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    LETTER "H"

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    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole OLD TESTAMENT



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      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






    All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

    Letter "H"


    Letter "H"

    HA, ha

      (nn, he ah): In Job 39 25, RV "Aha," of the battle-horse. See AH, AHA.

    HAAHASHTARI, ha-a-hash ta-ri
      Ahashtdral, possibly a corruption of a descendant of Judah (1 Ch 4:6). The name is probably corrupt. If the emendation suggested above is accepted, it means the Ashhurites, and is a description of the preceding names.

    HABAIAH, ha-ba ya,
      HOBAIAH A post-exilic priestly family which was unable to establish its pedigree. "Habaiah" is the form in Ezr 2:51; in the passage (Neh 7:53, AV has "Habaiah," and RV "Ho- baiah"; in the || passage in 1 Esd 5:38, the form

    HABAKKUK, ha-ba' kuk, ha' ba-kuk:
      Tin: AI-THOK

      1. Name

      2. Life Tin; BOOK

      1. (Interpretation of Chs 1 and 2

      2. Contents :i. Style

      4. Integrity Tin: TIME

      1. Date

      2. Occasion ITS TKACHIM;

      1. Universal Supremacy of .It ll

      2. Faithfulness tin 1 Guarantee of Permanency LITERATI m;

      The Author. Habakkuk means "embrace," or "ardent embrace." Some of the. ancient rabbis, connecting the

      1. Name with 2 K 4 1(5, Thou shalt embrace a son," imagined (hat the prophet was the son of the Shunammite woman. The LXX form of the name, Hatnbakowtn, Theod. Hambakouk, presupposes the Heb fmbbiikuk. A similar word occurs in Assyr as the name of a garden plant.

      Practically nothing is known of Habakktik. The bonk bearing his name throws little light upon his life, and the rest of the ( )T is silent

      2. Life concerning him; but numerous legends

      have grown up around his name. The identification of the prophet with the son of the Shunammite woman is one. Another, connecting Isa 21 (5 with Hab 2 1, makes Habakkuk (he watchman set by Isaiah to watch for the fall of Babylon. One of the recensions of the LXX text of Bel declares that the story was taken "from (he prophecy of Habakkuk, the son of Jesus of (he tribe; of Levi."

      This must refer to an unknown apocry phal book ascribed to our prophet . What aut hority then; may be for calling his father Jesus we do not know. The claim that he was of the tribe of Lcvi may be based upon the presence of the musical note at the end of the third chapter. According to the LircH <if the Prophets, ascribed, though perhaps erroneously, (o Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis in Cyprus during (he latter part of the 4th cent.

      AD, he belong- -d to Bcth^ohar, of the tribe of Simeon. A very Interesting story is found in Bel (33-39), according to which Habakkuk, while on his way (o the fi"ld with a bowl of pottage, was taken by an angci, carried to Babylon and placed in the lions den, where Daniel ate the pottage, when Ilabakkuk was returned to his own place. According to the Lii es, Habakkuk died two years before the return of the exiles from Babylon. All these legends have littb or no historical value.

      The Book. It is necessary to consider the in terpretation of chs 1 and 2 before; giving (he contents

      of the book, as a statement of the con- 1. Interpre- tents of these chapters will be deter- tation of mined by their interpretation. The Chs 1 and 2 different interpretations advocated

      may be grouped under three heads: (1) According to the first view: 1 2-4: The cor ruption of Judah; the oppression of the righteous Jews by the wicked Jews, which calls for (he Divine manifestation in judgment against the oppressors.

      1 5-11 : Jeh announces that He is about to send the Chaldaeans to execute judgment. 1 12-17: The prophet is perplexed. Pie cannot, understand how a righteous God can use these barbarians to execute judgment upon a people more righteous than they. He considers even the wicked among (he Jews better than the Chaldaeans. 2 1-4: Jeh solves the per plexing problem by announcing that the exaltation of the Chaldaeans will be but temporary; in the end they will meet their doom, while (he righteous will live. 2^5-20: Woes against the Chaldaeans.

      (2) The second view iinds it necessary to change the present arrangement of the verses 1 5-11; in (heir present position, they will not fit into (he inter pretation. For this reason Wellhausen and others omit these verses as a later addition; on the o(her hand, (liesebrccht would place them before 1 2, as the opening verses of the prophecy. The transpo sition would require a few other minor change s, so as to make the verses a suitable beginning and estab lish a smooth transition from ver 11 to ver 2. Omitting the troublesome verses, the following outline of the two chapters may be given: 1 2-4: The oppression of the righteous Jews by the wicked Chaldaeans. 1 12-17: Appeal to Jeh on behalf of the Jews against their oppressors. 2 1-4: Jeh promises deliverance (see above). 2 5-20: Woes against the Chaldaeans.

      (3) The third view also finds it necessary to alter the present order of verses. Again 1 5-11, in the present position, interferes with the theory; (here- fore, these verses are given a more suitable place after 2 4. According to this interpretation the outline is as follows: 1 2-4: Oppression of the righteous Jews by the wicked Assyrians (Budde) or Egyptians (G. A. Smith). 1 12-17: Appeal to Jeh on behalf of the oppressed against the oppressor.

      2 1-4: Jeh promises deliverance (see above). 1 5-11: The Chaldaeans will be the instrument to execute judgment upon the oppressors and to bring deliverance to the Jews. 2 5-20: Woes against the Assyrians or Egyptians.

      A full discussion of these views is not possible in this article (see Eiselen, Minor Proji/iclx, 406-68). It may be sufficient to say that on the whole the first interpretation, which requires no omission or transposition, seems to satisfy most completely the facts in the case.

      The contents of chs 1 and 2 are indicated in the preceding paragraph. Ch 3 contains a lyrical pas sage called in the title "Prayer." The 2. Contents petitioner speaks for himself and the community. He remembers the mighty works of Jeh for His people; the thought of them causes him to tremble; nevertheless, he calls for a repetition of the ancient manifestations (ver 2). In majestic pictures the poet describes the wonder ful appearances of Jeh in the past (vs 3-11) for His chosen people (vs 12-15). The remembrance of these manifestations fills the Psalmist with fear and trembling, but also with joy and confidence in the God of his salvation (vs 16-19).



    Letter "H"

    Only the Hcb student can get an adequate idea

    of the literary excellence of the Book of Hah. "The

    literary power of Habakkuk," says

    3. Style Driver, i.s considerable. Though his

    book is a brief one, it is full of force; his descriptions are graphic and powerful; thought and expression are alike poetic; he is still a master of the old classical style, terse, parallclistio, preg nant; there is no trace of the often prosaic dif fusiveness which manifests itself in the writings of Jeremiah and E/okiel. And if eh 3 be his, he is, moreover, a lyric poet of high order; the grand imagery and the rhythmic flow of this ode will bear comparison with some of the finest productions of the Hob muse."

    More than half of the book, including 1 5-11; 2 9-20, and ch 3 entire, has been denied to the

    prophet Habakkuk. If the prophecy

    4. Integrity is rightly interpreted (see above), no

    valid reason for rejecting 1 5-11 can be found. Vs 9 20 of ch 2 are denied to Habakkuk chiefly on two grounds: (1) The "woes" are said to ho in part, at least, unsuitable, if supposed to be addressed to the Chakiaean king. This difficulty vanishes when it is borne in mind thai the king is not addressed as an individual, but- as representing the policy of the nation, as a personification of the nation. (2) Some parts, osp. vs 12 14, "consist largely of citations and reminiscences of other pas sages, including some late ones" (of ver 12 with Mie 3 10; ver 13 ‘‘ith Jer 51 5X; ver 14 with Isa 11 9; ver 1C>I> with Jer 25 1.1. Hi; vs 1S-20 with Isa 44 9 If; 46 (i. 7; Jer 10 1- 1(5). Aside from the fact that the argument from literary parallels is always precarious, in this case the resemblances are few in number and of such general character that they do not necessarily presuppose literary dependence. Ch 3 is denied to the prophet even more pcrsislently, but the arguments are by no moans conclusive. The fact that the chapter be longs to the psalm literature does not prove a late date unless it is assumed, without good reasons, that no psalms originated in the preexilic period. Nor do the historical allusions, which are altogether vague, the style, the relation to other writers, and the character of the religious ideas expressed, point necessarily to a late date. The only doubtful verses are 16 f f, which seem to allude 1 to a calamity other than the invasion of the Chaldaeans; and Driver says, not without reason, "Had the poet boon writing under the pressure of a hostile inva sion, the invasion itself would naturally have been expected to form a prominent feature in this pic ture." Hence, while it may be impossible to prove that Ilahakkuk is the author of the prayer, it is equally impossible to prove the contrary; and while there are a few indications which seem to point to a si (nation different from that of Habakkuk, they are by no means definite 1 enough to exclude the possibility of Habakkuk s authorship.

    ‘. The Time. The question of date is closely bound up ^ i h that of interpretation. Buddo, on the theory that the oppressors, throat- 1. Date ened with destruction, are the Assyr ians (see above, 3), dates the prophecy 621 to 615 BC. ( .ranting that the Assyrians are in the mind of the prophet, the date suggested by Betteridge (.!./ V, _ 1903, 674 If), 701 BC, is to be preferred; but if the Assyrians are not the op pressors, then with the Assyrians fall the dates proposed by Buddo and Betteridge. If the proph ecy is directed against Egypt, we are shut up to a very definite period, between 60S and 604 BC, for the Egyp .supremacy in Judah continued during these years only. If the Egyptians an; not the oppressors, another date will have 1 to be sought. If the 1 Chaldae-ans are the; empivssors of Judah, the 1

    prophecy must be assigned to a elate subsequent to the battle of Carehe-mish in 605-604, fe>r only after the elofoat of the Egyptians cemld the> Chaldaeans carry out a polie-y of wetrld ce>n<iuost ; and it was some; ye-ars after that event that the Chaldaeans first came into direct contact with Judah. But on this theory, 1 2-4. 12 if; 2 8 ff, prosuppeise^ the lapse of a considerable period of e onquest, the 1 sub- eluing of many nations, the cruel oppression of Judah fen- some length of time; the rofejro, Nenvack is undoubtedly oorm-t, on this theory, in bringing the 1 pn>pheey down to a poriexl subsequent te> the first exile in "597, or, as he says, "in round numbers about 590 BC."

    A different date must be sought if 1 2-4 is inte-r- preted as referring to the oppression of Jews by Je-ws, and 1 5 IT, as a threat that Je h will raise up the Chaldaeans, already known as a nation thirsting fe>r blood, to punish the 1 wickedness of Judah. These 1 verse s weiuld seem to inelicale (1) that the Chaldaeans hael ne>t yet come into dire>ct contact with Judah, and (2) that they had alroaely give ii exhibitions of the e rnel oharae-tor e>f their warfare. Nebuchadnezzar aelvane-.e-el against Judah about 600 BC; but the years since the fall of Nineveh, in 607-606, and the battle of Carohe-mish, in 005- 604, hael given abundant opportunity to the Chal daeans to reveal their true e-harae ter, and to the prophet and his contemporaries to become acquaint ed with this crue-1 successeir of Ninove-h. On this theory, therefore 1 , the prophetic activity of Habak kuk must be 1 assigned to shortly befeiiv 600 BC.

    If Habakkuk prophesied about 600 BC, he live el uneler King Johoiakim. The pious anel we ll-moan- ing Jeisiah hael boe ii slain in an atte inpt 2. Occasion to ste>p the advance of Egypt against Assyria. With his ele-ath the brie f eTa eif re-form came te> an end. After a reign e>f three memths Jehoahaz was depe>sed by Pharaoh- ne-ooh, who place el Jehoiakim on the throne. The latter was se lfish, tyrannical anel geielle-ss. In a short time the deplorable conditions of Manasseh s reign returned. It was this situation that e-aused the prophet s first perplexity: "O Je h, how king shall I cry. and them wilt ne>t hear? 1 cry out unto thoe e>f vioh nce, anel thou wilt not save " (1 2).

    IV. Its Teaching. In the Book of Hal) a ne-w type of prophecy appears. The prophets we re 1 pri marily prewhe-rs anel teachers of ivligiem and ethics. They addre sse-d thornse-lves to their fellow-country men in an attempt to win the in back te) Je h and a righteous life. Not so Habakkuk. He: aeldrosses. himse lf to Je h, questioning the justie e- e>r eve-n the reality of the Divine I mvielonoo. He 1 makes com plaint to God and expostulates with Him. The pmphet Habakkuk, theTofore, is a forerunner of the author of the- Beiok of Job. As a wlwle 1 , his boe>k is the fruit e)f religious reflect iem. It exhibits t he- communings and e|iie st ionings e>f his soul repro- se ntative, noelonbt,of many other piems spirits of the time with CJoel; anel records the 1 answers whie-h the Spirit of Goel taught him for his own sake anel for the sake of tried semis in eve iy age."

    Habakkuk has hern called the prophe-t of faith. He possessed a strong, living faith in Jeh; but he, like many other piems souls, was trouble-d anel per plexed by the 1 apparent inequalities of life 1 . He found it difficult to reconcile those with his lofty oone-e-ption of Jeh. Nevertheless, he eleu-s not sulk. Be>ldly he pivsi iits his perplexities to Je h who pe>ints the; way to a solution, and the prophet comes forth from his trouble with a faith stronger and me>re inte-nso than over. It is in connection with his attempts 1e> solve the perplexing problems raised by the unpunished sins of his countrymen and the- unlimite el success of the Chaldaeans that Habakkuk give s utterance to twe> sublime truths:



    Letter "H"

    (1) Jeh is interested not only in Israel. Though Habakkuk, like the other prophets, believes in a

    special Divine Providence over Israel,

    1. The he is equally convinced that Jeh s Universal rule embraces the whole earth; the Supremacy destinies of all the nations are in His of Jeh hand. The Chaldaeans are punished

    not merely for their sins against Judah, but for the oppression of other nations as well. Being the only God, He cannot permit the worship of other deities. Temporarily the Chaldaeans may worship idols, or make might their god, they may "sacrifice unto their net," and burn incense "unto their drag," because by them "their portion is fat, and their food plenteous"; but Jeh is from ever lasting, the Holy One, and He will attest His su premacy by utterly destroying the boastful con queror with his idols.

    (2) The second important truth is expressed in 2 4: "The righteous shall live by his faith" (ARVm

    "faithfulness"). Faithfulness assures

    2. Faithful- permanency. The thought expressed ness the by the prophet is not identical with Guarantee that expressed by the apostle who of Per- quotes the words (Gal 3 11); nevc-r- manency theless, the former also gives expression

    to a truth of profound significance. "Faithfulness" is with the prophet an external thing; it, signifies integrity, fidelity, stedfastness under all provocations; but this implies, in a real sense, the NT conception of faith as an active principle of right conduct. A living faith deter mines conduct ; religion and ethics go hand in hand, and esp. in the hour of adversity a belief in Jeh and unflinching reliance upon Him are the strongest preservers of iidelity and integrity. Faith without works is dead; faith expresses itself in life. Habakkuk places chief emphasis upon the expres sions of faith, and he does so rightly; but in doing this he also calls attention, by implication at least, to the motive power behind the external manifesta tions. As an expression of living faith, 3 17-1 ( J is not surpassed in the OT.

    LiTERATrnK. Commentaries on the Minor Prophets by K ‘‘vald, 1 uscy, Keil, Orelli, O. A. Smith (Expositor s Bible), Driver (‘‘ew Century liilih-), Kiselen; A. B. David son, Co rum. >ni " Nah," " Hab," "Zcph" (( (imhriilur Jiilili ) ; A. K. Kirkpatrick, Doctrini of the Prophets; F. O. Kiselen, I ruphfry and tin: Prnjihi-tx; F. ‘‘V. Karrar. Minor I rn]ik- ets ("Men of tho Bible"); Driver, LOT; I1DB, art. "Habakkuk"; EB, art. "Habakkuk."



    HABAZINIAH (rPlSinn , hnbha^inijah. Thus in AV, but more correctly as in RV IIABAZZ1NIAI1, hab-a-zi-nl a [Jer 35 3]): The grandfather of Jaa- xaniah, who was the leader of the Rechabites who were tested by Jeremiah as to their obedience to their ancestor s command with reference to wine. Their loyalty to the commands of Jonadab was effectively used by Jeremiah in an appeal to the people of Judah to obey the words of Jeh.

    HABERGEON, hab er-jun, ha-bur jun, AV (tf^nn, tahnra ): In RV, Ex 28 32; 39 23, etc, "coat of mail"; in Job 41 20, "pointed shaft," in "coat of mail." See ARMS, ARMOR.

    HABITATION, hab-i-ta shun: Properly a place of sojourn or dwelling. The term in AV represent ing some; 16 Heb words (moshubh, md*on, mishkan, Tidtr/ h, etc), and 5 Gr words, is variously changed in certain passages in RV, as Gen 49 5, "swords"; Lev 13 41), "dwelling"; Job 5 2-1; Jer 25 3()/>. 37, "fold"; Ps- 89 14; 97 2, etc, "foundation"; Ps 132 5, "tabernacle"; Lk 16 <>, "tabernacles,"

    etc. Conversely, "habitation" appears in RV for AV "dwelling place" in 2 Ch 30 27; Ps 79 7, "house"; Ps 83 12; 2 Cor 5 2, "tabernacle," Acts 7 46, etc. See HOUSE. JAMES OKU

    HABOR, ha bor ("VOn , habhor; AfiAp, Hnbor,

    AfSicop, Habiur; Isidor of Charax, Aburtm [ Apovpds],

    Zosias, Aboras} . Is described in 2 K

    1. ItsPo- 17 6; 18 11 (cf 1 Ch 5 20) as "the sition and river of Gozan." It is the Arab. Course Khabur, and flows in a southerly di

    rection from several sources in the mountains of Karaj Ddgh (Mons Mastus), which, in the 37th parallel, flanks the valley of the Tigris on the W. The river ultimately joins the Euphrates after receiving its chief tributary, the Jaghjagha iSu (Mygdonius), at Circesium (Kirkisiych). The

    meaning of its name is doubtful, but

    2. Ety- Delitzsch has suggested a Sumcrian mologies of etymology, namely, fjnbitr, "the h sh- Habor waterway," or it may be connected

    with "mother Hubur," a descriptive title of Tiamat (see MERODACH; RAHAB). Lay- ard found several interesting Assyrian remains

    in the district, including man-headed

    3. Histori- bulls bearing the name of Muses- cal Refer- Ninip, possibly an Assyr governor. ences Tiglath-pileser I (c 1120 BC) boasts

    of having killed 10 mighty elephants in Haran and on the banks of the Habor; and Assur- nasir-apli (c SSO BC), after conquering Ilarsit (Harrit, Ilarmis), subjugated the tract around piate, sa ndr Hubur, "the mouths of the Habor." According to 2 K and 1 Ch, Shalmaneser IV and Sargon transported the exiled Israelites thither. Philological considerations exclude the identificat ion of the Chebar of Ezk 1 3, etc, with the Habor.


    HACALIAH, hak-a-ll a (H^?n , hakhalyah, mean ing doubtful, perhaps "wait for Jeh"; AV Hachaliah): Father of Nehemiah (Neh 1 1 ; 10 1).

    HACHILAH,ha-kl la, hak i-la, HILL OF (nb^?n, h&khllah): A hill in the wilderness of Judah, asso ciated with the wanderings of David. It is stated (1 S 23 19) to be "on the S. of the desert" (or Jeshimon),and (1 S 26 1) to be "before [on the front (i.e. edge) of] the desert." It was near Ziph and Maon. The only plausible hypothesis is that it is represented by the ridge Dhahrct d-Kuluh in the wilderness of Ziph, toward the desert of En-gedi (PEF, 111,313, ShXXIJ.

    HACHMONI, hak-mo nl, hak mo-nl, or probably HACHMONITE p:i^2n , hakhmuni, "wise-"): The same word is rendered "Hachmoni," a proper name, in 1 Ch 27 32 and "a Hachmonite" in 1 Ch 11 11. The form of the Heb word suggests that the latter tr should be adopted in both passages, and that it describes the warrior in one case, and the com panion or tutor of David s sons in the other, as a member of a certain family a Hachmonite of which nothing further is known. 2 S 23 S, "Josheb-basshebeth a Tahchemonite," bears the marks of a corrupt text, and should be || with 1 Ch 11 11 so far as the name goes, reading "Jashobcam the Hachmonite." So Klostcrmann, Driver, Well- hausen, Budde, etc. GEORGE RICE HOVEY

    HADAD, ha dad:

    (1) O"D , hadhddh, "sharpness"): One of the

    twelve sons of Ishmael (Gen 25 15, where AV,

    j following a mistake in Heb text, has "Hadar"; but

    "Hadad" is found in 1| passage 1 Ch 1 30; RV reads

    "Iladad" in both places).



    Letter "H"

    (2) ("H , ha<Ui<uUi} : A king of Edom, son of Be- dad (On 36 35.3C. 1 Ch 1 4(>.47), "who smote 1 Midiun in the field of Moab," and whose 1 "city was Avith."

    (3) Another king of Edom, written "Iladar" in 36 3 ( . by a copyist s mistake, but "Hadad" in the j| passage 1 Ch 1 50.51. His city was Pan or Pai.

    (4) A member of the royal family of Edom in David s time, who as a child escaped .loab s slaugh ter of IheEdomites, andtled to Egypt. On David s death he returned to Edom, where lie made trouble for Solomon by stirring up the 1 Edomites against the rule of Israel (1 K 11 14-22.25).

    (a) The supreme god of Syria, whose name is found in Scripture in the names of Syrian kings, Benhadad, Hadadezer. The god Hadad ( = pcr- haps, "maker of loud noise") is mentioned in Assyr inscriptions, and called on the monolith of Shal- maneser "the god of Aleppo." In the Assyr in scriptions he is identified witli the air-god Rammon or Rimmon. The union of the two names in Zee 12 11 suggests this identity, though Hie reference is uncertain, some regarding Iladadrimmon as tin* name of a, place, others as the name of the god "Hadad [is] Rimmon." The name "Hadad" is found in various other forms: Adad, Dadu, and Dadda. See A. H. Sayce in IJDH s.v. "Hadad."


    HADADEZER, had-ad-e zer ("iTi Tjn , ha- dlmWczir; so 2 S 8; 1 K 11 23, but "ITirTTn, h(ulhnr’’ zcr, 2 S 10; 1 Ch 18): Mentioned in con nection with David s wars of conquest. (2 S 8 3 ff; 2 S 10 1-19; 1 Ch 18 3ffJ; was king of Zobah in Syria. The exact position and size of this Syrian principality are uncertain, but it seems to have ex tended in David s time southward toward Ammon and eastward to the Euphrates. When the Am monites had put themselves in the wrong with David by the insult done to his ambassadors (2 S 10 1-5) they summoned to their aid against- the incensed king of Israel the Syrians of various ad joining principalities, among them the Syrians of Zobah under Hadadezer, the sou of Rehob. The strategy of Joab, who set the force under command of Abishai his brother in array against the Ammon ites, and himself attacked the Syrian allies, won for Israel a decisive victory. Not content with this result, Hadadezer gathered together another Syrian force, summoning this time also "the Syrians that, were beyond the River" (2 S 10 l(i), with Shobaeh the captain of his host at their head. On i his occa sion David himself took command of the Israelitish forces, and again defeated them near Helam, Sho baeh being left dead on the field. Hadadezer and his Syrian vassals, finding resistance hopeless, "made peace with Israel, and served them" (2 S 10 19). For the name Hadad- or Hadarezer, see BENHADAD.

    LITERATURE. "SVinckler. Geschicfitt It<r<i<lx. I, 137 tT; McCurely. 111 M, ~ t>4; Maspcro, Tin Strmjyle uf the Nations, 731.

    T. NICOL

    HADADRIMMON, ha-dad-rim on, had-ad-rim - on ("jTE"! ">"D, hfiilluKlh rinnndit): A name which occurs, along with Megiddon, in Zee 12 11. It was long thought that this was a place in the plain of Megiddo, and that the mourning referred to was that for Josiah, slain in battle with Pharaoh- necoh (2 K 23 29). This last, however, was certainly at Jerus. Jerome (Connn. on Zee) identi fies Iladadrimmon with Maximianopolis, a village near Jezreel, probably Legio, the ancient Megiddo. Possibly, however, the form "Iladadrimmon" has arisen through the combination of two divine names; and the weeping may be that for Tammuz (Ezk 8

    14), with whom the old Sem deity had become con fused in the popular mind. W. EWING

    HADAR, ha dar (Gen 36 39). See HADAD (3). HADAREZER, had-ar-e zer. See HADADKZER.

    HADASHAH, ha-da sha, had a-sha (ntthn , hadhas/tah, "new"): A town in the Shephelah of Judah, named with Zenan and Migdal-gad (Josh 15 37). According to the Mish (*Erubhln, v. 6), it was the smallest town in Judah. It is not identified.

    HADASSAH, ha-das a (nB"in , hudhn^ah, "myrtle"): The Heb name (Est 2 7) formerly borne by ESTIIKII (q.v.).

    HADATTAH, ha-dat a new"): See HA/OK.


    HADES, ha dez ("AiST]s, 7/rm/r.s, a8r|s, ha tdcs, "not to be seen"): Hades, Clr originally Haidou, in genitive, "the house of Hades," then, as nomina tive 1 , designation of the abode of the dead itself. The 1 word occurs in the NT in Mt 11 23 (|| Lk 10 15); 16 IS; Lk 16 23; Acts 2 27.31; Rev 1 IX; 6 S; 20 13 f. It is also found in TR 1 Cor 15 55, but here the correct reading i Tischendorf, ‘‘VH, RV) is probably Tlinnnli , "() Death," instead of Ildiili; "O Hades." A’’ renders "Hades" by "hell" in all instances except 1 Cor 15 55, where it puts "grave" (in "hell") in dependence on Hos 13 14. R V everywhere has "Hades."

    In the 1 LXX Hades is the standing equivalent

    for Sheol, but also translates other terms associated

    with death and the state 1 after it.

    1. In OT: The (Ir conception of Hades was that Sheol of a locality receiving into itself all the:

    dead, but divided into two regions, one a place of torment, the other e>f blessedness. This conception should not be rashly transferred to the NT, for the 1 latter stands not under the in fluence of Clr pagan belief, but gives a teaching and reflects a belief which moele>l their idea of Haeles upon the 1 <)T through the LNX. The OT Sheol, while formally resembling the 1 Cir Hade s in that it is the common receptacle of all the elead, differs from it, on the one 1 hand, by the absenceof a clearly de fined division inte> two parts, and, on the other hand, by the 1 emphasis placed on its association with death and the grave as abnormal facts following in the wake 1 of sin. The OT thus concentrates the partial light it throws on the state after death on the nega tive, undesirable side 1 of the prospect apart from redemption. When in the progress of OT revela- tiem the state after eleath begins to assume more definite features, and becomes more sharply differ entiated in dependence on the religious and moral issue 1 of the present life, this is ne>t accomplished in the 1 canonical writings (otherwise; in the apocalyptic literature) by dividing Sheol inte> two compart- me-nts, but by holding forth to the righteous the promise of deliverance from Sheol, so that the latter becomes more definitely outlined as a place of evil and punishment.

    The NT passages mark a distinct stage in this

    process, and there is, accordingly, a true basis

    in Scripture for the identification in a

    2. In NT: certain aspect of She>ol Hades with Hades hell as reflected in AV. The theory

    according to which Hades is still in the NT the undifferentiated provisional abode of all the; dead until the day of judgment, with the possibility of ultimate salvation even for those of its inmates who have not been saved in this life, is neither in



    Letter "H"

    harmony with the above development nor borne out by the facts of NT usage. That dead believers abide in a local Hades cannot be proven from 1 Thess 4 lb ; 1 Cor 15 23, for these passages refer to the grave and the body, not to a gathering-place of the dead. On the other hand Lk 23 43; 2 Cor 5 6-8; Phil 1 23; Rev 69; 7 9 ff ; 15 2 ff teach that the abode of believers immediately after death is with Christ and God.

    It is, of course, a different matter, when Hades, as

    not unfrequently already the OT Sheol, designates

    not the place of the dead but the state

    3. Acts of death or disembodied existence. In 2 : 27. 31 this sense even the soul of Jesus was in

    Hades according to Peter s statement (Acts 2 27.31 on the basis of Ps 16 10). Here the abstract sense is determined by the parallel expression, "to see corruption." None the less from a comparatively early date this passage has been quoted in support of the doctrine of a local descent of Christ into Hades.

    The same abstract meaning is indicated for Rev 20 13. Death and Hades are here represented as

    delivering up the dead on the eve of

    4. Rev 20: the final judgment. If this is more 13; 6:8; than a poetic duplication of terms, 1:18 Hades will stand for the personified

    state of death, Death for the personi fied cause of this state. The personifical ion appears plainly from ver 14: "Death and Hades were cast into the lake of fire." In the number of these "dead" delivered up by Hades, believers are included, because, even on the chiliastic interpretation of vs 4-t), not all the saints share in the first resurrection, but only those "beheaded for the testimony of Jesus, and for the word of God," i.e. the martyrs. A similar personifying combination of Death and Hades occurs in Rev 6 8 ("a pale horse: and he that sat upon him. his name was Death; and Hades followed with him"). In Rev 1 18, on the other hand, Death and Hades are represented as prisons from which Christ, in virtue of His own resurrec tion, has the power to deliver, a representation which again implies that in some, not necessarily local, sense believers also are kept in Hades.

    In distinction from these passages when the ab stract meaning prevails and the local conception is in abeyance, the remaining references

    5. Lk 16:23 are more or less locally conceived. Of

    these Lk 16 23 is the only one which might seem to teach that recipients of salvation enter after death into Hades as a place of abode. It has been held that Hades is here the compre hensive designation of the locality where the dead reside, and is divided into two regions, "the bosom of Abraham" and the place of torment, a representa tion for which Jewish parallels can be quoted, aside from its resemblance to the Gr bisection of Hades. Against this view, however, it may be urged, that, if "the bosom of Abraham" were conceived as one of the two divisions of Hades, the other division would have been named with equal concreteness in connection with Dives. In point of fact, the dis tinction is not between "the bosom of Abraham" and another place, as both included in Hades, but between "the bosom of Abraham" and Hades as antithetical and exclusive. The very form of the description of the experience of Dives: "In Hades he lifted up his eyes, being in torments," leads us to associate Hades as such with pain and punishment. The passage, therefore, does not prove that the saved are after death in Hades. In further esti mating its bearing upon the problem of the local conditions of the disembodied life after death, the parabolic character of the representation must be taken into account. The parable is certainly not intended to give us topographical information about

    the realm of the dead, although it presupposes that there is a distinct place of abode for the righteous and wicked respectively.

    The two other passages where Hades occurs in

    the teaching of Our Lord (Mt 11 23 || Lk 10 15;

    and Mt 16 18) make a metaphorical

    6. Mt 11:23 use of the conception, which, however,

    is based on the local sense. In the former utterance it is predicted of Capernaum that it shall in punishment for its unbelief "go down unto Hades." As in the OT Sheol is a figure for the greatest depths known (Dt 32 22; Isa 7 11; 57 9; Job 11 8; 26 G), this seems to be a figure for the extreme of humiliation to which that city was to be reduced in the course 1 of history. It is true, ver 24, with its mention of the day of judgment, might, seem to favor an eschatological reference to the ultimate doom of the unbelieving inhabitants, but the usual restrict ion of Hades to the punishment of the intermediate state (see below) is against this. In the other passage 1 , Mt 16 18, Jesus declares that the gates of Hades shall not katischtiein the

    church He intends to build. The

    7. Mt 16:18 vb. kalixclim ht. may be rendered, "to

    overpower" or "to surpass." If the former be adopted, the figure implied is that of Hades as a stronghold of the power of evil or death from which warriors stream forth to assail the church as the realm of life. On t he oilier rendering there is no reference to any conflict between Hades and the church, the point of comparison being merely the strength of the church, the gates of Hades, i.e. the realm of death, serving in common parlance as a figure of the greatest, conceivable strength, because they never allow to escape what has once entered through them.

    The above survey of the passages tends to show that Hades, where it is locally conceived, is not a provisional receptacle for all the dead, but plainly associated with the punishment of the wicked. Where it comes under considerat ion for the righteous there is nothing to indicate a local sense. On 1 Pet 3 19; 4 6 (where, however, the word "Hades" does not occur), see arts. ESCIIATOLOGY OF TIIK NT; SPIRITS IN PRISON.

    The element of truth in the theory of the pro visional character of Hades lies in this, that the NT never employs it in connection

    8. Not a with the final state of punishment, as Final State subsequent to the last judgment. For

    this GEHKNNA (q.v.) and other terms are used. Dives is represented as being in Hades immediately after his death and while his brethren are still in this present life. Whether the implied differentiation between stages of punishment, de pending obviously on the difference between the disembodied and reembodied state of the lost, also carries with itself a distinction between two places of punishment, in other words whether Hades and Gehenna are locally distinct , t he evidence is scarcely .sufficient to determine. The NT places the em phasis on the eschatological developments at the end, and leaves many things connected with the inter mediate state in darkness. GEERIIARDUS Vos

    HADID, ha did (""Hf! , hadhldh) : A city in Ben jamin (Neh 11 33 f) named with Lod and Ono (Ezr 2 33; Neh 7 37), probably identical with Adida (LXX AdiSd, Hddidd) of 1 Mace 12 38; 13 13, "over against the plain," which was fortified by Simon Maccabaeus. It is represented by the modern el-IIadltheh, about 3 miles N.E. of Lydda.

    HADLAI, had ll, had la-i fbin , hadhlay, "rest ing"): An Ephraimite (2 Ch 28 12), father of Amasa, who was one of the heads of the tribe in the time of Pekah, king of Israel.



    Letter "H"

    HADORAM, ha-do ram (ETin , hn<lhOrdm): (‘‘) Son of Joktan and apparently u th in descent from Noah (Gen 10 27 jj 1 Ch 1 21).

    (2) Son of Ton, king of Haniath, sent by his father with presents to King David (1 Ch 18 10). In 2 S 8 .).!(), written probably incorrectly "Jo rum," "son of Toi.

    (3) Rehohoam s superintendent of the forced labor department (2 Ch 10 18), called Adorum 1 K 12 18, a contraction of ADONIRAM (which see). He was sent by Rehoboam as messenger to Israel at the time of the revolt of the ten tribes and was stoned to death by them. GEORGE RICK HOVEY

    HADRACH, ha drak, had rak (Trill, hadh- rdkh): "The land of Hudruch" is mentioned only once in Scripture (Zee 9 1), and there it is grouped with Damascus, Hamath, Tyre and Sidon. It may be safely identified with the "Ilatarikka" of the Assyr inscriptions, against which Assur-dan 111 made expeditions in his 1st (772 BC), 8th and iSth years. It also appears in inscriptions of Tiglath- pileser III. They place it in the N. of Lebanon.

    HAGAB, ha gab p:n , hughubh, "locust"): An cestor of some of the Nethinim who returned from the Hal) captivity with Zerubbabel and Nehemiah. The name occurs second after Hagabah in E/r 2 4(>, but is omitted entirely from the list of Neh 1 48.

    HAGABA, ha-ga ba, hag u-bu (X3?n , h&ghdbhu ) : Same as the following (Neh 1 48).

    HAGABAH, ha-ga ba, hag a-bii (rCDn, hagha- bhdh, "locust"): Like Hagab, an ancestor of some of the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerubbubel (E/r 2 45); spelled Hugabu in the || passage (Neh 1 48).

    HAGAR, hu gur P^H , fidghdr, "emigration," "flight"; A-ydp, Haytir, "A-yap, Agnr): An Egyp woman, the handmaid or slave of Surai; a present, perhaps, from Pharaoh when Abram dissembled to him in Egypt (Gen 12 1(>). Mention is made of her in two passages (Gen 16; 21 8-21).

    In the first narrative (Gen 16) it is related that

    Sarai, despairing at her age of having children,

    gave Hagar to Abram as a concubine.

    1. The As Hagar was not an ordinary house- Scornful hold slave but the peculiar property of Handmaid her mistress (cf 29 24.29), any "olT- and Her spring which she might bear to Abram Flight would be reckoned as Sarai s (cf 30

    3-9). In the prospect of becoming a mother, Hagar, forgetting her position, seems to have assumed an insolent bearing toward her child less mistress. Sarai felt keenly the contempt shown her by her handmaid, and in angry tones brought her conduct before Abram. Now that her plan was not working out smoothly, she unfairly blamed her husband for what originated with herself, and appealed to Heaven to redress her grievance. Abram refused to interfere in the domestic quarrel, and renouncing his rights over his concubine, ami her claims on him, put her entirely at Sarai s dis posal. Under the harsh treatment of her mistress Hagar s life became intolerable, and she fled into the wilderness, turning her steps naturally toward Egypt, her native land.

    But the angel of Jeh (who is here introduced for the first time as the medium of the theophany)

    appeared to her as she was resting by

    2. Her a spring and commanded her to return Vision and and submit herself to her mistress, Return promising her an innumerable seed

    through her unborn son, concerning whom he uttered a striking prediction (see ISH-

    MAEL). To the angel (who is now said to be Jeh Himself) Hagar gave the name "Thou art a (iod of seeing" (HV "that seeth"), for she said, "Have 1 even here [in the desert where God, whose manifestations were supposed to be confined to particular places, might not be expected to reveal Himself] looked after him that seeth rne?" the meaning being that while God saw her, it was only while the all-seeing God in the person of His angel was departing that she became conscious of His presence. The spring where the angel met with her was called in Heb tradition B e er-lahay-ro l l, "the well of the living one who seeth me" (RVm).

    Obedient to the heavenly vision Hagar returned, as the narrative implies, to her mistress and gave birth to Ishmael, Abram being then eighty-six years old.

    The idea in ver 13 is not very clearly expressed. The word tr l1 "here" generally means "hither," and there is no explanation of the "living one" in the name of the well. It has therefore been proposed to emend the Heb text and read "Have 1 even seen God, and lived after my seeing?" an allusion to the belief that no one could "see God and live" (cf Gen 32 30; Ex 33 20). But there are diffi culties in the way of accepting this emendation. The name of God, "a God of seeing," would require to be interpreted in an objective sense as "a God who is seen," and the consequent name of the well, "He that seeth me liveth," would make God, not Hagar, as in ver 13, the speaker.

    The other narrative (Gen 21 8-21) relates what

    occurred in connection with the weaning of Isaac.

    The presence and conduct of Ishmael

    3. Her during the family feast held on the Harsh Ex- occasion roused the anger and jealousy pulsion and of Sarah who, fearing that Ishmael Divine would share the inheritance with Help Isaac, peremptorily demanded the

    expulsion of the slave-mother and her son. But the instincts of Abraham s fatherly heart recoiled from such a cruel course, and it was only after the revelation was made to him that the ejection of Hagar and her son would be in the line of the Divine purpose for Isaac was his real seed, while Ishmael would be made a nation too that he was led to forego his natural feelings and accede to Sarah s demand. So next morning the bond woman and her son were sent, forth with the bare provision of bread and a skin of water into the wilderness of Beersheba. When the water was spent, Hagar, unable to bear the sight of her boy dying from thirst, laid him under a shrub and with drew the distance of a bowshot to weep out her sorrow. But the angel of God, calling to her out of heaven, comforted her with the assurance that God had heard the voice of the lad and that there was a great future before him. Then her eyes were opened to discover a well of water from which she filled the skin and gave her son to drink. With God s blessing the lad grew up amid the desert s hardships, distinguished for his skill with the bow. He made his home in the wilderness of Paran, and his mother took a wife for him out of her own country.

    The life and experience of Hagar teach, among other truths, the temptations incident to a new posi tion; the foolishness of hasty action

    4. Practical in times of trial and difficulty; the Lessons care exercised over the lonely by the from the all-seeing God; the Divine purpose History in the life of everyone, however ob scure and friendless; how God works

    out His gracious purposes by seemingly harsh methods; and the strength, comfort and encour agement that ever accompany the hardest expe riences of His children.



    Letter "H"

    5. Critical Points in the Documents

    Oh 16 belongs to .1 (except vs 1(7.3.15 f which are from P), and 21 8-21 to K. From the nature of the variations in the narratives many critics hold that wo have here two dilroront accounts of t he same incident. Hut the narratives as they stand seem to ho quite distinct, the. one referring to Hagar s flight before the birth of Islimacl, and the other to her ex- , )ulsion at tlu , W( . aniiu , of ls;uu .. lt is

    sai(j, however, that K represents Ishmael as a child "playing" (IlVm, LXX miiCm-, i><ii:<>nin) with Isaac at the weaning festival, and young enough to be carried by his mother and "cast" under a shrub; while according to P (16 1<>; 21 . r >), as a child was weaned at the age of two or three years, lie would be a lad of sixteen at that time. The argument for the double narrative here does not seem conclusive. The word infynhek (ver 9) does not necessarily mean "playing" when used absolutely; it is so used in ch 19 14, evidently in the sense of "mocking" or "jesting," and Delitzsch gives it that meaning there. Then as to ver 14, the MT does not state that the child was put on her shoulder, although the LXX does; nor does "cast" (ver 15) so "clearly imply" that Ishmael was an infant carried by his mother (cf Mt 15 30). It may be added that the words yeli ilh and nn nr, ti-J "child" and "lad" respec tively, determine nothing as to age, as they are each used elsewhere in both senses.

    In (lal 4 21 ff St. Paul makes an allegorical use of this episode in the history of Ishmael and Isaac; to support his argument for the transi- 6. Allegor- tory character of the Jewish ritual and ical Use of the final triumph of Christian freedom the Story over all Judaizing tendencies. In by St. Paul elaborating his reference, the apostle inst it utes a series of contrasts. Hagar, the bondwoman, represents the old covenant which was given from iMt. Sinai; and as Ishmael was Abraham s son after the flesh, so the Judaizing Christians, who wish to remain in bondage to the law, are Ilagar s children. On the other hand, Sarah, the freewoman, represents the new cove nant instituted by Christ; and as Isaac was born to Abraham in virtue of the promise, so the Chris tians who have freed themselves entirely from the law of carnal ordinances and live by faith are Sarah s children. Thus Hagar corresponds to "the Jerus that now is," that is, the Jewish state which is in spiritual bondage with her children; while Sarah represents "the Jerus that is above," "our mother" (RY), the mother of us Christians, that free spiritual city to which Christians even now belong (Phil 3 20). By this allegory the apostle would warn the Galatian Christians of the danger which beset them from their Judaizing brethren, of their subjection to the covenant of works and their ultimate expulsion from the household of faith.

    To us St . Paul s reference does not appeal with the same force as it would do to those to whom he was writing. The incident taken by itself, indeed, does not contain any suggestion of such a hidden mean ing. Yet the history of the Heb nation is but typi cal of the history of the church in all ages, and the apostle s familiarity with rabbinical modes of inter pretation may have led him to adopt this method of confirming the truth which he had already proved from the law itself.

    For a discussion of the text and interpretation of Gal 4 25(7, "Now this Ilagar is mount Sinai in Arabia," and an account of Philo s allegory of Hagar and Sarah, see Light foot s notes at the end of ch iv in his Conun. on Gal. JAMKS CKICHTON

    HAGARENES, ha gar-enz, HAGARITES, ha - gar-its. See HACJKITKS.

    HAGERITE, ha ger-it fi:n , hnghn). See HAGRITES.

    HAGGADA, ha-ga da. See TALMUD.

    HAGGAI, hag a-I, hag a-i pan , haggny, an adj. formed from }n , hagh, "feast") : The word "Haggai"

    may mean "festal," the prophet having been born

    perhaps on a festival day; cf the Rom name

    "Festus." Heb proper names were

    1. Name sometimes formed in this manner, e.g.

    Harzillai, "a man of iron," from Ixirzcl, "iron." Ilaggai may, however, be a shortened form of Haggiah (1 Ch 6 30), meaning "festival of Jeh," as Mattenai is an abbreviation of Mattaniah (Ezr 10 33. 20). In (!r Ay-yaios, Ha/jijiiiiia, in Lat, Aggaeus or Af/geus, sometimes Haggacus. Haggai is the 10th in the order of the Twelve Prophets.

    Little is really known of his personal history. But

    we do know that- he lived soon after the captivity,

    being the first of the prophets of the

    2. Personal Restoration. From 2 3 of his prophe- History cies it is inferred by many that he had

    seen the first temple, which, as we know, was destroyed in 5S6 BC. If so, he must have prophesied when a comparatively old man, for we know the exact date of his prophecies, 520 BC. According to Ezr 5 1; 6 14, he was a contemporary of Zechariah, and was associated with him in the work of rebuilding the temple; besides, in the Or and Lat and Syr VSS, his name 1 stands with Zecha- riah s at the head of certain pss, e.g. Ps 111 (112), in the Yulg alone; Pss 125, 126, in the IVsh alone; Ps 137, in the LXN alone; Pss 146, 147, 148, in I. XX and Posh; and Ps 145, in LXX, IVsh and Yulg; perhaps these- pss were introduced into the temple-service on their recommendation. lie was a prophet of great faith (cf 2 1-5); it is possible that he was a priest also (cf 2 10-19). Like Malachi he bears the name of ".Teh s messenger" (1 13; cf Mai 3 1). According to Jewish tradition, he was a member of the Great Synagogue.

    Haggai s work was intensely practical and impor tant. Jeh employed him to awaken the conscience and stimulate the enthusiasm of his

    3. Work compatriots in the rebuilding of the

    temple. "No prophet ever appeared at a more critical juncture in the history of the people, and, it may be added, no prophet was more successful" (Marcus Dods). Zechariah assisted him (cf Hag 1 1; Zee 1 1).

    Haggai s prophecies, like Ezekiel s, are dated

    "in the second year of Darius" (1 ] ; 2 10), i.e.

    520 BC. The Jews, -12,300 strong

    4. Period (Ezr 2 til), had returned from Baby- and Cir- Ion 10 years before (530 BC), under the cumstances leadership of Zerubbabel, the civil

    head of the community, and Joshua, the ecclesiastical. The generous edict of Cyrus had made return possible (cf Ezr 1 1-4). The new colonists had settled in Jerus and in the neigh boring towns of Bethlehem, Bethel, Anathoth, (libeon, Kiriath-jearim, and others adjacent (Ezr 2 20 ff). Eager to reestablish the public worship of the sanctuary, they set about- at once to erect the altar of burnt offering upon its old site (Ezr 3 2.3; cf Hag 2 14). Plans were 1 also made for the immediate rebuilding of t he temple, and 1 he founda- tion stone was actually laid in the 2d month of the 2d year of the return (Ezr 3 8-10), but, the work was suddenly interrupted by the jealous, half-caste, semi-pagan Samaritans, descendants of the foreign colonists introduced into Samaria in 722 BC (cf 2 K 17 24-41), whose offer to cooperate had been refused (Ezr 4 1-5.24). For 10 years thereafter nothing was done toward rearing the superstructure (Ezr 4 5.24; 6 10); indeed, the Jews became in different, and began to build for themselves "ceiled houses" (Hag 1 4). (W. H. Kosters has attempted to show that there was no return under Cyrus, and that Haggai and Zechariah, who never allude to any return, but rather look upon the return as st ill in the future [cf Zee 2 6.7], preached to the Jews who re mained in Jerus, never having been carried by Neb-



    Letter "H"

    uchadnezzar into captivity in 5SG BC. But this theory is opposed by too many converging lines of Scriptural statement to warrant serious credence.) With the accession of Darius Hystaspes (i.e. Darius, the son of Hystaspes), the tide turned. Darius was a true successor to Cyrus, and favored religious free dom. Through the influence of the prophets Hag gai and Zcehariah, the people were roused from their lethargy, and the work of rebuilding was resumed wit h energy in ,520 BC (Hag 1 14.15). The founda tions were relaid (Hag 2 IS). Four years later, in the (>t h year of Darius, the whole structure was completed and dedicated ( K/.r 6 15). _ Meanwhile important events were taking place in the IVrs empire. On the death of Cambyses in .522 BC, the throne had been seized by a usurper, the so-called Pseudo-Smerdis, who held it, however, for some 7 months only. He was murdered by Darius, and the latter was elevated to the throne. But this gave oilier ambitious pretenders cause to rebel, and many provinces revolted, among them Susiana, Med ia, Assyria, Armenia, Part hia, and others (ef the famous Behistun inscription). Altogether Darius fought 11) battles in putting down his rivals, and did not succeed in vanquishing all of his foes till the year after Haggai prophesied. This accounts for t he prophet s repeated allusions to Jell s "shaking" the nations (2 G. 7.21. 22). Haggai seems to regard the "shaking" of the nations as the precursor of the Messianic age. It was, therefore, important from the prophet s point of view, thai .leh s temple should be made ready for the Messiah s advent, that it might- become the religious center of the world (cf Isa 2 2-1). The exact date of Haggai s preaching was from (September to December, 520 BC.

    Haggai s prophecies are dated and therefore easily analy/.ed. They are composed of four dis tinct discourses, all four being deliv- 5. Analysis ered within 4 months time in the year 520 BC: (1) Ch 1, delivered on the 1st day of the Oth month (September) ? in which the prophet reproaches the people for their indifference to the work of rebuilding the temple, and warns them to consider their ways; assuring them that their procrastination was not due to want of means (1 4), and that God on account of their apathy was withholding the produce of the field (1 10). The effect of this appeal was that 24 days later, all the people, including Zerubbabel and Joshua, began the work of reconstruction (1 14.15). (2) 2 1-9, delivered on the 21st day of the 7th month (Octo ber), which was about one month after the work had been resumed, and containing a note of encourage ment to those who felt that the new structure was destined to be so much inferior to Solomon s temple. The prophet, on the contrary, assures t hem that 1 he latter glory of the new house shall eclipse that of Solomon s magnificent temple, for soon a great shaking" on Jeh s part among the nations will usher in the Messianic age, and the precious things of all nations will flow in to beautify it (cf He 12 2G-2S). (3) 2 10-19, delivered on the 24th day of the 9th month (December) which was exactly 3 months after the building had been resumed, and containing, like the first discourse, a rebuke to the people because of their indifference and inertia. The discourse is couched in the form of a parable (vs 11-14), by means of which the prophet explains why the prayers of the people go unanswered. It is because they have so long postponed the comple tion of the temple; a taint of guilt vitiates every thing they do, and blast ing and mildew and hail, and consequently unfruitful seasons, are the result. On the other hand, if they will but press forward with the work, Jeh will again bless them, and fruit ful seasons will follow their revived zeal (2 19; cf Zee 8 9-12). (4) 2 20-23, delivered on the 24th

    day of the 9th month, the, very same day as that on which the discourse in 2 10-19 was delivered. The sequence is immediate. For when Jeh "shakes" the nations, lie will establish Zerubbabel, the repre sentative of the Davidic dynasty and the object of patriotic hopes. When the heat lien powers are overthrown, Zerubbabel will stand unshaken as Jeh s honored and trusted vicegerent, and as the precious signet on Jeh s hand (cf Jer 22 24; Cant 8 (i).

    The most striking feature in Haggai s message is its repeated claim of Divine origin: 5 t in the 38

    verses of his prophecies, ho tells us 6. Message that "the word of Jeh came" unto

    him (1 1.3; 2 1.10.20); 4 t, also, he used the formula, "Thus saith Jeh of hosts" (1 2. 5.7; 2 11); 5 t "saith Jeh of hosts" (1 9; 2 0.7. 9.23); and4t simply "saith Jeh" (1 13; 24.14.17). Altogether he uses the exalted phrase "Jeh of hosts" 14 t, besides 19 repetitions of the single but ineffable name "Jeh." The most striking sen tence; in all his prophecies is probably that found in 1 13, "Then spake Haggai, Jeh s messenger in Jeh s message unto the people." His single pur pose, as we have above seen, was to encourage the building of the temple. This he seems to have re garded as essential to the purity of Israel s religion. His key-exhortation is, "Consider your ways" (1 57; cf 2 15. IS). His prophecies reflect the conditions of his age. He points to judgments as a proof of the Divine displeasure (1 9.10; 2 15-19). Unlike the earlier prophets, he does not denounce idolatry; but like his contemporary, Zechariah, and his successor, Malachi, he does lay stress on the external side of religion. Chief interest Centers in the somewhat unusual parable contained in 2 10-19, which teaches that holiness is not con tagious, but that evil is. "The faint aroma of sanctity coming from their altar and sacrifices was too feeble to pervade the secular atmosphere of their life" (A. B. Davidson, K.rile and Kcstoraiion, 82). Haggai argues that Israel s sacrifices for 10 years had been unclean in CJod s sight., and had brought them no blessing, because they had left the temple in ruins; and, that while a healthy man cannot give his health to another by touching him, a sick man may easily spread contagion among all those about him. The thought, is suggestive. Haggai may or may not have been a priest, "but in so short a prophecy this elaborate allusion to ritual is very significant." Another very striking thought in Haggai s book is his reference; to Zerubbabel as Jeh s "servant" and "signet," whom Jeh has "chosen" (2 23). Wellhausen regards these words as an equivalent to making Zerubbabel the Messiah; but it is enough to think that the prophet is attempt ing only to restore him to the honorable position from which his grandfather, Jchoiachin, in Jer 22 2t, had been degraded. Thus would the prophet link Zerubbabel, the political hope of the post- exilic congregation, to the royal line of Judah. Isaiah speaks of Cyrus in similar terms without any Messianic implication (Isa 44 28; 45 1). On the other hand, the implicit, Messianic import of 2 7.8 is recognized on all sides.

    Haggai s style is suited to the contents of his prophecies. While he is less poetical than his

    predecessors, yet parallelism is not 7. Style altogether wanting in his sentence (2 8). Compared with the greater books of prophecy, his brief message has been de clared "plain and unadorned," "tame and prosaic"; yet it must be acknowledged that he is not want ing in pathos when he reproves, or in force when he exhorts. Though he labors under a poverty of terms, and frequently repeats the same formulae, yet he was profoundly in earnest, and became the



    Letter "H"

    most successful in his purpose of all his class. He was esp. fond of interrogation. At best we have only a summary, probably, of what he actually preached.

    The critical questions involved in Haggai s case are not serious: 2 5a, for example, is wanting in the LXX; to 2 14 the LXX adds from 8. Criticism Am 5 10; 2 17 is very similar to, and seems dependent on, Am 49; 1 76 and 13, are rejected by some as later interpolations; while Klostermann and Marti hold that the book as a whole was not written by Haggai at all, but rather about his prophetic activity, a perfectly gratuitous assumption without any substantial proof in its favor.

    LITERATI-RE. Driver, New Century Bible, "The Minor Prophets," II, 1900; LOT, 1909; G. A, Smith. Expositor s Bible, "Tin; Twelve Prophets," II, 1S9S; E. B. Pusey, The Minor } rui>>,H.i, II, 187S; M. Docls, "Handbooks for Bible Classes." H<uj, Zic, Mul; J. Wellhausen, Die klvincn I ruplietcn ulierm-tzt u. crkliirt, 1S9S; W. Nowack, Die klriin-n l r<>i>li> t<ii iiliersetzt u. erklurt, 1905; K. Marti, Dodekapropheton er/ddrt, 1904; H. G. Mitchell, ICC, 1912.


    HAGGI, hag i C^n , baggi, "festive") : The second son of Cad (( .en 46 lli; Nu 26 15). The latter refers to his descendants as Ilaggites, of whom nothing else is known.

    HAGGIAH, ha-gi a (H^H , Jiagglijah, "feast of Jeh"): Named in 1 Ch 6 30 as among the de scendants of Levi.

    HAGGITES, hag its. See HAGGI.

    HAGGITH, hag ith (man, hagglth, "festal"): According to 2 S 3 4; 1 K 1 5.11; 2 13; 1 Ch 3 2, the fifth wife of David and the mother of his fourth son, Adonijah. The latter was born in Hebron while David s capital was there (2 S 3 4.5).

    HAGIA, ha gi-a. See AGIA.

    IIAGIOGRAPHA, hag-i-og ra-fa. See BIBLE; CANON OF ()T.

    HAGRI, hag ri ("Han, haghrl, "wanderer"; AV Haggeri): The fat her of Mibhar, one of the "mighty men" who rallied round David during his foreign wars. Mentioned only in 1 Ch 11 38, whose || pas sage, 2 S 23 30, gives, instead, the name "Bani the Gadite."

    HAGRITES, hag rits (D^T-UPl , haghrl im): An Arab tribe, or confederation of tribes (1 Ch 5 10. 19.20 AV "Hagarites"; 27 31 AV "Hagerite"; Ps 83 "Hagarencs"), against which the Reuben- it es fought in the days of Saul. In Gen 25 12-18 are recorded the descendants, "generations," of Ishmael, "whom Hagar the Egyp, Sarah s hand maid, bare unto Abraham." Two, and possibly i liree, of these tribes, Jetur, Naphish and Kedeinah (ver 15), appear to be identical with the 3 tribes whom the Reubenites and the other Israeli! ish tribes E. of the Jordan conquered and dispossessed (1 Ch 5). The correspondence of names in Gen and 1 Ch leaves little doubt that "Hagrite" is a generic term roughly synonymous with "Ishmael- ite," designating the irregular and shifting line of desert tribes stretching along the E. and S. of Pal. Those "E. of Gilead," "Jetur, Naphish and Nodah," were overcome by Reuben: "The Hagrites were delivered into their hand, and all that were with them ..... And they took away their cattle .... they dwelt in their stead until the captivity" (1 Ch 6 20-22).

    These along with other Arab tribes are mentioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 BC) . Jetur gave his name to t he II uraeans of Rom times, who were famed soldiers dwelling in Anti- Libanus. Cf Curtis, Comm. on Ch; Skinner, "Gen," ICC, in loc. EDWARD MACK

    HA-HIROTH, ha-hi roth. See PI-HAHIROTH.

    HAI, ha I (i?n, ha-*ay, "the heap"): Gen 12 8; 13 3 AV; RV Ai (which see).

    HAIL, hal ("p^ > bfirudh; x-^ a a > chdlaza) : Hail

    usually falls in the spring or summer during severe

    thunder storms. Hailstones are made

    1. Its up of alternate layers of ice and snow, Occurrence and sometimes reach considerable size,

    causing great damage by their fall. I pward currents of air carry up raindrops already formed to the colder regions above , where they freeze, and as they again pass through layers of cloud, their bulk increases until, too heavy to be carried by t he current, t hey f all 1 o t he ground. Hail- storms, like thunder storms, occur in narrow belts a few miles in breadth and are of short duration. Almost without exception they occur in the day time. If they take place before the lime of harvest they do great damage to grain and fruit, and in ex treme cases have injured property and endangered life.

    Hailstorms, while by no means common in Syria and Pal, are not unusual and are of great severity.

    They occasionally take place in Egypt.

    2. In Syria Within a few years hailstones of un

    usual size fell in Port Said, breaking thousands of windows.

    (1) The plague of hail (Ex 9 23-24; Ps 78 47), which was a local storm, as they usually are, falling

    on the Egyptians and not striking the

    3. Biblical children of Israel in Goshen. It was Instances of great severity. "There was hail,

    and fire mingled with the hail, very grievous, such as had not been in all the land of Egypt since it became a nation" (Ex 9 24). It took place in January, for the barley "was in the ear, and the flax was in bloom" (ver 31), and caused great damage. (2) After the battle with the Amo- rites at Gibeon, "Jeh cast down great stones from heaven upon them unto Azekah, and they died: they were more who died with the hailstones than they whom the children of Israel slew with the sword" (Josh 10 11).

    Hail is often spoken of as a means of punishing the wicked: "As a tempest of hail .... will he cast

    down" (Isa 28 2); "The hail shall

    4. As Pun- sweep away the refuge of lies" (ver ishment 17); and as symbols of God s anger:

    "I will rain .... great hailstones, fire, and brimstone" (Ezk 38 22); "There shall be .... great hailstones in wrath to consume it" (Ezk 13 13; cf Isa 30 30; Hag 2 17; Rev 8 7; 11 19; 16 21).

    Jeh s power and wisdom are shown

    5. God s in controlling the hail: "Hast thou Power seen the treasuries of the hail?" (Job

    38 22); "Fire and hail, snow and vapor .... fulfilling his word" (Ps 148 8).


    HAIL, hal: Interjection, found only in the Gos pels as the tr of x a ?P e , chair c, xcu pere, chairete, imp. of x a P w , chair 0, "to rejoice," is used as a greeting or salutation. The word "Hail" is OE and was formerly an adj., used with the vb. to be, meaning "well," "sound," "hale," e.g. "Hale be thou." Wiclif has "heil" without the vb., followed by other Eng. VSS, except that the Geneva has "God save thee," in Mt 26 49; 28 9. The word



    Letter "H"

    1. Hair Fashions

    Assyrian Milliner of Wearing Hair.

    Knmi sruliituri! ill Urit. Mils.)

    occurs in Ml. 26 49; 27 29; 28 9, "all hail "; Mk 15 IS; Lk 1 2s; .In 19 3. Sen 1 GODSPEED; GREET- IN^;.

    HAIR, har n"TT , sc ur, I"!! , xn ur, Aram. "l"Tp , heir derivatives; 0pi, lhri.r, gen. case rpixos, Irirliox, KOfjiT), kuinT i: Hair was we>rn in different fashions by the Orientals of Bib. times, and not. always in the same way among the same people in eliffere-nt e-poe-hs. We- know this e-learly from Egyp lit. and monume nts, as we ll as fre)in the writings of Gr autlmrs (esp. Herodotus), t hat the dwellers em the 1 Nile hael their heads shaved in early youth, leaving but a side 1 lock until maturity was attained, when this mark of chili Iheiod was taken away. Priests ami warrie>rs kept their heads eaosely shaved; nothing but the 1 exigencies of arduous warfare 1 were 1 allowed to interfere 1 wit h this custetm. On the 1 other hand, the 1 Ile-b people, like; their Bab neighbors (Herod, i.195), affected lemg and we 11-cared-for, bushy curls of hair asemble ins of manly beauty. Preiofs thereof are 1 not. infrequent in the Script ure-s and elsewhere 1 . Sam son s (Jgs 16 13. 19) and Absalom s (2 S 14 20) long luxuriant hair is specially mentioned, and the- Shu- lammite sings of the 1 loe-ks of heT bele-ve-d which are "bushy [RVm "curling"], and black as a raven" (Cant 5 11). Jos (Ant, VIII, vii, 3[1S5]) repeirts that Sole-me-n s body-guard was distinguished by youthful beauty and "luxuriant, he-ads of hair." In the history of Samson we read of "the se-ve-n locks of his he ael" (Jgs 16 19). It is likely that the 1 ex pression signifies the plaits of hair whie-h are 1 even now ol te-n we)rn by the 1 yemng Be-elawin warrior of the 1 ele sert.

    It is well known that among the surrounding heathe ii nations the hair of childhood e>r youth was eifte 1 ! 1 shaved anel consecrated at ielol- 2. Hair in atrous shrine s (cf IIere>el. ii.(>5 fen- Idol- Egy])1). Frequently this custom Worship mai ked an initiatory rite 1 into the- se-rv- ice of a divinity (e-.g. that e>f Oreital [Bacchus] in Arabia, Herod. iii.S). It was there- fore an abominalie)ii of the; G(-nt,iles in the eyes of

    Egyptian Manner of Wearing ITair.

    statues. .f ;l n ,,Hir..f rank ami hi* wife ..r sister, NIXili

    the Jew, which is referred (o in Lev 19 27; JIT 9 26; 25 23; 49 32. The Syr version of the latter passage rentiers, "Ye shall not let your hair grow long" (i.e. in order to cut it as a religious rite in honor of an idol). It is, however, probable that among the Jews, as now among many classes of

    Mohammedans, the periodical cropping of the hair, when it had become too cumbersome, was connected with some small festivity, when the weight of the hair was ascertained, and its weight, in silver was given in charity to the poor. At. least, the weigh ing of Absalom s hair (2 S 14 2(>) may be referred to some such custom, which is not unparalleled in other countries. The 1 use of balances in connection with the shaving-off of the hair in Ezk 5 1 is cer tainly out of the common. See illustration, "Vot ive Offering," on p. 1302.

    We may also compare the shaving of the head of

    the Nazirite to these heathen practices, though the 1

    resemblance is merely superficial. The

    3. The man who made a vow to Cod was re- Nazirite sponsible to Him with his whole body Vow and being. Not even a hair was to

    be injured wilfully during the whole period of the vow, for all belonged to Clod. The conclusion of the Nazirite vow was marked by sac rifices and the shaving of the head at the door of the sanctuary (Nu 6 1-21), indicative 1 of a new beginning of life. The long untouched hair was therefore considered as the emblem of personal devotion (or devotedness) to the ( lod of all strength. Thus it, was an easy step to the thought that, in the hair was the seat of strength of a Samson (Jgs 16 17.20). Cod has numbered the V<TV hairs of the head (Mt 10 30; Lk 12 7), which to human beings conveys the idea of the innumerableness (Ps 40 12; 69 4). What. God can number, He can also protect, so that not even a hair of the head might "fall to the earth" or "perish." These phrases express complete safety (I S 14 45; 2 S 14 1 1 ; 1 K 1 52; Lk 21 IS; Acts 27 34).

    In NT times, esp. in the Diaspora, the Jews fre quently adopted the fashion of the Romans in crop ping the hair closely (1 Cor 11 14);

    4. Later still the fear of being tainted by the Fashions idolatrous practice of the heathen,

    which is specially forbidden in Lev 21 f>, was so great that the side locks remained un touched and were permitted to grow ad libitum. This is still the custom among the Jews of Eastern Europe and the Orient. See also HI:AI>.

    If Ileb men paid much attention to their hair, it was even more 1 so among He-b we-nu-n. Lemg black

    tivsse S were 1 the 1 pride* e>f the Je wish

    5. Woman s maiden and matron (Cant 7 5; Jn Hair 11 2; 1 Ce>r 11 ">.<>. 15), but many

    of the expressions use>d in connection with the "coiffure-s" e>f women elo not convey le> us more 1 than a vague 1 iele-a. The "locks" of AV in Cant 4 1.3; 6 7; Isa 47 2 (HE?, ^mmah) prob ably do not refer to the; hair, but should be tr d (as does RV, which follows the LXX) by "veil." T&’’ , ddllah (Cant 7 5), signifie’’s the sle-nele-r threads which repre sent the 1 unfinished we 1 !) in the lejenn (e-f Isa 38 12), and thence* the 1 fleiwing hair of wome ii (RV "hair"). C^PP , r e hatli (RV "tresses"), in the same ver of the Song of Songs means lit. the "gut ters" at which the ileu ks we re 1 watereel (e f Gen 30 3S.41), and thus the long plaits of the maiden with which the; lover toys and in which he is helel cap tive 1 . The 1 braLding e>r dressing of woman s hair is expressed in 2 K 9 3()anelJth 10 3. In NT times Christian women are warned against following the fashionable- worlel in elaborate hairdressing (1 Tim 2 <); 1 IVt 3 3).

    The care; of the hair, esp. the periodical cutting of the same, e>arly necessitated the trade of the

    barber. The Ileb word 133 , gallabh,

    6. Barbers is found in Ezk 6 1, and the pi. form

    of the same worel occurs in an inscrip tion at Citium (Cyprus) (CIS, 15SO), where the



    Letter "H"

    persons tlius described clearly belonged to the priests or servants of a temple. See BARBER.

    Numerous were the cosmetics and ointments applied to the hair (Keel 9 S; Ml 6 17; perhaps Ruth 3 3), but some, reserved for 7. Oint- sacramental purposes, were prohibited ments for profane use (Ex 30 32; Ps 133 2).

    Such distinction we find also in Egypt, where the walls of temple laboratories were in scribed with extensive recipes of such holy oils,

    Modern Jew of Jericho with Long Side, Locks.

    while the medical papyri (see esp. Papyrus Ebers, plates 64-07) contain numerous ointments for the hair, the composition of some of which is ascribed to a renowned queen of antiquity. Even Gr and Rom medical authors have transmitted to us the knowl edge of some such prescriptions compounded, it is said, by Queen Cleopatra VI of Egypt, the frivolous friend of Caesar and Antony (see my disserta tion, Die uhcr die medicinischen Kcnntninse dcr alien Aeyypler berichtenden Papyri, etc, Leipzig 1SSS, 121-32). We know from Jos (Ant, XVI, viii, 1 [233]), that Herod the Great, in his old age, dyed his hair black, a custom, however, which does not appear to be specifically Jewish, as hair-dyes as well as means for bleaching the hair were well known in Greece and Rome. It is certain that tilt- passage Mt 5 36 would not have been spoken, had this been a common custom in the days of the Lord. .A special luxury is mentioned by Jos (Ant, VIII, yii, 3 [1S5]), who states that the young men who formed the body-guard of King Solomon were in the habit, on festive occasions, of sprinkling their long hair with gold-dust (^ fjy/j.a xpvaov, pstgma chrnsou).

    For the Jews the anointing of the head was synonymous with joy and prosperity (cf Ps 23 5; 92 10; He 1 9; cf also "oil of joy," Isa 61 3, and "oil of gladness," Ps 45 7). It was also, like 1 he- washing of feet, a token of hospitality (Ps 23 5; Lk 7 46).

    On the contrary, it was the custom in times of personal or national affliction and mourning to wear the hair unanointed and disheveled, or to cover tin- head with dust and ashes (2 S 14 2; Josh 7 6; Job 2 12), or to tear the hair or to cut it off (Ezr 9 3; Neh 13 25; Jer 7 29).

    We have referred to the thickness of hair which supplied the Ileb with a suitable expression for

    the conce ption "innumerable-." Hair is also e-xpre-ss- ive of minuteness; thus the 1 700 left-handed men of Benjamin were able 1 te> "sling stones 8. Symboli- at a hairbreadth, and not miss" (Jgs cal Use of 20 16). Gray hairs and the 1 hoary Word white of old age we re highly honored

    by the- Jews (Prov 16 31; 20 29; 2 Mace 6 23). Be side-s expressing old age (Isa 464), they stanel for wisdenn (Wisd 4 9 [10]). Some-time s white hair is the emblem of a glorious, if not Divine, presence (Dnl 7 9; 2 Mace 15 13; Rev 1 14). Calamity befalling the gray-hcaeleel was doubly terrible (Gen 42 38; 44 29). The "hair of the flesh" is saiel to "stanel up" (Job 4 15; Sir 27 14) when sudde-n terror or fear takes holel of a person. The symbolical language of Isa 7 20 uses the "hair of the feet" (see FEET) and "the beard" as synonymous with "the humble" and the "mighty of the people 1 ."

    Camel s hair (Mt 3 4; Mk 1 6) is mentioned in connection with the dese ription of John the- Bap tist s raiment. It represents, according to Jerome, a rough shirt worn unele-r the coat or wrappe-r, though a rather soft fabric is produced in Arabia from the finer we>ol of the camel.

    Goat s hair was the material of a cloth use-d for wearing apparel and for a more or less waterproof e-em-ring of tents and bundles. It is the blae-k tent-cloth of Kedar (Cant 1 5; Ex 26 7; 36 14). In NT timevs it was the special product, of St . Paul s native province , Cilicia, whence its name cilicium, and its manufacture formeel the ape>stle s own trade (Acts 18 3). It is also mentioned as a material for stuffing pillows (1 S 19 13). Se-e also WEAVING;.



    HA-JEHUDIJAH, ha-j6-hu-ell ja (rPnjTn, ha-if- hudlnyah): Named in the genealogical list (1 Ch 4 IS). Possibly a proper name: (RVm), but probably "the Je-we-ss" (RV). May be so given in emle-r to distinguish from the Egyp named in this verse. AV translates "Jehudijah."

    HAKKATAN, hak a-tan (TJn , ha-katan, "the little- one-"): The- lathe-r of Johanan, who returned with Ezra te> Je-rus (Ezr 8 12 = Akatan, 1 Esel 8


    HAKKOZ, hak oz (fipn the nimble") :

    (1) A priest and chie-f of the 7th course of Aaron s sons selected by David (1 Ch 24 10). According to Ezr 2 61; Neh 3 4.21; 7 63, his descendants returned with Zerubbabel from the captivity. But AV e-onside-rs the name in Ezr and Ne-h as having the- art. prefixe-d, hence renders "Koz."

    (2) One of Judah s descendants (1 Ch 4 8).

    HAKUPHA, ha-ku fa (51pn , hdkupha, "in citement") . A family name: of some of the Nethin- ini who returne d with Zerubbabel from Babvlon (Ezr 2 51; Neh 7 53).

