (Eph 1 22 f; Col 1 18.24). It is the medium through which God s manifold wisdom and eternal purpose are to be made known not only to all men, but to the principalities and powers in the heavenly places (Eph 3 9-11). It is the bride of whom He is the heavenly Bridegroom, the bride for whom in His love He gave Himself up, that He might cleanse and sanctify her and might, present her to Himself a glorious church, a church without, blem ish, not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing (5 25 ff). This church clearly is not the actual church as we know it on earth, with its divisions, its blemishes, its shortcomings in faith and love and obedience. It is the holy and catholic church that is to be when the Bridegroom has completed the process of lustration, having fully "cleansed it by the washing of water with the word." It is the ideal which the actual church must keep before it and strive after, the ideal up to which it shall finally be guided by that Divine in-working power which is able to conform the body to the head,

          Church Church Govt.



          to make the bride worthy of the Bridegroom, so that (!od may receive in the church the glory that is His (Eph 3 21).

          IV. The Notes of the Church.- Although a,

          systematic doctrine, of the church is neither to be

          found nor to be looked for in the

          1. Faith NT, certain characteristic notes or

          features of the Christian society are brought before us from which we can form some conception as to its nature. The fundamental note is faitli. It was to Peter confessing his faith in Christ that the promise came, "Upon this rock I will build my church" (Ml 16 IS). I ntil Jesus found a man full of faith He could not begin to build His church; and unless Peter had been the prototype of others whose faith was like his own, the walls of the church would never have risen into the. air. Primarily the church is a society not of thinkers or workers or even of worshippers, but of believers. Hence we find that "believers" or "they that believed" is constantly used as a syno nym for the members of the Christian societ v (e.g. Acts 2 44; 4 32; 5 14; 1 Tim 4 12). Hence, too, the rite of baptism, which from the first was the condition of entrance into the apostolic church and the seal of membership in it, was recognized as preeminently the sacrament of faith and of con fession (Acts 2 41; 8 12.30; Rom 6 4; 1 Cor 12 13). This church-founding and church-building faith, of which baptism was the seal, was much more 1 than an net. of intellectual assent. It was a personal laying hold of the personal Saviour, the bond of a vital union between Christ and the be liever which resulted in nothing less than a new creation (Rom 6 4; 8 1.2; 2 Cor 6 17).

          If faith in Christ is the fundamental note of the Christian society, the next is fellowship among the

          members. This follows from the very

          2. Fellow- nature of faith as just described; for ship if each believer is vitally joined to

          Christ, all believers must stand in a living relation to one another. In Paul s favorite figure, Christians are members one of another be cause they are members in particular of the body of Christ (Rom 12 5; 1 Cor 12 27). That the Chris tian society was recognized from the first as a fel lowship appears from the name "the brethren," which is so commonly applied to those who belong to it. In Acts the name is of very frequent occur rence (9 30, etc), and it is employed by Paul in the epistles of every period of his career (1 Thess 4 10, etc). Similar testimony lies in the fact that the koinonia" (EV "fellowship") takes its place in the earliest meetings of the church side by side with t he apostles teaching and the breaking of bread and prayers (Acts 2 42). See COMMUNION. The koinonia at first carried with it a community of goods (Acts 2 44; 4 32), but afterward found expression in the fellowship of ministration (2 Cor 8 4) and in such acts of Christian charity as are inspired by Christian faith (He 13 10). In the Lord s Supper, the other sacrament of the primitive church, the fellowship of Christians received its most striking and most sacred expression. For if baptism was esp. the sacrament of faith, the Supper was dis tinctively the sacrament of love and fellowship a communion or common participation in Christ s death and its fruits which carried with it a commun ion of hearts and spirits between the participants themselves.

          Although local congregations sprang up wherever

          the gospel was preached, and each of these enjoyed

          an independent life of its own, the

          3. Unity unity of the church was clearly recog

          nized from the first. The intercourse between Jerus and Antioch (Acts 11 22; 15 2), the conference held in the former city (15 ff),

          the right hand of fellowship given by the elder apostles to Paul and Barnabas (Gal 2 9), the un tiring efforts made by Paul himself to forge strong links of love and mutual service between gentile and Jewish Christians (2 Cor 8) all these things serve to show how fully it was realized that though there were many churches, there was but one church. This truth comes to its complete expression in the epistles of Paul s imprisonment, with their vision of the church as a body of which Christ is the head, a body animated by one spirit, and having one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one Cod and Father of all (Eph 4 4if; Col 1 IS; 3 11). And this unity, it is to be noticed, is conceived of as a visible unity. Jesus Himself evidently conceived it so when He prayed for His disciples that they all might be one, so that the world might believe (Jn 17 21). And the unity of which Paul writes and for which he si rove is a unity that finds visible expression. Not, it is true, in any uniformity of outward polity, but through the manifestation of a common faith in acts of mutual love (Eph 4 3.13; 2 Cor 9).

          Another dominant note of the NT church lay

          in the consecration of its members. "Saints" is

          one of the most frequently recurring

          4. Conse- designations for them that we find, cration As thus employed, the word has in

          the first place an objective meaning; the sainthood of the Christian society consisted in its separation from the world by God s electing grace; in this respect it has succeeded to the pre rogatives of Israel under the old covenant. The members of the church, as Peter said, are "an elect race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people for (lod s own possession" (1 Pet 2 9). But side by side with this sense of an outward and priestly con secration, the name "saints" carried within it the thought of an ethical holiness a holiness consisting, not merely in a status determined by relation to Christ, but in an actual and practical saint liness, a consecration to Cod that finds expression in char acter and conduct. No doubt the members of the church are called saints even when the living evi dences of sainthood are sadly lacking. Writing to the Corinthian church in which he found so much to blame, Paul addresses its members by this title (1 Cor 12; cf 6 11). But he does so for other than formal reasons not only because consecration to God is their outward calling and status as be lievers, but also because he is assured that a work of real sanctification is going on, and must continue to go on, in their bodies and their spirits which are His. For those who are in Christ are a new cre ation (2 Cor 5 17), and those to whom has come the separating and consecrating call (2 Cor 6 17) must cleanse themselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God (7 1). Paul looks upon the members of the church, just as he looks upon the church itself, with a prophetic eye; he sees them not as they are, but as they are to be. And in his view it is by the washing of water with the word," in other words by the progressive sanctification of its members, that the church itself is to be sanctified and cleansed, until Christ can present it to Himself a glorious church, not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing (Eph 5 20.27).

          Yet another note of the church was spiritual power. When the name ekklesia was given by

          Jesus to the society He came to found,

          5. Power His promise to Peter included the

          bestowal of the gift of power (Mt 16 18.19). The apostle was to receive the "power of the keys," i.e. he was to exercise the privilege of opening the doors of the kingdom of heaven to the Jew (Acts 2 41) and to the Gentile (10 34- 38; 15 7). He was further to have the power of



          Church Church Govt.

          binding and loosing, i.e. of forbidding and permit ting; in other words he was to possess the functions of a legislator within the spiritual sphere of the church. The legislative powers then bestowed upon Peter personally as the reward of his believing confession were afterward conferred upon the dis ciples generally (Mt 18 18; cf ver 1 and also vs 19.20), and at the conference in Jcrus were exer cised by the church as a whole (Acts 15 4.22). The power to open the gates of the kingdom of heaven was expanded into the great missionary commission, "Go ye therefore, and make disciples of all the nations" (Mt 28 19) a commission that was understood by the apostolic church to be ad dressed not to the eleven apostles only, but to all Christ s followers without distinction (Acts 8 4, etc). To the Christian society there thus belonged the double power of legislating for its own members and of opening the kingdom of heaven to iill be lievers. But these double functions of teaching and government were clearly recognized as dele gated gifts. The church taught the nations because Christ had bid her go and do it. She laid down laws for her own members because He had conferred upon her authority to bind and to loose. But in every exercise of her authority she relied upon Him from whom she derived it. She believed that Christ was with her alway, even unto the end of the world (Mt 28 20), and that the power with which she was endued was power from on high (Lk 24 49).

          V. The Organization of the Church. It seems evident from the NT that Jesus gave His disciples no formal prescriptions for the organization of the church. In the first days after Pentecost they had no thought of separating themselves from the re ligious life of Israel, and would not realize the need of any distinct organization of their own. The temple-worship was still adhered to (Acts 2 46; 3 1), though it was supplemented by apostolic; teaching, by prayer and fellowship, and by the breaking of bread (2 42.46). Organization was a 1 lung of gradual growth suggested by emerging needs, and the differentiation of function among those who were drawn into the service of the church was due to the difference in the gifts bestowed by Cod upon the church members (1 Cor 12 28). At first the Twelve themselves, as the immediate com panions of Jesus throughout His ministry and the prime witnesses of the Christian facts and esp. of the resurrection (cf Acts 1 21.22), were the natural leaders and teachers of the community. Apart from this, the earliest evidence of anything like organization is found in the distinction drawn by the Twelve themselves between the ministry of the word and the ministry of tables (Acts 6 2.4) a distinction which was fully recognized by Paul (Rom 12 6.8; 1 Cor 1 17; 9 14; 12 28), though he enlarged the latter type of ministry so as to include much more than the care of the poor. The two kinds of ministry, as they meet us at the first, may broadly be distinguished as the general and prophetic on the one hand, the local and prac tical on the other.

          From Acts 6 1 ff we see that the Twelve recog nized that they were Divinely called as apostles to proclaim the gospel; and Paul 1. The repeatedly makes the same claim for

          General himself (1 Cor 1 17; 9 16; 2 Cor and Pro- 36; 41; Col 1 23). But apostle- phetic ship was by no means confined to the

          Ministry Twelve (Acts 14 14; Rom 16 7; cf Did 11 4 ff) ; and an itinerant min istry of the word was exercised in differing ways by prophets, evangelists, and teachers, as well as by apostles (1 Cor 12 28.29; Eph 411). The fact that Paul himself is variously described as

          an apostle, a prophet, a teacher (Acts 13 1 ; 14 14; 1 Tim 2 7; 2 Tim 1 11) appears to show that the prophetic ministry was not a ministry of stated office, but one of special gifts and functions. The apostle carried the good tidings of salvation to the ignorant and unbelieving (Clal 2 7.8), the prophet (in the more specific sense of the word) was a messenger to the church (1 Cor 14 4.22); and while the teacher explained and applied truth that was already possessed (He 6 12), the prophet was recognized by those who had spiritual discernment (1 Cor 2 15; 14 29; 1 Jn 4 1) as the Divinely employed medium of fresh revelations (1 Cor 14 25.30.31; Eph 3 5; cf Did 4 1).

          The earliest examples of this are the Seven of Jerus who were intrusted with the care of the "daily ministration" (Acts 6 Iff). With the 2. The growth of the church, however, other

          Local and needs arose, and the local ministry Practical is seen developing in two distinct Ministry directions. First there is the pres byter or elder, otherwise known as the bishop or overseer, whose duties, while still local, are chiefly of a spiritual kind (Acts 20 17.28.35; 1 Tim 3 2.5; Jas 5 14; 1 Pet 5 2). See BISHOP. Next there are the deacon and the deaconess (Phil 11; 1 Tim 3 8-13), whose work appears to have lain largely in house to house visitation and a prac tical ministry to the poor and needy (1 Tim 5 8-11). The necessities of government, of discipline, and of regular and stated instruction had thus brought it to pass that within NT times some of the functions of the general ministry of apostles and prophets were discharged by a local ministry. The general ministry, however, was still recognized to be the higher of the two. Paul addresses the presbyter-bishops of Ephesus in a tone of lofty spiritual authority (Acts 20 17 ff). And accord ing to the Did, a true prophet when he visits a church is to take precedence over the resident bishops and deacons (Did 10 7; 13 3). See CHURCH GOVERNMENT.

          LITERATURE. Hort. The Christian Krclfsia; Lindsay, The Church ami tin Ministry in tin Kuril/ Cents., lec ts I-V; Hatch, Hamilton Lectun-x; Gwatkin, Eurly Church History to A I) 31.1; Kostlin, art. "Kirche" in UK; Armitage Robinson, art. "Church" in Kli; Fairbairn, Christ in Modern Theolauu, 513-34; Dargan, Kccle- siology; Denney, Shulii-s in Th< <>/;;//, ch viii.

          J. C. LAMBEHT CHURCH GOVERNMENT, guv ern-ment:


          1. The General Sense

          2. The Local Sense II. INTERNAL ORDER

          1. Subjects of Admission

          2. Definite Organizations

          3. Ministers

          (1) General

          (2) Local

          4. Ecclesiastical Functions

          (1) Control of Membership

          (2) Selection of Officers, etc

          (3) Observations of Ordinances

          5. Independent (Autonomous) Organizations



          The object here sought is to discover what kind of church government is mirrored in the NT. To do this with perfect definiteness is, no doubt, quite impossible. Certain general features, however, may clearly be seen.

