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Where The Word of God Is: "STILL...INERRANT!"

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Comprehensive Bible Encyclopedia

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"Welcome to CHRISTIPEDIA™

Understanding Future According to "HIS WORD",
Understanding History Providentially, as "HIS-STORY!"
And Today, From Where We've Been, To Where "HE'S LEADING!"
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FACT: Wikipedia is the "World's Most-Referenced Resource!"
FACT: Wiki Philosophy: ATHEIST, ANTI-CHRISTIAN, ANTI-BIBLE;
FACT: We Recognize Wikipedia's Great Success
HOWEVER, WE URGE YOU NOT TO TRUST THEIR ANTI-CHRISTIAN BIAS!

See WIKIPEDIA Founder Jimmy Wales on CELEBRATED ATHEIST PAGE]
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"CHRISTIPEDIA™ Recommendation!

Use Ameripedia, Conservapedia, Theopedia, Biblipedia, Islamipedia;
Scriptipedia, Judaeopedia, Medipedia, Christipedia, Musicipedia, etc;
For ALL information: A "BIBLICAL WORLDVIEW REALLY MATTERS!"
We plead for support to Biblical Christian Researchers, Scholars;

"CHRISTIPEDIA™" is a “Trademark” Of NewtonStein Academy,
Of Cambridge Theological Seminary™, American Bible Church;
PLEASE DO NOT INFRINGE!


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From An "INERRANT-BIBLE" VIEWPOINT

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God's Eternal Guarantee!

"Heaven and Earth Shall Pass Away;
But GOD'S WORDS Shall NOT Pass Away! (Matthew 5:18) "
--Jesus the Messiah, AD-33
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    NewtonStein Statement On Holy Scriptures;

    The ‘Lens’ Through Which All Knowledge Is Understood;

    THE WORD of GOD, AXIOM-1:

    "IF" there exists any such thing as 'The Word of God'; [and ALL evidence proves such does exist:]

    "THEN" by inherent definition - it must be:

      Holy, Inspired, Inerrant, Intrepid, Infallible, Infinitive, Invincible, Indestructible, Inexhaustible, Inalienable, Immutable, Implacable, Impossible-to-Improve: Eternal and Indubitable NEVER FAILING and ALL CONQUERING!

      DEDUCTING from the simple fact - that God equates His Word with Himself:

        "In the Beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God, . . ." John 1:1 (and other Scriptures),
    Thus 'GOD'S WORD' can have no lesser standard than stated above;


    "GOD'S WORD MUST" THEREFORE BE:

      As true in history, archeology, geography, Earth science, medical science, nutrition, gerontology, agriculture, botany, astronomy, physics, chemistry, climatology, government, law, psychology, sociology - and every subject it touches - as in Theology, Divinity and Doctrine:

    And "IF IT BE NOT" - true in all subjects mentioned above; and And "IF IT BE NOT"

      Holy, Inspired, Inerrant, Intrepid, Infallible, Infinitive, Invincible, Indestructible, Inexhaustible, Inalienable, Immutable, Implacable, Impossible-to-Improve: Eternal and Indubitable in EVERY FIELD OF KNOWLEDGE:
    Whatever else it may be, it cannot be ‘The Incomparable Word’ of the Great Creator God!

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    [35] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" –Truth Test-3 Questions For Christians

    [36] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" – Evangelicals Call for Government School Exodus!

    [37] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" - "Hall of Faith Christian Activist Ministers, 2nd-half 20th Century "

    [38] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" –The Early Christian-Church Outlaws Homosexuality!

    [39] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" – PREACHERS! Do You Know About PULPIT FREEDOM SUNDAY?

    [40] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" – Our GOD-GIVEN Rights, Guaranteed in the Bible: Called “Civil” and “Human” Rights

    [41] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" - "Rush Limbaugh Quotes" on Christ and Christianity!

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    [45] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" –The Early Christian-Church Outlaws Homosexuality!

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    [49] “CHRISTIPEDIA™" - "TALK-RADIO REPUBLICANS, "Republican Power and Catholics!"

    [50] “AMERIPEDIA™" - George Washington Used 30-THEOLOGICAL TERMS, 3000 Times!

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        As I UNDERSTAND the BIBLE,

          >> I will NEVER 'GO' against, 'VOTE' against, or 'SPEAK' Against,

          >> The WORD of GOD,

          >> So Help me GOD!

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    Of Christ's Great Parable covering the whole Church Age,
    From His Sowing First Seed and His Great End-Time Harvest of Souls!
    To Final Judgment of the Unsaved and their Damnation;
    To Christ’s Presence and Eternal Kingdom!

    (See Greatest Parable on End of Times!)
    Christ’s Greatest Parable on End of Times: Brief Overview

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    Translation Axiom: God's Word! "INSPIRED-INERRANT!"

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    (See Cambridge Comprehensive Concise COMMENTARY)

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    (See Cambridge Comprehensive Bible COMMENTARY)



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    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole NEW TESTAMENT

    [1] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, HOMEPAGE and INDEX

    [2] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, INTRO and PREFACE

    [3] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, GENESIS - DEUTERONOMY

    [4] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, JOSHUA To ESTHER

    [5] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, JOB To SONG of SOLOMON

    [6] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, THE PSALMS

    [7] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, ISAIAH To JEREMIAH

    [8] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, EZEKIEL To MALACHI

    [9] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, MATTHEW To ACTS

    [10] Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, ROMANS To THE-REVELATION

    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole OLD TESTAMENT

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    FINAL NOTE;

      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;


    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?




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    EFFICIENTLY;


    ** To SEARCH for any word, subject or Scripture on this website, use the GOLD-BOX SITE SEARCH near top of page: over 600,000 pages available from Cambridge Theological Seminary Archives;

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      [1] Go to the TOP TOOLBAR of your Monitor and find EDIT

      [3] Click EDIT and menu drops down: "Click FIND

      [3] Type in word, Scripture or whatever you are looking for;

      [4] Then Click "MATCH CASE" if you need it;

      [5] Then Click "NEXT" or "PREVIOUS" to search as much as you desire!




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    HEBREW ROOT WORDS: INTRO;

      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).


      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;


      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


    SCIENCE, ROOT WORDS of BIOLOGY:

      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)


    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.


      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"


    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .

      . . . that NO OTHER LANGUAGE DEVELOPED OR NEEDED . . .

      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!


    EXAMPLE: "EMMANUEL!"
      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"


      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!


      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:

      EVERYWHERE!





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    Letter "E"

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    Letter "E"




    EAGLE,

      A bird of the 'gonus aquila' of the family 'falconidae' (Falcons). The 'Hob nesher', meaning "to tear with the beak," is almost invariably translated "eagle," throughout the Bible;

      yet many of the most important references compel the admission that the bird to which they applied was a "vulture" a carcase eating scavenger.

      There were many large birds and carrion eaters flocking over Canaan Land, attracted by the offal from animals slaughtered for tribal feasts and continuous sacrifice. The eagle family could not be separated from the vultures by their habit of feeding, for they ate the offal;

      The Hebrew 'nesher', meaning "to tear with the beak," is almost invariably translated "eagle," throughout the Bible;

      Yet many of the most important references compel the admission that the bird to which they applied was a "vulture" a carcase eating scavenger.


      ***There were many large birds and carrion eaters flocking over the Jerusalem area, attracted by the offal from animals slaughtered for the continuous sacrifices.

      The eagle family could not be separated from the vultures by their habit of feeding, for they ate the offal from slaughter as well as the vultures.


    Short-toed Eagle: (Circaetus gallicus).

    GREAT CHRISTIAN SYMBOLISM FACTS ABOUT EAGLES:

      ***[1] One great distinction always holds good. Eagles never flock.

        [NOTE: The symbolism here is immense, as Believes MUST be ready to stand alone against all odds - rarely in popularity - often forsaking all others, from Abraham, to Joseph, to David against Goliath to Daniel to John the Baptist to Christ at Calvary to Paul's last trial before martyrdom.

        Many applications can be drawn from God's people mounting up with wings as EAGLES!].


      ***[2] Eagles select the tallest trees of the forest, and the top most crag of the mountain.

        [NOTE: Again, the symbolism here is immense: this is WHO WE ARE . . . this is WHAT WE ASPIRE, this is God's People "being the HEAD and NOT the tail, being ABOVE ONLY and not beneath!

        Many applications can be drawn from God's people mounting up with wings as EAGLES!].


      ***[3] Eagles almost always mate, and do so for life. Eagle pairs live in solitude birthing and raising young.


      ***[4] Eagles train their young to be strong! Eagles hunt and feed singly, whenever possible carrying their prey to the nest so that the young may gain strength and experience by tearing at it and feeding themselves.

        [NOTE: Again, the symbolism here is immense, with God's COMMANDS and PROMISES made to parents who 'TRAIN' - not just 'TELL' - their Children!

        Many applications can be drawn from God's people mounting up with wings as EAGLES!].


      *** [5] COMPARED to the INDEPENDENT EAGLES, vultures are gang-like, collect in packs and feed in flocks, attack only in groups, and are fearful and cowardly alone.

      Thus 'VULTURES' are subject to 'peer pressure' as are modernists and liberal Believers who always seek popularity and consensus.Thus we know that wherever Scripture records a "flock came down on a carcase," the flock was vultures. Because they came in such close contact with birds of prey, the natives came nearer dividing them into families than any birds.

        [NOTE: Again, the symbolism here is immense, with God's COMMANDS to "Come ye out from among them, be ye SEPARATE and TOUCH NOT the unclean thing!" 2 Cor 6:17-18].

      Many applications can be drawn from God's people mounting up with wings as EAGLES!].


      ***[6] Eagles mostly SOAR, and rarely FLAP. Eagles have a unique ability among birds to LOCK THEIR WINGS INTO PLACE!

        [In other words, CHOOSE the RIGHT position, path, direction and LOCK YOURSELF IN THE TRUTH!

      Amazingly then, with Eagle wings locked in place, the harder the winds blew, the more tightly their wings were locked in place!

      THUS PRESSURE OF HIGH WINDS ONLY MADE THEM FIRMER IN THAT DIRECTION!


      ***[7] The great Isaiah 40:31 reference combined with the facts above, show that Eagles NEVER feared the storms!. . . or high winds.

      Rather, Eagles faced the storms of life and strongest winds HEAD ON!

        Furthermore, the STRONGER the head-wind, . . . the HIGHER THE EAGLES SOARS!


        Thus while chickens, turkeys, vultures and average birds are trapped IN the storms, devastated BY the storms, and forced to FLEE from the storms, . . .

        . . . the EAGLE - by facing the storm - is powerfully lifted ABOVE THE STORM! . . . "mounting up . . . WITH WINGS AS EAGLES!"

          >> THAT'S US! THAT'S YOU and ME!

          >> THAT'S GOD SPEAKING "TO" US "ABOUT" US!

          >> THAT'S HIS WILL FOR US!

          >> TO BE ABOVE THE STORMS OF LIFE!

          >> TO BE "ON TOP" OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES, NOT "UNDER THEM!

          >> THAT'S WHAT IT MEANS TO HAVE "WINGS AS EAGLES!"


        WE must ALWAYS remember: It is God Himself, who described Himself, as baring His people on Eagles Wings, and telling us how to live so we can "Mount up with Wings as Eagles! . . . so we can "RUN AND NOT BE WEARY!". . . so we can WORK (WALK) and NOT FAINT (get exhausted!)


      ***[8] Furthermore, Eagles are birds of prey: Eagles ATTACK! Eagles CONQUER! Vultures (BUZZARDS for your city folk!), do NOT attack and conquer!

      Vultures-Buzzards eat carrion feeders only. Vulture eat dead rotting flesh! Vultures eat ONLY what the EAGLES Hunt! Attack! Conquer! And leave behind!

        [NOTE: Again, the symbolism here is immense, with God's COMMANDS and PROMISES made to His People as SOLDIERS, . . . wearing GOD'S ARMOR . . .and Christ's Church being on the ATTACK against the gates of HELL and WINNING!

        Matthew 16:18

        Christ's Church is ALWAYS ON OFFENSE, always OCCUPYING NEW TERRITORY as Christ commanded to do UNTIL HE RETURNS!

        Many applications can be drawn from God's people mounting up with wings as EAGLES!].


      ***[9] Even the Eagle's physical design, as birds of prey which ATTACK and CONQUER is important. That the Eagle's "greatest weapon" is their "mouth" is significant in God's Symbolism.

        Remember, the Hebrew 'nesher', meaning "to tear with the beak," is the Hebrew that is translated "eagle," throughout the Bible;


        We see that the Eagle's "greatest weapon" is as follows:

          >> NOT its CLAWS, to rip and tear with its TALONS!

          >> NOT its SPEED to FLY and STRIKE like a bullet!

          >> NOT its ability to BEAT its prey with mighty wings!

          >> NOT its mental acuity to grasp pray (say a rabbit) fly high, then DROP IT killing by impact with the ground

          >> NOT its SIZE and STRENGTH to crush by force!

          >> NOT POISON in beak or talons;

        The Eagle's Power is IN ITS MOUTH . . . just like us as Christians, the WORDS we speak and the WORD of GOD we profess,the PRAYERS we pray, the GOSPEL we preach!

        Jesus said: THESE WORDS that I speak unto you: THEY are Spirit! THEY are life!


      ***[10] We see that the Eagle is known FOR and named AFTER it's ability TO ATTACK and be on OFFENSE!

        There is no word in Hebrew for "Eagle". The Hebrew is 'nesher', simply meaning "to tear with the beak." This Hebrew phrase is what is translated as "eagle," throughout the Bible;

        Thus the Eagle is NOT NAMED for its:

          >> Looks;

          >> Size;

          >> Speed;

          >> Claws/Talons;

          >> Feathers;

          >> Bearing Young;

          >> Long Life;

          >> Call or Cry;

          >> Domesticity or lack thereof;

          >> Mental shrewdness;

          >> Long Life;

          >> Locking Wings;

        Rather, the Eagle is NAMED for, thus KNOWN for IT'S ABILITY TO ATTACK and CONQUER!

        And that my Friends is the animal in all of the Animal Kingdom that God chose to refer to His People as: EAGLES, with MOUNTED UP WINGS!

        The second reference is found in Leviticus 11:13 and repeated in Deut 14:12, the lists of abominations. It would seem peculiar that Moses would find it necessary to include eagles in this list until it is known that- Arab mountaineers were eating these birds at that time.

        The next tails in Deuteronomy 28 49: "JAH will bring a nation against thee from far, from the end of the earth, as the eagle flieth; a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand." This also refers to the true eagle and points out that its power of sustained flight, and the speed it, could attain when hastening to its hunger-clamoring young, had been observed. The next reference is in Deuteronomy 32 11:

        "As an eagle that stirreth up her nest, That fluttereth over her young, He spread abroad his wings, ho took them, He bare them on his pinions."

        This is good natural history at last. Former VSS made these lines road as if the eagle carried its young on its wings, a thing wholly incompatible; with flight in any bird. Samuel s record of the lamentation of David over Saul and Jonathan is a wonderful poetic outburst and contains reference to this homing flight of the eagle (2 Samuel 1 23).

        In Job 9 26 the arrow-like downward plunge of the hunger-driven eagle is used in comparison with the flight of time. In Job 39, which contains more good natural history than any other chapter of the Bible, will be found everything concerning Ihe eagle anyone need know :

        "Is it at thy command that the eagle mounteth up. And maketh her nest on high? On the clitf she dwolloth, and makoth her homo, Upon the point of the cliff, and the stronghold. From thence sho spieth out the prey; Her eyes behold it afar off. Her young ones also suck up blood: And "where the slain are, there is she" (vs 27-30).

        Psalm 103 5 is a reference to the long life of the eagle. The bird has been known to live to an astonishing ago in captivity; under natural conditions, the age. it attains can only be guessed.

        "Who satisfleth thy desire with good tilings. So that thy youth is renewed like the eagle."

        Proverbs 23 f> compares the flight of wealth with that of an eagle; 30 17 touches on the fact that the eye of prey is the first place attacked in eating, prob ably because it is the most vulnerable point and so is frequently fed to the young.

        Ver 19:

        "The way of an eagle in the air; Tho way of a serpent upon a rock; The way of a ship in the midst of the sea; And the way of a man with a maiden."



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      This reference the eagle is 1o that wonderful power of flight that enables a bird to hang as if frozen in the sky, for long periods appearing to our sight immovable, or to sail and soar directly into the eye of Ihe sun, seeming to rejoice in its strength of flight and to exult in the security and freedom of the upper air.

      The word "way" is hem improperly translated. To the average mind it always means a road, a path. In this instance it should be translated :

      The characteristics of an eagle in the air; The habit of a serpent upon the rock; The path of a ship in the midst of the sea; And the, manner of a man with a maid.

      Kach of these lines stood a separate marvel to Agur, and had no connection with the others (but cf isd 5 10.11, and .see WAY).

      Is a 40 31 is another flight reference. Jeremiah 49 10 refers to Ihe inaccessible heights at which the eagle loves to build and rear its young. Yer 22 refers to the eagle s power of flight. Ezekiel 1 10 recounts a vision of the prophet in which strange living crea tures had faces resembling eagles.

      The same bonk (17 3) contains the parable of the eagle: "Thus saith the Lord Jeh: A great eagle with great wings and long pinions, full of feathers, which had divers colors, came unto Lebanon, and took the top of the cedar." Hosea 8:1 is another flight reference. Ob ver 4 is almost identical with Jeremiah 49:10.

      The next reference is that of Micah, and really refers to the griffon vulture (Micah 1 10). In Hab 1:8 the reference is to swift flight. Alt 24 2 Samuel undoubtedly refers to vultures. In The Revelations 4 7 the eagle is used as a symbol of strength.

      In The Revelations 8 13 the bird is represented as speaking: "And I saw, and 1 heard an eagle [AV "angel"], flying in mid heaven, saying with a great voice, Woe, woe, woe, for them that dwell on the earth, by reason of the other voices of the trumpet of the three angels, who are yet to sound."

      The eagle makes its last appearance in the vision of the woman and the dragon (The Revelations 12 14). GENK STRATTON-PORTER

    EANES, e a-nez
      (1 Esd 9 21): RY MANES (q.v.), RVm "Harim."

    EAR, er
      latter word (lit. "earlet"] in all the (Gospels only used of the ear of the high priest s servant, which was cut off by St. Peter: Matthew 26:l; Mark 14:17; Luke 22:51 [not 22 50]; John 18:10-20):

      (1) The physical organ of hearing which was considered of peculiar importance as the chief instrument by which man receives information and commandments. For this reason the ear of the priest had to be specially sanctified, the tip of the right ear being touched with sacrificial blood at the consecration (Leviticus 8:23).

      Similarly the ear of the cleansed leper had to be rededicated to the service of God by blood and oil (Leviticus 14 14.17.2.1.2S). The ear-bored-by-an-awl of a servant, who preferred to remain with the family of his master rather than become free in the seventh year, was to be publicly bored or pierced with an awl in token of perpetual servitude (Exodus 21:6).

      It has been suggested that Psalm 40 should be interpreted in this sense, but this is not probable (see below). The cutting off of the ears and noses of captives was an atrocious custom of war frequently alluded to in oriental lit. (Ezekiel 23:25).

      The phrase "to open the ear," which origi nally means the uncovering of the ear by partially removing the turban, so as to permit a clearer hear ing, is used in the sense of revealing a secret or of giving important (private) information (1 Samuel 9:15; 20:2.12:13; 2 Samuel 7:27; 1 Chronicles 17:25; also Psalm 40:6), and the NT promises similarly that "things which eye saw not, and ear heard not" are to be revealed by the reconciled God to the heart that in gladsome 1 surrender has come to Him to be taught, by His spirit (1 Corinthians 2:9).

      (2) The inner ear, the organ of spiritual perception. If the ear listens, the heart willingly submits, but often the spiritual ear is "hardened" (Isaiah 6 10; Zec 7:11; Alt 13 15; Acts 28 27), or "heavy" (Isaiah 6 10; also Deuteronomy 29 4), either by self-seeking obstinacy or by the judgment, of an insulted God.

      Such unwilling hearers are compared to the "deaf adder .... which hearkeneth not to the voice of charmers, charming never so wiselv" (Psalm 58 4.5; cf also Proverbs 21 13; 28 9; Acts 7" 57).

      The expression "He that hath ears to hear let him hear" is frequent in the Synoptic Gospels, occurring 7 or Slimes: Alt 11 15; 13 9. -13; Mark 4 9.23 (7 10 RV omits); Luke 8 S; 14 35, and while not found in the Fourth Gospel, it occurs seven times in The Revelations 2 and 3.

    "Itching ears,"
      on the other hand, are those that have become tired of the sound of oft-repeated truth and that long for new though deceitful teach ing (2 Thessalonians 4 3). Ears may "tingle" at startling news, esp. of disaster (1 Samuel 3 ill; 2 Kings 21:12; Jeremiah 19:3).

      (3) God s ears are often mentioned in the anthro- popathic style of Scripture, signifying the ability of God to receive the petitions of His people, for "He that planted the ear, shall he not hear?" (Psalm 94 9; also Psalm 10 17; 34 15; 130 2; Isaiah 59 1; 1 Pet 3 12).

      But God also hears the murmurings of the wicked against Him (Numbers 11 1 ; 2 Kings 19 28; Wisdom 1:10; Jas 54); still it lies in His power to refuse to hear (,Ezekiel 8 IS; Lam 3 8; cf also ver 50). 11. L. K. LUERING

    EARING, er ing
      (ID nn , harish): The word is twice translated 1 "earing" in AY (Genesis 45 0; Exodus 34 21). The RY rendering is "plowing": "There shall be neither plowing nor harvest." See also Deuteronomy 21 4; 1 Samuel 8 12; Isaiah 30 21.

    EARLY, ur li
      (6p6pos, orlhrox, and related words; n-ptoi, /-(li): The word generally refers to the day, and means the hour of dawn or soon after (Genesis 19 2; 2 Chronicles 36 15; Hosea 6 4; Luke 24 22). Some- limes it refers to the beginning of the season, e.g. the early rain (Psalm 84 0; Jas 5 7; see RAIN). It may also have the sense of "speedily" (Psalm 46 5). The early morning is frequently commended as the hour for prayer. See examples of Jesus (Mark 1 35; Luke 21 3S; John 8 2); also Abraham (Genesis 19 27), Jacob (Genesis 28:18), Gideon (Judges 6 3S), Samuel (1 Samuel 15 12), David (1 Samuel 17 20).

      G. H. GERBERDING

      EARNEST, ur nest (dppa|3tov,, urrlntbon): Found three times in the NT: The "earnest of our inheri tance" (Ephesians 1 14); "the earnest of the Spirit," (2 Corinthians 1 22; 55). It has an equivalent in Hebrews crahlton (found in Genesis 38 17.18.20), in Lat ar- rahi). Fr. (irrlt<-x and the OE urlrx. The term is mer cantile and comes originally from the Phoenicians. Its general meaning is that of a pledge or token given as the assurance of the fulfilment of a bargain or promise. It also carries with it the idea of for feit, such as is now common in land deals, only from the obverse side. In other words, the one promis ing to convey property, wages or blessing binds the promise with an advance gift or pledge partaking of the quality of the benefit to be bestowed. If the agreement be about wages, then a part of the wages is advanced; if it be about land, then a clod given to the purchaser or beneficiary may stand as the pledge; of final and complete conveyance of the prop erty.

      Figurative: In the spiritual sense, as used in the passages above named, the reference is to the work of the Spirit of God in our hearts being a token and



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    pledge of a perfect redemption and a heavenly inheritance. There is more than the idea of security in the word as used, for it clearly implies the continuity and identity of the blessing.

    C. east SCHENK

    EARRING, earring: An ornamental pendant of some kind hanging from the ears has been worn by both sexes in oriental lands from the curliest times. Among the Greeks and Romans, as with western peoples in general, its use was confined to females. The ears in the statue of the Medicean Venus are pierced and probably were originally ornamented with earrings. It is clear, however, that among the Hebrews and related oriental peoples earrings were worn by both sexes. Abraham’s servant "put the earring upon [Rebekah’s] face, and the bracelets upon her hands" ((Jen 24:47 AV), in accordance with custom, evidently, but it is im plied that it was customary for men also to wear earrings, in that the relatives and friends of Job "every one [gave him] an earring of gold" (Job 42 11 AV).

    Such ornaments were usually made of gold, finely wrought, and often set with precious stones, as archaeology has shown. Such jewels were worn in ancient times for protective as well as for decorative purposes. RV renders "amulets" for AV "earrings" in Isaiah 3:20, the Hebrews word (l e hashlm) being elsewhere associated with serpent- charming; but the earrings of (Gen 35:4, also, were more than mere ornaments, so the AV and RV may both be right in their renderings here (Kennedy). The influence of Egypt, where amulets of various kinds were worn by men and gods, by the living and the dead, is shown by recent excavations at Gezer, Taanach and Megiddo. See AMULKT; ORNAMENT.

    GEO. B. EAGER

    EARTH, In a hilly limestone country like Philestina-Canaan Land, the small amount of iron oxide in the rocks tends to be oxidized, and thereby to give a prevailing reddish color to the soil. This is esp. the case on relatively barren hills where there is little organic matter present to prevent reddening and give a more blackish tinge.

    Adhamah (cf ddlidni, "a man," and Adam) is from ddhtim, "to be red," and is used in the senses: "earth" (Exodus 20:24), "land" (Psalm 106:3-5), a "land" or country (Isaiah 14:2), "ground" (Genesis 4:11), "the earth" (Genesis 7:4).

    The word most in use is ‘eret’, undoubtedly from a most ancient root occurring in many languages, as Eng. "earth," Ger. Erde, Arab. anl. It is used in most of the senses of ddhdmdh, but less as "soil" and more as "the earth" as a part of the universe; fre quently with shamayim, "heavens," as in Genesis 1 1: "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth."

    *Aphdr and its root word and derivatives are closely paralleled in the Arab., and refer mainly to "dust" or "dry earth" (cf Arab. l <ijir, "to be of the color of dust"; /r, "dust"; ya*fur, "a gazelle"; Hebrews Cipher, "a gazelle"). Cf Genesis 2 7: "Jehovah God formed man of the dust of the ground"; Job 2 12: ". . . . sprinkled dust upon their heads"; Psalm 104 29: ". . . . they die, and return to their dust"; Genesis 18 27: "dust and ashes."

    In the LXX and NT, ge is used in nearly all cases, oikoumene being used a few times for the "habit able earth," as in Luke 21 26 AV. Sec further AN THROPOLOGY; ASTRONOMY; EVOLUTION; WORLD.

    ALFRED ELY DAY

    EARTH, CIRCLE OF THE See ASTRONOMY, III, 1, 3.

    EARTH, CORNERS OF THE: The "corners" or "ends" of the earth are its "wings" (kan photh

    hd- dreg), i.e. its borders or extremities. The word in general means a wing, because the wing of a bird is used as a covering for its young, and from this meaning it acquires that of the extremity of any thing stretched out. It is thus used in Deuteronomy 22 12: "Thou shalt make thee fringes upon the four borders [wings] of thy vesture, wherewith thou coverest thy self." It thus also means the coasts or boundaries of the land surface of the earth; its extremities. It is translated d "corners" in Isaiah 11 12; "ends" in Job 37 3 and 38 13. The "four corners" of the earth (Isaiah 11 12) or "land" (Ezekiel 7 2) are therefore simply the extremities of the land in the four cardinal direc tions. See also ASTRONOMY, III, 3.

    east west MAUNDER

    EARTH, ENDS OF THE See EARTH, COR NERS OF THE

    EARTH, PILLARS OF THE See ASTRONOMY, III, 2.

    EARTH, THE NEW Sec ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NT, IX; HEAVENS (NEW).

    EARTH, VAULT, volt, OF THE: In one passage God is said to have "founded his vault [ dghudddh] upon the earth" (Am 90). It is not quite certain whether this dome or vault refers to the earth itself, or to the heavens arched above it. The latter ia the usual interpretation, but in either case the reference is rather to the strength of the structure than to its form; the word implying something that is firmly bound together and hence an arch or dome because of its stability. See also ASTRONOMY, III, 2.

    EARTHEN, urth"n, VESSELS (tnn , hcres, "OP, ycger; oo-Tpo.Ki.voS) ostrdkinos) . These vessels were heat-resisting and wen; used for cooking and for boiling clothes (Leviticus 6 2S; 11 33; 14 5./>0). They were probably non-porous and took the place of the kidri or ma ajin used in Syria today. A traveler in the interior of Philestina-Canaan Land may still meet with the hos pitality showed to David (2 Samuel 17 28). The gen erous natives brought not only gifts of food but the necessary vessels in which to cook it. An earthen vessel was used to preserve a land deed (Jeremiah 32 14).

    Figurative: In Jeremiah 19 1 breaking of an earthen vessel was symbolical of the destruction of Jerusalem. These vessels were also used to symbolize the commonness (Lam 4 2) and frailness of our bodies (2 Corinthians 4 7). See POTTERY. JAMES A. PATCH

    EARTHLY, urth li (eirtyeios, epigeios, "existing upon the earth," "terrestrial," from iir, epi, "upon" and -yfj, gt, "earth"; Vulg terrunus): Of or pertain ing to the earth, or to the present state of existence. The word epigeios is not found in LXX, but occurs in classical Gr from Plato down. In Plutarch Mor. 566 E, it occurs in the remarkable phrase, "that which is earthly of the soul." Its meaning is pri marily merely local ("being on the earth").

    The word ge ("earth") has not in itself an ethical sig nificance, and does not carry a suggestion of moral taint, such as the word kos/nos ("world") has, esp. in the Johannine writings, and sdrx ("flesh"), esp. in Paul. It does, however, suggest a certain limi tation or frailty; and in some passages, the context gives the adj. epigeios an ethical color, though in the NT the purely local meaning is never lost sight of. It is translated "earthly" in the following passages:

    (1) John 3 12, "if I told you earthly things," i.e. things which are realized on earth, things within the circle of human observation, truths of subjective experience (e.g. the new birth); in contrast to "heavenly things," the objective truths which, as not directly realizable in human experience, must be revealed from above (the mysteries of the Divine purpose



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    and plans). Clearly earthly" here implies no moral contrast to the heavenly or spiritual.

    (2) 2 Corinthians 6 1, "the earthly house of our tabernacle ," i.e. the body with which we are clothed on caii/i, in contrast to the -spiritual resurrection-body, "which is from heaven" (ver 2). Here; again the word has a merely local, not an ethical, significance.

    (3) Philippians 3 19, "whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things," i.e. whose thoughts rest on earth, on the pleasures of life here below.

    (4) James 3 15, "This wisdom is not a wisdom that comet h down from above, but is earthly," i.e. it is on the plane of life on earth, merely human, incapable of ascending to the level of Divine wisdom. In the last two passages, the literal local meaning is still evident, but the word shades off into the moral and suggests that which is opposed to the spiritual in character. The same word is translated 1 "terrestrial" in 1 Corinthians 15 40, and "things in [RV "on"] earth" in Philippians 2:10. AY has "earthly" in John 3:81, where it translates ck tffi f/r.s = lit. "out of the earth," the reference being to the character and mission of the Baptist as partaking of t he limitat ions of his earthly (human) origin, in contrast to the Messiah "that cometh from heaven." The AV rendering is some what misleading, for it introduces a confusion with the "earthly" of ver 12 (vide West cot t in loo.). RV rightly renders "of the earth."

    "Earthly" is to be distinguished from "earthy" = made of earth or clay (choikos, from climix, "cart h dugout," 1 Corinthians 15:47 if). E. Mi ALL EDWARDS

    EARTHQUAKE, urth kwak 0n , Wi; o-eur- (xos, scisnios): The last earthquake which worked

    any damage in Philestina-Canaan Land and Syria occurred 1. Earth- in 1837, and destroyed the village of quakes in Xuffd, near Matthew. Hermon, and was felt Philestina even to Hebron. Since that time a

    few feeble shocks have been felt but no damage was done. The region is just on the edge of the great earthquake circle whose center is in Armenia, and is liable to earthquakes. The large number of references in the Bible to earthquakes, and the evident fear in the minds of the people of those times, would seem to indicate that they were more frequent in Bible times than recently.

    There are throe main causes of earthquakes:

    (1) Earthslips. In the slow process of cooling, the crust of the earth tends to wrinkle and fold as it con tracts. This causes a stress to be sot up in the strata composing the crust. If the strata aro too rigid to bond there must come after a time a break or fault. The shock caused by the break, which is usually several miles below the surface! of the

    earth, is an earthquake, and it spreads in the form of earth waves from the break as center. Seismographs in all parts of the world aro now adjusted to receive the wavos even though the origin is on the opposite side of the earth.

    (2) Explosion of sterirn or gam s umlrr the surface. some earthquakes, especially those underneath the soa, aro thought to be caused by water seeping through the soil and rocks and finding its way to the heated masses below. Steam is formed and if there is no escape for it, an explosion takes place whoso force is felt on the surface.

    (3) Volcanic. As earthquakes arc; of common occur rence in volcanic regions it seems likely that there is some connection between the two, but the relation has not boon fully traced. It may be that the second cause is the origin of both the volcano and earthquake. See further, DELUGE OF NOAH.

    Many destructive earthquakes have been re corded in the history of Syria, but they have been

    mostly in the north, in the region of 3. Earth- Aleppo. Jerusalem itself has seldom been quakes in affected by earthquakes. The Hauran Jerusalem beyond the Jordan is covered With

    volcanic remains and signs of violent shocks, and the cities on the coast have suffered much, but Jerusalem on the higher ground between has usually escaped with little destruction.

    2. Causes of Earth quakes

    A number of earthquakes are mentioned in the

    Scriptures: (1) At Mount Sinai (Exodus 19 IS); (2)

    Korah and companions destroyed in

    4. Earth- fissure and sinking ground (Numbers 16 31; quakes in Ant, IV, iii, 3); (3) in the Phili camp Scripture in the days of Saul (1 Samuel 14 15); (4)

    after Elijah s night (1 Kings 19 11); (5) in the reign of Uzziah, between 790 and 740 BC (Am 1 1); Zee 14 5 probably refers to the same (Ant, IX, x, 4); (0) at Christ s death (Matthew 27 51- 54); (7) at Christ s resurrect ion (Matthew 28 2); (8) at Philippi when Paul and Silas were freed from prison (Acts 16 20). Most of these shocks seem to have been slight and caused little loss of life. Jos men tions one in the reign of Herod, "such as had not happened at any other time, which was very destructive to men and cattle" (Ant, XV, v, 2). Professor Ci. A. Smith in his recent work on Jerusalem is of the opinion that earthquakes were sufficiently frequent and strong to account for the ap pearance and disappearance of Nehemiah s Foun tain (Jims, I, 74). The Hebrews ra /i.s/i is commonly used to mean a great noise. Large earthquakes are sometimes accompanied by a rumbling noise;, but as a rule they conic silently and without warning.

    In the Scriptures earthquakes are mentioned as tokens of ( iod s power (.Job 9 G) and of His presence

    and anger (Psalm 68 8; 18 7; Isaiah 13

    5. Symbolic 13): "She shall be visited of Jeh of Use hosts .... with earthquake, and great

    noise (Isaiah 29 (>j; also as a sign of Christ s "coming, and of the end of the world" (Matthew 24 3-7). See also The Revelations 11 13.19; 16 18.

    LITERATURE Milno, Earthquakes (Inter. Scient. ser.); Plumptre, Bible Studies, 136; Dutton, Earthquake*.

    ALFKKD H. JOY

    EASE, chiefly, "at ease"): Used 19 t in (lie OT and once in the NT, most frequently meaning tranquillity, security or comfort of mind; in an ethical .sense, indicating carelessness or indifference with reference to one s moral or religious interests. The prophet Jeremiah used the phrase as an indication of national or tribal indifference: "Moab hath been at e. from his youth" (Jeremiah 48 11); "I am very sore displeased with the nations that are at e." (Zee 1 15). Fre quent allusions are made also by various prophets to individuals or groups of individuals, as "Woe to them that are at e. in Zion" (Am 6 1); "Rise up, ye women that are at e." (Isaiah 32 9), and "Tremble, ye women that are at e." (ver 1 1).

    The word in another her form is used also in a verbal sense and to apply to physical ease and comfort ., as "My couch shall e. my complaint" (Job 7 13; cf esp. 2 Chronicles 10 4.9). Simple mental tranquillity or peace of mind is also expressed by it (Jeremiah 46 27).

    The single instance of its use in the NT is illus trative of its figurative but most common usage in the OT, where it refers to moral indifference in the parable of the Rich Fool: "Soul .... take thine e., eat, drink, be merry" (Luke 12 19).

    WALTER G. CLIPPINGER

    EAST, est, CHILDREN OF THE): Mizruh is the equivalent of the Arab, incshrik., "the orient" or "place of sunrise." In the same way ma^arabh, "west," corresponds to the Arab, mayhrih, and both mizrah and ma^drdbh occur in Psalm 103 12: "As far as the east is from the west, so far hath he removed our transgressions from us." Kudham, "to pre cede" (whence kedhem, "east"), and its derivatives correspond closely to the Arab, kadham, except that the Arab, derivatives do not include the significa tion "east." In the majority of cases "east" and other words of direction require no explanation, but the expressions "the children of the east" (b e ne



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    kcdhcm), "the land of the children of the east" (Yrrf b e iie kcdhcm), and "the cast country" ( ercf kciltic/it), belong to a different category. In the story of Gideon (Judges 6 3.33; 7 12; 8 10), we find several times the expression "the Midianitea and the Arnalekites and the children of the east." In Judges 8 24 it is said of the same host: "For they had golden earrings, because they were Ishmaelites." In Jeremiah 49 28.29: "Go up to Kedar, and destroy the children of the east. Their tents and their flocks shall they take." In Genesis 25 6: "But unto the sons of the concubines, that Abraham had, Abraham gave gifts; and he sent them away from Isaac his son, while he yet lived, eastward, unto the east country." Now Ishmael is the son of Abraham and Hagar, Midian of Abraham and Keturah, Kedar the son of Lshmael, and Amalek the grand son of Esau, dwelling in Edom. It is evident that we have to do with the Syrian desert and in a general way with Arabia, esp. its northern part, and with peoples like the modern Bedawin who kept camels and dwelt in tents, "houses of hair" (buyiit sha r), as they are called by the Arabs of today.

    A striking passage is Genesis 29 1: "Then Jacob went on his journey, and came to the land of the children of the east. As one journeys east ward through the country east of the Jordan he traverses first a region of towns and villages with fields of grain, and then the wide desert where the Bedawin wander with their herds. The line is a sharp one. Within a very few hours he passes from the settled part where the rain, though scanty, is sufficient to bring the grain to maturity, to the bare desert.

    Job was "the greatest of all the children of the east" (Job 1 3). These desert people had a name for wisdom as we see from 1 Kings 4 30, "Solomon s wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the children of the east, and all the wisdom of Egypt"; and from Alt 2 1: "Now when Jesus was born .... Wise- men from the east came." ALFRED ELY DAY

    EAST COUNTRY, kun tri (rhTlQ f-lS , crcc miz- rah): Lit. "country of the sunrise" over against the "country of the sunset" (Zee 8 7). The two to gether form a poetical expression indicating the whole earth.

    EAST GATeast See GATE, THE EAST.

    EAST (EASTERN, es tern) SEA (Zee 14 8). See DEAD SKA.

    EAST WIND. See WIND.

    EASTER, es ter (irdo-xa, jt/l~;cha, fr Aram. NHCE , paxhu , and Hebrews HCS , pcx/ih, the Passover festival,): The Eng. word comes from the AS Eastre or A .s/rm, a Teutonic goddess to whom sacrifice was offered in April, so the name was transferred to the paschal feast. The word does not properly occur in Scrip ture, although AV has it in Acts 12 4 where it stands for Passover, as it is rightly rendered in RY . There is no trace of Easter celebration in the NT, though some would see an intimation of it in 1 Corinthians 5 7. The Jewish Christians in the early church continued to celebrate the Passover, regarding Christ as the true paschal lamb, and this naturally passed over into a commemoration of the death and resurrection of Our Lord, or an Easter feast. This was preceded by a fast, which was considered by one party as ending at the hour of the crucifixion, i.e. at 3 o clock on Friday, by another as continuing until the hour of the resurrection before dawn on Easter morning. Differences arose as to the time of the Easter celebration, the Jewish Christians naturally fixing it at the time of the Passover feast which was regulated by the paschal moon. Accord

    ing to this reckoning it began on the evening of the 14th day of the moon of the month of Nlwlu without regard to the day of the week, while the gentile Christians identified it with the first day of the week, i.e. the Sunday of the resurrection, irrespective of the day of the month. This latter practice finally prevailed in the church, and those who followed the other reckoning were stigmatized as heretics. But differences arose as to the proper Sunday for the Easter celebration which led to long and bitter controversies. The Council of Nice, 32") AD, de creed that it should be on Sunday, but did not fix the particular Sunday. It was left to the bishop of Alexandria to determine, since that city was re garded as the authority in astronomical matters and he was to communicate the result: of his deter mination to the other bishops. But this was not satisfactory, esp. to the western churches, and a definite rule for the determination of Easter was needed. By some it was kept as early as March 21, and by others as late as April 25, and others followed dates between. The rule was finally adopted, in the 7th cent., to celebrate Easter on the Sunday following the 14th day of the calendar moon which comes on, or after, the vernal equinox which was fixed for March 21. This is not always the astronomical moon, but near enough for practical purposes, and is determined without astronomical calculation by certain intricate rules adopted by ecclesiastical authority. These rules involve the Dominical Letters, or the first seven of the alpha bet, representing the days of the week, A standing for the first day of the year and the one on which Sunday falls being called the Dominical for that year. Then; are also involved the Golden Numbers and the Epacts, the first being the numbers from 1 to 19, the cycle of the moon when its phases recur on the same days of the year, the first of the cycle being that in which the new moon falls on January 1. The Epacts indicate the moon s age at the be ginning of each year. Easter was thus fixed by these rules, but another difficulty arose when the Gregorian calendar was adopted in 15X2, the differ ence between it and the Julian being then 10 days. This of course affected the determination of Easter, and its celebration by the Gr church, which has never admitted the Gregorian calendar, occurs usually at a different time from that followed by the western churches. This difference may be as much as five weeks and it may occur as late as April 30, while in the West it cannot occur later than April 25 nor earlier than March 22. Occa sionally the two come together but this is rare, since the difference between the two calendars is now 13 days. The Easter feast has been and still is regarded as the greatest in the Christian church, since it commemorates the most important event in the life of its Founder. 11. POUTER

    EBAL, e bal

    filial, "bare") or OBAL

    (1) A people and region of Joktanite, Arabia. See Dillmann, Genesis, and Glaser, tikizze, II, 420. The latter form of the name is that given in Genesis 10 28, the former in 1 Chronicles 1 22 and in the Sam text of Genesis 10 28.

    (2) A son of Shobal, son of Seir, the Horite (Genesis 36 23; 1 Chronicles 1 40).

    EBAL, e bal, MOUNT (bin? 1H , har *ebhal; TaifSaX, Caibdl): Rises north of the vale of Shechem, over against Matthew. Gerizim on the south The mountain (Arab. el-Islamlych) reaches a height of 1,402 ft. above the floor of the valley, and 3,077 ft. above the level of the Mediterranean. The Samaritans feign that Gerizim is the higher; but it is more than 200



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    ft. lower (h.-iii E1>:il. These two mountains over hang the |>ass through which runs the main artery of intercourse between east and west, the city of Nfi- hlus lying in the throat of the valley to (he west The ancient- Shechem probably stood farther to the east The lower slopes of Ebal as one ascends from Nfiblus are covered with gardens ami orchards, the copious streams from the fountains under Gcrizim washing its foot, and spreading fertility and beauty. _ The vine, thefigand the olive grow luxuriantly. Higher up \\ve scramble over rough rocky terraces, where grow only the ubiquitous thistles and prickly shrubs.

    Mount Ebal.

    From 1he broad summit a view of surpassing inter est and beauty rewards the climber s toil. West ward beyond the hills and the plain of Sharon with its coastline of yellow sand running from Jaffa to Carmel, stretch the blue waters of the Mediter ranean. From Carmel to Cilboa, Little Hermon and Tabor, roll the fruitful breadths of Esdraelon: the uplands of Galilee, with Nazareth showing on the brow above the, plain, rise away to the but- t resses of Lebanon in the north From the snowy peak of Hermon the eye ranges over the Jaulan and Mount (lilead to the Mountain of Bashan in the east, with the steep eastern wall of the Jordan valley in the foreground. The land of Moab is visible be yond the Dead Sea; and the heights around Jems close the view on the south

    Round this splendid mountain, seen from afar on all sides, religious associations have gathered from old time. The Moslem Weley on the_top the usual white-domed sanctuary where it is said the head of the Baptist is buried, is doubtless the modern representative of some ancient seat of wor ship. The ruins of a church show that Christians also came under the spell of the hill.

    The slopes of Ebal toward Gerizim played their part in that memorable scene, when, having con quered the central region of Philestina-Canaan Land, Joshua led the people hither, erected an altar of unhewn stones, wrote upon the stones either engraving on the stone itself, or impressing on plaster placed then; for the purpose a copy of the law, and then, as Moses the servant of the Lord had commanded, placed half the tribes on the slope of Gerizim, and half on those of Ebal, and the ark with the priests and Levites in the center. Then with dramatic responses from the two divisions of the people, the blessings and the cursings of the law were read (Joshua 8 30 ->; cf Deuteronomy 27 11 ->). In all the future, therefore, this mountain, towering aloft in the very heart of the land, would remind beholders far and near of their people s covenant with God. It has sometimes been questioned if the reading of the law could be heard by the people in the way described. The formation of the sides of the valley at the nar rowest part, and the acoustics, which have been

    tested more than once, leave no reasonable doubt as to the possibility.

    The importance of the mountain from a military point of view is illustrated by the; ruins of a massive fortress found on the summit. west Ewixo

    EBED, e bed ("Q7 , \\bhnlh, "servant"):

    (1) Father of Gaal, who rebelled against Abim- elech (Judges 9 26-3.")).

    (2) A companion of Ezra in his return (Ezr 8 0) = ()beth (1 Esd 8 32).

    EBED-MELECH, e-bcd-me lck, eb-ed-me lek (^ b"Q""3| r , \\-blH-iUi-ntdckh, "servant of the king" or "of [god] Mclek"): An Ethiopian eunuch in the service of King Zedekiah, who interceded with the king for the prophet Jeremiah and rescued him from the dungeon into which he had been cast to die (Jeremiah 38 7-13). For this, the word of Jen through Jeremiah promised Ebed-melech that his life should be spared in the fall of Jems (Jeremiah 39 15-18).

    EBEN-BOHAnorth See BOHAX. EBEN-EZEL. See EZKL.

    EBEN-EZER, eb-en-e zer ( ""H -JSX , \\bhen /(a-V~(r, stone of the help"; Apevep, Aben6zer):

    (1) Here Israel was defeated by the 1 hilis, 4,000 men falling in the battle; (1 Samuel 4 1 ->). It appears also to have been the scene of the disaster when the ark of God was captured (vs 3 ->). The place is not identified. It was over against Aphek; but this site is also unknown (cf Joshua 12 18). Onom places it between Jerusalem and Ascalon, in the neigh borhood of Beth-shemesh. Conder suggests Dcir Alan, fully 2 miles east of Ain Shttns (1 EF, III, 24).

    (2) A stone set up by Samuel to perpetuate the memory of the signal victory granted to Israel over the Philis in answer to his prayer (1 Samuel 7 12). It stood between Mizpeh and Shen. The latter is probably identical with Ain Xinia, north of Bethel. This defines the district in which it may be found; but no identification is yet possible. west EWJXG

    EBER, e ber O3?, *ebhcr; "Epep, Ebcr, in Genesis; np^S, Obfd, in Cli) :

    (1) Occurs in the genealogies (Genesis 10 21.25; 11 14 ->) as the great-grandson of Shem and father of Peleg and Joktan. The word means "the other side," "across," and the form "Hebrew," which is derived from it, is intended to denote the people or tribe who came "from the other side of the river" (i.e. the Euphrates), from Haran (Genesis 11 31), whence Abraham and his dependents migrated to Canaan.

    (2) A Gadite (1 Chronicles 5 13).

    (3) (4) Two Benjamites (1 Chronicles 8 12.22).

    (5) The head of a priestly family (Xe-h 12 20).

    A. C. GHAXT

    EBEZ, e bez Cf^X , cbheg, meaning unknown; Tt pcs, Rlti brx; AV Abez) : One of the 1(5 cities in Issachar (Joshua 19 20). The name seems to be cognate to that of the judge Ibzan (Judges 12 8-10). All else concerning it is conjecture.

    EBIASAPH, 6-bl a-saf: A descendant of Kohath the son of Levi (1 Chronicles 6 37). See ABIASAPH.

    EBIONISM, e bi-o-niz m, EBIONITES, e bi- 6-nIt.s ( Epicovcuoi, Ebwnn toi, from C^IP^S? , cbhyd- nlm, "poor people"):

    General Statement

    I. ORIC.IN OF THE NAME

    1. The Poor Ones

    2. Origin of the Name



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    II. AUTHORITIES FOR THE OPINIONS or THE EBIONITES

    1. Irenaeus, Tertullian and Hippolytus

    2. Origen and Jerome

    3. Epiphanius Description

    4. Justin Martyr

    III. LITERATURE OF THE EBIONITES

    1. The Gospel According to the Hebrews

    2. The Clementines

    3. Apocalyptic Literature

    IV. HISTORY OF EBIONISM

    1. Ebionites and Essenes

    2. Organization of Ebionites

    V. EVIDENCE FROM EBIONISM FOR THE DOCTRINE OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH

    1. Christology of the Early Church

    2. Paulinism of the Early Church LITERATURE

    The Ebionites were a .sect of heretics frequently mentioned by the early Fathers. In regard to their

    opinions, as in regard to those of most General early heretical sects, there is the dif- Statement ficulty that to a large extent we are

    dependent for our information on their opponents. These opponents were not generally very careful to apprehend exactly the views of those whose opinions they undertook to refute. It adds to the difficulty in the present case that there is a dubiety as to the persons designated by the title. Sometimes, it is admit ted, the name was used to designate all Jewish Christians irrespective of their opinions; at other times it denotes a sect akin to the Gnostics, who ascribed a purely human origin to Our Lord. There are, however, certain works, the Clementine writings, which from statements of the Fathers may be assumed to represent the views of this sect, but as these represent views to some extent divergent, it is difficult to decide which is the truly Ebionitic. There arc also certain apocalypt ic books which present, affinities with Ebionism. The quota tions from the Gospel according to the Hebrews the only gospel the Ebionites received likewise afford means of appreciating their views. This gospel has come down to us only in isolated quota tions, for the accuracy of which we have no guaran tee. Finally, it has to be borne in mind that no sect can persist through centuries of changing cir cumstances, and not in turn undergo change.

    /. Origin of the Name. Tertullian and Epipha nius assume the sect to have received its name from

    a certain Ebion or Hebion. Others

    1. The of the Fathers, without affirming it, Poor Ones use language which seems to imply the

    belief in a person called Ebion. This, however, is generally now regarded as a mistake. No trace of the existence of such a person is to be found. The sect in question seems to have assumed the name Ebionites, "the poor ones," from the first Beatitude (Alt 5 3), claiming to be the contin uation into the new dispensation of the "poor and needy" of the Pss, e.g. 69 33; 70 5; 74 21.

    It has been mooted that the sect may have had a leader who assumed the title "the poor man." Besides that we have no trace of his existence, the name would almost certainly have been treated as an Aram, word and put in the status emphaticus as Ebioiia, which in Or would have become Ebivnas.

    The ordinary view of the origin of the name has the advantage of analogy in its favor. The lire- Reformation Protestants of the 12th

    2. Origin and 13th cents, in France called them- of the selves "the poor men" (of Lyons). Name The fact that the apostle James in his

    Epistle implies a natural union be tween poverty and piety (2 5), "Did not God choose them that are poor as to the world to be rich in faith .... ?" would confirm the Jewish Chris tians in their use of the name.

    Some have boon inclined to press unduly a play on the name in which some of the Fathers indulge, as if the poor views of this sect as to the person of Christ had led to their receiving this name from without.

    //. Authorities for the Opinions of the Ebio nites. As indicated above, the main authorities for these are Irenaeus, Tertullian and

    1. Irenaeus, Hippolytus.

    Tertullian The characteristics of the Ebionites and noted by them were, first, the negative

    Hippolytus one that they did not, like the other

    Gnostics, distinguish between the Su preme God and the Creator of the world the demiurge who was identified with the God of the Jews. With them Jeh was the Supreme God the God of Israel and the Creator of the heavens and the earth. The second characteristic, also negative, was that they denied the supernatural birth of Our Lord. He was the son of Joseph and Alary in the ordinary sense of the word. The third was that they, along with the Cerinthians and Carpocratians, affirmed that a Divine power came down on Jesus at His baptism the reward of His perfect, holiness. According to one form of the theory, the Holy Ghost was the eternal Son of God. Another view was that the power which descended upon Him was the Divine wisdom, the Logos. By the influ ence of this Divine power He performed miracles and taught with superhuman wisdom. But this Di vine influence deserted Jesus on the Cross, hence the cry of being forsaken (Matthew 27 40). The Divine power, however, raised Him from the dead and caused Him to ascend on high. Hippolytus brings the Ebionites into close connection with the Elka- saites and with a certain Alcibiades, whose views he had to combat in Rome. The last claimed to found his views on a work of Elkasai.

    From two other sources we derive further infor mation: Origen and Jerome both notify the fact

    that the Ebionites translated J (dm ah "young

    2. Origen woman" (it is rendered "virgin" in and Jerome our AV and R\\j. This translated, so far as

    the mere word is concerned, is indubi tably correct. There is another point in which both afford us information. The first says (Contra disum, v.Ol) that there are two classes of Ebio nites, one of which denies the miraculous conception and birth of Our Lord, the other of which affirms it. Jerome, in his letter to Augustine, not only asserts the same thing but calls the one class, those affirm ing the miraculous birth, Nazareans, and the other Ebionites. Origen in his second book against Cel- sus speaks as if the only distinction between the Ebionites and other Christians was their obedience to the Mosaic law, and by their example rebuts the assertion that the Jews in becoming Christians deserted the law of their fathers. Another feature of Ebionism presented to us by Jerome (In Jcaa- i(im, lxvi.24) is their chiliastic view the personal reign of Our Lord for 1,000 years as the Jewish Messiah.

    The writer who gives the most voluminous account of

    the Ebionites "Ebionaeans" as ho calls them is Kpi-

    phanius. With him it is at once heresy

    3. Epi- No. X and heresy No. XXX. Before discuss- Vi ing the Ebionites he takes up the closely

    related sect of the Nazareans as heresy Description No. XXIX. Ho had already in a more

    compendious way considered a similarly named sect, numbering it No. XVIII. It, however, is Jewish while this is Christian. The Jewish sect is dis tinguished by eating no animal food and oll ering no sac rifices. They have thus an affinity with the Essenes. They have a peculiarity that, while they honored the patriarchs, they rejected the Pent which related their history. These Nazareans dwelt east of the Jordan in Oilead and Bashan. Heresy No. XXIX is the Christian Nazareans. This name had been at first applied to all Christians. Epiphanius identifies them with the Esscnos and declares their distinguishing peculiarity to be the re tention of circumcision and the ceremonial law. They use the Oospel of Alt but without the genealogies. As Heresy No. XXX ho proceeds to consider the Ebionites. Ebion, Epiphanius assumes to have been a man, and calls him a "polymorphic portent," and asserts that ho was connected with the Samaritans, the Essenes, the Cerinthians and Carpocratians, yet desired to be regarded



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    a Christian. The heresy originated after the flight of tin- church to Pella. They denied the miraculous birth of Our Lord, but maintained that a Divine influence came down upon Him at His baptism. This Divine wisdom had inspired, and in a senso dwelt, in all the patriarchs. In some sense the body of Jesus was re garded us that of Adam revived. This body was cruci fied and rose again. They receive only the Gospel of Alt in the form the Cerinthians use it, i.e. the (iospel accord ing to the Hebrews. Kpiphanius gives some account of this gospel and its defects. They use also other books; one which he esp. describes. Tho Journeyings of Peter, appears to be in the main identical with the Clementine Homilies. Me connects the Kbionites, as does Mippoly- tus, with Klkasai; from him they learned that the heavenly Christ, was <ni miles high and :> t broad, and that the Holy Ghost had a female, form of similar di mensions, only invisibl(\\ Although he connects the Kbionites with the Kssenes ho mentions that, unlike the Essenes of Jos and Philo, the Ebionites not only permitted but enjoined matrimony on young men. Kpiphanius adds as an especial enormity that the Kbionites permit second, third and .even seventh marriages. Although they enjoin marriage they have a low opinion of women, crediting Kve with originating heathenism, in this agree ing with the Essenian opinion of the sex. Mysteriously Epiphanius represents the Ebionites as not only rejecting the prophets in a body but deriding them. Ho also mentions the rejection of St. Paul by the Ebionites. It is exceedingly difficult to form a clear, self-consistent view of the doctrines of the Ebionites from the state ments of Epiphanius, yet there aro points in which his information is of value.

    Though Justin Martyr does not name (ho Ebio nites in his dialogue with Trypho the Jew (47), ho mentions (wo classes of Jewish Chris- 4. Justin tians: (a) those who not only t hem- Martyr selves observe the law but would compel the gentile believers also to be circumcised and keep the whole law, and will hold no communion with those who refuse to become Jews; (It) those who, observing the Mosaic law themselves, enter into communion with uneireum- cised gentile believers. The former appear to be an early form of Kbionites. It is to be noted that Justin does not ascribe to them any doctrinal di vergence from the orthodox views. In the follow ing eh he mentions some that denied the divinity of Our Lord, but these were Gentiles (hcnidcrou ycnonx) "of our race."

    ///. Literature of the Ebionites. One thing of importance we do owe to Kpiphanius the indica tion of the lit . produced b}- the Kbionites, from which we may got their views at first hand. This includes the Gospel according to the Hebrews, the Clemen tines (Homilies and. Recognitions) , to which we would add the Ascension of Isaiah and the Odes of Solomon. It may 1)0 remarked that this lit. appears to represent, the opinion of different classes of the Ebionites. We shall merely consider hero the boar- ing (hose works have on the Ebionites.

    Tho Gospel according to the Hebrews we know only through quotations. \\Ve can have no certainty that 1 _, these quotations are accurate. The quo-

    1- J-he tations may have been interpolated, and

    Gospel f nrt her t ho book from which the quotat ions

    According have been made has probably passed " through several recensions. The discus- to me sion of (ho question of the relation of this

    Hebrews book to the canonical (iospel of Alt is con sidered elsewhere (se(! AI-HCUYI-HAL CJ OS- PELS). One thing is clear, there were at least two recensions of this gospel, one nearer and the other farther from the canonical ( iospel; the former, the Nazarean, differed only by omitting the genealogy from the First Gospel of the Canon. The other was more strictly Ebionito and omitted all mention of the miraculous birth. Tho Ebionite recension began, as Epiphanius tells us, abruptly with the calling of the Apostles. The assertion of Epiphanius that the Ebionites rejected the prophets is supported by a quotation from the Gospel according to the Hebrews in Jerome (.I//*-. P<l<i<j., iii.2): "in the prophets, after they wero anointed by the Spirit, sin was found." Tho change from akrldas ("locusts") to egkrldiis (lit. "cakes of honey and oil"; cf Exodus 16 31; Numbers 11 8) in the account of the food of John may be duo to the avoidance of animal food attributed to this sect. One passage, which appears to be a denunciation of wealth in itself, is an addition of a second rich man to the story of the young ruler of the synagogue. A singu lar verso, quoted from this gospel both by Origen and Jerome, deserves special notice for several reasons: " Aly

    mother, the Holy Ghost, took me by one of my hairs and bore mo to the great mountain Tabor." The designa tion of the Holy Ghost as "my mother" is unexampled It implies a materialistic view of the doctrine of the 1 runty after the form of a human family. It is a note of geographical ignorance to call Tabor a "great" mountain. It is only some 2.000 ft, high and behind it are the mountains of the hill country of Galileo rising up to 4,000 ft. in Jebel Jermuk, and behind that the white top of Herrnon, 10,000 ft. It is difficult to understand anyone resident in Philestina-Canaan Land calling Tabor a "great" moun tain. Rising from t tie plain of Esdraelon it is prominent but with the higher mountains behind it, it could not even seem groat. In a quotation by Jerome (Adv. J elaq., in.2) Our Lord declares Himself unwilling to be baptized by John as unconscious of sin. This suits the representation of Ebionite views which we find in Iro- naeus that it was Mis sinlessness that made Jesus capable of receiving the Holy Ghost.

    The Clementine lit. attributed by Epiphanius to the Ebionites is a more important source of in formation for their opinions. It has 2. The come down to us complete in throe or

    Clementines four forms, (he Homilies, the Recog nitions, and two Epitomes which, however, differ loss than the (wo larger works. They all seem to be recensions of an earlier work which has disappeared. The foundation of all of (hose is a species of religious novel on which are grafted sermons of Peter and his discussions with Simon Magus. Clement, a young Roman orphan of rank in search of a religion, moots Barnabas, who tolls him of Christ, describing Him as the "Son of God," and says that He had appeared in Judaea. To learn more about Jesus, Clement proceeds to Caesarea, whore he moots Peter. He thereafter accompanies Peter to the various places whither the apostle pursues Simon Magus, and in course of his iourneyings he moots and recognizes his father, his brother and his mother; hence (he title Recog nitions. It is in the discourses of Peter that the Ebionism appears. Its theology is fundamentally Jewish and Essenian. That it is Judaizing is evi denced by (ho covert hostility to the apostle Paul. There are elements that are not those of orthodox Judaism. The Messiah is coequal, or nearly so, with the devil; in other words, the position is a modi fication of Parseeism (Horn., Ill, 5). If the dis course of Barnabas is excluded, Our Lord is always called the "prophet" (Horn. ), the "Teacher" (Recog.). He is never assorted nor assumed to be Divine. Nothing is said of His miraculous birth. At the same time in the Recognitions He is regarded as not merely man. It is said He "assumed a Jew ish body" (Recog., I, (50). This agrees with what Epiphanius says of the Kbionite idea that it was as the body of Adam that the Christ appeared. The apostle Peter, who is represented as the model Christian, eats only herbs and practises frequent ablutions, quite in the manner of the Essenes. In his discourses Peter declares that the true prophet "quenches the fire of altars and represses war." These are Essenian peculiarities, but he "sanctions marriage," against Essonism as we find it in Philo and Jos. The phrase implies an opposition to some who not onlv did not sanction, but forbade, marriage (Horn., 111/2(5).

    If the ignoring of the work and apostleship of St. Paul be regarded as (he criterion of the Judaizers,

    that is to say, the Ebionites, then in 3. Apoca- apocalyptic lit. we find works from lyptic which we can draw information as to

    Literature views. The Ascension of Isaiah was

    one of the earliest of those books to be recovered in modern t imos. The writ or refers to the martyrdom of Peter in Rome, but makes no men tion of Paul (IV, 3). The description of elders and shepherds hating one another (III, 29), "lawless elders and unjust shepherds who will ravage their sheep" (III, 24), seems a view of the church s state as it appeared to a Judaizer when the Pauline view



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    was prevailing. Notwithstanding this not only is the Divine dignity maintained, but the doctrine of the Trinity, "They all glorified the Father of all and His beloved Son and the Holy Spirit" (VIII, 18), is affirmed. As to the person of Christ, He descended through the successive heavens to the earth to be born (IX, 13; X, 8-31). The virginity of Mary is affirmed (X, 12), and the child is born without pain, miraculously (XI, 8-14). A similar view of the birth of Christ is to be found in the Odes of Solomon (XIX, 7).

    IV. History of Ebionism. All authorities com bine in asserting a close connection between the

    Ebionites and the Essenes. At first 1. Ebionites sight there are serious points of differ- and ence, principally these, the Ebionites

    Essenes enjoined marriage, while the Essenes,

    if we may believe Philo and Jos, for bade it. This forbiddal, however, appears to have been true only of the coenobites of Engedi. More over, some of the Judaizers, that is Ebionites, are charged with forbidding to marry (1 Thessalonians 4 3). The Essenes in all their varieties seem to have come over to Christianity on the fall of the Jewish state and the retreat of the church to Pella. When they joined the believers in their exile the Parsee elements began a ferment in the church and Ebionism was one of the products. This probably is the meaning of the statement that Ebion began to teach his doc trines at Pella. If we may judge from the state ments of Scripture and from the earliest of the non- canonical apocalypses, the Ebionites were not at first heretical in their Christology. Only they maintained the universal obligation of the cere monial law, holding that believers of gentile descent could be received into the church only if they were first circumcised. The keen dialectic, of Paul forced them from this position. The abrogation of the Law was closely connected in Paul s reasonings with the Divinity of Our Lord; consequently some of them may have felt that they could maintain their views more easily by denying His supreme Divinity and the reality of the incarnation. The phenomena of His life rendered it impossible for anyone to declare Him to be merely man. Hence the complex notion of a Divine influence an aeon, coming down upon Him. If, however, His birth were miraculous, then the supreme greatness of Moses would be impugned, consequently they were led to deny the; virgin birth.

    Not till Theodotus appeared was the purely humani tarian view of Our Lord s person maintained. All the Hebrews Christians, however, did not pursue the above course;. A largo section remained at each general stage, and to the end one portion, the Nazareans, maintained their orthodox doctrinal position, and at the same time obeyed the requirements of the Law. The dualism which is found in the Clementines is an endeavor to explain the power of evil in the world and the function of Satan. Tho Clementines confirm the statement of the Fathers that the Ebionites used only the Gospel of Matthew, for there are more quotations from 3X1 1 than from all the other books of the NT put together: These quotations are, however, all from chapters after the 3d. There arc, it is to be noted, several unmistakable quotations from the Fourth Gospel. In the Clementines as noticed above there is an avoidance of attributing Divinity to Our Lord. He is the Teacher, the Prophet; only in the dis course ascribed to Barnabas is He called the Son of God. This, we are aware, is the reyerseof the ordinarily received idea of the historic succession of beliefs. It is thought that, beginning with the belief in the purely ordinary nature of Our Lord s birth, those Jewish believers grad ually added feature after feature until He was regarded as a Divine person, the Divine Logos made flesh by miraculous conception and birth. Tho abstract possi bility of such being the course of events is not denied, but we do say that what evidence we have tends in the direction we have taken. There are elements kindred to Ebionism in the Epistle of .las, the prominence given to the poor, the little prominence given to the Divinity of Our Lord or to the doctrines of grace all tend in that direction. Yet there is no developed Ebionism; the Divinity of Christ, if not stated in terms, is implied. Schwegler, followed in more recent times by Dr. Camp

    bell of Dundee, finds a strong Ebionite bias in the Gospel of Luke, in which certainly there is no lessening of Our Lord s supreme Divinity. All that it amounts to is a prominence given to the poor. The identification of the poor with the righteous has not come down to us as a tenet of the Ebionites; it has been ascribed to them from their name. As already stated in the Ascension of Isaiah, the Divinity of the Messiah is strongly asserted. The farther down the stream of history we go more and more clearly do the Ebionite features appear, till by the time when Alcibiades, the follower of Elkasai, appeared in Rome, we have something widely removed from the Ebionism of the Clementines, far as that is from the simple position occupied by the Nazareans.

    The Jewish Christians appear to have formed an organization of their own, separate from the church Catholic. The places where _they 2. Organ- assembled they did not call ekklesiai, ization of "churches," but sunagogai, "syna- Ebionites gogues." If we may believe the Clem entine Homilies they had evolved a complete episcopal system for themselves. We, however, must not think that every variation of faith had a separate organization for itself. Strict Jewish ceremonial allowed no Jew to eat with any other not a Jew. The "love-feasts" of the early church implied this eating in common. If gentile Christians were present the Ebionites could not join, hence the need of a separate church. All Jewish Christians who reverenced the law could meet together and partake of the "love-feast," whatever their belief as to the person of Christ. In short, Ebionism was a thing of individuals, whose opinion ran through the whole gamut of faith, from the Nazareans, who differed from the orthodox simply in remaining Jews, to those whose Judaism alone prevented them from becoming followers of Theodotus of Byzantium, and who therefore sank back into pure Judaism.

    V. Evidence from Ebionism for the Doctrine of the Primitive Church. In dealing with this branch of our subject we have to consider that 1. Chris- the tendency of those who in the early tology of days wrote against heresy was to ex- the Early aggerate the difference between the Church heretics and the orthodox. On the

    other hand we have to consider the psychological difficulty involved in a person recog nizing that anyone whom he daily met, whom he saw eating and sleeping like other men, was more than man, was Divine. This difficulty, great to all, was doubly so to the Jew. Yet again we have to consider what the origin of Christian theology was. It was an attempt to give a reasoned and systematic explanation of the phenomenon of Jesus Christ. Christ s character, His deeds and His claims had to be explained. The orthodox explanation which gradually became more definite as time rolled on was that He was the second person of the Trinity become incarnate, and the purpose of this incarna tion that He might save many from their sins. This purpose He accomplished by dying on the cross and rising again. The primitive church owed its theology to Paul and John. Repugnant as much of this was to the Jews, yet the Ebionites, earnest, prejudiced Jews as they were, could not affirm in the presence of the facts of His career that Jesus was merely a man. They had to imagine; a Divine influence coming down upon Him at His baptism, setting Him apart from all others. We have no trace of this at first: it stands at the end of a process of degradation of the ideal concerning the person of Christ. It was only when the effect of His person ality had somewhat faded that men began to doubt His Divinity. The division of the personality seems to emerge at the same time. The earlier Ebionites, like the rest of the Ist-cent. believers, regarded Christ as one person; only later do they reach the notion of a heavenly aeon separate from Jesus. The Ebionites seem to have held under varying forms a



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    doctrine of the Trinity, and their holding it is an evidence that the church at large held it, not of course in that definiteness it assumed later, but essentially.

    To some extent the same may be said in regard to the Pauline doctrine of redemption. It is to be observed that both writers, he of the 2. Paulin- Homilies as well as the writer of the ism of the Recognitions, dislike and ignore Paul, Early even if they do not attempt to pillory

    Church him under the image of .Simon Magus,

    as many have thought that they do. What, however, is also to be observed, is that they do not venture to denounce him by name. Paul and his (cachings must have been, in the early part of the 2d cent., held in such deep reverence that no one could hope to destroy them by direct assault ; the only hope was a flank attack. This reverence for Paul implies the reception of all he taught. All the specially Pauline doctrines of original sin, of redemption through the sacrificial death of Christ, and all the cognate ideas must have been held strongly by the early church or the Ebionites would have denounced Paul in the Clementines by name. Schwegler would argue that Justin Martyr was an Ebionite because he neither mentions nor quotes Paul. To this it may be answered that as the em perors to whom he addressed his apologies were heathens, and Trypho, with whom lie had his dia logue, was a Jew, he naturally did not name one whose authority would be valueless to those he was addressing. He is equally silent as to Peier, James and John. If lie does not quote Paul there are several indubitable echoes of his phrases and his thoughts.

    In the face of the recent discoveries made in Egypt one cannot despair of MSS turning up which may throw needed light on this heresy. Were the Gospel according to the Hebrews to be found, or a MS of Hegesippus, we should be in a better position to decide a number of questions.

    LITERATURE Contemporary writers on Ebionites: Iremieus; Tertiillian; Hippolytus; Origen; Eusehius. Ill, 27; Epiphanius; Jerome; Justin Martyr (TrypAo, 47, 48) refers to the Kbionites without naming them.

    Kbionite writings: Clementine Homilies; Clementine Recognitions; Clementine Epitomes; Asc Isaiah; Odes of Solomon.

    Modern church historians: Neandcr, General History of I /i i Christian /{elii/i/i/i rinil Church; Srhrock, Kin-lit n- Vcschichte; Walcll, Historic <lt-r Kdzcreien, I, (to- 124; Haur. Kirchenneschichte, 1, 172-74. &nd Dogmengeschichte, 140-61, and Christlichc (Inosis; Schwegler, \\m-hn jxixtu/i- sches Zeilalter. 17-1HX; Kitschl, Altkatholixchc Kirch,; 107-271; Matter, Gnosticisme, III. 11-2S; Harnack, Histonj <>/ Dot/ma, l-S HT; Keuss, Hist, tic la Thfolo</ie, 1. ll;V-2f>; Donaldson. Christian Literature <in<l Doctrine from the. Death of the Apostles to the \\icvne Council, 1, ;v.)ir; Mansel, Gnostic Heresies, 12:5-26; Helgenfeld, K(t;eri/eschiehte, 421-46, and Clementines.

    Articles in theological dictionaries: Smith and Waco; RE, 1st, 2d and :5d eds; Jew Kite; Holtzman u. Zopf- fel; Light foot, (lala/ia/ts. Disc;. Ill; Colin Campbell, Studies in St. Luke.

    J. east H. THOMSON

    EBIONITES, GOSPEL OF THE See APOC RYPHAL ( iospKLs; EHIOMSM.

    EBONY, eb o-ni (IT^H, hobhmm [pi. only], vocalization uncertain; cf Arab, dbniia) : Mentioned (Ezekiel 27 If)) along with ivory as merchandise of Ty rG brought by the men of Dedan. This is the heavy, black, heart-wood of various species of ])>o*/>i/r<;, natives of Southern India and Ceylon; the best, kind is obtained from I), cbenuni. The sap-wood, being white and valueless, is cut away, but the trunks arc sufficiently large to leave blocks of heart-wood 2 ft. in diameter and 10 or more ft. long. Ebony was used by the ancient Egyptians, Greeks and Romans, as well as the Phoenicians, for various purposes; it was frequently inlaid with ivory. In Europe it has been a favorite for cabinet- making down to recent times.

    east west G. MASTERMAN

    EBRON, c brun CpS? , *ebhron; AV wrongly, Hebron ): A town in the territory of Asher (Joshua 19 2S). Probably we should read here Abdon, as in Joshua 21 30; 1 Chronicles 6 74, the substitution of "I for ~ being a common copyist s error. See ABDOnorth

    EBRONAH, e-brf/na: In AV (Numbers 33 34.35) for ABEONAH, which see.

    ECANUS, e-ka nus: RV ETHANUS (q.v).

    ECBATANA, ek-bat a-na (Ezr 62m). See ACH- METHA.

    Ebony.

    ECCE HOMO, ek sf ho mo ( I5oxj 6 avepwiros,

    itloii ho dnthropos, "Behold, the man! John 19 ,5): Pilate s statement regarding Jesus during His trial. While the significance of this statement is somewhat debatable, yet there is little doubt, as judged from his attitude and statement immediately following, that Pilate was endeavoring to appeal -to the ac cusers sympathies and to point out to them the manly qualities of Jesus. The ordinary punc tuation which place s an exclamation point after "Behold" and a period after "the man" is evidently incorrect if the grammatical structure in the Gr fs to be observed, which gives to the second and third words the nominative form, and which therefore 1 admits of a mild exclamation, and therefore of the emphasis upon "the man." Some, however, hold the contrary view and maintain that the utterance was made in a spirit of contempt and ridicule, as much as to say, "Behold here a mere man." See esp. on this view Marcus Dods in Expositor s Gr Teat. It would seem, however, that the former of the two views would be sustained by the chief facts in the case. WALTER G. CLIPPINGER

    ECCLESIASTES, e-kle-zi-as lez, or PREACHER (Pbnp , kohdi th; EKKX^o-i Ekklesiastex, perhaps "member of assembly" below) :

    1. Structure of the Book

    2. The Contents

    3. Composite Authorship ?

    4. Koheleth

    5. " King in Jerusalem" G. Date and Authorship

    7. Linguistic Peculiarities

    8. Certain Inconclusive Arguments

    9. Canonicity LITERATURE



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    Reading this book one soon becomes aware that it is a discussion of certain difficult problems of human life. It begins with a title

    1. Structure (1 1), followed by a preface (vs 2-11). of the Book It has a formal conclusion (12 8-13).

    Between the preface arid the conclu sion the body of the book is made up of materials of two kinds first a series of "I" sections, sections uttered in the 1st per. sing., a record of a personal experience; and second, an alternating series of gnomic sections, sections made up of proverbs (say 4 5.6.9-12; 5 1-12; 7 1-14.16-22; 8 1-8; 9 7-10; 10 1-4; 10 8 12 7). These may be called the "thou" sections, as most of them have the pronoun of the 2d per. sing. The idea of the vanity of all things characterizes the record of experience, but it also appears in the "thou" sections (e.g. 9 9). On the other hand the proverb element is not wholly lacking in the "I" sections (e.g. 4 1-3).

    In the preface the speaker lays down the propo sition that all things are unreal, and that the results of human effort are illusive (1 2.3).

    2. The Human generations, day and night, Contents the wind, the streams, are alike the re petition of an unending round (vs4-7).

    The same holds in regard to all human study and thinking (vs 8-11). The speaker shows familiarity with the phenomena which we think of as those of nat ural law, of the persistence of force, but he thinks of them in the main as monotonously limiting human experience. Nothing is new. All effort of Nature or of man is the doing again of something which has already been done.

    After the preface the speaker introduces himself, and recounts his experiences. At the outset he had a noble ambition for wisdom and discipline, but all he attained to was unreality and perplexity of mind (vs 12-18). This is equally the meaning of the text, whether we translate "vanity and vexation of spirit" or "vanity and a striving after wind," (emptiness, and struggling for breath"), though the first of these two translated a is the better grounded.

    Finding no adequate satisfaction in the pursuits of the scholar and thinker, taken by themselves, he seeks to combine these with the pursuit of agree able sensations alike those which come from luxury and those which come from activity and enterprise and achievement (2 1-12). No one could be in better shape than he for making this experiment, but again he only attains to unreality and perplexity of spirit. He says to himself that at least it is in itself profitable to be a wise man rather than a fool, but his comfort is impaired by the fact that both alike are mortal (vs 13-17). He finds little reassurance in the idea of laboring for the benefit of posterity; posterity is often not worthy (vs 18-21). One may toil unremittingly, but what is the use (vs 22.23)?

    He does not find himself helped by bringing God into the problem. It is no good for a man that he should eat and drink and make his soul see good in his toil (vs 24-26, as most naturally translated), even if he thinks of it as the gift of God; for how can one be sure that the gift of God is anything but luck? He sees, however, that it is not just to dis miss thus lightly the idea of God as a factor in the problem. It is true that there is a time for every thing, and that everything is "beautiful in its time." It is also true that ideas of infinity are in men s minds, ideas which they can neither get rid of nor fully comprehend (3 1-18). Here are tokens of God, who has established an infinite order. If we understood His ways better, that might unravel our perplexities. And if God is, immortality may be, and the solution of our problems may lie in that direction. For a moment it looks as if the speaker were coming out into the light, but doubt resumes its

    hold upon him. He asks himself, "Who knoweth?" and he settles back into the darkness. He has previously decided that for a man to "eat and drink, and make his soul enjoy good" is not worth while; and now he reaches the conclusion that, unsatisfactory as this is, there is nothing better (vs 19-22).

    And so the record of experiences continues, hope ful passages alternating with pessimistic passages. After a while the agnosticism and pessimism recede somewhat, and the hopeful passages become more positive. Even though "the poor man s wisdom is despised," the speaker says, "the words of the w r ise heard in quiet are better than the cry of him that ruleth among fools" (9 17). He says "Surely I know that it shall be well with them that fear God" (8 12), no matter how strongly appearances may indicate the contrary.

    The gnomic sections are mostly free from agnos ticism and pessimism. The book as a whole sums itself up in the conclusion, "Fear God, and keep his commandments" (12 13).

    Of course the agnostic and pessimistic utterances in Eccl are to be regarded as the presentation of one side of an argument. Disconnect them and they are no part of the moral and religious teaching of the book, except in an indirect way. At no point should we be justified in thinking of the author as really doubting in regard to God or moral obligation. He delineates for us a soul in the toils of mental and spiritual conflict. It is a delineation which may serve for warning, and which is in other ways wholesomely instructive; and in the outcome of it, it is full of encouragement.

    In some passages the speaker in Eccl has in mind the solution of the problems of life which we are accustomed to call Epicurean (e.g. 6 18-20; 7 16. 17; 8 15; but not 2 24) the solution which con sists in avoiding extremes, and in getting from life as many agreeable sensations as possible; but it is not correct to say that he advocates this philosophy. He rather presents it as an alternative.

    His conclusion is the important part of his reason ing. All things are vanity. Everything passes away. Yet (he says) it is better to read and use good words than bad words. Therefore because the Great Teacher is wise, he ever teaches the people knowledge, and in so doing he ever seeks good words, acceptable words, upright words, words of truth. The words of the wise are as goads; and as nails well fastened" ("clinched at the back") (12 11). Such are the words of all the great masters. So (he ends) my son, be warned ! There are many books in this world. Choose good ones. And his conclusion is: Reverence the Mighty Spirit. Keep to good principles. That is the whole duty of man. For everything at last becomes clear; and "good" stands out clearly from "evil."

    We have noticed that our book has "I" sections and "thou" sections. Certainly these are structural marks, but as such they are capable of 3. Com- being interpreted in various ways, posite Au- Partitional hypotheses can easily be thorship? formed, and perhaps there is no great objection to them; but there arc; no phenomena which cannot be accounted for by the hypothesis that we have here just the work of one author, who sometimes quotes proverbial utter ances, either his own or those of other men. As proving the integrity of the book three points present themselves. First, in some cases (e.g. 7 146-16) the experience matter and the gnomic matter are closely combined in sense and in gram matical construction. Second, it is possible to inter pret all the gnomic sections as a part of the contin uous argument. Third, if we so interpret them the book is a unit, the argument moving forward con-



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    tinuously out of the speculative into the practical, and out of the darkness into the light.

    The speaker in Eccl calls himself Koheleth (1 1. 2.12 and other places), rendered "the Preacher" in the EV. The word does not occur 4. Koheleth elsewhere, although it is from a stem that is in common use. Apparently it has been coined for a purpose by the author of Eccl. In form it is a fern, participle, though it denotes a man. This is best explained as a case of the using of an abstract expression for a concrete, as when in Eng. we say "Your Honor," "Your Majesty." The other words of the stem are used of people gathering in assemblies, and the current cxplanat ion is to the effect that Koheleth is a person who draws an audience whom he may address. To this there are two objections: First, the participle is intransitive; its natural implication is that of a person who participates in an assembly, not of one who causes the participants to assemble. Second, the assembly distinctively indicated by the words of this stem is the official assembly for the tran saction of public business. "Worked out on this basis Koheleth seems to mean citizenship, or concretely, a citizen a oiti/en of such respectability that he is entitled to participate in public, assemblies. It is in the character of citizen-king that the speaker in Eccl relates his experiences and presents his ideas.

    This word for "assembly" and its cognates are in the Gr often translated ci by ckklesia and its cognates (e.g. Deuteronomy 4 10; 9 10; Judges 20 2; 21 5.S). So we are not surprised to find Koheleth rendered by the Cr Ekklesiastes, and this Latinized into Ecclesiastes.

    The speaker in Eccl speaks not only in the character of Koheleth, but in that of "the son of David, king in Jerusalem" (1 1). So far as 6. "King in this clause is concerned the king in Jerusalem" question might be either Solomon or any other king of the dynasty, or might be a composite or an ideal king. He is repre sented (1 12 2 11) as king over Israel," and as distinguished for wisdom, for his luxuries, for his great enterprises in building and in business. These marks fit Solomon better than any other king of the dynasty, unless possibly Uzziah. Possibly it is not absurd to apply to Solomon even the phrase "all that were before me over Jerusalem," or "in Jerusalem" (1 1(3; 2 7.9; cf 1 Chronicles 29 25; 1 Kings 3 12; 2 Chronicles 1 12). It is safer, however, to use an alternative statement. The speaker in Eccl is either Solomon or some other actual or composite or ideal king of the dynasty of David.

    If it were agreed that Solomon is the citizen king

    who, in Eccl, is represented as speaking, that would

    not be the same thing as agreeing that

    6. Date and Solomon is the author of the book.

    Authorship No one thinks that Sir Galahad is the

    author of Tennyson s poem of that

    name. Koheleth the king is the character into

    whose mouth the author of Ecclesiastes puts the

    utterances which he wishes to present, but it does

    not follow that the author is himself Koheleth.

    The statement is often made that Jewish tradi tion attributes the writing of Eccl to Solomon; but can anyone cite any relatively early tradition to this effect? Is this alleged tradition anything else than the confusing of the author with the character whom he has sketched? The well-known classic tradition in Bdbhd Bathrd attributes Eccl to "Hezekiah and his company," not to Solomon. And the tra dition which is represented by the order in which the books occur in the Hebrews Bibles seems to place it still later. Concerning this tradition two facts are to be noted: First, it classes Eccl with the 5 miscel laneous books (Cant, Ruth, Lam, Eccl, Est) known as the five m e ghilldth, the five Rolls. Second, in the

    count of books which makes the number 22 or 24 it classes Eccl as one of the last 5 books (Eccl, Est, Dan, Ezr-Neh, 1 and 2 Chronicles). That the men who made this arrangement regarded the books of this group as the latest in the Bible is a natural inference.

    This agrees with the internal marks which con stitute the principal evidence we have on this point. The grammatical character and 1 he 7. Linguis- vocabulary of Eccl are exceptionally tic Pecul- peculiar, and they strongly indicate iarities that the book was written in the same

    literary period with these other latest books of the OT. The true date; is not much earlier or later than 400 BC (see CHRONICLES), though many place it a cent, or a cent, and a half later. Details concerning these phenomena may be found in Driver s Introduction or other Introductions, or in commentaries. Only a few of the points will be given here, with barely enough illustrative instances to render the points intelligible.

    In Eccl the syntax of the vb. is peculiar. The imperfect with waw consecutive, the ordinary Hebrews narrative tense, occurs for example, "And I applied my heart" (1 17) but it is rare. The narrator habitually uses the perfect with waw (e.g. 113; 2 11.12.14.15 feis. 17). In any Eng. book we should find it very noticeable if the author were in the habit of using the progressive form of the vb. instead of the ordinary form if instead of saying "And I applied my heart" he should say "And I was applying my heart," "And I was look ing on all the works," "And I was turning" (1 13; 2 11.12), and so on. Another marked peculiarity is the frequent repeating of the pronoun along with the vb.: 1 said in my heart, even 1 ; And I was hating, even I, all my labor (2 1.18 and contin ually). The use of the pronoun as copula is abnor mally common in Eccl as compared with other parts of the Hebrews Bible (e.g. 4 2). The abbreviated form of the relative pronoun is much used instead of the full form, and in both forms the pronoun is used disproportionately often as a conjunction. In these and many similar phenomena the Hebrews of Eccl is affiliated with that of the later times.

    The vocabulary presents phenomena that have the same bearing. Words of the stem tdkan appear in Eccl (1 15; 7 13; 12 9) and in the Aram, of Dnl (4 36), and not elsewhere in the Bible; they are frequent in the Talm. Words of the stem zutnan (3 1) are used only in Eccl, Ezr, Neh, Dnl, Est. Words of the stem shdlat, the stem whence comes our word "sultan," are frequent in Keel words which are used elsewhere only in the avowedly post- exilian books and in Genesis 42 6, though a different word of this stem appears in the history of the time of David. Only in Eccl and Est are found the vb. kdN/icr, "to be correct" (whence the modern Jewish k<>*li< r) and its derivative kits/iron-. The Pers word ptir(te, "park" (2 5), occurs elsewhere only in Neh and Cant, and the Pers word pithgdm, "official decision" or "record" (8 11), only in Est 1 20, and in the Aram, parts of Ezr and Dnl. Eccl also abounds in late words formed from earlier stems for example, ckfirl. and Kikh c (uth, "folly" (10 6; 2 3, et al.); or t e d/tlndh, "province" (6 8), frequent in the latest books, but elsewhere found only in one passage in 1 Kings (20 14.15.17.19). Esp. common are new derivatives that end in n, for example, yith- ron, "profit"; *in.yan, "travail"; hcsron, "that which is missing"; rtfyon, "vexation" (1 3.13.15.17 and often). To these add instances of old words used in new meanings, and the various other groups of phenomena that are usual in such cases. No parts of the book are free from them.

    The arguments for a later date than that which has been assigned are inconclusive. The Hebrews of



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    Eccl is more like the language of the Talmuds than

    is that of the Chronicler or Dnl or even Est; but if

    one infer that Eccl is therefore later

    8. Certain than the others the inference will prove Inconclusive to be in various ways embarrassing. Arguments The differences are better accounted

    for by the fact that Eccl belongs to a different type of lit. from the others.

    Various passages have local color (e.g. 11 1), or make the impression of being allusions to specific events (e.g. 4 13-16; 6 2.3; 9 13-18), but the difficulty lies in locating the events. Dr. Kleinert argues plausibly for the writing of the book in Egypt in the time of the Ptolemies, but other equally probable hypotheses might be devised.

    It is alleged that Eccl copies from Ecclus, but it is more probable that the latter copied from the former. It is alleged that the \\Yisd controverts Eccl; if it does, that does not prove that the two are contemporary. It is alleged that the writer is familiar with the philosophy of Epicurus, and there fore must have lived later than Epicurus, who died 270 BC, or even later than Lucretius of the 1st cent. BC. If there were proof that this was a case of borrowing, Epicurus or Lucretius might have been the borrowers; but there is no such proof; the selfishness which constitutes the nucleus of Epicu reanism has exhibited itself in human lit. from the beginning. The strong resemblances between Eccl and Omar Khayyam have no weight to prove that the Hebrews author was later than the Pers. Eccl pre sents a perfectly distinct doctrine of immortality, whether it affirms the doctrine or not; but that proves a relatively early date for the doctrine, rather than a late date for Eccl. At every point the marks of Eccl are those of the Pers period, not of the Gr.

    In the early Christian cents., as in all the cents.

    since, there have been disputes concerning the

    canonicity of Eccl. It was not ques-

    9. Canon- tioned that Eccl belonged to the canon icity as traditionally handed down. No

    question of admitting it to the canon was raised. But it was challenged because of the agnostic quality of some of its contents, and, every time, on close examination, the challenge was de cided in its favor.

    LITERATURE Thore are volumes on Eccl in all the great commentaries, and treatments of it in the volumes on Introduction. A few of the many separate com mentaries aro those of Moses Stuart, Andover, 1804; H. Gratz, Leipzig, 1871; G. Wlldeboer, Tiibingen, 1898; east II. Plurnptre, Cambridge, Lssi. Other works are those of ,J. F. Genung, E<-<-l, and Omar Kkaui/am, 1901, Words of Koheleth, 1904, and The lletireir Lit. of Wisdom in the Light of Today, 190H; C. H. II. Wright. Bool; of Kohcleth, 1883; H. Schiller, /M.s linrh CohActk nach Talmud und Midrasch, 1885; A. II. McXuile, Intro to Eccl, New York, 190-1.

    WILLIS J. BEECHER

    ECCLESIASTICUS, e-kle-zi-as ti-kus. See

    SlHACH.

    ECLIPSE, 0-klips . - See ASTRONOMY.

    ED (~y , cdh, "witness"): The name of the altar erected by the trans-Jordanic tribes upon finally taking possession of Gilead (Joshua 22 10.11.34); probably east of the Jordan opposite Jericho. But neither the MT nor the LXX contained the word. Both the AV and II V, however, insert the word on the authority of a few MSsouth It has been suggested that it is the final *cdh in GaVedh, the name given by Laban and Jacob to the memorial heap of stones erected by them in the; vicinity (Genesis 31 47.48). According to the MT, the name of the altar is the entire sentence : "It is a witness between us that Jeh is God." The opposition of the ten tribes to the erec tion of this altar was on the score that it was built after the pattern of the great altar of burnt offering (Joshua 22 11.29), which was a horned altar forbidden

    in ordinary lay sacrifice. There is in it, therefore, no indication of a general opposition to lay sacrifices on altars of earth or unhewn stone (see Wiener, EPC, 198). GEORGE FREDERICK WRIGHT

    EDAR, e dar. See EDER. EDDIAS, ed-I as. See IEDDIAsouth

    Jeduthun, the corresponding name in the |j passage (2 Chronicles 35 15).

    EDEN, e d n Cj"", When, "delight"; "ESe,*, Edcin) :

    (1) The land in which "Jeh God planted a garden," where upon his creation "he put the man whom he had formed" (Genesis 2 8). In the Assyr inscriptions idinn (Accadian edin) means "plain" and it is from this that the Bible word is probably derived. Follow ing are the references to Eden in the Bible, aside from those in Genesis 2 and 3: Genesis 4 16; Isaiah 51 3; Ezekiel 28 13; 31 9.1(5.18; 36 35; Joel 2 3. The Garden of Eden is said to be "eastward, in Eden" (Genesis 2 8); where the vegetation was luxurious (2 9) and the fig tree indigenous (3 7), and where it was watered by irrigation. All kinds of animals, including cattle, beasts of the field and birds, were found there (2 19.20). Moreover the climate was such that clothing was not needed for warmth. It is not surprising, therefore, that the pi. of the word has the meaning "delights," and that Eden has been supposed to mean the land of delights, and that the word became a synonym for Paradise.

    The location of Eden is in part to be determined from the description already given. It must be where there is a climate adapted to the production of fruit trees and of animals capable of domestica tion, and in general to the existence of man in his primitive condition. In particular, its location is supposed to be determined by the statements regarding the rivers coursing through it and sur rounding it. There is a river (nuhdr) (Genesis 2 10) which was parted and became four heads (ro shlm), a word which (Judges 8 16; Job 1 17) designates main detachments into which an army is divided, and therefore would more; properly signify branches than heads, permitting Jos and others to interpret the river as referring to the ocean, which by the Greeks was spoken of as the river (ukeanos) surround ing the world. According to Jos, the Ganges, the Tigris, the Euphrates and the Nile are the four rivers, being but branches of this one river. More over it is contended by some, with much show of reason, that the word p rdth translated 1 Euphrates is a more general term, signifying "the broad" or "deep" river, and so may here refer to some other stream than the Euphrates, possibly to a river in some other region whose name is perpetuated in the present Euphrates, as "the Thames" of New Eng land perpetuates the memory of the Thames of Old England. In ancient times there was a river Phrath in Persia, and perhaps two. It is doubtful whether the phrase "eastward, in Eden" refers to the position with reference to the writer or simply with reference to Eden itself. So far as that phrase is concerned, therefore 1 , speculation is left free to range over the whole earth, and this it has done.

    Columbus when passing the mouth of the Orinoco surmised that its waters came down from the Garden of Eden. It is fair to say, 1. Central however, that he supposed himself to Asia be upon the east coast of Asia. The

    traditions of its location somewhere in Central Asia are numerous and persistent. Natur alists have, with Quatrefages, pretty generally fixed



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    upon the portion of Central Asia stretching east from the Pamir, often referred to as the roof of the world, and from which flow four great rivers the Indus, the Tarim, the Sur Darin (Jaxartes), and the Amu Daria (Oxus) as the original cradle of man kind. This conclusion has been arrived at from the fact that at the present time the three 1 fundamental typ(>s of the races of mankind are grouped about this region. The Negro races are, indeed, in gen eral far removed from the location, but still frag ments of them both pure and mixed are found in various localities both in the interior and on the sea shore and adjacent islands where they would nat urally radiate from this center, while the yellow and the white races here meet at the present time in close contact. In the words of Quatrefages, "No other region of the globe presents a similar union of extreme human types distributed round a common center" (Tlie Human tipccicx, 17(5).

    Philology, also, points to this same conclusion. On the 10. are the monosyllabic languages, on the north the polysyllabic or agglutinative languages, and on the west and south the inflectional or Aryan languages, of which the Sanskrit is an example, being closely allied to nearly all the languages of Europe. More over, it is to this (-(Miter that we trace the origin of nearly all our domesticated plants and animals. Naturally, therefore, the same high authority writes, There we are inclined to say the first human beings appeared and multiplied till the populations over flowed as from a bowl and spread themselves in waves in every direction" (if), 177). With this conclusion, as already said, a large number of most eminent authorities agree. But it should be noted that if, as we believe, there was a universal destruc tion of antediluvian man, the center of dispersion had in view by these naturalists and archaeologists would be that from the time of Noah, and so would not refer to the Eden from which Adam and Eve were driven. The same may be said of Haeckel s theory that man originated in a submerged conti nent within the area of the Indian Ocean.

    Dr. William F. Warren has with prodigious learn ing attempted to show that the original Eden was at the North Pole, a theory which has

    2. The too many considerations in its support North Pole to lie cast aside unceremoniously, for

    it certainly is true that in preglacial times a warm climate surrounded the North Pole in all the lands which have been explored. In Northern Greenland and in Spitzbergen abundant remains of fossil plants show that during the middle of the Tertiary period the whole circumpolar region was characterized by a climate similar to that pre vailing at the present time in Southern Europe, Japan, and the southern Tnited States (see Asa ( ray s lectures on "Forest Geography and Archae ology" in the American Journal of Science, CXV1, So ( .M, ls;{-9(5, and Wright, Ice Age in North Amer ica, 5th ed, ch xvii). But as the latest discoveries have shown that there is no land within several hundred miles of the North Pole, Dr. Warren s theory, if maintained at all, will have to be modified so as to place Eden at a considerable distance from the actual pole. Furthermore, his theory would involve the existence of "Tertiary man," and thus extend his chronology to an incredible extent, even though with Professor Green (see ANTEDILUVIANS) we are permitted to consider the genealogical table of Genesis 5 as sufficiently elastic to accommodate itself to any facts w r hich may be discovered.

    Much also can be said in favor of identifying Eden with Armenia, for it is here that the Tigris

    and Euphrates have their origin, while

    3. Armenia two others, the Aras (Araxes) emptying

    into the Caspian Sea and the Choruk (thought by some to be the Phasis) emptying into

    the Black Sea, would represent the Gihon and the Pishon. Havilah would then be identified with Colchis, famous for its golden sands. But Cush is difficult to find in that region; while these four rivers could by no possibility be regarded as branches of one parent stream.

    Two theories locate Eden in the Euphrates valley. Of these the first would place it near the head of the

    Pers Gulf where the Tigris and Eu- 4. Baby- phrates after their junction form the Ionia Xltatt < I- Arab which bifurcates into the

    eastern and the western arm before reaching the Gulf. Calvin considered the Pishon to be the eastern arm and the Gihon the western arm. Other more recent authorities modify the theory by supposing that Gihon and Pishon are represented by the Karum and the Kerkhah rivers which come into the Xhalt d- Arab from the east. The most plausible objection to this theory is that the Bible account represents all these branches as down stream from the main river, whereas this theory supposes that two of them at least are up stream. This objection has been ingeniously met by calling attention to the fact that 2,000 years before Christ the Pers Gulf extended up as far as Eridu, 100 miles above the present mouth of the river, and that the Tigris and the Euphrates then entered the head of the Gulf through separate channels, the enormous amount of silt brought down by the streams having converted so much of the valley into dry land. In consequence of the tides which extend up to the head of the Gulf, the current of all these streams would be turned up stream periodically, and so account for the Bible statement. In this case the river (n/llidr) would be represented by the Pers Gulf itself, which was indeed called by the Babylonians nar inarratuni, "the bitter river." This theory is further sup ported by the fact that according to the cuneiform inscriptions Eridu was reputed to have in its neigh borhood a garden, "a holy place," in which there grew a sacred palm tree. This "tree of life" appears frequently upon the inscriptions with two guardian spirits standing on either side.

    The other theory, advocated with great ability by Friedrich Delitzsch, places Eden just above the site of ancient Babylon, where the Tigris and Euphrates approach to within a short distance of one another and where the country is intersected by numerous irrigating streams which put off from the Euphrates and flow into the Tigris, whose level is here considerably lower than that of the Euphrates the situation being .somewhat such as it is at New Orleans where the Mississippi River puts off nu merous streams which empty into Lake Pont char- train. Delitzsch supposes the X/xilt cl-\\il, which flows eastward into the Tigris, to be the Gihon, and the Pallacopas, flowing on the west side of the Euphrates through a region producing gold, to be the Pishon. The chief difficulties attending this theory pertain to the identification of the Pishon with the Pallacopas, and the location of Havilah on its banks. There is difficulty, also, in all these theories in the identification of Cush (Ethiopia), later associated with the country from which the Nile emerges, thus giving countenance to the belief of Jos and many others that that river represented the Gihon. If we are compelled to choose between these theories it would seem that the one which lo cates Eden near the head of the Pers Gulf combines the greater number of probabilities of every kind.

    (2) A Levite of the time of Hezekiah (2 Chronicles 29 12; 31 lf>J.

    LlTKRATl Keast Dawsoil, Miidvr n Si-ii-nc< in Hi hi i I. unit; Friodrich Di-litzsch, Wo lay das Parodies ? (1881); Sayrr, C.west 95 If; Hommel. Anc. llel> Tradition, 314; William F. Warren, I aradisK Found, 1885.

    GEORGE FREDERICK WRIGHT



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    EDEN, CHILDREN OF. See CHILDREN OF EDEnorth

    EDEN, HOUSE OF. See AVEN; BETH-EDEN; CHILDREN OF EDEnorth

    EDER, e der P~? , edher, "flock"):

    (1) One of the "uttermost cities" of Judah in the Negeb ("South") near the border of Edom (Joshua 15 21), possibly Kh. d Adar, 5 miles south of Gaza, but probably this is too far west.

    (2) Eder (AV Edar) or better Migdal Eder, "l"y~b ? I5 5p , mighdal *edher, "the tower of the flock"; TdSep, Odder. After Rachel died and was buried "in the way to Ephrath (the same is Beth lehem) .... Israel journeyed, and spread his tent beyond the tower of Eder" (Genesis 35 19.21). In ver 27 he is described as proceeding to Hebron. This "tower of the flock," which may have been only a tower and no town, must therefore be looked for between Bethlehem and Hebron. Jerome says that it was one Rom mile from Bethlehem. In the LXX, however, vs 16 and 21 are transposed, which suggests that there may have been a tradition that Migdal Eder was between Bethel and Bethlehem. There must have been many such towers for guard ing flocks against robbers. Cf "tower of the watch man" (2 Kings 18 8, etc). The phrase "Migdal Eder" occurs in Micah 4 8 where Jerusalem is compared to such a tower. east west G. MASTERMAN

    EDER, e der (W, *edker, "flock").

    (1) A Merarite Levite in the days of David (1 Chronicles 23 23; 24 30); son of Mushi.

    (2) A Benjamite (1 Chronicles 8 15, AV "Ader").

    EDES, e dez: RV EDOS (q.v.).

    EDGE, ej : Very frequently occurs in the phrase "the edge of the sword" (Joshua 10 28, ot al.) from the Hebrews H2 , peh, "lip," or HETIJ , saphdh, "lip." Exodus

    28 7 and 39 4 read "ends," from H^]? , kdc.dh, "end" (AV "edge"), arid Joshua 13 27 has "uttermost part" for the same Hebrews word (AV "edge"). In Jeremiah 31

    29 and Ezekiel 18 2, "The children s teeth are set on edge" (i"inj2 , kdhah, "to be blunt"), i.e. set hard one against another.

    EDIFICATION, ed-i-fi-ka shun, EDIFY, ed i-fi: The Gr words oiKodo^w, oikodomeo, "to build," oiKo8o[j.ri, oikodomt, "the act of building," are used both lit. and fig. in the NT; "edify," "edifying," "edification," are the translated of AV in some 20 passages, all in the fig. sense of the promotion of growth in Christian character. RV in 2 Corinthians 10 8; 13 10; Ephesians 4 12.10; 1 Thessalonians 5 11 renders "build up," "building up," making the force of the figure clearer to the Eng. reader. In 1 Thessalonians 1 4 the Gr text followed by RV has oiKovo^La., oikonomia, "dispen sation," instead of otVoSo/x/a, oikodomia, "edifying" (AV). F. K. FARR

    EDNA, ed na ( ESva, Edna): Wife of Raguel and mother of Sarah who married Tobias (Tob 7 2, etc; 10 12; 11 1). east in Hebrews means "pleasure" and corresponds to Lat Anna.