    1. Many



    HALAH, ha/la (nbn , hdlah; AXde, Haidc, AXXde, Hallde, Xadx, Chadcfi, for XaXdx, Chaldch, XaAd, Chald; Vulg Hula): Mentioned in 2 K 17 6; 18 11; 1 Ch 5 26, as one of the places to which the kings of Assyria sent the exiled Israelites (see 1 GOZAN; II ABO it). Various identi fications have been proposed, all of them except the last more or less improbable for philological reasons: (1) the Assyr Kalah (Nimrud, the- Calah of Gen 10 11); (2) the: Assyr Hilakku (Cilicia);



    Letter "H"

    (3) Chalkitis in Mesopotamia (Ptol. v.lS, 4), ad joining Gauzunitis (Go/an) a good position other wise; (4) the Calachene of Strabo, in the N. of Assyria. Equally unsuitable, also, is (5) the Chalonitis of Pliny and Strabo, N.E. of Assyria, notwithstanding that this was apparently called Hal/ih by the Syrians. An attractive identification was (0) with tlie river Balikh (by change of H in to B) cf LXX "in Halae and in Habor, rivers of Gozan" but even this has to be abandoned in favor of (7) the Assyr IJalahhn, which 2. The (except the doubling and the case-

    Most Prob- ending) is the same, letter for letter. able of It is mentioned in the W. Asia Inner,

    Them II, pi. 53, 1. 3f>, between Arrapha

    (Arrapachitis) and Raxapjni (Reseph). According to the tablet K. 123, where it is called mat IJalahfji, "the land of Halahhu," it apparently included the towns Se-bise, Se-lrrisi, Lu-ummu[ti ?], and Se-Akkulani, apparently four grain-producing centers for the Assyr government. The first quo tation implies that Halah was near or in Gauzanitis, and had a chief town of the same name. Of the S personal names in K. 123, 5 are Assyr, the remainder being Syrian rather than Israeli) ish.


    HALAK, ha lak, MOUNT (p?nn inn, ha-lmr hc-fidldk): A mountain that marked the southern limit of the conquests of Joshua (Josh 11 17; 12 7). It is spoken of as the "mount Ilalak [lit. "the ban " or "smooth mountain"] that goeth up to Seir." The latter passage locates it on the W. of the Ara- bah. The southern boundary of the land is defined by the ascent of Akrabbim (‘‘u 34 4; Josh 15 3). This may with some certainty be identified with the pass known today as nakh < S-Safd, "puss of the smooth rock," through which runs the road from the S. to Hebron. To the S.’’V. opens Waily Mad- erah, a continuation of Wdihj el-FilfTah, in which there rises a conspicuous hill, Jilxl Maderah, com posed of limestone, answering well the description of a bare or smooth mountain. It is a striking fea ture of the landscape viewed from all sides, and may well be the mount here referred to. See also lion, MOUNT. W. EWING

    HALAKHA, ha-la ka. See TALMUD.

    HALE, hal, vb., HALING, hal ing (OK Jmlni): "To pull" or "drag," the AV tr of vvpu, .sim;, "to draw or drag" (Acts 8 3, "haling men and women," ARV "dragging"), and of Karaaupw, katamiro, "to drag down" or "force along" (Lk 12 5X, "lest lie hale thec to the judge," ARV "lest haply he drag thee unto the judge"). A more frequent modern form is "haul."

    HALF, haf. See NUMBKH.

    HALHUL, hal hul ( nn, hnlhiil): A city in the hill country of Judah (Josh 15 5S), "Ilaihul, Beth-zur and Gedor." It is without doubt the modern Halhill, a village on a hill, surrounded by fine fields and vineyards, some 4 miles N. of Hebron and less than a mile to the E. of the modern carriage road. It is conspicuous from a considerable distance on account of its ancient mosque, ‘‘ <lu ‘‘<l>i. Ydnas, the "shrine of the Prophet Jonah" a tradition going back at least to the 14th cent. The mosque, which has a minaret or tower, is built upon a rock platform artificially leveled. In the 14th cent, it was stated by Isaac Chilo (a Jewish pilgrim) that the tomb of Gad the Seer (1 S 22 5; 2 S 24 11 f) was situated in this town. Beth-zur (Beit 8 fir) and Gedor (Jcdur) are both near. In Jos (J1J, IV, ix, 6) we read of an Alurus (where the Jdumaeans as sembled), and in Jerome (/AS 119 7) of a village

    Alula near Hebron, which both probably refer to the same place (I EF, 111, 305; Sh XXI).

    , K. W. G. MASTEUMAN

    HALI, ha li ( n pn , hall) : A town named with Ilelkath, Beten and Achshaph on the border of Asher (Josh 19 2f>). No certain identification is possible; but it may be represented by the modern Khirbet Alia, c 13 miles N.E. of Acre.

    HALICARNASSUS, hal-i-kar-nas us ( AXiKap- vao-o-os, IlalikarnaHw ix): The largest and strongest city of the ancient country of ( aria in Asia Minor, situated on the shore of a bay, 1/5 miles from the island of Cos. Its site was beautiful; its climate temperate and even; the soil of the surrounding country was unusually fertile and noted for its abundance of fig, orange, lemon, olive and almond trees. When the ancient country fell into the pos session of the Persians, the kings of Curia were still permitted to rule. One of the rulers was the famous queen Art emisiu who fought at the buttle of Salamis. The most famous of the kings, however, was Maus- sollos (Mausolus), who ruled from 373 to 353 BC, and the tomb in which he was buried was long considered one of the wonders of the ancient world. Pliny describes the tomb us a circular structure, 140 ft. high, 411 ft. in circumference, and surrounded by 36 columns; it wus covered with a pyramidal dome. The ancient writer Vitruvius, in his de scription of the city, says that the agora was along the shore; back of it was the mausoleum, and still farther away was the temple of Mars. To the right of the agora were the temples of Venus and Mercury, and to the left was the palace of Maussollos. Alex ander the Great destroyed the city only after a long siege, but he was unable to take the acropolis. The city never quite recovered, yet it was later distinguished us the supposed birthplace of Herod otus and Dionysius. That a number of Jews lived there is evident from the fact, according to 1 Mace 15 23, that in the year 139 BC, a letter was written by the Rom Senate in their behalf. In the 1st cent. BC, a decree was issued granting to the Jews in Halicarnassus liberty to worship "ac cording to the Jewish laws, and to make their pro* nrhf at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers" (Jos, Ant, XIV, x, 23).

    The modern town of Budrun, which represents the ancient Halicarnassus and covers a part of its site, stands a little to the W. of the castle of St. Peter. This castle was erected by the Knights of Rhodes in 1404 AD, partly from the ruins of the mausoleum. Lord Redcliffe, who explored the ruins in 1K4(), sent many of the sculptured slabs from the castle to the British Museum where they may now be seen. Sir C. Newton conducted excavations there in 1S57-5S, adding other sculptures to the col lection in the British Museum. He discovered the foundation of the Ionic temple of Aphrodite, and the greenstone foundation of the mausoleum upon which modern Turkish houses had been built. He also opened several tombs which were outside the ancient city. The city walls, built by Maussollos about 300 BC, and defining the borders of the an cient city, are still preserved; but the ancient har bor which was protected by a mole, has now dis appeared. The ruins may best be reached by boat from the island of Cos. E. J. BANKS

    HALL, hoi (Lk 22 55 AV). See HOUSE.


    HALLEL, hu-lfil , hul el: In the fifth book of the Pss (107-50) there ure several groups of Hallelujah Psalms; 104-6; 111-13; 115-17; 135; 146-50. In



    Letter "H"

    the worship of the synagogue Pss 135-136 and 146- 60 were used in the daily morning service. Pss 113-18 were called the "Egyp Hallel," and were sung at the feasts of the Passover, Pentecost, Taber nacles and Dedication. At the Passover, Pss 113 and 114 (according to the school of Shammai only Ps 113) were sung before the feast, and Pss 115- 18 after drinking the last cup. The song used by Our Lord and the disciples on the night of the be trayal (Alt 26 30), just before the departure for the Mount of Olives, probably included Pss 115- 18. JOHN RICHARD SAMPEY

    HALLELUJAH, hal-6-loo ya (^T^C 1 > hal*- lu-ydh, "praise ye Jeh"; dX’’T]Xovid, allelouid) ‘‘ The word is not a compound, like many of the Heb words which are composed of the abbreviated form of "Jehovah" and some other word, but has become a compound word in the Gr and other languages. Even if the Jews perhaps had become accustomed to use it as a compound, it is never written as such in the text. In some Pss, H. is an integral part of the song (Ps 135 3), while in others it simply serves as a liturgical interjection found either at the be ginning (Ps 111) or at the close (Ps 104) of the psalms or both (Ps 146). The II. Pss are found in three groups: 104-6; 111-13; 146-50. In the first group H. is found at the close of the psalm as a lit. interjection (106 1 is an integral part of the psalm). In the second group H. is found at the beginning (113 9 is an integral part of the psalm depending on the adj. "joyful"). In the third group II. is found both at the close and at the be ginning of the psalms. In all other cases (Pss 115, 116, 117) H. seems to be an integral part of the psalms. These three groups were probably taken from an older collection of psalms like the group Pss 120-34. In the NT H. is found as part of the song of the heavenly host (Rev 19 1 ff). The word is preserved as a liturgical interjection by the Christian church generally. A. L. BRESLICH

    HALLOHESH,ha-lo hesh (UJrn, Jm-ldh csh, "the whisperer," "the slanderer"): A post-exilic chief whose son Shallum assisted in repairing the walls of Jerus (Neh 3 12, AV "Halohesh"). Hi- was also one of the leaders who signed the national covenant (10 24 [Heb 25]).

    HALLOW, hal o, HALLOWED, hal dd, hal o-ed ("to render or treat as holy," AS hulgian, from hulig, "holy"): It translates several forms of 12~]2 , kadhash, "set apart," "devote," "consecrate," fre quently rendered in AV, RV, ARV "consecrate," "dedicate," "holy," and esp. "sanctify," closely synonymous, "hallow" perhaps containing more of the thought of reverence, sacredness, holiness. It embraces the idea of marked separateness. It is applied to persons, as the priest (Lev 22 2.3); to places or buildings, as the middle of the temple court (1 K 8 64); the tabernacle (Ex 40 9); to things, like the portion of the sacrifice set apart for the priests (Xu 18 8) ; to times and seasons, as the Sabbath (Jer 17 22; Ezk 20 20) and the Jubilee year (Lev 25 10); to God Himself (Lev 22 32). Its underlying idea of the separateness of holy nature or holy use works out into several often overlapping senses: (1) To set apart, dedicate, offer, reserve, for the worship or service of God: Ex 28 38, "The holy things, which the children of Israel shall hallow in all their holy gifts"; also Lev 22 3; Nu 18 29, etc; 2 K 12 4, "All the money of the hallowed things" (AV "dedicated"), etc. (2) To make holy, by selecting, setting apart, claim ing, or acknowledging as His own: Gen 2 3, "God blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it" (AV

    "sanctified"); but Ex 20 11 (AV, ERV, ARV), "hallowed." So of the temple (1 K 9 7); of the firstborn, spared in Egypt (Nu 3 13). (3) To dedicate or consecrate by formal ceremonial, with the accompanying idea of cleansing from sin and uncleanness: Ex 29 1, "This is the thing that thou shalt do unto them [Aaron and his sons] to hallow them, to minister unto me in the priest s office." The whole chapter is devoted to the elaborate ceremonial, consisting of ablutions, enduement in priestly robes and paraphernalia, anointing with oil, the offering of a bullock for a sin offering, and of a ram, the placing of the blood of another ram upon the right ear, right thumb, right great toe of each, the wave offering, the anointing of the holy garments, and the eating of the consecrated food, all this lasting seven days, and indicating the complete ness with which they were set apart, the deep neces sity of purification, and the solemnity and sacred- ness of the office. The tabernacle and its furniture were similarly "hallowed" by a simpler ceremony, using the anointing oil. (4) To render ritually fit for religious service, worship, or use: Lev 16 19, "Hallow it [the altar with the sprinkled blood] from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel"; Nu 6 11, "The priest shall .... make atonement for him, for that he sinned by reason of the dead, and shall hallow his head that same day." (5) To hold sacred, reverence, keep holy: Jer 17 22, "But hallow ye the Sabbath day," by keeping it distinct and separate, esp. (Jer 17 24.27) by refraining from unnecessary work, from burden-bearing, travel, or traffic (Neh 13 16). See Ex 20 8-11 (the Sabbath Commandment). (6) To revere, hold in awe, and reverence as holy and "separated from sinners" in majesty, power, sacredness: Lev 22 32, "And ye shall not profane my holy name; but I will be hal lowed among the children of Israel." Kadhash is elsewhere tr d "sanctify" in this connection, mean ing "to be manifested in awe-producing majesty, power, or grace": Ezk 38 23, "And I will .... sanctify myself, and I will make myself known in the eyes of many nations; and they shall know that I am Jeh"; cf Ezk 28 22.23, etc.

    In the NT "hallow" occurs only in the "Lord s Prayer," there rendering ayidfa, hagidzo, the LXX word for kadhash: Alt 6 9; Lk 11 2, "Hallowed be thy name." Hayiozo is quite frequent in the NT, and is always (AHV) rendered "sanctify," except here, and in Rev 22 11, "He that is holy, let him be made holy still." To "hallow the name" in cludes not only the inward attitude and outward action of profound reverence and active praise, but also that personal godliness, loving obedience and aggressive Christlikeness, which reveal the presence of God in the life, which is His true earthly glory. PHILIP WENDELL CRANNELL

    HALT, holt (3752 , fala’’ "to limp"; ‘‘o>’’6s, cholds, "lame," "crippled"): ARV in Gen 32 31 prefers "limped"; in Mic 4 6.7; Zeph 3 19, "is [or was] lame"; in Lk 14 21, ARV and ERV have "lame." In 1 K 18 21 a different word (pdsah) is used in EV of moral indecision : "How long halt ye between two oj)inions?" ARV renders, "How long go ye limping between the two sides?"

    HAM, ham (Bn , ham;, Chdm):

    The youngest son of Noah, from whom sprang

    the western and southwestern nations known to

    the Hebrews. His name first occurs

    1. The in Gen 5 32, where, as in 6 10 and

    Youngest elsewhere, it occupies the second place.

    Son of In Gen 9 18 Ham is described as "the

    Noah father of Canaan," to prepare the

    reader for vs 25-27, where Noah,

    cursing Ham for having told Shem and Japheth of

    his nakedness, refers to him as Canaan. On ac-



    Letter "H"

    count of this, it has been suggest eel that "Canaan" stood originally in all the passages where the three brothers are spoken of, and that this was later changed to Hani," except in the verses containing the curse. It seems more likely, however, that the name "Canaan" is inserted prophetically, as Noah would not desire to curse his son, but only one branch of that son s descendants, who were later the principal adversaries of the Hebrews.

    The name given, in Ps 105 23.27; 106 22 (of

    78 51), to Egypt, as a descendant of Ham, son of

    Noah. As Shem means "dusky," or

    2. Hamas the like, and Japheth "fair," it has a Nation- been supposed that Ham meant, as ality is not improbable, "black." This is

    supported by the evidence of Ileb and Arab., in which the word hdiuoin means "to be hot" and to be black," the latter signification being

    derived from the former. That Ham

    3. Meaning is connected with the native name of of the Egypt, l’’t ni, or, in full JHI tn en. AY’, Word "the land of Egypt," in Bashmurian

    Coptic Kin nn, is unlikely, as this form is probably of a much later date than the composi tion of den, and, moreover, as the Arab, shows, the guttural is not a true /,-’, but the hard breathing ‘, which are both represented by the Heb hcth.

    Of the nationalities regarded as descending from Ham, none can be described as really black. First

    on the list, as being the darkest, is

    4. The Na- dish or Kthiopia (Gen 10 t>>. after tions De- which comes .U/r/v; ‘/, or Egypt, scending then I nt or Libyia, and Canaan last. from Ham The sons or descendants of each of

    these art 1 then taken in turn, and it is noteworthy that some of them, like the Ethio pians and the Canaanites, spoke Sem, and not Hamitic, languages Seba (if connected with the Sabaeans), Havilali (Yemen), and Sheba, whose queen visited Solomon. Professor Saycc, more over, has pointed out that 1 aphtor is the original home of the Phoenicians, who spoke a Sem language 1 . The explanation of this probably is that other tongues were forced upon these 1 nationalities in consequence of their migrations, or because 1 they fell under the- dominion of nationalities alien. to them. The non-Sem Babylonians, described as descendants of Nimrod (Merodach), as is well known, spoke Sumerian, and adopted Sem Bab only on account of mingling with the Semites whom they found there. Another explanation is thai the nationalities described as Hamitic a parallel to those of the Sem sect ion were so called because they fell under Egyp dominion. This would make the original Hamitic race to have 1 been Egyp, and account for Ham as a (poetical) designation of that nationality. Professor F. L. Griffith has pointed out that the Egyp Priapic god of Panopolis (Akh- mim), sometimes called Menu, but also apparently known as Khein, may have been identified with the ancestor of the Hamitic, race he 1 was worshipped from the coast of the Red Sea to Coptos, and must have been we>ll known to Egypt s eastern neighbors. He regards the characteristics of Menu as being in accorel with the shamelessness of Ham as recorded in Gen 9 20 ff. See 1 JAPHETH; SHEM; TABLE OF NATIONS. T. (!. PINCHES

    HAM (2n, ham):

    (1) A place 1 E. of the 1 Jordan named between Ashteroth-karnaim and Shaveh-kiriathaim, in which Chedorlaomer sme>t<> the 1 Zu-zim (Gen 14 5). No name resembling this has been recovered. LXX reads haJien/, "with the in," instead of h /i/lm, "in Ham." Some have thought that "Hani" may be a corruption from "Ammon"; or that it may be the ancient name of Rabbath-ammon itself.

    (2) A poetical appellation of Egypt: "the land of Ham" (Ps 105 23, etc) is the hind of Jacob s so journing, i.e. Egypt; "the tents of Ham" (Ps 78 51) are the dwellings of the Egyptians. It may be de- riveel from the 1 native 1 name of Egypt, Kemi, or Khcrni. See MIZRAIM; SHEM. ‘‘V. EWING

    HAMAN, ha man ("pn , hamuti; Ap.dv, Hamdn): A Pers noble and vi/ier of the empire 1 under Xerxes. He was the enemy of Mordecai, the cousin of Esther. Mordecai, being a Jew, was unable; to prostrate himself before the great e>flie ial and to render to him the adoration which was due 1 to him in accordance with PITS custom. Hainan s wrath was so inflameHl that one 1 man s life 1 seemed too mean a sacrifice, and he resolves! that Morelecai s nation shonlel perish with him. This was the 1 cause of Haman s downfall and death. A ridiculous notion, which, though widely accepteel, has no better foundation than a rabbinic sugge-stiem or guess, represents him as a descendant of Agag, the king of Amalek, who was slain by Samuel. But the language of Scripture (1 S 15 33) indicates that when Agag fell, he was the last e>f his house. Be- side s, why should his descendants, if any existed, be 1 calleel Agagites and not Amalekites? Saul s posterity are in ne> case termed Saulites, but Ben- juinites e>r Israelite s. But the- basis e>f this theory has been swept away by recent discovery. Agag was a territory adjacent to that e>f Media. In an inscription femnd at Khorsabad, Sargon, the father of Sennacherib, says: "Thirty-four districts of Media I conquered and I aelded them to the domain of Assyria: 1 imposed upon them an annual tribute of horses. The country of Agaxi [Agag] .... 1 ravaged, I wasted, I burned." It may be added that the* name of Hainan is not Ileb, neither is that of Hammedatha his fat her. "The name of Hainan," writes M. Oppert , the distinguished Assyriologist, "as well as that of his father, belongs to the 1 Medo- Persian." Je>n.’’ VKQUHAKT

    HAMATH, ha math (Pttn , hiimntli; H^de, He- niatli, Ai(id0, Ifdiinnlh; Swe te 1 also has Hernath): The word signifies a dcfene-e e>r citadel, and such designation was very suitable 1 for this e hief royal e-ity of the 1 Ilittites, situateel between their northern and southern e-apitals, Carche-mish and Kadesh, em a gigantic mound beside the Orontes. In Am 6 2 it is named Great Hamath, but not necessarily te> distinguish it from other places of the same name.

    The Hamathite is mentioned in Gen 10 18 among the sons of Canaan, but in historic time s the populat ion, as the personal name s testi- 1. Early fy, serins to have 1 been fe>r the most History part Se-m. The ideal boundary of

    Israe l reached the territory, but not the city of Hamath (Nu 34 S; Josh 13 "o; Ezk 47 13-21). David entered into friendly relations with Te>i, its king (2 S 8 9 ff), and Solomon erected store cities in the 1 land of Hamath (2 Ch 84). In the days of Ahab we> meet with it on the cuneiform inscriptions, under the 1 name mat hamatti, and its king Irhuleni was a party to the alliance of the Hit- tites with Be ti-hadad of Damascus and Ahab of Israe l against ShalmaneseT II; but this was broken up by the battle of Qarqar in 854 BC, and Hamath became subject te> Assyria. Jeroboam II attacked, partially destroyed, and helel it for a short time (2 K 14 28; Am 6 2). In 730 BC, its king Eni- ilu paid tribute to Tiglath-pile-se r, but he divided its lands among his generals, and transported 1,223 of its inhabitants te) Sura on the Tigris. In 720, Sargon "rooted out the> lanel of Hamath and dyed the skin of Ilubi ieli [e>r Jau-bi ieli] its king, like wool," anel colonized the country with 4,300 Assyri ans, among whom was Deioces the Mede. A few



    Letter "H"

    2. Later History


    years later Sennacherib also claims to have taken it (2 K 18 34; 19 13; 1 Ch 36 19; 37 13). In Isa

    11 11, mention is made of Israelites in captivity at Hamath, and Hamathites were among the colonists settled in Samaria (2 K 17 24) by Esarhaddon in 675 BC. Their special object of worship was Ashima, which, notwithstanding various conjec tures, has not been identified.

    The Hamathite country is mentioned in 1 Mace

    12 25 in connection with the movements of Deme

    trius and Jonathan. The Seleucidae renamed it Epiphaneia (Jos, Ant, I, vi, 2), and by this name it was known to the Greeks and the Romans, even as Paphunya in Midi 1 B r r Rnb ch 37. Locally, however, the ancient name never disap peared, and since the Moslem conquest it has been known as llama. Saladin s family ruled it for a century and a half, but after the death of Abul-fida in 1331 it sank into decay.

    The position of Hama in a fruitful plain to tin 1 E. of the Nusairiyeh Mountains, on the most fre quented highway between Mesopo- 3. Modern tamia and Egypt, and on the new rail- Condition way, gives it again, as in ancient times, a singular significance, and it is once more rising in importance. The modern town is built in four quarters around the ancient citadel- mound, and it has a population of at least SO, 000. It is now noted for its gigantic irrigating wheels. Here, too, the Hittite inscriptions were first found and designated Hamathite.

    In connection with the northern boundary of Israel, "the entering in of Hamath" is frequently mentioned (Nu 13 21; 1 K 8 >.">, etc, ARV entrance"). It has been sought in the Orontes valley, between Antioch and Seleucia, and also at Waihj Nahrel-Barid, leading down from Horns to the Mediterranean to the N. of Tripoli. But from the point of view of Pal, it must mean some purl of the great valley of Coele-Syria (Jiit/a at. It seems that instead of translating, we should read here a place-name "Libo of Hamath" and the presence of the ancient site of Libo (mod. Lrhom ) 14 miles N.N.E. of Baalbek, at the head-waters of the Orontes, commanding the strategical point where the plain broadens out, to the N. and to the S., confirms us in this conjecture.


    4. Entering in of Hamath

    HAMATH-ZOBAH, ha math-zo ba (HlS Plan, hamath gobhah; Baio-wpd, Baisobd): Mentioned only in 2 Ch 8 3. Apart from Great Hamath no site answering to this name is known. It does not seem to be implied that Solomon took possession of Hamath itself, but rather that he "confirmed" his dominion over parts of the kingdom of Zobah, which on its fall may have been annexed by Ha math. LXX cod. B suggests a reading Beth- zobah omitting all reference to Hamath. On the other hand, the geographical distinctions between Zobah and Hamath having passed away long be fore Ch was written, the double name may have been used to indicate generally the extent of Solo mon s conquests, as also to avoid confusion with the Zobah in the Hauran (2 S 23 36).


    HAMMATH, ham ath (flTOn, hammath, "hot spring"):

    (1) "The father of the house of Rechab" (1 Ch 2 55).

    (2) One of the fenced cities of Naphtali, named with Zer, Rakkath and Chinnereth (Josh 19 35). It is doubtless identical with Emmaus mentioned by Jos (Ant, XVIII, ii, 3; Ii,J , IV, i, 3) as near Tiberias, on the shore of the lake of Gennesareth.

    It is represented by the modern el-Hammam, nearly 2 miles S. of Tiberias. It was, of course, much nearer the ancient Tiberias, which lay S. of the present city. The hot baths here, "useful for healing," in the time of Jos, have maintained their reputation. In recent years, indeed, there has been a marked increase in the number of sick persons from all parts who visit the baths. The waters are esteemed specially valuable for rheumatism and skin troubles. In the large public bath the water has a temperature of over 140 Fahr. Parts of the ancient fortifica tion still cling to the mountain side above the baths; and the remains of an aqueduct which brought fresh water from sources in the S.W. may be traced along the face of the slopes. Ilammath is identical with Hammon (1 Ch 6 7(>); and probably also with Hammoth-dor (Josh 21 32). ‘‘V. EWINO

    HAMMEAH, ha-me a, ham ^-a, THE TOWER OF (nXIQn , fta-me a/i [Neh 3 1J; AVMeah): The origin of the name is obscure; in m the meaning is given "Tower of the hundred"; it has been suggested that it may have been 100 cubits high or had 100 steps. It was the most important point on the walls of Jerus in going W. from the Sheep Gate, and is mentioned along with theT. of HANANKI, (q.v.) (Neh 31), and was therefore near the N.E. corner, and probably stood where the Baris and Antonia after ward were, near the X.W. corner of the Ijtmun where are today the Turkish barracks. See JKUCSALKM. I 1 ]. W. G. MASTKK.M ‘‘

    HAMMEDATHA, ham-g-da tha (Xr^Zn, ham- m tlhalha): The father of Hainan (EsVjJ 1). He is generally termed the "Agagite"; the name is of Pers etymology, signifying "given by the moon."

    HAMMELECH, ham e-lek fTjb^H , J,n-mdd;h, "the king"): Wrongly tr 1 as a proper name in AV. It should be rendered "the king," as in AHV (Jer 36 2(5; 38 6).

    HAMMER, ham er: The Heb rAffi , nmMrbhrth, occurs in Jgs 4 21, where it refers to the mallei (probably wooden) used to drive tent-pins into the ground. The same word occurs in 1 K 6 7; Isa 44 12; Jer 10 4 as applied to a workman s hammer. UPipii , pdttlxh (cf Arab. /aTs), occurs in Isa 41 7; Jer 23 2<); 50 23. It was probably a blacksmith s hammer or heavy hammer used for breaking rock. There is doubt about the rendering of Jgs 5 2(5, where the word, r^TipIj , halmuth, occurs. From the context, the instrument mentioned was prob ably not a hammer. In Ps 74 (5, r"^2 , ki ld/iti, is better ti^ "axes," not "hammers." See TOOLS.


    HAMMIPHKAD, ha-mif kad, GATE OF (nrttJ ~|yE1Gn , s/m ar hd-nti p/ikddh, "Gate of t he Muster") : One of the gates of Jerus (Xeh 3 31) not men tioned elsewhere; probably situated near the N.E. corner of the Temple area.

    HAMMOLECHETH, ha-mol g-keth (Tlb^n , ha-

    inolckheth, "the queen"; LXX MaX.e xe0, Malechelh; AV Hammoleketh) : The daughter of Machir and sister of Gilead (1 Ch 7 IS).

    HAMMON, ham on C)T/Sn, hammon, "glowing"): (1) A place on the seaward frontier of Asher, named with Rehob and Kanah (Josh 19 2S), to be sought, therefore, not far from Tyre. The most probable identification so far suggested is with Umm el*Ainud, "mother of the column" (or ‘‘-iu umld, "columns"), at the mouth of Wwly IJatnul, on the shore, about 10 miles S. of Tyre. An in scription found by Kenan shows that the place was



    associated with the worship of Ba al Hamman (C/S, 1,8).

    (2) A city in Naphtali, given to the Gershon-

    ite Levitcs (1 Cli 6 7(>). It is identical with Hamrnath (Josh 19 3">), and probably also with Hammoth-dor (Josh 21 32). ‘‘V. EWING

    HAMMOTH-DOR, ham-oth-dor PX^ HEn , hamindlh do r; E(ia98u>p, Emathdtir, as also several corrupt forms): A fenced, Levitical city of Naphtali (Josh 19 35; 21 32); also named Ilamnmn (1 Ch 6 f)l Ileb). Probably the liniinnnlu of the Karnak lists, and the hainattnn of ‘‘V.’’I, II, f>3; certainly t lie Emmaus of Jos, Ant, XVIII, ii, 3; III, IV, i, 3; Ilaninta of EnlhlilH- v. f)j M (/hilla/i 2I>, and the modern cl- Hatntndni, ‘‘ miles S. of Tiberias. The name signifies "hot springs," and these, 4 in num ber, still exist. They have a temperature of 1-4-1 K, are salt and bitter in taste 1 and sulphurous in smell. Considered invaluable for rheumatism, they are crowded in June and July. This health- giving reputation is of ancient date. It is men tioned in Jos. HJ, IV, i, 3; and a coin of Tiberias of the reign of Trajan depicts Hygeia sitting on a rock beside the springs, feeding the serpent of Aesculapius. Being used for pleasure also, they wen 1 permitted to the Jew on the Sabbath, whereas had they been used only medicinally, they would have been forbidden (Talm Bab, Shab 109<;; cf Alt 12 10J. ‘‘V. M. CHKISTIK

    HAMMUEL,ham il-el (bsnEn, hannu tl el, "wrath of (lod"): A son of Mishrna, a Simeonite, of the family of Shaul (1 Ch 4 20).

    HAMMURABI, ham-oo-rd be:

    1. Etymology of His Name, with Reference to Amraphel.

    Hi s Dynasty

    2. Tlie Years Following His Accession

    :{. Military Operations and Further Pious Works. In auguration of His linage

    4. The Capture of Kim-Sin

    5. Various Works, and an Expedition to Mesopotamia (i. His Final Years

    7. No Record of His Expedition to Palestine X. The Period When It May Have Taken Place 9. Hammurabi s (1 real ness as a Ruler

    The name of the celebrated warrior, builder and lawgiver, who ruled over Babylonia about 2000 BC. In accordance with the suggestion of 1. Ety- the late Professor Kb. Schrader, he is

    mology of almost universally identified with the His Name AMKAIMIKL of Cien 14 1, etc, (q.v.). with Refer- Hammurabi was apparently not of ence to Bab origin, the so-called "Dynasty of

    Amraphel. Babylon," to which he belonged, His Dy- having probably come from the W. nasty The commonest form of the name is

    as above, but Hamu( m )-rabi (with mimmation) is also found. The reading with initial 6 in the second element is confirmed by the Bab rendering of the name as Kimta-rapa&u, "my family is widespread," or the like, showing that rabi was regarded as coming from r<il>u, "to be great." A late letter-tablet, however (see PSBA, May, 1901, p. 191), gives the form Aitimura/ii, showing that the initial is not really kh, and that the b of the second element had changed to p (cf Tiglath-pil-eser for Tukulti-abil-esar, etc). Am raphel (for Amrapel, Amrabel, Amrabc) would there fore seem to be due to Assyr influence, but the final / is difficult to explain. Professor F. Hommel has pointed out, that the Bab rendering, "my family is widespread," is simply due to the scribes, the first element being the name of the Arab, deity *Am, making l Ammu-rabi, "Am is great." Ad mitting this, it would seem to be certain that Hammurabi s dynasty was that designated Arabian by Berosus. Its founder was apparently Sumu-abi,

    and Hammurabi was the fifth in descent from him. Hammurabi s father, Sin-mubalit, and his grand father, Abil-Sin, are the only rulers of the dynasty which have Bab names, all the others being ap parently Arabic.

    Concerning Hammurabi s early life nothing is

    recorded, but as he reigned at least -13 years, he

    must have been young when he came

    2. The to the throne. His accession was ap- Years parent ly marked by some improve- Following ment in the administration of the His Ac- laws, wherein, as the date-list says, cession he "established righteousness." After

    this, tin 1 earlier years of his reign were devoted to such peaceful pursuits as constructing the shrines and images of the gods, and in his 6th year he built the wall of the city of La/. In his 7th year he took I nug (Ercch) and Isin two of the principal cities of Babylonia, implying that the Dynasty of Babylon had not held sway in all the states.

    While interesting himself in the all-important work of digging canals, he found time to turn his

    attention to the land of Yamutbalu

    3. Military (Sth year), and in his l()th he possibly Operations conquered, or received the homage of, and Further the city and people (or the army) of Pious Malgia or Malga. Next year the city Works. In- Kabiku was taken by a certain Ibik- auguration Isktir, and also, seemingly, a place of His called Salibu. The inauguration of Image the throne of Zer-panitu ", and the

    setting u|), seemingly, of some kind of royal monument, followed, and was succeeded by other religious duties indeed, work of this nature would seem to have occupied him every year until his 21st, when he built the fortress or fortification of the city Ba/u. His 22d year is de scribed as that of his own image as king of right eousness; and the question naturally arises, whether this was the date when he erected the great stele found at Susa in Elam, inscribed with his Code of Laws, which is now in the Louvre. Next year he seems to have fortified the city of Sippar, where, it is supposed, this monument was originally erected. Pious works again occupied him until his 30th year, when the army of Elam is referred to, possibly indicating warlike operations, which

    4. The paved the way for the great campaign Capture of of his 3 1st year, when, "with the help Rim-Sin of Ami and Enlil," he captured Yamut balu and King Pirn-Sin, the well- known ruler of Larsa. In his 32d year he destroyed the army of Asnunna or Ksnunnak.

    After these victories, Hammurabi would seem to

    have been at peace, and in his 33d year he dug the

    canal ffammurabi-nuhus-nisi, "Ham-

    5. Various murabi the abundance of the people," Works and bringing to the fields of his subjects an Expedi- fertility, "according to the wish of tion to Knlila." The rest oral ion of the great Meso- temple at Erech came next, and was potamia followed by the erection of a fortress,

    "high like a mountain," on the banks of the Tigris. He also built the fortification of Rabiku on the bank of the Tigris, implying prep arations for hostilities, and it was possibly on account of this that the next year he made; supplication to Tasmetu ", the spouse of Nebo. The year following (his 37th), by the command of Ann and Knlila," the fortifications of Maur and Malka were de stroyed, after which the country enjoyed a twelve month of peace. In all probability, however, this was to prepare for the expedition of his 39th year, when he subjugated Turukku, Kagmu and Subartu, a part of Mesopotamia. The length of this year-



    Letter "H"

    date implies that the expedition was regarded as being; of importance.

    Untroubled by foreign affairs, the chief work of

    Hammurabi during his 40th year was the digging

    of the canal Tisit-Enlila, at Sippar,

    6. His following this up by the restoration of Final the temple E-mete-ursag and a splendid Years temple-tower dedicated to Zagaga and

    Istar. The defences of his country were apparently his last thought, for his 43d year, which seemingly terminated his reign and his life, was devoted to strengthening the fortifications of Sippar, a work recorded at greater length in several cylinder-inscriptions found on the site.

    Unfortunately none of the documents referring to his reign makes mention of his attack, in com pany with the armies of Chedorlaomer,

    7. No Tidal and Arioch, upon the rebel- Record of kings of Sodom and Gomorrah. This an Expedi- naturally throws doubt on the identi- tion to neat ion of Hammurabi with the Am- Palestine raphel of (ten 14 1 ff. It must be

    remembered, however, that we do not possess a complete history either of his life or his rule. That he was a contemporary of Arioch seems undoubted, and if this be the case, Chedorlaomer and Tidal were contemporaries too. Various reasons might be adduced for the absence of refer ences to the campaign in question his pride may have precluded him from having a year named after an expedition no matter how satisfactory it may have been carried out for another power his suzerain; or the allied armies may have suffered so severely from attacks similar to that delivered by Abraham, that the campaign became an altogether unsuitable one to date by.

    If Eri-Aku was, as Thureau-Dangin has suggested, the brother of Rim-Sin, king of Larsa (Elassar), he

    must have preceded him on the throne,

    8. Period and, in that case, the expedition against When It the kings of the Plain took place before May Have Hammurabi s 3()th year, when he Taken claims to have defeated Rim-Sin. As Place the date of Rim-Sin s accession is

    doubtful, the date of Eri-Aku s (Arioch s) death is equally so, but it possibly took place about 5 years before Rim-Sin s defeat. The expedition in question must therefore have been undertaken during the first 25 years of Hammurabi s reign. As Amraphel is called king of Shinar (Baby lonia), the period preceding Hammurabi s accession ought probably to be excluded.

    Of all the kings of early Babylonia so far known, Hammurabi would seem to have been one of the

    greatest, and the country made good

    9. Ham- progress under his rule. His con- murabi s flicta with Elam suggest that Baby- Greatness Ionia had become strong enough to as a Ruler resist that warlike state, and his title

    of addaor "father" of Martu ( = Amur- ru, the Amorites) and of Yamutbfdu on the E. im plies not only that he maintained the country s influence, but also that, during his reign, it was no longer subject to Elam. Rim-Sin and the state of Larsa, however, were not conquered until the time of Samsu-iluna, Hammurabi s son. It is noteworthy that his Code of Laws (see 3, above) not only deter mined legal rights and responsibilities, but also fixed the rates of wages, thus obviating many difficulties. See AMRAPHEL; ARIOCH; CHEDORLAOMER; TIDAL, etc.



    1. Discovery of the Code

    2. Editions of the; (lode

    3. Description of the Stone

    4. History of the Stone

    5 Origin and Later History of the Code


    1. The Principles of Legal Process

    2. Theft, Burglary, Robbery H. Laws concerning Vassalage

    4. Immovables

    5. Trader and Agent (i. Taverns

    7. Deposits

    8. Family

    9. Concerning Wounding, etc

    10. Building of Houses and Ships

    11. Hiring in General, etc

    12. Slaves


    1. Hammurabi and Moses

    2. The Code and Other Legal Systems LITERATURE

    /. Historical. When Professor Meissner pub lished, in 1898, some fragments of cuneiform tablets from the library of the Assyr king

    1. Discov- Ashurbanipal (608-628 BC), he also ery of the then suggested that these pieces were Code parts of a copy of an old Book of

    Law from the time of the so-called First Bab Dynasty, one 1 of the kings of which was Hammurabi (more exactly Hammurapi, c2100BC). A few years later this suggestion was fully estab lished. In December, 1901, and January, 1902, a French expedition under the leadership of M. J. de Morgan, the chief aim of which was the exploration of the old royal city Susa, found there a diorite stone, 2.25 m. high and almost 2 m. in circumference. This stone had a relief (see below) and 44 columns of ancient Bab cuneiform writing graven upon it. Professor V. Scheil, O.P., the Assyriological member of the expedition, recognized at once that this stele contains the collection of laws of King Hammurabi, and published this characteristic discovery as early as 1902 in the official report of the expedition: Delegation en Perse (Tome IV, Paris).

    At t he same time Scheil gave the first tr of the text. Since 1 then the text has several times been pub lished, tr 1 and commented upon; cf

    2. Editions, esp.: H. Winckler, Die Gcsetze Ilam- etc, of the tnurabis ( = Der alte Orient, IV, Leip- Code zig; 1st ed, 1903; 4th ed, 1906); H.

    Winckler, Die Gcsetze Hammurabis in Umschrift nn<l Ubersetzung, Leipzig, 1904; D. H. Miiller, Die Gcsctze Hammurabis und die Mosaische Gesetzgebung, Vienna, 1903; R. F. Harper, The Code of Hammurabi, Chicago, 1904; C. H. W. Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, Letters, Edinburgh, 1904, 44 ff; T. G. Pinches, The OT in the Light of the Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia, London, 1908, 487; A. Vngnad, Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Allen Testament, Tiibingen, 1909, I, 140 ff; A. Ungnad, Keilschrifttexte der Gesetze Hammurapis, Leipzig, 1909; J. Kohler, F. Peiser and A. Ungnad, Hammurabis Gesetz, 5 vols, Leipzig, 1904-11.

    The stone has the form of a column the cross- section of which is approximately an ellipse. The

    upper part of the face has a relief (see

    3. Descrip- illustration). We see the king in tion of the supplicating attitude standing before Stone the sun-god who sits upon a throne

    and is characterized by sun rays which stream out from his shoulders. As the king traced back the derivation of the Code to an inspiration of this god, we may suppose that the relief represents the moment when the king received the laws from the mouth of the god. Lower on the face of the stone are 16 columns of text, which read from top to bottom; 7 other columns were erased some time later than Hammurabi in order to make room for a new inscription. The reverse side contains 28 columns of text.

    The stone was set up by the king, toward the end of his reign of 43 years, in the temple Esagila at Babylon, the capital of his dominion (c 2100 BC). It was probably stolen from there by the Elamitic



    king Shutruk-Xakhunto, in the- 12th rent. BC, at, the time of the plundering of Babylon, and sot up as a trophy of war in the- Klamitie capital 4. History Susa. The same- king had, it would seem, the 7 columns from the face side (-rased in order to engrave there- an account of his own deeds, but through some unknown circumstance this latter was ne>t accomplished. After the discovery of the- stele it was brought te> Paris where it now forms one- of the most important possessions of the- Louvre.

    of the


    Hammurabi Receiving the Laws.

    If, however, Hammurabi was not the first legis lator of Babylonia, st ill IK; was, as far as we can see, the first, one who used the language of 5. Origin the people, i.e. the Sem idiom. ‘‘Ye and Later know that nearly 1,000 years earlier History of a king, I rukag ma, promulgated laws the Code in Babylonia which have been lost ; an ancestor of Hammurabi, Sumulaol, appeal s also to have given laws. As we are alile to recogni/e from the actual practice of Bab social life, the legislation of Hammurabi signifies nothing essentially new. Even before his time laws after t he same principles were administered. His service lies before all in that he gathered toget her t he extant laws and set them up in the Sem language. The laws were promulgated already in the 2d year of his reign, but the stele known to us was set up in the temple at Babylon about 30 years later. Moreover, the laws wen 1 set up in more than one copy, for in Susa fragments of another ropy were found. How long the laws were in actual use it is impossible to determine. In any case, as late as t he time of Ashurbanipal (see above), they used to be copied; indeed we oven possess copies in neo-Bab char acters which are later than the 7th rent. BC. Fortunately the duplicates contain several passages which are destroyed on the largo stele in conse quence of the erasure of the seven columns. Thus we are able, in spite of the gaps in the large stele, almost completely to determine the contents of the Code.

    ‘. The Contents of the Code. The laws them selves are preceded by an introduction which was added later, after the law had already been pub lished about 30 years. The introduction states in the first place that already in the primeval ago, when

    Marduk the god of Babylon was elected king of the gods, Hammurabi was predestined by the gods "to cause justice to radiate over the land, to surrender sinners and evildoers to destruction, and to take- care that the strong should not oppress the- weak." Hammurabi s Code is, indeed, conceived from this standpoint .

    Farther on, the king lauds his service s to the prin cipal riti -s of Babylonia, their temples and cults. He appears as a true server of the gods, as a pro tector of his people and a gracious prince to those who at first would not acknowledge his supremacy. To be sure, this introduction is not entirely free from presumption; for the king describes himself as "god of the kings" and "sun-god of Babylon "! The hopes of a Saviour, which heathen antiquity also knew, he regards as realized in his own person.

    The Code itself may bo divided into 12 divisions. It manifests, in no way, a very definite logical sys tem; the sequence is often interrupted, and one that it is not so much a systematic and exhaustive work as a collection of the legal stand ards accumulated in the course of time. Much that we would expect to find in a Code is not even ment ioned.

    The first five paragraphs treat of some principles

    of legal process. In the first place false accusation

    is considered. The improvable charge

    1. The of sorcery is dealt with in an especially Principles interesting manner (2). The accused of Legal in this case has to submit to an ordeal Process at the hands of the River-god; never theless nothing is said concerning the

    details of this ordeal. If he is convicted by the god as guilty, the accuser receives his house; in the, opposite case, the accuser is condemned to death and the accused receives his house. The law also proceeds rigorously against, false- witnesses: in a process in which life is at- stake, conscious perjury is punished with death (3). Finally the king strives also for an uncorrupt body of judges; a judge who has not carried out the- judgment of the court correctly has not only to pay twelve times the sum at issue, but lie is also dismissed with disgrace from his office.

    The next sections (625) occupy themselves

    with serious theft, burglary, robbery and other

    crimes of a like nature. Theft from

    2. Theft, palace or temple, or the receiving and Burglary, concealing of stolen properly, is pun- Robbery ished with death or a heavy fine- accord ing to the nature of what is stolen

    ( . S 0- As it was a custom in Babylonia to effect, every purchase in the presence of witnesses or with a written deed of sale, one understands the regulation that, in certain rases in which witnesses were not forthcoming, or a deed could not bo shown, theft was assumed: the guilty person suffered death (7). A careful procedure is prescribed for the case in which lost goods arc- found in the hands of another: he who, in the investigation, cannot prove his legiti mate- right, suffers death, just as a de-reiver who tries to enrich himself through making a false accu sation (9ff). Kidnapping of a free child or carrying away and concealing a slave from the palace is punished with death (14ff). As slavery had the greatest economic significance in Babylonia, dotaileel regulations concerning the se-ixing of run away slaves and similar matters wore given ( 17ffj. Burglary, as also robbery, is punished with death (21 IT). If a robber is not, caught, the- persons e>r corporations responsible- for the safety of the land had to make compensation ( 22 IT). Who ever attempts to enrich himself from a building in conflagration is thrown into the fire ( 2">).

    The next paragraphs ( 26-41) control vassalage, particularly in reference to rights and duties of a



    Letter "H"

    military kind, concerning which we are not yet quite clear. Here also Hammurabi s care for those

    of a meaner position is exhibited, since 3. Laws he issues rigid regulations against mis- concerning use of t he power of office and punishes Vassalage certain offences of this kind even with

    death (34). The crown had, in every case, authority in reference to estates in fee which a vassal could not sell, exchange or transmit to his wife or daughters ( 36 ff, 41); as a rule the sons took over the estates after the death of the father together with the accompanying rights and duties. The same was the case if, in the service of the king, the father had been lost sight of ( 28f). The estates in fee of what we may call "lay-priest esses" (concerning whom we shall have to speak later) take a special position ( 40).

    not the means to do this could be sold with his family into slavery ( 53 ff). Special regulations protect the landowner from unlicensed grazing on his fields of crops ( 57 f).

    The regulations concerning horticulture ( 59- 66) are similar; here also the relation of the pro prietor to the gardener who had to plant or to culti vate the garden is carefully considered; the same is true with respect to the business liabilities of the owner. These regulations concerning horticulture are not entirely preserved upon the stele, but, through the above-mentioned duplicates, we can restore them completely.

    Our knowledge concerning the legal relations between house-owners and tenants ( 67 ff) is less, because the parts dealing with these on the stele are entirely lost and can only be partially restored from

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    A longer section ( 41 ff) is given to immovables (field, garden, house); for the economic life of the

    ancient Babylonians depended first of 4. Immov- all upon the cultivation of grain and ables date-palms; the legal relations of the

    land tenants are exactly explained ( 42 ff) : neglect of his work does not liberate the tenant from his duties to his overlord. On the other hand, in cases of losses through the weather, he is so far released from his duties that of the rent not yet paid he has to pay only an amount corre sponding to the quantity of the product of his tenancy ( 45 f). Also the landowner with lia bilities, who suffers through failure of crops and inundation, enjoys far-reaching protection (48), and his business relations generally are adequately regulated (49ff). As the regular irrigation of the fields was the chief condition for profitable hus bandry in a land lacking rain, strong laws are made in reference 1 to this: damage resulting from neglect has to be compensated for; indeed, whoever had

    duplicates. Reference is once more made to vassal age (71). The relations between neighbors are also regulated, but we cannot ascertain how in detail ( 72 ff). Concerning the precise rights of tenants and landlords we are also but slightly informed (78).

    On account of the gaps, we are not able to deter mine how far the regulations concerning immov ables extended. In the gaps there seem to have been still other laws concerning business liabilities. The number of missing paragraphs can only ap proximately be determined, so that our further enumeration of the paragraphs cannot be regarded as absolutely correct.

    The text begins again with the treatment of the legal relations between the trader and his agents ( 100-107); these agents are a kind 6. Trader of officials for the trader whose business and Agent they look after. Yhile the Code dis cusses their responsibilities and duties to their masters, it also protects them from unjust, and deceitful ones.



    Letter "H"

    The taverns of Babylonia ( 108-11) seem very

    often to have been the resort of criminals. As a rule

    they were in the hands of proprietresses

    6. Taverns who were made responsible for what

    took place on their premises ( 109). Priestesses were forbidden to visit these houses under penalty of being burned ( 110).

    The next division ( 112-26) deals esp. with deposits, although some of its regulations are only

    indirectly therewith connected. De-

    7. Deposits ceptive messengers are to be punished

    ( 1 12). The debtor is protected from violent encroachments of the creditor ( 113). De tailed regulations are given concerning imprison ment for debt ( 1 14 ff). The creditor must guard himself from mistreating a person imprisoned for debt, in his house; if a child of the debtor dies through the fault of the creditor, the jus talionis is resorted to: a child of the creditor is. killed ( 116). The members of a family imprisoned for debt have to be released after three years ( 117). If anyone desires to give something to another to be saved for him, he must do it in the presence of witnesses or draw up a statement of the transaction; otherwise later claims cannot be substantiated ( 122 ff). Whoever accepts the objects is responsible for them ( 125), but is also protected from unjustified claims of his client ( 126).

    The sections occupied with the rights of the family are very extensive ( 127-95). Matri mony rests upon a contract ( 128)

    8. Family and presupposes the persistent fidelity

    of the wife ( 129 ff), while the hus band is not bound, in this respect, by regulations of any kind. An unfaithful wife may be thrown into the water, but the partner of her sin may also, under certain circumstances, suffer the penalty of death. Long unprevent able absence of the husband justifies the wife to marry again only when she lacks the means of support ( 133 ff). On the part of the husband, there are no hindrances to divorce, so long as he settles any matters with his wife concerning her property, provides for the upbringing of the children and, in certain cases, gives a divorce-sum as compensation ( 137 ff). Disorderly conduct of the wife is sufficient for the annulling of the mar riage; in this case the husband may reduce the wife to the state of a slave ( 141). The wife may only annul the marriage if her husband grossly neglects his duties toward her ( 142). If a wife desires the annulling of the marriage for any other reason, she is drowned ( 143).

    As a rule polygamy is not allowed. If a barren wife gives to her husband a slave girl who bears children to him, then he may not marry another wife ( 144); otherwise he might do so ( 145). The slave given to the husband is bound to show due deference to her mistress; if she does not do this she loses her privileged position, but she may not be sold if she has borne a child to the husband ( 146 f). Incurable disease of the wife is a ground for the marriage of another wife ( 148 f).

    Gifts of the husband to the wife may not be touched by the children at the death of the hus band, but nevertheless property has to remain in the family ( 150). Debts contracted before the mar riage by one side or the other are not binding for the other, if an agreement has been made to that effect ( 151 f).

    Rigid laws are made against abuses in sexual life. The wife who kills her husband for the sake of a lover is impaled upon a stake ( 153). Incest _ is punished, according to the circumstances, with exile or death ( 154 ff).

    Breach of promise by the man without sufficient reason entails to him the loss of all presents made for the betrothed. If the father of the betrothed annuls

    the engagement, he must give back to the man twice the value of the presents ( 159 ff); esp. the sum paid for the wife to her father (Bab tcrhatu).

    Matters concerning inheritance are carefully dealt with ( 162 ff). The dowry of a wife belongs, after her death, to her children ( 162). Presents made during the lifetime are not reckoned in the dividing of the inheritance ( 165), apart from the outlay which a father has to make in the case of each of his sons, the chief portion of which is the money for a wife ( 166). Children borne from different mothers share the paternal inheritance equally ( 167).

    Disinheritance of a child is permitted only in the case of serious offences after a previous warning (168f). Illegitimate children borne from slaves have part in the inheritance only if the father has expressly acknowledged them as his children ( 170) ; otherwise, at the death of the father, they are released ( 171).

    The chief wife, whose future needs had not been secured during the lifetime of her husband, receives from the property of the deceased husband a por tion equal to that received by each child, but she has only the use of it ( 172). A widow may marry again, but then she loses all claim on the property of her first husband, in favor of his children ( 172, 177); the children of both her marriages share her own property equally ( 173 f).

    The children from free women married to slaves are free ( 175). The master of the slave has only a claim to half of the property of the slave which he has acquired during such a marriage ( 176 f).

    Unmarried daughters mostly became priestesses or entered a religious foundation (Bab malyu) ; they also received, very often, a sort of dowry, which, however, remained under the control of their brothers and which, on the death of the former, fell to the brothers and sisters, if their fathers had not expressly given them a free hand in this matter ( 178 f). In cases where the father did not give such a dowry, the daughter received, from the prop erty left, a share equal to that of the others, but only for use; those dedicated to a goddess obtained only a third of such an amount (lSOf). The lay- priestesses of the god Marduk of Babylon enjoyed special privileges in that they had full control over any property thus acquired ( 1S2).

    As a rule, adopted children could not be dismissed again (185ff). Parents who had given their child to a master, who had adopted it and taught it handwork, could not claim it again (188f). Gross insubordination of certain adopted children of a lower class is severely punished by the cutting off of the tongue ( 192) or the tearing out of an eye ( 193). Deceitful wet-nurses are also severely punished ( 194). The last paragraph of this sec tion ( 195) states the punishment for children who strike their father as the cutting off of the hand.

    The next division ( 196-227) occupies itself with wounding of all kinds, in the first place with the jus talionis: an eye for an eye, a 9. Con- bone for a bone, a tooth for a tooth. cerning Persons lower in the social grade Wounding, usually accepted money instead ( etc 196 ff). A box on the ears inflicted

    by a free man upon a free man cost the former 60 shekels ( 203) ; in the case of one half- free, 10 shekels ( 204) ; but if a slave so strikes a free man, his ear is to be cut off ( 205). Uninten tional wounding of the body, which proves to be fatal, is covered by a fine ( 207 f). Anyone who strikes a pregnant free woman, so as to cause a mis carriage and the death of the woman, is punished by having his daughter killed ( 210); in the case of a half-free woman or a slave, a money compensa tion was sufficient (212ff).



    Letter "H"

    The surgeon is responsible for certain operations; if they succeed, he receives a legally determined high reward; if they fail, under certain circumstances his hand might be cut off (215fT). Certainly this law was an effective preventive against quacks! Farther on come regulations concerning the fees of surgeons ( 221 ff) and veterinary surgeons; to a certain degree the latter are responsible for the kill ing of an animal under their charge ( 224 f).

    Later, the building of houses and ships is treated

    of ( 228-40). The builder is responsible for the

    stability of the house built by him; if

    10. Build- it falls down and kills the master of ing of the house, the builder is killed; if it Houses and kills a child of the house, a child of the Ships builder is killed (229f). For any

    other damages incurred, the builder is likewise responsible ( 231 ff). The regulations for the builders of ships are similar (234ff). The man who hires a ship is answerable to the proprietor (236ff). With the busy shipping trade on the canals, special attention had to be given to prevent accidents (240).

    Already in earlier sections there were regulations concerning hiring (rent) and wages. This eleventh

    division ( 241-77) deals with the

    11. Hiring matter more in detail, but it also in General, brings many things forward which are etc only slightly related thereto. It states

    tariffs for working animals ( 242 f), and in conclusion to this makes equally clear to what extent the hirer of such an animal is responsi ble for harm to the animal (244ff). Special attention must be given an ox addicted to goring ( 2f>0 ff; see below). Care is taken that un faithful stewards do not escape their punishment: in gross cases of breach of confidence they are pun ished with the cutting oif of the hand or by being torn (in the manner of being tortured on a rack) by oxen (253ff). The wages for agricultural laborers are determined (257f), and in connec tion with this, lesser cases of theft of field-utensils are considered and covered by a money fine ( 259 f). The wages of a shepherd and his duties form the subject of some other paragraphs ( 261 ff). Finally, matters having to do with hiring are men tioned: the hiring of animals for threshing ( 208 ff), of carriages (271), wages of laborers ( 273) and handworkers ( 274), and the hire of ships (276f).

    The last division ( 27S-S2) treats of slaves in

    so far as they are not already mentioned. The

    seller is responsible to the buyer that

    12. Slaves the slave does not suffer from epilepsy

    ( 278), and that nobody else has a claim upon him ( 279). Slaves of Bab origin, bought in a foreign land, must be released, if they are brought back to Babylonia and recognized by their former master (280). If a slave did not acknowledge his master, his ear could be cut off (282).

    Here the laws como to an end. In spite of many regulations which seem to us cruel, they show keen sense of justice and impartiality. Thus the king, in an epilogue, rightly extols himself as a shepherd of salvation, as a helper of the oppressed, as an ad viser of widows and orphans, in short, as the father of his people. In conclusion, future rulers are ad monished to respect his laws, and the blessings of the gods are promised to those who do so. But upon those who might attempt to abolish the Code he calls down the curse of all the great gods, indi vidually and collectively. With that the stele ends.

    ‘. The Significance of the Code has been recog nized ever since its discovery; for, indeed, it is the most ancient collection of laws which we know. For judgment concerning the ancient Bab civilization,

    for the history of slavery, for the position of woman and many other questions the Code offers the most important material. The fact that law and reli gion are nearly always distinctly separated is worthy of special attention.

    It is not to be wondered at that a monument of such importance demands comparison with similar monuments. In this reference the 1. Ham- most important question is as to the murabi and relation in which the Code stands to Moses the Law of Aloses. Hammurabi was

    not only king of Babylonia but also of Amurru ( = "land of the Amorites"), called later Pal and ‘‘Vestern Syria. As his successors also retained the dominion over Amurru, it is quite possible that, for a considerable time, the laws of Hammurabi were in force here also, even if perhaps in a modified form. In the time of Abraham, for example, one may consider the narratives of Sarah and Hagar (Gen 16 1 ff), and Rachel and Bilhah (Gen 30 1 ffj, which show the same juridical prin ciples as the Code (cf 144 ff; see above). Other narratives of the OT indicate the same customs as the Code does for Babylonia; cf Gen 24 53, where the bridal gifts to Rebekah correspond to the Bab terhdtu (159); similarly Gen 31 14 f.

    Between the Code and the Law of Moses, esp. in the so-called Book of the Covenant (Ex 20 22 23 33), there are indeed extraordinary parallels. We might mention here the following examples:

    Ex 21 2: "If thou buy a II eb servant, six years he shall serve: and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing." Similarly, CH, 117: "If a man become involved in debt, and give his wife, his son or his daughter for silver or for labor, they shall serve three years in the house of their pur chaser or bondmaster: in the fourth year they shall regain their freedom."

    Ex 21 15: "And he that smiteth his father, or his mother, shall be surely put to death." Cf CH, 195: "If a son strike his father, his hand shall be cut off."

    Ex 21 18 f: "And if men contend, and one smite the other with a stone, or with his fist, and he die not, but keep his bed; if he rise again, and walk abroad upon his staff, then shall he that smote him be quit: only he shall pay for the loss of his time, and shall cause him to be thoroughly healed." Cf CH, 206: "If a man strike another man in a noisy dispute and wound him, that man shall swear, I did not strike him knowingly ; and he shall pay for the physician."

    Ex 21 22: "If men strive together, and hurt a woman with child, so that her fruit depart, and yet no harm follow; he shall surely be fined, according as t lie woman s husband shall lay upon him; and he shall pay as the judges determine." Cf CH, 209: "If a man strike a free woman and cause her fruit to depart, he shall pay ten shekels of silver for her fruit."

    Ex 21 24: "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot," Cf CH, 196: "If a man destroy the eye of a free man, his eye shall be de stroyed." 197: "If he break the bone of a free man, his bone shall be broken." 200: "If a man knock out the teeth of a man of the same rank, his teeth shall be knocked out."

    Ex 21 28-32: "If an ox gore a man or a woman to death, the ox shall be surely stoned, and its flesh shall not be eaten; but the owner of the ox shall be quit. But if the ox was wont to gore in time past, and it hath been testified to its owner, and he hath not kept it in, but it hath killed a man or a woman; the ox shall be stoned, and its owner also shall be

    put to death If the ox gore a man-servant

    or a maid-servant, there shall be given unto their master 30 shekels of .silver, and the ox shall be stoned." Cf CH, 250 if: "If an ox, while going



    along the street, gore i man :ind cause his death, no chums of any kind can be made. If a man s ox he addicted to goring and have manifested to him his failing, that it is addicted to goring, and, never theless, lie have neither blunted his horns, nor fast ened up his ox; then if his ox gore a free man and cause his death, he shall give 30 shekels of silver. If it be a man s slave, he shall give 20 shekels of silver."

    Ex 22 7 ff reminds one of CH, 124 ff; Ex 22 10 ff of CH, 244 ff and 266 f.

    The resemblances between the other parts of the Pent and the Code are not so striking as those be tween the Code and the Book of the Covenant; nevertheless one may compare Lev 19 35 f with CH, 5; Lev 20 10 with CH, 129; Lev 24 19 f with CH, 196 ff; Lev 25 39 ff with CH, 117; Dt 19 16 IT with CH, 3f; Dt, 22 22 with CH, 129; Dt 24 1 with CH, 137 ff and 148f; Dt 24 7 with CII, 14; esp. Dt 21 15ff.l8fT, with CH, 167, HiS f, where, in both cases, there is a transition from regulations concerning the property left by a man, married several times, to provisions referring to the punishment of a dis obedient son, certainly a remarkable agreement in sequence.

    One can hardly assert that the parallels quoted are accidental, but just as little could one say that they are directly taken from the Code; for they bear quite a definite impression due to the Israelitish culture, and numerous marked divergences also exist. As we have already mentioned, the land Amurru was for a time Bab territory, so that Bab law must have found entrance there. When the Israelites came into contact with Bab culture, on taking possession of the land of Canaan (a part of the old Amurru), it was natural that they should employ the results of that culture as far as they found them of use for themselves. Under no cir cumstances may one suppose here direct quotation. Single parts of the Laws of Moses, esp. the Deca logue (Ex 20), with its particularly pointed con ciseness, have no |] in CH.

    It has also been attempted to establish relations between the Code and other legal systems. In the Talm, esp. in the fourth order of the 2. The Code Mixhnah called n z tkln (i.e. "dam- and Other ages"), there are many regulations Legal which remind one of the Code. But

    Systems one must bear in mind that the Jews during the exile could hardly have known the Code in detail; if there happen to be similarities, these are to be explained by the fact that many of the regulations of the Code were still retained in the later Bab law, and the Talm drew upon this later Bab law for many regulations which seemed useful for its purposes. The connection is therefore an indirect one.

    The similarities with the remains of old Arabian laws and the so-called Syrio-Rom Lawbook (5th cent. AD) have to be considered in the same way, though some of these agreements may have only come about accidentally.

    That the similarities between Rom and Gr legal usages and the Code are only of an accidental na ture may be taken as assured. This seems all the more probable, in that between the Code and other legal systems there are quite striking similarities in individual points, even though we cannot find any historical connection, e.g. the Salic law, the lawbook of the Salic Franks, compiled about 500 AD, and which is the oldest preserved Germanic legal code.

    Until a whole number of lost codes, as the Old Amoritish and the neo-Bab, are known to us in detail, one must guard well against hasty con clusions. In any case it is rash to speak of direct

    borrowings where there may be a whole series of mediating factors.

    LITERATURE. Concerning the questions treated of in the last paragraphs refer esp. to: S. A. Cook, The Lairs of Mnxex ami Coilr of l/,t mmuraln, London, 1903; J. Jeremias, Moses and Hammurabi, Leipzig, 1908; S. Oettli, Das Gesetz Hammurabis und die Thora Israels, Leipzig, 190H; II. (Jrimme, Das Gesetz Chammurabis und Moses, Koln, 1903; II. Fehr, Hammurapi und das Sa- lische Recht, Bonn, 1910.


    HAMONAH, ha-mo na (PElttn, hflmonah): The name of a city which stood apparently near HAMON- uoc; (q.v.) (Ezk 39 16).

    HAMON-GOG, ha mon-gog (rniT pEn, h&mon- gogh, "the multitude of Gog"): The name of the place where "Gog and all his multitude" are to be buried (Ezk 39 11.15). By a change; in the point ing of ver 11, hd-*abharirn for ha-*obh e rlm, we should read "valley of Abarim" for "valley of them that pass through." In that case it would seem that the prophet thought of some ravine in the mountains E. of the Dead Sea.

    HAMOR, ha mor (TV2n , Mnwr, "an ass"; Efxpip, Einntor) : Hamor was the father of Shechem from whom Jacob bought a piece of ground on his return from Paddan-aram for one hundred pieces of silver (Gen 33 19), and the burial place of Joseph when his body was removed from Egypt to Canaan (Josh 24 32). "The men of Hamor" were inhabit ants of Shechem, and suffered a great loss under Abimelech, a prince over Israel (Jgs 9 22-49). Dinah, Jacob s daughter, was criminally treated by Hamor, who requested her to be given to him in marriage, in which plan he had the cooperation of his father, Shechem. The sons of Jacob rejected their proposition and laid a scheme by which the inhabitants of the city were circumcised, and in the hour of helplessness slew all the males, thus wreak ing special vengeance upon Hamor and his father Shechem. It is mere conjecture to claim that Hamor and Dinah were personifications of early central Palestinian clans in sharp antagonism, and that the course of Simeon and Levi was really the treachery of primitive tribes. Because the word Hamor means "an ass" and Shechem "a shoulder," there is no reason for rejecting the terms as desig nations of individuals and considering the titles as mere tribal appellations. BYRON H. DEMENT

    HAMRAN, ham ran. See HEMDAN. HAMUEL, ham u-el, ha-mu el. See HAMMUEL.

    HAMUL, ha mul (^"QTl , humiil, "pitied," "spared"): A son of Perez, and head of one of the clans of Judah (Gen 46 12; 1 Ch 2 5; Nu 26 21). His descendants were called Hamulites.

    HAMUTAL,ha-mu tal (VBTQn, hamutal, "father- in-law" or "kinsman of the dew"): A daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah, and wife of King Josiah, and mother of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah (2 K 23 31; 24 18; Jer 52 1). In the last two references and in the LXX the name appears as "Hamital." Swete gives a number of variants, e.g. 2 K 24 IS: B, Htrdr, Mitdt, A, A/xtTcifl, Amitdth; Jer 52 1: B, Afj.eirad’’, Hameitadl, X A A/un-adX, Hamitadl, Q, A/un-dA, Hamital.

    HANAMEL, han a-mel pSpin , hanam el; AV Hanameel, ha-nam C-el) : The son of Shallum, Jeremiah s uncle, of whom the prophet, while in prison, during the time when Jerus was besieged by the Chaldaeans, bought a field with due formali ties, in token that a time would come when house



    Letter "H"

    and vineyards would once more be bought in the land (Jer 32 6-15).

    HANAN, ha nan (]in , hdndn, "gracious"):

    (1) A chief of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Ch 8 23).

    (2) The youngest son of Azel, a descendant of Saul (1 Ch 8 3S; 9 44).

    (3) One of David s mighty men of valor (1 Ch 11 43).

    (4) The head of a family of the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 46; Neh 7 49).

    j(5) An assistant of Ezra in expounding the law (Neh 8 7). Possibly the same person is referred to in Neh 10 10 (11).

    (6) One of the four treasurers put in charge of the tithes by Nehemiah (Neh 13 13).

    (7, 8) Two who "sealed the covenant" on the eve of the restoration (Neh 10 22 [23]. 26 [27]).

    (9) A son of Igdaliah, "the man of Cod," whose sons had a chamber in the temple at Jerus (Jer 36 4). BYRON H. DEMENT

    HANANEL, han an-el, THE TOWER OF ( ^n, hdnan rd, " el is gracious"; AV Hananeel, ha-nan g-el) : A tower in the walls of Jerus adjoin ing (Neh 31; 12 39) the tower of HAMMEAH (q.v.). The company of Levites coming from the W. passed " by the fish gate, and the tower of Han- anel, and the tower of Hammeah, even unto the sheep gate" (Neh 12 39). In Jer 31 38 it is fore told "that the city shall, be built to Jeh from the tower of Hananel unto the gate of the corner" apparently the whole stretch of N. wall. In Zee 14 10 it says Jerus "shall dwell in her place, from Benjamin s gate unto the place of the first gate, unto the corner gate, and from the tower of Han anel unto the king s winepresses." These last were probably near Siloam, and the distance 1 "from the tower of Hananel unto the king s winepresses" describes the greatest length of the city from N. to S. All the indications point to a tower, close to the tower of Hammeah, near the N.E. corner, a point of the city always requiring special fortifi cation and later the sites successively of the Baris ana of the Antonia. See JERUSALEM.


    HANANI, ha-na nl p::n, Mnanl, "gracious"):

    (1) A musician and son of Heman, David s seer, and head of one of the courses of the temple service (1 Ch 25 4.25).

    (2) A seer, the father of Jehu. He was cast into prison for his courage in rebuking Asa for relying on Syria (1 K 16 1.7; 2 Ch 19 2; 20 34).

    (3) A priest, of the sons of Irnmer, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 20).

    (4) A brother or kinsman of Nehemiah who car ried news of the condition of the Jews in Pal to Susa and became one of the governors of Jerus (Neh 1 2; 7 2).

    (5) A priest and chief musician who took part in the dedication of the walls of Jerus (Neh 12 36).


    HANANIAH, han-a-ni a OirP3:n, hananyahu, <~0:^) h&nanyah; AvavCas, Ananias; also with aspirate, "Jeh hath been gracious"): This was a common name in Israel for many centuries.

    (1) A Berijamite (1 Ch 8 24).

    (2) A captain of Uzziah s army (2 Ch 26 11).

    (3) Father of one of the princes under Jehoiakim (Jer 36 12).

    (4) One of the sons of Heman and leader of the 16th division of David s musicians (1 Ch 25 4.23).

    (5) Grandfather of the officer of the guard which apprehended Jeremiah on a charge of desertion (Jer 37 13).

    (6) A false prophet of Gibeon, son of Azzur, who

    opposed Jeremiah, predicting that the yoke of Babylon would be broken in two years, and that the king, the people and the vessels of the temple would be brought back to Jerus. Jeremiah would be glad if it should be so, nevertheless it would not be. The question then arose, Which is right, Jeremiah or Hananiah? Jeremiah claimed that he was right be cause he was in accordance wit h all the great prophets of the past who prophesied evil and their words came true. Therefore his words are more likely to be true. The prophet of good, however, must wait to have his prophecy fulfilled before he can be accredited. Hananiah took off the yoke from Jere miah and broke it in pieces, symbolic of the breaking of the power of Babylon. Jeremiah was seemingly beaten, retired and received a message from Jeh that the bar of wood would become a bar of iron, and that Hananiah would die during the year because he had spoken rebellion against Jeh (Jer 28 passim).

    (7) One of Daniel s companions in Babylon whose name was changed to Shadrach (Dni 1711 19)

    (8) A son of Zerubbabel (1 Ch 3 19.21).

    (9) A Levite, one of the sons of Bebai, one of those who married foreign wives (Ezr 10 28; 1 Esd

    (10) One of the perfumers (AV "apothecaries") who wrought in rebuilding the wall under Nehe miah (Neh 3 8).

    (11) One who helped to repair the wall above the horse gate (Neh 3 30). This may be the same person as no. 10.

    (12) A governor of the castle, i.e. the Inrah or fortress, and by Nehemiah placed in charge of the whole city of Jerus, because "he was a faithful man, and feared God above many" (Neh 7 2).

    (13) One of those who sealed the covenant under Nehemiah (Neh 10 23); a Levite.

    (14) A priest who was present at the dedication of the walls of Jerus (Neh 12 12.41).