          /. Approach to the Subject. The subject is best approached through the C!r word ckkli sia, tr (i "church." Passing by the history of this word, and its connection with the Heb words *edhah and kdhal (which the LXX sometimes renders by ^/o<X77<rta, ekklesia), we come at once to the NT usage. Two perfectly distinct senses are found, viz. a general and a local.

          Church Govt. Cilicia


          Christ is "head over :dl things to the church, which is his body . . . . " (Eph 1 22); "the gener al assembly and church of the firstborn

          1. The who are enrolled in heaven (He 12 General 23). Here we have "church" in the Sense broadest sense, including all the re deemed in earth and heaven, and in all

          asies (sec also Eph 1 22; 3 10; 5 22-27; Col 1 24; lie 12 2:!).

          Here the Scripture passages are very numerous.

          In some cases, the word is used in the sing., and in

          others the pi.; in some it is used

          2. The with reference to a specified church, Local Sense ami in others without such specifi cation. In all cases the sense is local.

          In Acts 11 20, it is said that Paul and Barnabas were "gat hered t oget her wit h t he church," where t he church at Antioch is meant. In Acts 14 23, Paul and Barnabas are said to have "appointed elders in every church," that, is, churches which they had planted. In Rev 2 and 3 the seven churches of Asia -Minor are addressed. In Acts 16 5 we are told that the churches "were strengthened in the faith." On the local sense see, further, Acts 8 1; 15 4; 16 5; 20 17; Rom 16 4; 1 Cor 1 2; 6 4; 11 Ki; 2.22, and many other places.

          There are a few passages t hat do not seem exactly to lit into either of the above categories. Such, for example, are Mt 18 17 and 1 Cor 12 2s, where it seems best to understand a generic sense. Such., also, are passages like Acts 9 31, and 1 Cor 10 32, where a collective sense best suits the cases.

          Church government in the NT applies only to the local bodies.

          //. Internal Order. \\\\Vi1h respect to the consti tution and life of these NT churches, several points may be made out beyond reasonable doubt.

          They were composed of persons who professed

          faith in Christ, and who we re believed to have been

          regenerated, and who had been bap-

          1. Subjects ti/ed. See Acts 2 41.44.47 (RV "ad- of Admis- ded to them"); 8 12; Rom 1 S; sion 64; 10 .).!(); 1 Cor 1 2; Col 1

          2.4; 1 Tim 6 12, and others, where they are called "saints," "sons of God," "faithful brethren," "sanctified in Christ .Jesus."

          They are definitely and permanently organized

          bodies , and not temporary and loose aggregations

          of individuals. It is quite impossible,

          2. Definite for example, to regard the church at Organiza- Antioch as a loose aggregation of tions people for a passing purpose. The

          letters of Paul to the churches at Rome, Corinth, Philippi, Thessalonica, cannot be regarded as addressed to other than permanent and definitely organized bodies.

          They were served by two classes of ministers one general, the other local.

          (1) General. At the head of these is the "apos tle" (1 Cor 12 2S; Eph 4 11). His official rela tion to the churches was general. He

          3. Minis- did not necessarily belong to the group ters of the original Eleven. Besides Mat thias (Acts 1 20), Paul and Barnabas

          (1 Cor 9 5.0), James, the Lord s brother ((ial 1 19), Andronieus and Junias (Rom 16 7) are reckoned as "apostles." The one invariable and necessary qualification of an apostle was that he should have seen the Lord after the Resurrection (Acts 1 22; 1 Cor 91). Another qualification was to have wrought "the signs of an apostle" (2 Cor 12 12; cf 1 Cor 92). He was to bear witness to what he had seen and heard, to preach the gospel of the kingdom (Acts 18; 1 Cor 1 17), 1o found churches and have a general care of them (2 Cor 11 28). From the nature of his chief qualification, his office was temporary.

          Next comes the "prophet." His relation to the churches, also, was general. It was not necessary that he should have seen the Lord, but it apper tained to his spiritual function that he should have revelations (Eph 3 5). There is no indication that his office was in any sense administrative.

          After the "prophet" come the "evangelist" and "teacher," the first, a traveling preacher, the second, one who had special aptitude for giving instruction.

          After the "teacher" and "evangelist" follow a group of special gifts of "healing," "helps," "gov ernments," "tongues." It may be that "helps" and "governments" are to be identified with "deacons" and "bishops," to be spoken of later. The other items in this part of Paul s list seem to refer to special charimiHita.

          (2) Load. There were two clearly distinct offices of a local and permanent kind in the NT churches. Paul (Phil 1 1) addresses "all the saints in Christ Jesus that are at. Philippi, with the bishops and deacons." See BISHOP; DEACON.

          The most common designation of the first of these officers is "elder" (TT pea- pfo epos, presbuteros). In one passage (Eph 411) he is called "pastor" (iro^-riv, poinien). In Acts 20 17-28, it becomes clear that the office of elder, bishop, and pastor was one; for there the apostle charges the elders of the church at Ephesus to feed (pastor) the church in which the Holy Spirit has made them bishops (cf Titus 1 5.7; l" Pet 5 1.2).

          The function of the elders was, in general, spirit ual, but involved an oversight of all the affairs of the church (1 Tim 3 2; 6 17).

          As to the second of the local church officers, it has to be said that little is given us in the NT. That the office of deacon originated with the ap pointment of the Seven in Acts 6 is not certain. If we compare the qualifications there given by the apostles with those given by Paul in 1 Tim 3 8-13, it seems quite probable that the necessity which arose at Jems, and which led to the appointment of the Seven was really the occasion for originating the office of deacon in the churches. The work assigned the Seven was secular, that is to say, the "service of tables." They were to relieve the apostles of that part of the work. A similar rela tion to the work of the elders seems to have been borne by that of the deacons.

          Again, they exercised the highest ecclesiastical functions.

          (1) They had control of membership. In Mt 18 17, Our Lord, by anticipation, lodges final action,

          in the sphere of church discipline, 4. Eccle- with the church. When the church siastical has taken action, the matter is ended. Functions There is no direction to take it to

          a higher court. In the church at Corinth, there was a man who was guilty of an infamous offence against purity. With regard to the case, Paul urged the most summary discipline (1 Cor 65). If the church should act upon the judgment which he communicated to them, they would act when "gathered together"; that is to say, action would be taken in conference of the church. In 2 Cor 2, a reference to the case shows that they had acted upon his advice, and that the action was taken by the majority ("the many," the more, 2 Cor 2 6). In 2 Cor 2 he counsels restoration of this excluded member now repentant. Exclusion and restoration of members were to be effected by a church. This, of course, carried with it the reception of members in the first instance.

          (2) They selected their officers and other servants. This was true in case of the Seven (Acts 6 3-13; see other cases in Acts 15 22; 1 Cor 16 3; 2 Cor 8 1 ff; Phil 2 25). Acts 14 23 and Titus 1 5


          Church Govt. Cilicia

          seem, at first, to offset (lie passages just given. In one of these, Paul and Barnabas are said to have "appointed" (xetpoTovrio-avTes, chcirotonf sanles) elders in the eliurches which they luid planted. But scholars of first quality, though themselves adhering to Presbyterial or Episcopal forms of church government, maintain that Paul and Bar nabas ordained the elders whom the churches selected that they "appointed" them in the usual way, by the suffrages of the members of the churches concerned. The word rendered "appoint" in Tit 1 5 (Karao-Tijffris, katasttses) is more easily under stood as referring to ordination instead of selection. (3) They observed tlic ttrdhniitccs. Paul gives direc tion (1 Cor 11 20-34) to the church at Corinth about the observance of the Lord s Supper. These direc tions are given, not to any officer or set of officers but lo the church. Ecclesiastically, of course, the two ordinances are on the same level; and, if one of them had been committed to the custody, so to say, of the churches, so must the other.

          The management of their business was in their own hands. Paul wrote the church at Corinth: "Let all things be done decently and 5. Inde- m order" (1 Cor 14 40). In that com prehensive injunction, given toa church (Autono- is implied control of its affairs bv the mous) Or- church.

          ganizations ///. External Authority. The in vestigation up to this point places us in position to see that there is in the NT no warrant lor ecclesiastical grades in the ministry of the churches, by which there maybe created an ascend ing series of rulers who shall govern the churches merged into one vast ecclesiastical organization called the church. So, also, we are in posit ion to see that there is no warrant for an ascending series ot courts which may review any "case" that origi nates m a local church. We may see, on the con trary that to each local church has been committed by Christ the management of it* own affairs; and hat tie had endowed every such church with ecclesi- istical competency to perform every function that any ecclesiastical body has a right to perform.

          As the churches are not, to be dominated by any external ecclesiastical authority, so they are not to be interfered with, in their church life, by civil government. Jesus taught that Christians should be good citizens (Mt 22 15-22); so did the apos tles (Rom 13 1-7; 1 Pet 2 13-10). Jesus also u,o,i the spirituality of His Kingdom: "My kingdom is not of this world" (Jn 18 30). It follows, that only where the life of a church touches ic civic life of the community has the civil author ity any right to interfere.

          IV Cooperative Relations. \\\\\\\\h\\\\\\\\r. cae h local church according to the NT, is independent of every other m the sense that no other has juris diction over it yet cooperative relations were entered into by NT churches. Examples and in dications of that may be found in Rom 15 2027 2 Cor 8, 9; Gal 2 10; R OIn 15 1; 3 Jn ver S. 1 he principle- of cooperation effective in those cases is susceptible of indefinite expansion. Churches may roperly cooperate in matters of discipline, bv

          oH,,r K ?S^ ng C0unso1 an<1 h y respecting each Jtnei s disciplinary measures. In the great para mount b usmos>s of cvanBC , lizi and tgeSngP^ nations, they may cooperate in a multitude of ways

          , The U Ecclesia; Hatch, the Early Christian Churches; Whitley,

          /he Church it,, I the I//,,/.,-/,-,/ / /he Karl,, Cents.; French, X//MI// //;;/, ,,/ .\\\\ / Vltringa, he ,S //;, ,/,,,, Vit,.,-,- |l o l

          ZIIIK.T, .1 H , Srhiirer, IMP, |[; Driver, Z,O7 ; Tliaver A 1 Lc.r., and rremer, /<//,. / /,, W. /., r s v " ekklisia and sunagoge ; Neumann, /,-/. stunt mid ,ti, ,,lt- f/emct/tc liirche; Ramsay, Church in. Ruin. Km,, I i<r|,t foot, "The Christian Ministry " in c,,mm <, 1 hi/;,,,,; Harvey, Th,- Church; Dawn, Church Order; lovev e%i and /A,- Staie; Owen, CAurcA Government- Ladd Prtncipjea / CAurcA Polity; Dexter r, y ", I tionaKsm; llod^e. Ducuinonp in Church Polity; Abbey ar((r.s(a.vj,rai ( o nstitutions ; Hooker, Ecclesiastical 1 olit ir Jacob &Y<-/Mmx/ l -a* ^,,/// tf; Bore, 7V ( , Church an It , Ministry; Jiollmger, ?V ie C*rcA a/a/ r/ le Church^-

          M%Ao*"" >l lhC EaStern Church; 1)ar jan.

          E. J. FORRESTER



          , PIT "" 5 or ?5, mi u or kelay):

          I he lleb word occurs only in Isa 32 57 in the latter ver in a form slightly modified so as to pro duce a pleasing assonance with (he word immediately following The word probably means "crafty" or "miserly, both ideas being suitable to the context though "miserly" accords with the setting in Isa somewhat better.

          ( In 1 S 25 M the I leb !:<!}</,<}, which means "hard " severe, "rough," is rendered "churlish." In Saxon, churl, as the name for the lowest, order of freemen, came to be used of persons boorish in man ner. Ihe rough and ill-mannered Xabal is aptlv lescnbed as churlish. JOHN RICHARD SAMI-EV

          CHUSHAN-RISHATHAIM, ku-shan-rish-a- tnaim. bee CUSHAN-KISHATHAIM.

          CHUSI, ktl sl, ku si (Xovs, Choii.?): A place only named in Jth 7 is, as near Kkrebel on the brook Mochmur It was in central Pal, and has with some probability been identified with Qilznti a village ;>, miles S. of Nablus and 5 miles W. of Agrabeh (Ekrebel).

          r kn/Z!ls fnu xas (Xoujos, Chouzds;

          A\\\\ Chuza): Ihe steward of Herod Antipas. In Lk 8 d we read that his wife Joanna, "and Su sanna, and many others," ministered to Christ and His disciples. See JOANNA (Lk 24 10).