    EDOM, e dum, EDOMITES, e dum-Its edhu/n, "red"; ESwjx, Edom): The boundaries of

    Edom may be traced with some ap- 1. Bound- proach to accuracy. On the east of the aries Arabah the northern border ran from

    the Dead Sea, and was marked by Wddy el-Kurdhl, or Wddy el-HasH. On the east it marched with the desert. The southern border ran by Elath and Ezion-geber (Deuteronomy 2 8). On the west of

    the Arabah the north boundary of Edom is deter mined by the south border of Israel, as indicated in Numbers 34 3 f : a line running from the Salt Sea south ward of the Ascent of Akrabbim to Zin and Kadesh- barnea. This last, we are told, lay in the "utter most" of the border of Edom (Numbers 20 16). The line may be generally indicated by the course of Wddy el-Fikrah. How much of the uplands west of the Arabah southward to the Gulf of Akaba was included in Edom it is impossible to say.

    The land thus indicated varies greatly in char acter and features. south of the Dead Sea in the bottom of the valley we have first the

    2. Charac- stretch of salt marsh land called es ter and Sebkha; then, beyond the line of white Features cliffs that crosses the valley diagonally

    from northwest to southeast, a broad depression strewn with stones and sandhills, the debris of an old sea bottom, rises gradually, and 60 miles to the south reaches a height of about 700 ft. above the level of the Red Sea, 2,000 ft. above that of the Dead Sea. From this point it sinks until it reaches the shore of the Gulf of Akaba, 45 miles farther south The whole depression is known today as Wddy el- Arabah (cf Hebrews hd- drdbhdh, Deuteronomy 2 8 RV, etc). On either side the mountains rise steeply from the valley, their edges carved into many fantastic shapes by the deep wadys that break down from the interior (see ARABAH). The northern part of the plateau on the west forms the spacious grazing ground of the *Azd- zimeh Arabs. The mountains rise to a height of from about 1,500 ft. to a little over 2,000 ft. This district was traversed by the ancient caravan road to South Philestina-Canaan Land; and along the eastern side traces of the former civilization are still to be seen. The desert region to the south is higher, reaching to as much as 2,600 ft. The mountain range east of the Arabah is generally higher in the south than in the north Jebel Harun, beside Petra, is 4,780 ft. above sea-level; while east of Akaba, Jebel el-Hismd may be as much as 5,900 ft. in height. Limestone, porphyry and Nubian sandstone are the prevailing formation; but volcanic rocks are also found. The range consists mainly of rough rocky heights with many almost inaccessible peaks separated by deep gorges. But there are also breadths of fertile land where wheat, grapes, figs, pomegranates and olives are grown to advantage. The northern district is known today by the name el-Jcbdl, corresponding to the ancient Gebal. Seir is the name applied to the eastern range in Genesis 36 8; Deuteronomy 2 1.5; 2 Chronicles 20 23. It is also called Edom, and the Mount of Esau (Ob vs 8 f). Seir, however, is used for the western high lands in Deuteronomy 33 2. This seems to be its meaning also in Judges 5 4, where it appears as the equivalent of "the field of Edom." With this same phrase, however, in Genesis 32 3 it may more fitly apply to the eastern range. See illustration under DESERT. The name Edom, "red," may have been derived from the red sandstone cliffs characteristic of the country. It was applied to Esau

    3. Origin because of the color of his skin (Genesis of Name 25 25), or from the color of the pottage

    for which he sold his birthright (ver 30). In Genesis 36 8 Esau is equated with Edom as dwelling in Matthew. Seir; and he is described as the father of Edom (ver 9, Hebrews). The name however is probably much older. It may be traced in the records of the Twelfth Dynasty in Egypt, In the Am Tab (Brit Mus No. 64) Udumu, or Edom, is named; and in Assyr inscriptions the name Udumu occurs of a city and of a country. The latter may have been named from the former: this again may have been derived from a deity, Edom, who may be traced in such a name as Obed-edom (2 Samuel 6 10).

    The children of Esau are said to have "destroyed" the Horites who dwelt in Seir before them (Genesis 14

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    6; Deuteronomy 2 22). This only means that the Ilorites were subdued. Esau married f he daughter of Anali, a Ilorite (den 36 20 -in ver 2 he is 4. History called a Ilivitc); and the- lists in this chapter show that the races inter mingled. The llorite government was in the hands of "dukes" ((Jen 36 2<) f, HV chiefs"). They were succeeded by dukes of the house of Esau (vs 40 if). This form of government gave way to that of an elective monarchy (vs 31 ffj; and this had existed some time before Israel left the wilderness. The then reigning king would not permit Israel to pass through the land (Numbers 20 14 ->; 21 4). Israel was forbidden to "abhor an Kdomite," on the ground that he was a brother; and children of the third generation might enter the assembly of the Lord (Deuteronomy 23 7f). War with Edom was out of the question.

    Some thirty years after the Exodus, Ramses III "smote the people of Seir." The Israelites could not have been far off. We first hear of war between Israel and Edom under Saul (1 Samuel 14 17). David prosecuted the war with terrific energy, slaying IS, 000 Edomites (so read instead of "Syrians",) in the Valley of Salt (2 Samuel 8 130; Joab remaining for six months in the country, which was garrisoned by Israelites, "until he had cut off every male in Edom" (1 Kings 11 15 f). Iladad of the blood royal of Edom escaped to Egypt, and later became a source of trouble to Solomon (vs 14 iT.25). The conquest of Edom opened to Israel the ports of the Red Sea, whence the cxpedit ions of Solomon and Jehoshaphat set out. In Jehoshaphat s time the king is called a "deputy" (22 47). Its king acknowledged the supremacy of Judah (2 Kings 3 <.), etc). I nder Jo- horam son of Jehoshaphat, Edom revolted. Jeho- rain defeated them at Zair, but was unable to quell the rebellion (82()->). Ama/iah invaded the country, slew 10,000 in the Valley of Salt, and took Sela which he named Joktheel (14 7). Uzziah restored the Edomite port of Elath (14 22). In the Syrian war Itezin regained Elath for Syria, and cast out, the Jews. It was then permanently occu pied by Syrians here also probably we should read Edomites (16 (5). From the cuneiform inscrip tions we learn that when Tiglath-pileser subdued Kezin, among the kings from whom he received homage at Damascus was Qaus-malaka of Edom (73(5 BC). Later Malik-ram paid homage to Sen nacherib. To Ezarhaddon also they were com pelled to render service. They gave what, help they could to Nebuchadnezzar, and exulted in the destruction of Jerusalem, stirring the bitterest indigna tion in the hearts of the Jews (Lam 4 21; Ezekiel 25 12; 35 3ff; Ob vs l()->). _ The Edomites pressed into the now empty lands in the south of Judah. In 300 BC Matthew. Seir wi th its capital Petra fell into the hands of the Nabataeans. West of the Arabah the country they occupied came to be known by the Or name Idumaea, and the people 5. Idumaea as Idumaeans. Hebron, their chief and the city, was taken by Judas Alaccabaeus

    Idumaeans in !(>."> BC (1 Mace 4 29. Gl; 5 05). In 120 BC the country was subdued by John Hyrcanus, who compelled the people to become Jews and to submit to circumcision. Anti- pater, governor of Idumaea, was made 1 procurator of Judaea, Samaria and (ialilee by Julius Caesar. He paved the way to the throne for his son Herod the Great. With the fall of Judah under the Romans, Idumaea disappears from history.

    The names of several Edomite deities are known: Hadad, Qaus, Kozc, and, possibly, Edom; but of the religion of Edom we an; without information. The language differed little from Hebrews

    west EWIXG

    EDOS, e dos ( HSats, E<lah; AV Edes) : One

    who agreed to put away his foreign wife (1 Esd 9 35); called Iddo, AV "Jadan," in Ezr 10 43.

    EDREI, ed re-I p3H"$, ctZ/zre I; ESpeUiv, Edrd-

    cin) :

    ( 1 ) One of the cities of Og, not far from Ashtaroth, where the power of his kingdom received its death blow from the invading Israelites (Joshua 12 4; Numbers 21 33 ->, etc). It seems to mark the western limit of Bashan as against Salecah on the east (Deuteronomy 3 10). It was given to Machir, son of Manasseh (Joshua 13 31). Onom places it 24 Rom miles from Bostra. The most probable identification is with Drr nfi, a town of between 4,000 and 5,000 inhabitants, on the southern lip of Wfidij Z<i<l(/i, about 2!) miles as the crow flies east of the Sea of (.ialilee. It is the center of an exceedingly fruitful district. The accumu lated rubbish in the town covers many remains of antiquity. It is, however, chiefly remarkable for the extraordinary subterranean city, as yet only partially explored, cut in the rock under the town. This is certainly very ancient, and was doubtless used by the inhabitants as a refuge in times of stress and peril. For a description see Schumacher, AcruM the Jordan, 121 ->.

    (2) A place not identified, between Kedesh and En-hazor (Joshua 19 37). west Ewi.\\o

    EDUCATION, ed-fi-ka shun:

    I. EDUCATION DEFINED II. EDUCATION IN KAUI.V TSKAKT,

    1. Nomadic and Agricultural Periods 2. The Monarchical Period

    3. Deuteronornic Legislation

    4. Heading and Writing

    III. KurcATioN" IN LATER ISRAEL

    1. Educational Significance of the Prophets

    2. The Hook of the Law :{. Wise Men or Sages

    4. The Hook of Proverbs

    5. Scribes and Levites

    (i. ( ! reck and Roman Influences

    IV. EDUCATION IN JS KW TESTAMENT TIMES 1. Subject- Matter of Instruction

    L . Mel hod and Aims

    3. Valuable Results of Jewish Education

    4. The Preeminence of .lesus as a Teacher

    5. Educational Work of the Early Disciples LITE K AT i UK

    /. Education Defined. By education we under stand the sum total of those processes whereby society transmits from one generation to the next- its accumulated social, intellectual and religious experience and heritage. In part these processes are informal and incidental, arising from partici pation in certain forms of social life and activity which exist on their own account and not for the sake of their educative influence upon the rising generation. Tin; more formal educative processes are designed (1) to give the immature members of society a mastery over the symbols and technique of civilization, including language (reading and writing), the arts, the sciences, and religion, and (2) to enlarge the fund of individual and community knowledge beyond the measure furnished by the direct activities of the immediate environment (cf Dewey, art. on "Education" in Monroe s CE; of Butler, ,]// ;).

    Religious education among ancient and modern peoples alike reveals clearly this twofold aspect of all education. On its informal side it consists in the transmission of religious ideas and experience; by means of the reciprocal processes of imitation and example; each generation, by actually par ticipating in the religious activities and ceremonies of the social group, imbibing as it were the spirit and ideals of the preceding generation as these are modified by the particular economic and industrial conditions under which the entire process takes place. Formal religious education begins with the



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    conscious and systematic effort on the part of the mature members of a social group (tribe, nation, or religious fellowship) to initiate the immature mem bers by means of solemn rites and ceremonies, or patient training, or both, into the mysteries and high privileges of their own religious fellowship and experience. As regards both the content and form of this instruction, these will in every case be deter mined by the type and stage of civilization reflected in the life, occupations, habits and customs of the people. Among primitive races educational method is simpler and the content of formal instruction less differentiated than on higher culture levels (Ames, PRE). All education is at first religious in the sense that religious motives and ideas predominate in the educational efforts of all primitive peoples. The degree to which religion continues preeminent in the educational system of a progressive nation depends upon the vitality of its religion and upon the measure of efficiency and success with which from the first that religion is instilled into the very bone and sinew of each succeeding generation. Here lies the explanation of the religious-educational character of Hebrews national life, and here, too, the secret of Israel s incomparable influence upon the religious and educational development of the world. The religion of Israel was a vital religion and it was a teaching religion (Kent, GTJC).

    II. Education in Early Israel (from Patriarchal Times to the Exile). In their social and national development the Hebrews passed through several clearly marked cultural stages which it is important to note in connection with their educational history. At the earliest point at which the OT gives us any knowledge of them, they, like their ancestors, were nomads and shepherds. Their chief interest cen tered in the flocks and herds from which they gained a livelihood, and in the simple, useful arts that seem gradually to have become hereditary in certain families. With the settlement of the Hebrews tribes in Philestina-Canaan Land and their closer contact with Canaanitish cul ture, a more established agricultural life with result ing changes in social and religious institutions gradu ally superseded the nomadic stage of culture. A permanent dwelling-place made possible, as the con tinual warfare of gradual conquest made necessary, a closer federation of the tribes, which ultimately resulted in the establishment of the monarchy under David (west R. Smith, RS; Davidson, HE).

    In these earliest cultural periods, both the no madic and the agricultural, there was no distinct

    separation between the spheres of 1. Nomadic religion and ordinary life. The rela- and Agri- tion of the people to Yahweh was coii- cultural ceived by them in simple fashion as

    Periods involving on their part the obligation

    of filial obedience and loyalty, and on Yah weh s part reciprocal parental care over them as His people. The family was the social unit and its head the person in whom centered also religious authority and leadership. The tribal head or pa triarch in turn combined in himself the functions which later wen; differentiated into those of priest and prophet and king. Education was a matter of purely domestic interest and concern. The home was the only school and the parents the only teach ers. But there was real instruction, all of which, moreover, was given in a spirit of devout religious earnestness and of reverence for the common reli gious ceremonies and beliefs, no matter whether the subject of instruction was the simple task of hus bandry or of some useful art, or whether it was the sacred history and traditions of the tribe, or the actual performance of its religious rites. Accord ing to Jos (Ant, IV, viii, 12) Moses himself had commanded, "All boys shall learn the most important parts of the law since such knowledge is most val

    uable and the source of happiness"; and again he commanded (Apion, II, 25) to teach them the rudi ments of learning (reading and writing) together with the laws and deeds of the ancestors, in order that they might not transgress or seem ignorant of the laws of their ancestors, but rather emulate their example. Certain it is that the earliest legis lation, including the Decalogue, emphasized paren tal authority and their claim on the reverence of their children: Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the land which Jeh thy God giveth thee" (Exodus 20 12); "And he that smiteth his father, or his mother, shall be surely put to death. And he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death" (Exodus 21 15.17); while every father was exhorted to explain to his son the origin and significance of the great Passover ceremony with its feast of unleavened bread: "And thou shalt tell thy son in that day, saying, It is because of that which Jeh did for me when I came forth out of Egypt" (Exodus 13 8).

    The period of conquest and settlement developed

    leaders who not only led the allied tribes in battle,

    but served as judges between their

    2. The people, and were active in the main- Monarchical tenance of the ancestral religion. In Period time, sufficient cooperation was ob tained to make possible the organiza tion of strong intertribal leagues and, finally, the kingship. "This increasing political unification," says Ames, "was accompanied by a religious con sciousness which became ultimately the most re markable product of the national development" (Ames, PRE, 174 f). The establishment of the kingdom and the beginnings of city and commercial life were accompanied by more radical cultural changes, including the differentiation of religious from other social institutions, the organization of the; priesthood, and the rise and development of prophecy. Elijah, the Tishbite, Amos, the herds man from Tekoa, Isaiah, the son of Amoz, were all champions of a simple faith and ancient religious ideals as over against the worldly-wise diplomacy and sensuous idolatry of the surrounding nations. Under the monarchy also a new religious symbol ism developed. Yahweh was thought of as a king in whose hands actually lay the supreme guidance of the state: "Accordingly the organization of the state included provision for consulting His will and obtaining His direction in all weighty matters" (\\V. R. Smith, 7&S, 30). Under the teaching of the prophets the ideal of personal and civic righteousness was moved to the very forefront of Hebrews religious thought, while the prophetic ideal of the future was that of a time when "the earth shall be full of the knowledge of Jeh, as the waters cover the sea" (Isaiah 11 9), when all "from the least of them unto the greatest of them" shall know him (Jeremiah 31 34). Concerning the so-called "schools of the prophets" which, in the days of Elijah, existed at Bethel, Jericho and Gilgal (2 Kings 2 3.5; 4 38 f), and prob ably in other places, it should be noted that these were associations or brotherhoods established for the purpose of mutual edification rather than edu cation. The Bible does not use the word "schools" to designate these fraternities. Nevertheless we cannot conceive of the element of religious training as being entirely absent.

    Shortly before the Bab captivity King Josiah gave official recognition and sanction to the teach ings of the prophets, while the Deuter-

    3. Deutero- onomic legislation of the same period nomic strongly emphasized the responsibility Legislation of parents for the religious and moral

    instruction and training of their children. Concerning the words of the law Israel is admonished: "Thou shalt teach them diligently



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    unto thy children, and shall talk of them when tliou sit lest in thy house, and when thou walkost by the way, and when thou host down, anil when thou risost up" (I)t. 6 7; 11 I .)). For the benefit of children as well as adults the law was to be written "upon the door-posts" and "gates" (6 9; 11 20), and very plainly" upon "great stones" sot up for this purpose upon the hilltops and beside the altars (Deuteronomy 27 1-8). From the Deuteronomic period forward, religious training to the Jew became the synonym of education, while the word Tordh, which originally denoted simply "Law" (Exodus 24 12; Leviticus 71; 26 40), came to mean "religious instruction or teaching," in which sense it is used in Deuteronomy 4 44; 6 1, This is the law which Moses set before the children of Israel: .... Hear, () Israel, the stat utes and the ordinances which I speak in your ears this day, that ye may learn them, and observe to do them"; and in Proverbs 6 23,

    "For the commandment is a lamp; and the law is light; And reproofs of instruction are the way of lifo."

    (Cf Psalm 19 8; Proverbs 3 1; 4 2.)

    With the development and reorganization of the ritual, priests and Levites, as the guardians of the

    law, were the principal instructors of 4. Reading the people, while parents remained in and charge of the training of the children.

    Writing In families of the aristocracy the place

    of the parents was sometimes taken by tutors, as appears from the ease of the infant Solo mon, whoso training seems to have been intrusted to the prophet Nathan (2 Samuel 12 25). There is no way of determining to what extent the common people were able to road and write. Our judgment that these rudiments of formal education in the modern sense were not restricted to the higher classes is based upon such passages as Isaiah 29 11.12, which distinguishes between the man who "is learned" (lit. "knoweth letters") and the one who is "not learned," and Isaiah 10 19, referring to 1 1n ability of a child "to write," taken together with such facts as that the literary prophets Amos and Micah sprang from the ranks of the common people, and that "the workman who excavated the tunnel from the Virgin s Spring to the Pool of Siloam carved in the rock the manner of their work" (Ken nedy in ///;#). It should be added that the later Jewish tradition reflected in the Talm, Tg and Midr, and which represents both public, elementary and college education as highly developed even in pa triarchal times, is generally regarded as altogether untrustworthy.

    ///. Education in Later Israel (from the Exile to the Birth of Christ). The national disaster that befell the Hob people in the downfall of Jems and the Bab captivity was not without its compensating, purifying and stimulating influence upon the reli gious and educational development of the nation. Tudor the pressure of adverse external circum stances the only source of comfort for the exiled people was in the law and covenant of Yahweh, while the shattering of all hope of immediate na tional greatness turned the thought and attention of the religious leaders away from the present toward the future. Two types of Messianic expec tation characterized the religious development of the exilic period. The first is the priestly, material hope of return and restoration reflected in the prophecies of Ezokiel. The exiled tribes are to return again to Jerusalem; the temple is to be restored, its ritual and worship purified and exalted, the priestly ordinance and service elaborated. The second is the spiritualized and idealized Messianic expectation of the Second Isaiah, based on teach ings of the earlier prophets. For the greatest of Hob prophets Yahweh is the only God, and the God

    of all nations as well as of Israel. For him Israel is Yahwch s servant, His instrument for revealing Himself to other nations, who, when they witness the redemption of Yahweh s suffering Servant, will bow down to Yahweh and acknowledge His rule. "Thus the trials of the nation lead to a compre hensive universalism within which the suffering Israel gains an elevated and ennobling explanation" (Ames, I RE, 185). In the prophetic vision of Ezekiel we must seek the inspiration for the later development of Jewish ritual, as well as the basis of those eschatological hopes and expectations which find their fuller expression in the apocalypse of Dnl and the kindred lit. of the later cents. The prophecies of the Isaiahs and the Messianic hope which those kindled in the hearts of the faithful prepared the way for the teachings of Jesus con cerning a Divine spiritual kingdom, based upon the personal, ethical character of the individual and the mutual, spiritual fellowship of believers.

    The educational significance of the prophetic

    writings of this as of the preceding periods is that

    the prophets themselves were the real

    1. Educa- religious loaders and representative; tional Sig- men (Kulturtrdgcr) of the nation. In nificance advance of their age? they were the of the heralds of Divine truth; the watch- Prophets men on the mountain tops whose clear

    insight into the future detected the significant elements in the social and religious con ditions and tendencies about them, and whoso keen intellect and lofty faith grasped the eternal prin ciples which are the basis of all individual and national integrity and worth. These truths and principles they impressed upon the consciousness of their own and succeeding generations, thereby giving to future; teachers of their race the essence of their message, and preparing the way for the larger and fuller interpretation of religion and life contained in the teachings of Jesus. The immedi ate; influence of their teaching is explained in part by the variety and effectiveness of their teaching method, their marvelous simplicity and directness of speech, their dramatic emphasis upon essentials and their intelligent appreciation of social conditions and problems about them.

    The immediate bond of union, as well as the text book and program of religious instruction, during

    the period of the captivity and sub-

    2. The sequent ly, was the Book of the Law, Book of which the exiles carried with them to the Law Babylon. When in 458 BC a com pany of exiles returned to Philestina-Canaan Land, they,

    along with their poorer brethren who had not been carried away, restored the Jewish community at Jorus, and under the suzerainty of Persia, founded a now nationalism, based, oven more than had been the earlier monarchy, upon the theocratic concep tion of Israel s relation to Yahweh. During this period it was that writings of poets, lawgivers, prophets and sagos wore brought together into one sacred collection of scrolls, known later as the OT canon, of which the Torah (the law) was education ally the most significant. The recognized teachers of this period included, in addition to the priests and Levites, the "wise men," or "sages" and the "scribes" or sdph e rlm (lit. "those learned in Scrip tures").

    Whether or not the sages and scribes of the later

    post-exilic times are to be regarded as one and the

    same class, as an increasing number

    3. Wise of scholars are inclined to believe, or Men or thought of as distinct classes, the wise Sages men clearly antedate, not only the

    soph e rlm, but in all probability all forms of book learning as well. Suggestions of their existence and function are met with in earliest timee

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    both in Israel and among other nations of the East. As illustrations of their appearance in preexilie OT history may be cited the references in 2 Samuel 14 1-20; 1 Kings 4 32; Lsa 29 10. It is no lesser per sonage than King Solomon who, both by his contemporaries and later generations as well, was regarded as the greatest representative of this earlier group of teachers who uttered their wisdom in the form of clever, epigrammatic proverbs and .shrewd sayings. The climax of Wisdom-teaching belongs, however, to the later post-exilic period. Of the wise men of this later day an excellent description is preserved for us in the Book of Ecclus (39 3.4.8.10; cf 1 1-11):

    "Ho socks out the hidden moaning of proverbs, And is conversant with the subtilties of parables, He serves among great men, And appears before him who rules; He travels through the land of strange nations; For ho hath tried good things and evil among men.

    He shows forth the instruction which lie has boon

    taught, And glories in the law of the covenant of the Lord.

    Nations shall declare his wisdom,

    And the congregation shall tell out his praise."

    Of the pedagogic experience, wisdom and learn ing of these sages, the Book of Proverbs forms the Bible repository. Aside from the Torah it 4. The is thus the oldest handbook of edu-

    Book of cation. The wise men conceive of Proverbs life itself as a discipline. Parents are the natural instructors of their chil dren:

    "My son, hear the instruction of thy father, And forsake not the law of thy mother."

    Proverbs 1 8.

    (Cf 4 1-4 ->; 6 20; 13 1.) The substance of such parental teaching is to be the fear of Yahweh which "is the beginning of wisdom"; and fidelity in the performance of this parental obligation has the promise of success :

    "Train up a child in the way he should go, And even when he is old he will not depart from it."

    Proverbs 22 0.

    In their training of children, parents are to observe sternness, not hesitating to apply the rod of correc tion, when needed (cf 23 13.14), yet doing so with discretion, since wise reproof is better than "a hundred stripes" (17 10). Following the home training there is provision for further instruction at the hands of professional teachers for all who would really obtain unto "wisdom" and who can afford the time and expense of such special training. The teachers are none other than the wise men or sages whose words "heard in quiet" (Eccl 9 17) are "as goads, and as nails well fastened" (12 11). Their precepts teach diligence (Proverbs 6 6-11), chastity (7 5), charity (14 21), truthfulness (17 7) and temperance (21 17; 23 20.21.29-35); for the aim of all Wisdom-teaching is none other than

    "To give prudence to the simple, To the young man knowledge and discretion: That the wise man may hear, and increase in learning; And that the man of understanding may attain unto sound counsels." Proverbs 1 4.5.

    The sdph e rim or "men of book learning" were; editors and interpreters as well as scribes or copyists

    of ancient and current writings. As 6. Scribes a class they did not become prominent and Levites until the wise men, as such, stepped

    into the background, nor until the exigencies of the situation demanded more teachers and teaching than the ranks of priests and Levites, charged with increasing ritualistic duties, could supply. Ezra was both a priest and a sopher (Ezr 7 11; Neh 8 If), concerning whom we read that he "set his heart to seek the law of Jeh, and to

    do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and ordinances" (Ezr 7 10). Likewise the Levites often appear as teachers of the law, and we must think of the development of sopherism (scribism) as a distinct profession as proceeding very gradually. The same is true of the characteristic Jewish religious-edu cational institution, the synagogue, the origin and development of which fell within this same general period (cf SYNAGOGUE). The pupils of the soph e - rlm were the Pharisees (p e rushlm or "separatists") who during the Maccabean period came to be dis tinguished from the priestly party or Sadducees.

    The conquest of Persia by Alexander (332 BC) marks the rise of Gr influence in Philestina-Canaan Land. Alexander himself visited Philestina-Canaan Land and perhaps Jems 6. Greek (Jos, Ant, X, i, 8), befriended the and Roman Jews and granted to them the privilege Influences of self-government, and the main tenance of their own social and reli gious customs, both at home and in Alexandria, the new center of Gr learning, in the founding of which many Jews participated (see ALEXANDRIA) . During the succeeding dynasty of the Ptolemies, Gr ideas and Gr culture penetrated to the very heart of Judaism at Jems, and threatened the overthrow of Jewish social and religious institutions. The Mac cabean revolt under Antiochus Epiphanes (174- 164 BC) and the reestablishment of a purified temple ritual during the early part of the Macca bean period (161-63 BC) were the natural reaction against the attempt of the Seleucidae forcibly to substitute the Gr gymnasium and theater for the Jewish synagogue and temple (Felten, NZ, I, 83 f ; cf 1 Mace 1, 3, 9, 13 and 2 Mace 4-10). The end of the Maccabean period found Phariseeism and strict Jewish orthodoxy in the ascendency wdth such Hellenic tendencies as had found permanent lodgment in Judaism reflected in the agnosticism of the aristocratic Sadducees. The establishment of Rom authority in Philestina-Canaan Land (63 BC) introduced a new determining element into the environmental con ditions under which Judaism was to attain its final distinguishing characteristics. The genius of the Romans was practical, legalistic and institutional. As organizers and administrators they were pre eminent. But their religion never inspired to any exalted view of life, and education to them meant always merely a preparation for life s practical duties. Hence the influence of Rom authority upon Judaism was favorable to the development of a narrow individualistic Phariseeism, rather than to the fostering of Gr idealism and tmiversalism. With the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans a little more than a cent, later (70 AD) and the cessation of the temple worship, the Sadducees as a class disappeared from Judaism, which has ever since been represented by the Pharisees devoted to the study of the law. Outside of Jerusalem and Philestina-Canaan Land, mean while, the Jewish communities at Alexandria and elsewhere were much more hospitable to Gr culture and learning, at the same time exerting a reciprocal, modifying influence upon Gr thought. It was, how ever, through its influence upon early Christ iaii theology and education that the Hellenistic phi losophy of the Alexandrian school left its deeper impress upon the substance and method of later Christian education.

    IV. Education in New Testament Times (from the birth of Christ to the end of the 1st cent.). Elementary schools: Jewish education in the time of Christ was of the orthodox traditional type and in the hands of scribes, Pharisees and learned rabbis. The home was still the chief institution for the dis pensation of elementary instruction, although synagogues, with attached schools for the young, were to be found in every important Jewish com munity. Public elementary schools, other than



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    those connected with (he synagogues, were of slower growth ami do not seem to have been common until, some time after Joshua hen Gamala, high priest from 63-65 AD, ordered that teachers he appointed in every province and city to instruct children having attained the age of 6-7 yours. In the synagogue schools the hnzzaii, or attendant, not infrequently served as schoolmaster (cf SCHOOL; SCHOOLMASTER).

    As in earlier times the Torah, connoting now the sacred OT writings as a whole, though with empha sis still upon the law, furnished the

    1. Subject- subject-matter of instruction. To this Matter of were added, in the secondary schools Instruction (colleges) of the rabbis, the illustra tive and parabolical rabbinical inter pretation of the law (the liii</<ju<l/id/i) and its appli cation to daily life in the form of concise precept or rule of conduct (the litildlc/idli). Together the haggadhah and ftulakfinh furnish the content of the Talm (or Talmuds), as the voluminous collections of orthodox Jewish teachings of later cents, came to be known.

    As regards teaching method the scribes and rabbis of NT times did not improve much upon the prac tice of the sr>i>li e rltn, and sages of e-ar-

    2. Method Her cents. Memorization, the exact and Aims reproduction by the pupil of the mas ter s teaching, rather than general

    knowledge or culture, was the main objective . Since the voice of prophecy had become silent and the canon of revealed truth was considered closed, the intellectual mastery and interpretation of this sacred revelation of the past was the only aim that education on its intellectual side could have. On its practical side it sought, as formerly, the incul cation of habits of strict- ritualistic observance, obedience to the letter of the law as a condition of association and fellowship with the selected com pany of true Israelites to which scribes and Pharisee s considered themselves to belong. The success with which the teachings of the scribes and rabbis were accompanied is an evidence of their devotion to their work, and more still of the psychological insight, manifested by them in utilizing every subtle moans and method for securing and holding the attention of their pupils, and making their mem ories the trained and obedient servants of an edu cational ideal. The defects in their work were largely the defects in that ideal. Their theory and philosophy of education were narrow. "Their eyes were turned too much to the past rather than the present and future." They failed to distinguish clearly the gold from the dross in their inherited teachings, or to adapt those to the vital urgent needs of the common people. In its struggle against, foreign cults and foreign culture, Judaism had in cased itself in a shell of stereotyped orthodoxy, the attempt to adapt which to new conditions and to a constantly changing social order resulted in an insincere and shallow casuistry of which the fan tastic conglomerate mass of Talmudic wisdom of the 4th and 6th cents, is the lasting memorial.

    Nevertheless, "Jewish education, though defect ive both in matter and in method, and tending to fetter rather than to free the mind,

    3. Valuable achieved four valuable results: (1) it Results of developed a taste for close, critical Jewish study; (2) it sharpened the wits, even Education to the point of perversity; (3) it en couraged a reverence for law and pro duced desirable social conduct; and (4) it formed a powerful bond of union among the Jewish people." To these four points of excellence enumerated by Davidson (HE, 80) must be added a fifth which, briefly stated, is this: (o) Jewish education by its consistent teaching of lofty monotheism, and its

    emphasis, sometimes incidental and sometimes outstanding, upon righteousness and holiness of life as a condition of participation in a future Mes sianic kingdom, prepared the way for the Christian view of (!od and the world, set forth in its original distinctness of outline and incomparable! simplicity in 1he> teachings of Jesus.

    Jesus was more than a teacher; but He was a

    teacher first. To His contemporaries he 1 appearoel

    as a Jewish rabbi of e-xeeptional in-

    4. The Pre- fluence anel peculiarity. He used the eminence of teaching methods of the rabbis; Jesus as a. gat he-mi abemt Him, as eliel they, a Teacher group e>f e-heiseu disciples (learners)

    whom He traine-d and taught- more explicitly with a view te> perpetuating through them His e>\\vn influence and work. His follenvers calle-d Him Rabbi and Master, and the scribe s and Phari see s cone-e-de-el His peculiarity and power. He- taught, as did the rabbis of His time , in the temple courts, in the synagogue-, in private, anel on the public highway as the e-xigeneaes of the case ele>- mande-d. His textbexik, so far as lie- used any, was the same as theirs; His form of spoe-ch (parable and connected discourse), manne-r of life and met hods of instruction were theirs. Yet, into His message- anel method Ho put. a new note of authority that challenged alte-ntiem and inspired conlielem-o. Breaking with (lie- traelitions of the past He sub stituted for elevotion te> the le-ttor of the law an interest in men, with bemndless sympathy for their misfortune, abiding, faith in their worth and high destiny and earnest, solicitude- for their irgeneration anel pe-rfeeMiem. Te> say that Jesus was the worlel s greatest and fore-most example as a teacher is to state, a fact borne out by every ine|uiry, test anel e-omparisem that mexle-rn e-ducational se-ie-ne-e can apply to the work and influe-nce of its great ore-alive ge-niuses of the- past. Whore His contemporaries and oven His own fe>llowors saw emly as in a glass, darkly," He- saw cle-arly; and His view of God and the- weirld, of human life and human de-si iny, has e-ome elown thremgh the ages as a Divine 1 revelatiem vemchsafoel the world in Him. Viewed from the intellectual side-, it was the life philosophy of Jesus that made-. His te-achings imperishable; esthe-tie-ally it, was the eennpassiemato tenderness and solicit ude e>f His message- that drew the- nmltituelos to Him; juelge-el from the standpoint of will, it was the example e>f His life, its purpose-, its purity, its help fulness, that e-aused men to follenv Him; and te-ste-el by its immediate and lasting social influence , it was the 1 doctrine, the ideal anel example of the human brotherliness and Divine sonship, that made Jesus the? pattern of the gre-at teachers of mankinel in every age and ge-neration. "With a ke-e-n, penetrating insight inte> the 1 ultimate- moaning of life, He- re-ae heel euit, as it were, over the conflie-ling opinions of men anel the mingling soe-ial anel cultural currents of His time! bae-kwarel te> the 1 fundamental truths utte>re el by the ancient prophets of His race anel forwarel te> the 1 ultimate ge>al of the race. Then with simple diive-tne-ss of speech He- addressed Him self to the ceuiscie-nees and wills of men, setting before them the; ide-al of the- higlie-r life-, and with infinite patience sought to lift them to the plane of fellowship with Himself in thought anel action.

    It re-maineel for the- elisoiples of Jesus to perpetuate

    His teaching ministry anel to organize the ne-w

    forces making for human betterment.

    5. Educa- In this work, which was distinctly tional Work religious-educational in character, some of the found a field of labor among their Early own Jewish kinsmen, and others, like Disciples Paul, among the needy Gentiles (Galatians

    1 16; 27; 1 Thessalonians 2 7). As regards a division of labor in the apostolic church, we read



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    of apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and teachers (1 Corinthians 12 28; Ephesians 411). The apostles were the itinerant leaders and missionaries of the entire church. Their work was largely that of teaching, Paul insisting on calling himself a teacher as well as an apostle (2 Thessalonians 1 11; 1 Corinthians 4 17). The prophets were men with a special message like that of Agabus (Acts 21 10.11). The evangelists were itinerant preachers, as was Philip (8 40), while the pastors, also called bishops, had per manent charge of individual churches. The pro fessional teachers included both laymen and those ordained by the laying on of hands. Their work was regarded with highest honor in the church and community. In contrast with the itinerant church officers, apostles and evangelists, they, like the pastors, resided permanently in local communities. With this class the author of the Epistle of -las identifies himself, and there can be little doubt that the epistle which he wrote reflects both the content and form of the instruction which these earliest Christian teachers gave to their pupils. Before the close of the 1st cent, the religious educational work of the church had been organized into a more systematic form, out of which there, developed gradually the catechumenate of the early post- apostolie period (see CATECHIST). In the I)i<l. <>r Teachings of the Apostles, there has been reserved for us a textbook of religious instruction from this earlier period (Kent, (IT, 1C). Necessarily, the entire missionary and evangelistic work of (he apos tolic church was educational in character, and throughout this earliest period of church history we must think of the work of apostles, evangelists and pastors, as well as that of professional teachers, as including a certain amount of systematic religious instruction. See further PEI> \\<;o<;y; SCHOOL; TEACHER; TUTOR.

    LITF.HATUReast Ames, Pxyrholof/y of Ifi lit/ion* Experi ence, ch x; Box, art. "Education," in Kit; Butler, The Mcaniiia <if Ediicntion; Davidson. ///.-//// <>f Kdnrnlion ; I)e\\vev, art. "Education," in Monroe s Ci/cln/ii din /if Education; Edersheim, "The rpbrinniiiK of Jewish Chil dren," in south/SL. and Life ami Tiini .t of Ji nii.i, I, 225 f; Fairweallier, Ii,irf,-,/round <>f the (;o.<i>, tx; Fell en. "Srhrift- Kelehrten. SynaKOKen u. Sehulen," iti Neutextamentliche Zeitgeschichte, I , Ginsburg, art. " Education," in Killo s Biblical Cyclopedia; Hiegemoser u. Hock, (Jtu ll< nhuch u. I ll, rliliclc (L Grxchii-hte it. S <i, In,/, >,/, !:; Kat/er. arts. "Jesus als Lehrer" and "Judenchristcnlum." in Rein s Kn<-nkl<>- pi idisfln-x lid it lhneh <l. J l idni/oi/i/,-; Kennedy, art. "Educa tion," in IIDB. I; Kohler and Gudemann, art. "Educa tion" in ./ En<\\\\ \\ Kent, (inn/ Teachers of ./ mln ix/n and Christianity and .l//,vrx ami T<-n<-h< rx of .1 mini am; Laurie, il ixtorit-nl .S )//Tr// of l r<--( hri*tin>i E<i ucatinn; Lewit. Darstellung d, tin ontixrhm u. praktixchen J l idiii/ot/ik im jiiil. Altertume; Oehler, art. " Pada^o^ik d. Alien Testaments." in Schmid s Encyclopadie d. Cn^inn/nten Erzivhuttijx- it. Unterrichtswesen; Schiirer. " Schriftgclehr- samkeit, Schule u. Synagoge," in Geschichte <l. jud. Volkes (ed 1907); west R. Smith, li,li,,ion of th<: Semites; Strauss- hurKer, Geschichte d. I nli rrtchtx hii d. Israelitcn; von Kohdon, art. " Katechetik " in Kcin s Ell I .

    11. II. MEYER

    EDUTH, e duth (Pfl"y , *edhuth, "testimony," a technical term for the Ten Commandments or for the Law): In Psalm 60 title, "set to Slmshan Eduth" (lit. "a lily [is] the testimony"); 80 title, "set to Shoshannim Eduth" (lit. "lilies [is] the testimony"). The Ileb words appear to be intended to designate a melody by the first few words ordinarily asso ciated with it. See PSALMsouth

    EFFECT, f-fckt , EFFECTUAL, f-fok tu-al: In the OT, RV renders "fulfilment" for "effect" in Ezekiel 12 23 (Hebrews dabhar, "matter"); ami in Jeremiah 48 30 "His boastings have wrought nothing" for the vaguer "His lies shall not so effect" of AY. In AV of the NT, "make of none effect" occurs repeat edly: as the translated of Gr akuroo, "render void" (Matthew 15 6; Mark 7 13); of katarged, "annul" (Rom 3 3 [AV "make without effect"]; 4 14; Galatians 3 17); and of kendo, "make empty" (1 Corinthians 1 17). RV renders

    "make of none effect" in Rom 3 3; Galatians 3 17; "make void" in the other cases, with no apparent reason for the lack of uniformity. Gr cttrrged is the opposite in meaning of katarged above. Its deriv ative encrges, "effective," is rendered "effectual" by EV in 1 Corinthians 16 <); Philem ver 0. RV dis penses with "effectual," " effectually," in the other cases where AV has used these words as auxiliary in the translated of cncrgt d or of cnerf/a a, "working" (2 Corinthians 1 <>; Galatians 2 8; Ephesians 3 7; 4 1(5; 1 Thessalonians 2 13; Ja.s 5 10). F. K. FAUR

    EGG (n^S , bcqah; toov, don; Lat ovum): An oval or spheroid body produced by birds, fishes and reptiles, from which their young emerge when in cubated or naturally developed. The fertile egg of a bird consists of the yolk, a small disk from which the embryo develops, the albuminous white, and a calcareous shell. The most ancient records prove that eggs have been used as an article of diet ever since the use of the flesh of fowl began. Chickens were unknown in Philestina-Canaan Land in the days of Job, so that his query concerning the taste of the white of an egg might have referred to those- of pigeons, ducks, eggs taken from the nests of geese or swans, game birds or ostriches. "Can that which hath no savor be eaten without salt? Or is there any taste in the white of an egg?" (Job 6 (>, RVm "the juice of purslain"). In Luke 11 12 there is every possibility that the egg of our common domestic fo\\\\ 1 is referred to, as "chickens" (q.v.) had been imported and were numerous in Philestina-Canaan Land at that time. "Or if lie shall ask an egg, will he give him a scorpion ?" The reference in Isaiah 59 ") is to the egg of a serpent, and is figura tive of the schemes of evil men: "They hatch adders eggs, and weave the spider s web: he that eateth of their eggs dieth; and that which is crushed breaketh out into a viper." GENK STKATTOX-PORTER

    EGLAH, eg la (PD:? , ^qhlah, "heifer"): Wife of David and mother of Ithream (2 Samuel 3 5 ij 1 Chronicles 3 3).

    EGLAIM, eg la-im (E^jS , cgMayiin; Agaleiiny. A place named in Isaiah 15 S, possibly in the south of Aloab. Onoin identifies it with Agallim, a village 1 <S Rom miles south of Areopolis. It cannot now be identified.

    EGLATH-SHELISHIYAH, eg lath-shel-i-shl ya (rr*tL"~TT r~r>", l eghlathsh e llshlyah): Found in Isaiah 15 . }; Jeremiah 48 34 (Hebrews) in oracles against Aloab. AV translated s "an heifer of three years old"; RV takes it as the name of a place, but ARVm has "a heifer three years old," ace. to LXX. In the former case strong and unconquered cities, Zoar and Horonaim, are compared to the heifer not yet broken to the yoke. Such use of "heifer" is not infrequent (cf Jeremiah 46 20; Hosea 10 11, etc). Hie majority of scholars, however, take it as a place-name. Some would read "the third Eglath," as if then; were three towns of that name. No probable identification has been suggested. west EWING

    EGLON, eg lon ("ibW, *eghlon, "circle"): A king of Moab in the period of the Judges who, in alliance with Ammon and Amalek, overcame Israel and made Jericho his capital, presumably driven across the Jordan by the turmoil in his own kingdom which at that time was probably being used as a battle ground by Edom and the desert tribes (cf Genesis 36 35). After 18 years of servitude the children of Israel were delivered by Ehud the Benjamite, who like so many other Benjamiles (cf Judges 20 16) was left-handed. Under the pretext of carrying a present to the tyrant, he secured a private interview



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    MIX I assassinated him with M, I wo-nlged sword which lie liMil carried concealed on his right side (.Judges 3 I .) 22 i. Ehud made his escape, rallied I ho children of Israel about him MIX! returned to coii(|Uer the Moabites (.Judges 3 30). Mi, i, A DAVIS ISAACS

    EGLON, eg lon (Y^y , *e</lilon; OSoXAdfj., ()<1<>1- liini): A royul Canaanite city whose king joined the league headed by Adonizedek of .Jerusalem against the Gibeonites, which suffered overwhelming defeat at the hands of Joshua (Joshua 10). Joshua, passed from Lihnah to Lachish, and from Lachish to Eglon on his way to Hebron (vs 31 IT). It was in the Shephelah of Judah (15 3!)). The name seems to be preserved in that of Khirbet \\\\jldn, about 10 miles \\Y. of Beit Jilinu. Professor Petrie, however, thinks that the site of Till \\ejlleh better suits (he requirements. While Khirhet \\\\jlnn is a compara tively modern site, the city at Tell Xejlleh must have been contemporary with that at Tell r/-//r.s// (Lachish). It lies t ullv three miles southeast of Tell d-IIesu. \\\\. Ewixi;

    EGYPT, r- jipt:

    1. THK COCSTKY

    1. The Basis of (he Land

    2. The Nile Valley

    :i. Karliest Human Remains t. Climate r>. Coixlitions of Life (i. The Nile 7. The Fauna ,south The Flora <>. The Prehistoric Races II. THK II i-i-roiiv

    1. 1st and 2d Ages: Prehistoric

    2. lid Age: 1st and lid Dynasties :;. 1th Aue: Hid Vlth Dynasties

    4. 5th Age: Vllth-XIVth Dynasties , r >. (ith Age: XVth-XXIVth Dynasties (i. 7th Age: XXVtli Dynasty to Roman Times 7. Nth A ne: Arabic s. Karly Foreign Connections III. Tin: OT CONNECTIONS 1 . Semitic ( Connections 2. Abramic Times :?. Circumcision 4. .Joseph

    f>. Descent into Egypt (i. The Oppression 7. The Historic Position X. The I higues <). Date of the Exodus

    10. Route of the Kxodus

    11. Numbers of the Kxodus

    12. Israel in ( anaan i:i. Hadad

    14. Pharaoh s Daughter lf>. Shishak

    l(i. Zerakh

    17. The Ethiopians

    15. Tahpaiihes ! .. Hophra

    20. The .Jews of Syene

    21. The New .Jerusalem of Oniah

    22. The Kgyptian .lew

    2:i. Cities and Places Alphabetically IV. TUB Civi i.i/. \\Tn > s

    1. Language

    2. Writing

    :!. Literature

    4. Four Views of Future Life

    5. Four (Jroups of Clods (i. Foreign ( iods

    7. Laws

    south Character

    LITERATI UK

    Egypt (3^2 C , )nicr/njini; f] At-yvn-ros, he Al- fliil>lot<): Usually supposed to represent the dual of Misr, n>ferring to "the two lands," as the Egyptians called their country. This dualism, however, has been denied by some.

    /. The Country. Though Egypt is one of the earliest countries in recorded history, and as regards

    its continuous civilization, yet it is a 1. The late country in its geological history

    Basis of and in its occupation by a settled pop- the Land ulation. The whole land up to Sil-

    sileh is a thick mass of Eocene lime stone, with later marls over that in the lower

    districts. It has been elevated on the 10., up to the mountains of igneous rocks many thousand ft. high toward the Ked Sea. It has been depressed on the \\\\ ., down to the Fayum and the oases below sea- level. This strain resulted in a, deep fault, from north to south for some hundreds of miles up from the Medi terranean. This fault left, its eastern side about 200 ft. above its western, and into it, the drainage of the plateau poured, widening it, out, so as to form the Nile valley, as the permanent drain of Northeast Africa. The access of water to the rift seems to have caused the basalt outflows, which are seen as black columnar basalt, south of the Fayum, and brown massive basalt at Khankah, north of Cairo.

    The gouging out, of the Nile valley by rainfall

    must have continued when the land was 300 ft.

    higher than at present, as is shown by

    2. The Nile the immense falls of strata into col- Valley lapsed caverns which were far below

    the present Nile level. Then, sifter the excavations of the valley, it has been submerged to o()0 ft. lower than at present, as is shown by the rolled gravel beds and deposits on the tops of the water-worn cliffs, and the filling up of the tributary valleys as at Thebes by deep deposits, through which the subsequent stream beds have been scoured out. The land still had the Nile source 30 ft. higher than it is now within the human period, as -ceil by the worked flints in high gravel beds above the Nile plain. The distribution of land and water was very different from that at present when the land was only 100 ft. lower Hum now. Such a change would make the valley an estuary up to south of the Fayum, would submerge much of the western desert, and would unite the Gulf of Suez and the Mediterranean. Such differences would entirely alter the conditions of animal life by sea and land. And as the human period began when the water was considerably higher, the conditions of climate and of life must have greatly changed in the earlier ages of man s occupation.

    The earliest human remains belonging to the present condition of the country are large palaeo lithic flints found in the side valleys

    3. Earliest at the present level of the Nile. As Human these are perfectly fresh, and not rolled Remains or altered, they show that palaeolithic;

    man lived in Egypt under the present conditions. The close; of this palaeolithic sige of hunters, and the beginning of a settled population of cultivators, cannot have been before the drying up of the climate, which by depriving the Kile of tributary streams enfeebled it so that its mud was deposited and formed a basis for agriculture. .From the known rate of deposit, and depth of mud soil, this change 1 took place about 10,000 years ago. As the recorded history of the country extends 7,500 years, and we know of two prehistoric ages before that, it is pretty well fixed that the disappearance of palaeolithic; man, and the beginning of the con tinuous civilization must have been about 9,000 to 10,000 years ago. For the continuation of this subject sec- the section on History" below.

    The climate of Egypt is unique in the world. So far as solar heat determines it, the condition is

    tropical; for, though just north of the

    4. The tropic which lies at the 1 boundary of Climate Egypt and Nubia, the; cloudless con dition fully compensates for higher

    latitude. So far as temperature of the air is con cerned, the climate is temperate, the mean heat of the winter months being f)2 and of the summer about 80, much the same as Italy. This is due to the steady prevalence of north winds, which main tain fit conditions for active, strenuous work. The rainlessness and dry air give the same facility of living that is found in deserts, where shelter is only



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    needed for temperature and not for wet; while the inundation provides abundant moisture for the richest crops.

    The primitive condition only recently changed of the crops being all raised during five cool

    months from November to April, and 6. Condi- the inundation covering the land dur- tions of ing all the hot weather, left the popu-

    Life lation free from labor during the

    enervating season, and only required their energies when work was possible under favor able conditions. At the same time it gave a great opportunity for monumental work, as any amount of labor could be drawn upon without the smallest reduction in the produce of the country. The great structures which covered the land gave train ing and organization to the people, without being any drain upon the welfare of the country. The inundation covering the plain also provided the easiest transport for great masses from the quarries at the time when labor was abundant. Thus the climatic conditions were all in favor of a great civilization, and aided its production of monuments. The whole mass of the country being of limestone, and much of it of the finest quality, provided ma terial for construction at every point. In the south, sandstone and granite were also at hand upon the great waterway.

    The Nile is the great factor which makes life possible in Northeast Africa, and without it Egypt

    would only be a desolate corner of the 6. The Nile Sahara. The union of two essentially

    different streams takes place at Khar tum. The White or light Nile comes from the great plains of the Sudan, while the Blue or dark Nile descends from the mountains of Abyssinia. The Sudan Nile from Gondokoro is filtered by the lakes and the sudd vegetation, so that it carries little mud; the Abyssinian Nile, by its rapid course, brings down all the soil which is deposited in Egypt, and which forms the basis for cultivation. The Sudan

    First Cataract of the Nile.

    Nile rises only 6 ft. from April to November; while the Abyssinian Nile rises 26 ft. from April to August . The latter makes the rise of the inundation, while the Sudan Nile maintains the level into the winter. In Egypt itself the unchecked Nile at Aswan rises 25 ft. from the end of May to the beginning of Sep tember; while at Cairo, where modified by the irrigation system, it rises 16 ft. from May to the end of September. It was usually drained off the land by the beginning of November, and cultivation was begun. The whole cultivable land of Egypt is but the dried-up bed of the great river, which fills its ancient limits during a third of the year. The time taken by a flush of water to come down the Nile is about 15 days from 400 miles above Khartum

    to Aswan, and about 6 days from Aswan to Cairo, or SO to 90 miles a day, which shows a flow of 3 to 3 1 miles an hour when in flood.

    The fauna has undergone great changes during

    the human period. At the close of the prehistoric

    age there are represented the giraffe,

    7. The elephant, wild ox, lion, leopard, stag, Fauna long-necked gazelle and great dogs,

    none of which are found in the historic period. During historic times various kinds of ante lopes have been exterminated, the hippopotamus was driven out of the Delta during Rom times, and the crocodile was cleared out of Upper Egypt and Nubia in the last century. Cranes and other birds shown on early sculptures are now unknown in the country. The animals still surviving are the wolf, jackal, hyaena, dogs, ichneumon, jerboa, rats, mice, lizards (up to 4 ft. long) and snakes, besides a great variety of birds, admirably figured by Whymper, Birds of Egypt. Of tamed animals, the ox, sheep, goat and donkey are ancient; the cat and horse were brought in about 2000 BC, the camel was not, commonly known till 200 AD, and the buffalo was brought to Egypt and Italy in the Middle Ages.

    The cultivated plants of Egypt were numerous. In ancient times we find the maize (durrah), wheat,

    barley and lentil ; the vine, currant , date

    8. The palm, dum palm, fig, olive and pome- Flora granate; the onion, garlic, cucumber,

    melon and radish; the sont acacia, syca more and tamarisk; the flax, henna and clover; and for ornament, the lotus, convolvulus and many others. The extension of commerce brought in by the Gr period, the bean, pea, sesame, lupin, helbeh, colocasia and sugar-cane; also the peach, walnut, castor-oil and pear. In the Rom and Arab, ages came in the chick pea, oats, rice, cotton, orange and lemon. In recent times have come the cactus, aloe, tomato, Indian corn, lebbek acacia and beetroot. Many European flowering and ornamental plants were also used in Egypt by the Greeks, and brought in later by the Arabs.

    The original race in Egypt seems to have been of the steatopygous type now only found in South

    Africa. Figures of this race are known

    9. The in the caves of France, in Malta, and Prehistoric later in Somaliland. As this race was Races still known in Egypt at the beginning

    of the neolithic civilization, and is there represented only by female figures in the graves, it seems that it was being exterminated by the new comers and only the women were kept as slaves.

    The neolithic race of Egypt was apparently of the Libyan stock. There seems to have been a single 1 type of the Amorites in Syria, the prehistoric Egyp tians and the Libyans; this race had a high, well- filled head, long nose slightly aquiline, and short, beard; the profile was. upright and not progna thous, the hair was wavy brown. It was a better type than the present south Europeans, of a very capable and intelligent appearance. From the objects found, and the religious legends, it seems that this race was subdued by an eastern, and prob ably Arabian race, in the prehistoric age.

    //. The History. The founders of the dynastic history were very different, having a profile with nose and forehead in one straight line, and rather thick, but well-formed lips. Historically the indi cations point to their coming from about Somali- land by water, and crossing into Egypt by the Kop- tos road from the Red Sea. The lid Dynasty gave place to some new blood, probably of Sudany origin. In the Vlth and Vllth Dynasties foreigners poured in apparently from the north, perhaps from Crete, judging by their foreign products. The XVth and XVlth Dynasties were Hyksos, or Sem "princes of the desert " from the east The XVIIth and XVIlIth



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    Dynasties were Berber in origin. The XlXtli Dynasty was largely Sem from Syria. The XXIId Dynasty was headed by an eastern adventurer Slieshenq, or Sliusinak, "the man of Susa." The XXVth Dynasty was Ethiopian. The XXVIth Dynasty was Libyan. The (i reeks Ilien poured into the Delta and the Eaynm, and Helleni/ed Egypt. The Roman made hut little change in the popula tion; hut during his rule the Aral) began to enter the eastern side, and by (ill AD the Aral) conquest swept the land, and brought in a large part per haps the majority of the ancestors of the present inhabitants. After o cents, the Tunisians the old Libyans conquered Egypt again. The later ad ministrations by Syrians, Circassians, Turks and others probably made no change in the general population. The economic changes of the past cent, have brought in Creeks, Italians and other foreigners to the large 1 towns; but all these only amount to an eightieth of the population. The C opts are the descendants of the very mixed Egyp tians of Rom age, kept separate from the Arab in vaders by their Christianity. They are mainly in I pper Egypt, where some villages are entirely Cop tic, and are distinguished by their superior clean liness, regularity, and the freedom of the women from unwholesome seclusion. The Copts, though only a iifteenth of the population, have always had a large share of official posts, owing to their intel ligence and ability being above that of the Muslim.

    In dealing with the history, we here follow the dating which was believed and followed by the Egyptians themselves. All the monu- 1. 1st and mental remains agree with this, so far 2d Ages: as they can check it; and lhe various Prehistoric arbitrary reductions that have been made on some periods are solely due to some critics preferring their internal sense to all the external facts. For the details involved in the chronology, see Historical /Studies, II (British School of Archaeology in Egypt ). The general outline of the periods is given here, and the detailed view of the connection with ()T history is treated in later sections.

    /.s/ Ar/< . The prehistoric age begins probably about SOOO BC, as soon as there was a suflicient amount of Nile deposit to attract a settled popu lation. The desert river valley of Egypt, was prob ably one of the latest haunts of steatopygous palaeo- lithic man of the Bushman type. So soon as then- was an opening for a pastoral or agricult ural people, he was forced away by settlers from Libya. These settlers were clad in goatskins, and made a small amount of pot tery by hand ; t hey knew also of small quantities of copper, but mainly used flint, of which they gradually developed the finest working known in any age. They rapidly advanced in civilization. Their pottery of red polished ware was decorated with white clay patterns, exactly like the pottery still made in the mountains of Algeria. The forms of it were very varied and exquisitely regular, although made without the wheel. Their hard- stone vases are finer than any of those- of the historic ages. They adopted spinning, weaving and wood work.

    Jil Age. Upon these- people came in others prob ably from the east, who brought in the use of the Arab face-veil, the belief in amulets, and the Pers lapis lazuli. Most of the previous forms of pottery disappear, and nearly all the productions are greatly altered. Copper became common, while gold, silver and lead were also known. Heliopolis was probably a center of rule.

    3d Age. About 5900 BC a new people came in with the elements of the art of writing, and a strong political ability of organization. Before 5800 BC they had established kings at Abydos in Upper

    Egypt, and for 3 cents, they gradually increased

    their power. On the carved slates which they have

    left, the standards of the allied tribes

    2. 3d Age: are represented; the earliest, in style 1st and lid shows the standard of Koptos, the next Dynasties has a standard as far X. as Ilermopolis,

    and the latest bears the standard of Letopolis, and shows the conquest of the Fayum, or perhaps one of the coast lakes. This last is of the first king of the 1st Dynasty, Mena.

    The conquest of all Egypt is marked by the be ginning of the series of numbered dynasties begin ning with Mena, at about 5550 BC. The civiliza tion rapidly advanced. The- art was at its best under the third king, Ze-r, and thence steadily de clined. Writing was still ideographic, under Mena, but became- more- syllabic and phonetic toward 1 he end of the dynasty. The- work in hanlstone was at its height in the vases of the- early part of the; 1st Dynasty, whe ii an immense variety of beautiful stones appear. It, greatly fell off em re-aching the llel Dynasty. The- tombs were all of timber, built in large- pits in the ground.

    4th Age The lid Dynasty fell about 5000 BC, and a new power rapidly raised the- art from an

    almost, barbarous state to its highest

    3. 4th Age: triumphs by about 4750 BC, when the Illd-VIth pyramid building was started. Khufu, Dynasties the builder of the ( iivat Pyramid in the

    IVth Dynasty, was one of the- greatest. rulers of Egypt. He organi/eel the administration e>n lines which lasted for ages, lie reformed the religiems system, abolishing the endowments, and substituting models for the sacrifice of animals. He trainee I the largest, boely of skille d labor that ever appeared, for the- building of his pyramid, the greatest and most accurate structure- that the- world has ever seen. The statuary of this age is more lifelike- than that of any later age. The- later re igns show steady de-cay in the character of work, with less dignity and more .superficiality in the art.

    (irc-iit Pyramid e>f Khufu.

    nth Agc. Ky about 4050 BC, the decline of Egypt allowed of fresh people pressing in from the north, prob ably connected with Crete. There are 4. 5th Age: few traces of these invaders; a curious Vllth- class of barbaric buttons used as seals

    XlVth are the-ir commonest remains. Prob-

    Dynasties ably the so-called "Hyksos sphinxes" and statues are of these people, ami belong to the time of their attaining power in Egypt. By 3600 BC, the art developed into the great ages of the- Xlth te> the Xllth Dynasties which lasted about 2 cents. The work is more scholastic and less nat ural than before; but it is very beautiful and of splendid accuracy. The exquisite jewelry of Dah shur is of this age. After some centuries of decay this civilization passed away.

    67/i Age. The Se-rn tribes had long been filtering into Egypt, and Bab Semites even ruled the land



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    until the great migration of the Hyksos took place about 2700 BC. These tribes were ruled by kings entitled "princes of the desert," like 5. 6th Age: the Sem Absha, or Abishai, shown in XV th- the tomb of Beni-hasan, as coining to

    XXIVth settle in Egypt, By 1700 BC the Ben-

    Dynasties bers who had adopted the Egyp civil ization pressed down from the south, and ejected the Hyksos rule. This opened the most flourishing period of Egyp history, the XVIIIth Dynasty, 1587-1328 BC. The profusion of painted tombs at Thebes, which were copied and popular ized by Gardner Wilkinson, has made the life of this period very familiar to us. The immense temples of Karnak and of Luqsor, and the finest of the Tombs of the Kings have impressed us with the royal magnificence of this age. The names of

    Sheshenq I (Shishak) in 952 BC, the founder of the XXIId Dynasty. His successors gradually decayed till the fall of the XXHId Dynasty in 721 BC. The Ethiopian XXVIth Dynasty then held Egypt as a province of Ethiopia, down to 664 BC.

    7th Age. It is hard to say when the next age began perhaps with the Ethiopians; but it rose to

    importance with the XXVIth Dynasty 6. 7th Age: under Psamtek (Psammitichos I), 664- XXVth 610 BC, and continued under the well-

    Dynasty- known names of Necoh, Hophra and Roman Amasis until overthrown by the Per-

    Times sians in 525 BC. From 405 to 342 the

    Egyptians were independent; then the Persians again crushed them, and in 332 they fell into the hands of the Macedonians by the conquest of Alexander.

    OBELISK OF THOTHMES I.

    Thothmes I and III, of the great queen Hatshepsut, of the magnificent Amenhotep III, and of the mono- theist reformer Akhenaton are among those best known in the history. Their foreign connections we shall notice later.

    The XlXth and XXth Dynasties were a period of continual degradation from the XVIIIth. Even in the best work of the 6th Age there is hardly ever the real solidity and perfection which is seen in that of the 4th or 5th Ages. But under the Ramessides cheap effects arid showy imitations were the regu lar system. The great Rameses II was a great advertiser, but inferior in power to half a dozen kings of the previous dynasty. In the XXth Dynasty one of the royal daughters married the high priest, of Amen at Thebes; and on the unex pected death of the young Rameses V, the throne reverted to his uncle Rameses VI, whose daughter then became the heiress, and her descendants, the high priests of Amen, became the rightful rulers. This priestly rule at Thebes, beginning in 1102 BC, was balanced by a purely secular rule of the north at Tanis (Zoan). These lasted until the rise of

    The Macedonian Age of the Ptolemies was one of the richest and most brilliant at its start, but soon faded under bad rulers till it fell hopelessly to pieces and succumbed to the Rom subjection in 30 BC. From that time Egypt was ground by taxation, and steadily impoverished. By 300 AD it was too poor to keep even a copper currency in circulation, and barter became general. Public monuments entirely ceased to be erected, and Decius in 250 AD is the last ruler whose name was written in the old hiero glyphs, which were thenceforward totally forgotten. After three more cents, of increasing degradation and misery, the Arab invasion burst upon the land, and a few thousand men rode through it and cleared out the remaining effete garrisons of the empire in 641 AD.

    8th Age. The Arab invasion found the country exhausted and helpless; repeated waves of tribes poured in, and for a generation or two 7. 8th Age: there was no chance of a settlement. Arabic Gradually the majority of the inhabi

    tants were pressed into Islam, and by about 800 AD a strong government was established



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    from Bagdad, and Egypt rapidly advanced. In place of being the most impoverished country it be came the richest land of the Mediterranean. The great period of mediaeval Egypt was under the guid ance of the Mesopotamia!! civilization, SOO-909 AD. The Tunisian dominion of the Fatimites, 909-1171, was less successful. Occasionally strong rulers arose, such as Salah-od-Din (Saladin), but the age of the Mamalukes, 1250-1577, was one of steady decline. Under the Turkish dominion, 15lf, Egypt was split up into many half-independent counties, whose rulers began by yielding tribute, but relapsed into ignoring the Caliphate 1 and living in continual internal feuds. In 1771 Aly Hey, a slave, succeeded in conquering Syria. The French and British quarrel left Muhamed Aly to rise su premo, and to guide Egypt for over 40 years. Again Egypt conquered Syria, 1S31 -39, but was compelled by Europe to retreat. The opening of the Suez Canal (1S(19) necessarily led to the subjection of Egypt to European direction.

    The foreign connections of Egypt have been brought to light only during the last 20 years. In

    place of supposing that Egypt was 8. Early isolated until the Cr conquest, we now Foreign see that it. was in the closest, eommor-

    Connections cial relation with the rest of the world

    throughout its history. We have al ready noted the influences which entered by con quest. During the periods of high civilization in Egypt, foreign connections came into notice by exploration and by trade. The la/uli of Persia was imported in the prehistoric age, as well as the emery of Smyrna. In the 1st Dynasty, Egypt conquered and held Sinai for the sake of the turquoise, mines. In the 1 1 Id Dynasty, large fleets of ships were built, some as much as 160 ft. long; and the presence of much pottery imported from Crete and the north, even before this, points to a Mediterranean trade. In the Vth Dynasty, King I nas had relations with Syria. From the Xllth Dynasty comes the de tailed account of the life of an Egyptian in Philestina-Canaan Land (Sanehatj; and Cretan pottery of this age is found traded into Egypt.

    /// Old Testament Connections. The Ilyksos invasion unified the rule of Syria and Egypt, and

    Syrian pottery is often found in Egypt

    I. Semitic of this age. The return of the wave, Connections when Egypt drove out the Hyksos, and

    conquered Syria out to the Euphrates, was the greatest expansion of Egypt. Tahutmes I set up his statue on the Euphrates, and all Syria was ii! his hands. Tahutmes III repeatedly raided Syria, bringing back plunder and captives year by year throughout most of his reign. The number of Syrian artists and of Syrian women brought into Egypt largely changed the style of art and the stand ard of beauty. Amonhotep III held all Syria in peace, and recorded his triumphs at the Euphrates on the walls of the temple of Soleb far up in Nubia. His monotheist son, Amenhotep \\\\ , took the name of Akhenaton, "the glory of the sun s disc," and established the worship of the radiant sun as the Aton, or Adon of Syria. The cuneiform letters from Tell el-Amarna place all this age before us in detail. There are some from the kings of the Amor- ites and Hittites, from Naharain and even Baby lonia, to the great suzerain Amenhotep III. There is also the long series describing the gradual loss of Syria under Akhenaton, as written by the governors and chiefs, of the various towns. The main letters are summarized in the Students History of Egypt,

    II, and full abstracts of all the letters are in Syria and Egypt, arranged in historical order.

    Philestina-Canaan Land was reconquered by Soti I and his son Rameses II, but they only held about a third of the extent which formerly belonged to Amenhotep III. Mer-

    enptah, son of Rameses, also raided Southern Philestina-Canaan Land. After that, it was left alone till the raid of Sheshenq in 933 BC. The only considerable assertion of Egyp power was in Necoh s two raids up to the Euphrates, in 009 and 005 BC. But Egypt generally held the desert and a few minor points along the south border of Philestina-Canaan Land. The Ptolemies seldom possessed more than that, their aspirations in Syria not lasting as per manent conquests. They were more successful in holding Cyprus.

    Soti I.

    We now come to the specific connections of Egypt

    with the OT. The movement of the family of

    Abram from I r in the south of Meso-

    2. Abramic potamia up to Haran in the north ((Jen Times 11 31) and thence down Syria into

    Egypt ((Jen 12 5.10) was like that of the earlier Sem "princes of the desert," when they entered Egypt as the Hyksos kings about 2000 BC. Their earlier dominion was the NVth Dynasty of Egypt, and that was followed by another movement, the XVIth Dynasty, about 2250 BC, which was the date of the migration of Torah from I r. Thus the Abramic family took part in the second Hyksos movement. The cause of these tribal movements has been partly explained by Mr. Iluntington s re searches on the recurrence of dry periods in Asia (Royal Ceogr. Soc., May 20, 1910: The. Pidxe <>f Asia). Such lack of rain forces the desert people s on to the cultivated lands, and then later famines are recorded. The dry age which pushed the Arab tribes on to the Mediterranean in 040 AD was suc ceeded by famines in Egypt during cents. So as soon as Abram moved into Syria a famine; pushed him on to Egypt (Genesis 12 10). To this succeeded other famines in Canaan (Genesis 26 1), and later in both Canaan and Egypt (Genesis 41 50; 43 1; 47 13). The migration of Abram was thus conditioned by the general dry period, which forced the second Hyksos movement of which it was a part. The culture of the Hyksos was entirely nomadic, and agrees in all that we can trace with the patriarchal culture pictured in Genesis.

    Circumcision was a very ancient mutilation in

    Egypt, and is still kept up there by both Muslim

    and Christian. It was first adopted

    3. Circum- by Abram for Lshmael, the son of the cision Egyp Hagar (Genesis 16 3; 17 23), be fore Isaac was promised. Hagar mar ried Ishmael to an Egyptian (Genesis 21 21), so that the Ishmaelites, or Hagarenes, of Gilead and Moab were three-quarters Egyptian.

    At Gerar, in the south of Philestina-Canaan Land, Egyptian was the prevailing race and language, as the general of



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    Abimelcch was Phichol, the Egyp name Pa-khal, "the Syrian," showing that the Gerarites were not Syrians.

    The history of Joseph rising to importance as a capable

    slave is perfectly natural in Egypt at that time, and

    equally so in later periods down to our

    4. Joseph own days. That this occurred during the

    Hyksos period is shown by the title given to Joseph Abrekh, ( abhrckh) (Genesis 41 43) which is Abnrakhu, the high Bab title. The names Zaplmath- paaiieah, Asenath, and Potipherah have been variously equated in Egyptian, Naville seeing forms of the XVIIIth Dynasty in them, but Spiegelberg, with more proba bility, seeing types of names of the XXI Id Dynasty or later. The names are most likely an expansion of the original document; but there is not a single feature or incident in the relations of Joseph to the Egyptians which is at all improbable from the history and civiliza tion that we know. See JOSEPH.

    The descent into Egypt and sojourn there are what

    might be expected of any Sem tribe at this time.

    The allocation in Goshen (Genesis 47 27)

    5. Descent was the most suitable, as that was on into Egypt the eastern border of the Delta, at the

    mouth of the Wady Tumilat, and was a district isolated from the general Egyp population. The whole of Goshen is not more than 100 sq. miles, being bounded by the deserts, and by the large Egyp city of Budastis on the west The accounts of the embalming for 40 days and mourning for 70 days (Genesis 50 3), and putting in a coffin (Genesis 50 26) are exact. The 70 days mourning existed both in the 1st Dynasty and in the XXth.

    The oppression in Egypt began with a new king

    that knew not Joseph. This can hardly be other

    than the rise of the Berber conquerors

    6. The Op- who took the Delta from the Hyksos pression at the beginning of the XVIIIth Dy nasty, 1582 BC, and expelled the

    Hyksos into Syria. It could not be later than this, as the period of oppression in Egypt is stated at 4 cents. (Genesis 15 13; Acts 7 6), and the Exodus cannot be later than about 1220 BC, which leaves 360 years for the oppression. Also this length of oppression bars any much earlier date for the Exo dus. The 360 years of oppression from 430 of the

    Statue of Barneses II at Luqsor.

    total sojourn in Egypt, leaves 70 years of freedom there. As Joseph died at 110 (Genesis 50 26), this implies that he was over 40 when his family came into Egypt, which would be quite consistent with the history.

    The store cities Pithom and Raamses are the sites

    Tell el-Maskhuta and Tell Rotub in the Wady

    Tumilat, both built by Rameses II as

    7. The frontier defences. It is evident then Historic that the serving with rigor was under Position that king, probably in the earlier part

    of his long reign of 67 years (1300- 1234 BC), when he was actively campaigning in Philestina-Canaan Land. This is shown in the narrative, for Moses was not yet born when the rigor began (Exodus 1; 22), and he grew up, slew an Egyptian, and then lived long in Midian before the king of Egypt died (Exodus 2 23), perhaps 40 or 50 years after the rigorous servitude began, for he is represented as being 80 at the time of the Exodus (Deuteronomy 34 7). These numbers are probably not precise, but as a whole they agree well enough with Egyp history. After the king died, Moses returned to Egypt, and began moving to get his kin away to the eastern deserts, with which he had been well acquainted in his exile from Egypt. A harsher servitude ensues, which might be expected from the more vigorous reign of Merenptah, after the slackness of the old age of Rameses. The cam paign of Merenptah against Israel and other people in Philestina-Canaan Land would not make him any less severe in his treatment of Semites in Egypt.

    The plagues are in the order of usual seasonal

    troubles in Egypt, from the red un-

    8. The wholesome Nile in June, through the Plagues frogs, insects, hail and rain, locusts,

    and sandstorms in March. The death of the firstborn was in April at the Passover.

    The date of the Exodus is indicated as being about 1200 BC, by the 4 cents, of oppression, and by

    the names of the land and the city

    9. Date of of Rameses (Genesis 47 4; cf Exodus 1 11). the Exodus The historical limit is that the Egyptians

    were incessantly raiding Philestina-Canaan Land down to 1194 BC, and then abandoned it till the invasion of Shishak. As there is no trace of these Egyp invasions during all the ups and downs of the age of the Judges, it seems impossible to suppose the Israelites entered Canaan till after 1194 BC. The setting back of the Exodus much earlier has arisen from taking three simultaneous histories of the Judges as consecutive, as we shall notice farther on. The facts stated above, and the length of all three lines of the priestly gene alogies, agree completely with the Egyp history in putting the Exodus at about 1220 BC, and the entry into Canaan about 1180 BC.

    The route of the Exodus was first a concentration at

    Raamses or Tell Rotdb, in the Wady Tumilat, followed

    by a march to Succoth, a general name for

    10. Route the region of Bedawy booths; from there _f iLp to Etham in the edge of the wilderness, ui LIIC about the modern Nefisheh. Thence they bxouus turned and encamped before Pi-hahiroth,

    the Egyp Pa-qaheret, a Serapeum. Thus turning south to the west of the Red Sea (which then ex tended up to Tell el-Maskhuta), they had a Migdol tower behind them and Baal-zephon opposite- to them. They were thus "entangled in the land." Then the strong east wind bared the shallows, and made it possible to cross the gulf and reach the opposite shore. They then went "three days in the wilderness," the three days route without water to Marah, the bitter spring of Hawara, and immediately beyond reached Elim, which accords entirely with the Wady Gharandel. Thence they encamped by the Red Sea. All of this account exactly agrees with the traditional route down the west of the Sinaitic peninsula; it will not agree with any other route, and there is no reason to look for any different location of the march. See EXODUS, I.

    Tho numbers of the Israelites have long boon a diffi culty. On the 0110 hand are the census lists (Numbers 1, 2 and

    26), with their summaries of 000,000 men

    11. Num- besides children and a mixed multitude hpr<; of thp < Exodus 12 37.38; 38 2G; Numbers 1 46; 11 21). uers> oi me On thc ot j ier ] iatu i t ] lero aro t ] 10 ( ; xa ct

    ExodUS statements of there being 22,273 firstborn,

    that is, fathers of families (Numbers 3 43), and that 40,000 armed men entered Canaan with Joshua (Joshua 4 13), also the 35,000 who fought at Ai (Joshua 8 3 12), and the 32,000 who fought against Midian (Judges 73). Besides these, there are the general considerations



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    that only 5,000 to 10,000 pooplo could live in C.oshcn, that the Amalekites with whom the Israelites were equally matched ( Kx 17 1 ) could not have exceeded about 5.000 in Sinai, that Moses judged all disputes, and that two midwives attended all the Israelite births, which would be 140 a day on a population of 000, (MM). Evi dently the statements of numbers are contradictory, and the external evidence is allin accord with lesser numbers. Proposals to reduce arbitrarily the larger numbers have been frequent; but there is one likely line of misunder standing that may have originated the increase. John the census lists of the tribes, most of the hundreds in the numbers are 400 or 500, others are near those, and there are none whatever on 000, 100, 800 or 900. Evidently the hundreds are independent of the thousands. Now in

    King Merenptah.

    writing the statements, such as "Reuben, 40,500," the original list would be 4(1 Y/, /)//, 5 hundred people, and eleph moans either "thousands" or else "groups" or "families." Hence a census of 40 tents, 500 people, would be ambiguous, and a later compiler might well take it as 40,500. In this way the whole census of 5 .S tents. 5.550 people, would be misread as OOH.550 pooplo. Tho chocks on this are, that the number per tent should be reasonable in all cases, that the hundreds should not fluctuate more than the tents between the lirst and last census, and that the total should correspond to the known populations of (ioshen and of Sinai; these requirements all agree witli this reading of the lists. The ulterior details beyond the ICgyptian period are dealt with in Egypt and Israel, 45, 55. See EXODUS, IV.

    Two points noed notice here as incidentally boar- ing on the Egyp connections: (1) the Israelites in Philestina-Canaan Land before the Exodus, indicated by

    12. Israel Merenptah triumphing over them there 1 in Canaan before 1230 BC, and the raids during

    the Egyp residence (1 Chronicles 7 21); (2) the triple history of the Judges, west, north, and east, each totaling to 120 years, in accord with the length of the four priestlv genealogies (1 Chronicles 6 4- 8.22-28.33-35.39-43.44-47), and showing that the dates are about 1220 BC the Exodus, 1180 BC the entry to Canaan, 1150 BC the beginning of Judges, 1030 BC Saul (Egypt and Israel, 52-58).

    The connections with the monarchy soon begin. David and Joab attacked Edom (2 Samuel 8 14), and

    Hadad, the young king, was carried

    13. Hadad off by his servants to Egypt for safety.

    The Pharaoh who received and sup ported him must have been Siamen, the king of Zoan, which city was then an independent capital apart from the priest kings of Thebes (1 Kings 11 15-

    22). Hadad was married to the Egyp queen s sis- tor when he grew tip, probably in the reign of Pa- sebklianu 11.

    The Pharaoh whose daughter was married to Solomon must have been the same Pasebkhanu; he

    reigned from 987-952 BC, and the

    : 14. Pha- marriage was about, 970 in the middle

    raoh s of the reign. Another daughter of

    Daughter Pasebkhanu was Karamat, who was

    the wife of Shishak. Thus Solomon and Shishak married two sisters, and their aunt was queen of Edom. This throws light on the politics of the kingdoms. Probably Solomon had some child by Pharaoh s daughter, and the Egyptians would expect that to be the heir. Shishak s inva sion, on the death of Solomon, was perhaps based upon the right of a nephew to the throne of Judah. The invasion of Shishak (Egyp, Sheshenq) took place probably at the end of his reign. His troops

    were Lubim (Libyans), Sukkim (men

    15. Shishak of Succoth, the east border) and Kush-

    im (Ethiopians). The account of the war is on the side of the great fore-court at Karnak, which shows long lists of places in Judah, agreeing with the subjugation recorded in 1 Kings 14 25.20, and 2 Chronicles 12 2 4.

    Zerakh, or Usarkon, was the next king of Egypt,

    the son of Karamat, Solomon s sister-in-law. He

    invaded Judah unsuccessfully in 903

    16. Zerakh BC (2 Chronicles 14 9) with an army of

    Libyans and Sudanis (2 Chronicles 16 S). A statue of the Nile, dedicated by him, and naming his descent from Karamat and Pasebkhanu, is in the British Museum.

    After a couple of cents, the Ethiopian kings inter vened. Shabaka was appointed viceroy of Egypt by his father Piankhy, and is described

    17. The by the Assyrians as Sibe, commander- Ethiopians in-chief of Muzri, and by the Hebrews

    as Sua or So, king of Egypt (2 Kings 17 4). Tirhakah next appears as a viceroy, and Heze- kiah was warned against trusting to him (2 Kings 19 9). These two kings touch on Jewish history during their viceroyalties, before their full reigns began. Necoh next touches on Judah in his raid to Car- chemish in 009 BC, when he slew Josiah for oppos ing him (2 Kings 23 29.30; 2 Chronicles 35 20-24).

    After the taking of Jerusalem, for fear of vengeance

    for the insurrection of Ishmael (2 Kings 25 25.20; Jeremiah

    40, 41, 42), the remnant of the Jews

    18. Tah- fled to the frontier fortress of Egypt, panhes Tahpanhes, Tehaphnehes, C!r Daphnae,

    mod. Defenneh, about lO miles \\V. of the present Suez Canal (Jeremiah 43 7-13). The brick pavement in front of the entrance to the fortress there, in which Jeremiah hid the stones, has been uncovered and the fortress completely planned. It was occupied by Greeks, who there brought (ir words and things into contact with the traveling Jews for a couple of generations before the fall of Jerusalem.

    The prophecy that Hophra would be delivered to them that sought his life (Jeremiah 44 30) was fulfilled,

    as he was kept captive by his successor,

    19. Hophra Amasis, for 3 years, and after a brief

    attempt at liberty, he was strangled. The account of the Jews settled in Egypt (Jeremiah 44) is singularly illustrated by the Aram. Jewish papyri found at Syene (Aswan). These show 7

    20. The the use of Aram, and of oaths by Yahu, Jews at as stated of 5 cities in Egypt (Isaiah 19 Syene 18). The colony at Syene was well-to- do, though not rich; they were house holders who possessed all their property by regular title-deeds, who executed marriage settlements, and were fully tised to litigation, having in deeds of sale a clause that no other deed could be valid. The temple of Yahu filled the space between two roads,



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    and faced upon 3 houses, implying a building about 60 or 70 ft. wide. It was built of hewn stone, with stone columns, 7 gates, and a cedar roof. It was destroyed in 410, after lasting from before Cam- byses in 525 BC, and a petition for rebuilding it was granted in 407.

    The most flourishing period of the Jews in Egypt

    was when Oniah IV, the son of the rightful high priest

    (Jniah, was driven from Jerusalem by the

    21. The abolition of Jewish worship and ordi- New Jeru- nances under Antiochus. In 170 BC salem of he fled to Egypt, and there established Oniah a new Jerusalem with a temple and sacrifices

    as being the only way to maintain the Jewish worship. Oniah IV was a valiant man, gen eral to queen Cleopatra I; and he offered to form the Jewish community into a frontier guard on the east of Egypt, hating the Syrians to the uttermost, if the Jews might form their own community. They so dominated the eastern Delta that troops of Caesar could not pass from Syria to Alexandria without their assent. The new Jems was 20 miles north of Cairo, a site now known as Till d-Yc/tu/l/i/i/i. The great mound of the temple still remains there, with the Passover ovens beneath it, and part of the mas sive stone fortifications on the front of it. This remained a stronghold of free Judaism until after Titus took Jerusalem; and it was only when the Zealots tried to make it a center of insurrection, that at last it was closed and fell into decay. Jos is the original authority for this history (see E<jij[>l and Israel, 97-ll()j.

    The Jew in Egypt followed a very different de velopment from the Bab Jew, and this Egyp type largely influenced Christianity. In the |

    22. The colony at Syene a \\\\ oman named "Trust Egyptian "iahvch" had no objection to swearing Jew by the Egyp goddess Seti when making

    an Egyp contract; and in Jeremiah 44 15- 19, the Jews boasted of their heathen worship in Egypt. Oniah had no scruple in establishing a temple and sacrifices apart from Jerusalem, without any of the particularism of the Maccabean zealots. Philo at Alexandria labored all his life for the union of Jewish thought with (!r philosophy. The Her metic, books show how, from 500 to 200 BC, religious thought was developing under eclectic influence of Egyp, Jewish, Pers, Indian and C.r beliefs, and producing the tenets about the second ( lod, the Eternal Son, who was the Logos, and the types of Conversion, as the Divine Hay, the New Birth, and the Baptism. Later the Wisdom lit. of Alexandria, 200-100 BC, provided the basis of thought and simile on which the Pauline Epp. were built. The great wrench in the history of the church came when it escaped from the Bab-Jewish formalism of the Captivity, which ruled at Jerusalem, and grew into the wider range of ideas of the Alexandrian Jews. These ideas had been preserved in Egypt from the days of the monarchy, and had developed a great body of religious thought and phraseology from their eclectic connections. The relations of Chris tianity with Egypt are outside our scope, but some of them will be found in E<jiji>t and /.s/v;<7, 124-41.

    The Egyp cities, places and peoples named in the OT may briefly be noted. AVK.N (Ezekiel 30 17; or

    ON (Genesis 41 45) is the An of Egyptian,

    23. Cities the Cr Heliopolis, now Mataridi, 7 and Places miles north of Cairo. It was the seat Alphabet!- of prehistoric government, the royal cally emblems were kept there as the .sacred

    relics of the temple, and its high priest was the great seer," one of the greatest of the religious officials. The schools of Heliopolis were celebrated, and it seems to have always been a cen ter of learning. The site is now marked by the great inclosure of the temple, and one obelisk of

    Senusert (Xllth Dynasty). It was here that the Egyp kings had at their installation to come and bathe in the lake in which the sun bathes daily, the Ainesh-Shems, or "Lake of the Sun" of the Arabs, connected with the fresh spring here which Chris tian tradition attributes to the visit of the Virgin and Child. The great sycamore tree here is the successor of that under which the Virgin is said to have rested.

    BAAL-ZEPHOX was a shrine on the eastern site of the head of the Red Sea, a few miles south of Ismaili- yeh; no trace is now known of it (Exodus 14 2).

    CUSIIIM or Ethiopians were a part of the Egyp army of Shishak and of I sarkon (2 Chronicles 12 3; 16 <S). The army was in 4 brigades, that of Ptah of Memphis, central Egypt; that of Amen of Thebes, Southern Egypt and Ethiopia; that of Set of the eastern frontier (Sukkim); and that of Ra, Heliop olis and the Delta.

    GOSHEX was a fertile district at the west end of the Wady Tumilat, 40 to 50 miles northeast of Cairo. It was bounded by the deserts on the north and southeast, and by the Egyp city of Bubast is on the west Its area was not over 100 sq. miles; it formerly sup ported 4,000 Bedawin and now about 12,000 cul- t ivators.

    Lrm.M, the Libyans who formed part of the Egyp army as light-armed archers, from very early times.

    MlGDOL is the name of any tower, familiar also as Magdala. It was applied to some watchtower on the \\Y. of the Red Sea, probably on the high land above the Serapeum.

    No is Thebes, in Assyr X id, from the Egyp Numbers, "the city." This was the capital of the Xllth Dynasty, and of the XVIIth-XXlst Dynasties. Owing to the buildings being of sandstone, which is not ot much use for reworking, they have largely remained since the desolation of the city under Ptolemy X. The principal divisions of the site are: (1) Karnak, with the temple of the Xllth Dynasty, built over by all the successive kings of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and enlarged by Seti 1 and Hameses II, and by Shishak, Tirhakah, and the Ptolemies. The whole temple of Amon and its subsidiary temples form the largest mass of ruins that is known. (2) Luqsor, the temple to commemorate the divine birth of Amenhotep 111 (1110 BC), added to by Kameses II. (3) The funerary temples, bordering the western shore, of the kings of the XVIIIth to XXth Dynasties. These have mostly been de stroyed, by the unscrupulous quarrying done by each king on the work of his predecessors; the only temple in fair condition is that of Rameses III, which is left because no later king required its material for building. (4) The great cemetery, rang ing from the splendid rock halls of the Tombs of the Kings, covered with paintings, down to the humblest graves. For any detailed account see either Bae deker s or Murray s Guides, or Weigall s Guide to Antiquities.

    NOPH, the Egyp Men-nofer, Gr Memphis, now Mitraheny, 12 miles south of Cairo. This was the capi tal from the foundation at the beginning of the dynasties. Thebes and Alexandria shared its im portance, but it was the seat of government down to the Arab invasion. In Rom times it was as large as London north of the Thames. The outlying parts are now all buried by the rise of the soil, but more than a mile length of ruins yet remains, which are now being regularly worked over by the British School. The heart of the city is the great metro politan temple of Ptah, nearly all of which is now under 10 feet of soil, and under water most of the year. This is being excavated in sections, as it is all private property. At the north end of the ruins is the palace mound, on which has been cleared the palace of Apries (Hophra). Other temples have



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    been located, us well as the foreign quarter con taining early C!r pottery and the temple of Proteus named by Herodotus (see Memphis, I, II, III).

    PATHHOS is the usual name for Upper Egypt in the prophets. It is the Egyp Pa-ta-res, "the south land."

    PIBESETH is the Egyp Pa-Bast, Gr Bubastis, at the eastern side of the Delta, the city of the cat-headed goddess Bast. The ruins are still large, and the temple site has been excavated, producing sculptures from the IVth Dynasty onward.

    PITHOM is the Egyp Pa-Turn, the city of the Hun- god Turn or At mu, who was worshipped on the east of the Delta. The site has remains of the fortress of Rameses II, built by the Israelites, and is now known as Tell el-Maskhuta, 11 miles west of Ismailia.

    RAAMSKS is the other city built by the Israelites, now Tell Rntah, 20 miles \\V. of Ismailia. A walled camp existed here from early times, and the temple of Rameses was built on the top of the older ruins. A large part of the temple front is now at Philadel phia, excavated by the British School.

    Six is the Or Pelusium, Assyr Siinu, Arab. Tineh, now .some desolate mounds at the extreme east coast of Egypt.

    SrcroTH was the district of "booths," the eastern part of the \\Vady Tumilat. It was written in Egyp Thuku and abbreviated to Thu in which form it appears as a Rom name. The people of Succoth were Sukkiin, named in the army of Shishak (2 Chronicles 12 3).

    SYKNE, Hebrews S e ircnth, mod. Axirait, the southern border town of Egypt at the Cataract . The greater part of the old town was on the island of Elephan tine. There the Jewish papyri were found, and that was probably the Jewish settlement with the temple of Yahu. The town on the eastern bank the pres ent Afiirfin was of less importance.

    TAHPANHES, TKHAPHXEHES, Gr Daphnae, Arab. Tell Defeneh. This was the first station on the Syrian road which touched the Nile canals, about 10 miles west of Kantara on the Suez Canal. It seems to have been founded by Psammetichus about (H)4 BC, to hold his Gr mercenaries. The fort, built by him, abounded in Gr pottery, and was finally desolated about 566 BC, as described by Herodotus. The fort and cam]) have been excavated; and the pavement described by Jeremiah (eh 43), as op posite to the entrance, has been identified.

    ZOAN, Gr Tanis, Aral). Xuti, is about 20 miles from the Suez Canal, and slightly more from the coast. The ruins of the temple are surrounded by the wall of Pasebkhanu, SO ft. thick of brickwork, and a ring of town ruins rises high around it. The temple was built in the YIth Dynasty, adorned with many statues in the Xllth and XHIth Dynasties, and under Rameses II had many large granite obelisks and statues, esp. one colossus of the king in red granite about 90 ft. high. It is probable that the Pharaoh lived here at the time of the Exodus.

    IV. The Civilization. We now turn to some out line of the civilization of the Egyptians. The lan guage had primitive relations with the 1. Lan- Sem and the Libyan. Perhaps one guage common stock has separated into three

    languages Scm, Egyp and Libyan. But though some basal words and grammar are in common, all the bulk of the words of daily life were entirely different in the three, and no one could be said to be derived from the other. Egyp, so far as we can see, is a separate language without any connection as close as that between the Indo-Euro pean group. From its proximity to Syria, Sem loan words were often introduced, and became common in the XVIIIth Dynasty and fashionable in the XlXth. The language continually altered, and decayed in the later periods until Coptic is as different from it as Italian is from Latin.

    The writing was at first ideographic, using a sym bol for each word. Gradually, signs were used phonetically; but the symbol, or some

    2. Writing emblem of the idea of the word, con

    tinued to be added to it, now called a determinative. From syllabic signs purely alpha betic signs were produced by clipping and decay, so that by 1000 to 500 BC the writing was almost alphabetic. After that it became modified by the influence; of the short Gr alphabet, until by 200 AD it was expressed in Gr letters with a few extra signs. The actual signs used were elaborate pictures of the objects in the early times, and even down to the later periods very detailed signs were carved for monumental purposes. But as early as the 1st Dynasty a very much simplified current hand had been started, and during the pyramid period this became hardly recognizable from the original forms. Later on this current hand, or fiiertilic, is a studv by itself and was written much more fully than the hieroglyphs on monuments, as its forms were so corrupt that an ample spelling was needed to iden tify the word. By about- 800 BC begins a much shortened set of signs, still more remote from their origins, known as demotic, which continued as the popular writing till Rom times. On public decrees t he hieroglyphic; and demot ic are both given, showing that a knowledge of one was useless for reading the other, and that they were separate studies.

    The literature begins during the pyramid period,

    before 4000 BC, with biographies and collections of

    maxims for conduct; these show well-

    3. Liter- regulated society, and would benefit ature any modern community in which they

    were followed. In the Xllth Dynasty tales appear, occupied with magic and foreign travel and wonders. A long poem in praise of the king shows very regular versification and system, of the type of Psalm 136, the refrain differing in each stanza and being probably repeated in chorus, while the independent lines were sung by the leader. In the XVIIIth Dynasty, tales of character begin to de velop and show much skill, long annals were recorded, and in the XlXth Dynasty there is an elaborate battle poem describing the valor of Rameses II. At about 700 BC there is a considerable tale which describes the quarrels of the rival chiefs, and the great fight regulated like a tournament by which the differences were settled. Such are the principal literary works apart from business documents.

    The religion of Egypt is an enormous subject, and that by which Egypt is perhaps most known. Here

    we can only give an outline of the

    4. Four growth and subdivisions of it. There Views of never was any one religion in Egypt Future Life during historic times. Then; were at

    least four religions, all incompatible, and all believed in at once in varying degrees. The different religions can best be seen apart by their incongruity regarding the future life.

    (1) The dead wandered about the cemetery seek ing food, and were partly fed by the goddess in the sycamore tree. They therefore needed to have plates of food and jars of \\vater in the tomb, and provided perpetually by their descendants in front of the doorway to the grave. The deceased is rep resented as looking out over this doorway in one case. Here came in the great principle of substi tution. For the food, substitute its image which cannot decay, and the carved table of offerings results. For the farmstead of animals, substitute its carved image on the walls and the animal sculp tures result. For the life of the family, substitute their carved figures doing all that was wanted, sac rificing and serving, and the family sculptures result. For the house, substitute a model upon the grave, and the pottery soul-houses appear with their

    ANCIENT EGYPTIAN PAINTINGS ON CLOTH



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    furniture and provisions. For the servants, put their figures doing household work, and their service is eternal. For the master himself, put the most lifelike image that can he made, and his soul will occupy lhat as a restful home fitted for it. This principle is still believed in. Funeral offerings of food are still put even in Muslim graves, and a woman will visit a grave, and, removing a tile, will talk through a hole to her dead husband.

    (2) The dead went to the kingdom of Osiris, to which only the good were admitted, while the evil were rejected, and consumed either by monsters or by fire. This heavenly kingdom was a complete duplicate of the earthly life. They planted and reaped, sported and played. And as the Egyp felicity consisted in making others work for them, so each man was provided with a retinue of serfs to cultivate the land for him. These ushabti figures in later times usually number 400, and often 1 in 10 of them is clad as an overseer. A special chapter of the Book of the Dead is to be recited to animate them, and this, more or less abbreviated, is often inscribed upon the figures.

    (3) The dead joined the company of the immortal gods, who float on the heavenly ocean in the boat of the sun. With them they have to face the terrors of the hours of the night when the sun goes through the underworld. Long charms and directions are needed for safety in this passage, and these form a large part of the funerary tests, esp. on the Tombs of the Kings in the XVIHth-XXlst Dynasties. To reach the boat of the sun a boat must be provided in the tomb, with its sailors and sails and oars. Such are frequent from the Vlth-XIIIth Dynasties.

    (4) The dead were carried off by the Hathor cow, or a bull, to wait for a bodily resurrection. In order to preserve the body for some life after the present age, each part must be protected by an appropriate amulet; hence dozens of different amu lets were placed on the body, esp. from about 600- 400 BC.

    Now it will be seen that each of these beliefs con tradicts the other three, and they represent, then- fore, different religious origins.

    The mythology is similarly diverse, and was uni fied by uniting analogous gods. Hence when we see the compounds such as Ptah- 6. Four Spkar-Osiris, or Amen-Ra or Osiris- Groups Khentamenti, it is clear that each god of Gods of the compound belongs to a different religion, like Pallas-Athene or Zeus- Labrandeus, in Gr compounds. So far as we can at present see, the gods linked with each of the beliefs about the soul are as follows:

    (1) The soul in the tombs and cemetery. With this belief belong the animal gods, which form the earliest stratum of the religion; also Sokar the god of "Silence," and Mert Sokar, the "Lover of Si lence," as the gods of the dead. With this was allied a belief in the soul sometimes going to the west, and hence Khent-amenti, a jackal-headed god, "he who is in the west," became the god of the dead.

    (2) The soid in the heavenly kingdom. Osiris is the lord of this kingdom, Isis his sister-wife, Horns their son, Nebhat (Nephthys) the sister of Isis, and Set her husband. Set also was regarded as coequal with Horus. This whole mythology results prob ably from the fusion of tribes w T ho were originally monotheistic, and who each worshipped one of these deities. It is certain that the later parts of this mythology are tribal history, regarded as the vic tories and defeats of the gods whom the tribes wor shipped.

    (3) The soul in the sun-boat. Ra was the Sun- god, and in other forms worshipped as Khepera and Atmu. The other cosmic gods of the same group are Nut, the heaven, and her husband Geb, the

    earth; Shu, space, and his sister Tefnut. Anher the Sky-god belongs to Tipper Egypt.

    (4) The mummy with amulets, preserved for a future life. Probably to this group belong the gods of principles, Hathor the female principle; Min the male principle ; Ptah the architect and creator of the universe; his spouse Maat, abstract truth and justice.

    Foreign gods frequently appear also in Egypt,

    mostly from Syria. Two importations were of

    great effect. Aton the radiant energy

    6. Foreign of the sun, the Adon or "lord," Ado- Gods nai, Adonis, was introduced as a sole

    deity by Akhenaton 1380 BC, and all other gods were proscribed. This was a strictly rational and scientific religion, attributing all life and power to the action of the sun s rays; but it only lasted 20 years in Egypt, and then vanished. The other important worship was that of Zeus Sara- pis. The Zeus statue is said to have been imported from Sinope by Ptolemy I, but the Sarapis was the god of Memphis, Osarhapi, the Osiris form of the Hapi bull. The Egyptian worshipped his old gods; the Greek was satisfied with Zeus; and both nations united in adoring Zeus Sarapis. The temples and ritual are too wide a subject to touch in our present space; but the essential principle was that of pro viding a banquet for the god, and feasting in his temple, not that of an expiatory sacrifice or burnt offering, which is Semitic.

    The laws are but little known until the late Gr accounts. Marriage was usual with a sister, but

    this may have been with a half-sister,

    7. Laws as among the Greeks and early He

    brews. Polygamy was unusual, but was legal, as many as six wives being represented in one instance. Kings of course had unlimited ha rems. Divorce was unusual, but was probably easy. In Coptic times a marriage contract provides for divorce by either party, on paying six times the marriage gift. Property was strictly guarded.

    The national character was easygoing, kindly, never delighting in torture like the Assyrians and

    Romans, but liable to be too slack

    8. Character and careless as at present. Firm

    ness, decision and fortitude were held up as the leading virtues. The structure of society, the arts and the industries are outside of the scope of this article.

    [For differing views on chronology and sites, see arts. EXODUS; WANDERINGS; PITHOM; RAAMSES, etc, and on individual kings, etc, arts, under their names, and EGYPTIAN KINGsouth]

    LITERATURE Works in Eng., that are the most accessi ble, are stated in preference to foreign works, the refer ences to which will be seen in the books stated below. P = Petrie.

    The Country: Baedeker s Egypt; on the flora, P, Ilawara, Biahmu, and Arsinoe.

    The History: Prehistoric: P, Diospolis Parva, etc; de Morgan, Recherches; Maspero, The Dawn of Civilization, The Struggle of the Nations, The Pausing of the Empires; P, Student s History of Egypt; Breasted, A History of Egypt, etc. On the Ist-IId Dynasties, P, Royal Tombs. On the Illd-VIth Dynasties, P, The Pyramids and Tem ples of Gizeh; Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I. On the Vllth-XIVth Dynasties, P, Gizeh and Rifeh; do Morgan, Dahchour, I, II. On the XVth-XXIVth Dynasties, Wei- gall, Guide to Antiquities; Baedeker on Thebes; P, Six Temples at Thebes. Oil the XXVth Dynasty to Roman times, P, Temple of A pries; Mahatfy, The Empires of the Ptolemies; Milne, History of Egypt under Roman Rule. On the early foreign connections, P, Methods and Aims in Archaeology.

    On the Som connections: P, Syria and Egypt from the Tell el- A mar na Tablets.

    On the OT connections: P, Egypt and Israel.

    On the language: Murray, Elementary Grammar.

    On the writing and lit.: Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt; P, Egyptian Tales, I, II.

    On the religion: Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient

    Egyptians.

    On the Customs: Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians.

    On the arts: P, The Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt.

    west M. FLINDERS PETKIE



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    EGYPT, BROOK (RIVER, STREAM) OF. See

    BROOK OF Ecvi T.

    EGYPTIAN KINGS (LATER). Sec PHARAOH HOPURA; NECOH: SIIISIIAK; lOovrr, III.

    EGYPTIAN, p-jip shan, THE (6 Ai-yxwTios, ha

    Aiyiiittiox): Mentioned in Acts 21 oS, by Claudius Lysias as having "before these days stirred up to sedition and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the ASSASSINS" (q.v.). Refer ence to this Egyptian and to the suppression of his rebellion by the procurator Felix is likewise found in Jos (Ant, X X, viii, (>; BJ , II, xiii, 5).

    EGYPTIAN VERSIONS, vur shuns. Se TIC VERSIONsouth

    EGYPTIANS, GOSPEL ACCORDING TO THE

    See Ai ocuvi iiAL ( JOSI-EI.south

    EHI, e hl (" nS , rlil>: Apparently a contracted form (.(Jen 46 21 j. See AHIKAM.

    EHUD, e hud (~"~X, eh nilli, "united," "st rong" i : A Benjamite, son of (icra, deliverer of Israel from oppression by Moab (Judges 3 !.">-:->()). Gaining access alone to the presence of King Eglon under pretence of a secret errand connected with the payment of Israel s tribute, Ehud, a left-handed man, drew the sword he had concealed upon his right side, and thrust the king through. He locked the doors of the upper chamber after him, made his escape, and with the Israelites overcame Moab at the fords of the Jordan, slaying some 10, 000. Ehud s name occurs again in the Benjamite genealogy (1 ( h 7 10). F. K. FAKR

    EITHER, e ther, I ther: Often in the sense still common, "one or the other" (1 Chronicles 21 21; Matthew 6 24, etc), but also in t he obs sense 01 bot h" or "each" (Leviticus 10 1; 1 Kings 7 1.1; .In 19 is; IJev 22 2), or in place of (RV) "or" (Luke 6 42; 15 S; Philippians 3 12; Jas 3 12).