    J. J. REEVE

    HAND (-P, yarlh, "hand"; S3, kaph. "the hollow hand," "palm"; p E? , yumln, "the right

    hand"; xX G??, s tno l, "the left hand"; ‘‘tip, chcir, "hand"; 8tid, dcxid, "the right hand"; dpio-repd, aristcrd, "the left hand" [only Lk 23 33; 2 Cor 6 7], or euphemistically [for evil omens come from the left hand; cf Lat sinister, Ger. linkisch, etc]; vcovD(j.os, cKOHutnos, lit. "having a good name"): The Heb words are used in a large variety of idio matic expressions, part of which have passed into the Gr (through the LXX) and into modern Euro pean languages (through the translations of the Bible; see Oxford Ilcb Lex., s.v. "yddh"). We mroup what has to be said about the word under the following heads:

    The human hand (considered physically) and, anthropopathically, the hand of God (Gen 3 22; Ps 145 16): The hand included the 1. The wrist , as will be seen from all passages

    Human in which bracelets are mentioned as

    Hand: ornaments of the hand, e.g. Gen 24

    Various 22.30.47; Ezk 16 1 1 ; 23 42, or Uses where t he Bible speaks of fetters on the

    hands (Jgs 15 14, etc). On the other :iand, it cannot seem strange that occasionally the expression "hand" may be used for a part, e.g. the ingers, as in Gen 41 42, etc. According to the lex talionis, justice demanded "hand for hand" (Ex 21 24; Dt 19 21). We enumerate the folio w- ng phrases without claiming to present a complete ist: "To fill the hand" (Ex 32 29m; 1 Ch 29 5 m) means to consecrate, evidently from the filling >f hands with sacrificial portions for the altar. Cf also Lev 7 37; 8, where the sacri- ice, the ram, the basket of consecration are men- ioned. "To put or set the hand unto" (Dt 15 10;



    Letter "H"

    23 20; 28 8.20), to commence to do; "to put, forth the hand" (Gen 3 22; 8 9); "to stretch out the hand" (Ezk 25 13.16; Zeph 2 13); "to shake or wag the hand upon" (Isa 10 32; Zeph 2 15; Zee 2 9), to defy. "To lay the hand upon the head" (2 S 13 19) is an expression of sadness and mourn ing, as we see from Egyp representations of scenes of mourning. Both in joy and in anger hands are "smitten together" (Nu 24 10), and people "clap their hands" at a person or over a person in spiteful triumph (Job 27 23; Lam 2 15; Nah 3 19). "To put one s life into one s hand" is to risk one s life (1 S 19 5; 28 21). "To lay hands upon" is used in the sense of blessing (Mt 19 13), or is sym bolical in the act of miraculous healing (Mt 9 IS; Mk 8 23; Acts 28 8), or an emblem of the gift of the Holy Spirit and His endowments (Acts 8 17- 19; 13 3; 1 Tim 4 14; 2 Tim 1 6); but it also designates the infliction of cruelty and punishment (Gen 37 22; Lev 24 14), the imposition of respon sibility (Nu 8 10; Dt 34 9). Thus also the sins of the people were symbolically transferred upon the goat which was to be sent into the wilderness (Lev 16 21). This act, rabbinical writings declare, was not so much a laying on of hands, as a vigorous pressing. "Lifting up the hand" was a gesture accompanying an oath (Dt 32 40) or a blessing pronounced over a multitude (Lev 9 22; Lk 24 50), a prayer (Ps 119 48). "To put the hands to the mouth" is indicative of (compulsory) silence (Job 21 5; 40 4; Prov 30 32; Mic 7 16). To "slack one s hand" is synonymous with negligence and neglect (Josh 10 6), and "to hide or bury the hand in the dish" is descriptive of the slothful, who is tired even at meals (Prov 19 24; 26 15).

    The hand in the sense of power and authority:

    (cf Assyr idu, "strength"); Josh 8 20m, "They had

    no hands [RV "power"] to flee this

    2. The way or that way"; Jgs 1 35, "The Hand as hand of the house of Joseph prevailed" ; Power Ps 76 5, "None of the men of might

    have found their hands"; Ps 89 48m, "shall deliver his soul from the hand [RV "power"] of Sheol"; 2 K 3 15, "The hand of Jeh came upon him"; Ex 14 31m, "Israel saw the great hand [RV "work"] which Jeh did upon the Egyptians"; Dt 34 12, "in all the mighty hand .... which Moses wrought in the sight of all Israel."

    The hand used (pars pro toto} for the person : "His hand shall be against every man" (Gen 16 12).

    "Slay the priests of Jeh; because their

    3. The hand also is with David" (1 S 22 17). Hand for "Jonathan went to David into the the Person wood and strengthened his hand in

    God"(l S 23 16). In this sense pen alty is exacted "from the hand" or "at the hand" of the transgressor (Gen 9 5; Ezk 33 8).

    The hand in the sense of side: "All the side [Heb "hand"] of the river Jabbok" (Dt 2 37); "by the

    wayside" (Heb "by the hand of the

    4. Hand, way," 1 S 4 13). The MSS have Meaning here the error tp , yakh, for "T , yddh; Side c f t he Heb of Ps 140 5[6] (^""1$,

    I yadh ma*gal) , "On the side [Heb "hand"] of their oppressors there was power" (Eccl 4 1); "I was by the side [Heb "hand"] of the great river" (Dnl 10 4).

    Mention must also be made here of the Eng.

    idiom, "at hand," frequently found in our VSS of

    the Scriptures. In Heb and Gr there

    5. English is no reference to the word "hand," Idiom but words designating nearness of

    time or place are used. The usual word in Heb is 2"^p , karabh, "to be near," and ai"‘‘p , karobh, "near"; in Gr eyyfc, eggus, "near," and the vb. tyylfa, cggizo, "to come near." Rarely

    other words are used, as tvtffTTjKtv, cnestcken, "has come," ERV "is now present" (2 Thess 2 2), and itytffT-riKev, ephesteken, "is come" (2 Tim 4 6).

    Frequently the words refer to the "day" or "com ing of the Lord"; still it must not be forgotten that it may often refer to the nearness of God in a local sense, as in Jer 23 23, "Am I a God at hand, saith Jeh, and not a God afar off?" and probably in Phil 4 5, "The Lord is at hand," though many, perhaps most, commentators regard the expression as a version of the Aram. p.a.pav add, mardn athd (1 Cor 16 22). Passages such as Ps 31 20; 119 151; Mt 28 20 would, however, speak for an inter pretation which lays the ictus on the abiding pres ence of the Lord with the believer.

    NOTE. The ancients made a careful distinction of the respective values of the two hands. This is perhaps best seen from (Jen 48 13-19, whore the imposition of the hands of aged Israel upon the heads of Joseph s sons seems unfair to their father, because the left hand is being placed upon the elder, the right hand upon the, younger son. The very word euonumtm proves the same from the Gr point of view. This word is a euphemistic synonym of arixtcra, and is used to avoid the unlucky omen the common word may have for the person spoken to. Thus the goats, i.e. the godless, are placed at the left hand of the great Judge, while the righteous appear at His right (Mt 25 33). We read in Eccl 10 2, "A wise man s heart is at his right hand; but a fool s heart at his left," i.e. is inclined to evil. As the Jews orientated themselves by looking toward the, rising of the sim (Lat oriens, the east), the left hand represented the north, and the right hand the south (1 K 23 19.24; 2 S 24 5). The right hand was considered the more honorable (1 K 2 19; Ps 45 9); therefore it was given in attestation of a contract, a federation or fellowship (Gal 2 9). It is the more valuable in battle; a friend or protector will therefore take his place at the right to guard it (Ps 16 8; 73 2:5; 109 31; 110 5; 121 5), but the enemy will, for the same reason, try to assail it (Job 30 12- Ps 109 ti; Zee 3D. It was also the unpro tected side, because the shield was carried on the left arm: hence the point of danger and honor. The right hand is also the side of power and strength (Ps 60 . r >; 63 8; 108 6; 118 15.10; 110 1; Mt 22 4-1; Mt 20 21.23). Both hands are mentioned together in the sense of close proximity, intimate association, in Mk 10 37.

    H. L. E. LUKRING

    HANDBREADTH, hand bredth (HEt? , t< i>h"h, nBB, tdphah, 1 K 7 26; 2 Ch 4 5; Ps 39 5; Ex 25" 25; 37 12; Ezk 40 5.43; 43 13): A Heb linear measure containing 4 fingers, or digits, and equal to about 3 in. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

    HANDFUL, hand fool: There are five words in Heb used to indicate what may be held in the hand, either closed or open.

    (1) Eh, hrijihen, C^EH, hophnayim. The fist or closed hand occurs in the dual in Ex 9 8, where it signifies what can be taken in the two hands con joined, a double handful.

    (2) CD, kajih, "hollow of the hand," the palm; an open handful (Lev 9 17; 1 K 17 12; Eccl 4 6).

    (3) "P127, <amlr, "sheaf or bundle." It signifies the quantity of grain a gleaner may gather in his hand (Jer 9 22 [Heb 21]).

    (4) "pCp, komcg, "the closed handful" (Gen 41 47; Lev 2 2; 5 12; 6 15 [Heb 6 8]; Nu 5 26).

    (5) b?tD, sho al, "the hollow of the hand," or what can be held in it (1 K 20 10; Ezk 13 19). In Isa 40 12 it signifies "measure."

    (6) HGE, pissah (Ps 72 16) is rendered "hand ful" by AV, but is properly "abundance" as in RV.

    II. PORTER HANDICRAFT, han di-kraft. See CRAFTS.

    HANDKERCHIEF, han ker-chif (crovSotpiov, sou- ddrion) : A loan-word from the Lat sudarium, found in pi. in Acts 19 12, souddria; cf sudor, "perspira tion"; lit. "a cloth used to wipe off perspiration." Elsewhere it is rendered "napkin" (Lk 19 20; Jn 11 44; 20 7), for which see DRESS; NAPKIN.



    Letter "H"

    HANDLE, luin d l (CD, kaph): The noun occurs once in Cant 5 5, "handles of the holt" (AV "lock"). The vh. "handle" represents several Heh ( ufiaz mdshakh, tophus, etc) and Gr (ffryydvu, thiijgdno, Co! 2 21; tT)’’a<pdw, psclaphdd, Lk 24 39; Y Jn 1 1) words in AV, but is also sometimes substituted in RV for other renderings in AV, as in Cant 3 8 for "hold"; in Lk 20 11, "handled shamefully," for "entreated shamefully"; in 2 Tim 2 15, "handling aright," for "rightly dividing," etc.

    HANDMAID, hand mad: Which appears often in the OT, but seldom in the NT, like bondmaid, is used to translate two Heb words (nnEtp , shiphhah, and HEX, amah ), both of which normally mean a female slave. It is used to translate the former word in the ordinary sense of female slave in Gen 16 1; 25 12; 29 24.29; Prov 30 23; Jer 34 11. 16; Joel 2 29; to translate the latter word in Ex 23 12; Jgs 19 19; 2 S 6 20. It is used as a term of humility and respectful self-depreciation in the presence of great men, prophets and kings, to trans late the former word in Ruth 2 13; 1 S 1 IS 28 21; 2 S 14 0; 2 K 4 2.10; it translates the latter word in the same sense in Ruth 3 9: 181 10 25 24.2S.31.41; 2 S 20 17; 1 K 1 13.17; 3 20. It is also used to express a sense of religious humility in translating the latter word only, and appears in this sense in but three passages, 1 S 1 1 1 ; Ps 86 10; 116 16.

    In the NT it occurs 3t, in a religious sense, as the tr of Sov’’rj. doute, "a female slave" (Lk 1 38. 4S; Acts 2 IS), and twice (Gal 4 22.23) as the tr of -rraidlffK-r], paidiske, AV bondmaid."

    WILLIAM JOSEPH McGi.oTiiLiN HANDS, IMPOSITION, im-p,i-/ish mi (LAY ING ONj, OF (iri9o-L S ‘‘tipS>v, cpllficais chciron Acts 8 IS; 1 Tin, 4 14; 2 Tim 1 6; He 6 2): The act or ceremony of the imposition of hands appears in the OT in various connections: in tin- act of blessing (Gen 48 14 fT); in the ritual of sacri fice (hands of the offerer laid on head of victim Ex 29 10.lo.19; Lev 1 4; 3 2.S.13; 4 4.21.29; 8 14; 16 21); in witness-bearing in capital offences (Lev 24 14). The tribe of Levi was set apart by solemn imposition of hands (Nu 8 10); Moses appointed Joshua to be his successor by a similar act (Nu 27 18.23; I)t 349). The idea in these cases varies with the purpose of the act. The primary idea seems to be that of conveyance or transference (cf Lev 16 21 ), but, conjoined with this, in certain instances, are the ideas of identification and of devotion to God.

    In the NT Jesus laid hands on the little children (Mt 19 13.15 j| Mk 10 10) and on the sick (Alt 9 IS; Mk 6 5, etc), and the apostles laid hands on those whom they baptized that they might receive the Holy Spirit (Acts 8 17.19; 19 6), and in healing (Acts 12 17). Specially the imposition of hands was used in the setting apart of persons to a par ticular office or work in the church. This is noticed as taking place in the appointment of the Seven (Acts 6 0), in the sending out of Barnabas and Saul (Acts 13 3), at the ordination of Timothy (1 Tim 4 14; 2 Tim 1 6), but though not directly mentioned, it seems likely that it accompanied all acts of ordination of presbyters and deacons (cf 1 Tim 5 22; He 6 2). The presbyters could hardly convey what they had not themselves re ceived (1 Tim 1 14). Here again the fundamental idea is communication. The act of laying on of hands was accompanied by prayer (Acts 66; 8 15; 13 3), and the blessing sought was imparted by God Himself. No ground is afforded by this symbolical action for a sacrament of "Orders." See SACRIFICE; MINISTRY; ORDINATION.


    HANDSTAFF, hand staf ("P bptt, mnkkcl ‘,’,) : In pi. in Ezk 39 9, among weaj)ons of war. See STAFF.

    ^ HAND WEAPON, hand wep un (Nu 35 18 AV). See ARMOR.


    HANES, ha nez (CIH , hancs): Occurs only in Isa 30 4. The one question of importance con cerning this place is its location. It has never been certainly identified. It was probably an Egyp city though even that is not certain. Pharaoh, in his selfish haste to make league with the kingdom of Judah, may have sent his ambassadors far beyond the frontier. The language of Isa, "Their ambassa dors came to H.," certainly seems to indicate a place in the Direction of Jerus from Tanis. This indi cation is also the sum of all the evidence yet avail able. There is no real knowledge concerning the exact location of H. Opinions on the subject are little more than clever guesses. They rest almost entirely upon etymological grounds, a very pre carious foundation when not supported by histor ical evidence. The LXX has, "For there are in Tanis princes, wicked messengers." Evidently knowing no such place, they tried to translate the name. The Aram, version gives "Tahpanhes" for H., which may have been founded upon exact knowledge, as we shall see.

    H. has been thought by some commentators to be Heracleopolis Magna, Egyp Hunensutcn, abridged to Hunensu, Copt Ahncs, Heb Udncs, Arab. Ahneysa, the capital of the XXth Nome, or province, of ancient Egypt. It, was a large city on an island between the Nile and the Bahr Yuseph, opposite the modern town of Brni Xnef. The Greeks identified the ram-headed god of the place with Heracles, hence, "Heracleopolis." The most important historical notes in Egypt and the best, philological arguments point to this city as H. But the plain meaning of Isa 30 4 points more positively to a city somewhere in the delta nearer to Jerus than Tanis (cf Naville s cogent argument, "Annas el Medineh," 3-4). Dumichen considered the hiero glyphic name of Tahpanhes to be Hens. Knowledge of this as a fact may have influenced the Aram, rendering, but does not warrant the arbitrary alter ing of Hie Heb text. M. G. KYLE

    HANGING, hang ing (Plbn , tdlah, "to hang up," "suspend," 2 S 21 12; Dt 28 00; Job 26 7; Ps 137 2; Cant 4 4; Hos 11 7): Generally, where the word is used in connection with punishments, it appears to have reference to the hanging of the corpse after execution. We find but two clear in stances of death by hanging, i.e. strangulation those of Ahithophel and Judas ((2 S 17 23; Mt 27 5), and both these were cases of suicide, not of execution. The foregoing Heb word is clearly used ? or "hanging" as a mode of execution in Est 5 14; 6 4; 7 Off; 8 7; 9 13.14.25; but probably the "gallows" or "tree" (f y , V f) was a stake for the purpose of impaling the victim. It could be low ered for this purpose, then raised "fifty cubits ligh" to arrest the public gaze. The Gr word used in Mt 27 5 is dirdyxe<r6a.i, apdgchesthai, "to strangle oneself." See HDB, art. "Hanging," for an ex haustive discussion. FRANK E. HIRSCH

    HANGINGS, hang ingz:

    (1) In EV this word in the pi. represents the Heb

    the curtains of "fine twined linen"

    with which the court of the tabernacle was inclosed.



    Letter "H"

    These were five cubits in height, and of lengths cor responding to the sides of the inclosure and the space on either side of the entrance in front, and were suspended from hooks fastened to the pillars of the court. They are described at length in MX 27 9-15; 38 9-1S. See, besides, Ex 35 17; 39 40; Nu 3 26; 4 26.

    (2) In AV another word, md$akh (RV uniformly "screen"), is distinguished from the preceding only by the singular, "hanging" (Ex 35 17; 38_1S, etc). It is used of the screen or portiere, embroidered in colors that closed the entrance of the court (Ex 27 16; 35 17; 38 IS; 39 40; 40 8.33; Nu 3 2(5; 4 26); of the screen of similar workmanship at the entrance of the tabernacle (Ex 26 36.37; 35 15; 36 37; 39 3S ; 40 5.2S; Nu 3 25; 4 25); and once (Nu 3 31) of the tapestry veil, adorned with cherubim, at the entrance of the Holy of Holies (elsewhere, pdrokheth, "veil," Ex 26 31-33, etc, or pdrdkheth ha->nasakh, "veil of the screen," Ex 35 12 etc) In Nu 3 26, AV renders ma$akh "cur tain," and in Ex 35 12; 39 34; 40 21 (cf also Nu 4 5), "covering."

    (3) In 2 K 23 7 we read of "hangings (Heb "houses") which the women wove for the Asherah. If the text is correct we are to think perhaps of tent shrines for the image of the goddess. Lucian s reading (slolds, "robes") is preferred by some, which would have reference to the custom of bring ing offerings of clothing for the images of the gods. In 1 K 7 29 RV, "wreaths of hanging work" refers to a kind of ornamentation on the bases of the lavers. In Est 1 6, "hangings" is supplied by the translators. BENJAMIN RENO DOWNER

    HANIEL, han i-el. See HANNIEL.

    HANNAH, han a (H3n, hannah, "grace," "favor"; "Awa, Ilnnnn): One of the two wives of Elkanah, an Ephraimite who lived at Ramathaim-zophim. Hannah visited Shiloh yearly with her husband to offer sacrifices, for there the tabernacle was located. She was greatly distressed because they had no children. She therefore; prayed earnestly for a male child whom she promised to dedicate to the Lord from his birth. The prayer was heard, and she called her son s name Samuel ("God hears"). When he was weaned he was carried to Shiloh to be trained by Eli, the priest (1 S 1). Hannah be came the mother of five other children, three sons and two daughters (2 2). Her devotion in send ing Samuel a little robe every year is one of the tenderest recorded inst ances of maternal love (2 19) . She was a prophetess of no ordinary talent, _ as is evident from her elevated poetic deliverance elicited by God s answer to her prayer (2 1-10).


    HANNATHON, han a-thon Cpr,3n , hanndllion*): A city on the northern boundary of Zebulun (Josh 19 14). It is probably identical with Kefar Hananyah, which the Mish gives as marking the northern limit of lower Galilee (Neubauer, Geog. du Talm, 179). It is represented by the modern Kefr Anan, about 3 miles S.E. of er-Rameh.

    HANNIEL, han i-el (bSP? n , hannl el, "grace of


    (1) The son of Ephod and a prince of Manasseh who assisted in dividing Canaan among the tribes (Nu 34 23).

    (2) A son of ITlla and a prince and hero of the tribe of Asher (1 Ch 7 39); AV "Haniel."

    HANOCH, ha nok, HANOCHITES, ha nok-Its (:p2n , hdnokh, "initiation," "dedication"):

    (1) A grandson of Abraham by Keturah, and

    an ancestral head of a clan of Midian (Gen 25 4; 1 Ch 1 33, AV "Henoch").

    (2) The eldest son of Reuben (Gen 46 9; Ex 6 14; 1 Ch 5 3).

    The descendants of Hanoch were known as Hano- chites (Nu 26 5).

    HANUN, ha nun ("p-H , hanun, "favored," "pitied") :

    (1) A son and successor of Nahash, king of Am- mon. Upon the death of Nahash, David sent sym pathetic communications to Hanun, which were misinterpreted and the messengers dishonored. Because of this indignity, David waged a war against him, which caused the Ammonites to lose their independence (2 S 10 1 ff; 1 Ch 19 Iff).

    (2) One, of the six sons of Zalaph who assisted in repairing the E. wall of Jems (Xeh 3 30).

    (3) One of the inhabitants of Zanoah who re paired the Valley Gate in the wall of Jems (Neh 3 13). BYRON II. DEMENT

    HAP, hap, HAPLY, hap li lu; |AT|TroTe, mtpote) :

    Hap (a Saxon word for "luck, chance") is the tr of mikreh, "a fortuitous chance," "a lot" (Ruth 2 3, AV Her hap was to light on a part of the field be longing unto Boa,/,"); in 1 S 6 9, the same word is tr d "chance" (that happened); "event," in Eccl 9 2.3, with "happeneth," in 2 14.

    Haply (from "hap") is the tr of lu, "if that (1 S 14 30, "if haply the people had eaten freely"); of ai dm, "if then" (Mk 11 13, "if haply he might find anything thereon"); of ei droge (Acts 17 27, "if haply they might feel after him"); of mepote, "lest ever," "lest perhaps," etc (Lk 14 29; Acts 5 39); of me pos, "lest in any way" (2 Cor 9 4 AV, "lest haply," RV "lest by any means").

    RV has "haplv" for "at any time" (Mt 4 0; 5 25;

    13 15; Mk 4 12; Lk 4 11; 21 34; Ho 21): intro duces "haply" (Mt 7 0; 13 2 .); 15 32; 27 84; Mk

    14 2- Lk 3 15; 12 5S; 14 S.12; Acts 27 29; Ho 4 1); has " haply there shall be," for "lest there bo " (Ho 3 12).

    W. L. WALKER

    HAPHARAIM, haf-a-ra im (DVlBn, haphara- yim; AV Haphraim, haf-ra im, possibly "place of a moat") : A town in the territory of Issachar, named with Shunem and Anaharath (Josh 19 19). Onpm identifies it with "Affarea," and places it 6 miles N. of Legio-Megiddo. This position corresponds with that of the modern el-Ferrlyeh, an ancient site with remarkable tombs N.’’V. of d-Lejjun.

    HAPPEN, hap"n (rnp r , kurah; <rv|i|3av<o, sum- bainu): "Happen" (from "hap"), "to fall out," "befall, "etc, "come to anyone," is the tr of karah, "to meet," etc (1 S 28 10, "There shall no punish ment happen to thee," RVm "guilt come upon thee"; 2 S 1 6; Est 4 7; Eccl 2 14.15; 9 11 Isa 41 22); of kara , "to meet," "cause to hap pen," etc (2 S 20 1); of hayuh, "to be" (1 S 6 9, "It was a chance that happened to us") ; of nagha , "to touch," "to come to" (Eccl 8 14 bis). In the NT it is in several instances the tr of sumbaino, "to go" or "come up together," "to happen" (Mk 10 32; Lk 24 14; Acts 3 10; 1 Cor 10 11; 1 Pet 4 12- 2 Pet 2 22); once of ginomai, "to become, "to happen" (Rom 11 25, RV "befallen"). "Hap peneth" occurs (Eccl 2 15, "as it happeneth to the fool" [mikreh]; 2 Esd 10 6; Bar 3 10 [ti estin]) . RV supplies "that happened" for "were done" (Lk 24 35). Sec also CHANCE. W. L. WALKER

    HAPPINESS, hap i-nes. See BLESSEDNESS.

    HAPPIZZEZ, hap i-zez (fSISn , ha-piq^; AV Aphses) : A priest on whom fell the lot for the 18th



    Letter "H"

    of the 24 courses which David appointed for the temple service (1 Ch 24 15).

    HARA, ha ra (S^PI, hara ; LXX omits): A place named in 1 Ch 6 26 along with Halah, Habor and the river of Gozan, whither the Reubenites, the Gadites and the half-tribe of Manasseh were carried by Tiglath-pileser. In 2 K 17 6; 18 11, Hara is omitted, and in both, "and in the cities of the Medes" is added. LXX renders Spij M^Swv, ore Medon, "the mountains of the Medes," which may represent Heb "Hp "HH , hare mdtihay, "mountains of Media," or, "HE "H?, are mddhay, "cities of Media." The text seems to be corrupt. The sec ond word may have fallen out in 1 Ch 5 26, hare being changed to hara . W. EWING

    HARADAH, ha-ra da, har a-da (rTHn , hara- dhah, "fearful"): A desert station of the Israelites between Mt. Shepher and Makheloth (Nu 33 24 25). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    HARAN, ha ran (ftPl, Mr an):

    (1) Son of Terah, younger brother of Abraham and Nahor, and father of Lot (Gen 11 27). He had two daughters, Milcah and Iscah (ver 29).

    (2) A Gershonite, of the family of Shimei (1 Ch 23 9).

    HARAN, ha/ran (]"in , Mr an; Xappdv, Charh- rdn) : The city where Terah settled on his departure from Ur (Gen 11 31 f); whence Abram set out on his pilgrimage of faith to Canaan (12 1 ff). It was probably "the city of Nahor" to which Abra ham s servant came to find a wife for Isaac (24 10 ff). Hither came Jacob when he fled from Esau s anger (27 43). Here he met his bride (29 4), and in the neighboring pastures he tended the flocks of Labari. It is one of the cities named by Rabshakeh as destroyed by the king of Assyria (2 K 19 12; Isa 37 12). Ezekiel speaks of the merchants of Haran as trading with Tyre (27 23).

    The name appears in Assyro-Bab as Harran, which means "road"; possibly because here the trade route from Damascus joined that from Nine veh to Carchemish. It is mentioned in the prism inscription of Tiglath-pileser I. It was a scat of the worship of Sin, the moon-god, from very ancient, times. A temple was built by Shalmaneser II. Haran seems to have shared in the rebellion of Assur (763 BC, the year of the solar eclipse, June 15). The privileges then lost were restored by Sargon II. The temple, which had been destroyed, was rebuilt by Ashurbanipal, who was here crowned with the crown of Sin. Haran and the temple suffered much damage in the invasion of the Um- man-Manda (the Medes). Nabuna id restored temple and city, adorning them on a lavish scale. Near Haran the Parthians defeated and slew Crassus (53 BC), and here Caracalla was assassinated (217 AD). In the 4th cent, it was the seat of a bishopric; but the cult of the moon persisted far into the Chris tian centuries. The chief temple was the scene of heathen worship until the llth cent., and was de stroyed by the Mongols in the 13th.

    The ancient city is represented by the modern Harran to the S.E. of Edessa, on the river Belias, an affluent of the Euphrates. The ruins lie on both sides of the stream, and include those of a very ancient castle, built of great basaltic blocks, with square columns, 8 ft. thick, which support an arched roof some 30 ft. in height. Remains of the old cathedral are also conspicuous. No inscriptions have yet been found here, but a frag ment of an Assyr lion has been uncovered. A well

    nearby is identified as that where Eliezer met Rebekah.

    In Acts 7 2.4, AV gives the name as Charran.

    W. EWINQ

    HARARITE, ha ra-rlt (VHnn, ha-hardn, or "n&$0 hd- ardri): Lit. "mountaineer," more par ticularly an inhabitant of the hill country of Judah. Thus used of two heroes:

    (1) Shammah, the son of Agce (2 S 23 11.33). The || passage, 1 Ch 11 34, has "Shage" in place of "Shammah."

    (2) Ahiam, the son of Sharar the Ararite (2 S 23 33). In 1 Ch 11 35, "Sacar" for Sharar as here.

    HARBONA, HARBONAH, har-bo na ( harbhond , nDlinn , hur f bhondh): One of the seven eunuchs who served Ahasuerus and to whom was given the command to bring Queen Esther before the king (Est 1 10). It was he who suggested that Hainan be hanged upon the self-same gallows that he had erected for Mordecai (7 9). Jewish tradi tion has it that Harbona had originally been a con federate of Hainan, but, upon noting the failure of the latter s plans, abandoned him. The Pers equivalent of the name means "donkey-driver."

    HARBOUR, hiir ber. Used figuratively of God in Joel 3 16 AVm, "Heb, place of repair, or, har bour" (AV "hope," RV "refuge"). See HAVEN; SHIPS AND BOATS, I, II, (1), II, 3.

    HARD, hard, HARDINESS, har di-nes, HARD NESS, hard nes, HARDLY, hard li (TVtff^ , kashch, N5B,;ja/d ; o-KX^pos, .sWfms) : The senses in which hard is used may be distinguished as:

    (1) "Firm," "stiff," opposite to soft: Job 41 24, yacak, "to be firm," "his heart .... as hard as a piece of the nether millstone," RV "firm"; Ezk 3 7, kdshch, "sharp," "hard of heart"; hdzak, "firm," "As an adamant harder than flint have I made thy forehead"; Jer 5 3, "They have made their faces harder than a rock"; Prov 21 29, *azaz, "to make strong," "hard," "impudent," "a wicked man hardeneth his face"; Prov 13 15 probably belongs here also where cthan is tr d "hard" : "The way of the

    6 2), and the meaning seems to be, not that the way (path) of transgressors, or the treacherous (Delitzsch has "uncultivated"), is hard (rocky) to them, but that their way, or mode of acting, is hard, unsympathetic, unkind, "destitute of feeling in things which, as we say, would soften a stone" (Delitzsch on passage); also Mt 25 24, skleros, "stiff," "thou art a hard man"; Wisd 11 4, skleros, "hard stone," RV "flinty rock," m "the steep rock."

    (2) "Sore," "trying," "painful," kashi h (Ex 1 14, "hard service" ;_ Dt 26 6; 2 S 3 39; Ps 60 3; Isa 14 3); kdshdh, "to have it hard" (Gen 35 16.17; Dt 15 18); <athdk, "stiff" (Ps 94 4 AV, "They utter and speak hard things"); skleros (Jn 6 60, "This is a hard saying" hard to accept, hard in its nature; Acts 9 5 AV; 26 14; Jude vcr 15, "hard speeches" ; Wisd 19 13).

    (3) "Heavy," "pressing hard," kdbhedh, "weighty" (Ezk 3 5.6, "a people of a strange speech and of a hard language/ RVm "Heb deep of lip and heavy of tongue"); samakh, "to lay" (Ps 88 7, "Thy wrath lieth hard upon me").

    2); kdshch (Ex 18 26, "hard causes"); kdshdh (Dt 1 17; 2 K 2 10); hldhdti, "something twisted,"

    Harden Harlot



    "involved," "an enigma"; cf Jgs 14 14(1 K 10 1; 2 Ch 9 1, "to prove Solomon with hard ques tions"); (ilndliaii, Aram. (Dnl 5 12); duskolos, lit. "difficult about food," "hard to please," hence "dif ficult to accomplish" (Mk 10 24, "How hard is it for them that trust in riches to enter into the king dom of God" K ihisnortox, "hard to be understood" (He 511; 2 Pet 3 Hi; cf Ecclus 3 21, "things too hard for thee," ctialc/>osi.

    ( }) "Close," or "near to" (hard by), naghash, "to come nigh" (Jgs 9 52. ARV "near"); ildbhdk and ilablick, "to follow hard after" (Jgs 20 45; Ps 63 S, etc); rVv/, "near" (1 K 21 1); l e ummath, "over against" (Lev 3 9); <tuth. "to" "even to" (1 Ch 19

    4, AV "hard by," RV "even to").

    Hardiness occurs in Jth 16 10 (tJirdsos) , RV "boldness."

    Hardness is the tr of mufak, "something poured out," "dust wetted," "running into clods" (Job 38 38), RV "runneth into a mass"; "hardness of heart" occurs in the Gospels; in Mk 3 5, it is porosis, "hardness." "callousness"; Mt 19 8; Mk 10 5; 16 14, sklirokanlia,_ "dryness," "stiffness of heart"; cf Ecclus 16 10; in Rom 2 5, it is sklerotes; in 2 Tim 2 3 AV we have, "Endure hardness, as a good soldier of Jesus Christ," RV "Suffer hardship with me" (corrected text), m "Take thy part in suffering hardship" (k<iko/)iilh< d, "to suffer evil").

    Hardly occurs in the OT (Ex 13 15), "Pharaoh would hardly let us go," kdshdh, lit. "hardened to let us go," RVm "hardened himself against letting us go": "hardly bestead" (Isa 8 21) i.^the t r of kdshdh, ARY "sore distressed." In the NT "hardly^ is the tr of <hisk< Jds. "hard to please," "difficult," meaning not snirci 1 1/ or banli/, but irith <lifficuHi/ (Mt 19 23, "A rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdom of heaven," RV "it is hard for"; Mk 10 23; Lk 18 21, "how hardly" ["with what diffi- culty"]); of /o<jis, "with labor," "pain," "trouble" (Lk 9 39, "hardly departeth from him" ["pain fully"]); of molis "with toil and fatigue" (Acts 27

    5, RV "with difficulty"; Wisd 9 l(i, "Hardly do we guess aright at things that are upon earth"; Ecclus 26 29, "A merchant shall hardly keep him self from wrong doing"; 29 (i, "He shall hardly receive the half," in each instance the word is molis, but in the last two instances we seem to see the transition to "scarcely"; cf also Ex 13 15).

    RV has "too hard" for "hidden" (Dt 30 11, m "wonderful" i ; "hardness" for "boldness" (of facei (Keel 8 1); for "sorrow" (Lam 3 t >- r >); "deal hardly with mo" for "make yourselves strong to me" (.lob 19 :ii ; omits "H is hard for thee to kick against t lie pricks" (‘‘cts 9 5. corrected text); "hardship" for "trouble" (2 Tim 2 ( J).

    W. L.. WALKER HARDEN, har d n (pTH , hdzak, " ]?, kashah;

    (1) "Harden" occurs most frequently in the phrase "to harden the heart," or "the neck." This hardening of men s hearts is attributed both to God and to men themselves, e.g. with reference to the hearts of Pharaoh and the Egyptians; the Hiphil of hazak, "to make strong," is frequently used in this connection (Ex 4 21, "I will harden his heart." RVm "Heb make strong"; 7 13, "And he hardened P. s heart," RV "was hardened," m "Heb was strong"; 7 22; 8 19; 9 12; 10 20.27, etc; 14 17, "I will harden the hearts of the Egyp tians," RVm "Heb make strong"; cf Josh 11 20); kdshdh, "to be heavy," "to make hard" (Ex 7 3); kabhedh, "heavy," "slow," "hard," not easily moved (Ex 10 1, RVm "Heb made heavy"). When the hardening is attributed to man s own act (;dblir<l/i is generally used (Ex 8 15, "He hardened hi.s heart, and hearkened not," RVm "Heb made heavy"; 8 32, "Pharaoh hardened his heart" [RVm as before]; 9 7.34; 1866 bis). The

    "hardening" of men s hearts by God is in the way of punishment, but it- is always a consequence of their own self-hardening. In Pharaoh s case we read that "he hardened his heart" against the appeal to free the Israelites; so hardening himself, he became alwavs more confirmed in his obstinacy, till he brought the final doom upon himself. This is how sin is made to become its own punishment. It was not confined to Pharaoh and the Egyptians, nor does it belong to the past only. As St. Paul says (Rom 9 IS), "Whom he will he hardeneth" (sklerund) ; 11 7, "The election obtained it, and the rest were hardened" (RV and AVm, pdrod, "to make hard" or "callous"); ver 25, a "Hardening in part hath befallen Israel" (porosis); cf Jn 12 40 (from Isa 6 10), "He hath blinded their eyes, and he hardened their heart"; Isa 63 17, "O Jeh, why dost thou make us to err from thy ways, and hardenest our heart from thy fear?" (kashah, "to harden"); cf on the other side, as expressing the human blameworthiness, Job 9 4, "Who hath hardened himself against him, and prospered?" Mk 3 5, "being grieved at the hardening of their heart"; 6 52, "Their heart was hardened"; Rom 2 f), "after thy hardness and impenitent heart." In Ileb religious thought everything was directly attributed to God, and the hardening is God s work, in His physical and ethical constitution and laws of man s nature; but it is always the consequence of human action out of harmony therewith. Other instances of xl:l(~rnno are in Acts 19 9; He 3 8.13. 15; 4 7.

    (2) "Harden" in the sense of "to fortify one s self" (make one s self hard) is the tr of .yaladh, "to leap," "exult" (Job 6 10 AV, "I would harden myself in sorrow," RV Let me exult in pain," m "harden myself").

    (3) In Prov 21 29 "harden" has the meaning of "boldness," "defiance" or "shamelessness" (brazen-faced); *azttz, Iliphil, "to strengthen one s countenance," "A wicked man hardeneth his face"; Delitxsch, "A godless man showeth boldness in his mien"; cf 7 13; Eccl 8 1; see also HARD.

    For "harden" RV has "stubborn" (Ex 7 14; 9 7 m "heavy"); "hardenest" (Isa 63 17); "made stiff" (Tor 7 2(i; 19 l. r >); for "is hardened" (.lob 39 1<>, AUV "dealeth hardly." and KRVm); "at the hardening" instead of "for the hardness" (Mk 3 . r >) ; " hardening lor " blindness" (Kph 4 IS).


    HARD SAYINGS, sa ingz; HARD SENTENCES, sen ten-siz: In Dnl 5 12 AV (Aram. IT^IX , ("ilndlinii ), HV "dark sentences," of enigmatic utter ances which preternatural wisdom was needed to interpret; in Jn 6 (K) (0-/<A?7p6s .... 6 X6-yos, .sAVmi.s .... ho Wf/o.s), of sayings (Christ s words at Capernaum about eating His flesh and drinking His blood) difficult for the natural mind to under stand (cf ver 52).

    HARE, liar (n 147]; cf Arab.

    .i? , arncbheth [Lev 11 6; Dt

    , arnab, "hare"): This

    animal is mentioned only in the lists of unclean animals in Lev and Dt, where it occurs along with the camel, the coney and the swine. The camel, the hare and the coney are unclean, because they chew the cud but part not the hoof, the swine, "because he parteth the hoof .... but cheweth not the cud." The hare and the coney are not ruminants, but might be supposed to be from their habit of almost continually moving their jaws. Both arc freely eaten by the Arabs. Although arncbheth occurs only in the two places cited, there is no doubt that it is the hare. LXX has



    Letter "H"

    dasiipous, "rough-footed," which, while not the commonest Gr word (ayus, lagds), refers to the remarkable fact that in hares and rabbits the soles of the feet are densely covered with hair. Arnab, which is the common Arab, word for "hare," is from the same root as the Heb arnebheth.

    Lev 11 4-7: ver 4. KV "camel"; LXX r nr /cd^Aor, ton kdmiion; Ylllg camel nx; Heb b^SH , /ni-gam til. Ver 5, EV "coney"; LXX TOI- Saa-viroSa. ton daxii poita; Vulg chocrogr.i/llus; Heb "S lT" , Jia-shaplirin. Ver 0, EV "hare"; LXX rbv x<-poypv’’iOf. ton choirogrullion ; Vulg lepus; Heb Pll-l^n , fia- arncbfteth. Ver 7, EV ".swine" ; LXX TUI< d., ;ore Aitre; Vulg sun; Heb "P"!"!!"! . ha-hazlr.

    Dt 14 7: EV "camel"; LXX -rbi- x^Aor ; Vulg carne- lum; Heb bpjin ; EV "hare"; LXX SaaviroSa ; Vulg Icporem; Heb rO^^H ; EV "coney"; LXX x<npo- Vpu AAcor ; Vlllgcho erogryllum; HeblBTgH-

    14 8: EV "swine"; LXX J cV; Vulg sus; Heb

    It is evident from the above and from the meanings of SatrvTrous and ‘‘oipoypv’’ios as given in Liddcll and Seott that the order of LXX in Lev 11 5.0 docs not, follow the Heb, but has apparently assimilated the order of that of Dt 14 7.8. In Ps 104 18, LXX has x pypAAio? for "SE? ; also in Prov 30 26.

    As the word "coney," which properly means "rabbit " has been applied to the hyrax. so. in America at least, the word "rabbit" is widely used for various species of hare, e.g. the gray rabbit and the jack-rabbit, both of which are hares. Hares have longer legs and ears and are swifter than rabbits. Their young are hairy and have their eyes open, while rabbits are born naked and blind. Hares are widely distributed in the Northern Hemisphere, and there is one species in South America Rabbits are apparently native to t-he Western Mediter ranean countries, although they have been distributed by man all over the world., the common hare of Syria and Pal, differs somewhat from the, European hare. Lepusjudeae is cited by Tristram from Northeastern Pal, and he also notes three other species from the extreme- south. ALFKICD ELY DAY

    HAREPH, ha ref (rP.n , hurrah, "scornful"): A chief of Judah, one of the sons of Caleb and father of Beth-gader (1 Ch 2 51). A quite similar name, Hariph, occurs in Neh 7 24; 10 19, but it is prob ably that of another individual.

    HARETH, hfi reth (" HERETH.

    harcth, in pause). See

    Harden Harlot

    HARHAIAH, har-ha ya (Trrrn . harhdyah, "Jeh protects"): A goldsmith, whose son, I zziel, helped to repair the walls of Jorus under Zerubbabel (Neh 3 8).

    HARHAS, har has (Crnn , hrtrhas, "splendor"): Grandfather of Shallum, husband of Huldah (2 K 22 14). Name given as "Ilasrah" in ,i passage (2 Ch 34 22).

    HARHUR, hiir hur prnn , hnrhnr, "free-born" or "fever"; "Ao-ovp, Hdxonr): One of the Nethinim whose descendants came from Babvlon with Zerub babel (Ezr 2 51; Neh 7 53; 1 Esd 6 31).

    HARIM, ha rim (Z~in, harim): A family name.

    (1) A non-priestly family that returned from cap tivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 32; Neh 7 35); mentioned among those who married foreign wives (Ezr 10 31 ); also mentioned among those who renewed the covenant (Neh 10 27).

    (2) A priestly family returning with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 39; Xeh 7 42; 12 3.15 [see RKHUM]); members of this family covenanted to put away their foreign wives (Ezr 10 21; Neh 10 5). A family of this name appears as the third of the

    priestly courses in the days of David and Solomon (1 Ch 24 8).

    (3) In Neh 3 11 is mentioned Malchijah, son of Harim, one of the wall-builders. Which family is here designated is uncertain. W. N. STEARNS

    HARIPH, ha rif (Sinn , harlph, ?"TJ , hariph): One of those who returned from exile under Zerub babel and helped to seal the covenant under Ne- hemiah and Ezra (Neh 7 24; 10 19 [20]). Ezr 2 18 has "Jorah."

    HARLOT, har lot : This name replaces in RV "whore" of AV. It stands for several words and phrases used to designate or describe the unchaste woman, married or unmarried, e.g. npit , zotiah, rP-p3 rTO, ishshah iiokhni/dh, rvW^,k dhcshah; LXX and NT -rropvr), ]>6r>ic. TropveLa, porncia is used chiefly of prenuptial immorality, but the mar ried woman guilty of sexual immorality is said to be guilty of porncia (Mt 5 32; 19 9; cf Am 7 17 LXX). These and cognate words are applied esp. in the OT to those devoted to immoral service in idol sanctuaries, or given over to a dissolute life for gain. Such a class existed among all ancient peoples, and may be traced in the history of Israel. Evidence of its existence in very early times is found (Gen 38). It grew out of conditions, sexual and social, which were universal. After the cor rupting foreign influxes and influences of Solo mon s day, it developed to even fuller shameless- ness, and its voluptuous songs (Isa 23 1(5), seduc tive arts (Prov 6 24), and blighting influence are vividly pictured and denounced by the prophets (Prov 7 10; 29 3; Isa 23 1(5; Jer 3 3; 6 7; Ezk 16 25; cf Dt 23 17). Money was lavished upon women of this class, and the weak and un wary were taken captive by them, so that it became one of the chief concerns of the devout father in Israel to "keep [his son] from the evil woman," who "hunteth for the precious life" (Prov 6 24.26). From the title given her in Prov, a "foreign woman" (23 27), and the warnings against "t he flat t cry of t he foreigner s tongue" (6 24; cf 1 K 11 1; Ezr 10 2), we may infer that in later t imes t his class was chiefly made up of strangers from without. The whole subject must be viewed in the selling of the times. Even in Israel, then, apart from breaches of mar riage vows, immoral relations between the sexes were deemed venial (Dt 22 2Sf). A man was forbidden to compel his daughter to sin (Lev 19 29), to "profane [her] and make her a harlot," but she was apparently left free to fake that way her self (cf Gen 38).~ The children of the harlot, though, were outlawed (Dt 23 2), and later the harlot is found under the sternest social ban (Mt 21 31.32).

    The subject takes on even a darker hue when viewed in the light of the hideous conditions that prevailed in ancient Syria affecting this practice. The harlot repre sented more than a .social peril and problem. She was a kedhcfttidfi, one of a consecrated class, and as such was the concrete expression and agent of the most insidious and powerful influence and system menacing the purity and permanence of the religion of Jeh. This system deified the reproductive organs and forces of Nature and its devotees worshipped their idol symbols in grossly licentious rites and orgies. The temple prostitute was invested with sanctity as a member of the religious caste, as she is today in India. Men and women thus prosti tuted themselves in the service of their gods. The Canaanite sanctuaries were gigantic brothels, legalized under the sanctions of religion. Kor a time, therefore, the supreme religious question was whether such a cult should be established and allowed to natiirali/e itself in Israel, as it had done in Babylon (Herod, i.109) and in (Ireece (Strabo viii.(i). That the appeal thus made to the baser passions of the Israelites was all too successful is sadly clear (Am 2 7; llos 4 i:{/rj. The prophets give vivid pictures of the syncretizlng of the worship of Baal and Astarte with that of Jeh and the extent, to which the local sanctuaries were given over to this form



    Letter "H"

    of corruption. They denounced it as the height of im piety and as sure to provoke Divine judgments. Asa and Jehoshaphat undertook to purge the land of such vile abominations (1 K 14 24; 15 12; 22 4(5). The Dt code required that all such "paramours" be banished, and forbade the use of their unholy gains as temple revenue (Dt 23 17. IS, Driver s note). The Lev law forbade a priest to take a harlot to wife (I>ev 21 7), and commanded that the daughter of a priest who played the harlot should be burned (21 9). See ASHTOUETH; IMAGES; IDOLATKY.

    It is grimly significant that the- prophets denounce spiritual apostasy as "harlotry" (AV "whoredom"). But it would seem that the true ethical attitude toward prostitution was unattainable so long as marriage was in the low, transitional stage mirrored in the OT; though the religion of ,Jeh was in a measure delivered from the threatened peril by the fiery discipline of the exile.

    In NT times, a kindred danger beset the followers of Christ, esp. in ( .recce and Asia Minor (Acts 15 20. 29; Rom 1 24 if; 1 Cor 6 9 IT; Gal 5 19). That lax views of sexual morality were widely prevalent in the generation in which Christ lived is evident both from His casual references to the sub ject and from His specific teaching in answer to questions concerning adultery and divorce 1 (cf Jos, Ant, IV, viii, 23; Vita, 76; Sir 7 20; 25 26; 42 9, and the Talm). The ideas of the times were debased by the prevalent polygamous customs, "it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives" (Jos, UJ, I, xxiv, 2; cf Ant, XVII, i, 2). The teaching of Jesus was in sharp contrast with the low ideals and the rabbinical teaching of the times. The controversy on this question waxed hot be tween the two famous rival rabbinical schools. Hillel reduced adultery to the level of the minor faults. Shammai opposed his teaching as immoral in tendency. Kara Tracrav air Lav, katd pasan ail uin (Mt 19 3), gives incidental evidence of the nature of the controversy. It was characteristic of the teaching of Jesus that He went to the root of the matter, making this sin to consist in "looking on a woman to lust, after her." Nor did He con fine Himself to the case of the married. The gen eral character of the terms in Mt 5 2S, iris 6 pxtiruv, pus ho blcjxln, forbids the idea that ywaiKa, gnna ika, and tnoixfv<rev, cino icln ‘*<’, are to be limit ed to post -nuptial sin with a married woman. On the other hand it is a characteristic part of the work of Jesus to rescue the erring woman from the merciless clutches of the Pharisaic, tribunal, and to bring her within the pale of mercy and redemption (Mt 21 31.32). He everywhere leaned to the side of mercy in dealing with such cases, as is indicated by the traditional and doubtless true narrative found in the accepted text of the Fourth Gospel (Jn 7 538 11). CEO. B. EAGER

    HARLOTRY, har lot-ri. See CKIMKS.

    HAR-MAGEDON, har-ma-ged on ( ApH-a-yeSuv,

    Hartnagcdon from Ileb har w -yhiddo, "Mount of Megiddo"; AV Armageddon) : This name is found only in Rev 16 16. It is described as the rally- ing-place of the kings of the whole world who, led by the unclean spirits issuing from the mouth of the dragon, the beast and the false prophet, as semble here for "the war of the great day of Cod, the Almighty." Various explanations have been suggested; but, as Nestle says (II DB, s.v), "Upon the whole, to find an allusion here to Megiddo is still the most probable explanation." In the his tory of Israel it had been the scene of never-to-be- forgotten battles. Here took place the fatal struggle between Josiah and Pharaoh-necoh (2 K 23 29; 2 Ch 35 22). Long before, the hosts of Israel had won glory here, in the splendid victory over Sisera and his host (Jgs 5 19). These low hills

    around Megiddo, with their outlook over the plain of Esdraelon, have witnessed perhaps a greater number of bloody encounters than have ever stained a like area of the world s surface. There was, there fore, a peculiar appropriateness in the choice of this as the arena of the last mighty struggle between the powers of good and evil. The choice of the hill as the battlefield has been criticized, as it is less suitable for military operations than the plain. But the thought of Gilboa and Tabor and the up lands beyond Jordan might have reminded the critics that Israel was not unaccustomed to mountain warfare. Megiddo itself was a hill-town, and the district was in part mountainous (cf Mt. Tabor, Jgs 4 6. 12; "the high places of the field," 6 18). It will be remembered that this is apocalypse. Har- Magedon may stand for the battlefield without indi cating any particular locality. The attempt of certain scholars to connect the name with "the mount of congregation" in Isa 14 13 (Hommel, Genkel, etc), and with Bab mythology, cannot be pronounced successful. Ewald (Die, Johan. Schrift, II, 204) found that the Heb forms of "Har-Magedon" and "the great Home" have the same numerical value 304. The historical persons alluded to in the passage do not concern us here. W. EWINQ

    HARNEPHER, har ne-fer, har-ne fer (ISnn , h(int< i>/ur) : A member of the tribe of Ashcr (1 Ch 7 36).

    HARNESS, har nes: A word of Celtic origin meaning "armour" in AV; it is the tr of shir y an, "a coat of mail" (1 K 22 34; 2 Ch 18 33); of neshck, "arms," "weapons" (2 Ch 9 24, RV "armor"); of difiir "to bind" (Jer 46 4), "harness the horses," probably here, "yoke the horses"; cf 1 S 6 7, "tie the kine to the cart" (bind them), Gen 46 29; another rendering is "put on their accoutrements"; cf 1 Mace 6 43, "one of the beasts armed with royal harness" (6upa%, thorax), RV "breastplates"; cf 1 Mace 3 3, "warlike harness"; 6 41 (forXa, hopla], RV "arms"; 2 Mace 3 25, etc; harnessed represents hamushim, "armed," "girded" (Ex 13 18, "The children of Israel went up harnessed," RV "armed"). Tindale, Cranmer, Geneva have "har- nes" in Lk 11 22, Wiclif "armer."

    W. L. WALKER

    HAROD, ha rod, WELL OF (Tin ]?, <en hdrddh, "fountain of trembling"): The fountain beside which (probably above it) Gideon and his army were encamped (Jgs 7 1). Moore (Judyx, in loc.) argues, inconclusively, that the hill Moreh must be sought near Shechem, and that the well of Harod must be some spring in the neighborhood of that city. There is no good reason to question the accuracy of the common view which places this spring at *Ain Jalild, on the edge of the vale of Jezreel, about 2 miles E. of Zer*ln, and just under the northern cliffs of Gilboa. A copious spring of clear cold water rises in a rocky cave and flows out into a large pool, whence it drains off, in N<ihr Jalild, down the vale past Beisan to the Jordan. This is probably also to be identified with the spring "which is in Jezreel," i.e. in the district, near which Saul encamped before the battle of Gilboa (1 S 29 1). *Ain i l-Mciyitch, just below Zer^ln on the N., is hardly of sufficient size and importance to be a rival to .4 in Jalild. See ESDRAELON.

    W. EWING

    HARODITE, ha rod-it PTin , harodhi): Two of David s heroes, Shamma and Elika, are so called (2 S 23 25). LXX omits the second name. In 1 Ch 11 27, the first is called "Shammoth the Harorite," while the second is omitted. "Harorite" is a clerical error for "Harodite," being taken for



    Letter "H"

    "I . Possibly Haroclitc may be connected with the well of HAHOD (q.v.).

    HAROEH, ha-ro e (~Snn , ha-roch, "the seer"): A Judahite (1 Ch 2 52).

    HARORITE, ha r6-rlt, See HARODITE.

    HAROSHETH, ha-ro sheth, OF THE GEN TILES, or OF THE NATIONS (D*n3n ntthn , h&rdshdh ha-goyim) : There is now no means of dis covering what is meant by the phrase "of the na tions." This is the place whence Siscra led his hosts to the Kishon against Deborah and Barak (Jgs 4 13), to which the discomfited and leaderless army fled after their defeat (ver 10). No site seems so well to meet the requirements of the narrative as el Harithlyeh. There are still the remains of an ancient stronghold on this great double mound, which rises on the N. bank of the Kishon, in the throat of the pass leading by the base of Carmel, from the coast to Esdraelon. It effectually com mands the road which here climbs the slope, and winds through the oak forest to the plain; Megiddo being some 10 miles dist ant . The modern also pre serves a reminiscence of the ancient name. By emending the text, Cheyne would here find the name "Kadshon," to be identified with Kedesh in Calilce (EB, s.v.). On any reasonable reading of the narra tive this is unnecessary. ‘‘V. EWING

    HARP, harp. See Music.

    HARROW, har o (TTC , sadhndh): Xadhudh occurs in 3 passages (Job 39 10; Isa 28 24; Hos 10 11). In the first 2 it is tr 1 "harrow," in the last "break the clods." That this was a separate oper ation from plowing, and that it was performed with an instrument drawn by animals, seems certain. As to whether it corresponded to our modern har rowing is a question. The reasons for this uncer tainty are: (1) the ancient Egyptians have left no records of its use; (2) at the present time, in those parts of Pal and Syria where foreign methods have not been introduced, harrowing is not commonly known, although the writer has been told that in some districts the ground is leveled after plowing with the threshing-sledge or a log drawn by oxen. Cross-plowing is resorted to for breaking up the lumpy soil, esp. where the ground has been baked during the long rainless summer. Lumps not re duced in this way are further broken up with a hoe or pick. Seed is always sown before plowing, so that harrowing to cover the seed is unnecessarv. See AGRICULTURE. Fig. used of affliction, disci pline, etc (Isa 28 24). JAMES A. PATCH

    HARROWS, har oz (f "nil , /wrZ?): Harlf has no connection with the vb. Ir* 1 "harrows." The context seems to indicate some form of pointed in strument (2 S 12 31; 1 Ch 20 3; see esp. RVm).

    HARSHA, har sha (8T"]n , harsh a) : Head of one of the families of the Nethinim (Ezr 2 52; Neh 7 54); 1 Esd 5 32, "Charea."

    HARSITH, har sith (me"!!! , harsllh): One of tin- gates of Jerus (Jer 19 2 RV); m suggests "gate of the potsherds"; AV has "east gate" and AVm "sun gate," both deriving the name from O^n, heres, "sun." The gate opened into the valley of Ilinnom. See JERUSALEM; POTSHERD.

    HART, hart. Sec DEER.

    HARUM, ha rum, har um (D^H , harum): A Judahite (1 Ch 4 8).

    HARUMAPH, ha-rdo maf (EETin , harumaph): Father of Jedaiah who assisted in repairing the walla of Jerus under Nehemiah (Neh 3 10).

    HARUPHITE, ha-r67/flt PS nn , hdruphl, or iD nn , Mriphi) ; In 1 Ch 12 5 Shephatiah, one of the companions of David, is called a llaruphite (K) or Hariphite (Q). If the latter be the correct read ing, it is connected with HARIPH or perhaps HAREPH (q.v.).

    HARUZ, ha ruz ("pin , harut;) : Fat her of Meshul- lemeth, the mother of Amon, king of Judah (2 K 21 19).

    HARVEST, har vest ("P^p , kd<;ir; therismos} . To many of us, harvest t ime is of little concern, because in our complex life we are far removed from the actual production of our food supplies, but for the Heb people, as for those in any agricultural district today, the harvest was a most important season (den 8 22; 45 0). Events were reckoned from harvests (den 30 14; Josh 3 15; Jgs 15 1; Rnth 1 22; 2 23; 1 S 6 13; 2 S 21 9; 23 13). The three principal feasts of the Jews corresponded to the three harvest seasons (Ex 23 10; 34 21.22); (1) the feast of the Passover in April at the time of the barley harvest (cf Ruth 1 22); (2) the feast of Pentecost (7 weeks later) at the wheat harvest (Ex 34 22), and (3) the feast of Tabernacles at the end of the year (October) during the fruit harvest. The seasons have not changed since that time. Between the reaping of the; barley in April and the wheat in June, most of the other cereals are reaped. The grapes begin to ripen in August, but the gathering in for making wine and molasses (dibs), and the storing of the dried figs and raisins, is at the end of September. Between the barley harvest in April and the wheat, harvest, only a few showers fall, which are welcomed bcv cause they increase tin 1 yield of wheat (cf Am 4 7). Samuel made use 1 of the unusual occurrence of rain during the wheat harvest to strike fear into the hearts of the people (1 S 12 17). Such an unusual storm of excessive; violence visited Syria in 1912, and did much damage to the harvests, bringing fear to the superstitious farmers, who thought some greater disaster awaited them. From the wheat harvest until the fruit, harvest no rain falls (2 S 21 10; Jer 5 24; cf Prov 26 1). The harvesters long for cool weather during the reaping season (cf Prov 25 13).

    Many definite laws were instituted regarding the harvest, dleaning was forbidden (Lev 19 9; 23 22; Dt 24 19) (see CLEANING). The first-fruits were required to be presented to Jeh (Lev 23 10). In Syria the Christians still celebrate id cr-rubb ("feast of the Lord"), at which time the owners of the vineyards bring their first, bunches of grapes to the church. The children of Israel were en joined to reap no harvest for which they had not labored (Lev 25 5). In Prov the ants harvesting is mentioned as a lesson for the sluggard (Prov 6 S; 10 5; 20 4).

    Figurative: A destroyed harvest typified devas tation or affliction (Job 5 5; Isa 16 9; 17 11; Jer 5 17; 50 10). The "time of harvest," in the OT frequently meant the day of destruction (Jer 51 33; Hos 611; Joel 3 13). "Joy in harvest" typified great joy (Isa 9 3); "harvest of the Nile," an abundant harvest (Isa 23 3). "The harvest is past" meant that the appointed time was gone (Jer 8 20). Jeh chose the most promising time to cut off the wicked, namely, "when there is a cloud of dew in the heat of harvest" (Isa 18 4.5). This occurrence of hot misty days just before the ripen-



    Letter "H"

    ing of the grapes is still common. They arc wel come because they arc supposed to hasten the har vest. The Syrian farmers in some districts call it et-ttibbakh d ainib wa tin ("the fireplace of the grapes and figs").

    In the Gospels, Jesus frequently refers to the har vest of souls (Mt 9 37.38 fns; 13 30bis.3<); Mk 4 29; Jn 4 35 bis). In explaining the parable of the Tares he said, "The harvest is the end of the world" (Mt 13 39; cf Rev 14 1,5). Sec also AGRICULTURE. JAMES A. PATCH

    HASADIAH, has-a-di a (iTHCn , htisadhyah, "Jeh is kind"): A son of Zerubbabef (1 Ch 3 20). In Bar 1 1 the Or is Asadias.

    HASENUAH, has-e-nu a (nX^En In AY (1 Ch 9 7) for HASSENTJAH (q.v.).

    HASHABIAH, hash-a-bl a (fPaiBn , fidshnbhi/ah):

    (1) Two Levites of the family of Merari (1 Ch 6 45; 9 14).

    (2) A Levite who dwelt in Jerus at the time of Nehemiah (Neh 11 15).

    (3) A son of Jeduthun (1 Ch 25 3).

    (4) A Hebronite, chief of a clan of warriors who had charge of West Jordan in the interests of Jeh and the king of Israel (1 Ch 26 30).

    (5) A Levite who was a "ruler" (1 Ch 27 17).

    (6) One of the Levite chiefs in the time of Josiah, who gave liberally toward the sacrifices (2 Ch 35 9). In 1 Esd 1 9 it is "Sabias."

    (7) A Levite whom Ezra induced to return from exile with him (Ezr 8 19). 1 Esd 8 48 has "Asebias."

    (<S) One of the twelve priests set apart by Ezra to take care of the gold, the silver, and the vessels of the temple on their return from exile (Ezr 8 24; 1 Esd 8 54, "Assamias").

    (9) Ruler of half of the district of "Keilah," who helped to repair the walls under Nehemiah (Neh 3 17), and also helped to seal the covenant (Neh 10 11; 12 24).

    (10) A Levite (Neh 11 22).

    (11) A priest (Neh 12 21). J. J. REEVE

    HASHABNAH,ha-shab na (niniTn, hushabhnah): One who helped to seal the covenant under Nehe miah (Neh 10 25).

    HASHABNEIAH, hash-ab-nf-I a (rPjnttJn , ha- shabhn ijd/i ; AV Hashabniah, hash-ab-ni a).

    (1) Father of one of the builders of the wall (Neh 3 10).

    (2) A Levite mentioned in connection with the prayer preceding the signing of the covenant (Neh 9 5); possibly identical with the Hashabiah (ha- shabhyah) of Ezr 8 19.24; Neh 10 11; 11 22; 12 24, or one of these.

    HASHBADANA, hash-ba-da na, HASHBAD- DANA, hash-bad a-na (Hyllltpn , hashbadddndh) : Probably a Levite. He was one of those who stood at Ezra s left hand when he read the law, and helped the people to understand the meaning (Neh 8 4). 1 Esd 9 44 has "Nabarias" (Na/Sapeias, Nabarelas).

    HASHEM, ha shem (DEn , hashcm): The "sons of Hashern" are mentioned (1 Ch 11 34) among David s mighty men. The ;| passage (2 S 23 32) has "sons of Jashen."

    HASHMONAH, hash mo-na (n:En , hnsh- mdnafi, "fatness"): A desert camp of the Israelites between Mithkah and Moseroth (Nu 33 29.30). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    HASHUB, ha shub, hash ub. See HASSHUB.

    HASHUBAH, ha-shoo ba (nSn , k&shubhah, "consideration"): One of the sons of Zerubbabel (1 Ch 3 20).

    HASHUM, ha shum (DttJn , hashum) :

    (1) In Ezr 2 19; Neh Y 22, "children of Ha- shum" are mentioned among the returning exiles. In Ezr 10 33 (cf 1 Esd 9 33, "Asom"), members of the same family are named among those who married foreign wives.

    (2) One of those who stood on Ezra s left at the reading of the law (Neh 8 4; 1 Esd 9 44, "Lotha- subus"). The signer of the covenant (Neh 10 18) is possibly the same.

    HASIDAEANS, has-i-de anz ( AcriSaioi, Hasi-

    daioi, a transliteration of hasldhlm, "the pious," "Puritans") : A name assumed by the orthodox Jews (1 Mace 2 42; 7 13) to distinguish them from the Hellenizing faction described in the Maccabean books as the "impious," the "lawless," the "trans gressors." They held perhaps narrow but strict and seriously honest views in religion, and recog nized Judas Maccabaeus as their leader (2 Mace 14 G). They existed as a party before the days of the Maccabees, standing on the ancient ways, caring little for polities, and having small sympathy with merely national aspirations, except when affecting religion (1 Mace 1 63; 2 Mace 6 18 ff; Jth 12 2; Ant, XIV, iv, 3). Their cooperation with Judas went only to the length of securing the right to follow their own religious practices. When Bac- chides came against Jerus, they were quite willing to make peace because Alcimus, "a priest of the seed of Aaron," was in his company. Him they accepted as high priest, though sixty of them soon fell by his treachery (1 Mace 7 13). Their de sertion of Judas was largely the cause of his down fall. J. HUTCHISON


    HASRAH, haz ra, has ra (rncn , hasruh) : Grand father of Shallurn, who was the husband of Ilul- dah the prophetess (2 Ch 34 22). In 2 K 22 14, HARHAS (q.v.).

    HASSENAAH, has-f-na a (HSJCn , fiass na dh): In Neh 3 3 the "sons of Hassenaah" are mentioned among the builders of the wall. Probably the same as Senaah (Ezr 2 35; Neh 7 38) with the definite article, i.e. has-Senaah. The latter, from the con nection, would appear to be a place-name. See also HASSENUAH.

    HASSENUAH, has-e-nu a (HXrDH has.fnu dfi): A family name in the two lists of Ben- jamite inhabitants of Jerus (1 Ch 9 7, AV "Hase- nuah"; Neh 11 9, "Senuah"). The name is possibly the same as HASSENAAH (q.v.), yet the occurrence of the singular ("son of H.") does not so well accord with the idea of a place-name.

    HASSHUB, hash ub plTBn , hnshshilbh, "con siderate"; AV everywhere Hashub except 1 Ch 9 14):

    (1) A builder of the wall (Neh 311).

    (2) Another builder of the same name (Neh 3 23).

    (3) One of the signers of the covenant (Neh 10 23).

    (4) A Levite chief (Neh 11 15; 1 Ch 9 14). BOB makes (1) and (3) identical.

    HASSOPHERETH, has-o-fe reth. See HOPHK-




    Letter "H"

    HASTE, hast (TDH , haphaz, tftn , hush, mahar; o-irevSw, speiidd): "Haste" (from a root meaning "to pursue") implies "celerity of motion."

    (1) The noun occurs as tr of mahar, "to hasten," etc (Ex 10 16; 12 33, "in haste"); of haphaz, "to make haste" (2 K 7 15; Ps 31 22; 116 11, "I said in my haste [RVm "alarm"], All men are liars"); of hippdzdn, a "hasty flight" (Ex 12 11; Dt 16 3; Lsa 52 12); of nd/taf, "to be urgent" (1 S 21 8, "The king s business required haste").

    (2) "Haste" as a vb. is trans and intrans; in stances of the transitive use are, f, "to hasten," "press" (Ex 6 13, "And the taskmasters hasted them," RV "were urgent"); hush, "to make haste" (Isa 6 19); mahar (2 Ch 24 5 bis); shakadh, "to watch," "to fix one s attention" on anything (Jer 1 12 AV, "I will hasten my word"); mdhir, "hast ing" (Isa 16 5, "hasting righteousness," RV "swift to do"). The intransitive use is more frequent and represents many different words.

    Hasty also occurs in several instances (Prov 21 5; 29 20, f,etr); in Lsa, 28 4, bikk ilr, "first-fruit," is tr 1 "hasty fruit/" RV "first -ripe fig."

    RV has "Haste ye" for "assemble yourselves" (Joel 3 llm, as AV); "mako haste" for "speedily" (Ps 143 7); "and hasted to catch whether it were his mind" (for 1 K 20 : AV); "and it hasteth toward the cud." in "Heb panteth," for "but at the end it shall speak" (Hal) 2 3); "hastily" for "suddenly" (1 Tim 5 22); for "and for this I make haste" (Job 20 2), "even by reason of my haste that is in me," m "and by reason of this my haste is within me"; for "hasten after another god" (Ps 16 4), ARV has "that give gifts for another god," ERV "exchange the Lord for"; for "hasten hereunto" (Keel 2 25), "have enjoyment"; for "hasten hither" (1 K 22 !>), "fetch quickly"; for "and gather" (Ex 9 10), "hasten in"; for "hasteneth that he may" (Isa 51 14) ," shall speedily "; for"hasteth to" (Job 9 2C>), "swoopeth on"; for "and hasteth" (40 215), "he trembleth"; for "hasty" (Dnl 2 15), "urgent."

    ‘‘V. L. WALKKH

    HASUPHA, ha-sii fa (XS^TEn , NDUJn , Msilpha ) : Head of a family of Xethinim among the returning exiles (Kzr 2 -43; Neh 7 40). Neh 7 40 AV has "Hashupha," and 1 Esd 5 21), "Asipha."

    HAT: The original word (S53n3 , karlfla , Aram.) rendered "hat" in Dnl 3 21 A V is very rare, appearing only here in the OT. There is acknowl edged difficulty in translating it, as well as the other words of the passage. "Hat" of AV certainly fails to give its exact meaning. The hat as we know it, i.e. headgear distinguished from the cap or bonnet by a circular brim, was unknown to the ancient East . The nearest thing to the modern hat among the ancients was the pctasus worn by the Romans when on a journey, though something" like it was used on like occasions by the early Greeks. In the earlier Heb writings there is little concerning the headgear worn by the people. In 1 K 20 31 we find men tion of "ropes" upon the head in connection with "sackcloth" on the loins. On Egyp monuments are found pictures of Syrians likewise with cords tied about their flowing hair. The custom, how ever, did not survive, or was modified, clearly be cause the cord alone would afford no protection against the sun, to which peasants and travelers were perilously exposed. It is likely, therefore, that, for kindred reasons the later Israelites used a head-covering similar to that of the modern Bedouin. This consists of a rectangular piece of cloth called kcffiych, which is usually folded into triangular form and placed over the head so as to let the middle part hang down over the back of the neck and protect it from the sun, while the two ends are drawn as needed under the chin and tied, or thrown back over the shoulders. A cord of wool is then used to secure it, at the to]). It became customary still later for Israelites to use a head- covering more like the "turban" worn by the fella-

    heen today. It consists in detail of a piece of cotton cloth worked into the form of a cap (tuklych), and so worn as to protect the other headgear from being soiled by the perspiration. A felt cap, or, as among the Turks, a fez or red tarbush, is worn over this. On the top of these is wound a long piece; of cotton cloth with red stripes and fringes, a flowered ker chief, or a striped kcffiijch. This protects the head from the sun, serves as a sort of purse by day, and often as a pillow by night. Some such headgear is probably meant by the "diadem" of Job 29 14 and the "hood" of Isa 3 23, Heb $aniph, from Sanaph, "to roll up like a coil" (cf Isa 22 IS).

    GEO. B. EAGER HATACH, ha tak. See HATHACH.

    HATCHET, hach et (^TB3 , kashshll): Pa 74 RV, "hatchet," AV "axes." Sec Ax.

    HATE, hat, HATRED, ha tred (vb., fittte , sane , "oftenest," Dpip, sCUani, Gen 27 41, etc; noun, nXIIlJ , siit ah; nio-t to, -tui^ o): A feeling of .strong antagonism and dislike, generally malevolent and prompting to injury (the opposite of love); some times born of moral resentment. Alike in the OT and NT, hate of the malevolent sort, is unsparingly condemned (Nu 35 20; Ps 109 5; Prov 10 12; Tit 3 3; 1 Jn 3 15), but in the OT hatred of evil and evil-doers, purged of personal malice, is commended (Ps 97 10; 101 3; 139 21.22, etc). The NT law softens this feeling as regards persons, bringing it under the higher law of love (Alt 5 43.44; cf Rom 12 17-21), while intensifying the hatred of evil (Jude ver 23; Rev 2 0). God himself is hated by the wicked (Ex 20 5; Ps 139 21; cf Rom 8 7). Sometimes, however, the word "hate" is used hyperbolieally in a relative sense to express only the strong preference of one to another. God loved Jacob, but haled Esau (Mai 1 3; Rom 9 13); father and mother are to be hated in comparison with Christ (Lk 14 20; cf Ml 10 37). See ENMITY. JAMES Onu

    HATHACH, ha thak (TfPn, h&lfiakh; LXX A x - pa0cuos, Hachrathaios): One of the chamberlains of Ahasuerus, appointed to attend on Esther (Est 4, AV "Hataeli"), through whom she learned from Mordecai of Hainan s plot.

    HATHATH, ha thath (Ppn , halhalh, "terror"): Son of Othniel and grandson of Kenaz (1 Ch 4 13).

    HATIPHA, ha-ti fa, hat i-fa (XBTEn , hatlpJta , "taken," "captive" f ?]): The ancestral head of a family of Nethinim that returned from Babylon (Ezr 2 54; Neh 7 50="Atipha," 1 Esd 5 32).

    HATITA, ha-tl ta, hat i-ta (SrPEn ; hdtUa ) : Head of a family among the "children of the porters" who returned from exile (Ezr 2 42; Neh 7 45; 1 Esd 5 28, "Ateta").

    HATSI-HAMMENUCHOTH, hat-si-ham-cn-u - kotli: A marginal reading in 1 Ch 2 52 AV. It disappears in RV, which reads in text, "half of the MENUHOTH" (q.v.) (Heb ha^l ha-m e nuhoth) .

    HATTIL, hat il (^t-jn , hattll): A company of servants of Solomon appearing in the post-exilic lit erature (Ezr 2 57; Neh 7 51)). Same called "Agia" in 1 Esd 5 34.