          CICCAR, sik ar (133, Idkkur, "circle"): I sed of the circle of the Jordan (Cen 13 10, lleb) See PLAIN; CITIES OF THE IVu.v.

          CIELED, seld, CIELING, s.^ ing. See CEILED- CEILINCJ.

          CILICIA, si-hsh i-a (f) KiXiKia, / Kilikla): An important province at the S.E. angle of Asia Minor corresponding nearly with the modern Turkish vila yet of Adana; enfolded between the Taurus moun tains and the Mediterranean Sea, with the Anianus range on the E. and Pamphylia on the W ; chief rivers the Pyramus, Sarus, Cydnus and Calycadnus Ihe character of Cilician history has been largely determined by the physical features of the province It is divided by nat,ure into a mountainous part to the \\\\\\\\ called Tracheia, and a broad, alluvial plain hot and fertile, toward the E., termed Campestrisor 1 edias. Cilicia has always been isolated from its neighbors by land by its encircling mountains, save lor its^two famous mountain passes, the "Sviian Gates, which offer an easy road to Antioch and the S., and the wonderful "Cilician Gates," which open -i road to central and western Asia Minor. Through these passes the armies and the pilgrims, the ti-uie

          Cinnamon Cistern



          and the travel of the cents, have made their way. Alexander was one of the most renowned leaders of such expeditions, and at Issus he met and shat tered the power of the IVrs empire.

          The 1 early settlors of Cilicia are hold to have boon Som Syrians and Phoenicians, but in the still earlier days (he inhabitants must have been Hit- titos. While few Hiltito remains have been brought to light in Cilicia proper, the province was so sur rounded by Hittites, and such important works of Hittite art and industry remain on the outskirts of the province, as at Ivriz, Marash, Sinjirli and Sakehe Clou/i, that the intervening territory could hardly fail to be overspread with the same oivil- ixation and imperial power. Sec 1 Professor .John Carstang s The Land of the Ilittitcx.

          Cilicia appears as independent under Syennesis, a contemporary of Alyattes of Lydia, 010 BC. Later it passed under the Pors sway, but retained its separate line of kings. After Alexander the Solenoid rulers governed Cilicia from Antioch. The disturbances of the times enabled the pirates so to multiply and establish themselves in their home base, in Cilicia, Tracheia, that they became the scourge of the Mediterranean until their power was broken by Pompey (07-06 BC). Cilicia was by degrees incorporated in the Horn administration, and Cicero, the orator, was governor (51-50 BC).

          The foremost citizen of the province was Saul of Tarsus (Acts 21 39; 22 3; 23 34). Students or pilgrims from Cilieia like himself disputed with Stephen (Acts 6 9). Some of the earliest labors of the great- apostle wore near his home, in Syria and Cilicia ((ial 1 21; Acts 15 23.41). On his voyage to Home ho sailed across the sea which is off Cilicia (Acts 27 5). Constantinople and An tioch may be regarded as the front and back door of Asia Minor, and as the former was not founded till the 4th cent., Asia Minor may be regarded as fronting during apostolic days on Antioch. Cilicia was intimately connected with its neighbor prov ince on the S. The first Christian apostles and evangelists followed the great highways, through the famous mountain passes, and carried the religion of Jesus to Asia Minor from Antioch as a base.

          Armenians migrating from the N. founded a kingdom in Cilicia under Houpen which was ter minated by the overthrow of King Levon, or Leo, by the conquering Turks in 1393. A remnant of this kingdom survives in the separate Armenian catholicato of Sis, which has jurisdiction over a few bishoprics, and Armenians are among the most virile of the present inhabitants of the province.

          G. E. WHITE

          CINNAMON, sin a-mun ("I DSp, kinnamdn; KIV- vd(jLw^ov, kin-nt niwmon): Mentioned, like cassia, as a perfume. In Ex 30 23 it is one of the ingredients of the "holy anointing oil"; in Prov 7 17 it is, along with myrrh and aloes, a perfume for a bod; in Cant 4 14 it Is a very precious spice. Cinnamon is (Rev 18 13) part of the merchandise of "Babylon the great."

          Cinnamon is the product of Cinnamomum zei/lam- cuni, a laurel-like plant, widely cultivated in Ceylon and Java. It has a profuse white blossom, succeeded by a nut from which the fragrant oil is obtained. The wood is the inner bark from branches which have reached a diameter of from 2 to 3 inches; the epidermis and pulpy matter are carefully scraped off before drying. In commerce the cheaper Cassia ligra of China is sometimes substituted for true cin namon, and it is thought by some authorities that this was the true cinnamon of the ancients. See, however, CASSIA. E. W. G. MASTERMAN

          CINNEROTH, sin e-roth See CHINNERETH.

          (r.i"132 , kinn e ruth).

          CIRAMA, si-ra ma, sir a-ma. See KIKAMA.

          CIRCLE, sur k l: Is used with reference to the vault of the heavens (3 n n , hftt/h) in Isa 40 22, and in a similar sense in Wisd 13 2 (RVm), "circle of stars" (/cu/cXo? aaTpLov, IciikloN (ititri in). It is also used in the sense of surrounding territory, as in the expression "circle of Jordan" ((Jen 13 10 RVm). See also CICCAR; ASTRONOMY, III, 1.

          CIRCUIT, sur kit, "a going around": Used to represent several Hob words in several senses, e.g. the sun s orbit (TlE pn , fkuphah), Ps 19 (5; the vault of the heavens (J H, huijh), Job 22 14 AV; the circuit of the winds P"Qo , xabliibh), Eccl 1 G (see ASTRONOMY); Samuel s visiting of communities PZIO, snMiabh), 1 S 7 1(5. In the RV the idea of encircling or "fetching a compass" (AV) is ex pressed by the phrase "to make a circuit," P?~, lidxrl)/i), 2 S 5 23; 2 K 3 9; and in the RVm it indicates a plain ("122H , ha-lc ilcl^ t r) , Neh 3 22. The Gr perielthontes is tr 1 in the same way (Acts 28 13), but RVm reads "cast loose," following the WH reading peridantes. NATHAN ISAACS

          CIRCUMCISION, sur-kum-sizh un (5TO , mill, PfVna, tmlirith; -irepiTOfx-r), pcritomf): The removal of the foreskin is a custom that has prevailed, and prevails, among many races in different parts of the world in America, Africa and Australia. It was in vogue among the western Semites Hebrews, Arabi ans, Moabitos, Ammonites, Edomites, Egyptians, but was unknown among the Somites of the Euphra tes. In Canaan the Philis were an exception, for the term "uneirourncised" is constantly used in con nection with them. Gone-rally speaking, the rite of circumcision was a precondition of the enjoyment of certain political and religious privileges (Ex 12 4S; Ezk 44 9); and in view of the fact that in the ancient world religion played such an important role in life, it may be assumed that circumcision, like many other strange customs whose original signifi cance 1 is no longer known, originated in connection with religion. Before enumerating the different theories which have been advanced with regard to the origin and original significance of circumcision, it may be of advantage to consider some of the principal references to the rite in the OT.

          In the account of the institution of the covenant between Yahweh and Abraham which P gives (Gen 17), circumcision is looked upon 1. Circum- as the ratification of the agreement. cision in Yahweh undertook to be the God the OT of Abraham and of his descendants.

          Abraham was to be the father of a multitude of nations and the founder of a line of kings. He and his descendants were to inherit Canaan. The agreement thus formed was per manent; Abraham s posterity should come within the scope of it. But it was necessary to inclusion in the covenant that every male child should be circumcised on the 8th day. A foreigner who had attached himself as a slave to a Hob household had to undergo the rite the, punishment for its non-fulfilment being death or perhaps excommunica tion. According to Ex 12 48 (also P) no stranger could take 1 part in the celebration of the Passover unless he had been circumcised. In the Book of Josh (5 2-9) we read that the Israelites were circum cised at Gilgal ("Rolling"), and thus the "reproach of Egypt" was "rolled away." Apparently circum cision in the case of the Hebrews was prohibited during the Egyp period circumcision _ being a distinctive mark of the ruling race. It is notice able that flint knives were used for the purpose. This use of an obsolete instrument is one of many



          Cinnamon Cistern

          proofs of conservatism in religion. According to the strange and obscure account of the circum cision by Zipporah of her eldest son (Ex 4 25) the performance of the rite in the case of the son appar ently possesses a vicarious value, for thereby Moses becomes a "bridegroom of blood." The marriage bond is ratified by the rite of blood (see 4 below). But it is possible that the author s meaning is that owing to the fact that Moses had not been circum cised (the "reproach of Egypt") he was not fit to enter the matrimonial estate (see 3 below).

          The different theories with regard to the origin

          of circumcision may be arranged under four heads:

          (1) Herodotus (ii.37), in dealing

          2. Theories with circumcision among the Egyp-

          of Origin tians, suggests that it was a sanitary

          operation. But all suggestions of a

          secular, i.e. non-religious, origin to the rite, fail to

          do justice to the place and importance of religion in

          the life of primitive man.

          (2) It was a tribal mark. Tattooed marks fre quently answered the purpose, although they may have been originally charms. The tribal mark enabled one member of the tribe to recognize another and thus avoid injuring or slaying a Fellow-tribes man. It also enabled the tribal deity to recognize a member of the tribe which was under his special protection. A mark was placed on Cain to indi cate that he was under the special protection of Yahweh (Gen 4 15). It has been suggested, in the light of Isa 44 5 RVm, that the employer s mark was engraved (tattooed) on the slave s hand. The prophet represents Jews as inscribing on their hands that they belong to Yahweh. The walls of Jerus are engraved on Yahweh s palms (Isa 49 10). On the other hand "cuttings in the flesh" are prohibited in Lev 19 28 because they were common in the case of the non-Jewish religions. Such tat tooed marks might be made in conspicuous places when it was necessary that they should be easily seen, but there might be reason for secrecy so that t he marks might be known only to the members of the tribe in question.

          (3) It was a rite which celebrated the corning of age of the person. It signified the attainment of puberty and of the right to marry and to enjoy full civic privileges.

          (4) As human sacrifices began to be done away vyith, the sacrifice of the most easily removed por tion of the anatomy provided a vicarious offering.

          (5) It was a sacramental operation. "The shedding of blood" was necessary to the validity of any covenant between tribes or individuals. The rite of blood signifies the exchange of blood on the part of the contracting parties, and therefore the establishment of physical affinity between them. An alliance based on blood-relationship was inviolable. In the same way the tribal god was supposed to share in the blood of the sacrificed animal, and a sacred bond was established between him and the tribe. It is not quite obvious why cir cumcision should be necessary in connection with such a ceremony. But it may be pointed out that the process of generation excited the wonder arid awe of primitive man. The prosperity of the tribe depended on the successful issue of the marriage bond, and a part of the body which had so much to do with the continuation and numerical strength of the tribe would nat urally be fixed upon in con nection with the covenant of blood. In confirma- | tion of the last explanation it is urged that in the case of the covenant between Jeh and Abraham circumcision was the rite that ratified the agree ment. In opposition to (3) it has been urged thai among the Hebrews circumcision was performed in infancy when the child was 8 days old. But this might have been an innovation among the Hebrews, due to ignorance of the original signifi

          cance of the rite. If circumcision conferred upon the person circumcised the right to the enjoyment of the blessings connected with membership in the tribe it was natural that parents should be anxious that such an initiatory act should be performed early in life. The question of adult and infant baptism is capable of similar explanation. When we examine explanations (2), (3), (4), (5), we find that they are really different forms of the same theory. There can be no doubt that circumcision was originally a religious act. Membership in the tribe, entrance upon the rights of citizenship, partici pation in the religious practices of the tribe these privileges are interdependent. Anyone who had experienced the rite of blood stood within the scope of the covenant which existed between the tribe and the tribal god, and enjoyed all the privileges of tribal society. It is easily understood why the historian carefully relates the circumcision of the Israelites by Joshua on their arrival in Canaan. It was necessary, in view of the possible inter mingling of the conquerors and the conquered, that the distinctive marks of the Abrahamic covenant should be preserved (Josh 5 3).

          In Jer 9 25 and Dt 30 6 we find the spiritual significance of circumcision. A prophet like Jere miah was not likely to attach much

          3. Spiritual importance to an external act like Significance circumcision. He bluntly tells his

          count rymen that they are no better than Egyptians, Edomites, Moabites and Ammonites. They are uncircumcised in heart. Paul uses the term concision for this outward circumcision un accompanied by any spiritual change (Phil 3 2). The question of circumcision occasioned a pro tracted strife among the early Christians. Juda- izing Christians argued for the necessity of circum cision. It was a reminiscence of the unrelenting particularism which had sprung up during the pro longed oppression of the Gr and Rom period. Ac cording to their view salvation was of the Jews and for the Jews. It was necessary to become a Jew in order to become a Christian. Paul consented to circumcision in the case of Timothy "because of the Jews" (Acts 16 3). But he saw that a principle was at stake and in most of his epistles he points out 1 he sheer futility of t he content ion of the Judaizers. (Sec commentaries on Rom and Gal.)