    EKER, e ker H~" , eker, "root"): A Jerahmeelite (1 Chronicles 2 27).

    EKREBEL, ek re-bel ( EK P pT|X, Ekrebtl): Ap pears only in .Ith 7 Isouth It lay on the brook Moch- mur, south of Dothan. It is identical with Akrabbein, of which Onani speaks as the capital of the district of Akrabattine. It corresponds to the mod. * Ak- riilx h, S miles southeast of Nftblus.

    EKRON, ek ron, EKRONITE, ek ron-It O" " 1 !?? > ^ckron, "migration, "rooting out"; AKKapciv, Akkardri): The most northerly of the chief cities of the Philis. It was not subdued by Joshua (13 3) but was allotted, in the division of the land, first to Judah and then to Dan (15 11.4.~).4<>; 19 4:5). It was taken by Judah (Judges 1 IS). The people of 10. are prominent in the story of the ark in the land of the Philis. It was they who proposed to have it .sent back to Israel (1 Samuel 5 10; 6 Ki.17). After the defeat of the Philis, when David killed (Joliath, the Israelites pursued them to the gates of east, which was evidently the nearest walled town in which the fugitives could take refuge (17 52). It was the seat of the worship of the god Baalzebub, as appears in the account of the sickness and death of Ahaziah (2 Kings 1 2. :$.(). 10). It is included among other cities in the denunciations of Amos (1 8) and of Jeremiah (25 20). Zephaniah declares that it shall be rooted up (2 4), and Zechariah speaks of its consternation at the fall of Tyre (9 5.7). From the Assyr records we learn that it revolted against

    Sennacherib and expelled Padi, the governor he had placed over it, and sent, him to He/ekiah, at Jerusalem, for safe keeping. Sennacherib marched against it and east called in the aid of the king of Mutsri, formerly supposed to be Egypt but now regarded by some scholars as a district of Northwestern Ara bia. Sennacherib raised the siege of 10. to defeat this army, which he did at Eltekeh, and then re turned and took the city by storm and put to death the leaders of the revolt and carried their adherents into captivity. He then compelled Hezekiah to restore Padi, who was once more made governor. This affair led to the famous attack of Sennacherib on He/ekiah and Jerusalem (Raw!., Anc. Man., II, lf>9). 10. is mentioned in 1 Mace 10 89 as being given by Alexander Balas to Jonathan Maccabaeus, and it appears in the accounts of the first Crusade.

    Ekronite: An inhabitant of Ekron, used in pi. in Joshua 13 ;i and 1 Samuel 5 10. H. POKTKH

    EL. See Con, NAMES OF.

    ELA, e la ( HXd, Eln, 1 Esd 9 27): ( 1 ) Same as 101am (E/,r 10 2(1). (2) Father of Shimei (1 Kings 4 IS, AV "Flah"). See lOi.Aii, 2.

    ELADAH, el a-da. See ELEADAH.

    ELAH, e la (H~X , Tlali, "oak" or "terebinth"):

    (1) A "duke" or "sheik" (head of a clan, RV "chief") of lOdom (Cen 36 41 ).

    (2) Shimei-ben-Elah, Solomon s commissary in Benjamin (1 Kings 4 is AV ).

    (3) A son of Caleb the son of Jephunneh (1 Chronicles 4 15).

    (1) Father of Hoshea, last king of Israel (2 Kings 15

    :;o: 17 1 1.

    (">) A Benjamite, son of \\ ///.[, one of the chiefs of the tribes when the country was set tied (1 Chronicles 9 S). (it) King of Israel. See next article.

    ELAH, e la. Son of Baasha, fourth king of Israel (1 Kings 16 (> I 1). He reigned two years, SS8 .vs7 BC. The statement that he came to the throne in the 2(>th year of Asa, reigned two years, and died in the 27th year of Asa, illustrates the Hebrews method of synchronizing the reigns of the kings of Israel and Judah (cf 1 Kings 15 33; 16 S). Elah appears to have been a debauchee. \\\\ hile he was drinking himself drunk in the house of A/,ra, his chamberlain, Zimri, one of his military leaders, conspired against him and murdered him. Accord ing to Jos (VIII, xii, 4) he took advantage of the absence of the army, which was at. Cibbethon, to kill Flah. The extirpation of the royal family fol lowed the murder of the king. Baasha s dynasty had its origin in a murder and it ended in a murder. The government had no stability. These revolu tions illustrate the truth that "they who take the sword shall perish with the sword."

    south K. MOSIMAN

    ELAH, VALE OF (HpSn p", fwnfc ha- clah, "valley of the terebinth"; T) KoiAds HXa, he koilds Eld; A, TTJS Spvos, tfn dnw.s) : The scene of the events of 1 Samuel 17 2 IT, referred to also in 1 Samuel 21 9. There can be no doubt that this is the \\Vndij r.s Stint ("val ley of the terebinth"), or part of it. This is the southernmost of the great valleys which cut, through the Shephelah. Commencing near Hebron, close to Beit Sur, it descends under the name Wady es Sur in a more or less northerly direction until near Hi it Xelt tf where it turns abruptly west and receives the name Wady es Sunt. Here it is joined by the }\\ <idy en Najil, coming from the north, and from the east by the Wady el-Jindy, down which descends an ancient road from Bethlehem. Where all these



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    valleys coalesce the Wady cs Sunt expands into a wide and level bottom, half a mile across. On a steep hill to the southern side and a little southeast of the wide expanse is Kh. esh-Shuweikeh, the site of Socoh. That the great events of 1 Samuel 17 2 if took place here there can be no doubt: the Philis ranged themselves upon the southern hills; the Israelites to the north or northeast L pon the wide level valley the contest with Goliath occurred. The exact position of Saul s forces may be a matter of speculation, but the late Principal Miller of Madras, who made a special study of the locality (Least of All Lands, ch v), considered that the little valley ascending northeast from Wady cs Suttt to Beit Netttf was probably the actual Vale of Elan and that here the Israelites had their fortifications. His elucidation of the whole story is most convincing,

    east west G. MASTERMAN ELAM, e larn P?" 1 ?, clam):

    (1) A son of Shem (Genesis 10 22; 1 Chronicles 1 17; see ELAMITES).

    (2) A Benjamite (1 Chronicles 8 24).

    (3) A Korahite (1 Chronicles 26 3).

    (4) Heads of families in the return (Ezr 2 7 ] Neh 7 12; Ezr 2 31 || Neh 7 34; Ezr 8 7; 10 2.26).

    (5) A chief of the people (Neh 10 14).

    (6) A priest (Neh 12 42).

    ELAM, e lam, ELAMITES, (- lam-Its (DbiJ, <elam; AlXd(i, Aildin; Jcr 49 3(5. N* reads E\\d(x, Elam):

    1. Geographical Position and Namos

    2. Surface Configuration

    3. Mountain Kangos

    4. Rivers

    5. Climate

    6. Vegetation

    7. Fauna

    8. The Population

    9. The Principal Cities

    10. Apirti and the "Bandit Nations"

    11. The Languages of Elam

    12. History

    (1) The Earliest Period

    (2) Sargon of Agade and His Successors

    (3) The Suzerainty of the Kings of t r

    (4) Elam Becomes Predominant 2280 Years BC

    (5) Tho Extension of Elamito Authority West ward

    (6) Babylonia Again Supremo

    (7) Hurbatila s Challenge to Kuri-galzu

    (8) Elam Again Supreme

    (9) Elam Again Defeated, but Recovers

    (10) The Conflict between Elam and Assyria

    (11) Sennacherib against Chaldaea and Elam

    (12) Assyrian Friendship and Elamite Ingratitude

    (13) Te-umman and the Elamito Seed-royal. As syria s Triumph

    (14) Elamite Ingratitude and Treachery

    (15) Elam s Further Changes of Rulers

    (16) King Tammaritu s Treachery

    (17) Dominion Passes from Assyria

    (18) The Later State of Elam

    13. Elamite Religion

    14. Elam s Importance. Her Literature

    15. Art during the 1st and 2d Prehistoric Periods

    Iti. Art in the Archaic Period, That of the Viceroys, and

    That of the Kings

    17. Temperament of the Inhabitants of Elam LITERATURE

    A well-known tract, partly mountainous, whose western boundary, starting on the northeast side of the

    Pers Gulf, practically followed the 1. Geo- course of the lower Tigris. It was graphical bounded on the north by Media, on the Position east by Persia and on the \\V. by Baby- and Names Ionia. The Assyro-Babylonians called

    the tract Elamtu, expressed ideo- graphically by the Surnerian characters for Nimtna or Numina, which seems to have been its name in that language. As Numma or Elam apparently means "height," or the like, these names were prob ably applied to it on account of its mountainous nature. Another name by which it was known in early times was Ashshan, for Anshan or Anzan (Anzhan), one of its ancient cities. The great

    capital of the tract, however, was Susa (Shushan), whence its Gr name of Susiana, interchanging with Elymais, from the Sem Elam.

    Elam consisted of a plain occupying a depression

    in the mountains of Iran or Persia. Of this the

    smaller part which, however, was

    2. Surface also the most ancient historically Configur- lay between the Pusht-e-Kuh on the ation west, the Lur mountains on the north, the

    Bakhtiari heights to the east and southeast, and the hills of Ahwaz to the south The larger plain has as its northern boundary these same Ahwaz hills, and reaches to the sea on the south

    The Pusht-e-Kuh mountains are a series of very high parallel ranges described as "a veritable wall"

    between Mesopotamia and the ele-

    3. Mountain vated depression of the Kerkha. Its Ranges principal peak is in the Kebir-Kuh

    (2,500 meters = 8,200 ft.) a difficult range of surprising regularity. The valleys on the southwest slope belong properly to Babylonia, and could be invaded on that side with ease, but northeast of the Kebir-Kuh the country is well protected not only against Mesopotamia, on the \\V., but also against Persia on the east The nomad Lurs of the present day are practically independent of Persia. The mountain ranges of Luristan increase in height as one approaches the Pers plain, the loftiest summits of the principal range attaining a height of 5,000 meters (=16,400 ft.).

    From these mountain ranges descend large rivers

    which flow through Elam to the sea. The Kerkha

    (Gamas-db) rises in the Pers plain near

    4. Rivers Nehavend, and is practically a torrent

    until it roaches Susa, below which it becomes less rapid, and loses itself in the Hawizeh marshes. The Ab-e-Diz, a river with a greater vol ume of water, is formed by the uniting of two streams above Dizful. It is so violent that it car ries down boulders and even tree-trunks from the mountains, and after a winding course joins the Karun at Kut-e-Bende-Kir. The Belad-Rud, be tween the Ab-e-Diz and the Kerkha, rises in the mountains of Luristan, and varies greatly as to its volume, being sometimes a mere brook, and at others a large river. The Karun, with which a num ber of small streams unite, rises in the Bakhtiari mountains. After receiving the Ab-e-Diz and the Bclad-Rud at Kut-e-Bende-Kir, it becomes an im portant waterway, navigable as far as Sinister. This is identified with the Bible Ulai (Assyr (Jlda, classical Eulaeus). Anciently emptying itself into the Pers Gulf, which in past cents, extended much farther inland than now, it at present joins the Shatt- el-Arab at Mohammerah.

    The climate is a variable one. Between No vember 1 and 15 the rains begin, with southeast and south winds, and the mountains are covered 6. Climate with snow. In January and Feb ruary there are violent storms, and the night brings 8 or 10 of frost. Spring begins at the oncl of February, and vegetation advances so rapidly that harvest takes place about the end of April. The wind then turns south and southwest, bring ing with it a heat rising sometimes to 140 F., de stroying all the verdure of the country. Notwith standing the rigors of the climate, however, it was anciently a well-populated district, and exceedingly fruitful, as now. That the district of Arabistan is poor and barren is due to the carelessness and im providence of the people, who, like the people of the Turkish province of Bagdad, have neglected the ancient irrigation canals which fertilized the land.

    The vegetation of Susiana is said not to be very varied. On the river banks are to be found willows, tamarisks and many kinds of acacias. Apparently there are no forests the sacred groves referred



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    to by Assur-bani-apli are thought by Do Morgan

    to have been artificial plantations. Oranges and

    lemons, which arc at present cultivated

    6. Vegeta- there, are late importations. The date tion palm has been brought from the banks

    of the Shatt-el-Arab, and the pome granate and other fruit trees from the Iranian plain. Wheat and barley, sown in October and November, are harvested in April. Sorghum remains in the ground all through the dry season, and is watered artificially until October, and cut in November. Castor beans, indigo, lentils, haricots, etc, are less cult ivated.

    The fauna is said at present to be less numerous than formerly. It contains species both of central

    Asia, Europe, and, to a certain extent,

    7. Fauna Africa. The elephant, wild ass, wild

    ox and ostrich are no longer to be found on the Chaldco-Klamite plain, but a few examples of the lion still exist there. Bears, pan thers, wild boars, wolves, wild cats, foxes, jackals, and several species of wild dogs, however, still exist. Numbers of porcupines inhabit the brushwood by the rivers and marshes. Among the birds which do not leave the country are the eagle, vulture, falcon, raven, francolin, martin, sparrow, tomtit, wagtail, etc. The winter birds of passage are the pelican, stork, crane, cormorant, sea gull, many species of wild duck, the wild goose, bustard, woodcock, snipe, pigeon, turtledove, and numerous brilliantly colored waders. The water-courses are full of fish, among them being the barbel, silurus, carp (sometimes of great size), and gurnards similar to those of the Nile. Some of the rivers being salt, sea fish are also to be found, and it is not rare to see sharks at Sinister, and eels in the lower Karun.

    The population is naturally not homogeneous.

    Arab tribes, who are in reality Semites, occupy the

    plains, while Iranians inhabit the cities

    8. The and dwell at the mountain bases. Population According to De Morgan, the original

    population was mainly negritic, and has mingled with the Arab stock to such an extent that mulattoes among them are not rare. He re gards this type as being represented among the soldiers as well as among the people conquered by Naram-Sin about 3000 BC. Nevertheless pure Semites had settled in the country at a very early- date, and it is probably on account of this that Elam is called (C.en 10 22) a son of Shem indeed, the many Sem inscriptions found by the Fr. explorers at Susa show how strong their influence was. It was to all appearance during the 2d millennium BC that certain Kassit.es overran west Mesopotamia, and settled in the northern part of Elam, which was thereafter called by the Assyrians mat A r/.s.s?, "the land of the Cossaeans." As these people seem to have spoken an Aryan language, there was appar ently no really new race introduced in consequence of their invasion.

    The two principal cities were Susa or Shushan,

    called Susun in the native texts, and regarded as the

    old capital, situated on the Ulai (Kar-

    9. The kha); and An/an (Ashshan, Anshan), Principal more to the southwest This latter was the Cities capital of Cyrus the Great and his

    immediate predecessors, the Jract having been conquered apparently by Sispis (Teispcs), his ancestor, at the end of the 6th cent. BC. Susa, an important commercial center in the 3d millennium BC, became again one of the three capitals of the Pers empire during the rule of the Achaemenians.

    From the inscriptions of Mai-Amir, to the east, we learn that that was the place of another kingdom called Apirti, the land of the Apharsites of Ezr 4 9. In the 2d (so-called Median or Scythian)

    version of the late Pers inscriptions this name is given

    as Hapirti, IJalpirli, and Haltupirti, and appears

    as the equivalent of the Bab Elammat

    10. Apirti (Elamtu) or Elam without the nom- and the inalive ending. In the Pers version "Bandit this appears as (H)uwaja or (Il)uw(izha, Nations" whence the modern lluz or Kfiuzi-

    stan. This implies that the kings of Apirti at one time held dominion over Susa, and perhaps the whole of Elam. Strabo (xi. 13.15,0), quoting Nearchus, speaks of "four bandit nations" who occupied the mountains east of the Euphrates the Arnardians or Mardians on the Pers border, the I xians, and Elymeans on the borders of Persia and Susa, and the Cossaeans (Kassites) by the Medes. The Amardians would seem to have been the Apirti (Hapi/ii), the I xians were probably from (H)uwaja, while the Elymeans (cf 1 Mace, 6 1) were the Elam ites. Among the tribes who made the history of the country, therefore, were probably the I xians, who seem not to be mentioned in the early in scriptions.

    The dialects of Susa, the second Achaemenian VSS, and of Apirti, differ but slightly from each

    other. They are variants of an agglu-

    11. The t inative tongue, and are apparently Languages not related to any other known lan- of Elam guage. The statement in Genesis 10 22,

    therefore, applies only to the Sem section of the population, as it is unlikely that the people speaking Apirtian could be described as "sons of Shem."

    (1) The carl text period. Beginning with the semi- mythical period, we have the story of the tight of

    the Bab hero Gilgaines with the Elam-

    12. History ite tyrant Humbaba, who was defeated

    by the hero and his helper Enki-du, and beheaded. The earliest really historical refer ence to the Elamites as the foes of Babylonia, however, is apparently that contained in a letter from the priest Lu-enna to the priest En-e-tarzi announcing that the Elamites had invaded Lagas and carried off considerable booty. The writer, however, had attacked the Elamites, and taken plunder from them in his turn. As there seems to be a reference to division of spoil, this is an excellent parallel to the Elamite expedition, made in alliance with the Babylonians, against the citiws of the plain (Genesis 14).

    (2) Xdrgan of Agade and his successors. Sargon of Agade, early in his reign, attacked the Elamites, but apparently Elam only fell under the dominion of the Babylonians during the time of Naram-Sin, his son, who is seemingly shown leading his troops in that region on the splendid stele bearing his name that was found at Susa. Elam apparently regained its independence, however, during the time of T ruwus, king of Kis, who invaded the country, and brought back considerable spoil. One of the chiefs of Susa about this time was Simbi-ishak. Chaldaean domination, however, did not last "long, for Dungi, king of Ur of tin; Chal- dees, about 2500 BC, invaded the country, accom panied by his vassal Gudea, viceroy of Lagas. Dungi has left evidences of his conquests in the buildings which he erected at Susa, but the principal buildings of this period were constructed by Ba-sa- Susinak, son of Simbi-ishak, viceroy of Susa and potentate in Elam. He built^a temple to the god Sugu, reservoirs, the gate of Susinak, and dug the Sidur canal. He was evidently one of the great rulers of the land.

    (3) The suzerainty of the kings of Ur. Some what later came Idadu I, his SOM Kal-Ruhuratir, and his grandson Idadu II, who in turn occupied the throne during the time of Bur-Sin, king of Ur. Elam



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    s

    was at this time still under Bab suzerainty, which continued under his successor, Gimil-Sin, who also built at Susa, his vassal being Ebarti-kin-Daddu, viceroy of Susa. Gimil-Sin was succeeded by his son Ibi-Sin as overlord in Elam, who invaded and devastated the country, probably to suppress a a revolt. There was apparently no ill-will between the two nations, however, for the viceroy of Susa is said to have married a daughter of Ibi-Sin. An other and possibly later viceroy seems to have mar ried Mekubi, daughter of Billama, viceroy of Asnun- nak, who, as Elamite princess, erected buildings at Susa.

    (4) Klain becomes predominant ,. J . So IK . It was probably shortly after this that Kudur-Nahhunte threw off the Sem yoke, and, invading Babylonia, brought back much spoil to Elam. The date indi cated for this ruler by the inscriptions of Assur- bani-apli is 22X0 BC. The positions of the rulers of Elam and Babylonia were now changed, and the kings of Babylon had to acknowledge Elamite suzerainty. As Elamite and Bab sovereign, Kudur- Nahhunte intrusted Susa to a feudatory ruler, and among the, viceroys who governed Elam may be mentioned Sirukdu , who constructed at Susa, and Temti-Agun, his sister s son, who built in that city the temple, to Isme-karab, "for the health of Kutir- Nahhunte and his family." After passing to other rulers, the government of Susa fell to Ebari, father of Silhaha, during whose reign Simti-Silhak ruled in Babylonia. Nur-Addi and Rim-Anum, kings of Larsa (Elassar), were his vassals.

    (5) The extension of Kin mite a nllinrihj irextirurtl. Attapak.su (or Attahu.su), Silhaha s sister s son, then became "shepherd of Susa." Among the temples which he built was one dedicated to the goddess Narute, and he erected a bridge near his residence. Kudur-mabuk, son of Simti-Silhak, was at this time ailda ("father," probably meaning pro tector) of Emutbalu and the \\V. Amurru, the land of the Amorites, whither marched Chedor- laomer and Amraphel, with their allies, in the time of Abraham (Genesis 14). Kudur-mabuk of Larsa was succeeded by his son Eri-Aku (probably the

    Iri-Agun of Larsa of the Elamite texts), and if he be really, as seems probable, the Arioch of Genesis 14 1.9, then this is also the period when Chedorlaomer ruled in Elam. The strange thing, however, is, that the name of this last does not occur in any recognizable form, unless it be the Kudurlahgumal of certain half-legendary inscriptions (see CHEDOR LAOMER). The Elamite line in Larsa was continued after the death of Eri-Aku by Rim-Sin, his brother, who succeeded him.

    (()) Babylonia at/ain supreme. What the history of Elam during this period was remains to be dis covered, but Hammurabi, who is identified with the Amraphel of Genesis 14 1.9, seems to have invaded the country in his 30th year. In his 31st he de feated Rim-Sin of Larsa, following this up, in his 32d, by overthrowing the army of Asnunnak. All these successes in Elam and its dependencies prob ably made the kingdom of Babylon supreme in the land. But more details bearing upon this period are needed. It is thought probable that the Elam ite king Sadi(?) or Taki (?) came into conflict with, and was defeated by, Ammi-saduga, the 4th in descent from Hammurabi, who reigned about 1X90 BC. Apparently the Elamite ruler had tried to regain his independence, but failed.

    (7) IJ itrbaliln s challenge, to Kuri-ijdlzu. Omit- tingthe names of rulers concerning whom but little or nothing is known, we come to the reign of Untas- Galatians, patron of the arts. Numerous temples were built by him, and sanctuaries at Susa dedicated. He has left a magnificent bronze statue representing his queen Napir-Asu. He seems to have been over thrown by Untahas-Galatians, of a more legitimate line, who was likewise a builder of temples. After the apparently short reign of Kidin-Hutran came that of IJurpatila (Hurbatila), who, desiring to throw off the Babylonian yoke, challenged Kuri-galzu, king of Babylon, to battle at Dur-Dungi. The challenge was accepted, with disastrous results, for Hurbatila was captured by the Bab king at the place named. This, however, did not put an end to the strife, and in the end Kidin-IJutrudas was victorious over Bel- nadin-sum, king of Babylon, about 11 SamuelO BC.

    (8) Ebtm again ^supreme. Later came the mili tary exploits of Sutruk-Nahhunte, who invaded Babylonia, slew the king Zagaga-sum-iddina, and helped by his son Kutir-N ahljunte, destroyed Sippar, and took away the stele of Naram-Sin, the code of Hammurabi, and several other monuments, which were carefully preserved at Susa. He also defeated 1 lie king of Asnunnak. It is this collection of spoils which has contributed to make the success of the Er. excavations at Susa what it is.

    (9) Elam aaain </<f<a/iil, but recovers. The war between Babylonia and Elam recorded for the reign of Nebuchadrezzar I (c 1020 BC) probably took place, according to Scheil, during the reign of Sil- hina-hamru-Laqamar. The Elamite king was de feated on the banks of the Tlai, Elam was ravaged, and much spoil taken. The principality called Namar was detached from Susian territory and re united to the domain of Babylonia. Apparently the Elaniites now turned their attention to regaining their military prestige, the result, being that an Elamite king occupied the Bab throne from 939 to 934 BC. The history of this period has still to be discovered, but the Babylonians apparently soon shook off the Elamite yoke. It is about this time, however, that another power Assyria appeared on the scene, and took the field not only against Babylon, but also on the borders of Elam. An Elamite contemporary of Nabonassar of Babylon was Humbanigas, 742 BC.

    (10) The conflict between Elam and Assyria. At this time, however, the Assyrians became dom inant in Babylonia (see TIGLATH-PILESER and



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    SIIAJ.MANKSKK), but it \\vas probably not until the reign of Sargon of Assyria (see SAIK;<>.N) that. Elam came into conflict with Assyria. Merodach-baladan, a pretendant to the throne of Babylon, made com mon cause with Humbanigas, who fought, with the Assyr army at Der. Naturally the Assyrians claim the victory, but the Babylonians say that they were defeated. After the death of Humbanigas, his suc cessor, Sutur-Nahhundi or Istar-hundu (Bab), still befriended Merodach-baladan, and advanced to his help. Sargon first attacked the Chaldaeans and de feated them at Dur-Athara, and, entering Elam, stormed and captured the cities of the land. The Elamite king took refuge in the mountains, and Merodach-baladan had to resist the Assyrians un aided.

    geance, for Sennacherib invaded and ravaged the country from Ras to Bit-Burnaki. Apparently the Elamites had expected their new ruler, Kudurru (Kudur-Nahhunte), to save them from the reprisals of the Assyrians, but, as lie had failed to do this, he, in his turn, was deposed and killed after a reign of 10 months. The new king of Elam was Umnian- Menanu, who espoused the cause of Musezib- Marduk, the new king of Babylon, and gathering a force of Babylonians and Elamites at Halule, fought a battle- there, in which the Babylonians record suc cess for the allies. Sennacherib, however, himself claims the victory, and describes with great, wealth of detail the horrors of the right. Next year (689 BC) Sennacherib marched into Babylonia to com plete the work, and Musezib-Marduk, having been

    (11) Sennacherib mjnin^t Clidlddca. <nt Elam. As Sargon had his attention fully occupied elsewhere, he made no attempt to follow up his success, and it, seems not to have been until t he reign of Sennacherib that any serious invasion of the country on the part of the Assyrians was made. In 097 BC that king inarched again against Merodach-baladan, who had taken refuge at Nagitu and other places on the Elam ite side of the then elongated Pers Gulf. Here the Chaldaeans, with their Elamite allies, were defeated, and the Elamite cities plundered and destroyed. IJallusu, king of Elam, on the retirement of the Assyr troops, invaded Babylonia as being part of the territories of the Assyr king, and having cap tured Assur-nadin-sum, Sennacherib s son, who had ruled in Babylon 6 years, carried him ofT to Elam, setting Nergal-usezib on the throne of Babylonia. On the arrival of the Assyr avenging host in Baby lonia, Nergal-usezib fled to Elam, but was captured near Niffer. The Elamites were evidently very dis satisfied with their king possibly owing to his policy and killed him in a revolt after a reign of six years. This action on the part of the Elamites, however, did not save the people from Assyr ven-

    K I M M A N I c; A.S .

    captured, was sent prisoner to Assyria. Vmman- Menanu died at the end of the year, after a 4 years reign, and was succeeded by Humba-halda.su I (<iX9-<>X2 BC), of whom nothing is known. In 0X2 BC IJumba-haldasu 11 mounted the throne. The death of Sennacherib and the troubles attending the accession of Esarhaddon encouraged Nabu- zer-napisti-lisir, son of Merodach-baladan, again to raiso the standard of revolt. Defeat was the result, and he fled to Elam, there to be captured by Humba- haldasu and put to death.

    (12) Atixyridn friendship and Elamite. ingratitude. Friendship with Assyria was a complete reversal of Elamite policy, and to all appearance peace, though probably unpopular, persisted between the two countries for several years. Humba-haldasu s two brothers revolted against him and assassinated him, and Urtaku, one of the murderers, took the Elamite throne. Not daring to be openly hostile to Assyria, however, he sent his brother Te-umman to intrigue in Chaldaea in favor of a man named Nabuusallim, but the Chaldaean chiefs answered that Na id-Marduk, their lord, lived, and they were the servants of the king of Assyria. Also, during a



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    famine in Elam, certain Elumite tribes migrated into Assyria to escape the scarcity, and were kindly treated by Assur-bani-apli, who had succeeded his father on the Assyr throne. Notwithstanding this, however, Urtaku invaded Babylonia as ally of cer tain Chaldaean tribes. Overtaken by the Assyr army, he fought with them near his own bonier, but was defeated and fled. He died prematurely (by his own hand) the same year, and was succeeded by his brother Te-umman (Tepti-IJumban).

    (13) Te-nnnxan and the Elamite seed-royal; Assyria * triumph. This king, who is described by Assur-bani-apli as being in the likeness of an evil spirit, immediately set to work to secure the death of all the sons of Urtaku and Vmman-aldase (IJumba- IJaldasu II), his brother; and these princes, five in number, with GO of the royal seed of Elam, fled and sought refuge with the Assyr king. Te-umman im mediately sent two messengers to Assur-bani-apli demanding the surrender of the fugitive s. This was refused, and war broke out between the two countries immediately after. The Assyrians came up with the Elamites at Der, but Te-umman feared to join issue there, and retreating, took up a strong position near his capital, Susa, with his front pro tected by the river Ulai. Defections from his army now so weakened the forces of Te-umman that he endeavored to treat with Assur-bani-apli, who nat urally refused to listen to terms, and ordered his troops to attack. The defeat of the Islamites was a foregone conclusion, and Te-umman perished, with his son, in the thick of the bat tie, as is dramati cally depicted by the sculptors of Assur-bani-apli in the bas-reliefs which adorned the walls of his palace. An Assyr general was now sent to Susa with Umman-igas, the prince chosen to succeed Te-umman, and he was proclaimed while the bodies of the fallen Elamites covered the battlefield, and the waters of the Ulai carried others down to the place of its outflow. Taminaritu, the new king s youngest brother, was at the same time made king of IJidalu, in the mountain region. In the triumphal procession at Nineveh which took place on the Assyr army s return, the head of Tc-ummaii and his son Tamritu figured, the former hanging from the neck of Dunanu, king of (lambulu, and the latter from the neck of Samgunu, Dunamfs brother.

    Last Stand of Te-umman.

    (14) Elumite ingratitude and treachery. For a time there was peace in Elam, but soon the discon tent of Sarnas-sum-ukin, king of Babylon, Assur- bani-apli s brother, sought to break it. I rged by him, Umman-igas forgot the benefits which he had received at the hands of Assur-bani-apli, and sent an army into Babylonia under the command of Un- dasi, son of Te-umman, telling him to avenge upon Assyria the killing of his father. Notwithstanding the great strength of the allied army, they did not

    succeed in making headway against the Assyrians. Taminaritu, nephew of I mman-igas, after the defeat of the Elamite forces in Chaldaea, revolted against him, and having defeated him, cut off his head, and took the crown. Samas-sum-ukfn immediately turned his attention to the new ruler, and induced him by fresh presents to come likewise to his aid.

    Presentation of t mman-iiras to TTis Subjects by the Assyrian (iciicnil.

    Tammaritu therefore inarched at the head of an army into Babylonia, but in his absence Indabigas, one of his servants, headed a revolt against him, and proclaimed himself king in Susa. In the battle which ensued between the two pretenders, Tam inaritu was defeated, and fled to the seacoast with a part of the Elamite royal family. He ultimately embarked in a ship on the IVrs (lulf with the inten tion of escaping, but was wrecked, and gave himself up to an Assvr officer, who sent him to Assyria.

    (15) Elam x further chamje^ of rulers. Indabigas, the new Elamite king, now sent an embassy to make peace with Assur-bani-apli, who at once de manded the surrender of Nabu-bel-sumati, son of Merodach-baladan, and the Assyrians whom he had enticed and taken with him. Before this demand could reach Indabigas, however, his people had revolted against him and put him to death, and Umman-aldasu, son of Attametu, sat on the throne, after defeating Indabigas on the banks of. the Huthut. The same demand was made to Umman- aldasu a_s had been made to Indabigas, but Nabu- bel-sumati, not wishing to fall into the hands of the Assyrians, called on his armor-bearer to dispatch him, and the two ran each other through with their swords.

    ^(16) Kinq Tan/n/ari/u x /m/r/^r//. Nevertheless Assur-bani-apli decided to replace Tammaritu, the former Elamite king, on the throne, and to this end invaded Elam. The Assyrians were, as usual, suc cessful, and on learning this, Umman-aldas fled to the mountains. Entering Susa, Tammaritu was once more proclaimed king of Elam, he, in return, promising to regard Assur-bani-apli as his lord, and to pay tribute. No sooner had the Assyr army de parted, than the new king of Elam began to plot against the power which had raised him. To all appearance his intentions to revolt were reported to the Assyr king, who at once sent an army and plundered the country, and Tammaritu again fell into Assur-bani-apli s hands, Umman-aldas now returned and resumed the government. Unwilling to regard his former efforts as fruitless, the Assyr king decided to finally subdue the land, and to this end invaded it, the pretext being that the Elamites refused to deliver up the image of the goddess Nana, which had been carried off from Erech 1,635 years before, in the time of Kudur-Nahhunto (see [4] above). The two armies faced each" other oji the



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    banks of the Itite, and after an attack in which the Assyrians were at a disadvantage, the Elamites gave way, and Umman-aldas fled to the mountains. According to the Assyr king s record, an enormous booty was taken, including many sacred and an cient royal statues preserved at Susa. The image of Naml was restored to its shrine at Ereeh with great, rejoicing. In the triumphal celebrations at Nineveh, Tamniaritu was one of the captive kings who drew the Assyr king s chariot to the temple of Istar, when he rendered the goddess thanks for his victories.

    (17) Dominion paws from Assyria. To all appearance Elam now became a province of the Assyr empire, though not for long, as this collapsed in the year 606 BC, and the center of government was shifted to Babylon, under Nabopolassar, who became its ruler. Nebuchadrezzar (604 j, Evil- Merodach (~>61,(, Xeriglissar (/>."><)), and Nabonidus (555-538 BC), were successively masters of Elam. The mention of the kings of Elam in Jeremiah 25 25, however, suggests that the old states of the country had practically resumed their independence; though 49 3")-39 prophesies the dismemberment of the country, and the destruction of its king and princes. This is thought to refer to the annexation of the country by Teispes, and its passing, through his line Cyrus, Cambyses, and Cyrus the (Ireat, who were all kings of Anzan to Darius Hystaspis. In Isaiah 21 2 it is apparently the later Cyrus who is referred to when Elam, with Media, is called upon "to go ii]>" to the siege of Babylon.

    (IS) Tin later state of Klam After Cyrus, t he- history of Elam was that of Persia, of which it. henceforth formed a part. In all probability, how ever, the Elamites were as warlike and as intract able as ever. During the reign of the little-known Kharacenian king, Aspasine, they made incursions into Babylonia, one of the opponents of this king s generals being Pit tit, "the enemy, the Elamite"- a phrase of old standing, apparently. Elam, to its whole extent, was smitten with the sword, and Pit- tit [was slain or captured). OIK- of the cities which they attacked was Apameia, probably that on the Selias river. Acts 2 9 implies that the old lan guage of Elam was still in use, and the Elamites were still recognized as a nationality, as late as the 1st cent . of our era.

    Owing to the many Semites in Elam, and the nearness of the Bab states, Bab deities Ami and Anatu, Enlil and Ninlil, Merodach and 13. Elamite Zer-panitu, Samas and A a, Tammuz Religion and Istar, Ninip, Nergal, Hadad or Rimmon, etc were largely worshipped (see BABEL, BABYLON). The chief deity of the non-Semitic pantheon seems to have been In- susinak, the patron-deity of Susa, identified with Ninip, the son of Enlil, by the Babylonians, who cjuote also otherjiames applied to him Lahuratil Sillies, Adaene, Susinak, and Dagbak. Merodach seems to have been represented by the Sumerian character dal, "great," and Zer-panitu was appar ently called Nin-sis in Elam. Istar was known as Usan. Lagamar, Laqamar, or Lagamal, was ap parently identified with the Bab Lagamal, one of tin- gods of Dailem near Babylon his name is generally regarded as forming part of the name CHEDOKLAO- MER (q.v.). Nahhunte, Na hunte, or (Bab) Nan- hundi was the Bab sun-god Samas; Kunzibami was the west Sem. Hadad, also known by his Mitannian (Hittite) name of Tesup. IJumban, Human, or Umman (Assyr), "the god of gods," "the king," was possibly regarded as the Bab Merodach. The cur rency of Bab myths in Elam is suggested by the name of the goddess Belala, possibly the Bab Belili, sister of Tammuz. The word for "god" in Elamite

    was itap, explained by the Babylonians as one of the names of Enlil, implying that the Elamites regarded him as "the god" by divine right. Of their deities, six (one of them being Lagamar) were worshipped only by Elamite kings. Elam had temples and temple-towers similar to those in Babylonia, as well as sacred groves, wherein no stranger penetrated. (See ERH, s.v. "Elamites.")

    The rediscovery of the history of Elam is one of

    the most noteworthy things of modern research. It

    has revealed to us the wonderful de-

    14. Elam s velopment which that kingdom had Importance; made at an exceedingly early date, Her and shows that it was politically just Literature as important as the Bab stales 4,000

    years BC, though probably hardly so advanced in art and lit. Nevertheless, the country had adopted the cuneiform method of writing, and possessed also another script, seemingly of more ancient date. As both Sem Bab and Susian (An- zanite) were spoken in the country, numerous documents in both languages have been found, mostly historical, or of the nature of dedications, some of which are inscribed on objects presented to temples. There are also a number of archaic tablets of the nature of accounts, written in a peculiar cuneiform character. The cylinder-seals are either inscribed with dedications, or with the name of the owner, his father, and the god whom he worshipped, as in Babylonia. Of other lit. (lien- arc- but mere traces an exorcism against mos- quitos shows the desire of the people to rid them selves of the discomforts of this life. Contracts testify to the existence of laws, but the laws them selves have yet to be discovered. The stele of Hammurabi, which was found at Susa, did not belong to Elamitic lit., but to that of Babylonia.

    Elamite art during the first period was naturally

    rude, and it is doubtful whether metals were then

    used, as no traces of them were found.

    15. Art There were also no inscribed nionu- during the ments. The pottery, however, was of 1st and 2d extreme delicacy, and very elegant. Prehistoric The second period is described as being Periods less artistic than the first. The pot tery is more- ordinary, and also more

    roughly made, though better ware also exists. Painted ornamentation is found. Vessels of white

    The Spinning- Woman (from Susa).

    or pink limestone, some of them very large-, oc cur, but alabaster is exceedingly rare. There is no indication of writing at this period, but rudely engraved seals, with animal forms, are found. The buildings were of crude brick or piled-up earth, though baked brick was sometimes used. A change seems to have taken place in the conditions of life at the end of this period, implying invasion by a more civilized race.



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    The indications of invasion during the second

    prehistoric period are confirmed, according to M.

    Je"quier, by what is found in the layer

    16. Art in of the archaic period, which succeeded the Archaic it. This is accentuated by the numer- Period, ous inscribed clay tablets, some of That of the which have impressions of quite re- Viceroys, markable cylinder-seals. The pottery and That of is scanty and not characteristic, but the Kings the working of alabaster into vases

    had developed considerably, and some of the smaller forms (ointment or scent-bottles) are good and varied. Some have the form of the duck, the wild boar, and other animals. During the period of the issake or viceroys, fine sculptures in low relief occur the scorpion-man and the sacred tree, military prisoners with their guard, siege- operations and the dead on the battlefield; and as examples of work in the round, ivory and alabaster statuettes. Later on, during the time of the kings of Elam and Susa, the objects of art increase in number, though large objects in the round are rare. Noteworthy are the statuettes and statues in bronze, the former being very numerous. The largest production of this kind is the almost life- size statue of queen Napir-Asu, consort of I ntas- Galatians, which, however, is unfortunately headless. It is a remarkable piece of work, and has great artistic merit.

    In all probability Elam was much hindered in her material and intellectual development by the in tractable and warlike nature of her

    17. Tern- people indeed, the history of the perament country, as far as it is known, is a of the In- record of strife and conflict, and the habitants temperament indicated by the ancient of Elam records seems to have been inherited

    by the wild tribes which occupy the more inaccessible districts. What conduced to quarrels and conflicts in ancient times was the law of succession, for the Elamite kings were not gen erally succeeded by their eldest sons, but by their brothers (see ELLASAR). The inhabitants of the towns at the present time in all probability do not differ in any essential respect from those of Persia in general, and among them there is probably no great amount of ancient Elamite blood, though the Elamite type is met with, and probably occurs, in consequence of ancient mingling, in various parts of modern Persia.

    LITERATURE For the most complete account of the

    discoveries in Elam, see .If {moires de la dt lei/ntimi en Perse, I ->, .Ifiaxiun srirntijiiiui rn /Vrxc, I If, and //i.<- toire ft trai /iux de la di li i/ation en I ITSF, all under the

    editorship of J. de Morgan, and written by l)c Morgan, V. Scheil, G. Larnpre, G. Jgquler, etc; also west K. Loftus, Chaldea and Susiana, 1857.

    T. G. PINCHES

    ELASA, el a-sa ( AXao-d, Alnsd; AV Eleasa, el- e-a saj : The place where Judas pitched his camp before the battle in which he was overwhelmed and slain (1 Mace 9 5). It probably corresponds to the modern Khirbct il asa, between the two Beth- horons.

    ELASAH, el a-sa (nCyb , Wasah, "Clod has made") :

    (1) An Israelite who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 22).

    (2) A son of Shaphan, by whom, with Gemariah, King Zedekiah sent a message to Babylon (Jeremiah 29 3). See ELEASAH.

    ELATH, e lath, or ELOTH, c loth (Plb^X, eloth, rV, elath; AlXwv, Ailon [Deuteronomy 2 8], AlXde, Aildth [2 Kings 16 6]): A seaport on the Red Sea in the territory of Edom. It is named along with Ezion-geber in the account of Israel s journey round

    the land of Edom (Deuteronomy 28). It appears as Ailath, and Ailon in the LXX, and in Jos as llanis (Ant, VIII, vi, 4), while Onom has Ai Xci, A ild. From this we may gather that the Aram. I Ian or Hand was in use as well as the Hebrews elath or eloth. The name, "grove," was doubtless derived from the presence of certain sacred trees. It may be identical with El-paran of Genesis 14 6, and Elah of Genesis 36 41. When David conquered Edom, Elath passed into the hands of Israel (2 Samuel 8 14). It was a position of great importance in connection with the trade with South Arabia. Here the merchant fleets of Solomon and Jehoshaphat were fitted out, and hence they sailed (1 Kings 9 26; 2 Chronicles 8 17; 1 Kings 22 48). In the reign of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, Edom shook off the hand of Judah (2 Kings 8 20), but under Amaziah and Uzziah it was again subdued (14 7.10.22) . Finally it was taken from Ahaz by Rezin, king of Syria. The Jews were driven out and the Syrians (Edomites?) took permanent possession (16 6). It is identical with the modern *Akaba, at the head of the gulf of that name. west EWING

    ELBERITH, el-be rith (Judges 9 46). See BAAL-

    BERITH.

    EL-BETH-EL, el-bet h eUbST^ 5 , i-t beth- el, God of Bethel"; Bat0T|\\, hnit/ifi): By this name Jacob called the scene of his vision at Luz, when he returned from Paddan-aram (Genesis 36 7).

    ELCIA, el shi-a, RV ELKIAH (q.v.).

    ELDAAH, el-da a (nrjbx , eldtfah, "God has called"?): A son of Midian (Genesis 25 4; 1 Chronicles 1 33).

    ELDAD, cl dad ("Hs , eldadh, "God has loved") : One of the 70 elders chosen by Moses at the com mand of Jeh to share "the burden of the people" (Numbers 11 16-25). Eldad and his companion Medad were not present with 1 he rest at the tent of meeting, yet the Spirit rested also upon them and they prophesied in the camp (vs 26-29) .

    ELDAD, el dad, AND MODAD, mo dad, BOOK OF: In the LXX they are called Eldad and Modad. In the AV the names are given as Eldad and Me dad; meaning "God has loved" ("God loves") and "object of love" ( ?). They were two of the seventy elders chosen by Moses (Numbers 11 26), and while the others obeyed the summons and went to the taber nacle, these two remained in the camp and prophe sied (Numbers 11 26). The nature of their prophecy is not recorded, and this naturally became a good subject for the play of the imagination. It fur nished the basis for a lost work which was quoted by Hermas (Vis 2 3): "The Lord is near to them who jet urn unto him, as it is written in Eldad and Mo- dad, who prophesied to the people in the wilderness." The Philestina-Canaan Land Tgs also filled in the subject of the prophecy of Eldad and Modad, and, as they have it, it related to the coming of Gog and Magog against Israel at the end of the days. One of the Tgs has the ex pression, "The Lord is near to them that are in the hour of tribulation." The authors of the Tgs were either dependent upon that work or upon a similar tradition; and the former of these views is the more probable. Light foot and Holtzman think the lengthy quotation in 1 Clem 23 and 2 Clem 11 is from the Book of Eldad and Modad. The work is found in the Stichometry of Nicephorus and consists of 400 stichoi, which would make it about twice the length of the Cant. A. west FORTUNE

    ELDER, el -der, IN THE OT C]pT, zdken): Among primitive peoples authority seems naturally to be invested in those who by virtue of greater age



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    and, consequently, experience are best fitted to govern: thus Iliad iii.149. Later the idea of age became merged in that of dignity (II. ii.404, ii.570; Odyxxcy ii.14). In like manner the word p/ilns came to be used among the Romans (Cic. R< p. 2.8. 14). So also among the dermans authority was intrusted to those who were older; cf Tacitus Ayricolu. The same- is true among the Arabians to the present day, the sheik being always a man of age as well as of authority.

    From the first the Hebrews held this view of gov ernment, although the term "elder" came later to be used of the idea of the authority for which, at first, age was regarded necessary. Thus the office appears in both J (!>th cent. BC) (Exodus 3 10; 12 21; 24 1, of the elders of the Hebrews; and of the Egyptians, (Sen 50 7); and E (8th cent. BC) (Exodus 17 5; 18 12; 19 7 [E,\\; Joshua 24 HI, elders of Israel, or of the people. Cf the principle of selec tion of heads of tens, fifties, etc, Exodus 18 13 ->, seventy being selected from a previous body of elders); ct ./ K (Numbers 11 II). 24). Seventy are also mentioned in E\\ 24 1, while in Judges 8 14 seventy-seven are mentioned, although this might be taken to include seven princes. Probably the number was not uni form.

    Elder as a title continues to have place down through the times of the Judges (Judges 8 1<>; 2 7[E]; cf Ruth 4 2 IT) into the kingdom. Saul asked to be honored before the elders (1 Samuel 15 30); the elders of Bethlehem appeared before Samuel (16 4); the elders appeared before David in Hebron (2 Samuel 17 15; 1 Chronicles 11 3.i; elders took part in the temple procession of Solomon (1 Kings 8 3; 2 Chronicles 5 4). They continued through the Pers period ( Ezr 5 5.9; 6 7.14; 10 south14; Joel 1 11 in) and the Maccabcan period (.11 h 6 Hi; 7 2)5; 8 10; 10 (>; 13 12; 1 Mace 12 35), while the NT (TrpeapvTepos, pn slni- teros, Matthew 16 21; 26 47.57; Mark 8 31; Luke 9 22; Acts 4 5.23) makes frequent mention of the oflice.

    The elders served as local magistrates, in bringing murderers to trial (Deuteronomy 19 12; 21 Iff; Joshua 20 4), punishing a disobedient son (Deuteronomy 21 19), inflicting penalty for slander (22 15), for noncompliance with the Levirate marriage law (25 7 ->), enforcing the Law (27 1), conducting the service in expiation of unwitting violation of the Law (Leviticus 4 13 If).

    In certain passages different classes of officers are mentioned as "judges and ollicers" (Deuteronomy 16 18), "elders" and "officers" (31 28), "heads, tribes, elders, officers" (29 10 [Hebrews 9]). It is probable that both classes were selected from among the elders, and that to one class was assigned the work of judging, and that the "ollicers" exercised execu tive functions (Schurer). In entirely Jewish com munities the same men would be both officers of the community and elders of the synagogue. In this case the same men would have jurisdiction over civil" and religious mat ters.

    LITERATURE Schurer, CJV\\ 23, csp. 17. r > -> (Eng. ert, II, i, 14!) If; Hcn/.inncr, II A-. ">1; Deissmann, liibel- studien, !.">:! If (s.V. 7rpe<r/3uTepos) I H1>K, -* ( 1PP Prouschon, Griechisch-Deutsches Handworterbuch, s.v., 958 f .

    YV. X. STEARNS ELDER IN THE NT (Trpta-fivrtpos, pr<^l>i itm>N):

    (1) The word is used adjectivally to denote sen iority (Luke 15 25; 1 Thessalonians 5 2).

    (2) Referring to the Jewish elders of the syna gogue, usually associated with the scribes and Pharisees, and NT passages cited in the previous art icle.

    (3) It denotes certain persons appointed to hold oflice in the Christian church, and to exercise spirit ual oversight over the flock intrusted to them. From the references in Acts (14 23; 20 17) it may be inferred that the churches generally had elders

    appointed over them. That "elders" and "bishops" were, in apostolic and sub-apostolic times the same, is now almost universally admitted; in all XT references their functions are identical. The most probable explanation of the difference of names is that "elder" refers mainly to the person, and "bishop" to the office; the name "elder" empha sizes what he is, while "bishop," that is "overseer," emphasizes what the elder or presbyter does. See BISHOP; CHUKCII GOVERNMENT; MIMSTKY.

    A. C. GRANT

    ELEAD, el e-ad (15?$, W r//>, "God has tes tified"): An Ephraimitc, slain while making a raid, by the men of Cath (1 Chronicles 7 21).

    ELEADAH, el-e-a da, ELADAH (AY) (rnr pK, crddhdh, "God has adorned"): An Ephraimite (1 Chronicles 7 20).

    ELEALEH, e-le-fi le (nbrbtf , d* filch, "God has ascended"): Lay in the country taken from Sihon and within the lot given to Reuben (Numbers 32 3.37 f). "Their names being changed" seems to apply to all the towns mentioned. There is no indication of the other names. Elealeh is noticed with Heshbon in the oracles against Moab in Isaiah 15 4; 16 9; Jeremiah 48 34. Otunn locates it one Rom mil^frorn Hesh bon. It is represented today by el*Al, a mound crowned with ruins, about a mile X. of Hesban.

    ELEASA, el-e-a sa. See ELASA.

    ELEASAH, ol-r-a sa (in Ileb identical with ELASAH, which see):

    (1) A descendant of Judah (1 Chronicles 2 39.40).

    (2) A Benjamite, a descendant of Saul (1 Chronicles 8 37; 9 43).

    ELEAZAR, el-e-a zar, e-le-a zar pi? b X , el- *azar; EX.edap, Klcdzur, "God is helper"):

    (1) The 3d son of Aaron by Elisheba (Exodus 6 23; X~u 3 2). lie married one of the daughters of Putiel, who bore him Phinehas (Exodus 6 25). \\Yith his father and 3 brothers he was consecrated to the priest s office (Exodus 28 1). After the destruction of Xadab and Abihu, he occupied a more important position, and he and Ithamar "ministered in the priest s oflice in the presence of Aaron their father" (Leviticus 10 Of; Numbers 3 4; 1 Chronicles 24 2 ->). He was given the oversight of the Levites and had charge of the tabernacle and all within it (Numbers 3 32; 4 1(1). To Eleazar fell the duty of beating out for an altar covering the censers of Korah and his fellow- conspirators who had attempted to seize the priest hood (Numbers 16 37.39). On the death of Aaron, Eleazar succeeded him (Numbers 20 25 ->). lie assisted Moses with the census after the plague in the plains of Moab (Numbers 26 Iff), and with Moses and the elders heard the petition of the daughters of Zelo- phchad who wished to be served as heirs to their father (Numbers 27 1 ->). After the entrance into Canaan, Eleazar and Joshua gave effect to the de cision arrived at by giving the daughters of Zelo- phehad a share in the land of Manasseh (Joshua 17 4) He was priest and adviser to Joshua, the suc cessor of Moses (Numbers 27 19; 31 12 ->), whom he also assisted in partitioning Canaan among the tribes (Numbers 34 17; Joshua 14 1; 19 51; 21 1). He was buried in the hill (RYm "Gibeah") of Phinehas his son in the hill country of Ephraim (Joshua 24 33). For some reason unknown the descendants of Itha mar seem to have held the chief position among the priests from Eli till the accession of Solomon, when Abiathar was sent into retirement, and Zadok, the descendant of Eleazar, was appointed in his place (1 Kings 2 26 ->). Ezra was a descendant of Zadok



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    (Ezr 7 1 ->) ; and the high priest s office was in the family of Zadok till the time of the Maccabees.

    (2) The son of Abinadab, sanctified to keep the ark of Jeh, when it was brought from Beth-shemesh to Kiriath-jearim after being sent back by the Philis (1 Samuel 7 1).

    (3) The son of Dodai, one of David s throe mighty men. A famous feat of arms with David at Ephes-dammirn is recorded ( 2 Samuel 23 Of; 1 Chronicles 11 12 f where he is named the son of Dodo).

    (4) A Levite, a son of Mahli, a Merarite. It is recorded that he had no sons, but daughters only, who were married to their cousins (1 Chronicles 23 21.22; 24 2S).

    (5) A priest who accompanied Ezra from Baby lon (Ezr 8 33); the son of Phinehas. (f>) and ((>) may be identical.

    ((i) A priest who took part in the dedication of the wall of Jems (Neh 12 42).

    (7) A son of Mattathias and brother of Judas Maccabacus (1 Mace 2 5; 6 43 f; 2 Mace 8 23). See ASMOXEANS; MACCABKKsouth

    (X, 9) Two others are mentioned in 1 Mace 8 17; 2 Mace 6 18 ->.

    (10) An ancestor of Jesus, 3 generations before Joseph (Matthew 1 15). south F. Hr.vrr.K

    ELEAZURUS, el-g-a-zu rus, II V ELIASIRTS

    (q.v.J.

    ELECT, Mekt : That is, chosen," "selected." In the OT the word represents derivatives of "in 21 , Ixllun; (legit; in the NT K\\eKr6s, eklcktox. It means properly an object or objects of selection. This primary meaning sometimes passes into that of "eminent," "valuable," "choice"; often thus as a fact, in places where AV uses "chosen" (or "elect"; to translate the original (e.g. Isaiah 42 1; 1 Pet 2 G). In AV "elect" (or "chosen") is used of Israel as the race selected for special favor and to be the special vehicle of Divine purposes (so 4t in Apoc, Tob and Ecclus); of the great Servant of Jeh (cf Luke 23 35; the "Christ of God, his chosen"); cf eminent saints as Jacob, Moses, Kufus (Rom 16 13); "the lady," and her "sister" of 2 John; of the holy angels (1 Thessalonians 5 21 j, with a possible suggestion of the lapse of other angels. Otherwise, and prevalently in the NT, it denotes a human community, also described as believers, saints, the Israel of (!od; regarded as in some sense selected by Him from among men, objects of His special favor, and correspondingly called to special holiness and service. See further under ELECTIOnorth In the Kng. VSS "elect" is not used as a vb.: "to choose" is preferred; e.g. Mark 13 20; Ephesians 1 4. UAMH.EY DU.XELM

    ELECT LADY, e-lekt la di (K\\KTT] Kvpia, eklektt kuria; 2 John ver 1): In accordance with strict grammatical usage these words of address may be translated 1 in three ways: "to an elect lady" (which as an address is too indefinite); or, both words being taken as proper names, "to Eklekle Kuria" (an improbable combination of two very rare names); or "to Eklektc, lady" = anglice, "to the lady [or Madam ] Eklekle." The other translations which have been given "to the elect lady" or "to the elect Kuria" are open to objection on account of the omission of the article; but this violation of rule is perhaps not without parallel (cf 1 Pet 1 1). The translation adopted will partly depend upon whether we regard the epistle as addressed to an individual or to a community. Dr. Kendel Harris believes this question to be settled by the discovery in the papyri of numerous instances which prove that kurios and kuria were used by ancient letter- writers as terms of familiar endearment, applicable

    to brother, sister, son, wife, or intimate friend of either sex (Expositor, March, 1901; see also Find- lay, Fellowship in the Life Eternal, ch iii). In the light of this suggestion we should naturally translate, "to my [dear] lady Eklekte." Grammatically, this is strongly supported by 1 Thessalonians 1 2 and 2 Thessalonians 1 2 (Tijuo^y yvr)ffit{> .... 070.71-777-45 .... rtKvq, Thessalonians-

    othed gnesio .... agajieto .... (ck>td = "\\o Thessalonians othy my true .... beloved .... child"); and the fact that the name Eklcktc has not yet been discovered, though Eklckios has, offers no grave ob jection. This is the translated favored by Clement of Alex andria, who says of the epistle: ncri/ila vcro cat ad qitandmn Babyloniam nomine Eledant, significat autem eledionem ecdesiac sundae ("It is written to a certain Babylonian, Electa by name; but it signi fies the further election of the holy church"). It seems doubtful whether he means by the last clause that Electa is simply a personification of the church, or a real person whose name was derived from the Christian idea of election. Either way the render ing, "to the lady Electa," is suitable, and upon the whole it seems the best. Eklckte is not an adj. but a noun. If a person is intended, it is "the lady Electa"; if a church, it is designated, not "the elect Lady," but "the lady Fleet." The mention of "thy elect sister" in 2 John ver 13 does not hinder either supposition. See further CVUIA: JOHX, THE ErisTLKs OF. ROBERT LAW

    ELECTION, e-lck slnm (txXo^, cklogt, "choice," "selection") :

    I. THE WORD IN Sciu i"rr HI:

    II. THE MYSTKUIOTS KI.KMKXT

    III. INCIDENCE UPON COMMUNITY AND INDIVIDUAL

    IV. COGNATE AND 1 i.i.i STRATI \\ K UIHI.ICAJ. LANGUAGE V. LIMITATIONS OF INQUIRY I IK HI-:. SCOI-K OF E LEC

    TION

    VI. PERSEVERANCE

    VII. CONSIDERATIONS IN KKI.IKF OF THOUGHT 1. Antinomies 2. Fatalism Another Tiling

    3. The Moral Aspects

    4. "\\Vekiio\\vin Part"

    5. The Unknown Future

    /. The Word in Scripture.- The word is absent from the OT, where the related Hebrews vb. pn3 , bahar) is frequent. Li the NT it occurs 6 t (Rom 911; 11 5.7.2S; 1 Thessalonians 1 4; 2 Pet 1 10). In all these places it appears to denote an act of Divine selection taking ei fect upon human objects so as to bring them into special and saving relations with God: a selection such as to be at once a mysterious thing, transcending human analysis of its motives (so eminently in Rom 9 11), and such as to be knowable by its objects, who are (2 Pet) exhorted to "make it sure," certain, a fact to consciousness. It is always (with one exception, Rom 9 11; see below) related to a community, and thus has close affinity with the OT teachings upon the privileged position of Israel as the chosen, selected race (see under ELECT). The objects of election in the NT are, in effect, the Israel of God, the new, regenerate race called to special privilege and special service. From one point of view, that of the external marks of Christianity, they may thus be described as the Christian community in its widest sense, the sense in which the sacramental position and the real are prima facie assumed to coincide. But from 2 Pet it is manifest that much more than this has to be said if the incidence of the word present, to the writer s mind is to be rightly felt. It is assumed there that the Christian, baptized and a worshipper, may yet need to make "sure" his "calling and elec tion" as a fact to his consciousness. This implies conditions in the "election" which far transcend the tests of sacred rite and external fellowship.

    //. The Mysterious Element. Such impressions of depth and mystery in the word are confirmed by

    Election Eleph

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    the other passages. In Rom 9 11 the context is charged with the most urgent and even staggering challenges to submission and silence in the presence of the inscrutable. To illustrate large assertions as to the liberty and sovereignty of the Divine deal ings with man, the apostle brings in Esau and Jacob, individuals, twins as yet unborn, and points to the inscrutable difference of the Divine action toward them as such. Somehow, as a matter of fact, the Ktcrnal appears as appointing to unborn Esau a future of comparative disfavor and to Jacob of favor; a future announced to the still pregnant mother. Such discrimination was made and an nounced, says the apostle, "that the purpose of Ciod according to election might stand." In the whole passage the gravest stress is laid upon the isolation of the "election" from the merit, or demerit of its objects.

    ///. Incidence upon Community and Individual. It is observable that the same characteristic, the inscrutable, the sovereign, is attached in the ()T to the "election" of a favored and privileged nulion. Israel is repeatedly reminded (see e.g. l)t 7) that the Divine call and choice of them to be the people of God has no relation to their virtues, or to their strength. The reason lies out of sight, in the Di vine mind. So too "the Israel of Ciod" (Galatians 6 1(5) in the NT, the Christian community, "the new, peculiar race," holds its great privileges by quite unmerited favor (e.g. Tit 3 f>). And the nature of the case here leads, as it does not in the case of the 1 natural Israel, to the thought of a Divine election of the individual, similarly inscrutable and sover eign. For the idcd of the New Israel involves the thought that in every genuine member of it the provisions of the New Covenant (Jeremiah 31 31 f) are being fulfilled: the sins are remembered no more, and the law is written in the heart. Tho bearer of the Christian name, but not of the Christian spirit ual standing and character, having "not the Spirit of Christ, is none of his" (Rom 8 9). The chosen community accordingly, not as it seems dhc.rtra, but as it is in its essence, is a fellowship of individuals each of whom is an object of unmerited Divine favor, taking effect in the new life. And this in volves the exorcise of electing mercy. Cfe.g. 1 Pet 1 3. And consider Rom 11 4-7 (where observe the exceptional use of "the election," meaning "the company of the elect ").

    IV. Cognate and Illustrative Biblical Language. It is obvious that the aspects of mystery which gather round the word "election" are not confined to it alone. An important class of words, such as "calling," "predestination," "foreknowledge," "purpose," "gift," bears this same character; assert ing or connoting, in appropriate contexts, the ele ment of the inscrutable and sovereign in the action of the Divine will upon man, and particularly upon man s will and affection toward Clod. And it will be felt by careful students of the Bible in its larger and more general teachings that one deep characteristic of the Book, which with all its boundless multi plicity is yet one, is to emphasize on the side of man everything that, can humble, convict, reduce to worshipping silence (see for typical passages Job 40 3.4; Rom 3 19), and on the side of (lod every thing which can bring home to man the tran scendence and sovereign claims of his almighty | Maker. Not as unrelated utterances, but as part of a vast whole of view and teaching, occur such pas sages as Ephesians 2 8.9 and Rom 11 33-36, and even the stern, or rather awestruck, phrases of Rom 9 20.21, where the potter and the clay are used in illustration.

    V. Limitations of Inquiry Here. Scope of Election. We have sought thus in the simplest outline to note first the word "election" and then

    some related Scriptural words and principles, weighing the witness they boar to a profound mys tery in the action of the Divine will upon man, in the spiritual sphere. What we have thus seen leaves still unstated what, according to Scripture, is the goal and issue of the elective act. In this art., remembering that it is part of a Bible. Ency clopaedia, we attempt no account of the history of thought upon election, in the successive Christian cents., nor again any discussion of the relation of election in Scripture to extra-Scriptural philosophies, to theories of necessity, determination, fatalism. Wo attempt only to see the matter as it lies before us in the Bible. Studying it so, we find that this mysterious action of (!od on man has relation, in the Christian revelation, to nothing short of the salvation of the individual (and of the community of such individuals) from sin and condemnation, and the preservation of the saved to life eternal. We find this not so much in any single passage as in the main stream of Bible language and tone on the subject of the Divine selective action. But it is remarkable that in the recorded thought of Our Lord Himself we find assertions in this direction which could hardly be more explicit. See John 6 37. 44.4"); 10 27 29. To the writer the best summary of the Scriptural evidence, at once definite and re strained, is the language of the 17th Anglican art.: "They which be endued with so excellent a benefit of (lod be called according to God s purpose by His Spirit working in due season; they through grace obey the calling; they be justified freely; they be made sons of God by adoption; they be made like the image of His only begotten Son Jesus Christ; they walk religiously in good works, and at. length, by God s mercy, they attain to everlasting felicity."

    VI. Perseverance. The anxious problem of PERSEVERANCE will be treated under that word. It may be enough here to say that alike what we an 1 permitted to read as revealed, and what we may humbly apprehend as the reason of the case, tend to the reverent belief that a perseverance (rather of the Lord than of the saints) is both taught and im plied. But when we ponder the nature of the sub ject we are amply prepared for the large range of Scriptures which on the other hand condemn and preclude, for the humble disciple, so gross a misuse of the doctrine as would let it justify one moment s presumption upon Divine mercy in the heart which is at the same time sinning against the Divine love and holiness.

    VII. Considerations in Relief of Thought. We close, in view of this last remark, with some de tached notes in relief, well remembering the un speakable trial which to many devout minds the word before us has always brought.

    First in place and importance is the thought that, a spiritual fact like election, which belongs to the

    innermost purpose and work of the 1. Antin- Eternal, necessarily leads us to a region omies where comprehension is impossible,

    and where wo can only reverently apprehend. The doctrine passes upward to the sphere where antinomies live and move, where we must be content to hear what sound to us contra dictions, but which are really various aspects of infi nite truth. Let us be content toknowthat the Divine choice is sovereign; and also that "his tender mercies are over all his works," that lie willeth not the death of a sinner, that "God is love." Let us relieve the tension of such submissive reliance by reverently noting how the supreme antinomy meets one type of human need with its one side, and with its other another. To the "fearful saint" the Di vine sovereignty of love is a sacred cordial. To the seeking penitent the Divine comprehensiveness of love opens the door of peace. To the deluded



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    theorist who does not love and obey, the warnings of a fall and ruin which are possible, humanly, from any spiritual height, are a merciful beacon on the rocks.

    Further, we remember that election, in Scripture,

    is as different as possible from the fatal necessity

    of, e.g. the Stoics. It never appears

    2. Fatalism as mechanical, or as a blind destiny. Another It has to do with the will of a God who Thing has given us otherwise supreme proofs

    that He is all-good and all-kind. And it is related to man not as a helpless and innocent being but as a sinner. It is never presented as an arbitrary force mujeurc. Even in Rom 9 the "si lence" called for is not as if to say, "You are hope lessly passive in the grasp of infinite power," but, "You, the creature, cannot judge your Maker, who must know infinitely more of cause and reason than liis handiwork can know." The mystery, we may be sure, had behind it supreme right and reason, but in a region which at present at least we cannot pene trate. Again, election never appears as a violation of human will. For never in the Bible is man treated as irresponsible. In the Bible the relation of the human and Divine wills is inscrutable; the reality of both is assured.

    Never is the doctrine presented apart from a

    moral context. It is intended manifestly to deepen

    man s submission to not force, but

    3. The mystery, where such submission means Moral faith. In the practical experience of Aspects the soul its designed effect is to em phasize in the believer the conscious ness (itself native to the true state of grace) that the translated/iole of his salvation is due to the Divine mercy, no part of it to his merit, to his virtue, to his wis dom. In the sanctified soul, which alone, assuredly, can make full use of the mysterious truth, is it designed to generate, together and in harmony, awe, thanksgiving anil repose.

    A necessary caution in view of the whole subject- is that here, if anywhere in the regions of spiritual study, we inevitably "know in part,"

    4. "We and in a very limited part. The treat- Know in ment of election has at times in Chris- Part" tian history been carried on as if, less

    by the light of revelation than by logical processes, we could tabulate or map the whole subject. Where this has been done, and where at the same time, under a sort of mental rather than spiritual fascination, election has been placed in the foreground of the system of religious thought, and allowed to dominate the rest, the truth has (to say the least) too often been distorted into an error. The Divine character has been beclouded in its beauty. Sovereignty has been divorced from love, and so defaced into an arbitrary fit, which has for its only reason the assertion of omnipotence. Thus the grievous wrong has been done of alaxp6v TL \\tyeiv wepl TOV tielov, "defamation of Cod." For example, the revelation of a posi tive Divine selection has been made by inference to teach a corresponding rejection ruthless and terrible, as if the Eternal Love could ever by any possibility reject or crush even the faintest as piration of the created spirit toward Cod. For such a thought not even the dark words of Rom 9 IK give Scriptural excuse. The case there in hand, Pharaoh s, is anything but one of arbitrary power trampling on a human will looking toward God and right. Once more, the subject is one as to which we must on principle be content with knowledge so fragmentary that its parts may seem contradictory in our present imperfect light. The one thing we may be sure of behind the veil is, that nothing can be hidden there which will really contradict the supreme and ruling truth that God is love.

    Finally, let us from another side remember that here, as always in the things of the Spirit, "we know- in part." The chosen multitude are 5. The sovereign!} "called, .... justified,

    Unknown .... glorified" (Rom 8 29.30). But Future for what purposes? Certainly not for

    an end terminating in themselves. They are saved, and kept, and raised to the perfect state, for the service of their Lord. And not till the cloud is lifted from the unseen life can we possibly know what that service under eternal conditions will include, what ministries of love and good in the whole universe of being. HAXDLIOY DCXKLM

    ELECTRUM, e-lek trum: The RVm rendering of xETLTJ, hash nidi, of Ezekiel 1 4.27; 8 2 (LXX q\\6KTpov, tlcktron, Vulg electruni). Both AV and ERV have "amber" while the ARV lias "glowing metal." Gesenius says electruni must not be under stood as being here used for amber, but for a kind of metal remarkable for brightness, compounded of gold and silver. "Amber is undoubtedly a poor rendering, as the Hebrews term means "polished brass." ARV has the more correct rendering. Amber, however, may well have been known to E/ekiel (E B s.v.). See also STONES, PuKnors; Buvi\\<;, IV.

    A. west FORTUNE

    EL-ELOHE-ISRAEL, el-n-ld hr-i/ ra-el, el-el 6- he-iz ra-el (bXTi" 1 . Ti -X *X , V/ clohc ;/ Israel, translated d "God, the God of Israel" in A K V m and AVm) : Found only in Genesis 33 20 as the name given to the altar erected at Shechem by .Jacob, henceforth known as Israel, on the parcel of ground purchased by him from the inhabitants of Shechem, his first encamp ment of length and importance since the return to Philestina-Canaan Land from Paddan-aram and the eventful night at Peniel (Genesis 32 30). This unusual combination of names has given occasion for much speculation and for various text emendations. Already the LXX sought to meet the difficulty by reading wa-yikra 1 el clohe yisrd cl, "and he called upon the ( !od of Israel," instead of the icd-i/ikriV Id cl of MT, "and he called it El" etc. Wellhausen, followed by Dillmann, Driver and others, changes "altar" to "pillar," because the Hebrews verb, /i/rrlhli, is used with maq- <;et>hah, "pillar," in Genesis 35 1-1.20, so making this religious act a parallel to that at Bethel. But De- lit xsch, \\eir ( oi)iin. on d e/i, properly rejects this purely fanciful change, and understands the com pound name as the altar s inscription. Dillmann well suggests thai "altar" (or "pillar") be supplied, reading thus: "called it (lie altar of El, the God of Israel." The peculiar phrase is best and most readily understood in its close connection with the struggle at Peniel, recorded in Genesis 32. Being vic torious in that struggle, Jacob received tin 1 new name "Israel"; and to his first altar in Philestina-Canaan Land he gave that name of God which appeared in his own new name, further explaining it by the apposil ive phrase "Elohe- Israel." Thus his altar was called, or dedicated to, "El, the God of Israel." EDWAHD MACK

    EL ELYON, el e-ll on. See GOD, NAMES OF.

    ELEMENT, el C-ment, ELEMENTS (TO. O-TOI- Xeia, fa stoicheia, "the letters of the alphabet," "the elements out of which all things are formed," "the heavenly bodies," "the fundamental princi ples of any art or science"):

    (1) In 2 Pet 3 10, the constituent parts of the physical universe ("elements shall be dissolved with fervent heat," ARVm "the heavenly bodies").

    (2) In Galatians 4 3.9, RV has "rudiments," as in AVm, and in Colossians 2 8.20, where the reference is to imperfect Jewish ordinances. See RUDIMENTsouth

    ELEPH - H



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    in the lot of Benjamin not far from Jems (Joshua 18 2S). The name is omitted by LXX, unless, indeed, ll is combined with that of Zelah. It may be identi cal with Lijtd, a village west of Jerusalem (Conder, HDH, s.v.). Others identify Lifta with Nephtoah.

    ELEPHANT, el e-fant (Job 40 1") AVm [ARVm "hippopotamus," RV "ivory"]; 1 Kings 10 22 AVm; 2 Cli 9 21 AVm; 1 Mace 3 .11; 6 2S ->; 8 0) : Possibly in Job it is the extinct- mammoth. See BEHEMOTH; IVOKY.

    ELEPHANTINE, cl-c-fan-tl ne. Sec SKVKXF.H.

    ELEUTHERUS, cMu ther-us ( EXv0po S) Klrit- thcros; 1 Mace 11 7; 12 3()j: A river separating Syria and Phoenicia.

    ELEVEN, e-lcv"n, STARsouth Sec ASTRO.NOMY.

    ELEVEN, r-lev"n, THE (ol cvSeica, hoi Mndeka): The eleven apostles remaining after the death of Judas. The definite art. used serves to designate them as a distinct and definite group whose integ rity was not destroyed by the loss of one of the twelve. The college of "the Twelve" had come to be so well recognized that the gospel writers all used on occasions the word with the definite art. to rep resent the Twelve. Apostles chosen by Jesus. This custom still remained and the numeral merely changed, as, "Afterward he was manifested unto the eleven" (Mark 16 14; cf Luke 24 9.33; Acts 2 14). < >n I he other hand, however, the subst. is also some- times used, as "The eleven disciples went into dalilee" (Alt 28 16; cf also Acts 1 26). As an il lustration of the fixedness of usage, Paul refers to the eleven as "the twelve" when he recounts the appearances of Jesus after His resurrection: "And that he appeared to Cephas; then to the twelve" (1 Corinthians 15 ")). WALTKR C. Chirpix<;KK

    ELHANAN, el-ha nan CjJH^, clhdtian, "whom Cod gave";:

    (1) A great warrior in the army of David who slew a Phili giant. There is a discrepancy between 2 Samuel 21 1 ( .) and 1 Chronicles 20 5. In the former passage we read, "And there was again war with the Philis at (lob; and Elhanan, the son of Jaare-oregim the Beth-lehemite, slew (loliath the Gittite, 1 he staff of whose spear was like a weaver s beam"; while in the latter we are told, "And there was again war with the Philis; and Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lahmi the, brother of (loliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was like a weaver s beam." Most modern critics prefer as the original text of the latter part of the two discrepant statements the following: "and Elhanan the son of Jair the Beth-lehemite slew Goliath the (lit lite, the staff of whose spear was like a weaver s beam." It is contended that the Chronicler slightly modified the text before him, in order to bring it into harmony with 1 Samuel 17, where David is said to have slain a Phili giant (loliath. There is almost unanimous agreement that "Jaare-oregim" is a corrupt reading, and the "Jair" in 1 Chronicles is to be preferred. From Jerome to the present some schol ars identify Elhanan with David, and thus remove the discrepancy. Ewald (///*/, III, 70) argued that the name "Goliath" was inserted in 1 Samuel 17 and 21 by the narrators whose compositions are embodied in Samuel, Elhanan being t he real victor over Goliath, while David s antagonist was simply called "the Philistine."

    (2) The son of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of David s mighty men (2 Samuel 23 24; 1 Chronicles 11 2ti). Some moderns think that there was only one Elhanan, and that he was the son of Dodo of the clan of Jair.

    JOHN RICHARD SAMPEY

    ELI, e ll ( n ?37 , V/0 : A descendant of Ithamar, the fourth son of Aaron, who exercised the office of high priest in Shiloh at the time of the birth of Sam uel. For the first time in Israel, Eli combined in his own person the functions of high priest and judge, judging Israel for 40 years (1 Samuel 4 IS). The inci dents in Eli s life are few; indeed, the main interest of the narrative is in the other characters who are associated with him. The chief interest centers in Samuel. In Eli s first interview with Hannah (1 Samuel 1 12 ->), she is the central figure; in the second inter view (i S 1 24 ->), it is the child Samuel. When Eli next appears, it is as the father of Hophni and Phinehas, whose worthless and licentious lives had profaned their priestly office, and earned for them the title "men of Belial" (or "worthlessness"). Eli administered no stern rebuke to his sons, but only a gentle chiding of their greed and immorality. Thereafter he was warned by a nameless prophet of the downfall of his house, and of the death of his two sons in one day (1 Samuel 2 27-3(5), a message later confirmed by Samuel, who had received this word directly from Jeh Himself (1 Samuel 3 11 ->). The prophecy was not. long in fulfilment. During the next invasion by the Philis, the Israelites were utter ly routed, the ark of God was captured, and Hophni and Phinehas were both slain. When the news reached Eli, lie was so overcome that he "fell from off his seat, backward by the side of the gate; and his neck brake, and he died" (1 Samuel 4 IS). The character of Eli, while 1 sincere and devout, seems to have been entirely lacking in firmness. He appears from the history to have been a good man, full of humility and gentleness, but weak and indulgent. His is not a strong personality; he is always overshadowed by some more commanding or interesting figure.

    A. C. GRANT

    ELI, e ll or a le, ELI, LAMA, la ma, SABACH- THANI, sa-bak tha-nl. See ELOI, ELOI, etc.

    ELIAB, e-li ab PX OX, tttribh, "God is father"):

    (1) Prince of the tribe of /ebuhm in the Exodus (Numbers 11); 27; 7 24.2 .); 10 Hi).

    (2) A Reubenite, father of Dathan and Abiram (Numbers 16 11.12; 26 Sf; Deuteronomy 11 6).

    (3) Eldest son of Jesse and brother of David (1 Samuel 16 15), once called Elihu (1 Chronicles 27 IS). He was of commanding appearance (1 Samuel 16 (5), and when serving with Saul s army at the lime when it was confronting the Philis and Goliath, was inclined to lord it over his brother David (17 2Sf). ( I Us daughter Abihail became a wife of Rehoboam (2 Chronicles 11 IS).

    (4) An Ephraimite, an ancestor of Samuel (1 Chronicles 6 27); called Eliel in ver 34, and Elihu in 1 Samuel 1 1.

    (/>) A Gadite warrior with David (1 Chronicles 12 9), one of 11 mighty men ( vs southI 4).

    (6) A Levite musician (1 Chronicles 15 Isouth 20; 16 5).

    (7) An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1; cf 9 2).

    F. K. FAKR

    ELIADA, r-H a-da, ELIADAH (FT^S , elijculha\\ "God is knowing." Cf ///W, 219,266,301; EmS Kpiilut, or EXiScU, Eiidae):

    (1) One of the sons of David (2 Samuel 5 16; 1 Chronicles 3 8; called BKKLIADA, 1 Chronicles 14 7 [q.v.]).

    (2) A descendant of Benjamin and a captain in the army of Jehoshaphat, commander of 200,000 men (2 Chronicles 17 17).

    (3) Father of Rezon, an "adversary" of Solomon (1 Kings 11 23, AV "Eliadah").

    ELIADAS, P-H a-das ( EX.ia8ds, Eliadds): A son of Zamoth who had married a strange wife (1 Esd 9 28); called Elioenai in Ezr 10 27.

    ELIADUN, e-ll a-dun, RV ILIADUN (q.v.).



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    ELIAH, C-li a. See ELIJAH.

    ELIAHBA, C-ll a-ba, e-li-a ba (XSrnbx , elyah- bd , "God hides"): One of David s 30 mighty men (2 Samuel 23 32; 1 Chronicles 11 33).

    ELIAKIM, O-li a-kim (S^bS , dyak im; EXi- aKC(A, Eliakcim, "God sets up") :

    (1) The son of Ililkiah who succeeded Shebna as governor of the palace and "grand vizier" under Hezekiah (Isaiah 22 20). The functions of his office are seen from the oracle of Isaiah in which Shebna is deposed and Eliakim set in his place (Isaiah 22 15 ->). He is the "treasurer" (RVm "steward"), and is "over the house" (ver 15). At his installation he is clothed with a robe and girdle, the insignia of his office, and, having the government committed into his hand, is the "father to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and to the house of Judah" (ver 21). The key of the house of David is laid on his shoulder, and he alone has power to open and shut, this being symbolic of his absolute authority as the king s representative (ver 22).

    One of Solomon s officials is the first mentioned as occupying this position (1 Kings 4 (>), and this office was continued in both the Northern and South ern Kingdom (1 Kings 16 !); 18 3; 2 Kings 10 5; 15 5). Its importance is seen from the fact that after Azariah was smitten with leprosy, Jot ham his heir "was over the household, judging the people of the land" (2 Kings 15 5).

    When Sennacherib sent an army against Jerusalem in 701, Eliakim was one of these Jewish princes who held on behalf of Hezekiah a parley with the Assvr officers (2 Kings 18 18.20.37; Isaiah 36 3.11.22). As a result, of the invader s threats, he was sent by Hezekiah in sackcloth to Isaiah, entreating his prayers to Jeh on behalf of Jerusalem (2 Kings 19 2; Isaiah 37 2).

    (2) The original name of Jehoiakim, the son of Josiah, whom Pharaoh-necoh made king of Judah (2 Kings 23 34; 2 Chronicles 36 4).

    (3) A priest who assisted at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem, rebuilt after his return from Babylon (Neh 12 41).

    (4) A grandson of Zerubbabel and ancestor of Jesus (Matthew 1 13).

    (5) An ancestor of Jesus (Luke 3 3()j.

    south F. II r \\TKit

    ELIALI, r-ll a-ll ( EXiaXei, Eliald): 1 Kingssd 9 34; possibly corresponds to "Binnui" in Ezr 10 38.

    ELIAM, C-ll am (Z"" 1 *^, cll*am, "people s God"?):

    (1) Father of Bathsheba (2 Samuel 11 3); in 1 Chronicles 3 5 called Ammiel.

    (2) One of David s "thirty," son of Ahithophel the Gilonite (2 Samuel 23 34).

    ELIAONIAS, (i-ll-a-6-m as ( EXiaXuvias, Eli<i- lonias): A descendant of Phaath Moab (1 Esd 8 31); called "Eliehoenai" in Ezr 8 4.

    ELIAS, f-ll as. See ELIJAH.

    ELIASAPH, C-lI a-saf (rCTpX, Y//yr7.sa,,/,, "God has added") :

    (1) Son of Deuel; prince of the tribe of Gad in the Exodus (Numbers 1 14; 2 14; 7 42.47; 10 20).

    (2) Son of Lael; prince of the Gershonites (Numbers 3 24).

    ELIASHIB, O-lI a-shib p^bx , dyashlblt, "God restores") :

    (1) A descendant of David (1 Chronicles 3 24).

    (2) Head of the eleventh course of priests (1 Chronicles 24 12).

    (3) The high priest in the time of Nehemiah. He, with his brethren the priests, helped in the re building of the wall (Neh 3 1). But later he was "allied unto Tobiah" the Ammonite (13 4) and allowed that enemy of Nehemiah the use of a great chamber in the temple (ver 5); and one of his grandsons, a son of Joiada, married a daughter of Sanballat the lloronite and was for this expelled from the community by Nehemiah (ver 28). Sec SANBALLAT.

    (4, 5, 6) Three Israelites, one a "singer," who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10 24.27.36).

    (7) Father of Jehohanan (Ezr 10 0); probably identical with (3) above. Called Eliasib in 1 Esd 9 1. F. K. FAKK

    ELIASIB, e-ll a-sib. See ELIASHITJ.

    ELIASIBUS, e-li-as i-bus ( EXido-ipos, Elinsibos, AV Eleazurus): OIK- of the holy singers who had married a foreign wife (1 Esd 9 24); called "Elia- shib" in Ezr 10 27.

    ELIASIMUS, e-li-as i-mus ( EXido-ifios, Klidsimos; AV Elisimus): One who had married a foreign wife (1 Esd 9 28).

    ELIASIS, e~-ll a-sis ( EXidcris, AV/Vfx/.s) : ( )ne who had married a foreign wife (1 Esd 9 34); corre sponds to "Jaasu" in Ezr 10 37.

    ELIATHAH,f-lI :Mh:i (nr^bs , SWathah, "God has come"): A Hemanite, head of the twentieth division of the temple musicians (1 Chronicles 25 4.27).

    ELIDAD, Mi dad (Trx . fllMuWi, "God has loved"): Prince of Benjamin in the division of the land (Numbers 34 21); perhaps the same as ELDAD (q.v.).

    ELIEHOENAI, o-li-r-hr/r-nl Hrrfx, >dy- hd^cndij, "to Jeh are mine eyes"):

    (1) (AV Elioenai) a Korahite doorkeeper (1 Chronicles 26 3).

    (2) (AV Elihoenai) Head of a family in the Re turn (Ezr 8 4).

    ELIEL, e-ll el, el i-el (bXT?X , 7/7 r/, "El is God," or "my ( lod is ( Jod") :

    (1, 2, 3j Mighty men of David (1 Chronicles 11 40.47; 12 11).

    (4) A chief of Manasseh, east of the Jordan (1 Chronicles 6 24).

    (5, 0) Two chiefs of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 20.22).

    (7) A chief Levite from Hebron (1 Chronicles 15 9.11).

    (8) A Kohathite in (lie line of Elkanah, Samuel ami Heman (1 Chronicles 6 34); see ELIAM (4).

    (9) A Levite of the time of Ilezekiah (2 Chronicles 31 13).

    : A

    ELIENAI, cl-i-e nfi-i Benjamite chief (1 Chronicles 8 20)

    ELIEZER, el-i-e zer, e-li-e zer pT3p5 EXieSep, Eliezer, "(Jod is help"):

    (1) The chief servant of Abrani (Genesis 15 2); ARV "Eliezer of Damascus," ERV "Dammesek Eliezer." The Hebrews is peculiar: lit. "And the son of the possession [incxlifk} of my house is Dammasek [of] Eliezer." A possible; but unlikely meaning is that his property would become! the possession of Damascus, the city of Eliezer. Tg Syr (RVm) read "EliezeT the Damascene": this supposes a reading, "Eliezer ka-ilnnrnutxkl" or "mid-dammesefc." The text may be ce>rrupt: the assenumce l)etween meshek and Dammese-k is suspiciems. Abram calls Eliezer "one born in my house," i.e. a dependant, a member of his household, and so regards him as his



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    heir, Lot having gone from him (Genesis 13). Eliozer is probably the servant, "the elder of his house, that ruled over all that, he had," of (ien 24.

    (2) The 2d son of Moses and Zipporah, called thus for "the God of my father \\vas my help, and de livered me from the sword of Pharaoh" (Exodus 18 4; 1 Chronicles 23 IT) IT).

    (3) A son of Becher, one of the sons of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 7 S).

    (4) A priest who assisted in bringing up the ark from the house of Obed-edom to Jerusalem (1 Chronicles 15 24).

    (5) The son of Zichri, ruler over the Reubenites in the time of David (1 Chronicles 27 10).

    (6) The son of Dodavahu of Mareshah who prophesied the destruction of the ships which Je- hoshaphat, king of Judah, built, because he had done so in cooperation with Ahaziah, king of Israel (2 Chronicles 20 3.->->).

    (7) One of the messengers whom Ezra sent to Iddo, the chief at Casiphia, with the request for ministers for the Temple (Kzr 8 1C) IT).

    (S, <t, 10) A priest, a Lcvite, and one of the sons of llarim who had married non-lsraelitish women (Ezr 10 1south23.31).

    (11) An ancestor of Jesus in the genealogy given by St. Luke (Luke 3 29). south F. HUNTEH

    ELIHABA, e-ll ha-ba. See EI.IAHBA. ELIHOENAI, el-i-ho-e na-I. See KLIKHOKNAI.

    ELIHOREPH, el-i-hd ref (rnrrbx, FUhrmph, "God of autumn"?): A scribe of Solomon and son of Shisha (1 Kings 4 3).

    ELIHU, e-ll hii (TpbS , f-Uhil; HXeCou, Khun,, "lie is [my] (iod," or "my God is lie"):

    (1) An ancestor of Samuel (1 Samuel 1 1), called Kliel in 1 Chronicles 6 34 and Kliab in 1 Chronicles 6 27 (see ELIAN).

    CD Found in 1 Chronicles 27 IS for Eliab, David s eld est brother (1 Samuel 16 6) ; called "one of the brethren of E."

    (3) A Manassite who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chronicles 12 20).

    (4) A Korahite porter (1 Chronicles 26 7).

    (5) A friend of .lob. See next art. ((>) An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1).

    ELIHU OTVX, tllhu, arrrS, ZliluT, "He is [my] God"; EXioOs, Kliniix): One of the dis putants in the Book of Job; a young man who, having listened in silence to the arguments of Job and his friends, is moved to prolong the discussion and from his juster views of truth set both parties right. He is of the tribe of Buz (cf Genesis 22 21 ), a brother-tribe to that of I z, and of the family of Rain, or Aram, that is, an Aramaean. He is not mentioned as one of the characters of the story until ch 32; and then, as the friends are silenced and Job s words are ended, Elihu has the whole field to himself, until the theophany of the whirlwind proves too portentous for him to bear. His four speeches t ake up chs 32-37. Some crit ics have considered that the Klihu portion of the Book of Job was added by a later hand, and urge obscurities and prolixities, as well as a different style, to prove that it was the work of an inferior writer. This estimate seems, however, to take into account only the part it plays in a didactic treatise, or a theological debate. It looks quite different when we read it as a real dra matic element in a story; in other words, when we realize that the prevailing interest of the Book of Job is not dialectic but narrative. Thus viewed, the Elihu episode is a skilfully managed agency in preparing the denouement. Consider the situation at the end of Job s words (31 40). Job has vindi

    cated his integrity and stands ready to present his cause to God (31 3")-37). The friends, however, have exhausted their resources, and through three discourses have been silent, as it were, snuffed out of existence. It is at this point, then, that Elihu is introduced, to renew their contention with young constructive blood, and represent their cause (as he deems) better than they can themselves. He is essen tially at one with them in condemning Job (34 34-37) ; his only quarrel with them is on the score of the inconclusiveness of their arguments (32 3.5). His self-portrayal is conceived in a decided spirit of satire on the part of the writer, not nnmingled with a sardonic humor. He is very egotistic, very sure of the value of his ideas; much of his alleged pro lixity is due to that voluble self-deprecation which betrays an inordinate opinion of oneself (cf 32 6-22). This, whether inferior composition or not, admirably adapts his words to his character. For substance of discourse he adds materially to what the friends have said, but in a more rationalistic vein; speaks edifyingly, as the friends have not done, of the dis ciplinary value of affliction, and of God s means of revelation by dreams and visions and the interpret ing of an intercessory friend (33 13-28). Very evidently, however, his ego is the center of his sys tem; it is he who sets up as Job s mediator (33 . r )-7; cf 9 32-35), and his sage remarks on God s power and wisdom in Nature are full of self-importance. All this seems designed to accentuate the almost ludicrous humiliat ion of his collapse when from a nat ural phenomenon the oncoming tempest shows un usual and supernatural signs. His words become dis jointed and incoherent, and cease with a kind of attempt to recant his pretensions. And the verdict from the whirlwind is: "darkeneth counsel by words without knowledge." Elihu thus has a real func tion in the story, as honorable as overweening self- confidence is apt to be. JOHX FKAXKLIX GEXUNG

    ELIJAH, e--H ja (TPX Tliynhu or [4t] PPx clli/d/i, "Jah is God"; LXX HXeiov, Eleiou, NT H\\tas, Kleins, AV of NT Eliasj :

    I. THE WORKS OF ELIJAH

    1. The Judgment of Drought

    2. Thi> Ordeal by Prayer

    3. At Horob

    4. The Case of Naboth "). Elijah and Aha/,iali <>. Klijah Translated

    7. The Letter to Johoram II. THE WORK OF ELIJAH

    III. CHARACTF.R OF THK PROPHET

    IV. MIRACLES IN THK ELIJAH N ARKATIVES V. ELIJAH IN" THE NT

    LITERATURE

    (1) The great prophet of the times of Ahab, king of Israel. east is identified at his first appearance (1 Kings 17 1) as "Iv the Tishbite, who was of the sojourners of Gilead." Thus his native place must have been called Tishbeh. A Tishbeh (Thisbe) in the territory of Naphtali is known from Tob 1 2; but if (with most modern commentators) the read ing of the LXX in 1 Kings is followed, the word translated 1 "sojourners" is itself "Tishbeh," locating the place in Gilead and making the prophet a native of that mountain region and not merely a "sojourner" there.

    /. The Works of Elijah. In 1 Kings 16 29-34 we read of the impieties of Ahab, culminating in his patronage of the worship of the Tyrian Baal, god of his Tyrian queen Jezebel (ver 31). Ver 34 men tions as another instance of the little weight attached in Ahab s time to ancient prophetic threatenings, the rebuilding by Kiel the Bethelite of the banned city of Jericho, "with the loss" of Kiel s eldest and youngest sons. This is the situation which calls for a judgment of Jeh, announced beforehand, as is often the case, by a faithful prophet of Jeh.



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    Letter "E"



    1. The Judgment of Drought

    Whether east was already a familiar figure at the court of Ahab, the narrative beginning with 1 Kings 17 1 does not state. His garb and manner identified him as a prophet, in any case (2 Kings 1 8; cf Zee 13 4). east declared in few words that Jeh, true and only rightful God of Israel, whose messen ger he was, was even at the very time sending a drought which should continue until the prophet himself declared it at an end. The term is to be fixed, indeed, not by east but by Jeh; it is not to be short ("these years "), and it is to end only when the chastisement is seen to be; sufficient. Guided, as true prophets were continually, by the "word of Jeh," east then hid himself in one of the ravines east of ("before") the Jordan, where the brook Cherith afforded him water, and ravens brought him abundant food ("bread and flesh" twice daily), 1 Kings 172-6. As the drought advanced the brook dried up. east was then directed, by the "word of Jeh," as constantly, to betake himself beyond the western limit of Ahab s kingdom to the Phoen vil lage of Zarephath, near Sidon. There the widow to whom Jeh sent him was found gathering a few sticks from the ground at the city gate, to prepare a last meal for herself and her son. She yielded to the prophet s command that he himself should be first fed from her scanty store; and in ret urn en joyed the fulfilment of his promise, uttered in the inline of Jeh, that neither barrel of meal nor cruse of oil should lie exhausted before the breaking of the drought. (Jos, Ant, VIII, xiii, 2, states on the authority of Menander that the drought extended to Phoenicia and continued there for a full year.) But when the widow s son fell sick and died, the mother regarded it as a Divine judgment upon her sins, a judgment which had been drawn upon her by the presence of the man of God. At the prayer of east, life returned to the child (vs 17-21).

    "In the third year, "1 Kings 18 1 (Luke 4 2.1; Jas 5 17 give three years and six months as the length of the drought), east was directed to show himself to Ahab as the herald of rain from Jeh. How sorely both man and beast in Israel were pressed by drought and the resulting famine, is shown by the fact that King Ahab and his chief steward Obadiah were in person searching through the land for any patches of green grass that might serve to keep alive some of the king s own horses and mules (vs 5.0). The words of Obadiah upon meeting with east show the impression which had been produced by the proph et s long absence. It was believed that the Spirit of God had carried east away to some unknown, inac cessible, mysterious region (vs 10.12). Obadiah feared that such would again be the case, and, while he entreated the prophet not to make him the bearer of a message to Ahab, appealed to his own well- known piety and zeal, as shown in his sheltering and feeding, during Jezebel s persecution, a hundred prophets of Jeh. east reassured the steward by a solemn oath that he would show himself to Ahab (ver 15). The king greeted the prophet with the haughty words, "Is it thou, thou troubler of Israel?" east s reply, answering scorn with scorn, is what we should expect from a prophet; the woes of Israel are not to be charged to the prophet who declared the doom, but to the kings who made the nation deserve it (vs 17.18).

    Elijah went on to challenge a test of the false god s power. Among the pensioners of Jezebel were 450 prophets of Baal and 400 prophets of the Asherah -still fed by the royal bounty in spite of the famine. Accepting east s proposal, Ahab called all these and all the people to Alt. Carmel (vs 19.20). east s first word to the assembly implied the folly of their thinking that the allegiance

    2. The Ordeal by Prayer

    of a people could successfully be divided between two deities: "How long go ye limping between the two sides?" (possibly "leaping over two thresholds," in ironical allusion to the custom of leaping over the threshold of an idol temple, to avoid a stumble, which would be unpropi lions; cf 1 Samuel 5 1-5). Taking the people s silence as an indication that they admitted the force of his first words, east went on to propose his conditions for the test : a bullock was to be offered to Baal, a bullock to Jeh, but no fire put under; "The God that answercth by fire, let him be God." The voice of the people approved the proposal as fair (vs 22-24). Throughout a day of blazing sunshine the prophets of Baal called in frenzy upon their god, while I ], mocked them with merciless sarcasm (vs 25-29). About the time for the regular offering of the evening sacrifice in the temple of Jeh at Jems, east assumed control. Re building an ancient altar thrown down perhaps in Jezebel s persecution; using in the rebuilding twelve stones, symbolizing an undivided Israel such as was promised to the patriarch Jacob of old; drenching sacrifice and wood with water from some perennial spring under the slopes of Carmel, until even a trench about the altar, deep and wide enough to have a two-.s V7/i (half-bushel) measure set in it, was filled the prophet called in few and earnest words upon the God of the fathers of the nation (vs 30-37). The answer of Jeh by fire, consuming bullock, wood, altar and the very dust, struck the people with awe and fear. Convinced that Jell was God alone for them, they readily carried out the prophet s stern sentence of death for the prophets of the idol god (vs 3S-40). Next the prophet bade Ahab make haste with the meal, probably a sacrificial feast for the multitude, which had been made ready; be cause rain was at hand. On the mountain top east bowed in prayer, sending his servant seven times to look out across the sea for the coming .storm. At last the appearance of a rising cloud "as small as a man s hand" was reported; and before the hurrying chariot of the king could cross the plain to Jezreel it was overtaken by "a great rain" from heavens black with clouds and wind after t hree rainless years. With strength above nature, east ran like a courier before Ahab to the very gate of Jezreel (vs 41-46).

    The same night a messenger from Jezebel found east The message ran, "As surely as thou art east and 1 am

    Jezebel (so the L.X.X), "so let the 3. At gods do to me, and more also" (i.e.

    Horeb may 1 be cut in pieces like a sacrificed

    animal if I break my vow; cf Genesis 15 S-11.17.1S; Jeremiah 34 Isouth 19), "if 1 make not thy life as the life of one of" the slain prophets of Baal "by to-morrow about this time." Explain east s action how we may and all the possible explanations of it have found defenders he sought safety in instant flight. At Beersheba, the southernmost town of Judah, he left, his "servant," whom the narrative; does not elsewhere mention. Going onward into the southern wilderness, he sat down under the scanty shade of a desert broom-bush and prayed that he might share the common fate of mankind in death (19 1-4). After sleep he was refreshed with food brought by an angel. Again he slept and was fed. In the strength of that food he then wandered on for forty days and nights, until he found himself at lloreb, the mountain sacred be cause there Jeh had revealed Himself to Moses (vs 5-8). The repetition of identical words by east in vs 10 and 14 represents a difficult} . Unless we are to suppose an accidental repetition by a very early copyist (early, since it appears already in the LNX), we may see in it an indication that east s despond ency was not easily removed, or that he sought at Horeb an especial manifestation of Jeh for his en couragement, or both. The prophet was bidden

    Elijah Eliphal

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    to take- his stand upon th<> sacred mount; and ,Ich passed by, heralded by tempest, earthquake and thunderstorm (vs 9-12). These \\vere Jeh s fore- runners only; Jeh \\vasnot in them, but in the "still small voice," such as the. prophets were accustomed to hear within their souls. When east heard the not unfamiliar inner voice, he recognized Jeh present to hear and answer him. 10. seems to be seeking to justify his own retreat to the wilderness by the plea that he had been "very jealous," had done in Jeh s cause- all that mortal prophet could do, before he fled, yet all in vain! The same people who had forsaken the law and "covenant" of Jeh, thrown down His altars and slain His prophets, would have allowed the slaughter of K. himself at the command of Jezebel; and in him would have perished the last true servant of Jeh in all the land of Israel (vs 13.14).

    Divine compassion passed by K. s complaint in order to give- him directions for further work in .Je-h s e-aiise. 10. must anoint Hazael to sei/e- the throne- of Syria, Israel s worst enemy among the neighboring penve-rs; Jehu, in like manne-r, he must anoint te> put an end te> the- elynasty of Ahab and assume- the throne- of Israel; and Elisha, to be- his envn successeir in the prophetic; offie-e-. These three, Hazael and his Syrians, Jehu and his followers, eve-n Klisha himself, are- to exe-cute further judgments upon the idolaters and the- scorners in Israel. Je-h will leave Himself 7,000 (around number, a limited but ne>t an excessively small one-, cemve-ying a doc trine, like the- doctrine- of late-r prophets, of the sal vation of a right e-ous remnant) in Israel, men proof against the judgment, because they did not share the sin. If K. was rebuked at all, it was only in the contrast between the 7,000 faithful and the one, himself, which he be-lieved to number all the right eous left alive in Israel (vs 1">-1X).

    The anointing of IIazae-1 and of Jehu seems to

    have been left to K. s successor; indeed, we re-ael of

    ne> anointing of Hazael, but only of

    4. The a significant inteTvie-w be tween that Case of worthy and Klisha (2 Kings 8 7-lf>). Naboth ] ]. next, appears in the- narrative as

    rebuker of Ahab for the- judicial murder of Naboth. In the very piece- of ground which the king had covcte-el and se-ize-d, the prophe-t appeared, unexpected and unwelcome, lo declare upem Ahab, Je/ebel and all their house the <leom of a shameful death (1 Kings 21). There was present at this sce-ne, in attendance- upon the king, a captain named Jehu, the- very man already chosen as the supplanter of Ahab, and he; never forgot, what he then saw and heard (2 Kings 9 2f>.20).

    _Ahab s penitence (I K 21 2south29) averted from

    himse lf some- measure of the deieim. His son

    Ahaziah pulled it down upon his own

    5. Elijah he-ael. Sick unto death from injuries and received in a fall, Ahax.iah sent to ask Ahaziah an oracle e oncerning his re-e-overy at

    the- shrine of Baal-zebub in Ekron. east met the messengers and turneel them back with a preeliction, not from Baal-ze-bub but from Jeh, of impending death. Aha/iah rere>gnize-d by the- mes- senge-rs description the- ancie-nt "enemy" of his house-. A captain and fifty soldiers sent to arrest the prophet were consumed by fire- from heaven at K. s word. A se-conel captain with another fifty met the same- fate. A third besought the prophet to spare his life, and east went with him to the king, but, only to repeat the wore Is of doom (2 Kings 1).

    A foreboding, share-d by the "sons of the prophets"

    at Beth-el and Jericho, warned east that the closing

    scene 1 of his earthly life was at hand.

    6. Elijah He elesired to meet the enel, come in Translated what form it might, alone. Elisha,

    henvever, bound himself by an oath not to leave his master. east divieled Jordan with the

    stroke of his mantle-, that the two might pass over toward the wilderness on the east. Elisha aske-el that he might receive a firstborn s portion of the spirit which rested upon his master. "A chariot of fire, and horses of fire" appe-aml, and parted the two asunder; "and east went up by a whirlwind into heaven" (2 Kings 2 1-11).

    In 2 Chronicles 21 12-1.") we- read of a "writing" from east to Jehoram, sem of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah. The statements of 2 Kings 3 11.12 admit 7. The of no other interpretation than that

    Letter to the- sucre-ssion of Elisha to independent Jehoram prophetic work had alre-ady occurred in the- life-time of Jehoshaphat. It has been pointed out that the- difficult, verse, 2 Kings 8 10, appears te> mean that Jehoram began to reign at some lime before the death of his father; it is also con ceivable- that .1 ]. le-ft a message-, rcduceel to writing either before or after his departure, for the- future king of Judah who should depart from the true faith.