    HATTUSH, hal usli (IZTWI, hntluxh): (1) Son of Shemaiah, a descendant of the kings of Judah, in the 5th generation from Zerubbabel (1 Ch 3 22). He returned with Zerubbabel and



    Letter "H"

    Ezra from Babylon to Jcrus (Ezr 8 2; Nch 12 2). (There is some doubt as to whether the Hattush of the lineage of David and the priest of the same name, mentioned in Nch 10 4 and 12 2, arc one and the same.) He was one of those who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Nch 10 4).

    (2) Son of Hashabneiah; aided Nehemiah to repair the walls of Jerus (Neh 3 10),


    HAUNT, hont, riant : The vb. in OE was simply "to resort to," "frequent"; a place of dwelling or of business was a haunt. The noun occurs in 1 S 23 22 as the tr of reghd, "foot," "See his place where his haunt is," RVm "Heb foot "; the vb. is the tr of yashabh, "to sit down," "to dwell" (Ezk 26 17, "on all that haunt it," RV "dwelt there," m "in habited her"), and of halakh, "to go," or "live" (1 S 30 31, "all the places where David himself and his men were wont to haunt").

    HAURAN, hcVran C)7]n , hawran; LXX Ai-

    pavtrus, Auranilis, also with aspirate): A i)rovince

    of Eastern Pal which, in Ezk 47 10.18,

    1. Extent stretched from Dan in the N. to Gilead of Province in the S., including all that lay be- in Ancient (.ween the Jordan and the desert. It Times thus covered the districts now known

    as d-Jedur, el-Jauldn, and d-Haurdn. It corresponded roughly with the jurisdiction of the modern Turkish governor of Hauran. The Aura- nites of later times answered more closely to the Hauran of today.

    The name Hauran probably means "hollow

    land." Between Jcbd ed-Druzc (see BASHAN,

    MOUNT OF) on the E., and Jedua and

    2. Modern Jaulan (see GOLAN) on the W., runs Hauran a broad vale, from Jcbd d *Aswad in

    the N., to the Yarmuk in the S.W., and the open desert in the S.E. It is from 1,500 to 2,000 ft. above sea-level, and almost 50 miles in length, by 45 in breadth. Hauran aptly describes it. To the modern Hauran are reckoned 3 dis tricts, clearly distinguished in local

    3. En- speech: (1) En- N ukrah, "the cavity." Nukrah This district touches the desert in the

    S.E., the low range of ez Zumleh on the S.W., Jauldn on the W., el-Lcja on the N. and, Jebd ed-Druze on the E. The soil, composed of volcanic detritus, is extraordinarily rich. Here and there may be found a bank of vines; but the country is practically treeless: the characteristic product is wheat, and in its cultivation the village population is almost wholly occupied. (2) El-

    Lejd , "the asylum." This is a rocky

    4. El-Leja tract lying to the N. of en-N ukrah.

    It is entirely volcanic, and takes, roughly, the form of a triangle, with apex in the N. at d Burak, and a base of almost 20 miles in the S. For the general characteristics of this district, see TRACHONITIS. Its sharply marked border, where the rocky edges fall into the surrounding plain, have suggested to some the thought that here we have hebhel argobh, "the measured lot of Argob." See, however, ARGOB. There is little land capable of cultivation, and the Arabs who occupy the greater part have an evil reputation. As a refuge for the hunted and for fugitives from justice it well de serves its name. (3) El-Jcbd, "the mountain."

    This is the great volcanic range which

    5. El-Jebel stands on the edge of the desert, pro

    tecting the fertile reaches of el-Hauran from encroachment by the sand, known at different times as Mons Asaldamus, Jcbd Hauran, and Jebd ed-Druzc. This last is the name it bears today in consequence of the settlement of Druzes here, after the massacre in Mt. Lebanon in 1860. Those free- spirited people have been a thorn in the side of the

    Turks ever since: and whether or not the recent operations against them (January, 1911) will result in their entire subjugation, remains to be seen. The western slopes of the mountain are well culti vated, and very fruitful; vineyards abound; and there are large reaches of shady woodlands. Sal- khad, marking the eastern boundary of the land of Israel, stands on the ridge of the mountain to the S. Jcbd d-Kulcib in which the range culminates, reaches a height of 5,730 ft. Jcbd Hauran is named in the Mish (Rosh ha-shdndh, ii.4) as one of the heights from which fire-signals were flashed, an nouncing the advent of the new year. For its his tory see BASHAN. The ruins which are so plcnt if ul in the country date for the most part from the early Christian centuries; and probably nothing above ground is older than the Rom period. The sub structions, however, and the subterranean dwellings found in different parts, e.g. at Dcr ah, may be very ancient. The latest mention of a Christian build ing is in an inscription found by the present writer at d- Kufr, which tells of the foundation of a church in 720 AD (PEFS, July, 1895, p. 275, Inscr no. 150). A good account of Hauran and its cities is given in HGIIL, XXIX, 611. W. EWING

    HAVE, hav: "To have" is to own or possess; its various uses may be resolved into this, its proper meaning.

    A few of the many changes in RV are, for "a man that hath friends" (Prov 18 24), "maketh many friends," m "Heb a man of friends"; for "all that I have" (Lk 15 31), "all that is mine"; for "we have peace with Clod" (Rom 6 1) ERV has "let us have," m "some authorities read we have," ARV as AVm "many ancient authorities read let us have"; for "what great conflict I have" (Col 2 1), "how greatly I strive"; for "will have" (Mt 9 13; 12 7), "desire"; 27 43, "desireth"; for "would have" (Mk 6 19; Acts 10 10), "desired"; 16 27, "was about"; 19 30, "was minded to"; 23 28, "desiring"; He 12 17, "desired to"; for "ye have" (He 10 34), ERV has "ye yourselves have," m "ye have your own- selves," ARV "ye have for yourselves," m "many ancient authorities read, ye have your own selves for a better possession" (cf Lk 9 25; 21 19); "having heard" for "after that ye heard" (Eph 1 13); "hav ing suffered before," for "even after that we had suffered" (1 Thess 2 2); "and thus, having," for "so after he had" (He 6 15). W. L. WALKER

    HAVEN, ha v n ([1] ^H , hoph [Gen 49 13, RVm "beach"; Jgs 6 17, RVm "shore," AV "seashore," AVm "port"]; elsewhere "sea-shore" [Dt 1 7; Josh 9 1; Jer 47 7] or "sea coast" [Ezk 25 16]; from root C1SH , hdphaph, "to wash" or "to lave";

    cf Arab.

    , haffa, "to rub"; and XJl.=a. , haffal,


    "border"; o .jLs* , Hufuf, in Eastern Arabia; [2]

    rilTa, muhoz [Ps 107 30]; [3] Xi^v. Umen [Acts 27 12 bin}; also Fair Havens, KaXol Xi|j.vs, kaloi limencs [Acts 27 8]): While the Gr Umen is "har bor," the Heb hoph is primarily "shore." There is no harbor worthy of the name on the shore of Pal S. of Haifa. Indeed there is no good natural harbor on the whole coast of Syria and Pal. The promon tories of Carmel, Beirut and Tripolis afford shelter from the prevalent southwest wind, but offer no refuge from the fury of a northern gale. On rocky shores there are inlets which will protect sail boats at most times, but the ships of the ancients were beached in rough weather, and small craft are so treated at the present time. Sec illustration under BITHYNIA, p. 483. ALFRED ELY DAY

    HAVENS, ha v nz, FAIR. See FAIR HAVENS.



    Letter "H"

    HAVILAH, hav i-la (n5"nn , hawllah; Evil, Heuild):

    (1) Son of Gush (Gen 10 7; 1 Ch 1 9).

    (2) Son of Yoktan, descendant of Shem (Gen 10 29; 1 Ch 1 23).

    (3) Mentioned with Shur as one of the limits of the territory of the Ishmaelites (Gen 25 18); cf the same limits of the land of the Amalekites (1 S 15 7), where, however, the text is doubtful. It is described (Gen 2 11.12) as bounded by the river Pishon and as being rich in gold, bdellium and "shoham-stone" (EV "onyx"). The shoham- stone was perhaps the Assyr satntu, probably the malachite or turquoise. The mention of a Cushite Havilah is explained by the fact that the Arabian tribes at an early time migrated to the coast of Africa. The context of Gen 10 7 thus favors a situation on the Ethiopian shore, and the name is perhaps preserved in the .kolpos Aualilcs and in the tribe Abalitai on the S. side of the straits of Bab- el-Mandeb. Or possibly a trace of the name ap pears in the classical Aualis, now ZeUd* in Somali- land. But its occurrence among the Yoktanite Arabs (Gen 10 29) suggests a location in Arabia. South Arabian inscriptions mention a district of Khaulan (Hnulnn), and a place of this name is found both in Tihaina and S.E. of San* a . Again Strabo s Chaulotaioi and Hwr<iila in Bahrein point to a district, on the Arabian shore of the Pers Gulf. No exact identification has yet been made.

    A. S. FULTON

    HAVOC, hav ok: "Devastation," "to make havoc of" is the tr of ‘‘, lumainomai, "to stain," "to disgrace"; in the NT "to injure," "destroy" (Acts 8 3, "As for Saul he made havoc of the church," RV "laid waste"; 1 Mace 7 7, "what havoc," RV "all the havock," exoldthreusis, "utter destruction").

    RV has "made havoc of" (porlhed) for "destroyed" (Acts 9 21; Gal 1 23), for "wasted" (Gal 1 13).

    HAWAH, hav a (rnn , hninrah}: Hob spelling, rendered Eve, "mother of all living," Gen 3 20 RVm. See EVE.

    HAWOTH-JAIR, hav-oth-ja ir ("PS? hawiroth yd ir, "the encampments" or "tent villages of Jair"; AV Havoth-Jair, ha-voth-ja ir): The word hairn dth occurs only in this combination (Nu 32 41; Dt 3 14; Jgs 10 4), and is a legacy from the nomadic stage of Heb life. Jair had thirty sons who possessed thirty "cities," and these are identified with Havvoth-jair in Jgs 10 3 i f . The district was in Gilead (ver 5; Nu 32 41). In Dt 3 13 f, it is identified with Bashan and Argob; but in 1 K 4 13, "the towns of Jair" are said to be in Gilead; while to him also "pertained the region of Argob, which is in Bashan, threescore great cities with walls and brazen bars." There is evident confusion here. If we follow Jgs 10 3 ff, we may find a useful clue in ver 5. Kamon is named as the burial place of Jair. This probably corresponds to Kamun taken by Antiochus III, on his march from Pella to Gephrun (Polyb. v.70, 12). Schu macher (Northern *Ajlun, 137) found two places to the W. of Irbid with the names Kamm and Knmeim (the latter a diminutive of the former) with ancient ruins. Kamm probably represents the Ileb Kamon, so that Havvoth-jair should most likely be sought in this district, i.e. in North Gilead, between the Jordan valley and Jebel cz-Zumhh.

    W. EWIXG

    HAWK, hok (f2 , ncq; U pa|, hierax, and ykeui^, (jlaux; Lat Accipitcr ids us): A bird of prey of the genus arci/riter. Large hawks were numerous in Pal. The largest were 2 ft. long, have flat

    heads, hooked beaks, strong talons and eyes appear ing the keenest and most comprehensive of any bird. They can sail the length or breadth of the Holy Land many times a day. It is a fact worth knowing that mist and clouds interfere with the vision of birds and they hide, and hungry and

    Kestrel ( Tin n anculus alti udarius).

    silent wait for fair weather, so you will see them sail ing and soaring on clear days only. These large hawks and the glede are of eagle-like nat are, nest ing on Carmel and on the hills of Galilee, in large trees and on mountain crags. They flock near Bcersheba, and live in untold numbers in the wilderness of the Dead Sea. They build a crude nest of sticks and twigs and carry most of the food alive to their young. Of course they were among the birds of prey that swarm over the fresh offal from slaughter and sacrifice. No bird steers with its tail in flight in a more pronounced manner than the hawk. These large birds are all-the-year residents, for which reason no doubt the people distinguished them from smaller families that mi grated. They knew the kite that Isaiah mentioned in predicting the fall of Edom. With them the smaller, brighter-colored kestrels, that flocked over the rocky shores of the Dead Sea and over the ruins of deserted cit ies, seemed to be closest in appearance to the birds we include in the general term falcon." They ate mice, insects and small birds, but not carrion. The abomination lists of Lev 11 16 and Dt 14 15 each include hawks in a general term and specify several species as unfit for food. Job 39 20 reads:

    "Is it by thy wisdom that the hawk soarcth, And stretcheth her wings toward the south?"

    Aside from calling attention to the miraculous flight, this might refer to migration, or to the wonderful soaring exhibitions of these birds. See GLEDE; KITK; NIGHT HAWK; FALCON.


    HAZAEL, ha-za el, ha za-el, haz a-el and 5Sn7n , hazd el and h&zah el, Jlazatl; Assyr htizd ilu): Comes first into Bib. history as a high officer in the service of Ben-hadad II, king of Syria (2 K 8 7ff; cf 1 K 19 15 ff). He had been sent by his sick sovereign to inquire of the prophet



    Letter "H"

    Elisha, who was then in Damascus, whether he should recover of his sickness or not. He took

    with him a present "even of every 1. In Bib- good thing of Damascus, forty camels lical burden," and stood before the man

    History of God with his master s question of

    life or death. To it Elisha made the oracular response, "(!o, say unto him, Thou shall surely recover; howbeit Jeh hath showed me that he shall surely die." Elisha looked stedfastly at, Hazael and wept, explaining to the incredulous oflicer that he was to be the perpetrator of horrible cruelties against the children of Israel: "Their strongholds wilt thou set, on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash in pieces their little ones, and rip up their women with child" (2 K 8 12). Hazael protested against the very thought of such things, but Elisha assured him that Jeh had shown him that he was to be king of Syria. No sooner had Hazael delivered to his master the answer of the man of (!od than the treacherous purpose took shape in his heart to has ten Ben-hadad s end, and "lie took t he coverlet, and dipped it in water, and spread it on his face, so that he died: and Hazael reigned in his stead" (2 K 8 15). The reign which opened under such sinister auspices proved long and successful, and brought the kingdom of Syria to the zenith of its power. Hazael soon found occasion to invade Israel. It was at Kamoth-gilead, which had already been the scene of a fierce conflict- between Israel and Syria when Ahab met his death, that Hazael encountered Joram, the king of Israel, with whom his kinsman, Ahaziah, king of Judah, had joined forces to retain that important fortress which had been recovered from the Syrians (2 K 9 14.15). The final issue of the battle is not recorded, but Joram received wounds which obliged him to return across the Jor dan to Jezreel, leaving the forces of Israel in com mand of Jehu, whose anointing by Elisha s deputy at Ramoth-gilead, usurpation of the throne of Israel, slaughter of Joram, Ahaziah and Jezebel, and vengeance upon the whole house of Ahab are told in rapid and tragic succession by the sacred his torian (2 K 9, 10).

    ‘‘Yhatever was the issue of this attack upon Ramoth-gilead, it was not long before Hazael laid waste the whole country K. of the Jordan "all the land of (lilead, the ( Jadites, and the Heubenites, and the Manassites, from Aroer, which is by the valley of the Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan" (2 K 10 33; cf Am 1 3). Nor did Judah escape the heavy hand of the Syrian oppressor. Marching south ward through the plain of Esdraelon, and following a route along the maritime plain taken by many conquerors before and since, Hazael fought against (lath and took it, and then "set his face to go up to Jerus" (2 K 12 17). As other kings of Judah had to do with other conquerors, Jehoash, who was now on the throne, bought off the in vader with the gold and the treasures of temple and palace, and Hazael withdrew his forces from Jerus.

    Israel, however, still suffered at the hands of Hazael and Ben-hadad, his son, and the sacred his torian mentions that Hazael oppressed Israel all the days of Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu. So grievous was the oppression of the Syrians that Hazael "left not to Jehoahaz of the people save fifty horse men, and ten chariots, and ten thousand footmen; for the king of Syria destroyed them, and made them like the dust in threshing ^ (2 K 13 1-7). Forty or fifty years later Amos, in the opening of his prophecy, recalled those; Syrian campaigns against Israel when In; predicted vengeance that was to come upon Damascus. "Thus saith Jeh .... I will send a fire into the house of Hazael,

    and it shall devour the palaces of Ben-hadad" (Am 1 3.4).

    Already, however, the power of Syria had passed its meridian and had begun to decline. Kvents of which

    there is no express record in the Bib. narra- 2 In the tive were proceeding which, en; long, made

    it possible for the son of Jehoahaz, Joash Monuments or Jehoash, to retrieve the honor of Israel

    and recover the cities that had been lost (2 K 13 25). For I lie full record of these events we must turn to the Assyr annals preserved in the monu ments. We do read in the sacred history that Jeh gave Israel "a saviour, so that they went out from under the hand of the Syrians" (2 K 13 5). The annals of the Assyr kings give us clearly and distinctly the interpre tation of this enigmatic saying. The relief that came to Israel was due to the crippling of the power of Syria by the aggression of Assyria upon the lands of the West. From the Black Obelisk in the British Museum, on which Shalmaneser II (sr>0-S2f> BC) has inscribed the story of the campaign he carried on during his long reign, there are instructive notices of this period of Israelitish history. In the isth year of his reign (S42 B(‘‘), Shal- maneser made war against Hazael. On the Obelisk the record is short , but a longer account is given on one of the pavement slabs from Nimroud, the ancient Kalab. It is as follows: " In the ISth year of my reign for the Kith time I crossed the Kuphrates. Hazael of Damascus trusted to the slrength of his armies and mustered his troops in full force. Senir [Hermon|. a mountain sum mit which is in front of Lebanon, he made his stronghold. 1 fought with him; his defeat I accomplished; 600 of his soldiers with weapons I laid low; 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his horses, with his camp I took from him. To save his life, ho retreated; I pursued him; in Damascus, his royal city, I shut him up. His plantations I cut down. As far as the mountains of the Ilauran I marched. Cities without number I wrecked, razed, and burnt, with lire. Their spoil beyond count I carried away. As far as the mountains of Haal-Kosh, which is a headland of the sea [at the mouth of the Xnhr d-Kilb, Dog Kiver],

    I inarched; my royal likeness I there set up. At that time I received" the tribute of the Syrians and Sidonians and of Yahua [Jehu] the son of Khumri [Omril" (Hall. Light from the Eaxt, ir><>; Sehrader, COT, 200 f). From this inscription we gather that Shalmaneser did not suc ceed in the capture of Damascus. But it still remained an object of ambition to Assyria, and Ramman nirari III, the grandson of Shahnaneser, succeeded in capturing it. and reduced it to subjection. It, was this monarch who was " the saviour" whom God raised up to deliver Israel from the hand of Syria. Then it, became possible for Israel under Jehoash to recover the cities he had lost, but by this time Hazael had died and Ben-hadad, his son, Ben-hadad III, called Mari on the monuments, had be come king in his stead (2 K 13 24.25).

    LITER ATT-RF,. Sehrader, COT, 197-208; McOurdy,

    II I M, I, 2S2 If.

    T. NICOL

    HAZAIAH, ha-za ya (rV7n , l,/i;<ii/ali, "Jah sees"): Among the inhabitants of Jerus mentioned in the list of Judahites in Neh 11 5.

    HAZAR, ha ziir O5H , hd^ar, constr. of linger, "an inclosure," "settlement," or "village"): Is frequently the first element in Heb place- names.

    Hazar-addar flleb hnqnr adiJdr), a place on

    the southern boundary of Judah (Nu 34 4), is prob

    ably identical with Hazron (Josh 16

    1. Hazar- 3), which, in t his case, however, is sepa- addar rated from Addar (AV "Adar"). It

    seems to have lain somewhere to the SAY. of Kadesh-barnea.

    Hazar-enan (Heb hngnr *vnan, "village of springs": *cnan is Aram.; once [Ezk 47 17] it is

    called Enon), a place, unidentified, at

    2. Hazar- t he junct ion of t he nort hern and eastern enan frontiers of the land promised to

    Israel (Nu 34 9f; cf Ezk 47 17; 48 1). To identify it with the sources of the Orontes seems to leave too great a gap between this and the places named to the S. Buhl ((fAP, 66 f) would draw t lie northern boundary from Nahr d- Kasinriiji-h to the foot of Ilermon, and would locate Hazar-enan at Manias. The springs there lend fit ness to the name; a condition absent from cl- Hdtjr, farther east, suggested by von Kesteren. But there is no certainty.



    Letter "H"

    Hazar-gaddah (Heb h&gar-gadddh), a place in the territory of Judah "toward the border ol Edom in the South" (Josh 16 21.27).

    3. Hazar- Onom (s.v. "Gadda") places it in the gaddah uttermost parts of the Daroma, over looking the Dead Sea. This might

    point to the site of Masada, or to the remarkable ruins of Umm Bajjak farther south (GAP, 185).

    Hazar-hatticon (RV HAZER-HATTICON; Heb hitfer ha-tikhun, "the middle village"), a place named on the ideal border of Israel

    4. Hazar- (Ezk 47 10). The context shows that hatticon it is identical with Hazar-enan, for which this is apparently another name.

    Possibly, however, it is due to a scribal error.

    Hazarmaveth (Heb hdgarmaweth), the name of a son of Joktan attached to a clan or district in South Arabia (Gen 10 20; 1 Ch 1

    5. Hazar- 20). It is represented by the modern maveth Hadramaut, a broad and fruitful valley

    running nearly parallel with the coast for about 100 miles, north of cl-Ycmcn. The ruins and inscriptions found by Glaser show that it was once the home of a great civilization, the capital being Sabata (Gen 10 7) (Glaser, Skizze. II, 20, 423 ff).

    Hazar-shual (Heb hdyir shu ul), a place in

    the S. of Judah (Josh 15 2S) assigned to Simeon

    (Josh 19 3; 1 Ch 4 2S). It was re-

    6. Hazar- occupied after the exile (Neh 11 27). shual Sa*wch on a hill E. of Beersheba has

    been suggested; but there is no cer tainty.

    Hazar-susah (Heb hapir suKdh, Josh 19 5),

    Hazar-susim (Heb hdfar ,sv7.slw, l Ch 4 31). As

    it stands, the name means "station of a

    7. Hazar- mare" or "of horses," and it occurs susah along with Beth-marcaboth, "place,

    of chariots," which might suggest, depots for trade in chariots and horses. The site.: have not been identified. W. EWIXG

    HAZAR-ADDAR, ad ar; -ENAN, e nan; -GAD DAH, gad a; -HATTICON, hat i-kon; -MAVETH, ma veth; -SHUAL, shoo al; -SUSA, su sa; -SU- SIM, su sim. See HAZAR.

    HAZAZON-TAMAR, haz a-zan-ta mar ni b l b n Ipn, hnqnqdn la/nar; AV Hazezon Tamar) : "Haz- a/on of the palm trees," mentioned (Gen 14 7) as a place of the Amorites, conquered, together with En-mishpat and the country of the Amalekites, by Chedorlaomer; in 2 Ch 20 2 it is identified with EN-GEDI (q.v.); and if so, it must have been its older name. If this identification be accepted, then Hazazon may survive in the name Wwly Husasah, N.W. of Am July. Another suggestion, which certainly meets the needs of the narrative better, is that Hazazon-tamar is the Thamara of OS (85 3; 210 SO), the Ga/xapw, Thamaro, of Ptol. xvi.3. The ruin Kurnub, 20 miles W.S.W. of the S. end of the Dead Sea on the road from Hebron to Elath is supposed to mark this site.


    HAZEL, ha z l (Gen 30 37 AV). See ALMOND.

    HAZELELPONI, haz-el-el-po m. See HAZZELEL-


    HAZER-HATTICON, ha zer-hat i-kon, HAZAR- HATTICON. See HAZAR.

    HAZERIM, ha-ze rim, haz er-im (D^Sn, h&fe- rim) : Is rendered in AV (Dt 2 23) as the name of a place in the S.W. of Pal, in which dwelt the Avvim, ancient inhabitants of the land. The word means "villages," and ought to be tr j as in RV. The

    sentence means that the Avvim dwelt in villages not in fortified towns before the coming of the Caphtorim, the Philis, who destroyed them.

    HAZEROTH, ha-ze roth, haz er-oth (nVlSn, Mgeroth, "inclosures") : A camp of the Israelites, the 3d from Sinai (Nu 11 35; 12 10; 33 17; Dt 1 1). It is identified with Mm lladrah ("spring of the inclosure"), 30 miles N.E. of Jebel Musa, on the way to the Arabah. See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    HAZEZON-TAMAR, haz o-zon-ta mar TCP , /(f/frtf w/( tainar, Gen 14 7 AV; TOP ha^un taiaar, 2 Ch 20 2). See HAZAZON-TAMAR.

    HAZIEL, ha zi-el ( SPin , hazl cl, "God sees"): A Levite of the sons of Shimei, of David s time (1 Ch 23 9).

    HAZO, ha zd (ITH , hdzd, fifth son of Nahor [Gen 22 22]): Possibly the eponym of a Nahorite family or clan.

    HAZOR, ha zor ("113111 , haqur; Nao-cGp, Xasor, X, Ao-wp, Asor, 1 Mace 11 07):

    (1) The royal city of Jabin (Josh 11 1), which, before the Israelite conquest, seems to have been the seat of a wide authority (ver 11). It was taken by Joshua, who exterminated the inhabitants, and it was the only city in that region which he destroyed by fire (vs 11-13). At a later time the Jabin Dynasty appears to have recovered power and re stored the city (Jgs 4 2). The heavy defeat of their army at the hands of Deborah and Barak led to their final downfall (vs 23 fT). It was in the terri tory allotted to Naphtali (Josh 19 30). Hazor was one of the cities for the fortification of which Solomon raised a levy (1 K 9 15). Along with other cities in Galilee, it was taken by Tiglath- pileser III (2 K 15 20). In the plain of Hazor, Jonathan the Maeeubee gained a great victory over Demetrius (1 Mace 11 07 IT). In Tob 1 2 it is called "Asher" (LXX Ao-^p, Asfr), and Kedesh is said to be "above" it. Jos (Aid, V, v, 1) says that Hazor was situated over the lake, Semechonitis, which he evidently identifies with the Waters of Merom (Josh 11 13). It must clearly be sought on the heights W. of d-Ufdeh. Several identifi cations have been suggested, but no certain conclu sion can be reached. Some (Wilson and Guerin) favor Tdl Harrch to the S.E. of Kctles, where there are extensive ruins. Robinson thought of Tell Khureibch, 1’’ miles S. of Kcdcs, where, however, there are no ruins. We may take it as certain that the ancient name of Hazor is preserved in Merj el-Hadlreh, S.W. of Kedcs, and N. of Wadij l Uba, and in Jebel Hadlreh, E. of the Mc.rj although it has evidently drifted from the original site, as names have so often done in Pal. Conder suggests a possible identification with Hazzur, farther S., "at the foot of the chain of Upper Galilee .... in a position more appropriate to the use of the chariots that belonged to the king of Hazor" (HI) B, s.v.).

    (2) A town, unidentified, in the S. of Judah (Josh 15 23).

    (3) A town in the S. of Judah (Josh 15 25). See KERIOTH-HEZRON.

    (4) A town in Benjamin (Neh 11 33) now repre sented by Khirbct Hazziir, not far to the E. of Nt by Samwll.

    (5) An unidentified place in Arabia, smitten by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer 49 28.33). W. EWING

    HAZOR-HADATTAH, ha zor-ha-dat/a (Aram.

    ~0 112Zn, haqurhadhattuh, "New Hazor"): "An

    Aram, adj., however, in this region is so strange that


    Healing, Gifts of


    the reading must he questioned" (Hi). One of the "uttermost cities .... of Judah toward the border of Edoni" (Josh 15 2")). Eusebius and Jerome describe a "New Ha/or" to the E. of Ascalon, but this is too far N.

    HAZZELELPONI, haz-e-lel-po nl pZlsV^n , hn^ldponl): A feminine name occurring in the list of the genealogy of Judah (1 Ch 4 3); proba bly representing a clan.

    HE, hi! (H): The fifth letter of the IIcb al])habet; transliterated in this Encycloi)aedia as h. It came also to be used for the number 5. For name, etc, see ALPHABET.

    HEAD, bed (ttJiin , ro sh, Aram. TDS"1 , rc sh, and in special sense ri~3"3 , gulgdleth, lit. "skull," "cut-oil head" [1 Ch 10 10], whence Golgotha [Ml 27 33; Mk 15 22; Jn 19 17]; mpsn 1 ? , in r ran*hah, lit, "head-rest," "pillow," "bolster" [1 K 19 6]; ~p~]x , koilhkudh, lit. crown of the head [Dt 28 35; 33 16.20; 2 S 14 25; Isa 3 17; Jer 48 45]; ^J"]5 , Ixirzel, "the head of an ax^" [Dt 19 5, RVin "iron"; 2 K 6 5] ; rnnb , Icha- bhnh, nanb , lahehhHh, "the head of a spear" [1 S 17 7]; K<j>a’’TJ, k(j)fidlt ): The first-mentioned Hob word and its Aram, form are found frequently in their literal as well as metaphorical sense. ‘‘ e may distinguish the following meanings:

    By a slight extension of meaning, "head" occa sionally stands for the person itself. This is the case in all passages where evil is

    1. Used said to return or to be requited of Men upon the head of a person (see


    The word is also used in connection with the serpent s head (Gen 3 15), the head of the sac rificial ram, bullock and goat (Ex

    2. Used of 29 10.15.19; Lev 4 4.24), the head Animals of leviathan (Job 41 7 [Ileb 40 31J).

    It is used also as representing the top or summit of a thing, as the capital of a column or pillar (Ex 36 3S; 38 2S; 2 Ch 3 15); of mountains (Ex 19 20; Nu 21 20;

    3. The Jgs 9 7; Am 1 2; 9 3); of a scepter Head-Piece (Est 5 2); of a ladder (Gen 28 12);

    of a tower (Gen 11 4).

    As a fourth meaning the word occurs (Prov 8 23; Eccl 3 11; Isa 41 4) in the sense of beginning of

    months (Ex 12 2), of rivers (Gen 2 4 Begin- 10), of streets or roads (Isa 51 20; ning, Ezk 16 25; 21 21).

    Source, As a leader, prince, chief, chieftain,

    Origin captain (or as an adj., with the mean

    ing of foremost, uppermost), origi nally: "he that stands at the head"; cf "God is with us at our head" (2 Ch 13 12); "Knowest

    thou that Jeh will t ake away thy mast er 5. Leader, from thy head?" (2 K 2 3); "head- Prince stone," RV "top stone," i.e. the upper

    most stone (Zee 4 7). Israel is called 1 he head of nations (Dt 28 13); "The head [capital] of Syria is Damascus, and the head [prince] of Damascus is Re/in" (Isa 7 8); "heads of their fathers houses," i.e. elders of the clans (Ex 6 14); cf "heads of tribes" (Dt 1 15), also "cap tain," lit. head (Nu 14 4; Dt 1 15; 1 Ch 11 42; Neh 9 17). The phrase "head and tail" (Isa 9 14; 19 15) is explained by the rabbis as meaning the nobles and the commons among the people; cf "palm-branch and rush" (9 14), "hair of the feet .... and beard" (7 20), but cf also Isa 9 15. In the NT we find the remarkable statement of Christ being "the head of the church" (Eph 1 22; 5 23),

    "head of every man" (1 Cor 11 3), "head of all principality and power" (Col 2 10), "head of the body, the church" (Col 1 18; cf Eph 4 15). The context of 1 Cor 11 3 is very instructive to a true understanding of this expression: "I would have you know, that the head of every man is Christ; and the head of the woman is the man; and the head of Christ is God" (cf Eph 5 23). Here, clearly, reference is had to the lordship of Christ over His church, not to the oneness of Christ and His church, while in Eph 4 16 the dependence of the church upon Christ is spoken of. These pas sages should not therefore be pressed to include the idea of Christ being the intellectual center, the brain of His people, from whence the members are passively governed, for to the Jewish mind the heart was the scat of the intellect, not the head. See HEART.

    As the head is the most essential part of physical man, calamity and blessing are said to come upon the head of a person (Gen 49 26; Dt 6. Various 33 16; Jgs 9 57; 1 S 25 39; 2 Ch Uses 6 23; Ezk 9 10; 11 21; 16 43; 22

    31). For this reason hands are placed upon the head of a person on which blessings are being invoked (Gen 48 14.17.18; Mt 19 15) and upon the sacrificial animal upon which sins are laid (Kx 29 15; Lev 1 4; 4 29.33). Responsibility for a deed is also said to rest on the head of the door (2 S 1 16; 3 29; 1 K 8 32; Ps 7 16; Acts 18 (>). The Bible teaches us to return good for evil (Mt 5 44), or in the very idiomatic Heb style, to "heap coals of fire upon [the] head" of the adver sary (Prov 25 22; Rom 12 20). This phrase is dark as to its origin, but quite clear as to its mean ing and application (cf Rom 12 17.19.21). The Jew was inclined to swear by his head (Mt 5 36), as the modern Oriental swears by his beard. The head is said to be under a vow (Nu 6 18.19; Acts 18 IS; 21 23), because the Na/irite vow could readily be recognized by the head.

    There are numerous idiomat ic expressions con nected with the head, of which we enumerate the following: "the hoary head" designates old age (see HAIR); "to round the corners of the head," etc (Lev 19 27; cf also Dt 14 1; Am 8 10), probably refers to the shaving of the side locks or the whole seal]) among heathen nations, which was often done in idolatrous shrines or in token of initia tion into the service of an idol. It was therefore forbidden to Israel, and its rigid observance gave rise to the peculiar Jewish custom of wearing long side lucks (see HAIR). "Anointing the head" (Ps 23 5; 92 10; He 1 9) was a sign of joy and hos pitality, while the "covering of the head" (2 S 15 30; Est 6 12; Jer 14 3), "putting the hand upon the head" (2 S 13 19) and putting earth, dust or ashes upon it (Josh 76; 1 S 4 12; 2 S 1 2; 13 19; Lam 2 10; cf Am 2 7) were expressive of sadness, grief, deep shame and mourning. In Est 7 8 Hainan s face is covered as a condemned crimi nal, or as one who has been utterly put to shame, and who has not hing more to say for his life.

    In this connection the Pauline injunction as to the veiling of women in the public gatherings of the Christians (1 Cor 11 5), while men were in structed to appear bareheaded, must be mentioned. This is diametrically opposed to the Jewish custom, according to which men wore the head covered by the talllth or prayer shawl, while women were con sidered sufficiently covered by their long hair (1 Cor 11 15). The apostle here simply commends a Gr custom for the congregation residing among Gr populations; in other words, he recommends obe dience to local standards of decency and good order. "To bruise the head" (Gen 3 15) means to in jure gravely; "to smite through the head" (Ps 68



    Letter "H"

    21) is synonymous with complete destruction "To shake or wag the head" (Ps 22 7; 44 14 64 8; Jer 18 16; 48 27; Lam 2 15; Mt 27 39 Mk 15 29) conveys the meaning of open derisioi and contempt. "To bow down the head" (Isa 58 5) indicates humility, sadness and mourning, but it may also be a mere pretense for piety (Sir 19 26).

    H. L. E. LUERINQ HEADBAND, hed band. See DRESS.

    HEADDRESS, hed dres. See DRESS. HEADSTONE, hed ston. Sec CORNER-STONE. HEADSTRONG, hed strong. See HEADY. HEADTIRE, hed tlr. See BONNET; DRESS.

    HEADY, hcd i: The tr in AV of irpoTrerfr, propetes, "falling forward," trop. "prone," "ready to do anything," "precipitate," "headlong" (2 Tim 3 4, "heady, high-minded," etc, RV "headstrong"; in Acts 19 36, the only other place in the NT where propetes occurs, AV has "rashly," RV "rash"). "Headstrong signifies strong in the head or the mind, and heady, full of one s own head" (Crabb, Eng. Synonynu-s). "Heady confidence promises victory without contest" (Johnson).

    HEAL, hel (Xp l , rdpha ; Otpairtvw, therapeuo, Idofxai, idomai, 8iao-u>i;, diasozo) : The Eng. word is connected with the AS fuelan, and is used in several senses: (1) Lit,, in its meaning of making whole or well, as in Eccl 3 3. In this way it occurs in prayers for restoration to health (Nu 12 13; Ps 6 2; Jer 17 14); and also in declarations as to God s power to restore to health (Dt 32 39; 2 K 20 5-8). (2) Metaphorically it is applied to the restoration of the soul to spiritual health and to the repair of the injuries caused by sin (Ps 41 4; Jer 30 17). (3) The restoration and deliverance of the afflicted land is expressed by it in 2 Ch 7 14; Isa 19 22. (4) It is applied to the forgiveness of sin (Jer 3 22).

    In 1 he NT, therapeuo is used 10 t in describing Our Lord s miracles, and is tr d "heal." laomai is used to express spiritual healing (Mt 13 15; Lk 5 17; Jn 12 40), and also of curing bodily disease (Jn 4 47). Diasozo, meaning "to heal thoroughly," is used in Lk 7 3 AV where RV renders it "save." The act of healing is called iasis twice, in Acts 4 22.30; sozo, to save or deliver, is tr d "made whole" by RV in Mk 5 23; Lk 8 36; Acts 14 9, but is "healed" in AV. Conversely "made whole" AV in Mt 15 28 is replaced by "healed" in RV.

    Healed is used 33 t in the OT as the rendering of the same Heb word, and in the same variety of senses. It is also used of purification for an offence or breach of the ceremonial law (2 Ch 30 20) ; and to express the purification of water which had caused disease (2 K 2 21.22). Figuratively the expression "healed slightly" (ERV "lightly") is used to describe the futile efforts of the false prophets and priests to remedy the backsliding of Israel (Jer 6 14; 8 11); here the word for "slightly" is the contemptuous term, kdlal, which means despicably or insignificantly. In Ezk 30 21, the word "healed" is the rendering of the feminine passive part., r e phu ah and is better tr d in RV "apply healing medicines." In the NT "healed" usually occurs in connection with the miracles of Our Lord and the apostles. Here it is worthy of note that St. Luke more frequently uses the vb. iaomai than therapeuo, in the proportion of 17:4, while in Mt and Mk the proportion is 4:8.

    Healer (linn, hdbhash) occurs once in Isa 3 7; the word lit. means a "wrapper up" or "bandager."


    HEALING, hel ing (SB^Ta, marpe , rWn, t^alah, !"in3 , kehah^ : In the OT this word is always used in its figurative sense; marpe , which lit. means "a cure/ is used in Jer 14 19 twice, and in Mai 4 2; t e alah, which lit. means "an irrigation canal," here means something applied externally, as a plaster, in which sense it is used metaphorically in Jer 30 13; kehah occurs only in Nah 3 19 AV and is tr d "assuagings" in RV.

    In the NT 5 t the vb. is therapeuo; once (Acts 10 38) idomai; in the other passages it is either iama, as in 1 Cor 12 9-30, or iasis, as in Acts 4 22, derivatives from this vb.

    HEALING, GIFTS OF (xapCo-(xa T a

    charismata iamdton): Among the "spiritual gifts" enumerated in 1 Cor 12 4-11.28 are included "gifts of healings." See SPIRITUAL GIFTS. The subject has risen into much prominence of recent years, and so calls for separate treatment. The points to be considered are: (1) the NT facts, (2) the nature of the gifts, (3) their permanence in the church.

    The Gospels abundantly show that the ministry of Christ Himself was one of healing no less than of teaching (cf Mk 1 14 f with vs 32-34). 1. The NT When He sent forth the Twelve (Mk Facts 6 7.13) and the Seventy (Lk 10 1.9),

    it was not only to preach the Kingdom of God but to heal the sick. The unauthentic con clusion of Mark s Gospel, if it does not preserve words actually used by Christ Himself, bears wit ness at all events to the traditional belief of the early church that after His departure from the world His disciples would still possess the gift of healing. The Book of Acts furnishes plentiful evidence of the exercise of this gift by apostles and other promi nent men in the primitive church (Acts 3 7 f ; 5 12-16; 8 7; 19 12; 28 8f), and the Ep. of Jas refers to a ministry of healing carried on by the elders of a local church acting in their collective capacity (Jas 5 14 f). But Paul in this passage speaks of "gifts of healings" (the pi. "healings" apparently refers to the variety of ailments that were cured) as being distributed along with other spiritual gifts among the ordinary members of the church. There were men, it would seem, who occupied no official position in the community, and who might not otherwise be distinguished among their fellow-members, on whom this special charisma of healing had been bestowed.

    On this subject the NT furnishes no direct infor mation, but it supplies evidence from which con clusions may be drawn. .We notice 2. The that the exercise of the gift is ordina-

    Nature of rily conditional on the faith of the the Gifts recipient of the blessing (Mk 6 5.6; 10 52; Acts 14 9) faith not only in God but in the human agent (Acts 3 4ff; 5 15; 9 17). The healer himself is a person of great faith (Mt 17 19 f), while his power of inspiring the pa tient with confidence points to the possession of a strong, magnetic personality. The diseases cured appear for the most part to have been not organic 3ut functional; and many of them would now be classed as nervous disorders. The conclusion from these data is that the gifts of healing to which Paul Uludes were not miraculous endowments, but nat ural therapeutic faculties raised to their highest power by Christian faith.

    Modern psychology, by its revelation of the marvels of the subliminal self or subconscious mind md the power of "suggestion," shows how it is jossible for one man to lay his hand on the very springs of personal life in another, and so discloses he psychical basis of the gift of healing. The medi al science of our time, by its recognition of the de- iendence of the physical upon the spiritual, of the



    Letter "H"

    control of the bodily functions by (he subconscious

    self, ;iiid of the physician s ability by means of sug gestion, whether waking or hypnotic., to influence the subconscious soul and set free the healing powers of Nature, provides the physiological basis. And may wo not add that many incontestable cases of Chrisiian faith-cure (take as a type the well-known instance in which Luther at. Weimar "tore Melanch- thon," as the latter put it, out of the very jaws of death ; see RE, XII, .520) furnish the religious basis, and prove that faith in Clod, working through the soul upon the body, is the mightiest of all heal ing influences, and that one who by his own faith and sympathy and force of personality can stir up faith in others may exercise by Clod s blessing the power of healing diseases?

    There is abundant evidence that in the early centuries the gifts of healing were still claimed and

    practised within the church (Justin, 3. Per- Apal. ii.6; Ironaeus, Adv. Haer. ii.

    manence of 32, 4; Tortullian, Apol. xxiii; On- Healing gen, Contra Cdxi/ni, vii.4). The free Gifts in exorcise of these gifts gradually ceased,

    the Church partly, no doubt, through loss of the

    early faith and spirituality, but partly through the growth of an ascetic temper which ig nored Christ s gospel for the body and tended to the view that pain and sickness are the indispensable ministers of His gospel for the soul. All down the history of the church, however, there have been notable personalities (e.g. Francis of Assisi. Luther, Wesley) and little societies of earnest Christians (e.g. the Waldensos, the early Moravians and Quakers) who have reasserted Christ s gospel on its physical side as a gospel for sickness no less than for sin, and claimed for the gift of healing the place Paul assigned to it among the gifts of the Spirit. In recent years the subject of Christian healing has risen into importance outside of the regularly organ ized churches through the activity of various faith- healing movements. That the leaders of these movements have laid hold of a truth at once Scrip tural and scion t ific there can belittle doubt, though they have usually combined it with what we regard as a mistaken hostility to the ordinary practice of medicine. It is worth remembering that with all his faith in the spiritual gift of healing and personal experience of its power, Paul chose Luke the phy sician as the companion of his later journeys; and worth noticing that Luke shared with the apostle the honors showered upon the missionaries by Un people of Melita. whom they had cured of their diseases (Acts 28 10). I" pon the modern church there seems to lie the duty of reaffirming Un reality and permanence of the primitive gift of healing, while relating it to the scientific practice of medicine as another power ordained of God, and its natural ally in the task of diffusing the Christian gospel of health.

    LITERATTRE. Hort, Christian Erclesia, ch x; A. T. Scholicld, Force, of Mind, Unconscious The.raprutirx; K Worcester and others. Religion and Medicine; HJ , IV, 3, p. GOG; EJTIHIS T, XVII, 349, 417.


    HEALTH, holt h (O bo, shalom, n"^lT , yshtfah, WXSn, riph uth, rC^HX, ariikhah; <rwnipa, so- teria, v-yia(vw, hngia ino): Shalom is part of the formal salutation still common in Pal. In this sense it is used in Con 43 28; 2 S 20 9; the stem word means "peace," and is used in many varieties of expression relating to security, success and good bodily health. Y f slnl*ah, which specifically means deliverance or help, occurs in the refrain of Ps 42 11; 43 5, as well as in Ps 67 2; in ARV it is ren dered "help." Riptt uth is lit. "healing," and is found onlyinProv 3 8. M arpe also means healing of the body, but is used in a figurative sense as of promoting

    soundness of mind and moral character in Prov 4 22; 12 18; 13 17; 16 24, as also in Jor 8 15, where RV renders it "healing." Arukhah is also used in the same figurative sense in Isa 68 8; Jer 8 22; 30 17; 33 6; lit. moans "repairing or restor ing"; it is the word used of the repair of the wall of .lerus by Nehemiah (ch 4).

    The word "health" occurs twice in the NT: in Paul s appeal to his shipmates to take food (Acts 27 ill), he says it is for their soteria, lit. "safety"; so ARV, AV "health." The vb. hugiaina is used in 3 Jn ver 2, in the apostle s salutation to Gains.


    HEAP, hop (rT2"l37, ‘‘1rctndh, ba , gal, "I.?, nedh, bfr , tcl) : "Heap" appears (1) in the simple sense of a gathering or pile, as the tr of *(iremufi, a "heap," in Ruth 3 7 of grain; Neh 4 2 of stones; in 2 Ch 31 6, etc, of the tithes, etc; of homer (boiling up), a "heap"; in Ex 8 14 of frogs; of gal, a "heap"; in Job 8 17 of stones. (2) As indicating "ruin," "waste," gal (2 K 19 25; Job 15 28; Isa 25 2; 37 2(5; Jer 9 11; 51 37); m l (Isa 17 1); ? (Ps 79 1; Jer 26 IS; Mic 16; 3 12); tcl, "mound," "hillock," "heap" (Dt 13 16; Josh 8 28; Jer 30 18 AV; 49 2). (3) Of waters, nalh, "heap," "pile" (Ex 15 8; Josh 3 13.16; Ps 33 7; 78 13); homer (Rab 3 15, "the heap of mighty waters," RVm "surge"). (4) A cairn, or heap of stones (a) over the dead body of a dishonored person, gal (Josh 7 26; 8 29; 2 S 18 17); (b) as a witness or boundary-heap (Gen 31 46 f, GaFedh [Galood] in ITob, also miqpah, "watch tower," Y e ghar-Sah&dhuth& [Jegar-saha- dutha] in Aram., both words meaning "the heap of witness"; see Gen 31 47.49 RV). (5) As a way mark, tamrurlm, from tan/ar, "to stand erect" (Jer 31 21 AV, "Set thee up waymarks, make thee high heaps," RV "guide-posts," a more likely tr).

    "To heap" represents various single words: hath&h, "to take," "to take hold of." with one exception, ap- pli - d to lire or burning coals (Prov 25 22. "Thou wilt heap coals of lire upon his head," "Thou wilt lake coals of lire [and heap them] on his head"); saphdh, "to add" (Dt 32 23); (iihlnir. " to heap up" (Hat) 1 10); kabhay, "to press together" (with the fingers or hand) (Hab 2 5); ri ihltnli. "to multiply" (Kzk 24 10); episoreiio, "to heap up upon" (2 Tim 4 3. they "will heap to themselves teach ers after their own lusts"); soreuo, "to heap up" (Rom 12 20. "Thou shall heap coals of flre upon his head"); thi~.-iiinrlz(~>, "to lav up" (as treasure) (.las 5 3 AV. " Yc have heaped treasure together,"RV "laid up"); ydbhar, "to heap up." "to heap" or "store up" (Job 27 H>, "silver"; Ps 39 G, "riches"; Zee 9 3, "silver"); sum, sim "to place," "set," "put" (Job 36 13 AV. "The hypo crites in heart heap up wrath," UN "They I hat are godless in heart lay up anger"). In Jgs 15 10 wo have li iHu ir, hd.mdrotha.yim, "with the jawbone of an ass, heaps upon heaps," RVm "heap, two heaps"; one of Samson s sayings; hdmor means "an ass," homer "a

    For "heap up words" (Job 16 4),RV has "join to gether"; for "shall bo a heap" (Isa 17 11), "fleeth away." m "shall be a heap"; "heap" for "number" (Nan 3 3); EKV "heap of stones" for "sling," m as AV and ARV (Prov 26 S); "in one heap" for "upon aheap" (Josh 3 IB); " he heapeth up [dust]" for "they shall heap" (Hab 1 10).

    W. L. ‘‘ALKER

    HEART, hart (35, Icbh, 313, Icbhabh; Ka P 8Ca, kardla): The different senses in which the word occurs in the OT and the NT may be grouped under the following heads:

    It represents in the first place the bodily organ,

    and by easy transition those experiences which

    affect or are affected by the body.

    1. Various Fear, love, courage, anger, joy, sorrow,

    Meanings hatred are always ascribed to the

    heart esp. in the OT; thus courage for

    which usually ru a h is used (Ps 27 14); joy (Ps 4 7);

    anger (Dt 19 6, "while his heart is hot," lebhabh);

    fear (1 S 25 37); sorrow (Ps 13 2), etc.

    Hence naturally it came to stand for the man himself (Dt 7 17; "say in thine heart," Isa 14 13).



    Letter "H"

    As representing the man himself, it was considered

    to be the seat of the emotions and passions and

    appetites (Gen 18 5; Lev 19 17; Ps

    2. .Heart 104 15), and embraced likewise; the in- and Per- tellectual and moral faculties though sonality these are necessarily ascribed to the

    "soul" as well. This distinction is not always observed.

    "Soul" in Ileb can never be rendered by "heart";

    nor can "heart" be considered as a synonym for

    "soul." Cremer has well observed:

    3. Soul and "The Heb uephcsh ("soul") is never Heart tr d kanlia ("heart") The

    range of the Heb ttcphcsh, to which the Gr psucht alone corresponds, differs so widely from the ideas connected with psuche, that utter confu sion would have ensued had psiiche been employed in an unlimited degree for Irhh ("heart"). The Bib. lebk never, like psuchc, denotes the personal subject, nor could it do so. That which in classi cal Gr is ascribed to putichc [a good soul, a just soul, etc] is in the Bible ascribed to the heart alone and cannot be otherwise" (Cremer, Lexicon, art. "Kar- dia," 437 ff, German ed).

    In the heart rilnl action is centered (1 K 21 7). "Heart," except as a bodily organ, is never as cribed to animals, as is the case some-

    4. Center times with tieptuxh and ru"h (Lev 17 of Vital 11, Kcplicxh; Gen 2 19; Nu 16 22; Action Gen 7 22, nl l h). "Heart" is thus often

    used interchangeably with these two (Gen 41 S; Ps 86 4; 119 20); but "it never de notes the personal subject, always the personal organ."

    As the central organ in the body, forming a focus

    for its vital action, it has come to stand for the

    center of its moral, spiritual, intel-

    5. Heart lectual life. "In particular the heart and Mind is the place in which the process of

    self-consciousness is carried out, in which the soul is at home with itself, and is con scious of all its doing and suffering as its own" (Oehler). Hence it is that men of "courage" are called "men of the heart"; thai the Lord is said to speak "in his heart" (Gen 8 21); that men "know in their own heart" ( I )t 8 5i; that "no one con- sidereth in his heart (Isa 44 19 AV). "Heart" in this connection is sometimes rendered "mind," as in Nu 16 2S ("of mine own mind," Vulg ex pro- prio conk, LXX ap emautou); t he foolish "is void of understanding," i.e. "heart" (Prov 6 32, where the LXX renders pfiri-non, Vulg cordis, Luther "der ist ein Narr .). God is represented as "searching the heart" and "trying the reins" (Jer 17 10 AV). Thus "heart" comes to stand for "conscience," for which there is no word in Heb, as in Job 27 6, "My heart shall not reproach me," or in 1 S 24 5, "David s heart smote him"; cf 1 S 25 31. From this it appears, in the words of Owen: "The heart in Scripture is variously used, sometimes for the mind and understanding, sometimes for the will, sometimes for the affections, sometimes for the conscience, sometimes for the whole soul. Gen erally, it denotes the whole soul of man and all the faculties of it, not absolutely, but as they are all one principle of moral operations, as they all concur in our doing of good and evil."

    The radical corruption of human nature is clearly taught in Scripture and brought into connection with the heart. It is "uncircumcised" 6. Figura- (Jer 9 20; Ezk 44 7; cf Acts 7 51); tive Senses and "hardened" (Ex 4 21); "wicked" (Prov 26 23); "perverse" (Prov 11 20); "godless" (Job 36 13); "deceitful and des perately wicked" (Jer 17 9 Ay). It defiles the whole man (Mt 15 19.20); resists, as in the case of Pharaoh, the repeated call of God (Ex 7 13).

    There, however, the law of God is written (Rom 2 15); there the work of grace is wrought (Acts 15 9), for the "heart" may be "renewed" by grace (Ezk 36 20), because the "heart" is the seat of sin (Gen 6 5; 8 21).

    This process of heart-renewal is indicated in various ways. It is the removal of a "stony heart" (Ezk 11 19). The; heart becomes 7. Process "clean" (Ps 51 10); "fixed" (Ps 112 of Heart 7) through "the fear" of the Lord Renewal (ver 1); "With the heart man be- lieveth" (Rom 10 10); on the "heart" the power of God is exercised for renewal (Jer 31 33). To God the bereaved apostles pray as a knower of the heart (Acts 1 24 a word not known to classical writers, found only here in the NT and in Acts 15 X, kardiognostes) . In the "heart" God s Spirit dwells with might (Eph 3 16, cis ton eso dnthropon); in the "heart" God s love is poured forth (Rom 5 5). The Spirit of His son has been "sent forth into the heart" (Gal 4 6); the "earnest of the Spirit" has been given "in the heart" (2 Cor 1 22). In the work of grace, there fore, the heart occupies a position almost unique.

    We might also refer here to the command, on

    which both the OT and NT revelation of love is

    based: "Thou shall, love Jeh thy God

    8. The with all thy heart, and with all thy Heart First soul, and with all thy might" (Dt 6

    5); where "heart" always takes the first place, and is the term which in the NT render ing remains unchanged (cf Mt 22 37; Mk 12 30. 33; Lk 10 27, where "heart" always takes pre cedence).

    A bare reference may be made to the employ ment of the term for that which is innermost,

    hidden, deepest in anything (Ex 15 8;

    9. A Term Jon 2 3), the- very center of things. for "Deep- This we find in all languages. Cf est" Eph 3 Hi. 17, "in the inward man,"

    as above. J. I. MAHALS

    HEARTH, harth: Occurs 7 t in AV: Gen 18 6; Ps 102 3; Isa 30 14; Jer 36 22.23 bis; Zee 12 0; 4 tin RV: Lev 6 9; Isa 30 14; Ezk 43 15.16 ("altar hearth"); cf also Isa 29 1 RVm. It will be noted that the renderings of the two VSS agree in only one passage (Isa 30 14).

    (1) The hearth in case 1 of a tent was nothing more than a depression in the ground in which fire was kindled for cooking or for warmth. Cakes were baked, after the fashion of Gen 18 6, in the ashes or upon hot stones. In this passage, however, there is nothing in the Heb corresponding to AV "on the hearth." In the poorer class of houses also the hearth consisted of such a depression, of varying dimensions, in the middle or in one corner of the room. There was no chimney for the smoke, which escaped as it could, or through a latticed opening for the purpose (the "chimney" of IIos 13 3). While the nature of the hearth is thus clear enough, more or less uncertainty attaches to specific terms used in the Heb. In Isa 30 14 the expression means simply "that which is kindled," referring to the bed of live coals. From this same vb. (yakadh, "be kindled") are formed the nouns mo- kedh (Ps 102 3 [Heb 4]) and mopdhah (Lev 6 9 [Heb 2]), which might, according to their formation, mean either the material kindled or the place where a fire is kindled. Hence the various renderings, "firebrand," "hearth," etc. Moreover in Lev 6 9[2] the termination -ah of mok e dhdh may be taken as the pronominal suffix, "its"; hence RVm "on its firewood."

    (2) Two other terms have reference to heating in the better class of houses. In Jer 36 22.23 the word ( a/i) means a "brazier" of burning coals, with



    Letter "H"

    which Jehoiakim s "winter house" was heal CM!. The same purpose was served by the "pan [kiyyor] of fire" of Zee 12 ti RV, apparently a wide, shallow vessel otherwise used for cooking (1 S 2 14, EV "pan"), or as a wash basin (cf Ex 30 IS; 1 K 7 38, etc, "laver").

    (3) Another class of passages is referred to the signification "altar hearth," which seems to have been a term applied to the lop of the altar of burnt offering. The utok dhah of Lev 6 9 [2], though related by derivation to the words discussed under (1) above, belongs here (cf also Ecclus 50 12, "by the hearth of the altar," Trap fffxd-PV P<v-ov, par cschdra bonum). Again in Ezekiel s description of the altar of the restored temple (43 If). Hi), he designates the lop of the altar by a special term (RVm arid), which is by most understood to mean "altar hearth" (so RV). With this may be com pared the symbolical name given to Jems (Isa 29 1), and variously explained as "lion [or lioness] of God," or "hearth of God."


    HEARTILY, har ti-li: Occurs (Col 3 23) as the tr of EK tpvxw-, ck psiirlitx, "out of the soul," "What soever ye do, do it heartily as unto the Lord [who sees the heart and recompenses "whatsoever good thing a man does"] and not unto men" (however they, your masters according to the flesh, may regard it); RV "work heartily," m "(!r from the soul."

    In 2 Mace 4 37, we have "Antiochus was heartily sorry," pxuchikox ("from the soul").

    HEAT, hut (EH, horn, 2^h, hrtrcbh, "drought,"

    Job 30 30; Isa 4 <>; 25 4; Jer 36 30; rniT,

    shardhh, Isa 49 10, tr 1 in RVm "mi-

    1. Dreaded rage"; O-TOS, 2<,s/as, "fervent," Rev in Pal 3 15, ^ pFb thirnie, Acts 28 3, Kaii|j.a,

    kai uiid, Hev 7 1(5, KO.VO-WV, kautiOn, Alt 20 12; see MIUACE): The heat of the sum mer is greatly dreaded in Pal, and as a rule the people rest under cover during the middle of the day, when the sun is hottest. There is no rain from May to October, and scarcely a cloud in the sky to cool the air or to screen off the burning vertical rays of the sun. The first word of advice 1 given to visit ors to the country is to protect themselves from the sun. Even on the mountains, where the tempera ture of the air is lower, the sun is perhaps more fierce, owing to the lesser density of the atmosphere. This continuous summer heat often causes sun stroke, and the 1 glare causes diseases of the eye

    which affect a large percentage of the

    2. Causes people of Pal and Egypt.

    Disease It is to be expected that in these

    times of heat and drought the ideal

    pleasure has come to be to sit in the shade by

    some cool flowing fountain. In the mountains the

    village which has the coolest spring

    3. Relief of water is the most desired. These Sought considerations give renewed meaning

    to the passages: "as cold waters to a thirsty soul" (Prov 25 25); "He rnaketh me to lie down in green pastures; he leadeth me beside still waters" (Ps 23 2). What a blessing to be "under the shadow of the Almighty" (Ps 91 1), where "the sun shall not strike upon them, nor any heat" (Rev 7 16)!

    The middle of the day is often referred to as the

    "heat of the day" (1 S 11 11). It made a great

    difference to the army whether it

    4. Midday could win the battle before the midday Heat heat. Saladin won the great battle

    at Hattin by taking advantage of this fact. It was a particular time of the day when it was the custom to rest. "They came about the heat of the day to the house of Ish-bosheth, as he

    took his rest at noon" (2 S 4 5). Jch appeared to Abraham as "he sat in the tent door in the heat of the day" (Gen 18 1). The hardship of working throughout (he day is expressed in Mt 20 12, "who have borne the burden of the day and scorching heat." Sometimes just after sunrise the contrast of the cold of night and the heat of the sun is esp. noticeable. "The sun ariseth with the scorching wind" (Jas 1 11).

    In summer the wind is usually from the S.W.,

    but in case it is from the S. it is sure to be hot.

    "When ye see a south wind blowing,

    5. Summer ye say, There will be a scorching Heat heat" (Lk 12 55). The heat on a

    damp, sultry day, when the atmos phere is full of dust haze is esp. oppressive, and is referred to in Isa 25 5 as "the heat by the shade of a cloud." The heat of summer melts the snow on the mountains and causes all vegetation to dry up and wither. Ice and snow vanish in the heat there of (Job 6 17), "Drought and heat, consume the snow waters" (Job 24 1!)). But the "tree planted by the waters, that spreadeth out its roots by the river .... shall not fear when heat cometh, but its leaf shall be green" (Jer 17 8).

    The word is used often in connection with anger

    in the Scriptures: "hot anger" (Ex 11 8); "hot

    displeasure" (Dt 9 1!)); "anger of the

    6. Figura- Lord was hot against Israel" (Jgs 2 tive Uses 14 AV); "thine anger from waxing hot"

    (Ps 85 3 AVm); "1 know thy works, that thou art neither cold nor hot" (Rev 3 15).


    HEATHEN, he th n, he then. See GENTILES.

    HEAVE OFFERING, hev of er-ing. See SAC RIFICE.


    HEAVEN, ORDINANCES OF. See ASTRON OMY, 1, 1; 11, 13.


    HEAVENLY, hev"n-li (, ourdnios, irovpdvios, epoiLranios): Pertaining to heaven or the heavens. See HEAVENS. The phrase id epourdnin, tr d "heavenly things" in Jn 3 12; He 8 5; 9 23, but in Eph "heavenly places" (1 3.20; 20; 3 10; 6 12), has shades of meaning defined by the context. In Jn 3 12, in contrast with "earthly things" (i.e. such as can be brought to the test of experience), it denotes truths known only through revelation (God s love in salvation). In He the sense is local. In Eph it denotes the sphere of spiritual privilege in Christ, save in 6 12, where it stands for the unseen spiritual world, in which both good and evil forces operate. It is always the sphere of the super-earthly. JAMES ORR

    HEAVENS, hev"nz (D^TlJ , shdmaylm; ovpavot, ounuioi) : On the physical heavens see ASTRONOMY; WORLD. Above these, in popular conception, were the celestial heavens, the abode of God and of the hosts of angels (Ps 11 4; 103 19-21; Isa 66 1; Rev 4 2; 5 11; cf Dnl 7 10), though it was recog nized that Jeh s presence was not confined to any region (1 K 8 27). Later Judaism reckoned seven heavens. The apostle Paul speaks of himself as caught up into "the third heaven," which he evi dently identifies with Paradise (2 Cor 12 2). See HEAVENLY.



    Letter "H"


    1. Esehatologieal Idea

    2. Earliest Conceptions: Cosmic vs. National Type

    3. Different from Mythological Theory

    4. Antiquity of Cosmical Conception

    5. The Cosmical Dependent on the Ethico-KeliK ious (i. The End Correspondent to the Jieginninn

    7. The Cosmical Heavens: He 12 li(>-2 ,)

    8. Palingenesis: ]’’1 1 19 2.x

    9. A Purified Universe

    The formal conception of new heavens and a new

    earth occurs in Isa 65 17; 66 22; 2 Pet 3 13;

    Rev 21 1 (where "heaven," singular).

    1. Escha- The idea in substance is also found in tological Isa 51 1(5; Mt 19 28; 2 Cor 5 17; Idea He 12 26-28. In each case the refer ence is eschatological, indeed the adj.

    "new" seems to have; acquired in this and other connections a semi-technical eschatological sense. It must be remembered that the OT has no single word for "universe," and that the phrase "heaven and earth" serves to supply the deficiency. The promise of a new heavens and a new earth is there fore equivalent to a promise of world renewal.

    It is a debated question how old in the history of

    revelation this promise is. Isaiah is the prophet

    with whom the idea first occurs in

    2. Earliest explicit form, and that in passages National which many critics would assign to the Type post -exilic period (the so-called Trito-

    Isaia.Ii). In general, until recently, the trend of criticism lias been to represent the universalistic-cosmic type of eschatology as devel oped out of the particularistic-national type bv a gradual process of widening of the horizon of prophecy, a view which would put the emergence of the former at a comparatively late date. More recently, however, (Iressmann (Dcr llrxpnuiy <ltr israelitisch-judischen Exclnilultiyir, 100")) and others have endeavored to show that often even prophecies belonging to the latter type embody material and employ means of expression which presuppose acquaintance with the idea of a world-catastrophe at the end. On this view the world-eschatology would have, from ancient times, existed alongside of the more narrowly confined outlook, and would be even older than the latter. These writers further assume that the cosmic eschatology was not in digenous among the Hebrews, but of oriental (Bab) origin, a theory which they apply not only to the more developed system of the later apocalyptic writings, but also to its preformations in the OT. The cosmic eschatology is not believed to have been the distinctive property of the great ethical prophets, but rather a commonly current mythological belief to which the prophets refer without

    3. Different formally endorsing it. Its central from Myth- thought is said to have been the belief ological that the end of the world-process must Theory correspond to the beginning, that con sequently the original condition of

    things, when heaven and earth were new, must repeat itself at some future point, and the state of paradise with its concomitants return, a belief supposed to have rested on certain astronomical observations.

    While this theory in the form presented is tin- proven and unacceptable, it deserves credit for having focused attention on certain

    4. Antiquity phenomena in the OT which clearly of Cosmical show that Messianic prophecy, and Conception particularly the world-embracing scope

    which it assumes in some predictions, is far older than modern criticism had been willing- to concede. The OT from the beginning has an eschatology and puts the eschatological promise on the broadest racial basis (Gen 3). It does not first ascend from Israel to the new humanity, but

    at the very outset, takes its point of departure in the race and from this descends to the election of Israel, _ always keeping the universalistic goal in clear view. Also in the earliest accounts, already elements of a cosmical universalism find their place side by side with those of a racial kind, as when Nature is represented as sharing in the consequences of the fall of man.

    As regards the antiquity of the universalistic and

    cosmical eschatology, therefore, the conclusions

    of these writers may be registered as a

    5. The Cos- gain, while on the two other points of mical De- the pagan origin and the unethical pendent on character of the expectation involved, the Ethico- dissent from them should be expressed. Religious According to the OT, the whole idea

    of world-renewal is of strictly super natural origin, and in it the cosmical follows the ethical hope. The cosmical eschatology is simply the correlate of the fundamental Bib. principle that the issues of the world-process depend on the ethico-religious developments in the history of man (cf 2 Pet 3 13).

    But the end correspondent to the beginning is like wise a true Scriptural principle, which the theory

    in question has helped to reemphasize,

    6. The End although there is this difference, that Correspond- Scripture does not look forward to a ent to the repetition of the same process, but toa Beginning restoration of the primeval harmony

    on a higher plane such as precludes all further disturbance. In the passages above cited, there are clear reminiscences of the account of creation (Isa 51 1(5, "that 1 may plant the heavens, and lay the fninnliilinn^ of the earth"; 65 17, "I create new heavens and a new earth"; 2 Pel 3 13 compared with vs 4-6; Rev 21 1 compared with t he _ imagery of paradise throughout the chapter). Besides this, where the thought of the renewal of earth is met, with in older prophecy, this is depicted in colors of tlie state of paradise (Isa 11 (5-0; Hos 2 18-21). The regeneration" (palinycncx ia] of Mt 19 28 also points back to the first genesis of the world. The inhabited earth to come (nilcnumetie Hitllnnxa) of He 2 ") occurs at the opening of a con text throughout which the account of C!en 1-3 evidently stood before the writer s mind.

    In the combination "new heavens and a new earth," the term "heavens" must therefore be taken

    in the sense imposed upon it by the 7. The story of creation, where "heavens"

    Cosmical designates not the celestial habitation Heavens: of (lod, but the cosmical heavens, the He 12: region of the supernal waters, sun

    26-29 moon and stars. The Bible nowhere

    suggests that there is anything abnor mal or requiring renewal in God s dwelling-place (He 9 23 is of a, different import). In Rev 21, where "the new heaven and the new earth" appear, it is at the same time stated that the new Jerus comes down from God out of heaven (cf vs 1.2.10). In He 12 26-28 also the implication is that only the lower heavens arc; subject to renewal. The "shaking" that accompanies the new covenant, and corresponds to _ the shaking of the law-giving at Sinai, is a shaking of "not the earth only, but, also the heaven." Thisshaking, in its reference to heaven as well as to earth, signifies a removal of the things shaken. But from the things thus shaken and removed (including heaven), the writer distinguishes "those things which are not shaken," which are destined to remain, and these are identified with the kingdom of God. The kingdom of God, how ever, according to the general trend of the teaching of the epistle, has its center in the heavenly world. The words _"that have been made," in ver 27, do not assign their created character as the reason why



    Letter "H"

    heaven and oarlh ran he shaken, an exegesis which would involve us in the difficulty tlia.t among that which remains there is something uncreated besides (!od; the true construction and correct paraphrase are: "as of t lungs t hat were made wit h I he t bought in the mind of (!od that those things which cannot he shaken may remain," i.e. already at creation (Jod contemplated an unchangeable universe as the ultimate, higher state of things.

    In Ml 19 28 the term palingenesia marks the

    world-renewing as the renewal of an abnormal state

    of things. The Scripture teaching,

    8. Palin- therefore, is that around the center of genesis: God s heaven, which is not subject Mt 19:28 to deterioration or renewal, a new

    cosmical heaven and a new earth will he established to he the dwelling-place of the es- chatological humanity. The light in which the promise thus appears reminds us that the renewed kosmos, earth as well as <">sinical heavens, is destined to play a permanent (not merely provi sional, on the principle of chiliasm) part in the future life of the people of Clod. This is in entire harmony with the prevailing Bib. representation, not only in the OT but likewise in the NT (cf Mt 5 5; He 2 5), although in the Fourth C.ospel and in the Pauline Kpp. the emphasis is to such an extent thrown on the heaven-centered character of the future life that the role to he played in it by the renewed earth recedes into the background. Rev, on the other hand, recognizes this element in its imagery of "the new .lerus" coming down from God out of heaven upon earth.

    That the new heavens and the new earth are represented as the result of a. "creation" does not

    necessarily involve a production ex

    9. A Puri- nihilo. The terms employed in 2 Pet fied Uni- 3 (5-13 seem rather to imply that the verse renewal will out of the old produce

    a purified universe, whence also the catastrophe is compared to that of the Deluge. As then the old world perished by water and the present world arose out of the flood, so in the end-crisis "the heavens shall be dissolved by fire and the elements melt with fervent heat," to give rise to the new heaven and the new earth in which righteousness dwells. The term palhujcm^ia (Mt 19 2S) points to renewal, not to creation <!< nn>. The Talm also teaches that the world will pass through a process of purification, although at the same time it seems to break up the continuity between this and the coming world by the phantastic assumption that the new heavens and the new earth of Isa 65 17 were created at the close; of the Hexemeron of Gen 1. This was inferred from the occurrence of the article in Isa 66 22, "the new heavens and the new earth." GEERHARDUS Vos

    HEAVY, hev i, HEAVINESS, hev i-nes ("133, kdbhedh, POX" 7 ! , d e aghdh; ‘‘virr’’ t luj>r):

    Heavy (heave, to lift) is used lit. with respect to

    material things, as the tr of kobkedh, "heaviness"

    (Prov 27 3, "a stone is heavy"); of

    1. Literal kdbhedh, "to be weighty" (1 S 4 18;

    2 S 14 2(5; Lam 3 7); of ‘*, "to load" (Isa 46 1 AV; cf Mt 26 43; Mk 14 40; Lk 9 32, "Their eyes were heavy"); bart oinai, "to be weighed down."

    It is used (1) for what is hard to bear, oppressive, kdbhedh (Ex 18 IS; Nu 11 14; 1 S 5 6.11; Ps 38

    4; Isa 24 20); motali, a "yoke" (Isa

    2. Figura- 58 6, RV "bands of the yoke"); ka- tively shch, "sharp," "hard" (1 K 14 6,

    "heavy tidings"); bar us, "heavy" (Mt 23 4); (2) for sad, sorrowful (weighed down), mar, "bitter" (Prov 31 6, RV "bitter"); ra , "evil" (Prov 25 20); ademoneo, lit. "to be sated,"

    "wearied," then, "to be very heavy," "dejected" (Mt 26 37, of Our Lord in Gethsemane, "[he] began to be sorrowful and very heavy," RV "sore troubled"); "ademonein denotes a kind of stupe faction and bewilderment, the intellectual powers reeling and staggering under the pressure of the ideas presented to them" (Mason, The Conditions of Our Lord s Lift- on Earth); cf Mk 14 33; (3) morose, sulky, as well as sad, sar, "sullen," "sour," "angry" (IK 20 43; 21 4, "heavy and dis pleased"); (4) dull, kdbhedh (Isa 6 10, "make their ears heavy"; 59 1, "neither [is] his ear heavy"); (5) "tired" seems to be the meaning in Ex 17 12, "Moses hands were heavy" (kdbhedh); cf Mt 26 43 and s above.