          In a few suggestive passages we find a fig. appli cation of the term. For three; years after the settle ment in Canaan the "fruit of the land"

          4. Figura- was to be considered as "uncircum- tive Uses cised" (Lev 19 23), i.e. it was the;

          property of the Baalim, the gods of Pal. The fruit of the fourth year belonged to Yahweh. Moses with characteristic humility de scribes himself as a man of "uncircumcised lips" (Ex 6 30). Jeremiah charge s his contemporaries with having their ear uncircumcised (Jer 6 10) and the ir heart (9 2(5). "An uncircume ised heart is one: which is, as it were, closed in, and so impervious to good influences anel good impressions, just as an uncircumcised ear (Jer 6 10) is an ear which, from the same cause, he>ars imperfectly; and uncir- cumcised lips (cf Ex 6 12.30) are; lips which open and speak with difficulty" (Driver on Dt 10 1(5).

          T. LEWIS

          CIS, sis (Keis, Keis): The form give:n in Acts 13 21 AV for Kish, the father of Saul the first king of Israel (1 Sam 9 1 f).

          CISAI, sl sft-I. See KISEUS.

          CISTERN, sis tern, WELL, POOL, AQUEDUCT:

          Use of Terms 4. Public Cisterns

          .V ( ii n ral , 5 1>()()ls ail( l Aqueducts

          2. Wells or Cylindrical Cisterns (i. Figurative Uses

          3. Private Cisterns LITEHATUKK




          Use of

          Several words arc rendered by "cistern," "well," "pool," the relations of which in AV and RV are as follows:

          "Cistern." "1X3. <> (Jor 2 13, etc), or "P2, bf>r (2 K 18 31). Tin; latter word is frequently in AV tr<i "well." RV in these cases changes to "cistern" in text (l)t 611; 2 rh 26 10; Neh 9 25) or in (1 S 19 22, etc). Terms The words S?23, yd,/,,- (Lsa 30 14), 33,

          !/ilifi (Jcr 14 3). rendered " pit " in AV arc changed to "cistern" RV (the latter in AKV only). The proper lleb word for " well " is "IS? 2 . b< <"; (seen in

          JJeer-sheha, "well of the oath," Gen 21 31), hut other terms are thus rendered in AV, as ~^y , at/in (Cien

          24 13.16, etc, and frequently), "pI"Q , ma i/nn (Josh 18 15), "lip O, mfikdr (Prov 10 1*1). In these cases

          RV usually changes to "fountain"; in Ex 15 27. however, it renders a //hi by "springs." and in Ps 84 (>. mn nil n by "place of springs."

          "Pool," D3S?, i /linm (Isa 14 23, etc; in AV, Ex 7 19; 8 5, rendered "ponds"); more frequently rO"^2. b -rrkhilh (2 S 2 13; 4 12. etc). In Ps 84 C> the cog nate r"O"12 b rdk/tah, is changed to "blessing."

          In the XT " well " represents the two words: nrjyri, jx i/f (.In 4 0.14; in RVm "spring"; 2 Pet 2 17; KV renders "springs"), and <l>ptnp, i>lirfnr (.Jn 4 11.12). "Pool" is KoAv/K.j3j;0pa, klumbtthra, in Jn 5 2.4.7; 9 7.11.

          The efforts made to supplement the natural water supply, both in agricultural and in popu lated areas, before as well as after the 1. General Conquest, are clearly seen in the innumerable cisterns, wells and pools which abound throughout Pal. The rainy season, upon which the various storage- systems depend, commences at the end of October and ends in the beginning of May. In Jerus, the mean rainfall in 41 years up to KJOl was 25. XI in., falling in a mean number of 50 days (see Glaisher, Mclc(>ri>Io(/ic<il. Observations, 24). Toward the end of summer, springs and wells, where they have not actually dried up, diminish very considerably, and cisterns and open reservoirs become at times the only sources of supply. Cisterns are fed from surface and roof drainage. Except in the rare instances where springs occur, wells depend upon percolation. The great open reservoirs or pools are fed from surface drainage and, in some cases, by aqueducts from springs or from more distant collecting pools. In the case of private cisterns, it is the custom of the country today to close up the inlets during the early days of the rain, so as to permit of a general

          i. 1. "The (ireat Sea" under the Temple.

          wash down of gathering surfaces, before admitting the water. Cisterns, belonging to the common natives, are rarely cleansed, and the inevitable scum which collects is dispersed by plunging the pitcher several t imes before drawing wat er. When t he wat er is considered to be bad, a somewhat primitive cure is applied by dropping earth into the cistern, so as to sink all impurities with it, to the bottom. The ac cumulation often found in ancient cisterns probably owes some of its presence to this same habit.

          It is necessary to include wells under the head of cisterns, as there appears to be some confusion in the use of the two terms. Wells, so called, 2. Wells were more often deep cylindrical reser voirs, the lower part of which was sunk in the rock and cemented, the upper part being built with open joints, to receive the surface per colation. They were often of great depth. Job s well at Jerus, which is certainly of great antiquity is 125 ft. deep (see 1 EF, "Jerus," 371).

          The discovery of living water" when digging a well, recorded in (!en 28 1!) in, appears to have been an unusual incident. I z/iah hewed out many cisterns in the valley for his cattle (2 Ch 26 9.10 RV), and In* built towers, presumably to keep watch over both cattle and cisterns. Isaac, "digged again the wells" which had been filled in by the Philis (Gen 26 18). Wells were frequently dug in the plain, far from villages, for flocks and herds, and rude stone troughs were provided nearby. The well was usually covered with a stone, through which a hole was pierced sufficiently large to allow of free access for the pitchers. A stone was placed over this hole ((ien 29 10) when the well was not in use. The great amount of pottery found in ancient cisterns suggests that clay pots were used for drawing water (see /> //>/< Si<lcli(/htx, 88). Jos (Ant, IV, viii, 37) elucidates the passage in Ex 21 33 requiring the month of a "pit" or "well" to be covered with planks against accidents. This would seem to apply to wide-mouthed wells which had not been narrowed over to receive a stone cover. It may have been a well or cistern similar to these into which Joseph was cast ((Jen 37 24). In fact, dry-wells and cis terns formed such effective dungeons, that it is very probable they were often used for purposes of detention. From earliest times, wells have been the cause of much strife. The covenant between Abimelech and Abraham at Beersheba (Gen 21 32) was a necessity, no less pressing then than it is now. The well, today, is a center of life in the East. Women gather around it, in pursuit of their daily duties, and travelers, man and beast, divert their course thereto, if needs be, for refreshment; and news of the outer world is carried to and from the well. It is, in fact, an all-important center, and daily presents a series of characteristic Bible scenes. The scene between Rebekah and the servant of Abraham (Gen 24 11 f f) is one with frequent paral lels. The well lies usually at some little distance from the village or city. Abraham s servant made his "camels to kneel down without the city by the well of water at the time of the evening, the time that women go out to draw water." Saul and his servant found young maidens going out of the city to draw water (1 S 9 11). Moses helped the daughters of the priest of Midian at the well, which was evidently at some distance from habitation (Ex 2 16 ff).

          Private cisterns must be distinguished from public




          cisterns or wells. They were smaller and were

          sunk in the rocks within private boundaries,

          each owner having his own cistern

          3. Private (2 K 18 31; Prov 5 15). Ancient Cisterns sites are honeycombed with these cis terns. A common type in Jems seems

          to have been bottle-shaped in section, the extended bottom part being in the softer rock, and the nar row neck in the hard upper stratum. Many irregularly shaped cisterns occur with rock vaults supported by rock or masonry piers. Macalister tells of the discovery at Gezer of a small silt catch- pit attached to a private cistern, and provided with an overflow channel leading to the cistern. It is an early instance of a now well-known method of purification. The universal use of cement render ing to the walls of the cisterns was most necessary to seal up the fissures of the rock. The "broken cisterns" (Jer 2 13) probably refer to insufficiently sealed cisterns.

          Besides private cisterns there were huge public

          rock-cut cisterns within the city walls. The great

          water caverns under the Temple area at

          4. Public Jer us show a most extensive system of Cisterns water storage (see Recovery of Jcrus, ch

          vii). There are 37 of these described in PEF, "Jerus," 217 IT, and the greatest is an im mense rock-cut cavern the roof of which is partly rock and partly stone, supported by rock piers (see Fig. 1 , PEF) . It is 43 ft. deep with a storage capacity of over two million gallons and there are numerous access manholes. This cistern is fed by an aqueduct from Solomon s Pools about 10 miles distant by road, and is locally known as Baliar cl Kcbir, the "Great Sea." One of the most recent and one of the most interesting rock-cut reservoirs yet discovered is that at Gezer. (See 1 EFH, 1908, 96 ff.) In this ex ample, the pool of spring water is reached by a great rock-tunnel staircase which descends 94 ft. 6 in. from the surface. The staircase diminishes in size as it descends, and at its greatest, it is 23 ft. high and 12 ft. 10 in. wide (see section Fig. 2). These propor tions may seem unnecessarily large, but may be accounted for by the necessity for providing light at the water level. As a matter of fact, the brink of the pool receives the light from above. The work dales back to pre-Israelite times.

          Open pools were common in every city. They were cut out of the rock and were built and ce mented at points where occasion

          5. Pools demanded. They were often of great and size. The pool outside Jerus known Aqueducts as Birkct cs Sultan measures 555 ft.X

          220 ft.X 36 ft. deep, and the so-called Hezckiah s Pool within the walls, is 240 ft.X 144 ft. X about 20 ft. deep. The latter probably owes its

          FIG. 3. Pools of Solomon.

          They may, however, be taken as examples, which, if somewhat larger, are still in accord with the pool system of earlier history. Pools were usually fed by

          origin to the rock-cut fosse of early Jewish dale. The Birkct cs Sultan, on the other hand, probably dates from the time of the Turkish occupation.

          i-cut Aqueduct.

          surface drainage, and in some cases by aqueducts from springs at some distance away. They seem to have been at the public service, freely accessible to both man and beast. Pools situated outside the city walls were sometimes connected by aqueducts with pools within the city, so that the water could be drawn within the walls in time of siege. The so-called Pools of Solomon, three in number (see Fig. 3), situated about 10 miles by road from Jerus, are of large proportions and are fed by surface water and by aqueducts from springs. The water from these pools is conveyed in a wonderfully engineered course, known as the lower-level aque duct, which searches the winding contours of the Judaean hills for a distance of about 15 miles, before reaching its destination in "the great sea" under the Temple area (Fig. 1). This aqueduct is still in use, but its date is uncertain (see (I. A. Smith, Jems, 131, where the author finds reason for ascribing it to the period of llerod). The course and destination of another aqueduct known as the high-level aqueduct is less definite. These aque ducts are of varying dimensions. The low-level aqueduct at a point just before it enters the Temple area was found to measure 3 ft. high X 2 ft. 3 in. wide, partly rock-cut and partly built, and rendered in smooth-troweled cement, with well-squared stone covers (see PEF, Excavations at Jcrus, 53 ff). There are many remains of rock-cut aqueducts through out Pal (see Fig. 4) which seem to indicate their use in early Heb times, but the lack of OT refer ences to these works is difficult to account for, unless it is argued that in some cases they date back to pre-Israelite times. The great tunnel and pool at Gezer lends a measure of support to this hypothesis. ( )n Ihe other hand, a plea for a Heb origin is also in a measure strengthened by the very slight reference in the OT to such a great engineering feat as the cutting of the Siloarn tunnel, which is doubtless the work of Plezekiah. The pool of Siloam was origi nally a simple rock-cut reservoir within the walls, and was constructed by Hezekiah (2 Ch 32 30). It measures 75 ft.X 71 ft. It is the upper pool of Isa 7 3. A lower overflow pool existed imme diately beyond, contained by the city wall across the TyropCDon valley. The aqueduct which sup plies the upper pool takes a tortuous course of about 1,700 ft. through the solid rock from the Virgin s

          Citadel Citizenship



          fountain, an intermittent spring on the E. slope of the hill. The water reaches the pool on the S.W. of the spur of Ophel, and it was in the rock walls of this aqueduct that the famous Siloam inscription recording the completion of the work was discovered.