    II. The Work of Elijah. One s estimate of the importance of the work of east depends upon one s concept iem of the- condition of things which the preiphet confront eel in Northern Israel. While it is true- that the- reign of Ahab was outwardly pros perous, and the king himse lf not without a measure of political sagacity together with pe-rsonal courage, his religious policy at. best involved such tole-rance of false- faiths as could lead only to disaster. Ever since the lime- of Joshua, the- religion of Je-h had been waging its combat with the; old Canaanite \\vorship of the powe fs of Nature, a worship rendered to local de-it ie-s, the "Baalim" or "lords" of this and that neighborhood, whose- ancie>nf altars stood "upon the high nmuntains, and upon the- hills, and uneler every green tree " (Deuteronomy 12 2). The god importe-el from 1 hex-nicia by Jezebel bore also the- title Baal; but his charae-ter and his worship we re- worse and more debasing than anything that had be-fore been known. Resistance offe-red by the- se-rvants of Jeh to the claims of the que-e ii s favored god h d to persecution, rightly ascribed by the- historian to Je/ebel (1 Kings 18 4). In the- face- of this elange-r, the differences between the worship of Jeh as carried on in the Northern Kingdom ami the same worship as prac tised at Jerusalem sank out of sight. The; one effort of K. was to recall the people from the- Tyrian Baal to Jeh, the- (loel of their fathers. The vitality of the true- religion in the- crisis is shown by the h ele-lity of such a man as Obadiah (1 Kings 18 3 f), or by the perse-verance- of a righteenis remnant of 7,000, in spit i-of all that had happened of perse cutiem (19 18). The work begun by east was finished, not without blood, by Jehu; we hear no more of the worship of the- Tyrian Baal in Israel after that anoint eel usurp er s time- (2 Kings 9, 10). To say that east at Horeb "learns the gentlene ss of dexl" (St radian in H l)B) is to cemtradict the: immeeliate text of the- narrative and the history of the times. The- direction given east was that he- should anoint one- man to seize the throne of Syria, another to sei/e- that, of Israel, and a prophet to continue his own work; with the promise- and pre-die tion that these 1 three force s should unite in exe-cuting upon guilty Israel the judgment still due for its apostasy from Jeh anel its worship of a false- goel. east was not a reformer of peace; the very vision of peace was hielden from his eyes, re- se v rve el for later prophets for whom he could but prepare the way. It was his mission to destroy at whatever cost the heathen worship which else; would have destroyed Israel itse-lf, with consequences whose evil we cannot estimate. Amos anel Ilosea would have hael no standing-ground had it not been for the work of east and the influences which at Di vine direction he put in operation.

    Character of the Prophet. It is obvious that the Scripture historian cloe;s not intend to furnish



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    us with a character-study of the prophet east Does he furnish even the material upon which such a study may profitably be attempted? The characteriza tion found in Jas 5 17, "east was a man of like pas sions [m "nature"] with us," is brief indeed; but examination of the books which have been written upon the life of east leads to the conclusion that it is possible to err by attaching to events meanings which those events were never intended to bear, as well as by introducing into one s study too much of sheer imagination. It is easy, for example, to ob serve that east is introduced to the reader with sudden ness, and that his appearances and disappearances in the narrative seem abrupt; but is one warranted in arguing from this a like abruptness in the proph et s character? Is not the sufficient explanation to be reached by observing that the historian s pur pose was not to give a complete biography of any individual, whether prophet or king, but to display the. working of Jeh upon and with the kingdoms of Israel and Judah through the prophets? Few per sonal details are therefore to be found recorded concerning even such a prophet as east; and none at all, unless they have a direct bearing upon his mes sage. The imagination of some has discerned a "training of east" in the experiences of the prophet; but to admit that there must have been such a training does not oblige us to discover traces of it in the scenes and incidents which are recorded.

    Distrusting, for the reasons above suggested, any attempt at a detailed representation of the prophet s inner life, one may seek, and prize, what seems to lie upon the surface of the narrative: faith in Jeh as God of Nature and as covenant God of the pa triarchs and their descendants; consuming "zeal" against the false religion which would displace Jeh from the place which must be His alone; keen vision to perceive hypocrisy and falsehood, and sharp wit. to lash them, with the same boldness and disregard of self that must needs mark the true prophet in any age.

    IV. Miracles in the Elijah Narratives. The miraculous element must be admitted to be promi nent in the experiences and works of east It cannot be estimated apart from the general position which the student finds it possible to hold concerning miracles recorded in the OT. The effort to explain away one or another item in a rationalistic way is wholly unprofitable. east s "ravens" may indeed be converted by a change of vowel-points into "Arabians"; but, in spite of the fact that Orientals would bring offerings of food to a holy hermit, the whole tenor of the narrative favors no other suppo sition than that its writer meant "ravens," and saw in the event another such exercise of the power of Jeh over all things as was to be seen in the supply of meal and oil for the prophet and the widow of Zarephath, the fire from heaven, the parting of the Jordan, or the ascension of the prophet by a whirl wind into heaven. Some modern critics recognize a different and later source in the narrative of 2 Kings 1; but here again no real difficulty, if any difficulty there be, is removed. The stern prophet who would order the slaughter of the 450 Baal prophets might well call down fire to consume the soldiers of an apostate and a hostile king. The purpose and meaning of the east chapters is to be grasped by those who accept their author s conception of Jeh, of His power, and of His work in Nature and with men, rather than by those who seek to replace that con ception by another.

    V. Elijah in the NT. Malachi (4 5) names east as the forerunner of "the great and terrible day of Jeh," and the expectation founded upon this passage is alluded to in Mark 6 15 || Luke 9 8; Matthew 16 14 j| Mark 8 2S Luke 9 19; Matthew 27 47-49 || Mark 15 35.36. The interpretation of Malachi s prophecy fore

    shadowed in the angelic annunciation to Zacharias (Luke 1 17), that John the Baptist should do the work of another Elijah, is given on the authority of Jesus Himself (Alt 11 14). The appearance of east, with Moses, on the Matthew. of Transfiguration, is recorded in Matthew 17 1-13 |j Mark 9 2-13 |j Luke 9 28-36, and in Matthew 11 14 j| Mark 9 13 Jesus again identifies the east of Malachi with John the Baptist. The fate of the soldiers of Ahaziah (2 Kings 1) is in the mind of James and John on one occasion (Luke 9 54). Jesus Himself alludes to east and his sojourn in the land of Sidon (Luke 4 25.26). Paul makes use of the prophet s experience at, Horeb (Rom 11 2-4). In Jas 5 17.18 the work of east affords an instance of the powerful supplication of a righteous man.

    (2) A "head of a father s hou.se" of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 27, AV "Eliah").

    (3) A man of priestly rank who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 21).

    (4) A layman who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 26).

    LITERATURE The histories of Israel and commen taries on Kings are many. Those which tend to ration alizing tend also to decrease the importance of K. to the history. F. west Robertson, Sermons, iJdser., V; Maurice, I ropln tx and Kim/x of the OT, Sermon V11L; Milligan, Elijah ("Men of the Bible" ser.); \\V. M. Taylor, Elijah the Prophet.

    F. K. FARR

    ELIKA, f-H k:i (XpbX, ffijra , "God is re- jector[?]"j: The Harodite (Tradite), one of David s

    Omitted from

    guard, the "thirty" (2 Samuel 23 25). 1 Chronicles 11 27.

    ELIM, e lim (I*" 1 ^ , cllm, "terebinths"; Ailcitn): The second encampment of the Israelites after crossing the Red Sea. It was a contrast to the previous camp called "Marah" because of the bitterness of the waters, for there "were twelve springs of water, and threescore and ten palm trees" (Exodus 15 27; 16 1; Numbers 33 9f). The traditional site is an oasis in Wady Ghwrundel, cir 63 miles from Suez. See EXODUS; WANDERINGS OP ISRAEL.

    ELIMELECH, f-lim e-lek (-fbpibtf, cllmelekh, "my God is king"; Apeijw Xex, Abcimelcch, AXi- p.\\K, Aliinclck): Elimelech was a member of the tribe of Judah, a native of Bethlehem Judah, a man of wealth and probably head of a family or clan (Ruth 1 2.3; 2 1.3). He lived during the period of the Judges, had a hereditary possession near Bethlehem, and is chiefly known as the husband of Naomi, the mother-in-law of Ruth and ances tress of David the king. Because of a severe famine in Judaea, he emigrated to the land of Moab with his wife and his sons, Mahlon and Chilion. Not long afterward he died, and his two sons married Moabitish women, Ruth and Orpah. Ten years in all were spent in Moab, when the two sons died, and the three widows were left. Soon afterward Naomi decided to return to Judah, and the sequel is told in the Book of Ruth. See RUTH; NAOMI.

    J. J. REEVE

    ELIOENAI, C-lI-o-e nS-i. Sec ELIEHOENAI.

    ELIONAS, el-i-o nas ( EXicovds,Miwirts, EXiuvats, Elionals) : The name of two men who had married foreign wives (1 Esd 9 22.23), corresponding re spectively to "Elioenai" and "Eliezer" in Ezr 10 22.31.

    ELIPHAL, Ml fal, el i-fal (SP , ellphal, "God has judged"): Son of Ur, one of the mighty men of David s armies (1 Chronicles 11 35). RV in a footnote identifies him with Eliphelet, son of Ahasbai, the son of the Maaehathite (2 Samuel 23 34; cf Davis, Diet. of the Bible, s.v. "TV). See also 1 Chronicles 14 5.7.



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    ELIPHALAT, r-lif a-lat ( E\\i4>aXT,A7ip///c/; 1 Esd 8 39; 9 33): Called "Eliphelet" in E/,r 8 13; 10 33.

    ELIPHAZ, el i-faz, f -U faz (TE^X, cliphaz, "God is fine gold" [?]):

    (1) Son of Esau by Adah, and father of Tenian, Kcnaz and Amalek (Genesis 36 4.10; 1 Cli 1 3f>f). See also Euou.

    (2) See next article.

    ELIPHAZ: The first and most prominent of the three friends of Job (Job 2 llj, who come from dis tant places to condole with and comfort him, when they hear of his affliction. That he is to be re garded as their leader and spokesman is shown by the greater weight and originality of his speeches (contained in chs 4, 5, 15, 22j, the speeches of the other friends being in fact largely echoes and emo tional enforcements of his thoughts, and by the fact that he is taken as their representative (Job 42 7) when, after the address from the whirlwind, Jeh appoints their expiation for the wrong done to Job and to the truth. He is represented as a venerable and benignant sage from Teman in Idumaea, a place noted for its wisdom (cf Jeremiah 49 7), as was also the whole land of Edom (cf Ob ver.Sj; and doubtless it is the writer s design to make his words typical of the best wisdom of the world. This wisdom is the result of ages of thought and experience (cf Job

    15 17 19), of long and ripened study (cf 5 27), and claims the authority of revelation, though only revelation of a secondary kind (cf Eliphaz vision, 4 12 f f, and his challenge to Job to obtain the like, 6 1). In his first speech he deduces Job s affliction from the natural sequence of effect from cause (4 7-11), which cause he makes broad enough to include innate impurity and depravity (4 17-19); evinces a quietism which deprecates Job s self- destroying ebullitions of wrath (5 2.3; cf Job s answer, 6 2.3 and 30 21); and promises restora tion as the result of penitence and submission. In his second speech he is irritated because Job s blas phemous words are calculated to hinder devotion (15 -1), attributes them to iniquity (vs f>.G), reiter ates his depravity doctrine (vs 14-10,), and initiates the lurid descriptions of the wicked man s fate, in which the friends go on to overstate their case (15 20-3")). In the third speech he is moved by the exigencies of his theory to impute actual fraud s and crimes to Job, iniquities indulged in because (lod was too far away to see (22 f>T5); but as a close holds open to him still the way of penitence, abjuring of iniquity, and restoration to health and wealth (22 21-30). His utterances are well com posed and judicial (too coldly academic, Job thinks,

    16 4.")), full of good religious counsel abstractly considered. Their error is in their inveterate pre supposition of Job s wickedness, their unsympathet ic clinging to theory in the face of fact, and the sup pressing of the human promptings of friendship.

    JOHN FKANKLIX C!KM \\<;

    ELIPHELEHU, e-lif e-le-hu OnbpibS, Sl7j>h ie- fnl, ".May (lod distinguish him," AV Eliphelehj : The eleventh of the fourteen doorkeepers men tioned as "brethren of the second degree" and as appointed in connection with the bringing up of the ark to Jerusalem by David (1 Chronicles 15 18).

    ELIPHELET, c-lif e-let . See ELIPHALAT ; ELIPHAL.

    ELISABETH, O-liz a-beth ( EXio-dper, Klisdbd, WII EX.ticrd.peT, Elcifiiibct, from lleb elishebha* [Elisheba], "dod is [my] oath," i.e. a worshipper of God): \\Vifeof Zacharias the priest, and mother of John the Baptist (Luke 1 ,5 IT). east herself was of priestly lineage and a "kinswoman" (AV COUSIN, q.v.) of the Virgin Mary (ver 30), of whose visit to

    east a remarkable account is given in vs 39-50. See ZACHARIAsouth

    ELISEUS, el-i-se us. See ELISHA.

    ipaclty

    ELISHA, g-H sha (yTpx , c/7s//a f , "Gol is salva tion"; LXX EXtio-ait, Eleisaie; XT EXicraios,

    A7/.svmw, Eliseus [Luke 4 27 AV]):

    I. His CAM. AND PUKl AUVriON

    1. His Call

    2. His Preparation

    :<. Tin- Parting Gift of TClijah

    II. His PROPHETIC CAKKKK

    1. Record of His Career

    2. His Ministry in a Private Capacity

    . {. His Ministry in a Public and National Caj

    4. Characteristics of His Ministry (1) In Comparison with Elijah i :. i General Features of His Ministry

    III. GKNKKAI. KSTIMATK LITERATURE

    A prophet, the disciple and successor of Elijah. lie was the son of Slmphat, lived at Abel-meholah, at the northern end of the Jordan valley and a little south of the Sea of Galilee. Nothing is told of his parents but the father s name, though he must have been a man of some wealth and doubtless of earnest piety. No hint is given of Elisha s age or birth place, and it is almost certain that he was born and reared at Abel-meholah, and was a comparatively young man when we first hear of him. His early life thus was spent on his father s estate, in a god fearing family, conditions which have produced so many of Clod s prophets. His moral and religious nature was highly developed in such surroundings, and from his work on his father s farm he was called to his training as a prophet and successor of Elijah.

    /. His Call and Preparation. The first mention of him occurs in 1 Kings 19 10. Elijah was at Horeb, learning perhaps the greatest lesson of his life; and one of the three duties with which he was charged was to anoint Elisha, the sou of Shaphat of Abel- meholah, as prophet in his stead.

    Elijah soon went northward and as he passed the

    lands of Shaphat he saw Elisha plowing in the rich

    level field of his father s farm. Twelve

    1. His Call yoke of oxen were at, work, Elisha

    himself plowing with the twelfth yoke. Crossing over to him Elijah threw his mantle upon the young man (1 Kings 19 19). Elisha seemed to understand the meaning of the symbolic act, and was for a moment overwhelmed with its significance. It meant his adoption as the son and successor of Elijah in the prophetic office. Naturally he would hesitate 1 a moment before making such an important decision. As Elijah strode on, Elisha felt the irre sistible force of the call of Clod and ran after the great prophet, announcing that he was ready to follow, only he wished to give a parting kiss to his father and mother (19 20). Elijah seemed to real ize what it meant to the young man, and bade him "< lo back again; for what have I done to thee?" The call was not such an urgent one as Elisha seemed to think, and the response; had better be deliberate and voluntary. But Elisha had fully made up his mind, slew the yoke of oxen with which he was plowing, boiled their flesh with the wood of the im plements he was using, and made a farewell feast for his friends. He then followed Elijah, making a full renunciation of home ties, comforts and privi leges. He became Elijah s servant ; and we have but- one statement describing their relationship (2 Kings 3 11): he "poured water on the hands of Elijah."

    They seem to have spent several years together (1 Kings

    22 1; 2 Kings 1 17), for Elisha became well known among

    the various schools of the prophets. "While

    2. His ministering to the needs of his master, Prenara- Klisha learned many deep and important

    lessons, imbibed much of his spirit, and tion developed his own religious nature and

    efficiency until lie was ready for the pro phetic service himself. It seems almost certain that they



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    lived among the schools of the prophets, and not in the mountains and hills as Elijah had previously done. During those years the tie between the two men became very deep and strong. They were years of great sig nificance to the young prophet and of careful teaching on the part of the older. The lesson learned at Horeb was not forgotten and its meaning would be profoundly i pi pressed upon the younger man, whose; whole after life shows that he had deeply imbibed the teaching.

    The final scene shows the strong and tender affec tion he cherished toward his master. Aware that

    the end was near, he determined to be 3. The with him until (he last. Nothing

    Parting could persuade him to leave Elijah.

    Gift of When asked what should be done for

    Elijah him, before his master was taken away,

    he asks for the elder son s portion, a double portion, of his master s spirit (2 Kings 2 9). He has no thought of equality; he would be Elijah s firstborn son. The request shows how deeply he had imbibed of his master s spirit already. His great teacher disappears in a whirlwind, and, awestruck by the wonderful sight, Elisha, rends his clothes, takes up the garment of Elijah, retraces his steps to the Jordan, smites the waters to test whether the spirit of Elijah had really fallen upon him, and as the water parts, he passes over dry shod. The sons of the prophetswho have been watching the proceed ings from the hills, at once observe thai the spirit of Elijah rested upon Elisha. and they bowed before him in reverence and submission (2 Kings 2 12-15). Elisha. now begins his prophetic career which must have lasted 50 years, for it extended over the reign of Jehoram, Jehu, Jehoahaz and Joash. The change in him is now so manifest that he is univer sally recognized as Elijah s successor and the reli gious leader of the prophetic schools. The skepti cism of the young prophets regarding the translation of Elijah found little sympathy with Elisha, but he is conciliatory and humors them (2 Kings 2 1G-1S).

    II. His Prophetic Career. As we study the life of

    Elisha wo look first at the record of his career. Tho

    compiler of these records has followed

    1 _ , no strict chronological order. Like other

    1. Record Scripture writers lie has followed the sys- of His tern of grouping his materials. The records Career in 2 ^ 2 195 27 are probably in the

    order of their occurrence. The events in chs 69 cannot be chronologically ar ranged, as the name of the king of Israel is not mentioned. In 6 2H we are told that the Syrians came no more into the land of Israel, and ver 24 proceeds to give an account of Bon-hadad s invasion and the terrible siege of Samaria. In ch 5 Gclmxi is smitten with leprosy, while in ch 8 he is in friendly converse, with the king. In ch 13 the death of Joash is recorded, and this is followed by the record of his last, interview with Elisha (2 Kings 13 1-1-19) which event occurred some years previously.

    When he began his career of service he carried

    the mantle of Elijah, but we read no more of that

    mantle; he is arrayed as a private

    2. His citizen (2 Kings 2 12) in common gar- Ministry in ments (b e ghadhlm). lie carries the a Private walking-staff of ordinary citizens, using Capacity it for working miracles (2 Kings 4 29).

    He seems to have lived in different cities, sojourning at Bethel or Jericho with the sons of the prophets, or dwelling in his own home in Dot ban or Samaria (2 Kings 6 24.32). He passed Shunein so frequently on foot that a prophet s chamber was built for his special use (4 8-11).

    (1) Elijah s ministry began by shutting up the heavens for three a.id a half years; Elisha s began by healing a spring of water near Jericho (2 21). One of these possessed certain noxious qualities, and complaint is made to Elisha that it is unfit for drinking and injurious to the land (2 19). He takes salt in a new vessel, casts it into the spring and the waters are healed so that there was not "from thence any more death or miscarrying" (2 21).

    (2) Leaving Jericho, a pleasant situation, he

    passes up to the highlands of Ephraim, doubtless by the Wady Suweinit, and approaches Bethel, a seat of Baal worship and headquarters of idolatry. The bald head, or perhaps closely cropped head, of Elisha, in contrast with that of Elijah, provoked the ridicule of some "young lads out of the city," who called after him "C!o up, thou baldhead," their taunt manifesting the most blatant profanity and utter disregard of Cod or anything sacred. Elisha, justly angered, turned and cursed them in the name of Jeh. Two bears soon break forth from the woods of that wild region and make fearful havoc among the boys. Elisha may have shown severity and a vindictiveness in this, but he was in no way to blame for the punishment which overtook the boys. He had nothing to do with the bears and was in no way responsible for the fate of the lads. The Sept adds that they threw stones, and the rabbis tell how east was himself punished, but these attempts to tone down the affair are uncalled for and useless (2 23.24).

    (3) From Bethel east passed on to Matthew. Carmel, the home of a school of the prophets, spent some time there and returned to Samaria the capital (2 25). His next deed of mercy was to relieve the pressing needs of a widow of one of the prophets. The name of the place is not given (4 1-7)

    (4) On his many journeys up and down the country, he frequently passed by the little village of Shunem, on the slopes of "Little Ilermon." The modern name is Xulatn. It was about three miles from Jezreel. Accustomed to accept hospitality of one of the women of the place, he so impressed her with his sanctity that she appealed to her hus band to build a chamber for the "holy man of Cod, that passeth by us continually." This was done, and in return for this hospitality a son was born to the woman, who suddenly dies in early boyhood and is restored to life by the prophet (4 8-37).

    (5) east is next at Cilgal, residing with the sons of the prophets. It is a time of famine and they are subsisting on what they can find. One of them finds some wild gourds (palflpu*dth), shreds them into the pot and they are cooked. The men have no sooner begun to eat than they taste the poison and cry to Elisha, "O man of Cod, there is death in the pot." Throwing in some meal, 10. at once renders the dish harmless and wholesome (4 3S-41).

    ((>) Probably at about the same time and place and during the same famine, a man from Baal- shalishah brought provisionsas a present toElisha twenty loaves of fresh barley bread and fresh ears of grain. I nselfishly east commands that it be given to the people to eat. The servant declared it was altogether insufficient for a hundred men, but east predicts that there will be enough and to spare (4 42-44). This miracle closely resembles the two miracles of Jesus.

    (7) The next, incident is the healing of Naaman, the leprous commander of the Syrian army (5 1-19). He is afflicted with the white leprosy, the most ma lignant kind (ver 27). A Jewish maiden, captured in one of their numerous invasions of Eastern Philestina-Canaan Land, and sold into slavery with a multitude of others, tells her mistress, the wife of Naaman, about the wonder-working Elisha. The maiden tells her mis- tress that Elisha can heal the leprosy, and Naaman resolves to visit him. Through the king he obtains permission to visit east with a great train and rich presents. The prophet sends his servant to tell him to dip seven times in the Jordan and he will be healed. Naaman is angered at the lack of deference on the part of Elisha and turns away in a rage to go home. Better counsels prevail, and he obeys the prophet and is cured. K. absolutely refuses the rich presents Naaman offers, and permits the Syrian to take some earth from Jeh s land, that he

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    may build an altar in Syria and worship Jeh there. The idea was thai a (lod was localized and could he worshipped only on his own land. 10. grunts Naa- inan permission apparently to worship Rimmon while avowedly he is a worshipper of Jch. The prophet- appreciates the difficulties in Naaman s path, believes in his sincerity, and by this concession in no way proves that he believes in the actual existence- of a god named Rimmon, or that Jeh was confined to his own land, or in any way sanctions idolatrous worship. He is conciliatory and tolerant, making the best of the situation.

    (X) An act of severity on the part of Elisha fol lows, but it was richly deserved. (!eha/i s true character now manifests itself. He covets the rich presents brought by Naanian, runs after him, and by a clever story secures a rich present from the general. JO. divines his I rick and dooms him and his family to be afflicted with Naaman s leprosy forever (5 20 27).

    ( .)) A group of the sons of the prophets, probably at Jericho, finding their quarters too small, deter mine to build new quarters near the .Jordan. While felling the timber the ax-head of one, a borrowed tool, fell into the water and disappeared. It would have been useless to have attempted to search for it in that swift and muddy stream, so he cries in distress to the prophet. JO. breaks off a stick, casts it in the spot where the ax fell, and makes the iron swim on the surface (6 1-7).

    JOlisha s services to his king and country were numerous and significant.

    (1) The first one recorded took place 3. His during the attempt of Jehoram to

    Ministry in resubjugate Moab which had revolted a Public under King Mesha. In company and Na- with Jehoshuphat and the king of tional JOdom, his southern allies, the coin-

    Capacity bined hosts found themselves without water in the wilderness of Edom. The situation is desperate. Jehoram appeals to Jehosh uphat, and on discovering that JOlisha was in the cam]) all three kings appeal to him in t heir extremity . He refuses any help to Jehoram, bidding him appeal to the prophets of his father Ahab and his mother Jezebel. For Jehoshaphat s sake he will help, calls for a minstrel, and under the spell of the music re ceives his message. He orders them to dig many trenches to hold the water which shall surely come on the morrow from the land of JOdom and without rain. He moreover predicted that Moab would be utterly defeated. These predictions are fulfilled, Mesha is shut up in his capital, and in desperation sacrifices his firstborn son and heir on the walls in sight of all Israel. In great horror the Israelites withdraw, leaving Mesha in possession (3 4-27).

    (2) His next services occurred at Samaria. The king of Syria finds that his most secret plans are divulged in some mysterious way, and he fails more than once to take the king of Israel. He suspects treachery in his army, but is told of Elisha s divining powers. JOlisha is living at Dothan; and thitherthe king of Syria sends a large 1 army to capture him. Surrounded by night, 10. is in no way terrified as his servant is, but prays that the young man s eyes may be opened to sec- the mountains full of the chariots and horses of Jeh. doing forth to meet the Syrians as they close in, east prays that they may be stricken with blindness. The word y<itur<~rl//t is used only here and in (len 19 11 and probably means mental blindness, or bewilderment, a con fusion of mind amounting to illusion. He now tells them that they have come to the wrong place, but he will lead them to the right place. They follow him into the very heart of Samaria and into the power of the king. The latter would have smitten them, but is rebuked by east who counseled that they

    be fed and sent away (2 Kings 6 8-23). Impressed by such mysterious power and strange clemency the Syrians ceased their marauding attacks.

    (>) The next incident must have occurred some time previous, or some time after these events. Samaria is besieged, the Israelites are encouraged to defend their capital to the last, famine prices prevail, and mothers begin to cook their children and eat them. The king in horror and rage will wreak vengeance on Elisha. The latter divines his purpose, anticipates any action on the king s part, and predicts that there will be abundance of food on the morrow. That night a panic seized the Syrian host. They imagined they heard the Hit t it es coming against them, and fled in headlong rout toward the Jordan. Four lepers discover the deserted camp and report the_fact to the king. He suspects an ambus cade, but is persuaded to send a few men to recon noitre. They find the cam]) deserted and treasures strewing the path right, to the Jordan. The Sa maritans lose no time in plundering the cam]) and lOlisha s predictions are fulfilled to the letter (6 24 7). ^

    (4) The prophet s next act was one of great sig nificance. It was the carrying out of the first order given to Elijah at Horeb, and the time seemed ripe for it. He proceeds north to Damascus and finds Benhadad sick. Hearing of his presence the king sends a rich present by the hands of his chief cap tain Ha/ael and inquires whether he will recover. lOlisha gives a double answer. He will recover, the disease 1 will not be fatal, yet he will die. Fix ing his eyes on Ha/ael, 10. sees a fierce and ruthless successor to Benhadad who will be a terrible scourge to Israel. The man of C.od weeps, the fierce cap tain is ashamed, and when told of what he shall do, represents himself as a dog and not able to do such things. But the prospect is too enticing; he tells Benhadad he will recover, and on the morrow smothers him and succeeds to the throne (8 7-15).

    (")) The next move of JO. was even more signifi cant. It is the fulfilling of the second order given Elijah at Ml. Horeb. The Israelites are fighting the Syrians in defense of Ramot h-gilead. The king, Jehoram, is wounded and returns home to Jezrecl to recover. JO. seizes on the opportune moment to have the house of Ahab avenged for its many sins. He despatches one of the young prophets with a vial of oil to Ramot h-gilead with orders to anoint Jehu, one of the captains of the army, as king over Israel. The young prophet obeys, delivers his message 1 and flees. Jehu tries to conceal the real nature of the interview, but is forced to tell, and is at once 1 proclaimed king. He leaps into his chariot, drives furiouslv to Jezreel, meets the king by the vineyard of Naboth, sends an arrow through his heart, tramples to death the queen Jezebel, butchers the king s sons and exter minates the royal family. lie then treacherously murders the priests of Baal and the revolution is complete; the; house of Ahab is destroyed, Baal worship overthrown ami an able king is upon the throne (chs 9, 10).

    ((i) Elisha retains his fervent and patriotic spirit until the last. His final act is in keeping with his long life of generous deeds and faithful patriotic service. He is on his death bed, having witnessed the fearful oppressions of Israel by Ha/ael who made Israelites as dust under liis feet. The young king Joush visits him, weeps over him, calling him, "My father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof." The dying prophet bids him take his bow and arrow and shoot eastward, an act symbolic of his victory over Syria. Being then commanded to smite upon the ground, he smites three times and stops. The prophet is angry, tells him he should have smitten many times, then he would have smitten



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    Syria m;my times, but no\\v lie shall smite; her only thrice (13 14-19).

    (7) The last wonder in connection with Elisha occurs after this death. His bones were reported to have vitalizing power (13 20-21). Tradition says that the man thus restored to life lived but an hour; but the story illustrates something of the reverence held for east

    (1) In compiirison with Elijah. In many respects Klisha is a contrast to his groat predecessor. Instead of a few re markable appearances and striking events, A. rViarar his was a steady lifelong ministry; instead t. yiidrcii,- of the ruggl , ( i hiiis his home was in the quiet teristics valley and on the farm; instead of solitari-

    of His I ^s beloved the social life and the home.

    Ministry There were no sudden appearances and dis appearances, people always knew where to find him. There were no long seasons of hiding or retirement, he was constantly moving about among the people or the prophetic schools. There were no spectacular revolutions, only the effect of a long steady ministry. His career resembled the latter portion of Elijah s more than the earlier. Elijah had learned well his lesson at Iloreb. God is not so much in the tempest, the fire and the earthquake, as in the "still small voice" (1 Kings 19 12). Elijah was a prophet of fire, Elisha more of a pastor. Tho former called down fire out of heaven to consume those sent to take him; Elisha anticipates the king when lie comes to take him (2 Kings 6 32. :W) and gives promises of relief. He merely asks for blindness to come upon the army which surrounded him at Dothan and spares them when the king would have smitten them (6 21-23). Elijah was austere and terrible, but Elisha was so companionable that the woman at shuncm built him a chamber. His prophetic insight could be helped more by the strains of music than by the mountain soli tude (3 l~>). Some of his miracles resemble Elijah s Tin 1 multiplication of the oil and the cruse is much like the continued supply of meal and oil to the widow of Xare- phath (1 Kings 17 10-10), and the raising of the Shunam- mito sson like the raising of the widow s son at Zarephath (17 17-24).

    (2) Ceucrul features nf his ministry. His serv ices as a pastor-prophet were more remarkable than his miracles. lie could be very severe in the presence of deliberate wrongdoing, stern and un flinching when the occasion required. lie could weep before Hazael, knowing what he would do to Israel, yet he anointed him king of Syria (2 Kings 8 11-1.5). When the time was ripe and the occasion opportune, lie could instigate a revolution that wiped out a dynasty, exterminated a family, and caused the massacre of the priests of Baal (eh sS, 9). He possessed the confidence of kings so fully that they addressed him as father and themselves as sons (6 21; 13 14). He accompanied an army of invasion and three kings consult him in extremity (3 11-19). The king of Syria consults him in sick ness (8 7.S). The king of Israel seems to blame him for the awful conditions of the siege and would have wreaked vengeance on him (6 ;J1). lie was something of a military strategist and many times saved the king s army (6 10). The king ,, f Israel goes to him for his parting counsel (13 1 1-19). His advice or command seemed to be always taken un hesitatingly. His contribution to the religious life of Israel was not his least service. I nder .Jehu In- secured the destruction of the Baal worship in its organized form. Under Ilnzael the nation was trodden down and almost annihilated for its apos tasy. By his own ministry manv were saved from bowing the knee to Baal. His personal influence among the schools of the prophets was widespread and beneficial, lie that escaped the sword of Hazael was slain by Jehu, and he that escaped Jehu was slain by Elisha. Elisha finished the great, work of putting down Baal worship begun by Elijah. 1 1 is work was not so much to add anything to religion, as to cleanse the religion already possessed He- did not ultimately save the nation, but he did save a large remnant. The corruptions wen; not all eradicated, the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat were never fully overcome. He passed through a bitter and distressing national humiliation, but

    emerged with hope. He eagerly watched every turn of events and his counsels were more frequently adopted than those perhaps of any other prophet. He was "the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof" (13 14). No condemnation of calf-worship at Dan and Bethel is recorded, but that does not prove that he fully sanctioned it. His was a con test between Jeh worship and Baal worship. The corrupted form of Jeh worship was a problem which Amos and Hosea had to face nearly a cent, later.

    ///. General Estimate. His character was largely molded by his home life. He was friend and bene factor of foreigner as well as of Israelite. He was large-hearted and generous, tolerant to a remarkable degree, courageous and shrewd when the occasion required, a diplomat as well as a statesman, severe and stern only in the presence of evil and when the occasion demanded. He is accused of being vin dictive and of employing falsehood with his ene mies. His faults, however, were the faults of his age, and these were but little manifested in his long career. His was a strenuous pastor s life. A home- loving and social man, his real work was that of teaching and helping, rather than working of mira cles. He continually went about doing good. He was resourceful and ready and was gifted with a sense of humor. Known as "the man of Cod," he proved his right to the title by his zeal for Cod and loving service to man.

    LITERATURE Driver, LOT. 1Sr>f; west R. Smith Prophets of Israel, So If; ("ornill. Isr. Prophets 14 f 33 fl; Farrar, Books of Kings; Ivuenen. Religions nf Israel, I, 3(50 ->; Monteliore, Ifih/nrt Lectures 94 f- M&urice Prophets <u,,t Kings, 142; Liddon, Sermons on U l Subjects, 195-M. il.

    J. J. KKEVE

    ELISHAH.Ml shaO-TO^X, ell^nlh, "Cod saves"; EXio-d, Elisii, E\\Lo-ai, Kleixui): Mentioned in Con 10 4 as the eldest son of Javan, and in Ezekiel 27 7 as the source from which the Tyrinns obtained their purple dyes. On the ground of this latter state ment attempts have been made to identify it with Southern Italy or the north of Africa. Jos (Ant, 1, vi, 1) identified Elishah with the Aeolians. The Tg on Ezekiel gives "the province of Italy." Other suggestions include Hellas, Elis, and Alsa; the last- named is a kingdom mentioned in the Am Tab, but its precise location is unknown. It is impossible as yet to claim certainty for any of these conject ures.

    A. C. CKA.NT

    ELISHAMA, Mish a-ma (ri2Tp5S|, <?/7a/i//t l , "Cod has heard") :

    (1) Grandfather of Joshua and son of Ammihud; prince of the tribe of Ephraim in the Exodus (Xu 1 10; 7 4,X.f)3; 1 Chronicles 7 2li).

    (2) A son of David, born in Jems (2 Samuel 5 16; 1 Chronicles 3 8).

    (3) By textual corruption in 1 Chronicles 3 <> for Elishua, another of David s sons; cf 2 Samuel 5 1,5.

    (4) A scribe of Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 36 12.20.21).

    (;5j One "of the seed royal," grandfather of Ish- mael, the slayer of Oedaliah (2 Kings 25 25; Jeremiah 41 1).

    (0) A man of the tribe of Judah (1 Chronicles 2 41).

    (7) One of the priests appointed by Jehoshaphat to teach the law (2 Chronicles 17 Sj. F. K. FAIW

    (< ELISHAPHAT,r-lish a-fat rJElZrbs, cllsh<li>lnlt, "Cod is judge ;: This man figures in the Levitical conspiracy against Athaliah, to make Joash king. He was one of the "captains of hundreds" employed in the enterprise by Johoiada the priest (2 Chronicles 23 1).

    ELISHEBA, e-lish e--ba "Cod swears," "Cod is an oath"):" Daughter of Amminadab, sister of Nashon, wife of Aaron, mother of Nadab, Abihu, Elea/ar and Ithamar, the found ress, therefore, of the entire Levitical priesthood (Exodus 6 23).



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    ELISHUA, el-i-shu a, e-lish n-a (rniPxX, e/T.s77" , "Clod is rich," "God is salvation"): Son of David (2 Samuel 5 In; 1 Chronicles 14 5); apparently called Elish- aina (1 Chronicles 3 0). In the latter locus we have most probably a misreading by the copyist of the name Elishua.

    ELISIMUS, e-lis i-mus, RV ELIASIAH S (q.v.).

    ELIU, e-li n ( HX.IOV, Elioii; RV ELIHT): One of

    the ancestors of Judith (Jth 8 1), and therefore of the tribe of Simeon.

    ELIUD, f-li ud ( EXiovS, El ion i, "(loci my praise"): An ancestor of Jesus, four generations before Joseph (Matthew 1 lf>).

    ELIZAPHAN, el-i-za fan, e-li/ a-fan (1?^?X , cllcui>lidn: LXX EXeucra^dv, Elci^iip/nhi, E\\ira- 4>dv, Elixn/>lidn, EX.icra4>d, Elisaphd, EXicra^dr,

    Elix(tj>hdt, "God has protected" ; cf rP^S^ , fphan-

    ydh, Zephaniah, "Yah has protected," and Phoen bmiSS, "Baal has protected"):

    (1) The son of I /ziel, the son of Kohath, and so a prince of the Levitical class of the Kohathites (Numbers 3 30; 1 Chronicles 15 8; 2 Chronicles 29 1)5). But in 1 Chronicles 15 S; 2 Chronicles 39 13 his class seems to be co ordinate with thai of the Kohathites. lie is called Elzaphan in Exodus 6 22; Leviticus 10 4.

    (2) A "prince" or chief of Zebulun, who repre sented that tribe in the division of the land (Numbers 34 >2~->). WALTICK R. BETTERIDGE

    ELIZUR, P-H zur ("VSTr^, flTfi/r; LXX E\\a- ovp, Elciour, EXio-ovp, Elisour, "My God is a rock"; cf Zuriel "my rock is Clod" [Numbers 3 3f>j): A chief or prince of the tribe of Reuben (Numbers 1 f>; 2 10; 7 30.3r> ; 10 IS).

    ELKANAH, el-ka na (TO^fS!, clkdnah, "God has possessed") :

    (1) An Ephraimite, the. father of Samuel (1 Samuel 1 1-2S; 2 11-20). Of his two wives, Hannah, the childless, was best beloved. At Shiloh she received through Eli the promise of a son. Elkanah, with Hannah, took the young Samuel to Shiloh when he was weaned, and left him with Eli as their offering to Jeh. They were blessed WKU three other sons and two daughters.

    (2) The second son of Korah (Exodus 6 24), who escaped the fate of Korah, Dathan and Abiram (Numbers 26 11).

    (3) One "next to the king" in Jems m the time of Aha/; slain by one Zichri of Ephraim in war with IVkah (2 Chronicles 28 7).

    (4) One of the Korahites among David s "mighty men" (1 Chronicles 12 1.0).

    (.">) A Levite, possibly the same as (2) above (1 Chronicles 6 23.25.30).

    (( )) Another Levite, of the same line (1 Chronicles 6

    (7) Another Levite, ancestor of Berechiah (1 Chronicles 9 10).

    (5) Another Levite (if not the same as [4] above), one of the "doorkeepers for the ark" (1 Chronicles 15 23).

    F. K. FAHK

    ELKIAH, el-ki a ( E\\KCa, Elkla; AV Elcia) : An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1).

    ELKOSHITE, el kosh-It ptfpb^, ha- elkoshl; LXX EXKtcrcUov, Elkesaiou, EXKaio-^ov, Elkai- seou, EX.Ko-&&gt;v, Elkeseou): Used with the art. "the Elkoshite" (Nah 11). Probably a gentilic adj. giving the home of the prophet ; not definitely identi fied. Three traditions may be noted: (1) The Nes-

    938

    torians venerate the sui)poseil tomb of the prophet in the village of Alkuxli not far from the east bank of the Tigris, about two days journey almost directly north of Mosul. (2) Jerome states in the prologue to his commentary on Nah that the village of Helkesei in Galilee was pointed out to him as Elkosh. This Helkesei is probably El-Kauzeh between Ramieh and Hint Jrbcil. (3) The treatise De Vitis Prophv- turum of the Pseudo-Kpiphanius says that Nahum came from "Elkesei l)eyond Jordan towards Bega- bor and was of the tribe of Simeon." Nestle has shown that the words "beyond Jordan" are prob ably a gloss, and that for Begabor should be read Betogabra, the modern licit Jibrin in Southern Philestina-Canaan Land. In favor of this identification may be urged the following facts: () that parallels to the name El kosh, such as Eltekeh and Eltekon, are found in the southern country; (b) that, the word probably con tains the name of the Edomite god Kaush, whose name appears in the names of Edomite kings in the Assyr inscriptions of the Sth and 7th cents. BC, such as Kaush-malaka and the like, and (r) that the internal evidence of the prophecy makes the Judaean origin of the prophet almost certain.

    LITERATURE Davidson, "Xah." "TTah," "Zoph," in C<imi>riil<>f liililr, t)-i:i; <!. A. Smith, "Hook of the Twelve," in Kjiiositor x liililc. Cnmrn. on Xah: JJillcr- hcck and . lemmas, liritnn u zur Assyrioloaie, III, 91 tt; Peiser, ZATW, 1S97, 349; Nestle, i EPsouth 1S7<). i:{(i.

    WALTER R. BETTERIDGE

    ELLASAR, el-a siir (^ySX , dlasdr) : The city over

    which Arioch (Eri-Aku) and other Bab kings ruled

    (Genesis 14 1). The Sem-Bab form of its

    1. The name is (dl] Lawi, "the city Larsa," Name and a form which implies that the Hebrews has Its interchanged r and s, and transposed Etymology the final vowel. Its Sumerian name

    is given as Amrtra, apparently for Arauruiva, "light-abode," which, in fact, is the meaning of the ideographic group with which it is written. The ruins of this ancient site are now known as Xenc/d,r<i, and lie on the east bank of the Euphrates, about midway between Wnrka (Erech) and Muqayyar (Ur of the Chaldees). In addition to the name Larsa, it seems also to have been called Axte-azaga, "the holy [bright, pure] seat" (or throne), and both its names were apparently due to its having been one of the great Bab centers of sun-god worship. Like most of the principal cities of Babylonia, it had a great temple-tower, called E-dnr-an-ki, "house

    of the bond of heaven and earth."

    2. Its Holy The temple of the city bore the same Places name as that at Sippar, i.e. E-bahhar,

    "House of Light," where the sun-god Samas was worshipped. This fane was restored by I r-Engur, Hammurabi (Amraphel), Burna- burias, Nebuchadrezzar and Nabonidus. Among the tablets found on this site by Loft us was that which gives measures of length and square and cube roots, point ing to the place as one of the great centers of Bab learning. Besides the remains of these temples, there are traces of the walls, and the re mains of houses of the citizens. The city was at first governed by its own kings, but became a part of the Bab empire some time after the reign of Hammurabi.

    LITERATURE Loftus, Chaldea and Susiana; Delitzsch, Wi> lutj dan Paradies f; Zohnpfund, Babylonien in seinen ii ichtiysten Ru.inensta.tten, 5354.

    T. G. PINCHES

    ELM, elm: II os 4 13 AV, but in RV TERE BINTH (q.v.).

    ELMADAM, el-ma dam (WH EX|xaSd|i, Elma- ddm; TR EXfiuSajx, Elmoddm; AV Elmodam) : An ancestor of Jesus, according to St. Luke s genealogy, in the 6th generation before Zerubbabel (Luke 3 28).



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    ELNAAM, el-na am (Dy_: f elna*am, "God is delightf ulness"; cf Phoen "Gadnaam"): According to MT the father of two of David s warriors (1 Chronicles 11 46) ; according to LXX himself one of the warriors.

    ELNATHAN, el-na than 0^$, elnathan, "God has given"):

    (1) The grandfather of Jehoiachin (2 Kings 24 8).

    (2) A courtier of Jehoiakim; he was one of those sent to Egypt to bring back the prophet Uriah (Jeremiah 26 22), and one of those who heard the reading of Jeremiah s roll and entreated Jehoiakim not to burn the roll (Jeremiah 36 12.25) possibly the same person as (1) above.

    (3, 4, 5) The name of two "chief men" unless textual corruption has introduced the name at its second occurrence and of one "teacher" sent for by Ezra from the camp at the river Ahava (Ezr 8 16). F. K. FARR

    ELOHIM, e-lf/him, el o-licm. See GOD, NAMES OF.

    ELOI, e loi, e"-lo I. Sec GOD, NAMES OF.

    ELOI, e loi, f-ln i, ELOI, LAMA, lii mii, SA- BACHTHANI, sa-bakh tha-ni, or ELI, ELI, LAMA SABACHTHANI ( E\\i, eW, Xap-d o-apa x eave,

    Elu i, clot, lamd sabachthanei) : The forms of the first word as translated 1 vary in the two narratives, being in Mark as first above and in Matthew as in second reading. With some perversions of form probably from Psalm 22 1 p:rnW npb -b$ ^X, ell elildmah<&zabh- tatti). A statement uttered by Jesus on the cross just before his death, translated 1 , "My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?" (Matthew 27 46; "Mark 15 34).

    There is an interesting but difficult problem in connection with the interpretation of this passage. There seems to be a mixture of Aram, and Hebrews The first two words, whether in Hebrews or Aram., have sufficient similarity to each other and each sufficient similarity to the name itself to warrant the jeer that Jesus was calling upon Elias, or the sincere suppo sition of those who might not fully understand the language, that he was actually calling on Elias. The forms lema and lama used in Matthew and Mark re spectively (WH ed) represent the various possible forms, the first the Aram., and the second the Hebrews The various readings and translated 3 of the latter word, sa- bachthani, only add confusion to an effort, at ulti mate explanation of the real statement. Certainly the influence of the Aram, played a great part in the translated and transmission of the original. The spirit revealed by Jesus in this utterance seems to be very much like that displayed in the Garden when He cried out to have the cup removed from Him.

    WALTER G. CLIPPINGER

    ELON, e lon ( i^X , ]V>S , flbX, elon, "tere binth"):

    (1) A Zebulunite, who judged Israel ten years, and was buried in Aijalon (Judges 12 11.12).

    (2) A son of Zebulun (Genesis 46 14; Numbers 26 26).

    (3) A Hittite whose daughter Esau wedded (Genesis 26 34; 36 2).

    ELON, e lon ("p^X , elon, a "terebinth"; AtX<6v, Ailon) : An unidentified town in the territory of Dan named between Ithlah and Timnah (Joshua 19 43). It is possibly identical with Elon-beth-Hanan which, along with Shaalbim and Bethshemesh, formed one of Solomon s commissariat districts (1 Kings 4 9). Conder has suggested Beit Andn, about 4 miles northwest of Neby Samwil: it is quite uncertain.

    ELON-BETH-HANAN, e-lon-beth-ha nan. See ELOnorth

    ELONITES, e lon-its: Descendants of ELON (q.v. [2]) (Numbers 26 26).

    ELOQUENT, el 6-kwent: "Moses said .... I am not eloquent" (O" 1 "}?^ tiTX , ish d bharim, "a man of words" [Exodus 4 10]); but Aaron could "speak well." In Isaiah 3 3 RV "pS, bin, "intelligent," is rendered "skilful [enchanter]," AV "eloquent [ora tor]." Apollos was "an eloquent man" (\\6yios, logios, "full of words" [Acts 18 24, AVm "a learned man"]).

    ELOTH, e loth. See ELATH.

    ELPAAL, el-pa al (E5S , dpa<al, "God has wrought" [cf nipybtf, e r dsah, Jeremiah 29 3]): The name of a descendant of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 8 11.12.

    18).

    ELPALET, el-pa Iet (RV ELPELET): The name of a son of David (1 Chronicles 14 5). See ELIPHALAT.

    EL-PARAN, el-pa ran. See PARAnorth

    ELPELET, el pe-let. See ELIPHALAT.

    EL ROI (Genesis 16 13 m). See GOD, NAMES OF.

    EL SHADDAI, el shad a-I, el shad I. See GOD, NAMES OF.

    ELTEKE, el tP-ke, ELTEKEH (npnj* , dt keh [Joshua 19 44], Xpnbx, dpke [21 23]; B, AXaed, Alkathd; A, EX^Oio , Elkdho): A place in the ter ritory of Dan named between Ekron and Gibbethon (Joshua 19 44), and again between Beth-horon and Gibbethon, as given to the Kohathite Levites (21 23). It is probably identical with the Assyr Alta- ku, where Sennacherib (Hexagon prism inscrip.) claims to have defeated the allied armies of the Philis and the Egyptians. It should probably be sought somewhere east of Ekron. Beit Likia, the place marked Eltekeh on the PEF map, seems a position for such an encounter. It is about 2| miles southwest of Beth-horon the Upper. west EWING

    ELTEKON, el tP-kon ClpI$S , eU k-dn, "founded by God") : A city in the hill country of Judah (Joshua 15 59) near BETHANOTH (q.v.) to be looked for, therefore, a little north of Hebron. Site unknown.

    ELTOLAD, el-to lad O?inbX , dtoladh, "kindred of God"): A city of Judah in the Negeb near Edom (Joshua 15 30); in Joshua 19 4 ascribed to Simeon. Probably the same as Tolad (1 Chronicles 4 29), the Arab. art. el being omitted. Site unknown.

    ELUL, e lul, e-lool (WsX, eW, Neh 6 15; E\\ov\\, Eloul, 1 Mace 14 27)": The 6th month of the Hebrews year, corresponding to August-September. The derivation is uncertain. See TIMeast

    ELUZAI, ft-lu zS-i (T2?bX, cVuzai, "God is my strength"; cf UZZIEL): One of David s heroes (1 Chronicles 12 5).

    ELYMAEANS, el-i-me ans. See ELAMITEsouth

    ELYMAIS, el-i-ma is ( E\\v|j.ais, Elumais): This name, representing the OT Elam (see ELAM), was given to a district of Persia lying south of Media and north of Susiana. In 1 Mace 6 1 the common reading, which is adopted by AV, refers to Elymais as a rich city in Persia. No other reference, however, to such a city is found except in Jos (Ant, XII, ix, 1)



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    who simply follows 1 Mace. The text should there fore be corrected to read as in RV, "in Elymais in Persia there was a city."

    ELYMAS, el i-nias ( E\\v(ias, Klt uiinx, wise"; Acts 13 Sj. See BAK-.JKSI s.

    ELYON, e-H on. Sec EL-ELYO.N; Clou, XAMKSOF.

    ELZABAD, cl-za bad (73$$ , clzabhadh, "Clod has given"; cf ZAHDIKL and ZEHAIHAH) :

    (1) The ninth of David s Ciadite heroes (1 Chronicles 12 12).

    (2) A Korahite doorkeeper (1 Chronicles 26 7).

    ELZAPHAN, el-za fan. See ELI/AIMIA.north

    EMADABUN, e-ma da-bun ( H|j.a5apovv, Kttin- dnboun; \\\\ Madiabun [I Esd 5 5S|): The liead of a family of Levites who superintended the repair of the temple; not. named in E/r 3 9.

    EMATHEIS, e-ma-the is Emeus; B, B^aGGis, Kmullttliis; A, Ep.a0eis, Kina- ttu ix; \\\\ Amatheisc One of the sons of Bebai (1 Esd 9 2<, called "Athlai" in Ezr 10 2south

    EMBALMING, em-bam ing ("^H, hdnal, "to spice",): east is mentioned in Scripture only in the cases of Jacob and Joseph ((len 50 2f.26). It was a distinctly Egyp invention and method of pre serving the bodies of men and animals. Examples of it reach back to over 3,000 years ago. It pre vailed to some extent, among the peoples of Asia, and at a later period among t he ( 1 reeks and Romans, but was in origin and use distinctly non-lsraelitish. See Ik RIAL.

    EMBRACE, em-bras : The word has two dis tinct. meanings in the OT: (1) to Hasp and hold fondly in the anus, pointing to a common custom (Genesis 29 13; 33 1; 48 10; 2 Kings 4 Hi; Cant 2 (i; 8 3; ef Acts 20 10), and (2) to have sexual inter course (Trov 4 S; 5 20; Eccl 3 5). It seems to have acquired this technical sense in later Jewish usage.

    EMBROIDERY, em-broid er-i ("pp"! , rikmah; AV Needlework):

    Itikniah was applied to any kind of cloth which showed designs in variegated colors. The method of manufacture is unknown. The designs mav have been woven into cloth or drawn in bv a needle or hook (Judges 5 30; Psalm 45 14; Ezekiel 16" 10.13.18;

    26 lf; 27 7.16.24).

    MiSfisch rrikt ini is translated 1 "the work of the embroid erer" in RY instead of "needlework" (Exodus 26 36;

    27 16; 28 39; 36 37; 38 IS; 39 29; Judges 5 30- Psalm 45 14).

    Rfikdnt, "embroiderer," occurs in Exodus 35 3.">; 38 23. The fact that this word is used instead of *ann/h, "weaver," would lead us to suppose that the embroiderers work was either different from that of the weaver or that a "n/Aw//" was esp. skilled in fine weaving. Another word, hdsfi<~l>h, is used to describe a skilful weaver. "Cunning work" in AY of Exodus 26 1.31; 28 6.15; 35 33.35; 36 8.35; 39 3.8 is rendered in ARV "work of the skilful work men." The passage has been freely rendered "designers."

    In RV of Exodus 28 39 Nhnbhne is 1r d "weave." In Exodus 28 4 occurs the word tux/iba;, which is translated 1 "broidered" in AV and "checker work" in RY. If this kind of work is what it is supposed to be, it. is more truly "needlework" than the embroidery. This work is still done in some of the Syrian cities and towns, esp. in Damascus. Small caps for men to wear under their ordinary headdress and loose

    outer garments or dressing-gowns are the forms in which it is commonly seen. The checker-work effect is obtained by sewing in a cotton string be tween two pieces of cloth, so as to form designs. The patterns usually run to straight lines such as zigzags or squares. The effect, is striking, and we can well imagine would have made an impressive priest s robe, esp. if costly materials were used. See also CHAKTsouth JAMES A. PATCH

    EMEK-KEZIZ, e-mek-ke ziz

    1 ??, <c>nck

    k r (,-n;; AV Valley of Keziz [Joshua 18 21]) : A town in Benjamin named between Bet h-hoglali and Beth- arabah, and therefore to be sought, in the plain, probably south of Jericho. The name has not been recovered.

    EMERALD, em er-ald. See STONKS, PiiEciors.

    EMERODS,em er-odz (-* "?, *r>/>hrtl7i, Z^nh J, t Jjdrnn) : These words are used in the account of the plague which broke out among the Philis while the captive Ark of the Covenant was in their land. O^hCdlni lit. means rounded eminences or swellings, and in RV is translated 1 "tumors ; (1 Samuel 56 12). In the 11 eb text of this passage 1 Kings re substitutes for if the word t lninni, a term which occurs in the next chap ter in the description of the golden models of these swellings that, were made as votive offerings (6 11- 17). The swellings were symptoms of a plague, and the history is precisely that of the outbreak of an epidemic of bubonic plague. The older writers supposed by comparison of the account in 1 Samuel with Psalm 78 66 that they were hemorrhoids (or piles), and the older Eng. term in AV is a Kith-cent, form of that Clr word, which occurs in several medical trea tises of the Kit hand 17th cents. There is, however, no evidence that this identification is correct. In the light of the modern research which has proved that the rat-flea (I uli x cl/f<i/iix) is the most, active agent in conveying t he virus of plague to the human subject, it is worthy of note that the plague of tumors was accompanied by an invasion of mice Ciikfihor) or rats. The rat is not. specifically men tioned in the Bible, although it was as common in Can. and Israelite times as it is today, a fact dem onstrated by the frequency with which their bones occur in all strata of the old Palestinian cities, so it is probable that the term used was a generic; one for bot h rodents.

    The coincidence of destructive epidemics and invasions of mice is also recorded by Herodotus (ii. 141), who preserves a legend that the army of Sennacherib which entered Egypt was destroyed by the agency of mice. He states that a statue of Ptah, commemorating the event, was extant in his day. The god held a mouse in his hand, and bore the inscription: "Whosoever sees me, let him rever ence the gods." This may have been a reminiscence of the story in Isaiah 37 36. For other references see PLAGUeast Au-:x. MACALISTKK

    EMIM, e mim (2" |1 52" I X , cnnm; O^adv, Om- mitcin, Op.p.tv, (hnmrin, or O(A(ii.eiv, Ommieiri) . Stated to have been the earlier inhabitants of Yloab (Deuteronomy 2 10.11 ), and to have been of tall stature, and hence "accounted Rephaim [or giants] as the Ana- kim" or the Zanmimmim of Ammon (ver 20). As the name was given to them by the Moabites, it may not have been that by which they called them selves. A tall race, known to the Israelites as REPHAIM (q.v.), once existed in Southern Philestina-Canaan Land as ivell as on the east side of the Jordan, but its exact relationship is unknown. In the time of Abraham the Emim were living in the Moabite district of Shaveh-kiriathaim, identified with the modern Kureiyat (Genesis 14 5). A. H. SAYCE



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    EMINENT, em i-nent: In AV (only in Ezekiel 16 24.31.39; 17 22) refers lit. to physical elevation; RV in the last passage renders "lofty" (Hebrews talul, "uplifted," "heaped up") and in the others "vaulted place" (Hebrews gabh, "rounded place," "mound," ERVm "a vaulted chamber").

    EMMANUEL, e-man u-el. See IMMANUEL.

    EMMAUS, P-ma us, cm a-us ( Efijiaovs, Emma- ous, derivation uncertain, but probably from rilGn , hammath, "u hot spring"): Jos (BJ , IV, i, 3) says: "Now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be ren dered a warm bath for therein is a spring of warm water useful for healing." Here he is referring to the hot springs near Tiberias. Possibly the same Gr name may not always have been derived from the same Hebrews, and as Cheyne suggests (2) may have come from ni^n , ha-mogdh (see below).

    (1) A place where Judas Maccabaeus defeated Gorgias (1 Mace 4); it was "in the plain" (1 Mace

    3 40); it was subsequently fortified

    1. Emmaus by Bacchides (1 Mace 9 50). It is of the frequently mentioned by Jos (Ant, XIV, Apocrypha xi, 2; BJ, I, xi, 2; II, v, 1; xx, 4; IV,

    viii, 1; V, i, 6), and also in the Talm and Midr. It is now the modern mud-village of *Amwas, 20 miles along, and a little north of, the main road from Jerusalem to Jaffa. In the 3d cent, it was called Nicopolis and was an episcopal see; in early Christian times it was famous for a spring of reputed healing qualities.

    (2) The Emmaus of Luke 24 13, a village GO fur longs (stadia) from Jerusalem.

    Early Christian tradition appears to have identified

    it with (1) and hence, to harmonize the distance, someMSS

    have 1( )0 furlongs. Eusebius and Jerome

    2. Emmaus place this Emmaus at .1 micas,- but in the f first placo (1) was a city and not a village

    X, (kfime), and secondly (2) the distance, 40

    St. Luke miles there and back, is an almost impos sible one for the narrative. In Crusading times this difficulty appears to have been realized, and on what grounds is not known, Kuhcibeh. at just over 60 stadia, northwest of Jerusalem, was selected as the site of Emmaus. There a fine church was built which has in recent years been rebuilt and today a Franciscan hospice and school, attached to the church, and a newer Ger man R. C. hospice, combine with the considerable pictur- esqueness of the placo itself to fortify the tradition.

    A much more probable site is Kuloniych, a village about 35 stadia from Jerusalem, on the road to Jaffa. Jos narrates (BJ, VII, vi, G) that Vespasian "as signed a place for 800 men only whom he had dismissed from his army which he gave them for their habitation; it is called Emmaus and is dis tant from Jerusalem 60 furlongs." This is almost cer tainly the Emmaus of Luke; it is highly probable that the name fyuloniyeh is derived from the fact of its being this Colonia. Close to this place is a ruin known as Bet Mizza, which is probably the Mozah (rtt En , ha-mogah ) of Joshua 18 26 which in the Talm (8ukk. 4 5) is also described as a colonia. Today it is a "colony" of Jews who have revived and always use the old name Moqdh for their settlement.

    Other suggestions for this Emmaus are (a) el Khamsa, considerably over GO stadia southwest of Jerusalem (Condor) ; (b) Koriet el enab, some 10 stadia farther along the Jerusalem- JafFa road than Kuloniyeh (LB, etc); and (r) Artas, south of Bethlehem, where remains of Rom baths have been found (Mrs. Finn). In not one of the places suggested are there any hot springs.

    east west G. MASTERMAN

    EMMER, em er ( E^p, Etnmfr): Head of a family, some of whom had married foreign wives (1 Esd 9 21); called "Immer" in Ezr 10 20.

    EMMERUTH, ern er-uth ( Ep^povie, Emme- routh; AV Meruth; 1 Esd 5 24): Corresponding to "Immer" in Ezr 2 37.

    EMMOR, em or: Transliterated from the Gr

    Efj.fj.up, Emmor, the translated of Hebrews "!T)3 H , hamor, "ass" (Acts 7 16 AV; RV "Hamor", q.v.).

    EMPEROR, emp er-er (6 crepao-Tos, ho scbastos; Lat augustus: The title of the Rom emperors; Acts 25 21.25). See AUGUSTUS; CAESAR.

    EMPTY, emp ti, EMPTIER, emp ti-er (iv<Ss, kenos): "Empty," adj. meaning void, etc, as the translated of p" 1 "!, rclf, p"H, r tk, Cjy"H, r elf dm, etc, occurs in the literal sense of "with nothing" (Genesis 31 42; Job 22 9); in 2 Samuel 1 22, it is equivalent to "in vain," "hungry" (Isaiah 29 8); in some instances the mean ing is comparative only; p]<3, bdlfak, "to gush out," "to pour out," "to empty" is used adjectivally (Hosea 10 1, "Israel is an empty vine"; but RV takes the Hebrews word in its original sense of "pouring out," rendering "Israel is a luxuriant vine"); tohii, "emp tiness" (Job 26 7); kcnos, "empty" is so translated 1 (Mark 12 3); in Matthew 12 44, the Gr word is scholdzo, "to be free," "unoccupied"; "to empty" (vb.) is the translated of bdkak (Nah 2 2), of ddlal, "to become poor," etc (Isaiah 19 6, ERV "minished," ARV "diminished"). RV has "empty" for "vain" (Ephesians 5 6), "emptied himself" for "made himself of no reputation" (Philippians 2 7), "emptied out" for "gathered" (2 Kings 22 9; 2 Chronicles 34 17, m "poured out"). west L. WALKER

    EMULATION, em-u-la shun (^Xos, zf los, ira- pa^Xoa), iHimzt loo) : ( )ccurs twice in the NT, once in a bad and once in a good sense.

    (1) In Galatians 5 20 AV it is the translated of zelos ("zeal," "earnestness," "enthusiasm") where it is classed among "the works of the flesh" and signifies the stirring up of jealousy or envy in others, because of what we are, or have, or profess. The Gr word is used in this sense in Acts 13 45; Rom 13 13; 1 Corinthians 3 3; Jas 3 14.16; 2 Corinthians 12 20; Galatians 5 20; RV translated d by "jealousy." It denotes a work of the flesh or lower nature, which Christians often fail sufficiently to guard against; it pleases "the flesh" to excite such a feeling in others.

    (2) In Rom 11 14 AV "emulation" is the translated of parazcloo ("to make one zealous or jealous"), and is there used in a good sense. "If by any means I may provoke to emulation [RV jealousy] them that are my flesh" (cf Rom 10 19, quoted from Deuteronomy 32 21). It is well to "provoke to emulation" in this sense, those who are slow or indifferent, by the example of earnestness and zeal on our part. This is not to please "the flesh," but to serve "the Spirit." west L. WALKER

    EN- (r.y , aijin [cf Arab. *Ain])\\ The Hebrews word for "spring" or "fountain" (Genesis 16 7; Numbers 33 9; Neh 2 14; Proverbs 8 28 [fern. pi.]). It occurs in numerous compound words, as EN-GEDI, EN-HAD- DAH, EN-HAKKORE, EN-HAZOR, EN-RIMMON, EN- ROGEL, EN-SHEMESH (q.v.). In the same way the word Mm is a very common component of Arab. names of places throughout Philestina-Canaan Land and Syria at the present day. Places with names compounded with En- were almost certainly located near a spring. See FOUNTAIN; W ELL.

    ENABLE, en-a b l: Only in 1 Thessalonians 1 12 (AV and RV) in the sense of "strengthen" (Gr enduna- moo, "endue with strength").

    ENAIM, e-na im (E^P? , *enayim, "place of a fountain"; Alvdv, Aindn; Genesis 38 14 [AV "in an open place"; ver 21 AV "openly"]): A place which lay between Adullam and Timnath; probably the same as Enam (Joshua 15 34). Also mentioned in close connection with Adullam. It was in the



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    Shephelah of Judith. The Talm (/ //,-. Rab. 23) mentions a Ivephar Enaim. Condor proposes Khur- bct Wtiily *Alln, which is an ancient site, evidently of great strength :md importance, lying between Kh. Mm <S//c///,s and the village of Dcir Abort. The ruins crown a lofty and almost isolated hill; the greatest objection to the identification is that then- is no fountain at all in the immediate neighborhood. There may have been one in earlier times. See PEF, III, 128. east west (!. MASTEKMAN

    ENAM, e nam. See preceding article.

    ENAN, e nan ( "-", *<~ndii, "having fountains," or "eyes," i.e. "keen-eyed"; in LXX Alvdv, Ainiin): The father of Ahira, and |)rince of Naphtali at t In- first census of Israel (Numbers 1 !.">; 2 2 ,l; 7 7south83; 10 27).

    ENASIBUS, r-nas -i-bus ( Evdo-ipos, Kndsibos, 1 Esd 9 31): Corresponding to "Eliashib" in E/,r 10 30.

    ENCAMPMENT, en-kamp ment. See WAH.

    ENCAMPMENT BY THE RED SEA: Accord ing to the version of the wanderings of Israel given in Nn 33, they "encamped by the Red Sea," (ver 10) after leaving Elim and before entering the Wilder ness of Sin. See WAXDF.UIXCS OF ISKAKI..

    ENCHANTMENT, en-chant ment : The occult, arts, either supposedly or pretentiously supernat ural, were common to all oriental races. They included enchantment, sorcery, witchcraft, sooth saying, augury, necromancy, divination in number less forms, and all kinds of magic art. Nine varieties are mentioned in one single passage in the Pent (l)t 18 10.11); other varieties in many pas sages both in the OT and NT, e.g. Leviticus 19 20.31; Isaiah 2 0; 57 3; Jeremiah 27 9; Mir. 5 12; Acts 8 9.11; 13 6.8; Galatians 5 20; The Revelations 9 21. The extent of the magic arts (forbidden under Judaism and Chris tianity) may incidentally be seen from the fact that the Scriptures alone refer to their being practised in Chaldaea (Did 511), Babylon (Ky.k 21 21 I, Assyr ia (2 Kings 17 17), Egypt (Exodus 711), Canaan (Leviticus 183.21; 19 26.31), Asia (Ephesus, Acts 19 13. 10), Greece (Acts 16 10), Arabia also, as "customs from the East," etc (Isaiah 2 0) indicates. These secret arts were prohibited by the laws of Moses (Deuteronomy 18 9-12), inasmuch as they constituted a peculiar temptation to Israel to apostatize. They were a constant incentive to idolatry, clouded the mind with superstition, tended and were closely allied to imposture. (Matthew 24 24). The term "en chantment" is found only in the OT and its Hebrews originals indicate its varieties.

    (1) O^t?^, lutim, and E" I T?!15, l e hd(7m, "to wrap up," "muffle," "cover," hence "clandestine," "se cret." It was this hidden element that enabled the magicians of Egypt to impose on the credulity of Pharaoh in imitating or reproducing the miracles of Moses and Aaron; "They. . . . did in like man ner with their enchantments" (Exodus 7 11.22). Their inability to perform a genuine miracle is shown by Exodus 8 18.

    (2) TCH2 , tidhdfih, "to hiss," "whisper," referring to the mutterings of sorcerers in their incantations. Used as a derivative noun this Hebrews word means "a serpent." This involves the idea of cunning and subtlety. Although employed in the wider sense of augury or prognostication, its fundamental meaning is divination by serpents. This was the form of enchantment sought by Balaam (Numbers 24 1). Its impotence against the people of God is shown

    by Numbers 23 23 in. Shalmaneser forced this forbidden art upon the Israelites whom he carried captive to Assyria (2 Kings 17 17). It was also one of the heathen practices introduced during the apostasy under Ahab, against which Elijah protested (cf 1 Kings 21 20).

    (3) TZJH* , laknsh, "to whisper," "mutter," an onomatopoetic word, like the above, in imitation of the hiss of serpents. It is used of the offensive practice of serpent charming referred to in Eccl 10 11, and as Delitzsch says, in loc., "signifies the whispering of formulas of charming." See also Isaiah 3 3, "skilful enchanter"; Jeremiah 8 17, "serpents, cockatrices [RV "adders"] .... which will not be charmed"; Psalm 58 4.f>, "the voice of charmers [RVm "enchanters"], charming never so wisely." Ophio- mancy, the art of charming serpents, is still prac tised in t he East.

    (4) "CH, hcbhcr, "spell," from "QH, hdbhnr, "to bind," hence "to bind with spells," "fascinate," "charm," descriptive of a species of magic prac tised by binding knots. That this method of im posture, e.g. the use of the magic knot for exorcism and other purposes, was common, is indicated by the monuments of the East. The moral mischief and uselessness of this and other forms of enchant ment are clearly shown in Isaiah 47 9.12. This word is also used of the charming of serpents (Deuteronomy 18 11; Psalm 58 5).

    (")) 112, *tin-<tn, "to cover," "to cloud," hence "to use covert arts." This form of divination was esp. associated with idolatry (so (iesenius, J/eb Lex.). Delitzsch, however, in a note on this word (Isaiah 2 (>), doubts the meaning "conceal" and thinks that it signifies rat her "to gat her auguries from the clouds." lie translates it- "cloud-interpretive" (Micah 5 12). This view is not generally supported. Rendered "enchanters" (Jeremiah 27 9, RV "sooihsayers"; so also in Isaiah 2 0). Often translated 1 in RV "practice augury," as in Leviticus 19 20; Deuteronomy 18 10.14; 2 Kings 21 0; 2 Chronicles 33 6; a form of magical art corresponding in many respects to 1 hat of 1 he ( Ir imintis, who ut tered oracles in a state of divine fren/y. LXX K\\t]5oi to/j.ai, A7r- iloni-oinoi, i.e. augury through the reading or ac ceptance of a sign or omen. A kindred form of en chantment, is mentioned in the NT (2 Thessalonians 3 13; (Ir 7617x6?, got tcs, "^nchanters," "jugglers," the original indicating that the incantations were uttered in a kind of howl; rendered "seducers" AY, "im postors" RY; cf The Revelations 19 20). The NT records the names of several magicians who belonged to this class of conscious impostors: Simon Magus (Acts 8 9); Bar-Jesus and Elymas (Acts 13 0.8); the slave girl with the spirit of Python ("divination," Acts 16 10); "vagabond [RV "strolling"] Jews, exorcists" (Acts 19 13; cf Luke 11 19); also the magicians of Moses day, named Jannes and James- bres (2 Thessalonians 3 8).

    All these forms of enchantment claimed access through supernatural insight or aid, to the will of the gods and the secrets of the spirit world. In turning away faith and expectation from the living (lod, they struck a deadly blow at the heart of true religion. From the enchanters of the ancient Orient to the medicine-men of today, all exponents of the "black art" exercise a cruel tyranny over the benighted people, and multitudes of innocent victims perish in body and soul under their subtle impostures. In no respect is the exalted nature of the Hebrews and Christian faiths more clearly seen than in their power to emancipate the human mind and spirit from the mental and moral darkness, the superstition and fear, and the benighting effect of these occult and deadly arts. For more detailed study see DIVINATION; ASTROLOGY.

    DWIGHT M. PRATT



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    END ("pp., /cec, CSX, ephes, n3 , kalah; telos, trvvT\\^o>, sunteleo): The end of anything is its termination, hence also, ,/maZ object or purpose. It is the translated of several Hebrews and Gr words, chiefly in the OT of ke$ (properly, "a cutting off") and other words from the same root (Genesis 6 13, "The end of allflesh is come before me") ; ah&rith, "hinder part," is also frequently translated a "end" (Deuteronomy 11 12; Psalm 37 37. 38, ARV "There is a happy end to the man of peace .... The end of the wicked shall be cut off"; ERV "latter end" [ver 37], m "reward" or "future posterity"; 73 17; Jeremiah 5 31); soph (from suph "to come to an end") is several times translated d "end" (2 Chronicles 20 16; Eccl 3 11; 72). "End" in the sense of purpose is the translated of I mtSan, "to the intent" (Exodus 8 22, "to the end tliou inayest know"), and of dibhrah (from dabhor, "to speak"); Eccl 7 14, "to the end that man should find nothing after him" (R V "should not find out anything [that shall be] after him"). "Ends of the earth" is the translated of ephcs, "extremities" (Deuteronomy 33 17; Psalm 22 27), also of kdndph, "wing" (Job 37 3; 38 13). Other words are neqah, "utmost" (Job 34 36), t kuphdh, "circuit," "revolution" (Exodus 34 22; 2 Chronicles 24 23, RVm "revolution"), etc. The vb. occurs almost invariably in the phrase "to make an end," as the translated of kdldh, "to finish," "complete" (Genesis 27 30; Deuteronomy 20 9; Jeremiah 26 8, etc); also of nalah, "to complete" (Isaiah 33 1), and shdlam, "to finish" (38 12.13).

    In Dnl 9 24, the Hebrews text has DPH . hatham, " to seal up" ("to complete, or finish"), but the margin, followed by AV", RV, Driver and most moderns, has 2PH. hdtltem,

    "to finish." "end," "complete." a difference of one letter, but practically none in the sense, "to bring to an end"; cf "to finish the transgression," which precedes.

    In the NT the common word for "end" is telos "an end," "completion," "termination" (Alt 10 22; 24 6; John 13 1, RYm "to the uttermost"; Rom 6 21, "The end of those things is death"; 6 22, "the end eternal life"; 10 4, "Christ is the end of the law unto righteousness"; The Revelations 21 6; 22 13, etc); ekbasis, "outgoing" (He 13 7, RY "issue"); suntelcia, "full end," is used of "the end of the world" (Matthew 13 39; He 9 26); penis, "extremity," "the ends of the world" (Rom 10 18); akros, "a point, end" (Matthew 24 31, "from one end of heaven to the other"). "End" as purpose is the translated of eis to, "with a view to" (Acts 7 19; Rom 1 11; 4 16; 1 Thessalonians 3 13) ; of eis touto, "unto this" (John 18 37; Rom 14 9; 2 Corinthians 29); of pros to, "toward this" (Luke 18 1). "To end" (vb.) is plcroo, "to fill up" (Luke 7 1; Acts 19 21); once ginomm, "to become" (John 13 2, "supper being ended," which RY cor rects, giving, "during supper").

    For "end" RV has "uttermost part" (Joshua 15 8, etc), "latter end" (Psalm 73 17; ERV Psalm 37 38; Proverbs 5 4); "issue" (Dnl 12 8, m "latter end"; He 13 7) ; "side" (Ezekiel 41 12). Conversely it has "end" for "uttermost part" (Joshua 15 5); for "side" (Deuteronomy 4 32); for "conclusion" (Eccl 12 13); for "an end" (Proverbs 23 18); "a reward," m "sequel" or "future," Hebrews "latter end"; "final" (He 6 16); for "an end of" (Job 18 2), "snares for" (ARV "hunt for"); for "at one end" (Jeremiah 51 31), "on every quarter"; for "until the day and night come to an end" (Job 26 10), "unto the confines of light and darkness"; for "have an end" (Luke 22 37), "hath fulfilment," ni "Gr end" ; for "to the end for" (1 Pet 1 13), "per fectly on"; "at the end of" for "in these last days" (He 1 2); "His end was nigh" for "He died" (He 11 22); "its own end," instead of "for himself" (Proverbs 16 4, in "his own purpose"); "neither is there any end to" instead of "for thine iniquities are infinite" (Job 22 5); "to this end" for "therefore" (Mark 1 38; 1 Thessalonians 4 10); for "for this cause," "to this end" (John 18 37 bis), "unto this end" (1 Pet 4 6); "to

    this end" for "for this purpose" (Acts 26 16; 1 John 3 8); "to which end" for "wherefore" (2 Thessalonians 1 11); "to the end" is inserted in Genesis 18 19 bis, and several other passages. Eor "ends of the earth" see ASTRONOMY, III, 2. \\Y. L. WALKER

    END OF THE WORLD. See ESCHATOLOGY; WORLD, END OF THE

    ENDAMAGE, en-dam aj : Archaic for "damage" ; Ezr 4 13 AV: "Thou shalt endamage the revenue of the kings," RV "It will be hurtful unto the kings" (Aram. pT2 , n e zak); cf 1 Esd 6 33.

    ENDEAVOR, en-de ver: The sense of this word has suffered weakening since the time of AV. Then it implied utmost exertion and success; now rather forlorn hope and possible failure. Thus RV reads "giving diligence," "give diligence," for AV "en deavoring," "endeavor," in Ephesians 4 3; 2 Pet 1 15, respectively; but "endeavored" is suffered to remain in 1 Thessalonians 2 17 (<rirov5dfa } spouddzo, "hasten," "exert oneself"). Cf also Acts 16 10, AV "endeavored," RV "sought" (Gr zeted, "seek").

    ENDIRONS, end i-urnz (E^FlDTp , sh e phattayim): Used once (Ezekiel 40 43 AV) in the m only. In text, both AV and RV, "hooks," denoting stalls or places for the fastening of victims for sacrifice, or perhaps the two hearthstones. The term is a corruption from another word similar in form and identity of usage. This word, "andiron," from Middle Eng., has assumed many peculiar forms, as "anderne," "aimdirne," from which the form is doubtless de rived, though this is not the original and has no relation to it. ARVm reads, "According to Vulg and Syr, ledges."

    ENDLESS, end les (aKO.TaX.vTos, <ikuttilutos [He 7 16], direpavTos, apertintos [1 Thessalonians 1 4]): Thn Eng. word occurs twice in the NT, and is there represented by the two Gr words above noted.

    (1) In He 7 16 Jesus is said to be a priest "after the power of an endless life." The word means lit., as in RVm, "indissoluble." It is not simply that Christ s priesthood was eternal. The priesthood was based upon His possession, by nature, of a life which in time and eternity death could not touch. This distinguished Him essentially from priests under the law.

    (2) In 1 Thessalonians 1 4, Paul warns Timothy against giving heed in his ministry to "fables [muthoi] and endless [limitless] genealogies." The allusion seems to be to the series of emanations (aeons) in gnostic speculation, to which no limit could be set.

    Distinct from the above are the words denoting "everlasting," "eternal," which see. JAMES ORR

    EN-DOR, en dor ("H "p?, *en dor, Joshua 17 11; 111 ~^y, en, dor, 1 Samuel 28 7; "ISH V?, *en do r, Psalm 83 10; A, NT]v8u)p, Nendor; B, A\\8top, Aeldor): A town in the lot of Issachar assigned to Manasseh (Joshua 17 11). Here dwelt the woman who had a familiar spirit , whom Saul consulted on the night before the battle of Gilboa (1 Samuel 28 7). Here also, according to Psalm 83 10, perished fugitives of Sisera s army, after their defeat at the Kishon. The place was therefore not far from the Kishon and Tabor. It is generally identified with the modern Endur, a small village on the northern slope of Jebel ed-Duhy, with several ancient caves. It is not far from Nain and Shunem, and looks across the valley along which the broken ranks of Sisera may have attempted to make their way eastward to the open uplands, and thence to their native North. Corning hither from Gilboa, eluding the Phili outposts under cover of

    UgUshvSns T11E INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA

    944

    the darkness, Saul would cross the Vale of Jezreel, and pass round the eastern base of the mountain, the Philis being on the west. \\V. EWI.M;

    EN-DOR, WITCH, wich, OF: In 1 Samuel 28 3 _>.->, it is narrated how Saul, in despair of mind because ,Ich had forsaken him, on the eve of the fatal battle of Gilboa, resorted in disguise to "a woman that had a familiar spirit" ( dhh: see DIVINATION; NKCKO- MA.NCV), at En-dor, and besought the woman to divine for him, and bring him up from the dead whom he should name. On the woman reminding him how Saul had cut off from the land those who practised these arts a proof of the existence and operation of the laws against divination, witchcraft, necromancy, etc, (Leviticus 19 31; Deuteronomy 18 9-14) the king assured her of immunity, and bade her call up Samuel. The incidents that followed have; been the subject of much discussion and of varied inter pretation. It seems assumed in the narrative that, the woman did see an appearance, which the king, on her describing it, recogni/ed to be that of Samuel. This, however, need be only (he narrator s inter pretation of the events. It is not to be credited that the saintly Samuel was actually summoned from his rest by the spells of a professional diviner. Some have thought (hat Samuel, by (lod s per mission, did indeed appear, as much to (he woman s dismay as to (he king s; and urge in favor of (his (he woman s evident, surprise and (error at his ap pearance (vs 12 ->), and the true prophecy of Saul s fate (vs 16-19). It may conceivably have been so, but (he more reasonable view is that the whole transaction was a piece of feigning on (he part of (he woman. The LXX uses (he word eggastrimulhos ("a ventriloquist") (o describe (he woman and (hose who exercised kindred arts (ver 9). Though pre tending ignorance (ver 1 2), the woman doubtless recognizes Saul from (he first. It was she who saw Samuel, and reported his words; the king himself saw and heard nothing. It required no great, skill in a practised diviner to forecast the general issue of (he battle about, to lake place, and the disaster that would overtake Saul and his sons; while if (he forecast had proved untrue, the narrative of the witch of En-dor would never have been written. Saul, in fact, was not slain, but killed himself. The incident, therefore, may best, be ranked in the same category as the feats of modern mediumship.

    JA.MKS ORU

    ENDOW, en-dou , ENDUE, en-dfi : "Endow" meant originally "to provide with a dowry"; "indue" took the meaning "clothe"; the likeness between the lit. meanings has confused the metaphorical use of the words in spite of their difference in origin. Thus we find in Genesis 30 20, AV "endued me with a good dowry," RV "endowed" ("37, zahkadli, "be stow upon," "endow"); Exodus 22 16, AV "endow her

    to be his wife," RV "pay a dowry for her" iiidhtir, "purchase," "endow"); cf Deuteronomy 22 29; 2 Chronicles 2 12.13, AV and RV "endued" with understanding (from 3TP, yadha.\\ "know"); and Luke 24 49, AV "endued with power," RV "clothed" (evSvu, endiio, "clothe"). F. K. FAJIK

    ENDS OF THE EARTH. See ASTRONOMY, III, 2.

    ENDURE, en-dfir : I sed in the Bible (1) in the sense of "continue," "last.," as in Psalm 9 7, "The Lord shall endure for ever" (ARV ".leh sitteth as king for ever"); 30 5, "Weeping may endure for a night" (RV "tarry," m "may come in to lodge at even"); .In 6 27, "(he meat which endureth," AV, RV "(he food which abideth"; (2) in the sense of "bear" (He 12 20): "bear up under" hardship, persecution, etc (2 Thessalonians 311; 1 Pet 2 19); "to remain under" (He 10 32; 12 2; Jas 1 12; 5 11); "to be strong, firm" (He 11 27); "to persevere" beneath a heavy burden (Matthew 10 22).

    EN-EGLAIM,en-eg lfi-im, en-eg-la im r// *eghlayim. "fountain of calves"?): In E/e- kiel s vision of the waters it is one of the two points between which "fishers shall stand" (Ezekiel 47 10). The situation must be near the entrance of the Jor dan into the Dead Sea (see E\\-<;KDI). Tristram (Bible I liirrx, 93) identities it with Mm Hajlrih (cf BKTH-HO<:I,.\\II); Robinson (BRT, 11, 489), with Mm Fcxltkah.

    ENEMESSAR, en-e-mes ar CEvt^cro-dp, Knc- ///r.s.sv//-, Evep.6o-o-o.pos, Enembssaros) \\ Generally al lowed, since (Irotius, to be a corruption, though occasionally defended as an alternative form, of Shalmaneser (Tob 1 2.1."), etc) who carried Israel captive to Nineveh, as related in 2 Kings. Among the captives was Tobit, taken from Thisbe in Clilead, where the prophet Elijah was born and for a time lived. The writer of Tob makes Sennacherib the son (1 l.">), as well as the successor of Enemessar, whereas, according to the Assyr inscriptions, Sen nacherib was the son of Sargon. This is only one of several serious historical difficulties in (he narrative of Tob. The corruption of the name is variously explained. Rawlinson supposes (he first, syllable of the word Khnl to have been dropped, comparing the Bupalussor of Abydenus for Nabopolassar. Dr. Pinches takes Enemessar for Senemessar, the nh being changed to .s 1 and then to the smooth breathing, though the rough breathing more com monly takes the place of a dropped .s; both scholars admit the easy transposition of the liquids i and n. Shalman-asharid is the Assyr form of Shalmaneser.

    J. HUTCHISON

    ENEMY, en e-ini p?S , \\l>/cbli, 12, yir, IS, gar; X0ps> rc/i t/iri ix) : "Enemy," "enemies," are frequent words in the OT. The Hebrews word most often so translated 1 is dyebh, meaning perhaps lit. "one who hates"; very frequent in the Pss, e.g. 3 7; 6 10; 7 5; 8 2; 9 3.6; 13 2, where the cry is often for deliverance from enemies. Another word for "enemy," found chiefly in the poetical books, is gar, or gar, "dis tresses-," "straitener" (Numbers 10 9; Job 16 9; Psalm 27 2.12, RV "adversary," etc); also gamr (Est 3 10; Psalm 8 2; 10 o AV, etc). Other words arc r, "one awake" (1 Samuel 28 16 AV; Dnl 4 19 AV); sane , perhaps, "to be sharp or bite" (Exodus 1 10; Proverbs 25 21; 27 6); shdrar, "to watch" (Psalm 5 8; 27 11), and kum, "to stand up," or "withstand" (Exodus 32 25).

    Fn the NT crhtfiros, "enemy," "opponent," is the only word trd "enemy" (Matthew 5 4:5.44; Mark 12 36; Luke 1 71.74, etc; Rom 5 10; 11 28, etc), onco with dnthrdpox ("a man"), joined to n-lthroa (Matthew 13 28).

    In KV "adversary" is frequently substituted for "enemy" (Numbers 24 S; Deuteronomy 32 41; Psalm 6 7; 7 0; 44 10,



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    etc); for "O thou enemy," etc (Psalm 9 6) we have "The enemy are come to an end" ; instead of "When the enemy shall come in like a flood, the Spirit of the Lord shall lift up a standard against him" (Isaiah 59 19) we have "For he will come as a rushing stream, which the breath of Jen driveth" (with the text of AV in m) ; for "The fire of thine enemies shall devour them" (26 11), "Fire shall devour thine adversaries" (text of AV in m).

    The frequent reference to enemies in the OT is what we should expect to see in these early times on the part of a people settling in a land that had been occupied by other tribes, worshipping other gods. The spirit of their law was that expressed by Our Lord in His Sermon on the Mount, "Thou shaft love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy." This He changed: "but I say unto you, Love your enemies." An approach toward this spirit had been made in the later prophets by their inclusion of the whole world under one God, who had a gracious purpose toward all, but the near statement of it we only find in Proverbs 25 21 (quoted by St. Paul, Rom 12 20). See also Exodus 23 4, and cf 2 Kings 6 22; 2 Chronicles 28 15.

    west L. WALKER

    ENENEUS, e"-ne ne"-us, en-e-ne us ( Evqvios, Ent- nios; AV Enenius, RVm "Enenis") : Occurring only in Apoc. According to 1 Kingssd 5 8, east was one of the 12 leaders over the returning exiles from Babylon under Zerubbabel. E/r 2 contains the parallel list of the returning leaders but omits east, giving only 11; but east corresponds to Nahamani (Neh 7 7).

    ENFLAMeast See IXFLAMeast

    EN-GADDI, en-gad i (Sir 24 14 RV, "on the

    seashore"). See EN-GEDI.

    ENGAGE, en-gaj : FromD"j37, *arabh, "to pledge," Jeremiah 30 21. AV "Who is this that engaged his heart?"; RV "he that hath had boldness?"; RVm Hebrews "hath been surety for his heart?"

    EN-GANNIM, en-gan im (E 1 ?!} "py , en gannlm, "spring of gardens"):

    (1) A town in the territory of Judah, named with Zanoah and Eshtaol (Joshua 15 34). It is probably identical with the modern Unun Jinn, south of \\\\~aay es-8ardr, not far from Zanoah (Zanu*a).

    (2) A town in the lot of Issachar (Joshua 19 21), assigned to the Gershonite Levites (21 2 ,)). In 1 Chronicles 6 73 it is replaced by Anem. It probably corresponds to the Ginnea of Jos (Ant, XX, vi, 1; BJ, III, iii, 4), and may certainly be identified with the modern Jenln, a prosperous village on the southern edge of the plain of Esdraclon, with beau tiful gardens, fruitful orchards and plentiful supplies of water from the local springs. west EWING

    EN-GEDI, en ge-di, en-ge dl ("Hil "p?, en gedhl, "fountain of the kid"): Identical with the present Ain Jidi. According to 2 Chronicles 20 2 it is the same as Hazazon-tamar, mentioned in Genesis 14 7 as occupied by the Amorites and as having been attacked by Chedorlaomer after leaving Kadesh and El Paran on his way to the Vale of Siddim. The place is situated upon the west shore of the Dead Sea about midway between the north and the south ends, and was included in the territory of Judah (Joshua 15 (52). The spot is rendered attractive by the verdure clothing it by reason of immense fountains of warm water, 80 F., which pour out from beneath the lime stone cliffs. In the time of Solomon (Cant 1 14) palms and vines were cultivated here. Jos also mentions its beautiful palm groves. In the time of Eusebius it was still a place of importance, but since the Middle Ages it has been almost deserted, being occupied now only by a few Arabs. The oasis occupies a small area a few hundred feet above the Dead Sea marked by the 650 ft. sedimentary

    terrace heretofore described (see DEAD SEA). The limestone borders rise so abruptly to a height of 2,000 ft. immediately on the west, that the place can be approached only by a rock-cut path. Two

    En-gedi.

    streams, Wady Sitgcir and Wad;/ cl-Arcych, descend on either side through precipitous rocky gorges from the uninhabitable wilderness separating it from Bethlehem and Hebron. It was in the caves opening out from the sides of these gorges that David took refuge from Saul (1 Samuel 24 1). During the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chronicles 20 2), the children of Ainmon, Moab and Matthew. Seir attempted to invade Judah by way of En-gedi, but were easily defeated as they came up from the gorges to occupy the advantageous field of battle chosen by Jehoshaphat.

    GEOUGE FREDERICK WRIGHT ENGINE, en jin (2 Chronicles 26 15; Ezekiel 26 <>; 1 Mace 6 51; 13 43 f). See SIEGeast

    ENGLISH, in glish, VERSIONS, vur shunz:

    1. Introductory

    2. The Bible in Anglo-Saxon and Norman Times

    3. John Wycliire

    4. How Far Was the 14th-century Version WyclifTe s Work ?

    5. From Wycliffe to Tyndale

    6. William Tyndale

    7. Miles Coverdale

    8. Matthew s Bible

    9. Richard Taverner

    10. The Great Bible (Cranmer s Bible)

    11. Reaction. 1541-57

    12. Edward VI

    13. Mary

    14. The Geneva Bible (the " Breeches Bible")

    15. The Bishops Bible

    10. Rheims and Douai Version

    17. The Authorized Version

    18. The Apocrypha

    19. Further Revisions

    20. English Revised Version

    21. American Itevised Version

    22. Has the RV Displaced the AV? LITERATURE

    English Versions of the Scriptures. The battle for vernacular Scripture, the right of a nation to

    have the sacred writings in its own 1. Intro- tongue, was fought and won in Eng- ductory land. Ancient VSS, such as the Syr

    and the Gothic, were produced to meet obvious requirements of the teacher or the missionary, and met with no opposition from any quarter. The same was the case with the efforts of the Anglo-Saxon church to provide portions of Scripture; for the use of the people. Even in later times the Lat church seems to have followed no consistent policy in permitting or forbidding the translated of the Scriptures. In one country the prac tice was forbidden, in another it was regarded with forbearance or permitted under authority (Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, London, 1884, art. "Bible"); and so it came about that the different nations of Europe came by the inestimable boon of an open Bible in different ways. Ger many, for example, after the attempts of numerous translators who seem to have been quite untram-



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    moled in their work owed, under Providence, to the faith, the intrepidity and the genius of Luther the national version which satisfied it for more than three centuries, and, after a recent and essentially conservative revision, satisfies it still. In England, as related below, things took a different course. In the Reformation period the struggle turned mainly on the question of the translated of the Bible.

    The clergy and learned men had always of course access to the Scriptures in the Vulg, a translated of the original Scriptures into Lat completed 2. The by Jerome at the very beginning of the

    Bible in 5th cent.; and from this version the Anglo- Vulg practically all further translated s were

    Saxon and made till the days of Luther. Within a Norman century or little more after the landing Times of Augustine in England and his settle

    ment at Canterbury (597 AD) Caed- mon, a monk of Whit by, produced (070) his metrical version of the Bible, hardly indeed to be reckoned a version of the Scriptures in the ordinary sense, though it paved the way for such. Bede of Jarrow (672-7:]")) translated 1 the Creed and the Lord s Prayer and, according to the beautiful letter of his pupil, Cuth- bert, breathed his last, on the completion of his translated of the Ciospel of John into th( language; of the people. Aldhelm, bishop of Sherborne in t lie county of Dorset, (d. 709), translated 1 the Psalter in another translated witli which the name of King Alfred is associated; and the other efforts of that ruler to spread the knowledge of the Scriptures among his people are well known. Notice, too, should be taken of the glosses. "The gloss," says Eadic (En</li.^h Bible, I, 14, n.), "was neither a free nor yet a literal translated, but the interlinear insertion of the vernacular, word against word of the original, so that the order of the former was really irrespec tive of idiom and usage." The finest example of these is seen in the Lindisfarne Gospels, which were writ ten in Lat about the year 700, and provided wit h an interlinear translated about 950 by Aldred, the priest. These with a version of a considerable section of the OT by JElfric, archbishop of Canterbury about the year 990, comprise the main efforts at Bible translated into Eng. before the Norman Conquest. In Anglo- Saxon there is no proof of the existence of any translated of the complete Bible, or even of the complete NT. The sectional VSS, moreover, cannot be shown to have had any influence upon succeeding VSsouth For nearly three centuries after the Conquest the inter relations of the different sections of the people and the conditions of the language prevented any real literary progress. The period, however, was marked by the appearance of fragmentary translated 3 of Scripture into Norman French. From some August inian monastery, too, in the north of the East Midland district of England, about the year 1200, appeared the Ormulum, a curious metrical work of some 20,000 lines, consisting of a paraphrase of the Gos pel of the day and an explanatory homily for 32 days of the year. Like the work of Caedmon the monk, it was not exactly Bible translated, but it doubtless prepared the way for such. Three VSS of the Psalter, naturally always a favorite portion of Scripture with the translator, are assigned to the first half of Wycliffe s century. The reformer himself in one of his tracts urges a translated of the Bible to suit the humbler classes of society, on the plea that the upper classes already have their version in French. It was only in the long and splendid reign of Edward III (1327-77), when the two races that had existed in the country since the Conquest were perfectly united, that the predominance of English asserted itself, and the growth of the power and of the mental activity of the people instinc tively demanded a new form of expression. The century of Wycliffe, it is to be remembered, was also that of Langland, Gower and Chaucer.

    Born in Yorkshire about the year 1320, Wycliffe was educated at Balliol College;, Oxford, of which

    he soon became a Fellow and was for 3. John a short time Master, resigning the Wycliffe latter position in the year 1361 on his

    presentation to a living in Lincoln shire. He died at Lutterworth in Leicestershire in 1384. It was during the last quarter of his life that he came forward as a friend of the people; and as a prolific writer on their behalf. Notwithstand ing the external glory of the reign of Edward III, there was much in the ecclesiastical and social cir cumstances of the time to justify popular discon tent. The Pope derived from England alone a revenue larger than that of any prince in Christen dom. The nobles resented the extortion and pre tensions of the higher clergy; and, according to Green, "the enthusiasm of the Friars, who in the preceding century had preached in praise of povertv, had utterly died away and left a crowd of impudent mendicants behind it." The Black Death, "the most terrible plague the world ever witnessed," fell in the middle of the century and did much further to embitter the already bitter condition of the poor. In France things were no better than in England, and the Turk had settled permanently in Europe. It is not wonderful that Wycliffe began, as is said, his version of the NT with the Book of The Revelations. With his social teaching the present art. is not specially concerned. It. probably involved no more than the inculcation of the inherently democratic and level ing doctrines of Christianity, though some of the Lollards, like the Minister peasants in the German Reformation, associated it with dangerous social istic practice. In any case the application of Chris tianity to the solution of social problems is not in any age easy to effect in practice. His tracts show (Eadie, I, 59 ->) that it was from what Wycliffe had felt the Bible to be to himself that there sprang his strong desire to make the reading of it possible for his countrymen. To this was due the first Eng. version of the Bible. To this also was likewise due the institution of the order of "poor priests" to spread the knowledge of the Bible as widely as possible throughout the country.

    There is some uncertainty as to the exact share which Wycliffe had in the production of the 14th

    cent, version. The translated of the NT was 4. How far finished about the year 13<SO and in Was the 1382 the translated of the entire Bible was Translation completed, the greater part of the OT Wycliffe s being the work of Nicholas Hereford, Work? one of the reformer s most ardent

    supporters at Oxford. The work was revised on thoroughly sound principles of criticism and interpretation, as these are explained in the prologue to the new edition, by John Purvey, one of Wycliffe s most intimate friends during the latter part of his life, and finished in 1388. "Other scholars," says Mr. F. G. Kenyon, of the British Museum, "assisted him in his work, and we have no certain means of knowing how much of the translated was actually done by himself. The NT is attrib uted to him, but we cannot say with certainty that it was entirely his own work" (Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts, 200, 3d ed, London, 1898). This entirely corresponds with the position taken up by P orshall and Madden, the editors of the great Oxford edition of Wycliffe s version issued in 4 large quarto vols in 1850. That w T ork was undertaken to honor Wycliffe and in some measure to repay Eng land s indebtedness to the reformer. The editors were men of the first literary rank; they spent 22 years upon this work; and it is recognized as a credit at once to the scholarship and research of Oxford and of England. Its honest and straightforward Intro duction answers by anticipation by far the greater



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    part of the criticisms and claims put forth by Dr. Gasquet (Our Old English Bible and Other Essays, London, 1898; 2d ed, 1908). The claim is made that the work published in Oxford in 1850 is really not Wycliffe s at all but that of his bitterest oppo nents, the bishops of the English church who repre sented the party of Rome. Gasquet s work on this subject is mainly worthy of notice on account of his meritorious research in other departments of the English Reformation. His arguments and state ments are met by Kenyon (op. cit., 204-8). The controversy is further noticed in The Age of Wy- diffc, by G. M. Trevelyan (2d ed, London, 1908), a work which cannot be too highly praised for its deep research, its interesting exposition and its cordial appreciation of the reformer and his works. "Nothing," says Trevelyan (Appendix, 361), "can be more damning than the licenses to particular people to have Eng. Bibles, for they distinctly show that without such licenses it was thought wrong to have them." The age of printing, it is to be remem bered, was not yet.

    The Wydiffe Bible was issued and circulated in copies each of which was written by the hand. About 170 copies of this manuscript Bible are still in exist ence. They form a striking proof of what England and the world owe to the faith, the courage and the labor of John Wycliffe and his "poor priests."

    It is a remarkable fact that before the year 1500

    most of the countries of Europe had been supplied

    with a version of the Scriptures printed

    5. From in the vernacular tongue, while England Wycliffe to had nothing but the scattered copies of Tyndale the Wycliffe MS version. Even Cax-

    ton, eager as was his search for works to translate and to print, while he supplied priests with service-books, preachers with sermons, and the clerk with the "Golden Legende," left the Scriptures severely alone. Nor was there a printed Eng. ver sion, even of the NT, for close on half a century after Caxton s death, a circumstance largely due to the energy of the Tudor dictatorship and the severity of the Arundelian Constitutions enacted by Con vocation at Oxford in the year 1408 against Wycliffe and his work. These enactments forbade "upon pain of the greater excommunication the unauthor ised translated of any text of the Scriptures into English or any other tongue by way of a book, pamphlet, treatise or the reading of such." Meanwhile the study of the new learning, including that of the original languages of Scripture, though generally resisted by the clergy, was greatly promoted by the invention of printing.

    Erasmus, perhaps the chief representative name of the new age in the domain of learning, was pro fessor of Greek at Cambridge from

    6. William 1509 to 1524, and in the 2d year of Tyndale his professorship William Tyndale, an

    Oxford student in the 26th year of his age, migrated to Cambridge to study Greek. Ten years later Tyndale returned to his native county Gloucestershire to take up a private tutor ship and there formed the determination which be came the one fixed aim of his life to put an ET, not of the Vulg but of the original Gr and Hebrews Scrip tures, into the hands of his countrymen. "If God spared him life," he said, "ere many years he would cause a boy that driveth a plough to know more of the Scriptures than the Pope did." Erasmus at Cambridge had uttered a similar aspiration. "He boldly avows his wish for a Bible open and intelli gible to all I long for the day when the

    husbandman shall sing to himself portions of the Scriptures as he follows the plough, when the weaver shall hum them to the time of his shuttle, when the traveller shall while away with their stories the weariness of his journey " (Green, History of the

    English People, 1st ed, 308). In 1522 Tyndale went to London to try to find a patron for his work in Tunstall, bishop of London, who had studied Gr with Latimer at Padua and was one of the most noted humanists of the day. To show himself ca pable for the work, Tyndale took with him to London a version of a speech of Isocrates. But the Bishop of London s service was full; and after spending a year with a friendly alderman in London, "at last," he says in the Preface to his Five Books of Moses, "I understood not only that there was no room in my Lord of London s palace to translate the NT, but also that there was no place to do it in all Eng land." He left the country and never returned to it. He spent the remaining twelve years of his life in exile and for the most part in great hardship, sustained by steady labor and by the one hope of his life the giving to his countrymen of a reliable version of the Holy Scriptures in their own tongue. He went first to Hamburg, and there, as it seems, issued in the year 1524 versions of Matthew and Mark separately, with marginal notes. Next year he removed to Cologne, and arranged for the printing of the complete NT, the translated of which he accomplished alone, from the study of the Gr text of Erasmus in its original and revised editions ami by a comparison of these with the Vulg and several European vernac ular VSS which, as already stated, had anticipated that of England. The story of the interruption by Cochlaeus of the actual work of printing, and of his warning the King and W olsey of the impending invasion of England by Lutheranism, reads like a romance. His interference resulted in the prohi bition by the city authorities of the printing of the work and in the sudden flight of Tyndale and his assistant, Jove, who sailed up the Rhine with the precious sheets already printed of their 3,000 quarto edition to Worms, the city of the famous Diet in which Luther four years before had borne his testi mony before the Emperor. The place was now Lutheran, and here the work of printing could be carried out in security and at leisure. To baffle his enemies, as it seems, a small octavo edition w r as first printed without glosses; then the quarto edition was completed. The "pernicious literature" of both edi tions, without name of the translator, was shipped to England early in 1526; and by 1530 six editions of the NT in English (three surreptitiously) were distributed, numbering, it is computed, 15,000 copies. The unfavorable reception of Tyndale s work by the King and the church authorities may in some measure be accounted for by the excesses which at the moment were associated with the Ref ormation in Germany, and by the memories of Lol- lardisrn in connection with the work of Wycliffe. So vehement was the opposition at any rate to Tyndale s work, and so determined the zeal in buying up and burning the book, that of the six editions above mentioned there "remains of the first edition one fragment only; .... of the second one copy, wanting the title-page, and another very imperfect; and of the others, two or three copies which are not however satisfactorily identified" (Westcott, History of the English Bible, 45, London, 1868). Meanwhile Tyndale took to working on the OT. Much discussion has taken place on the ques tion whether he knew Hebrews (see Eadie, I, 209 ->). Tyndale s own distinct avowal is that it was from the Hebrews direct that such translated of the OT as he accom plished was made. Very early in 1531 he pub lished separately VSS of Genesis and Deuteronomy, and in the following year the whole of the Pent in one volume, with a preface and marginal glosses. In 1534 ap peared the Book of Jon, with a prologue; and in the same year a new version of the NT to counteract one made by Joye from the Vulg. This has been described by Westcott (op. cit., 185) as "altogether



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    Tyndale s noblest monument," mainly on account of its short, and pregnant glosses. "Bengol himself is not. more terse or pointed." A beautifully illumi nated copy of this edition was struck off on vellum Mid presented to Queen Anne Boleyn; and an edi tion of his revised NT was printed in London "The first volume 1 of Holy Scripture printed in England" in 153(>, the year of the Queen s death. Tyndale had for some time lived at Antwerp, enjoy ing a "considerable yearly exhibition" from the English merchants there; but, his enemies in Eng land were numerous, powerful and watchful. In 1534 he was betrayed and arrested; and after an imprisonment of nearly a year and a half at the castle of Vilorde, about IS miles from Brussels, he was strangled and then burned in 1531), the same year as that of the death of the Queen. The last days of the hero and martyr may have been cheered by the news of the printing of his revised edition oi the NT in England.