    Heavily is the tr of k hhedhuth, "heaviness" (Ex 14 2f>), meaning "with difficulty"; olkadhar, "to be black," "to be a mourner" (Ps 35 14 AV, RV "I bowed down mourning"); of kdbhedh (Isa 47 6).

    Heaviness lias always the sense of anxiety, sorrow, grief, etc; d f d(/hdh, "fear," "dread," "anxious care" (Prov 12 25, "Heaviness in the heart, of a man maketh it stoop," RVm "or care"); kehuh, "to be feeble," "weak" (Isa 61 3, "the spirit of heavi ness"); pdnlin, "face," "aspect" (Job 9 27 AV, "I will leave off my heaviness," RV "[sad] counten ance"; cf 2 Esd 6 1(5; Wisd 17 4; Ecclus 25 23); ta anlydh, from dndh, "to groan," "to sigh" (Isa 29 2, RV "mourning and lamentation"); (uyhiih, "sadness," "sorrow" (Ps 119 28; Prov 10 1; 14 13); t/i dnllli, "affliction of one s self," "fasting" (E/r 9 5, RV "humiliation," m "fasting"); k<ite- ]>hei(i, "dejection," "sorrow" (lit. "of the eyes") (.las 4 .), " your joy [turned] to heaviness"); lupe. "grief" (Rom 9 2, RV "great sorrow"; 2 Cor 2 1, RV "sorrow"); In jn onuii (1 Pet 1 6, RV "put to grief"); for mlxh, "to he sick," "feeble" (Ps 69 20, RVm "sore sick"), andademoneo (Phil 2 26 RV "sore troubled"), AV has "full of heaviness." "Heaviness," in the sense of sorrow, sadness, occurs in 2 Esd 10 7. 8.24; Tob 2 5; ln/>e (Ecclus 22 4, RV "grief"; 30 21, "Give not thy soul to heaviness," RV "sorrow"; 1 Mace 6 4); luped (Ecclus 30 9, RV "will grieve thee"; pcnlhos (1 Mace 3 51, etc).

    RV has "heavier work" for "more work" (Ex 5 0); "heavy upon men" for "common amoiiK men" (Keel 6 1); for "were heavy loaden" (Isa 46 1), "are made a load"; for "the burden thereof is heavy" (Isa 30 27), "in thick rising smoke."

    W. L. WALKER

    HEBER, he her PSJI , hebher, "associate" or, possibly, "enchanter"; "Epep, Kber): A name oc curring several times in the OT as the name of an individual or of a clan.

    (1) A member of the tribe of Asher and son of Beraiah (Gen 46 17; Nu 26 45; 1 Ch 7 31 f).

    (2) A Kenite, husband of Jael, who deceptively slew Sisera, captain of the army of Jabin, a Canaan- ite king (Jgs 4 17; 5 24). lie had separated him self from the main body of the Kenites, which accounts for his lent being near Kedesh, the place of Sisera s disastrous battle (Jgs 4 11).

    (3) Head of a clan of Judah, and son of Mered by his Jewish, as distinguished from an Egyp, wife. He was father, or founder, of Soco (1 Ch 4 18).

    (4) A Benjamite, or clan or family of Elpaal belonging to Benjamin (1 Ch 8 17).

    (5) Heber, of Our Lord s genealogy (Lk 3 35 AV), better, Eber.

    So, the name "Eber," "135, ebher, in 1 Ch 5 13; 8 22, is not to be confused with Heber, "Qn, hebher, as in the foregoing passages.


    HEBERITES, he ber-Its CH3nn , ha-hebhrl): Descendants of Heber, a prominent clan of Asher, (Nu 26 45). Supposed by some to be connected with the Habiri of the Am Tab.



    Letter "H"

    HEBREW, heTbroo, BEBREWESS, he broo-es Pill?, *ibhn, fern, n^nny, ibhrlijCih; E|3paios, Hebraios): The earliest name for Abraham (Gen

    14 1H) and his descendants (Joseph, Gen 39 14. 17; 40 15; 41 12; 43 32; Israelites in Egypt, Ex 1 15; 2 6.11.13; 3 IS; in laws, Ex 21 2; Dt

    15 12; in history, 1 S 4 6.9; 13 7.19, etc; later, Jer 34 9, "Hebrewess," 14; Jon 1 9; in the NT, Acts 6 1; 2 Cor 11 22; Phil 3 5). The etymology of the word is disputed. It may be derived from Eber ((Jen 10 21.24.25, etc), or, as some think, from the vb. "0^", *iibhar, to cross over" (people from across the Euphrates; cf Josh 24 2). A connection is sought by some with the apri or cpri of the Egyp monuments, and again with the Habiri of the Am Tab. In Acts 6 1, the "Hebrews" are contrasted with "Hellenists," or Gr-speaking Jews. By the "Heb" tongue in the NT (Hebralsli, Jn 5 2; 19 13.17.20; 20 16) is meant ARAMAIC (q.v.), but also in Rev 9 11; 16 16, Heb proper.




    I. TITLE


    1. The Author s Culture and Style

    2 Letter, Epistle or Treatise ?

    . !. A Tiiity or a Composite Work?

    III. THE ArTiinu 1. Tradition

    (1) Alexandrian: Paul

    (2) African: Barnabas

    (S) Rome and the Wcsi : Anonymous 2. The Witness of the Epistle Itself

    (1) Paul not the Author

    (2) Other Theories

    (n) Luke and Clement

    (6) Barnabas; Priscilla and Aquila; Philip; Aristion; Apollos


    1. (leneral Character of the Readers

    2. .lews or (ientiles ?

    1. The Locality of the Readers V. DATE

    1. Terminal Dates

    2. Conversion and History of the Readers :{. Doctrinal Development

    4. The Fall of Jerusalem

    5. Timothy

    0. Two Persecutions VI. CONTENTS

    1. Summary of Contents

    2. The Main Theme

    3. Alexandrian Influences

    4. The Christian Factor LITERATURE

    /. Title. In AV and ERV Hie title of this book describes it as "the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews. Modern scholarship has disputed t he applicabilit y of every word of 1 his t it le. Neil her does it appear in the oldest MSS, where we find simply "to Hebrews" (pros Ifcbrnious). This, loo, seems to have been prefixed to the original writing by a collector or copyist. It is too vague and general for the author to have used it. And there is nothing in the body of the book which affirms any part of either title. Even the shorter title was an inference from the general character of the writing. Nowhere is criticism less hampered by problems of authenticity and inspiration. No question arises, at least directly, of pseudonymity either of author or of readers, for both are anony mous. For the purpose of tracing the history and interpreting the meaning of the book, the absence of a title, or of any definite historical data, is a disadvantage. We arc left to infer its historical context from a few fragments of uncertain tradition, and from such general references to historical condi- tions as the document itself contains. Where no date, name or well-known event is fixed, it becomes impossible to decide, among many possibilities, what known historical conditions, if any, are pre

    supposed. Yet this very fact, of the book s de tachment from personal and historical incidents, renders it more self-contained, and its exegesis less dependent upon understanding the exact historical situation. But its general relation to the thought of its time must be taken into account if we are to understand it at all.

    ‘. Literary Form. The writer was evidently

    a man of culture, who had a masterly command of

    the Gr language. The theory of Clem-

    1. The ent of Alexandria, that the work was Author s a tr from Heb, was merely an in- Culture ference from the supposition that it and Style was first addressed to Heb-speaking

    Christians. It bears none of the marks of a tr. It is written in pure idiomatic Gr. The writer had an intimate knowledge of the LXX, and was familiar with Jewish life. He was well-read in Hellenic lit. (e.g. Wisd), and had probably made a careful study of Philo (see VI below). His argument proceeds continuously and methodi cally, in general, though not strict, accord with the rules of Gr rhetoric, and without the inter ruptions and digressions which render Paul s ar guments so hard to follow. "Where the literary skill of the author comes out is in the deft adjust ment of the argumentative to 1 lie hortatory sec tions" (MofTatt, Intro, 424 f). He has been classed with Lk as the most "cultured" of the early Chris tian writers.

    It has been questioned whether He is rightly called a letter at all. I nlike all Paul s letters, i t,

    opens without any personal note of

    2. Letter, address or salutation; and at the out- Epistle or set it sets forth, in rounded periods Treatise? and in philosophical language, the

    central theme which is developed throughout. In this respect it resembles the Jo- hannine writings alone in the NT. But as the argu ment proceeds, the personal note of application, exhortation and expostulation emerges more clearly (2 1; 3 1-12; 4 1.14; 5 11; 6 9; 10 9; 13 7); and it ends with greet ings and salutations (13 ISff). The writer calls it "a word of exhortation." The vb. epestnla (RV "I have written") is the usual expression for writing a letter (13 22). Hebrews begins like an essay, proceeds like a sermon, and ends as a letter.

    Deissmann, who distinguishes between a "true letter," the genuine personal message of one man to another, and an "epistle," or a treatise written in imitation of the form of a letter, but with an eye on the reading public, puts He in the latter class; nor would he "consider it anything but a literary oration hence not as an epistle at all if the epesteila, and the greetings at the close, did not permit of the supposition that it had at one time opened with something of the nature of an address as well" (Bible Studies, 49-50). There is no tex tual or historical evidence of any opening address having ever stood as part of the text ; nor does the opening section bear any mark or suggestion of fragrnentariness, as if it had once followed such an address.

    Yet the supposition that a greeting once stood at the beginning of our document is not so impos sible as Zahn thinks (Intro to the ‘‘T, II, 313 f), as a comparison with Jas or 1 Pet will show.

    So unusual is the phenomenon of a letter without a greeting, that among the ancients, Pantaenus had offered the explanation that, Paul, out of modesty, had refrained from putting his name to a letter addressed to the Hebrews, because the Lord Himself had been apostle to them.

    In recent times, Jlilicher and Harnack have con jectured that the author intentionally suppressed the greeting, either from motives of prudence at a



    Letter "H"

    time of persecution, or because it w;is unnecessary, since 1 the bearer of the letter would communicate the name of the sender to the recipients.

    Fr. Overberk advanced the more revolutionary hypothesis that the letter once opened with a greet ing, but from someone other than Paul; that in order to satisfy the general conditions of canoniza tion, the non-apostolic greeting was struck out by the Alexandrians, and the personal references in 13 22-2") added, in order to represent it as Pauline.

    "‘‘Y. ‘‘Vrede, starting from this theory, rejects the first part of it and adopts 1 he second. He does not. base his hypothesis on the conditions 3. A Unity of canonization, but- on an examina- or a Com- lion of the writing itself. lie adopts posite Deissmann s rejected alternative, and

    Writing? argues that, the main part of the book was originally not an epistle at all, but a general doctrinal treatise. Then ch 13, and esp. vs IS IT, were added by a later hand, in order to represent the whole as a Pauline let ter, and the book in its final form was made, after all, pseudonymous. The latter supposition is based upon an assumed reference to imprisonment iu 13 10 (cf Philem ver 22) and upon t he reference! to Timothy in 13 23 (cf Phil

    2 11M; and the proof that these professed Pauline phrases are not really Pauline is found in a supposed contradiction between 13 1!) and 13 23. But, ver 10 does not necessarily refer to imprisonment exclu sively or even at all, and therefore it stands in no contradiction with ver 23 (cf Rom 1 0-13). And Timot hy must, have 1 associated with many Christian leaders besides Paul. But why should anybody who wanted to represent the letter as Pauline and who scrupled not to add to it for that purpose, refrain from the obvious device of prefixing a Paul ine greeting? Moreover, it is only by the most- forced special pleading that it can be maintained that, chs 1-12 are a mere doctrinal treatise, de void of all evidences of a personal relation to a circumscribed circle! of readers. The period and manner of the readers conversion are defined (2

    3 f). Their present spiritual condition is described in terms of such anxiety and hope as betoken a very intimate personal relation (5 1 1 f ; 6 0-11). Their past conflicts, temptations, endurance and triumph are recalled for their encouragement under present trials, and both past and present are defined in particular terms that point to concrete situations well known to writer and readers (10 32-30). There is, it is true, not in He the same intense and all-pervading personal note as appears in the earlier Pauline letters; the writer often loses sight of his particular audience and develops his argument in detached and abstract form. But it cannot be assumed that nothing is a letter which does not conform to the Pauline model. And the presence of long, abstract arguments does not. justify the excision or explaining away of undoubted personal passages. Neither the language nor the logic of the book either demands or permits the separation of doctrinal and personal passages from one another, so as to leave for residuum a mere doctrinal treatise. Doctrinal statements lead up to personal exhorta tions, and personal exhortations form the transi tion to new arguments; they are indissolubly in volved in one another; and ch 13 presents no such exceptional features as to justify its separation from the w r hole work. There is really no reason, but the unwarrantable assumption that an ancient writer must have conformed with a certain conven tion of letter-writing, to forbid the acceptance of He for what it appears to be a defence of Chris tianity written for the benefit of definite readers, growing more intimate and personal as the writer gathers his argument into a practical appeal to the hearts and consciences of his readers.

    ‘. The Author. Certain coincidences of lan guage and thought between this epistle and that of Clement of Home to the Corinthians 1. Tradition justify the inference that He was known in Rome toward the end of the 1st cent. AD (cf He 11 7.31 and 1 3 ff with Clem ad Cor 0.12.30). Clement makes no explicit re ference; to the be>e>k or its author: the quotations are unacknowledged. But they show that He already had some authority in Rome. The same inteTence- is supported by similarities of expression found also in the Shepherd of Hennas. The pos sible marks of its influence in Polycarp and Justin Martyr are te>o uncertain and inelefinite to justify any inference. Its name ele>es not appear in the list, of NT writings compiled and acknowledged by Marcion, ne>r in that of the Muratorian Fragment. The latter definitely assigns letters by Paul to only .seven churches, and so inferentially excludes He.

    When the book emerges inte> the 1 clear light of history toward the e lid of the 2d e-e-nt .. t lie tradition as to its authorship is seen to diviele into three different streams.

    (1) In Alexandria, it was regarded as in some sense the work of Paul. Clement tells how his teacher, apparently Pantaenus, explained why Paul de>es not in this letter, as in others, address his readers under his name 1 . Out e>f reverence for the Lord (II, 2, above) ami to avoid suspicion and prejudice , he- as apostle e>f the ( Jentiles refrains from addressing himself to the> He-brews as their apostle, ( lenient acce-pts this explanation, and aelds te> it that, the: original Ileb of Paul s epistle had been tr 1 into (!r by Luke. That Paul wreite in Ile-b was assumed from the tradition e>r inference that the letter was adelresseel te> Aram. -speaking Hebrews. Cleme-nt alse> hael notice-d the 1 dissimilarity of its (Ir from that. e>f Paul s epistles, and thought he femnd a resemblance to that of Acts.

    Origen starts with the- same: tradition, but he knew, me>re-e>ver, that e)the-r churches elid not accept the- Alexandrian view, ami that they even criticized Alexandria for admitting He- into the; Canon. And he feels, more- than Clement, that not emly the lan guage-, but the forms of thought are: different from those- of Paul s e-pp. This he trie-s te> explain by the hypothesis that while the ide-as were Paul s, they had be-e ii fe>rinulated and written down by some either elisciple. He found traditions that named Luke> and Clement of Rome-, but who the actual writer was, ( )rige-n dee-lares that "(!e>d alone knows."

    The Pauline tradition persisted in Alexandria, and by the 4th cent, it was accepted without any e)f the qualifications maele by Clement and Origen. It had also in the same period spread over the other e-aste-rn chuivhe s, both Gr and Syrian. But the Pauline traelitiem, whe^re it is nearest the fountain- head of history, in Clement and Origen, only as- cribe-s He te) Paul in a secondary sense.

    (2) In the West, the Pauline: tradition faileel to asse-rt itself till the 4th cent ., ami was not generally acce pteel till the 5th cent. In Africa, another tra elitiem prevailed, namely, that Barnabas was the author. This was the only other definite tradition e>f authorship that prevailed in antiquity. Ter- tullian, introducing a quotation of He 6 1.4-6, writes: "There is also an Ep. to the Hebrews under the name of Barnabas .... and the Ep. of Barnabas is more generally received among the churches than that apocryphal Shepherd of adul terers" (l)e Pudicitia, 20). Tertullian is not ex pressing his mere personal opinion, but quoting a tradition which had so far established itself as to appear in the title of the epistle in the MS, and he betrays no consciousness of the existence of any other tradition. Zahn infers that this view pre vailed in Montanist churches and may have origi-



    Letter "H"

    nated in Asia. Moffatt thinks that it had also behind it "some Rom tradition" (Intro, 437). If it was originally, or at any time, the tradition of the African churches, it gave way there to the Alex andrian view in the course of the 4th cent. A Council of Hippo in 393 reckons "thirteen epp. of the apostle Paul, and one by the same to the Hebrews." A council of Carthage in 419 reckons "fourteen epp. of the apostle Paul." By such gradual stages did the Pauline tradition establish itself.

    (3) All the evidence tends to show that in Rome and the remaining churches of the West, the epistle was originally anonymous. No tradition of author ship appears before the 4th cent. And Stephen Gobarus, writing in 600, says that both Irenaeus and Hippolytus denied the Pauline authorship. Photius repeats this statement as regards Hippoly tus. Neither lie nor ( lobarus mentions any alterna tive view (Zahn, Intro, II, 310). The epistle was known in Rome (to Clement) toward the end of the 1st cent., and if Paul s name, or any other, had been associated with it from the beginning, it is impossible that it could have been forgotten by the time of Hippolytus. The western churches had no reason for refusing to admit lie into the Pauline and canonical list of books, except only that they did not believe it to be the work of Paul, or of any other a post le.

    It seems therefore certain that the epistle first became generally known as an anonymous writing. Even the Alexandrian tradition implies as much, for it appears first as an explanation by Pantaenus why Paul concealed his name. The idea that Paul was the author was therefore an Alexandrian inference. The religious value of the epistle was naturally first recognized in Alexandria, and the name of Paul, the chief letter-writer of the church, at once oc curred to those in search for its author. Two facts account for the ultimate acceptance of that view by the whole church. The spiritual value and authority of the book were seen to be too great, to relegate it into the same class as the Shepherd or the Ep. of Barnabas. And the conception of the Canon developed into the hard-and-fast rule of apostolicity. No writing could be admitted into the Canon unless it had an apostle for its author; and when lie could no longer be excluded, it followed that its apostolic, authorship must be affirmed. The tradition already existing in Alexandria supplied the demand, and who but- Paul, among the apostles, could have written it?

    The Pauline theory prevailed together with the scheme of thought that made it necessary, from the 5th to the Kith cent. The Humanists and the Reformers rejected it. But it, was again revived in the 17th and ISth cents., along with the recru descence of scholastic ideas. It is clear, however, that tradition and history shed no light upon the question of the authorship of He. They neither prove nor disprove the Pauline, or any other theory.

    We are therefore thrown back, in our search for the author, on such evidence as the epistle itself affords, and that is wholly inferential. 2. The It seems probable that the author was

    Witness of a Hellenist, a Gr-speaking Jew. He the Epistle was familiar with the Scriptures of Itself the OT and with the religious ideas

    and worship of the Jews. He claims the inheritance of their sacred history, traditions and institutions (1 1), and dwells on them with an intimate knowledge and enthusiasm that would be improbable, though not impossible, in a proselyte, and still more in a Christian convert from heathen ism. But he knew the OT only in the LXX tr, which he follows even where it deviates from the Heb. He writes Gr with a purity of style and vo

    cabulary to which the writings of Lk alone in the NT can be compared. His mind is imbued with that combination of Heb and Gr thought which is best known in the writings of Philo. His general typological mode of thinking, his use of the alle gorical method, as well as the adoption of many terms that are most, familiar in Alexandrian thought, all reveal the Hellenistic mind. Yet his funda mental conceptions are in full accord with the teach ing of Paul and of the Johannine writings.

    The central position assigned to Christ, the high estimate of His person, the saving significance; of His death, the general trend of the ethical teaching, the writer s opposition to asceticism and his esteem for the rulers and teachers of the church, all bear out the inference that he belonged to a Christian circle dominated by Pauline ideas. The author and his readers alike were not personal disciples of Jesus, but had received the gospel from those who had heard the Lord (2 3) and who were no longer living (13 7). He had lived among his readers, and had probably been their teacher and leader; he is now separated from them but he hopes soon to return to them again (13 ISf).

    Is it possible to give a name to this person?

    (1) Although the Pauline tradition itself proves nothing, the internal evidence is conclusive against it. We know enough about Paul to be certain that he could not have written He, and that is all that can be said with confidence on the question of authorship. The style and language, the cate gories of thought and the method of argument, all differ widely from those of any writings ascribed to Paul. The latter quotes the OT from the Heb and LXX, but He only from LXX. Paul s formula of ((notation is, "It is written" or "The scripture saith"; that of He, "God," or "The Holy Spirit," or "One somewhere saith." For Paul the OT is law, and stands in antithesis to the NT, but in He the OT is covenant, and is the "shadow" of the New Covenant. Paul s characteristic terms, "Christ Jesus," and "Our Lord Jesus Christ," are never found in He; and "Jesus Christ" only 3 t (10 10; 13 X), and "the Lord" (for Christ) only twice (2 3; 7 14) phrases used by Paul over 600 t (Zahn). Paul s Christology turns around the death, resurrection and living presence of Christ in the church, that, of He around His high-priestly function in heaven. Their conceptions of God differ accordingly. In He it is Judaistic-Platonistic, or (in later terminology) Deist ic. The revelation of the Divine Fatherhood and the consequent immanence of God in history and in the world had not possessed the author s mind as it had Paul s. Since the present world is conceived in He as a world of "shadows," God could only intervene in it by mediators.

    The experience and conception of salvation are also different in these two writers. There is no evidence in He of inward conflict and conversion and of constant personal relation with Christ, which constituted the entire spiritual life of Paul. The apostle s central doctrine, that of justification by faith, does not appear in He. Faith is less the personal, mystical relation with Christ, that it is for Paul, than a general hope which lays hold of the future to overcome the present; and salvation is accomplished by cleansing, sanctification and per fection, not by justification. While Paul s mind was not uninfluenced by Hellenistic thought, as we find it in Alexandria (as, e.g. in Col and Eph), it nowhere appears in his epp. so clearly and promi nently as it does in He. Moreover, the author of He was probably a member of the community to which he writes (13 18 f), but Paul never stood in quite the relation supposed here to any church. Finally, Paul could not have written He 2 3, for



    ho emphatically declares that he did not receive his gospel from the older disciples (Gal 1 12; 2 6).

    The general Christian ideas on which He was in agreement with Paul were part of the heritage which the apostle had left to all the churches. The few more particular affinities of lie with certain Pauline writings (e.g. He 2 2 || 3 19; He 12 22; 3 14 || (Sal 4 25; He 2 10 !| Rom 11 3ti; alsowithEph; see von Soden, Hand-Commentar, 3) are easily explicable either as due to the author s reading of Paul s Epp. or as reminiscences of Pauline phrases that were current in the churches. But they are too few and slender to rest upon them any presumption against the arguments which disprove the Pauline tradition.

    (2) The passage that is most conclusive against the Pauline authorship (2 3) is equally conclusive against any other apostle being the author. But almost every prominent name among the Chris tians of the second generation has been suggested. The epistle itself excludes Timothy (13 23), and Titus awaits his turn. Otherwise Luke, Clement of Rome, Barnabas, Silas, Apollos, Priscilla and Aquila, Philip the Deacon, and Aristion have all had their champions.

    (a) The first two, Luke and Clement, were brought in through their connection with Paul. ‘‘here it was recognized that a direct Pauline authorship could not be maintained, the Pauline tradition might still be. retained, if the epistle could be assigned to one of the apostle s disciples. These two were fixed upon as being well-known writers. But this very fact reveals the improbability of the theory. Similar arguments from language and thought to those derived from the comparison of He with the Pauline writings avail also in the com parison of He with the writings of Lk and Clement. Both these disciples of the apostle adhere much closer to his system of thought than He does, and they reveal none of the influences of Alexandrian thought, which is predominant in He.

    (b) Of all the other persons suggested, so little is known that it is impossible to establish, with any convincing force, an argument for or against their authorship.

    (a) Barnabas was a Levite of Cyprus (Acts 4 36), and once a companion of Paul (Acts 13 2 ff). Another ancient writing is called "the Epistle of Barnabas," but it has no affinity with He. The coincidence of the occurrence of the ‘‘vord "conso lation" in Barnabas name (Acts 4 3(1) and in the writer s descript ion of He (13 22) is quite irrelevant . Tertullian s tradition is the only positive argument in favor of the Barnabas theory. It has been argued against it that Barnabas, being a Levite, could not have shown the opposition to the Leviti- cal system, and the unfamiliarity with it (He 7 27; 9 4), which is supposed to mark our epistle. But the author s Levitical system was derived, not from the Heb OT, nor from the Jerus temple, but from Jewish tradition; and the supposed inaccu racies as to the daily sin offering (7 27), and the position of the golden altar of incense (9 4) have been traced to Jewish tradition (see Moffatt, Intro, 438). And the writer s hostility to the Levitical system is not nearly as intense as that of Paul to Pharisaism. There is nothing that renders it in trinsically impossible that Barnabas was the author, nor is anything known of him that makes it prob able; and if he was, it is a mystery why the tradi tion was confined to Africa.

    (/3) Harnack has argiied the probability of a joint authorship by Priscilla and Aquila. The inter change of "I" and "we" he explains as due to a dual authorship by persons intimately related, but such an interchange of the personal "I" and the episto lary "we" can be paralleled in the Epp. of Paul (e.g.

    Rom) where no question of joint authorship arises. The probable relation of the author to a church in Rome may suit Priscilla and Aquila (cf Rom 16 5 with lie 13 22-24), but even if this interpretation of the aforementioned passages were correct, it is possible and probable that Luke, Barnabas, Apollos, and certainly Clement, stood in a similar relation to a Rom church. Harnack, on this theory, ex plains the disappearance of the author s name as due to prejudice against women teachers. This is the only novel point in favor of this theory as compared with several others; and it does not explain why Aquila s name should not have been retained with the address. The evidences adduced of a feminine mind behind the epistle are highly disputable. On the other hand, a female disciple of Paul s circle would scarcely assume such authori ty in the church as the author of He does (13 17 f ; cf 1 Cor 14 34 f). And nothing that is known of Priscilla and Aquila would suggest the culture and the familiarity with Alexandrian thought possessed by this writer. Acts 18 2o does not prove that they were expert and cultured teachers, but only that they knew and could repeat the salient, points of Paul s early preaching. So unusual a phenome non as this theory supposes demands more evidence to make it even probable. (But see Rendel Harris, Sidelights on A" 7 Itcxcnrch, 14S-7t>.)

    (7) Philip the Deacon and Aristion, "a disciple of the Lord" mentioned by Papias, are little more than names to us. No positive knowledge of cither survives on which any theory can be built. 1 1 is probable that both were personal disciples of the Lord, and they could not therefore have written He 2 3.

    (5) Apollos has found favor with many scholars from Luther downward. No ancient tradition supports this theory, a fact which tells heavily against it, but not conclusively, for someone must have written the letter, and his name was actually lost to early tradition, unless it were Barnabas, and that tradition too was unknown to the vast majority of the early churches. All that is known of Apollos suits the author of He. He may have learnt the gospel from "them that heard" (2 3); he was a Jew, "an Alexandrian by race, a learned [or elo quent] man," mighty in the. Scriptures," "he powerfully confuted the Jews" (Acts 18 24 ff), and he belonged to the same Pauline circle as Timothy and Titus (1 Cor 16 10-12; Tit 3 13; cf He 13 22). The Alexandrian type of thought, the affinities with Philo, the arguments from Jewish tradition and ceremonial, the fluent style, may all have^issued from "an eloquent Jew of Alexandria." But it does not follow that Apollos was the only person of this type. The author may have been a Gentile, as the purity of his Or language and style suggests; and the combination of (Jr and Heb thought, which the epistle reflects, and even Philo s terms, may have had a wide currency out side Alexandria, as for instance in the great cosmo politan cities of Asia. All that can be said is that the author of He was someone generally like what is known of Apollos, but who he actually was, we must confess with Origen, "God alone knows."

    IV. Destination. The identity of the first read ers of He is, if possible, more obscure than that of the author. It was written to Christians, and to a specific body or group of Christians (see I above). The title "to Hebrews" might mean properly Palestinian Jews who spoke the Heb language, but the fact that the epistle was written in Gr excludes that supposition. It therefore meant Christians of Jewish origin, and gives no indication of their place of residence. The title represents an early inference drawn from the contents of the document, and the tradition it embodies was unanimously



    Letter "H"

    accepted from the 2d cent . down to Ihe early part of the last cent . Now, however, a considerable body of critics hold that 1 he original readers were Gentiles. The quest ion is entirely one of inference from the contents of the epistle itself.

    The readers, like the writer, received the gospel first from "them that heard" (2 3), from the per sonal disciples of the Lord, but they 1. General were not of their number. They had Character of witnessed "signs and wonders" and the Readers "manifold powers" and "gifts of the Holy Spirit" (2 4). Their conversion had been thorough, and their faith and Christian life had been of a high order. They had a sound knowl edge of the first principles of Christ (6 1 f f). They had become "partakers of Christ," and had need only to hold fast the beginning of [their] confidence firm unto the end" (3 14). They had been fruitful in good works, ministering unto the saints (6 10), enduring suffering and persecution, and sympathiz ing with whose who were imprisoned (10 32-34). All this had been in former days which appeared now remote. Their rulers and ministers of those days are now dead (13 7). And they themselves have undergone a great change. While they should have been teachers, they have become dull of hear ing, and have need again to be taught the rudiments of the first principles of the gospel (5 12), and they are in danger of a great apostasy from the faith. They need warning against "an evil heart of unbe lief, in falling away from the living God" (3 12). They are become sluggish (6 12), profane like Esau (12 10), worldly-minded (13 5). Perhaps their religion was tending toward a false asceticism and outward works (13 4.9). And now that this moral dulness and spiritual indifference had fallen upon them, they are being subjected to a new test by persecution from outside (10 30; 12 4), which renders the danger of their falling away from the faith all the more imminent. The author appar ently bases his claim to warn them on the fact that lie had been a teacher among them, and hoped soon t o ret urn to them (13 IS f). The same might be said perhaps of Timothy (13 23). Both author and readers had friends in Italy (13 24) who were with the author when he wrote, either in Italy saluting the readers outside, or outside, saluting the readers in Italy. In all this there is lit tie or nothing to help to fix the destination of the letter, for it might be true at some time or other of any church. The old tradition that the readers were Jews claims some more definite support from the epistle

    itself. The writer assumes an inti- 2. Jews or mate knowledge of the OT and of Gentiles? Jewish ceremonial on their part. The

    fathers of the Ileb race are also their fathers (1 1 ; 3 <)). The humanity that Christ assumed and redeemed is called "the seed of Abraham" (2 16). All this, however, might stand in reference to a gentile church, for the early Chris- tians, without distinction of race, regarded them selves as the true Israel and heirs of the Heb reve lation, and of all that related to it (1 Cor 10 1 Gal 3 7ff; 4 21 ff; Rom 4 11-18). Still there is force in Zahn s argument that "Hebrews does not contain a single sentence in which it is so much as intimated that the readers became members of God s people who descended from Abraham, and heirs of the promise given to them and their fore fathers, and how they became such" (Intro to XT, II, 323). Zahn further finds a direct proof in 13 13 that "both the readers and the author belong to the Jewish people," which he interprets as "mean ing that the readers were to renounce fellowship with the Jewish people who had rejected Jesus, to confess the crucified Jesus, and to take upon them selves all the ignominy that Jesus met at the hands

    of his countrymen" (ib, 324-2.5). But that is too large an inference to draw from a figurative expres sion which need not, and probably does not, mean more than an exhortation to rely on the sacrifice of Christ, rather than upon any external rules and ceremonies. Nor were the "divers and strange teachings" about marriage and meats (13 4. ,)) necessarily Jewish doctrines. They might be the doctrines of an incipient Gnosticism which spread widely throughout the Christian churches, both Jewish and gentile, toward the end of the 1st cent. There is otherwise no evidence that the apostasy, of which the readers stood in danger, was into Juda ism, but it was rather a general unbelief and "falling away from the living Clod" (3 12).

    It is the whole argument of the epistle, rather than any special references, that produced the tra dition, and supports the view, that the readers were Jews. The entire message of the epistle, the domi nant claims of Christ and of the Christian faith, rests upon the supposition that the readers held Moses, Aaron, the Jewish priesthood, the old Cove nant and the Levitical ritual, in the highest esteem. The author s argument is: You will grant the Di vine authority anil greatness of Moses, Aaron and the Jewish institutions: Christ is greater than they; therefore you ought to be faithful to Him. He assumes an exclusively Jewish point of view in the minds of his readers as his major premise. He could scarcely do that, if they had been Gentiles. Paul, when writing to the mixed church at Rome, relates his philosophy of the Christian revelation to both Jewish and gentile pre-Christian revelation. Gentile Christians adopted the Jewish tradition as their own in consequence of, and secondary to, their attachment to Christianity. Even Judai/ing gentile Christians, such as may be supposed to have be longed to the Galatian and Corinthian churches, adopted some parts of the Jewish law only as a supplement to Christianity, but not as its basis.

    Von Soden and others have argued with much reason that these Christians were not in danger of falling back into Judaism from Christianity, but rather of falling away from all faith into unbelief and materialism, like the Israelites in the wilder ness (3 7ff), or Esau (12 10). With all its refer ences to OT sacrifice and ceremonial, the letter con tains not a single warning against reviving them, nor any indications that the readers were in danger of so doing (Hand-Commeniar, 12-10). But it hag been too readily assumed that these facts prove that the readers were not Jews. The pressure of social influence and persecution rendered Jews and Jewish Christians, as well as gentile Christians, liable to apostatize to heathenism or irreligion (Wisd 2 10.20; 2 Mace 4,6,7; Philo,DeMigratione Abrahami,XVl; Mt 24 10.12; Acts 20 30; 1 Cor 10 7.14; 2 Thess 24; 1 Jn 2 IS; 6 21; Pliny Ep. X, 90). Von Soden s argument really cuts the other way. If the writer had been dealing with gentile Christians who were in danger of re lapsing into heathenism or of falling into religious indifference, his argument from the shadowy and temporary glories of Judaism to the perfect salvation in Christ would avail nothing, because, for such, his premises would depend upon his conclusion. But if they were Jewish Christians, even though leaning toward heathenism, his argument is well calculated to call up on its side all the dormant force of their early religious training. He is not arguing them out of a "subtle Judaism" quickened by the zeal of a propaganda (Moffatt, Intro, 449-50), but from "drifting away" (2 1), from "neglect" (2 3), from "an evil heart of unbelief, in falling away from the living God" (3 12), from "disobedience" (4 11), from "a dulness of hearing" (5 11), but into "dili gence .... that ye be not sluggish" (6 11 f),



    Letter "H"

    into "boldness and patience" (10 35 f), and to "lift up the hands that hang down, and the palsied knees" (12 12); and this he might, well do by his appeal to their whole religious experience, both Jewish and Christian, and to the whole religious history of their race.

    The question of the locality of these "Hebrews" remains a matter for mere conjecture. Jerus, Alexandria, Rome, Antioeh, Colossae, 3. The Ephesus, Berea, Ravenna and other

    Locality of places have been suggested. Traeli- the Readers t ion, since Clement of Alexandria, fixed on Jerus, but on the untenable ground that the letter was written to Aram.- speaking Jews. The undisputed fact that it was written in (lr tells against Jerus. So does the absence of all reference to the temple ritual, and the mention of almsgiving as the chief grace 1 of the "Hebrews" (6 10). Jerus received rather than gave alms. Nor is it likely that all the personal disciples of the Lord would have died out in Jerus (2 3). And it, could not be charged against the mother church that it had produced no teachers (5 12). These points also tell with almost equal force against any Palestinian locality.

    Alexandria was suggested as an alternative to Jerus, on the supposition that those references to Jewish ritual which did not correspond with the Jerus ritual (7 27; 9 4; 10 11) might refer to the temple at Leontopolis. But the ritual system of the epistle is t hat of (he tabernacle and of tradition, and not of any temple 1 . The 1 Alexandrian e-haracter of the- letter has bearing on the 1 identity of the autlmr, but not se> much on that of his readers. The erroneous idea that Paul was the 1 author arose in Alexandria, but it wemlel have been least likely to arise 1 where 1 the letter was originally sent.

    Rome 1 has lately found much favor. We first learn of the existence of the 1 letter at Rome. The phrase "they of Italy salute you" (13 24) implies that either the writer or his readers were 1 in Italy. It may be more- natural to think of the writer, with a small group of Italian frienels away from home, sending gre>etings 1e> Italy, than to suppose that a greeting from Italy gene-rally was sent to a church at a distance. It is probable- that a body of Jewish Christians existed in Rome, as in other large cities of the Empire-. But this view eloes not, as von Soelen thinks, explain any coincidences betwee-n He and Rom. A Rom origin might. It coulel explain the use of He by demerit. But the letter might also have come te> Rome by Clement s time, even though it was originally sent elsewhere. The slender arguments in favor of Rome find favor chiefly bee-ause no arguments can be aelduced in favor of any other place 1 .

    V. Date. The late-st elate for the composition

    of He is clearly fixed as e-arlie-r than 9t> AD by

    reason of its use- by Cle-ment of Rome

    1. Terminal about that time 1 . There is no justi- Dates ficatiem for the view that He shows

    de-peneleTice on Jos. The 1 earliest date cannot be so definitely fixeel. The apparent de pendence of He on Paul s Epp., Gal, 1 Cor and Rom, brings it beyond 50 AD.

    But we have elata in the epistle itself which re quire a date considerably later. The- readers had

    been converted by personal disciples

    2. Conver- of the Lord (2 3). They elid not, sion and the ivfore, belong to the earliest group History of of Christians. But it is not necessary Readers to suppose a long interval between the

    Lorel s ascension and their conversion. The disciples were scattered wielely from Jerus by the persecution that followed the death of Stephen (Acts 8 1). "We may well believe that the vig orous preaching of St. Stephen would set a wave

    in motion which woulel be 1 felt even at Rome 1 " (San- day, Romans, xxviii). They are not, the-re-fore, m-e-.e-ssarily to be described as Christians of the 2d generation in the strict chronological sense. But the le-tte-r was written a consielerable time after the-ir conversion. They have had time for great develop ment (5 12). They have forgotten the former days after their conve-rsion (10 32). Their early leaders are 1 now ele-ael (13 7). Ye>t the majority of the church still consists of the first converts (2 3; 10 32). And although no argument can be based upon the mention of 40 ye-ars (3 9), feir it is emly an incidental phrase in a quotation, yet no lemge-r inteTval e-oulel lie between the founding of the church and the writing of the letter. It might be shorten-. And the church may have ben-n founded at any time from 32 to 70 AD.

    The 1 doctrinal development represented in He

    stanels mielway between the system of the late>r

    Pauline Epp. (Phil, Col, Eph) and that

    3. Doctrinal of the Johannine writings. The divers Develop- and strange 1 teachings mentioned in- ment cluelcemly such ascetic tendencies about

    meat and marriage 1 (13 4.9) as are 1 re 1 - fiiM-teel in Paul s Epp. early and late. There is no sign of the appearance 1 e)f the 1 full-blown he-resies e>f the Ebionite s, Docetists, and (Ine)stie-s, which be-- came prevalent befeire 1 the end e>f the 1st cent. On the 1 other hand the- Logos-doctrine as the interpreta tion of the 1 pe-rson of Christ (1 1-4) is metre 1 fully thought out than in Paul, but le>ss explicit, and less assiniilate d with the purpose of Christianity, than in 1 he 1 Fourth (!e>spel.

    It has been argueel that, the letter must have- be-en writte-n before the fall of Jerus in 70 AD, be-caiise

    in writing to a Jewish community,

    4. The Fall and esp. in elealing with Jewish ritual, of Jerusa- the write-r wemlel have referreel to that lem event, if it had happened. This point

    woulel be re-levant, if the le-tter had be-en aelelressed to Jerus, which is highly improb able. But, at a elistance, an author so utterly un- e-onceTne-el with conte^nporary history coulel easily have omitted mentiem of e-ven so important a fae-t. Ken- in fact the author neve-r mentions the- te-mplc or its ritual. His syste-m is that e>f the tabernacle of the OT and of Jewish tradition. The 1 writer s inte rest is not in historical Judaism, ami his omis sion to mention the great catastrophe does not prove that it had not e>ce-urml. The use of the 1 present tense of the ritual does not imply its present con- tinuane-e. "The present expresses the fae-t that so it is enjoined in the law, the past that with the founding of the New Cove-mint the old had been abolished" (Peake, Hrhrrtrx, 30).

    A pe>int of contact with cemtcmporary histe>ry

    is founel in the fae-t that Timeithy was still living

    and active when He was written (13

    5. Timothy 23), but it does not carry us far.

    Timothy was a young man and already a disciple, when Paul visit eel (lalatia on his 2el je>urney about 46 AD (Acts 16 1). And he> may have liveel to the enel of the century or near to it. It cannot be safely argueel from the mere mention of his name alone, that Paul and his other com panions were dead.

    Two incidents in the history of the readers are mentioned which afford further ground for a some what late elate. Irnmeeliately after

    6. Two their conversion, they suffered perse- Perse- cut ion, "a great conflict of sufferings; cutions partly, being made; a gazingstock both

    by reproaches and afflictions; and partly, becoming partakers with them that were so used" (He 10 32 f). Anel now again, when the letter is written, they are entering upon another time of similar trial, in which they "have need of



    Letter "H"

    patience" (10 30), though they have not yet re sisted unto blood" (12 4). Their leaders, at least, it would appear, the writer and Timothy, have also been in prison, but one is at liberty and the other expects to be soon (13 19.23). It has been con jectured that the first persecution was that under Nero in 04 AD, and the second, that in the reign of Domitian, after 81 AD. But when it is remem bered that in some part of the Empire Christians were almost always under persecution, and that the locale of these readers is very uncertain, these last criteria do not justify any dogmatizing. It is certain that the letter was written in the; second half of the 1st cent. Certain general impressions, the probability that the first apostles and leaders of the church were dead, the absence of any men tion of Paul, the development of Paul s theological ideas in a new medium, the disappearance of the early enthusiasm, the many and great changes thai had come over the community, point strongly to the last quarter of the century. The opinions of scholars at present seem to converge about the year 80 AD or a little later.

    VI. Contents and Teaching.

    I. The Revelation of Cod in His Son (1-2).

    1. Christ the completion of revelation (1 1-3).

    2. Christ s superiority over the angels (1 4ff).

    1. Summary (i) Because He is a Son (1 4-f>).

    of Contents -) Because His reign is eternal (1 7ff).

    3. The dangers of neglecting salvation through the Son (2 1-4).

    4. The Son and humanity (2 5 If).

    (ll The lowliness and dignity of man (2 5-S). (2) Necessity for the Incarnation (2 9 ID.

    (a) To fulfil God s gracious purpose (2 9f). (6) That the Saviour and saved might In;

    one (2 1 l-ir>). (c) That the Saviour may sympathise with

    the saved (2 lOff). II. The Prince of Salvation (3 1 4 13).

    1. Christ as Son superior to .Moses as servant (3 l-<i).

    2. Consequences of Israel s unbelief (3 7-11).

    3. Warning the. "Hebrews" against similar unbe lief (3 12 If).

    4. Exhortations to faithfulness (4 1-13).

    (1) Because; a rest remains for the people of God (4 1-11).

    (2) Because tile omniscient (iocl is judge (4 12 f).

    III. The Great High Priest (4 1410 IS).

    1. Christ s priesthood the Christian s confidence (4 14-16).

    2. Christ has the essential qualifications for priest hood (5 1-10).

    (1) Sympathy with men (5 1-3).

    (2) (Jod s appointment (5 4-10).

    3. The spiritual dulness of the Hebrews (5 11 6


    (1) Their lack of growth in knowledge (5 lltf).

    (2) " Press on unto perfection " (,6 1-3).

    (.3) The clanger of falling away from Christ

    (6 4-8). (4) Their past history a ground for hoping

    better things (6 9-12).

    4. God s oath the ground of Christ s priesthood and of the believer s hope (6 13 If).

    5. Christ a priest after the order of Melohizedek (7 1 ).

    (1) The history of Melchizedek (7 1-3).

    (2) The superiority of his order over that of Aaron (7 4-10).

    (3) Supersession of the Aaronic priesthood (7 11-19).

    (4) Superiority of Christ s priesthood (7 20-24).

    (5) Christ a priest befitting us (7 24 if).

    6. Christ the true; high priest (8 1 10 IS).

    (1) Because He entered the true sanctuary (8 1-5).

    (2) Because He is priest of the New Covenant (8 If).

    (3) A description of the old tabernacle and its services (9 1-7).

    (4) Ineffectiveness of its sacrifices (9 8-10).

    (5) Superiority of Christ s sacrifice (9 11-14). ((>) The Mediator of the New Covenant through

    His own blood (9 15 if).

    (7) Weakness of the sacrifices of the law (10 1-5).

    (8) Incarnation for the sake of sacrifice (10 6-9).

    (9) The one satisfactory sacrifice (10 10-18).

    IV. Practical Exhortations (10 19 13 25).

    1. Draw near to God and hold fast the faith (10 19-23).

    2. The responsibility of Christians and the judg ment of God (10 24-31i.

    3. Past faithfulness a ground for present confi dence (10 32 ff).

    4. The household of faitli (11 Iff).

    (1) What is faith V (,11 1-3).

    (2) The examples of faith (11 4-32).

    (3) The triumphs of faith ill 33 If).

    5. Run the race looking unto Jesus (12 1 3).

    (>. Sufferings as discipline from the Father (12

    7. The duty of helping and loving the brethren (12 12-1 * ).

    8. Comparison of the trials and privileges of Chris tians with those of the Israelites (12 IS IV).

    9. Various duties (13 1-17).

    (1) Moral and social relations (13 1-0)

    (2) Loyalty to leaders (13 7 f).

    (3) Beware of Jewish heresies (13 9-14).

    (4) Ecclesiastical worship and order (13 15-17). 10. Personal affairs and greetings (13 is if).

    (1) A request for the prayers of the church (13 isf).

    (2) A prayer for the church (13 20 f).

    (3) "Bear with the word of exhortation" (13

    (4) "Our brother Timothy" (13 23).

    (5) Greetings (13 24). (0) Grace ,13 25).

    ^ The theme of (lie epistle is the absoluteness of the

    Christian religion, as based upon the preeminence

    of Jesus Christ, the one and only

    2. The mediator of salvation. The essence Main of Christ s preeminence is that He Theme fully reali/cs iti His own person the

    principles of revelation and recon ciliation. It is made manifest in His superiority over the Jewish system of salvation, which He there fore at once supersedes and fulfils. The author s working concept is 1 he Logos-doctrine of Philo; and the empirical data to which it is related is (lie reli gious history of Israel, as it culminates in Chris tianity. Ho makes no attempt to prove either his ideal first principles or his historical premises, and his philosophy of religion takes no account of the heathen world. The inner method of his argument is to fit Judaism and Christianity into the Logos- concept ; but his actual is related to the ideal in the way of Plato s antithesis, of shadow and reality, of pattern and original, rather than in Aristotle s way of development, although the influence of the latter method may often be traced, as in the history of faith, which is carried back to the beginnings of history, but is made perfect only in the Christian consummation (11 40). In ;i number of other ideas t he teleological movement may be seen cut I ing across the categories of shadow and reality (1 3:

    I 10; 4 8f; 5 8f; 9 12; 10 12; 12 22).

    The form of the argument may bo described as

    either rabbinical or Alexandrian. The writer, after

    laying down his proposition, proceeds

    3. Alex- to prove it by quotations from the OT, andrian taken out of their context and his- Influences torical connection, adapted and even

    changed to suit his present purpose. This practice was common to Palestinian and Alex andrian writers; as was also the use of allegory, which plays a large part in He (e.g. 3 7 4 11; 13

    II f). But the writer s allegorical method differs from that of the rabbis in that it is like Philo s, part of a conscious philosophy, according to which the whole of the past and present history of the world is only a shadow of the true realities which are laid up in heaven (8 5; 9 23 f; 10 1). His interest in historical facts, in OT writers, in Jewish institutions and even in the historical life of Jesus, is quite subordinate to his prepossession with the eternal and heavenly realities which they, in more or less shadowy fashion, represent. That the affinities of He arc Alexandrian rather than Pales tinian is further proved by many philological arid


    XieDicwS ( vrOSp. i


    literary correspondences with ‘‘Yisd and Philo. Most of the characteristic terms and phrases of the epistle :ire also found in these earlier writers. It has been argued that He and Wisd came from the same hand, and it seems certain that the author of He was familiar with both Wisd and the writings of Philo (Plump) re in Expos, 1, 329 i f, 409 ff; von Soden in Hand-Commentar, 5-0). In Philo the dualism of appearance and reality finds its ultimate synthesis in his master-conception of the Logos, and although this term does not appear in He in Philo s sense, the doctrine is set forth in Philonic phrase ology in the opening verses (1 1-4). As Logos, Christ excels the prophets as revealer of God, is superior to the angels who were the mediators of the old Covenant, and is more glorious than Moses a.s the builder of Cod s true tabernacle, His eternal house; He is a greater Saviour than Joshua, for He brings his own to final rest; and He supersedes the Aaronic priesthood, for while they ministered in a "holy place, made with hands, like in pattern to the true," under a "law having a shadow of the good things to come, not the very image of the things" (9 24; 10 1), He "having come a high priest of the good things to come, through the greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands . . . . nor yet through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own blood, entered in once for all into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemp tion" (9 11 f).

    Yet it is possible to exaggerate the dependence of He on Alexandrian thought. Deeper than the

    allegorical interpretation of passages 4. The culled from the LXX, deeper than

    Christian the Logos-philosophy which formed Factor the framework of his thought, is the

    writer s experience and idea of the personal Christ. His central interest lies, not in the theoretical scheme which he adopts, but in the living person who, while He is the eternal reality behind all shadows, and the very image of Cod s essence, is also our brother who lived and suffered on earth, the author of our salvation, our "fore runner within the veil," who "is able to save to the uttermost them that draw near unto Cod through him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them" (1 1-4; 2 14 ff; 2 10; 6 7-9; 4 14-15; 6 20; 7 25). As in Paul and Jn, so in He, the historical and ever-living Christ comes in as an original and creative element, which transforms the abstract philosophy of Hellenistic thought into a living system of salvation. Because of His essential and personal preeminence over the insti tutions and personalities of the old Covenant, Christ, has founded a new Covenant, given a new revelation and proclaimed a new gospel. The writer never loses sight of the present bearing of these eternal realities on the lives of his readers. They are for their warning against apostasy, for their encouragement in the face of persecution, and for their undying hope while they run the race that is set before [them], looking unto Jesus the author and perfecter of .... faith (2 3; 3 12 ff; 4 Iff; 10 28 ff; 12 lf.22ff).

    LITERATURE. (1) Comm. by A. S. Poake, Century Bible; A. B. Davidson, Bible Handbook*; Marctis Dods, Expositor s Gr Text.; T. C. Edwards, Expositor s Bible; F. Kendall (London, 1888); Westcott 3 (1903); von Soden, Hand-Commentar; Ilollmann, DieSchriftendes NT.

    (2) Introductions by Moffatt, Introduction to the Lit. of the NT; A. 15. Bruce in HDB; von Soden in EB; Zahn, Intro to the NT; H.H.B Aylos, Destination, Date, and Authorship of the Ep. to the He; Harnack, "Probabilia iiber dieAddresse und denVerfasser <lcs Hebraerbriefes," ZNTW, I (1000); W. Wrcde, Das litvrarische Ratsel des H, Iran-briefs (190(1).

    (3) Theology: Bruce, The Ep. to the JJe; Milligan, The Theology of the Ep. to the. He; Mene-go/, La theoLogie de i epitrc aux Ilcbruux. For fuller list, see Moilatt, op.

    T. REES



    (Et>a-yy* ^ lov Ka9 EfSpcuous, Euaggelion AY;’ IIc- braious, TO EppaiKov, to Hebraikdn, TO "louSaiKov, to loudaikon; Evangelium Hebraeorum, Judacorurn):

    1. References in Early Church History

    2. Its Character and Contents

    3. Its Circulation and Language

    4. Relation to St. Matthew

    5. Time of Composition

    6. Vncanonical Sayings and Incidents

    7. Conclusion LITERATURE

    "The Gospel according to the Hebrews" was a work of early Christian literature to which refer ence is frequently made by the church Fathers in the first five centuries, and of which some twenty or more fragments, preserved in their writings, have come down to us. The book itself has long dis appeared. It has, however, been the subject of many critical surmises and discussions in the course of the last century. It has been regarded as the original record of the life of Jesus, the Archimedes- point of the whole gospel history. From it Justin Martyr has been represented as deriving his knowl edge of the works and words of Christ, and to it have been referred the gospel quotations found in Justin and other early writers when these deviate in any measure? from the text of the canonical gos pels. Hecent discussions have thrown consider able light upon the problems connected with this Gospel, and a large literature has grown up around it of which the most important works will be noted below.

    Speaking of Papias Eusebius mentions that he has related the story of a woman who was accused of many sins before the Lord, which is contained in the "Gospel according to the He- 1. Refer- brews." This does not prove; that ences in Papias was acquainted with this Gospel, Early for he might have obtained the story,

    Church which cannot any longer be regarded

    History as part of St. John s Gospel, from oral tradition. But there is a certain sig nificance in Eusebius mentioning it in this connec tion (Euseb., HE, 111, xxxix, 10). Eusebius, speak ing of Ignatius and his epp., takes notice of a saying of Jesus which he quotes (Ep. ad Smyrn, iii; cf Lk 24 39), "Take, handle me, and see that I am not an incorporeal spirit." The saying differs materially from the saying in St. Luke s Gospel, and Eusebiug says he has no knowledge whence it had been taken by Ignatius. Jerome, however, twice over attrib utes the saying to the "Gospel according to the Hebrews," and Origen quotes it from the "Teaching of Peter." Ignatius may have got the saying from oral tradition, and we cannot, therefore, be sure t hat he knew this Gospel.

    The first early Christian writer who is mentioned as having actually used the "Gospel according to the Hebrews" is Hegesippus, who flourished in the second half of the 2(1 cent. Eusebius, to whom we owe the reference, tells us that Hegesippus in his Memoirs quotes passages from "the Syriac Gospel according to the Hebrews" ( [IE, IV, xxii, 7).

    Irenaeus, in the last quarter of the 2d cent., says the Ebionites use only the "Gospel according to Matthew" and reject the apostle Paul, calling him an apostate from the law (Adv. Haer., i. 20, 2). There is reason to believe that there is some con fusion in this statement of Irenaeus, for we have the testimony of Eusebius, Jerome and Epiphanius that it was the "Gospel according to the Hebrews" that was used by the Ebionites. With this qualification we may accept Irenaeus as a witness to this Gospel.

    Clement of Alexandria early in the 3d cent, quotes from it an apocryphal saying with the same formula as he employs for quotat ion of Holy Scrip ture (Strom., ii.9). Origen, Clement s successor at



    Letter "H"

    Alexandria, has one very striking quotation from the "Gospel according to the Hebrews" />mm. in Joann, ii), ;uul Jerome says this Gospel is often used by Origen.

    EuKebiiis, in tlie first, half of the -1th cent., men tions that the Ebionites use only the "Gospel ac cording to the Hebrews" and take small account of the others (HE, III, xxvii, 4). He has, besides, ot her references to it, and in his widely known classi fication of Christian Scriptures into "acknowledged" "disputed," and "rejected," he mentions this Gos pel which he says some have placed in the last category, although those of the Hebrews who have accepted Christ are delighted with it (HE, 111, xxv, f>). Eusebiug had himself in all probability seen and handled the book in the library of his friend Pamphilus at Caesarea, where Jerome, half a cen tury later, found it and tr d it.

    Epiphanius, who lived largely in Pal, and wrote his treatise on heresies in the latter half of the 4th cent., has much to say of the Ebionites, and the Nazarenes. Speaking of the Ebionites, he says they receive the "Gospel according to Matthew" to the exclusion of the others, mentioning that it alone of the NT books is in Heb speech and Ileb characters, and is called the "Gospel according to the Hebrews" (Hair., xxx. 3). He goes on to say, that their "Gos pel according to Matthew," as it is named, is not complete but falsified and mutilated, "and they call it the Heb Gospel" (litter., xxx. 13). The quota tions which Epiphanius proceeds to make show that this Gospel diverges considerably from the canoni cal Gospel of Mt and may well be that according to the Hebrews. It is more likely that "the Gospel according to Matthew, very full, in Hebrew," of which Epiphanius speaks, when telling about the Nazarene, is the Heb "Gospel of Matthew" attested by Papias, Irenaeus, and a widespread early tradi tion. But as Epiphanius confesses he does not know whether it has the genealogies, it is clear he was not himself acquainted with the book.

    Jerome, toward the end of the 4th cent., is our chief authority for the circulation and use of the "Gospel according to the Hebrews," although his later statements on the subject do not always agree with the earlier. He was proud of being "trilin- guis," acquainted with Heb as well as with Lat and Gr. "There is a Gospel," he says, "which the Nazarenes and Ebionites use, which I lately tr d from the Heb tongue into Gr and which is called by many the authentic Gospel of Matthew" (Comm. on Mt 12 13). The fact here mentioned, that he tr d the work, seems to imply that this Gospel was really something different from the canonical Mt which he had in his hands. In another place, however, he writes: "Matthew . . . . first of all composed the Gospel of Christ in Heb letters and words, in Ju daea, for behoof of those of the circumcision who had believed,_ and it is not quite certain who after ward tr d it into Gr. But the very Heb is pre served to this day in the Caesarean library, which Pamphilus the Martyr, with such care, collected.

    1 myself was allowed the opportunity of copying it by the Nazarenes in Berea who use this volume. In which it is to be observed that the evangelist, when he uses the testimonies of the OT, either in his own person, or in that of the Lord and Saviour, does not follow the authority of the LXX translators, but the Heb. Of those, the following are two ex amples: Out of Egypt have I called my Son (Mt

    2 15AV); and He shall be called a Nazarene (Mt 2 23)" (De Vir. Ill, iii). It certainly looks as if in the former instance Jerome meant the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and in the latter the well-authenticated Heb Gospel of St. Matthew. At a later time, however, Jerome appears to with draw this and to introduce a confusing or even con

    tradictory note. His words are: "In the Gospel according to the Hebrews, which was written in deed in the Chaldee-Syr (Aram.) language, but, in Heb characters, which the Nazarenes use as the Gospel of the Apostles, or as most people think according to Matthew, which also is contained in the library at Caesarea, the narrative says" (Adv. Pelag., iii. 2). As he proceeds, he quotes passages which are not in the canonical Mt. He also says: "That Gospel which is called the Gospel of the Hebrews which was latedly tr d by me into Gr and Lat, and was used frequently by Origen" (Catal, Script. Eccl., "Jacobus"). Jerome s notices of the actual Gospel were frequent, detailed and unequivocal.

    Nicephorus at the beginning of the 9th cent, puts the Gospel according to the Hebrews in his list of disputed books of the NT along with the Apocalypse of St. John, the Apocalypse of Peter, and the Ep. of Barnabas. This list is believed to rest upon an authority of about the year 500 AD, and, in the stichometry attached, this Gospel is estimated to have occupied 2,200 lines, while the canonical Mt occupied 2,; >00.

    Codex A of the 9th cent., discovered by Tischen- dorf, and_now in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, has marginal notes affixed to four pas-sages of Mt giving the readings of to loudaikon, the lost Gospel according to the He-brews (Scrivener, Textual Criticism, I", 160; see also Plate XI, 30, p. 131).

    All that survives, and all that we are told, of this work, show that it was of the nature of a Gospel, and that it was written in the manner 2. Its Char- of the Synoptic Gospels. But it seems acter and not to have acquired at any time eccle- Contents siastical standing outside the very limited circles of Jewish Christians who preferred it. And it never attained canonical au thority. _ The Muratorian Fragment has no refer ence to it. Irenaeus knew that the Ebionites used only the Gospel according to Matthew in Heb, al though, as we have seen, this may be really the Gospel according to the Hebrews; but his fourfold Gospel comprises the Gospels of Mt, Mk, Lk and Jn, which we know. There ig no reason to believe that it was the source of the quotations made by Justin from the Apomnemoneumata, or of quotations made anonymously by others of the early Fathers. Like the Synoptic Gospels, however, it contained narratives of events as well as sayings and dis courses. It had an account of John the Baptist s ministry, of the baptism of Jesus, of the call of the apostles, of the woman taken in adultery, of the Last Supper, of the denial of Peter, of appearances of Jesus after the resurrection; and it contained the Lord s Prayer, and sayings of Jesus, like the forgiveness of injuries seventy times seven, the counsel to the rich young ruler, and others. One or two sayings have a gnostic tinge, as when Jesus calls the Holy Spirit His mother, and is made to express His un willingness to eat the flesh of the Passover Lamb. There are apocryphal additions, even where inci dents _ and sayings are narrated belonging to the canonical Gospels, and there are sayings and inci dents wholly apocryphal in the fragments of the Gospel which have survived. But these super fluities do not_ imply any serious deviation from Catholic doctrine; they only prove, as Professor Zahn says, "the earnestness of the redactor of the Gospel according to the Hebrews to enrich the only Gospel which Jewish Christians possessed up to that time from the still unexhausted source of pri vate oral tradition" (GK, II, 717).

    The very title of the work suggests that it cir culated among Jewish Christians. Those Chris tians of Pal to whom Jerus was the ecclesiastical center betook themselves, after the troubles which



    befell the Holy City, to the less frequented regions beyond the Jordan, and were thus nit off from (lie main stream of catholic; Christianity. 3. Its Cir- It ‘‘vas accordingly easier for the spirit culation and of exclusiveness to assert itself among Language them and also for heretical tendencies to develop. The Ebionitcs went far thest in this direction. They denied the super natural birth of Our Lord, and insisted upon the binding character of the Law for all Christians. The Na/arenes, as all Jewish Christians were called at first, observed the ceremonial law themselves, but did not impose it upon gentile Christians. And they accepted the catholic doctrine of the person of Christ. It was among a community of these Na/c- arenes at Berea, the modern Aleppo, that Jerome, during a temporary residence at Chalcis in Northern Syria, found the Gospel according to the Hebrews in circulation. No fewer than *.) t does he mention that this Gospel is their one Gospel, and only once does he connect the Kbionites with them in the use of it. Epiphanius draws a clear line of distinction between the .Kbionites and the Na/arenes; and we can scarcely suppose that a Gospel which satisfied the one would be wholly acceptable to the other. There is reason to believe that the Heb Gospel of St. Matthew was most to the mind of the Ileb Christians, and that it took different forms in the hands of the sects into which the Jewish Christian church became divided. Thus the Gospel of the N a/arenes was the (iospel according to the lie- brews, which in all probability had some affinity with the Ileb Gospel of St. Matthew. The Gospel of the Kbionites, which seems to have been the same as the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles, ‘‘vas some thing of a more divergent doctrinal tendency suited to the exclusive and heretical views of that sect. But it is not easy to reconcile! the statements of Epiphanius with those of Kusebius and Jerome.

    That the Heb tongue in which Papias says St. Matthew composed his I.ogia was the Aram, of 1 al is generally accepted. This Aram, was closely akin to the Syr spoken between the Mediterranean and the Tigris. It, was the same its the Chaldee of the books of E/.r, -’’ eh, and Dnl, of which examples have so recently been found in the Aram, papyri from Elephantine at. Assouan. Eusebius and Je rome are emphatic and precise in recording the fact that the Gospel according to the Hebrews was not only Heb or Aram, in composition, but written in the square II eb characters, so different from the Old Heb of the Moabite Stone and the Siloam in scription. That there was a Gr tr before the time of Jerome of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, which was used by Origen, Clement of Alexandria, and others, is strenuously aflirmed by Professor Harnaok (Altcknstliche Literatur, I, ti IT) and as strenuously denied by Professor Zahn ((! /< , II, (ilSi fj. One reason why the book never attained to any ecclesiastical authority was no doubt its limited circulation in a tongue familiar, outside the circle of Jewish Christians, to only a learned few. For this reason also it is unlikely that it will ever be found, as the Epistle of Barnabas, the Shepherd, and other works have been.

    It is natural to seek for traces of special relation ship between the Gospel according to the Hebrews, circulating among communities of Jew- 4. Relation ish Christians, and the Gospel accord- to St. ing to St. Matthew which grew up on Matthew the soil of Pal, and which was originally composed in the interest of Jewish Christians, and circulated at a very early period in a Heb recension, soon superseded by the canonical Gospel of Mt and now altogether lost. We have already seen that Irenaeus in all likelihood confused the "Gospel according to the Hebrews" with the

    Heb Gospel of St. Matthew; and that Jerome says the Gospel used by the Nazarenes was called by many the authentic Gospel of St. Matthew. More over, among the fragments that have; survived, there are more which resemble St. Matthew s record than either of the other Synoptics. E. B. Nicholson, after a full and scholarly examination of the frag ments and of the references, puts forward the hy pothesis that St. Matthew wrote; at different times the canonical Gospel and the Gospel according to the I lebrews, or, at least , t hat large part of the latter which runs |j to the former" (The, Gospel according to the llrlircirx, 104). The possibility of two edi tions of the same Gospel-writing coming from the same hand has recently received illustration from Professor Blass s theory of two recensions of the Acts and of St. Luke s Gospel to explain the textual peculiarities of these books in Codex D. This theory has received the adhesion of eminent scholars, but Nicholson has more serious differences to ex plain, and it cannot be said that his able argument and admirably marshaled learning have carried conviction to the minds of XT scholars.

    If we could be sun; that Ignatius in his Ep. to the

    Smyrneans derived the: striking saying attributed

    to Our Lord, "Take, handle me, and

    5. Time of see that 1 am not an incorporeal spirit," Composition from the Gospel according to the He brews, we should be able to fix its

    composition as at any rate within the 1st cent. The obscurity of its origin, the primitive cast of its contents, and the respect accorded to it down into the 5th cent., have disposed some scholars to assign it an origin not later than our Synoptic Gospels, and to regard it as continuing the Aram, tradition of the earliest preaching and teaching regarding Christ. The manifestly secondary character of some of its contents seems to be against such an early origin. Professor Zahn is rather disposed to place it not earlier than 130, when, during the insur rection of Bar-cochba, the gulf that had grown up between Jews and Jewish Christians was greatly deepened, and with an exclusively gentile church in Jerus, the Jewish Christians had lost their center and broken off into sects. The whole situation seems to him to point to a date somewhere between 130-50 AD. The data for any precise determina tion of the question are wanting.

    Then 1 is a saying which Clement of Alexandria

    quotes from it as Scripture: "He that wonders shall

    reign and he that reigns shall rest"

    6. Un- (Mrnm., ii.9). Origen emotes from it canonical a saying of Jesus, reminding us some- Sayings and what of E/k (8 3): "Just now My Incidents Mother the; Holy Spirit took me by

    one of my hairs, and bore me away to the great mountain Thabor" (Orig., In Joann., ii; it is quoted several times both by Origen and Jerome;. Jerome more than once emotes from it a saying of the Lord to His disciples: "Never be joy ful except- when ye look on your brother in love" (Hieron. in Epk 5 4; in Ezk 18 7). In his comm. on Mt (611) Jerome mentions that he found in the third petition of the Lord s prayer for the difficult and unique Gr word tiriofoios, epiousios, which he tr s super substantialis, the Aram, word muhar, crastinuK, so that the sense would be, "Tomorrow s bread give us today." Of unrecorded incidents the most notable is that of the appearance of the Risen Lord to James: "And when the Lord had given His linen cloth to the servant of the priest, He went to James and appeared to him. For James had sworn that he would not eat bread from that hour wherein he had drunk the cup of the Lord until he saw Him rising from the dead. Again a little after ward the Lord says, Bring a table and bread. Immediately it is added : He took bread and blessed



    Letter "H"

    and brake, and afterward gave it to James the Just and said to him, My brother, eat thy bread for the Son of Wan has risen from them that sleep" (Hieron., De Vir. Illustr., Jacobus").

    Jerome also tells that in the Gospel according to the Hebrews, there is the following passage: "Lo the mother of the Lord and His brethren said unto Him : John the Baptist is baptizing for 1 he remission of sins; let us go and be baptized by him. But He said to them: What sin have I committed that 1 should go and be baptized by him? Unless per chance this very word which I have spoken is a sin of ignorance" (Hieron., Adv. Pdag., iii.2).

    Rahman, the friend of (lie Merciful," i.e. of God, a favorite name for Abraham; cf Jas 2 23). The city is some 20 miles S. of Jems, situated in an open valley, 3,040 ft. above sea-level.

    /. History of the City. Hebron is said to have been founded before Zoan (i.e. Tunis) in Egypt (Nu 13 22); its ancient name was Kiriath-arba, prob ably meaning the "Four Cities," perhaps because divided at one time into four quarters, but according to Jewish writers so called because four patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Adam were buried there. According to Josh 15 13 it was so called after Arba, the father of Anak.


    This Gospel is not to be classed with heretical Gospels like that of Marcion, nor with apocryphal

    Gospels like that of James or Nico- 7. Con- demus. It differed from the former

    elusion in that it did not deviate; from any

    essential of catholic truth in its repre sentation of Our Lord. It differed from the latter in that it narrated particulars mostly relating to Our Lord s public ministry, while they occupy them selves with matters of curiosity left unrecorded in the canonical Gospels. It differs from the canonical Gospels only in that it is more florid in style, more diffuse in the relation of incidents, and more in clined to sectional views of doctrine. Its uncanoni- cal sayings and incidents may have come from oral tradition, and they do lend a certain interest and picturesquencss to the narrative. Its language confined it to a very limited sphere, and its sectional character prevented it from ever professing Scrip tural authority or attaining to canonical rank. See also APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS.

    LITERATURE. E. B. Nicholson , Tlir Gospel arcnrdina to the, Jl,l,r,-irs (1S7.; K. Handinann, Dux Hebrtier- Evangelium: Ti-j-t, u. Untersuchungen, Hand V (1SS9); Zahn, (!K, II, 042-72:5 (1S90); Harnack, (lexchichtf. <l<*r altchristlichen Lilcratur, I, Off; II, 1, (125-51 (1S07); Neutextamentliche Atiucrypheii (Ilonnecko), I, 11-21 (1904).

    T. NICOL


    HEBRON, he brun ( < p"On , hebhron, "league" or "confederacy"; X|Bpwv, Chebrdn): One of the most ancient and important cities in Southern Pal, now known to the Moslems as cl KhalU (i.e. Khaliler

    Abram came and dwelt by the oaks of MAMRE

    (q.v.), "which are in Hebron" (Gen 13 IS); from

    here he went to the rescue of Lot and

    1. Patriar- brought him back after the defeat of chal Period Chedorlaomer (14 13 f); here his

    name was changed to Abraham (17 5); to this place came the three angels with the promise of a son (18 If); Sarah died here (23 2), and for her sepulcher Abraham bought the cave of Machpelah (23 17); here Isaac and Jacob spent much of their lives (35 27; 37 14); from here Jacob sent Joseph to seek his brethren (37 14), and hence Jacob and his sons went down to Egypt (46 1). In the cave of Machpelah all the patriarchs and their wives, except Rachel, were buried (49 30 f; 50 13).

    The spies visited Hebron and near there cut the cluster of grapes (Nu 13 22 f). HOHAM (q.v.),

    king of Hebron, was one of the five

    2. Times of kings defeated by Joshua at Beth- Joshua and horon and slain at Makkedah (Josh Judges 10 3 f). Caleb drove out from Hebron

    the "three sons of Anak" (14 12; 15 14); it became one of the cities of Judah (15 o4), but was set apart for the Kohathite Levites (21 10 f), and became a city of refuge; (20 7). One of Sam son s exploits was the carrying of the gate of Gaza "to the top of the mountain that is before Hebron" (Jgs 16 3).

    David, when a fugitive, received kindness from the people of this city (I S 30 31); here Abner was treacherously slain by Joab at the gate (2 S 3 27), and the sons of Rimmon, after their hands and feet had been cut off, were; hanged "beside the pool" (4 12). After the death of Saul, David was here



    Letter "H"

    anointed king (5 3) ;iml reigned here 7. i yoars, until he captured Jerus and made that his capital (5 5);

    while here, six sons were born to him 3. The Days (3 2;. In this city Absalom found a of the center for his disaffection, and repairing

    Monarchy there under pretense of performing a

    vo’’v to Jeh, he raised the standard of revolt (15 7 f). Jos mistakenly places here the dream of Solomon (Ant, VIII, ii, 1) which occurred at Gibeon (1 K 3 4). Hebron ‘‘vas fortified by Re- hoboam (2 Ch 11 10).