          Herod embellished the upper pool, lining it with stone and building arches around ils four sides (see J EF, Efcaraliutix at ./<///.-:, l.lti f), and the pool was most likely in this condition in the time of Christ, (Jn 9 6.7). There are numerous other pools, cis terns and aqueducts in and aivund Jerus, which pro vide abundant evidence of the continual struggle after water, made by its occupants of all times (see (!. A. Smith, Jcrus, ch v, vol 1). See also PIT; WELL, etc.

          Good wives are described as cisterns (Prov 5 15

          ff). "The left ventricle of the heart, which retains

          the blood till it be redispersed through

          6. Figura- the body, is called a cistern" (Eccl 12

          tive Uses 0). Idols, armies and material objects

          in which Israel trusted were "broken

          cisterns" (Jer 2 13, .see above) "soon emptied of all

          the aid and comfort which they possess, and cannot

          fill themselves again."

          LITKRATUHE. (i. A. Smith, .Jrritxuli m; PEP Memoirs, Jerusalem vol; Wilson, The Recovery of Jerusalem; Mac- alister, Bilih- Sirlrlit/litx; J KFS; Bliss and Dickie, Excava tions at Jerusalem; Josoplius.

          AHCH. C. DICKIE

          CITADEL, sit a-del (1 Mace 1 33; 3 4oj. See FORTIFICATION.

          CITHERN, sith ern (KiOclpa, kithdra; 1 Mace 4 54 AY, kilhdraifi lent kiin tniix is 1r "citherns and harps"; RV "harps and lutes"; cf guitar, zither): As 1 Mace was originally written in Heb, it is natural to suppose that these two ( !r words stand for Heb n blinllni and kinnurotli; but to this it may be objected that kithard and kitt.urd are not used else where together to represent two different instru ments. On the contrary we have either kinurakdi nabla or kithara kai px<ilt<~rioti. The most probable explanation of the unusual collocation of these two words in 1 Mace is that kithard was a gloss meant to explain the obsolescent kinura. See Music.

          JAMES MILLAR



          CITIES, sit iz, OF THE PLAIN, plan, CICCAR Cni-iH "^? , kikkar hof-yardcn) . Included Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiim and Zoar. The locality is first referred to in Gen 13 10, where it is said that Lot "lifted up his eyes, and beheld all the Plain of the Jordan, that it was well watered every where, before Jeh destroyed Sodom and Gomor rah, like the garden of Jeh, like the land of Egypt, as tliou goest unto Zoar." The word tr d plain is kikkur, "circle." In this ver, and in the llth, as well as in 1 K 7 46 and Mt 3 5, we have the full phrase "circle of the Jordan." Elsewhere ((Jen 13 12; 19 17.29; Dt 34 3; 2 S 18 23) the word for "circle" is used alone with the art. Until recently the traditional view that this circle of the Jordan was at the south end of the Dead Sea was univer sally maintained. The arguments in favor of this view are: (1) The name of Sodom is preserved in Jebel Usdum Usdum having the same consonants with Sodom; moreover, the name is known to have referred to a place in that region as early as the days of Galen (Deftinijd. -medic. Facidt., 4.10) who describes certain "salts of Sodom" from the moun tains surrounding the lake which are called Sodom. (2) Zoar seems to have been represented in the Middle Ages by a place which the Crusaders called Segore, and Arab, writers Zoghar. Under the name

          Zughar or Sughar the place is often referred to by mediaeval Arabian geographers as situated 1 S. of Jericho "at the end of the Dead Sea" and as a station on the route between the Gulf of Akabah and Jericho, two days journey from Jericho. Ptolemy (v.17.5) reckons Zoar as belonging to Arabia Petrea. Eusebius (On<n, 2(51) describes the Dead Sea as lying between Jericho and Zoar. Jos (Ant, I, xi, 4) makes the Dead Sea extend 580 stadia "as far as Zoar of Arabia" (M r//-.s, IV, viii,4). These references would locate Zoar at the base of the mountains just S.E. of the Dead Sea, and, as it was within easy reach of Sodom, from which Lot fled, would fix the Cities of the Plain in that locality. Jerome (Comm. on Isa 15 5) says that Zoar was in the borders of Moab.

          On the other hand, it is maintained that the "kikkar of the Jordan" lay N. of the Dead Sea for the following reasons: (1) That is the region which is visible from the height s of Bet hel whence Abraham and Lot looked down upon it (Gen 13 10), while the south end of the lake is not visible. But it may be answered that the phrase need not be limited to the actual region in sight, but may have included the whole known extension of the valley.

          (2) Zoar was said to be in range of Moses vision from the top of Pisgah (Dt 34 1-3), whereas the south end of the Dead Sea is invisible from that point, on account of intervening mountains. But this description in Dt evidently is not intended to be limited to the points which are actually visible, but should be understood as describing the extreme limits of the land some points of which are visible in their near vicinity. Certainly the vision did not comprehend all portions of Dan or Judah "unto the hinder sea." The phrase from Jericho to Zoar is like "from Dan to Beersheba." The mountain heights overlooking Zoar were certainly visible.

          (3) In (Jen 14 the four kings coming up from Kadesh attacked the Amorites "that dwelt in Hazezon-tamar" before reaching Sodom, and Hazezon-tamar is to be identified with Engedi. On the other hand, it is possible that it is to be identified with the Tamar of Ezk 47 19; 48 28, and that this place lay S.\\\\V. of the Dead Sea. Or, if that explanation is not accepted, it is proper to note that the course of this expedition led at first a considerable distance S. of the Dead Sea through Mt. Seir to El-paran, when "they smote all the country of the Amalekites, and also the Amorites." In accomplishing this they would naturally be led along the highland to Hebron from which they could easily descend to Engedi, whence they could proceed without difficult y to the south end of the Dead Sea. Besides, it is by no means certain that there was not an easy passage along the whole western shore of the Dead Sea at that time. See DEAD SEA. (4) It is argued that the region at the south end of the Dead Sea could not be described "as the garden of the Lord, "etc. Neither, for that matter, could the region around the north end be so described in its present condition. But, on the other hand, the region S. of the sea is by no means as devoid of vegetation as is some times represented, while there are convincing argu ments to prove that formerly it was much more extensive and fertile than now. To the fertility of this area there is no more capable witness than Professor Hull, though he is an ardent advocate of the location of these cities at the north end of the lake. This appears both in his original diary, and in his more mature and condensed account contained in his article on the Dead Sea in HDB, where he writes, "When, in December, 1883, the writer found himself standing oa the edge of the terrace overlooking the Ghor, he beheld at his feet a wide plain stretching away northward toward



          Citadel Citizenship

          the margin of the Dead Sea, and to a large extent green with vegetation and thickets of small trees. To the right in an open space were seen several large Bedawin camps, from which the shouts of wild men, the barking of dogs, and the bellowing of camels ascended. Numerous flocks of black goats and white sheep were being tended by women in long blue cloaks; and on the party of travelers being observed, groups of merry children came tripping up toward the path accompanied by a few of the elders, and, ranging themselves in a line, courteously returned salutations. Here the Arabs remain enjoying the warmth of the plain till the increasing heat of the summer s sun calls them away to their high pasture grounds on the table-land of Edom and Moab. At a short distance farther toward the shore of the lake is the village of Es- Safieh, inhabited by a tribe of fellahin called the Ghawarneh, who by means of irrigation from the Wady el-Hessi cultivate with success fields of wheat, maize, dhurah, indigo and cotton, while they rear herds of camels and flocks of sheep and goats. On the produce of these fields the Arabs largely depend for their supplies of food and raiment, which they obtain by a kind of rude, often compulsory, barter." LITEU \\\\TURE. Authorities favoring the south end of the Dead Sea: Dillmann, Genesis, 111 f; Robinson, HRI J . II 187 ff- O. A. Smith, I1GHL. 505 ft; Baedeker- Socin, I al, III, 140 : Buhl, GAP, 117, 271, 274; see also esp Samuel Wolcott, "Site of Sodom," Bibliotheca Sacra, XXV, 112-51. Favoring the north end: Sir ( i corse drove in various arts, in DB; Canon Tristram, Land of Moab, 33011; Selah Merrill, Eaxt of the Jor dan, 232-39; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book.


          CITIMS.sit imz. SeeCniTTiM(l Mace 8 5AV).

          CITIZENSHIP, sit i-zen-ship: All the words in

          use connected with this subject are derived from

          TroXis, /x tlis, "city." These words, with

          1. Philo- the meanings which they have in the logical Bible, are the nouns, TroXfr^s, polite s,

          "citizen"; TroXtreia, politcia, "citizen ship"; TToXirei /io, i>olUenni(i, "commonwealth"; a-vn- TroXiTTys, sunii>ol tt<~s, "fellow-citizen"; and the verb, TToXtrei/w, jiolitcii/ i, to behave as a citizen." Each will be considered more fully in its proper place.

          (1) The word for citizen is sometimes used to indi cate little if anything more than the inhabitant of a

          city or country. "The citizens of that

          2. Civil country" (Lk 15 15); "His citizens

          hated him" (Lk 19 14). Also the quotation from the LXX, "They shall not teach every man his fellow-citizen" (He 811; cf Jer 31 34). So also in the Apoc (2 Mace 4 50; 6 6; 9 19). (2) Roman citizenship. This is of especial interest to the Bible student because of the apostle Paul s relation to it. It was one of his qualifications as the apostle to the Gentiles. Luke shows him in Acts as a Rom citizen, who, though a Jew and a Christian, receives, for the most pari, justice and courtesy from the Rom officials, and more than once successfully claims its privileges. He himself declares that he was a citizen of Tarsus (Acts 21 39). He was not only born in that city but had a citizen s rights in it. "See PAUL; TARSUS.

          But this citizenship in Tarsus did not of itself confer upon Paul the higher dignity of Rom citizen ship. Had it done so, Claudius Lysias would not have ordered him to be scourged, as he did, after having learned that he was a citizen of Tarsus (Acts 21 39; cf 22 25). So, over arid above this Tarsian citizenship, was the Rom one, which availed for him not in one city only, but throughout the Rom world and secured for him everywhere certain great immunities and rights. Precisely what all of these were we are not certain, but we know that, by the

          Valerian and Porcian laws, exemption from shame ful punishments, such as scourging with rods or whips, and esp. crucifixion, was secured to every Rom citizen; also the right, of appeal to the em peror with certain limitations. This sanctity of person had become almost a part of their religion, so that any violation was esteemed a sacrilege. Cicero s oration against Verres indicates the almost fanatical extreme to which this feeling had been carried. Yet Paul had been thrice beaten with rods, and five times received from the Jews forty stripes save one (2 Cor 11 24.25). Perhaps it was as at Philippi before he made known his citizenship (Acts 16 22.23), or the Jews had the right to whip those who came before their own tribunals. Rom citizenship included also the right of appeal to the emperor in all cases, after sentence had been passed, and no needless impediment must be interposed against a trial. Furthermore, the citizen had the right to be sent to Rome for trial before the emperor himself, when charged with capital offences (Acts 16 37; 22 25-29; 25 11).

          How then had Paul, a Jew, acquired this valued dignity? He himself tells us. In contrast to the parvenu citizenship of the chief captain, who seems to have thought that Paul also must have purchased it, though apparently too poor, Paul quietly says, "But I was free born" (AY; "a Roman born" R\\\\ , Acts 22 28) . Thus cither Paul s father or some other ancest or had acquired the right and had transmitted it to the son.

          What more natural than that Paul should some times use this civic privilege to illustrate spiritual t rut hs ? He does so a number of t imes. 3. Meta- Before the Sanhedrin he says, in the phoricaland words of our Eng. VSS, "I have lived Spiritual before God in all good conscience" (Ac-Is 23 1). But thistrdoesnol bring out the sense. Paul uses a noticeable word, politcud, "to live as a citizen." He adds, "to God" (TV Be<2, to Theo). That is to say, he had lived conscientiously as God s citizen, as a member of God s commonwealth. The day before, by appealing to his Rom citizen ship, he had saved himself from ignominious whip ping, and now what more natural than that he should declare that he hail been true to his citizen ship in a higher state? What was this higher commonwealth in which he has enjoyed the rights and performed the duties of a citizen? What but the theocracy of his fathers, the ancient church, of which the Sanhedrin was still the ostensible representative, but which was really continued in the kingdom of Christ without the national re strictions of the older one? Thus Paul does not mean to say simply, "I have lived conscientiously before God," but " l have lived as a citizen to God, of the body of which He is the immediate Sover eign." He had lived theocratically as a faithful member of the Jewish church, from which his ene mies claimed he was an apostate. Thus Paul s conception was a kind of blending of two ideas or feelings, one of which came from the old theocracy, and the other from his Rom citizenship.