    Miles Coverdale, who firs! gave England a com plete 1 and authorized version of the Bible, was a

    younger contemporary of Tyndale. 7. Miles Tyndale was a year younger than Coverdale Luther, who was born in 1483, and

    ( overdale was four years younger than Tyndale. Born in the North Hiding of Yorkshire, ho found his way to Cambridge at the time when Krasmus was professor of (!r, and appears at an early date how is not known to have got into the good graces of Crumwell, the "malleus mo- nachorum," factotum and secretary to Wolsey, and later on the King s principal abettor in his efforts to render the Church of England thoroughly na tional, if not to an equal extent Protestant. Adopt ing t ho liberal party in the church, he held Lutheran or evangelical views of religion, cast off his monas tic habit, and, as Bale says, gave 1 himself up wholly to 1 ho preaching of the gospel. He is found in lf)27 in intimate connection with More and Crumwell and probably from them he received encourage ment, to proceed with a 1r of the Bible. In 152S he was blamed before Tunstall, bishop of London, as having caused some to desert the mass, the con fessional and the worship of images; and seeking safety, he left England for the Continent. He is said by Eoxe to have met, Tyndale at Hamburg in 152 .), and to have given him some help in the translated of the Pent. An uncertainty hangs over Covordale s movements from 152!) to 1535, a period during which much was happening that could not fail to be powerfully changing opinion in England. The result of the Assembly held at- \\Yost minster by Warham in May, 1530, and of the Convocation held under his successor, Cranmer, in December, 1534, was that in the latter it was petitioned that "his Majesty would vouchsafe 1o decree 1 that the sacred Scriptures should be translated 1 into the Eng. tongue by certain honest, and learned men, named for that, purpose by his Majesty, and should be delivered to the people according to their learning." Crum well, meanwhile, who had a shrewd forecast of the trend of affairs, seems to have arranged with Cover- dale for the printing of his translated. However this may be, by the year 1534 "he was ready, as he was de sired, to sot forth" (i.e. to print) his translated; and the work was finished in 1535. And thus, "as the har vest springs from the seed which germinates in darkness, so the entire Eng. Bible, translated 1 no one knows where, presented itself, unheralded and unanticipated, at once to national notice in 1535" (Eadie, I, 200). It is declared on the title-page to be "faithfully and truly translated out of Douche and Latyn into Englisho: MDXXXV." Cover- dale s own statements about his work leave the im pression that he was a conspicuously honest man. Unlike Tyndale who regarded himself as, in a way, a

    prophet,, with his work as a necessity Divinely laid upon him, Coverdale describes that ho had no par ticular desire to undertake the work and how he wrought, as it were-, in the language of these days, under a committee from whom ho took his instruc tions and who "required him to use the Douche [i.e. the Gorman] and the Latyn." He claims further to have done the work entirely himself, and he cer tainly produced a now version of the OT and a revised version of the NT. He used, he says, five sundry interpreters of the original languages. These interpreters wore, in all probability, the Vulg, Luther s version, the Zurich or Swiss-German Bible, the Lat version of Pagninus, and he certainly consulted Tyndale on the Pent and the NT. He successfully studied musical effect in his sentence s and many of 1 he finest phrases in the AV are directly traced to Coverdale. His version of the Pss is that which is retained and is still in daily use in the ritual of the Church of England. Two new editions of C overdale s version were issued in 1537 "with the King s most gracious license 1 ," and after this the Eng. Bible 1 was allowed to circulate freely. Certain change s in the title-page, prefaces and other details are discussed in the works mentioned at the 1 end of this article 1 .

    Convocation meanwhile was not satisfied with

    Coverdale s translated, and Coverdale himself in his honest

    modesty had expressed the hope that

    8. Mat- an improved translated should follow his own. thew s Accordingly in 1537 probably at, the Bible suggestion of, and with some support

    from, Crumwell and certainly to his satisfaction a large 1 folio Bible- appeared, as edited and dedicated to the King, by Thomas Matthew. This name 1 has, since 1 the days of Eoxe, boon he-lel to be a pseudonym fe>r John Rogers, the proto- martyr of the 1 Marian persecution, a Cambridge graduate who had for some years lived in intimacy with Tyndale 1 at Antwerp, and who became the possessor of his MS at his death. Besides the NT, Tyndale, as above mentioned, had published translated 3 of the Pent, the Book of Je>n, and portions of the Apoe 1 , and had left a MS version of Joshua to 2 Chronicles. Rogers, apparently taking all he- could finel of the work of Tyndale, supplemented this by the work of Coverdale and issuer! the composite volume with the title, "The Bible 1 , which is all the He>ly Scrip tures, in which are contaynod the Oldo and Newc Testaments, truoly and purely translated into Eng lish by Thomas Matthew. Esaye 1, Hearken to, ye heavens, and thou earth, goave oaro: for the Lord speaketh. MDXXXVTI." After the banning and burning of Tyndale s NT on its arrival in Eng land 11 years before, it is not easy te> account for the royal sanction with which the translated appeared. It was probably granted to the united eiTorts of Cran- mer and Crumwell, aided perhaps by the King s desire to show action independent of the church. The royal sanction, it will be noted, was given in ihe same 1 year in which it was given to Ce>verelale s second edition. That version became t he 1 basis of our present Bible. It was on Matthew s version that for 75 years thereafter all e)ther versions wore based

    Matthew s first edition of 1,500 copies was soon exhausted, and a new eelition was issued with some

    revision by Richard Taverner, a cul-

    9. Richard tivatod young layman ami lawyer who Taverner had in his early years been selected by

    Wolsey for his colle ge at Oxford. He was imprisoned in its cellar for reading Tyndale s NT; but he was soon released for his singular musical accomplishments. He was an excellent Grecian, of good literary taste and of personal dig nity. For the OT curiously enough he made, good Grecian as he was, no use of the Sept; but through out aimed successfully at idiomatic expression, as



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    also at compression and vividness. Home of his changes are kept in the AV, such as "parables" for "similitudes," and in Matthew 24 12, "The love of the many shall wax cold," and others. He also does greater justice to the Gr article. His dedication to the king is manly and dignified and compares most favorably with the dedications of other trans lators, including that of the AV. The book ap peared in two editions, folio and quarto, in 1539, and in the same year two editions, folio anil quarto, of the NT. The Bible and the NT were each re printed once, and his OT was adopted in a Bible of 1 55 1 . But with these exceptions Taverner s version was practically outside of influence on later translated".

    The next Bible to appear was named from its size- Its pages are fully 15 in. long and over 9 in. broad.

    It was meant to be in a way a state 10. The edition, and is known as the Great Great Bible Bible. As sufficiently good type,

    paper and other requisites could not be found in England, it was resolved that it should be printed in Paris. Coverdale and (Jrafton, the printer, went to Paris to superintend the printing; but the French church authorities interfered and the presses, types and workmen had to be trans ferred to London where the work was finished. It was the outcome of the Protestant zeal of Cruni- well who wished to improve upon the merely com posite volume of Tyndale and Covenlale. Its origin is not very accurately known, and authori ties such as Hume, Burnet and Fronde have ven tured upon statements regarding it, for which there is really no proof (Eadie, I, 356 ->). The duty of editor or reviser was by Crumwell assigned to Cover- dale who, as a pliant man and really interested in the improvement of the Eng. version, was quite willing to undertake a work that might supersede his own. The rapidity with which the work was executed and the proofs of the minute care devoted to it. by Coverdale may appear remarkable to those who are acquainted with the deliberate and leisurely methods of the large committee that, produced the AV in the reign of King James or the RV in the reign of Queen Victoria. Of course Coverdale had been over all the work before and knew the points at which improvements were to be applied; and a zealous and expert individual can accomplish more than a committee. Luther translated 1 the NT and, after revising his work with Melanchthon, had it printed and published in less than a year. The printing of the Great Bible began in May, 153S, and was completed in April, 1539, a handsome folio, printed in black letter, with the title, "The Byble in Eng- lyshe, that is to say, the contents of all the holy scripture, hot he- of the olde and newe testament, truly translated after the veryte of the Hebrne and Greke toxtes, by the dylygent studye of dyverse ex cellent learned men, expert in the forsuydo tongues. Prynted by Rychard Graf ton and Edward Whit- church. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum sol inn. 1539." The elaborate notes for which asterisks and various other marks are provided we re never supplied; but the actual translated shows devoted attention to the work and much fine; appreciation of the orig inal languages and of English. In the NT the version derived assistance from the Lat version of Erasmus, and in the OT from Minister and Pagni- nus. Variations in the text could of course be got from the Complutensian Polyglot. The Great Bible shows considerable improvement upon Tyndale in the NT, and upon Coverdale in the OT. "So care ful," says Eadie (I, 370), "had been Coverdale s revision and so little attachment had he to his own previous version, that in the 53rd chapter of Isaiah the Bible of 1539 differs in nearly forty places from his version of 1535." The clergy of course had no love for Crumwell and still loss for his work, though

    to avert clerical prejudices, Coverdale had made concessions in his translated. Tho work was cordially wel comed by the people, and a copy was ordered to be printed for every parish church, the cost to be paid half by the parson and half by the parishioners. A further revision of this version was carried out by Coverdale for a second edition which appeared in April, 1540, and is known as Cranmer s Bible, mainly from the judicious and earnest preface which the archbishop wrote for it. "It exhibits a text formed on the same principles as that of 1539, but after a fuller and more thorough revision" (West cot t, 254). Two other editions followed in the same year and three more in the year following (1541).

    After the publication of the Grout Bible (1539-

    41) no further advance took place for many years.

    The later years of Henry VIII indeed

    11. Reac- were marked by serious reaction. In tion, 1542 Convocation with the royal con- 1541-57 sent made an attempt, fortunately

    thwarted by Cranmer, to Latinize the Eng. version and to make it in reality what the Romish version of Rhoims subsequently became. In the following year Parliament, which then prac tically meant the King and two or three members of the Privy Council, restricted the use of the Eng. Bible to certain social classes that excluded nine- tenths of the population; and throe years later it prohibited the use of everything but the Groat Bible. It was probably at this time that there took place the great destruction of all previous work on the Eng. Bible which has rendered examples of that work so scarce. Even Tunstall and Heath were anxious to escape from their responsibility in lend ing their names to the Great Bible. In the midst of this reaction Henry VIII died, January 2,H, 1547. No now work marked the reign of Edward VI, but. great activity prevailed in the printing of pre vious VSsouth Thirty-five New Tosta-

    12. Edward ments and thirteen Bibles wore pub- VI lished during his reign of six years and

    a half; and injunctions were issued urging every person to read "t ho very lively Word of God" and for a copy of the ( Ireat Bible with the Eng. paraphrase of Erasmus to be set up in every church. By royal order a NT was to be sold for 22J., a sum representing as many shillings of present value.

    Less repressive work regarding the translated and diffu sion of Scripture than might have been expected occurred in the reign of Mary, though

    13. Mary in other directions the reaction was

    severe enough. According to Lord Burghley, during the three years and nine months of Mary s reign, the number of 400 persons perished men, women, maidens and children by impris onment, torment, famine and fire. Among the martyrs were Cranmer and Rogers; Coverdale escaped martyrdom only by exile and the powerful intervention of the king of Denmark. Tho copies of the Bibles in the churches were of course burned; and though individual translated* wore not specified proclamations were issued against certain books and authors. Still the books were not, as formerly, bought up and confiscated; and so the activity of Edward s reign in the production of Bibles left copies widely distributed throughout the country at the close of Mary s reign. At this time a NT was printed at Geneva which had great influence upon future VSS of the Bible.

    This NT was issued in 1557 and was most prob ably the work of west Whittingham, an English exile who had married Calvin s sister. It

    14. The was Ir 1 from the Gr and compared Geneva carefully with other VSsouth It had Bible also a marginal commentary which

    was more complete than anything similar that had yet appeared in England; and it



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    was the first translated that was printed in roman letter and in which chapters were divided into verses. Calvin wrote for it an introductory epistle, and it had also an address by the reviser himself. A few months after its publication the more serious task of the revision of the whole Bible was begun and continued for the space of two years and more, the translators working at it "day and night." Who the translators were is not said; but Whittingham, probably with Gilby and Sampson, stayed at Geneva for a year and a half after Elizabeth came to the throne, and saw the work through. It was finished in 1500, and in a dignified preface was dedicated to Elizabeth. The cost was met by members of the Congregation at Geneva, among whom was John Bodley, father of the founder of the great library at Oxford. Its handy form a modest quarto along with its vigorously expressed commentary, made it popular even with people who objected to its source and the occasional Calvinistic tinge of its doctrines. It became, and remained the popular edition for nearly three-quarters of a century. The causes of its popularity are explained in West cot t, 125 f. Bodley had received the patent for its pub lication; and upon his asking lor an extension of the patent for twelve years, the request was gener ously granted by Archbishop Parker and Grindly, bishop of London, though the Bishops Bible was already begun.

    The "Hrtrches Bible." The Geneva version is often called the "Breeches Bible from its translated of Genesis 3 7: "They sewed ligleaves together, and made themselves breeches." This translated, however, is not peculiar to the Genevan version. It is the translated of pcrizniinita in both the Wycliffe YSS; it is also found in Caxton s version of the "Golden Legende." Queen Elizabeth, the beginning of whose reign was beset with great, difficulties, restored the ar rangements of Edward VI. A copy 15. The of the Great Bible was required to be Bishops provided in every church, and every Bible encouragement was given to the read

    ing of the Scriptures. The defects of the Great Bible were admitted, and were the not unnatural result of the haste with which -notwith standing its two revisions it had been produced. These became more apparent when set beside the ( leneva version, which, however, 1 he archbishop and clergy could hardly be expected to receive with enthusiasm, as they had had nothing to do with its origin and had no control over its renderings and marginal notes. Archbishop Parker, moreover, who had an inclination to Bible studies, had at the same time a passion for uniformity; and probably to this combination of circumstances may be traced the origin of the Bishops Bible. Parker super intended the work, which was begun in 1503-04; he was aided by eight bishops -from whom the version received its name and other scholars. It appeared in a magnificent volume in lf>(iS, without a word of flattery, but with a preface, in which the revisers express a lofty consciousness of the impor tance of their work. It was published in 150S nun prir/lcijio rei/iae Majcstatis. A revised and in many places corrected edition was issued in 1572, and another in 1575, the year of the archbishop s death. The general aim of the version is a quaint literality, but along with this is found the use of not a few explanatory words and phrases not found in the original text. More exact notice also than in pre vious VSS is taken of the use of the Gr art. and of the particles and conjunctions. It bears marks, however, of the hand of the individual translators by whom the work was done; and of the want of the revision of each translator s work by the rest, and of some general revision of the whole. The Gene van version was the work of collegiate labor, to

    which much of its superiority is due. Though Parker did not object to the circulation of the Ge nevan version, Convocation after his death made some unsuccessful attempts to popularize the Bishops Bible; but the Genevan translated was not easily thrust aside. "It grew," says Eadie (II, 35), "to be in greater demand than the Bishops or Cran- mer s. Ninety editions of it were published in the reign of Elizabeth, as against forty of all the other VSsouth Of Bibles, as distinct from New Testaments, there wen; twenty-five editions of Cranmer s and the Bishops , but sixty of the Genevan. 1

    The production of an official version of the sacred

    Scriptures for Eng. Roman Catholics was probably

    due more to rivalry with the Reformers

    16. Rheims than to any great zeal of the authori- and Douai 1 ies of t he Roman church for t he spread Version of vernacular Scripture; though, ac cording to the Arundelian Consti tution above mentioned, it was only to the printing and reading of unauthorized translated 3 that objection was then taken by the Rom authorities. But if there was to be a special version for Catholics, it was clearly reasonable that the work should be done by Catholics and accompanied by Catholic explana tions. This was undertaken by some Eng. Catholic scholars who, on the success of the Reformation in England, had left the country and settled at Douai in the northeast of France, with a short transference of their seminary to Rheims. The version was prob ably produced under the influence of (Cardinal) Allen and an Oxford scholar, Gregory Martin. It was made from the Vulg, the; Bible of Jerome and Augustine, and not, like the Protestant VSS, from the lleb and Gr originals. The NT was issued from Rheims in 15S2 and the OT from Douai in 1009. The main objection to the version is the too close adherence of the translators to the words of the original and the too great Latinizing of the Eng., so that their translated "needs," as Fuller said, "to be translated 1 ." Still they have a few words which along with a few Latinisms were adopted by the translators of the A V, such as "upbraidethnot," "bridle) h his tongue," "at his own charges," and others; and they have the special merit of preserving uniformity of render ing. The translated met with no great success and the circulation was not large.

    The AV owed its origin to a chance remark

    regarding mistranslations in the existing VSS made

    at the Hampton Court Conference,

    17. The a meeting of bishops and Puritan Authorized clergy held (1004) in the interest of Version religious toleration before James was

    actually crowned. The meeting was ineffectual in all points raised by the Puritans, but it, led to the production of the Eng. Bible. Dr. Reynolds, president- of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, probably with some reference to the rivalry between the Bishops Bible and the Genevan ver sion, remarked on the imperfections of the current Bibles. The remark was not very enthusiastically received except by the King, who caught eagerly at the suggestion of a fresh version, "professing that he could never yet see a Bible well translated in English," and blaming specially the Genevan version, probably on account of the pointed char acter of its marginal notes. Probably with the aid of the universities, the King without delay nominated the revisers to the number of fifty-four from among the best Hebrews and Gr scholars of the day. Only 47 actually took part in the work which, however officially at least they were in no hurry to begin; for, although named in 1604 and with all the preliminaries arranged before the end of that year, they did not begin their work till 1607. Their remuneration was to be by church preferment, for which the archbishop was to take measures. The



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    immediate expenses, the King suggested, .should be supplied by the bishops and chapters who, however, did not respond. "King James version never cost King James a farthing," says Eadie (II, 153 f), who here gives some interesting information on this aspect of the revision. They wrought in six com panies of which two met respectively in Westmin ster, Cambridge and Oxford. Elaborate rules, given in full in most histories of the Bible, were laid down for 1 he revisers guidance, the King being particularly insistent upon Rule 9, which provided for the re vision of the work of each Company by the rest. When any Company had finished the revision of a book, it was to be sent to all the rest for their criti cism and suggestions, ultimate differences of opinion to be settled at a general meeting of each Company. Learned men outside the board of revisers were to be invited to give their opinions in cases of special difficulty.

    One of the; Cambridge Companies was specially

    appointed to revise the Apoc, in which considerable

    license was taken, as the seven mem-

    18. The bers composing the Company had Apocrypha probably no very firm belief in the

    inspiration of its books. The marginal notes, too, are freer in character than those of the OT. By the early translators, Tyndale and Cover- dale, the Apoc, was simply accepted as part of the heritage of t he church; it had a place likewise in the Great Bible, the Bishops Bible and most even of the (lenevan copies. But by the middle of the 17th cent, opinion even in the Church of England had e-hanged regarding it, and it was about, this time that Bibles began to be printed having the canonical books only. The Apoc is now hardly at all printed ot herwise than separately (note also should be taken of the treatment of the Apoc in the RV, as stated below).

    Impressed with the importance of their task, the revisers worked strenuously at it, for two years; and nine mouths more 1 were devoted to revision by a special commit tee consist ing of t wo members from each center, and in Kill the result of the work ap peared. It is not wonderful that the work was described by a contemporary entitled to give 1 a judgment on it (Selden, Table Tall:) us "the best translated in the world" a verdict that later opinion has abundantly ratified. It was the copestone of a work on which 90 years of solid labor had by differ ent hands been expended, and it. was done by half a hundred of the foremost scholars of the day who knew Hebrews and Or, and who also knew Eng. For three centuries it has grown in popular esteem, and it is justly regarded as one of the best possessions and one of the most unifying influences of the 1 widely scattered English-speaking race.

    On the title-page as issued in 101 1 the version is described as "newly translated out of the original tongues" and as "appointed to be read in churches," two statements not easy to reconcile 1 with the actual facts. The first rule for the revisers guidance pro vided that the work was to consist in a revision of the Bishops Bible: it was not said that it was to be a new translated. There is, further, no sanction of the ver sion by King, Parliament, Convocation or Privy Council. Like Jerome s version twelve 1 centime s before 1 , it was left to find acceptance us best it might by its own intrinsic merit.

    Already in the 1 days of the Commonwealth pro posals were made for a new version; but though several meetings were he lel e>f a com-

    19. Further mittee appointed by Parliament fe>r Revisions the purpose in 1657, nothing came

    of the movement (Lewis, 1 1 tutor y of Translations, 354). For nearly half a century the chief rival of the AV was the Geneva Bible which was in wide private use. Formal revision was not

    undertaken again till the- reign e)f Qne-e 1 !! Victoria. But between Kill and the 1 elate of the ree-ent re-vi sion not a few small alterations had been sile-ntly introduced into the- AV, as was indeed only to be expected if the; change s in the; orthography of the language were to be; e-orre-ctly represented on the printed page. Advancing literary critie-ism, too, and minute linguistic stuely showed that since the 1 days of the revisers many words had changed their mean ing, anel that verbal inaccuracies and a few le-ss venial errors coulel be proveel in the 1 revisers work. But what probably weighed most with scholars in inducing them tej ente-r upon a new version was the extraordinary incre-ase- that- since 1 the last re vision hud taken plae-e in our knowledge of the He 1 !) text and more espe-cially of the- (Ir text of Scripture. Important MSS had be-e-n brought to light of which the 17th-cent. revisers knew nothing, and scholars had with minute care examined anel e-ompared all the early copies of the Scripture stuelie-s which, without altering the main import of the gospel story, were shown to have considerable importance on the actual words and some-lime s on the 1 nu-aning of the text. After inue-h discussion e>f the subject in special volumes anel in the 1 leading magazines and reviews of Britain and Ame-rica, there was a general agreement among scholars that a fre-sh version was advisable 1 .

    The history of the Eng. revision is given at

    length in the preface to the ERY of the NT. It

    originated with the Convocation e>f

    20. English Canterbury of the 1 Church of England Revised in the 1 year 1X70, when a commit tee- Version of 1C) members was appointed with

    power te> add to its numbers. By this committee invitat ions to join it. were 1 issued to the outstanding He-b and (!r se heilars of the 1 country, irrespe ctive of religious denomination, and eve-ntu- ally two Companies were forme d, one for the OT and one for the 1 NT, consisting eae-h e>f 27 members, in whie h all the churches of the- country were repre-- senteel, the Roman Catholics alone except eel, and Dr. Newman had been inviteel io je>in the NT committee. The churches of Ame-rie-a were also invited to cooperate 1 , and this the-y did by forming two Companies corresponding te> the British with due provision fe>r the mutual comparison of results and suggestions. Where the 1 suggestions from America were not accept eel by the British re-visers, the-y were recoreled in an appenelix to the published veilnme. The; names of the revisers and the 1 rule s and principles laid down for the pren-eelurc of both Companies will be found in Kaelie (II, 4X1 IT). The NT was published in May, 18X1 ; the we>rk occupie>d the Company for about 40 days in each j-ear for 10 years. The; OT revision occiipie-d the Company for 792 days in a pcrioel of 14 years. The entire Bible was publishexl in May, 1XX5. It did ne>t ine-lude the Apoc, a re-vision of which was issued

    se-paratcly in 1S95. This was under-

    21. Ameri- taken, not by Convocatiem, but by the can Revised 1 niversity Pre-sse-s, a special Company Version being formed for the 1 purpose from the

    OT and NT Companies. For AMERI CAN REVISED VERSION see> separate article. On Ri;\\ ISED VERSION see 1 also BIHI.east

    The 1 RV has been before the English-speaking

    worlel for a quarter of a century and it can harelly

    be saiel with safely that it has as yet

    22. Has made; any progress in displacing the the RV AV in public este-em. Of course as Displaced much could be saiel for the AV in its the AV? day. It was very slow in gaining

    acceptance, with the people: anel yet unreasoning affection for its very words and phrase ology is now one of the; main obstacles to the ae-e e-pt- ance of an admittedly more scientifically based



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    original text and a more correct and not displeasing rendering of the same. A large number of the changes are certainly not such as appeal strongly to popular sympathy. "The (lr text of the NT of 1881 has been estimated to differ from that of Kill in no less than 5,7X8 readings, of which about a quarter are held notably to modify the subject- matter; though even of these only a small propor tion can be considered as of first-rate importance" (Kenyon, 23 )). On the other hand Hebrews, and esp. the cognate Semitic languages, are now a great deal better known than before 1611, ami consider able improvement is noticeable in the bringing out of the meaning in the poetical and prophetical books. The RV contains the best results of the scholarship of the Victorian age and cannot fail to be regarded as of the greatest utility to the reader and student of the AV. In the religious life the mind is essen tially conservative, and nothing but time will show whether the undoubted merits of the RV are such as to outweigh the claims of sentiment and affection with which the AV is held. See further AMERI CAN REVISKD VKKSIOnorth

    LjTKKATruK. Perhaps the most complete work on the subject in all its aspects is that by Dr. John Kadie, The English Bible: an External and Critical History of the Various English Tr <>f Scripture, 1S7C>. Kadie was him self one of the revisers of 1X7U, and some of his concluding chapters contain " Kemarks on the Need of Revision of the English NT." Ho is also highly appreciative but judiciously critical of his predecessors in the same field, O.g. Of Lewis, Complete History of S, rend / / of (In 1 1 oh, Bible and NT into En<i., 17:U, 1S1X; and Christopher Anderson, The Annul* of the English Bible, 2 vols, lsi.->, 1 vol rev. od, 18(12. An earlier and also very good book is West cot t s dim nil View of the Hilton/ of the KnijUsh Bible, 1SG8. Westcott was also one of the revisers of 1870 and criticizes the work of the various translators as well as narrates the succession of the translated*. A good discussion of the internal history of the text will also be found in the History of the Enuli.--h Bible by Dr. Moultpn, another of the revisers. Kenyon, Our Bible and Ancient Mnorths 1 , ls<f>. considers specially the text on which the successive Kng. VSS were based. lie writes judiciously also on the Wyelilro period and on the RV. Tho Wy- cliffo period should also be studied in Forshall and Madden, 4 vols, 4to, Oxford, 1X">(); England in the A tie. of }\\ i/dijfe, by Cl. M. Trovelyan; Dr. Gasquet s Our OW English Bible and Other Essays, 1908; and Lechler s John Wijeliffe and Hi* Enolixh 1 rrrurxorx, translated<l and ediled by Lorimor. For the Reformation period generally Foxo s History of the Arts and Monuments of the Church still deserves to be studied. " Koxe s story is doubtless substantially true, although disfigured by credulity and bitter prejudice." For Tyndale s special work see William Tijndule, a Biourn phy, by R. Demaus, new od by Lovett, 1X8(1; and Fry s Bibliographical Descriptions of the Editions of the XT, Tyndalt s Version in E<j. Fry has also written special works on the CJroat Bible, Cran- mor s Bible and the Genevan Version. Tho AV is very fully described in the works above mentioned, and in this connection notice is due to Scrivener, The- Author ised Edition of the English Jiihle, 1884, and more esp. to his careful and thorough "Introduction" to the Quarto Parayraph Bible, 187:5. More popular histories of the Biblo are those of Stoughton, Tattison, 1874, and Proverbs fessor Milligan of Glasgow, 1X0"). General histories of England and of Eng. literature may also be profitably consulted on the history of the Bible and its translated into the vernacular, such as those of Hume, Biirnot, Hallam. Froudo, Green and Gardiner. The revision of the AV called forth a largo literature, either in the way of prep aration for it or of criticism of it when carried through. To this literature many of the revisers themselves con tributed, among whom may be mentioned Eadio, Elli- cott, Westcott, Humphry, Newth and Kennedy; nor should the important contributions of Archbishop Trench and Dean Alford, though of a slightly earlier generation, be overlooked. Tho American revisers also republished a series of Essays written by some of their number on Biblical Revision: Its .\\eeessity and Purpose,

    1879; and account should be taken also of the Docu mentary History of the American Committee on Revision prepared by that committee for the use of its members.

    J. HUTCHISON

    ENGRAFT, en-graft (Jas 1 21 AV, RV IM PLANT [q.v.]).

    ENGRAVING, en-grav ing. See CARVING; CRAFTsouth

    EN-HADDAH, en-had a (PHn "py, m fiadddh, "swift fountain"): A town in the lot of Issachar

    mentioned along with En-gannirn (Joshua 19 21). It is probably identical with Kefr Adun, a village some 3 miles west of Jcitln.

    EN-HAKKORE, en-hak o-re, en-hak-6 ro (^2 ^Tpr3, <" hn-korc , "spring of the partridge"): Interpreted (Judges 15 19) as meaning "the spring of him that called." So LXX: ^77777 TOV e-n-LKaXov^vov, }>cyT ton epikaloumenou. The spring was in Lehi but the site is unknown.

    EN-HAZOR, en-ha zor PTH "p" , m ha<;or; TTTj-yr] Ao-6p, pn/t Asi ir): A city in the territory of Naphtali mentioned along with Kedosh, Kdrei and Iron (.Joshua 19 37). The ancient name probably survives in that of Hnzlrcli, on the slopes west of Kodesh. "Kn" however points to a fountain, ami no fountain has been found here.

    ENIGMA, e-nig ma. See ( .AMEsouth

    ENJOIN, en-join : Its usual sense is "to impose something," as a command, a charge; or a direction. In this last sense it is used in Job 36 23, i.e. "Who hath directed?" In Kst 9 31 it means "to com mand"; in Philem ver 8, "to order" or "direct."

    ENLARGE, en-larj , ENLARGEMENT, en- larj ment: "To enlarge" is very frequently used fig.: "God enlarge Japheth" (den 9 27), i.e. "make him a great nation"; or "Thou hast enlarged my steps under me" (2 Samuel 22 37), i.e. "Thou hast given me success." A very peculiar use of "enlarge 1 " is found in AV Psalm 4 1 : "Thou hast enlarged me" (RV "set me at large"), i.e. "Thou hast given me freedom, deliverance from distress." "Our heart is enlarged" (irXarvvu, plututio; 2 Corinthians 611), and "Be ye also enlarged" (ver 13), express great love of one party to another. See also 1 Samuel 2 1, "My mouth is enlarged," i.e. "full of praise." Ezekiel 41 7, "were broader" (AV "an enlarging").

    Enlargement, AV Kst 4 11 from JTH , rawah, "to enlarge," "to respite," is rendered "relief" by RV in better harmony with "deliverance" with which the word is paired. A. L. BRKSLICII

    ENLIGHTEN, en-lit"n:

    (1) "PiX, or, "illumination" in every sense, used in the ordinary sense of giving natural light (Psalm 97 4 AV; see also K/,r 9 Sj or as a sign of health and vigor (1 Samuel 14 27.2!)). "His eyes were enlight ened," lit . "became bright ." He had become weary and faint with the day s exertions and anxieties, and now recovers (see Job 33 30 and of Psalm 13 3). Thus in sickness and grief, the eyes are dull and heavy; dying eyes are glazed; but health and joy render them bright and sparkling, as with a light from within.

    (2) In Psalm 18 28 AV, the word flSt , naghah, fig. describes the believer s deliverance from the gloom of adversity and the restoration of joy in the knowl edge of dod.

    (3) Most frequently the terms so translated 1 mean the giving of spiritual light to the soul (Psalm 19 8; Kph 1 18, <t>tarifa, photizo; He 64; 10 32). This spiritual enlightening the Spirit of dod brings about through the Divine word (Psalm 119 130; 2 Thessalonians 3 15; 2 Pet 1 19). Sin mars the intellectual dis cernment; "but he that is spiritual discerneth all things" (1 Corinthians 2 15 AVin). M. (). EVANS

    EN-MISHPAT, en-mish pat. See KADESH.

    ENMITY, en mi-ti (WSJI , ebhah; c^pa, cch- thra): "Enmity" (hate) occurs as the translated of ebhah in den 3 15, "I will put enmity between thee and



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    the woman, and between thy seed and her seed," and in Numbers 35 21.22, where the absence of enmity on the part of the man-slayer modifies the judgment to be passed on him.

    In the NT "enmity" is the translated of cchthra: Luke 23 12; Rom 8 7, "The mind of the flesh is enmity against God." Jas 4 4, "The friendship of the world is enmity with God" (because "the world" is pre ferred to God); in Ephesians 2 15.10, Christ is said to have "abolished in his flesh the enmity," by His cross to have "slain the enmity," that is, the opposition between Jew and Gentile, creating in Himself "one new man, [so] making peace." See also ABOLISH; HATeast west L. WALKER

    ENNATAN, en a-tan ( Evvardv, Ennatan; AV Eunatan [a misprint]): One of Ezra s messengers to fetch Levites for the temple service (1 Esd 8 44); called "Elnathan" in Ezr 8 16.

    ENOCH, e nok (tpin, hanukh, "initiated"; Ev<o X , Henoch) :

    (1) The eldest son of Cain (Genesis 4 17.18).

    (2) The son of Jared and father of Methuselah, seventh in descent from Adam in the line of Seth (Judo ver 14). He is said (Genesis 5 23) to have lived 365 years, but the brief record of his life is comprised in the words, "Enoch walked with God: and he was not; for God took him" (Genesis 5 24). The expression "walked with God" denotes a devout life, lived in close communion with God, while the reference to his end has always been understood, as by the writer of He, to mean, "By faith Enoch was translated that he should not see death; and he was not found, because God translated him" (He 11 5). See further, APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, II, i, 1. A. C. GRANT

    ENOCH (CITY): In Genesis 4 17 it is narrated that Cain, who had taken up his abode in the land of Nod, east of Eden (ver 16), built there a city, and called it after the name of his firstborn son Enoch. It is impossible to fix more definitely the locality of this first of cities, recorded, as Delitzsch says (Gene sis, in loc.), as registering an advance in civilization. The "city" would be a very simple affair, a place of protection for himself, wife and household, per haps connected with the fear spoken of in 4 14.

    ENOCH, ETHIOPIC, e-thi-op ik, BOOK OF. See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE

    ENOCH, SLAVONIC, sla-von ik, BOOK OF. See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE

    ENOCH, THE BOOK OF THE SECRETS OF.

    See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE

    ENORMITY, e-nor mi-ti: The marginal render ing in AV of Hosea 6 9 for "lewdness," and in RV of Leviticus 18 17; 19 29; 20 14 for "wickedness." In each case it is the 1r of <TET, ziinmdh, meaning origi nally, "thought" or "plot," mostly in a bad sense, lewdness, wickedness; in Leviticus it is unnatural wicked ness incest.

    ENOS, e nos, ENOSH, e nosh (TZJIIK , enosh, "mortal"; Evws, Ends): In the NT (RV and AV) and the OT (AV except 1 Chronicles 1 1), the form is Enos; in the OT (RV and 1 Chronicles 1 1 AV), the form is Enosh. The son of Seth and grandson of Adam (Genesis 4 26; 5 6 -> ; 1 Chronicles 1 1; Luke 3 38). Enosh denotes man as frail and mortal. With Enosh a new religious development began, for "then began men to call upon the name of Jeh" (Genesis 4 26). There seems to be an implied contrast to Genesis 4 17 ->

    which records a development in another depart ment of life, represented by Enoch the son of Cain.

    south F. HUNTER

    ENQUIRE, en-kwir : This is an OE word now obsolescent. It is common in AV. In ARV it is nearly always replaced by the more modern "in quire," a few times by "seek" and "ask," once by "salute" (1 Chronicles 18 10). With this one exception in the OT the change does not affect the meaning. In Acts 23 15, "enquire something more perfectly" is substituted by "judge more exactly." In Matthew 10 11, "search out" replaces it. In Matthew 2 7.16, "learned exactly" replaces "inquired diligently." See INQUIReast

    EN-RIMMON,en-rim on CiTQ-Tpy, <en-rimmon, "the fountain of Rimmon" [see RIMMON], or per haps "the ( spring of the pomegranate"; Epo>|icG0, Eromoth, Pe|i[Aiov, Rhcmmon): A city of Judah (Joshua 15 32), "Ain and Rimmon"; ascribed to Simeon (Joshua 19 7; 1 Chronicles 4 32, "Ain, Rimmon"). In Neh 11 29 mentioned as reinhabited after the Captivity. Zee 14 10, runs: "All the land shall be made like the Arabah, from Geba to Rimmon, south of Jems." It must have been a very south erly place. In the Onom ("Erirnmon") it is de scribed as a "very large village 16 miles south of Eleu- theropolis." Kh. Unrm er Rumatmti, 9 miles north of Beersheba is the usually accepted site. See PEF, 398; Sh XXIV. east west G. MASTEIIMAN

    EN-ROGEL, en-ro gel (byi p?, <m roghel; ^TY^l Pw-y^X, peg? Rlwyti; meaning uncertain, but interpreted by some to mean "the spring of the fuller";:

    No argument from this meaning can be valid because (1) it is a very doubtful rendering and (2) "fulling" vats are common iu the neighborhood of most town springs and are today plentiful at both the proposed sites. (I. A. Smith thinks "spring of the current," or "stream," from Syr ruijulo, more probable.

    (1) En-rogel was an important landmark on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin (Joshua 15 7; 18 16). Here David s spies, Jonathan and Ahimaaz, hid themselves (2 Samuel 17 17), and here (1 Kings 1 9) "Adonijah slew sheep and oxen and Catlings by the stone of Zoheleth, which is beside En-rogel," when he anticipated his father s death and caused himself rebelliously to be proclaimed king.

    (2) The identification of this important landmark is of first-class importance in Jerusalem topography. Two sites have been proposed:

    () The older view identifies En-rogel with the spring known variously as "the Virgin s Fount," Ain sitti Miriam and Ain Umm el deraj, an inter mittent source of water which rises in a cave on the west side of the Kedron valley opposite Siloarn (see GIHON). The arguments that this is the one Jerusalem spring and that this must have been a very im portant landmark are inconclusive. The strongest argument for this view is that put forward by M. Clermont-Ganneau, who found that a rough rock surface on the mountain slope opposite, an ascent to the village of Silwdn, is known as es Zehwcleh, a word in which there certainly appears to linger an echo of Zoheleth. The argument is, however, not as convincing as it seems. Firstly, Zoheleth was a stone; this is a natural rock scarp; such a stone might probably have been transferred from place to place. Secondly, it is quite common for a name to be transferred some miles; instances are numerous. Thirdly, the writer, after frequent inquiries of the fellahin of Silwdn, is satisfied that the name is by no means confined to the rock scarp near the spring, but to the whole ridge running along from here to, or almost to, Bir Eyyub itself. The strongest argu ment against this identification is, however, that



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    then- are so much stronger reasons for identifying the "Virgin s Fount" with (lilion (sec (Jinox), and that the t.\\vo springs En-rogel and (iilion cannot ho at one site, as is clear from (he narrative in 1 Kings 1.

    (h) The view which places En-rogel at Bir Ei/ijub in every way harmoni/es with (lie Bible data. It, has been objected that the latter is not a spring but a well. It is today a well, 12") ft. deep, but one with an inexhaustible supply there must, be a true spring at the bottom. Probably one reason it, only overflows today after periods of heavy rain is that such enormous quantities of debris have now covered the original valley bed that, the water cannot rise to the surface; much of it flows away down the valley deep under the present sur face". The water is brackish and is impregnated with sewage, which is not extraordinary when we remember that, a large part, of the rock strata from which the water comes is overlaid by land con stantly irrigated with the city s sewage.

    Although the well may itself be of considerable antiquity, there is no need to insist that this is^the exact i>i>xiti<i. of the original spring En-rogel. The source may in olden times have arisen at some spot, in the valley bottom which is now deeply buried under tin 1 rubbish, perhaps under the southernmost of the irrigated gardens of the Jdlali m of Xiltnui. The neighborhood, at. the junction of two deep valleys not. to count, the small d iratl, the ancient Tyropujon is a natural place for a spring. There would appear to have been considerable disturb ance here. An enormous amount, of debris from various destructions of the city has collected here, but, besides this, Jos records a tradition which appears to belong to this neighborhood. lie says (Ant, IX, x, -1) that an earthquake took place once at Erone which appears to be En-rogel when "half of the mountain broke off from the remainder on the west, and rolling 4 furlongs, came to stand on the eastern mountain till the roads, as well as the king s gardens, were blocked. It is sufficient that, En-rogel is to be located either at tt \\r Ki/i/uli or in its immediate neighborhood; for practical purposes the former will do. En-rogel was an important point on the boundary line between Judah and Benjamin. The line passed down the lower end of the Kidron valley, past, En-rogel ( lltr Kuynli) and then up the Valley of Hinnom (Wadij < r Rababi) a boundary well adapted to the natural con- dit ions.

    With regard to David s spies (2 Samuel 17 17), where as the Virgin s Fount the great, source of the city s water supply (see (imoNj just below the city walls (see XION) was an impossible place of hiding, this lower source, out. of sight of almost the whole city and removed a considerable distance from its near est point, was at. least a possible place. Further, the farts that it was off the main road, that it, afforded a supply of one of the main necessities .of life -water -and that there were, as there are today, many natural caves in the neighborhood, greatly added to its suitability.

    Here too was a most appropriate place for Adoni- jah s plot (1 Kings 1 U). He and his confederates dared not, go to O-ihon, the original sacred spring, but had to content themselves with a spot more secluded, though doubtless still sacred. It is re corded (1 Kings 1 40.41) that the adherents of Solo mon saluted him at (iihon (the Virgin s Fount) and the people "rejoiced with great joy, so that the earth rent, with the sound of them. And Adonijah and all the guests that were with him [at En-rogel] heard it as they had made an end of eating." The relative; positions of these two springs allow of a vivid reconstruction of the narrative; as do no other proposed identifications. The two spots are out of

    sight, the one of the other, but, not, so far that the shout of a multitude at the one could not be carried to the other. east west (I. MASTERMAN

    ENROLMENT, TAX.

    n-rol ment. See QUIRINIUS;

    ENSAMPLE, en-sam p l. See EXAMPLeast

    EN-SHEMESH, en-she mesh .s//r///(.s//, "spring of the sun"): An important, land mark on the boundary line between Judah and Benjamin (Joshua 15 7; 18 17). The little spring Mm fl /niiiil, east of Bethany, the last spring on the road descending to Jericho, seems to suit the condi tions. .\\in (I hand is usually called the "Apostles Fountain" by Christians, on account of a tradition dating from the 15th cent, that the apostles drank there.

    ENSIGN, en sln. See BANNER.

    ENSUE, en-su : Synonymous with "to pursue," "ensue" is found in 1 Pet 3 11 AV as a translated of Sito/cw, <l!ol;<~>, "to follow after," "to pursue." Also in Jth 9 5, "such as ensued after" (TO. /^reVeira, t i t< li iicita, "the things that follow").

    ENTANGLE, en-tan g l: Found but 5 1 in the Scriptures (AV), once in the OT, yet, most signifi cant as illustrating the process of mental, moral and spiritual confusion and enslavement.

    (1) I sed of itlujsical entanglement, as in the mazes of a labyrinth (=p2 , hilkli, "to involve," "be per plexed"). At Moses command the children of Israel, before crossing the Ked Sea, took the wrong way in order to give Pharaoh the impression that they were lost in the wilderness and cause him to say "They are entangled in the land" (Exodus 14 3).

    (2) Modal: TrayiSevu, pa/jidcud, "to entrap," "ensnare," with words, as birds are caught in a snare; cf Eccl 9 12. The Pharisees sought to "entangle" (RV "ensnare",) Jesus in His talk (Matthew 22 15).

    (3) Moral: e/j.ir\\tKu, cmpl( L-<>, "to inweave," hence intertwine and involve. "A good soldier of Jesus Christ," says Paul, does not, "entangle himself," i.e. become involved, "in the affairs of this life" (2 Thessalonians 2 4). Having "escaped the defilements of the world," Christians are not to be again en tangled therein" (2 Pet 2 20).

    (4) Kni ritual: tvdxu, CIK C/IO, "to hold in," hence to hold captive, as a slave, in fetters or under a burden. Having experienced spiritual emancipa tion, freedom, through Christ from bondage to sin and false religion (Galatians 51; cf 4 S), the Gentiles were not to become "entangled again in a yoke of bondage" by submission to mere legal require ments, as the external rite of circumcision.

    With reference to the thoroughness _ and irresist- ibleness of God s judgments, we read in Nah 1 10, "For entangled like thorns" (AV "while they be folden together as thorns"), damp, closely packed and intertwined, "they are consumed utterly as dry stubble" (AV "devoured as stubble fully dry").

    DWK;HT M. PRATT

    EN-TAPPUAH, en-tap fi-a, en-ta-pu a (HlEI? f^, V/i lni>i>ti"h; irn-yT] 0a<J>0<i0, pege Thaphthoth, "apple spring"): Probably in the land of Tappuah which belonged to Alanasseh, although Tappuah, on the border of Manasseh, belonged to Ephraim (Joshua 17 7 f). It lay on the border of Ephraim which ran southward east of Shechem, and is probably to be identified with the spring at Yusilf, about 3 miles north of Lebonah.

    ENTREAT, en-tret . See INTREAT.



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    ENVY, en vi (Htflp, kin 1 ah; TJ\\OS, zelos, 4>96vos, phthonos): "Envy," from Lat in, "against," and video, "to look," "to look with ill-will," etc, toward another, is an evil strongly condemned in both the OT and the NT. It is to be distinguished from jeal ousy. "We are jealous of our own; we arc envious of another man s possessions. Jealousy fears to lose what it has; envy is pained at seeing another have" (Crabb s Eng. Synonyms ). In the OT it is the translated of kin ah from hand , "to redden," "to glow" (Job 5 2, RV "jealousy," m "indignation"; in Isaiah 26 11 RV renders "see thy zeal for the people" ; Proverbs 27 4, etc); the vb. occurs in Genesis 26 14, etc; Numbers 11 29 AV; Psalm 106 10; Proverbs 3 31, etc; in the NT it is the translated of phthonos,^ "envy" (Alt 27 18; Rom 1 29; Galatians 6 21, "envyings," etc); of zclos, "zeal," "jealousy," "envy" (Acts 13 45), translated 1 "envy ing," RV "jealousy" (Rom 13 13; 1 Corinthians 3 3; 2 Corinthians 12 20; Jas 3 14.16); the vb. phtlionco occurs in Galatians 5 2(5; zeloo in Acts 79; 17 5, RV "moved with jealousy"; 1 Corinthians 13 4, "charity [RV "love"] envicth not."

    The power of envy is stated in Proverbs 27 4: "Who is able to stand before envy?" (RV "jealousy"); its evil effects are depicted in Job 5 2 (RV "jealousy"), in Proverbs 14 30 (RVm "jealousy"); it led to the cru cifixion of Christ (Matthew 27 IS; Mark 15 10); it is one of "the works of the flesh" (Galatians 5 21; cf Rom 1 29; 1 Thessalonians 6 4); Christian believers are earnestly warned against it (Rom 13 13 AV; 1 Corinthians 3 3 AV; Galatians 5 20; 1 Pet 21). In Jas 4 5 "envy" is used in a good sense, akin to the jealousy ascribed to God. Where AV has "The spirit that dwelleth in us lust- eth to envy," RV reads "Doth the spirit which he made to dwell in us long unto envying?"; A RVm "The spirit which he made to dwell in us he yearncth for even unto jealous envy"; cf Jeremiah 3 14; Hosea 2 19 f; or ERVm "That spirit which he made to dwell in us yearneth [for us] even unto jealous envy." This last seems to give the sense; cf "Ye adulteresses" (ver 4), ARVm "That is, who break your marriage vow to God." west L. WALKER

    EPAENETUS, ep-e ne-tus ( EircuveTos, Epai- netos, "praised"): One of the Christians at Rome to whom greetings arc sent by Paul (Rom 16 5). All that is known of him is told here. Paul describes him as (1) "my beloved," (2) "who is the firstfruits of Asia unto Christ." TR has "firstfruits of Achaia" but this wrong reading is due to 1 Corinthians 16 15. He was one of the first Christians in the Rom province of Asia.

    This salutation brings up the question of the des tination of vs 3-10, for it is argued that they are addressed to the church in Ephesus owing to the fact that Prisca and Aquila and Epaenetus are known to have dwelt in Asia. On the other hand, there are more than 20 others in this list who are not known to have spent any time in Asia. Prisca and Aquila had once dwelt in Rome (Acts 18 2), and there is nothing unusual in an Ephesian dwell ing in the capital of _ the empire. An interesting discovery was made in Rome of an inscription in which was the name of Epaenetus, an Ephesian.

    south F. HUNTEB

    EPAPHRAS, ep a-fras ( Eira^pas, Epaphras): A contracted form of Epaphroditus. He must not, however, be confounded with the messenger of the Philippian community. He was with Paul during a part of his 1st Rom imprisonment, joining in Paul s greetings to Philemon (Philem ver 23). Epa- phras was the missionary by whose instrumentality the Colossians had been converted to Christianity (Colossians 1 7), and probably the other churches of the Lycus had been founded by him. In sending his salutation to the Colossians Paul testified, "lie hath much labor for you, and for them in Laodicea, and

    for them in Hierapolis" (Colossians 4 13). Epaphras had brought to Paul good news of the progress of the gospel, of their "faith in Christ Jesus" and of their love toward all the saints (Colossians 1 4). Paul s regard for him is shown by his designating him "our be loved fellow-servant," "a faithful minister of Christ" (Colossians 1 7), and "a bondservant of Christ Jesus" (Colossians 4 12m). The last designation Paul uses several times of himself, but only once of another besides Epaphras (Philippians 11). south F. HTNTER

    EPAPHRODITUS, r-paf-ro-di tus ( E Epaphrdditos, "lovely"): Mentioned only in Philippians 2 25; 4 18. The name corresponds to the Lat Ve- nustus (=handsomc), and was very common in the Rom period. "The name occurs very frequently in inscriptions both Gr and Lat, whether at full length Epaphroditus, or in its contracted form Epaphras" (Light foot, Philippians, 123). Epaphroditus was the delegate of the Christian community at Philippi, sent with their gift to Paul during his first Rom im prisonment. Paul calls him "my brother and fellow- worker and fellow-soldier." "The three words are arranged in an ascending scale: common sympathy, common work, common danger and toil and suffer ing" (Lightfoot, I.e.). On his arrival at Rome, Epaphroditus devoted himself to "the work of Christ," both as Paul s attendant and as his assist ant in missionary work. So assiduously did he labor that he lost his health, and "was sick nigh unto death." He recovered, however, and Paul sent him back to Philippi with this letter to quiet the alarm of his friends, who had heard of his serious illness. Paul besought for him that the church should receive him with joy and hold him in honor.

    south F. HL T NTER

    EPHAH, e fa (nB^y, *cphiih, "darkness"; Te^dp, Cephdr [Genesis 25 4], Taicfxi, dai.phd [Isaiah 60 OJ): The name of three persons in the OT, both masc. and fern.

    (1) The son of Midian, descended from Abraham by his wife Keturah (Genesis 25 4 = 1 Chronicles 1 33), mentioned again in Isaiah 60 as a transporter of gold and frankincense from Sheba, who shall thus bring enlargement to Judah and praise to Jeh. Accord ing to Fried. Delitzsch, Sdirader, and HommeL *Ei>h<~th is an abbreviation of *Ayappa, the Kha- yappa Arabs of the time of Tiglath-pilescr 111 and Sargon. See treatment of this view in Dillmann s Coin in. on (Icn, (25 4).

    (2) A concubine of Caleb (1 Chronicles 2 40).

    (3) The son of Jahdai, a descendant of Judah (1 Chronicles 2 47). CHARLES B. WILLIAMS

    EPHAH, e fa (HE^S , cphafi): A dry measure of about one bushel capacity. It corresponds to the bath in liquid measure and was the standard for measuring grain and similar art ides since it is classed with balances and weights (Leviticus 19 30; Am 8 5) in the injunctions regarding just dealing in trade. In Zee 5 0-10 it, is used for the utensil itself (see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES).

    EPHAI, e fl, e fft-I pin!? , epJiai/, in rC-Ye, ^ *ophai, in K lhlbh; Io>4>, lo/tltc, n<|), ()plii>, "gloomy," "obscuring," in LXN): "The Netopha- thite," whose sons were numbered among "the cap tains of the forces" left in Judah after the carrying away to Babylon (Jeremiah 40 [LXX 47] 8). His sons assembled at Mizpah with Gedaliah, governor of the scattered Jews, and with him were slain by Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah (Jeremiah 41 3).

    EPHER, e fer ("!?, cpht-r, "calf," "young deer"; "A<J>p, .-1 />)IIT, "O<j>p, Oplicr) :

    (1) r rh(! .second son of Midian, descended from



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    Abraham by his wife Keturuh (Genesis 25 4; 1 Chronicles 1 33). Sec further Dillmann s Connn. on Genesis (25 4).

    (2) The third son of Ezra, descended from the tribe of Judah (1 Chronicles 4 17).

    (3) The first of live heads of their fathers houses, mighty men of valor, famous men," in the half- tribe of Manasseh, who dwelt between Bashan and Ml. Hermon (I Chronicles 5 23.24).

    EPHES-DAMMIM, e-fes-dam im t l>fie$ danunun): Some spot between Socoh and Azekah (1 Samuel 17 1) where the Philis were encamped;

    called in 1 Chronicles 11 13, "Pas-dammin." Ephes = "end of" or "boundary" and the whole won! may mean the "boundary of blood." The deep red color of the newly ploughed earth in this situation is noticeable and may have given origin to the idea of "blood" (cf ADAMMIM). Clieyne suggests that from C" 1 ^"^ , ddhuinntut, to C n ^2~ , dinnin nn, is an easy step, and that the former, meaning "red brown earth," may have been the original. No other satis factory locality has been found to explain the name or fix the site. east west G. MASTKHMAX

    EPHESIAN, e-fe zhan ( E^o-ios, Ephcsios), EPHESIANS, e-fe zhanz: A term which, as in Ads 19 2south34.35 and 21 29, was applied to those natives or residents of the city of Ephesus who were adher ents of the cult of the goddess Diana. A Jew or a Christian, though a native of Ephesus, would prob ably have been designated as such, rather than as an Ephesian.

    EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE:

    I. Arm KNTICITV

    1. Kxtrrii.il Kvidrwc

    2. Internal Evidence

    II. I I.ACK AND DA.TK (IK WKITINU

    III. DKSTI \\.\\ TICKS

    1. Title

    2. The Inscription

    :5. The Kvidencu of the Letter Itself 4. Conclusion

    IV. KKI.ATION TO OTHKK NT WRITINGS

    1. Peter

    2. Johanninc Writings :i. Colossians

    V. THK PUHPOSE

    VI. AliCUTMKNT VII. TKACHING

    LITERATURE

    /. Authenticity. None of the epistles which are ascribed to St. Paul have a stronger chain of evi

    dence to their early and continued use 1. External than that which we know as the Epistle Evidence to the Ephesians. Leaving for the

    moment the question of the relation of p]ph to other NT writings, we find that it not only colors the phraseology of the Apostolic Fathers, but is actually quoted. In Clement of Rome (c 95 AD) the connection with Ephesians might be due to some common liturgical form in xlvi.G (cf Ephesians 4 6); though the resemblance is so close that we must feel that our epistle was known to Clement both here and in Ixiv (cf Ephesians 1 3-4); xxxviii (cf 5 21); xxxvi (cf 4 IS); lix (cf 1 IS; 4 IS). Ignatius (d. 115) shows numerous points of contact with Ephesians, esp. in his Epistle to the Ephesians. In cap. xii we read: "Ye are associates and fellow students of the mysteries with Paul, who in every letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus." It is difficult to decide the exact meaning of the phrase "every letter," but in spite of the opinion of many scholars that it must be rendered "in all his epistle," i.e. in every part of his epistle, it is safer to take it as an exaggeration, "in all his epistles," justified to some extent in the fact that besides Ephesians St. Paul does mention the Ephesian Christians in Rorn (16 5); 1 Corinthians (15 32; 16 8.19); 2 Corinthians (1 8f); 1 Thessalonians (1 3) and 2 Thessalonians (1 18). In the opening address the connection with Ephesians 1 3-G is too close to be

    accidental. There are echoes of our epistle in cap. i (6 1); ix (2 20-22); xviii (oikonomia, 1 10); xx (2 IS; 4 24); and in I gnat, ad Polyc.v we have close identity with Ephesians 5 25 and less certain con nection with Ephesians 4 2, and in vi with Ephesians 6 13-17. The Epistle; of Polycarp in two passages shows ver bal agreement with Ephesians: in cap. i with Ephesians 1 8, and in xii with Ephesians 4 2(5, where we have (the Gr is missing here) tit his scriptiiria did inn cut. Hennas speaks of the grief of the Holy Spirit in such a way as to suggest Ephesians (Maud. X, ii; cf Ephesians 4 30). Sim. IX, xiii, shows a knowledge of Ephesians 4 3-G, and possibly of 5 2(5 and 1 13. In the Did (4) we find a i to Ephesians 6 5: "Servants submit yourselves to your masters." In Barnabas there are two or three turns of phrase that are possibly due to Ephesians. There is a slightly stronger connection between II Clement and Ephesians, esp. in cap. xiv, where we have the Ephesian figure of the church as the body of Christ, and the relation between them referred to in terms of husband and wife.

    This early evidence, slight though it is, is strength ened by the part Ephesians played in the 2d cent, where, as we learn from Hippolytus, it was used by the Ophites and Basilides and Valentinus. The latter (according to Hip., Philippians., VI, 29) quoted Ephesians 3 16-1S, saying, "This is what has been written in j Scripture," while his disciple Ptolemais is said by Irenaeus (Adr. Ilmr , i.S, 5) to have attributed Ephesians 5 13 to St. Paul by name. According to the addenda to the eighth book of the Stromateis of Clement of Alexandria, Theodotus, a contemporary of Valentinus, quoted Ephesians 4 10 and 30 with the words: "The apostle says," and attributes Ephesians 4 24 to St. Paul. Marcion knew Ephesians as Tertullian tells us, identifying it with the epistle referred to in Colossians 4 16 as ad Laodiccnos. \\Ve find it in the Mura- torian Fragment (10/>, 1. 20) as the second of the epistles which "Paul wrote following the example of his predecessor John." It is used in the letter from the church of Lyons and Vienne and by Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen and later writers. We can well accept the dictum of Dr. Ilort that it- "is all but certain on this evidence that the Epistle was in existence by 95 AD; quite certain that it was in existence by about fifteen years later or conceivably a little more" (Hort, Judtiixtic < hristianily, 118).

    To this very strong chain of external evidence, reaching back to the very beginning of the 2d cent., if not into the end of the 1st, showing 2. Internal Ephesians as part of the original Pauline Evidence collection which no doubt Ignatius and Polycarp used, we must add the evidence of the epistle itself, testing it to see if there be any reason why the letter thus early at tested should not be accredited to the apostle.

    (1) That it claims to be written by St. Paul is seen not only in the greeting, "Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus through the will of God, to the saints that are at Ephesus," but also in 3 1, where we read: "For this cause I Paul, the prisoner of Christ Jesus in behalf of you Gentiles," a phrase which is continued in 4 1: "I therefore, the prisoner in the Lord." This claim is substantiated by the general character of the epistle which is written after the Pauline norm, with greeting and thanksgiving, leading on to and serving as the introduction of the special doctrinal teaching of the epistle. This is the first great division of the Pauline epistles and is regularly followed by an application of the teach ing to practical matters, which in turn yields to personal greetings, or salutations, and the final bene diction, commonly written by the apostle s own hand. In only one particular does Ephesians fail to answer completely to this outline. The absence of the personal greetings has always been marked



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    as a striking peculiarity of our letter. The explana tion of this peculiarity will meet us when we con sider the destination of the epistle (see III below).

    (2) Further evidence for the Pauline authorship is found in the general style and language of the letter. We may agree with von Soden (Early Christ. Lit., 294) that "every sentence contains verbal echoes of Pauline epistles, indeed except when ideas peculiar to the Epistle come to expression it is simply a mosaic of Pauline phraseology," without accepting his conclusion that St. Paul did not write it. We feel, as we read, that we have in our hands the work of one with whom the other epistles have made us familiar. Yet we are conscious none the less of certain subtle differences which give occasion for the various arguments that critics have brought against the claim that St. Paul is the actual author. This is not questioned until the beginning of the last century, but has been since Schleiermacher and his disciple Usteri, though the latter published his doubts before his master did his. The Tubingen scholars attacked the epistle mainly on the ground of supposed traces of Gnostic or Montanist influ ences, akin to those ascribed to the Colossians. Later writers have given over this claim to put for ward others based on differences of style (De Wette, followed by Holtzmann, von Soden and others); dependence on Colossians (Hitxig, Holtzmann); the attitude to the Apostles (von Soden); doctrinal differences, esp. those that concern Christology and the Parousia, the conception of the church (Kloppcr, Wrede and others). The tendency, however, seems to be backward toward a saner view of the questions involved; and most of those who do not accept the Pauline authorship would probably agree with Jiilicher (EB), who ascribes it to a "Pauline Chris tian intimately familiar with the Pauline epistles, esp. with Colossians, writing about 90," who sought in Ephesians "to put in a plea for the true Catholicism in the meaning of Paul and in his name."

    (3) Certain of these positions require that we should examine the doctrinal objections, (a) First of these is the claim that Ephesians has a different con ception of the person and work of Christ from the acknowledged epistles of St. Paul. Not only have we the exaltation of Christ which we find in Colossians 1 16 ->, but the still further statement that it was God s purpose from the beginning to "sum up all things in Christ, the things in the heavens, and the t hings upon the earth" (Ephesians 1 10). This is no more than the natural expansion of the term, "all things," which are attributed to Christ in 1 Corinthians 8 6, and is an idea which has at least its foreshadowing in Rom 8 19.20 and 2 Corinthians 5 18.19. The relation be tween Christ and the church as given in 1 22 and 5 23 is in entire agreement with St. Paul s teaching in Rom 12 and 1 Corinthians 12. It is still the Pauline figure of the church as the body of Christ, in spite of the fact that Christ is not thought of as the head of that body. The argument in the epistle does not deal with the doctrine of the cross from the stand point of the earlier epistles, but the teaching is ex actly the same. There is redemption (1 7.14; 4 30); reconciliation (2 14-16); forgiveness (1 7; 4 32). The blood of Christ shed on the cross redeems us from our sin and restores us to God. In like man ner it is said that the Parousia is treated (2 7) as something far off. But St. Paul has long since given up the idea that it is immediately; even in 2 Thessalonians 2 he shows that an indeterminate interval must intervene, and in Rom 11 25 he sees a period of time yet unfulfilled before the end. (b) The doc trine of the church is the most striking contrast to the earlier epistles. We have already dealt with the relation of Christ to the church. The concep tion of the church universal is in advance of the earlier epistles, but it is the natural climax of the

    development of the apostle s conception of the church as shown in the earlier epistles. Writing from Rome with the idea of the empire set before him, it was natural that Paul should see the church as a great whole, and should use the word ecdesia absolutely as signifying the oneness of the Christian brotherhood. As a matter of fact the word is used in this absolute sense in 1 Corinthians 12 28 before the Captivity Epistles (cf 1 Corinthians 1 2; 10 32). The emphasis here on the unity of Jew and Gentile in the church finds its counterpart in the argument of the Epistle to the Rom, though in Ephesians this is "urged on the basis of God s purpose and Chris tian faith, rather than on the Law and the Promises." Neither is it true that in Ephesians the Law is spoken of slightingly, as some say, by the reference to circum cision (211). In no case is the doctrinal portion of the epistle counter to that of the acknowledged Pauline epistles, though in the matter of the church, and of Christ s relationship to it and to the universe, there is evidence of progress in the apostle s con ception of the underlying truths, which none the less find echoes in the earlier writings. "New doc trinal ideas, or a new proportion of these ideas, is no evidence of different authorship." (c) In the matter of organization the position of Ephesians is not in any essential different from what we have in 1 Corinthians.

    (4) The linguistic argument is a technical matter of the use of Gr words that cannot well be discussed here. The general differences of style, the longer "turgid" sen tences, the repetitions on the one hand; the lack of argu ment, the full, swelling periods on the other, find their counterpart in portions of Rom. The minute differences which show themselves in new or strange words will be much reduced in number when we take from the list those that are due to subjects which the author does not discuss elsewhere (e.g. those in the list of armor in 6 13 ->). Holtzmann (Einl, 25) gives us a list of these hdpax legd- mcua (75 in all). But there are none of these which, as Lock says, St. Paul could not have used, though there are certain which lie does not use elsewhere and others which are only found in his accepted writings and here. The following stand out as affording special ground for objection. The phrase "heavenly places" (td epourd- nia, 1 3.20; 2 6; 3 10; 6 12) is peculiar to this epistle. The phrase finds a partial in 1 ("or 15 49 and the thought is found in Philippians 3 20. The devil (ho didbolos, 4 27; 6 11) is used in place of the more usual Satan (satan<is). But in Acts St. Paul is quoted as using dia- bnlos in 13 10 and satanas in 26 18. It is at least natural that ho would have used the Gr term when writing from Rome to a (ir-speaking community. The objection to the expression "holy" (hayiois) apostles (3 5) falls to the ground when we remember that the expression "holy " (lidi/ios) is St. Paul s common word for Christian and that he uses it of himself in this very epistle (3 8). In like manner "mystery" (musterion), "dispensation" (oikonomia) are found in other epistles in the same sense that we find them in here.

    The attack on the epistle fails, whether it is made from the point of teaching or language; and there is no ground whatever for questioning the truth of Christian tradition that St. Paul wrote the letter which w r e know as the Epistle to the Ephesians.

    //. Place and Date of Writing. The time and place of his writing Ephesians turn on the larger question of the chronology of St. Paul s life (see PAUL) and the relation of the Captivity Epistles to each other; and the second question whether they were written from Caesarea or Rome (for this see PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO). Suffice it here to say that the place was undoubtedly Rome, and that they were written during the latter part of the two years captivity which we find recorded in Acts 28 30. The date will then be, following the later chronology, 63 or 64 AD; following the earlier, which is, in many ways, to be preferred, about 58 AD.

    ///. Destination. To whom was this letter

    written? The title says to the Ephesians. With this

    the witness of the early church almost

    1. Title universally agrees. It _ is distinctly

    stated in the Muratorian Fragment

    (106, 1. 20); and the epistle is quoted as to the

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    Ephesians by Irenaeus (Adr. Hacr., v.14, 3; 24, 3); Tcrtullian (A<lr. Marc., v.ll, 17; DC I nicsc., 36; De MOIKUJ., \\); Clement of Alexandria (Xtrom., iv.05; I m (I., i.lS) and Origen (Contra Celsum,iu.2fY). To these must, be added the evidence of the extant MSS and YSS, \\vhieh unite in ascribing the epistle to 1he Ephcsians. The only exception lo the universal evi dence is Tcrlullian .s account of Marcion (cir l.~>() AD) \\vho reads Ail Landici /tox (Adr. Mure., v.ll : "1 say nothing here about another epistle which \\ve have with ihe heading to the Ephesians, but the heretics to the Laodiceans .... [v.17]: Accord ing to the true belief of the church we hold this epistle to have been dispatched to the Ephesians, not. to the Laodiceans; but. Marcion had to falsify its title, wishing to make himself out a very diligent investigator").

    This almost universal evidence for Ephesus as the destination of our epistle is shattered when we turn to the reading of the first verse. 2. The In- Here according to Tit we read "Paul scription unto the saints which are at. Ephesus [< n K/ilictstl] and to the faithful in Christ Jesus." When we look at the evidence for this reading we find that the two words en KfihcKi ) are lacking in Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Yati- canus, and that the corrector of the cursive known as (>7 lias .struck them out of his copy. Besides these a recently described MS, Cod. Laura LS4, giving us a text which is so closely akin to 1 hat Used by Origen that the scribe suggests (hat it was com piled from Origcn s writings, omits these words (Robinson, E i>/n xidnx, 2 . (3). To this strong manu script evidence against the inclusion of these two words in the inscription we must add the evidence of ( >rigen and Basil. Origen, as (moled in Cramer s Cdli iKi. ad loc., writes: "In the Ephesians alone we found the expression to the saints which are, and we ask, unless the phrase which are is redundant, what it can mean. May it not be 1 hat as in Exodus I le who speaks to Moses declares His name to be the Absolute One, so also those who are partakers of the Absolute become existent when they are called, as it were, from non-being into being?" Origen evidently knows nothing here of any reading <->i {: />li< xi~>, but takes the words "which are" in an abso lute, metaphysical sense. Basil, a century and a half later, probably refers to this comment of Origen (Contra Eun., ii.lty saying: "But moreover, when writing to the Ephesians, as to men who are truly united with the Absolute One through clear knowledge, he names them as existent ones in a peculiar phrase, saying to the saints which are and faithful in Christ, Jesus. l- or so those who were before us have handed it down, and we also have found [this reading] in old copies." In Jerome s note on this verse there is perhaps a reference to this comment on ( >rigen, but the passage is too indefinite ly expressed for us to be sure what its bearing on the reading really is. The later writers quoted by Light foot (Ilih. A .s-.sv; 1/8, 3S-I f) cannot, as Robinson slums (Ephesians, 2 ( .)3), be used as witnesses against, the Text us Receptus. "We may therefore conclude that the reading en Ejilicxo was wanting in many early MSS, ami that there is good ground for questioning its place in the original autograph.

    But the explanations suggested for the passage, as it stands without the words, offend Pauline usage so completely that we cannot accept them. To take "which are" in the phrase the saints which are" (to is oiisin) as absolute, as Origen did; or as meaning "truly," is impossible. It is possible to take the words with what follows, "and faithful" (lent ;H.S/.S), and interpret this latter expression (/>/.s/o/.s) either in the NT sense of "believers" or in the classical sense of "steadfast." The clause would then read either "to the saints who are also

    believers," or "to the saints who are also faithful," i.e. steadfast. Neither of these is wholly in accord with St. Paul s normal usage, but they are at least possible.

    The determining factor in the question of the des tination of the epistle lies in the epistle itself. Y\\ e must not forget that, save perhaps

    3. The Corinth, there was no church with Evidence which Paul was so closely associated of the as that in Ephesus. His long resi- Letter dence there, of which we read in Acts Itself (chs 19, 20), finds no echo in ourepist le.

    Then 1 is no greeting to anyone of the Christian community, many of whom were probably intimate friends. The close personal ties, that the scene of Acts 20 17-3S shows us existed between him and his converts in Ephcsus, an; not even hinted at. The epistle is a calm discussion, un touched with the warmth of personal allusion be yond the bare statement that the writer is a prisoner (31; 4 1), and his commendation of Tvchicus (6 21.22), who was to tell them about St. Paul s condition in Rome. This lack of personal touch is intensified by the assumption underlying chs 3 and 4 that the readers do not know his knowledge of the mysteries of Christ. In 3 2 and 4 21.22 there is a particle (c n/c, "if indeed") which suggests at least, sonic question as to how far St. Paul himself was the missionary through whom they believed. All through the epistle there is a lack of those elements which are so constant in the other epistles, which mark the close personal fellowship and acquaint ance between the apostle and those to whom he is writing.

    This element in the epistle, coupled with the strange fact of Marcion s attributing it to the Laodi ceans, and the expression in Colossians 4 10

    4. Conclu- that points to a Idler coming from La- sion odicea to Colosse, has led most writers

    of the present day to accept I ssher s suggestion that the epistle is really a circular letter to t he churches either in Asia, or, perhaps better, in that part of Phrygia which lies near Colosse. The readers were evidently (lentiles (21; 3 1.2) and from the mission of Tvchicus doubtless of a definite locality, though for the reasons given above this could not well be Ephesus alone. It is barely possi ble that the cities to whom St. John was bidden to write the Revelation (Hev 1 3) are the same as those to whom St. Paul wrote t his epistle, or it may be that they were the churches of the Lycus valley and its immediate neighborhood. The exact loca tion cannot be determined. But from the fact that Marcion attributed the epistle to Laodicea, possibly because it was so written in the first verse, and from the connection with Colossians, it is at least probable that two of these churches were at C olosse and Laodicea. On this theory the letter would seem to have been written from Rome to churches in the neighborhood of, or accessible to, Colosse, deal ing with the problem of Christian unity and fellow ship and the relations between Christ and the church and sent, to them by the hands of Tychicus. The inscription was to be filled in by the bearer, or copies were to be made with the name of the local church written in, and then sent to or left with the different churches. It was from Ephesus, as the chief city of Asia in all probability, that copies of this circular let ter reached the church in the world, and from this fact the letter came to be known in the church at large as that from Ephesus, and the title was writ ten "to the Ephesians," and the first verse was made to read to the "saints which an; in Ephesus."

    IV. Relation to Other New Testament Writings. Ephesians raises a still further question by the close resemblances that, can be traced between it and various other NT writings.



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    The connection between Ephesians and 1 Pet is not

    beyond question. In spite of the disclaimer of as

    careful a writer as Dr. Bigg (ICC) it

    1. 1 Peter is impossible to follow up the references

    given by Holtzmann and others and not feel that St. Peter either knew Ephesians or at the very least had discussed these subjects with its author. For, as Dr. Hort tells us, the similarity is one of thought and structure rather than of phrase. The following are the more striking passages with their parallels in 1 Pet: Ephesians 1 3 (1 Pet 1 3); 1 18-20 (1 Pet 1 3-5); 2 18-22 (1 Pet 2 4-6); 1 20-22 (1 Pet 3 22); 39 (1 Pet 1 20); 3 20 (1 Pet 1 12); 4 19 (1 Pet 1 14). The explana tions that 1 Pet and Ephesians are both from the pen of the same writer, or that Ephesians is based on 1 Pet, are overthrown, among other reasons, by the close rela tion between Ephesians and Colossians.

    The connection with the Apocalypse is based on Epli 2 20 as compared with The Revelations 21 14; Ephesians 3 5

    and The Revelations 10 7; Ephesians 5 11 and The Revelations

    2. Johan- 18 4, and the figure of the bride of nine the Lamb (Hev 19 7; cf Ephesians 5 25). Writings Holtzmann adds various minor simi larities, but none of these are sufficient

    to prove any real knowledge of, let alone depend ence on Ephesians. The contact with the Fourth Gospel is more positive. Love (ag<i/>e) and knowledge (<//(&&gt; /,s) are used in the same sense in both Ephesians and the Gospel. The application of the Messianic title, the Beloved (Ephesians 1 G), to Christ does not appear in the Gospel (it is found in Matthew 3 17), but the state ment of the Father s love for Him constantly recurs. The reference to the going up and coming down of Christ (Ephesians 4 9) is closely akin to John 3 13 ("No man hath ascended into heaven, but he," etc). So, too, Ephesians 5 11.13 finds echo in John 3 19.20; Ephesians 4 4.7 in John 3 34; Ephesians 5 6 in John 3 30. Ephesians 5 8 f is akin to 1 John 1 G and Ephesians 2 3 to 1 John 3 10. When we turn to Colossians we find a situation that is without parallel in the NT. Out of 155 verses in Ephesians, 78 are found in Colossians in varying

    3. Colos- degrees of identity. Among them are sians these: Ephesians 1 G !j Colossians 1 13; Ephesians 1

    IGff || Colossians 1 9; Ephesians 1 21ff || Colossians 1 10 ->; Ephesians 2 10 || Colossians 2 20; Ephesians 4 2 || Colossians 3 12; Ephesians 4 15 Colossians 2 19; Ephesians 4 22 || Colossians 3 9; Ephesians 4 32 Colossians 3 12 IT; Ephesians 5 5 Ij Colossians 3 5; Ephesians 6 19 -> || Colossians 3 10 ->; Ephesians 6 4 Colossians 3 21; Ephesians 6 5-9 || Colossians 3 22-4 1. For a fuller list see Abbott (ICC, xxiii). Not only is this so, but there is an identity of treat ment, a similarity in argument so great that Bishop Barry (\\T Conn. for Unq. Readers, Ellicott) can make a || analysis showing the divergence and similarity by the simple device of different type. To this we must add that there are at least a dozen Gr words common to these two epistles not found elsewhere. Over against this similarity is to be set the dissimilarity. The general subject of the epistles is not approached from the same standpoint. In one it is Christ as the head of all creation, and our duty in consequence. In the other it is the church as the fulness of Christ and our duty put con stantly in the same words in consequence thereof. In Ephesians W T C have a number of OT references, in Colossians only one. In Ephesians we have unique phrases, of which "the heavenly spheres" (ta epourania) is most strik ing, and the whole treatment of the relation of Jew and Gentile in the church, and the marriage tie as exemplified in the relation between Christ and the church. In Colossians we have in like manner distinct passages which have no || in Ephesians, esp. the contro versial section in ch 2, and the salutations. In truth, as Davies (Ep. St. Paul to Ep/i, Colossians, and PJiil) well says: "It is difficult indeed to say, con cerning the patent coincidences of expression in the two epistles, whether the points of likeness or of

    unlikeness between them are the more remarkable." This situation has given rise to various theories. The most complicated is that of II. Holtzmann, who holds that some passages point to a priority of Colossians, others to that of Ephesians; and as a result he believes that Colossians, as we have it, is a composite, based on an original epistle of St. Paul which was expanded by the author of Ephesians who was not St. Paul after he had written this epistle. So Holtzmann would give us the original Colossians (Pauline), Ephesians (based on it), and the present Colossians (not Pauline) expanded from the former through the latter. The theory falls to the ground on its- fundamental hypothesis, that Colossians as it stands is interpolated. The most reason able explanation is that both Colossians and Ephesians are the work of St. Paul, written at practically the same time, and that in writing on the same subjects, to different people, there would be just the differences and similarity which we have in these epistles. The objection that St. Paul could not repeat himself and yet differ as these two letters do is purely imaginary. Zahn shows us that men do just this very thing, giv ing an account of Bismarck s speaking on a certain subject to a group of officers and later to a large body of men, and yet using quite different language. Moreover, St. Paul is not averse to repeating himself (cf Rom and Galatians and 1 Thessalonians and 2 Thessalonians) when to do so will serve his purpose. "Simultaneous authorship by one writer," and that writer St. Paul, is the only explanation that will sat isfy all the facts in the cuse and give them due proportion.

    V. The Purpose. If our interpretation of the circumstances, composition and destination of Ephesians be right, we are now in a position to look beneath the surface and ask why the apostle wrote it. To understand its central theme we must remember that St. Paul, the prisoner of the Lord, is writing in the calm of his imprisonment, far from the noise and turmoil, the conflict and strife, that marked his earlier life. He is now able to look out on the church and get a view of it in its wholeness, to see the part it is to play in God s scheme for the restora tion of the human race, to see God s purpose in it and for it and its relation to Him. Wit h this stand point he can write to the churches about Ephesus on the occasion of Tychicus return to Colosse, not to correct false views on some special point, but to emphasize the great central truth which he had put in the very forefront of his letter. God s eternal purpose is to gather into one the whole created uni verse, to restore harmony among His creatures and between them and Himself. The apostle s whole prayer is for this end, his whole effort and desire is toward this goal: that they may have full, clear knowledge of this purpose of God which He is work ing out through Christ Jesus, who is the head of the church, the very fulness of Him who is being ful filled all over the world. Everything, for the apostle, as he looks forth upon the empire, centers in the purpose of God. The discord between the ele ments in the church, the distinction between Jew and Gentile, all these must yield to that greater pur pose. The vision ig of a great oneness in Christ and through Him in God, a oneness of birth and faith and life and love, as men, touched with the fire of that Divine purpose, seek to fulfil, each in himself, the part that God has given him to play in the world, and, fighting against the foes of God, to overcome at last.

    It is a noble purpose to set before men this great mystery of the church as God s means by which, in Christ, He may restore all men to union with Him self. It is an impossible vision except to one who, as St. Paul was at the time, is in a situation where the strife and turmoil of outside life can enter but little, but a situation where he can look out with a calm vision and, in the midst of the world s dis-

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    cord, discern what Clod is accomplishing among men.

    VI. Argument. The Argument of Ephesians is as follows:

    1 1.12: Greeting.

    1 :5 10: Mynin of praise to God for the manifestation of His purpose, for men in Christ Jesus, chosen from the beginning to a holy life in Jove, predestined to adoption as sons through Jesus Christ, in whom as the Uelnved lie has given us grace 1 (vs :> ti). Redeemed by the blood of Christ by whom we have 1 forgiveness of sins through His grace abounding in us and making us know the mystery of His purpose. \\ \\z. to unite all in one, even the entire, universe (vs 7 I o i.

    1 11-14: For this Israel has served as a preparation, and to this the (ientiles are come, sealed unto salvation by the Holy Spirit of power. l 15.16a: Thanksgiving for their faith.

    1 1(>// 21: Prayer that they may. by the spirit of wis dom and revelation, know their destiny and the power of God lo fulfil it.

    1 22 2 10: Summary of what Clod has done in Christ. Christ s sovereignty (vs 22.2:ii. and headship in Hie church (vs 22.2:->r, His work for men. quickening us from a deal li of sin into which man has sunk, and exall ing US to fellowship with Christ by II is grace. vv ho has creai I d us for good \\\\ orks as part of 1 1 is eternal purpose (2 1 1 O).

    211 i:>: The contrast between the former estate of (lid (ientiles, as strangers and aliens, anil their present one, "near" by the blood of Christ.

    2 1 I I s -: Christ, who is our peace, uniting Jew and Gentile and reconciling man to Cod through the cross; by whom we all have access to the Father.

    "2 1U-22: This is (heirs who as fellow -citizens of (he saints, built, up on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, become a sanctuary of God in the Spirit.

    3 1 _ 1 : A digression on the "mystery." i.e. the reve lation lo St. Paul, together with a prayer that men may grasp it. The "mystery" is that all men. Jews and (ientiles. are partakers of the promise. ( )f this St. Paul is a minister, to whom has been given the stewardship of (hat mystery, unfolding to all creatures God s wisdom. in accord with His eternal purpose ivs I i:ii. Prayer that they may live up to their opportunities l,vs 14 !!>;. Doxology (vs 20. _ !).

    4 1 f>: The outcome of this privilege. 1 he fulfilment of the Divine purpose, must show itself in unity of life. ill the Christian fellowship.

    4 7 it>: The different gifts which the Christians have are for the upbuilding of the church into that perfect unity which is found in Christ-.

    4 17 24 : The spirit ual darkness and corruption of the old gentile life set over against the enlightenment and purity and holiness of the new life in Christ.

    4 2."> 6 > Special feat ures of ! he ( hrist ian life, arising out of the union of Christians with Christ and making for t he fellowship in the church. On the side of the indi vidual: sins in word (4 2.~> :)); of temper (vs :;!.:;_ ; self-sacrifice as opposed to self-indulgence (5 1 N; ; the contrast of the present and the pa-t repeated ( vs ( .-14); general behavior INS !."> 21) > ; on the side of social rela tions: husband and wife exemplified in the relation of Christ and t lie church (vs 2:i :;;> i ; children and parents (6 1-4); servants and masters (vs 5 !)).

    6 10-20: The Christian warfare, its foes and armor and weapons.

    6 21-24: Conclusion.

    VII. Teaching. The keynote to the doci rin:il basis of (he epistle is struck at. the very outset. The liyinn of praise 1 centers in Hie thought of God, the Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ. It is to Him thai, the blessing is due, to Him, who had chosen us from the beginning, in whom there is redemption (1 3--7). God as the very heart and soul of every thing, "is over all, and through all, and in all (4 0). He is the Father from whom all revelation comes (1 17), and from whom every human family derives its distinctive characteristics (3 l.~>). Hut He is not only Father in relation to the universe: He is in a peculiar sense the Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ (1 3). The eternity of Our Lord is distinctly asserted (vs 4.f>) as of one existing before the foundation of the world, in whom everything heavenly as well as cart lily is united, summed up (ver 10; of 2 12; 4 IS). He is the Messiah (the Beloved [1 0] is clearly a Messianic term, as the voice from heaven at Christ s baptism, "This is my be loved Son, in whom I am well pleased," shows [Ml, 3 17]). In Him we are quickened (2 5). He is made flesh (ver 15). He died on the cross (ver 16), and by His blood (1 7) we have redemption (4 30), and reconciliation with God (2 10). He whom God

    raised from the dead (1 20), now is in heaven (1 20; 4 S) from which place He comes (4 8), bringing gifts to men. (This interpretation makes the de scent follow tht 1 ascent, and the passage teaches tin 1 n t urn of Christ through His gifts of the Spirit which He gave to Ihe church.) He who is in heaven tills all things (ver lOj; and, from a wealth which is unsearchable (3 S), as the Head of the church (1 22 J, pours out His grace to free us from the power of sin (2 1). To this end He endues us with His Spirit (3 1(5). This teaching about God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, is no abstract theorizing. It is all intensely practical, having at its heart the purpose of God from the ages, which, as we saw above, is to restore again the unity of all things in Him (1 9.10); to heal the breach between man and (iod (2 10.17j; to break down the separa tion between Jew and Gentile, and to abolish the enmity not only between them, but between them and (.iod. This purpose of (iod is to be accom plished in a visible society, the one church, built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets (ver 20), of which Jesus Christ is the head of the corner, into which men are to be admitted by holy baptism, where; they own one Lord, hold to one faith, in one God and Father of all who is above all and through all (4 4-7).

    The leaching as to the church is one of the most striking elements of the epistle. In the first place we have 1 the absolute use of the term, which has been already discussed. The apostle sees the whole Christian community throughout the world bound together into a unity, one fellowship, one body. He has risen to a higher vision than man had ever had before. But there is a further teaching in the epistle. Not only is the church throughout the world one body, but it is the body of Christ who is its Head (1 21 f). He has, as Lightfoot suggests, the same relation to the church which in ver 10 He has to the universe. He is its Head, "the inspiring, ruling, guiding, combining, sustaining power, the mainspring of its activity, the; center of its unity, and the seat of its life." But the relation is still closer. If, as the evidence adduced would necessi tate, one accepts J. Armitage Robinson s explana tion of plfrdniti, as that without which a thing is incomplete (/> / / > 2.").") t j, t hen the church, in some wonderful mystery, is the complement of Christ, apart from which He Himself, as the Christ, lacks Fulness. We are needed by Him, that so He may become all in all. He, the Head of restored human ity, the Second Adam, needs His church, to fulfil the unity which He came upon earth to accomplish v cf Stone, Chi-ixliiui Church, <south">, <SO). Still further, we find in this epistle the two figures of the church as the Temple of the Spirit (2 21 IT), and the Bride of Christ. (5 23 ->). Under the latter figure wo find the marriage relation of the Lord to Israel, which runs through the OT (Hosea 3 10, et al.), applied to the union between Christ and the church. The signifi cance is the close tie that binds them, the self-sacrifi cing love of Christ, and the self -surrender of obedience on the part of the church; and the object of this is that so the church may be free from any blemish, holy and spotless. In the figure of the Temple, which is an expansion of the earlier figure in 1 Corinthians 3 16; 2 Corinthians 6 10, we see the thought of a spiritual build ing, a sanctuary, into which all the diverse elements of the churches grow into a compact unity. These figures sum up the apostle s thought of that in which tin 1 Divine purpose finds its fulfilment. The progress forward to that fulfilment is due to the combined effort of God and man. "The church, the society of Christian men .... is built and yet it grows. Human endeavor and Divine energy cooperate in its development" (Westcott). Out of this doctrinal development the apostle works out



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    the practical life by which this Divine purpose can find its fulfilment. Admitted into the fellowship of the church by baptism, we become members one of another (4 25). It is on this basis that he urges honesty and patience and truth in our intercourse with each other, and pleads for gentleness and a forgiving spirit (vs 25-32). As followers_ of God we are to keep free from the sins that spring from pride and self-indulgence and any fellowship with the spirit of evil (5 1-14). Our life is to be lived as seeking the fulfilment of God s purpose in all the relationships of life (5 156 9). All is to be done with the full armor of theChristian soldier, as isfitl ing for those who fight spiritual enemies (6 10 IT). The epistle is preeminently practical, bringing the sig nificance of the great revelation of God s will to the everyday duties of life, and lifting all things up to a higher level which finds its ideal in the indwell ing of Christ in our hearts, out of which we may be filled with all the fulness of God (3 17-19).

    LITER \\TUReast J. Armitago Robinson, St. Paul s Epistle to the Ephesians; Westcott, Epistle to the Ephesians; Abbott, "Ephesians and Colossians," ICC; Monk-, "Ephesians." Cambridge Iii >!>; Salmoncl, "Ephesians," Expositor s Gr Textament; Macpher- son, Comm. on Ephesians; Findlay, "Epistle to the Ephesians," Expositor .-! Bible; Alexander, "Colossians and Ephesians," Bible for Home ami School; Haupt, Meyer s Ext ijtt. unit lent. Kommentar; von Sodcn, Handcommentar; Hort, Prole gomena to the Epistles to the Horn and E ph; Dale, Lectures on the Ephesians.

    CHARLES SMITH LEWIS

    EPHESUS, ef r-sus ("E4>e<7-os, Ei>hcsos, de sirable";: A city of the Rom province of Asia, near the mouth of the Cayster river, 3 miles irom the western coast of Asia Minor, and opposite the island of Samos. With an artificial harbor access ible to the largest ships, and rivaling the harbor at Miletus, standing at the entrance of the valley which reaches far into the interior of Asia Minor, and connected by highways with the chief cities of the province, Ephesus was the most easily access ible city in Asia, both by land and sea. Its location, therefore, favored its religious, political and com mercial development, and presented a most ad vantageous field for the missionary labors of Paul. The city stood upon the sloping sides and at the base of two hills, Priori and Coressus, commanding a beautiful view; its climate was exceptionally fine, and the soil of the valley was unusually fertile.

    Tradition says that in early times near the place where the mother goddess of the earth was born, the Amazons built a city and a temple in which they might worship. This little city of the Amazons, bearing at different times the names of Samorna, Trachea, Ortygia and Ptelea, flourished until in the early Gr days it aroused the cupidity of Andro-- clus, a prince of Athens. He captured it- and made it a Gr city. Still another tradition says that An- droclus was its founder. However, under Gr rule the Gr civilization gradually supplanted that of the Orientals, the Gr language was spoken in place of the Asiatic; and the Asiatic goddess of the temple assumed more or less the character of the Gr Artemis. Ephesus, therefore, and all that pertained to it, was a mixture of oriental and Gr. Though the early history of the city is obscure, it seems that at differ ent times it was in the hands of the Carians, the Leleges and lonians; in the early historical period it was one of a league of twelve Ionian cities. In 500 BC it came into the possession of the Lydians; 3 years later, in 557, it was taken by the Persians; and during the following years the Greeks and Per sians were constantly disputing for its possession. Finally, Alexander the Great took it; and at his death it fell to Lysimachus, who gave it the name of Arsinoe, from his second wife. Upon the death of Attains II (Philadelphus), king of Pergamos, it was bequeathed to the Rom Empire; and in 190, when the Rom province of Asia was formed, it

    became a part of it. Ephesus and Pergamos, the capital of Asia, were the two great rival cities of the province. Though Pergamos was the center of the Rom religion and of the government, Ephesus was the more accessible, the commercial center and the home of the native goddess Diana; and because of its wealth and situation it gradually became the chief city of the province. It is to the temple of Diana, however, that its great wealth and promi nence are largely due. Like the city, it dates from the time of the Amazons, yet what the early temple was like we now have no means of knowing, and of its his tory we know little ex cepting that it was seven

    times destroyed by fire coin Showing Image of and rebuilt, each time on Diana,

    a scale larger and grander

    than before. The wealthy king Croesus supplied it with many of its stone columns, and the pilgrims from all the oriental world brought it of their wealth. In time the temple possessed valuable lands; it con trolled the fisheries; its priests were the bankers of its enormous revenues. Because of its strength the people stored there their money for safe-keeping; and it became to the ancient world practically all that the Bank of England is to the modern world.

    In 3f>6 BC, on the very night when Alexander the Great was born, it was burned; and when he grew to manhood he offered to rebuild it at his own expense if his name might be inscribed upon its portals. This the priests of Ephesus were unwilling to permit, and they politely rejected his olfer by saying that it was not fitting for one god to build a temple to another. The wealthy Ephcsians themselves undertook its recon struction, and 220 years passed before its filial com pletion.

    Not only was the temple of Diana a place of wor ship, and a treasure-house, but it was also a museum in which the best statuary and most beautiful paintings were preserved. Among the paintings was one by the famous Apelles, a native of Ephesus, representing Alexander the Great hurling a thunder bolt. It was also a sanctuary for the criminal, a kind of city of refuge, for none might be arrested for any crime whatever when within a bowshot of its walls. There sprang up, therefore, about the temple a village in which the thieves and murderers ami other criminals made their homes. Not only did the temple bring vast numbers of pilgrims to the city, as does the Kaaba at Mecca at the present time, but it employed hosts of people apart from the priests and priestesses; among them were the large number of artisans who manufactured images of the goddess Diana, or shrines to sell to the visit ing strangers.

    Such was Ephesus when Paul on his 2d mission ary journey (Acts 18 19-21) first visited the city, and when, on his 3d journey (19 8-10; 20 31), he remained there for two years preaching in the syna gogue (19 8.10), in the school of Tyrannus (19 .) and in private houses (20 20). Though Paul was probably not the first to bring Christianity to Ephesus, for Jews had long lived there (2 9; 6 9), he was the first to make progress against the worship of Diana. As the fame of his teachings was carried by the pilgrims to their distant homes, his influence extended to every part of Asia Minor. In time the pilgrims, with decreasing faith in Diana, came in fewer numbers; the sales of the shrines of the god dess fell off; Diana of the Ephesians was no longer great; a Christian church was founded there and flourished, and one of its first leaders was the



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    apostle John. Filially in 202 AD, when the temple of Diana was again l)urno(l, its influence had so far departed that it \\vas never again rel)iiilt. Diana was dead. Ephesus became a Christian city, and in 341 AD a council of the Christian church was held there. The city itself soon lost its importance and decreased in population. The sculptured stones of its great buildings, which were no longer in use and were falling to ruins, were curried uway to Italy, and esp. to Constantinople for the great church of Saint Sophia. In 130X the Turks took possession of the little that remained of the city, and deported or murdered its inhabitants. The Cuyster river, overflowing its banks, gradually covered with its muddy deposit the spot where the temple of Diana had once stood, and at last its very site was forgotten.

    The small village of Ai/nwiluk, 30 miles from Smyrna on the Aidin R.R., does not mark the site of the ancient city of Ephesus, yet it stands nearest, to its ruins. The name A : ;</n/il/</: is the corruption of three ( Ir words meaning "the Holy Word of ( Jod." Fussing beyond the village one comes to the ruins of the Old aqueduct, the fallen city walls, the so- called church of St. John or the baths, the Turkish fort which is sometimes called Paul s prison, the huge theater which was the scene of the riot of Paul s time, but which now, with its marble torn away, presents but u hole in the side of the hill Prion. In 1S03 Mr. J. T. Wood, for the British Museum, obtained permission from the Turkish government to search for the site of the lost temple of Diana. During the eleven years of his excava tions at Ephesus, *(),( )00 were spent, and few cities of antiquity have been more thoroughly explored. The city wall of Lysima.chus was found to be 3( >,(X)() ft. in length, inclosing an area of 1,027 acres. It was 10.!, ft. thick, and strengthened by towers at intervals of 100 ft. The six gates which pierced the wall are now marked by mounds of rubbish. The sites and dimensions of the various public; buildings, the streets, the harbor, and the founda tions of many of the private houses were ascer tained, and numerous inscriptions and sculptures and coins were discovered. Search, however, did not reveal the site of the temple until January 1, 1S70, after six years of faithful work. Almost by accident it was then found in the valley without the city walls, several feet below the present surface. Its" foundation, which alone remained, enabled Mr. Wood to reconstruct the entire temple plan. The temple was built upon u foundation which was reached by a flight of ten steps. The building itself was 42o ft. long and 220 ft. wide; each of its 127 pillars which supported the roof of its colon nade was 00 ft. high; like the temples of C.reece, its interior was open to the sky. For a further description of the temple, see Mr. Wood s excellent book, I)i.scoi cri< x <it Ephesus. east J. BANKS

    EPHLAL, ef lal C^ZS , \\- phial, "judgment"): A descendant of Judah (1 Chronicles 2 37).

    EPHOD, ef od (TIEX [2St], 1ES [20 t ], ephodh; LXX tirtofAis, cpom ix, (J>u>9, cpholh, e4>u>8, c/>fti><l, tcfjouS, cphtn id, cTToXi] ea\\\\os, slole cxallos, O-TO\\TJ |3t>a-crtvT], stolt bussine) .

    (1) A sacred vestment originally designed for the high priest, (Exodus 28 4 IT; 39 2 if), and made "of gold, blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined linen," held together by two shoulderpieces and a skilfully woven band which served as a girdle for the ephod. On the shoulderpieces were two onyx stones on which were engraved the names of the twelve tribes of Israel. It is not, known whether the cphod extended below the hips or only to the

    waist. Attached to the ephod by chains of pure gold was a breastplate containing twelve precious stones in four rows. Underneath the ephod was the blue robe of the ephod extending to the feet of the priest. The robe of the ephod was thus a gar ment comprising, in addition to the long robe proper, the ephod with its shoulderpieces and the breast plate of judgment.

    (2) From the historical books we learn that ephods were worn by persons other than the high priest. Thus the boy Samuel was girded with a linen ephod while assisting the aged high priest (1 Samuel 2 IS); the priests at Nob, 85 in number, are described us men wearing a linen ephod (22 IS); and David was girded with a linen ephod when he danced in the procession that brought the ark into Jerusalem (2 Samuel 6 14). The ephod was considered ap propriate for the king on this solemn and happy occasion; but it would be reading into the narrative more than it contains to infer that lay worshippers were regularly clothed with the ephod; nor are we to suppose that priests other than the high priest were accustomed to wear ephods as rich and elab orate as that of the high priest. Abiathar, who became high priest after the assassination of his father by Doeg, probably brought to the camp of David the ephod worn by the high priest in his min istrations at Nob (1 Samuel 23 0), and through this ephod David sought in certain crises to learn Jeh s will (23 <); 30 7). Some have argued that the ephod, which Abiathar brought in his hand, was an image rather than a priestly garment, but there seems no sufficient reason for regarding it as other than a vestment for the high priest. The ephod behind which the sword of Goliath was kept wrapped in a cloth may well have been a garment suspended from the wall or itself wrapped in a protecting cloth (21 9).

    (3) The cphod mentioned in Judges 17 5; 18 14 f; Hosea 3 4 is associated with teraphim and other idolatrous images. We may frankly confess that we do not know the shape, si/.e and use of the ephod in these cases, though even here also the ephod may well have been a priestly garment. The same remark holds good of the ephod made by Gideon, and which became an object of idolatrous worship in Israel (Judges 8 27). It has been argued that a vest ment would not, cost seventeen hundred shekels of gold. Possibly Gideon set Tip an apparatus of wor ship containing other articles, just as the mother of Micah began with the promise to make a graven image and a molten image, and afterward added an ephod and teraphim (17 l-f>). Moreover, if gems and brilliants were put on Gideon s ephod, who can say that it did not cost seventeen hundred shekels?

    LiTKRATntK. Braun, I)e rrxtitu sarrrrlotinn (1098), )(>-! If; V^olini, Tin . in n r a. s- iiniii/iiitnlum xtirrtirum (1744 00), XII, 785 f; Anc.ossi, .\\nnnlcx de pliilos. rhrcth-nnr, 1S72; Koiii^, Iti-l. Jlixt. nf Jxnul, 107 If ; Van Hoonacker, Le sacerdofe levitique (1899), :?70 If; Kootc, The Ephod, in "Johns Hopkins University Circulars," 1900.

    JOHN RICHARD SAMPEY

    EPHOD, e fod (~SX, Tphddh): Father of Ilun- niel, prince of Munasseh (Numbers 34 23).

    EPHPHATHA, ef a-tha, ef-a tha ( E4>4>a6d, Ephphathn) : Arum, word used by Christ (Mark 7 34), the Ethpa al imper. of Aram, pctltah (Hebrews pdtha/j), translated, "Be [thou] opened"; of Isaiah 35 5. The Aram, was the sole popular language of Philestina-Canaan Land (II J I , 11(7, 9) and its use shows that we have here the graphic report of an eyewitness, upon whom the dialectic form employed made a deep impression. This and the corresponding act of the touch with the moistened finger is the foundation of a corre sponding ceremony in the Roman Catholic formula, for baptism.



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    EPHRAIM, f> fr:i-im, e fra-im pTSX , \\ i>ltmyim,

    "double fruit"): The younger of the two sous of

    Joseph and Asenath, born iu Egypt,

    1. The lie and his brother Manasseh were Patriarch adopted by Jacob, and ranked as his

    own sons, each becoming the ancestor of a tribe in Israel. In blessing his grandchildren, despite their father s protest, Jacob preferred the younger, foreshadowing the future eminence of his descendants (Genesis 41 50 ->; 48 20ff)._ In the Blessing of Jacob, however, the two are included under the name of Joseph (49 22 f ) .