    Abraham s Oak.

    Probably during the captivity Hebron came into the hands of Edom, though it appears to have been colonized by returning Jews (Neh 11 4. Later 25); it was recovered from Edom History by Simon Maecabacus (1 Mace 5 05;

    Jos, Ant, XII, viii, 6). In the first groat revolt against Home, Simon bar-Gioras cap tured the city (KJ , IV, ix, 7), but it was retaken, for Vespasian, by his general Cerealis who carried it by storm, slaughtered the inhabitants and burnt it (i b, 9).

    During the Muslim period Hebron has retained its importance on account, of veneration to the patriarchs, esp. Abraham; for the same reason it was respected by the Crusaders who called it Castellum ad Sanctum Abraham. In 110") it became the sec of a Lat bishop, but 20 years later it fell to the vic torious arms of Saladin, and it, has ever since re mained a fanatic Moslem center, although regarded as a holy city, alike by Moslem, Jew and Christian.

    ‘. The Ancient Site. Modern Hebron is a straggling town clustered round the Ilaram or sacred enclosure built above the traditional cave of MACHPELAH (q.v.); it is this sacred spot which has determined the present position of the town all through the Christian era, but it is quite evident that an exposed and indefensible situation, running along a valley, like this, could not have been that of earlier and less settled times. From many of the pilgrim narratives, we can gather that for long there had been a tradition that the original site was some distance from the modern town, and, as analogy might suggest, upon a hill. There can be little doubt that the site of the Hebron of OT history is a lofty, olive-covered hill, lying to the W. of the

    present town, known as cr /{muddy. Upon its summit are cyclopian walls and other traces of an cient, occupation. In the midst are the ruins of a mediaeval building known as Der d-Arhu iti., the; "monastery of the forty" (martyrs) about whom the Hebronites have an interesting folklore tale. In the building are shown the so-called tombs of Jesse and Ruth. Near the foot of the hill are several fine old tombs, while to the N. is a large and very ancient Jewish cemetery, the graves of which are each covered with a massive monolith, 5 and 6 ft. long. At the eastern foot of the hill is a perennial spring, Min d Judddch; the water rises in a vault, roofed by masonry and reached by stops. The environs of this hill are full of folklore associa tions; the summit would well repay a thorough excavation.

    A mile or more to the N.W. of Hebron is the famous oak of MAM RE (q.v.), or "Abraham s oak," near which the Russians have erected a hospice. It is a fine specimen of the Holm oak (Quercus cord f era), but is gradually dying. The present site appears to have been pointed out as that of Abra ham s tent since the 12th cent.; the earlier tradi tional site was at Ramct d Khalil. See MAMRE.

    ‘. Modern Hebron. Modern Hebron is a city of some 20,000 inhabitants, 85 per cent of whom are Moslems and the remainder mostly Jews. The city is divided into seven quarters, one of which is known as that of the "glass blowers" aiid another as that of the "water-skin makers." These in dustries, with the manufacture of pottery, are the main sources of trade. The most conspicuous building is the liar am (see MACHPELAH). In the town are two large open reservoirs the Birkd d Kdxya.nn, the "pool of the glass blowers" and Birket es Knltan, "the pool of the Sultan." This latter, which is the larger, is by tradition the site of the execution of the murderers of Ishbosheth (2 S 4 12). The Moslem inhabitants are noted for their fanatical oxclusivoness and conservatism, but, this has boon greatly modified in recent years through the patient and beneficent work of Dr. Patorson, of the I". V. Ch. of S. Med. Mission. The Jews, who number about 1,500, are mostly confined to a special ghetto; they have four synagogues, twoSophardicand two Ashkenazic; they are a poor and unprogressive community.

    Tor Hebron (Josh 19 28) see Eimox.

    E. W. (i. MASTKHMA.V

    HEBRON (""On, hcbhrdn, "league," "associa tion") :

    (1) The third son of Kohath, son of Levi (Ex 6 18; Nu 3 19.27; 1 Ch 6 2. IS; 23 12.19).

    (2) A son of Maroshah and descendant of Caleb (1 Ch 2 42.43). See also KOHAH.

    HEBRONITES, he brun-its hcbhrotn): A family of Levites, descendants of Hebron, third son of Kohath (Nu 3 27; 26 5S, etc).

    HEDGE, hej:

    (1) rOvCE, in e $ukhah, "a thorn hedge," only in Mic 7 4; rCTTp , in r *ukl;ah, "a hedge" (Isa 5 5); p"n riDtep , m sukhath hadhek, "a hedge of thorns" (Prov 15" 19).

    (2) "l"tt , gadhcr, and rn"3 , g dherah, tr d "hedges" in RV only in Ps 89 40, elsewhere "fence." GED- ERAH (q.v.) in RVm is tr d "hedges" (1 Ch 4 23).

    (3) PS*-, na aquq, "thorn-hedges" (Isa 7 19).

    (4) (ppay/jids, phragmos, tr d "hedge" (Mt 21 33; Mk 12 1; Lk 14 23); "partition" in Eph 2 14, which is its literal meaning. In the LXX it is the usual equivalent of the above Heb words.



    Letter "H"

    Loose stone walls without mortar are the usual "fences" around fields in Pal, and this i.s what cjailher and g dhcrnh, signify in most passage s. Hedges made of cut thorn branches or thorny bushes are very common in the plains and partic ularly in the Jordan valley.


    HEDGEHOG, . hcj hog (LXX e x ivos, ccMnos, "hedgehog," for ~2p , kippodh, in Isa 14 23; 34 11; Zcph 2 14, and for TlEp , kippoz, in Isa 34 15). See PORCUPINE; BITTEKN; OWL; SERPENT.

    HEED, lied: This word, in the sense of giving careful attention ("take heed," "give heed," etc), represents several Ileb and Gr words; chief among them "T2TC , shamnr, "to watch"; /SX^w, blepo, "to look," 6pdu, hordo, "to see." As opposed to thoughtlessness, disregard of (Jod s words, of the counsels of wisdom, of care for one s ways, it is constantly inculcated as a duty of supreme impor tance in the moral and spiritual life (Dt 4 9.15.23; 27 9 AV, etc; Josh 22 5; 23 1 1 ; Ps 39 1 ; Mt 16 6; Mk 4 24; 13 33; Lk 12 15; 1 Cor 3 10; 8 9; 10 12; Col 4 17, etc). JAMES Ouu

    HEEL, hel pp.", ‘‘lkcbh): "The iniquity of my heels" (Ps 49 5 AV) is a literal tr, and might be understood to indicate the Psalmist s "false steps," errors or sins, but that meaning is very doubtful here. RV gives "iniquity at my heels." UVm gives a still better sense, "When the iniquity of them that would supplant me compasseth me about, even of them that trust in .... riches" treach erous enemies ever on the watch to trip up a man s heels (cf Hos 12 3). Of Judah it was said, "Thy heels [shall] suffer violence" (Jer 13 22) through being "made bare" (AV), and thus subject to the roughness of the road as she was led captive.

    Figurative: (1) Of the partial victory of the evil power over humanity, "Thou shalt bruise [in "lie in wait for"] his heel" (Gen 3 15), through constant, insidious suggestion of the satisfaction of the lower desires. Or if we regard this statement as a part of the Protevangelium, the earliest proclamation of Christ s final and complete victory over sin, the destruction of "the serpent" ("He shall bruise thy head"), then the reference is evidently to Christ s sufferings and death, even to all that He endured in His human nature. (2) Of the stealthy tactics of the tribe of Dan in war, "An adder in the path, that biteth the horse s heels" (Gen 49 17), by which it triumphed over foes of superior strength. (3) Of violence and brutality, "Who .... hath lifted up his heel against me" (Ps 41 9; Jn 13 18), i.e. lifted up his foot to trample upon me (cf Josh 10 24). M. O. EVANS

    HEGAI, he ga-I, HEGE, he ge pj>n , hcyhni/; Tat, Gai [Est 2 8.15], and K 3H , hcghe , Hege [Est 2 3]): One of the officers of the Pers king Ahasuerus; a chamberlain or eunuch (keeper of women), into whose custody the "fair young virgins" were de livered from whom the king intended to choose his queen in the place of the discredited Vashti.

    HEGEMONIDES, heg-e-mon i-dez, hej-e-mO-nl - dez ( H-y(iovi8T]s, II cgc nwnidcs) : The Syrian officer placed in command of the district extending from Ptolemai s to the Gerrenians (2 Mace 13 24). It is not easy to see how in AV and even in Swete s revised text the word can be taken as a mere appel lative along with strategon, the two being rendered "principal officer": one of the two could certainly be omitted (Swete, 3d ed, 1905, capitalizes Ilcge- tnonides). In IIV the word is taken as the name of some person otherwise unknown.

    HEIFER, hef er (fPE , pardh, in Nu 19 [see fol lowing art.] and Hos 4 Hi; n~">y , *cghl<ih, elsewhere in the OT; Sa^oAis, dthnuUs, in lie 9 13): For the "heifer of three years old" in AV, RVm of Isa 16 5; Jer 48 34, see EGLATH-SHELISHIYAH. A young cow (contrast BULLOCK). The ‘‘ <jldah figures specifically in religious rites only in the ceremony of Dt 21 1-9 for the cleansing of the land, where an unexpiated murder had been committed. This was not a sacrificial rite the priests {ire witnesses only, and the animal was slain by breaking the neck but sacrificial purity was required for the heifer. Indeed, it is commonly supposed that the rite as it now stands is a rededication of one thai formerly had been sacrificial. In the sacrifices proper the heifer could be used for a peace offering (Lev 3 1), but was forbidden for the burnt (Lev 1 3) or sin (4 3.14) offerings. Hence the sacrifice of 1 S 16 2 was a peace offering. In Gen 15 9 the ceremony of the ratification of the covenant by God makes use of a heifer and a she-goat, but the reason for the use of the females is altogether obscure. Cf following article.

    Figuratively: The heifer appears as representing sleekness combined with helplessness in Jer 46 20 (cf the comparison of the soldiers to stalled calves in the next verse). In Jer 60 11; Hos 10 11, the heifer is pictured as engaged in threshing. This was particularly light work, coupled with unusually abundant food (Dt 25 4), so that the threshing heifer served esp. well for a picture of contentment. ("Wanton" in Jer 60 11, however, is an unfortunate tr in RV.) Hosea, in contrast, predicts that the "heifers" shall be set to the hard work of ploughing and breaking the sods. In Jgs 14 18, Samson uses "heifer" in his riddle to refer to his wife. This, however, was not meant to con vey the impression of licentiousness that it gives the modern reader. BURTON SCOTT EASTON

    HEIFER, RED. In Nu 19 a rite is described in which the ashes of a "red heifer" and of certain objects are mixed with running water to obtain the so-called "water for impurity." (Such is the cor rect tr of ARV in Nu 19; 31 23. In these passages, AV and ERV, through a misunder standing of a rather difficult Ileb term, have "water of separation"; LXX and the Vulg have "water of sprinkling." ERVm, "water of impurity," is right, but ambiguous.) This water was employed in the removal of the uncleanness of a person or thing that had been in contact with a dead body, and also in removing ritual defilement from booty taken in war.

    The general origin of the rite is clear enough, as is the fact that this origin lies back of the official sacrificial system of Israel. For the 1. Origin removal of impurity, ritual as well as and Sig- physical, water, preferably running nificance of water (ver 17; cf Lev 14 5 ff ; 15 13), the Rite is the natural means, and is employed universally. But where the impurity was unusually great, mere water was not felt to be adequate, and various substances were mixed with it in order to increase its efficacy. So (among other things) blood is used in Lev 14 6.7, and dust in Nu 5 17 (see WATER OF BITTERNESS). The use, however, of ashes in Nu 19 17 is unique in the OT, although parallels from elsewhere can be adduced. So e.g. in Ovid Fasti, iv. 039-40, 725, 733, in the last of these references, "The blood of a horse shall be a purification, and the ashes of calves," is remark ably close to the OT. The ashes were obtained by burning the heifer completely, "her skin, and her flesh, and her blood, with her dung" (the con tents of the entrails) (ver 5; cf Ex 29 14). Here



    Letter "H"

    only in the OT is blood burned for a ceremonial purpose, and here only is burning a preliminary; elsewhere it is either a chief act or serves to con sume the remnants of a finished sacrifice Lev 4 12 and Nu 19 3 are altogether different.

    The heifer is a female. For the regular sin offer ing for the congregation, only the male was per mitted (Lev 4 14), but the female was used in the purificatory ceremony of Dt 21 3 (a rite that has several points of similarity to that of Nu 19). An individual sin offering by one of the common people, however, required a female (Lev 4 2S), but prob ably only in order to give greater prominence to the more solemn sacrifices for which the male was reserved. A female is required again in the cases enumerated in Lev 6 1-6, most of which are ritual defilements needing purification; a female was required at the purification of a leper (in addition to two males, Lev 14 10), and a female, with one male, was offered when a Na/irite terminated his vows (Nu 6 1 1). Home connection between puri fication and the sacrifice of a female may be estab lished by this list , for even in the case of the Nazirite the idea may be removal of the state of consecration. But the reason for such a connection is anything but obvious, and the various explanations that have been offered are hardly more than guesses. The most likely is that purificatory rites originated in a very primitive stage when the female was thought to be the more sacred animal on account of its great er usefulness. Of the other requirements for the heifer she must be "red," i.e. reddish brown (Nu 19 2). Likeness in color to blood is at first sight the most natural explanation, but likeness in color to ripe grain is almost equally plausible. It may be noted that certain Egyp sacrifices also required red cattle as victims (Plutarch, DC Isid. 31). The heifer is to be "without spot" ("faultless"), "wherein is no blemish," the ordinary requirement for sacrifices. (The Jewish exegetes misread this "perfectly red, wherein is no blemish," with extraordinary results; see below.) But an advance; on sacrificial require ments is that she shall be one "upon which never came yoke." This requirement is found elsewhere only ill Dt 21 3 and in 1 S 6 7 (that the animals in this hist case were finally sacrificed is, however, not in point). But in other religions this require ment was very common (cf Iliad x.293; Vergil, Georg. ‘‘v. 550-51 , Ovid, Fasti iv.33&).

    While the heifer was being burned, "cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet" (i.e. scarlet wool or thread) were cast into the flames. The same 2. Use of combination of objects (although dif- Cedar and ferently employed) is found at the Hyssop cleansing of a leper (Lev 14 4), but

    their meaning is entirely unknown. The explanations offered are almost countless. It is quite clear that hyssop was esp. prized in purifi cations (Ps 61 7), but the use of hyssop as a sprinkler and the use of ashes of hyssop may be quite unrelated. Hyssop and cedar were supposed to have medicinal properties (see CEDAR; HYSSOI-). Or the point may be the use of aromatic woods. For a mixture of cedar and other substances in water as a purificatory medium cf Fossey, Mat/ie Aftfii/riciine, 2Sf>. The scarlet wool offers still greater difficulties, apart from the color, but it may be noted that scarlet wool plays a part in some of the Hab con jurat ions (.i.w/r. Hihl., XII, 31). But, obviously, none of this leads very far and it may all be in the wrong direction. All that can be said definitely is that Lev 14 4 and Nu 19 6 show that the com bination of objects was deemed to have a high purificatory value.

    The ashes, when obtained, were used in removing the greatest of impurities. Consequently, they themselves were deemed to have an extraordinarily

    "consecrated" character, and they were not to be handled carelessly. Their consecration ex tended to the rite by which they were

    3. Applica- produced, so that every person en- tion and gaged in it was rendered unclean (Nu Sacredness 19 7.S.10), an excellent example of of the Ashes how in primitive religious thought the

    ideas of "holiness" and "uncleanness" blend. It was necessary to perform the whole ceremony "without the camp" (ver 3), and the ashes, when prepared, were also kept without the camp (ver 9), probably in order to guard against their touch defiling anyone (as well as to keep them from being defiled). When used they were mixed with running water, and the mixture was sprinkled wit h hyssop on the person or object to be cleansed (vs 17-19). The same water was used to purify booty (31 23), and it may also be meant by the "water of expiation" in 8 7.

    In addition to the similarities already pointed out

    between Nu 19 and Dt 21 1-9, the rites resemble

    each other also in the fact that, in both,

    4. Of Non- laymen are the chief functionaries Priestly and and that the priests have little to do Non-Israel- (in Dt 21 1-9 they are mere passive itish Origin witnesses). This suggests a non- priestly origin. The title "sin-offering"

    in Nu 19 9.17 (unless used in a unique sense) points to an original sacrificial meaning, although in Nu 19 the heifer is carefully kept away from the altar. Again, the correspondences with rites in other religions indicate a non-Israelitish origin. Such a ceremony may ‘‘vell have passed among the Israel- it es and have become prized by them. It contained nothing objectionable and seemed to have much of deep worth, and a few slight additions chiefly the sprinkling (ver 4; cf Lev 4 6.17) made it fit for adoption into the highest system. Some older features may have been eliminated also, but as to this, of course, there is no information. But, in any case, the, ceremony is formed of separate rites that are exceedingly old and that are found in a great diversity of religions, so that any elaborate symbolic interpretation of the details would seem to be without justification. The same result can be reached by comparing the countless symbolic interpretations that have been attempted in the past, for they differ hopelessly. As a matter of fact, the immense advance that has been gained in the understanding of the meaning of the OT rites through the comparative study of religions has shown the futility of much that has been written on symbolism. That a certain rite is widely prac tised may merely mean that it rests on a true in stinct. To be sure, the symbolism of the future will be written on broader lines and will be less pretentious in its claims, but for these very reasons it will rest on a more solid basis. At present, however, the chief task is the collection of material and its correct historical interpretation.

    The later history of the rite is altogether obscure. As no provision was made in Nu 19 for sending the ashes to different points, the purifi- 6. Obscur- cation could have been practised only ity of Later by those living near the sanctuary. History Rabbinical casuistry still further com plicated matters by providing that two black or white hairs from the same follicle would disqualify the heifer (see above), and that one on whom even a cloth had been laid could not be used. In consequence, it became virtually or altogether impossible to secure a proper animal, and the Mishnic statement that only nine had ever been found (Parah, iii.5) probably means that the rite had been obsolete long before NT times. Still, the existence of the tractate, Parah, and the men-



    Letter "H"

    tion in He 9 13 show that the provisions were well remembered. See also SACRIFICE.

    LITERATURE. Baentsch (1903), Holzinger (1903). and (especially) Grey (1903) on Nu; Kennedy in HDB; Edersheim, Temple and Ministry, ch xviii (rabbinic tra ditions. Edersheim gives the best of the "typological" explanations).


    HEIGHT, hit, HEIGHTS: The Eng. terms repre sent a large number of Heb words (gobhah, mar o in, komah, rum, etc). A chief thing to notice is that in RV "height" and "heights" are frequently sub stituted for other words in AV, as "coast" (Josh

    12 23), "region" (1 K 4 11), "borders" (Josh 11 2), "countries" (Josh 17 11), "strength" (Ps 95 4), "high places" (Isa 41 18; Jer 3 2.21; 7 29; 12 12; 14 6), "high palaces" (Ps 78 69). On the other hand, for "height" in AV, RV has "stature" (Ezk 31 5.10), "raised basement" (Ezk 41 8), etc. In the NT we have hupsoma, prop, of space (Rom 8 39), and hupsos of measure (Eph 3 IS; Rev 21 16). JAMES ORR

    HEIR, ar: In the NT "heir" is the invariable tr

    of KX^povofios, kleronomos (15 t), the technical

    equivalent in Or, and of the com-

    1. The pound o-wKX^povonos, sunklerotiomos, Word "coheir," in Rom 8 17; Eph 3 6; He "Heir" 11 9; 1 Pet 3 7 (in Gal 4 30; He 1

    14, contrast AV and RV). In the OT "heir" and "to be heir" both represent some form of the common vb. TZJT 1 , ydrash, "possess," and the particular rendition of the vb. as "to be heir" is given only by the context (cf e.g. AV and RV in Jcr 49 2; Mic 1 15). Exactly the same is true of the words tr d "inherit," "inheritance," which in by far the great majority of cases would have been repre sented better by "possess," "possession" (see IN HERITANCE and OIIL on 5111). Consequently, when God is said, for instance, to have given Pales tine to Israel as an inheritance (Ley 520 24, etc), nothing more need be meant than given as a pos session. The LXX, however, for the sake of variety in its rendition of Heb words, used Idero- nomeo in many such cases (esp. Gen 16 7.8; 22 17), and thereby fixed on heir the sense of recipient of a gift from God. And so the word passed in this sense into NT Gr Rom 4 13.14; Gal 3 29; Tit 37; He 6 17; 11 7; Jas 2 5; cf Eph 3 6; He 11 9; 1 Pet 3 7. On the other hand, the literal meaning of the word is found in Mk 12 7 (and j s) and Gal 4 1 in the latter case being suggested by the transferred meaning in 3 29 while in Rom 8 17; Gal 4 7, the literal and transferred meanings are blended. This blending has produced the phrase "heirs of God," which, literally, is meaning less and which doubtless was formed without much deliberation, although it is perfectly clear. A similar blending has applied "heir" to Christ in He 1 2 (cf Rom 8 17 and perhaps Mk 12 7) as the recipient of all things in their totality. But apart from these "blended" passages, it would be a mistake to think that sonship is always consciously thought of where "heir" is mentioned, and hence too much theological implication should not be assigned the latter word.

    The heirs of property in the OT were normally

    the sons and, chief among these, the firstborn.

    (1) Dt 21 15-17 provides that the

    2. Heir in firstborn shall inherit a "double por- OT Law tion," whence it would appear that

    all the other sons shared equally. (It should be noted that in this law the firstborn is the eldest son of the father, not of the mother as in Ex

    13 2.) Uncertain, however, is what Dt 21 15-17 means by "wife," and the practice must have varied. In Gen 21 10 the son of the handmaid

    was not to be heir with Isaac, but in Gen 30 1-13 the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah are reckoned as legiti mate children of Jacob. See MARRIAGE. Nor is it clear that Dt 21 15-17 forbids setting aside the eldest son because of his own sin cf the case of Reuben (Gen 49 3.4; 1 Ch 5 1), although the son of a regular wife (Gen 29 32). The very existence of Dt 21 15-17, moreover, shows that in spite of the absence of formal wills, a man could control to some extent the disposition of his property after his death and that the right of the firstborn could be set aside by the father (1 Ch 26 10). That the royal dignity went by primogeniture is asserted only (in a particular case) in 2 Ch 21 3, and both David (1 K 1 11-13) and Rehoboam (2 Ch 11 21-23) chose younger sons as their successors. A single payment in the father s lifetime could be given in lieu of heritage (Gen 25 6; Lk 15 12), and it was possible for two brothers to make a bar gain as to the disposition of the property after the father s death (Gen 25 31-34).

    (2) When there were sons alive, the daughters had no right of inheritance, and married daughl ers had no such right in any case. (Job 42 15 de scribes an altogether exceptional procedure.) Prob ably unmarried daughters passed under the charge of the firstborn, as the new head of the family, and he took the responsibility of finding them husbands. Nu 27 1-11; 36 1-12 treat of the case where there were no sons the daughters inherited the estate, but they could marry only within the tribe, lest the tribal possessions be confused. This right of the daughters, however, is definitely stated to be a new thing, and in earlier times the property prob ably passed to the nearest male relatives, to whom it went in later times if there were no daughters. In extreme cases, where no other heirs could be found, the property went to the slaves (Gen 15 3; Prov 30 23, noting that the meaning of the latter ver is uncertain), but this could have happened only at the rarest intervals. A curious instance is that of 1 Ch 2 34.35, where property is pre served in the family by marrying the daughter to an Egyp slave belonging to the father; perhaps some adoption-idea underlies this.

    (3) The wife had no claim on the inheritance, though the disposition made of her dowry is not explained, and it may have been returned to her. If she was childless she resorted to the Levirate marriage (Dt 25 5-10). If this was impracti cable or was without issue she returned to her own family and might marry another husband (Gen 38 11; Lev 22 13; Ruth 1 8). The inferior wives (concubines) were part of the estate and went to the heir; indeed, possession of the father s con cubines was proof of possession of his dignities (2 S 16 21.22; 1 K 2 13-25). At least, such was the custom in the time of David and Solo mon, but at a later period nothing is heard of the practice.

    (4) The disposition of land is a very obscure ques tion. Nu 36 4 states explicitly that each heir had a share, but the continual splitting up of an estate through successive generations would have pro duced an impossible state of affairs. Possibly the land went to the eldest born as part of his portion, possibly in some cases it was held in common by the members of the family, possibly some member bought the shares of the others, possibly the prac tice differed at different times. But our ignorance of the facts is complete.

    NOTE. The dates assigned by different scholars to the passages cited have an important bearing on the dis cussion.


    HELAH, he lil (HJjpn , hd ah) : A wife of Ashhur, father of Tekoa (1 Ch 4 5.7).



    Letter "H"

    HELAM, he lam (C^TI , hclam, 2 S 10 16 f; in ver 17 with n locale; LXX Ai’’d(i, Haildm): A place near which David is said to have defeated the Aramaean world under Hadarezer (2 S 10 10 ff). Its site is unknown. Cornill and others introduce it into the text of Ezk 47 1C from the LXX ( IIX(d/x, JIf lidm). This would place it between the territories of Damascus and Hainath, which is not unreason able. Some scholars identify it with Aleppo, which seems too far north.

    HELBAH, hel ba (n257J , hdbah): A place in the territory assigned to Asher (Jgs 1 31). It may be identical with Mahalliba of Sennacherib s prism inscription. The site, however, has not been recovered.

    HELBON, hel bon Ci^vH, hrlbon; XeXpciv, Chdbun, Xeppwv, C/ichriin): A district from which Tyre received supplies of wine through the Damas cus market (Ezk 27 IS); universally admitted to be the modern Ihilliiut, a village at the head of a fruitful valley of the same name among the chalk slopes on the eastern side of Anti-Lebanon, 13 miles N.N.W of Damascus, where traces of ancient vine yard terracing still exist. Records contemporary with Ezk mention mat hdbnnim or the land of Hel- bon, whence Nebuchadnezzar received wine for sacrificial purposes (Belinno Cylinder, 1, 23), while karan hulbunu, or Ilelbonian wine, is named in WAI, II, "11. Strabo (xv.735) also tells that the kings of Persia esteemed it highly. The district, is st ill famous for its grapes the best in the country but these" are mostly made into raisins, since t IK; population is now Moslem. Ilelbon must not be confounded with Chalybon (Ptol. v.15, 17), the Gr-Roin province of Haleb or Aleppo.

    ‘‘ . M. CHRISTIE

    HELCHIAH, hel-kl a. See HKI.KIAS.

    HELDAI, hel dn-I ("T:7! , Ijd hnj} :

    (1) A ca])tain of the temple-service, appointed for the 12th month (1 Ch 27 15). Same as Heled (1511, hi-Mli) in 11 list (cf 1 Ch 11 30), and is probably also to be identified with Ileleb, son of Baanah the Metophathite, one of David s heroic leaders (2 S 23 2<>j.

    (2) One of a compa.iy of Jews who brought gifts of gold and silver from Babylon to assist the exiles under Zerubbabel (Zee 6 10).

    HELEB, he leb (2571, hchbh, 2 S 23 20). See HELDAI.

    HELED, hn led (tbn , hrlnlh, 1 Cli 11 30; . Sec HELDAI.

    HELEK, h.- lck (!f5n, hrlckh): Son of Clilead the Manassite (Xu 26 30; Josh 17 2). Patronymic, Helekites (Nu 26 30).

    HELEM, he lem:

    (1) 25n, hclcm; LXX B, BaXaajj., Balaam, omitting son," A, vios EXd^, hiiios Eltim, "son of Elam" (1 Ch 7 35). A great-grandson of Asher, called Hot ham in ver 32. The form "Elam" ap pears as the name of a Levite in 1 Esd 8 33.

    (2) C57I, hclcm, "strength," regarded by LXX as a common noun (Zee 6 14). One of the ambas sadors from the Jews of the exile to Jems; probably the person called Heldai in ver 10 is meant.

    HELEPH, he lef (S57I , hdcph): A place on the southern border of Naphtali (Josh 19 33); un identified.

    HELEZ, he lez (fSn, helcf, "vigor"; LXX St XX^s, tfcllcs, Xt XXr]s, CMlles) :

    (1) 2 S 23 20; 1 Ch 11 27; 27 10. One of David s mighty men; according to 1 Ch 27 10, he belonged to the sons of Ephraim and was at the head of the 7th course; in David s organization of the kingdom.

    (2) LXX Chellc*, 1 Ch 2 39. A man of Judah of the clan of the Jerahmeelites.

    HELI, he ll ( HXeC, Ifclei for ^57 , *ell) :

    (1) The father of Joseph, the husband of Mary, in St. Luke s account of the genealogy of Jesus (Lk 3 23).

    (2) An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esd 1 2).

    HELIODORUS, he-li-6-do rus ( HXioSwpos, llcli- odoros) : Treasurer of the Syrian king Seleucus IV, Philopator (187-175 BC), the immediate prede cessor of Antiochus Epiphanes who carried out to its utmost extremity the Helleni/ing policy begun by Seleucus and the "sons of Tobias." Greatly in want of money to pay the tribute due to the Ro- . mans as one of the results of the victory of Scipio over Antiochus the Great at Magnesia (190 BC), Seleucus learned from Apolkmius, governor of Code-Syria (Pal) and Phoenicia, of the wealth which was reported to be stored up in the Temple at Jems and commissioned IT. (2 Mace 3) to plunder the temple and to bring its contents to him. On the wealth collected in the Temple at this time, Jos (Ant, IV, vii, 2) may be consulted. The Temple seems to have served the purposes of a bank in which the private deposits of widows and orphans were kept for greater security, and in 2 Mace 3 15-21 is narrated the panic, at Jerus which took place when II. came with an armed guard to seize the contents of the Temple (see Stanley, Lninrcn on tlie History of the Jcirish Church, III, 287). In spite of the protest of Onias, the high priest, II. was proceeding to carry out his com mission when, "through the Lord of Spirits and the Prince of all power," a great apparition appeared which caused him to fall down "compassed with great darkness" and speechless. "When "quite at the last gasp" he was by the intercession of Onias restored to life and strength and "testified to all men the works of the great God which he had be held with his eyes." The narrative given in 2 Mace 3 is not mentioned by any other historian, though 1 Mace refers to the plundering of the Temple and assigns the deed to Apollonius. Raf faelle used the incident in depicting, on the walls of the Vatican, the triumph of Pope Julius II over the enemies of the Pontificate. J. HUTCHISON

    HELIOPOLIS, he-li-op 6-lis. See ON.

    HELKAI, hel ka-I, hel kl, hoi-kill C l p T "n , hdkay, perhaps an abbreviation for Helkiah, "Jeh is my portion." Not in LXX B; LXX L, XeX/c^as, Chdkias [Neb. 12 15]): The head of a priestly house in the days of Joiakim.

    HELKATH, hel kath ( , hdkath [Josh 19 25]; hdkath [21 31]; by a scribal error hukok [1 Ch 6 75]): A town or district on the border of Asher, assigned to the Levites; unidentified.

    HELKATH-HAZZURIM,hel kath-haz fi-rim, -ha-zu rim (2"HTSn rip^n , hdkath ha-gurlm; Mepls T<OV empovXuiv, Mcris ton epiboulon) . The name as it stands means "field of the sword edges," and is applied to the scene of the conflict in which twelve champions each from the army of Joab and that of Abner perished together, each slaying his



    Letter "H"

    fellow (2 S 2 16). Some, following LXX, would read D HSZH ri^bn , hdkath ha-$ddhim, "field of the crafty, "i.e. "of the ambush." Thenius suggested 2"H!n n , hdkath ha-qarlm, "field of the adver saries" (see also H. P. Smith, ICC, "Samuel," 271). Probably, however, the text as it stands is correct.

    W. EWING

    HELKIAS, hel-ki as (TPpbn , hilklyah; Xe’’K(a S , Chdkias; AV Chelcias) :

    (1) Father of Susanna (Sus vs 2.29.63). Accord ing to tradition he was brother of Jeremiah, and he is identified with the priest who found the Book of the Law in the time of Josiah (2 K 22 8).

    (2) Ancestor of Baruch (Bar 1 1).

    (3) Father of Joiakim the high priest (Bar 1 7). The name represents HILKIAH (q.v.).

    HELL, hel (see SHEOL; HADES; GEHENNA): The

    Eng. word, from a Teutonic root meaning "to hide"

    or "cover," had originally the signifi-

    1. The cance of the world of the dead gen- Word in AV erally, and in this sense is used by

    Chaucer, Spenser, etc, and in the Creed ("He descended into hell"); cf EKV Preface. Now the word has come to mean almost exclusively the place of punishment of the lost or finally impeni tent; the place of torment of the wicked. In AV of the Scriptures, it is the rendering adopted in many places in the OT for the Heb word sh e ol (in 31 out of 65 occurrences of that word it is so tr 1 ), and in all places, save one (1 Cor 15 55) in the NT, for the Or word Hades (this word occurs lit; in 10 of these it is tr d "hell"; 1 Cor 15 55 reads "grave," with "hell" in m). In these cases the word has its older general meaning, though in Lk 16 23 (parable of Rich Man and Lazarus) it is specially connected with a place of "torment," in contrast with the "Abraham s bosom" to which Lazarus is taken (ver 22).

    In the above cases RV has introduced changes, replacing "hell" by "Sheol" in the passages in the

    OT (ERV retains "hell" in Isa 14

    2. The 9.15; ARV makes no exception), anil Word in RV by "Hades" in the passages in the NT

    (see under these words).

    Besides the above uses, and more in accordance

    with the modern meaning, the word "hell" is used

    in the NT in AV as the equivalent of

    3. Gehenna Gehenna (12 1; Mt 5 22.29; 10 28,

    etc). RV in these cases puts "Ge henna" in m. Originally the Valley of Hinnorn, near Jerus, Gehenna became among the Jews the synonym for the place of torment in the future life (the "Gehenna of fire," Mt 5 22, etc; see GE HENNA).

    In yet one other passage in the NT (2 Pet 2 4), "to cast down to hell" is used (AV and RV) to rep resent the Gr tartaroo, ("to send into

    4. Tartarus Tartarus"). Here it stands for the

    place of punishment of the fallen angels: "spared not angels when they sinned, but cast them down to hell, and committed them to pits [or chains] of darkness" (cf Jude ver 6; but also Kit 25 41). Similar ideas are found in certain of the Jewish apocalyptic books (Book of En, Book of Jub, Apoc Bar, with apparent reference to Gen 6


    On the theological aspect, see PUNISHMENT, EVERLASTING. For literature, see references in above-named arts., and cf art. "Hell" by Dr. D. S. Salmond in HDB. JAMES OKK

    HELLENISM, hel en-iz m, HELLENIST, hel en- ist : Hellenism is the name we give to the manifold achievements of the Greeks in social and political institutions, in the various arts, in science and phi

    losophy, in morals and religion. It is customary to distinguish two main periods, between which stands the striking figure of Alexander the Great, and to apply to the earlier period the adj . "Hellenic," that of "Hellenistic" to the latter. While there is abundant reason for making this distinction, it must not be considered as resting upon fortuitous changes occasioned by foreign influences. The Hellenistic age is rather the sudden unfolding of a flower whose bud was forming and maturing for centuries.

    Before the coming of the Hellenic peoples into what we now call Greece, there existed in those

    lands a flourishing civilization to 1. The Ex- which we may give the name "Aegean." pansion of The explorations of archaeologists the Greek during the last few decades have Peoples brought it to light in many places

    on the continent, as well as on the islands of the Aegean and notably in Crete. When the Hellenic peoples came, it was not as a united nation, nor even as homogeneous tribes of a com mon race; though without doubt predominantly of kindred origin, it was the common possession of an Aryan speech and of similar customs and reli gion that marked them off from the peoples among whom they settled. When their southward move ment from Illyria occurred, and by what causes it was brought about, we do not know; but it can hardly have long antedated the continuance of this migration which led to the settlement of the coast districts of Asia Minor and the islands of the Aegean from about the 13th to the 10th cents. BC. In the colonization of these new territories the Hel lenic peoples became conscious of their kinship, partly because the several colonies received con tingents from various regions of the motherland, partly because they were in common brought into striking contrast to the alien "Barbarians" who spoke other unintelligible languages. As the older communities on the mainland and on the islands began to flourish, they felt the need, arising from various causes, for further colonization. Among these causes we may mention the poverty of the soil in Greece proper, the restricting pressure of the strong tribes of Asia Minor who prevented expan sion inland, a growing disaffection with the aristo cratic regime in almost all Gr states and with the operation of the law of primogeniture in land tenure, and lastly the combined lure of adventure and the prospect of trade. Thus it came about that in the 8th and 7th cents. BC, two great movements of colonial expansion set in, one toward the Hellespont and to the shores of the Pontus, or Black Sea, beyond, the other westward toward Southern Italy, Sicily, and beyond as far as Gades in Spain. To the 7th cent, belongs also the colonization of Nau- cratis in Egypt and of Cyrene in Libya. Then followed a period of relative inactivity during the 5th cent., which was marked by the desperate con flict of the Greeks with Persia in the E. and with Carthage in the W., succeeded by even more dis astrous conflicts among themselves. With the enforced internal peace imposed by Macedonia came the resumption of colonial and military expan sion in a measure before undreamed of. In a ew years the empire of Alexander embraced Thrace, Asia Minor, Egypt, and Asia eastward beyond the Indus. The easternmost regions soon fell away, but Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt long continued under Gr rule, until Rome in the 1st cent. BC made good her claims to sovereignty in those lands.

    Throughout this course of development and ex pansion we speak of the people as Greeks, although it is evident that even such racial homogeneity as they may have had on coming into Greece must have been greatly modified by the absorption of



    Letter "H"

    conquered peoples. But the strong individuality of the Hellenic population manifested itself every where; in its civilization. In the evolu- 2. The tion from the Homeric kingship (sup-

    Hellenic ported by the nobles in council, from State which the commonalty was excluded, or

    where it- was supposed at most- 1 o express assent or dissent to proposals laid before it) through oligarchic or aristocratic rule and the usurped authority of the tyrants, to the establishment of democratic, government, there is nothing surprising to the man of today. That is because Gr civiliza tion has become typical of all western civilization. In the earlier stages of this process, moreover, then; is nothing strikingly at variance with the insti tutions of the Hebrews, at least so far as concerns the outward forms. But there existed throughout a subtle difference of spirit which made it possible, even inevitable, for the Greeks to attain to demo cratic institutions, whereas to the Hebrews such a development was impossible, if not. unthinkable. It is difficult to define this spirit, but one may say that it was marked from the first by an inclination to permit the free; development and expression e>f individuality subordinated to the common good; by a corresponding recognit ion of human limitations oveT against, one s fellow-man as over against Deity; by an instinctive dread of e xcess as inhuman and provoking the just punishment of the gods; and lastly by a sane refusal to take oneself too seriously, displaying itself in a certain good-humored irony even among men who, like* Socrates and Epicurus, regarded themselves as charged with a, sublime mission, in striking contrast with the Heb prophets who voiced the thunders of Sinai, but never by any chance smiled at their own earnestness. Even the Macedonians did not attempt to rule Greece with despotic sway, leaving the states in general in the; enjoyment of their liberties; and in the Orient, Alexander and his successors, Rom as well as Gr, secured their power and extended civilization by the; foundation and encemragement of Hellenic cities in extraordinary numbers. The city-state, e>ft;>n confederated with other city-states, displaced the organization of tribe or clan, thus substituting a new unit and a new interest for the old; and the centers thus created radiated Hellenic; influence and made for order and good government every where. But in accordance with the new conditions the state took on a somewhat different form. While the city preserved local autonomy, the state became monarchical; and the oriental deification of the king reinforced by the Hellenic tendency to deify the benefactors of mankind, eventuated in modes of speech and thought which powerfully influenced the Me’’ssianic hopes of the Jews.

    The life of the Greeks, essentially urban and dominated by political interests fostered in states in which the individual count eel for ?i. Hellenic much, was of a type wholly different Life from the oriental. Although the fic

    tion of consanguinity was cultivated by the Hellenic city-state as by the Sem tribe, it was more transparent in the former, particularly in the ne wer communities former! in historical times. There was thus a powerful stimulus to mutual tol erance and concession which, supported as it was by the strong love of personal independence and the cultivation of individuality, led to the develop ment of liberty and the recognition of the rights of man. A healthy social life was the result for those who slmre d the privileges of citizenship, and also, in hardly less degree, for those resident aliens who received the protection of the state. Women also, though not so free as men, enjoyed, even at Athens where they were most limited, liberties unknown to the Orientals. In the Hellenistic age they at

    tained a position essentially similar to that of modern Europe. The>re were slaves belonging both to indi viduals and the state, but their lot was mitigated in general by a steadily growing humanity. The amenities of life were many, and were cultivated no less in the name of religion than of art, literature, and science.

    As in e-very phase of Gr civilization, the devel opment of art and letters was free. Indeed their

    supreme e>xcelle;ne e must be attributed 4. Hellenic to the happy circumstance s which Art and suffered the-m to grow spontaneously Letters from the life; of the people without

    artificial constraints impeded from within, or overpowering influences coming from without: a fortune which no other great move>- ment in art or letters can boast. Gr art was largely developed in the service of re ligion; but owing to the circumstance that both grew side by side, springing from the; heart of man, their reactions were mutual, art contributing to religion quite as much as it received. The creative genius of the Hellenic people expresses! itself with singular di rectness and simplicity in forms clearly visualized and subject to the eruditions e>f psychologically effective; grouping in space or time. Their art is marked by the; observance of a just proportion and by a certain natural restraint due to the preponder ance of the intellectual clement oveT the; purely sensuous. Its most characteristic product is the ideal type in which only enough individuality enters to give to the typical the; concreteness of life. What has been said of art in the narrower sense applies equally to artistic letters. The types thus created, whether in sculpture, architecture 1 , music, drama, history, or oratory, though not regareled with super stitious reve rence, comine-nde d thernse lves by the sheer force of inherent truth and be-auty to succeed ing generations, thus steadying the; course; e>f elevel- opme-nt and restraining the exuberant e)riginality and the tendency to individualism. In the Hellen istic age, individualism gradually preponderated where the lessening power of creative genius did not lead to simple; imitation.

    The traditional views of the Hellc-nic people s touching Nature and cemduct, which did not eliffe>r

    widely from those; of other peoples in a 6. Phi- corresponding stage of culture 1 , main- losophy of tained themse-lve s down to the 7th cent. Nature and BC with e-emiparatively little change. of Conduct Along with and follenving the colonial

    expansion of Hellenism there came the awakening intellectual curiosity, or ratheT the shock of surprise necessary to convert attention into que stion. The mythology of the Greeks hael contained a vague theology, without authority indeed, but satisfactory because adequate to express the national thought. Ethics there was none, morality being customary. But the extending horizon of Hellenic thought discovered that customs differed widely in various lands; indeed, it is alto gether likely that the collection of strange anel shocking customs which fille d the quivers of the militant Sophists in the 5th cent, had its inception in the 6th and possibly the 7th cent. At any rate it furnished the fiery darts of the adversary until ethics was founded in reason by the quest of Soc rates for the universal, not in conduct, but in juelgment. As ethics arose out of the irreconcilable contradictions of conduct, so natural philosophy sprung from the contraelictions of mythical theology and in opposition to it. There were in fact two strata of conceptions touching supernatural beings; one, growing out of a primitive animism, regarded their operations essentially from the point of view of magic, which refuses to be surprised at any result, bo it never so ill-proportioned to the means em-



    Letter "H"

    ployed, so long as the mysterious word was spoken or the requisite act performed; the other, sprung from a worship of Nature in her most striking phenomena, recognized an order, akin to the moral order, in her operations. When natural philosophy arose in the Oth cent., it instinctively at first, then consciously, divested Nature of personality by stripping off the disguise of myth and substituting a plain and reasoned tale founded on mechanical principles. This is the spirit which pervades pre- Socratie science and philosophy. The quest of Socrates for universally valid judgments on con duct directed thought to the laws of mind, which are Ideological, in contradistinction to the laws of matter, which are mechanical; and thus in effect dethroned Nature, regarded as material, by giving primacy to mind. Henceforth Gr philosophy was destined, with relatively few and unimportant exceptions, to devote itself to the study of human conduct and to be essentially idealistic, even where the foundation, as with the Stoics, was ostensibly materialistic. More and more it became true of the Gr philosophers that they sought God, "if haply they might feel after him and find him," conscious of the essential unity of the Divine and the human, and defining philosophy as the endeavor to assimi late the soul to God.

    The Homeric; poems present a picture of Gr life as seen by a highly cultivated aristocratic society

    having no sympathy with the common- 6. Hellenic alty. Hence we are not to regard and Hellen- Homeric, religion as the religion of the istic Re- Hellenic peoples in the Homeric age. ligion Our first clear view of the Hellenic

    commoner is presented by Hesiod in the 8th cent. Here we find, alongside of the worship of the Olympians, evidences of chthonian cults and abundant hints of human needs not satisfied by the well-regulated religion of the several city-states. The conventionalized monarchy of Zeus ruling over his fellow-Olympians is known to be a fiction of the poets, having just as much no more foundation, in fact, as the mythical overlordship of Agamemnon over the assembled princes of the Achaeans; while it caught the imagination of the Greeks and domi nated their literature, each city-state possessed its own shrines sacred to its own gods, who might or might not be called by the names of Olympians. Yet the great shrines which attracted Greeks from every state, such as those of Zeus at Dodona (chiefly in the period before the 7th cent.) and Olympia, of Apollo at Delos and Delphi, and of Hera at Argos, were the favored abodes of Olympians. Only one other should be mentioned: that of Demeter at Eleusis. Her worship was of a different character, and the great repute of her shrine dates from the 5th cent. If the Zeus of Olympia was predomi nantly the benign god of the sky, to whom men came in joyous mood to delight him with pomp and festive gatherings, performing feats of manly prowess in the Olympic games, the Zeus of Dodona, and the, Delphian Apollo, as oracular deities, were visited in times of doubt and distress. The 7th and 6th cents, mark the advent or the coming into promi nence of deities whose appeal was to the deepest human emotions, of ecstatic enthusiasm, of fear, and of hope. Among t hem we must mention Diony sus, the god of teeming Nature (see DIONYSUS), and Orpheus. With their advent comes an awakening of the individual soul, who^e aspiration to commune with Deity found little satisfaction in the general worship of the states. Private organizations and quasi-monastic orders, like those of the Orphics and Pythagoreans, arose and won countless ad herents. Their deities found admission into older shrines, chiefly those of chthonian divinities, like that of Demeter at Eleusis, and wrought a change

    in the spirit and to a certain extent in the ritual of the "mysteries" practised there. It was in these "mysteries" that the Christian Fathers, according to the mood or the need, polemic or apologetic, of the moment, saw now the propaedeutic type, now the diabolically instituted counterfeit, of the sac raments and ordinances of the church. The spirit and even the details of the observances of the "mysteries" are difficult to determine; but one must beware of accepting the hostile judgments of Christian writers who were in fact retorting upon the Greeks criticisms leveled at the church: both were blinded by partisanship and so misread the symbols.

    If we thus find a true praeparalio evangelica in the Hellenistic developments of earlier Hellenic reli gion, there are parallel developments in the other religions which were adopted in the Hellenistic age. The older national religions of Persia and Egypt underwent a similar change, giving rise; respectively to the worship of Milhra and of Isis, both destined, along with the chthonian mysteries of the Greeks, to be dangerous rivals for the conquest of the world of Christianity, itself a younger son in this prolific family of new religions. Space is wanting here for a consideration of these religious movements, the family resemblance of which with Christianity is becoming every day more apparent; but so much at least should be said, that while every candid student must admit the superiority of Christianity in moral content and adaptation to the religious nature of man, the difference in these respects was not at first sight so obvious that the successful rival might at the beginning of the contest have been confidently predicted. See GREECE, RELIGION OF.

    As with other manifestations of the Hellenic spirit, so, too, in matters of religion, it was the free development of living institutions that most strik ingly distinguishes the Greeks from the Hebrews. They had priests, but were never ruled by them; they possessed a literature regarded with veneration, and in certain shrines treasured sacred writings containing directions for the practice and ritual of the cults, but they were neither intended nor suffered to fix for all time the interpretation of the symbols. In the 5th and 4th cents, the leaders of Gr thought rebuked the activity of certain priests, and it was not before the period of Rom dominion that priests succeeded even in a small measure in usurping power, and sacred writings began to exercise an authority remotely comparable to that recognized among the Jews.

    A most interesting question is that concerning the extent to which Gr civilization and thought had penetrated and influenced Judaism. During three centuries before the advent of Jesus, Hellen ism had been a power in Syria and Judaea. The earliest writings of the Hebrews showing this in fluence are Dni and the OT Apoc. Several books of the Apoc were originally written in Gr, and show strong influence of Gr thought. The LXX, made for the Jews of the Dispersion, early won its way to authority even in Pal, where Aram, had displaced Heb, which thus became a dead lan guage known only to a few. NT quotations of the OT are almost without exception taken from the LXX. Thus the sacred literature of the Jews was for practical purposes Gr. Though Jesus spoke Aram., He unquestionably knew some Gr. Yet there is no clear evidence of specifically Gr influence on this thought, the presuppositions of which are Jewish or generally those of the Hellenistic age. All the writ ings of the NT were originally composed in Gr, though their authors differed widely in the degree of proficiency in the use of the language and in acquaintance with Hellenic thought. Their debt to these sources can be profitably considered



    Letter "H"

    only in connection with the individual writers; but one who is acquainted with the Hob and Or litera ture instinctively feels in reading the NT that the national character of the Jews, as reflected in the OT, has all but vanished, remaining only as a subtle tone of moral earnestness and as an imaginative coloring, except in the simple story of the Synoptic Gospels. Hut for the bitterness aroused by the destruction of Jems, it is probable that the Jews would have yielded completely to Hellenic influ ences. ‘‘Viu. LAM ARTHUR HKIDEL

    HELM, helm. See SHIPS.

    HELMET, hel mct. See AKMS, AKMOII.

    HELON, he lon (t~~ , }i>~l< m, "valorous"; LXX B, XcuXcov, Cli/iilon): The- father of Eliab, the prince of the tribe of Zcbulun (Nu 1 U; 2 7; 7 24. 21); 10 1(5).

    HELP: With the sense of that which brings aid, support, or deliverance, "help" (noun and vl>.) represents a large variety of words in Heb and Gr (noun 7, vb. K>). A principal Heb word is "IT 27 , *azar, "to help," with the corresponding nouns "IT37, *i zcr, rnTy , ‘‘ ~ruh; a chief Gr word is /3o7jWw, bocihco (M"t 15 25; Mk 9 22.21, etc). True help is to be sought for in Jeh, in whom, in the OT, the believer is constantly exhorted to trust, with the renouncing of all oilier confidences (Ps 20 2; 33 20; 42 5; 46 1; 115 9.10.11; 121 2; Isa 41 10. 13.14, etc)- In Rom 8 2l> it is said, "the Spirit, also holpeth our infirmity, the vb. hero (siutnttti- lainbdmtai) having the striking meaning of to "take hold along with one." in the story of Eden, Eve is spoken of as "a help meet" for Adam (den 2 IS. 20). The idea in "meet" is not so much "suit ability," though that is implied, as likeness, corre spondence in nature (Vulg vim/Ian ailii). One like himself, as taken from him, the woman would be an aid and companion to the man in his tasks.

    JA.MKS ( Mm

    HELPMEET, help met. See HKLP.

    HELPS (dvTi’’T|fi’’[/eis, (nitiltiti/wi.*-. 1 Cor 12 2s) : In classical (!r t he word antilempsis means "remuner ation," the hold one has on something, then per ception, apprehension. But in Bib. (!r it has an altruistic meaning. Thus it is used in the LXX. both in the OT Scriptures and in the Apocrypha (Ps 22 1 .); 89 1!); 1 Esd 8 27; 2 .Mace 15 7). Thus we obtain a clue to its meaning in our text, where it has been usually understood as referring to the deacons, the following word kuberntseis, tr 1 "governments," being explained as referring to the presbyters. HKNRY E. DOSKKR

    HELPS (poriGeiai, bof thciai, Acts 27 17). See SHIPS AM) BOATS, III, 2.

    HELVE, helv Of" , l eg, "wood," "tree"): The handle or wooden part of an ax. "The head [m "iron"] slippeth from the helve" (tn "tree," Dt 19 5). The marginal reading suggests that "the ax is supposed to glance off the tree it is working on."

    HEM (Kpdo-ireSov, krdspedori): The classic in stance of the use of "hem" in the NT is Mt 9 20 AV (cf 14 36), where the woman "touched the hem of his [Christ s] garment." The reference is to the fringe or tassel with its traditional blue thread which the faithful Israelite was directed to wear on the corners of the outer garment (Nu 15 37 ff; Dt 22 12). Great importance came to be attached to it, the ostentatious Pharisees making it very broad or large (Mt 23 5). Here the woman clearly

    thought there might be peculiar virtue in touching the tassel or fringe of Jesus garment. Elsewhere the word is rendered BORDER (q.v.). See also DRESS; FRINGE. GEO. B. EAGER

    HEMAM, he mam (Gen 36 22 AV and ERV). See HEMAN; HOMAM.

    HEMAN, he/man CpSTl , hcman, "faithful"): The name of two men in the OT.

    (1) A musician and seer, a Levite, son of Joel and grandson of the prophet Samuel; of the family of the Kohathites (1 Ch 6 33), appointed by David as one of the leadersof the temple-singing (1 Ch 15 17; 2 Ch 5 12). He had 14 .sons (and 3 daughters) who assisted their father in the chorus, lleman seems also to have been a man of spiritual power; is called "the king s seer in matters of God" (1 Ch 25 5; 2 Ch 35 15).

    (2) One of the noted wise men prior to, or about, the time of Solomon. He was one of the three sons of Mahol (1 K 4 31 [Heb 5 11]); also called a son of /(-rah (1 Ch 2 0).

    I s 88 is inscribed to lleman the Ezrahite, who is probably to be identified with the second son of /erah. EDWARD BAHGY POLLARD

    HEMATH, he/math. See HAMMATH (1 Ch 2 55).

    HEMDAN,hem dan (n^H, hantlan, "pleasant") : A descendant of Seir, the Horite (Gen 36 20). Wrongly tr 1 "Amram" by AV in 1 Ch 1 41 (RV "Hamran"), where the transcribers made an error in OIK; vowel and one consonant, writing hamrdn *?n), instead of l-ni<ltln (rJEnj.

    HEMLOCK, hem lock. See GALL.

    HEN, hen (in, J,c>i, "favor"). In Zee 6 14, EV reads, "And the crowns shall be to Helem .... and to Hen the son of Zephaniah." But as this person is called Josiah in ver 10, RVm "and for the kindness of the son of Zephaniah" is probably right, but the text is uncertain. See JOSIAH.

    HEN (opvis, ornis): Mentioned in the accounts of the different disciples in describing the work of Jesus (Alt 23 37; Lk 13 34).

    HENA, he na ("I!"!, hctxf; Avd, And): Named in 2 K 19 13, as one of the cities destroyed by Sennacherib along with Sepharvaim. It does not appear in a similar connection in 17 24. The text is probably corrupt. No reasonable identification has been proposed. Cheyne (EB, s.v.) says of the phrase "Hena and Ivah" that "underlying this is a witty editorial suggestion that the existence of cities called -"in and T"‘‘"‘‘y respectively has passed out of mind (cf Ps 9 G[7]), for H^l y;n, hi-na* w- *iinrrth, clearly means he has driven away and overturned (so Tg, Sym)." He would drop out y:n . Hommel (Expos T, I X, 330) thinks that here we have divine names; Hena standing for the Arab. star-name al-han^a, and Ivvah for (il-*(iinra u. See IVAH. W. EWIXG

    HENADAD,hen a-dad (""in, hcuddhddh, "favor of Hadad"; LXX HvadS, Hen-add; HvaSdS, Hcna- diid; HvaSdp, Hcnaddb; HvaXdp, Ilcualab [Ezr 3 9; Neh 3 1S.24; 10 9]): One of the heads of the Levites in the post-exilic community.

    HENNA, hen a (Cant 1 14; 4 13): An aromatic plant.

    HENOCH, he nok (-fin , hdnokh; Evii x , Hendch; in 1 Ch 1 3 AV RV, "Enoch"; in Gen 25 4, AV



    Letter "H"

    and RV "Hanoch"; 1 Ch 1 33, AV "Henoeh," RV "Ilanoch") : The name of a Midianite, a descendant of Abrain.

    HEPHER, he fer, HEPHERITES, he fer-Its pBn, hcphcr, HSn, hcp/u-1):

    (1) LXX "00ep, Hopher (Nu 26 32 f; 27 1; Josh 17 2 f), the head of a family or clan of ihe Irilu 1 of Manasseh. The clan is called the Hepher- ites in Nu 26 32.

    (2) LXX II0d’’, Hcphdl (1 Ch 4 G), a man of Judah.

    (3) LXX "O0ep, Hophir (1 Ch 11 30), one of David s heroes.

    HEPHER (-ISn , hi-phcr) :

    (1) LXX"00ep, Hopher (Josh 12 17), a Canaan- it ish town mentioned between Tappuah and Aphek, unidentified.

    (2) Jn 1 K 4 10 a district connected with Socoh, and placed by Solomon under the direction of Bcn- hesed of Arubboth, unidentified.

    HEPHZIBAH, hef zi-ba (ttr "my delight is in her") :

    (1) LXX O fet/Sd, Hopseibd, ‘‘fseipd, Hapseibd, 00<n/3d, Uophsibd, the mother of Manasseh (2 K 21 1).

    (2j The new name of Zion (Isa 62 4); LXX trans lates 6Ai7/u.a efji.6i>, Tliclcina onon, "my delight."

    HERAKLES, her a-klcz ( HpaKXfjs, Heraklts).


    HERALD, her ald: The word occurs once (Did 3 -1) as the 1r of the Aram, word T"H2 , Ictiroz (cf ic/ipvj;, kerux) . Then the herald cried aloud." See also GAMES.

    HERB, hurb, urb:

    (1) p"!" 1 , ydrak, "green thing (Ex 10 15; Isa 15 0); ""garden of herbs" (Dt 11 10; 1 K 21 2); "[a dinner, m portion of] herbs" (Prov 15 17).

    (2) yEy , *c*chti; cf Arab. ‘*’>, "herbage," "grass," etc; "herbs yielding seed" (Gen 1 11); "herbage" for food (Gen 1 30; Jer 14 0) ; tr 1 "grass" (Dt 11 15; Am 7 2); "herbs" (Prov 27 25, etc).

    (3 Sr~, detilie , tr 1 "herb" (2 K 19 20; Prov 27 25; Isa 37 27; 66 14 AVj, but generally GRASS (q.v.).

    (4j "^?n , hu<;~tr, vegetation generally, but tr 1 GRASS (q.v.).

    (5) r lS, n TlX, droth (pi. only), "green plants" or "herbs." In 2 K 4 39 the Talm inter prets it to mean "colewort," but it may mean any edible herbs which had survived the drought. In Isa 26 19 the expression "dew of herbs" is in m tr 1 "dew of light" which is more probable (sec; DEW), and the tr "heat upon herbs" (Isa 18 4 AV) is in RV Ir 1 "clear heat in sunshine."

    (0) fioTavri, Itotdnc (He 6 7).

    (7) Xaxa^a, ldchana = ydrak (Mt 13 32). See also BITTER HERBS. E. W. G. MASTERMA.V

    HERCULES, hur kfi-lez ( H P aK’’fis, 7/fmMrs) : The ])rocess of Hellenizing the Jews which began at an earlier date was greatly promoted under An- tioehus Epiphanes (175-104 BC). Jason, who sup planted his brother Onias in the office of high priest by promising Antiochus an increase of tribute, aided the movement by setting up under the king s authority a Gr palaestra for the training of youth in Gr exercises, and by registering the inhabitants of Jcrus as citizens of Antioch (2 Mace 4 8f). Certain of these Antiochians of Jcrus Jason sent

    to Tyre, where games were held every five years in honor of Hercules, that is, the national Tyrian deity Melcart, identified with Baal of OT history. Ac cording to Jos (Ant, VII, v, 3) Hiram, king of Tyre in the days of Solomon, built the temple of Hercules and also of Astarte. Jason s deputies carried 300 drachmas of silver for the sacrifice of Hercules, but they were so ashamed of their commission that they "thought it not right to use the money for any sac rifice," and "on account of present circumstances it went to the equipment of the galleys" (2 Mace 4 1S-20). J. HUTCHISON

    HERD, hurd. See CATTLE.

    HERDSMAN, hurdz man (1^2, , bdkcr; AV, ERV "herdman"): A cowherd (Am 7 14). The same word is used in Syria today. !~1""1 , rd ch, has its equivalent in the language; of Syria and Pal (Arab, ra i), and is a general term for any kind of a .herdsman (Gen 13 7.S; 26 20; 1 S 21 7). "p- , iiukedh, occurs in one passage (Am 1 1); lit. it means one who spots or marks the sheep, hence a herdsman. Spotting the wool with different dyes is still the method of distinguishing between the sheep of different flocks. The herdsman is seldom the owner of the sheep, but a hireling. See SHEEP; SHEEP TENDING. JAMES A. PATCH

    HERE, her, in eomposit ion :

    Hereafter, her-aft er (here [this present] and after) represents Heb ‘‘lhar, "hinder part," "end" (Isa 41 23), "the things that are to come hereafter" ( d./nlr after, behind the present), with den, "this," a hare dlnn, Aram. (I.)nl 2 2!). 45), aljar, "after," "behind," "last" (Ezk 20 39), Gr a/> drli, "from now" (Mt 26 04), "Hereafter ye shall see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of power, and coin ing in the clouds of heaven," which does not mean "at a future time," according to the more modern usage of "hereafter," but (as the Gr) "from now," RV "henceforth"; Tindale and the chief VSS after him have "hereafter," but ‘‘Yidif has "fro homes forth." Jn 1 51, "Herenfter ye shall see the heaven opened," etc, where "hereafter" has the same meaning; it is omitted by H V after a corrected text (‘‘Viclif also omits i; eti, "yet," "si ill," "any more," "any longer" (Jn 14 30, RV "1 will no more speak much with you." ‘‘ iclif, "now I schal not"); niekeli, "no more," "no longer" (Mk 11 14, "Ho man eat fruit of thee hereafter," RV "hence forward"); apo tou HUH, "from now" (Lk 22 09, RV "From henceforth shall the Son of man be seated at the right hand of the power of God," Wielif "aftir this tymc"); incta tui iln (Jn 13 7, "Thou shalt know [RV "understand"] hereafter," Wiclif "aftirward").

    Hereby, her-bi , represents Ifzd th, "in or by this" (Gen 42 15, "Hereby ye shall be proved"); r/; toiilou, "out of this" (1 Jn 4 0, RV "by this"); en toiit.o, "in this," "by this means" (1 Cor 4 4; 1 Jn 2 3.5; 3 16.19.24; 4 2.13).

    Herein, her-in , Heb b zoth, "in" or "by this" (Gen 34 22, RV "on this condition"); en touto (Jn 4 37; 9 30; 15 8; Acts 24 10; 2 Cor 8 10; 1 Jn 4 10.17).

    Hereof, her-ov , Gr haute, "this" (Mt 9 20); hotitm, "this" (He 5 3, RV "thereof").

    Heretofore, her-too-for , Heb I >nol, "yesterday," "neither heretofore, nor since" (Ex 4 10; cf 5 7.8. 14; Josh 3 4; Ruth 2 11); /iliinoL *hilntwm, "yesterday," "third day" (1 S 4 7, "There hath not been such a thing heretofore."

    Hereunto, her-un-loo , Gr c/.s- ioitto, "unto," "with a view to this" (I Pet 2 21, "For hereunto were ye called"): "hereunto" is supplied (Eccl 2



    Letter "H"

    25, "Who else c;in hasten hereunto more than I," RV "who can have enjovment ." in hasten there to").

    Herewith, her-wiih , Ileb Ixl-zot/t, Ifzolli, "in," "by," or "with tliis" ( K/.k 16 29; Alal 3 10, "Prove me now herewith, saith Jeh").

    RV has "herein" for "to do this" (Ezr 4 22); for "in these things" (Horn 14 is,; "of them that ha’’e sinned heretofore" for "which have sinned already" (2 Cor 12 21); "hereunto" for "thereunto" (.1 Pet 3 9); "herewith" for "thus" (hev 16 o).

    W. L. ‘‘VALKEH

    HEREDITY, hG-red i-ti: Heredity, in modern

    language, is the law by which living beings tend to

    repeat iheir characteristics, physiologi-

    1. Physio- cal and psychical, in their offspring,

    logical a law familiar in some form to even

    Heredity the most uncultured peoples. The

    references to it in the Bible are of

    various kinds.

    Curiously enough, little mention is made of physiological heredity, even in so simple a form as the resemblance of a, son to his father, but there are a few references, such as, e.g., those to giants wit h giants for sons (2 S 21 Is 22; 1 Ch 20 4-8; cf Gen 6 4; Nu 13 ;-Jli; Di 1 2S, etc). Moreover Dt 28 59-01 may contain a thought of hereditary diseases (cf 2 Iv 5 27). On the psychical side the data are almost equally scanty. Thai a son and his father may differ entirely is taken for granted and mentioned repeatedly (esp. in Ezk 18 5-20;. Even in the case of the king, the frequent changes of dynasty prevented such a phrase as "the seed royal" (2 K 11 1; Jer 41 1) from being taken very .seriously. Yet, perhaps, the inheritance of mechanical dexterity is hinted at in (.Jen 4 20-22, if "father" means anything more than "teacher. But, in any case, the fact that "father" could have this metaphorical sense, together with the corre sponding use of "son" in such phrases as "son of Belial" (Jgs 19 22 AV), "son of wickedness" (1 s 89 22), "sons of the prophets" (Am 7 14m, etc), "son of the wise, .... of ancient, kings" (Isa 19 11 ; this_last phrase may be meant literally), shows that the inheritance of characl erist ics was a very familiar fact . See S<>.’’.

    The question, however, is considerably compli cated by the intense solidarity that the Hebrews ascribed to the family. The indi- 2. Hebrew vidual was felt to be only a link in the Conception chain, his "personality" (very vaguely of Heredity conceived) somehow continuing that of his ancestors and being continued in that of his descendants. After death the happi ness (or even existence; see DEATH; of this shade in the other world depended on the preserva tion of a posterity in this. Hence slaying the sons of a dead man was thought to affect him directly, and it would be a great mistake to suppose that an act such as that of 2 S 21 1-9, etc, was simply to prevent a blood-feud. Nor was it at all iii point that the children might repeat the qualities of the father, however much this may have been realized in other connections. Consequently, it is impossible to tell in many cases just how much of a modern heredity idea is present.

    The most important example is the conception of the position of the nations. These are traced back to single ancestors, and in various cases the qualities of the nation are explained by those of the ancestor (Gen 9 22-27; 21 20.21; 49, etc). The influences that determine national character istics are evidently thought to be hereditary, and yet not all of them are hereditary in our sense; e.g. in Gen 27, the condition of the descendants of Jacob and Esau is conceived to have been fixed by the nature of the blessings (mistakenly) pronounced by Isaac. On the other hand, Ezra (9 11.12) thinks

    of the danger of intermarrying with the children of a degenerate people in an entirely modern style, but in Dt 23 3-6 the case is not so clear. There a curse pronounced on the nations for their active hostility is more in point than moral degeneracy (however much this may be spoken of elsewhere, Nu 25 1-3, etc), and it is on account of the curse that the taint takes ten generations to work itself out, while, in the case of Edomite or Egyp blood, purity was at tained in three. Hence it is hard to tell just how Ex 20 5.0 was interpreted. The modem concep tion of the effect of heredity was surely present in part, but there must have been also ideas of the extension of the curse-bearing individuality that we should find hard to understand.

    The chiefest question is that of the Israelites. Primarily they are viewed as the descendants of Abraham, blessed because he was 3. Abra- blessed (Gen 22 15-18, etc). This ham s was taken by many with the utmost

    Children literalness, and physical descent from Abraham was thought to be sufficient (esp. Mt 3 9; Jn 8 31-44; Rom 9 6-13), or at least necessary (esp. Ezr 2 59; 9 2; Neh 7 61), for salvation. Occasionally this descent is stated to give superior qualities in other regards (Est 6 13). But a distinction between natural inheritance of Abraham s qualities and the blessing bestowed by God s unbounded favor and decree on his descend ants must have been thoroughly recognized, other wise the practice of proselytizing would have been impossible.

    In the NT the doctrine of original sin, held al ready by a certain school among the Jews (2 Esd 7 4S), alone raises much question 4. Heredity regarding heredity (cf 1 Cor 7 14). and the NT Otherwise the OT concepts are simply reversed: where likeness of nature appears, there is (spiritual) descent (Rom 4 12; Gal 3 7, etc). None the less, that, the Israel "after the flesh" has a real spiritual privilege is stated explicitly (Rom 3 1.2; 11 26; Rev 11 13). See BLESSING; CUHSE; FAMILY; SALVATION; SIN; TRADITION. BURTON SCOTT EASTON

    HERES, he rez, he res:

    (1) Cnn -in, Imr-hm K, "Mount Heres" (Jgs 1 34 f), a district from which the Amorites were not expelled; it is mentioned along with Aijalon and Shallbim. In Josh 19 41 f we have then two towns in association with Ir-shemesh and many authorities consider that as hcri s = nficmcsh, i.e. the sun, and "IH , har, being perhaps a copyist s error for "Py , ?>, "city," we have in Jgs 1 34 a reference to Beth-shemesh, the modern *Ain Shans. Conder thinks that Main Han ixhch, N.E. of Aijalon, a prominent hill, may be the place referred to. Budde thinks Har-heres may be identified with the Bit- Ninib (Ninib being the fierce morning sun) of the Am Tab; this place was in the district of Jerus.

    (2) C"inn nby/52 , ma-aleh he-hares, "the ascent of Heres" (Jgs 8 13, AV "before the sun was up"), the place from which Gideon returned to Succoth after his defeat of Zebah and Zalmunna. RV is probably a great improvement on AV, but both the text and the topography are uncertain.

    (3) O lnn-py, <irha-heres, "City of Heres" EVm, "City of Destruction" (D^n, herein) EV, or "City of the sun" (C?n, hcrcs) EVm. This is the name of one of the "five cities in the land of Egypt that speak the language of Canaan, and swear to Jeh of hosts" (Isa 19 18). See IR-HA-HERES.

    . E. W. G. MASTERMAN

    HERESH, he resh (E^n , heresh; LXX B, Pa- paiT) Rharaitl, A, Apis, Hares): A Levite (1 Ch 9 15).



    Letter "H"

    HERESY, her e-si, her e-si (atpecns, haircsis, from vb. aipt w, haired, "to choose"): The word has acquired an ecclesiastical meaning that has passed into common usage, containing elements not found in the term in the NT, except as implied in one passage. In classical Gr, it may be used either in a good or a bad sense, first, simply for "choice," then, "a chosen course of procedure," and after ward of various schools and tendencies.

    Polybius refers to those devoting themselves to the study of Gr literature as given to the llellmikt haircsis. It was used not simply for a teaching or a course followed, but also for those devoting themselves to such pursuit, viz. a sect, or assembly of those advocating a particular doctrine or mode of life. Thus in Acts, the word is used in the Gr, where AV and RV have sect," "s. of Sadducees" (5 17), "s. of Nazarenes" (24 5). In Acts 26 5 the Pharisees are called "the straitcst hairesis [sect]." The name was applied contemptuously to Christianity (Acts 24 14; 28 22).

    Its application, with censure, is found in 1 Cor 11 10m; Gal 6 20m, where it is shown to interfere with that unity of faith and community of interests that belong to Christians. There being but one standard of truth, and one goal for all Chris tian life, any arbitrary choice varying from what was common to all believers, becomes an incon sistency and a sin to be warned against. Ellicott, on Gal 5 20, correctly defines "heresies" (AV, ERV) as "a more aggravated form of dichostasiu" (ARV "parties") "when the divisions have developed into distinct and organized parties"; so also 1 Cor 11 19, tr d by RV "factions."

    In 2 Pet 2 1, the transition toward the subsequent ecclesiastical sense can be traced. The "destructive heresies" (RVm, ERVm "sects of perdition") are those guilty of errors both of doctrine and of life very fully de scribed throughout the entire chapter, and who, in such course, separated themselves from the fellow ship of the church.

    In the fixed ecclesiastical sense that it ultimately attained, it indicated not merely any doctrinal error, but "the open espousal of fundamental error" (Ellicott on Tit 3 10), or, more fully, the persistent, obstinate maintenance of an error with respect to the central doctrines of Christianity in the face of all better instruction, combined with aggressive attack upon the common faith of the church, and its defenders.