          Later, writing from Rome itself to the Philippians, who were proud of their own citizenship as members of a colonia, a reproduction on a small scale of the parent commonwealth, where he had once suc cessfully maintained his own Rom rights, Paul forcibly brings out the idea that Christians are citizens of a heavenly commonwealth, urging them to live worthy of such honor (Phil 1 27 m).

          A similar thought is brought out when he says, "For our commonwealth [politeuma] is in heaven" (Phil 3 20m). The state to which we belong is heaven. Though absent in body from the heavenly commonwealth, as was Paul from Rome when he asserted his rights, believers still enjoy its civic

          Citron City



          privileges ;iml protections; sojourners upon earth, citi/ens of heaven. The ()T conception, as in Isa 60-62, would easily lend itself to this idea, which appears in He 11 10.16; 12 1>L> -2 1 ; 13 14; Gal 4 26, and possibly in Rev 21. Sec also ROME.

          G. II. TREVER CITRON, sit/run. See APPLI:.

          form a casing to the earthen ramparts, with which the .site was afterwards surrounded and which served as a protection against the intrusion of ene mies. Later Sem intruders occupied the site, stone houses were built, and high stone defence walls were substituted for the earthen stone-cased ramparts. These later walls were much higher and stronger

          CITY, sit i (-P? , <-, rr-!p , Icirijdh; iroXis,

          I. TlIK ( VvNA.VNITK ClTY

          1 Origin Extent


          II. r l 1


          High Place Broad Place Streets

          ( ieneral Characteristics


          /. Canaanite City. -The development of the Can. city has been traced by Macalister in his report on the excavation at Gezer (I KFS, 1904, 1. Origin 108 IT). It originated on the slopes of a bare rocky spur, in which the Neo lithic Troglodytes quarried their habitations out of the solid rock, the stones therefrom being used to

          than those of the Neolithic occupation and were the walls seen by (he Israelites when the} viewed the country of their promise.

          "The people that dwell in the land are strong, and the cities arc fortified, and very great (Xu 13

          28) was the report of the spies sent by 2. Extent Moses to spy out the land of Canaan,

          to see "what cities they are that they dwell in, whet her in camps, or in strong holds" (Nil 13 19.20). The difficulties of the task set before the advancing Israelites and their appre ciation of the slrength of the cities, is here recorded, and also in Dt 1 28 : "The people are greater and taller than we; the cities are great and forti fied up to heaven; and moreover we have seen the sons of the Anakim there." This assessment of greatness was based upon comparative ignorance of such fortifications and the want of war experience and the necessary implements of assault It need not, therefore, be supposed that the cities were



          Citron City

          "great" except by comparison in the eyes of a tent- dwelling and pastoral people. On the contrary, most recent exploration has proved that they were small (see Pore Vincent, Canaan, 27, n. 3, and PI. I, where comparative measurements of the areas of ancient cities show that, in nine cities compared, Tell Sandahannah [barely 6 acres] is the smallest). Gezer measures approximately 22 acres and Tell el-Hesy somewhat greater. By way of illustration, it is interesting to note that the Acropolis at Athens, roughly computed, measures 7\\\\ acres, while the Castle Rock at Edinburgh is about 6 acres, or t he same as the whole Seleucidan city of Tell Sandahannah (see Fig. 1). The Acropo lis at Tell Zakartya measures about 2 acres or nearly one-fourth of the area of the whole city (about 82 acres). It is unlikely that Jehus (Jerusalem) itself was an exception, although in Solomonic and later times it extended to a far greater area.

          Besides the walled cities there were "unwalled

          [country] towns a great many" (Dt 3 -5), "villages,"

          unfortified suburbs, lying near to and

          3. Villages under the protection of the walled cities

          and occupied by t ho surplus population.

          The almost incredible number of cities and their

          villages mentioned in the OT, while proving the

          clannishness of their occupants, proves,

          4. Sites at the same time, their comparatively

          small scale. Traces of similar popu lations that rise and fall are soon in China and Japan today. As a little poem says of Karakura:

          Where were palaces and merchant sand the blades

          of warriors, Now are only the cicadas and waving blades of


          "Cities that stood on their mounds" (Josh 11 13; Jer 30 IS) as at Lachish and Taanach are distin guished from those built on natural hills or spurs of hills, such as Jehus, (lexer, Tell es Safi (Gath?), Bethshemesh (see Vincent, Canaan, 26 if). The Arab, name "Tell" is applied to all mounds of ancient cities, whether situated on a natural emi nence or on a plain, and the word is common in the geographical nomenclature of Pal. Sites were chosen near a water supply, which was ever the most essential qualification. For purposes of de fence, the nearest knoll or spur was selected. Sometimes these; knolls were of no great height and their subsequent elevation is accounted for by the gradual accumulation of debris from town refuse and from frequent demolitions; restoration being effect oil after a leveling up of the ruins of the raxed city (sec Fig. 2: Tell el-Hesy, 1 EF,

          mound at the meeting-point of the meandering paths on the plain below (see Fig. 3). The walls of Tell ej-

          Judeideh were strengthened by towers 5. External in the inside, and presented an un- Appearance broken circuit of wall to the outside

          view (see Fig. 4, PEF). Houses on the wall (Josh 2 15; 2 Cor 11 33) may have boon seen from the outside; but it- is unlikely that any

          FIG. 2. Tell el-Hesy.

          which shows a section of 1 ho Toll from which the levels of the successive cities in distinct stratifi cation were recovered). Closely packed houses, in narrow alloys, with low, rude mud, brick, or stone and mud walls, with timber and mud roofs, burned readily and were easily razed to the ground (Josh 8 Iff; 11 11).

          It would seem that, viewed from the outside, these cities had the appearance of isolated forts, the sur rounding walls being strengthened at frequent in tervals, with towers. The gates were approached by narrow roads, which mounted the slopes of the

          FIG. 3. Approaches to a City.

          building within the walls was visible, except pos sibly the inner tower or stronghold. The whole of the interior of the early Jerus (Jebus) was visible from the hills to the E., but this peculiarity of position is uncommon. Strong and high walls, garrisoned by men-at-arms soon only through the battlements, showed no weakness, and the gates, with their narrow and steep approaches and pro jecting defence towers, looked uninviting traps (Fig. 5). The mystery of these unseen interiors could therefore be easily conjured into an exaggeration of strength.

          The inhabitants of the villages (rHD|l, bunolli, "daughters," Nu 32 42m) held feudal occupation and gave service to their lord of the 6. General city (2S, Tm, "mother," 2 S 20 19), in defence of their own or in attacks on their neighbor s property. Such were the cities of the truculent, marauding kings of Canaan, whose broken territories lent themselves to the up keep of a condition, of the weakness of which, the Israelites, in their solid advance, took ready ad vantage.

          //. Jewish Occupation. After the conquest, and the abandonment of the pastoral life for that of agriculture and general trade, the condition of the cities varied but little, except that they were, from time to time, enlarged and strengthened. Solo mon s work at Jerus was a step forward, but there is little evidence that, in the other cities which he is credited with having put his hands to, there was any embellishment. Megiddo and Gexer at least show nothing worthy of the name. Greek influence brought with it the first real improvements in city building; and the later work of Herod raised cities to a grandeur which was previously undreamt of among the Jews. Within the walls, the main points considered in the "layout" wore, the Tower or Stronghold, the High Place, the Broad Place by the Gate, and the Market-Place.

          The Tower or Stronghold was an inner fort which held a garrison and commander, and was pro visioned with "victuals, and oil and 1. The wine" (2 Ch 11 11), to which the

          Tower or defenders of the city when hard Stronghold pressed betook themselves, as a last resource. The men of the tower of Shoehorn held out against Abimelech (Jgs 9 49) who was afterward killed by a stone thrown by a wom an from the Tower of Thebez "within the city" (Jgs 9 51.53). David took the stronghold of Zion, "the same is the city of David" (2 S 6 7), which name (Zion) was afterward applied to the whole city. It is not unlikely that the king s house was

          City Clasps



          included in the stronghold. Macalister (I EFS, 1907, 192 f f) reports the discovery of a Canaanite castle with enormously thick walls abutting against the inside of the city wall. The strongholds at Taanach and Tell el-IIesy are similarly placed; and t he Acropolis at Tell Zakariyalies close to, but inde pendent of, the city wall.

          gate, the Broad Place had a defensive value, in that it admitted of concentration against the forcing of t he gate. There does not seem to have been any plan of either a Can. or early Jewish city, in which this question of defence did not predominate. Open areas within the city were "waste places" (Isa 68 12) and were not an integral part of the plan.


          The High Place was an important feature in all

          Can. cities and retained its importance long after

          the conquest (1 S 9 12 IT; 1 K 3 2;

          2. The Am 7 9). It was a sanctuary, where High Place sacrifices were offered and feasts were

          held, and men did "eat before Jeh" (Dt 14 20). The priests, as was their custom, received their portion of the flesh (1 S 2 12 IT;. The High Place discovered at (lexer (Hililc Si<li- li(/Iils, eh iii) is at a lower level than the city sur rounding it , and lies X. and S. It is about 100 ft . in length, and when complete consisted of a row of ten rude undressed standing stones, of which eight, are si ill remaining, the largest being 10 ft . <> in. high, and the others varying to much smaller sizes. See HK;II I LACK.

          The Broad Place (Xeh 8 1.3. Id; Jer 5 1) seems

          to have been, usually, immediately inside the city

          gale. It was not, in early Jewish

          3. The cities, an extensive open area, but Broad Place simply a widening of tin* street, and

          was designated "broad" by comparison with the neighboring alleys, dignified by the name of street. It took the place of a general exchange. Justice was dispensed (Ruth 4 2) and punishment was administered. Jeremiah was put in "the stocks that were in the upper gate of Benjamin" (Jer 202), proclamations were read, business was transacted, and t he news and gossip of the day were exchanged. It was a place for all classes to congre gate (Job 29 7m; Prov 31 23), and was also a market-place (2 K 7 1). In later times, the market-place became more typically a market square of the (Ir agora plan, with an open area surrounded by covered shelters. The present mar ket-place at Haifa resembles this. Probably it was this type of market-place referred to in Mt 11 Mi; 20 3 and Lk 7 32; 1143. The street in side the Damascus gate of Jems today is, in many ways, similar to the Broad Place 1 , and retains many of its ancient uses. Here, Bedouin and Fellahin meet- from the outlying districts to barter, to ar bitrate, to find debtors and to learn the news of the day. Lying as it did immediately inside the

          The streets serving these quarters were not laid out on any fixed plan. They wen 1 , in fact, nar row, unpaved alleys, all seeming of 4. The equal importance, gathering themselves

          Streets crookedly t o t he various cent ers. I lav

          ing fixed the positions of the City dates, 1he Stronghold and the High Place, the inhabitants appear to have been allowed to situate themselves the best way they could, without restriction of line or frontage. Houses were of modest proportions and wen> poorly built ; planned, most often, in utter disregard of the square, and presenting to the street more or less dead walls, which were either topped by parapets or covered with projecting wood and mud roofs (see ARCHITECTURE, Fig. 1; HOUSK).

          The streets, as in the present day in Pal, were allocated to separate trades: "bakers street" (Jer 37 21), place "of the merchants" (Neh 3 31.32 AV), "goldsmiths," etc. The Valley of the Cheese- makers was a street in the Tyropceon Valley at Jer us.

          For a discussion of the subject of "cisterns," see the separate art. s.v.


          City Clasps

          The people pursued the industries consequent upon their own self-establishment. Agriculture claimed first place, and was their most 5. General highly esteemed occupation. The Character- king s lands were farmed by his sub- istics jects for his own benefit, and consid

          erable tracts of lands belonged to the aristocracy. The most of the lands, however, belonged to the cities and villages, and were allotted among the free husbandmen. Various cereals were raised, wheat and barley being most commonly cultivated. The soil was tilled and the crops reaped and threshed in much the same manner and with much the same implements as are now used in Syria. Cities lying in main trade routes developed various industries more quickly than those whose positions were out of touch with foreign traffic. Crafts and trades, unknown to the early Jews, were at first monopolized by foreigners who, as a matter of course, were elbowed out as time progressed. Cities on the seaboard of Phoenicia depended chiefly on maritime trade. Money, in the form of ingots and bars of precious metals, "weighed out (2 K 12 11), was current in preexilic times, and continued in use after foreign coinage had been introduced. The first native coinage dates from the Maccabean period (see Madden, Jewish Coinage, ch iv). Slavery was freely trafficked in, and a certain number of slaves were attached to the households of the more wealthy. Although they were the absolute property of their masters, they enjoyed certain religious privileges not extended to the "sojourners" or "strangers" who sought the pro tection of the cities, often in considerable numbers. The king s private property, from which he drew full revenue, lay partly within the city, but to a greater extent beyond it (1 S 8 15.16). In addi tion to his private property, he received tithes of fields and flocks, "the tenth part of your seed. He also drew a tax in the shape of certain "king s mowings" (Am 7 1). Vassal kings paid tribute; Mesha, king of Moab, rendered wool unto the king of Israel" (2 K 3 4).