    At the first census on leaving Egypt, Ephraim s

    men of war numbered 40,500; and at the second

    census they are given as 32,500 (Numbers 1

    2. The 33; 26 37). See, however, art. XUM- Tribe UK us. The head of the tribe at the

    Exodus was Elishama, son of Ammi- hud (1 10). With the standard of the tribe of Ephraim on the west of the tabernacle in the desert march were Manasseh and Benjamin (2 18 ->). The Ephraimite among the spies was Hoshea (i.e. Joshua), the son of Nun (13 8). At the division of the land Ephraim was represented bv prince Kemuel, son of Shiphtan (34 24). The future power of this tribe is again foreshadowed in the Blessing of Moses (Deuteronomy 33 17). When Moses died, a member of the tribe, Joshua, whose faith and courage had distinguished him among the spies, suc ceeded to the chief place in Israel. It was natural that the scene of national assemblies, and the center of the nation s worship, should be chosen within the land occupied by the children of Joseph, at Shechem and Shiloh respectively. The leadership of Ephra im was further emphasized by the rule of Samuel. From the beginning of life in Philestina-Canaan Land they enjoyed a certain prestige, and were very sensitive; on the point of honor (Judges 7 24; 81; 12 1 IT). Their acceptance of and loyalty to Saul, the first king chosen over Israel, may be explained by his belong ing to a Rachel tribe, and by the close and tender relations existing between Joseph and Benjamin. But they were never reconciled to the passing of the scepter to Judah in the person of David (2 Samuel 2 8 f). That Israel would have submitted to the sovereignty of Absalom, any more than to that of David, is not to be believed; but his revolt furnished an oppor tunity to deal a shrewd blow at the power of the southern tribe (15 13). Solomon s unwisdom and the crass folly of Rehoboam in the management of the northern tribes fanned the smoldering discon tent into a fierce name. This made easy the work of the rebel Jeroboam; and from the day of the dis ruption till the fall of the Northern Kingdom there was none to dispute the supremacy of Ephraim, the names Ephraim and Israel being synonymous. The most distinguished of Ephraim s sons were Joshua, Samuel and Jeroboam 1.

    The central part of Western Philestina-Canaan Land fell to the children of Joseph; and, while the boundaries of the terri tory allotted to Ephraim and Manas-

    3. The seh respectively are given in Joshua 16; Territory 17 1 IT, it seems to have been held by

    them in common for some time (17 14). The Canaanites in certain cities of both divisions were not driven out. It was probably thought more profitable to enslave them (16 10; 17 13 j. The boundaries of Ephraim cannot be followed with accuracy, but roughly, they were as follows: The southern boundary, agreeing with the northern border of Benjamin, started from Bethel, and passed down westward by nether Beth-boron and Gezer toward the sea (16 3; in ver 5 it stops at upper Beth-horon); it turned northward to the southern bank of the brook Kanah (Wddy Kdndh) along which it ran eastward (17 10) to Michmethath (the plain of Mukhneh) , thence it went northward along

    the western edge of the plain to Shechern. It then bent eastward and southward past Taanath-shiloli (Ta ana), Janoah (Van tin) to Ataroth and Naarah (unidentified) and the Jordan (16 7). From Ata roth, which probably corresponds to Ataroth-addar (ver 5), possibly identical with the modern et-Trunch, the southern border passed up to Bethel. Along the eastern front of the land thus defined there is a steep descent into the Jordan valley. It is torn by many gorges, and is rocky and unfruitful. The long slopes to the westward, however, furnish much of the finest land in Philestina-Canaan Land. Well watered as it is, the valleys are beautiful in season with cornfields, vine yards, olives and other fruit trees. The uplands are accessible at many points from the maritime plain; but the great avenue of entrance to the country runs up Wady esh-Sha*lrto Nablus, whence, threading the pass between Gerizim and Ebal, it descends to the Jordan valley. In this favored region the people must have lived in the main a prosperous and happy life. How appropriate are the prophetic allusions to these conditions in the days of Ephraim s moral decay (Isaiah 28 1.4; Jeremiah 31 18; Hosea 9 13; 10 11, etc)! west EWING

    EPHRAIM:

    (1) A position apparently of some importance, since the position of Baal-hazor (probably = Tell ! .4.v/7r), where Abraham s sheep-farm was located, is determined by relation to it (2 Samuel 13 23). That it lay X. of Jerusalem seems to be indicated in ver 34. It may be identical with the Ephraim of Onoin, 20 Horn miles north of Jerusalem, and therefore to be sought, somewhere in the neighborhood of Sinjil and el- Lnbbun. Connected with this may have been the name Aphacrema, a district in Samaria mentioned in 1 Mace 11 31; Ant, XIII, iv, 9.

    (2) The town near the wilderness to which Jesus retired after the raising of Lazarus (John 11 54). This probably corresponds to Ephrem of Oitom (s.v. "Afra") 5 Rom miles east of Bethel. This may be the place named along with Bethel by Jos (HJ, IV, ix, 9). It probably answers to et-Taiyebeh, a large village about 4 miles X. of lie ill n. The an tiquity of the site is attested by the cisterns and rock tombs. It stands on a high hill with a wide outlook including the plains of Jericho and the Dead Sea. See EI-HKOnorth west Ewixc;

    EPHRAIM, FOREST OF (2T.ES5 1^, ya ar c/tfirdijint): The word ytt ar (Ileb) probably agrees in meaning with the Arab. wa*r, which indicates a rough country, abounding in rocks, stones and scrub, with occasional trees; not a "forest," as we under stand the term. Here Absalom was defeated and slain (2 Samuel 18 Off, AV "wood of Ephraim"). It must be sought, therefore, I 1 ], of the Jordan, in the neighborhood of Mahanaim; but no identification is yet possible.

    EPHRAIM, GATE OF. See JERUSALEM.

    EPHRAIM, MOUNT (DI^SS "in, h<ir ci>hnn/in,): Means that part of the mountain which fell to Ephraim (Joshua 19 50, etc). The natives speak today of Jebel Nablus, Jcbcl Safcd, etc, meaning that section of the central range which is subject to each city. It is better therefore to retain the render ing of AV, and not to read with RV "hill-country of Ephraim."

    EPHRAIM, WOOD OF. See EPHKAI.M, FOREST

    OF.

    EPHRAIMITE, e fra-im-it (3"nSX, cphrayim; sing. " P ISSjl , cphrdlhl): A member of the tribe of Ephraim (Joshua 16 10, etc). See also EI-HHA-

    THITeast



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    EPHRAIN, o fra-in (2 Chronicles 13 19), RV EPIIRON, which see.

    EPHRATH, of ruth, e frath (rnEX , e/ihrath; E4>pd9a, Ephmtlni; Con 35 10; 48 Y); EPHRA- THAH, efra-tha, ef-ni tha (nrnEtf , cplirtitlHlh, in the other references: Joshua 15 f)9 [in added ver of I.XX only]; Ruth 4 11; 1 Chronicles 2 19.24.">(); Psalm 132 0; Micah 5 2, AV "Ephratah"): The name either of Bethlehem itself or of a district in which Bethlehem was situated. A man of this place was called an Ephrathite (Huth 1 2; 1 Samuel 17 12). It is held by many authorities that the Ephrath where Rachel was buried (den 35 10; 48 7) was a different place, Hie words "the same is Bethlehem" being a gloss. The reading in Psalm 132 (i is doubtful; RVm has "Ephraim." east \\Y. C. MASTKKMAN

    EPHRATHITE, ef rath-It, e f rath-It, See EPH- EATH.

    EPHRON, e fron ("p-lE", cphrun, "fawnlike"): The llittite of whom Abraham bought the field and cave of Machpelah (Cen 23 S -> ; 25 9; 49 30). The transaction was conducted in true oriental fashion, with excessive courtesy; but the large sum of 400 shekels weight of silver was in the end re quired (cf 33 19; 1 Kings 16 24). See also MONEY;

    Mo.NF.V, CntUKNT.

    EPHRON, e fron (fi^E", </>/< ro; E^pcGv, Ephron) :

    (1) 2 Chronicles 13 19: "And Abijah pursued after Jeroboam, and took cities from him, Beth-el with the towns thereof, and Jeshanah with the towns thereof, and Ephron with the towns thereof." Another reading is "Ephraim" (RVm). This is thought by many to be identical with Ophruh (("HE", ^

    Joshua 18 23) and perhaps with Ephraim (-"HE < l>tirtiyitn, 2 Samuel 13 23) which both have been local ized at the lofty town of et Taiyiheh.

    (2) A city east of the Jordan between Carnion (Ashteroth-karnain) and Scythopolis (Beisan): "Then Judas gathered together all the Israelites that were in the country ..... Now when they came unto Ephron (this was a great city in the way as they should go, very well fortified) they could not turn from it either on the right hand or on the left, but they must needs pass through the midst of it" (1 Mace 5 45.40 AY; Ant, XII, viii, 5; also 2 Mace 12 27). Buhl and Schumacher propose Kuifr W(i<ly (i Oxifr, a ruined tower which com pletely commands the deep \\Vady el Chafr, but the ruins appear to be scanty.

    (3) Matthew. Ephron: The border of Judah is de scribed (Joshua 15 9): "It went out to the cities of Mount Ephron." The position will depend on that of Nephloah and of Kiriat h-jearim.

    east west C. MASTERMAN

    EPICUREANS, ep-i-kn-re anz (, EmKovptioi, Epi- koureioi) :

    1. Social and Political Causes

    2. Egoistic Hedonism ;5. Hack to Nature

    t. Ataraxy

    5. Pleasure) Is the Absence of Pain

    ti. Social Contract

    7. Atomic Theory

    8. Materialism

    9. Theory of Ideas

    10. Epicurean Ciods

    11. Consensus Gentium

    12. Causes of Success

    i:j. ( omplete Antithesis of Paul s Teaching

    LlTEKATURE

    The Epicureans with the STOICS (q.v.) encoun tered Paul in Athens (Acts 17 18). They were the followers of Epicurus, a philosopher who was born in Samos in 341 BC, and who taught first in Asia

    Minor and afterward in Athens till his death in 270 MC. His system, unlike most philosophies, main tained its original form, with little development or dissent, to the end of its course. The views of Paul s opponents of this school may therefore be gathered from the teaching of Epicurus.

    The conditions for the rise of Epicureanism ar !

    Stoicism were political and social rather than int< !-

    lectual. Speculative thought ha 1

    1. Social reached its zenith in the great con- and Politi- struct ivo ideals of I lato, and the ency- cal Causes clopaedic system of Aristotle. Criti cism of these would necessarily drive

    men back upon themselves to probe deeper into the meaning of experience, as Kant did in later times. But the conditions were not propitious to pure speculation. The breaking up of the Cr city- states and the loss of Gr independence had filled men s minds with a sense of insecurity. The insti tutions, laws and customs of society, which had hitherto sheltered the individual, now gave way; and men demanded from philosophy a haven oi rest for their homeless and weary souls. Philosophy, therefore, became a theory of conduct and an art of living.

    Epicurus deprecated the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake, whether as philosophy or science, and directed his inquiries to the two practical ques tions: \\Yhat is the : aim of life? and How to attain toit? Philosophy he defined as "a daily business of speech and thought to secure a happy life."

    His ethical lairliiiKj is therefore the central and governing factor of Epicurus philosophy. It be longs to the type generally described

    2. Egoistic as Egoistic Hedonism. The same gen- Hedonism eral principles had been taught by Aris-

    tippus and his school, the Cyrenaics, a century earlier, and they were again revived in the 17th cent, in England by Thomas Hobbes.

    The aim and end of life for every man is his own happiness, and happiness is primarily defined as pleasure. "Wherefore we call pleasure the Alpha and Omega of a blessed life. Pleasure is our first and kindred good. It is the starting-point of every choice and of every aversion, and toit we come back, inasmuch as we make feeling the rule by which to judge every good thing" (Epicurus, Letter to Mi nae- ceus). So far Epicurus might seem to be simply repeating the view of the Cyrenaics. But (hen; are important differences. Aristippus held the pleasure of the moment to be the end of action; but Epicurus taught that life should be so lived as to secure the greatest amount of pleasure during its whole course. And in this larger outlook, the pleasures of the mind came to occupy a larger place than the pleasures of the body. For happiness con sists not so much in the satisfaction of desires, as in the suppression of wants, and in arriving at a state of independence of all circumstances, which secures a peace of mind that the privations and changes of life cannot disturb. Man s desires are of various kinds: "Some are natural, some are groundless; of the natural, some are necessary as well as nat ural, and some are natural only. And of the neces sary desires, some are noct ssary if we are to be happy, some if the body is to be rid of uneasiness, some if we are even to live." Man s aim should be to sup press all desires that arc unnecessary, and esp. such as are artificially produced. Learning, culture, civilization and the distractions of social and politi cal life are proscribed, much as they were in the opposite school of the Cynics, because they pro duce many desires difficult to satisfy, and so dis turb the peace of the mind. This teaching has been compared to that of Rousseau and even of Buddha. Like the former, Epicurus enjoins the withdrawal of life from the complexities and perplexities of

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    civilization, to the hare necessities of Nature, but

    he stops short of the doctrine of Nirvana, for life

    and the desire to live he regards as

    3. Back good things. He even rises above to Nature Naturalism to a view that has some

    kinship with modern Spiritualism, in his affirmation of the mastery of mind over adverse ^ circumstances. "Though he is being tortured on the rack, the wise man is still happy."

    Epicurus definition of the end of life and of the way to it bears a superficial resemblance to that of j

    his opponents, the Stoics. The end

    4. Ataraxy sought by both is (itaraxia, imper

    turbability," a peace of mind that. transcends all circumstances, and the way to it is the life according to Nature. But Nature for Epicurus is purely physical and material, and the utmost happiness attainable is the complete absence of pain.

    He justly protests against the representation oJ his teaching as gross and immoral, "\\\\hen we say, then, that pleasure is the end and 6. Pleasure aim, we- do not mean the pleasures of Is the Ab- the prodigal, or the pleasures of sen- sence of suality, as we are understood to do by Pain some, through ignorance, prejudice or

    wilful misrepresentation. By pleasure we mean the absence of pain in 1 he body and t rouble in the soid" (Letter In Menceceus). His own _ life was marked by a. simplicity verging on asceticism, and by kindly consideration for his friends. But the theory was capable of serving the purposes of worse 1 men to justify license and selfishness.

    Justice and ordinary morality were recognized in the system as issuing from an original social com pact, such as Ilobbes and Rousseau 6. Social supposed, and resting upon the; self- Contract interest and happiness of individuals who entered into the compact the better to gain those ends. Ordinary morality has therefore no stronger sanction than the individual s desire to secure his own happiness. Against public violations of the moral code, the sanction finds its agent in the social order and the pcnalt ies it inflicts; but the only deterrent from secret immorality is the fear of being found out, and the necessarily dis turbing character of that fear itself. Friendship, the supreme virtue of Epicureanism, is based upon the same calculating selfishness, and is to be cul tivated for the happiness it begets to its owners. The fundamental defect of the system is its extreme individualism, which issues in a studied selfishness that denies any value of their own to the social virtues, and in the negation of the larger activities of life.

    Epicurus had no interest in knowledge for its own sake, whether of the external world, or of any ultimate or supreme, reality. But he found men s minds full of ideas about the world, immortality and the gods, which disturbed their peace and tilled them with vain desires and fears. It was therefore necessary for the practical ends of his philosophy to find a theory of the things outside of man that would give him tranquillity and serenity of mind.

    For this purpose Epicurus fell back upon Democntus

    atomic theory of the world. The original constituents

    of the universe, of which no account could

    7 AtnTriir be given, were atoms, the void, and mo-

    /. Aionm, ti(m j iy a fix(xl law or fat0i the atoms

    Theory moved through the void, so as to form the

    world as we know it. The same uniform necessity maintains and determines the abiding condition of all that exists. Epicurus modified this system so far as to admit an initial freedom to the atoms, which enabled them to divert slightly from their uniform straight course as they fell like rain through space, and so to impinge, combine and set up rotatory motions by which the worlds,

    and all that is in them, came into being. ft Ma He did not follow the idea of freedom in

    Nature, and man beyond the exigencies of terialism his theory, and the thoroughly materialistic

    nature of his universe precluded him from deducing a moral realm. By this theory ho guts rid of

    the causes of fear and anxiety that disturb the human mind. Teleology, providence, a moral order of the uni verse, the arbitrary action oT the gods, blind fate, immor tality, hell, reward and punishment after death, are all excluded from a universe where atoms mo\\ ing through space do everything. The soul, like the body, is made of atoms, but of a smaller or liner texture, in death, the one like the other dissolves and comes to its end.

    From the same premise s one woidd expect the com plete denial of any Divine beings. But it is a curiosity

    of the system that a grossly materialistic

    q Thpnrv theory of knowledge should require the

    . * affirmation of the existence of the gods.

    Ot Ideas Men s ideas are derived from thin material

    films that pass from the objects around them into the kindred mailer of their minds. It follows that every idea must have been produced by a corre sponding object. Men generally possess ideas of gods. Therefore, gods must exist to produce those ideas, which come to men in sleep and dreams. But they are not such gods as men generally believe to exist. They are constituted of the same atomic, matter as men, but of a still finer texture. They dwell in the inter itntmtin, the interspaces outside the worlds, where earthly cares and the dissolution of death cannot approach them. They are immortal and completely blessed. They cannot therefore know anything of the world, with its pain and its troubles, nor can they be in any way concerned with it. They are apotheoses of the Epicurean sago, entirely withdrawn from the world s turmoil, enjoying a life of calm repose, and satisfied with the bounty

    10 Emeu- that Nature provides for them. "For the

    r A nature of the gods must ever in itself of rean (jOQS necessity enjoy immortality with supremo repose, far removed and withdrawn from our concerns: since 1 exempt from every pain, exempt from all dangers, strong in its own resources, not wanting aught of us, it is neither gained by favors nor moved by anger" (Lucretius). All religion is banned, though the gods are retained. Epicurus failure to carry the logic of his sys tem to the denial of the gods lies deeper than his theory of ideas. Hi 1 was impressed by the fact

    11 "Con- tnat " a steadfast unanimity continues to

    prevail among all men without exception" that gods exist. "A consciousness of god-

    Gentium head does not allow him to deny the exist ence of ( iod altogether. Hence his attempt

    to explain the fact so as not to interfere with his general

    theory" (.Wallace, Epicureanism, ~20 .t).

    During his lifetime, Epicurus attracted a large following to his creed, and it continued to flourish far down into the Christian era. It was presented to the Horn world by the poet Lucretius in his poem l)e n<itnm rerun/, which is still the chief source for the knowledge of it. One OT writer, the author of Eccl, may have been influenced by its spirit, though he did not adopt all its ideas.

    The personal charm and engaging character of

    Epicurus himself drew men to him, and elevated

    him into the kind of ideal sage who

    12. Causes personified the teaching of the school, of Success as was the custom of all schools of

    philosophy. The system was clear- cut and easily understood by ordinary men, and it offered a plausible 1 heory of life to such as could not follow the profounder and more difficult, specula tions of other schools. Its moral teaching found a ready response in all that was worldly, commonplace and self-seeking in men that had lost their high ideals and great enthusiasms. Above; all it deliv ered men from the terrors of a dark superstition that had taken the place of religion. It is a remark able revelat ion of the inadequacy of C!r religion that Epicurus should have relegated the gods from the visible world, without any sense of loss, but only the relief of a great deliverance.

    It was inevitable that the teaching of Paul should

    have brought this school up against him. He came

    to Athens teaching a God who had

    13. Com- become man, who had suffered and plete An- died to accomplish the utmost self- tithesis of sacrifice, who had risen from the dead Paul s and returned to live among men to Teaching guide and fashion their lives, and who

    at last would judge all men, and ac cording to their deeds reward or punish them in a future world. To the Epicurean this was the revival of all the ancient and hated superstitions. It was

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    not. only folly hut impiety; for Epicurus had taught

    that "not the man who denies (lie gods worshipped bv tlie mult it tide, Imt he \\\\lio affirms of the gods what the multitude believe about them, is truly impious."

    LITF.KATUUK. Hicks, Stoir ami E/n curt an (whoso translations are adopted in all quotations in this art.); /eller. Stoics, l- .iiimn mix anil Xci-i>tiri<; Wallace, Epi- curcitnim/t; Jjlieretius, l)c itdtura nrain.

    T. KKKS EPILEPSY, ep i-lep-si. See Lrx.vnr.

    EPIPHANES, e-pif a-nez. See ANTIOCHUS IV.

    EPIPHI, ep i-fi ( Eiri4>, E/>i/i/ii): Name of a month mentioned in connection with Pachon in

    Alacc 6 38. Soo TIMI-:.

    EPISTLE, e-pis"l (iiria-TO\\-f\\, c/n titolr, "a letter," "epistle 1 "; from mo-TtX.\\co, cp/xtcllo, "to send to"):

    1. NT Kpistlos

    1^. Distinctive Characteristics

    :{. Letter- Writing in Antiquity

    t. Let ters in tin OT

    f>. Letters in the^ Apocrypha

    (>. Kpistolary Writings in the NT

    7. Kpistles a s Distinguished from Letters

    south Patristic Kpistles

    !>. Apocryphal Kpistles

    A written communication; a term inclusive 1 of

    all forms of written correspondence, personal and

    official, in vogue from an early an-

    1. NT tiquity. As applied to the twenty- Epistles one letters, which constitute; well-nigh

    one-half of the NT, the word "epistle" has come to have chiefly a technical and exclusive meaning. It refers, in common usage, to the com- munications addressed by five (possibly six) NT writers to individual or collective churches, or to single persons or groups of Christian disciples. Thirteen of these letters wen 1 written by St. Paul; three by St. John; two by St. Peter; one each by St. James and St. Jude; one the epistle to the Hebrews by an unknown writer.

    As a whole the Epistles are classified as Pauline, and Catholic, i.e. general; the Pauline being divided

    into two classes: those written to

    2. Distinc- churches and to individuals, the latter tive Char- being known as Pastoral (1 and 2 Thessalonians, acteristics and Tit; some also including Philem;

    see Lange on Kotnanx, Am. ed, 16). The fact that the NT is so largely composed of letters distinguishes it, most uniquely, from all the sacred writings of the world. The Scriptures of other oriental religions the Vedas, the Zend A vest a, the Tripitaka, the Koran, the writings of Confucius -lack the direct and personal address altogether. The Epistles of the NT are specifically the product of a new spiritual life and era. They deal, not with truth in the abstract, but in the concrete. They have to do with the soul s inner experiences and processes. They are t lie burning and heart-throb bing messages of the apostles and their confreres to the fellow-Christians of their own day. The chosen disciples who witnessed the events following the resurrection of Jesus and received the power (Acts

    1 8) bestowed by the Holy Spirit on, and subse quent to, the Day of Pentecost, were spiritually a new order of men. The only approach to them in the spiritual history of mankind is the ancient Hebrews prophets. Consequently the Epistles, penned by men who had experienced a great redemption and the marvelous intellectual emancipation and quickening that came with it, were an altogether new type of literature. Their object is personal. They relate the vital truths of the resurrection era, and the fundamental principles of the new teaching, to the individual and collective life of all believers. This specific aim accounts for the form in which the

    apostolic letters were written. The logic of this practical aim appears conspicuously in the orderly Epistles of St. Paul who, after the opening saluta tion in each letter, lays down with marvelous clear ness the doctrinal basis on which he builds the prac- t ical duties of daily Christian life. Following these, as each case may require, are the personal messages and affectionate greetings and directions, suited to this familiar form of address.

    The Epistles consequently have a charm, a direct ness, a vitality and power unknown to the other sacred writings of the world. Nowhere are they equaled or surpassed except in the personal instruc- tions that, fell from the lips of Jesus. Devoted ex clusively to experimental and practical religion they have, with the teachings of Christ, become the text book of the spiritual life for the Christian church in all subsequent time. For this reason "they are of more real value to the church than all the syst ems of theology, from Origen to Schleiermacher" (Schaff on St. Paul s Epistles, ///*/ of ( hrixlinn Cfmrr//, 741). No writings in history so unfold the nature and processes of the redemptive experience. In St. Paul and St. John, esp., the pastoral instinct is ever supreme. Their letters are too human, too personal, too vital to be formal treatises or argu ments. They throb with passion for truth and love for souls. Their directness and affectionate inten sity convert, their authors into prophets of truth, preachers of grace, lovers of men and missionaries of the cross. Hence their value as spiritual bi ographies of the writers is immeasurable. As letters are the most spontaneous and the freest form of writing, the NT Epistles are the very life-blood of Christianity. They present theology, doctrine, truth, appeal, in terms of life, and pulsate with a vitality that will be fresh and re-creative till the end of time. (For detailed study of their chronol ogy, contents and distinguishing characteristics, see arts, on the separate epistles.)

    While 1 the NT Epistles, in style and quality, are

    distinct, from and superior to all other lit. of this

    class, they nevertheless belong to a

    3. Letter- form of personal and written address Writing in common to all ages. The earliest Antiquity known writings were epistolary, unless

    we except some of the chronologies and inscriptions of the ancient Bab and Assyr kings. Some of these royal inscriptions carry the art of writing back to 3800 BC, possibly to a period still earlier (see Goodspeed, I\\<n/ s Ili^toric/il xSVr/V.s, 42-43, sees. 40-41), and excavations have brought. to light, "an immense mass of letters from officials to the court correspondence; be-tween royal per sonages or between minor officials," as early as the reign of Khammurnbi of Babylon, about 227") BC (ib, 33). The civilized world was astonished at the extent of this international correspondence as revealed in the- Am Tab (1480 BC), discovered in Egypt in 1887, among the ruins of the palace of Amenophis IV. This mass of political correspond ence is thus approximately synchronous with the He b exodus and the invasion of Canaan under Joshua.

    As might be expect eel, then, the 1 OT abounds with evidences of extensive epistolary correspondence

    in and between the oriental nations.

    4. Letters That a postal service; was in exist e-ne-e in the OT in the time of Job (Job 9 25) is evi dent from the He b term C" 1 ?"^, racl/n,

    signifying "runners," and used of the mounted couriers of the Persians who carrieel the royal edicts to the provinces. The most striking illustration of this courier service in the OT occurs in Est 3 13.15; 8 10.14 where King Ahasuerus, in the days of Quern Esther, twice sends royal letters to the Jews and



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    satraps of his entire realm from India to Ethiopia, on the swiftest horses. According to Herodotus, these were usually stationed, for the sake of the greatest speed, four parasangs apart. Hezekiah s letters to Ephraim and Manasseh were sent in the same way (2 Chronicles 30 1.6.10). Other instances of epistolary messages or communications in the OT are David s letter to Joab concerning Uriah and sent by him (2 Samuel 11 14.15); Jezebel s, to the elders and nobles of Jezreel, sent in Ahab s name, regard ing Naboth (1 Kings 21 8.9) ; the letter of Ben-hadad, king of Syria, to Jehoram, king of Israel, by the hand of Naaman (2 Kings 5 5-7); Jehu s letters to the rulers of Jezreel, in Samaria (2 Kings 10 1.2.6.7); Sennacherib s letter to Hczekiah (2 Kings 19 14; Isaiah 37 14; 2 Chronicles 32 17), and also that of Merodach- baladan, accompanied with a gift (2 Kings 20 12; Isaiah 39 1). Approximating the NT epistle in pur pose and spirit is the letter of earnest and loving counsel sent by Jeremiah to the exiles in Babylon. It is both apostolic and pastoral in its prophetic fervor, and is recorded in full (Jeremiah 29 1.4-32) with its reference to the bitterly hostile and jealous letter of Shemaiah, the false prophet, in reply.

    As many writers have well indicated, the Bab captivity must have been a great stimulus to letter- writing on the part of the separated Hebrews, and between the far East and Philestina-Canaan Land. Evidences of this appear in the histories of Ezra and Nehemiah, e.g. the correspondence, back and forth, between the enemies of the Jews at Jerusalem and Artaxerxes, king of Persia, written in the Syrian language (Ezr 4 7-23); also the letter of Tattenai (AV "Tatnai") the governor to King Darius (Ezr 6 6-17); that of Artaxerxes to Ezra (Ezr 711 ->), and to Asaph, keeper of the royal forest (Neh 2 Samuel); finally the interchange of letters between the nobles of Judah and Tobiah; and those of the latter to Nehemiah (Neh 6 17.10; so Sanballat ver 5).

    The OT Apoc contains choice specimens of per sonal and official letters, approximating in literary form the epistles of the NT. In each

    5. Letters case they begin, like the latter, in true in the epistolary form with a salutation: Apocrypha greeting," or "sendeth greeting"

    (1 Mace 11 30.32; 12 6.20; 15 2.16), and in two instances closing with the customary "Fare ye well" or "Farewell" (2 Mace 11 27-33. 34-38; cf 2 Corinthians 13 11), so universally character istic; of letter-writing in the Hellenistic era.

    The most felicitous and perfect example of offi cial correspondence in the NT is Claudius Lysias

    letter to Felix regarding St. Paul (Acts

    6. Episto- 23 25-30). Equally complete in form lary is the letter, sent, evidently in dupli- Writings cate, by the apostles and elders to their in the NT gentile brethren in the provinces of

    Asia (Acts 15 23-29). In these two letters we have the first, and with Jas 1 1, the only, instance of the C!r form of salutation in the NT (xaipfLv, chaircin). The latter is by many scholars regarded as probably the oldest letter in epistolary form in the NT, being in purport and substance a Pastoral Letter issued by the Apostolic Council of Jerusalem to the churches of Antioch, Syria and Cilicia. It contained instructions as to the basis of Christian fellowship, similar to those of the great apostle to the churches under his care.

    The letters of the high priest at Jerusalem commending Saul of Tarsus to the synagogues of Damascus are samples of the customary letters of introduction (Acts 9 2; 22 5; cf 28 21; also 18 27). As a Christian apostle St. Paul refers to this common use of "epistles of commendation" (2 Corinthians 3 1; 1 Corinthians 16 3) and himself made happy use of the same (Rom 16 1 ->) ; lie also mentions receiving letters, in turn, from the churches (1 Corinthians 7 1).

    Worthy of classification as veritable epistles are the letters, under the special guidance of the Holy Spirit, to the seven churches of Asia (The Revelations 2 1 3 22). In fact, the entire Book of The Revelations is markedly epistolary in form, beginning with the benedictory salutation of personal and apostolic address, and closing with the benediction common to the Pauline epistles. This again distinguishes the NT lit. in spirit and form from all other sacred writings, being almost exclusively direct and personal, whether in vocal or written address. In this respect the gospels, histories and epistles are alike the product and ex ponent of a new spiritual era in the life of mankind.

    This survey of epistolary writing in the far East,

    and esp. in the OT and NT periods, is not intended

    to obscure the distinction between the

    7. Epistles letter and the epistle. A clear line of as Distin- demarkation separates them, owing guished not merely to differences in form and from substance, but to the exalted spiritual Letters mission and character of the apostolic

    letters. The characterization of a letter as more distinctly personal, confidential and spontaneous, and the epistle as more general in aim and more suited to or intended for publication, accounts only in part for the classification. Even when addressed to churches Paul s epistles were as spontaneous and intimately and affectionately per sonal as the ordinary correspondence. While in tended for general circulation it is doubtful if any of the epistolary writers of the NT ever anticipated such extensive and permanent use of their letters as is made possible in the modern world of printing. The epistles of the NT are lifted into a distinct category by their spiritual eminence and power, and have given the word epistle a meaning and quality that will forever distinguish it from letter. In this distinction appears that Divine element usually defined as inspiration: a vitality and spiritual en- duement which keeps the writings of the apostles permanently "living and powerful," where those of their successors pass into disuse and obscurity.

    Such was the influence of the NT Epistles on the lit. of early Christianity that the patristic and

    pseudepigraphic writings of the next

    8. Patristic century assumed chiefly the epis- Epistles tolary form. In letters to churches

    and individuals the apostolic Fathers, as far as possible, reproduced their spirit, quality and style. See LITERATURE, SUB-APOSTOLIC.

    Pseudo-epistles extensively appeared after the patristic era, many of them written and circulated

    in the name of the apostles and apos-

    9. Apocry- tolic Fathers. See APOCRYPHAL EPIS- phal TLEsouth This early tendency to hide Epistles ambitious or possibly heretical writ ings

    under apostolic authority and Scrip tural guise may have accounted for the anathema pronounced by St. John against all who should attempt to add to or detract from the inspired reve lation (The Revelations 22 18.19). It is hardly to be sup posed that all the apostolic letters and writings have escaped destruction. St. Paul in his epistles refers a number of times to letters of his that do not now exist and that evidently were written quite fre quently to the churches under his care (1 Corinthians 5 9; 2 Corinthians 10 9.10; Ephesians 3 3); "in every epistle" (2 Thessalonians 3 17) indicates not merely the apostle s uniform method of subscription but an extensive correspondence. Colossians 4 16 speaks of an "epistle from Laodicea," now lost, doubtless written by St. Paul himself to the church at Laodicea, and to be returned by it in exchange for his epistle to the church at Colosse. DWIGHT M. PRATT

    EPISTLES, CAPTIVITY. See PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO.

    Epp., Pastoral Eri-Aku

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    EPISTLES, THE PASTORAL. Sec PASTORAL

    El ISTLKsouth

    EPISTLES, SPURIOUS, spu ri-us. See APOC RYPHAL El ISTLKsouth

    EQUAL, e kwal (foros, isos): In Ezekiel (18 2f>. 29; 33 17.20), "The \\v;iy of the Lord is not equal" translates lleh i/ilfdL licn for takhan, "to weigh," and means "is not adjusted to any fixed standard," "arbitrary," "fitful," and, therefore, "not equitable, fair, or impartial" (LXX "is not set straight"). Cf same Ileb word in 1 Samuel 2 3, where the Lord is said to weigh actions. "Kqual." therefore, is what will bear the closest investigation and strictest judg ment. In Matthew 20 12, "made them equal" means "put them upon the same footing," i.e. regarded their brief service as though it were the very same as our long hours of toil. In Luke 20 36 the context restricts the equality to a. particular relation. The precise meaning of isus in John 6 18, "making him self equal with God," is clearly defined by the pre ceding clause, for Our Lord s opponents say that, He has "called (iod his own Father" (C!r uliun pu- ti m, i.e. His Father in a peculiar and exclusive sense; cf itl iou Intioil of Rom 8 32, applying the same adj. to the Son in His relat ion to the Father, i.e. His Son in a sense in which no one else can claim the title). They correctly interpreted the language of Jesus as declaring that He was the Son of (iod in a way that put, Him on an equality with (iod. The charge against Him is not that lie said that lie was "like" (fwtnoiox), but that He was equal" (i .w.s), i.e. of the very same rank and authority.

    II. east JACOBS

    EQUALITY, e-kwol i-ti (Icrortis, isMcs): In 2 Corinthians 8 14, lit. "out of equality," i.e. "in equal pro portion" or "that there may be equality." In Philippians 2 6, it occurs in a paraphrase of (!r to ci/mi i*</ ttici>, "the being on an equality with (!od." In this much-discussed passage, v .sr/, according to a not unusual Attic idiom, is construed adverbially (sec; Meyer on passage), meaning, therefore, not the being equal (AV), which would require ison, but the having equal prerogatives and privileges." The personal equality is one thing; the equality of attributes is another, and it is the latter which is here expressed (Light foot). The "being on an equality" and the "having equal prerogatives" are both deductions from the possession of "the form of God." The thought is thai if He who had "the form of (iod" had under all circumstances exercised His Divine attributes, He would have been employ ing only what, belonged to Him, and would in no way have derogated from what belongs only to ( iod. We regard this as referring to the 1 incarnate Son in His historical manifestation. II. east JACOHS

    EQUITY, ek wi-ti: Is synonymous with "up rightness," which is found in Proverbs 17 26; Isaiah 59 14; Mai 2 6 in place of A V "equity." Eccl 2 21 has "skilfulness" and liVin "success" for AV "equity." The context favors this translated of "p""^ , kishron, which is derived from *Til"3 , kdshcr, "to succeed."

    Equity is the spirit of the law behind the letter; justice is the application of the spirit of equity; honesty is the general everyday use of justice or fairness, equity being the interior or abstract ideal. The Court of Equity overrides the Court of Com mon Law, deciding not upon terms, but the spirit of the deed. M. O. EVANS

    ER, ar p? , er, "watcher"; "Hp, Er ): (1) The eldest son of Judah, the son of Jacob, by Shua the Canaanite. Judah took for him a wife

    named Tamar. It is recorded that Er "was wicked in the sight of Jeh; and Jeh slew him" (Genesis 38 3.6.7; 46 12).

    (2) "Er the father of Lecah" is mentioned among "the sons of Shelah the son of Judah" (1 Chronicles 4 21).

    (3) An ancestor of Jesus in St. Luke s genealogy in the 7th generation before Zerubbabel (Luke 3 28).

    ERA, e ra: We find no definite era in use in OT times, and such usage does not appear until we reach the period of the Maccabees. There are some references to important events that might have served as eras had they been generally accepted and constantly employed. Such was the Exodus; and this is referred to as the starting-point in fixing the date of the building of Solomon s temple (1 Kings 6 1), and also for the date of Aaron s death (Numbers 33 38). An earthquake is referred to by Amos (1 1) as a well-known event by which to date the beginning of his prophetic career; and Ezekiel in two pas sages refers to the captivity of Judah as a date for marking certain events in his life. Of these the Exodus would have been the most appropriate event- to use as an era, since it marked the birth of the Ileb nation; but the universal custom of an tiquity was to date from the regnal years of the kings, as we see in the history of Egypt and Baby lonia and Assyria; this custom was followed by the Israelites as soon as the kingdom was established, and was continued down to the Captivity. After the return of the Jews they naturally adopted the regnal years of the Pers kings, under whose rule they were, until the overthrow of the kingdom by Alexander. After this event, the era that, prevailed most, widely in Syria was that of the Seleucid king dom, which began in 312 BC, and must have been familiar to the Jews, and we have; evidence that they made use of it. When Simon the Maccabee secured the independence of the Jews from the Se leucid king, Demetrius II, in 141-140, they began to date their instruments and contracts from this event as is stated in 1 Mace 13 41.42; and we find that the year of their independence is fixed by refer ence to the Seleucid era, the first year of Simon being the 170th of that era (see Jos, Ant, XIII, vi, 7). After this they used the era of Simon, dating by his regnal years; but whether they used this as a per manent era during the Asmonean Dynasty or dated simply from the accession of each king, we do not know. There is no doubt that the Seleucid era continued to be used throughout the country for several centuries after the downfall of the Seleucid kingdom, as we have abundant, evidence from inscriptions. When the Komans took possession of Syria and Philestina-Canaan Land, their era was of course employed by Rom officials, but this did not prevail among the people. The dynasty of the Herods sometimes employed their own regnal years and sometimes those of the emperors, as appears from their coins. The Jews must have been familiar with the eras employed by some of the Plioen towns, such as Tyre and Sidon. Tyre had a local era which began in 126 BC, and Sidon one beginning in 112 BC; and most of the towns on the coast used the era of Alex ander, dating from the battle of Issus, until the establishment of the Seleucid era. The Jews would be familiar with these from their commercial con nections with the coast towns, but we do not know that they used them. They did not adopt the era of the Creation until after the time of Christ. It was fixed at 4,000 years before the destruction of the later temple, or 3760 BC. H. PORTER

    ERAN, e ran (T17, eran, "watcher," "watchful"; ES^v, Eden) : The son of Ephraim s oldest son Shu- thelah (Xu 26 36). Eranites, the descendants of Eran (ib).



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    ERASTUS, e>ras tus ("Epao-ros, fimstos, "be loved"): The name occurs three times, each time denoting a companion of Paul.

    (1) Erastus was sent with Timothy from Ephesus into Macedonia while Paul remained in Asia for a while. They are designated "two of them that ministered unto him" (Acts 19 22).

    (2) "Erastus the treasurer of the city" sent greet ings to the Christians in Rome (Rom 16 23). He was apparently an important person in the Corin thian community, and with Gains probably repre sented that church in these fraternal relations with the Rom community.

    (3) Erastus is one who, in 2 Thessalonians 4 20, "remained at Corinth."

    \\\\ e have no means of discovering whether one or more than one person is meant in these references. A. C. Ileadlam (HI)h, s.v.) thinks it improbable that one who held an office implying residence in one locality should have been one of Paul s com panions in travel. On the oilier hand Paul may be designating Erastus (Rom 16 23) by an office he once held, but which he gave up to engage in mission work. south F. HUNTER

    ERECH, e rek, er ek (-pS, erekh; "Opx> Orech):

    The second of the cities founded by Nimrod, the others being Babel, Accad and Calneh

    1. Ety- (Genesis 10 10). The derivation of the mology of name is well known, Erech being the the Name Sem-Bab Untie, from the Sumerian

    Unuij, a word meaning seat," prob ably in the sense of "residential city." The char acter with which it is written enters into the com position of the Bab names of Larsa and Ur of the Chaldees.

    Its identification with Wnrlcn, on the left bank of

    the Euphrates, half-way between Hilluli (Babylon)

    and Kornti, is beyond a doubt. It is

    2. Position thought that the Euphrates must have and Nature flowed nearer to the city in ancient of the times, as the Gilgamcs legend relates Ruins that that hero and his companion Enki-

    du washed their hands in the stream after having killed the divine bull sent by the god dess Islar to destroy them. The shape of the ruin is irregular, the course of the walls of the northeast having been seemingly determined by that of the .Nile canal (Shatt-en-Nil), which flowed on that side. The extreme length of the site from north to south is over 3,000 yds., and its width about 2.SOO yds. This space is very full of remains of buildings; and the founda tions of the walls, with their various windings, gate ways and defences, are traceable even now.

    Two great deities, Istar and Nanaa, were wor shipped in this city, the temple of the former being

    E-anna, "the house of heaven" (or "of

    3. Its Ami," in which case it is probable that Patron- the god of the heavens, Ann, was also Deities and one of the patrons of the city). The Their shrine dedicated to Istar is apparently Temples now represented by the ruin known as

    Buwarlyya or "reed-mats," and so called on account of the layers of matting at intervals of 4 or 5 ft. This is the great temple-tower (ziq- qurul) of the place, called E-(/i/>nr-i/nin<i, "the house of 7 enclosures." The remains are situated in a large courtyard measuring 350 ft. by 270 ft. As in the case of other Bab erections, the corners are directed toward the cardinal points, and its height is about 100 ft. above the desert-plain.

    As Erech is mentioned with Babylon, Niffer (Calneh) and Eridu, as one of the cities created by Merodach (Nimrod), it is clear that it was classed with the oldest foundations in Babylonia. It was the city of Gilgames, the half-mythical king of the earliest period, who seems to have restored

    the walls and temples. Its earliest known ruler of

    historical times was Ensag-kus-anna, about 4,000

    BC. The celebrated shrine of Istar

    4. History was already in existence in the time of the City s of Lugal-zaggi-si, who came somewhat Temples, later. King Dungi (2600 BC) restored etc E-anna and built its great wall.

    This was in the time of the great Ur Dynasty, but later the city seems to have come under the dominion of the kings of Isin, Libit-Istar having apparently restored the sanctuary of Istar on E-gipara. Another great ruler of the early period was Sin-gasid, king of Erech, who was a patron of E-anna; and when he restored this shrine, he en dowed it with grain, wool, oil and 1 shekel of gold. There seems also to have been a shrine to Nergal, god of war, which was restored by King Sin-gamil. About 22X0 BC Kudur-Nanhunde, the Elamite king, plundered the city, and carried off the statue of the goddess Nanaa, which was only restored to its place by Assur-bani-apli, the Assyr king, about 63o BC. Samsu-iluna seems to have surpassed his father Hammurabi (Amraphel) in the restoration of the city s temples, and other rulers who did not forget Erech were Nebuchadrezzar and Nabonidus. Many tablets have been found on the site, and give promise of interesting discoveries still to come.

    Having been the capital of the hero-

    5. Litera- king Gilgames, who saw the wonders ture Refer- of the wide world, spoke with the Bab ring to Noah face to face, and almost attained Erech immortality as a living man, it was

    always a place of romance. Poetical compositions concerning it exist, one of the most interesting being a lamentation possibly written after the invasion of Kudur-Nanhundi, when famine was rife in the city, blood Mowed like water in E- ulbar, the house of Istar s oracle, and the enemy heaped up fire in all the goddess lands as one heaps up embers.

    The consideration in which the- city was held is made plain by the geographical lists, from which it

    would seem thai it had no less than 11

    6. The names, among them being Illtib or City s I Hag, Tir-anna, "the heavenly grove"; Numerous rh-iininu, "the 7 regions"; I ru- Names gipara-imina, "the city of the 7 en closures"; and Unilc-iiiipnri, "Erech

    of the folds" (the name which it always bears in the Gilgames legend), given to it cither on account of its being a center where pastoral tribes gathered, or because of the flocks kept for sacrifice to its deities. Besides the inscriptions of the kings already men tioned, tablets of the reigns of Nabopolassar, Nebu chadrezzar, Nabonidus, Cyrus, Da-

    7. Tablets rius and some of the Seleucids have and been found on the site. In the ruins Tombs of of the town and the country around, Late Date numerous glazed earthenware (slipper- shaped) coffins and other receptacles,

    used for and in connection with the burial of the dead, occur. These are mostly of the Parthian period, but they imply that the place was regarded as a necropolis, possibly owing to the sanctity at tached to the site.

    LITERATURE Schrader, KAT; Loftus, Chalilcea and Xiixiiititi, 11)2 If; Fried. Delitzsch, Wo Ian das I aradiest 221 f; Zehnpfund, Babylonien in seinen wichtigsten RuinenstatU n, 48 If.

    T. G. PINCHES

    ERI, e rl, ERITES, e rlts (>?,?, <m, "watcher"): The fifth of the seven sons of Gad (Genesis 46 16; Numbers 26 16). Patronymic, Erites (ib), a clan of Gad.

    ERI-AKU, er-i-a-koo , e-ri-a-ku : This is the probable Sumerian reading of the well-known Bab



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    name \\vril ten with the characters for "servant"

    (Sem ir/inln or fii tlu) and the group standing tor

    the Moon-god Sin (written l n-zn =

    1. The Zn-cn), otherwise Aku, the whole Name and meaning "servant oi the Moon-sod." Its Ety~ This ruler, who was king of Larsa mology (Eu.AssAK - cf that art.), is generally

    identified with the AiMnni (q.v.) of (Jen 14 9. Several Assyriologists read the name with the Sein Hah pronunciation of \\\\ <irtnl-S/it; and, if this he eorrect, there would be a certain amount of doubt as to the generally received identification; though this, on the other hand, might simply prove that the ancient Hebrews obtained their transcrip tion from a Sumerian source.

    In addition to a number of contract-tablets, the following inscript ions ment ioning Eri-Aku or \\\\ arad-

    Sin are known :

    2. Inscrip- (1) A dedication, by Kudur-mabuk, tions Men- father of Martu" (Amurnl, the land tioning of the Amorilesi, son of Simt i-Silhak, Eri-Aku of some sacred object to the Moon-god

    Nannar, for his own life and that of Eri-Aku, his son, the king of Larsa.

    (2) A dedication, by Eri-Aku, to I^tar of IJallabu, for his own life and that of his father and begetter Kudur-mabuk. The text records the restoration of (star s sanctuary.

    (3) A dedication, by Eri-Aku, to the god Nannar, for the preservation of his own life and that of his father, Kudur-malmk. The restoration of several temples is referred to.

    (4) An inscription of Eri-Aku, the powerful man," "the nourisher of I r [of the ChaldeesJ, the king of Larsa, the king of Sumer.and Akkad; son of Kudur-mabuk, the father of Emutbala. The text records that he raised the wall of I r, called "Nannar is t lie consolidator of the foundations of the land," high like a mountain.

    (.">) A dedication by Eri-Aku to Nin-insina (titles a_s above). It records the building of the temple E-u-namtila, for his own life, and the life of Kudur- mabuk, the father his begetter.

    These inscriptions and others show that Eri-Aku

    belonged to an Elamite family which held the throne

    of Larsa, a state which, in common

    3. The with Babylonia itself, acknowledged Nationality the suzerainty of Islam. Kudur- of His mabuk would seem, from motives of Family policy, to have given his sons Sumerian

    and Sem Bab names; and it is note worthy that he did not retain the rule of Larsa for himself, but delegated it, to his offspring, keeping for himself the dominion of Emutbala and, as his own inscription shows, the land of the Amorites. With regard to these it may be noted, that the ex pression dddd, "father," probably means simply "administrator."

    Eri-Aku seems to have died while his father was

    still alive, and was succeeded by Rim-Sin, who, as

    Francois Thureau-Dangin points out,

    4. Eri-Aku must have been his brother. As in and Rim- the ease of Eri-Aku, Kudur-mabuk Sin inaugurated the reign of Rim-Sin by a

    dedication; but there seems to be no inscription in which Hun-Sin makes a dedication for the life of his father, implying that Kudur-mabuk died soon after his second son came to the throne.

    And here the question of the identification of Eri- Aku with Eri-Eaku (var. -Ekua) claims considera tion. This name occurs on certain tablets of late date from Babylonia, and is coupled with a name which may be read Kudur-lahgumal (for Kmlnr- lu/j(j(n(translated, i.e. Chedorlaomer), and Tud-hul, 1 the

    i Writ ton Tudh ula, but the syllabaries indicate the final a as silent.

    Hib. Tidal. These inscriptions are very mutilated,

    but from the smaller one it would seem that Eri-

    [E]aku had a son named Durmah-

    5. Is Eri- ililni, who ravaged some district, and Aku to Be there were floods at Babylon. [But] Identified his son slaughtered him like a lam}), and with Eri- old man and child [were slain] with the Eaku? sword. Similar things seem to be said

    of Tudhul or Tidal. The larger frag ment gives further details of the life of Durmah- ilani, who had usurped royal power and had been killed wit h the sword. If the events recorded belong to this period, they must have; taken place after the death of Eri-Aku (-Eaku, -Ekua,), but before that of Kudur-lahgumal. It is to be noted that, in ac cordance with Islamite usage, the crown did not pass to the eldest son alter a king s death, but to the king s eldest brother. In Islam this led to endless conflicts, and the same probably took place in Larsa until incorporated with the states of Babylonia.

    The fact that the history of Kudur-lahgumal (?) forms the subject of a poetical legend suggests that

    the texts mentioning these kings may

    6. A have belonged to a kind of historical Historical romance, of which Chedorlaomer (Am- Romance raphel), Arioch, and Tidal were the

    heroes -and, in truth, this is implied by their style. That they are utterly apocryphal, however, remains to be proved.

    LiTKKATruio. See "Inscriptions and Records Referring to Ha by Ionia and Islam." etc. Jour mil of the \\ ii-tnrin Inati- tntf, 189596 (also separately); and the arts. CHEDOR- I.AOMKH and KL.\\M, sec. 12 (.">).

    I. G. PINCHES

    ERR, ur, ERROR, er er:

    To err is in the OT the translated of rttTC , shaghah, and n"F , tii i ih, both of which mean lit. "to wander," to go astray." We- have xhru/tnlli in 1 Samuel 26 21, "I have played the fool, and have erred"; Job 19 4, "Mine error remaineth with myself," i.e. "is my own concern," or, perhaps, "only injures myself"; Psalm 119 US; Isaiah 28 7 AV (thrice); ta ah,Psalm 95 10; Proverbs 14 22; Isaiah 35 south It means also "to cause to err" (Isaiah 3 12; 30 2S, "a bridle that canseth to err"; Jeremiah 23 1)5. 152; "Their lies [i.e. the unreal deities, creatures of their own imagination] have caused them to err," Am 2 4).

    In the NT the word is generally TrXamo/xcu, pin- nnoinni, "to wander" (Mark 12 24.27; He 3 10; Jas 5 10); d.^toclii d, "to miss the mark," "to swerve," occurs twice (1 Thessalonians 6 21; 2 Thessalonians 2 IS).

    Error in the ( )T represents various words: xh (/h(l</hali, "mistake," "oversight" (Isccl 5 G; cf Proverbs 20 25 and see INQUIRY) ; m shughah, with the same meaning, "wandering" (Job 19 4; cf Psalm 19 12); dull, "rashness," "mistake" (2 Samuel 6 7, "Clod smote him there for his error," RVm "rashness"); xhdl/1, Aram, "mistake" (Dnl 6 4); to* ah, "injury" (Isaiah 32 G).

    In the NT we have plane, "wandering" (Rom 1 27; Jas 5 20; 1 .In 4 G; Jude ver 11, "the error of Balaam"); fignonna, "ignorance" (He 9 7, in (lr "ignorances"). For "is deceived" (Proverbs 20 1) RV has "erreth," m "or reeleth"; for "them that are out of the way" (He 5 2), "the ignorant and erring"; for "deceit" (1 Thessalonians 2 3), "error."

    The Eng. word "error" has the; same original mcanhig as the Hob and Gr main words, being de rived from crro, "to wander." "To err is human," but there are errors of the heart as well as of the head. The familiar phrase just quoted seems to have its equivalent in the marginal rendering of Genesis 6 3, "in their going astray they are flesh." Errors through ignorance are in the Bible distin guished from errors of the heart and wilful errors (Leviticus 5 18; Numbers 15 22; Ezekiel 45 20).

    west L. WALKER

    ESAIAS, g-za yas. See ISAIAH.



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    ESARHADDON, e-sar-had on ("prnCX haddon; Assyr Asur-ah-iddina, "Ashur hath given a brother"): During his lifetime, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, made his favorite son, Esarhaddon (680-668 BC),the viceroy of Babylon; and although he was not the eldest son, he decreed that he should become the legal heir to the throne of Assyria. Sennacherib, having been slain in 681, apparently by two of his sons, who are called in the OT Adrammelech and Sharezer (2 Kings 19 37), Esarhad don proceeded to Nineveh, where the rebellion which followed the death of his father collapsed, having existed for about a month and a half. The OT informs us that the murderers of his father fled to Armenia. This is corroborated by the inscrip tions which say that at Melid, in the land of llani- rabbat, which can be said to be in Armenia, Esar haddon fought the rebels and defeated them; whereupon he was proclaimed king. His father had been so displeased with Babylon that lie had attempted to annihilate the city by making it a swamp. Esarhaddon, however, having been in fatuated with the ancient culture of the Babyloni ans, adopted a conciliatory attitude toward the people. Immediately he planned to restore the city on magnificent proportions. The foundations of his work were laid with impressive ceremonies, and in every way he endeavored to ameliorate the in habitants by his gracious deeds. Even at Nippur evidences of his work in restoring the ancient shrine of Ellil are seen. The kings of the West who became his vassals, among them being Manasseh of Judah, were required to furnish building materials for his operations in Babylonia. His work in that land explains whv the Judaean king was incarcerated at Babylon (2 "Chronicles 33 11) instead of Assyria.

    Esarhaddon was first compelled to defend the kingdom against the inroads of the hordes from the North. The Gimirni (perhaps referring to Comer of theOT), who were called Manda, seemed to pour into the land. A decisive victory was finally gained over them, and they we re driven back into their own country. Afterward, the Modes and the Chal- daeans were also subjugated. lie then directed his attentions toward the West. Sidon having revolted against Assyria, Esarhaddon laid siege to the city, which after three years was finally captured and destroyed. He built another city upon the same site, which lie called Kar-Esarhaddon, and endeav ored to revive its commerce. And, as is mentioned in Ezr 4 2; cf 10, he repeopled the city (Samaria) with captives from Elam and Babylonia.

    The capture of Tyre was also attempted, but, the city being differently situated, a siege from the land was insufficient to bring about submission, as it was impossible to cut off the commerce by sea. The siege, after several years, seems to have been lifted. Although on a great monolith Esarhaddon depicts Ba al, the king of Tyre, kneeling before him with a ring through his lips, there is nothing in the inscriptions to bear this out.

    His work in Canaan was preparatory to his eon- quest of Egypt. Tirhakah, the Ethiopian king of Egypt, was attacked on the borders, but no victory was gained. Several years later he crossed the borders and gained a decisive victory at Iskhupri. He then proceeded to lay siege to Memphis, which soon capitulated; and Egypt, to the confines of Nubia, surrendered to Assyria. Esarhaddon reor ganized the government, and even changed the names of the cities. Necoh was placed over the 22 princes of the land. In 06$, Egypt revolted and Esarhaddon, while on his way to put down the re volt, died. He had arranged that the kingdom be divided between two of his sons: Ashurbanipal was to be king of Assyria, and Shamash-shum-ukin was to reign over Babylonia. The nobles decreed,

    however, that the empire should not be divided, but Shamash-shum-ukin was made viceroy of Baby lonia. A. T. CLAY

    ESAU, e so (Tip!? , *(~s<lw t "hairy"; Ho-av, Esau): Son of Isaac, twin brother of Jacob. The name was given on account of the hairy covering on his body at birth: "all over like a hairy garment" (Genesis 25 25). There was a prenatal foreshadowing of the relation his descendants were to sustain to those of his .younger brother, Jacob (ver 23). The mo ment of his birth also was signalized by a circum stance that betokened the same destiny (ver 26).

    The young 1 ]. was fond of the strenuous, daring life of the chase he became a skilful hunter, "a man of the field" ( 7,s7i sddhch). His father warmed toward him rather than toward Jacob, because east s hunting expeditions resulted in meats that appealed to the old man s taste (ver 2S). Returning hungry from one of tiiese expeditions, however, east exhibited a characteristic that marked him for the inferior po sition which had been foretokened at the timeof his birth. Enticed by the pottage which Jacob had boiled, he could not deny himself, but must , at once, gratify his appetite, though the calm and calculating Jacob should demand the birthright of the firstborn as the price (vs 30-34). Impulsively he snatched an immediate and sensual gratification at. the for feit of a future glory. Thus he lost the headship of the people through whom God s redemptive pur pose was to be wrought out in the world, no less than the mere secular advantage of the firstborn son s chief share in the father s temporal possessions. Though east had so recklessly disposed of his birth right, he afterward would have secured from Isaac the blessing that appertained, had not the cunning of Rebekah provided for Jacob. Jacob, to be sure, had some misgiving about the plan of his mother (Genesis 27 12), but she reassured him; the deception was successful and he secured the blessing. Now, too late, east bitterly realized somewhat, at least, of his loss, though he blamed Jacob altogether, and himself not at all (vs 34.36). Hating his brother on account of the grievance thus held against, him, he determined upon fratricide as soon as his father should pass away (ver 41 j; but the watchful Re bekah sent Jacob to Haran, there to abide with her kindred till east s wrath should subside (vs 42-45).

    east, at the age of forty, had taken two Hittite wives, and had thus displeased his parents. Re bekah had shrewdly used this fact to induce Isaac to fall in with her plan to send Jacob to Mesopo tamia; and east, seeing this, seems to have thought he might please both Isaac and Rebekah by a mar riage of a sort different from those already con tracted with Canaanitish women. Accordingly, he married a kinswoman in the person of a daughter of Ishmael (Genesis 28 6.9). Connected thus with the "land of Seir," and by the fitness of that land for one who was to live by the sword, east was dwell ing there when Jacob returned from Mesopotamia. While Jacob dreaded meeting him, and took great pains to propitiate him, and made careful prepara tions against a possible hostile meeting, very earnest ly seeking Divine help, east, at the head of four hun dred men, graciously received the brother against whom his anger had so hotly burned. Though east had thus cordially received Jacob, the latter was still doubtful about him, and, by a sort of duplicity, managed to become separated from him, east return ing to Seir (Genesis 33 12-17). east met his brother again at the death of their father, about twenty years later (Genesis 35 29). Of the after years of his life we know nothing.

    east was also called Edom ("red"), because he said to Jacob: "Feed me, I pray thee, with that same red pottage" (Gc ti 25 30). The land in which he es-



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    tablished himself was "the land of Seir," so called from Seir, ancestor of the I lot-it es whom east found there; and called also Edom from east s surname, and, it may be, too, from the red sandstone of the country (Sayce).

    "Esau" is sometimes found in the sense of the descendants of east, and of the land in which they dwelt (Deuteronomy 2 5; Ob vs (i. south1south10).

    10. J. FORRESTER

    ESAY, e sa ( Ho-cUas, Esaias ): AV for Isaiah (2 Esd 2 18; Ecclus 48 22).

    ESCHATOLOGY, es-ka-tol 6-ji, OF THE OLD TESTAMENT:

    .1 ) Scope of Article B) Dr. Charles s Work

    Individual Religion in Israel

    I. FrNDAMKNTA I, I I) HAS

    1. Idea of God

    2. Idea of Man

    liody. Soul and Spirit

    3. Sin and Death

    II. OONCKI TIOXS OF THK FrTTRK LlKF, SnF.OL

    Had Israel No Uclief in a Future Life .

    1. Reserve on This Subject : Hopes and Prom ises Largely Temporal

    2. A Future State not Therefore Denied Belief Non-Mythological

    3. Survival of Soul, or Conscious Part

    4. The Hebrew Sheol

    III. THE Ri:i.i<;iors HOPK LIKK AND RESURRECTION a) Nature and (!race -Moral Distinctions

    l>) Religious Hope of Immortality

    1. Sheol. Like Death, Connected with Sin 2. Religious Root of Hope of Immortality

    Not Necessarily Late 3. Hope of Resurrection

    (1) Not a Late or Foreign Doctrine,

    (2) The Psalms

    (3) The Hook of Job

    (4) The Prophets

    (5) Daniel Resurrect ion of Wicked

    IV. THE I UK A OF J rixi.MKNT THI: DAY OF JEHOVAH

    Judgment a Present Reality

    1. Day of Jehovah

    (1)" Relation to Israel (2) To the Nations

    2. Judgment beyond Death

    (1) Incompleteness of Moral Administration

    (2) Prosperity of Wicked

    (3) Suffering of Righteous with Wicked

    3. Retribution beyond Death

    V. LATKH. JEWISH CONCEPTIONS APOCRYPHAL, APOC ALYPTIC, RABBINICAL

    1 . Sources

    (1) Apocrypha

    (2) Apocalyptic- Literature

    (3) Rabbinical Writings

    2. I Vscription of Views

    (1) Less Definite Conceptions

    (2) Ideas of Sheol

    (3) The Fallen Angels

    (4) Resurrection (.">) Judgment

    The Messiah

    (fi) The Messianic Age and the Gentiles (7) Rabbinical Ideas LITERATURE

    Eschatology of the OT (with Apocryphal and Apocalyptic Writings). By "eschatology, or doc trine of the last things, is meant the .-1) Scope ideas entertained at any period on the of Article future life, the end of the world (resur rection, judgment; in the NT, the Parousia), and the eternal destinies of mankind. In this art. it is attempted to exhibit the beliefs on 1 hcse matters contained in the OT, with those in the Jewish apocryphal and apocalyptic writings that fill up the interval between the OT and the NT.

    The subject here treated has been dealt with by many writers (see "Literature" below); by none more learnedly or ably than by Dr. II. /?) Dr. II. Charles in his work on Ileb, Jewish

    Charles s and Christian eschatology (A Critical Work History of the Doctrine of a Future Life

    in Israel, in Judaism, and in Chris tianity). The present writer is, however, unable to follow Dr. Charles in many of his very radical criti cal positions, which affect so seriously the view taken of the literary evidence, and of the develop

    ment of Israel s religion; is unable, therefore, to follow him in his interpretation of the religion itself. The subject, accordingly, is discussed in these pages from a different point of view from his.

    Individual religion in Israel. One special point in which the writer is unable to follow Dr. Charles in his treatment, which may be noticed at the out set, is in liis idea now so generally favored that till near the time of the Exile religion was not in- diritlitril that. Jeh was thought, of as concerned with the well-being of the people as a whole, and not with that of its individual members. "The individual was not the religious unit, but the family or tribe" (op. cit., r>X). How anyone can entertain this idea in face of the plain indications of the OT itself to the contrary is to the present writer a mystery. Then is, indeed, throughout, the OT, a solidarity of the individual with his family and tribe, but not at any period to the exclusion of a personal relation to Jen, or of individual moral and religious respon sibility. The pictures of piety in the Book of (Jen are nearly all individual, and the narratives con taining them are, even on the critical view, older than the ( ,Mh cent. Adam, Noah, Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, are all of them, to the writers of the history, individuals; Moses, Joshua, Caleb, are individuals; the deeds of individuals are counted to them for righteousness; the sins of others slay them. If there had been ten righteous persons in Sodom, it would have been spared ((ien 18 32). It was as an individual that David sinned; as an individual he repented and was forgiven. Kings are judged or condemned according to their individual char acter. It is necessary to lay stress on this at the beginning; otherwise the whole series of the OT conceptions is distorted.

    /. Fundamental Ideas. The eschatology of the OT, as Dr. Charles also recognizes, is dependent on, and molded by, certain fundamental ideas in regard to (!od, man, the soul and the state after death, in which lies the peculiarity of Israel s religion. Only, these ideas are differently apprehended here from what they are in this writer s learned work.

    In the view of Dr. Charles, Yahwe (Jehovah), who under Moses became the ( iod of the Hebrews tribes, was, till the time of the prophets, simply a 1. Idea national Cod, bound up with the land

    of God and with this single people; therefore,

    "possessing neither interest nor juris diction in the life of the individual beyond the grave Hence, since early Yahwism pos sessed no eschatology of its own, the individual Israelite was left to his hereditary heathen beliefs. These beliefs we found were elements of Ancestor Worship" (op. cit., 52; cf 3.5). The view taken here, on the contrary, is, that there is no period known to the OT in which Jeh whether the name was older than Moses or not need not be discussed

    was not recogni/ed as the (iod of the whole earth, the Creator of the world and man, and Judge of all nations. He is, in both (ien 1 and 2, the Creator of the first pair from whom the whole race springs; He judged the whole world in the Flood; He chose Abraham to be a blessing to the families of the earth (Genesis 12 3); His universal rule is acknowledged (den 18 25); in infinite grace, displaying His power over Egypt, He chose Israel to be a people to Himself (Exodus 19 3-0). The ground for denying jurisdiction over the world of the dead thus falls. The word of Jesus to the Sadducees is applicable here: "Have ye not read .... I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob? God is not the God of the dead, but of the living" (Matthew 22 31.32). The OT instances of res urrection in answer to prayer point in the same direction (1 Kings 17 21 ->; 2 Kings 4 34 ->; cf Psalm 16 10; 49 15, etc; see further, below).



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    According to Dr. Charles, the OT lias two con tradictory representations of the constitution of man, and of the effects of death. The

    2. Idea older or pre-prophetic view distin- of Man guishos between soul and bod} in man

    (pp. 37 ->, 4511), and regards the soul as surviving death (this is not easily reconcilable with the other proposition [p. 37] that the "soul or nephcsh is identical with the blood"), and as retaining a certain self-consciousness, and the power of speech and movement in Sheol (pp. 39 ->). This view is in many respects identical with that of an cestor worship, which is held to be the primitive belief in Israel (p. 41). The other and later view, which is thought to follow logically from the account in Genesis 2 7, supposes the soul to perish at death (pp. 41 ->). Wo read there that "Jehovah God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul." The "breath of life" (nishmath hayyint) is identified with the "spirit of life" (ru"h hayyini) of Genesis 6 17, and is taken to mean that the soul has no independent existence, but is "really a function of the material body when quickened by the [impersonal] spirit" (p. 42). "According to this view the annihilation of the soul ensues inev itably at dealh, that is, when the spirit is with drawn" (p. 43). This view is held to be the parent of Sadduceeism, and is actually affirmed to be the view of Paul (pp. 4314, 409) the apostle who repudiated Sadduceeism in this very article (Acts 23 6 9).

    Body, soul and spirit. The above view of man s nature is here rejected, and the consistency of the OT doctrine affirmed. The Bible view has nothing to do with ancestor worship (cf the writer s / OT, 135-36). In Genesis 1 20. 27 man is created in God s image, and in the more anthropomorphic narrative of Genesis 2 7, he. becomes "a living soul" through a unique act of Divine inbreathing. The soul (nephcxh) in man originates in a Divine inspiration (cf Job 32 Samuel; 33 4; Isaiah 42 ">), and is at once the animating principle of the body (the blood being its vehicle, Leviticus 17 11), with its appetites and de sires, and the seat of the self-conscious personality, and source of rational and spiritual activities. It is these higher activities of the soul which, in the OT, are specially called "spirit" (nt"h). Dr. Charles expresses this correctly in what ho says of the supposed earlier view ("the rn"k had become the seat of the highest spiritual functions in man," p. 46; see more fully the writer s God s Image in Man, 47 IT). There is no ground for deducing "annihilation" from Genesis 2 7. Everywhere in Genesis man is regarded as formed for living fellowship with God, and capable of knowing, worshipping and serv ing Him. See SOUL; SIMKIT.

    It follows from the above account that man is

    regarded in the OT as a compound being, a union

    of body and soul (embracing spirit),

    3. Sin and bolh being elements in his one per- Death sonality. His destiny was not to

    death, but to life not life, however, in separation of the soul from the body (disembodied existence), but continued embodied life, with, per haps, as its sequel, change and translation to higher existence (thus Enoch, Elijah; the saints at the Parousia). This is the true original idea of im mortality for man (see IMMORTALITY). Death, accordingly, is not, as it appears in Dr. Charles, a natural event, but an abnormal event a mutila tion, separation of two sides of man s being never intended to be separated due, as the Scripture represents it, to the entrance of sin (Genesis 2 17; 3 19.22; Rom 5 12; 1 Corinthians 15 21.22). It is ob jected that nothing further is said in the OT of a "Fall," and a subjection of man to death as the

    result of sin. In truth, however, the whole picture of mankind in the OT, as in the NT, is that of a world turned aside from God, and under His dis pleasure, and death and all natural evils are ever to be considered in relation to that fact (cf Dill- inarm, Alltcst. Thcol., 36S, 376 ft ; God s Image in Man, 198 ->, 249 ->). This alone explains the light in which death is regarded by holy men; their longing for deliverance from it (see below); the hope of resurrection; the place which resurrection "the redemption of our body" (Rom 8 23) after the pattern of Christ s resurrection (Philippians 3 21), has in the Christian conception of immortality.

    II. Conceptions of the Future Life Sheol. It is usual to find it contended that the Israelites, in contrast with other peoples, had not Had the conception of a future life till near

    Israel No the time of the Exile; that then, Belief in a. through the teaching of the prophets Future Life? and the discipline of experience, ideas of individual immortality and of judg ment to come first arose. There is, however, a good deal of ambiguity of language, if not confusion of thought, in such statements. It is true there is development in the teaching on a future life; true also that in the OT "life" and "immortality" are words of pregnant meaning, 1o which bare survival of the soul, and gloomy existence in Sheol, do not apply. But in the ordinary sense of the expression "future life," it is certain that the Israelites were no more without that notion than any of their neigh bors, or than most of the peoples and races of the world to whom the belief is credited.

    Israel, certainly, had not a developed mythology of the future life such as was found in Egypt. There, life in the other world almost over- 1. Reserve shadowed the life that now is; in con- on This trast with this, perhaps because of it, Subject: Israel was trained to a severer reserve Hopes and in regard to the future, and the hopes Promises and promises to the nation -the re- Largely wards of righteousness and penalties Temporal of transgression were chiefly tem poral. The sense of individual respon sibility, as was shown at the commencement, there certainly was an individual relation to God. But the feeling of corporate existence the sense of connection between the individual and his descend ants was strong, and the hopes held out to the faithful had respect rather to multiplication of seed, to outward prosperity, and to a happy state of existence (never without piety as its basis) on earth, than to a life beyond death. The reason of this and the qualifications needing to be made to the statement will afterward appear; but that the broad facts are as stated every reader of the OT will perceive for himself. Abraham is promised that his seed shall be multiplied as the stars of heaven, and that the land of Canaan shall be given them to dwell in (Genesis 12 1-3; 15); Israel is en couraged by abundant promises of temporal blessing (Deuteronomy 11 8 if; 28 1-14), and warned by the most terrible temporal curses (28 l")->); David has pledged to him the sure succession of his house as the reward of obedience (2 Samuel 7 11 ->). So in the Book of Job, the patriarch s fidelity is rewarded with return of his prosperity (oh 42). Temporal promises abound in the Prophets (Hosea 2 14 ->; 14; Isaiah 1 19.26; 35, etc); the Book of Proverbs like wise is full of such promises (3 13 ->, etc).

    All this, however, in no way implies that the Israelites had no conceptions of, or beliefs in, a state of being beyond death, or believed the death of the body to be the extinction of existence. This was very far from being the case. A hope of a future life it would be wrong to call it; for there was nothing to suggest hope, joy or life in the good sense, in the

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    ideas they entertained of death or the hereafter.

    In this they resembled most peoples whose ideas

    are still primitive, but to whom it is

    2. A Future not customary to deny belief in a future State not state. They stand as yet, though with Therefore differences to be afterward pointed out, Denied on the general level of Sem peoples in

    their conceptions of what the future state was. This is also the view taken by Dr. Charles. lie recogni/.es that early Israeli! ish thought attributed a comparatively large measure of life, movement, knowledge and likewise power [?j to the departed in Sheol" (op. cit., 11). A people that does this is hardly destitute of all notions of a future state. This question of Sheol now demands more careful consideration. Hero again our differ ences from Dr. Charles will reveal themselves.

    liti n-f non-mythological. It would, indeed, have been amazing had the Israelites, who dwelt so long in Egypt, where everything reminded of a future life, been wholly destitute of ideas on that subject. What is clear is that, as already observed, they did not adopt any of the Egyp notions into their re ligion. The simplicity of their belief in the Cod of their fat hers kept them then and ever after from the importation of mythological elements into their faith. The Egyp Amenti may be said, indeed, to answer broadly to thelleb Sheol; but there is nothing in Israelitish thought to correspond to Osiris and his assessors, the trial in the hall of judgment, and the adventures and perils of the soul thereafter. What, then, was the lleb idea of Sheol, and how did it stand related to beliefs elsewhere?

    That the soul, or some conscious part of man for

    which the name may be allowed to stand, does not

    perish at death, but passes into an-

    3. Survival other state of existence, commonly of Soul, or conceived of as shadowy and inert, is Conscious a belief found, not only among the Part lower, so-called nature-peoples, but in

    all ancient religions, even the most highly developed. The Egyp belief in Amenti, or abode of the dead, ruled over by Osiris, is alluded to above; the Bab Arallu (some iind the word "Suulu" = sh e ol} , the laud of death, from which there is no return; the C.r Hades, gloomy abode of the shades of the departed, are outstanding wit nesses to this conception (the various ideas may be seen, among other works, in Salmond, ( lirixtinn Doctrine of Immortality, 1 [ideas of lower races, In dian, Egyp, Bab, JYrs and (!r beliefs]; in Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, Religion of Ancient Babylonians, and Gifford Lectures, Religions of Ancii-nt Ki/i/jit. <i ml Hiihijlonin: Dr. Charles, Kxcfidloloi/i/, ch iii, on (lr conceptions). The lleb conception of Sheol, the gathering-place of the dead, is not in essentials dissimilar. "The 1 resemblance," says Dr. Salmond, "between the Hebrews Sheol, the Homeric, Hades, and Bab Arallu is unmistakable (op. cit., 3d ed, 173). As to its origin, Dr. Charles would derive the belief from ancestor worship. He supposes that "in all probability Sheol was originally conceived as a combination of the graves of the clan or nation, and as thus its final abode" (op. cit., 33). It is far from proved, however, that ancestor worship had the role he assigns to it in early religion; and, in any case, the explanation inverts cause and effect. The survival of the soul or shade is already assumed before there can be worship of ancestors. Far simpler is the explanation that man is conscious from the first of a thinking, active principle within him which disappears when death ensues, and he naturally thinks of this as surviving somewhere else, if only in a ghost-like and weakened condition (cf Max Miiller, Anthropological Rcliyion, 19f>, 2X1, 337-38). Whatever the explanation, it is the case that, by a sure instinct, peoples of low and high

    culture alike all but universally think of the con scious part of their dead as surviving. On natural grounds, the Hebrews did the same. Only, in the Scriptural point of view, this form of survival is too poor to be dignified with the high name of "im mortality."

    It is not necessary to do more than sketch the main features of the Hebrews sk" 0l (see SHEOL). The

    word, the etymology of which is doubt - 4. The ful (the commonest derivations are

    Hebrew from roots meaning "to ask" or "to Sheol be hollow," shd al), is frequently, but

    erroneously, translated 1 in RY "grave" or "hell." It denotes really, as already said, the place or abode of the dead, and is conceived of as situated in the depths of the earth (Psalm 63 <); 86 13; Ezekiel 26 20; 31 14; 32 lx.24; cf Numbers 16 30; Deuteronomy 32 22). The dead are there gathered in companies; hence the frequent Iv recurring expression, "gathered unto his people" (Genesis 25 X; 35 29; 49 33; Numbers 20 24, etc), the phrase denoting, as the context, shows, something quite distinct from burial. Jacob, e.g. was "gathered unto his people"; afterward his body was embalmed, and, much later, buried ((Jen 50 2 ->). Poetical descriptions of Sheol are not intended to be taken with literalness; hence it is a mistake, with Dr. Charles, to press such de tails as "bars" and "gates" (Job 17 Hi; 38 17; Psalm 9 14; Isaiah 38 10, etc). In the general con ception, Sheol is a place of darkness (Job 10 21.22; Psalm 143 3), of silence (Psalm 94 17; 115 17), of for- getfulness (Psalm 88 12; Ecd 9 fi.d.lO). It is with out remembrance or praise of Clod (Psalm 6 f>), or knowledge of what transpires on earth (Job 14 21). Even this language is not to be pressed too literally. Part of it is t he expression of a depressed or despair ing (cf Isaiah 38 10 ->) or temporarily skeptical (thus in Keel; cf 12 7.13.14) mood; all of it is relative, emphasi/ing the contrast with the brightness, joy and activity of the earthly life (cf Job 10 22, "where the light is as midnight" comparative). Else where it is recognized that consciousness remains; in Isaiah 14 Off the shades (/" /ilt<l ii) of once mighty kings ar stirred up to meet the descending king of Babylon (cf Ezekiel 32 21). If Sheol is sometimes described as "destruction" (Job 26 6m; 28 22; Proverbs 15 llm) and "the pit" (Psalm 30 9; 55 23), at other times, in contrast with the weariness and trouble of life, it is figured and longed for as a place of "rest" and "sleep" (Job 3 17 ->; 1412.13). Always, however, as with other peoples, existence in Sheol is represented as feebb, inert, shadowy, devoid of living interests and aims, a true state of the (/i mi (on Egyp, Bab and Or analogies, cf Sal mond, op. cit., 54-f>3, 73-74, .) ->, 173-74). The idea of Dr. Charles, already commented on, that Sheol is outside the jurisdiction of Jell, is con tradicted by many passages (Deuteronomy 32 22; Job 26 G; Proverbs 15 11; Psalm 139 S; Am 9 2, etc; cf above).

    ///. The Religious Hope Life and Resurrec tion. Such is Sheol, regarded from the standpoint

    of nature; a somewhat different aspect a) Nature is presented when it is looked at from and Grace the point of view of grace. As yet no Moral trace is discernible between righteous Distinctions and wicked in Sheol; the element of

    retribution seems absent. Reward and punishment are in this world; not in the state beyond. Yet one must beware of drawing too sweeping conclusions even here. The state, indeed, of weakened consciousness and slumbrous inaction of Sheol does not admit of much distinction, and the thought of exchanging the joys of life for drear existence in that gloomy underworld may well have appalled the stoutest hearts, and provoked sore and bitter complainings. Even the Christian can bewail a life brought to a sudden and untimely close.



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    But even on natural grounds it is hardly credible that the pious Israelite thought of the state of the godly gathered in peace to their people as quite the same as those who perished under the ban of God s anger, and went down to Sheol bearing their iniq uity. There is a pregnancy not to be overlooked in such expressions as, "The wicked shall be turned back unto Sheol" (Psalm 9 17), a "lowest Sheol" unto which God s anger burns (Deuteronomy 32 22), "uttermost parts of the pit" (Isaiah 14 15; Ezekiel 32 23) to which the proud and haughty in this life are consigned. Dr. Charles goes so far as to find a "penal character of Sheol" in Pss 49 and 73 (op. cit., 74). Conso lation breathes in such utterances as, "Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright; for there is a happy end to the man of peace " (Psalm 37 37), or (with reference to the being taken from the evil to come), "He entereth into peace; they rest in their beds, each one that, walketh in his uprightness" (Isaiah 57 2; cf ver 21: "There is no peace, saith my God, to the wicked"). Even Balaam s fervent wish, "Lei me die the death of the righteous, and let my last end be like his" (Nil 23 10), seems weakened when interpreted only of the desire for a green and blessed old age. It is possible to read too much into OT expressions; the tendency at the present time would seem to be to read a great deal too little (P. l airbairn, Ti//>nlu</i/ of Xrripture, I, 173 ->, 422 IT, may profitably be consulted).

    To get at the true source- and nature of the hope of immortality in the OT, however, it is necessary t o go much farther than the idea of any b) Religious happier condition in Sheol. This dis- Hope of mal region is never there connected Immortality with ideas of "life" or immortality" in any form. Writers who suppose that the hopes which find utterance in _passages of 1 ss and Prophets have any connection with existence in Sheol are on an altogether wrong track. It is not the expectation of a happier condition in Sheol, but the hope of deliverance from Sheol, and of restored life and fellowship with God, which occupies the mind. How much this implies deserves careful consideration.

    It has already been seen that, in the OT, Sheol, like death, is not the natural fate of man. A con nection with sin and judgment is im- 1. Sheol, plied in it. Whatever Sheol might be Like Death, to the popular, unthinking mind, to Connected the reflecting spirit, that really grasped with Sin the fundamental ideas of the religion of Jeh, it was a state wholly contrary to man s true destiny. It was, as seen, man s dig nity in distinction from the animal, that he was not created under the law of death. Disembodied existence, which is of necessity enfeebled, partial, imperfect existence, was no part of the Divine plan for man. His immortality was to be in the body, not out of it. Separation of soul and body, an after-existence of the soul in Sheol, belong to the doom of sin. Dr. Salmond fully recognizes this in his discussion of the subject. "The penal sense of death colours all that the OT says of man s end. It is in its thoughts where it is not in its words" (op. cit., 159; see the whole passage; cf also Oehler, Theol. of the OT, 1, 242 ->, ET; A. B. Davidson, Theol. of the OT, 432 ->, 439 ->). The true typo of immortality is therefore to be seen in cases like those of Enoch (Genesis 5 24; cf He 11 5) and Elijah (2 Kings 2 11); of a bare "immortality of the soul," Scripture has nothing to say.

    It is on all hands conceded that, so far as the hope of immortality, in any full or real sense, is found in the OT, it is connected with religious faith and hope. It has not a natural, but a religious, root. It springs from the believer s trust and confidence in the living God; from his conviction that God his God who

    has bound him to Himself in the bonds of an

    unchanging covenant, whose everlasting arms are

    underneath him (Deuteronomy 33 27; cf Psalm 90

    2. Religious 1), will not desert him even in Sheol Root of will be with him there, and will give Hope of him victory over its terrors (cf A. B. Immortality Davidson, Comm. on Job, 293-95; Sal mond, op. cit., 175). Life is not bare

    existence; it consists in God s favor and fellow ship (Psalm 16 11; 30 5; 63 3). The relevant pas sages in Pss and Prophets will be considered after. Only, it is contended by the newer school, this hope of immortality belongs to a late stage of Israel s re ligion to a period when, through the development of the monotheistic idea, the growth of the sense of individuality, the acute feeling of the contradictions of life, this great "venture" of faith first became possible. One asks, however, Was it so? Was this hope so entirely a matter of "intuit ous ventures, and forecasts of devout souls in moments of deepest ex perience or keenest conflict," as this way of consider ing the matter represents?

    Not necessarily late. That the hope of immor tality could only exist for strong faith is self-evident. But did strong faith come into existence only in the days of the prophets or the Exile? Exception has already been taken to the assumption that mono theism was a late growth, and that individual faith in God was not found in early times. It is not to be granted without demur that, as now commonly alleged, the Pss and the Book of Job, which express this hope, are post-exilian products. If, however, faith in a covenant-keeping God is of earlier date if it is present in patriarchal and Mosaic days the question is not, Why should it not give rise to similar hopes? but rather, How should it be pre vented from doing so? If a patriarch like Abraham truly walked with God, and received His promises, could he, any more than later saints, be wholly dis trustful of God s power to keep and deliver him in and from Sheol? It is hard to credit it. It is replied, there is no evidence of such hope. Cer tainly these ancient, saints did not write psalms or speak with the tongues of prophets. But is there nothing in their quiet and trustful walk, in their tranquil deaths, in their sense of uncompleted promises, in their pervading confidence in God in all the vicissitudes of life, to suggest that they, too, were able to commit themselves into the hands of God in death, and to trust Him to see that it was, or would ultimately be, well with them in the future? Thusat least Jesus understood it (Matthew 22 32); thus NT writers believed (He 11 13.14). Faith might falter, but in principle, this hope must have been bound up with faith from the beginning.

    This raises now the crucial question, What shape

    did this hope of immortality assume? It, was not,

    as already seen, an immortality en-

    3. Hope joyed in Sheol; it could only then be a of Resur- hope connected with deliverance from rection the power of Sheol in essence, whether

    precisely formulated or not, a hope of resurrection. It is, we believe, because this has been overlooked, that writers on the subject have gone so often astray in their discussions on immor tality in the OT. They have thought of a blessed ness in the future life of the soul (thus Charles, op. cit., 76-77); whereas the redemption the Bible speaks of invariably embraces the whole personal ity of man, body and soul together. Jesus, it may be remembered, thus interprets the words, "I am the God of Abraham," etc (Matthew 22 32), as a pledge not simply of continued existence, but of resurrec tion. This accords with what has been seen of the connection of death with sin and its abnormality in the case of man. The immortality man would have enjoyed, had he not sinned, would have been



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    an immortality of his whole person. It will be seen immediately that this is borne out by all the pas sages in which the hope of immortality is expressed in the OT. These never contemplate a mere im mortality of the soul, but always imply resurrection. (1) \\i>l a lute or fan itjn doctrine- If the above is correct, it follows that it is a mistake 1 to place the belief in resurrection so late as is often done, still more to derive it from Zoroastrianism (thus Cheyne, Drii/iti of PxaltiT, led viii) or other foreign sources. It was 11 genuine corollary from the fundamental Israelitish beliefs about God, man, the soul, sin, death and redemption. Professor Gunkel e-mpha- si/es "the immeasurable significance" of this doc trine, and speaks of it as "one of the greatest things found anywhere in the history of religion, but thinks "it cannot In- derived from within Judaism itself, but must take its origin from a. ruling belief in the Orient of the later time" (Z/uti nli</in>ix- geschichtlichen \\ < rxlamlnixx e/c.s XT, 3 2-iM; for criticism of Gunkel s positions see the writer s Ri-Ktirnction of ./<*//*, 2 ~>~t IT). To make 1 good his theory, however, lie has to discount all the evi dences for the belief furnished by the earlier OT writings, and this, it is believed, cannot be done successfully. It was before noted that cases of resurrection appear in the historical books (1 Kings 17 21 fi; 2 Kings 4 , Uff). It is not impossible that the revei-ent care of the patriarchs for their dead was, as with the Egyptians, inspired by some hope of this kind (den 23; 50 .1. _>:>; Exodus 13 19; cf He 11 22). In any case an impartial survey of the evidence proves that the thought of resurrection colors till the later expressions of the hope of im mortality (see IMMORTALITY; cf also the writer s appendix on the subject in ( hrixtiun View of (lod, 200 ->).

    (2) The Pxdhnx. The passages in the I s.s in which faith rises to the hope of immortality tire principally Psalm 16 8-11; 17 If); 49 14.1.5; 73 21. There tire a few others, but these are the chief, and so far as they are allowed to express a hope of im mortality tit all, they do so in a form which implies resurrection. Dr. Cheyne, believing them to be in fluenced by Zoroast nanism, formerly granted this (Oriijin of Psalter, led viii); now he reads the pas sages differently. There is no good reason for putting these psalms in post-exilian times, and, taken in their most natural sense, their testimony seems explicit. Psalm 16 S-ll (cited in Acts 2 24- :U as a prophecy of the resurrection of Christ ) reads "My flesh also shall dwell iu safety [or confidently, m]. For thou wilt not leave my soul to Sheol; neither wilt thou suffer thy holy one to see cor ruption [or the pit, m]. Thou wilt show me the path of life," etc. In Psalm 17 1.5, the Psalmist, after describing the apparent prosperity of the wicked, says, "As for me, I shall behold thy face in right- ousness; I shall be satisfied, when I auake, with beholding thy form" (AV, EUV, "with thy like ness"). Cheyne (op. cit., 4011) refers this to the resurrection (cf Delit/sch, Perowne, etc). Yet more explicit is Psalm 49 14.1"), "They [the wicked] are appointed as a flock for Sheol .... and the upright shall have dominion over them in the

    morning But God will redeem my soul from

    the power [hand, m] of Sheol; for he will receive me." The last clause, lit. "lie will take me," has, as Perowne, Delitxsch, Cheyne (formerly), even Duhm, allow, allusion to cases like those of Enoch and Elijah. It cannot, however, contemplate act ua! bodily translation; it must therefore refer to resurrec tion. Similar in strain is Psalm 73 24, "Thou wilt guide me with thy counsel, tind afterward receive 1 me to glory." Dr. Charles grants that, in Pss 49 and 73, "God takes the righteous to Himself" in heaven (pp. 70-77), but fails to connect this with the doctrine

    of resurrection which he finds appearing about the same time (p. 7<S).

    (o) The linol: of Job. Before looking at the prophets, a glance should be taken at the Book of Job, which, irrespective of date (it is quite unwar rantably made post-exilian), reflects patriarchal conditions. Chronicles 14 raises the question, "If a man die, shall he live again?" (ver 14], and it is to be remarked that the form in which it does it, is the possibility of bodily revival. The appearances hostile to man s living again are enumerated (vs 7 12), then faith, reasserting itself, ilings itself on God to accomplish the apparently impossible: "Oh that thou wouldest hide me in Sheol, that thou would- cst keep me secret, until thy wrath be past, that thou wouldest appoint me a set time and remember

    me Thou wouldest call and I would answer

    thee: thou wouldest have a desire to the work of thy hands" (vs i;i--l;5; m reads "Thou shalt call," etc). Dr. A. B. Davidson says, "To his mind this involves a complete return to life again of the whole man" (Cambridge Co/tun, on Job, in loc.). With this must be taken the splendid outburst in 19 2.5 27, "I know that my Redeemer liveth," etc, which, whatever doubts may attach to the precise rendering of certain clauses, undoubtedly expresses a hope not inferior in strength to that in the verse just quoted.

    (4) The Prophi tx. The presence of the idea of resurrection in the Prophets is not doubted, but the passages are 1 put elown to exilic. e>r pre-exilic times, and tire explained of "spiritual" e>r "national," ne>t of individual, resurrection (cf Chtirle-s, e>p. cit., 12S- 29). It seems plain, howeveT, that, befe>re the figure of resurrection e-onld be 1 applie d to the 1 nation, the idea of resurrection must have 1 been there 1 ; and it is by no me ans clear that in certain of the passages the- resurrection of individuals is ne>t included. Cheyne granted this regarding the passage s in Isaiah (25 (i-S; 26 19): "This pre>spect e eine crns ne>t merely the church-nation, but till of its believing membeTS, and indeed all, whether Je ws e>r not, who submit to the true king, Je h" (op. cit., 402). The-re is no e-tdl for putting the remarkable- passages in Hosea "After two days will he- re-vive- us: em the third day he; will raise us up, and we shall live be>- fore him" (6 2); "I will ransom them from the power of Sheol: I will redevm them from eleath: () death, where are thy plagues? () Sheol, where is thy destruction ?" (i3 14) later than the time of that pre>phet. In them the ide-a e)f resurm tiem is alreadv fully present; as truly as in the picture in K/k 37 1 10 of the valle-y of dry bones. The climax is, however, reaches! in Isaiah 25 (}-S; 26 19, above referred to, from which the individual element cannot be exe-luded (cf Salmemd, op. cit., 211-12: "The 1 theme- e>f this great passage, 26 19, therefore, is a personal, ne>t a e-orporate resurrection").

    (~t) Dnniil r< xiim-ct/tin of iciclcl. Finally, in the-OT we 1 have 1 the striking statement in Dni 12 2, "And many of them that sleep in the dust . . . .shall awake 1 , senne to everlasting life 1 , and some to shame and everlasting contempt. And they that are wise shall shine; as the- brightness of the firmament," etc. The peculiarity e>f this passage is, that in it, for the first time, is announceel a resurrection of the wicke-d as well as e>f the righteous (cf in the NT John 5 2south2 .); Acts 24 1.5; The Revelations 20 12 ->). The word "many" is ne>t to be unelerstood in contrast with "all," though probably only Israel is in vie-w. The eve-nt is connect e el with a "time of trouble" (ver 1) following upon the 1 overthrow of Antiochus, here representative 1 of Antichrist. The really elifii- cult problem is, Henv did this conception of the resurrection of the- wicked come about? The res- urtvctiem of the right e-ous, it has been seen, is a corollary from the covenant-faithfulness of Jeh.



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    But this does not apply to the wicked. Whence then docs the idea come? It is given as a revela tion, hut even revelation connects itself with exist ing ideas and experiences. The resurrection of the wicked, certainly, docs not arise, like that of the righteous, from the consciousness of an indissoluble union with God, but it may well arise from the oppo site conviction of the judgment of God. As the sense of individuality grew strong and it is granted that the teaching of the prophets did much to strengthen that feeling and the certainty of moral retribution developed, it was inevitable that this should react on the conception of the future, in making it as certain that the wicked should be punished, as that the good should be rewarded, in the world to come. Naturally too, as the counter part of the other belief, this shaped itself into the form of a resurrection to judgment. \\Ye are thus brought, as a last slep, to consider the idea of judg ment and its effects as found in the prophetic, teaching.

    IV. The Idea of Judgment the Day of Jeho vah. It was seen that, under Mosaism, the promises and threat enings of (Jod were mainly Judg- confined to the present life, and that the

    ment a sense of distinctions in Sheol, though

    Present not absent, was vague and wavering.

    Reality Through temporal dispensations men

    were trained to faith in the reality of moral retribution. Under the prophets, while the judgments of God on nations and individuals were still primarily viewed as pertaining to this life, there gradually shaped itself a further idea -that of an approaching consummation of history, or Day of Jehovah, when God s enemies would be completely overthrown, His righteousness fully vindicated and His kingdom established in triumph through out the earth. The developments of this idea may now briefly be exhibited. In this relation, it need only be stated that the writer does not follow the extraordinary mangling of the prophetic texts by certain critics, accepted, though with some mis giving, by Dr. Charles.

    The "Day of Jehovah," in the prophetic writings, is conceived of, sometimes more generally, as de noting any great manifestation of 1. Day of God s power in judgment or salvation Jehovah (e. g. the locusts in Joel 2), sometimes more eschatologically, of the final crisis in the history of God s kingdom, involving the overthrow of all opposition, and the complete triumph of righteousness (e.g. Isaiah 2 2-5; Joel 3; Am 9 llff; Zee 14, etc). The two things are not unconnected; the one is the prelude, or antici patory stage, of the other. That feature of pro phetic vision sometimes spoken of as the absence of perspective is very conspicuous in the fact that chronology is largely disregarded, and the "Day of Jehovah" is seen looming up as the immediate background of every great crisis in which the nation may for the time be involved (Assyr invasions; Bab captivity; Maccabean persecution). The one thing ever certain to the prophet s mind is that the "Day" is surely coming it is the one great, dread, yet for God s people joyful, event of the future; but the steps by which the goal is to be reached are only gradually revealed in the actual march of God s providence.

    (1) Relation to Israel. The "Day" is in its pri mary aspect a day of judgment (Isaiah 2 12); not, however, to be thought of as a day of vengeance only on the adversaries of Israel (Am 5 18 ->). Israel itself would be the first to experience the strokes of the Divine chastisement: "You only have I known of all the families of the earth: there fore I will visit upon you all your iniquities" (Am 3 2). God s judgments on Israel, while retributive,

    were also purifying and sifting; a remnant" would remain, who would be the seed of a holier commu nity (Isaiah 6 13; Am 9 9; Zeph 3 13.20, etc). The Book of Hosea beautifully exhibits this aspect of the Divine dealings.

    (2) To the nations. Of wider scope is the rela tion of the "Day" to the gentile world. The na tions are used as the instruments of God s judgments on Israel (Assyrians, Chaldaeans, Persians), but they, too, would in turn be judged by Jeh (cf the prophecies against the nations in Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Nah, Hab, etc). The end would be, although this does not fully appear in every prophet, that a remnant of the heathen also would turn to Jeh, and be res cued from the judgment (Zee 14 1(5). More gen erally, an extension of the kingdom of God would take place till the earth was filled with God s glory (e.g. Isaiah 2 2-f), with Micah 4 1-5; Isaiah 42 4; 60; 66 3-6; Jeremiah 12 14-16; 16 19 21; Ezekiel 16 53.55. 61, God will turn the captivity of Sodom and her daughters; Am 9 11; Hab 2 14; cf Psalm 22 27 31; 65 2.5; 86 9; 87). These events, in prophetic speech, belong to "the latter days" (Isaiah 2 2; Jcr 48 47; Ezekiel 38 16; Hosea 3 5; Micah 4 1). In Dan iel s great prophecy of the four kingdoms, these are represented as broken in pieces by the kingdom of heaven, symbolized by a stone cut out of the moun tain without hands (Dnl 2 44.45; cf 7 27). The kingdom is given by the Ancient of Days to one "like unto a son of man" (7 13). Haggai and Zechariah, the post -exilian prophets, share in these glowing hopes (Hag 2 6.7; Zee 2 10; 8 20-23; 14 1(5). In Mai is found one of the noblest of all the prophetic utterances: "From the rising of the sun even unto the going down of the same my name shall be great among the Gentiles," etc (1 11); and prophecy closes with the announcement of Him, Jeh s messenger, by whom this "great and terrible day of Jeh" is to be brought in (Mai 4).

    The purview, in what is said of the "Day of Jehovah," is thus seen to be confined to earth,

    though the references to resurrection, 2. Judg- and the passages in the close of Isaiah (66 ment 17; 66 22) about "new heavens and a

    beyond new earth" imply a further vista. The Death hope of immortality of resurrection

    life- in the case of the righteous has already been considered. But what of judgment- after death in the case of the wicked? Only dim premonitions of retribution, it was seen, are found in the earlier doctrine of Sheol. There are frequent references to "judgment" in the Pss, sometimes on the world (e.g. 96 13; 98 9; cf 50), sometimes on individuals (e.g. 1 5), but it is doubtful if any of them look beyond earth. Yet many things combined to force this problem on the attention.

    (1) Incompleteness of moral administration. There was the sharpening of the sense of individual responsibility in the prophetic age (Jeremiah 31 29.30; K/k 18 211 ), and the obvious fact of the incom pleteness of the Divine moral administration in the present life, as respects the individual. The work ing of moral laws could be discerned, but this fell far short of exact individual retribution. Life 1 was full of moral anomalies and perplexities (cf JOB, BOOK OF).

    (2) Prosi>crit,t/ of tricked. There was the special difficulty that the wicked did not always seem to meet with the punishment due to their misdeeds in time. On the contrary they often seemed to llourish, to have success in their schemes, to triumph over the godly, who were afflicted and oppressed. This was the enigma that so painfully exercised the minds of the psalmists (Pss 10, 17, 37, 49, 73, etc). The solution they found was that the pros perity of the wicked did not endure. It came to a sudden end (Psalm 37 35.36; 73 1S-20), while the

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    righteous had :i suro compensation in the future (Psalm 17 15; 49 15; 73 24, etc). It was not, how ever, always Hie case that the wicked were thus visibly cut off. Besides, a sudden end hardly seemed an adequate punishment for a long career of triumphant iniquity, and, if the righteous were recompensed hereafter, the thought lay near that the wicked might be, and should be, also.

    (3) Xujl i rin</ of rit/lihoiis -trilh wicked. Then- was the kindred fact that, in the calamities that overtook the wicked, the righteous were often the involuntary sharers. The wicked did not suffer by themselves; the godly were involved in the storm of judgment (war, captivity, plagues) that broke upon them. Here was something else 1 calling for redress at the hands of a (!od of righteousness.

    From these causes the thought almost necessarily presented itself of the extension of retribution for the wicked into the state beyond 3. Retribu- death. Hence, as before seen, Sheol tion beyond did come in the later age to assume Death something of a penal character for the

    unrighteous. There was a wrath of God that burned to the lowest Shcol (Deuteronomy 32 22; cf Charles, op. cit., 74). Hut this abode of the shades was not, for the evil any more than for tin- good, a fit ting sphere for moral recompense. If, for the complete reward of the righteous, a resurrec tion-state was necessary, did not the same hold true for the wicked? It is questioned whether the very definite announcements of an individual judgment in Keel 11 9; 12 14 refer to the state beyond death it is probable that they do (cf Salmond, op. cit., 216 17). The first clear intimation of a resurrec tion of the wicked, however, is found, as already said, in Dnl 12 2, which likewise implies judgment. Perhaps a hint of the same- idea is given in Isaiah 66 24: "They shall go forth [the prophet is speaking of the times of the new heavens and the new earth, ver 22], and look upon the dead bodies of the men that, have transgressed against me: for their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be quenched; and they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh." Dr. Charles connects this with the idea of Gehenna as "a place of punishment for rebellious and apostate Jews," which he thinks also to be implied in Jsa 50 11 (op. cit., 15X). It is the same \\\\ord "abhor rence" dln-a un), found in the above passage, which is rendered in Dnl 12 2 "contempt," and Dr. Charles says "the reference in both is to Gehenna," and the punishment "is conceived of as eternal" (pp. 15S-59).

    It- is hardly possible to carry the subject farther within the limits of the C)T. Further develop ments belong to the later Judaism.

    V. Later Jewish Conceptions Apocryphal,

    Apocalyptic, Rabbinical. The sources of our

    knowledge of the eschatological concep-

    I. Sources tions among the Jews in the immedi

    ately pre-Christian period are:

    (1) Apocrypha. The books of the OT Apoc (see Ai oe KYi HA), taken over, with the exception of 2 Esd, from the LXX. 2 Esd, better known as 4 Esd, is more properly classed with the apocalyptic writings. The original work consists only of clis 3-14, with a passage in ch 7 not found in the ordinary version. The book is post-Christian (c 80- 96 AD).

    (2) .1 pocalyptic literature (see art. under that head,

    II, i, 1 ; II, ii). The remains of this lit. consist of the Sib ( >r (oldest parts, Book III, from 2d cent. BC), the Hook En (see below), the Psalm Sol (70-40 BC), with the Apoc Bar (50 100 AD), the Book of Jub, and XII P (see below), the Asm M (early 1st cent. AD), and the Asc Isaiah (before- 50 AD). A good deal turns on the dating of some of these books. Several (Apoc Bar, Asm AI, Asc Isaiah, with 4 Esd) are post-Christian.

    The Book of Jub and XII P have also usually been regarded as such, but Dr. Charles argues for dates going back to the close of the 2d cent. BC for both. Late Jewish and Christian additions are recognized in the latter. Formerly Dr. Charles dated Jub before 10 AD." The chief dispute re lates to chs 37-70 (the "Similitudes") of the Book of En. These important sections are he-Id by some (Dr. Stanton, etc) to be post -Christian (end of 1st cent. AD) a view to which we incline; Dr. Charles and others place them in the 1st cent. BC. Most of the remaining portions of the book are assigned to dates in the 2d cent. BC. To the above should be added the notices of Jewish opinions in Jos.

    (3) Jtahliiiiiral iirit>.ii(/s.--VaT rabbinical ideas, we are chiefly dependent on the Talmudic writings and the Tgs sources whose late character makes their witness often doubtful (see TALMUD; TAII-

    GUMS).

    It is only possible to summarize very briefly the varying and frequently conflicting conceptions on eschatological subjects to be gleaned 2. Descrip- from this extensive; lit. The reprc- tion of sent at ions are- ol te-n wildly imaginaf ive-,

    Views and, so far as they are not genuine

    developments from OT ide-as, have value- only as they may be supposed to throw light em the teachings of the NT. With one e>r two exce-ptions, little is to be gathered from the- ape>e-- ryphal books, and it will be best to treat the subject unele-r headings.