    Roman Catholics, regarding all professed Christians who are not in their com munion as heretics, modify their doctrine on this point by distinguishing between Formal and Ma terial Heresy, the former being unconscious and unintentional, and between different degrees of each of these classes (Cuih. Enc, VII, 256 ff). For the development of the ecclesiastical meaning, see Suicer s Thesaurus Ecdcsiasticus, I, 119-23.

    H. E. JACOBS

    HERETH, he reth, THE FOREST OF (17^ ^.V 1 , ya ar hurelfi; LXX uoXis Sapete, polis Sarcik; AV Hareth): David (1 S 22 5) was told by the prophet Gad to depart from Mizpah of Moab and go to the land of Judah, and he "came into the forest of Hereth." The LXX has "city" instead of forest ; see also Jos, Ant, VI, xii, 4. The village K haras, on an ancient high road, 3 miles S.E. of Aid el ma, probably David s stronghold ADULLAM (q.v ), may possibly Answer to the place (PEF, III, 305, Sh Horesh" has been suggested as an alter native reading. E. W. G. MA.STERMAN

    HERETIC, her e-tik, her p-tik, HERETICAL, he-ret i-kal (aiptriKos, hairetikos): Used in Tit 3 10, must be interpreted according to the sense in which Paul employs the word "heresy" (1 Cor 11 19; Gal 5 20) for "parties" or "factions." Ac cording to this, the Scriptural meaning of the word

    Heredity _ __ Hermogenes

    is no more than "a factious man" (ARV), an agi tator who creates divisions and makes parties eizsacker translates it into German ein Sektierer "a sectarist." The nature of the offence is de scribed in other words in 2 Thess 2 6.11.

    HERITAGE, her i-taj (nbna , nahdlah, from nahal,"to give"; K^pow, kliirdd): That which is allotted, possession, property, portion, share, pe culiar right, inheritance; applied to land transferred from the Canaanites to Israel (P s 11 6; 136 22)- to Israel, as the heritage of Jeh (Joel 3 2, etc). In the Nl (Eph 1 11) applied to believers, the spiritual Israel, as God s peculiar possession (Elli cott, Eadie).

    HERMAS, hur mas f Ep^as, Hernias) : An abbre viated form of several names, e.g. Hermagoras, Hermeros, Hermodorus, Hermogenes, etc; the name of a Rom Christian to whom Paul sent greet ings (Rom 16 14). Origen and some later writers have identified him with the author of The Pastor of Hennas, but without sufficient reason. Accord ing to the Canon of Muratori, the author of The Pastor wrote when his brother Pius was bishop of Rome (140-55 AD). He speaks of himself, how ever, as a contemporary of Clement of Rome (ch 4) (c 100 AD). The name Hernias is very common, and Origen s identification is purely conjectural.

    S. F. HUXTER

    HERMENEUTICS, hur-mft-nu tiks. See IN TERPRETATION.

    HERMES, hur mez ( E Pt xfis, Ilennts): In RVm of Acts 14 12 for "Mercury" in text (AV "Mer- curius").

    HERMES ( Epjxiis, Hermes) : The name of a Rom Christian, otherwise unknown, to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16 14). "Hermes is among the commonest slave names. In the household alone probably not less than a score of persons might be counted up from the inscriptions, who bore this name at or about the time when St. Paul wrote (Lightfoot, Philippians, 176).

    HERMOGENES, her-moj e-nez ( Ep^o^vtjs,

    Hermogenes, lit. "born of Hermes," a Gr deity,

    called by the Romans, "Mercury," 2

    1. Where Tim 1 15): Hermogenes was a Chris- Did He tian, mentioned by Paul as having "Turn along with Phygellus and "all that Away"? are in Asia," turned away from him.

    It is not clear when or where the de fection of those Asiatic Christians from the apostle took^ place, whether it was at Rome at the time of Paul s second imprisonment there, and esp. on the occasion of his being brought before the emperor s supreme court, to be tried on a charge now involving the death penalty, or whether it was at some pre vious time in Ephesus.

    If it was the latter, then the meaning is that Paul

    wishes to inform Timothy, or perhaps only to re

    mind him, how in Ephesus, where

    2. Was It Timothy was the presiding minister in Ephesus? of the church, these persons, Phy

    gellus and Hermogenes with many more, had turned away from him, that is, had re fused to submit to his authority, and had rejected the Christian doctrine which he taught, This latter meaning, referring the "turning away" to some previous occasion in Ephesus, is thought by some expositors to be the probable signification, owing to the fact that the vb. "they be turned away" is in the aorist tense, referring to a time long past when the apostle wrote.

    Hermon Herod



    On the other hand there is no evidence that, there ever was a time when "all they which are in Asia (AV) turned away from obedience

    3. Unlike- to Paul. Whatever may have been lihood of It the disloyalty and disobedience of Being in individuals and tins certainly existed; Ephesus see, e.g., Acts 20 29 f yet, certainly

    the NT does not show that all that were in Asia, the Christian community as a whole, in Kphesus and Miletus and Laodicea and Hiera- polis and Colossae and other places, repudiated

    his apostolic authority. If the words

    4. Proba- "all they which are in Asia" refer to bility of It all the Christians from the proeon- Being in sular province of Asia, who happened Rome to be in Home at, the time of Paul s

    second imprisonment there, it can easily be understood that they should turn away from him at that testing time. It is impossible to say exactly what form their desertion of the apostle assumed. Their turning away would likely be caused by fear, lest if it were known that they were friends of the prisoner in the Mamertine, they would be involved in the same imprisonment as had over taken him, and probably also in the same death


    It is altogether in favor of a reference to Home, that what is said about Phygellus and Hermogenes and their turning away from Paul is immediately followed by a reference to Onesiphorus, and to the great kindness which he showed, when he sought the apostle out very diligently in Rome. On the whole, therefore, a reference to Rome and to the manner in which these persons, named and un named from Asia, had deserted Paul, seems most probable. See PHYGKLLUS. JOHN RUTHEKFUHD

    HERMON, hiir mon ("P^"? > hcrmdn; B, Atp- IJLCOV, Ilacnnon): The name of the majestic moun tain in which the Anti-Lebanon range 1 Descrip- terminates to the S. (Dt 3 8, etc). tion It reaches a height of 9,200 ft, above

    the sea, and extends some 16 to 20 miles from N. to S. It was called Sirion by the Sidonians (Dt 3 9; cf Ps 29 6), and Semr by the Vmorites (Dt 3 9). It is also identified with Sum (Dt 4 48) See SIHION; SKXIR; Siox. Some times it is called "Mt. Hermon" (Dt 3 8; Josh 11 17; 1 Ch 6 23, etc); at other tunes 2. The simply "Hermon" (Josh 11 3; Ps

    Hermons 89 12", etc). . Once it is called "Her- mons" (aT C jn, hermonlm). AV mistakenly renders this "the Hermonites" (Ps 42 6). It must be a reference to the triple summits of the mountain. There are three distinct heads, rising near the middle of the mass, the two higher being toward the E. The eastern declivities are steep and bare; the western slopes are more grad ual; and while the upper reaches are barren, the lower are well wooded; and as one descends he

    E asses through fruitful vineyards and orchards, nally entering the rich fields below, in Wady et- Tcim. The Aleppo pine, the oak, and the poplar are plentiful. The wolf and the leopard are still to be found on the mountain; and it is the last resort of the brown, or Syrian, bear. Snow lies long on the summits and shoulders of the mountain; and in some of the deeper hollows, esp. to the N., it may be seen through most of the year.

    Mt. Hermon is the source of many blessings to the land over which it so proudly lifts its splendid form. Refreshing breezes blow from its cold heights. Its snows are carried to Damascus and to the towns on the seaboard, where, mingled with the sharab, "drink," they mitigate the heat of the Syrian summer. Great reservoirs in the depths of the mountain, fed by the melting snows, find outlet

    in the magnificent, springs at Haxbciych, Tdl d- Kwhj, and Btiinnx, while the dew-clouds of Hermon bring a benediction wherever they are carried (Ps

    133 3)

    Ilermon marked the northern limit of Joshua s victorious campaigns (Josh 12 1, etc). It was part, of the dominion of Og (ver 5), and 3. Sanctu- with the fall of that monarch, it would ar ies naturally come under Israelitish influ

    ence. Its remote and solitary heights mu^t have attracted worshippers from the earliest, times; and we, cannot doubt that it was a famous sanctuary in far antiquity. I nder the highest, peak are the ruins of A asr Anlm; which may have been an ancient sanctuary of P>ual. Ononi speaks of a temple on the summit, much frequented by the surrounding peoples; and the remains of many temples of the Rom period have been found on the sides and at the base of the mountain. The sacred- ness of Hermon may be inferred from the allusion in Ps 89 12 (cf En 6 0; and see also BAAL HI;K-

    Some have thought, that the scene of the Trans figuration should be sought here; see, however, THAXSI-KU-IIATION, Morvr OF.

    The modern name of Hermon is Jcbel ctli-1 hilj, "mount of snow," or Jcbcl esh-sheikh, "mount of the elder," or "of the chief."

    Little Hermon, the name now often applied to the hill between Tabor and Gilboa, possibly the Hill of Moreh, on which is the sanctuary ot heby Dahu has no Bib. authority, and dates only from the Middle Ages. ^ - EWING

    HERMONITES, hur mon-Its: In Ps 42 AV, where RV reads "Hermons." See HERMON.

    HEROD, her ud:

    The name Herod (_H/>u>5?js, Herodes) familiar one in the history of the Jews and of the early Christian church. The name itself signifies "heroic," a name not wholly applicable to the family, which was characterized by craft and knavery rather than by heroism. T he for tunes of the Herodian family are inseparably con nected with the last flickerings of the flame ot Judaism, as a national power, before it was forever extinguished in the great Jewish war of rebellion, 70 ‘D The history of tin; Herodian family is not lacking in elements of greatness, but whatever these elements were and in whomsoever found, they were in every case dimmed by the insufferable egotism which disfigured the family, root and branch Some of the Herodian princes were undeniably talented; but these talents, wrongly used, left no marks for the good of the people of Israel. Of nearly all the kings of the house of Herod it may truly be said that at their death "they went without being de sired " unmissed, unmourned. The entire family history is one of incessant brawls suspicion in trigue and shocking immorality. In the baleful and waning light of the rule of the Herodians, Christ lived and died, and under it. the foundations ot the Christian church were laid.

    The Herodians were not of Jewish stock. Herod the Great encouraged the circulation of the legend

    of the family descent from an illus- 1. The trious Bab Jew (Ant, XIV, i, 3), but

    Family it has no historic basis. It is true the

    Descent Idumaeans were at that time nominal

    Jews, since they were subdued by John Hyrcanus in 125 BC, and embodied in the Asmonean kingdom through an enforced circumcision, but the old national antagonism remained (Gen 27 41). The Herodian family sprang from Antipas (d. / BC), who was appointed governor of Idumaea by Alexander Jannaeus. His son Antipater, who sue-



    Letter "H"

    ceeded him, possessed all the cunning, resourceful ness and unbridled ambition of his son Herod the Great. He had an open eye for two things t he un conquerable strength of the Rom power and the pitiable weakness of the decadent Asmonean house, and on these two factors he built the house of his hopes. He craftily chose the side of Hyrcanus II in his internecine war with Aristobulus his brother (69 BC), and induced him to seek the aid of the Romans. Together they supported the claims of Pompey and, after the latter s defeat, they availed themselves of the magnanimity of Caesar to submit to him, after the crushing defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus (48 BC). As a reward, Antipater re ceived the procuratorship of Judaea (47 BC), while his innocent dupe Hyrcanus had to satisfy himself with the high-priesthood. Antipater died by the hand of an assassin (43 BC) and left four sons, Phasael, Herod the Great, Joseph, Pheroras, and a daughter Salome. The second of these sons raised the family to its highest pinnacle of power and

    in raising the always welcome tribute-money for the Rom government, gained for him additional power at court. His advance became rapid. Antony appointed him "tetrarch" of Judaea in 41 BC, and although he was forced by circumstances temporarily to leave his domain in the hands of the Parthians and of Antigonus, this, in the end, proved a blessing in disguise. In this final spasm of the dying Asmonean house, Antigonus took Jerus by storm, and Phasael, Herod s oldest brother, fell into his hands. The latter was governor of the city, and foreseeing his fate, he committed suicide by dashing out his brains against the walls of his prison. Antigonus incapacitated his brother Hyr canus, who was captured at the same time, from ever holding the holy office again by cropping off his ears (Ant, XIV, xiii, 10). Meanwhile, Herod was at Rome, and through the favor of Antony and Augustus he obtained the crown of Judaea in 37 BC. The fond ambition of his heart was now at tained, although he had literally to carve out his



    Ant ipas d. 7S BO


    (Pror. Judaea 47-43 BO)

    Herod the Great (king of Judaea 37 BO-4 AD)


    Jill Doris

    Antipater (exec. 4 BO)

    By Ifariamne Aristobulus

    (murdered 7 BO) Alexander

    (murdered 7 BO)

    Jin Mariamnr daughter of


    Herod Philip (Mk 6 17)

    Hi/ Mnltltnce

    Ant ipas, d. 39 AD (tctr. of Gal.)


    (ethn. of Judaea 4 BO-G AD)

    Hi/ Cleopatra Herod Philip (tetr. of E. Jord. terri tory 4 BO-34 AD)

    ( Herod (king of Oal- chis) d. 4S AD

    { Herod Agrippa

    (king of Judae d. 44 AD

    ! Hi-rodias

    (Mk 6)

    { Hi-rod Agrippa (king of Calchis) d. 100 AD

    Bernice (Acts 25 2

    Drusilla (Acts 24 1

    ; Salome

    Herod had, besides, five other wives or at least do not figure in history.

    glory. Pheroras was nominally his co-regent and, possessed of his father s cunning, maintained him self to the end, surviving his cruel brother, but he cuts a small figure in the family history. He, as well as his sister Salome, proved an endless source of trouble to Herod by the endless family brawls which they occasioned.

    With a different environment and with a ditter- ent character, Herod the Great might have been worthy of the surname which he now 2. Herod bears only as a tribute of inane flattery, the Great What we know of him, we owe, in the main, to the exhaustive treatment of the subject by Jos in his Antiquities and Jewish War, and from Strabo and Dio Cassius among the classics. We may subsume our little sketch of Herod s life under the heads of (1) political activity, (2) evidences of talent, and (3) character and domestic life.

    (1) Political activity. Antipater had great am bitions for his son. Herod was only a young man when he began his career as governor of Galilee. Jos statement, however, that he was only "fifteen years old" (Ant, XIV, ix, 2) is evidently the mistake of some transcriber, because we are told (XVII, vni, 1) that "he continued his life till a very old age. That was 42 years later, so that Herod at this tune must have been at least 25 years old. His activity and success in ridding his dominion of dangerous bands of freebooters, and his still theater success

    XVII, i, 3; HJ, 1. xviii, 4) and seven other children, who died early,

    own empire with the sword. He made quick work of the task, cut his way^back into Judaea and took Jerus by storm in 37 BC.

    The first act of his reign was the extermination of the Asmonean house, to which Herod himself was related through his marriage with Mariamne, the grandchild of Hyrcanus. Antigonus was slain and with him 45 of his chief adherents. Hyrcanus was recalled from Babylon, to which he had been banished by Antigonus, but the high-priesthood was bestowed on Aristobulus, Herod s brot her-m-law, who however, soon fell a victim to the suspicion and fear of the king (Ant, XV, iii, 3). These out rages against the purest blood in Judaea turned_the love of Mariamne, once cherished for Herod, into a bitter hatred. The Jews, loyal to the dynasty of the Maccabees, accused Herod before the Rom court, but he was summarily acquitted by Antony. Hyrcanus, mutilated and helpless as he was, soon followed Aristobulus in the way of death, 31 BO (nt XV, vi, 1). When Antony, who had ever befriended Herod, was conquered by Augustus at Actium (31 BC), Herod quickly turned to the powers that were, and, by subtle flattery and timely support, won the imperial favor. The boundaries of his kingdom were now extended by Rome. And Herod proved equal to the greater task. By a decisive victory over the Arabians, he showed, as he had done in his earlier Galilean government, what manner of man he was, when aroused to action.




    The Arabians were wholly crushed, and submitted iheiiisi-lves unconditionally under the power of Herod (Ant, XV, v, ~>). Afraid to leave a rem nant of tile Asinoneaii power alive, lie sacrificed Mariamne his wife, the only human being he ever seems to have loved (2X B( j, his mot her-in-law Alexandra (A nl, XV, vii, N), and nil imately, shori ly hel ore his death, even his own sons by ."‘Iariamne, Alexander and Aristolmlus 7 IK 1 - (Anl, XVI, xi, 7). In his emulation of the habits and views of life of the Romans, he cont inually offended and defied his .Jewish subjects, by the introduction of Horn sports and heat lien temples in his dominion. His influence on the younger Jews in this regard was baneful, and slowly a, distinct party arose, partly political, partly religions, which called itself the Herodian party, Jews in outward religious forms but Gentiles in their dress and in their whole view of life. They were a bitter offence to the rest of the nation, but were 1 associated with the Pharisees and Sadducees in their opposition to Christ, (Mt 22 1(1; Mk 3 0; 12 13). In vain Herod tried to win over the Jews, by royal charity in time of famine, and by yielding, wherever possible, to their bitter prejudices. They saw in him only a usurper of the throne of David, maintained by the strong arm of the hated Kom oppressor. Innumerable plots were made against, his life, but, with almost superhuman cunning, Herod defeated them all (Ant. XV, viii). He robbed his own people that he might give munificent gifts to the Romans; he did not even spare the grave of King David, which was held in almost idolatrous reverence by the people, but robbed it of its treasures (Ant, XVI, vii, 1). The last days of Herod were embittered by endless court intrigues and conspiracies, by an almost in sane suspicion on the part, of the aged king, and by increasing indications of the restlessness of th.- nation. Like Augustus himself, Herod was the victim of an incurable and loathsome disease. His temper became more irritable, as the malady made progress, and he made both himself and his court unutterably miserable. The picture drawn by Jos (An-t, XVII) is lifelike and tragic in its vivid ness. In his last will and testament, he remained true to his life-long fawning upon the Rom power (Anl, XVII, vi, 1). So great became his suffering toward 1 he last that he made a fruitless attempt at suicide. But, true to his character, one of the last acts of his life was an order to execute his son Anti- pater, who had instigated the murder of his half- brothers, Alexander and Aristobulus, and another order to slay, after his death, a number of nobles, who were guilty of a small outbreak at Jerus and who were confined in the hippodrome (Ant, XVI, vi, 5). He died in the 37th year of his reign, 34 years after he had captured Jerus and slain Antigonus. Jos writes this epitaph: "A man he was of great barbarity toward all men equally, and a slave to his pasMons, but above the consideration of what was right. Yet was he favored by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he became a king, and though he were encompassed by ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them all and con tinued his life to a very old age (Ant, XVII, viii, 1). (2) Evidences of talent. The life of Herod the Great was not a fortuitous chain of favorable acci dents, lie was unquestionably a man of talent. In a family like that of Ant ipas and Antipater, talent mu>t necessarily be hereditary, and Herod inherited it more largely than any of his brothers. His whole life exhibits in no small degree statecraft, power of organization, shrewdness. He knew men and he knew how to use them. He won the warmest, friendship of Rom emperors, and had a faculty of convincing the Romans of the righteousness of his cause, in every contingency. In his own dominions

    he was like Ishmael, his hand against all, and the hands of all against him, and yet he maintained himself in the government for a whole generation. His Galilean governorship showed what manner of man he was, a man with iron determination and great generalship. His Judaean conquest proved the same thing, as did his Arabian war. Herod was ,1 born leader of men. Under a different environ ment he might have developed into a truly great man, and had his character been coordinate with his gifts, he might have; done great things for the Jewish people. But by far the greatest talent of Herod was his singular architectural taste and ability. Here he reminds OIK; of the old Egyp Pharaohs. Against the laws of Judaism, which he pretended to obey, he built, at Jerus a magnificent theater and an amphitheater, of which the ruins remain. The one, was within the city, the other outside; the walls. Thus he introduced into the ascetic .sphere of the Jewish life the frivolous spirit of the Greeks and the Romans. To offset this cruel infract ion of all t ho maxims of ort hodox Juda ism, he tried to placate the nation by rebuilding the temple of Zerubbabel and making it more magnifi cent than even Solomon s temple had been. This work was accomplished somewhere between 19 BC and 11 or 9 BC, although the entire work was not- finished till the procuratorship of Albinus, 62-0-1 AD (Ant, XV, xi, r>, 0; XX, ix, 7; Jn 2 20). It was so transcendent ly beautiful that it ranked among the world s wonders, and Jos does not tire of describing its glories (J>J, V, v). Even Titus sought to spare the building in the final attack on the city (J1J, VI, iv, 3j. Besides this, Herod rebuilt and beautified Strato s Tower, which he called after the emperor, ( <ieHarc<i. He spent 12 years in this gigantic work, building a theater and amphitheater, and above all in achieving the apparently impossible by creating a harbor where there was none before. This was accomplished by constructing a gigantic- mole far out into the sea, and so enduring was the work that the remains of it are seen to* lay. The 1 Romans were so appreciative of the work done 1 by Herod that they made Caesaroa the capital of the new regime, after the passing away of the Herodian power. Besides this, Herod rebuilt Samaria, to the

    Ruins of One of Herod s Temples in Samaria.

    utter disgust of the Jews, calling it Sebaste. In Jerus itself he built the three great towers, Antonia, Phasaelus and Mariamne, which survived even the catastrophe of the year 70 AD. All over Herod s dominion were found the evidences of this con structive passion. Antipatris was built by him, on the site of the ancient Kapharsaba, as well as the stronghold Phasaelus near Jericho, where he was destined to see so much suffering and ultimately to die. He even reached beyond his own domain to satisfy this building mania at Ascalon, Damascus, Tyre and Sidon, Tripoli, Ptolemais, nay even at Athens and Lacedaemon. But the universal char acter of these operations itself occasioned the bitter-



    Letter "H"

    est hatred against him on the part of the narrow- minded Jews.

    (3) Characteristics and domestic life. The per sonality of Herod was impressive, and he was pos sessed of great physical strength. His intellectual powers were far beyond the ordinary; his will was indomitable; he was possessed of great tact, when he saw fit to employ it ; in the great crises of his life he was never at a loss what to do; and no one has ever accused Herod the Great of cowardice. There were in him two distinct individualities, as was the case with Nero. Two powers struggled in him for the mastery, and the lower one at last gained complete control. During the first part of his reign there were evidences of large-heartedness, of great possibilities in the man. But the bitter experiences of his life, the endless whisperings and warnings of his court, the irreconcilable spirit of the Jews, as well as the consciousness of his own wrongdoing, changed him into a Jewish Nero: a tyrant, who bathed his own house and his own people in blood. The demons of Herod s life were jealousy of power, and suspicion, its necessary companion.

    He was the incarnation of brute lust, which in turn became the burden of the lives of his children. History tells of few more immoral families than the house of Herod, which by intermarriage of its mem bers so entangled the genealogical tree as to make it a veritable puzzle. As these; marriages were nearly all within the line of forbidden consanguinity, under the Jewish law, they still further embittered the people of Israel against the Herodian family. When Herod came to the throne of Judaea, Phasael was dead. Joseph his younger brother had fallen in battle (Ant, XIV, xv, 10), and only Pheroras and Salome survived. The first, as we have seen, nomi nally shared the government with Herod, but was of little consequence and only proved a thorn in the king s flesh by his endless interference and plotting. To him were allotted the revenues of the East Jordanic territory. Salome, his sister, _ was ever neck-deep in the intrigues of the Herodian family, but had the cunning of a fox and succeeded in making Herod believe in her unchangeable loyalty, although the king had killed her own son-in-law and her nephew, Aristobulus, his own son. Tin- will of Herod, made shortly before his death, is a convincing proof of his regard for his sister (Ant, XVII, viii, 1).

    His domestic relations were very unhappy. Oi his marriage with Doris and of her son, Antipater, he reaped only misery, the son, as stated above, ultimately falling a victim to his father s wrath, when the crown, for which he plotted, was prac tically within his grasp. Herod appears to have been deeply in love with Mariamne, the grandchild of Hyreanus, in so far as he was capable of such a feeling, but his attitude to the entire Asmonean family and his fixed determination to make an end of it changed whatever love Mariamne had for him into hatred. Ultimately she, as well as her two sons, fell victims to Herod s insane jealousy of power. Like Nero, however, in a similar situation, Herod felt the keenest remorse after her death. As his sons grew up, the family tragedy thickened, and the court of Herod became a veritable hotbed of mutual recriminations, intrigues and catastro phes. The trials and executions of his own con spiring sons were conducted with the acquiescence; of the Rom power, for Herod was shrewd enough not to make a move wit hout it . Vet so thoroughly was the condition of the Jewish court understood at Rome, that Augustus, after the death of Marianme s sons (7 BC),is said. to have exclaimed: "I would rather be Herod s hog than his son." At the time of his death, the remaining sons were these: Herod,

    son of Mariamne, Simon s daughter; Archelaus and Antipas, sons of Malthace, and Herod Philip, son of Cleopatra of Jerus. Alexander and Aristo bulus were killed, through the persistent intrigues of Antipater, the oldest son and heir presumptive to the crown, and he himself fell into the grave he had dug for his brothers.

    By the final testament, of Herod, as ratified by Rome, the kingdom was divided as follows: Arche laus received one-half of the kingdom, with the title of king, really "ethnarch," governing Judaea, Samaria and Idumaea; Antipas was appointed "tetrarch" of Galilee and Peraea; Philip, "tetrarch" of Trachonitis, Gaulonitis and Par.cas. To Sa lome, his intriguing sister, lie bequeathed Jamnia, Ashdod and Phasaelus, together with 500,000 drachmas of coined silver. All his kindred were liberally provided for in his will, "so as to leave them all in a wealthy condition" (Ant, XVII, viii, 1). In his death he had been better to his family than in his life. He died unmourned and unbeloved by his own people, to pass into history as a name soiled by violence and blood. As the waters of Callirhoe were unable to cleanse his cor rupting body, those of time were unable to wash away the stains of a tyrant s name. The only time he is mentioned in the NT is in Mt 2 and Lk 1. In Mt he is associated with the wise men of the East, who came to investigate the birth of the "king of the Jews." Learning their secret, Herod found out from the "priests and scribes of the people" where the Christ was to be born and ordered the "massacre of the innocents," with which his name is perhaps more generally associated than with any other act of his life. As Herod died in 4 BC and some time elapsed between the massacre and his death (Mt 2 19), we have here a clue to the ap proximate fixing of the true date of Christ s birth. Another, in this same; connection, is an eclipse of the moon, the only one mentioned by Jos (Ant, XVII, vi, 4; text and note), which was seen shortly before Herod s death. This eclipse occurred on March 13, in the year of the Julian Period, 4710, therefore 4 BC.

    Herod Antipas was the son of Herod the Great and Malthace, a Samaritan woman. Half Idu- maean, half Samaritan, he had thcre- 3. Herod fore not a drop of Jewish blood in his Antipas veins, and "Galilee of the Gentiles"

    seemed a fit dominion for such a prince. He ruled as "tetrarch" of Galilee and Peraea (Lk 3 1) from 4 BC till 39 AD. The gospel picture we have of him is far from prepossessing. He is super stitious (Mt 14 If), foxlike in his cunning (Lk 13 31 f) and wholly immoral. John the Baptist was brought into his life through an open rebuke of his gross immorality and defiance of the laws of Moses (Lev 18 16), and paid for his courage with his life (Mt, 14 10; Ant, XVIII, v, 2).

    On the death of his father, although he was younger than his brother Archelaus (Ant, XVII, ix, 4 f ; BJ, II, ii, 3), he contested the will of Herod, who had given to the other the major part of the dominion. Rome, however, sustained the will and assigned to him the "tetrarchy" of Galilee and Peraea, as it had been set apart for him by Herod (Ant, XVII, xi, 4). Educated at Rome with Archelaus and Philip, his half-brother, son of Mariamne, daughter of Simon, he imbibed many of the tastes and graces and far more of the vices of the Romans. His first wife was a daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia. But he sent her back to her father at Petra, for the sake of Herodias, the wife of his brother Philip, whom he had met and seduced at Rome. Since the latter was the daughter of Aristobulus, his half-brother, and therefore his niece, and at the same time the



    Letter "H"

    wife of another half-brother, the union between her and Antipas was doubly sinful. Aretus repaid this insult to his daughter by a destructive war (An!, XVIII, v, 1). llerodias had a baneful influ ence over him and wholly dominated his life (Ml 14 3-10). He emulated the example of his father in a mania for erecting buildings and beautifying cities. Thus he built the wall of Sepphoris and made the place his capital. He elevated Bethsaida to the rank of a. city and gave it. the name "Julia," after the daughter of Tiberius. Another example of this inherited or cultivated building-mania was the work he did at Bet harampht ha, which he called "Julias" (Ant, XVIII, ii, 1). His influence on his subjects was morally bad (Mk 8 1">). If his life was less marked by enormities than his father s, it was only so by reason of its inevitable restrictions. The la.-t glimpse the Gospels afford of him shows him to us in the final tragedy of the life of Christ. He is then at, Jerus. Pilate in his perplexity had sent the Saviour bound to Herod, and the utter inefficiency and flippancy of the man is revealed in the account the (lospels give us of the incident (Lk 23 7-12; Acts 4 27). It served, however, to bridge the chasm of the enmity between Herod and Pilate (Lk 23 12). both of whom were to lu st ripped of their power and to die in shameful exile. When Cains Caligula had become emperor and when his scheming favorite Ilerod Agrippa I, the bitter enemy of Antipas, had been made king in 37 AD, Herodias prevailed on Herod Antipas to accompany her to Home to demand a similar favor. The machinations of Agrippa and the ac cusation of high treason preferred against him, however, proved his undoing, and he was banished to Lyons in Claul, where he died in great misery (Ant, XVI1T, vii, 2; /> ./, II, ix, (i).

    Herod Philip was the son of Ilerod the Great and Cleopatra of Jerus. At the death of his father he

    inherited Gaiilonitis, Trachonitis and 4. Herod Paneas (Anl, XVII, viii, 1). lie was Philip apparently utterly unlike the rest of

    the Herodian family, retiring, digni fied, moderate and just. He was also wholly free from the intriguing spirit of his brothers, and it is but fair to suppose that he inherited this totally un-IIerodian character and disposition from his mother. He died in the year 34 AD, and his territory was given three years later to Agrippa, I, his nephew and the son of Aristobulus, together with the tetrarchy of Lvsanias (Anl. XVI11, iv, 6; XIX, v, 1).

    Herod Archelaus was the oldest son of Herod the Great by Malthace, the Samaritan. lie was a man

    of violent temper, reminding one a great 6. Herod deal of his father. Educated like all Archelaus the Herodian princes at Koine, lie was

    fully familiar with the life and arbi trariness of the Rom court . In the last days of his father s life, Antipater, who evidently aimed at the extermination of all the heirs to the throne, accused him and Philip, his half-brother, of treason. Both wen; acquitted (Ant, XVI, iv, 4; XVII, vii, 1). By the will of his father, the greater part, of the Herodian kingdom fell to his share, with the title of "ethnarrh." The will was contested by hj s brother Antipas before the Horn court. While the matter was in abeyance, Archelaus incurred the hatred of the Jews by the forcible repression of a rebellion, in which some 3,000 people were slain. They therefore opposed his claims at Rome, but Archelaus, in the face of all this opposition, received the Rom support (Ant, XVII, xi, 4). It is very ingeniously suggested that this episode may be the foundation of the parable of Christ, found in Lk 19 12-27. Archelaus, once invested with the government of Judaea, ruled with a hard hand, so

    that Judaea and Samaria were both soon in a chronic state of unrest. The two nations, bitterly as they hated each other, became friends in this common crisis, and sent an embassy to Rome to complain of t he conduct of Archelaus, and this time they were successful. Archelaus was warned by a dream of the coming disaster, whereupon he went at once to Rome to defend himself, but wholly in vain. Ills government was taken from him, his possessions were all confiscated by the Rom power and he him self was banished to Viennain Gaul (Ant, XVII, xiii, 2, 3). He, too, displayed some of his father s taste for architecture, in the building of a royal palace at Jericho and of a village, named after himself, Archelais. He was married first, to Mariamne, and after his divorce from her to Glaphyra, who had been the wife of his half-brother Alexander (Ant, XVII, xiii). The only mention made of him in the Gospels is found in Mt 2 22.

    Of Ilerod, son of Herod the Great and Mariamne, Simon s daughter, we know nothing except, that he married Herodias, the daughter of his dead half- brother Aristobulus. lie is called Philip in the NT (Mt 14 3), and it was from him that Antipas lured Herodias away. His later history is wholly un known, as well as that of Ilerod, the brother of Philip the tet rarch, and the oldest son of Herod the Great and Cleopatra of Jerus.

    Two members of the Herodian family are named Agrippa. They are of the line of Aristobulus, who through Mariamne, granddaughter 6. Herod of Ilyrcanus, carried down the line of Agrippa I the Asmonean blood. Audit is worthy of note that in this line, nearly extin guished by Herod through his mad jealousy and fear of the Maccabean power, the kingdom of Herod came to its greatest glory again.

    Ilerod Agrippa I, called Agrippa by Jos, was the son of Aristobulus and Bernice and the grandson of Herod the Great and Mariamne. Educated at, Rome with Claudius (Ant, XVIII, vi, 1,4), he was possessed of great shrewdness and tact. Returning to Judaea for a little while, he came back to Rome in 37 AD. He hated his uncle Antipas and left no stone unturned to hurt his cause. His mind was far-seeing, and he cultivated, as his grandfather had done, every means that might lead to his own promotion. He, therefore, made fast friends with Cains Caligula, heir presumptive to the Rom throne, and his rather outspoken advocacy of the hitter s claims led to his imprisonment by Tiberius. This proved the making of his fortune, for Caligula did not forget him, but immediately on. his accession to the throne, liberated Agrippa and bestowed on him, who up to that time had been merely a private citizen, the "tetrarchies" of Philip, his uncle, and of Lvsanias, with the title of king, although he did not come into the possession of the latter till two more years had gone by (Ant, XVIII, vi, 10). The foolish ambition of Herod Antipas led to his undoing, and the emperor, who had heeded the accusation of Agrippa against his uncle, bestowed on him the additional territory of Galilee arid Peraea in 39 AD. Agrippa kept in close touch with the imperial government, and when, on the assassina- tion of Caligula, the imperial crown was offered to the indifferent Claudius, it fell to the lot of Agrippa to lead the latter to accept the proffered honor. This led to further imperial favors and further ex tension of his territory, Judaea and Samaria being added to his domain, 40 AD. The fondest dreams of Agrippa had now been realized, his father s fate was avenged and the old Herodian power had been restored to its original extent. Pie ruled with great munificence and was very tactful in his contact with the Jews. With this end in view, several years before, he had moved Caligula to recall the



    Letter "H"

    command of erecting an imperial statue in the city of Jerus; and when he was forced to take sides in the struggle between Judaism and the nascent Christian sect, he did not hesitate a moment , but assumed the role of its bitter persecutor, slaying James the apostle with the sword and harrying the church whenever possible (Acts 12). He died, in the full flush of his power, of a death, which, in its harrowing details reminds us of the fate of his grandfather (Acts 12 20-23; Ant,XK, viii, 2). Of the four children he left (BJ, II, xi, 6), three are known to history- Herod Agrippa II, king of Calchis, Bernice of im moral celebrity, who consorted with her own brother in defiance of human and Divine law, and became a byword even among the heathen (Juv. Sat. vi. 156-60), and Drusilla, the wife of the Rom governor Felix (Acts 24 24). According to tradi tion the latter perished in the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD, together with her son Agrippa. "With Herod Agrippa I. the Herodian power had virtu ally run its course.

    Herod Agrippa II was the son of Herod Agrippa I and Cypros. When his father died in 44 AD he was a youth of only 17 years and con- 7. Herod sidered too young to assume the gov- Agrippa II ernmont of Judaea. Claudius there fore placed the country under the care of a procurator. Agrippa had received a royal education in the palace of the emperor himself (A ut, XIX, ix, 2). But he had not wholly for gotten his people, as is proven by his intercession in behalf of the Jews, when they asked to be per mitted to have the custody of the official high- priestly robes, till then in the hands of the Romans and to be used only on stated occasions (Ant, XX, i, 1). On the death of his uncle, Herod of Calchis, Claudius made Agrippa II "tetrarch" of the terri tory, 48 AD (BJ,ll,xii, 1; XIV, iv; Ant, XX. v, 2)." As Jos tells us, he espoused the cause of the Jews whenever he could (Ant, XX, vi, 3). Four years later (52 AD), Claudius extended the do minion of Agrippa by giving him the old "tetrar- chies" of Philip and Lysanias. Even at Calchis they had called him king; now it became his official title (A nt, XX, vii, 1). Still later (55 AD), Nero added some Galilean and Peraean cities to his domain. His whole career indicates the predominating influ ence of the Asmonean blood, which had shown itself in his father s career also. If the Herodian taste for architecture reveals itself here and there (Ant, XX, viii, 11; IX, iv), there is a total absence of the cold disdain wherewith the Herods in general treated their subjects. The Agrippas are Jews.

    Herod Agrippa II figures in the NT in Acts 25 13; 26 32. Paul there calls him "king" and ap peals to him as to one knowing the Scriptures. As the, brother-in-law of Felix he was a favored guest on this occasion. His relation to Bernice his sister was a scandal among Jews and Gentiles alike (Ant, XX, vii, 3). In the fall of the Jewish nation, Herod Agrippa s kingdom went down. Knowing the futility of resistance, Agrippa warned the Jews not to rebel against Rome, but in vain (BJ, II, xvi, 2- 5; XVII, iv; XVIII, ix; XIX, iii). When the war began he boldly sided with Rome and fought under its banners, getting wounded by a sling-stone in the siege of Gamala (BJ, IV, i, 3). The oration by which he sought to persuade the Jews against the rebellion is a masterpiece of its kind and became historical (BJ, II, xvi). When the in evitable came and when with the Jewish nation also the kingdom of Herod Agrippa II had been destroyed, the Romans remembered his loyalty. With Bernice his sister he removed to Rome, where he became a praetor and died in the year 100 AD, at the age of 70 years, in the beginning of Trajan s reign.

    LITERATURE. Jos, Ant and BJ; Straho; Dio Cassias. Among all modern works on the subject, Schurer, The Jewish I i tiplf in the Time of Jesus Christ (5 vols) is per haps still the best.


    HERODIANS, he-ro di-anz ( Hpu>6iavoi, Hero- dianol): A party twice mentioned in the Gospels (Alt 22 16 i| Alk 12 13; 3 6) as acting with the Pharisees in opposition to Jesus. They were not a religious sect, but, as the name implies, a court or political party, supporters of the dynasty of Herod. Nothing is known of them beyond what the Gospels state. Whatever their political aims, they early perceived that Christ s pure and spiritual teaching on the kingdom of God was irreconcilable with these, and that Christ s influence with the people was antagonistic to their interests. Hence, in Galilee, on the occasion of the healing of the man with the withered hand, they readily joined with the more powerful party of the Pharisee s in plots to crush Jesus (Alk 3 6); and again, in Jerus, in the last week of Christ s life, they renewed this alliance in the attempt to entrap Jesus on the question of the tribute money (Mt 22 16). The warning of Jesus to His disciples to beware of the leaven of Herod" (Mk 8 15) may have had reference to the insidious spirit of this party. JAMES OUR

    HERODIAS, he-rd di-as ( Hpto8i.ds or HpwSids,

    Hcrdiluiy): The woman who compassed the death of John the Baptist at Alachaerus (Alt 14 1-12; Alk 6 14-29; cf also Lk 3 19.20; 9 7-9). Accord ing to the Gospel records, Herodias had previously been married to Philip, but had deserted him for his brother Herod the tetrarch. For this Herod was reproved by John (cf Lev 18 16; 20 21), and Herod, therefore, to please Herodias, bound him and cast him into prison. According to Alt 14 5 he would even then have put John to death, but feared the multitude," which regarded John as a prophet. But Alk 6 19 f relates it was Herodias who esp. desired the death of John, but that she was withstood by Herod whose conscience was not altogether dead. This latter explanation is more in harmony with the sequel. At Herod s birthday feast, Herodias induced her daughter Salome, whose dancing had so charmed the tetrarch, to ask as her reward the head of John the Baptist on a charger. This was given her and she then brought it to her mother.

    Herodias was daughter of Aristobulus, son of Herod the Great, by Alariamne, daughter of Hyr- canus. Her second husband (cf above) was Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee and Peraea (c 4-39 AD), son of Herod the Great by Alalthacc. Herod Anti- pas was thus the step-brother of Aristobulus, father of Herodias. Regarding the first husband of Hero dias, to whom she bore Salome, some hold that the Gospel accounts are at variance with that of Jos. In Alt 14 3; Alk 6 17; Lk 3 19, he is called Philip the brother of Herod (Antipas). But in Alt 14 3 and Lk 3 19 the name Philip is omitted by certain important AISS. According to Jos, he was Herod, son of Herod the Great by Alariamne daughter of Simon the high priest, and was thus a step-brother of Herod Antipas (cf Jos, Ant, XVIII, v, 4). It is suggested in explanation of the discrepancy (1) that Herod, son of Alariamne, bore a second name Philip, or (2) that there is confusion in the Gospels with Herod-Philip, tetrarch of Trachonitis, who was the son of Herod the Great and Cleopatra, and who was in reality the husband of Salome, daughter of Herodias (cf also A. B. Bruce, E.rpos Gr Teat., I, 381; A. C. Headlam, art. "Herod" in II DB, 11, 359, 360). According to Jos (Ant, VIII, vii, 2; XVIII, vii, 1) the ambition of Herodias proved the ruin of Herod Antipas. Being jealous of the power of Agrippa her brother, she induced Herod to de-



    Letter "H"

    mand of Caligula the title of king. This was refused through the machinations of Agrippa, and Herod was banished. But the pride of Herodias kept her still faithful to her husband in his misfortune.

    C. M. KKHH

    HERODION, he-ro di-on (. HpwSiwv, Iltroil iun; ‘‘ ‘l Hpu>5uovj: A Rom Christian to whom Paul sent greetings (Horn 16 11). The name- seems to imply that he was a i reedman of the Herods, or a member of t he household of Aristobulus, the grand son of Herod the Great (ver 10). Paul calls him "my kinsman," i.e. "a Jew" (see .JrxiAs, ];.

    HERON, her tin ("EIS , nn/1 p/i/l/c x a P a &P l s> charadrios; Lat Ardru. rmr/rr;): Herons are men tioned only in the abomination lists of Lev 11 1 ( .) (in "ibis") and l)t 14 IS. They are near relatives

    Hi-roll { Ardm run rcn).

    of crane, stork, ibis and bittern. These birds, blue, white or brown, swarmed in Europe and wintered around Merom, along the Jordan, at the head waters of the Jabbok and along its marshy bed in the dry season. .Herons of Southern Africa that summered in the Holy Land loved to nest on the banks of Merom, and raise their young among the bulrushes, papyrus, reeds and water grasses, although it is their usual habit to build in large trees. The white herons were small, the blue, larger, and the brown, close to the same six.e. The blue were 3^ ft. in length, and had a .">-ft . sweep. The beak, neck and legs constituted two-thirds of the length of the body, which is small, lean and bony, taking its appearance of size from its long loose feathers. Moses no doubt forbade these 1 birds as an article of diet, because they ate fish and in older specimens would be lough, dark and evil smelling. The very poor of our western and southeastern coast states eat them. (!K’K STRATTON-PoRTER

    HESED, hr- sed, SON OF. See BEX-HESKI>.

    HESHBON, hesh bon (2lt0n , A Hi x<-l>r>n i : The royal city of Sihon king of the Amor- ites, taken and occupied by the Israelites under Moses (Nu 21 25 f, etc). It lay on the southern border of Gad (Josh 13 20), and was one of the cities fortified by Re-uben (Nu 32 37). It is reck oned among the cities of Gad given to the Merarite

    Levites (Josh 21 3<>). In later lit. (Isa 15 4; 16 Sf; Jer 48 2.34.45; 49 3) it is referred to as a city of Moab. It passed again into Jewish hands, and is mentioned by Jos (Ant, XIII, xv, 4) as among their possessions in the country of Moab under Alexander Jannaeus. The city with its district called Hesebonitis, was also under the juris diction of Herod the Great (Ant, XV, vii, 5, where il is described as lying in the Peraea). Onom places it 20 Horn miles from tin Jordan. It is rep resented by the modern IJcuhtln, a ruined site in the mountains over against Jericho, about 16 miles E. (f the .Jordan. It stands on the edge of Wady IJrxbdn in a position of great strength, about 600 ft. above .4m IJcshan. The ruins, dating mainly from Rom times, spread over two hills, respectively 2,930 ft . and 2,954 ft. in height . There are remains of a temple overlooked from the ‘Y . by those of a castle. There is also a large ruined reservoir; while the spring in the valley forms a succession of pools (Cant 7 1). The city is approached from the valley by a steep path passing through a cutting in the rock, which may have been closed bv a gate (Con- der, II<t/i mid Moab, 142). On a hill to the ‘V., (l-Knnn7i/fli, is a collection of dolmens and stone circles (Musil, Arabia Petraca, I, 3S3 ff).

    W. Ewixe;

    HESHMON, hesh mon CpECn , hevlundn): An unidentified place on the border of Judah toward Edom (Josh 15 27). This may have been Un original home of the Hasmoneans.

    HETH, hath (TV: The eighth letter of the Heb alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopaedia as h (guttural h). It came also to be used for the number 8. For name, etc, see ALPHABET.

    HETH, heth (Pn, /j ( -’i): In Gen 23 10 the an cestor of the Hittites. As the various peoples who occupied Canaan were thought to belong to one stock. Gen 10 15 (1 Ch 1 13; makes Heth the (2d; son of Canaan. In Gen 23 the "sons of Heth" occupy Hebron, but they were known to have come therefrom the north. A reference to this seems to be preserved in the order of the names in Gen 10 15.16, where 1 Helh is placed between Sidon and the Jebusites. Se-e HITTITES.

    HETHLON, heth lon (Vl ?pn , hethlon; Pesh hcl/tiTtn): Name 1 of a place associate-d with Zedael on the ieleal northern boundary of Israel, as given in Ezk 47 15 and 48 1, but not name-el in Nu 34 8, while the LXX evidently Ir 1 the text it had. In accordance with the opinion they hold as to the boundary line e>f Northern Israel, van Kasteren and Buhl seek te> identify Hethlon with Adlun on the river Quxntii/c/t. Much more in harmony with the line of the other border towns given is its identifi cation with llt ittila to the X.E. of Tripoli. The "way of He-thlon" would then coincide with the Kleutherus valley, between Horns and the Mediter ranean, thremgh which the railway now runs, and to this identification the 1 LXX sen-ins to give testi mony, indicating some path e>f "descent" from the Kiqa a. W. M. CHRISTIE

    HEWER, hfi7-r (S jn , hottbh): Applies esp. to a wood-worker or wood-gatherer (e-f Arab, hattnb, "a woodman"; (Josh 9 21.23.27; 2 Ch 2 10;"jer 46 22). Gathering wood, like drawing water, was a me-nial task. Spec-ial servants were assigned te> the work (Dt 29 11). Joshua set , the Gibeemite-s to hewing wood ami drawing water as a punishment for their trickery, whereas we re it ne>t fe>r the oath which the Israelites had sworn, the Gibeonites would probably have been kille-d. See DRAWER OF WATER,



    Letter "H"

    2?n, ha.qabh, from the root "to cut" or "to carve," applies to hewers of stone in 1 K 5 15; 2 K 12 12; 1 Ch 22 15; 2 Ch 2 18.


    HEXATEUCH, hek sa-tuk: This word, formed

    on the analogy of Pentateuch, Heptateuch, etc, is

    used by modern writers to denote the

    1. Evidence first six books of the Bible (i.e. the for Law and Josh) collectively. Many

    critics hold that these six books were composed out of the sources JEP, etc (on which see PENTATEUCH), and only separated very much later into different works. The main grounds for this belief are: (1) the obvious fact that Josh pro vides the sequel to the Pent, narrating the conquest and settlement in Canaan to which the latter work looks forward, and (2) certain material and stylistic resemblances. The composition of the respective works is considered in the arts. PENTATEUCH and JOSHUA.

    Here we must glance at the evidence against the theory of a Hexateuch. It is admitted that there

    is no trace of any such work as the

    2. Evidence Hexateuch anywhere in tradition, against The Jewish Canon places the Pent in

    a separate category from Josh. The Samaritans went farther and adopted the Pent alone. The orthography of the two works differs in certain important particulars (sec E. Konig, Eirdeiltuiy, 151 f, 250). Hence a different literary history has to be postulated for the two works, even by those who adopt tfie theory of a Hexateuch. But that theory is open to objection on other grounds. There are grave differences of opinion among its supporters as to whether all the supposed Pentateuchal documents are present in Josh, and in any case it is held that they are quite differently worked up, the redactors having proceeded on one system in the Pent and on quite another in Josh. Arguments are given in the art. PENTATEUCH to show the presence of Mosaic and pre-Mosaic ele ments in the Pent and 1 he unsoundness of the docu mentary theory in that work, and if these be correct the theory of a Hexateuch necessarily falls to the ground.


    HEZEKI, hcz o-ki rpfn , kizlfl). See HIX.KI.

    HEZEKIAH, hez-e-kl a (H^TH , hizlfli/fth):

    (1) King of Judah. See special art.

    (2) A son of Neariah, of the royal family of Ju dah (1 Ch 3 23, RV "Hizkiah").

    (3) An ancestor of Zephaniah (Zeph 1 1, AY "Hizkiah").

    (4 1 One of the returned exiles from Babylon (Ezr 2 Iti; Neh 7 21).

    HEZEKIAH (rpp-n, hizkiijuJi, "Jeh has strength ened"; also written "rppjn , hizklijfihu, ".Jeh has strengthened him"; E^Ktas, Hezikiu*): One of the greatest of the kings of Judah; reigned (according to the most self-consistent chronology) from c 715 to c ()<)() BC.

    On the OT standard of loyalty to Jeh he is eulo gized by Jesus Sirach as one of the three kings who alone did not "commit trespass" (Sir OT Esti- 49 4), the oilier two being David and mate Josiah. The Chronicler represents him

    (2 Ch 32 31) as lapsing from the wis dom of piety only by his vainglory in revealing the resources of his realm to the envoys of Merodach-baladan. In 2 K 18 5, the earliest es timate, his special distinction, beyond all other Judaean kings, before or after, was that he "trusted in Jeh, the God of Israel." It is as the

    king who "clave to Jeh" (2 K 18 0) that the Heb mind sums up his royal and personal character.

    /. Sources for His Life and Times. The his torical accounts in 2 K 18-20 and 2 Ch 29-32 are derived in the main from the same

    1. Scripture state annals, though the latter seems Annals also to have had the Temple archives

    to draw upon. For "the rest of his acts," 2 K refers to a source then still in existence but now lost, "the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah" (2 K 20 20), and 2 Ch to "the vision of Isaiah the prophet the son of Amoz, in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel" (2 Ch 32 32). In this last-named source (if this is the origi nal of our Book of Isa), besides the warnings and directions called out by the course of the history, there is a narrative section (Isa 36-39) recounting the Sennacherib crisis much as do the other his tories, but incorporating also a passage of Isaianic prophecy (37 22-32) and a "writing of Hezekiah king of Judah" (38 10-20). Lastly/in Sir 48 17- 25, there is a summary of the good and wise deeds of Hezekiah, drawn from the accounts that we already have.

    Of these sources the account in 2 K is most purely annalist ic, originating at a time when religious and

    political values, in the Heb mind, were

    2. View- inseparable. In 2 Ch the religious point and coloring, esp. in its later developed Coloring ritual and legal aspects, has the de cided predominance. Sirach, with the

    mind of a man of letters, is concerned mainly with eulogizing H. in his "praise of famous men" (cf Sir 44-50), of course from the devout Heb point of view. In the vision of Isaiah (Isa 1-39), we have the reflection of the moral and spiritual situation in Jerus, as realized in the fervid prophetic consciousness; and in the prophecy of his younger contemporary Micah, the state of things in the out lying country districts nearest the path of invasion, when; both the iniquities of the ruling classes and the horrors of war were felt most keenly. Doubt less also many devotional echoes of these times of stress are deducible from the Pss, so far as we can fairly identify them.

    It is in Hezekiah s times esp. that the Assyr in scriptions become illuminating for the history of Israel; for one important thing they

    3. Side- furnish certain fixed dates to which the Lights chronology of the times can be ad justed. Of Sennacherib s campaign of

    701, for instance, no fewer than six accounts are at present known (see G. A. Smith, Jerus, II, 154, n.), the 1 most detailed being the "Taylor Cylinder," now in the British Museum, which in the main agrees, or at least is not inconsistent , with the Scripture history. ‘. Events of His Reign. From his weak and unprincipled father Ahaz (cf 2 Ch 28 10-25),

    Ilezekiah inherited not only a dis- 1. His organized realm but a grievous burden

    Heritage of Assyr dominance and tribute, and

    the constant peril and suspense of greater encroachments from that arrogant and arbi trary power: the state of tilings foretold in Isa 7 20; 8 7 f . The situation was aggravated by the fact that not only the nation s weakness but its spiritual propensities had incurred it: the domi nant classes were aping the sentiments, fashions and cultus of the East (cf Isa 2 G-S), while the neg lected common people were exposed to the corrup tions of the still surviving heathenism of the land. The realm, in short, was at the spiritual nadir-point from which prophets like Isaiah and Micah were laboring to bring about the birth of a true Heb con science and faith. Their task was a hard one: with a nation smear-eyed, dull-eared, fat-hearted (Isa 6 10), whose religion was a precept of men learned by



    Letter "H"

    rote (I*a 29 13). Clearly, from this point of view, ;i most dillicult career ‘vas before him.

    The sense of this nnspirit ual state of things fur nishes the best keynote of Hezekiah s reforms in religion, which according to the Chroni-

    2. Religious cler lie set. about as soon as he came Reform to the throne (2 Ch 29 3). It. is the

    Chronicler who gives the fullest ac count of these reforms (2 Ch 29-31); naturally, from his priestly point of vie’v and access to eccle siastical archives. He/ekiah bewail with the most, pressing constructive need, the opening and cleans ing of the Temple, which his father Ahaz had left closed and desecrated (2 Ch 28 21), and went on to the re-organization of its liturgical and choral service. In connection wit h this work he appointed a Passover observance, which, on a scale and spirit unknown since Solomon (2 Ch 30 2(5), he designed as a religious reunion of the devout-minded in all Israel, open not only to Jerus and Judah, but to all who would accept his invitation from Samaria, Galilee, and beyond the Jordan (2 Ch 30 5-12.18). The immediate result of the enthusiasm engendered by this Old Home ‘Yeek was a vigorous popular movement of iconoclasm against the idolatrous high places of the land. That t his was no weak fanat ical impulse to break something, but a touch of real spiritual quickening, seems evidenced by one inci dent of it: the breaking up of Moses old brax.en serpent and calling it what it had come to mean, ifhusiituii, a piece of brass (2 K 18 4); the movement seems in fact to have had in it the sense, however crude, that old religious forms had become hurtful and effete superstitions, hindering spirit uality. Nor could the movement stop with the old fetich. With it went the demolition of the high places themselves and the breaking down of t he- pillars (iiia^ccbhoth) and felling of the sacred groves ( ash trail ), main symbols these of a debasing nature- cult. This reform, on account of later reactions (see under MAXASSEH), has been deemed ineffective; rather, its effects were inward and germinal; nor were they less outwardly than could reasonably be expected, before its meanings were more deepened and centralized.

    All this, on the king s part, was his response to the spiritual influence of Isaiah, with whose mind

    his own was sincerely at one. As a

    3. Internal devout disciple in the school of pro- Improve- phetic ideas, he earnestly desired to ments maintain the prophet s insistent atti tude of "quietness and confidence"

    (cf Isa 30 15), that is, of stedfast trust in Jeh alone, and of abstinence from revolt and entangling alliances with foreign powers. This, however, in the stress and suspense of the times, did not pre clude a quiet preparation for emergencies; and doubtless the early years of his reign were notable, not only for mild and just administration through out his realm, but for measures looking to the forti fying and defence of the capital. His work of repairing and extending the walls and of strength ening the citadel (Millo), as mentioned in 2 Ch 32 5, had probably been in progress long before the Assyr crisis was imminent. Nor was he backward in coming to an understanding with other nations, as to the outlook for revolt against Assyria. He could not learn his lesson of faith all at once, esp. with a factious court pulling the other way. He did not escape the suspicion of Sargon (d. 705), who for his Egyp leanings counted him among the "plot ters of sedition" (cf COT, 100); while the increas ing prosperity and strength of his realm marked him for a leading role in an eventual uprising. He weathered at least one chance of rebellion, however, in 711, probably through the strenuous exertions of Isaiah (set- Isa 20 1 ff).

    4. The



    Hezekiah s opportunity to rise against Assyr domination seems to have been taken about 704. How so pious a king came to do it in spite of Isaiah s strenuous warnings, both against opposition to Assyria and alliance; with other powers, is not very clear. The present writer ventures to suggest the view that the beginning was forced or perhaps sprung upon him by his princes and nobles. In the year before, Sargon, dying, had left his throne to Sennacherib, and, as at all ancient changes of sovereignty, this was the signal for a general effort for independence on the part of sub ject provinces. That was also the year of ileze-

    Pool of Hezekiah.

    kiah s deadly illness (2 K 20; Isa 38), when for a time we know not how long he would be incapaci tated for active administration of affairs. Not un likely on his recovery he found his realm commit ted beyond withdrawal to an alliance with Egypt and perhaps the leadership of a coalition with Philislia; in which case personally he could only make the best of the situation. Then; was nothing for it but to confirm this coalition by force, which he did in his Phili campaign mentioned in 2 K 18 8. Mean while, in the same general uprising, the Chaldaean Merodach-baladan, who had already been expelled from Babylon after an 11-year reign (721-710), again seized that throne; and in due time envoys from him appeared in Jerus, ostensibly to con gratulate the king on his recovery from his illness, but really to secure his aid and alliance against Assyria (2 K 20 12-15; Isa 39 1-4). Hezekiah, flattered by such distinguished attention from so distant and powerful a source, by revealing his resources committed what the Chronicler calls the one impious indiscretion of his life; (2 Ch 32 31), incurring also Isaiah s reproof and adverse predic tion (2 K 20 17 f; Isa 39 6f). The conflict with Sennacherib was now inevitable; and Hezekiah, by turning the water supply of Jerus from the Cihon spring to a pool within the walls and closing it from without, put the capital in readiness to stand a siege. The faith evoked by this wise work, con firmed by the subsequent deliverance, is reflected in Ps 46. That this incurring of a hazardous war, however, with its turmoils and treacheries, and the presence of uncouth Arab mercenaries, was little to the king s desire or disposition, seems indicated in Ps 120, which with the other Songs of Degrees (Pss 120-34) may well reflect the religious faith of this period of Hezekiah s life.

    The critical moment came in 701, when Sen nacherib, who the year before had reconquered Babylon and expelled Merodach- 5. Invasion baladan (perhaps Isa 21 1-9 refers to and De- this), was free to invade his rebellious liverance provinces in the W. It was a vig orous and sweeping campaign; in which, beginning with Sidon and advancing down



    Letter "H"

    through the coast lands, he speedily subdued the Plrili cities, defeating them and their southern allies (whether these were from Egypt proper or from its extension across the Sinai peninsula and Northern Arabia, Mucri, is not quite clear) at Eltekeh; in which campaign, according to his inscription, he took 46 walled towns belonging to Judah with their spoil and deported over 200,000 of their inhabitants. This, which left Jerus a blockaded town (in fact he says of Hezekiah: "Himself I shut up like a bird in a cage in Jerus his royal city"), seems referred to in Isa 1 7-9 and predicted in Isa 6 11 f. Its immediate effect was to bring Hezekiah to terms and extort an enormous tribute (2 K 18 14-16). When later, however, he was treacherous enough to disregard the compact thus implied (perhaps Isa ch 33 refers to this), and demanded the surrender of the city (2 K 18 1719 7; Isa 36 237 7), Heze kiah besought the counsel of Isaiah, who bade him refuse the demand, and predicted that Sennacherib would "hear tidings" and return to his own land; which prediction actually came to pass, and sudden ly Hezekiah found himself free. A deliverance so great, and so signally vindicating the forthputting of faith, could not but produce a momentous revul sion in the nation s mind, like a new spiritual birth in which the faith of the "remnant" became a vital power in Israel; its immediate effect seems por trayed in Ps 124 and perhaps Ps 126, and its deep .significance as the birth of a nation in a day seems summarized long afterward in Isa 66 7-9; cf 37 3; 2 K 19 3.

    A second summons to surrender, sent from Libnah by letter (2 K 19 Iff; Isa 37 8 ff), is treated by the Scripture historians as a later 6. The feature of the same campaign; but

    Second recent researches seem to make it

    Summons possible, nay probable, that this be longed to another campaign of Sen nacherib, when Taharka of Ethiopia (Tirhdkdh, 2 K 19 9; Isa 37 9) came to power in Egypt, in 091. If this was so, there is room in Hezekiah s latter years for a decade of peace and prosperity (cf Ch 32 22.23.27-30), and in Isaiah s old age for a collection and revision of his so wonderfully vindicated prophecies. The historians evident union of two stories in one makes the new attitude with which this crisis was met, obscure; but the tone of confirmed confidence and courage seems decidedly higher. The discomfiture of Sennacherib in this case was brought about, not by a rumor of rebellions at home, but by an outbreak of plague (2 K 19 35 f; Isa 37 36 f), which event the Scripture writers interpreted as a miracle. The prophetic sign of deliverance (2 K 19 29; Isa 37 30) may be referred to the recovery of the devastated lands from the ravage inflicted by Sennacherib in his first campaign (cf also Ps 126 5 f).

    ‘. His Character. Our estimate of Hezekiah s character is most consistently made by regarding him as a disciple of Isaiah, who was earnestly minded to carry out his prophetic ideas. As, however, these were to begin with only the initial ideas of a spiritual "remnant," the king s sym pathies must needs be identified at heart, not with his imperious nobles and princes, but with a minor ity of the common people, whose religious faith did not become a recognizable influence in the state until after 701. In the meantime his zeal for purer wor ship and juster domestic administration, which made him virtually king of the remnant, made him a wise and sagacious prince over the whole realm. Isaiah s glowing prophecy (32 1-8) seems to be a Messianic projection of the saner and clearer-seeing era that his domestic policy adumbrated a time when king and nobles rule in righteousness, when man can lean on man, when things good and evil

    are seen as they are and called by their right names. When it came to dealing with the foreign situation, however, esp. according to the Isaianic program, his task was exceedingly difficult, as it were a pioneer venture in faith. His effort to maintain an attitude of stedfast trust in Jeh, with the devout quietism which, though really its consistency and strength looked like a supine passivity, would lead his rest lessly scheming nobles to regard him as a pious weakling; and not improbably they came to deem him almost a negligible quantity, and forced his hand into diplomacies and coalitions that were not to his mind. Some such insolent attitude of theirs seems to be portrayed in Isa 28 14-22. This was rendered all the more feasible, perhaps, by the period of incapacitation that must have attended his illness, in the very midst of the; nation s critical affairs. Isaiah s words (33 17 ff) may be an allu sion at once to his essential kingliness, to the abey ance of its manifestation due to his disease, and to the constricted condition into which, meanwhile, the realm had fallen. This exceedingly critical episode of Hezekiah s career does not seem to have had its rights with students of the era. Considering the trials that his patient faith must have had, always at cross-purposes with his nobles (cf Ps 120 6 f ) ; that now by reason of his sickness they had the whip hand; that his disease cut him off not only from hope of life, but from association with men and access to the sanctuary (cf Isa 38 10.11.12); that, as his son Alanasseh was not born till three years within the fifteen now graciously added to his life (cf 2 K 21 1), his illness seemed to endanger the very perpetuity of the Davidic dynasty, we have reason for regarding him as well-nigh a martyr to the new spiritual uprise of faith which Isaiah was laboring to bring about. In the Messianic ideal which, in Isaiah s sublime conception, was rising into personal form, it fell to his lot to adumbrate the first kingly stage, the stage of committal to Jeh s word and will and abiding the event. It was a cardinal element in that composite ideal which the Second Isaiah pushes to its ultimate in his por trayal of the servant of Jeh; another element, the element of sacrifice, has yet to be added. Mean while, as with the king so with his remnant-realm, the venture of faith is like a precipitation of spirit ual vitality, or, as the prophet puts it, a new birth (cf Isa 26 17 f; 37 3; 66 7 f, for the stages of it). The event of deliverance, not by men s policies but by Jeh s miraculous hand, was the speedy vindi cation of such trust; and the revulsion of the next decade witnessed a confirming and solidifying of spiritual integrity in the remnant which made it a factor to be reckoned with in the trying times that succeeded (see under MANASSEH). The date of Hezekiah s death (probably not long after 690) is not certainly known; nor of the death of his mentor Isaiah (tradition puts this by martyrdom under Manasseh); but if our view of his closing years is correct, the king s death crowned a consistent char acter of strength and spiritual stedfastness; while the unapproachable greatness of Isaiah speaks for itself.

    IV. Reflection of His Age in Literature. The sublime and mature utterances of Isaiah alone, fall ing in this time, are sufficient evidence 1. Compila- that in Hezekiah s age, Israel reached tion and its golden literary prime. Among the Revival idealists and thinkers throughout the

    nation a new spiritual vigor and insight w r ere awake. Of their fellowship was the king him self, who emulated the activity of his predecessor Solomon as patron of piety and letters. The com pilation of the later Solomonic section of the Prov erbs (Prov 25-29), attributed to the "men of Hezekiah," indicates the value attached to the



    Letter "H"

    accumulations of tin 1 so-called Wisdom literature; and it is fair to assume that, these men of Hezekiah did not slop ‘vith compiling, but. stamped upon the body of Proverbs as a whole thai sense of it as a philosophy of life which it henceforth bears, and perhaps added the introductory section, Prov 1-9. Nor would a king so zealous for the organization and enrichment of the temple-worship (cf Isa 38 20) be indifferent to its body of sacred song. It, seems certain that his was, in all the nation s history, the greatest single agency in compiling and adapting the older Davidic Pss, and in the composition of new ones. Perhaps this union of collecting and creative work in psalmody is referred to in the men tion of "the words of David, and of Asaph the seer" (2 Ch 29 30). To Hezekiah himself is attributed one "writing" which is virtually a psalm, Isa 38 20. The custom through all the history of hymnology (in our own day also) of adapting older composi tions to new liturgical uses makes uncertain the identification of psalms belonging specifically to this period; still, many psalms of books ii and iii, and esp. those ascribed to Asaph and the sons of Korah, seem a close reflection of the spirit of the times. Ail interesting theory recently advanced (see Thirtle, ()T 1 mhlnns) that the fifteen Songs of the Steps ("Degrees" or "Ascents," Pss 120-34) are a memorial of Hezekiah s fifteen added years, when as a sign the shadow went backward on the steps of Ahaz (2 K 20 8-11), seems to reveal many remarkable echoes of that eventful time. Nor does it seem unlikely that with this first ex tensive collection of psalms the titles began to be added.

    This literary activity of Hezekiah s time, though concerned largely with collecting and reviving the

    treasures of older literature, was pur- 2. Of More sued not in the cold scribal spirit, but Creative in a fervid creative way. This may be Strain realized in two of the psalms which the

    present writer ascribes to this period. Ps 49, a psalm of the sons of Korah, is concerned to make an essential tenet of Wisdom viable in song (cf vs 3. -’), as if one of the "men of Hezekiah" who is busy with the Solomonic counsels would popularize the spirit of his findings. Ps 78 in like manner, a Mast hil of Asaph, is concerned to make the noble histories of old viable in song (ver 2), esp. the wilder ness history when Israel received the law and beheld Jeh s wonders, and down to the time when Ephraim was rejected and Judah, in the person of David, was chosen to the leadership in Israel.

    Such a didactic poem would not stand solitary in a period so instructed. As in Wisdom and psalmody, so in the domain of law and its attendant history, the literary activity was vigorous. This age of Hezekiah seems the likeliest time for putting into literary idiom that "book of the la’y" found later in the Temple (2 K 22); which book Josiah s reforms, carried out according to its com mands, prove to have been our Book of Dt. This is not the place to discuss the Deuteronomic problem (sec under JOSIAH); it is fair to note here, however, that as compared with the austere statement of the Mosaic statutes elsewhere, this book has a literary art and color ing which seem to stamp its style as that of a later age than Moses , though its substance is Mosaic; and this age of Hezekiah seems the likeliest time to put its re writing and adaptation. Nor did the new spirit of literary creation feed itself entirely on the past. The king s chastening experience of illness and trial, with the stedfast faith that upbore and survived it, must have, been fruitful of new ideas, esp. of that tremendous con ception, now just entering into thought, of the ministry of suffering. Time, of course, must be allowed for the ripening of an idea so full of involvement; and it is long before its sacrificial and atoning values come to light in such utterances as Isa 53. But such psalms as 49 and 73, not to mention Hezekiah s own psalm (Isa 38), show that the problem was a living one; it was working, moreover, in connection with the growing Wisdom phi losophy, toward the composition of the Book of Job, which in a masterly way both subjects the current Wis dom motives to a searching test and vindicates the intrinsic integrity of the patriarch in a discipline of ex-

    trernest trial. The life of a king whose experience had some share in clarifying the ideas of such a book was not lived in vain.


    HEZEKIAH, THE MEN OF: A body of men of letters to whom is ascribed the compilation of a sup plementary collection of Solomonic proverbs (Prov 25 1). See PROVERBS, BOOK OF, II. 5; HEZEKIAH, IV, 2.

    HEZION, he zi-on fPT? , hezydn; LXX B, Altiv, Azc in, A, A^aTjX, Azntl): An ancestor of Ben-hadad, king of Syria (1 K 15 18).

    HEZIR, he zer:

    (1) p n Tn, hf-zlr; LXX B, Xi^tCv, Chezcin, A, Ieip, Ifznr): A Levite in the time of David (1 Ch 24 15).

    (2) (LXX H?ip, Hczclr): A chief of the people in the time of Nehemiah (Neh 10 20).

    HEZRO, hez ro, HEZRAI, hez rS-I, hez ri (IITH , hczro, 2 S 23 35; 1 Ch 11 37, but the K c re of 2 S 23 35is"Hjn hczrny. The ancient VSS almost unanimously support the form Hezrai) : A Carmel ite, i.e. an inhabitant of Carmel. See CARMELITE. One of David s thirty "mighty men."

    HEZRON, hez ron CP?n , heqrdn, and heqrdn; LXX "Ao-pwv, Aaron):

    (1) A son of Reuben (den 46 9; Ex 6 14), and head of the family of the Hezronites (Nu 26 6).

    (2) A son of Perez, and grandson of Judah (Gen 46 12; Nu 26 21; 1 Ch 2; 4 1), a direct ancestor of David (Ruth 4 18 f). He appears also in the genealogy of Our Lord ( E<rpi/x, Esrom) (Mt 13; Lk 3 33).

    HEZRON (PSn, heqrdn, "inclosure") : On the S. boundary of Judah between "Kadesh-barnea" and "Addar" (Josh 15 3); in the || passage (Nu 34 4) "Hazar-addar." The two places may have been near together. Cornier suggests that the name survives in Jebel Hadtnrch, a mountain N.W. of Petra in the Tih.

    HEZRONITES, hez ron-Its ("ISnn and " I 5"l?nn , ha-hcqronl; LXX 6 Ao-pwvci, ho Asrdnei) : The name of the descendants of Hezron the son of Reuben (Nu 26 6), and of the descendants of Hez ron the son of Perez (26 21).

    HIDDAI, hid s-i, hi-da I p H , h ulday; Alex. Ae0eU, Huththai): One of David s thirty "mighty men" (2 S 23 30), described as "of the brooks of Gaash." In the || list in 1 Ch 11 32 the form of the name is "Hurai" ("H 7 ^, huray).