          See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, chs v-x, for detailed account of the conditions of Jewish city life. For details of government, see ELDER; JUDGES; SAN-


          ///. Store Cities. These were selected by Solo mon and set aside for stores of victuals, chariots, horsemen, etc (1 K 9 19). Jehoshaphat "built in Judah castles and cities of store" (2 Ch 17 12). Twelve officers were appointed by Solomon to pro vision his household, each officer being responsible for the supply in one month in the year (1 K 4 7). There were also "storehouses in the fields, in the cities, and in the villages" (1 Ch 27 25 AV).

          IV. The Levitical Cities. These were appor tioned 13 to the children of Aaron, 10 to Kohath, 13 to Gershcn, 12 to Merari, 48 cities in all (Josh 21 13 ff), 6 of which were cities of Refuge (Nu 35 0); see REFUGE, CITIES OF. For further details see ARCHITECTURE; HOUSE.

          LITERATURE. PEFS; Bliss and Dickie, Excavations at Jerusalem; Macalister, Excavation at Gezer; Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Pal; Sellln, Excavation at Taanach; Schumacher, Excavation at Tell Muteseltitn; Macalister, Bible Kidili ihtx; G. A. Smith, Jerusalem; Historical Geography of the Holy Land; Bliss, Mounds of Many Cities; Vincent, Canaan.

          ARCH. C. DICKIE

          CITY OF CONFUSION, kon-f u zhun (inhT^p , kinjath-tuhu): A name applied to Jems (Isa 24 10 AV).

          CITY OF DAVID. See ZION.

          CITY OF DESTRUCTION, de-struk shun [C~inn "l^y , Ir ha-herex; LXX Bao-eSe K, Base-

          dek): In his prediction of the future return of Egypt to Jeh, Isaiah declares, "In that day there shall be five cities in the land of Egypt that speak the language of Canaan, and swear to Jeh of hosts; one shall be called The city of destruction" (Isa 19 18). The name 7r ha-lit-iry, "t he city of overthrow," is evidently a play upon 7r Itn-hcrcy, "city ol the sun," a designation of Heliopolia (same meaning; cf the name for this city, Beth-shemesh, Jer 43 13), in Egyptian, On (Gen 41 45), which last name Ezekiel, by a similar play on sound, changes into Aven. See ON. Some codices, however, as the RVm notes, read here 7r fui-licres, the actual name of the city. JAMKS OKU


          CITY OF PALM TREES, pain t re/ p n Cn Ir lia-l indrlni). See JERICHO (Dt 34 3; Jgs 1 Iti; 3 13; 2 Ch 28 15).


          CITY, RULERS, rdol er/, OF: The^EV render ing of the 7ro\\\\iTdpx at , politdrchai, of Thessalonica, before whom Jason and the other Christians were dragged by the mob (Acts 17 G.S). The term dis tinguishes the magistrates of a free Gr city from the ordinary Rom officials. It primarily denotes "rulers of the citizens," and hence was used only of magistrates of free cities. The term seems to have been confined largely to Macedonia, although there have been found a few inscriptions else where in which it is used. The use of this term well illustrates the accuracy of the author of the Book of Acts, for while politarchai is not used by classical authors, this form is attested by a number of Macedonian inscriptions. Much work has been done in this field in recent years and the results throw light on the reference in Acts. Of the inscrip tions that have been found at least five belong to Thessalonica (see art . by Professor Burton, in the AJToi 1898, "The Politarchs").

          "The rulers" of Philippi, before whom Paul and Silas were brought, is the EV rendering of Hpxovres, drchontcs, which is commonly used in the NT (Acts 16 19). This is the ordinary term for "rulers" and is not the same as "rulers of the city."

          A. W. FORTUNE

          CLAP: An emphatic expression of joy, "They clapped their hands [nakhah], and said, Long live [AV "God save"] the king" (2 K 11 12); "Oh clap your hands [taku*\\\\, all ye peoples" (Ps 47 1); or exultation (saphak, Lam 2 15; maha , Ezk 25 6; taka\\\\ Nah 3 19); or repudiation (aphak., Jot) 27 23; 34 37).

          Figurative: To denote Nature s "sympathy with God s people. "Let the floods clap [maha ] their hands" (Ps 98 8); "All the trees of the field shall clap their hands" (Isa 55 12; cf Jgs 5 20).

          CLASPS, klasps (0^, ker&}): The word occurs nine times in Ex 26, 36, and 39, which record the specifications for the erection of the tabernacle and their subsequent carrying out. In each of these passages the AV renders "laches" an early Eng. word of French origin now embodied in our "attachment." 50 clasps or taches of gold were ordered to be used in connecting together the two sets of inner tapestry curtains (10 in number) of the tabernacle (Ex 26 6), and 50 clasps of brass (bronze) were similarly to be used in joining the two sets of goats hair curtains (11 in number)

          Clauda Cleanse



          which formed the outer covering (26 11). See TABERNACLE. As to the nature of the clasp ilself, it seems to have belonged to a double set of loops, opposite to each other, to one of which in each set, required to be of blue cord, a gold or brass button or pin was attached, which, being inserted into the loop opposite, kept the curtain in position (26 4-6).

          A difficulty arises from the direction in Ex 26 33 that the veil which divided the "dwelling" into two parts the holy place and the most holy was to be suspended "under the clasps." If the clasps are supposed to be midway in the total length of the tabernacle, this would make the two holy places to be of equal size, contrary to the usual assumption that the outer was twice the length of the inner. The term "under" must therefore be used with some latitude, or the ordinary conception of the arrangement of the curtains, or of the size of the holy places will have to be revised (the dimen sions arc not actually given in the description). \\\\V. SHAW CALDECOTT

          CLAUDA, klo da. See CAUDA.

          CLAUDIA, klo di-a (KXauSia, Klaudla}: A member of the Christian congregation at Rome, who, with other members of that church, sends her greetings, through Paul, to Timothy (2 Tim 4 21). More than this concerning her cannot be said with certainty. The Apostolical C onstitidions (VII, 21) name her as the mother of Linus, mentioned sub sequently by Irenaeus and Kusebius as bishop of Rome. An ingenious theory has been proposed, upon the basis of the mention of Claudia ana Pudens as husband and wife in an epigram of Mar tial, that they are identical with the persons of the same name here mentioned. A passage in the Ayric- old of Tacitus and an inscription found in Chi- chester, England, have been used in favor of the further statement that this Claudia was a daughter of a British king, Cogidubnus. See argument by Alford in the Prolegomena to 2 Tim in his (ir T> xln- mcnt. It is an example of how a very few data may be used to construct a plausible theory. If it be true, the contrast between their two friends, the apostle Paul, on the one hand, and the licentious poet, Martial, on the other, is certainly unusual. If in 2 Tim 4 21, Pudens and Claudia be husband and wife, it is difficult to explain how Linus occurs between them. See argument against this in Light - foot, The Apostolic Fathers. II. E. JACOBS

          CLAUDIUS, kleYdi-us (KXavSios, Klaudios): Fourth Rom emperor. lie reigned for over 13 years (41-54 AD), having succeeded Caius (Calig ula) who had seriously altered the conciliatory policy of his predecessors regarding the Jews and, considering himself a real and corporeal god, had deeply offended the Jews by ordering a statue of himself to be placed in the temple of Jems, as Antiochus Epipnanes had done with the statue of Zeus in the days of the Maccabees (2 Mace 6 2). Claudius reverted to the policy of Augustus and Tiberius and marked the opening year of his reign by issuing edict sin favor of the Jews (Ant, XIX, f)), who were permitted in all parts of the empire to observe their laws and customs in a free and peace able manner, special consideration being given to the Jews of Alexandria who were to enjoy without molestation all their ancient rights and privileges. The Jews of Rome, however, who had become very numerous, were not allowed to hold assemblages there (Dio LX, vi, 6), an enactment in full corre spondence with the general policy of Augustus regarding Judaism in the West. The edicts men tioned were largely due to the intimacy of Claudius with Herod Agrippa, grandson of Herod the Great, who had been living in Rome and had been in some

          measure instrumental in securing the succession for Claudius. As a reward for this service, the Holy Land had a king once more. Judaea was added to the tefrarchies of Philip and Antipas; and Herod Agrippa I was made ruler over the wide territory which had been governed by his grand father. The Jews own troubles during the reign of Caligula had given "rest" (ARV "peace") to the churches "throughout all Judaea and Galilee- and Samaria" (Acts 9 31). But after the settlement of these troubles, "Herod the king put forth his hands to afflict certain of the church" (Acts 12 1). He slew one apostle and "when he saw that it pleased the Jews, he proceeded to seize" another (Acts 12 3). His miserable death is recorded in Acts 12 20-23, and in Ant, XIX, S. This event which took place in the year 44 AI) is held to have been coincident with one of the visits of Paul to Jerus. It has proved one of the chronological pivots of the apostolic history.

          Whatever concessions to the Jews Claudius may have been induced out of friendship for Herod Agrippa to make at the beginning of his reign, Suetonius records (Claud, ch 25) "Judacos impul- sore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit," an event assigned by some to the year 50 AD, though others suppose it to have taken place some what later. Among the Jews thus banished from Home were Aquila and Priscilla with whom Paul became associated at Corinth (Acts 18 2). With the reign of Claudius is also associated the famine which was foretold by Agabus (Acts 11 2S). Classical writers also report that the reign of Claudius was, from bad harvest or other causes, a period of general distress and scarcity over the whole world (DioLX, 11; Suet. Claud, xviii; Tac. Ann. xi. 4; xiii.43; see Mommsen, J rorincix of (he. l\\\\otn Empire, ch ix; and Conybearc and How T son, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, I) , J. HUTCHISON

          CLAUDIUS LYSIAS, klo di-us lis i-as Ava-ias, Klfiiidios Li/sius): A chief captain who n tervened when the Jews sought to do violence to Paul at Jerus (Acts 21 31; 24 22). Lysias, who was probably a Greek by birth (cf 21 37), and who had probably assumed the Rom forename Claudius (23 2(5) when he purchased the citizenship (22 2S), was a military tribune or chiliarch (i.e. leader of 1,000 men) in command of the garrison stationed in the castle overlooking the temple at Jerus. Upon learning of the riot, instigated by the Asiatic Jews, he hastened down with his soldiers, and succeeded in rescuing Paul from the halids of the mob. As Paul was t he apparent malefact or, Lysias bound him with two chains, and demanded to know who he was, and what was the cause of the disturbance. Failing amid the general tumult to get any satisfactory reply, he conducted Paul to the castle, and there; questioned him as to whether he was the "Egyptian," an im postor that had lately been defeated by Felix (Jos, BJ , II, xiii, 5; Ant, XX, viii, 6j. Upon receiving the answer of Paul that lie was a "Jew of Tarsus," he gave him permission to address the; people from the st airs which connected t he castle and the temple. As the speech of Paul had no pacifying effect, Lysias purposed examining him by scourging; but on learning that his prisoner was a Rom citizen, he desisted from the attempt and released him from his bonds. The meeting of the Sanhedrin which Lysias then summoned also ended in an uproar, and having rescued Paul with difficulty he con ducted him back to the castle. The news of the plot against the life of one whom he now knew to be a Rom citizen decided for Lysias that he could not hope to cope alone with so grave a situation. He therefore dispatched Paul under the protection of a bodyguard to Felix at Caesarea, along with a



          Clauda Cleanse

          letter explaining the circumstances (23 2(5 30. The

          genuineness of this letter has been questioned by some, but without sufficient reason.) In this letter he took care to safeguard his own conduct, and to shield his hastiness in binding Paul. There is evidence (cf Acts 24 22) that Lysias was also sum moned to Caesarca at a later date to give his tes timony, but no mention is made of his arrival there. It is probable, however, that he was among the chief captains who attended the trial of Paul before King Agrippa and Festus (cf 25 22). For the reference to him in the speech of Tertullus (see 24 7 RVm), see TERTULLUS. C. M. KERR

          CLAW, klo (~C"? , pursuit, lit. "hoof"): One of the marks of a "clean" animal is stated thus: "Every beast that parteth the hoof , and cleave! h the cleft into two claws, ye shall eat" (Dt 14 6 AY; RV "hath the hoof cloven in two"). See CHEW; Cun. AV uses the word "claws" where RV sup plies "hoofs" in Zee 11 16, "and will tear their hoofs in pieces," as the sheep are being overdriven. In the only other passage containing the word (Dnl 4 33) there is no Heb equivalent in the original "his nails like birds [claws]."