    (1) Ac**- dijim tc, conceptions. In the apocry phal Ee-clus (Wisdom of the Son of Sirach) we- remain st ill em the old ground e>f Sheol as a place in which there- is no remembrance, thanksgiving or retri bution (17 27. 2S; 41 3.4, etc; a somewhat differ ent note is heard in 21 10). It is the same in Bar (2 17) and Tob (3 6). In 1 Mace; we- have simply the OT phrases, "gathered to his fathers" (2 69), "gat he-red to his people-" (14 30). In the: Be>ok e)f Wisd, the influence- of Gr ideas is seen in a doe-trine of the immortality of the- soul only (2 23; 3 1-4; 4 13.14; 15 3; ne>t a. resurrection), possibly of pre-exist e-nee (8 20). The wicked suffer punish ment in Sheol (3 1-10; 5 1-14, etc).

    (2) Ideas of fihcol. Gene-rally, however, in the apocalyptic books, a markeel change is seen in the ideas of Sheol. It is still the; place of the- elead, but is regarded more as a state intermediate betwe-e-n ele-ath anel the- resurrect iem for such as shall be raise-d; in which righteous anel wicked are- separated; in which the- wie-keel suffer punishment. The- Book e>f En distinguishes four aboeles fe>r the departed two for the- right eems, and two for the wie-ke-d (21 1-13). One- class of the wicke-d (those already punished in this life) re-main there forever, while the others are raised, and pass to the torment of Gehe-nna (17 2). The righteous are in Paradise "the- garden of life" (61 12), "the garden of right eousness" (67 3). This character of Sheol as a place of punishment (intermediate or final) is me>t with frequently (Book of Jub 7 29; 22 22; 2 Mace 6 23; Psalm Hoi 14 6; 15 11; 16 2, etc). In certain places, Dr. Charles says, "Sheol has become an abexle of fire, and therefore synonymous so far with

    Gehenna In several passages in the Simil-

    itude-s, and throughout En 91-104, Sheol and Ge-henna are practically identical" (op. cit., 237). Similar ideas are found in the Slavonic version of En (ib, 261 ->).

    (3) The fallen angels. Much prominence in the Book of En is given to the fallen angels (those who sinned with women, Genesis 6 2). They are consigned in the- judgment to ever-burning fire (En 21 1-6; 90 20-25).

    (4) Resurrection. Ideas of the resurrection vary. In En 22, the righteous and one class of the wicked



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    raised; elsewhere all the righteous are raised

    none of the wicked (En 61 5; 90 33; Psalm Sol

    3 10) ; sometimes there is to be a resurrection of all, just and unjust (En 51 1.2). 2 Mace dwells much on the resurrection, which seems to embrace all Israel (3 16; 13 9; 7 9.14.23, etc). For the Genesis tiles there is no resurrection (7 14.30). In En 90 38, the bodies of the righteous are described as "transformed" in the resurrection (cf in the "Simili tudes," 39 7; 51 4; 62 15). The doctrine of the resurrection (universal) is taught in the Apoc Bar 30 2-5; 50, 51, and in 4 Esd 7 32-37. In Jos the Pharisees are said to have believed in the resur rection of the righteous only (Ant, XVIII, i, 3). This does not coincide with Paul s statement in Acts 24 15.

    (5) Judgment The reality of a final judgment, supervening upon the intermediate judgment in Sheol, is strongly affirmed in most of the apocalyptic books. The Book of En speaks much of this final

    etc). Wicked angels and men are judged, and sen tenced to Gehenna a doom without end.

    The Messiah: An inf crest ing point is the relation of the Messiah to this judgment. With the excep tion of 4 Esd, the apocryphal books are silent _on the Messiah. In the apocalyptic books the Messiah does appear, but not always in the same light. In the Sib Or (3), Psalm of Sol (17, 18), Apoc Bar (39, 40) and in 4 Esd (13 32 ->) the appearance of Messiah is associated with the overthrow and judgment of the ungodly worldly powers; in the older portions of En (90 10-25) God Himself ex ecutes this judgment, and holds the great assize - the Messiah does not appear till after. In the sec. of En, chs 37-70, on the other hand, the Messiah appears definitely as the judge of the world, and titles resembling those in the NT, "the Righteous One" (38 2; 53 0), "the Elect One" (40 5; 45 3. 4, etc), above all, "the Son of Man" (46 2-1; 48 2, etc), are given Him. It is these passages which suggest Christian influence, especially as the_ con ception is not found elsewhere in pre-Christian Apocalypse, and the Book of Jub, which refers otherwise to En, makes no mention of these pas sages. Yet another idea appears in later Apocalypse, that, viz. of a limited reign of Messiah, after which take place the resurrection and judgment. 4 Esd has the extraordinary notion that, after a reign of 400 years, the Messiah dies (7 28.29). God in this case is the judge.

    (0) The Messianic age and the Gentiles. The Messianic age, when conceived of as follotririf/ the judgment (the older view), is unlimited in _dura- tion, has Jerusalem for its center, and includes in the scope of its blessing the converted Gentiles (Sib Or 3 098-720; En 90 30.37; cf 48 5; 53 1; Psalm Sol 17 32-35). The righteous dead of Israel are raised to participate in the kingdom. Already in En 90 28.29 is found the idea that the new Jerusalem is not the earthly city, but a city that comes down from heaven, where, as in 4 Esd, the Messianic reign is limited, the blessed life after resurrection is transferred to heaven.

    (7) Rabbinical ideas. Little is to be added from the rabbinical conceptions, which, besides being difficult to ascertain precisely, are exceedingly con fused and contradictory. Most of the ideas above mentioned appear in rabbinical teaching. With the destruction of the hostile world-powers is connected in later rabbinism the appearance of "Armilus"- an Antichrist. The reign of Messiah is generally viewed as limited in duration 400 years (as in 4 Esd), and 1,000 years being mentioned (cf

    Schurer, Hist of Jewish People, Div II, Vol II, 179, ET). At its close takes place a renovation of the world, resurrection (for Israelites only, certain classes being excluded), judgment, and eternal heavenly happiness for the righteous. The punish ments of the wicked appear mostly to be regarded as eternal, but the view is also met with of a limited duration of punishment (see authorities in Schurer, op. cit., 183; Edersheim, Jestts the Messiah, app. XIX, and other works noted in "Literature" below).

    LITERATURE R. H. Charles, E.E., A Crit. Hist of the Doct of a Future Lift (ISU .t); apocalyptic works translated i and edited by same writer (Honk, of En, A/>oe Bar, Book of Jub, Test, of 12 Patriarchs, etc; V. II. Stanton, The Jewish and the Christian Messiah (1SS( ; south 1). F. Salmond, Christian Doct of I minorlnlitu ( 4th etl, 1 (!()! ) ; A. Edersheim, Life ami Times of Jesus the Messiah, ed !!)<)() (esp. app. XIX); east Schurer, Hi*t of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ (Div II, Vol II. ET>. <>T Theologies: Oehler, A. B. Davidson, etc; arts, in Dictionaries: Hastings, EU, etc. For fuller lists, seo Charles.

    JAMES URR

    ESCHATOLOGY, es-ka-tol o-ji, OF THE NEW TESTAMENT:

    I. DOCTRINAL AND K I:I.K;IOCS SKINIFICANCI:

    II. (i KNKK VL STKCCTl KK III. CorUSE OF I) KV KI.OI M KNT IV. CiKNKHAL AND INDIVIDUAL EsCHATOLOGY

    V. THE PA uou si A

    1. Definition

    2. Signs Preceding the Parousia

    3. Events Preceding the Parousia

    (1) The Conversion of Israel

    (2) Tho Coining of the Antichrist

    4. The Manner of the Parousia VI. THE KKSUUKKCTION

    1. Its rniversality

    2. Tho Millennium

    3. The Resurrection of Believers

    4. The Resurrection-Body

    VIE THE CH \\N<;E OF THOSE LIVIXCJ AT THE PAKOUSIA VIII. THE JUDGMENT IX. THE CONSUMMATE STATE

    X. THE 1.NTEKMF.D1A TE STATE LITERATURE

    /. Doctrinal and Religious Significance. The

    subject of eschatology plays a prominent part in XT teaching and religion. Christianity in its very origin bears an eschatological character. It means the appearance of the Messiah and the inauguration of His work; and from the OT point of view these form part of eschatology. It is true in Jewish theology the days of the Messiah were not always included in the eschatological age proper, but often regarded as introductory to it (cf Weber, Judische Theol. 2 , 371 ->). And in (lie NT also_this point of view is to some extent represented, inasmuch as, owing to the appearance of the Messiah and the only partial fulfilment of the prophecies for the present, that which the OT depicted as one syn chronous movement is now seen to divide into two stages, viz. the present Messianic age and the con summate state of the future. Even so, however, the NT draws the Messianic period into much closer connection with the strictly eschatological process than Judaism. The distinction in Judaism rested on a consciousness of difference in quality between the two Stages, the content of the Messianic age being far less spiritually anil transcendent ally con ceived than that of the final .state. The NT, by spiritualizing the entire Messianic circle of ideas, becomes keenly alive to its affinity to the content of the highest eternal hope, and consequently tends to identify the two, to find the age to come antici pated in the present. In some cases this assumes explicit shape in the belief that great eschatologica transactions have already begun to take place, and that believers have already attained to at least par tial enjoyment of eschatological privileges. Thus the present kingdom in Our Lord s teaching is one in essence with the final kingdom; according to the discourses in John eternal life is in principle real ized here; with Paul there has been a prelude to the



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    hist judgment ;ind resurrection in the death ;md resurrection of Christ, :ind the life in llie Spirit is the first-fruits of the heavenly .state to come. The strong sense of this may even express itself in the paradoxical form that the eschatological state has arrived and the one great incision in history has already been made (He 2 3.5; 9 1 1 ; 10 1 ; 12 22- 24). Still, even where this extreme consciousness is reached, it nowhere supersedes the other more common representation, according to which the present state continues to lie this side of the escha tological crisis, and, while directly leading up 1o the latter, yet remains to all intents a part of the old age and world-order. Believers live in the "last days," upon them "the ends of the ages are come," hut "the last day," "the consummation of the age," still lies in the future (Matthew 13 3<). 40.49; 24 3; 28 20; John 6 3<).44.54; 12 4S; 1 Corinthians 10 11; 2 Thessalonians 3 1; Ho 1 2; 9 2(5; Jas 5 3; 1 1 et 1 5.20; 2 Pet 3 3; 1 John 2 IS; Judo ver IS).

    The eschatological interest of early believers was no mere fringe to their religious experience, but the very heart of its inspiration. It expressed and embodied the profound supernal uralism and soterio- logical character of the NT faith. The coming world was not to be the product of natural develop ment but of a Divine interposition arresting the process of history. And the deepest motive of the longing for this world was a conviction of the ab normal character of the present world, a strong sense 1 of sin and evil. This explains why the NT doctrine of salvation has grown up to a large extent in the closest interaction with its esehatological teaching. The present experience was interpreted in the light of the future. It is necessary to keep this in mind for a proper appreciation of the gen erally prevailing hope that the return of the Lord might come in the near future. Apocalyptic cal culation had less to do with this than the practical experience that the earnest of the supernatural reali ties of the life to come was present in the church, and that therefore it seemed unnatural for the full fruition of these to be long delayed. The subse quent receding of this acute eschatological state has something to do with the gradual disappearance of the miraculous phenomena of the apostolic age. //. General Structure. \\ T eschat ology at 1 aches itself to the ()T and to Jewish belief as developed on the basis of ancient revelation. It creates on the whole no new system or new terminology, but incorporates much that was current, yet so as to reveal by selection and distribution of emphasis the essential newness of its spirit. In Judaism there existed at that time two distinct types of escha tological outlook. Then; was the ancient national hope which revolver! around the destiny of Israel. Alongside of it existed a transcendental form of eschatology with cosmical perspective, which had in view the destiny of the universe and of the human race. The former of these; represents the original form of OT eschatology, and therefore occupies a legitimate place in the beginnings of the NT devel opment, notably in the revelations accompanying the birth of Christ and in the earlier (synoptical) preaching of John the Baptist. There entered, however, into it, as held by the Jews, a considerable element of individual and collective eudaemonism, and it had become identified with a literalistic inter pretation of prophecy, which did not sufficiently take into account the typical import and poetical character of the latter. The other scheme, while to some extent the product of subsequent theologi cal development, lies prefigured in certain later prophecies, esp. in Dnl, and, far from being an importation from Bab, or ultimately Pers, sources, as some at present maintain, represents in reality the true development of the inner principles of OT

    prophetic revelation. To it, the structure of NT eschatology closely conforms itself. In doing this, however, it, discards the impure motives and ele ments by which even this relatively higher type of Jewish eschatology was contaminated. In certain of the apocalyptic writings a compromise is attempt ed between these two schemes after this manner, that the carrying out of the one is merely to follow that, of the other, the national hope first receiving its fulfilment in a provisional Messianic kingdom of limited duration (400 or 1,000 years), to be super seded at the end by the eternal state. The NT does not follow the Jewish theology along this path, liven though it regards the present work of Christ as preliminary to the consummate order of things, it does not, separate the two in essence or quality, it does not exclude the -Messiah from a supreme place in the coming world, and does not expect a temporal Messianic kingdom in the future as distinguished from Christ s present spiritual reign, and as preced ing the state of eternity. In fact the figure of the Messiah becomes central in the entire eschatologi cal process, far more so than is the case in Judaism. All the stages in this process, the resurrection, the judgment, _t lie life eternal, even the intermediate state, receive the impress of the absolute signifi cance which Christian faith ascribes to Jesus as the Christ. Through this Christocentric character NT eschatology acquires also far greater unity and simplicity than can be predicated of the Jewish schemes. Everything is practically reduced to the great ideas of the resurrection and the judgment as consequent upon the I arousia of Christ. Much apocalyptic embroidery to which no spiritual sig nificance attached is eliminated. While the over heated phantasy tends to multiply and elaborate, the religious interest tends toward concentration and simplificat ion.

    ///. Course of Development. --In NT eschato logical teaching a general development in a well- defined direction is traceable. The starting-point is the historico-dramatic conception of the two suc cessive ages. These two ages are distinguished as hontox ho (lion-, ho nilii aio/i, ho rws/as (lion, "this age." "the present age" (Matthew 12 32; 13 22; Luke 16 8; Horn 12 2; 1 Corinthians 1 20; 2 O.S; 3 IS; 2 Corinthians 4 4; Cal 1 4; Ephesians 1 21 ; 22; 6 12; 1 Thessalonians 6 I/; 2 Thessalonians 4 10; Tit. 2 12), and ho wn ckcnios, ho dion nii llon, /to tiion irchonicnox, "that age," "the future age" (Matthew 12 32; Luke 18 30; 20 35; Ephesians 27; He 6 5). In Jewish lit. before the NT, no instances of the developed antithesis between these two ages seem to be found, but from the way in which it occurs in t he teaching of Jesus and Paul it appears to have been current at that time. (The oldest undisputed occurrence is a saying of Johanan ben Zakkay, about SO AD.) The contrast between these two ages is (esp. with Paul) that between the evil and transitory, and the perfect and abiding. Thus to each age belongs its own characteristic order of things, and so the distinction passes over into that of two "worlds" in the sense of two sys tems (in Ileb and Aram, the same word oldm, *(il(im, does service for both, in CIr aion usually renders the meaning "age," occasionally "world" [He 1 2; 11 3], koNnios meaning "world"; the latter, however, is never used of the future world). Cf Dalman, Die Worte Jcsu, 1, 132-46. Broadly speaking, the development of NT eschatology con sists in this, that the two ages are increasingly recog nized as answering to two spheres of being which coexist from of old, so that the coming of the new age assumes the character of a revelation and ex tension of the supernal order of things, rather than that of its first entrance into existence. Inasmuch as the coming world stood for the perfect and eternal, and in the realm of heaven such a perfect, eternal



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    order of things already existed, the reflection inevi tably arose that these two were in some sense identi cal. But the new significance which the antithesis assumes does not supersede the older historico- dramatic form. The higher world so interposes in the course of the lower as to bring the conflict to a crisis. The passing over of the one contrast into the other, therefore, does not mark, as has frequent ly been asserted, a recession of the eschatological wave, as if the interest had been shifted from the fu ture to the present life. Esp. in the Fourth Gospel this "deeschatologizing" process has been found, but without real warrant. The apparent basis for such a conclusion is that the realities of the future life are so vividly and itensely felt to be existent in heaven and from there operative in the believer s life, that the distinction between what is now and what will be hereafter enjoyed becomes less sharp. In stead of the supersedure of the eschatological, this means the very opposite, viz. its most real antici pation. It should further be observed that the development in question is intimately connected and keeps equal pace with the disclosure of the pre- existence of Christ, because this fact and the de scent of Christ from heaven furnished the clearest witness to the reality of the heavenly order of things. Hence it isesp. observable, not in the earlier epistles of Paul, where the structure of eschatological thought is still in the main historico-dramatic, but in the epistles of the first captivity (Ephesians 1 3.120-22; 2 6; 3 9.10; 4 9.10; 6 12; Philippians 2 5-11; 3 20; Colossians 1 15.17; 3 2; further, in Ho 1 2.3; 2 5; 3 4; 6 5.11; 7 13.10; 9 14; 11 10.16; 12 22.23). The Fourth Gospel marks the culmination of this line of teaching, and it is unnecessary to point out how here the contrast between heaven and earth in its christological consequences determines the entire structure of thought. But here it also appears how the last outcome of the NT progress of doctrine had been anticipated in the highest teaching of Our Lord. This can be accounted for by the inherent fitness that the supreme disclosure s which touch the personal life of the Saviour should come not through any third person, but from His own lips.

    IV. General and Individual Eschatology. In the OT the destiny of the nation of Israel to such an extent overshadows that of the individual, that only the first rudiments of an individual eschatology arc found. The individualism of the later prophets, esp. Jeremiah and E/ekiel, bore fruit in the thought of the intermediate period. In the apocalyptic writings considerable concern is shown for the ulti mate destiny of the individual. But not until the NT thoroughly spiritualized the conceptions of the last things could these two aspects be perfectly har monized. Through the centering of the escha tological hope in the Messiah, and the suspending of the individual s share in it on his personal relation to the Messiah, an individual significance is neces>a- rily imparted to the great final crisis. This also tends to give greater prominence to the interme diate state. Here, also, apocalyptic thought had pointed the way. None the less the OT point of view continues to assert itself in that even in the NT the main interest still attaches to the collective, historical development of events. Many quest ions in regard to the intermediate period are passed by in silence. The OT prophetic foreshortening of the perspective, immediately connecting each present crisis with the ultimate goal, is reproduced in NT eschatology on an individual scale in so far as the believer s life here is linked, not so much with his state after death, but rather with the consummate state after the final judgment. The present life in the body and the future life in the body are the two outstanding illumined heights between which the disembodied state remains largely in the shadow.

    But the same foreshortening of the perspective is also carried over from the OT into the NT delineation of general eschatology. The NT method of de picting the future is not, chronological. Things lying widely apart to our chronologically informed experience are by it drawn closely together. This law is adhered to doubtless not from mere limita tion of subjective human knowledge, but by reason of adjustment to the general method of prophetic revelation in OT and NT alike.

    V. The Parousia. The word denotes "coming,"

    "arrival/ It is never applied to the incarnation

    of Christ, and could be applied to His

    1. Defi- second coming only, partly because it nition had already become a fixed Messianic

    term, partly because there was a point of view from which the future appearance of Jesus appeared the sole adequate expression of His Mes sianic dignity and glory. The explicit, distinction between "first advent." and "second advent" is not found in the NT. It occurs in Test. Nil P, Test. Abr. 92 16. In the NT it is approached in He 9 28 and in the use of epipMneia for both the past appearance of Christ, and His future manifestation (2 Thessalonians 2 8; 1 Thessalonians 6 14; 2 Thessalonians 1 10; 4 1; Tit 2 11.13). The Christian use of the word "parousia" is more or less colored by the consciousness of the present bodily absence of Jesus from His own, and consequently suggests the thought of His future abiding presence, without, however, formally com ing to mean the stale of the Saviour s presence with believers (1 Thessalonians 4 17). Parousia occurs in Ml 24 3.37 .39; 1 Corinthians 15 23; 1 Thessalonians 2 19; 3 13; 4 15; 5 23; 2 Thessalonians 2 1.8; Jas 5 7.S; 2 Pet

    1 16; 3 4.12; 1 John 2 28. A synonymous term is apokdlupsis, revelation," probably also of lire- Christian origin, presupposing the preexistence of the Messiah in hidden form previous to His mani festation, either in heaven or on earth (cf Apoc Bar 29 3; 30 1; 4 Ezr (2 Kingssd) 7 28; Test. XII P, Test. Levi 18; John 7 27; 1 Pet 1 20). It could be adopted by Christians because Christ, had been withdrawn into heaven and would be publicly demonstrated the Christ on His return, hence used with special reference to enemies and unbelievers (Luke 17 30; Acts 3 21; 1 Corinthians 1 7; 2 Thessalonians 1 7.8; 1 Pet 1 13.20; 5 4). Another synonymous term is "the day of the [Our] Lord," "the day," "that day," "the day of Jesus Christ." This is the rendering of the well-known ( >T phrase. Though there is no reason in any particular passage why "the Lord" should not be Christ, the possibility exists that in some cases it may refer to God (cf "day of God" in

    2 Pet 3 12). On (lie other hand, what the OT with the use of this phrase predicates of God is sometimes in the NT purposely transferred to Christ. "Day," while employed of the parousia generally, is, as in the OT, mostly associated with the judgment, so as to become a synonym for judgment (cf Acts 19 3X; 1 Corinthians 4 3). The phrase is found in Matthew 7 22; 24 36; Mark 13 32; Luke 10 12; 17 24; 21 31; Acts 2 20; Rom 13 12; 1 Corinthians 1 8; 3 13; 5 5; 2 Corinthians 1 14; Philippians 1 6; 2 16; 1 Thessalonians 5 2.4 (cf vs 5.8 j; 2 Thessalonians 22; 2 Thessalonians 1 12.18; 4 8; He 10 25; 2 Pet 3 10.

    The parousia is preceded by certain signs herald ing its approach. Judaism, on the basis of the OT, had worked out, the doctrine of "the

    2. Signs woes of the Messiah," hclt/i lc fut-ma- Preceding shl"h, the calamities and afflictions the attendant upon the close of the present Parousia and the beginning of the coming age

    being interpreted as birth pains of the latter. This is transferred in the NT to the parousia of Christ. The phrase occurs only in Matthew 24 8; Mark 13 8, the idea, in Rom 8 22, and allusions to it occur probably in 1 Corinthians 7 26; 1 Thessalonians 3 3; 5 3.



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    Besides those general "woes," and also in accord with Jewish doctrine, 1he appearance of the Anti christ, is made to precede the final crisis. \\\\ itliout Jewish precedent, (lie NT links with the parousia as preparatory to it, the pouring out of the Spirit, the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, the conversion of Israel and the preaching of the gospel to all the nations. The problem of 1 he sequence and interre- Ia1 ion of these several precursors of the end is a most, difficult and complicated one and, as would seem, at the present not ripe for solution. The "woes" which in Our Lord s cschatological discourse (Alt 24; Mark 13; Luke 21) are mentioned in more or less close accord with Jewish teaching are: (1) wars, earthquakes and famines, "the beginning of travail"; (2) the great tribulation; (3) commotions among the heavenly bodies; cf The Revelations 6 2 17. For Jewish parallels to these, cf Charles, E^ li(ill(>(/!/, 326, 327. Because of this element which the discourse lias in common with Jewish apocalypses, it has been as sumed by Colani, Weif fenbach, \\\\Vizsacker, "\\Yendt, et al., that hen; two sources have been welded to gether, an actual prophecy of Jesus, and a Jewish or Jewish-Christian apocalypse from the time of the Jewish War OS 70 (///:, III, f), 3). In the text of Mark this so-called "small apocalypse" is believed to consist of vs 7.8.14-20.24-27.30.31. _ But this hypothesis mainly springs from the disinclination to ascribe to Jesus realistic eschatological expecta tions, and the entirely unwarranted assumption that lie must have spoken of the end in purely ethical and religious terms only. That the typically Jewish "woes" bear no direct relation to the disciples and their faith is not a sufficient reason for declaring the prediction of them unworthy of Jesus. A con tradiction is pointed out between the two repre sentations, that the parousia will come suddenly, unexpectedly, and that it will come heralded by these signs. Esp. in Mark 13 30.32 the contradic tion is said to be pointed. To this it may be replied that even after the removal of the assumed apoca lypse the same twofold representation remains present- in what is recognized as genuine discourse of Jesus, viz. in Mark 13 2south29 as compared with vs 32.31} 37 and other similar admonitions to watch fulness. A real contradiction between ver 30 and ver 32 does not exist. Our Lord could con sistently affirm both: "This generation shall not pass away, until all these things be accomplished," and "of that day or that hour knoweth no one." To be sure, the solution should not be sought by understanding "this generation" of the Jewish race or of the human race. It must mean, according to ordinary usage, the then living generation. Nor does it help matters to distinguish between the pre diction of the parousia. within certain wide limits and the denial of knowledge as to the precise day and hour. In point of fact the two statements do not refer to the same matter at all. "That day or that hour" in ver 32 does not have "these things" of ver 30 for its antecedent. Both by the demonstrative pronoun "that" and by "but" it is marked as an absolute self-explanatory conception. It simply sig nifies as elsewhere the day of the Lord, the day of judgment. Of "these things," the exact meaning of which phrase must be determined from the foregoing, Jesus declares t hat t hey will come to pass within that generation; but concerning the parousia, "that [great] day," He declares that no one but God knows the time of its occurrence . The correct ness of this view is con firmed by the preceding parable, Mark vs 28.29, when 1 in precisely the same way "these things" and the parousia are distinguished. The question remains how much "these thintis" (ver 29; Luke ver 31), "all these things" (Mtvs 33.34, Mark ver 30), "all things" (Luke ver 32) is intended to cover of what is described in the preceding discourse. The answer will de

    pend on what is there represented as belonging to the precursors of the end, and what as strictly con stituting part of the end itself; and on the other question whether Jesus predicts one end with its premonitory signs, or refers to two crises each of which will be heralded by its own series of signs. Here two views deserve consideration. According to the one (advocated by Zahn in his Cnnnn. on Alt, Go2-OG) the signs cover only Matthew 24 4-14. What is related afterward, vi/. "the abomination of deso lation," great, tribulation, false prophets and Christs, commotions in the heavens, the sign of the Son of Man, all this belongs to "the end" itself, in the ab solute sense, and is therefore comprehended in the parousia and except ed from the prediction that it will happen in that- generation, while included in the declaration that only Cod knows the time of its coming. The destruction of the temple and the holy city, though not explicitly mentioned in vs 4-14, would be included in what is there said of wars and tribulation. The prediction thus inter preted would have been literally fulfilled. The objections to this view are: (1) It is unnatural thus to subsume what is related in vs ]."> 29 under "the end." I Yom a formal point of view it does not. differ from the phenomena of vs 4-14 which are "signs." (2) It creates the difficulty, that the exist ence of the temple and the temple-worship in Jerusalem are presupposed in the last days immediately before the parousia. The "abomination of deso lation" taken from Dnl 8 13; 9 27; 11 31; 12 11; cf Sir 49 2 according to some, the destruction of the city and temple, better a desecration of the temple-site by the setting up <>f something idola trous, as a result of which it becomes desolate and the flight from Judaea, are put among events which, together with the parousia, constitute the end of the world. This would seem to involve chiliasin of a very pronounced sort. The difficulty recurs in the strictly eschatological interpretation of 2 Thessalonians 2 3.4, where "the man of sin" (see Six, MAX OF) is represented as sitting in "the temple of Cod," and in The Revelations 11 1.2, where "the temple of Cod" and "the altar," and "the court which is without the temple" and "the holy city" figure 1 in an episode inserted between the sounding of the trumpet of the sixth angel and that of the seventh. On the other hand it ought to be remembered that eschatological prophecy makes use of ancient traditional imagery and stereotyped formulas, which, precisely because they are fixed and applied to all situations, cannot always bear a literal sense 1 , but must be subject to a certain degree 1 of symbolical and spiritualizing in terpretation. In UK- present cast 1 the 1 profanation of the temple by Antiochus Epiphanes may have fur nished the imagery in which, by Jesus, Paul and John, anti-Christian developments are elescribed of a nature 1 whie-h has nothing tej do with Israel, Jerusalem or the temple, lit. understood. (3j It is not easy to conceive of the preaching of the gospel to all the nations as falling within the- lifetime of that gener ation. It is true Rom 1 13; 10 IS; 15 10 24; Colossians 1 G; 1 Thessalonians 3 16; 2 Thessalonians 4 17 might be quoted in support of such a view. In the statement of Jesus, however, it is definitely predicted that the preaching of the ge>spe l to all the nations not only must happen before the end, but that it straightway precedes the end: "Then shall the end come" (Matthew 24 14). To dis tinguish between the pivaching of the gospel to all the nations and the completion of the gentile mis sion, as Zahn proposes, is artificial. As over against these objections, however, it must be admitted that the grouping of all these later phenomena before the end proper avoids the difficulty arising from "immeeliately" in Matthew 24 29 and from "in those days" in Mark 13 24.

    The other view has been most lucidly set forth



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    by Briggs, Messiah of the Gospels, 132-65. It makes Jesus discourse relate to two things: (1) the de struction of Jerusalem and the temple-; (2) the end of the world. He further assumes that the disciples are informed with respect to two points: (1) the time; (2) the signs. In the answer to the time, however, the two things are not sharply distinguished, but united into one prophetic perspective, the parousia standing out more conspicuously. The definition of the time of this complex development is: () negative (Mark 13 5-8); (b) positive (vs 9-13). On the other hand in describing the signs Jesus dis criminates between (a) the signs of the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple (vs 14-20); (b) the signs of the parousia (vs 24-27). This view has in its favor that the destruction of the temple and the city, which in the question of the disciples figured as an eschatological event, is recognized as such in the an swer of Jesus, and not alluded to after a mere inci dental fashion, as among the signs. Esp. the version of Luke 21 20-24 proves that it figures as an event. This view also renders easier the restriction of Mark 13 30 to the first event and its signs. It places "the abomination of desolation" in the period preceding the national catastrophe. The view that the two events are successively discussed is further favored by the movement of thought in vs 32 ->. Here, after the Apocalypse has been brought to a close, the application to the disciples is made, and, in the same order as was observed in the prophecy, first, the true attitude toward the national crisis is defined in the parable of the Fig Tree and the solemn assurance appended that it will happen in this generation (vs 28-31); secondly, the true attitude toward the parousia is defined (vs 32-37). The only serious objection that may be urged against this view arises from the close concatenation of the section relating to the national crisis with the section relating to the parousia (Alt 24 29: "immediately after .... tlu.se days"; Mark 13 24: "in those days"). The question is whether this mode of speaking can be explained on the principle of the well-known fore shortening of the perspective of prophecy. It can not be a priori denied that this peculiarity of pro phetic vision may have here characteri/ed also the outlook of Jesus into the future which, as ver 32 shows, was the prophetic outlook of His human na ture, as distinct from the Divine omniscience. The possibility of misinterpreting this feature and con founding sequence in perspective with chronological succession is in the present case guarded against by the statement that the gospel must first be preached to all the nations (cf Acts 3 19.25.2(5; Rom 11 25; The Revelations 6 2) before the end can come, that no one knows the time of the parousia except God, that there must be a period of desolation after the city shall have been destroyed, and that thelinal coming of Jesus to the people of Israel will be a coming not of judgment, but one in which they shall hail Him as blessed (Matthew 23 38.39; Luke 13 34.35), which presupposes an interval to account for this changed attitude (cf Luke 21 24: "until the times of the (lentiles be fulfilled"). It is not necessary to carry the distinction between the two crises joined together here into the question as put by the dis ciples in Matthew 24 3, as if "when shall these things be?" related to the destruction of the temple exclu sively, as the other half of the question speaks of the coming of Jesus and the end of the world. Evi dently here not the two events, but the events (com plexly considered) and the signs are distinguished. "These things" has its antecedent not exclusively in ver 2, but even more in 23 38.39. The disciples desired to know not so much when the calamitous national catastrophe would come, but rather when that subsequent coming of the Lord would take place, which would put a limit to the distressing

    results of this catastrophe, and bring with it the re- acceptance of Israel into favor. This explains also why Jesus does not begin His discourse with the national crisis, but first takes up the question of the parousia, to define negatively and positively the time of the latter, and that for the purpose of warn ing the disciples who in their eagerness for the ulti mate issue were inclined to foreshorten the preceding calamitous developments. That Jesus could ac tually join together the national and the cosmical crises appears from other passages, such as Matthew 10 23, where His interposition for the deliverance of the fugitive disciples is called a "coming" of the Son of Man (Matthew 16 28; Mark 9 1; Luke 9 27, where a coming of the Son of Man in His kingdom [Matthew], or a coming of the kingdom of Clod with power [Mark], or a seeing of the kingdom of Cod [Luke] is promised to some of that generation) . It is true these passages are frequently referred to the parousia, because in the immediately preceding context the latter is spoken of. The connect ion of thought, however, is not that the parousia and this promised coming are identical. The proximate coming is referred to as an encouragement toward faithfulness and self- sacrifice, just as the reward at the parousia is men tioned for the same purpose. The conception of an earlier coming also receives light from the con fession of Jesus at His trial (Matthew 26 (54; where the "henceforth" refers equally to the coming on the clouds of heaven and to t lie sitting at the right hand of God; cf Mark 14 02; Luke 22 09). The point of the declaration is, that He who now is condemned will in the near future appear in theophany for judgment upon His judges. The closing discourses of John also have the conception of the coming of Jesus to His disciples in the near future for an abid ing presence, although here this is associated with t he advent of the Spirit (John 14 18.19.21.23; 16 16. 19.22.23). Finally the same idea recurs in The Revelations, where it is equally clear that a preliminary visita tion of Christ and not the parousia for final judg ment can be meant (2 5.1(5; 3 3.20; cf also the pi. "one of the days of the Son of man" in Luke 17 22).

    To the events preceding the parousia belongs, according to the uniform teaching of Jesus, Peter

    and Paul, the eonrerxion of Jxniel (Matthew 3. Events 23 39; Luke 13 35; Acts i 0.7; 3 19. Preceding 21; where the arrival of "seasons of the refreshing" and "the times of reslora-

    Parousia tion of all things" is made dependent

    on the [eschatological] sending of the Christ f o Israel), and this again is said to depend on the repentance and conversion and the blotting out of the sins of Israel; Rom 11, where the problem of the unbelief of Israel is solved by the twofold proposition: (1) that there is even now among Israel an election according to grace; (2) that in the- future there will be a comprehensive conversion of Israel (vs 5.25-32).

    Among the precursors of the parousia appears further the Antichrist. The word is found in the NT in 1 John 2 18.22; 4 3; 2 John ver 7 only, but the conception occurs also in the Synoptics, in Paul and in The Revelations. There is no instance of its earlier occur rence in Jewish lit. Anti may mean "in place of" and "against"; the former includes the latter. In John it is not clear that the heretical tendencies or hostile powers connected with the anti-Christian movement make false claim to the Messianic dig nity. In the Synoptics the coming of false Christs and false prophets is predicted, and that not merely as among the nearer signs (Mark 13 0), but also in the remote eschatological period (ver 22). With Paul, who does not employ the word, the conception is clearly the developed one of the counter-Christ. Paul ascribes to him an apokdlupsis as he does to



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    Christ- (2 Thc ss 2 O.S); his manner of working and its pernicious cITcd an- set o\\er against the manner in which the gospel of the true Christ works (vs 9-12). Paul does not treat (lie idea as a ne\\v one; it must, have come down from the ()T and Jewish eschatology and have been more fully developed by NT prophecy; cf in Dnl 7 south20; 8 10.11 the supernal urally magnified figure of the great enemy. According to (Junkel (Schopfung and (JJtuux, 1S<).~J) and Bousset (l)cr Antichrist in der tfberlieferung i/c.s ,1 mlcnth Unix, iltx XT tttui ilrr dlli ii Kirchi 1 , lS7o) the origin of the conception of a final struggle between (!od and the supreme enemy must be sought in the ancient myth of Chaos conquered by Marduk; what had happened at the beginning of the world was transferred to the end. Then this was anthropomorphized, first in the form of a false Messiah, later in that of a political tyrant or op pressor. But there is no need to assume any other source for the idea of a last enemy than OT escha- tological prophecy (Ezekiel and Dnl and Zee). And no evidence has so far been adduced that the Paul ine idea of a counter-Messiah is of pre-Christian origin. This can only be maintained by carrying back into the older period the Antichrist tradition as found later among Jews and Christians. It is reasonable to assume in the present state of the evidence t hat the combination of the two ideas, that of the great eschatological enemy and that of the counter-Messiah, is a product of Christ ian prophecy. In fact even the conception of a xlnylc last enemy does not occur in pre-Christian Jewish lit.; it is found for the first time in Apoc Bar 40 1.2, which changes the general conception of 4 Ezr to this effect . Even in the eschatological discourse of Jesus the idea is not yet unified, for false Christ s and false prophets in the plural are spoken of, and the insti gator of "the abomination of desolation," if any is presupposed, remains in the background. In the Epistle of John the same plural representation occurs (1 John 2 Isouth 22; 2 John ver 7), although the idea of a personal Antichrist in whom the movement culmi nates is not only familiar to the author and the reader (1 John 2 IS, "as ye heard that antichrist comet h"), but is also accepted by the writer (4 3, "This is the spirit of the antichrist, whereof ye have heard that it cometh; and now it is in the world already"; cf 2 Thessalonians 2 7, "The mystery of lawless ness doth already work").

    Various views have been proposed to explain the concrete features of the Pauline representation in 2 Thessalonians 2 and that of The Revelations 13 and 17. According to Sclmeckenburger, JDT, iSoi), and Weiss, N K , 1SG9, Paul has in mind the person whom the Jews will acclaim as their Messiah. The idea would then be the precipitate of Paul s experience of hos tility and persecution from the part of the .lews. He expected that this Jewish Messianic pretender would, helped by Satanic influence, overthrow the Rom power. The continuance of the Rom power is "that which restraineth, or as embodied in the emperor, "one that restraineth now" (2 Thessalonians 2 0.7). ( For an interesting view in which the roles played by these two powers are reversed, cf Warfield in Expos, Hd ser., IV, 30-44.) The objection to this is that "the lawless one," not merely from Paul s or the Christian point of view, but in his own avowed in tent, opposes and exalts himself against all that is called (iod or worshipped. This no Jewish pre tender to the Messiahship could possibly do: his very Messianic position would preclude it. And the conception of a counter-Christ does not neces sarily point to a Jewish environment, for the idea of Messiahship had in Paul s mind been raised far above its original national plane and assumed a universalistic character (cf Zahn, Einleitung in das NT 1 , I, 171). Nor does the feature that according

    to ver 4, "the lawless one" will take his seat in the temple favor the view in question, for the desecra tion of the temple by Antiochus Epiphanes and later similar experiences may well have contributed to the figure of the great enemy the attribute of desecrator of the temple. It is not necessary to assume that by Paul this was understood literally; it need mean no more than that the Antichrist will usurp for himself Divine honor and worship. Pa tristic and later writers gave to this feature a chilias- tic interpretation, referring it to the temple which was to be rebuilt in the future. Also the allegorical exegesis which understands "the temple" of the Chris tian church has found advocates. But the terms in which "the lawless one" is described exclude his voluntary identification with the Christian church. According to a second view the figure 1 is not a Jewish but a pagan one. Kern, Baur, Hilgenfeld and many others, assuming that 2 Thessalonians is post-Pauline, connect the prophecy with the at -one-time current expectation that Nero, the great persecutor, would return from the East or from the dead, and, with the help of Satan, set up an anti-Christian kingdom. The same expectation is assumed to underlie The Revelations 13 3.12.14 (one of the heads of the beast smitten unto death and his death stroke healed); 17 south10.11 (the beast that was, and is not, and is about- to come up out of the abyss; the eighth king, who is one of the seven preceding kings). As to Paul s descrip tion, there is nothing in it to make us think of a Nero reappearing or redivivus. The parousia predicated of the lawless one does not imply it, for parousia as an eschatological term means not "re turn" but "advent." The Antichrist, is not de picted as a persecutor, and Nero was the persecutor /mr t .rcilli nrr. Nor does what is said about the "hindering" or the "hinderer" suit the case of Nero, for the later Rom emperors could not be said to hold back Nero s reappearance. As to The Revelations, it must be admitted that the role here ascribed to the beast would be more in keeping with the character of Nero. But, as Zahn has well pointed out (Eiti- Uitnnf} in <!IIH XT 1 , II, 017-20), this interpretation is incompatible with the date of The Revelations. This book must have been written at a date when the earlier form of the expectation that Nero would reappear still prevailed, vi/. that he would return from the East to which ho had fled. Only when too long an interval had elapsed to permit of further belief in Nero s still being alive, was this changed into the superstition that he would return from the dead. But this change in the form of the belief did not take place until after The Revelations must have been writ ten. Con sequently, if the returning Nero did figure in The Revelations, it would have to be in the form of one reappearing from the East. As a matter of fact, however, the beast or the king in which Nero is found is said by The Revelations 13 1; 17 8 to have been smitten unto death and healed of the death stroke, to come up out of the sea or the abyss, which would only suit the later form of the expectation. It is therefore necessary to dissociate the description of the beast and its heads and horns entirely from the details of the succession of the Rom empire; the prophecy is more grandly staged; the description of the beast as par taking of several animal forms in 13 2 refers back to Dnl, and here as there must be understood of the one world-power in its successive national mani festations, which already excludes the possibility that a mere succession of kings in one and the same empire can be thought of. The one of the heads smitten unto death and the death stroke healed must refer to the world-power to be made powerless in one of its phases, but afterward to revive in a new phase. Hence here already the healing of the death stroke is predicated, not merely of one of the heads, but also of the beast itself (cf 13 3 with 13



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    12). And the same interpretation scorns to be required by the mysterious statements of ch 17, where the woman sitting upon the beast is the me tropolis of the world-power, changing its seat to gether with the latter, yet so as to retain, like the latter in all its transformations, the same character whence she bears the same name of Babylon (ver 5). Here as in ch 13 the beast has seven heads, i.e. passes through seven phases, which idea is also ex pressed by the representation that these seven heads are seven kings (vor 10), for, as in Dnl 7, the kings stand not for individual rulers, but for kingdoms, phases of the world-power. This explains why in ver 11 the beast is identified with one of the kings. When here the further explanation, going beyond ch 13, is added, that the boast was and is not and is about to come up out of the abyss (ver 8), and in vs 10.11 that of the seven kings five are fallen, one is, the other is not yet come, and when he comes must continue a little while, to be followed by the eighth, who is identical with the boast that was and is not, and with one of the seven, the only way to reconcile these statements lies in assuming that "the beast, while in one sense a comprehensive figure for the world-power in all its phases, can also in another sense designate the supreme embodiment and most typical manifestation of the world-power in the past; in rospect_to this acute phase the boast was and is not and is to appear again, and this acute phase was one of seven successive forms of manifes tation, and in its reappearance will add to this num ber the eighth. Although a certain double sense in the employment of the figures thus results, this is no greater than when on the other view Nero is de picted both as "the beast" and as one of the heads of "the beast." Which concrete monarchies are meant by these seven phases is a matter of minor importance. I ov a suggestion of Zalm, op. oil., II, 624: (1) Egypt; (2) Assyria; (3) Babylon; (4) the Medo-Pers power; (5) the Graeco-Alexandrian power; (6) the Horn power; (7) a short-lived empire to succeed Rome; (S) the eighth and last phase, which will reproduce in its acute character the fifth, and will bring on the scene the Antichrist, the counterpart and, as it were, reincarnation of Anti- pchus Epiphanes. The seer evidently has his present in the Horn phase of the power of the beast, and this renders it possible for him to give in 17 9 an other turn to the figure of the seven heads, inter preting it of the seven mountains on which the woman sits, but this apocalyptic looseness of handling of the imagery can furnish no objection to the view just outlined, since on any view the two incongruous explanations of the seven heads as seven mountains and seven kings stand side by side in vs 9 and 10. Nor should the mysterious number of 666 in 13 IS be appealed to in favor of the refer ence of the beast to Nero, for on the one hand quite a number of other equally plausible or implausible solutions of this riddle have been proposed, and on the other hand the interpretation of Nero is open to the serious objection, that in order to make out the required number from the letters of Nero s name this name has to be written in Hob characters and that with script to defective/, of. Kcsar (Nerun Kcsar) instead of Keisar, the former of which two pecul iarities is out of keeping with the usage of the book elsewhere (of Zahn, op. cit., II, 622, 624, 625, where the chief proposed explanations of the number 666 are recorded). Under the circumstances the inter pretation of the figure of the beast and its heads must be allowed to pursue its course independently of the mystery of the number 666 in regard to which no certain conclusion appears attainable.

    The following indicates the degree of definiteness to which, in the opinion of the writer, it is possible to go in the interpretation of the prophecy. The terms

    in which Paul speaks remind of Daniel s description of the "little horn." Similarly The Revelations attaches itself to the imagery of the boasts in Dnl. Both Paul and The Revelations also seem to allude to the self-deification of rulers in the Hellenistic and Rom world (cf ZNTW, 1904, 335 ->). Both, therefore, appear to have in mind a politically organized world-power under a supreme head. Still in both cases this power is not viewed as the climax of enmity against Cod on account of its political activity as such, but distinctly on account of its self-assertion in the religious sphere, so that the whole conception is lifted to a higher plane, purely spiritual standards being applied in the judgment expressed. Paul so thoroughly applies this principle that in his picture the seductive, deceptive aspect of the movement in the sphere of false teaching is directly connected with the person of "the lawless one" himself (2 Thoss 2 9-12), and not with a separate organ of false prophecy, as in The Revelations 13 11-17 (the second beast). In The Revelations, as shown above, the final and acute phase of anti-Christian hostility is clearly distinguished from its embodiment in the Rom empire and separated from the latter by an inter mediate stage. In Paul, who stands at a somewhat earlier point in the development of NT prophecy, this is not so clearly apparent. Paul teaches that the "mystery of lawlessness" is already at work in his day, but this does not necessarily involve that the person of "the lawless one," subsequently to appear, must be connected with the same phase of the world-power, with which Paul associates this mystery already at work, since the succeeding phases being continuous, this will also insure the continuity between the general principle and its personal representative, even though the latter should appear at a later stage. It is impossible to determine how far Paul consciously looked be yond the power of the Rom empire to a later organ ization as the vehicle for the last anti-Christian effort. On the other hand, that Paul must have thought of "the lawless one" as already in existence at that time cannot be proven. It does not follow from the parallelism between his "revelation" and the parousia of Christ, for this "revelation" has for its correlate simply a previous hidden presence for some time somewhere, not. an existence necessarily extending to Paul s time or the time of the Rom empire, far less a preexist ence, like unto Christ s, in the supernatural world. Nor is present existence implied in what Paul says of "the hindering power." This, to be sure, is represented as asserting itself at that very time, but the restraint is not exerted directly upon "the lawless one"; it, relates to the power of which lie will be the ultimate exponent; when this power, through the removal of the re straint, develops freely, his revelation follows. According to ver 9 his "parousia is according to the working of Satan," but whether this puts a super natural aspect upon the initial act of his appearance or relates more to his subsequent presence and ac tivity in the world, which will be attended with all powers and signs and lying wonders, cannot be determined with certainty. But the element of the supernatural is certainly then 1 , although it is evidently erroneous to conceive of "the lawless one" as an incarnation of Satan, literally speaking. The phrase; "according to the working of Satan" excludes this, and "the lawless one" is a true human figure, "the man of sin" (or "the man of lawless ness," according to another reading; of the dis tinction between Satan and "the beast" in The Revelations 20 10), ver 3. The "power" and "signs" and "wonders" are not merely "seeming"; the genitive pscitdous is not intended to take them out of the category of the supernatural, but simply means that what they are intended to accredit is a lie, viz. the Divine dig-



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    nity of "the lawless one." Most difficult, of all is tin determination of what 1 anl means by the hindering power or the hinderer in ver 7. The most common view refers this to the Rom authority as the basis of civil order and protection, but there are serious objections to this. If Paul at all associated the Antichrist in any way with the Horn power, he cannot very well have sought the opposite principle in the same quarter. And not. only the hindering power but also the hindering person seems to be a unit, which latter does not apply to the Horn empire, which had a succession of rulers. It is further diffi cult to dismiss the thought that the hindering prin ciple or person must be more or less supernatural, since the supernatural factor in the work of "the lawless one" is so prominent. For this reason there is something attractive in the old view of von Hof- inann, who assumed that Paul borrowed from Dill, besides other features, also this feature that the his torical conflict on earth has a supernatural back ground in the world of spirits (cf Dnl 10). A mem- precise definition, however, is impossible. Finally it should be noticed that, as in the eschatological discourse of Jesus "the abomination of desolation" appears connected with an apostasy within the church through false teaching (Mark 13 22.12:5), so Paul joins to the appearance of "the lawless one" t he dest ruct i ve effect of error among many 1 hat are lost (2 Thessalonians 2 9-12). The idea of the Antichrist in general and that of the apostasy in particular reminds us thai we may not expect an uninterrupted progress of the C hristiani/ation of the world until the parousia. As the reign of the truth will be extended, so the forces of evil will gather strength, esp. toward the end. The universal sway of the kingdom of (lod cannot be expected from missionary effort alone; it requires the eschatological inter position of (Joel.

    In regard to the manner and attending circum stances of the parousia, we learn that it will be widely visible, like the lightning (Matthew 4. The 24 27; Luke 17 21; the point of coin-

    Manner parison does not lie in the suddenness) ;

    of the to the unbelieving it will come un-

    Parousia expect edly (Matthew 24 37 42; Luke 17 20- 32; 1 Thessalonians 5 2.3). A sign will pre cede, "the sign of the Son of Man," in regard to the nature of which- nothing can be determined. Christ w ill come "on the clouds," "in clouds," "in a cloud," "with great power and glory" (Ml 24 30; Mark 13 26; Luke 21 27); attended by angels (Matthew 24 31 [cf 13 41; 16 27; Mark 8 38; Luke 9 20]; Mark 13 27; 2 Thessalonians 17).

    VI. The Resurrection. The resurrection coin cides with the parousia and the arrival of the future aeon (Luke 20 35; Ju 6 40; 1 Thessalonians 4 10). From 1 Thessalonians 3 13; 4 10 it has been inferred that the dead rise before the descent of Christ from heaven is completed; the sounds described in the later pas sage are then interpreted as sounds accompanying the descent (cf Exodus 19 10; Isaiah 27 13; Matthew 24 31; 1 Corinthians 15 .72; lie 12 19; The Revelations 10 7; 11 l. r >; "the trump of (iod"=the great eschatological trumpet ). The two words for the resurrection _are ci/cirrin, "to wake," and anistdnai, "to raise," the latter less common in the active than in the intransitive sense.

    The NT teaches in some passages with sufficient clearness that all the dead will be raised, but the emphasis rests to such an extent on 1. Its Uni- the soteriological aspect of the event, versality esp. in Paul, where it is closely con nected with the doctrine of the Spirit, that its reference to non-believers receives little- notice. This was already partly so in the OT (Isaiah 26 19; Dnl 12 2). In the intervening Jewish lit. the doctrine varies; sometimes a resurrection

    of the martyrs alone is taught (En 90); sometimes of all the righteous dead of Israel (Psalm Sol 3 10 ->; En 91 94); sometimes of all the righteous and of some wicked Israelites (En 1 36); sometimes of all the righteous and all the wicked (4 E/r [2 Esd] 5 4. >; 7 32; Apoc Bar 42 8; 50 2). Jos ascribes to the Pharisees the doctrine that only the righteous will share in the resurrection. It ought to be noticed that these apocalyptic writings which affirm the universality of the resurrection present the same phenomena as the NT, vi/. that they contain pas sages which so exclusively reflect upon the resur rection in its bearing upon the destiny of the right eous as to create the appearance that no other resurrection was believed in. Among the Pharisees probably a diversity of opinion prevailed on this question, which Jos will have obliterated. Our Lord in His argument with the Sadducees proves only the resurrection of the pious, but does not exclude the other (Mark 12 26.27); "the resurrection of the just" in Luke 14 14 may suggest a twofold resurrection. It has been held that the phrase, he andstasis he ek nekrdn (Luke 20 35; Acts 4 2), al ways describes the resurrection of a limited number from among the dead, whereas tic andstasis ton. inkmn would be descriptive of a universal resur rection (Plummet-, Coinni. on Luke 20 3f>), but such a distinction breaks down before an examination of the passages.

    The inference to the universality of the resurrec tion sometimes drawn from the universality of the judgment is scarcely valid, since the idea of a judgment of disembodied spirits is not inconceivable and actually occurs. On the other hand the pun ishment of the judged is explicitly affirmed to in clude the body (Matthew 10 28). It cannot be proven that the term "resurrection" is ever in the NT eschatologically employed without reference to the body, of the quickening of the spirit .simply (against, Fries, in Z\\T\\\\ , 1 ( .()(), 291 ->). The sense of Our Lord s argument, wit h t he Sadducees does not require that the patriarchs were at the time of Moses in pos session of the resurrection, but. only that they were enjoying the covenant-life, which would in due time inevitably issue in the resurrection of their bodies. The resemblance (or "equality") to the angels (Mark 12 2.")) does not consist in the disembodied state, but in the absence of marriage and propagation. It has been suggested that Hebrews contains no direct, evidence for a bodily resurrection (Charles, Eschatology, 301), but cf il 22.3. ,; 12 2; 13 20. The spiritualism of the epistle points, in connection with its Pauline type of teaching, to the conception of a pneumatic heavenly body, rather than to a dis embodied state.

    The NT confines the (-vent of the resurrection to a single epoch, and nowhere teaches, as chiliasm assumes, a resurrection in two stages, 2. The one, at the parousia, of saints or mar-

    Millennium tyrs, and a second one at the close of the millennium. Although the doc trine of a temporary Messianic kingdom, preceding the consummation of the world, is of pre-Christian Jewish origin, it had not been developed in Judaism to the extent of assuming a repealed resurrection; the entire; resurrection is always placed at the end. The passages to which this doctrine of a double resurrection appeals are clue-fly Acts 3 19-21; 1 Corinthians 15 23-28; Philippians 3 9-11; 1 Thessalonians 4 13-18; 2 Thessalonians 1 f)-l2; The Revelations 20 1-6. In the first-named passage Peter promises "seasons of re-fre-shing," whe-n Israel shall have re-pentexl and turned to God. The- arrival of these coincieles with the sending of the Christ to the Jews, i.e. with the parousia. It is argued that Peter in ver 21, "whom the heavena must [present tense] receive until the times of res toration of all things," places after this coming of



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    Jesus to His people a renewed withdrawal of the Lord into heaven, to be followed in turn, after a certain interval, by the restoration of all things. The "seasons of refreshing" would then constitute the millennium with Christ present among His peo ple. While this interpretation is not grammatically impossible, there is no room for it in the general scheme of the Petrine eschatology, for the parousia of Christ is elsewhere represented us bringing not a provisional presence, but as bringing in the day of the Lord, the day of judgment (Acts 2 17-21). The correct view is that "the seasons of refreshing" and "the times of restoration of all things" are identical; the latter phrase relates to the prospects of Israel as well as the former, and should not be understood in the later technical sense. The pres ent tense in ver 21, "must receive," does not indi cate that the reception of Christ into heaven still lies in the future, but formulates a fixed escha- tological principle, viz. that after His first appear ance the Christ must be withdrawn into heaven till the hour for the parousia has come.

    In 1 Corinthians 15 23-28 two tin/mntn, "orders," of the resurrection are distinguished, and it is urged that these consist of "believers" and "non-believers." But there is no reflection hereupon non-believers at all, the two "orders" are Christ, and they that are Christ s. "The end" in ver 24 is not the final stage in the resurrection, i.e. the resurrection of non- believers, but the end of the series of eschatological events. The kingdom of Christ which comes to a, close with the end is not a kingdom beginning with theparousia, but dates from the exaltation of Christ; it is to Paul not future but already in operation.

    In 1 Tliess 4 13-18 the presupposition is not thai the readers had worried about a possible exclusion of their dead from the provisional reign of Christ and from a first resurrection, but that they had sorrowed even as the Gentiles who have no hope whatever, i.e. they had doubted the fact of the resurrection as such. Paul accordingly gives them in ver 14 the general assurance that in the resurrec tion of Jesus thai of believers is guaranteed. The vb. "precede" in ver 15 does not imply that there was thought of precedence in the enjoyment of glory, but is only an emphatic way of affirming that the dead will not be one moment behind in inheriting w T ith the living the blessedness of the parousia. In ver 17, "so shall we ever be with the Lord," the word "ever" excludes the concept ion of a provisional king dom. 2 Thessalonians 1 f>--12 contains merely the general thought that sufferings and glory, persecution and the inheritance of the kingdom are linked together. There is nothing to show that this glory and king dom are aught else but the final state, the kingdom of God (ver 5).

    In Philippians 3 9-11, it is claimed, Paul represents attainment to the resurrection as dependent on special effort on his part, therefore as something not in store for all believers. Since the general resurrec tion pertains to all, a special grace of resurrection must be meant, i.e. inclusion in the number of those; to be raised at the parousia, at the opening of the millennial kingdom. The answer to this is, that it was quite possible to Paul to make the resurrection as such depend on the believer s progress in grace and conformity to Christ, seeing that it is not an event out of all relation to his spiritual development, but the climax of an organic process of transforma tion begun in this life. And in ver 20 the resur rection of all is joined to the parousia (cf for the Pauline passages Vos, "The Pauline Eschatology and Chiliasm," PTK, 1911, 20-60).

    The passage The Revelations 20 1-6 at first sight much favors the conception of a millennial reign of Christ, par ticipated in by the martyrs, brought to life in a first resurrection, and marked by a suspension of the

    activity of Satan. And it is urged that the sequence of visions places this millennium after the parousia of Christ narrated in ch 19. The question of his toric sequence, however, is in The Revelations difficult to decide. In other parts of the book the principle of "recapitu lation." i.e. of cotemporaneousness of things suc cessively depicted, seems to underlie the visions, and numbers are elsewhere in the book meant symbolically. These facts leave open the possi bility that the thousand years are synchronous with the earlier developments recorded, and symbolically describe the state of glorified life enjoyed with Christ in heaven by the martyrs during the inter mediate period preceding the parousia. The terms employed do not suggest an anticipated bodily resurrection. The seer speaks of "souls" which "lived" and "reigned," and finds in this the first resurrection. The scene of this life and reign is in heaven, where also the "souls" of the mart vrs are beheld (69). The words "this is the first resurrec tion" maybe a pointed disavowal of a more realistic (chiliastic) interpretation of the same phrase. The symbolism of the thousand years consists in this, that it contrasts the glorious state of the martyrs on the one hand with the brief season of tribulation passed here on earth, and on the other hand with the eternal life of the consummation. The binding of Satan for this period marks the first eschatologi cal conquest of Christ over the powers of evil, as distinguished from the renewed activity to be dis played by Satan toward the end in bringing up against the church still other forces not hitherto introduced into the conflict. In regard to a book so enigmatical, it were presumptuous to speak with any degree of dogmatism, but the uniform absence of the idea of the millennium from the eschatological teaching of the NT elsewhere ought to render the exegete cautious before affirming its presence here (cf Warfield, "The Millennium and the Apocalypse," PTK, 1904, .599-017).

    The resurrection of believers bears a twofold aspect. On the one hand it belongs to the forensic

    side of salvation. On the other hand 3. The it belongs to the pneumatic transform-

    Resurrec- ing side of the saving process. Of the tion of former, traces appear only in theteach-

    Believers ing of Jesus (Matthew 6 9; 22 29 32; Luke 20

    35.3(5). Paul clearly ascribes to the be liever s resurrection a somewhat similar forensic significance as to that of Christ (Rom 8 10.23; 1 Corinthians 15 30-32. 55-5S). Far more prominent with him is, however, the other, the pneumatic interpretation. Both the origin of the resurrection life and the con tinuance of the resurrection state are dependent on the .Spirit (Rom 8 10.11; 1 Corinthians 15 45-49; Galatians 6 8). The resurrection is the climax of the believer s transformation (Rom 811; Galatians 6 8). This part ascribed to the Spirit in the resurrection is not to be explained from what the OT teaches about the Spirit as the source of physical life, for to this the NT hardly ever refers; it is rather to be explained as the correlate of the general Pauline principle that the Spirit is the determining factor of the heavenly state in the coming aeon. This pneumatic char acter of the resurrection also links together the resurrection of Christ and that of the believer. This idea is not yet found in the Synoptics; it finds expression in John 5 22-29; 11 25; 14 <>.19. In early apostolic teaching a trace of it may be found in Acts 4 2. With Paul it appears from the beginning as a well-established principle. The continuity between the working of the Spirit here and His part in the resurrection does not, however, lie in the body. The resurrection is not the cul mination of a pneumatic change which the body in this life undergoes. There is no preformation of the spiritual body on earth. Rom 8 10.11; 1 Corinthians



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    15 -19; 2 Corinthians 5 1.2; Philippians 3 12 positively exclude this, and 2 Corinthians 3 IS; 4 7-1S do not require it. The glory into which believers are transformed through the beholding (or reflecting) of the glory of Christ as in a mirror is not a bodily but inward glory, produced by illumination of the gospel. And the manifestation of the life of Jesus in the body or in the mortal flesh refers to the preservation of bodily life in the midst of deadly perils. Equally without support is the view that at one time Paul placed the investiture with the new body imme diately after death. It- has been assumed that this, together with the view just criticized, marks the last stage in a, protracted development of Paul s eschatological belief. The initial stage of this pro cess is found in 1 Thessalonians: the resurrection is that of an earthly body. The next stage is represented by 1 Corinthians: the future" body is pneumatic in character, although not to be received until the parousia. The third stage removes the inconsistency implied in the preceding position between the character of the body and the time of its reception, by placing the latter at the moment of death (2 Corinthians, Horn, Colossians), and by an extreme flight of faith the view is even approached that the resurrection body is in process of development now (Teichmann, Charles). This scheme has no real basis of fact. 1 Thessalonians does not teach ail unpneumatic eschatology (cf 4 1-1. Hi). The second stage given is the only truly Pauline one, nor can it be shown that the apostle ever abandoned it. For the third position named finds no support in 2 Corinthians 5 1-10; Horn 8 19; Colossians 3 4. The exegesis of 2 Corinthians 5 1 10 is difficult and cannot here be given in detail. Our understanding of the main drift of the passage, put into paraphrase, is as follows: we feel assured oft he eternal weight, of glory (4 17), because we know that we shall receive, after our earthly tent-body shall have been dissolved (aor. subj.), a new body, a supernal uralhouse for our spirit, to be possessed eternally in the heavens. A sure proof of this lies in the heightened form which our desire for this future state assumes. For it is not mere desire to obtain a new body, but specifically to obtain it as soon as possible, without an intervening period of nakedness, i.e. of a disembodied state of the spirit. Such would be possible, if it were given us to survive till the parousia, in which case we would be clothed u/xin with our habitation from heaven ^super natural body), the old body not having to be put, off first before the new can be put on, but the new body being superimposed upon the old, so that no "unclot hing" would have to take place first, what is mortal simply being swallowed up of life (5 2.4). And we are justified in cherishing this supreme as piration, since the ult imate goal set for us in any case, even if we should have to die first and to unclothe and then to put on the new body over the naked spirit, since the ultimate goal, 1 say, excludes under all circumstances a state of nakedness at the moment of the parousia (ver 3). Since, then, such a new cm- bodied state is our destiny in any event, we justly long for that mode of reaching it which involves least delay and least distress and avoids interme diate nakedness. (This on the reading in ver 3 of ci f/c kdi endusdmenoi on- tjunnun heurethesometha. If the; reading ci gc kai ekdusamenoi be adopted the rendering of ver 3 will have to be: If so be that also having put off [i.e. having died], we shall not at the end be found naked." If ci/>ar k<ii ckdiixatnenoi be chosen it will be: "Although even having put off [i.e. having died] we shall not at the end be found naked." These other readings do not materially alter the sense.) The understanding of the passage will be seen to rest on the pointed distinction be tween being "clothed upon," change at the parousia without death (vs 2.4), to be- "unclothed," loss of the body in death with nakedness resulting (ver 4),

    and "being clothed," putting on of the new body after a state of nakedness (ver 3). Interpreted as above, the passage expresses indeed the hope of an instantaneous endowment with the spiritual body immediately after this life, but only on the suppo sition that the end of this life will be at the parousia, not for the case that death should intervene before, which latter possibility is distinctly left open. In Rom 8 19 what will happen at the end to believers is called a revealing of the sons of Clod," not be cause their new body existed previously, but be cause 1 heir status as sons of God existed before, and this status will be revealed through the bestowal upon them of the glorious body. Colossians 3 3.4 speaks of a "life .... hid with Christ in Clod," and of the "manifestation" of believers with Christ in glory at the parousia, but "life" does not imply bodily existence, and while the "manifestation" at the parousia presupposes the body, it does not imply that this body must have been acquired long before, as is the case with Christ s body. In conclusion it should be noted that there is ample evidence in the later epistles that Paul continued to expect the resurrection body at the parousia (2 Corinthians 5 10; Philippians 3 20.21).

    The main passage informing us as to the nature of the resurrection body is 1 Corinthians 15 35-f)south The

    difficulty Paul here seeks to relieve does 4. The Res- not concern the substance of the future urrection body, but its kind (cf ver 3.~> "With Body what manner of body do they come?").

    Not until ver f>0 is the deeper question of difference in substance touched upon. The point of the figure of "sowing" is not that of identity of substance, but rather this, that the impossibility of forming a concrete conception of the resurrection body is no proof of its impossibility, because in all vegetable growth there appears a body totally un like that which is sown, a body the nature and ap pearance of which are determined by the will of God. We have no right to press the figure in other directions, to solicit from it answers to other ques tions. That there is to be a real connection between the present and the future body is implied rather than directly affirmed. Ver 3(5 shows that the dis tinction between the earthly body and a germ of life in it, to be intrusted with it to the grave and then quickened at the last day, does not lie in the apos tle s mind, for what, is sown is the body; it dies and is quickened in its entirely. Esp. the turn given to the figure in ver 37 that of a naked grain putting on the plant as a garment proves that it is neither intended nor adapted to give information on the degree of identity or link of continuity between the two bodies. The "bare grain" is the body, not the spirit, as some would have it (Teichmann), for it is said of the seed that it dies; which does not apply to the Pneunia (cf also ver 44). The fact is that in this entire discussion the subjective spirit of the believer remains entirely out of consideration; the matter is treated entirely from the standpoint of the body. So far as the Pneuma enters into it, it is the objective Spirit, the Spirit of Christ. As to the time of the sowing, some writers take the view that this corresponds to the entire earthly life, not to the moment of burial only (so already Calvin, recently Teichmann and Charles). In vs 42.43 there are points of contact for this, inasmuch as esp. the three last predicates "in dishonor," "in weakness," "a nat ural body," seem more applicable to the living than to the dead body. At any rate, if the conception is thus widened, the act of burial is certainly included in the sowing. The objection arising from the difficulty of forming a conception of the resurrection body is further met in vs 39-41, where Paul argues from the multitude of bodily forms God has at His disposal. This thought is illustrated from the ani-



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    mal world (ver 39) ; from the difference between the heavenly and the earthly bodies (ver 40) ; from the difference existing among the heavenly bodies themselves (ver 41). The structure of the argu ment is indicated by the interchange of two words for "other," dllos and hetcros, the former designating difference of species within the genus, the latter difference of genus, a distinction lost in the Eng. version. In all this the reasoning revolves not around the substance of the bodies but around their kind, quality, appearance (sdrx in ver 39 = so/, "body," not = "flesh"). The conclusion drawn is that the resurrection body will differ greatly in kind from the present body. It will be hetcros, not merely dllos. The points of difference are enumer ated in vs 42.43. Four contrasts are named; the first three in each ca.se appear to be the result, of the fourth. The dominating antithesis is that between the soinn psnchikon and the soma pmu- inntiknn. Still Paul can scarcely mean to teach that "corruption," "dishonor," "weakness" are in the same sense necessary and natural results of the "psychical" character of the earthly body, as the corresponding opposites are necessary and natural concomitants of the pneumatic character of the resurrection body. The sequel shows that the "psychical body" was given man at creation, and according to ver 53 corruption and death go to gether, whereas death is not the result of creation but of the entrance of sin according to Paul s uni form teaching elsewhere. Hence also the predicate stirkikos is avoided in vs 40.47, where the reference is to creation, for this word is always associated in Paul with sin. The connection, therefore, between the "natural [psychical, m] body" and the abnormal attributes conjoined with it, will have to be so con ceived, that in virtue of the former character, the body, though it need not of itself, yet will fall a prey to the latter when sin enters. In this lies also the explanation of the term "psychical body." This means a body in which the pxi/chc, the natural soul, is the vitali/.ing principle, sufficient to support life, but not sufficient to that supernatural, heavenly plane, where it is forever immune to death and cor ruption. The question must be asked, however, why Paul goes back to the original state of man s body and does not content himself with contrasting the body in the state of sin and in the stale of eternal life. The answer is found in the exigency of the argument. Paul wished to add to the argument for the possibility of a different body drawn from analogy, an argument drawn from the typical char acter of the original creation-body. The body of creation, on the principle of prefiguration, pointed already forward to a higher body to be received in the second stage of the world-process: if there exists a psychical body, there exists also a pneumatic body (ver 44). The proof lies in (leu 2 7. Some think that Paul here adopts the Philonic doctrine of the creation of two men, and means ver 4.56 as a quo tation from Genesis 1 27. But the sequence is against this, for Paul s spiritual man appears on the sceiie last, not first, as in Philo. Nor can the statement have been meant as a correction of Philo s sequence, for Paul cannot have overlooked that, once a double creation were found in Genesis 1 and 2, then Philo s sequence was the only possible one, to cor rect which would have amounted to correcting Scripture. If Paul docs here correct Philo, it must be in the sense that he rejects the entire Philonic exegesis, which found in Genesis a twofold creation (cf 1 Corinthians 11 7). Evidently for Paul, Genesis 2 7 taken by itself contains the proof of his proposition, that there is both a psychical and a pneumatic body. Paul regarded the creation of the first Adam in a typical light. The first creation gave only the pro visional form in which God s purpose with reference

    to man was embodied, and in so far looked forward to a higher embodiment of the same idea on a higher pneumatic, plane (cf Rom 6 14): "The first man is of the earth, earthy: the second man is of heaven" (1 Corinthians 15 47); "of "or "from heaven" does not desig nate heavenly material, for even here, by not giving the opposite to choikos, "earthly," Paul avoided the question of substantiality. A "pneumatic" body is not, as many assume 1 , a body made out of pneuma as a higher substance, for in that case Paul would have had pneumatikon ready at hand as the con trast to cho ikun. Only negatively the question of substance is touched upon in ver 50: "Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God," but the apostle does not say what will take their place. Cf further, for the non-substantial meaning of pneumatikos, Rom 15 27; 1 Corinthians 911; 10 3.4; Ephesians 13; 5 19; 6 12; Colossians 1 9. The only posi tive thing which we learn in this direction is formal, viz. that the resurrection body of the believer will be the image of that of Christ (ver 49).

    VII. The Change of Those Living at the Parousia. This is confined to believers. Of a change in the body of non-believers found living or raised at the parousia the NT nowhere speaks. The passages referring to this subject are 1 Corinthians 15 51-53; 2 Corinthians 5 1-5; Philippians 3 20.21. The second of these has already been discussed : it represents the change under the figure of a put ting-on of the heavenly body over the earthly body, in result of which what is mortal is swallowed up so as to disappear by life. Tliis representation starts with the new body by which the old body is absorbed. In 1 Corinthians 15 and Philippians 3, on the other hand, the point of departure is from the old body which is changed into a new. The difference between the resurrection and the charge of the living is brought out in 2 Corinthians 5 1-5 in the two figures of "putting on" and "pulling on over," cniliisttxtfiiii and ependusasthai. Some exe- getes find in 1 Corinthians 15 51 -53 the description of a process kept in such general terms as to be equally applicable to those raised and to those transformed alive. If this be adopted it yields new evidence for the continuity between the present body and the resurrection body. Others, however, find here the expectation that Paul and his readers will "all" survive until the parousia, and be changed alive, in which case no light is thrown on the resurrection- process. The more plausible exegesis is that which joins the negative to "all" instead of to the vb., and makes Paul affirm that "not all" will die, but that all, whether dead or surviving, will be changed at the parousia; the difficulty of the exegesis is reflected in the early attempts to change the reading. In Philippians 3 20.21 there are no data to decide whether the apostle conceives of himself and his readers as living at the moment of the parousia or speaks gen erally so as to cover both possibilities.

    VIII. The Judgment. The judgment takes place on a "day" (Alt 7 22; 10 15; 24 30; Luke 10 12; 21 34; 1 Corinthians 1 8; 3 13; 2 Thessalonians 4 S; The Revelations 6 17), but this rests on the OT conception of "the day of Jehovah," and is not to be taken literally, whence 1 also hour" interchanges with "day" (Mark 13 32; The Revelations 14 7). While not confined to an astro nomical day the judgment is plainly represented as a definitely circumscribed transaction, not as an indefinite process. It coincides with its parousia. Of a judgment immediately after death, the NT nowhere speaks, not even in He 9 27.28. Its locality is the earth, as would seem to follow from its dependence on the parousia (Matthew 13 41.42; Mark 13 20.27), although some infer from 1 Thessalonians 4 17 that, so far as believers arc concerned, it will take place in the air. But this passage does not speak of the judgment, only of the parousia and the meet ing of believers with Christ. The judge is God



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    (Matthew 6 4.6.14.18; 10 28.32 ->=Luke 12 8ff; 2136; Acts 10 42; 17 30.31; Rom 2 2.3.5.16; 14 10; 1 Corinthians 4 3-5; 6 13; He 12 25; 13 4; 1 Pet 1 17; 2

    23; The Revelations 6 10; 14 7), but also Christ, not only in the great scene depicted in Matthew 25 31-46, but also in Mark 8 3S; 13 26 IT; Matthew, 7 22 = Luke 13 25- 27; Acts 17 31; 2 Corinthians 5 10; The Revelations 19 11, whence also the OT conception of "the day of Jehovah" is changed into "the day of the Lord" (1 Corinthians 5 5; 2 Corinthians 1 14; 1 Tliess 52; 2 Pet 3 10). In the sense of the final assize the judgment does not in earlier Jewish eschatology belong to the functions of the Messiah, except in En 51 3; 55 4; 61 Samuelf f; 62 Iff; 63. Only in the later apocalypses the Messiah appears as judge (4 Ezr [2 Esd] 13; Apoc Bar 72 2 [cf Sib Or 3 2X0]). In the more realistic, less forensic, sense of an act of destruction, the judgment forms part of the Messiah s work from the outset, and is already assigned to Him by the Baptist and still more by Paul (Matthew 3 10.11. 12-Luke 3 16. 17; 2 Thessalonians 2 8.10.12). The one representation passes over into the other. Jesus always claims for Himself the judgment in the strictly forensic sense. Already in His present state He 1 exercises the right to forgive sin (Mark 2 5.10). In the Fourth (lospel, it is true. He denies that His present activ ity involves the task of judging (John 8 15; 12 47). That this, however, does not exclude His escha- tological judgeship appears from 5 22.27 (notice the article in ver 22 "the whole judgment," which proves the reference to the last day). But even for the present, though not directly, yet indirectly by His appearance and message, Christ according to John effects a judgment among men (8 16; 9 39), which culminates in His passion and death, the judgment of the world and the Prince of the world (12 31; 14 30; 16 11). A share of the judgment is assigned to angels and to the saints (Matthew 13 39. 41.49; 1627; 2431; 2531; 1 Thessalonians 3 13; 2 Tliess 1 7; Jude vs 14 f). In regard to the angels this is purely ministerial; of believers it is affirmed only in 1 Corinthians 6 1 -3 that they will have something to do with the act of judgment itself; passages like Matthew 19 2S; 20 23; Luke 22 30; The Revelations 3 21 do not refer to the judgment proper, hut to judging in the sense of "reigning," and promise certain saints a preeminent position in the kingdom of glory. The judgment extends to all men, Tyre, Sidon, Sodom, as well as the Galilean cities (Matthew 11 22.24;; all nations (25 32; John 5 29; Acts 17 30.31; Rom 2 6.16; 2 Corinthians 5 10). It also includes the evil spirits (1 Corinthians 63; 2 Pet 2 4; Jude ver 0). It is a judgment according to works, and that not only in the case of non-believers; of believers also the works will come under consideration (Mt25 34 IT; 1 Corinthians 4 5; 2 Corinthians 5 10; The Revelations 22 12). Side by side with this, however, it is taught already in the Synoptics that the decisive factor will be the acknowledgment of individuals by Jesus, which in turn depends upon the attitude assumed by them toward Jesus here, directly or indirectly (Matthew 7 23; 19 28; 25 35-45; Mark 8 38). By Paul the principle of judgment according to works is upheld, not merely hypothetically as a principle preceding and under lying every soteriological treatment of man by God (Rom 2), and therefore applying to non-Christians for whose judgment no other standard is available, but also as remaining in force for Christians, who have already, under the soteriological regime of grace, received absolute, eternal acquittal in justi fication. This raises a twofold problem: (a) why justification does not render a last judgment super fluous; (6) why the last judgment in case of Chris tians saved by grace should be based on works. In regard to () it ought to be remembered that the last judgment differs from justification in that it is not a private transaction in foro cunscientiae, but

    public, in foro mundi. Hence Paul emphasizes this element of publicity (Rom 2 16; 1 Corinthians 3 13; 2 Corinthians 5 10). It is in accordance with this that God the Father is always the author of justification, whereas as a rule Christ is represented as presid ing at the assize of the last day. As to (b), be cause the last judgment is not a mere private but a public transaction, something more must be taken into account than that on which the individual eternal destiny may hinge. There can be disap proval of works and yet salvation (1 Corinthians 3 15). But the trial of works is necessary for the sake of the vindication of (Jod. In order to be a true the odicy the judgment must publicly exhibit and an nounce the complete overthrow of sin in man, and the complete working out in him of the idea of righteousness, including not merely his acquittal from the guilt, but also his deliverance from the power, of sin, not merely his imputed righteousness, but also his righteousness of life. In order to demon strate this comprehensively, the judgment will have; to take into account three things: faith (Galatians 5 5), works done in the Christian state, sanctification. Besides this the works of the Christian appear as the measure of gracious reward (Matthew 5 12.46; 6 1; 10 41.42; 19 28; 20 1-16; 25 14-45; Mark 9 41; Luke 6 23.35; 1 Corinthians 3 8.14; 9 17.18; Colossians 2 18; 321; He 10 35). These works, however, are not mechanically or commercially appraised, as in Ju daism, for Paul speaks by preference of "work" in the singular (Rom 2 7.15; 1 Corinthians 3 13; 91; Galatians 6 4; Ephesians 4 12; Philippians 1 6.22; 1 Thessalonians 1 3; 2 Thessalonians 1 11). And this one organic product of "work" is traced back to the root of faith (1 Thessalonians 1 3; 2 Thessalonians 1 11, where the gen. piste Os is a gen. of origin), and Paul speaks as a rule not of poiein but of pnissein, i.e. of the practice, the systematic doing, of that which is good.

    The judgment assigns to each individual his eternal destiny, which is absolute in its character either of blessedness or of punishment, though ad mittedly of degrees within these two states. Only two groups are recognized, those of the condemned and of the saved (Matthew 25 33.31; John 5 29); no in termediate! group with as yet undetermined destiny anywhere appears. The degree of guilt is fixed according to the knowledge of the Divine will pos sessed in life (Matthew 10 15; 11 20-24; Luke 10 12-15; 12 47.48; John 15 22.24; Rom 2 12; 2 Pet 2 20- 22). The uniform representation is that the judg ment has reference to what has been done in the em bodied state of this life; nowhere is there any reflection upon the conduct or product of the inter mediate state as contributing to the decision (2 Corinthians 5 10). The state assigned is of endless duration, hence described as aionios, "eternal." While this adjective etymologically need mean no more than "what extends through a certain aeon or period of time," yet its eschatological usage correlates it everywhere with the coming age," and, this age being endless in duration, every state or destiny connected with it partakes of the same character. It is therefore exegetically impossible to give a relative sense to such phrases as pur aionion, "eter nal fire" (Matthew 18 8; 25 41; Jude ver 7), kolasis aionios, "eternal punishment" (Matthew 25 46), 6le- thros aionios, "eternal destruction" (2 Thessalonians 1 9), krisis aionios or kritna aionion, "eternal judgment" (Mark 3 29; He 6 2). This is also shown by the figurative representations which unfold the import of the adj.: the "unquenchable fire" (Matthew 3 12), "the never-dying worm" (Mark 9 43-48), "The smoke of their torment goeth up for ever and ever" (The Revelations 14 11), "tormented day and night fore ver and ever" (The Revelations 20 10). The endless duration of the state of punish ment is also required by the absolute eternity of its counterpart, zo5 aionios, "eternal life" (Matthew 25 46).



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    In support of the doctrine of conditional immor tality it has been urged that other terms descriptive of the fate of the condemned, such as apdlcia, "perdi tion," phthord, "corrupt ion, " olclhros, "destruction," thdnatos, "death," point rather to a cessation of be ing. This, however, rests on an unscriptural inter pretation of these terms, which everywhere in the OT and the NT designate a state of existence with an undesirable content, never the pure negation of existence, just as "life" in Scripture describes a positive mode of being, never mere existence as such. Perdition, corruption, destruction, death, are predicated in all such cases of the welfare or the ethical spiritual character of man, without implying the annihilation of his physical existence. No more support can be found in the NT for the hypothesis of an apokatdstasis pdnton, "restoration of all things," i.e. absolute universalism implying the ultimate salvation of all men. The phrase occurs only in Acts 3 21, where, however, it has no cosmical ref erence but relates to the fulfilment of the promises to Israel. Jos uses it of the restoration of the Jews to their land after the Captivity, Philo of the res toration of inheritances in the year of jubilee (cf Mai 4 6; Matthew 17 11; Mark 9 12; Acts 1 6). Ab solute universalism has been found in Rom 5 IS;

    1 Corinthians 15 22.28; Kph 1 10; Colossians 1 20, but in all these passages only a cosmical or national univer salism can be found, not the doctrine of the salvation of all individuals, which latter would bring the state ments in question in direct contradiction to the most explicit deliverances of Paul elsewhere on the prin ciple of predestination and the eternity of the des tiny of the wicked.

    IX. The Consummate State. Side by side with "the future age," and characterizing it from a less formal point of view, the phrase "kingdom of Cod" designates the consummate state, as it will exist for believers after the judgment. Jesus, while making the kingdom a present reality, yet continues to speak of it in accordance with its original eschatological usage as "the kingdom" which lies in the future (Matthew 13 43; 25 34; 26 29; Mark 9 47; Luke 12 3 _>; 13 2south29; 21 31). With Paul the phrase bears preponderatingly an eschatological sense, although occasionally he uses it of the present state of be lievers (Rom 14 17; 1 Corinthians 4 20; 6 9.10; 15 24. 50; Galatians 5 21; Kph 5 5; Colossians 1 13; 4 11; 1 Thessalonians

    2 12; 2 Thessalonians 15; 2 Thessalonians 4 1.18). Elsewhere in the NT the eschatological use occurs in lie 12 28; Jas 2 5; 2 Pet 111; The Revelations 11 15. The idea is universalistic, unpolitical, which does not ex clude that certain privileges are spoken of with special reference to Israel. Although the escha tological kingdom differs from the present kingdom largely in the fact that it will receive an external, visible embodiment, yet this does not hinder that even in it the core is constituted by those spiritual realities and relations which make the present king dom. Still it will have its outward form as the doctrine of the resurrection and the regenerate! 1 earth plainly show. Hence the figures in which Jesus speaks of it, such as eating, drinking, reclining at table, while not to be taken sensually, should not on the other hand be interpreted allegorically, as if they stood for wholly internal spiritual pro cesses: they evidently point to, or at least include, outward states and activities, of which our life in the senses offers some analogy, but on a higher plane of which it is at present impossible to form any concrete conception or to speak otherwise than in figurative language. Equivalent to "the kingdom" is "life." But, unlike the kingdom, "life" remains in the Synoptics an exclusively eschatological con ception. It is objectively conceived: the state of blessedness the saints will exist in; not subjectively as a potency in man or a process of development

    (Matthew 7 14; 18 8.9; 19 16.29; 25 46; Mark 10 30). In John "life" becomes a present state, and in con nection with this the idea is subjectivized, it be comes a process of growth and expansion. Points of contact for this in the Synoptics may be found in Matthew 8 22 ( = Luke 9 60); Luke 15 24; 20 38. When this eschatological life is characterized as aionios, "eternal," the reference is not exclusively to its eternal duration, but the word has, in addi tion to this, a qualitative connotation; it describes the kind of life that belongs to the consummate state (cf the use of the adj. with other nouns in this sense: 2 Corinthians 5 1; 2 Thessalonians 2 10; He 5 9; 9 12. 15; 2 Pet 111, and the unfolding of the content of the idea in 1 Pet 1 4). \\Vith Paul "life" has sometimes the same eschatological sense (Rom 2 7; 5 17; Tit 1 2; 3 7), but most often it is conceived as already given in the present state, owing to the close association with the Spirit (Rom 6 11; 7 4.8. 11; 8 2.6; Galatians 2 19; 6 8; Kph 4 IS). In its ultimate analysis the Pauline conception of "life," as well as that of Jesus, is that of something depen dent on communion with God (Matthew 22 32 = Mark 12 27 = Luke 20 3S; Rom 8 6.7; Kph 4 IS). Another Pauline conception associated with the consummate state is that of di uca, "glory." This glory is every where conceived as a reflection of the glory of God, and it is this that to the mind of Paul gives it reli gious value, not the external radiance in which it may manifest itself as such. Hence the element of "honor" conjoined to it (Rom 1 23; 2 7; 8 21; 9 23; 1 Corinthians 15 43). It is not confined to the physical sphere (2 Corinthians 3 IS; 4 16.17). The outward doxa is prized by Paul as a vehicle of revelation, an exponent of the inward state of ac ceptance with God. In general Paul conceives of the final state after a highly theocentric fashion (1 Corinthians 15 2S); it is the state of immediate vision of and perfect communion with God and Christ; the future life alone can bring the perfected sonship (Horn 6 10; 8 23.29; cf Luke 20 36; 2 Corinthians 4 4; 5 6.7.8; 13 4; Philippians 1 23; Colossians 2 13; 3 3.4; 1 Thessalonians 4 17).

    The scene of the consummate state is the new heaven and the new earth, which are called into being by the eschatological palingenesia "regenera tion" ( Matthew 5 IS; 19 2S; 24 35; 1 Corinthians 7 31; He

    I 12; 12 26.27; 2 Pet 3 10; 1 John 2 17; The Revelations 21 1, in which last passage, however, some exegetes understand the city to be a symbol of the church, the people of God). An annihilation of the substance of the present world is not taught (cf the com parison of the future world-conflagration with the Deluge in 2 Pet 3 6). The central abode of the redeemed will be in heaven, although the renewed earth will remain accessible to them and a part of the inheritance (Matthew 5 5; John 14 2.3; Rom 8 18- 22; and the closing visions of tin; Apocalypse).

    X. The Intermediate State. In regard to the state of the dead, previously to the parousia and the resurrection, the NT is far less explicit than in its treatment of what belongs to general escha- tology. The following points may here briefly be noted:

    (1) The state of death is frequently represented as a "sleeping," just as the act of dying as a "falling asleep" (Matthew 9 24; John 9 4; 11 11; 1 Corinthians 7 39;

    II 30; 15 6.1south20.51; 1 Thessalonians 4 13.15; 2 Pet 3 4). This usage, while also purely Gr, rests on the OT. There is this difference, that in the NT (already in the apocryphal and pseudepigraphical books) the conception is chiefly used with reference to the righteous dead, and has associated with it the thought of their blessed awaking in the resurrection, whereas in the OT it is indiscriminately applied to all the dead and without such connotation. With Paul the word always occurs of believers. The

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    representation applies not to the soul" or "spirit," so that a state of unconsciousness until the resur rection would he implied. It. is predicated of the person, and the point of comparison is that as one who sleeps is not alive to his surroundings, so the dead are no longer en rn />/><>// with this earthly life. Whatever may have been the original implications of the word, it plainly had become long before the XT period a figurative mode of speech, just as et/rircin, "to wake," was felt to be a figurative desig nation of the act of the resurrection. Because the dead are asleep to our earthly life, which is mediated through the body, it does not. follow that they are asleep in every other relation, asleep to the life of the other world, that, their spirits are unconscious. Against the unconsciousness of the dead cf Luke 16 23; 23 43; Ju 11 L>.V_><>; Acts 7 59; 1 Corinthians 15 S; Philippians 1 23; The Revelations 6911; 7 9. Some have held that the sleep was for Paul a euphemism employed in order to avoid the terms "death" and "to die," which the apostle restricted to Christ. 1 Thessalonians.s 4 16 shows that this is unfounded.

    (2) The XT speaks of the departed after an an thropomorphic fashion as though they were still possessed of bodily organs (Luke 16 23.21; The Revelations 6 11; 7 9). That no inference can be drawn from this in favor of the hypothesis of an intermediate body appears from the fact that Cod and angels are spoken of in the same manner, and also from passages which more preciselv refer to the dead as "souls," "spirits" (Luke 23 -l(i; Acts 7 59; lie 12 23; 1 Pet 3 19; The Revelations 6 9; 20 4).

    (3) The NT nowhere encourages the living to seek converse with the dead. Its representation of the dead as "sleeping" with reference; to the earthly life distinctly implies that, such converse would be abnormal and in so far discountenances it, without explicitly affirming its absolute impossi bility. Not even the possibility of the dead for their part taking knowledge of our earthly life 1 is affirmed anywhere. He 12 1 does not necessarily represent the OT saints as "witnesses" of our race of faith in the sense of spectators in t he literal sense, but perhaps in the figurat ive sense, that we ought to feel, having in memory their example, as if the ages of the past and their historic figures were looking down upon us (Luke 16 29; Acts 8 9; 13 (iff; 19 13 ->).

    (4) As to the departed saints themselves, it is intimated that they have mutual knowledge of one another in the intermediate state, together with memory of facts and conditions of the earthlv life (Luke 16 9.19-31). Xowhere, however, is it in timated that this interest of the departed saints in our earthly affairs normally expresses itself in any act of intercession, not even of intercession spon taneously proffered on their part.

    (5) The XT does not teach that there is any possi bility of a fundamental change in moral or spiritual character in the intermediate state. The doctrine of a so-called "second probation" finds in it no real support. The only passages that can with some semblance of warrant be appealed to in this connec tion are 1 Pet 3 19-21 and 4 (>. For the exegesis of the former passage, which is difficult and much disputed, cf SPIRITS i\\ Puisox. Here it may simply be noted that the context is not favorable to the view that an extension of the opportunity of conversion beyond death is implied; the purport of the whole passage points in the opposite direc tion, the salvation of the exceedingly small number of eight of the generation of Xoah being emphasized (3 20). Besides this it would be difficult to under stand why this exceptional opportunity should have been granted to this peculiar group of the dead, since the contemporaries of Xoah figure; in Scripture as examples of extreme wickedness. Even if the

    idea of a gospel-preaching with soteriological pur pose were actually found here, it would not furnish an adequate basis for building upon it the broad hypothesis of a second probation for all the dead in general or for those who have not heard the gospel in this life. This latter view the passage is esp. ill fitted to support, because the generation of Noah had had the gospel preached to them before death. There is no intimation that the transaction spoken of was repeated or continued indefinitely. As to the second passage (1 Pet 4 t>), this must be taken by itself and in connection with its own context. The assumption that the sentence "the gospel [was] preached even to the dead" must have its meaning determined by the earlier passage in 3 19 21, has exercised an unfortunate influence upon the exege sis. Possibly the two passages had no connection in the mind of the author. For explaining the ref erence to "the dead" the connection with the pre ceding verse is fully sufficient. It is there slated that Christ is "ready to judge the living and the dead." "The living and the dead" are those who will be alire and dead at the parousia. To both the gospel was preached, that Christ might be the judge of both. But that the gospel was preached to the latter in the state of death is in no way indicated. ( )n t he contrary the telic clause, "that they might be judged according to men in the flesh," shows that they heard the gospel during their lifetime, for the judgment according to men in the flesh that has befallen them is the judgment of physical death. If a close connection between the passage in ch 3 and that in ch 4 did exist, this could only serve to commend the exegesis which finds in the earlier passage a gospel-preaching to the contemporaries of Noah during their lifetime, since, on that view, it becomes natural to identify the judgment in the flesh with the Deluge.

    ((>) The XT, while representing the state of the dead before the parousia as definitely fixed, never theless does not identify it, either in degree of bless edness or punishment, with the final state which follows upon the resurrection. Although there is no warrant, for affirming that the state of death is regarded as for believers a positively painful con dition, as has been mistakenly inferred from 1 Corinthians 11 30; 1 Thessalonians 4 13, nevertheless Paul shrinks from it as from a relatively undesirable state, since it involves "nakedness" for the soul, which condi tion, however, does not exclude a relatively high degree of blessedness in fellowship with Christ (2 Corinthians 6 2-4.0.S; Philippians 1 23). In the same man ner a difference in the degree or mode of punishment between the intermediate state and the age to come is plainly taught. For on the one hand the eternal punishment is related to persons in the body (Matthew 10 28), and on the other hand it is assigned to a dis tinct place, (ichcinid, which is never named in con nection with the torment of the intermediate state. This term occurs in Alt 5 22.29.30; 10 2,S = Luke 12 f>; 18 9; 23 33; Mark 9 43.45.47; Jas 3 6. Its opposite is the eschatological kingdom of Cod (Mark 9 47). The term dbitssos differs from it in that it is associated with the torment of evil spirits (Luke 8 31; Rom 10 7; The Revelations 9 1.2; 11 7; 20 1), and in regard to it no such clear distinction between a preliminary and final punishment seems to be drawn (cf also the vb. (artaroitn, "to bind in Tar tarus"; of evil spirits in 2 Pet 2 4). Where the sphere of the intermediate state is locally con ceived, this is done by means of the term Hades, which is the equivalent of the OT Kheol. The pas sages where this occurs are Alt 11 23; 16 18; Luke 16 23; Acts 2 27.31; 1 Corinthians 15 55 (where others read "death"); The Revelations 1 18; 6 8; 20 13.14). These passages should not be interpreted on the basis of the Gr classical usage, but in the light of the OT



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    doctrine about She ol. Some of them plainly employ the word in the non-local sense of the state of death (Matthew 16 IS; possibly Acts 2 27.31; 1 Corinthians 15 55 [personified]; The Revelations 1 18; 68 [personified]; 20 13 [personified]). The only passage where the conception is local is Luke 16 23, and this occurs in a parable, where aside from the central point in comparison, no purpose to impart topographical knowledge concerning the world beyond death can be assumed, but the imagery is simply that which was popularly current. But, even if the doctrine of Hades as a place distinct from Gehenna should be found here, the terms in which it is spoken of, as a place of torment for Dives, prove that the con ception is not that of a general abode of neutral character, where without blessedness or pain tin- dead as a joint-company await the last judgment, which would first assign them to their separate eternal habitations. The parable plainly teaches, whether Hades be local and distinct from Gehenna or not, that the differentiation between blessedness and punishment in its absolute character (ver 26) is begun in it and does not first originate at the judgment (see further, HADES).

    LITERATURE Besides the arts, on the several topics in tlio Bible Dictionaries and in Cremer s Lexicon of AT (lr, and the corresponding chs in the handbooks on NT Theology, the following works and arts, may be consulted : Bousset, Die Religion des Judc nthums-, 1900, esp. 2:->:i- I-540; id, Dtr Antichrist in tier L ebcrlieferung (It s J udt n- thurns. <hs XTuudrler nlten Kirc/ie, 1S95; Bruston, La lie future d apres St. I ttul, 1S95; Charles, Eschntologi/ llfb, Jewish and Christian: A Critical History of the Doc trine of a Future Life, 1S99; Cremer, Ueber den Zustand nach dem Tode 3 . 1S92; (irimm, " l/eber die Stollo 1 Kingsor 15 20-2S," ZWT, lS7:i; Ilaupt, Die eschatologischen Aussagen Jetsu in den synoptischen Evangelien, 1S95; Kubiseh, Eschatologie des I aulus in ihnn Zusatnmen- funn/en mil dcm (ii-saintlx-ijriff den Pa ul i n isni us, ]S9:i; Kennedy, St. Paul s Conceptions of the Last Thinns, 1904; Kliefoth, Christliche Eschntoli>uic, 1SS<>; Klopper, "Zur Paulinischcn Lehre von tier Auferstehung : Auslegung von 2 Kingsor 5 1-6," J .DT, 1862 (the author modified his views in his comm. on 2 Corinthians) ; Kiistlin, " Die Lelire dos Apostels I aulus von der Auferstehung," JDT, 1S77; Luthardt, Lrhrr. nm ilt n let:t,-,i Dim/en 3 , 1SS5; Muirhead, The. Es- chatolagii of Jesus, 1004; Oesterley, The Doctrine of the Lust Things, 190S; Philippi, Die bihttschc unit kirchhche Lehre rum Antichrist. 1S77; llinck, Vorn Z it- st<in<It: nach ttem Toilr, 1SS5; Salmond. The Christian Doc trine of Immortality*, 1901; Schwally, J)ns Lehen nueh t/em Tmle, 1S92; siiarnian. The Teaching of Jrus alnnit the Future According to the St/iio/ttt c (lospels, 1909; Stiilie- lin, " Xur Paulinischen Eschatologie," JDT, 1X74; Teich- niann, Die. Paulinischen Vorstellungen run A ufi rsteh un/i unit (, erie/it, ISOfi; Vol/, Jiidisehe E sehntnlogic ron Daniel bis A/dim, 1903; AVaitz, " Teber 2 Kingsor 5 1-4," JI T, 1SS2; Wet/eel, " I eber 2 Ivor 5 1-4," SK, 1886; Wendt, Die lii-iiriffe Fleisch and Geist im biblirichrn Xpruchgcbniitch, I ^south n

    ( rEEKHARDTJS \\ OS

    ESCHEW, es-cho7> (TIC , Kftr; iKKXivw, ekldino): Only 4 t in AV (Job 1 1.8; 2 3; 1 Pet 3 11), in all of which ARV renders by the appropriate form of turn away from."

    ESDRAELON, es-drfi-e lon, PLAIN OF P?^r,

    i]izr < : l; in Apoc the name varies: Eo-8pT|X.u>v,

    Esdreldn, Eo-8po.T]A.uJv, Emlrnclon, E<r-

    1. The 8pr|\\<u(j., Esdrelom, EcrpT]\\wv, Esrtion, Name Eo-prjxwv, Esrt chun): The Gr name, of

    the great plain in Central Philestina-Canaan Land (Jth 3 9; 7 3, etc). It is known in Scripture by the Hebrews name "valley of Jezreel" (Joshua 17 16; Judges 6 33, etc). It is called *cmt k in Judges 5 15, which properly denotes "a depression," or "deepening," and is used more commonly of the vale running eastward between ( iilboa and Little Hermon. Bik^dh is the term usually employed (2 Chronicles 35 22, etc), which accurately de scribes it, "an opening," a level space surrounded

    by hills. The modern name is Mcrj

    2. Position ibn *Amr, "meadow of the son of and De- Amr." It lies between Gilboa and scription Little Hermon on the east, and Matthew. Car-

    mel on the west It is inclosed by ir regular lines drawn from the latter along the base

    of the foothills of Nazareth to Tabor; from Tabor, skirting Little Hermon anil (iilboa to Jenln, and from Jenln along the north edge of the Samaritan uplands to Carmel. These sides of the triangle are, respectively, about 15, 15 and 20 miles in length. north of Jctrin a bay of the plain sweeps eastward, hugging the foot of Matthew. Gilboa. An offshoot passes down to the Jordan valley between Gilboa and Little Hermon; and another cuts off the latter hill from Tabor. The average elevation of the plain is 200 ft. above the level of the Mediterranean. The Vale of Jezreel between Zcr^ ni and Hcisan, a dis tance of about 12 miles, descends nearly GOO ft., and then sinks suddenly to ihe level of the Jordan valley. The chief springs supplying water for the plain are those at Jenln, and at Megiddo. The former are the most copious, and are used to create a "paradise" on the edge of the plain. Those at Megiddo drive mills and serve for irrigation, besides forming extensive marshes. The springs near Zir*ln, three in number, Am Jaltld, possiblv iden tical with the well of Harod, being the most copious, send their waters down the vale to the Jordan. The streams from the surrounding heights are gathered in the bed of the Kishon, a great trench which zig zags through the plain, carrying the water through the gorge at Carmel to the sea. For the most of its course this sluggish stream is too low to be available for irrigation. The deep, rich soil, however, retains the moisture from the winter rains until far on in the year, the surface only, where uncovered by crops, being baked to brick in the sun. \\Yhen winter sets in it quickly absorbs the rain, great breadths being turned to soft mud. This probably happened in the battle with Sisera: the northern cavalry, floun dering in the morass, would be an easy prey to the active, light ly armed foot-soldiers. The fertility of the plain is extraordinary: hardly anywhere can the toil of the husbandman find a greater reward. The present writer has ridden through crops of grain there, when from his seat on the saddle lie could no more than see over the tops of the stalks. Trees do not flourish in the plain itself, but on its borders, e.g. at Jvnln, the palm, the olive and other fruit trees prosper. The oak covers the slopes of the hills north of Carmel.

    "Gideon s Fountain" in

    Plain of Esdraelon.

    This wide opening among the mountains played a great part in the history of the, land. This was

    due to the important avenues of com- 3. Part munication between north and south that

    Played in lay across its ample breadths. The History narrow pass between the promontory

    of Carmel and the sea was not suit able for the transport of great armies: the safer



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    roads over the plain were usually followed. So it happened that here opposing hosts often met in deadly strife. Hardly an equal area of earth can so often have been drenched with the blood of men. No doubt many conflicts were waged here in far- off times of which no record remains. The first battle fought in the plain known to history was that in which Sisera s host was overthrown (Judges 5 20). The children of the East wen; surprised and routed by Gideon s 300 chosen men in the stretches north of Zcr l ln (Judges 7). Near the same place the great battle with the Philis was fought in which Saul and his sons, worsted in the plain, retired to perish on the heights of Gilboa (1 Samuel 31). In the bed of the Kishon at the foot of Carmel Elijah slaughtered the servants of Baal (1 Kings 18 40). Dark memories of the destruction of Ahab s house by the furiously driving Jehu linger round Jezreel. Ahaziah, fleeing from the avenger across the plain, was overtaken and cut down at Megiddo (2 Kings 9). In the vale by Megiddo Josiah sought to stay the northward march of Pharaoh-necoh, and himself fell wounded to death (2 Kings 23 30; 2 Chronicles 35 20 ->). The army of Ilolof ernes is represented as spreading out over all the southern reaches of the plain (Jth 7 Isouth 19). Much of the fighting during the wars of the Jews transpired within the circle of these hills. It is not unnatural that the inspired seer should place the scene of war in "the great day of (iod" in the region so often colored crimson in the history of his people the place railed in the Hebrews tongue "Har-Magedon" (The Revelations 16 14.10).