          CLAY, Ida (TEn , homer, TCH , huxaph, ^" , til, u ^2 , melt I, " I 3^" , *dbln, rQ>""C , mu^ubftch, tS^tpZiy , *abhtlt; irT]\\\\6s, pfldti, "wet clay," "mud"): True clay, which is a highly aluminous soil, is found in certain localities in Pal, and is used in making pol- terv. The Heb and Gr words, as well as the Eng. "clay," are, however, used loosely for any sticky mud. In making mud bricks, true clay is not always used, but ordinary soil is worked up with water and mixed with straw, molded and left to dry in the sun. Homer (cf hemar, "slime" or "bitumen") is rendered both "clay" and "mortar." Tit is rendered "clay" or "mire." In Isa 41 25 we have: "He shall come upon rulers as upon mortar [hunter], and as the potter treadeth clay" (tit). In Nah 3 14, "Go into the clay [tit], and tread the mortar [homer]; make strong the brickkiln" (i.e. make the walls ready to withstand a siege). Hdxu/>li is the clay of the image in Nebuchadnezzar s dream (Dnl 2 33 ff). Meld occurs only in Jer 43 <), where we find: AY, "Take great stones .... and hide them in the clay in the brickkiln"; RV, "hide them in mortar in the brickwork"; RVm, "lay them with mortar in the pavement." In Hab 2 (5, ablitlt (found only here) is rendered in AV "thick clay," as if from ( dbhl and tit, but RV has "pledges," referring the word to r. *d/>hat, "to give a pledge." In 1 K 7 46, ma*cibh< h hd-ddhdmdh (cf 2 Ch 4 17, *ubltl hd- ddhdmah) is the compact or clayey soil in the plain of Jordan between Succoth and Zare- than, in which Hiram cast the vessels of brass for Solomon s temple. In Jn 9 6.11.14, Thayer gives "made mud of the spittle"; in Rom 9 21, "wet clay." ALFRED ELY DAY

          CLEAN, klen (Anglo-Saxon clfrnc, "clear," "pure"): Rendering four Heb roots: "13, bur, etc, "purify," "select," "make shining"; :fT, zulch, etc, "bright," "clean," "pure"; "^2, ndki, "free from," "exempt"; "^Hvp, td/ier, "clea n," "pure," "empty," "bright" (?) the principal root, rendered "clean" 80 times (AV); occurring in all its forms in various renderings about 200 times; also one Gr root, Ka.tia.pbs, kalharos, etc, akin to castux, "chaste," "free from admixture or adhesion of anything that soils, adulterates, corrupts" (Thayer s Lexicon). The physical, ritual, ethical, spiritual, figurative uses continually overlap, esp. the last four.

          The physical use is infrequent : "Wash . . . .with snow water, and make my hands never so clean"

          (zu-khulch, Job 9 30; figurative also); "clean prov ender" (hdiiilr, RV "savory"; RVm "sailed"); "Cleanse .... inside of the cup and

          1. Physical of the platter, that the outside thereof

          may become clean also" (Icat/iaros, Ml 23 26); "arrayed in fine linen, clean [I:ulhur6-n] and white" (Rev 19 S; ARV "bright, and pure").

          The principal use was the ceremonial; applied to persons, places or things, "undefiled," "not caus ing defilement," or "from which de-

          2. Cere- filement has just been removed"; monial luher, almost exclusively ceremonial,

          being the chief I lei) root. Kutfiaros (NT), or derivatives, has this use clearly in Mk 1 44; Lk 5 14: "Offer for thy cleansing the things which Moses," etc; He 9 13.22.23: "the cleanness of the flesh," etc. "Clean" is applied to animals and birds: "of every clean beast" (den 7 2); "of all clean birds" (Dt 14 11); (for list of unclean creatures see Lev 1 4-20); to places: "Carry forth .... unto a clean place" (4 12); to buildings: "Make atonement for the house; and it shall be clean" (14 53); to persons: "A clean person shall take hyssop" (Nu 19 IS); to clothing: "garment . . . . washed the second time, and shall be clean" (Lev 13 58); and to objects of all sorts, free or freed from defilement.

          The ethical or spiritual meaning, either directly

          or figuratively, is found in the OT chiefly in Job,

          Pss, the Prophets, whose interest is

          3. Ethical ethico-religious, rather than ritual, but or Spiritual the predominant uses are found in the

          NT: "Cleanse yourselves [burur], ye that bear the vessels of Jeh" (Isa 52 11); "How can he be clean [zdkhdh] that is born of a woman?" (Job 25 4) (principally moral, perhaps with allu sion to the ceremonial defilement- of childbirth); "The fear of Jeh is clean" (Ps 19 .)), that is, the religion of Jeh is morally undefiled, in contrast to heathen religions; "He that hath clean [nakl] hands, and a pure heart" (Ps 24 4); "Purify me with hyssop, and I shall be clean" (tdher, Ps 51 7); "Therefore said he, Ye are not- all clean" (katharos, Jn 13 11). Here, as in Ps 51 7 and many others, the ritual furnishes a figure for the spiritual, illus trating the Divine purpose in the ritual, to impress, prefigure and prepare for the spiritual. A some what similar figurative moral use is found in Acts 18 6: "Your blood be upon your own heads; 1 am clean" (kuthurox, "guiltless," "unstained"). Seealso UNCLEAN; PURIFICATION ; DEFII.KMKNT.

          Clean. Adverb (in one case adj.): "utterly," "wholly"; usually rendering an intensive use of the Ileb vb. as Joel 1 7: "He hath made it clean bare" (lit. "stripping he will strip"); Zee 11 17: "Arm .... clean dried up"; Isa 24 19 AV: "Earth is clean dissolved." Twice it renders a principal vb.: Josh 3 17: "Passed clean over the Jordan" (lit. "finished with regard to J."); Lev 23 22 AY: "Shall not make a clean riddance" (lit . "shall not finish the corners"; ARV "shall not wholly real)"). Once it renders a noun: Ps 77 8: "Is his lovingkindness clean gone for ever?" ("end," hc-dphcs, "has his lovingkindness come to an end?") ; and onceanadvb.. "clean [OPTUS, otttda, "actually," "really"] escaped (2 Pet 2 IS); but ARV, following the reading "oligdx," "a little," "scarcely," renders "just es caping." PHILIP WENDELL CRA.\\\\M;LL

          CLEANSE, klen/: "Make clean," "purify" being a frequent rendering of the original. It is found often (ARV) instead of "purge," "purify" (AV), renders nearly the same roots, and has the same

          overlapping phases, as "clean." 1. Physical Physical cleansing, often figuratively

          used: "Stripes that wound cleanse away [tamr tk] evil" (Prov 20 30); "A hot wind

          Cleanse Closet



          .... not to winnow, nor to cleanse" (barar, Jer 4 11); "Straightway his leprosy \\\\v:is cleansed" (kdltmnzn, Mt 8 3).

          In the ceremonial sense: (1) \\\\\\\\ ith a very strong

          religious aspect : to purify from sin by making

          atonement, (hiitri ); e.g. the altar, l>v

          2. Cere- the sin offering (Kx 29 3G); the lep- monial rous house (Lev 14 is ."). !); the people,

          by the offering of the Day of Atone ment (Lev 16 8()j; the sanctuary, by the blood of the sin offering (E/k 45 Is ff). ( -) To expiate (kn/>/inr, "(over," "hide"); sin (in 1 his ease blood- guilt iness i : "The 1 land cannot be cleansed of the blood" AV Nu 35 88; AHV "no expiation can be made for the land"). (3j To remove ceremonial defilement, the principal use, for which the chief root is tiliiTr: "Take the Levites .... and cleanse them" (Nu 8 (i); "and she shall be cleansed [after childbirth] from the fountain of her blood" (Lev 12 7); "Cleanse it, and hallow it. [I he altar] from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel" (16 19), etc. This use is infrequent, in the NT, except figuratively. Clear instances are Mk 1 44: "Offer for thv cleansing [/:<itlmrini//i if<\\\\ .... for a testi mony unto them" (also Lk 5 14); He 9 212.28: "necessary therefore ihat the copies of the things in the heavens should be cleansed with these." Physical, ritual, and figurative uses are combined in Ml 23 2o: "Ye cleanse the outside of the cup and of the platter." Acts 10 15: "What (iod hath cleansed, make not. thou common" uses the figure of the ritual to declare the complete aboli tion of ceremonial defilement and hence of cere monial cleansing. For the elaborate system of ceremonial cleansing see esp. Lev 12-17, also arts. LNCI.KAX; Pi RIFICATIOX. Its principal agencies were water, alone, as in minor or indirect defilements, like those produced by contact with the unclean (Lev 15 o-lS, etc); or combined with a sin offering and burnt offering, as with a woman after childbirth (12 G-S) ; fire, as with gentile booty (Nu 31 23; by water, when it would not endure the (ire); the ashes of a red heifer without spot, mingled with running water, for those defiled by contact with the dead (Nu 19 2 ff). For the complex ceremonial in cases of leprosy, combining water, cedar, hyssop, crimson thread, the blood and flight of birds, the trespass offering, sin offering, burnt, offering, see Lev 14. Blood, the vehicle and emblem of life, plays a large part in the major cleansings, in which propitiation for sin, as well as the removal of ceremonial defilement, is promi nent, as of the temple, altar, etc: "According to the law, I may almost say, all things arc cleansed with blood" (He 9 22).

          In the ethical and spiritual sense, using the sym bolism chiefly of 2. This embodies two phases: (1) the actual removal of sin by the

          3. Ethical person s own activity, Wherewith and shall a young man cleanse [zuktnlh} Spiritual his way?" (Ps 119 9); "Cleanse your

          hands, ye sinners" (.las 4 S) ; "Let us cleanse ourselves from all defilement" (2 Cor 7 1); (2) (lod s removal of the guilt, and power of sin, as by discipline or punishment: "He cleanseth it" (Jn 15 2, AV "purgeth"); "I have cleansed thee" (Ezk 24 13); or in forgiveness, justification, sancti- fication. In these latter cases the exculpatory idea is sometimes the prominent, although the other is not absent : "I will cleanse [fakir] them from all their iniquity, whereby they have sinned against, me; and I will pardon all their iniquities" (Jer 33 S); "Wash me thoroughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse [taker, "declare me clean"] me from my sin" (Ps 51 2). "Cleanse [nakkch; ARV "clear"] thou UK; from hidden faults" (Ps 19 12), while formally to be understood "hold innocent," really connotes

          forgiveness. In Eph 5 20, it is hard to determine whether pardon or (lod-given holiness is predomi nant : "That he might sanctify it [the church], hav ing cleansed it by the washing of water with the word." In 1 Jn 1 7, the sanctificatory meaning seems almost, wholly to absorb the other: "The blood of Jesus his Son cleanseth us ["is purifying, sanctifying"] from all sin"; but in ver 9 it is again hard to determine the predominance: "He is faith ful and righteous to forgive us our sin, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness." The uncertainty lies in that the second clause may not, as in our speech, add a distinct idea, but maybe Heb synonymous parallelism. Perhaps it is not wise to seek too curi ously to disentangle ihe two ideas, since they can not be separated. (!od never "clears" where he has not. begun to "cleanse," and never "cleanses" by the Spirit without "clearing" through the blood. PHILIP WKXDKLL CRANNELL

          CLEAR, kler, CLEARNESS, kler nes (13, bar; Sia.pX.eirw, <li(iblc/>d): Equivalent of several Heb and (!r words for bright, unclouded, shining without ob struction, distinct, brilliant; "clearer than the noon day" (Job 11 17): "clear as the sun" (Cant 6 10); "clear shining after rain" (2 S 23 4); "clear heat iu sunshine" (Isa 18 4); "clear as crystal" (Rev 21 11). Advb. "clearly," for distinctly (Mt 7 5; Mk C _ ."); Rom 1 20). Noun, "clearness," for brilliancy, in Ex 24 10, "as the very heaven for clearness."

          From this physical, it is applied, in a moral sense, to character, as spotless and free from guilt, or charge , or obligation, "from oath" (Gen 24 S); "from transgression" (Ps 19 18). Hence the vb. "to clear" means juridically to declare or prove innocent, to vindicate (den 44 1C>; F]x 34 7; Nu 14 IS; cf k(i(/n(ttf, 2 Cor 7 11, RV "pure"). "Be clear when thou judges)" (Ps 51 4) refers to the proof and vindication of the righteousness of (.iod.

          II. E. JACOBS

          CLEAVE, klev: Is used in the Bible in two differ ent senses:

          (1) "Pp.-. , baka\\\\ "to split," or "to rend." We are told that Abraham "clave the