    Esdraelon lay within the lot of Issachar (Joshua 19 17). The Canaanite inhabitants were formidable with their chariots of iron (17 16. 1<S). The tribe does not appear to have prosecuted the conquest with vigor. Issachar seems to have resumed the tent life (Deuteronomy 33 IS), and ignobly to have secured enjoyment of the good things in the land by stoop ing to "taskwork" (Genesis 49 14 f).

    Through many centuries the plain was subject to raids by the Arabs from the east of the Jordan. The approach was open and easy, ami 4. Arab the rich breadths of pasture irresistibly

    Raids attracted these great flock masters.

    The Romans introduced some order and security; but with the passing of the eastern empire the old conditions resumed sway, and until com paratively recent times the alarm of an Arab invasion was by no means infrequent.

    The railway connecting Haifa with Damascus and Mecca crosses the plain, and enters the Jordan valley near Ildsdn. west EWINC;

    ESDRAS, ez dras, es dras, THE FIRST BOOK OF:

    1. Name

    2. Contents

    3. Relation to Chronicles, Ezr, Neh

    4. Versions

    5. Date and Authorship LITERATURE

    In some of the Gr uncials (B, ete) of the LXX the book is called "E<r5pas A, fisdras A (or Hpurov, Proton); so in the editions of Fritzsehe, 1. Name Tischendorf, Nestle and Swete. It is absent from Cod Sin (X) and in A its name is lepevs, Ho IIic revs = The Priest, i.e. Ezra, who is emphatically the priest. It is also called 1 Esd in the old Lat and Syr VSS, as well as in the Eng., Welsh and other modern translated s . In the Eng. and other Protestant Bibles which generally print the Apoc apart, this book stands first in the Apoc under the influence partly of its name, and in part on account of its contents, as it seemed a suitable link between the canonical and the apocryphal writings. The Eng. 2 Esd is the apocalyptic Esd and stands imme diately after the Eng. and Gr 1 Esd. The Vulg, following Jerome s version, gave the names 1, 2

    and 3 Esd to our Ezr, Neh, and 1 Esd, respectively, and in editions of the Vulg down to that of Pope Sixtus (d. 1590) these three books appear in that order. The name 3 Esd is, therefore, that current in the Roman church, and it has the sanction of the 6th article of the Anglican Creed and of Miles Cover- dale who in his translated follows the Yulg in naming the canonical Ezr, Neh and the apocryphal 1 Esd, 1, 2 and 3 Esd, respectively. Other reformers adhered to these titles. In Fritzsche s commentary on the Apoc 3 Esd is preferred and he treats this book first. In Kautzsch s Ger. ed of the Apoc and in most recent Ger. works the Lat designation 3 is revived. The Eng. commentators Bissell (Lange) and Wace (Speaker s ( onnn.) follow the custom of the Bible and speak of 1 Esd, placing the book first in the collec tion, and this is the prevailing custom among Eng. Protestant theologians. The name 2 Esd has also been given to this book, the canonical Ezr and Neh being then counted as one 1 Esd. See Origen quoted by II K, V, 25; Zunz, Dcr Goltcsdicnst, Vortrage Berlin, 1832, 15.

    With the exception of 3 1 5 6 the incident of the royal banquet and the contest for a prize of the

    three young men the present books 2. Contents agree in everything essential, down to

    the minutest details, with the canoni cal Ezr and part of 2 Chronicles and Neh. Before discuss ing the relation between 1 Esd and the Bible books named (see next section), it will be advantageous to give an outline of the book now specially under consideration, with reference to the !j passages in the corresponding parts of the Canon. It will be seen that practically the whole of Ezr is concerned, and for explanations of the parts common to this book and to Neh reference may be made to the Century liililc Commentary on Ezr, Neh, and Est.

    1. Chronicles 1 =2 Chronicles 35 1 36 21 and maybe analyzed thus:

    1 1-20=2 Chronicles 35 1-19: Josian s great Passover.

    1 21 f has no exact parallel.

    1 23-31=2 Chronicles 35 20-27: The death of Josiah. This took place on the battlefield at Megiddo ac cording to 2 Kings 23 2 .). but 1 Esd 1 31 and 2 Chronicles 35 24 say he died at Jerusalem.

    1 32-5S =2 Chronicles 36 1-21, closing years of the monarchy followed by the exile in Babylon.

    2. 2 1-15 =Ezr 1 1-11: The return from Babylon through the edict of Cyrus.

    3. 2 l(i-2G =Ezr 4 7-24. Certain Pers officials in Samaria induced King Artaxerxes 1 Cd. 424 15C) to stop the work of rebuilding the temple, which is not resumed until the .second year of the reign of Darius Hystaspis (519 BC).

    4. 3 1 5 6 has no in any part of the OT.

    King Darius (Hystaspis?) makes a great feast, after which he returns to his bedchamber but finds sleeping very difficult. Three young men belonging to his bodyguard resolve each to make a sentence to be written down and placed tinder the king s pillow, so that upon rising from his bed he might hear the three sayings read to him. The question which each one seeks to answer is, What in this world is strongest? The first says it is "wine," the second, that it is "the king." The reply of the third is "woman, though strongest of all is truth" (from this arose the Lat saying Magna cst veritas ct prevalebit). The third is de clared the best, and as a reward the king offers him whatever he might wish. This young man hap pened to be Zerubbabel (Zorobabel), and the request that he makes is that King Darius might perform the vow which he made on coming to the throne to rebuild Jerusalem and its temple and to restore the sacred vessels removed to Babylon. This request is at once granted, and there follows an account of the home-coming of Jews exiled in Babylon and the protection accorded them by the Pers government similar to what we read of in ch 1 as taking place in the reign of Cyrus. But many things in this narra tive are striking and indeed odd. Zerubbabel is



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    called a young man. Among those, mentioned in 5 5 Zerubbabel is not named, though his son Joakim is. In the, very next verse (5 6) this Joakim is identified with the young man (Zerubbabel; who won the king s prize for writing the wisest sentence, though the sense is not quite clear; perhaps Zerub- babcl is meant in ver 6. Fritzsche argues that Joakim can alone be meant. This whole episode stands in no organic connection with the rest ot 1 Esd, and if it is omitted the narrative is contin uous Besides this the account given of the return from Babylon contradicts what is said in ch 1 and the corresponding part of Ezr. \\\\ e must regard 3 15 6 as a Jewish haggada which at an early time was written in the margin as supplying illus trative matter and then got incorporated into the text. Nevertheless from a literary point of view this part of the book is the gem of the whole.

    5 5 7-73 = Ezr 2 4 1~- r : The names of those who returned with number of animals (horses, etc)

    (5 7-43) altar of burnt offering erected (ver 48) ; sacrifices offered on it (ver 50). Foundation of the temple laid (vs .(if). The Jews refuse the offer of the Sam party to nelp in the rebuilding of the temple, with the result that this party had the work stopped (vs 60-73). Ezr 4 6-24 finds its in 1 Esd 2 Kings > 30 (see above). 1 Esd 2 30 and 5 73 are evidently duplicates.

    6 6 17 l- r > =E/r 5 16 22: Building of the temple resumed through the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah (6 If). Pers officials unsuccessfully oppose the work (vs 3-34) which is soon completed, the temple being then dedicated (7 1 servanceof the Passover (vs 12-15).

    Between chs 7 and 8 there is an interval of some 60 years, for ch 8 begins with the arrival of Ezra

    7 8 1-67 -Ezr 7 18 30: Journey of Ezra and his party from Babylon to Jerns bearing letters of authority from King Artaxerxes I (d. 424 B( ) (8 1-27); list of those who return (vs 28-40): gathering together of the party by the river Ahava; incidents of the journey; the arrival (ver 4

    8 8 68-90 =Ezr 9: Ezra s grief on hearing of the marriage or some Jews with foreign wives (vs 68- 73) His confession and prayer (vs 74-90).

    9 g 91 9 so =Ezr 10: The means used to end

    the mixed marriages: lists of the men (priests and others) who had married strange wives.

    10. 9 37-55 =Neh 7 73^8 12:. The reforms of Ezra In the Canonical Scriptures Nen i <>// 10 gives the history of Ezra, not that of Nehemiah the two never labored or lived together at Jerusalem. (The name Nehemiah in Keh 8 9 and 10. 1 is an evident interpolation.) In 1 Esd Nehemiah is not once mentioned in this section. In 94 ( Neh 8 0) "Attharates"isthewordused,andasa proper name (see 1 Esd 5 40, "Nehemiah and \\tthurates"). The majority of modern scholars assign this section to Ezra, adding it to Ezr 10, or incorporating it into the Ezra narrative. So Ewald Wellhausen. Schrader. Klostermann, Bau- dissin, Budde and Kyssel. The present writer de fends this view in the Centura Bible in Ezr-JNeU- Est 242 f . In this case 1 Esd borrows from C h and Ezr alone and not from Neh. It should be remembered however that Ezr-Neh formed origi nally but one book. Some will say that Chronicles pre ceded K/ir-Neli as a single book, but for this there is no evidence (see Century Bible, 4). The last verse of 1 Esd in all MSS ends in the middle of a sentence: "And they assembled . . . ." show ing that the closing part of the book has been lost. The present writer suggests that the missing part is Nell 8 13 10, which begins, "And on the second day were gathered together [assembled] the heads of fathers houses," etc, the same verb being used in the LXX (Jr of both passages with a very slight ce(e77i(rm>>jx0T)o-av,epi6 un(Wi</iesan,andcrm rJx- sunfchthcxan, in Ezr and Esd respectively).

    Since Neh 7 7358 12 belongs to the Book of Ezr (see above) describing the work of Ezra, not that of Nehemiah, the contents of 1 3. The Esd are i with those of Ezra alone

    Relation with the exception of ch 1 which agrees Between with 2 Chronicles 35 136 21. Various ex- 1 Esd and planations have been offered, the Chronicles, Ezr, following being the principal: (1) that Neh 1 Esd is a compilation based on the

    LXX of Chronicles, Ezr and Neh: so Keil, Bissell and formerly Schiirer (GJV, 11, ii, 179 f;

    Herzog 2 , I, 496); the arguments for this opinion are well marshaled by Bissell in his Comin. on the Apoc (Lange); (2) that 1 Esd is an independent C.r translated from a now lost Hebrews (or Aram.) origin in many respects superior to our MT: so Winston, Pohlmaiin, Herzfeld, Fritzsche, Ginsburg, Cheyne, Thackeray, Nestle, Howarth, Torrey and Bertholet. Most of these writers hold that the original 1 Esd included the whole of Chronicles, Ezr and Neh; (3) the bulk of those who support view 2 argue that the original 1 Esd formed the real LXX version of Chronicles, Ezr and Neh, what exists in our present LXX being another Gr translated, probably by Theodotion (fi. about 1/iO AD), just as we now know that what up to 1772 (the date of the publication in Rome of the Codex Chisiainis) was considered as the LXX of Dnl is really Theodotion s version. Howarth (see arts, in the Academy, 1S93; 1 SamuelliA, XXIX, etc), and Torrey (Ezra s ///r//<,s) stoutly champion this view. The evidence offered is of two kinds, ex ternal and internal:

    (1) External evidence. (a) Jos uses this version as his source for the period, though for other OT books he follows the LXX. (h) In the foreword to the Syr version of 1 Esd in Walton s Polyglot it is said that this version follows the LXX, which surely counts for nothing since copies of the LXX known to us contain both 1 Esd and the (Jr translated reckoned up to recently as the true LXX. (r) Howarth main tains, but without proof, that in Origen s Hexapla, 1 Esd takes the place of our LXX version, and that the same is true of the Vitus Itala.

    (2) Internal evidence. (a) It is said by Dr. Gwyn, Thackeray and Howarth that the Gr of the true LXX of Dnl and that of 1 Esd are very similar in character, which however only goes to prove that one man translated 1 both. (/>) Howarth holds that the Gr of Dnl and Ezr in the orthodox LXX version is very literal, as was all Theodotion s translated work. But such statements have to be received with very great caution, as in judging of style so much depends on the personal equation. The present, writer has compared carefully parts ascribed with confidence to Theodotion and the LXX without reaching the above conclusions. At the most the matter has not been set at rest by any fads or reasoning as yet supplied. It must be admitted that 1 Esd and Jos preserve the true sequence of the events chronicled in Neh 7 73610, the MT and the Gr version based on it having gone wrong at this point, prob ably through the mixing of Hebrews skins or leaves. Those who see in 1 Esd the true LXX agree almost to a man that 1 Esd 3 1- 5 G is a late interpreta tion, never having had a Hebrews original. This may account in a large degree for the vigor and elegance of the Gr. Howarth, however, parts company with his friends Torrey, Bertholet, etc, by arguing stren uously for this part. (See more fully in Century Hible, Ezr, etc, 27 if.)

    1 Esd exists in the following ancient \\ SS in ad dition to the Gr text which may or may not be a translated (see 3 above) :

    4. Versions (1) Latin: (a) Jerome; (b) Vulgate.

    (2) Syriac: (a) The Posh, given in Walton s Polyglot and with a critically revised text by Lagarde (Libri Vctcrin Testamenti Apocry pha Sijriace, 1SG1); (h) The Hexaplar Syr version. For details of MSS, etc, see "Literature" below.

    Nothing is known or can be conjectured as to the

    author or translator of 1 Esd, nor can anything be

    positively affirmed as to the cUite. If

    5. Date and the work be the genuine LXX text Authorship this would give it an earlier origin than

    the view which makes it depend on the LXX. But this is to say but little. As Jos (d. 95 AD) used this book it must have been written some years before he wrote his history (say 67 AD). We



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    must assume thai it existed SOUK- time before the beginning ol our era. Kwald, on account of some resemblances to the earliest of UK- Sibylline Books dates 1 Kingssd about 1<JO BC. But admitting depend ence in this matter which is doubtful it is im possible to say which is dependent and which is inde pendent in such eases.

    LITERATURE The most important hooks have boon

    named ut the end of the general art. on APROCHYPHA

    (q.v.) Ivecent contributions by Howarth and Torrev

    )een mentioned in the course of the foregoing article.

    ESDRAS, FOURTH BOOK OF/" See APOCA LYPTIC LITERATURE, II, i, 5.

    ESDRAS, SECOND BOOK OF. See APOCA LYPTIC LITERATURE, II, i, 5.

    ESDRAS, THE SECOND (FOURTH) BOOK )F, or The Apocalyptic Esdras:

    1. Name

    2. Contents

    3. Language

    4. Versions

    r >. Origin of the Book (i. Date LITERATURE

    This book was not received by the Council of irent as canonical, nor has it ever been acknowl edged as such by the Anglican church.

    The book is not found in the LXX and no com plete copy of the (!r text is known, though at one time it did exist. The oldest extant 1. .Name name is "The Prophet Ezra" (*K<r5p<zs 6 TTPO^TW Ssdras ho prophfles; see Clem Alex., Strom., iii.10): It has been often called the Lai Esd because it exists more completely m that language; ef the name Gr Esd for 1 Esd. 3 Lsd is the designation in old editions of the Vulg 1 J ,sd being Ezr and Noli, 2 Esd denoting what in ling, is called ] Esd. But in editions of the Vulg later than the Council of Trent, and also in Walton s Polyglot, Ezr \\ s called 1 Esd, Neh 2 Esd, 1 Esd = 3 Esd, the present book (the Lat Esd) being known Esd. In authorized copies of the Vulg ie in those commonly used, this book is lacking On ac count of its contents, West colt, following the example of Anastasius Sinaita (bishop of Antioch from 559 U), called the book the "Apocalypse of Esdras " But as lischendorf in 1S66 edited a later and infe rior work with this title the present writer suggests the name "The Apocalyptic Esdras." Of all the Jewish apocalypses this is the sublimest and most pleading; see APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE II i 5

    The original work consists of chs 3-14, c hs 1 f and 15 f being late additions. The entire book of Hi chapters exists in the Lat version /. Contents only, the other VSS containing chs 3- 14 only. The real 2d (apocalvptic) Esd, consisting of chs 3-14, is made up of 7 visions given to Ezra in exile 30 years after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians. The drift of these visions is, How can a just and loving God allow His own peop e to suffer so much? The problem thus raised is fully and beautifully dealt with. For lack of space the present writer must refer for a fuller analysis to the art. APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, I, 5, and the lit. there cited. For chs Iff and 15 -> see under ESDRAS 5 AND 6.

    viYlf Complete, text even of chs 3-14 has sur vived, a careful examination of the Lat shows that it has . been made from a Gr original. (1) Some

    3. Original fragments of the Or can be traced, as 5 35

    Language In k " lent of Alexandria and 8 23 in the uiguage Apos e onst (2) The ()rder of thc twe]ve

    (^ Q T * P r P ne !i s in 1 M f follows that in the LXX. idiom Th vt T| S10n bear ? throughout clear traces of Gr (k 11 >o? f en IS L used wj th the comparative

    in a M ? 9 L we have the gen. (not abl.) absolute in 10 9, the double negative and the use of de (Gr i) and ex (Gr e) with the gen. in various parts. But there arc cogent reasons for concluding that the Gr version im

    plied in the Lat itself implies a Hob ori"in-il in,l H.

    &Wffi^^^ ev ^f^^^

    J^u.. in tne (,r there are idioms wh oh are ITeh Dot f;r

    not even in their frequency Hellenistic Gr Thenartici:

    pip used to strengthen the finite vh. is the reKular Heh idiom of the absolute with the finite vb.f see 4 2 (ex-

    ) Latin. The Latin version is far the most imnor tant and on it the EY depends. But all pufhed ed

    4 Version* &.,f il? 6 ^* to , xt (thoso of Fabricius. *. ver nigenfeld, Fritzsche, etc) go back to one

    h1C the s -called Codex

    - _ VM . ^.vj.ji LJiini vy iH t \\vcon t licso

    with an EtSVMTSa^SSS 11 ^ SSfSJSff^SS & e fn P Lat S r P ^ ^^ ^ M<m ^heFo^Ak^ ing with^e aTl^et^Swi^ir 11 * aml C IT Ct - (2) O</ir ffr A -io;i.s. There arc Svr (Pesh) Ethionir

    AniK \\.m , . *- v * - o 1 1 y , IJIIIHIIJK,,

    nnwn \\i^ f ,, lt; ^.reached us in a number of well-

    Ue ,th, ,H,"| f v V Scri P turos - a " (1 that it was added to ie authorized \\ ulg as an appendix.

    Two main views may briefly be noted : (1) That : Ivabisch (Das vicrtc Buck Esra, 1889) who holds that the editor of the book freely used . Origin of a goodly number of sources, subtract- tne Book ing, adding and altering to suit his purpose. He gives a list of probable sources. R. H. Charles (Enc Brit, X, 107) is in clined to adopt this analysis. (2) Gunkel (loc cit ) maintains and trios to prove that the book is the production of a single writer. Yet he admits that he book contains a large number of inconsistencies which he explains by assuming that the editor made tree use of oral and written traditions. The two views do not therefore stand very far apart, for both take for granted that several sources have been used. It is simply a question of more or less.

    Wellhausen is probably right in saying that the author of 2 (4) Esd had before him the Apoc of Bar, written under the impression awakened by the destruction of Jerusalem in 71 AD.

    The opinion of the best modern scholars is that

    the book was written somewhere in the East in the

    last decade of the 1st cent, of our era.

    6. Date This conclusion rests mainly on the

    most likely interpretation of the vision

    of the Eagle and the Lion in 11 112 51; but also

    on the fact that Clement of Alexandria (d. 217 AD)

    quotes the Gr of 6 35.

    Spti I ir?r RA 5 u ?7 E -T I l osi ? os r the Ht - ^Ted to above see Schurer A Hist of the Jewish People in the Time of

    f/n M ?f ts i H> " 93fr (Gcr l!(14 - r "- 315 nV.thearts in II DB (rhackeray) and EB (James); the New Sch-Herz s.v. "Pseudepigrapha, Old Testament" (G. Beer) and LiTEKlTUE " C W rk UUd0r APOCRYPUA an d APOCALYPTIC

    T. WITTON DAVIES

    ESDRAS (or 4 Ezr) 5 AND 6: These names have been applied respectively to the first two and the last two chs of 2 (4) Esd in the Lat Bible of 1462. In matter these chapters, which are of Christian origin, ^agree in the main with the genuine parts of 2 (4) Esd. See foregoing article.

    ESDRIS, ez dris, es dris ("Eo-8pis, fisdris) : A leader mentioned in 2 Mace 12 30 in best text sand adopted in RV for Gorgias of AV. Grotius conjectured "men of Ephron" from ver 27.

    ESEBON,es s-bon(,Ith 5 15) = HESHBON(RV), the chief city of the Ammonites.

    ESEBRIAS, es-P-brl as, p-se bri-as. See ESE- KKIHAS; SHEREBIAH.



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    ESEK, e sek (pW , cw-fr; LXX ASi.ua, Ailikin): The name given by Isaac to a well dug by his serv ants, for the use of which the henlmen of Gerar strove with them "contention" ((Jen 26 20). It lay in the neighborhood of Rehoboth and Gerar: but the site is not identified.

    ESEREBIAS, es-er-e-bl as ( Ecrcpepias, Escrcbias) : One of the chiefs of the priests (1 Esd 8 54).

    ESHAN, e shan (]<T^ , WJ MH; Eo-Av, Estin; AV Eshean) : A town of Judah in the uplands of Hebron (Joshua 15 -52). No satisfactory identifica tion has yet been suggested. Some think the name may be a corruption of Beersheba (Eli s.v.).

    ESHBAAL, esh ba-al. See ISHHOSHETH.

    ESHBAN, esh ban ("3^ , cshban; perhaps "thoughtful," "intelligent"; Ao-pdv, Asbtin): Name of a chief of the Horites (Genesis 36 2(>; 1 Chronicles 1 41).

    ESHCOL, esh kol (5STOS , cxhkdl, "cluster"; Eo-x^X., Ewfiul): The brother of Mature and Aner, the Amorite allies of Abraham who took part with him in the pursuit and defeat of Chedorlaomer s forces (Genesis 14 13.24). He lived in the neighbor hood of Hebron (13 IS), and may have given his name to the valley of Eshrol, which lay a little north of Hebron (Xu 13 23).

    ESHCOL, esh kol (VliTX, cshkdl; 4>dpa^| (Jorpvos, Phnrugx bolruos, "a cluster of grapes"): The spies came to Hebron "and they came unto the valley of Eshcol, and cut down from thence a branch with one cluster of grapes" (Xu 13 23.21; 32 <); Deuteronomy 1 24). It was a valley near Hebron rich in vineyards. Fruitful vineyards are still the most characteristic feature of the environs of Hebron, csp. on the X. No particular valley can be identified, though popu lar tradition favors the wide and fertile valley, near the traditional site of "Abraham s oak," a little to the \\Y. of the carriage road just before it enters the outskirts of Hebron. east west G. MASTKK.MAX

    ESHEAN, esh e-an, e she-an. See ESHAnorth

    ESHEK, e shek ("TT" , *i shck, "oppressor"): A descendant of Jonathan, son of Saul, first king of Israel (1 Chronicles 8 3 .)).

    ESHKALONITE, esh ka-lon-It. See ASKKLOMTK.

    ESHTAOL, esh ta-ol (lSnipS , cshld dl; Ar- rawX, Asl(iol): A town in the Shephelah of Judah named next to Zorah (Joshua 15 33; 19 41). Be- tween these two cities lay Mahaiieh-dan (the camp of Dan) where the Spirit of the Lord began to move Samson (Judges 13 2.5), and where he was buried (16 31). A contingent from Eshtaol formed part of the t KM) Danites who captured Laish (18 2.11). It is probably represented by the modern Ash/I d, about a mile and a half 10. of Zorah, the modern Sr a/i.

    ESHTAOLITES, esh ta-ol-its pSnCSn, ha- cxIitfTull, lit. "the Eshtaolite"; AV Eshtaulites, esh- ta-u llts): Inhabitants of Eshtaol, named among the descendants of Shobal, the son of Caleb (1 Chronicles 2 53).

    ESHTEMOA, esh-te-mo a, esh tO-mo-a cslifind" ): A Levitical city in the lull country of Judah (Joshua 21 14; 1 Chronicles 6 57); Eshtemoh (nrntJX, eshfmoh, Joshua 15 50). In 1 Chronicles 4 17. 19, Eshtemoa is said to be a Maacathite and "son" of Ishbah. David after routing the Amalekites

    sent a ])resent to his friends in (among other places) Eshtemoa (1 Samuel 30 2S). It is now es-*Semu a, a con siderable village of evident antiquity some 8 miles south of Hebron.

    ESHTEMOH, esh te-md. See ESHTEMOA.

    ESHTON, esh ton CpmBSjt, chiton, "uxorious"): A name found in the genealogical table of Judah (1 Chronicles 4 12).

    ESLI, es ll ( Eo-Xel, Eln, E<r\\, Etili ; probably for Hebrews irPiSX , a^alyahu): An ancestor of Jesus in St. Luke s genealogy, the 10th before Joseph, the husband of Alary (Luke 3 25).

    ESORA, e-so ra.

    AKSOKA.

    ESPOUSAL, es-pou/ al, ESPOUSE, es-pouz : In AV these 1 words, following Eng. usage of an earlier day, are used to signify either marriage or betrothal, while the ARV discriminates, and uses them only for marriage. For example, in 2 Samuel 3 14, "I espoused to me" (I I eb fra,s/7 ll) becomes "I bet rot lied to me." So also, in Matthew 1 IS; Luke 1 27; 2 5 which refer to the relation between Joseph and Mary before the birth of Jesus, "espoused" (p.vr}ffTei>u, inni xhun) be comes "betrothed." On the other hand, "espoused" is retained in Cant 3 1 1 ("the day of his espousals"

    that is, day of marriage); in Jeremiah 2 2 ("the love of t hi ne espousals" that is, t he love of married state); and in 2 Corinthians 11 2 ("L espoused [iipfj.ocrdfjLTji , licr- >ttt>{vun(~n\\ you to one husband"). east J. EOHIUOSTKK

    ESPY, es-pl : "Espy" in modern Eng. means "to catch sight of," rather than "to explore secretly." RV therefore retains it in Genesis 42 27, "He espied his money" (.Hebrews "lSn , rd ntt, "see"), while in Joshua 14 7 "espy out the land" (AV) becomes "spy out the land." KV substitutes "watch" for "espy" in Jeremiah 48 19, and "searched out" for "espied" in Ezekiel 20 (i, with a gain in accuracy of rendering (cf the context).

    ESRIL, es ril, e/ ril: RV EZKII, (which see).

    ESROM, es rom, e/ rom ( Eo-pco(jL, 7s.s/v1///): AV, the Gr form of lle/.ron (thus RV) (Matthew 1 3; Luke 3

    33).

    ESSENES, es-sen/ , THE ( Eo-o-iivoi, / , northST/H, Ecrcraioi, EsSdioi) .

    I. TII i: N \\ M i:

    Forms It Assumes Ktymology

    II. A ITIKIIUTllOS

    1. IMiilo

    (1) Description from Quml Omnix 1 rnhnx Liltrr

    (2) Description from (Quotation in Kusebius, Prep. Evana.

    (:i) Description of Therapoutae from !)< \\ tta Contemiilativa

    2. Josephus

    (1) Description from Antiijuiiirx <>/ tin- Jew-,, xvni. i. r,

    (2) Description from H urx ,,f tl,, Jews, II, viii, 2-13

    (H) Incidental Notices

    3. Pliny

    4. Hegusippus

    5. P()ri)hyry

    G. Hippolytus Uses Josephus, l>iit to Some Exodus tent Independent

    7. Epiphanius Confused Account III. DEDUCTIONS AND COMBINATIONS

    1. Government

    2. Doctrines

    IV. HISTOHY AND Onir.iN

    1. Essenos and IJasIdhlm

    2. Position of Ksse nes in Josc^plius ,*. Doctrinal Allinities

    4. Essunos and Pythagoras

    5. Buddhism and Esstmism

    6. Parsiidism and Esscnisni

    7. Essonism Mainly Jinvish



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    V. KKI.ATION TO APOCALYPTIC HOOKS

    1. Reasons for Holding t ho Kssonos to Be the Writers of the Apocalypses

    2. Objections Answered

    VI. THK ESSKMCS AND CHRISTIANITY

    1. Resemblances between Kssenism and Chris tianity

    2. Points of Difference

    15. Disappearance of Kssenism in Christianity 1. Monachism

    LlTEHATUBE

    When Jos describes the sects of the Jews, he de votes most of his time and attention to the third of these sects, the Essenes. Strangely enough, although there are frequent references in the NT to the other two sects, the Sadducees and Pharisees, no reference lias been found to the Essenes. Not withstanding this silence of the; Gospels, the promi nence of this third sect is undeniable. Even in Egypt they are known. Philo, the Jewish philoso pher, gives an account of these Essenes in terms that, while in the main resembling those used in Jos, yet differ enough to prove him clearly an independ ent witness. Another contemporary, Pliny the Naturalist, also mentions these Essenes. Approxi mately a century later we have a long account of the habits and tenets of these sectaries in Hippo- lytus Refutation of All Heresies. A century and a half later still Epiphanius describes these under various titles. Despite, the fact, that no reference to the Essenes can be found in the Gospels or the Acts, at all events under that name, (hero can be no doubt of their existence. Would one understand the Philestina-Canaan Land in which Our Lord s ministry was carried on, ho must comprehend (lie place occupied by the Essenes.

    /. The Name. This assumes several forms in different authors -indeed .sometimes two forms appear in the same author. Jos uses most frequently the form of the name which stands at (he head of this art., but sometimes he speaks of individuals as "Essaeans" (HJ , 1 1, vii, 3; viii, 4). This latter form islhat preferred by Philo, a form that is adopt eel by Ilegesippus as quoted by Eusebius, IV, 22. Pliny in his \\nlnrnl Ilixtori/, V.15 writes "Essaeans." Ilip- polytus also has "Essonus." Epiphanius has mixed his information so that this sect appears with him under several names as "Ossaei" and "Jessaei."

    It is clear that the name is not primarily Or it lias passed into (ir from another tongue, since none of the

    forms has any easy derivation in (ir. Nol- p ji withstanding, there have been attempts to

    derive it from some (ir root, but all are Assumes - preposterous as etymologies. The ety- Etvmologv mology must be sought either in Hebrews or f)ricnn ts cognate, Aram. The usage in regard

    to the translated of proper names is our only guide.

    Reasoning from the practice! as seen in the Or translated of the Scriptures and in Jos, we can deduce that the first letter of the original word must have been one of the gutturals Xt~in3? That the second letter was a sibi lant is certain, and the last was probably X" 1 . for the final n in the common form of the name is due to the desire to render the word suitable for (jr accidence. Wo may say that to us the two most likely derivations are X^iDy . rixii/a , "doers" or JOCisouth &. / , "healors." Our preference is for the latter, as one of the character istics of the Kssenos dwelt upon by Jos is the fact that they were healors by means of herbs and incantations (BJ , II, viii, t>). This view is held by the great mass of in yestigators, as Bcllorman, ( < frorer, Hamburger, Her/fold , Dahm, etc. Tho name "Thorapeutae" given by Philo to the kindred sect in Egypt supports this etymology, as it would be in one of its senses a translated of it. Lightroot s objection that it is improbable that the ordinary name of the sect "should have boon derived from a pursuit which was merely secondary and incidental" does not follow analogy. "The term " Methodist " was derived from a purely temporary characteristic of the society that gathered round Wesley. Tho extreme probability, from the fact that the name is not found in the NT, is that it was the nature of a nickname, like "Quakers" applied to the Society of Friends. The multitude that followed Our Lord affords evidence of the influence that a reputation for healing gave to one.

    II. The Authorities for the Tenets of the Es senes. Philo and Jos, as contemporaries and Jews, are necessarily our principal sources of information.

    Next is Pliny, though a contemporary of the sect yet as a Roman, of necessity receiving his information second hand. 1 here is next in point of date Ilippolytus in his work Refutation f Ml Heresies, written more than a cen tury after the fall of the Jewish state and the disappear ance of the Essenes. One point in his favor as an authority is his habit of ([noting from sources that would be reckoned good even now. Ho seems to have founded to some extent on Jos, but he appears to have made use of some other source or sources as well. Slightly later is Porphyry. Ho avowedly draws all his information from Jos. The latest of the ancients who may be reck oned as authorities is Epiphanius. Writing in the 4th cent., and naturally of a somewhat confused intellect any statement of his unsupported by other authority is to be received with caution.

    In estimating the evidence that Philo gives con cerning the Essenes, we must remember that he was

    living in Alexandria, not shut up in a 1. Philo Ghetto, but mingling to some; extent

    with the scholars and philosophers of that city. The Jewish community there appears to have been more completely Hellenized than anv other assemblage of Jews. The object of Philo s numerous works seems to have been the twofold one of commending Jewish religious thought to the Gr philosophic society in which he mingled, and of commending Gr philosophy to his Jewish kinsmen. The geographic distance from Philestina-Canaan Land may be to some degree neglected from the frequent communications between it and Egypt. The work in which Philo devotes most at I cut ion to the Essenes is his early work, Quixl Oinnis I rohus Liber, "that every good man is free." This treatise is intended for a gentile audience 1 the "Lawgiver of the Jews" is intro duced casually first, and then more emphatically, till lie is named. The- Essenes are brought forward as the very flower and perfection of Alosaism.

    (1) Description of Exxenex from "Quod Omnix Probus

    -"There is a portion of that people called Es senes over four thousand in my opinion. They are above all servants [therapeittal] of God. They do not sacrifice animals but study to preserve the sanctity of life. They live in villages, avoiding all cities on account of the lawlessness of those that inhabit them. Some of those men cultivate the soil, others live by peaceful arts and so benefit themselves and all their neighbors. They do not lay up treasures of gold or silver for themselves, judging contentment and frugality the great riches. With them are no makers of arms or of military engines and no one is occupied with anything connected with war. They all avoid commerce and navigation, think ing that these employments make for covetousnoss. They possess no slaves, holding all men to be free and all are expected to aid one another as real [anfsioi.t] brethren. They devote their attention to the moral part of phi losophy to the neglect of logic using, as instructors, the laws of their country which it would have been im possible for the hitman mind to devise save by Divine inspiration. They abstain from all work on the seventh day, which they look on as sacred. On it they assemble in sacred buildings which are called synagogues and, seated in order according to age, they hear the Scriptures It rin liililoux] read and expounded. They are thus taught to choose what is right and to avoid what is wrong. They use a threefold criterion love of (iod, love of virtue, love of man. They carefully avoid oaths and falsehood they regard (!pd as the author of all good. They all dwell in companies, so that no one has a dwelling abso lutely his own. They have everything in common, their expenses, their garments, their food. When they work for wages they do not retain these for themselves, but bring it into the common stock. Tho sick are not neg lected when they are unable to contribute to the common store. They respect their seniors as if they were their parents. Such men never can be enslaved. As a proof of this none of the many oppressors of their land wore able to bring any accusation against the Holy Essenos."

    Tho above is a very much condensed summary of the passage on the Essenes in Philo, QOPL. No one can fail to be struck with the resemblance all this has in the first place to the teaching of the Sermon on the Mount and the practice of the early church. Although celibacy is not mentioned it is implied in the picture here presented of the Essenes.

    There is another account in a passage quoted from Philo by Eusebius, Preparatio Ecangelica, VIII, 11:

    (2) Philo s Account. " Our lawgiver trained [eleipsen, "anointed"] ten thousands of his followers and formed



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    thorn into a community called Essenos from their holi ness. They dwell as numerous communities in many cities and villages of Judaea." It will he observed that this contradicts the statement above that there were only 4,000 Essones and that they avoided cities. "This sect is not hereditary. There are no children nor youths among the Esseues as such persons are unstable. No one among them has property of his own. They regard all possessions as part of a common stock. They all dwell in the same place, forming themselves into clubs and so cieties. They do everything for the benefit of the whole society, but different members take up different employ ments, laboring ceaselessly despite cold or heat. Before sunrise they go to their work and do not quit it till sun set. Some are tillers of the soil, some shepherds, some tend bees, some are artisans. Those men when they have received their wages give them up to the general manager who purchases what is necessary. Those who live to gether eat at the same table day after day. Their dress also is common. In winter they have thick cloaks, in summer light mantles. Each takes what he wants. When anyone falls sick he is cured from their common re sources. Old men, even if they happen to be childless, are as if they had a numerous offspring of affectionate children. They repudiate marriage because they look on woman as a selfish creature and specially addicted to jealousy and hypocrisy, thus likely to dissolve their brotherhood. A man bound to a woman is hampered by his affection, is no longer a free man but a slave" (cf l"Corinthians 7 1. St. Paul mentions the same difficulties in regard to wedlockj.

    (3) Philo on the " Thcrapeutae." In his Treatise De Vita Content pin lira Philo, commencing with :i ref erence to the Essenes, pusses on to describe a similar class of coenobites who have their settlements near the Moerotic Lake. These he calls T hern i>e nine ^ or in the fern., Therapeutrides, a title which he inter prets as "healers." "While there are many points of resemblance, there are also not a few features of difference. We shall give as full an extract as in the previous instances.

    It is related that they have separate houses and only come together for worship or for feasts. They have parallel societies for men and for women. As in the case; of the Essenes there is a reading of ancient sacred books and an exposition of the passage read. The name / /. i mpe ufin , with the explanation of the name given by- 1 liilo, affords a link, as said above, with the Essenes, if the etymology of their name which we have seen reason to prefer be the true one. There seems also to be some connection between these Jewish monks and the Chris tian monks of some three cent dries later. It ought to be re. narked that, many suspicions have been thrown on the authenticity of /)<< Vita Contemplative Although critical names of authority may be named on that side, yet it may be doubted whether "the reasons are sufficient. Lucius, who is the main opponent, does so mainly to in validate the existence of the 7 /-m/<-uY<ir. He thinks !), Vitn Ciniti-iniilntiL-fi was composed by a Christian to give an antiquity to the Christian monks. To prove a practice to have been Jewish would be far from commending it to Christians. But more, the resemblance to the Chris tian monks, although close on some points, in others of importance the difference is equally prominent. While the common feast suggests t ho Agapao of the early church, we must remember that this was not a monastic pecul iarity. The fact that a female community existed along side of the male and joined with them in worship is out of harmony with what we know of early monastieism. The feast of the 50th day has no parallel in Christianity.

    Like Philo, Jos wrote for a non-Jewish audience. In Rome the philosophic ideas held in the Hellenic world were prevalent, so he, as much 2. Josephus as Philo, had a temptation to be silent on any subject which might shock the sensibilities or provoke the ridicule of his masters. In particular, in describing the habits and tenets of the Essenes, for whom he professed so high an admiration, he would need to be specially careful to avoid causes of offence, as in such a case he would be liable to be involved in their condemnation. In dealing with the notices he gives of the Essenes we would consider the descriptions at length first, and then the incidental notices of individual Essenes.

    The description which comes earliest in history not, however, the earliest written is in Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII, in connection with the census and survey under Quirinius (Cyrenius) and the re sistance to it by Judas of Gamala.

    Ho there (Ant, XVIII, i, 5) begins by referring to their theological position, that they believed in the most abso

    lute preordination. They teach the immortality of souls and a state of rewards and punishments. Although they dedicated gifts to the temple they offered no sacrifices, presumably bloody sacrifices, as they have offerings of their own. A singular statement is made that "they are on this account excluded from the common court" (koinoii temenismatos). They occupy themselves with husbandry. "They excel in justice all other men." They have all things in common. They neither marry wives nor keep slaves. He says, as does Philo, that they number over four thousand men. They appoitit "good men priests who should receive the fruits of their labor for the sake of com and food."

    A much fuller account is found in the earlier written treatise on the Wars of the Jews, II, viii, 3. In this work he emphasizes the ascetic side of Es- senLsm.

    "The Essonos," he says, "reject pleasures as vice. They despise marriage though they do not absolutely repudiate it, but are suspicious of women. They despise riches and have all things in common. They think oil a defilement. They wear white garments. They elect overseers (fpitmiHni) to manage 1 their common affairs, much as the Christian bishops did those of the churches under them. They have no one city but many of them dwell in every city." It may be observed that this state ment is a contradiction of Philo s statement and that of Jos himself above, that they were only 4,000. "When any of them go from one city to another they find the houses of those of their sect open to them as if they were their own." It is probable that as the apostles, when sent out by Our Lord to preach, were on entering a city to ask who in it was worthy, the traveling Essenes would inquire who in it were Essenes. Like the apostles they took nothing with them when they traveled save weapons for defence against robbers, just as the apostles had at the time of the Last Supper two swords with which they had likely provided themselves for similar reasons. "They get up before sunrise and offer up prayers which they have received from their ancestors. They are then dismissed to their several employments to the fifth hour, they bathe in cold water, put on white linen garments and" enter the refectory as if into a temple. Eood is sot before each." Much like the Christian grace before meat, a priest offers up prayer. Again, as grace after meat, when the meal is finished the priest again prays. "Both before and after their refection they sing praise to Clod. As Christ commanded His disciples and said. Swear not at all. they avoid oaths, indeed esteem them worse than perjury. New members were admitted to the society by baptism, and oaths were laid upon them that they were to be submissive to those in authority in the society. They were to keep the doctrines of the sect secret. They kept the Sabbath with greater strictness than did any other section of the Jews. Heinous sins were punished by expulsion from the order which, as they felt their oaths still binding on them, amounted to death. Judi cial sentences are arrived at with the utmost care; de cisions are come to by an assembly of not loss than a hundred who are chosen to be judges. When once the sentence has been pronounced it stands fixed. They regard the bodies as corruptible but the souls are im mortal. They believe in a Paradise resembling the Is lands of the Blest." One thing is to be observed: "they are bound by oath to preserve the sacred books of their sect, td hair&seos (int< n<, hililiu, and the names of the angels." They utter predictions by means of their sacred books, which predictions are generally fulfilled. There is. however, another sort of Essenes who do not avoid marriage.

    The philosopher Porphyry mentions that Jos had an account of the Essenes in the second book against the (lentiles. If this means Contra. Apioneni, no such passage is to be found in that work now. It may, however, be some work of Jos which has not come down to us, which Porphyry has misnamed, though this is unlikely.

    This is not , however, the whole of the information concerning the Essenes which we can gather from Jos. The earliest of these incidental notices occurs under 1he reign of Jonathan (Ant, XIII, v, 9), when the historian mentions the three sects of the Jews, when the only peculiarity he assigns to the Essenes is that they believe that everything happens according to fate. Next, in relating the fate of Antigonus, he tells how Judas, an Essene teaching in the temple, when he saw Antigonus, declared that he was proved a false prophet, as he had foretold that Antigonus was to die that day at Strato s tower (Caesarea), and he was now six hundred furlongs off from there. Here the statement that the Essenes were excluded from the temple seems directly contradicted. In



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    Ihe days of Herod (XV, x, 4.5) Josephus relates that while lien x I demanded oaths of submission from others lie excused the Essenes, from I lie favor he had to them on account of one Menahem, a mem ber of this sect, who foretold his reign. This Essene seems to have 1 been about Ihe court and to have nothing of the coenobitic agriculturist about him. The Essenian fame for prediction and the interpre tation of dreams is related in regard to Archelaus, the son of Herod (H.I, II, vii, 3). Archelaus had a dream, and applied to an Essene, Simon or Simeon, who foretold the end of his reign. In singular con trast to what had been said by 1 hilo of the objection the Essenes had in regard to everything connected with war, one of the leading generals of the Jews when they rebelled against the Romans was John the Essene, who was made governor of certain toparchies in the North (JiJ, II, xx, 4). He was killed in the battle near Ascalon with which the, war begun, which ended in the capture of Jerusalem by Titus (HJ , III, ii, 1). There is also mention of a gate of the Essenes in Jerusalem, vhich seems to imply that a, number of them permanently resided there. Pliny speaks of the Essenes in his Natural History (v.17) in somewhat rhetorical terms. They dwell on the west, side of the Dead Sea "a

    3. Pliny wonderful race without women, without

    money, associates of the palms." They are recruited by those wearied of life, broken in fortunes. "Thus a race is et ernal t hrough 1 hoiisands of ages [seculorum] in which no one is born ; so fruitful to them is repentance of life in others." He refers to the fertility of Engedi and adds, "now burned up." There is an enigmatical passage ([noted by Euse- bius from Hegesippus in which the Essaeans (Es senes), the Galileans, Hemerobaptists,

    4. Hege- Masbotheans, Samaritans and Phari- sippus sees are declared to hold different,

    opinions about circumcision among t he- sons of Israel "against the tribe of Judah and of Christ-" (ktitd /r* /i/inli s lot/da kai Christou).

    Porphyry s note regarding the Es-

    5. Porphyry senes is simply taken from Jos.

    In the great work of the mysterious

    bishop, Hippolytus, discovered some sixty years

    ago, there is a description of the- Essenes. Although

    the work is a RifnlulioiL of All //m-,s/V.s,

    6. Hip- implying that the opinions maintained polytus were erroneous and required to be re futed, the author does not h ing to exhibit

    the erroneousness of the Essene tenets or habits. In regard to the gnostic heresies Hippolytus en deavored to reach original sources; presumably he did so in the present case. Although there is no doubt- of his indebtedness to Jos, yet for the features where he differs from Jos, or supplements him, we may assume that he has behind his statements some authority which he regarded as valid. In some cases there may be a suspicion that in his eagerness to show that certain heresies were derived from this or that heathen philosophical system he has modified the heresy to suit the derivation he has supposed. This, however, does not apply to the Essenes.

    In the ninth book of his Refutation of All Heresies, Hippolytus takes up Jewish sects (hai resets) which, following Jos, lie reckons as three. The first he discusses is the Essenes. They are very devotional and temperate and eschew matrimony. They despise wealth, and from sharing with the destitute they do not turn away (cf Alt 6 42; the vb. used is the same). Anyone joining the sect must sell all that he has (of Matthew 19 21; the same words are used in Acts 4 32.37). Overseers (epimeletai) are chosen by show of hands (cheirotonchi) (Acts 14 23). They do not stay in one city but many settle in every city. They dress always in white, but do not own two cloaks or two pairs of shoes, much as Our Lord s

    instructions to His apostles when He sent, them out two and two (Matthew 10 10). Their daily course of conduct, is described very much in the same terms as those used by Jos. Before dawn they begin their day by prayer and singing a hymn. They return from their work before midday, at the fifth hour, and bathe themselves in cold water and clothe themselves in garments of white linen. After that they repair into the common apartment. They seat themselves in silence; the cook places food before each individual. The priest prays and pro nounces a blessing on the food. At the end of the meal the priest again prays, and those who have par taken join in singing a hymn of thanksgiving. They lay aside their whit* 1 linen garments, and resume their ordinary clothing and betake themselves again to their occupat ions. Supper at sunset is conducted in a similar manner. All obey the- president (proes- tos) in whatever he enjoins. No one amongst them is in I he habit of swearing. They are careful to read the law and the prophets. Other works of faithful men they also study. All that, join the sect are put on probation. The entrant, receives a white robe and a linen girdle, and is supplied with an axe for the purposes mentioned in Deuteronomy 23 13. He has to take solemn oaths to worship God, to be just, not to hate anyone who injures him, but, to pray for him (cf Matthew 6 44). He promises also to show respect, to all in authority, as all authority is from God (I Pet 2 13). He is not to divulge; the see-ret doctrines e>f the- society. The-re follows a description of the fate of those: expelled from the seiciety and the- mode of conducting trials, borrowe-d from Jos. Hippolytus proe-ceels te> give an ae-e-emnt of femr different sub- sects of the Essenes, all seeming of more than even the wonte-d fanaticism of the Essenes. One: sect would not use coins because: of the image of the Emperor on them, inasmuch as this was of the nature of idolatry. Others were prepared to en- fe>re-e circumcision at the: point of the sword. Ac cording to Hippolytus the- /ealots were Essenes. Later he mentions the class that we re freer ami diel not abjure marriage. A very marked point of difference between the tenets of the Essenes, as described by Philo and Jos, and those attribute-el to them by Hippolytus, is in regarel to the doctrine: of the resurrection. Hippolytus affirms that they elid be-lie-ve in the resnrre-ction of the body. The others, while not in terms denying that they eliel believe in it, ignore it in such a way as might leael the re-ader, as indeed it, elid Bishop Light foot, to think that they denied it altogether. The: treat ment Paul received at Athens when he- preached the resurrection showed how incongruous this doctrine seemed to the Gre-e-ks. Philo and Je>s wrote fe>r Gr audiences fe>r the Romans, so far as culture went, were Greeks and had to e e>nside-r their taste. Another point held in abeyance by both those writers was the Messianic holies that, we know from the NT were: so prevalent.. Hippolyt.us says all sections loeik feir the Messiah," but he-Id that He was to be merely man born in the ordinary way. The reason eif Philo s silence and that of Jos is easily under stood. They had commended the Essenes so highly; if they mentioned that the-y had treason able- hopes of a Messiah who should rule the world, their own personal loyalty would become doubtful. Fe>r our part, we should regarel all the positive ele ments in Hippolytus description as worthy of acceptance.

    The: last authority to whom we would refer is Epiphanius. In his anxiety to make up the number

    of heresies, the Essenes figure repeatedly 7. Epi- under different names. He declares the phanius Essenes to be a sect of the Samaritans

    closely associate-el with the Se-buans and Gortheni. Among the Jews he has three sects whom



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    he calls Hemerobaptistac, Nazaraoi and Ossoni Besides ho has a sect called Sampseans, evidently also^Essencs, which lie mixes uj) \\vith the followers of Elkaisa. He does not seem to have any clear idea about their tenets or habits. The Samaritan sects differ about the three Jewish feasts, but he does not make it clear in what they differ. The Sebuans seem to have reversed the order of the Jewish feasts, but whether the Essenes and Gor- theni did so likewise is not clear. That the Essenes whom we are considering were not Samaritans appears to be as certain as anything about this enigmatic sect can be. The "obscure sentence quoted by Eusebius from Hegesippus might be interpreted as supporting this statement of Epi- phanius, but it is too enigmatic to be pressed. As to the three Jewish sects the first named Hcmcro- baptistae suits the daily washings of the Essenes, but he asserts that they agree with the Sadduoees in denying the resurrection. The Nazareans or Xazarenes are not to be confounded with a Chris tian sect of nearly the same name. They resided in the district east of Jordan. They held with the Jews in all their customs, believing in the patriarchs, but did not receive the Tent, though they acknowl edged Moses. The Osseni are the likest to the Essenes, as they are said to dwell near the Dead Sea, only it is on the side opposite to Engodi. Epi- phanius leaves them to denounce Elxai and his brother Jexais, of which latter nothing further is known.

    ///. Deductions and Combinations. From the characteristics so many, so confusing, indeed, in some respects so contradictory, it is difficult to get a consistent picture. They are said to be only four thousand, yet they are many ton thousands. They reside in Engodi, a company of coenobites. They dwell in villages and avoid towns, yet they dwell many in every city and in populous communities. They avoid everything connected with war, yet one of their number is one of the trusted generals of the Jews in their rebellion against the Romans. They keep away from the Temple, yet one of them, Judas, is teaching in the Temple when he sees An- tigonus, whose death he had foretold. The only way in which any consistency can be brought into these accounts is by taking advantage of what Jos and Hippolytua say about the subsections into which the Essenes were distinguished.

    A parallel the present writer has olsewhoro used of the Methodists is illuminative. Whilo the most prominent body of Methodists are Arminians, there are the Cahin- istie Methodists. AVhilc Woslovan Methodists do not allow women to preach, the Primitive Methodists do This is so far confirmed by the fact that while the abjuring of marriage is a marked feature in the representation of Phllo, yet the latter says that one class of the Essenes not only do not themselves oppose matrimony but re gard those that do oppose it as enemies of the human race. Tho residents in Kngedi formed but a small pro portion of the Essenes. It is probable that of them the statement, found alike in Philo and Jos, that they were 4,000, applies. All the features of the picture of the daily common meals, rising before sunrise, joint devo tions, may be truo in their fulness only of the community by the Dead Sea. "\\\\ hat Philo says (quoted by Kusebius, / ;./>. Evan., VIII, 11). that among the Essenes "there aro 110 youths or persons just entering on manhood, oidy men already declining towards old age, "would indicate that the settlement at Kngedi was an asylum for those who, having borne the burden and heat of the day, now rotirod to on joy repose.

    They had communities apparently all over Philestina-Canaan Land,

    if not also beyond its bounds, over each of which

    there waa a president appointed (Hip.,

    1. Govern- IX, 15). This would mean that in

    ment towns of any size they would have a

    synagogue. They appear to have had

    houses of call, though it may have been that every

    member of the Essene community kept open house

    for all members of their sect who might be traveling.

    The traveler, when he came to a city, would inquire

    for any that were Essenes, as the apostles were commanded by their Lord, in similar circumstances, to inquire ("search out") who in a city were "worthy." The common meals might to some extent be observed in these different scattered communities, probably at intervals, not daily as at Engedi. At these the secret sacred books, read and studied with so great regularity at Engedi, would also be read. In this synagogue not only would the canonical books be preserved but also those other books which gave them the names of the angels, as now in the synagogues of Philestina-Canaan Land the library preserved in the syna gogue may be used by those connected with it throughout the week. The head of the community at Engedi might have some suzerainty over all the different communities, but in regard to this we have no information. One external feature which would at once make the Essenes known to each other was the fact that they always dressed in white linen. They had priests probably in every one of their communities. The Jewish exorcists in Ephosus, in whom Bishop Light foot (C</1, 93) recognizes Essones, were the sons of one Sceva, a high priest (archiereus, Acts 19 14). The high-priesthood was evidently not connected with the temple at Jerusalem, for no such name appears in the list of high priests. It thus most probably was an Essenian high-priest hood.

    In regard to their tenets, their belief in the abso lute preordination by God of everything appears the feature in the doctrinal position 2. Doc- which most appealed to Jos. Ilip- trines poly t us affirms in terms their belief

    in the resurrection of the body. This point, as above noted, Philo and Jos ignore. The passage in Hippolytus is the more striking from the fact that the latter portion so closely resembles the passage in Jos. Jos, as we have suggested above, avoided crediting the Essenes with belief in resur rection because of the ridicule to which it would expose not only the Essenes, his proteges, but also himself. Hippolytus, writing with information other than what might be got from Jos or Philo and as, writing for Christian readers, without the fear of ridicule, in regard to the resurrection of the body, boldly and in terms ascribes that doctrine to them. The silence of our two main witnesses as to the Essenea cherishing any Messianic hopes cannot be pressed, as their silence may be explained as above mentioned by fear of the suspicions of Rome in regard to any such hopes. The statement of Hippolytus that all the Jews had these expecta tions may be said to cover this case. The abjur ing of marriage and the shunning of everything connected with war seem to be prominent opinions in some sections of the Essenes, but not held by others.

    IV. History and Origin. There is much in Es- enism that is difficult to understand. We have seen contradictory features assigned to the Essenes by different authorities; but even in the case of those features concerning which then; is least dubiety the now difficulty emerges as to how it appeared as a characteristic; of a Jewish sect. This is esp. the case in regard to abstinence from mar riage. Easterners always have an earnest, desire to have sons to keep their memory green, for on a death many of them had and still have; ceremonies which only the son of the dead can perform. Yet despite this they avoided marriage. The Jews with their Messianic hopes desired children, as no one knew :>ut that his child might prove the child of promise, the Christ of God.

    The earliest note of the existence of the Essenes, as of the Pharisees and Sadduceos, is under the pon- :ih cate of Jonathan, the successor of Judas Maeea- jaous (Ant, XIII, v, 9). Jos says "at this time



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    there were three seels of tlie Jews," and proceeds to

    name them. Jf this, however, were precisely true,

    it is singular that there is no mention

    1. Essenes of any of these sects in either of the and books of the Maccabees. The only Hassidim sect named is the Hasidaeans (hfixf-

    dhlin) who are called (1 Mace 2 -12; "mighty men of Israel, every one that offered himself willingly for the law" (AY voluntarily de voted himself to the law"; C.r hekousiazomenos). These again are not. mentioned by Jos. The mean ing of the word is "saints," and in this sense it appears frequently in the Pss. A parallel in modern history to their warlike activity and their claim to saint liness may be found in the Cameronians of "society folk" in Scotland toward the end of the 17th cent. They were Pe-den s praying folk," yet they fought and won battles. When William of Orange came they formed the Cameronian regi ment which helped to quell the clans and checked their advance after Killiecrankie. Some have identified these Hasidaeans with the Pharisees (as west Robertson Smith, art. "Assidaeans," Ett, and others). Hitxig would regard their successors as the Essenes. The great resemblance there was between the Pharisees and the Essenes renders it not improbable that originally they were really one sect and split off. If Jos is to be trusted this di vision must have occurred, if not before the Mac- cabean struggle, at least early during -its contin uance. The Sadducean authors of 1 Mace; may have grouped them together. According to Jos, John Hyrcanus was a Pharisee, from which it may be presumed that Judas Maccabaeus and his brethren belonged to the same sect of the Jews. The Assidaeans deserted Maccabaeus, so that it would seem at least possible that by that time the separation had become complete, so that the Has idaeans are now to be regarded as Essenes. It would seem as if they deserted the Maccabeans when they the Maccabeans made alliances with heathen powers like Home. Then they objected to the high-priestly family being passed over for the Hasmoneans, hence their foolish surrender to Hacchides because; Alcimus (called by Jos Jacimus = .l(hoiiikiin) was with him, a descendant of the race of the high priests. All this is utterly unlike the quiet contemplative lives of the coenobites in En- gedi. It would seem that the thousand who died in the wilderness themselves, their wives, their children and their cattle (1 Mace 1 2<KW), wen; more like 1 he inhabitants of Engedi. Before leaving the Hasidaeans it must be said that the representa tion of the connection of the Hasidaeans with Judas Maccabaeus put in the mouth of Alcimus by the writer of 2 Mace (14 (i) is not trustworthy. After this desertion of the Maccabeans the more religious of them retired to Engedi, while the rest of the party were scattered over the country in the various cities and villages.

    As above mentioned the earliest mention of Essenes is by Jos (Aid, XIII, v, <)) while Jona than was high priest. The next is the

    2. Position story of Judas the Essenc seated in the of Essenes Temple surrounded by his scholars in Josephus "who attended him [paremenon] in

    order to learn the art of foretelling," thinking that the appearance of Antigonus in the Temple courts proved his prophecy false that he was that day to die in Strato s tower (( aesarea). Judas is evidently a resident in Jerusalem and meets his pupils in the Temple courts. This would imply that he had no horror of the Temple nor was debarred from its courts. He had no repugnance for residence in cities. Menahem, the next figure that presents itself, shows a man who is mingling in court circles. He inflicts on Herod, the son of the favorite coun

    sellor of the high priest, a playful domestic chastise ment and prophesies his future greatness. Herod, as we are told, always favored the Essenes in conse quence. Later Archelaus consults Simon or Simeon, an Essene, as to the interpretation of a dream. He is at all events resident in Jerusalem and known in the court, circles. He may have been Simeon of Luke 2 2">-or>. It must, however, be, observed that the name is one of the commonest among the Jews at that time. After this they disappear, unless Ilip- polytus identification of the Zealots with a section of the Essenes is admitted. Those; in Engedi were aside; from the course of the- war, though if Pliny s representation is to be taken as accurate; the vines and palm trees eif Engedi had be-en burne d and the; settlement had be-e-n rendered elesolate>. The-y may have be-take-n the inselves to Pella like* the- Chris tians, so as not, to be; involves! in the; ele-st ruction of the city and the- Temple-. The 1 communities e>f the; se-ct in Asia Minor disappear also. To all appe-ar- ance the-y are absorbed in the; church.

    Owing te> the- fact that so many of the den-trines

    and practice-s attribute-d to the Essenes have no

    re se-mblane-e te> anything else in Juda-

    3. Doctrinal ism the- emest iem of origin has a special Affinities meaning in re-garel to them. Although

    like all East e-rneTs the- Jews have a elesire fe>r pre)gc>ny indeed the; man whe> has no child oevupie-s a sevondary plae-e in soe ial esteem yet the Essene-s, or at all events seme of them, shunned marriage. De-spite; the- e-laborate; system of animal sacrifice s that claimed to originate wit h Moses whemi they venerate-d, they abjured bloody sae-rifie-e s. Although the we-el of Aarem were anointed prie-sts, they set up priests of the-ir own. Their habit of morning and evening prayer, timed by the rising ami setting of the 1 sun, (suggested sun-worship. The; external resemblance of these; tene ts e)f the Esse-nes to those; of the; Pythagoreans impressed Je>s, and was emphasized by him all the; more readily, since thus he brought himse-lf and his nation into line with C.lr thought. This suggest iem of Je>s has le-d some, e.g. Zeller, to 1 he> de-duct ion that the-y were Jewish neo-Pythagoreans. The- feat tires of resemblance are formidable whe-n drawn out in catale>gue . He; shows (I /iihn. der Griechen, I. Thcil, 11, 239-<>2) that like the Pythageireans the> Esse-ne-s re-garde-d asceticism a me-ansof holiness. Both abstained from animal loexl and bloody sacrifie-e-s, aelmire-d ce-libacy and, elressing in white linen garme-nts, had frequent washings. Both prohibited oaths; both formed a corporate bexly into whie-h admissiem was had by act of initiatiem and afte-r probation. Community of gexids was the custom in both. Both be-lieved in transmigration e>f semis. The value; of this for midable- list is lessened by the- fae-t that there is something of unce-rtainty on both side s as to the previse; views and customs. Philo and Jets un- eiuestionably He-lle-nized the; vie-ws of the Essenes whe-n the-y presente d them before reaek-rs educated in (ir culture; further the views of Pythagoras have come; down to us in a confused shape. As to

    the assertion that the Pythagoreans

    4. Essenes elre-sse-d in white linen, Die>gene>s Lae-r- and Py- tins says that line-n was not yet in- thagoras ve-nte-d. ZelleT has no sufficient evi-

    ele-nce that the Essene-s avoiele-d the flesh e>f animals as food, and Diogene-s Laertius expressly says that Pythagoras ate fish, though rarely (VIII, IS). While there seems no doubt as to the Pythagorean belief in the transmigration of semis, it se-ems certain that this was not a doctrine of the Essene-s. Neither Philo nor Jos attribute this view to the-m. This is the more striking that, imme-diately afte-r dealing with the Essene-s, Jos pre>cevds to take up the doctrines of the Pharisees to whom he does attribute that view. Moreover



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    the distinctive views of the Pythagoreans as to numbers and music have no sign of being held by the Essenes. On the other hand the fact that Pythagoras had a wife seems to throw doubt on their alleged preference for celibacy. Another chronological difficulty has to be met. The Pytha goreans as a society were put clown in the 5th cent . before Christ. They may be regarded as having disappeared, till in the 2d cent. AD they reappear as prominent neo-Pythagoreans. It is true that Cicero and Seneca mention Pythagoreans, but only as individuals who would claim to be the followers of Pythagoras, and not as members of a sect: they were without influence even in Italy.

    Chronology is equally against the view favored

    by Hilgenfeld that the influence of Buddhism may

    be traced in Essenism. As late as the

    5. Bud- end of the 2d cent. AD, Clement of dhism and Alexandria, although acquainted with Essenism the name Buddha, is ignorant of his

    tenets and of divisions of his followers. The Alexandria, which Hilgenfeld identified with Alexandria of Egypt, in which there was a Buddhist settlement, was really to be found in Bactria, where a Buddhist settlement was likely.

    There is more to be alleged in favor of Parsee

    influence being traceable. Neither geography nor

    chronology protests against this in-

    6. Parsee- fluence. The Jews were for centuries ism and under the domination of the Persians, Essenism who were followers of Zoroaster.

    They seem on the whole to have been favored by the Pers rulers, a slate of matters that, would make 1 he Jews all the more ready to view with sympathy the opinions and religion of these masters. Moreover the Pers worship had spread away to the west, far beyond Syria. At the same time it is easy to exaggerate the points of resemblance. The dualism alleged to be a leading feature in Essenism is more ti matter of deduction than of distinct state ment. Indeed the proofs alleged by Zeller are almost, ludicrous in their insufficiency, since Philo says that the Essenes shun marriage because women are selfish (]>ltil<inl<>n), and Jos, that they do so be cause women are addicted to excess (<ix< l(/i id); that therefore; they regard the female generally as under the dominion of the evil principle, the fact being that this is really u part, of the Helleni/.ing which the Essene views underwent at the hands of Philo and Jos. The alleged sun-worship is scarcely more worthy of credit: it is a deduct ion not even plausible. When carefully looked at the evidence points the other way. Their first prayer is offered not at sun rise but before it (HJ, II, viii, .5); in other words, they work while it is day. Their evening orisons are offered after the sun has set. At the same time their elaborate; angelology seems to be due to the influence of the Zend-Avesta, but in this the Essenes merely shared with the rest of the Jews. We know that the Jews brought the names of the angels with them from Babylon.

    The most singular feature in Essenism is really

    a feature of Judaism emphasized out of proportion.

    It was unlike the Jews to shun mar-

    7. Essenism riage, yet in seasons when special holi- Mainly ness was required intercourse between Jewish the sexes was forbidden (Exodus 19 !.">;

    1 Samuel 21 5). The whole act of sexual intercourse was regarded as unclean (Leviticus 15 16-18). In the Pauline Epistles uncleanness is used a.s equivalent to fornication (Rom 1 24; 6 1 ( ,>, etc). So also in 2 Pet 2 10. Such a view naturally led to the idea which soon became regnant in Chris tianity that the state of virginity was one of special sanctity (The Revelations 14 4). The respect, they gave to the unmarried state may be exaggerated. If Philo s representation (quoted in Euseb., Prep.

    Eritn., VIII, 11) be correct, men were not admitted until maturity was attained and passed, when, therefore, such desires had begun to die down. Their avoidance of marriage is a matter of less im portance. Their extreme reverence for the Sab bath is of a piece with their celibacy. Their avoid ance of the Temple sacrifices, so far as they did so, may well be due to something of more than contempt for the religion of the, Sadducean high-priestly party. Moreover the long residence of Israel in Babylon, when the Temple worship had to be in abeyance 1 , and the consequent prevalence of syna gogue worship, tended to lessen the importance of the sacrifice s of the Temple. Thus it would seem that the Essenes were really a Jewish sect that had retained more of the Zoroastrian elements than had the rest of the Je-ws.

    V. Relation to the Apocalyptic Books. Among the features of Essenism which seem to have im- pressed Jew most was the fact that they had sacred books of their sect which they preserved, as also the 1 names of the angels, thus bringing the Esse-nian spe cial books into connection with angelology. These; be>oks their proselytes were bounel by oath to pre serve (/> /, II, viii, 7). Concerning the kindred sevt of the Therapculae, Philo says, "They have also writ ings of ancient men (J)c VitaContemp., III). On the> other hand we have a mass of writings the same in character, dependent on one another, all apparently proceeding from one school of Jewish thought. Of the three sects of the Jews from which alone they could have proceeded the Sadduceev, are excluded because, while the apocalyptic books are full of angels, they believe neither in angel nor spirit (Ae-ts 23 8). While doctrinally the Pharisees might suit, the fact that practically there is no reference to any of these books in the Talm, which proceeded from the Pharisaic school, renders them unlikely to have be-e-n the authors. The Essenes see>m to us to have; been the school from which these apocalyptic works proceeded. The; sect, at the fall of the Jewish state, disappeared in Christianity, and in the 1. Reasons Christian church these books are pre- f or Holding served. The 1 sect iem of < he> Essenes who the Essenes dwelt as coenobites beside the 1 )ead Sea to Be the were in circumstances specially liable to Writers of se>e visions anil to have distorted views the Apoc- of morality, so that the composition of alypses pseudonymoua writings, literary for

    geries, might secern right. As seen in the study of the apocalyptic books there is the undue prominence given to sexual sin a prominence that seems to be symptomatic of the unhealthy mental state engendered by celibacy. These writings are the product of a school that professed to have secret sacreel books. In 2 (4) Esel 14 4">. 4(5 wo have an account of how, while 24 of the sacred books we re? published to the multitude, 70 were retained fe>r the "worthy," that is, for some inner circle, some brother hood like the Essenes. In the Asm M, Joshua is com manded to place the revelations given him "in certain vessels and anoint them with e)ii of cedar." Such an order would be he-lel as explaining at once the> dis appearance of the book for the years succeeding Moses and its opportune reappearance. On the one hand we have a see-t that professes to have secret sacred books, and on the other we have sacreel books that have be>e-n composed by a school that must have had many features which we recognize as Essenian. Further the Essenes disappeared in the Christian church, and in the Christian church and not among the; Jews are these books preserved.

    The main objection to this ascription is the prom inence of the! Messianic hope; in the apocalyptic books, and the absence of any notice in Jos anel Philo that the Essenes had this hope. But from neither of these writers could be discovered that any



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    of the- .lows cherished (his hope. Yet from the NT \\ve know that this hope was a prominent feature in national aspirations. Philo, associat- 2. Objec- ing perpetually with Greeks, would tions hc> sensitive to the ridicule to which

    Answered such views would expose him, and how it would undo much of his laborious efforts to commend Judaism to the (ireeks as a higher philosophy. Jos had not only that motive, hut the more serious one of personal safety. To have enlarged on Messianic hopes and declared these hopes to have been cherished by these Essenes whom he had praised so much would be liable to bring him under suspicion of disloyalty to Home. The silence of these two writers proves nothing because it proves too much; and further we have easy explanation of this silence. The assumption of Dr. Charles that the Essenian ideal was ethical and individualistic is pure assumption. There is another objection thai while the doctrine of re.-ur- rect ion is recogni/ed in these books we know nothing of the Essenes holding it. That the Creeks and their scholars in philosophy, the Romans, looked at the idea, of resurrection from the dead as a sub ject for ridicule would be reason sufficient for Philo and Jos to suppress such a feature in their descrip tion of the Essenrs. I Yom then] it could not be learned that the Pharisees ever had any such belief. ft is also objected that while the Essenes held (he preexistence of souls, there is no trace of this belief in the apocalyptic books. Jos, however, does not really assert that they believed in the prior existence of individual souls, but rather in a soul-stuff from which individual souls were separated. Thus both positively and negatively we think there is a strong case for the Essenes being regarded as the authors of the apocalyptic books. Further objections are brought forward by Dr. Charles as applicable to the Asm M specially. One is the interest manifested in the Temple by the writer while, so says Dr. Charles, "the Essene was excluded from its courts, and refers to Jos, Ant, XVIII, i, ;">. He must, have forgotten, while penning this sentence, Ant, XIII, xi, 2, in which Judas, the Essene, is represented as teaching in the Temple. His objection that Jos credits the Essenes with a belief in a paradise beyond the ocean like; the Cr Islands of the Blest, appears to us to lay too much stress on what is in both cases fig. language. Moreover, in En the description of Paradise (chs 24 26) would almost seem to be the original from which Jos (/> ./, II, viii, 11) drew his picture. lie seems to regard our ignorance- of how far the Essenes agreed with the rest of their count ry- men in considering the enemies of Israel "the wicked," as evidence that they disagreed with them on that point.

    VI. The Essenes and Christianity. That there were many points of resemblance between the Es senes and the church in its earliest 1. Resem- form cannot be denied. The Essenes, blances we are told, maintained a community

    between of goods and required anyone who Essenism joined their society to sell all he had and Chris- and present it to the community tianity (Hippolytus, Adv. If<rct., ix; x; Jos,

    BJ, II, viii, 3), just as so many of (he primitive Christians did in Jerusalem (Acts 4~37). Another peculiarity of the Essenes noted by Jos (/> -/, II, viii, 4) that they moved about from oily to city, and wherever they went found accommo dation with members of their order, although per fect strangers, may be compared with Our Lord s instructions to His disciples when lie sent them forth (Matthew 10 11): "Into whatsoever city or village ye shall enter, search out, who in it is worthy." When one thinks of who those worthy persons could be, and what was the evidence by which their worthi

    ness was expected to be established, one is almost obliged to suppose that it was some specially easily recognized class thai was so designated. If the worthiness in question was the moral quality, there are so many ideas of moral worth that when the apostles inquired, on entering a city, who was worthy, before they could act on the answer they would need to discover what was the criterion of worthiness in the mind of him from whom they had inquired. If, however, this term was the private designation of the members of a sect, one bv which they, in speaking of each other, indicated tliat they were co-members, as the "Quakers" speak of each other as "Friends," the inquiry for those who were worthy would be simple enough. If the Essenes were "the worthy," then identification would In complete, but we cannot assume that. The ma jority of the points in which the Essenes resembled the primitive Christians are noted above in connec tion with each feature as it appears in the passage or passages of the authorities that record it, and to these we refer our readers.

    At the same time, although there are thus many points of likeness, it is not to be denied that there are also many features in Essenism 2. Points which are at variance with (he practice of of the early church and the teaching of

    Difference Our Lord and His apostles. The most prominent of these is the difference of attitude toward marriage and the female sex. Our Lord sanctified marriage by His presence at the; marriage at Cana of Galilee, although He himself never married ._ He used the festivities of marriage again and again as illustrations. lie drew women to Him and had none of the contempt of the sex which Jos and Philo attribute- to the Essenes. The apostles assume the marriage relationship as one into which Christians may be expected in due course to enter, and give exhortations suited to husbands and wives (1 Pet 3 17; Ephesians 5 22 33; Colossians 3 Isouth 10). The apostle Paul uses the relation of hus band and wife as the symbol of the relat ion of Christ to His church (Ephesians 5 32). The writer of the Epistle to the He declares, Marriage is honourable in all" (lie 13 4AV).

    Another point in which the Essenes differed from the practice of Our Lord and His disciples was the exaggerated reverence the former gave to the Sab bath, not even moving a vessel from one place to another^on the seventh day. Our Lord s declara tion, "The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath" (Mark 2 27), cuts at the feet of that whole attitude. The point of His conflict with the Pharisees was His disregard of the Sabbath as fenced by their traditions. The Essenes shrank from con- tad with oil, which Our Lord certainly did not do. On the contrary He rebuked the Pharisee for his neglect (Luke 7 40). He was twice anointed by women, and in both cases commended the deed. The purely external and mate-rial bulked largely in the opinions of the Essenes. Our Lord emphasized the internal and spiritual. Many have held and do hold that Our Lord was an Essene. If at the be ginning of His career He belonged to this sect He must have broken with it long before the end of His minist ry.

    \\Vf/i/ Our Lord never meets the Essenes. There; are- some phenomena which, irrespective of these resemblances and differences, have- a bearing on the relation between Essenism and Christianity. The first is the fact that Our Lord, who me-t so many different classe-s of the inhabitants of Philestina-Canaan Land Pharisees and Sadducees, Zealots and Ilerodians, publicans, Samaritans, Cre-<-ks--never is recoreled to have met an Essene. The common answer, which satisfied even Bishop Light foot, is that they were- so few and lived so retired that it was no marvel that He never



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    encountered any of them. They had little or no effect on the national life. This mistaken answer is due to forgetting that though both Jos and Philo say the Essenes were 4,000 they also declare that they were "many in every city," that there were "ten thousands of them." Our Lord must have met them; but if the name "Essene" was a designation given from without like "Quakers," then they may appear in the Gospels under another name. There is a class of persons three times referred to those "that waited for the consolation of Israel" (Luke 2 25 AV), "looking for the redemption" (2 3S), "waited for the kingdom of God" (Mark 15 43 AV; Luke 23 51 A V) . There are thus Simeon and Anna at the begin ning of His earthly life, and Joseph of Arimathea at the end, connected with this sect . If, then, this sect were the Essenes under another name, the diffi culty would be removed. If, further, in any sense Our Lord belonged, or had belonged, to the Essenes, then as He would be perpetually meeting and asso ciating with them, these meetings would not be chronicled. A man cannot meet himself. If they are the authors of the apocalyptic books, as we con tend, then the title "waiters for the kingdom of God" would be most suitable, full as these books are of Messianic hopes. If this opinion is correct Our Lord s assumption of the title "Son of Man" is significant, taken in connection with the prominence given to that title in the Enoch books.

    Another significant phenomenon is the disappear ance of Essenism in Christianity. Bishop Light- foot, in his dissertation on the Colos-

    3. Disap- sian Heresy (Com in. on Colossians, 21-111), pearance of proves that it was Essenism. These Essenism Essenes must have been baptized into in Chris- Christ, or they could not have got tianity entry into the Christian communities

    which had been drawn to Christ from heathenism. But that is not the only heresy that is connected with the Essenes. The Ebionites seem to have been Essenes who had passed over into Christianity. In the Apos Const the Ebionites and Essenes are brought into very close connection. Epiphanius, in his confused way, mixes up the various names under which the Essenes appear in his works with a certain Elkaisa, a connection also to be found in Hippolytns, an earlier and better authority. But Elkaisa claimed lo be a Christian. His leading follower, Alcibiades, appeared in Rome and was resisted by Ilippolvtus. The Clementine Homilies, a religious novel of which St. Peter is the hero, has many Essenian features. It is assumed to be Ebionite, but that only makes the evidence; that the Essenes had become Christians all the more convincing. The Ebionites were Christians, if de fective* in their views, and the presence of Essenian features in a work proceeding from them emphasizes the identity. See EBIONIsouthM.

    There is another phenomenon, more extensive

    and important than those we have considered

    above the presence of Monachism

    4. Mona- in the church. Notwithstanding that chism Our Lord prayed "not that" the disci ples be taken "out of the world," but

    that they be kept "from the evil" (John 17 15), im plying that they were not to retire into solitude, and that the apostle Paul regards it as demonstrat ing the falsity of our possible interpretation of an exhortation of his that it would imply that the disciples "must needs go out of the world" (1 Corinthians 5 10); yet the monks did retire; from the world and regarded themselves as all the holier fe>r so ele>ing, and we re regarded se> by others. The apostle; Paul declares the 1 "forbidding to marry" one 1 e>f "the* doctrines of demons," yet very soon asceticism set in and virginity was regarded as far holie-r than the married state. Retirement from the world and

    asceticism were the two cardinal characteristics of Monachism. Despite that these we re in antago nism to the teachings of Christ and His apostles, within little- more than a century after Our Lord s ascension Monachism began to appear, and prevailed more and more ami continues te> this day. These characterisl ics, retirement from the world and asceti cism, esp. forbidding te> marry, we re marke-d features of Essenism. The wholesale entrance of the Essene sect inlo the church would explain this. On the other hand this wholesale passing ove-r into Chris tianity of so intensely Jewish a sect implies a his toric conneTtion or affinity. It is true 1 that the catechetie- school of Alexandria praises the con templative 1 life, se> admired by their contemporaries, the neo-Platonists, and that philosophy which had been looke d at askance by the 1 church was, so to say, take 1 !! under their protection by the Alexan drian school, and the retirement e>f sectaries into the 1 deserts or the formation e>f monasteries se-rve-d to promote this contemplation. This led to all the extravagances of the 1 monks be ing regareled as heights of phile>se>phy. Sue-h views were a cause, but as ceTtainly were they alse> effects. The cause of the-se e>ft ects as it seems te> us was 1e> some extent the admiration extended by Philo, the Alexandrian, to the Essenes and Tin rti/x nine, and the influence 1 of Philo on his Christian successe>rs in Alexandria.

    LITEHATFUK. Sources: Philo, Jos, Pliny, Hogesippus, Porphyry, Hippolytus, Epiphanius.

    Secondary literal tire : Besides works specially on the Essenes, the following aro mentioned: Frankel, l)i<- Kxxtii r; Lucius, I>< r Esxi iiixmux; Ginsburg, Esxcnrx; and portions of books, as Delaunay, Moinex ef. Sihi/lli-x, 1-!SS; Thomson. li>i,, !.-.-< Which Influenced Our Lord, 74- 122; Ritschl, I)!,- Entstehung der all-katholischen Kirche, 179-20:5; Lightfoot, Comm. on Colossians, 7-111, :U7 -417.

    There are in histories of the Jews discussions of thei questions in order. e>f these may be- noted: Kwalei, llixt of Israel, \\ , .{70-71; Gnit7,, <l,-*rl<i<-l,t< <lcr .1 mien., III. <)f>7 (i:{: Sehiirer, Tin: Jewish / ,.///< in the Thessalonians, of Jesus Christ, II, ii. I sx-2 I x, (r. This opens with a fairly full account- of the lit. up to the date of the. 2d German ed; /eller. Geschichte der Philos. der Griechen, III, ii, 2. pp. 2:->."> .1:5. There are also arts, in various Bihlei ami theological elictionarics, as Smith and Waco, Diet, of Kn-l, .s Iiin,/r,i iitiij; Smith and Fuller, Dirt, of the hi/,!,; IIDU; Jew Enc; RE: Schenkel, Bibel-Lexikon; M Clin-

    tock. T>i,;,lo,,i,;il. Diet.

    At the; sainei time\\ while submitting these as a sample, and only as a sample, of the vast lit. of the subject, we agree in the advice given by K. ( . e onybearei in II DH, s.v.: "The student may be advised to study for himself the very limited documentary sources relating to the Essenes anel the ii to draw his own conclusions." Wei feel the importance of this advice all the moro that perusal has shown us that most of these secondary writers have considered exclusively the coenobite* community at Engedi to the neglect of the wider socie-ty. Afte>r the student, has formed opinions from a careful study of thei sources he may benefit by these; se-condary works.

    J. east H. THOMSON

    ESTATE, es-tat : While AV use s both "estate" anel "state 1 " with the meaning of "e onelition," ARV distinguishes, using "state" for the iele aof condition, "e-state-" fe>r position; and ivplaces "estate-" of AV by more definite expressions in many cases. Cf Colossians 4 7 AV, "All my state shall Tychicus declare unto you," but ver 8, AV "might know your estate,"" RV "may know our state"; Luke 1 48 AV and RV "the lew estate" (of the Leml s hand maiden); Mark 6 21, AV "chie-f estates," RV "chief men"; Dnl 11 7.20.21.3S, AV "his estate," RV "his place," both with in "his office."

    F. K. FAUR

    ESTEEM, es-tem (ITpH , hdshnbh; r\\yto^a.i, hegeomai) . "To esteem" means sometimes simply "to think" or "reckon"; in other connections it means "to regard as honorable" or "valuable." We have examples of both senses in the Bible. The word oftenest so translated 1 in the; OT is hdxhabh, meaning perhaps originally, "to biml," hence 1 "combine, "think," "reckon * (Job 41 27 AV; Isaiah 29 16.17; 53 4; Lam 4 2). In Isaiah 63 3 we have; the word in the higher sense, "We esteemed him not." This



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    sense is expressed also by *r(iklt, "to set in array " "in order" (Job 36 11), AV "Will he esteem thy richc-s?" ERY "Will thy riches suffice?" in "Will thy cry avail?" which ARV adopts us the text); also by ^d/t/nni, "to hide," "to conceal" (Job 23 12, AV "I have esteemed the \\vordsof his mouth," RV "treasured up"); ktilati, "to be light," is translated 1 "lightly esteemed" (1 Samuel 18 23, "I am a poe>r man, and lightly esteemed"), also kdlnl, same meaning (1 Samuel 2 30, "They that despise mo shall be lightly esteemed"). In the NT, fn i/coinni, "to lead out," is used in the sense of "counting honorable," etc (Philippians 2 3, RV counting"; 1 Thessalonians 5 13; per haps lie 11 2(>, but. RV has simply "accounting"); krnid, "to judge," is used in the sense of "to reckon" (Rom 14 5 />/*>; also lo</iz<t/<ii, "to reckon" (Rom 14 11, RV "accountcth"); liu/wlo*, "high," "ex alted," is rendered "highly esteemed" in Luke 16 If) AV, but in RV "exalted"; c.ronlhcnvn, "to think nothing of," is translated 1 "least esteemed" (1 Corinthians 6 4 AV, RV "of no account").

    The following changes in RV are of interest : for "He that is despised and hath a servant, is better than he that honoreth himself and lacketh bread" (Proverbs 12 <)), "Better is he that is lightly esteemed"; for "Better is lie than both they, which hath not ye1 been" (Keel 4 3), "Better than them both did. I cxtu in him," m "Belter than they both is he"; for "Surely your turning of things upside down shall be esteemed as the pot tor s clay" (Isaiah 29 Hi), "Ye turn tilings upside down!" (in "Oh your perversity!"), "Shall the potter be esteemed [ERV "counted"] as clay," etc in this connection a forcible assertion of the necessary possession of knowledge by the Creator of man. west L. WALKER

    ESTHER, es ler pPCX , Yx/Vr, akin to the Zend ftnrti, the Sanskrit .s/n, the Gr ao-TTJp, r/.s/fV, "a star," Eo-Orip, Kxthfr): Esther was a Jewish orphan, who became the queen of Xerxes, in some respects the greatest, of the Pers kings. She was brought up at Susa by her cousin Mordecai, who seems to have held a position among the lower officials of the royal palace. Yashti, Xerxes former queen, was di vorced; and the most beautiful virgins from all the provinces of the empire were brought, to the palace of Susa that the king might select her successor. The choice fell upon the Jewish maiden. Soon after her accession a great crisis occurred in the his tory of the Jews. The entire people was threat ened with destruction. The name of Esther is for ever bound up with the record of their deliverance. By a course Of action which gives her a distinguished place among the women of the Bible, the great enemy of the Jew r s was destroyed, and her people were delivered. Nothing more is known of her than is recorded in the book which Jewish gratitude; has made to bear her name.

    The change in the queen s name from Iladassah (<"!" !}), "a myrtle," to Esther, "a star," may

    possibly indicate the style of beauty Change for which the Pers queen was famous.

    of Name The narrative displays her as a woman

    of clear judgment, of magnificent self- control, and capable of the noblest self-sacrifice. See ESTHER, BOOK OF. JOHN UKQI-HAIIT

    ESTHER, BOOK OF:

    1. The Canonicity of Esther

    2. Its Authorship

    3. Its Date

    4. Its Contents

    5. The Greek Additions

    (5. The Attacks upon I ho Book

    7. Some of the Objections

    8. Confirmations of the Book

    This book completes the historical books of the OT. The conjunction "I, "and," with which it

    begins, is significant . It shows that the book was designed for a place in a series, the "1 linking it, on to a book immediately preceding, and that the present arrangement of the Hob Bible differs widely from what must have been the original order. At present Est follows Eccl, with which it has no con nection whatever; and this tell-tale "and," like a body-mark on a lost child, proves that the book has been wrenched away from its original connection. There is no reason to doubt that, the order in the Sept follows that of the Hebrews Bible of the 3d or the 4th cent. BC, and this is the order of the Vulg, of the Eng. Bible, and other VSsouth The initial 1 is absent from Genesis, Deuteronomy, 1 Chronicles and Neh. The historical books arc; consequently arranged, by the insertion and the omission of 1, into these; four divisions: (ientoNu; Dtto2K; IChtoE/r; Neh and Est. ^ Of the canonicity of the book there, is no question. That there was a distinct guardianship of the Canon

    by the Jewish priesthood has figured 1. The less in recent discussions than it should.

    Canonicity Jos shows that then; was a Temple of Esther copy which was carried among the

    Temple spoils in the triumph of Ves pasian. The peculiarities of the Hebrews text also prove that all our MSS are representatives of one standard copy. In the Jewish Canon Est had not only a recognized, but also a distinguished, place. The statement of Junilius in the (ith cent. AD that the canonicity of Est was doubted by some in his time has no bearing on the question. The high estimation of the book current among the ancient Jews is evident from its title s. It is usually headeel "M gillath Esther" (the volume of Est), and some times "M gillah" (the volume). Maimonidos says that the wise men among the; Jews affirm that the book was dictated by the Holy Spirit, and adds: "All the books of the Prophets, and all the Ilagi- ographa shall cease in the days of the Messiah, exce-pt the volume of Est; and, lo, that shall be as stable as the Pent, and as the constitutions of the oral law which shall never cease-."

    By whom was the book written? This is a point in regard to which no help is afforded us either by

    the contents of the book or by any

    2. Its re-liable tradition. Mordecai, whose Authorship claims have- bc-e-n strongly urged by

    some, is excluded by the closing word s (10 3), which sum up his life work and the blessings of which he had been the recipient. The wore Is imply that when the book was written, that great Israelite had passed away.

    Light is thrown upon the date of the book by the closing reference-s to Ahasue-rus (10 2): "And all

    the acts of his power and of his might,

    3. Its Date .... are- they not written in the book

    of the chronicle s of the kings of Media and Persia?" The entire history, therefore, of Xerxes was to be found in the state records when the book was written. In other words, Xerxes had passed away before it saw the light. That monarch was assassinated by Artabanus in 465 BC. This gives us, say 460 BC, as the highest possible elate. The lowest possible date is the overthrow of the Pers empire by Alexander in 332 BC; for the royal records of the Median and Pers kings are plainly in existence- and accessible, which they would not have been had the empire been overthrown. The book must have been written, therefore, some time within this interval of 128 years. There is another fact which narrows that interval. The initial wuv shows that Est was written after Neh, that is, after 430 BC. The interval is consequently reduced lo 98 years; and, seeing that the Pers dominion was plainly in its pristine vigor when Est was written, we cannot be far wrong if we regard its date as about 400 BC.



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    The book is characterized by supreme dramatic power. The scene is "Shushan the palace," that portion of the ancient Elamitic capital 4. Its which formed the fortified residence

    Contents of the Pers kings. The book opens with the description of a high festival. All the notabilities of the kingdom are present, together with their retainers, both small and great. To grace the occasion, Vashti is summoned to ap pear before the king s guests; and, to the dismay of the great assembly, the queen refuses to obey. A council is immediately summoned. Vashti is de graded; and a decree is issued that every man bear rule in his own house (ch 1). To find a successor to Vashti, the fairest damsels in the empire are brought to Shushan; and Hadassah, the cousin and adopted daughter of Mordecai, is of the number. The chapter (2) closes with a notice of two inci dents: (1) the coronation of Hadassah (now and henceforth named "Esther") as queen; (2) A lord e- cai s discovery of a palace plot to assassinate the king. Chronicles 3 introduces another leading personage, Hainan, the son of Hammedatha, whose seat the king had set "above all the princes that were with him." All the king s servants who are at the king s gates prostrate themselves before the powerful favorite. Mordecai, who is not a trained courtier but a God-fearing Jew, refrains. Though expostu lated with, he will not conform. The matter is brought to Hainan s notice for whose offended dig nity Mordecai is too small a sacrifice. The whole Jewish people must perish. Lots are cast to find a lucky day for their extermination. The king s consent is obtained, and the royal decree is .sent into all the provinces fixing the slaughter for the 13th day of the 12th month.

    The publication of the decree is followed by uni versal mourning among the Jews (ch 4). News of Mordecai s mourning is brought to Esther, who, through the messengers she sends to him, is informed of her own and her people s danger. She is urged to save herself and them. She eventually decides to seek the king s presence at the risk of her life. She presents herself (ch 6) before the king and is graciously received. Here we breathe the atmos phere of the place and time. Everything depends upon the decision of one will the king s. Esther does not attempt too much at first : she invites the king and Hainan to a banquet. Here the king asks Esther what her petition is, assuring her that it shall be granted. In reply she requests his and Raman s presence at a banquet the following day. Haman goes forth in high elation. On his way home he passes Mordecai, who "stood not up nor moved for him." Hainan passes on filled with rage, and unbosoms himself to his wife and all his friends. They advise that a stake, fifty cubits high, be prepared for Mordecai s impalement; that on the morrow he obtain the royal permission for Morde cai s execution; and that he then proceed with a merry heart to banquet with the queen. The stake is made ready.

    But (ch 6) that night Xerxes cannot sleep. The chronicles of the kingdom are read before him. The reader has come to Mordecai s discovery of the plot, when the king asks what reward was given him. He is informed that the service had received no ac knowledgment. It is now early morn, and Haman is waiting in the court for an audience to request Mordecai s life. He is summoned to the king s presence and asked what should be done to the man whom the king desires to honor. Believing that the king can be thinking only of him, he suggests that royal honors be paid him. He is appalled by the command to do so to Mordecai. Hurrying home from his lowly attendance upon the hated Jew, he has hardly time to tell the mournful story to his

    wife and friends when he is summoned to Esther s banquet. There, at the king s renewed request to be told her desire, she begs life for herself and for her people (ch 7). The king asks in astonishment, who he is, and where he is, who dared to injure her and them. The reply is that. Haman is the adversary. Xerxes, filled with indignation, rises from the ban quet and passes into the palace garden. He returns and discovers that Haman, in the madness of his fear, has thrown himself on the queen s couch, beg ging for his life. That, act seals his doom. He is led away to be impaled upon the very stake he had pre pared for the Jew. The seal of the kingdom is transferred to Mordecai (ch 8). Measures are immediately taken to avert the consequence of Hainan s plot (chs 9-10). The result is deliver ance and honor for the Jews. These resolve that the festival of Purim should be instituted and be ever after observed by Jews and proselytes. The decision was confirmed by letters from Esther and Mordecai.

    The Sept. as we now have it, makes largo additions to the original text. .Jerome, keeping to the lleb text in his own translated, has added these at the end. 5 The They amount to nearly seven chapters.

    p" , There is nothing in thorn to reward peru

    sal. Their ago lias been assigned to 100 Additions JiC 1 . and their only value consists in the indication they afford of the antiquity of the book. That had been long enough in existence to perplex the lleb mind with the absence of the name of C.od and the omissions of any reference to Divine wor ship. Full amends are made in the additions.

    The opponents of the Book of Est may undoubt edly boast that Martin Luther headed the attack. In his Tdhlc-Tdlk he declared that he 6. The was so hostile "to the Book of Est that

    Attacks 1 would it did not exist; for it Ju-

    upon the daizes too much, and has in it a great, Book deal of heathenish naughtiness." His

    remark in his reply to Erasmus shows that, this was his deliberate judgment. Referring to Est, he says that, though the Jews have it in their Canon, "it is more worthy than all" the apocryphal books "of being excluded from the Canon." That repudiation was founded, however, on no historical or critical grounds. It rested solely upon an en tirely mistaken judgment as to the tone and the intention of the book. Luther s judgment has been carried farther by Ewald, who says: "We fall here as if from heaven to earth; and, looking among the new forms surrounding us, we seem to behold the Jews, or indeed the small men of the present day in general, acting just, as they now do." Nothing of all this, however, touches the historicity of Kst.

    The modern attack has quite another objective. Semler, who is its real fons ct oriyo, believed Est to be a work of pure imagination, and as establishing little more than the pride and arrogance of the Jews. DeWette says: "It violates all historical proba bility, and contains striking difficulties and many errors with regard to Pers manners, as we ll as just references to them." Dr. Driver modifies that judgment. "The writer," he says, "shows himself well informed on Pers manners and institutions; he does not commit anachronisms such as occur in Tob or Jth; and the character of Xerxes as drawn by him is in agreement with history." The controversy shows, however, no sign of approach ing settlement. Th. Noldeke (EB) is more violent than Do Wette. "The story," he writes, "is in fact a tissue of improbabilities and impossibilities." We shall look first of all at the main objections urged by him and others and then at the recent confirmations of the historicity of Esther.

    (1) "There is .something fantastic, but not alto gether unskilful," says Noldeke, "in the touch whereby Mordecai and Haman are made to inherit



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    an ancient feud, the former being a member of the family of King Saul, the latter a descendant

    of Agag, king of Amalek." It is 7. Some surely unworthy of a scholar to make of the the book responsible for a Jewish

    Objections fable. There is absolutely no mention

    in it of either King Saul or Agag, king of Amalek, and not, the most distant allusion to any inherited feud. " Kish, a Benjamite" is certainly mentioned (2 5) as the great -grand father of Mordecai; but if this was also the father of Saul, then the firsl of the; Israeli! ish kings was a sharer in the experiences of the Bab captivity, a conception which is certainly fantastic enough. One might ask also how an Amalekite came to be described as an Agagite; and how a childless king, who was cut in pieces, became the founder of a tribe. But any semblance of a foundation which that rabbinic conceit ever had was swept away years ago by Oppert s discovery of "Agag" in one of Sar- gon s inscriptions as the name of a district in the Pers empire. "Hainan the son of Ilammcdatha the Agagite" means simply that Hainan or his father had conn 1 from the district of Agag. (2) The statement that 2 5.0 represents Mordecai as having been carried away with Jeconiah from Jems, and as being therefore of an impossible age, is unworthy of notice. The relative "who" (2 0) refers to Kish, his great-grandfather. (3) Between the 7th and the I Jth years of his reign, Xerxes queen was Amestris, a superstitious and cruel woman (Herod. vii.114; ix.112), who cannot be identified with Esther, and who leaves no place for Esther beside her" (Driver). Scaliger long ago identified Esther with Amestris, an identification which Prideaiix rejected on account, of the cruelty which Herodotus has attributed to that queen. Dr. Driver has failed to take full account, of one tiling the striking fact that critics have leveled this very charge of cruelty against the heroine of our book. It- is (mite pos sible that Esther, moving in a world of merciless intrigue, may have had to take measures which would form a foundation for the tales recorded by the (!r historian. (4) The aim of the book is said to be the glorification of the Jews. But, on the contrary, it is merely a record of their being saved from a skilfully planned extirpation. (5) The description of the Jews (3 8) as "dispersed among the peoples in all the provinces of" the kingdom is said to be inapplicable to the Pers period. That argument is based upon an ignorance of the ancient world which investigation is daily correcting. We now know that before the lime of Est Jews were settled both in Eastern and in Southern Egypt, that is, in the extreme west of the Pers empire. In the troubles at the end of the 7th and of the Oth cents. BC, multitudes must have been dispersed, and when, at the latter period, the ties of the fatherland were dissolved, Jewish migrations must have vastly increased. (0) The Hebrews of the book is said to be long to a much later period than that of Xerxes. But it is admitted that it is earlier than the Hebrews of Chronicles; and recent discoveries have shown decisively that the book belongs to the Pers period. (7) The suggestion is made (Driver) "that the danger which threatened the Jews was a local one," and conse quently, that the book, though possessed of a his torical basis, is a romance. But against that are the facts that the observance of the feast has from the first been universal, and that it has not been observed more fully or more enthusiastically in any one place than in the others. I (S) There is no refer ence to it, it is urged, by Chronicles, Ezr or lien Sira (Ecclus). But Chronicles ends with the proclamation of Cyrus, granting permission to the Jews to return and to rebuild the Temple. There is little to be wondered at that it contains no reference to events

    which happened 00 years afterward. / In Ezr, which certainly covers the period of Esther, reference to the events with which she was connected is excluded by the plan of the work. It gives the history of the return, the first part under Zerubbabcl in 530 BC, the second under Ezra himself, 458 BC. The events in Est (which were embraced within a period of a few months,) fell in the interval and were connected with neither the first return nor the second. Here again the objector is singularly oblivious of the purpose of the book to which he refers. There is quite as little force; in the citation of Ecclus. In dealing with this time Ben Sira s eye is upon Jerusalem. He magnifies Xerubbabel, "Jesus the son of Josedek," and Nehemiah (49 11-1 3). Even Ezra, to whom Jerusalem and the new Jewish state owed so much, finds no mention. Why, then, should Esther and Mordecai be named who seem to have had no part whatever in rebuilding the sacred city? (. .)) The book is said to display ignorance of the Pers empire in the statement that it was divided into 1127 provinces, whereas Herodotus tells us that it was partitioned into 20 satrapies. But there was no such finality in the number, even of these; great divisions of the empire. Darius in his Behistun inscriptions gives the number as 21, after ward as 23, and in a third enumeration as 2<). Herodotus himself, quoting from a document of UK; time of Xerxes, shows that there were; then about 00 nations under the dominion of Persia. The ob jector has also omit led 1o not ice that the wdfiltnlk ("province") mentioned in Est (1 1) is not a sa trapy but a subdivision of it. Judaea is called a m e dhlnah in Ezr 2 1, and that was only a small portion of the 5th satrapy, that, namely, of Syria., But the time is past for objections of this character. .Recent discoveries have proved the marvelous accuracy of the book. "We find in the Book of Esther," says Lenonnant (Ancient I/ixt of the, Euxl, II, 113), "a most animated picture of the court of the Pers kings, which enables us, better than anything contained in the classical writers, to penetrate the internal life and the details of the organization of the central government established by Darius. /

    These discoveries have removed the discussion to quite another plane- or rather they have ended it. Since (Irotefend in 1802 read the 8. Confir- name of Xerxes in a Pers inscription mations of and found it to be, letter for letter, the Book the Ahasuerus of Est, research has heaped up confirmation of the histori cal character of the book. It has proved, 1o begin with, that the late date suggested for the book can not be maintained. The language belongs to the lime of the Pers dominion. It is marked by the presence of old Pers words, the knowledge of which had passed away by the 2d cent. BC, and has been recovered only through the decipherment of the Pers monuments. The Sept translators were un acquainted with them, and consequently made blunders which have been repeated in our own AV and in other translated s . We read (Est 1 5.0 AV) that "in the court of the garden of the king s palace," "were white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple," etc. As seen in the ruins of Persepolis, a marked feature in the Pers palace of the period was a large space occupied by pillars which were covered with awnings. It may be noted in passing that these were situated, as the book says, in the court of the palace garden. But our knowledge of the recovered Pers compels us now to read: "where was an awning of fine white cotton and violet, fastened with cords of fine white linen and purple." White and blue (or violet) were the royal Pers colors. In accord with this we are told that Mordecai (8 15) "went forth from the presence of the king in royal apparel of blue and



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    white." The highly organized postal system, the king s scribes, the keeping of the chronicles of the kingdom, the rigid and elaborate court customs, arc all characteristic of the Persia of the period. We are told of the decree obtained by Haman that "in the name of King Ahasuerus was it written, and sealed with the king s ring" (or signet). It was not signed but sealed. That was the Pers custom. The seal of Darius, Xerxes father, has been found, and is now in the British Museum. It bears the figure of the king shooting arrows at a lion, and is accompanied by an inscription in Pers, Susian and Assyr: "I, Darius, Great King." The identifica tion of Ahasuerus, made by Grotefend and which subsequent discoveries amply confirmed, placed the book in an entirely new light. As soon as that identification was assured, previous objections were changed into confirmations. In the alleged ex travagances of the monarch, scholars saw then the Xerxes of history. The gathering of the nobles of the empire in "the third year of his reign" (1 3) was plainly the historical assembly in which the Grecian campaign was discussed; and "the seventh year," in which Esther was made queen, was that of his return from Greece. The book implies that Susa was the residence of the Pers kings, and this was so. The proper form of the name as shown by the inscriptions was "Shushan"; "Shushan the Palace" indicates that there were two Susas, which was the fact, and bJrah ("palace") is a Pers word meaning fortress. The surprisingly rigid etiquette, of the palace, to which we have referred, and the danger of entering unbidden the presence, of the king have been urged as proof that the book is a romance. The contrary, however, is the truth. "The palace among the Persians," says Lenormant, "was quite inaccessible to the multitude. A most rigid etiquette guarded all access to the king, and

    made it very difficult to approach him He

    who entered the presence of the king, without having previously obtained permission, was pun ished with death" (Ancient Hi fit of the Knxt, 11, li:}-14 ; cf Herodotus i.99). But a further, and peculiarly conclusive, testimony to the historical character of the book is afforded by the recovery of the palace of Xerxes and Esther. An inscrip tion of Artaxerxes Mnemon found at Susa tells us that it was destroyed by fire in the days of Artaxer xes Longiinanus, the son and successor of Xerxes. Within some 30 years, therefore, from the time of Esther, that palace passed from the knowledge of men. Nevertheless, the references in the book arc; in perfect accord with the plan of the great structure as laid bare by the recent Fr. excavations. We read (ch 4.) that Mordecai, clad in sackcloth, walked in "the broad palace of the city, which was before the king s gate." The ruins show that the House of the Women was on the east side of the palace next to the city, and that a gate led from it into "the street of the city." In 5 1, we read that Esther "stood in the inner court of the king s house, over against the king s house." "The king," we also read, "sat upon his royal throne in the royal house, over against the entrance of the ho