    HIDDEKEL, hid S-kel (-j<"n , hiddekd): One of the rivers of EDEN (q.v.) (Gen 2 14, RVm "that is, Tigris"; so LXX Tiypis, Tigris), said to flow 7 E. to Assyria, usually identified with the Tigris, which rises in Armenia near Lake Van and, after flowing S.E. through 8 degrees of latitude, joins the Eu phrates in Babylonia to form the Shalt el- Arab, which runs for 100 miles through a delta which has been formed since the time of Abraham, and now (>nters the Pers Gulf through 2 branches. About, one-third of the distance below its source, and soon after it emerges from the mountains of Kurdistan, the Tigris passes by Mosul, the site of ancient Nineveh, and, lower down at Bagdad, ap proaches within a few miles of the Euphrates. Here and for many miles below, since the level is lower



    Letter "H"

    than that of the Euphrates, numerous canals are conducted to it, irrigating the most fertile portions of Babylonia. GEORGE FREDERICK WRIGHT

    HIDDEN, hid"n: The tr of tdman, "to hide," "to bury" (Job 3 16); of cdphan "to conceal," "store up" (15 20, "The number of years is hidden to the oppressor," RV "even the number of years that are laid up for the oppressor," m "and years that are numbered are laid up"; Job 24 1, "Why, seeing times are not hidden from the Almighty," RV "Why are times not laid up by the Almighty?" m as AV with "Why is it?" prefixed; Ps 83 3, "They consulted [RV "consult"] against thy hidden ones"); of inacpunim (from $aphan), "hidden things or places" (Ob ver 6, "How are his hidden things sought up!" RV "treasures," ARV "sought out"); of paid , "to be wonderful," "difficult" (Dt 30 11, "This commandment .... is not hidden from thee," RV "too hard for thee," m "or wonderful"); of hdphas, Hithpael, "to hide one s self" (Prov 28 12, RV "When the wicked rise, men hide themselves," m "Heb must be searched for"); of kruptos, "hidden," "secret" (1 Pet 3 4, "the hidden man of the heart"; 1 Cor 4 5, krupton, "the hidden things of darkness"; 2 Cor 4 2, "the hidden things of dishonesty," RV "of shame"); ofapoknip- to, "to hide away," trop., not to reveal or make known (1 Cor 2 7, "But we speak God s wisdom in a mystery, even the wisdom that hath been hidden" ; cf Eph 3 9; Col 120).

    Among the occurrences of "hidden" in Apoc we have (2 Esd 16 02), "The Spirit of Almighty (iod .... seareheth out all hidden things in the secrets of the earth," KY "He who made all tilings and scarcheth out hidden things in hidden places "; Keel us 42 1!>. "reveal ing tiie steps [RV "traces"] of hidden things," <i]>6kru- phos; ver 20, " Neither any word is hidden from him," KV "hid," ekrubt).

    W. L. WALKER

    KIEL, hi el (sin , hi el; Ax^X, AchiH): A Bethelite who according to 1 K 16 34 rebuilt Jericho, and in fulfilment of a curse pronounced by Joshua (Josh 6 2(5) sacrificed his two sons. This seems to have been a custom prevalent among primitive peoples, the purpose being to ward off ill luck from the inhabitants, esp. in a case where the destroyer had invoked a curse on him who pre sumed to rebuild. Numerous instances are brought to light in the excavations of Gezer (Macalister, Bible Side-Lights from the Mound of Gezer, ch x). At first the very best was claimed as a gift to the deity, e.g. one s own sons; then some less valuable member of the community. When civilization prevented human sacrifice, animals were offered instead. The story of Abraham offering Isaac may be a trace of this old custom, the tenor of the story implying that at the time of the writing of the record, the custom was corning to be in disrepute. A similar instance is the offering of his eldest son by the king of Edom to appease the deity and win suc cess in battle (2 K 3 27; cf Mic 6 7). Various conjectures have been made as to the identity of this king. Ewald regarded him as a man of wealth and enterprise; (unlemehmender reichtr Mann); Cheyne following Niebuhr makes it Jehu in dis guise, putting 1 K 16 34 after 2 K 10 33; Winck- ler explains as folklore. W . N. STEARNS

    HIERAPOLIS, he-er-ap 6-lis ( lepd-n-oXis, Hier apolis, "sacred city") : As the name implies, Hierap olis was a holy city. It was situated 6 miles from Laodicea and twice that distance from Colossae, on the road from Sardis to Apamea. Though its history is not well known, it seems to have been of Lydian origin, and once bore the name of Kydrara. The Phrygian god Sabazios was worshipped there under the name Echidma, and represented by the

    symbol of the serpent. Other local deities were Leto and her son Lairbenos. Though called the holy city, Hierapolis was peculiarly regarded as the stronghold of Satan, for there was a Plutonium, or a hole reaching far down into the earth, from which there issued a vapor, even poisoning the birds flying above. It is supposed that upon a stool, deep in the Plutonium, a priest or priestess sat, and, when under the influence of the vapor, uttered prophecies valuable to those who sought them. Though a stronghold of Satan, Hierapolis early became a Christian city, for, according to Col 4 13, the only place where it is mentioned in the NT, a church was founded there through the influence of Paul while he was at Ephesus. Tradition claims that Philip was the first evangelist to preach then 1 , and it also claims that he and his two unmarried daughters were buried there; a third who was married, was buried at Ephesus. Several of the early Christians suffered martyrdom at Hierapolis, yet Christianity flourished, other churches wen; built, and during the 4th cent, the Christians filled the Plutonium with stones, thus giving evi dence that the paganism had been entirely su]>- planted by the church. During the Rom period, Justinian made the city a metropolis, and it con tinued to exist into the Middle Ages. In the year 1190 Frederick Barbarossa fought with the Byzan tines there.

    The modern town is called Ptunbuk Kalcssi, or cotton castle, not because cotton is raised in the vicinity, but because of the white deposit from the water of the calcareous springs. The springs were famous in ancient times because they were supposed to possess Divine powers. The water is tepid, impregnated with alum, but pleasant to the taste;. It was used by the ancients for dyeing and medicinal purposes. The deposit of pure white brought up by the water from the springs has heaped itself over the surrounding buildings, nearly burying them, and stalactite formations, resembling icicles, hang from the ruins. The ruins, which are exten sive, stand on a terrace 1 , commanding an extensive view, and though they are partly covered by the deposit, OIK; may still trace the city walls, the temple, several churches, the triumphal arch, the gymnasium and baths, and the most perfect theater in Asia Minor. Outside the walls are many tombs.

    !]. J. BANKS

    HIEREEL, hi-er 0-el ( lepe^X, IH.wt-1): 1 Esd 9 21. In Ezr 8 9 the name is Jehiel.

    HIERIELUS, hl-er-i-e lus See JEZRIELUS.

    HIEREMOTH, hl-er f>-moth ( lepe^e, leretnoth):

    (1) 1 Esd 9 27 = Jeremoth (Ezr 10 2(5).

    (2) 1 Esd 9 30=Jeremoth (Ezr 10 29, m "and Ramoth").

    HIERMAS, hl-ur mas ( Ispuds, Hiermds): 1 Esd 9 20, corresponding to Itamiah in Ezr 10 25.

    HIGGAION, hi-ga yon, hi-gl on ("p^H , hig- gdyun) : The meaning of this word is uncertain. Two interpretations are possible; the OIK; based on an allied Arab, root gives "a deep vibrating sound," the other derived from the Gr VSS of Ps 9 1(5, where we read higgdydn Seldfi, takes it to mean an instrumental interlude. See PSALMS.

    HIGH DAY: Is found in Gen 29 7 as a render

    ing of the Heb 51~3 DT 1 , yum gddfiol, lit. "great day." The Heb means the day at its height, broad daylight, as contrasted with the time for getting the cattle to their sheds for the night (cf Fr. grand jour). In Jn 19 31, "highday" renders fj-eyd^



    Letter "H"

    i)/ji^pa, mc<i<ilc, hi intm, lit. "great day," and refers to the Passover Sabbath and therefore a Sabbath of special sanctity.

    HIGHEST, hl est ( ^" , Y’"‘; vxj/uri-os, hu- psislox): The trot" V’r>/i, used frequently of God and commonly tr 1 "Most. High" (1 s 18 13, "The Highest gave his voice," RV "Most High"; 87 f>, "the highest himself," RV "Most High"; Ezk 41 7, "the lowest [chamber] to the highest"); of gnm- nnth, the foliage of a tree (as if the wool or hair of trees), "the highest, branch" (Ezk 17 3.22, RV "top," "lofty to])"); of rosh, "head," "top" (Prov 8 20, "the highest part of the dust, of the world," AVm "the chief part," RV "the beginning of," in "sum"); ()(ij>l>c mardm, "on the ridges ot the heights" (Prov 9 3, "the highest places of the city"); (/hubltu"h inc <d gabhfr h, lit. "one high [powerful] who is above the high [oppressor]," is tr d "he that is higher than the highest," (Eccl 5 8), RV "one higher than the high [regardeth]. In the NT, hupsialos (like Y’f>/0 is used of God (Lk 1 32, "the Son of the Highest," ver 3o, "the power of the Highest," ver 7(5, "the prophet of the High est"; 6 3f>, "the children of the Highest," in these places RV has "Most High"); we have also "Ho- sanna in the highest" (Mt 21 <>; Mk 11 10; see HOSANXA), "Glory to God in the highest" (Lk 2 14), "Glory in the highest" (Lk 19 38); protoklisla, "the first reclining-place" (at table), the chief place at meals, the middle place in each couch of ( the triclinium (Robinson), is rendered (Lk 14 8),_ "the highest room," RV "chief seat"; "room" was intro duced by Tindale; Wiclif had "the first place"; protokathedria (protos, "first," kdthedra, "seat"), "the first or chief seat," is rendered (Lk 20 40) "the highest seats," RV "chief seats," ‘Viclif "the first chairs."

    "The Highest" as a term for God appears (2 Esd 4 11.34, RV "Most High"; Wisd 6 3, hupsistos; Ecclus 28 7, RV "Most High"). See also GOD, NAMES OF. W. L. WALKER

    HIGHMINDED, hi mind-ed: In modern usage denotes elevation of mind in a good sense, but formerly it was used to denote upliftedness in a bad sense, pride, arrogance. _ It is the tr of hupselophron&o, "to be highminded." "proud," "haughty" (Rom 11 20, "Be not highminded, but fear"; 1 Tim 6 17, "Charge them that are rich .... that they be not highminded"); of tuphoo "to wrap in mist or smoke," trop., to wrap in con ceit, to make proud, etc (2 Tim 3 4, "Traitors, heady, highminded," RV "puffed up"; cf 1 Tim 30; 64). "No one can be highminded without thinking better of himself, and worse of others, than he ought to think" (Crabb, English Synonymes).

    W. L. WALKER


    HIGH PLACE: (1) "High place" is the normal tr of rrp2 , bam ah, a word that means simply "ele vation" (Jer 26 18; Ezk 36 2, etc; 1. General cf the use in Job 9 8 of the waves of the sea. For the pi. as a proper noun see BAMOTH). In AV of Ezk 16 24.25,31.39, "high places" is the tr of T’12~’ , ramah (RV "lofty places"), a common word (sec RAMAH) of exactly the same meaning, indistinguishable from bun/ah in ver 10. In three of these vs of Ezk (24.31.39) ramah is paralleled by 23, gabh, which again has precisely the same sense ("eminent place" in AV, ERV), and the "vaulted place" of ARV (ERVm) is in disregard of Heb parallelism. In particular, the high places are places of worship, specifically of idolatrous worship. So the title was transferred from the elevation to the sanctuary on the elevation


    (1 K 11 7; 14 2)5; cf the burning of the "high place" in 2 K 23 15), and so came to be used of any idolatrous shrine, whether constructed on an ele vation or not (note how in 2 K 16 4; 2 Ch 28 4 the "high places" are distinguished from the "hills"). So the "high places" in the cities (2 K 17 9; 2 Ch 21 11 [LXX]) could have stood anywhere, while in Ezk 16 10 a portable structure seems to be in point. (2) The use of elevations for purposes of worship is so widespread as to be almost universal,

    Tull Taanach (a Typical Canaanite High Place).

    and rests, probably, on motives so primitive as to evade formal analysis. If any reason is to be as signed, the best seems to be that to dwellers in hilly country the heaven appears to rest on the ridges and the sun to go forth from them but such reasons are certainly insufficient to explain everything. Certain it is that Israel, no less than her neighbors, found special sanctity in the hills. Not only was Sinai the "Mount of God," but a long list can be drawn up of peaks that have a special relation to Jeh (sec MOUNT, MOUNTAIN; and for the NT, cf Mk 9 2; He 12 18-24, etc). And the choice of a hilltop for the Temple was based on considerations other than convenience and visibility. (But bainah is not used of the Temple Mount.)

    Archaeological research, particularly at Petra and Gezer, aided by the OT notices, enables us to

    reconstruct these sanctuaries with 2. Descrip- tolerable fulness. The cult was not tion limited to the summit of the hill but

    took place also on the slopes, and the objects of the cult might be scattered over a con siderable area. The most sacred objects were the upright stone pillars (maQQebhah) , which seem to have been indispensable. (Probably the simplest "high places" were only a single upright stone.) They were regarded as the habitation of the deity, but, none the less, were usually many in number (a fact that in no way need implicate a plurality of deities). At one time they were the only altars, and even at a later period, when the altar proper was used, libations were sometimes poured on the pillars directly. The altars were of various shapes, according to their purpose (incense, whole burnt offerings, etc), but were always accompanied by one or more pillars. Saucer-shaped depressions, into which sacrifices could be poured, are a remnant of very primitive rites (to this day in Samaria the paschal lamb is cooked in a pit). The trees of the high place, esp. the "terebinths" (oaks?), were sacred, and their number could be supplemented or their absence supplied by an artificial tree or pole ( dshi rah, the "grove" of AV). (Of course the original meaning of the pillar and asherah was not always known to the worshipper.) An amusing feature of the discoveries is that these objects were often of minute size, so that the gods could be grati fied at a minimum of expense _to the worshipper. Images (ephods?; the t raphlm were household objects, normally) are certain, but in Pal no rem nants exist (the little Bes and Astarte figures were



    Letter "H"

    not idols used in worship). Oilier necessary fea tures of a high place of the larger size were ample provision of water for lustra! purposes, kitchens where the sacrifices could be cooked (normally by boiling), and tables for the sacrificial feasts. Nor mally, also, the service went on in the open air, but slight shelters were provided frequently for some of the objects. If a regular priest was attached to the high place (not always the case), his dwelling

    Pillars and Hollow Stone of the Hifrh Place at Gezer.

    [Bible Sidc-Ligtds from the Mound of Gezer.]

    must have been a feature, unless he lived in some nearby village. Huts for those practising incuba tion (sleeping in the sanctuary to obtain revelations through dreams) seem not to have been uncommon. But formal temples were very rare and "houses of the high places" in 1 K 12 31; 13 32; 2 K 17 29.32; 23 19 may refer only to the slighter structures just mentioned (see the comni.). In any case, however, the boundaries of the sanctuary were marked out, generally by a low stone wall, and ablutions and removal of the sandals were necessary before the worshipper could enter.

    For the ritual, of course, there was no uniform rule. The gods of the different localities were different, and in Pal a more or less thorough rededi- cation of the high places to Jeh had taken place. So the service might be anything from the orderly worship of Jeh under so thoroughly an accredited leader _as Samuel (1 S 9 11-24) "to the wildest orgiastic rites. That the worship at many high places was intensely licentious is certain (but it must be emphasized against the statements of many writers that there is no evidence for a specific phallic- cult, and that the explorations have revealed no un mistakable phallic emblems). The gruesome ceme tery for newly born infants at Gezer is only one of the proofs of the prevalence of child-sacrifice, and the evidence for human sacrifice in other forms is unfortunately only too clear. See GEZER, and illustration on p. 1224.

    (1) The opposition to the high places had many motives. When used for the worship of other gods

    their objectionable character is ob- 3. History vious, but even the worship of Jeh in

    the high places was intermixed with heathen practices (Hos 4 14, etc). In Am 6 21- 24, etc, sacrifice in the high places is denounced because it is regarded as a substitute for righteous ness in exactly the same way that sacrifice in the Temple is denounced in Jer 7 21-24. Or, sacri fice in the high places may be denounced under the best of conditions, because in violation of the law of the one sanctuary (2 Ch 33 17, etc).

    (2) In 1 S, sacrifice outside of Jerus is treated as an entirely normal thing, and Samuel presides in one such case (1 S 9 11-24). In 1 K the prac tice of using high places is treated as legitimate before the const ruction of the Temple; (1 K 3 2-4), but after that it is condemned unequivocally. The primal sin of Northern Israel was the establishment

    of high places (1 K 12 31-33; 13 2.33 f), and their continuance was a chief cause of the evils that came to pass (2 K 17 10 f), while worship in them was a characteristic of the mongrel throng that repopu- lated Samaria (2 K 17 32). So Judah sinned in building high places (1 K 14 23), but the editor of K notes with obvious regret that even the pious kings (Asa, 1 K 15 14; Jehoshaphat, 22 43; Jehoash, 2 K 12 3; Amaziah, 14 4; Azariah,

    15 4; Jotham, 15 35) did not put them away; i.e. the editor of K has about the point of view of Dt 12 8-11, according to which sacrifice was not to be restricted to Jerus until the country should be at peace, but afterward the restriction should be absolute. The practice had been of such long .standing that Hezekiah s destruction of the high places (2 K 18 4) could be cited by Rabshakeh as an act of apostasy from Jeh (2 K 18 22; 2 Ch 32 12; Isa 36 7). Under Manasseh they were rebuilt, in connection with other idolatrous prac tices (2 K 21 3-9). This act determined the final punishment of the nation (vs 10-15), and the root- and-branch reformation of Josiah (ch 23) came too late. The attitude of the editor of Ch is still more condemnatory. He explains the sacrifice at Gibeon as justified by the presence of the Tabernacle (1 Ch

    16 39; 21 29; 2 Ch 1 3.13), states that God fearing northerners avoided the high places (2 Ch 11 16; cf 1 K 19 10.14), and (against K) credits Asa (2 Ch 14 3.5) and Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 17 6) with their removal. (This last notice is also in con tradiction with 2 Ch 20 33, but 16 17u is probably meant to refer to the Northern Kingdom, despite 17/>.) On the other hand, the construction of high places is added to the sins of Jehoram (2 Ch 21 11) and of Ahaz (2 Ch 28 4.5).

    (3) Among the prophets, Elijah felt the destruc tion ^of the many altars of God as a terrible grief (1 K 19 10.14J. Amos and Hosea each mention the high places by name only once (Am 7 9; Hos 10 8), but both prophets have only denunciation for t he sacrificial practices of the Northern Kingdom. That, however, these sacrifices were offered in the wrong place is not said. Isa has nothing to say about the high places, except in 36 7, while Mic 1 5 equates the sins of Jerus with those of the high places (if the text is right), but promises the exaltation of Jerus (4 1 f). In the references in J<>r 7 31; 19 5; 32 35; Ezk 6 3.6; 16 16; 20 29; 43 7, idolatry or abominable practices are in point (so probably in Jer 17 3, while Jer 48 35 and Isa 16 12 refer to non-Israelites).

    (4) The interpretation of the above data and their historical import depend on the critical position taken as to the general history of Israel s religion. See RELIGION OF ISRAEL; CRITICISM; DEUTER ONOMY, etc.

    LITERATURE. See, esp., IDOLATRY, and also ALTARS; ASHKRAH, etc:. For the archaeological lit., see PALES TINE.


    HIGH THINGS: The tr of hupsclos, "high," "lofty," "elevated" (Rom 12 16, "Mind not high things, but condescend to men of low estate," AVrn "be contented with mean things," RV "Set not your mind on high things, but condescend to [m "Gr be carried away with"] things [m "them"] that are lowly"); high things are proud things, things re garded by the world as high.

    High thing is hiipsoma, "a high place," "eleva tion," etc (2 Cor 10 5, "casting down every high thing that is exalted against the knowledge of God," "like a lofty tower or fortress built up proudly by the enemy"). In Jth 10 8; 13 4, hu psuma is ren dered "exaltation." W. L. WALKER



    Letter "H"

    HIGHWAY, hi wa. Sec ROAD; WAY.

    HILEN, hl len (T^H , hi I en): A city in the hill country of Judah, probably W. or S.’V. of Hebron, assigned with its suburbs to the Levites (1 Ch 6 5S [Heb -1:5]). The form of the name in Josh 15 51; 21 15 is HOLON (q.v.).

    HILKIAH, hil-kl a (n*pbn , hillclyah, "Jeh is my portion" or ".leh s portion"): The name ol S individuals in the OT or 7, if the person mentioned in Neh 12 7.21 was the same who stood with E/ra at the reading of the Law (.Neh 8 4). The latter appears as K/eeias (‘‘ ) in 1 Esd 9 43. Five of this name are clearly associated with the priest hood, and the others are presumably so. The ety mology suggests this. Either interpretation ol the name expresses the person s claim on Jeh or the parents recognition of .leh s claim on him.

    (1) The person mentioned above (Neh 8 4, etc).

    (2) A Levite of the sons of Merari (1 Ch 6 45).

    (3) Another Levite of Merari, son of Hosah (I Ch 26 11). Is he the "porter," i.e. "doorkeeper" of 1 Ch 16 38?

    (4) Father of the Gemariah whom Zedekiah Ol Judah sent to Nebuchadnezzar (Jer 29 3).

    (5) The man in 2 K 18 IS IT who is evidently more famous as the father of Eliakim, the major- domo of Hezekiah s palace (Isa 22 20 ff; 36 3fT). Probably the father s name is given in this and similar cases to distinguish between two persons of otherwise identical name.

    ((>) A priest of Anathoth, father of Jeremiah (Jer 11).

    (7) The son of Shallum, and the best known of the name (1 Ch 6 13). He is great-grandfather of Ezra through his son A/ariah (1 Esd 81; cf

    1 Ch 9 11; Neh 11 11). He discovered the lost Book of the Law during the repairing of the Temple (2 K 22 4 8 ff); became chief leader in the ensuing reformation in 621 BC (2 K 23 4; 2 Ch 34 Off; 35 8). He showed the recovered book to Shaphan the scribe, who, in turn, brought it to the notice of the king. At Josiah s request he led a deputation to Huldah the prophetess to "enquire of the Lord" concerning the new situation created by the dis covery. The book discovered is usually identified with the Book of Dt. See DEUTERONOMY.


    HILL, HILL COUNTRY, hil kun-tri: The com mon tr of three Heb words:

    (1) nyiii, gibVuh, from root meaning "to be curved, " is almost always tr d "hill"; it is a peeul- in- v appropriate designation for the very rounded hills of Pal; it is never used tor a range of mountains. Several times it occurs as a place-name, Gibeah of Judah" (Josh 15 20.57); "Gibeah of Benjamin" or "Saul" (Jgs 19 12-16, etc) ; "Gibeah of Phine- has" (Josh 24 33m), etc (see GIBEAH). Many such hills were used for idolatrous rites (1 K 14 23;

    2 K 17 10; Jer 2 20, etc).

    (2) "in , hnr, frequently tr 1 in AV "hill," is in RV usually tr d "mountain" (cf Gen 7 19; Josh 15 9; 18 15 f, and many other references), or "hill- country." Thus we have the "hill-country of the Amoritcs" (Dt 1 7.19.20); the "hill-country of Gilead" (Dt 3 12); the "hill-country of Ephraim" (Josh 17 15.10. IS; 19 50; 20 7, etc); the "hill- country of Judah" (Josh 11 21; 20 7; 21 11; 2 Ch 27 4, etc; and [?? opeu-i?, fid oreine] Lk 1 39. 115 1; the "hill-country of Naphtali" (Josh 20 7). For geographical descriptions see PALESTINE; CoUNTUYJ EPHHAIM; JUDAH, etc.

    (3) bB y, o/j/id, is tr 1 by "hill" in 2 K 5 21; Isa 32 14 ; Mic 4 8, but may possibly mean

    "tower" or "fort." In other passages the word occurs with the art. as a place-name. See OPHEL.


    (1) The commonest word is 1H , har (also Tin, hdrdr, and "H^ , herer), which is rendered

    "hill," "mount," or "mountain." It 1. Names occurs several hundreds of times.

    In a number of places RV changes "hill" to "moun tain," e.g. Gen 7 1!>. mountains covered by flood; Kx 24 4, lloreb; Josh 18 14. mountain before Beth-horon; .Igs 16 :$, mountain before Hebron; Ps 95 4, "The heights of the mountains are his also"; 121 1, "I will lift up mine eyes unto the mountains." "Hill" remains in I)t 11 11, ""land of hills and valleys"; 1 K 20 23. "god of the hills"; Ps 2 <>, "my holy hill of /ion"; 98 s, "hills sing for joy." "Mount" is changed to "hill-country" in Dt 1 7, "hill-country of the Amor ites"; Jgs 12 15, "hill-country of the Amalekites"; Dt 3 12, "hill-country of Ciilead"; but (Jen 31 21, "mountain of (iilead"; and Jgs 7 3, "Mount (Ulead. " "Hill" or "hills" is changed to "hill-country" in Dt 1 7; Josh 9 1; 10 40; 11 Hi; 17 Ki; 21 11. In Dt 1 4t.t:5, A KV changes "hill" to " hill-country," while KK’ lias "mountain." The reasons for these differences of treatment are not in all cases apparent.

    (2) The Gr 6pos, tiros, is perhaps etymologically

    akin to n .ij, har. It occurs often in the NT, and is usually tr 1 "mount" or "mountain." In three places" (Mt 5 14; Lk 4 29; 9 37) AV has hill, which RV retains, except in Lk 9 37, "when they were come down from the mountain" (of the trans figuration). The derivative 6pfiv6s, oreinos, "hill country," occurs in Lk 1 39.05.

    (3) The common Heb word for "hill" is !"1<33 , (jibli*uh = Gibeah (Jgs 19.12); cf Geba, 233 , gebha? (1 S 13 3); Gibeon, 1*13733., gib on (Josh 9 3),

    from root 25} , gubha’ "to be high"; cf Arab, is^i , kubbch, "dome"; Lutcaput; K<pa’i?i, kephalt.

    (4) In 1 S 9 11, AV has "hill" for 7V>? , ma dlch, root nb^ , alah, "to ascend"; cf Arab.

    Lift, a/a , "to be high," and J^. , *ali, "high."

    Here and elsewhere RV has "ascent."

    (5) EV has "hill" in Isa 6 1 for ]} , kcrcn,


    also used for a mountain peak.

    (6) "Y1I2 , tur, is tr 1 "mountain" in Dnl 2 35.45,

    but RVm "rock" in Dnl 2 35. The Arab, .^b, tur, "mountain," is esp. used with Sinai,

    o ?,

    sJ , jebel tur slna .

    cf Arab. {jJ>, karn, "horn," which is

    (7) Sipa, muqqabh (Isa 29 3), is ti" 1 in AV "mount," in ERV "fort," in ARV "posted troops"; cf 22ig, mawabh, "garrison" (1 S 14 1, etc), from

    root I?! , naqabh, "to set"; cf Arab. ^^a3 , nasab,

    "to set. ^

    (S) r^^C, sol iah, from V"y , salal, "to raise," is in AV and ERV "mount," AVm "engine of shot," ARV "mound" (Jer 32 24; 33 4; Ezk 4 2; 17 17; 21 22; 26 S; Dnl 11 15).

    The mountains and hills of Pal are the features of the country, and were much in the thoughts of

    the Bib. writers. Their general aspect 2. Figura- is that of vast expanses of rock. As tive and compared with better-watered regions Descriptive of the earth, the verdure is sparse and

    incidental. Snow remains through out the year on Hermon and the two highest peaks of Lebanon, although in the summer it is in great isolated drifts which are not usually visible from below. In Pal proper, there are no snow moun-



    Letter "H"

    tains. Most of the valleys are dry wadies, and the roads often follow these wadies, which are to the traveler veritable ovens. It is when he reaches a commanding height and sees the peaks and ridges stretching away one after the other, with perhaps, through some opening to the W., a gleam of the sea like molten metal, that he thinks of the vastness and enduring strength of the mountains. At sun set the rosy lights arc; succeeded by the cool purple shadows that gradually fade into cold gray, and the traveler is glad of the shelter of his tent. The stars come out, and there is no sound outside the camp except perhaps the cries of jackals or the barking of some goat-herd s dog. These mountains arc; apt to repel the casual traveler by their bareness. They have no great forests on their slopes. Steep and rugged peaks like those of the Alps are entirely absent. There are no snow peaks or glaciers. There are, it is true, cliffs and crags, but the general outlines are not striking. Nevertheless, these mountains and hills have a great charm for those who have come to know them. To the Bib. writers they are symbols of eternity ((len 49 26; Dt 33 15; Job 15 7; Hab 3 (>). They are strong and stedfast, but they too are the creation of Clod, and they manifest His power (1 s 18 7; 97 5; Isa 40 12; 41 15; 54 10; Jer 4 24; Nah 1 5; Hab 3 6). The hills were places of heathen sacrifice (Dt 12 2; 1 K 11 7; 2 K 16 4; 17 10; Ezk 6 13; Hos 4 13), and also of sacrifice to Jeh (Gen 22 2; 31 54; Josh 8 30). Zion is the hill of the Lord (Ps 2 G; 135 21; Isa 8 IS; Joel 3 21; Mic 4 2).

    Many proper names are associated with the moun tains and hills: as Abarim, Arnalekites, Ammah, Amorites,

    Ararat, Baalah, Baal-hermon, Bashan,

    3, Par- Beth-el, Bother, farinol, Chesalon, Kbal.

    _,,i__ Ephraim, Ephron. Esau, Gaash, Garob,

    Geba, Gorizim, Gibeah, Gibeon, Gilboa. Mountains Gilead, Haohilah, Halak, Hebron, Hems,

    Hermon, Hor, Horeb. Jearim, Jiidah, Lebanon, Mizar, Moreh, Mqriah, Xaphtali, Nobp, Olives, Olivet, Paran, Porazim, IMsgah, .Samaria, Seir, Senir, Sephar, Shepher, Sinai, Sion, Sirion, Tabor, Zalmon, Zemaraim, Zion. See also " mountain of the east" (Gen 10 -50); " mountains of the leopards " (Cant 4 8); "rocks of the wild goats" (1 S 24 2i; "hill of the foreskins" (Gibeah-haaraloth) (Josh 5 3i; "mountains of brass" (Zee 6 1); "hill of God" (Gibeah of God) (1 S 10 "; "hill of Jeh" (Ps 24 3); "mount of congregation" (Isa 14 13); see also Mt 4 8; 5 1; 14 23; 15 2<J; 17 1; 28 10; Lk 8 32; Gal 4 25.


    HILLEL, hil el (5?n, hilM, "lie greatly praised"; LXX EX’T|’, Ellt l): An inhabitant of Pirathon in the hill country of Ephraim, and father of Abdon, one of the judges of Israel (Jgs 12 13.15).

    HIN, hin ("VI, hut): A liquid measure containing 12 logs, equal to about 8 quarts. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

    HIND, hind. See DEER.


    Aijdeth hash-Shahar ( ayyrk-th ha-fshuhar) in the title of Ps 22, probably the name of some well- known song to which the ps was intended to be sung, which possibly had reference to the early habits of the deer tribe in search of water and food, or to the flight of the hind from the hunters in early dawn; or "morning" may symbolize the deliverance from persecution and sorrow.

    "The first rays of the morning sun, by which it an nounces its appearance before being itself visible, an; compared to the fork-like antlers of a stag; and this appearance is called, I s 22 title, The hind of the morn ing, because those antler rays preceded the red of dawn, which again forms the transition to sunrise" (Delitzsch, Iris, 107).

    According to Hengstenberg, the words indicate the subject-matter of the poem, the character, sufferings, and triumph of the person who is set

    Ancient Egyptian Hinges.

    1, _ , 4. Bronze pivot liinnes: :t. Ba salt pivot fur hinges. Brit. Mus.

    before us. See PSALMS. For an interesting Mes sianic interpretation see Hood, Christmas Evans, the Preacher of Wild Wales, 92 ff. M. O. EVANS

    HINGE, hinj (PS , pdth) : Hinges of Jewish sacred buildings in Scripture are mentioned only in connection with Solomon s temple. Here those for the doors, both of the oracle and of the outer temple, are said to have been of gold (1 K 7 50). By this is probably to be under stood that the pivots upon which the doors swung, and which turned in the sockets of the threshold and the lintel, were cased in gold. The proverb, "As the door turneth upon its hinges, so doth the sluggard upon his bed" (Prov 26 14), describes the ancient mode of ingress and egress into import tint edifices. In the British Museum are many exam ples of stone sockets taken from Bab and Assyr pal aces and temples, engraved with the name and titles of the royal builder; while in the Htuiran doors of a single slab of stone with stone pivots are still found in situ. Hinges, as we understand the word, were unknown in the ancient world. See HOTSE II, 1.


    HINNOM, hin om, VALLEY OF (33H ^3, ge hinnom. Josh 15 S; 18 1(5; "valley of the son of Hinnom" [D2i"l ~’2 ^"t , ge bhen hinnom}, Josh 15 8; 18 16; 2 Ch 28 3; 33 6; Jer 7 31 f; 19 2.6;

    32 35; "valley of the children [sons] of Hinnom" [3SH "^ri ^ , ge bh ne hinnom}, 2 K 23 10; or simply "the valley," lit. the "hollow" or "ravine" [S^H , lin-yaij 1 }, 2 Ch 26 <); Neh 2 13.15; 3 13; Jer 31 40 and, perhaps also, Jer 2 23 [the above refer ences are in the Heb text ; there are some variations in the LXX]): The meaning of "Hinnom" is un known; the expressions ben Hinnom and b f ne Hinnom would suggest that it is a proper name; in Jer 7 32; 19 6 it is altered by the prophet to "valley of slaughter," and therefore some have thought the original name must have had a pleasing meaning.

    It was near the walls of Jems, "by the entry of the

    gate Harsith" (Jer 19 2); the Valley Gate opened

    into it (Xeh 2 13; 3 13). The

    1. Bible boundary between Judah and Benja-

    References min ran along it (Josh 15 8; 18 16).

    and History It was the scene of idolatrous practices

    in the days of Ahaz (2 Ch 28 3) and of

    Manasseh, who " made his children to pass through

    the fire in the valley of the son of Hinnom" (2 Ch

    33 6), but Josiah in the course of his reforms "de filed Topheth, which is in the valley of the children [m "son"] of Hinnom, that no man might make his son or his daughter to pass through the fire to Mo- lech" (2 K 23 10). It was on account of these evil practices that Jeremiah (7 32; 19 6) announced the change of name. Into this valley dead bodies were probably cast to be consumed by the dogs, as is done in the Wddy er-Rabdbi today, and fires were here kept burning to consume the rubbish of the city. Such associations led to the Ge- Hinnom (NT "Gehenna") becoming the "type of Hell" (Milton, Paradise Lost, i, 405). See GEHENNA.

    The Valley of Hinnom has been located by differ ent writers in each of the three great valleys of Jerus. In favor of the eastern or Kidron valley



    Letter "H"

    we have ihe facts that Ease-bins and Jerome (Onorn) place "(iehennom" under the eastern wall

    of Jerns and the Moslem geographical 2. Situation writers, Mukaddasi and Nasir-i-khus-

    ran, call the Kidron valley Wady Jahomum. The Jewish writer Kimchi also identifi(-s the Valley of Jehoshaphat (i.e. the Kidron) with Hinnom. These ideas are probably due to the

    Gehenna and Akeldama.

    identification of Ihe eastern valley, on account of its propinquity to the Temple, as the scene of the last judgment the " Valley of Jehoshaphat" of Joel 3 2 and the consequent transference there of the scene of the punishment of the wicked, Gehenna, after the ancient geographical position of the Valley of Hinnom, had long been lost. In selecting sacred sites, from the 4th Christian cent, onward, no critical topographical acumen has been displayed until quite modern times. There- are three amply sufficient arguments against this view: (1) the Kidron valley is always called a nahal and not a gay (see KIDRON); (2) the "Gate of the Gai" clearly did not lie to the E. of the city; (3) En-rogel, which lay at the beginning of the Valley of Hinnom and to its E. (Josh 15 8; 18 16) cannot be the Virgin s fount," the ancient Gihon (2 S 17 17). See GIHON.

    Several distinguished modern writers have sought to identify the Tyropocon Valley (el Wad) with Hinnom, but as the Tyropoeon was incorporated within the city walls before the days of Manasseh (see JERUSALEM), it is practically impossible that it could have been the scene of the sacrifice of children a ritual which must have occurred be yond the city s limits (2 K 23 10, etc).

    The clearest geographical fact is found in Josh 16 8; 18 16, where we find that the boundary of Judah and Benjamin passed from 3. Wady er- En-rogel "by the valley of the son of Rababi Hinnom"; if the modern BIT Eyyub is

    En-rogel, as is certainly most probable, then the Wady cr-Rabdbi, known traditionally as Hinnom, is correctly so called. It is possible that the name extended to the wide open land formed by the junction of the three valleys; indeed, some would place Tophet at this spot, but there is no need to extend the name beyond the actual gorge. The Wady er- Rababi commences in a shallow, open valley due W. of the Jaffa Gate, in the center of which lies the Birkct Mamilla; near the Jaffa Gate it turns S. for about 3 of a mile, its course being dammed here to form a large pool, the Birkct ex Sultan. Below this it gradually curves to the E. and rapidly descends between sides of bare rocky scarps, much steeper in ancient times. A little before; the valley joins the wide Kidron valley lies the traditional site of AKELDAMA (q.v.).


    HIP (pIC, shok, "leg," "limb," "hip," "shoul der"): Samson smote the Philis "hip and thigh" (Heb "leg upon thigh"), which was indicative of "a great slaughter" (Jgs 15 8), the bodies being hewed in pieces with such violence that they lay in bloody confusion, their limbs piled up on one another in great heaps. See also SINEW.

    HIPPOPOTAMUS, hip-6-pot a-mus( Job 41 1m). See BEHEMOTH.

    HIRAH, hl ra (ST^n , hlrah; LXX Etpds, Birds ) : A native of Adullam, and a "friend" of Judah (Gen 38 1.12). The LXX and the Vulg both describe him as Judah s "shepherd."

    HIRAM, hi ram (DTTT , hlram; LXX Xipdp., Chirdni, but Xeipdp., Chcvrdm, in 2 S 5 11; 1 Ch 14 1): There is some confusion regarding the form of this name. In the books of S and K the pre vailing form is "Hiram" (a"Vn , hlrdtn); but in

    1 K 5 10.18m (Heb 24.32); 7 40m "Hirom" (2"l~Pn , hlrnin) is found. In Ch the form of the word is uniformly "Huram" (2^i ? n , hiiram).

    (1) A king of Tyre who lived on most friendly terms with both David and Solomon. After David had taken the stronghold of Zion, Hiram sent messengers and workmen and materials to build a palace for him at Jerus (2 S 5 11; 1 Ch 14 1). Solomon, on his accession to the throne, made a league with Hiram, in consequence of which Hiram furnished the new king of Israel with skilled work men and with cedar trees and fir trees and algum trees from Lebanon for the building of the Temple. In return Solomon gave annually to Hiram large quantities of wheat and oil (1 K 5 1 [Heb 15] ff;

    2 Ch 2 3 [Heb 2] ff) . "At the end of twenty years, wherein Solomon had built the two houses, the house of Jeh and the king s house," Solomon made a present to Hiram of twenty cities in the land of Galilee. Hiram was not at all pleased with these cities and contemptuously called them "Cabul." His displeasure, however, with this gift does not seem to have disturbed the amicable relations that had hitherto existed between the two kings, for subsequently Hiram sent to the king of Israel 120 talents of gold (1 K 9 10-14). Hiram and Solo mon maintained merchant vessels on the Medi terranean and shared mutually in a profitable trade with foreign ports (1 K 10 22). Hiram s servants, "shipmen that had knowledge of the sea," taught the sailors of Solomon the route from Ezion-geber and Eloth to Ophir, whence large stores of gold were brought to King Solomon (1 K 9 26; 2 Ch 8 17 f).

    Jos (CAp, I, 17, 18) informs us, on the authority of the historians Dius and Menander, that Hiram was the son of Abibal, that he had a prosperous reign of 34 years, and died at the age of 53. He tells us on the same authority that Hiram and Solomon sent problems to each other to solve; that Hiram could not solve those sent him by Solomon, whereupon he paid to Solomon a large sum of money, as had at first been agreed upon. Finally, Abde- mon, a man of Tyre, did solve the problems, and proposed others which Solomon was unable to ex plain; consequently Solomon was obliged to pay back to Hiram a vast sum of money. Jos further states (Ant, VIII, ii, 8) that the correspondence carried on between Solomon and Hiram in regard to the building of the Temple was preserved, not only in the records of the Jews, but also in the public records of Tyre. It is also related by Phoenician historians that Hiram gave his daughter to Solomon in marriage.

    (2) The name of a skilful worker in brass and other substances, whom Solomon secured from



    Letter "H"

    Hiram king of Tyre to do work on the Temple. His father was a brass-worker of Tyre, and his mother was a woman of the tribe of Naphtali (IK 7 14), "a woman of the daughters of Dan" (2 Ch 2 14 [Heb 13]; 1 K 7 13 ff; 2 Ch 2 13 f [Heb 12.13]). JESSE L. COTTON

    HIRCANUS, her-ka nuz. See HYRCANUS.

    HIRE, Irir: Two entirely different words are tr d "hire" in the OT:

    (1) The most frequent one is "i2Tp , sdkhdr, vb. "ID , sdkhar, and verbal adj. "PJEJ , sdkhlr. () As a vb. it means "to hire" for a wage, either money or something else; in this sense it is used with regard to ordinary laborers (1 S 2 5; 2 Ch 24 12), or mercenary soldiers (2 S 10 G; 2 K 7 G; 1 Ch 19 6; 2 Ch 25 G), or a goldsmith (Isa 46 G), or a band of loose followers (Jgs 9 4), or a false priest (Jgs 18 4), or Balaam (Dt 23 4; Neh 13 2), or hostile counsellors (Ezr 4 5), or false prophets (Neh 6 12 f). As a verbal adj. it refers to things (Ex 22 15; Isa 7 20) or men (Lev 19 13; Jer 46 21). (6) As a noun it denotes the wage in money, or some thing else, paid to workmen for their (Gen 30 32 f; 31 8; Dt 24 15; 1 K 6 G; Zee 8 10), or the rent or hire paid for a thing (Ex 22 15), or a work-beast (Zee 8 10). In Gen 30 1G Leah hires from Rachel the privilege of having Jaeob with her again, and her conception and the subsequent birth of a son, she calls her hire or wage from the Lord for the gift of her slave girl to Jacob as a concubine (Gen 30 18).

    (2) The other word tr d hire is "yP^ , cthndn, once "i?r,X , (thnatt. It is rather a gift (from root, "JP;, ndthan, "to give") than a wage earned by labor, and is used uniformly in a bad sense. It is the gift made to a harlot (Dt 23 IS), or, reversing the usual custom, made by the harlot nation (Ezk 16 31.41). It was also used metaphorically of the gifts made by Israelites to idols, since this was regarded as spiritual harlotry (Isa 23 17 f ; Mic 1 7; cf also Hos 8 9f).

    In the Eng. NT the word occurs once as a vb. and 3t as a noun as the tr of Au<rtf6s, iiiistlios, and its verbal form. In Mt 20 1.8 and Jas 5 4 it refers to the hiring of ordinary field laborers for a daily wage. In Lk 10 7 it signifies the stipend which is due the laborer in the spiritual work of the kingdom of God. It is a wage, earned by toil, as that of other laborers. The word is very significant here and absolutely negatives the idea, all too prevalent, that money received by the spiritual toiler is a gift. It is rather a wage, the reward of real toil. WILLIAM JOSEPH MCGLOTHLIN

    HIRELING, hir ling ("P?tt , sakhlr): Occurs only 6 t in the OT, and uniformly means a laborer for a wage. In Job 7 1 f there is reference to the hireling s anxiety for the close of the day. In Isa 16 14 and 21 1G the length of the years of a hireling is referred to, probably because of the accuracy with which they were determined by the employer and the employee. Malachi (3 5) speaks of the oppression of the hireling in his wages, probably by the smallness of the wage or by in some way de frauding him of part of it.

    In the NT the word "hireling" (/juffduros, misthotds) occurs only in Jn 10 12 f, where his neglect of the sheep is contrasted unfavorably with the care and courage of the shepherd who owns the sheep, who leads them to pasture and lays down his life for their protection from danger and death.


    HIS, hiz: Used often in AV with reference to a neuter or inanimate thing, or to a lower animal

    (Gen 1 11, "after his kind"; Lev 1 1G, "pluck away his crop"; Acts 12 10, "of his own accord"; 1 Cor 15 38, "his own body"), etc. RV substi tutes "its."

    HISS, his (pntt , shdrak) : "To hiss" has two appli cations: (1) to call, (2) to express contempt or scorn.

    (1) It is the tr of shdrak, a mimetic word meaning to hiss or whistle, to call (bees, etc), (a) Isa 5 26, "I will hiss unto them from the ends of the earth," RV "hiss for them [m "him"] from the end of the earth"; 7 18, "Jeh will hiss for the fly that is in the uttermost part of the rivers of Egypt, and for the bee that is in the land of Assyria" ; viz. Egyptians whose land was noted for flics (18 1) and Assyrians whose country was preeminently one of bees. Danger ous enemies are compared to bees in Dt 1 44; Ps 118 12 (Skinner s Isainti): Zee 10 8, "I will hiss for them, and gather them" (His own people, who will come at His call).

    (2) More often, to hiss is to express contempt or derision (1 K 9 8; Job 27 23; Jer 19 8, etc). In this sense we have also frequently a hissing (2 Ch 29 8; Jer 19 8; 25 9.18; 29 18; 51 37; Mic 6 16, sh rckah); Jer 18 16, sh rikdth or sh rukdth; Ecclus 22 1, "Every one will hiss him [the slothful man] out in his disgrace" (cksurixHo, "to hiss out"); Wisd 17 9, "hissing of serpents" (suriymos).

    W. L. WALKER

    HITHERTO, hith er-too (to this): Used of both pla -e and time. It is the tr of various words and phrases :

    (1) Of place, *adh hdldm (2 S 7 18, "Thou hast brought me hitherto, "RV "thus far"; 1 Ch 17 16; perhaps 1 S 7 12, ‘idh hennah, "Hitherto hath Jeh helped us" [in connection with the setting up of the stone Ebenczcr]) belongs to this head; hennah is properly an adv. of place; it might, always be ren dered "thus far."

    (2) Of time, ‘idh kuh, "unto this" (Ex 7 16, Hitherto thou hast not hearkened"; Josh 17 14, "Hitherto Jeh hath blessed me"); mc az, "from then" (2 S 15 34, RV "in time past"); Ml" ah, "beyond," etc (Isa 18 7, "terrible from their be ginning hitherto," RV "onward"); ‘irlh kdh, Aram. (Dnl 7 28, RV "here," m "hitherto"); f adh hen nah, "unto here" (Jgs 16 13; 1 S 1 16; Ps 71 17, etc); dchri toii deuro (Rom 1 13, "was let [RV "hindered"] hitherto"); heds drti, "until now" (Jn 5 17, "My Father worketh hitherto, and I work," RV "even until now," that is, "on the Sabbath as well as on other days, and I do as He does"; 16 24, "Hitherto have ye asked nothing in my name: ask, and ye shall receive," that is "up till now"; "now ask in my name and ye shall receive"); oupo, "not yet" (1 Cor 3 2, "Hitherto ye were not able to bear it," RV "not yet"). W. L. WALKER

    HITTITES, hit its (nn ^3, D^nn , frne hcth, hittlm; Xerraioi, Chettaioi) : One of the seven nations conquered by Israel in Pal.


    1. Enumeration of Races

    2. Individuals

    3. Later Mention II. HISTORY

    1. Sources

    2. Chronology

    3. Egyptian Invasions: XVIIIth Dynasty

    4. "The Great King"

    5. Egyptian Invasions: XlXth Dynasty

    6. Declension of Power: Aryan Invasion

    7. Second Aryan Invasion

    8. Assyrian Invasions

    9. Invasion by Assur-nasir-pal

    10. Invasions by Shalmaheser II and Rimmon- nirari III

    11. Revolts and Invasions

    12. Break-up of Hittite Power

    13. Mongols in Syria



    Letter "H"


    1 Mongol Race

    2 Hittite and Egyptian Monuments

    S Hair and Beard

    4 Hittite Dress

    5 Hittite Names

    (I Vocabulary of Pterium Kpistles

    7 Tell el-Amania Tablet

    IV. Rt I.K1ION

    1 Polytheism: Names of Deities

    2 Religious Symbolism

    V. ScHIl T

    1 (Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic

    2 Description of Signs

    :< Interpretation of Monuments LITKHATI HI;

    /. OT Notices. The "sons of Hoth" arc noticed

    12 t tiiul tin Ilittites -IS t in the OT. In 21 cases

    the name occurs in the enumeration

    1. Enumer- of races, in Syria and Canaan, which are ation of said (Gen 10 (if) to have been akin Races to the early inhabitants of Chaldaea

    and Babylon. From at least 2000 BC this population is known, from monumental records, to have been partly Sem and partly Mon- golic; and the same mixed race is represented by the Hittite records recently discovered in Cappadocia and Pont us. Thus while the Canaanites ("lowlanders"), Amorites (probably "highlanders"), Hiviles ("tribes- men") and Peri/zitcs ("rustics") bear Sem titles, the Hittites, Jebusites and Girgashites appear to have non-Sem names. Ezekiel (16 3.4")) si)c v aks of the Jebusites as a mixed Ilittite-Amorite people.

    The names of Hittites noticed in the OT include

    several that are Sem (Ahimelech, Judith, Bashe-

    niath, etc), but others like Uriah and

    2. Individ- Beeri ((Jen 26 34) which are probably uals non-Sem. Uriah appears to have mar ried a Hob wife (Bathsheba), and

    Esau in like manner married Hittite women ((Jen 26 34; 36 2). In the time of Abraham we read of Hittites as far S. as Hebron (Gen 23 3 if; 27 46), but there is no historic improbability in this at a time when the same race appears (see ZOAX) to have ruled in t he Nile Delta (but see Gray in Expos, May, 189S, 340 f).

    Lion-Gate at Boghaz-keui.

    In later times the "land of the Hittites" (Josh 1 4; Jgs 1 26) was in Syria and near the Euphrates

    (see TAHTIM-HODSHI) ; though Uriah 3. Later (2 S 11) lived in Jerus, and Ahimelech Mention (1 S 26 6) followed David. In the

    time of Solomon (1 K 10 29), the "kings of the Hittites" are mentioned with the "kings of Syria," and were still powerful a century later (2 K 7 6). Solomon himself married Hittite wives (1 K 11 1), and a few Hittites seem still to have been left in the S. (2 Ch 8 7), even in his t ime, if not after the captivity (Ezr 9 1; Neh 9 8).

    ‘. History. The Hittites were known to the Assyrians as II alii, and to the Egyptians as Khcta,

    and their history has been very fully 1. Sources recovered from the records of the

    XVIlIth and XlXth Egyp Dynasties. from the Am Tab, from Assyr annals and, quite

    recently, from copies of letters addressed to Bab rulers by the Hittite kings, discovered by Dr. H. Winckler in the ruins of Boghaz-kevi ("the town of the pass"), the ancient Pterium in Pontus, E. of the river Halys. The earliest known notice (King, Egypt mid W. Asia, 250) is in the reign of Saamsu-ditana, the last king of the first Bab Dy nasty, about 2000 BC, when the Hittites marched on the "land of Akkad," or "highlands" N. of Meso potamia.

    The chronology of the Hittites has been made clear by the notices of contemporary rulers in Baby lonia, Matiene, Syria and Egypt,

    2. Chronol- found by Winckler in the Hittite ogy correspondence above noticed, and is

    of great importance to Bible history, because, taken in conjunction with the Am Tab, with the Kassite monuments of Nippur, with the Bab chronicles and contemporary chronicles of Babylon and Assyria, it serves to fix the dates of the Egyp kings of the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties which were previously uncertain by nearly a century, but which may now be regarded as settled within a few years. From the Am Tab it is known that Thothmes IV was contemporary with the father of Adad-nirari of Assyria (Berlin no. 30), and Amenophis IV with Burna-burias of Babylon (Brit. Mus. no. 2); while a letter from Hattu-sil, the Hittite contemporary of Rarneses II, was addressed to Kadashman-Turgu of Babylon on the occasion of his accession. These notices serve to show that the approximate dates given by Brugsch for the Pharaohs are more correct than those pro posed by Mahler; and the following table will be useful for the understanding of the history Thoth mes III being known to have reigned 54 years, Amenophis 111 at least 36 years, and Rameses II, 66 years or more. The approximate dates appear to be thus fixed.

    The Hyksos race having been expelled from the

    Delta by Aahmes, the founder of the XVIIIth

    (Theban) Dynasty, after 1700 BC,

    3. Egyptian the great trade route through Pal and Invasions: Syria was later conquered by Thothmes XVIIIth I, who set up a monument on the W. Dynasty bank of the Euphrates. _ The conquests

    of Aahmes were maintained by his suc cessors Amenophis I and Thothmes I and II; but when Thothmes III attained his majority (about 1580 BC), a great league of Syrian tribes and of Canaanites, from Sharuhen near Gaza and "from the water of Egypt, as far as the land of Naharain" (Aram-naharaim), opposed this Pharaoh in his 22d year, being led by the king of Kadesh probably Kadesh on the Orontes (now Kedes, N. of Riblah) but they were defeated near Megiddo in Central Pal; and in successive campaigns down to his 31st year, Thothmes III reconquered the Pal plains, and all Syria to Carchemish on the Euphrates. In his 29th year, after the conquest of Tuneb (now Tcnnlh, W. of Arpad), he mentions the tribute of the Hit tites including "304 Ibs in 8 rings of silver, a great piece of white precious stone, and zagu wood." They were, however, still powerful, and further wars in Syria were waged by Amenophis II, while Thoth mes IV also speaks of his first "campaign against the land of the Kheta." Adad-nirari I wrote to Egypt to say that Thothmes IV had established his father (Bel-tiglat-Assur) as ruler of the land of Marhasse (probably Mer ash in the extreme N. of Syria), and to ask aid against the "king of the land of the Ilittites." Against the increasing power of this race Thothmes IV and his son Amenophis III strengthened themselves by marriage alliances with the Kassite kings of Babylon, and with the cognate rulers of Matiene, E. of the Hittite lands of Syria, and Cappadocia. Dusrattaof Matiene, whose sister



    Letter "H"

    Gilukhcpa was married by Amenophis III in his 10th year, wrote subsequently to this Pharaoh to announce his own accession (Am Tab, Brit. Mus. no. 9) and his defeat of the Hittites, sending a two- horse chariot and a young man and young woman as "spoils of the land of the Hittites."

    About this time (1480 BC) arose a great Hittite ruler bearing the strange name Subbiliuliuma,

    similar to that of Sapalulmi, chief of 4. "The the Hattinai, in North Syria, men- Great King" tioned by Shalmaneser II in the 9th

    cent. BC. He seems to have ruled at Pterium, and calls himself "the great king, the noble king of the Hatti." He allied himself against Dusratta with Artatama, king of the Harri or North Syrians. The Syrian Hittites in Marhassi, N. of the land of the Amorites, were led shortly after by Edugamma of Kinza (probably Kittiz, N. of Arpad) in alliance with Aziru the Amorite, on a great raid into Phoenicia and to Bashan, S. of Damascus. Thus it appears that the Amorites had only reached this region shortly before the Hob conquest of

    The XVIIIth Dynasty was succeeded, about 1400 BC, or a little later, by the XlXth, and Rarneses I appears to have been the 5. Egyptian Pharaoh who made the treaty which Invasions: Mursilis, brother of Arandas, con- XlXth tracted with Egypt. But on the

    Dynasty accession of Seti 1, son of Rameses I, the Syrian tribes prepared to "make a stand in the country of the Harri" against the Egyp resolution to recover the suzerainty of their country. Seti I claims to have conquered "Kadesh (on the Orontes) in the Land of the Amorites," and it is known that Mutallis, the eldest son of Mur silis, fought against Egypt. According to his younger brother Hattusil, he was a tyrant, who was finally driven out by his subjects and died before the accession of Kadashman-Turgu (about 1355 BC) in Babylon. Hattusil, the contemporary of Rameses II, then seized the throne as "great king of the Hittites" and "king of Kus" ("Cush," Gen 2 13), a term which in the Akkadian language meant "the West." In his 2d year Rameses II advanced,



    152!) BC, U.ssi













    ] 4SO




    Kuri-galzu I









    Kuri-galzu II



























    c 1520 BC

    Assyria Bel-tiglat-Assur

    Egypt c 1520 BC, Thothmes IV



    Rimmon-nirari I












    Bel-nirari I






    Adad-nirari II



    Shalmaneser I








    1 2:55

    Adar-bal-asa r







    c 1490

    c 1454 c 1430 C 1400

    C 1300 C 1337

    C 1270 C 1235

    C 1200

    Amenophis III

    Amenophis IV Horus Rameses I

    Seti I Rameses II

    Merenptah Seti II

    Rameses III

    Bashan. Amenophis III repelled them in Phoeni cia, and Subbiliuliuma descended on Kinza, having made a treaty with Egypt, and captured Edugamma and his father Suttatarra. He also conquered the land of Ikata which apparently lay E. of the Eu phrates and S. of Carchemish. Some 1 30 years later, in the reign of Amenophis IV, Dusratta of Matiene was murdered, and his kingdom was attacked by the Assyrians; but Subbiliuliuma, though not a friend of Dusratta with whom he disputed the suzerainty of North Syria, sent aid to Dusratta s son Mattipiza, whom he set on his throne, giving him his own daughter as a wife. A little later (about 1440 BC) Aziru the Amorite, who had been subject to Amenophis III, submitted to this same great Hittite ruler, and was soon able to conquer the whole of Phoenicia down to Tyre. All the Egyp conquests were thus lost in the latter part of the reign of Amenophis III, and in that of Ameno phis IV. Only Gaza seems to have been retained, and Burna-burias of Babylon, writing to Amenophis IV, speaks of the Canaanite rebellion as beginning in the time of his father Kuri-galzu I (Am Tab, Brit. Mus. no. 2), and of subsequent risings in his own time (Berlin no. 7) which interrupted communi cation with Egypt. Assur-yuballidh of Assyria (Berlin no. 9), writing to the same Pharaoh, states also that the relations with Assyria, which dated back even to the time of Assur-nadin-akhi (about 1550 BC), had ceased. About this earlier period Thothmes III records that he received presents from Assyria. The ruin of Egypt thus left the Hittites independent, in North Syria, about the time when according to OT chronology Pal was conquered by Joshua. They probably acknowledged Arandas, the successor of Subbiliuliuma, as their suzerain.

    after the capture of Ashkelon, as far as Beirut, and in his 5th year he advanced on Kadesh where he was opposed by a league of the natives of "the land of the Kheta, the land of Naharain, and of all the Kati" (or inhabitants of Cilicia), among which con federates the "prince of Aleppo" is specially noticed. The famous poem of Pentaur gives an exaggerated account of the victory won by Rameses II at Kadesh, over the allies, who included the people of Carchemish and of many other unknown places; for it admits that the Egyp advance was not con tinued, and that peace was concluded. A second war occurred later (when the sons of Rameses II were old enough to take part), and a battle was then fought at Tuneb (Tcnnib) far N. of Kadesh, probably about 1316 BC. The celebrated treaty between Rameses II and Hattusil was then made, in the 21st year of the first named. It was engraved on a silver tablet having on the back the image of Set (or Sutekh), the Hittite god of heaven, and was brought to Egypt by Tar-Tessubas, the Hittite envoy. The two "great kings" treated together as equals, and formed a defensive and offensive alliance, with extradition clauses which show the advanced civilization of the age. In the 34th year of his reign, Rameses II (who was then over 50 years of age) married a daughter of Hattusil, who wrote to a son of Kadashman-Turgu (probably Kadashman-burias) to inform this Kassite ruler of Babylon of the event. He states in another letter that he was allied by marriage to the father of Kadashman-Turgu, but the relations between the Kassite rulers and the Hittites were not very cordial, and complaints were made on both sides. Hattusil died before Rameses II, who ruled to extreme old age; for the latter (and his queen) wrote letters to



    Letter "H"

    Pudukhipa. the widow of this successful Hittite overlord. He was succeeded by Dudhalia, who calls himself "the great kins" and the "son of Pudukhipa the great queen, queen of the land of the citv of the Ilatti."

    Hittite King and Daughter.

    The Tlitt ite power began now, however, to decline,

    in consequence of attacks from the W. by hostile

    Aryan invaders. In the 5th year of

    6. Declen- Seti Merenptah II, son of Rameses II, sion of these fair "peoples of the North" raided Power: the Syrian coasts, and advanced even Aryan In- to Belbeis and Heliopolis in Egypt, vasion in alliance with the Libyans W. of

    the Delta. They were defeated, and Merenptah appears to have pursued them even to I a-Kan ana near Tyre. A text of his 5th year (found by Dr. Flinders Petrie in 1896) speaks of this campaign, and says that while "Israel is spoiled" the "Hittites are quieted": for Merenptah appears to have been on good terms with them, and allowed corn to lie sent in ships "to preserve the life of this people of the Ilatti." Dudhalia was succeeded by his son "Arnuanta the great king," of whom a bilingual seal has been found by Dr. Winckler, in Hittite and cuneiform characters; but the con federacy of Hittite tribes which had so long resisted Egypt seems to have been broken up by these disasters and by the increasing power of Assyria.

    A second invasion by the Aryans occurred in the reign of Rameses III (about 1200 BC) when "agi tation seized the peoples of the North,"

    7. Second and "no people stood before their Aryan In- arms, beginning with the people of the vasion Hatti, of the Kati, of Carchemish and

    Aradus." The invaders, including Da- nai (or early Greeks), came by land and sea to Egypt, but were again defeated, and Rameses III the last of the great Pharaohs pursued them far north, and is even supposed by Brugsch to have conquered Cyprus. Among the cities which he took he names Carchemish, and among his captives were "the miserable king of the Hatti, a living prisoner," and the "miserable king of the Amorites."

    Half a century later (1150 BC!) the Assyrians began to invade Syria, and Assur-ris-tsi reached Beirut ; for even as early as about 1270 BC Tukulti- Ninip of Assyria had conquered the Kassites, and had set a Sem prince on their throne in Babylon. Early in his reign (about 1130 BC) Tiglath-pileser I

    claims to have subdued 42 kings, marching "to the

    fords of the Euphrates, the land of the Hatti, and

    the upper sea of the setting sun" or

    8. Assyrian Mediterranean. Soldiers of the Hatti Invasions had seized the cities of Sumasti (prob ably Samosata) , but the Assyr conqueror

    made his soldiers swim the Euphrates on skin bags, and so attacked "Carchemish of the land of the Hit[ites." The Moschians in Cappadocia were ap parently of Hittite race, and were ruled by 5 kings: for 50 years they had exacted tribute in Comma- gene (Northeastern Syria), and they were defeated, though placing 20,000 men in the field against Tiglath-pileser I. He advanced to Kumani (prob ably Comana in Cappadocia), and to Arini which was apparently the Hittite capital called Annas (now ‘Y/m.s), W. of Caesarea in the same region.

    The power of the Hit tiles was thus broken by

    Assyria, yet they continued the struggle for more

    than 4 centuries afterward. After the

    9. Invasion defeat of Tiglath-pileser I by Marduk- byAssur- nadin-akhi of Babylon (1128-1111 nasir-pal BC), there is a gap in Assyr records,

    and we next hear of the Hittites in the reign of Assur-nasir-pal (S83-858 BC); he entered Commagene, and took tribute from "the son of Bahian of the land of the Hatti," and from "San- gara of Carchemish in the land of the Hatti," so that it appears that the Hittites no longer acknowl edged a single "great king." They were, however, still rich, judging from the spoil taken at Carche mish, which included 20 talents of silver, beads, chains, and sword scabbards of gold, 100 talents of copper, 250 talents of iron, and bronze objects from the palace representing sacred bulls, bowls, cups and censers, couches, seats, thrones, dishes, instruments of ivory and 200 slave girls, besides embroidered robes of linen and of black and purple stuffs, gems, elephants tusks, chariots and horses. The Assyr advance continued to Azzaz in North Syria, and to the Afrin river, in the country of the Hattinai who were no doubt Hittites, where similar spoils are noticed, with 1,000 oxen and 10,000 sheep: the pagutu, or "maces" which the Syrian kings used as scepters, and which are often represented on Hittite monuments, are specially mentioned in this record. Assur-nasir-pal reached the Mediterranean at Arvad, and received tribute from "kings of the sea coast" including those of Gebal, Sidon and Tyre. He reaped the corn of the Hittites, and from Mt. Amanus in North Syria he took logs of cedar, pine, box and cypress.

    His son Shalmaneser II (858-823 BC) also in vaded Syria in his 1st year, and again mentions

    Sangara of Carchemish, with Sapalulmi

    10. Inva- of the Hattinai. In Commagene the sions by chief of the Gamgums bore the old Shalma- Hittite name Mutallis. In 856 BC neserlland Shalmaneser II attacked Mer ash and Rimmon- advanced by Dabigu (now Toipuk) nirari III to Azzaz. He took from the Hat tinai 3 talents of gold, 100 of silver,

    300 of copper, 1,000 bronze vases and 1,000 em broidered robes. He also accepted as wives a daughter of Mutallis and another Syrian princess. Two years later 120,000 Assyrians raided the same region, but the southward advance was barred by the great Syrian league which came to the aid of Irhulena, king of Hamath, who was not sub dued till about 840 BC. In 836 BC the people of Tubal, and the Kati of Cappadocia and Cilicia, were again attacked. In 831 BC Qubarna, the vassal king of the Hattinai in Syria, was murdered by his subjects, and an Assyr tartnnu or general was sent to restore order. The rebels under Sapalulmi had been confederated with Sangara of Carchemish. Adad-nirari III, grandson of Shalmaneser II, was



    Letter "H"

    tin; next Assyr conqueror: in 80o BC he attacked Azzaz and Arpad, but the resistance of the Syrians was feeble, and presents were sent from Tyre, Sidon, Damascus and Edom. This conqueror states that he subdued "the land of the Hittites, the land of the Amorites, to the limits of the land of Sidon," as well as Damascus, Edom and Philistia. But the Hittites were not as yet thoroughly sub dued, and often revolted. In 738 BC Tiglath- pileser II mentions among his tribu-

    11. Revolts taries a chief of the Gamgums bearing and In- the Hittite name Tarku-lara, with vasions Pisiris of Carchemish. In 702 BC

    Sennacherib passed peacefully through the "land of the Hatti" on his way to Sidon: for in 717 BC Sargon had destroyed Carchemish, and had taken many of the Hittites prisoners, sending them away far east and replacing them by Baby lonians. Two years later he in the same way took the Hamathites as captives to Assyria. Some of the Hittites may have fled to the S., for in 709 BC Sargon states that the king of Ashdod was deposed by "people of the Ilatti plotting rebellion who des pised his rule," and who set up Azuri instead.

    The power of the Hittites was thus entirely broken before Sennacherib s time, but they were not entirely

    exterminated, for, in 673 BC, Esar-

    12. Break- haddon speaks of "twenty-two kings up of Hit- of the Haiti and near the sea." Hittite tite Power names occur in 712 BC (Tarhu-nazi of

    Meletene) and in 711 BC (Mutallis of Commagene), but after this they disappear. Yet, even in a recently found text of Nebuchad nezzar (after 600 BC), we read that "chiefs of the land of the Ilattim, bordering on the Euphrates to the W., where by command of Nergal my lord 1 had destroyed their rule, were made to bring strong beams from the mountain of Lebanon to my city Babylon." A Hittite population seems to have survived even in Rom times in Cilicia and Cappadocia, for (as Dr. Mordtman observed) a king and his son in this region both bore the name Tarkon-dimotos in the time of Augustus, according to Dio Cassius and Tacitus; and this name recalls that of Tarku-timme, the king of Erine in Cappa docia, occurring on a monument which sho’vs him as brought captive before an Assyr king, while the same name also occurs on the bilingual silver boss which was the head of his scepter, inscribed in Hittite and cuneiform characters.

    The power of the Mongolia race decayed gradu ally as that of the Sem Assyrians increased; but even now in Syria the two races remain

    13. Mon- mingled, and Turkoman nomads still gols in camp even as far S. as the site of Syria Kadesh on the Orontes, while a few

    tribes of the same stock (which entered Syria in the Middle Ages) still inhabit the plains of Sharon and Esdraelon, just as the southern Hit tites dwelt among the Amorites at Jems and Hebron in the days of Abraham, before they were driven north by Thothmes III.

    ‘. Language. The questions of race and lan guage in early times, before the early stocks were

    mixed or decayed, cannot be dissoci- 1. Mongol ated, and we have abundant evidence Race of the racial type and characteristic

    dress of the Hittites. The late Dr. Birch of the British Museum pointed out the Mon gol character of the Hittite type, and his opinion has been very generally adopted. In 18S8 Dr. Sayce (The Hittites, 15, 101) calls them "Mongoloid," and says, "They had in fact, according to craniolo- gists, the characteristics of a Mongoloid race." This was also the opinion of Sir W. Flower; and, if the Hittites were Mongols, it would appear prob able that they spoke a Mongol dialect. It is also

    apparent that, in this case, they would be related to the old Mongol population of Chaldaea (the people of Akkad and Sumir or "of the highlands and river valley") from whom the Sem Babylonians derived their earliest civilization.

    Passage-Frieze, lasili-kaia.

    The Hittite type is represented, not only on their own monuments, but on those of the XVIIIth and

    XlXth Egyp Dynasties, including a 2. Hittite colored picture of the time of Rame- on Egyp- ses III. The type represented has a tian Monu- short head and receding forehead, ments a prominent and sometimes rather

    curved nose, a strong jaw and a hair less face. The complexion is yellow, the eyes slightly slanting, the hair of the head black, and gathered into a long pigtail behind. The physiog nomy is like that of the Sumerians represented on a bas-relief at Tel-loh (Zirgul) in Chaldaea, and very like that of some of the Kirghiz Mongols of the present time, and of some of the more purely Mon- golic Turks. The head of Gudea at Zirgul in like manner shows (about 2SOO BC) the broad cheek bones and hairless face of the Turkish type; and the language of his texts, in both grammar and vocabu lary, is closely similar to pure Turkish speech.

    Priest-King and God of Cultivation.

    Among Mongolia peoples the beard grows only late in life, and among the Akkadians it is rarely

    represented excepting in the case of 3. Hair and gods and ancient kings. The great Beard bas-relief found by Koldewey at

    Babylon, and representing a Hittite thunder-god with a long pigtail and (at the back) a Hittite inscription, is bearded, but the pigtailed heads on other Hittite monuments are usually hair-



    Letter "H"

    less. At lasili-Knia the rock shrine near Pteriuin only the supreme god is bearded, and all the other male figures are beardless. At. Ibreez, in Lycaonia, the gigantic god who holds corn and grapes in his hands is bearded, and the worshipper who approaches him also has a beard, and his hair is arranged in 1 1n distinctive fashion of the Sem Babylonians and Assyrians. This type may represent Sem_ mixture, tor Al. Chant re discovered at Kara-eyak, inCappa- docia, tablets in Sem Bab representing traders letters perhaps as old as 2000 BC. The type of thelbreez figures has been said to resemble that ot the Armenian peasantry of today; but, although the Armenians are Aryans of the old Phrygian stock, and their language almost purely Aryan, they have mixed with the Turkish and Sem races, and have been said even to resemble the Jews. Little re liance can be placed, therefore, on comparison with modern mixed types. The Hittite pigtail is very distinctive of a Mongolia race. It was imposed on the Chinese by the Manchus in the 17th cent., but it is unknown among Aryan or Sem peoples, though it seems to be represented on some Akkadian seals, and on a bas-relief picturing the Mongolia Susians in the 7th cent. BC.

    The costume of the Hittites on monuments seems also to indicate Mongolia origin. Kings and

    priests wear long robes, but warriors 4. Hittite (and the gods at Ibreez and Babylon) Dress wear short jerkins, and the Turkish

    shoe or slipper with a curled-up toe, which, however, is also worn by the Heb tribute bearers from Jehu on the "black obelisk" (about 840 BC) of Shalmaneser II. Hittite gods and warriors are shown as wearing a high, conical head dress, just like that which (with addition of the Moslem turban) characterized the Turks at least as late as the 18th cent. The short jerkin also appears on Akkadian seals arid bas-reliefs, and,

    Hittite Warrior (from Simjirli).

    generally speaking, the Hittites (who were enemies of the Lycians, Danai and other Aryans to their west) may be held to be very clearly Mongolia in physical type and costume, while the art of their monuments is closely similar to that of the most archaic Akkadian and Bab sculptures of Meso potamia. It is natural to suppose that they were a branch of the same remarkable race which civilized

    Chaldaea, but which seems to have had its earliest home in Akkad, or the "highlands" near Ararat and Media, long before the appearance of Aryan tribes either in this region or in Ionia. The con clusion also agrees with the OT statement that the Hittites were akin to the descendants of Ham in Babylonia, and not to the fair" tribes (Japheth), including Medes, lonians and other Aryan peoples. As early as 18GG Chabas remarked that the Hittite names (of which so many have been men tioned above) were clearly not Sem, 5. Hittite and this has been generally allowed. Names Those of the Amorites, on the other

    hand, are Sem, and the type repre sented, with brown skin, dark eyes and hair, aqui line features and beards, agrees (as is generally allowed; in indicating a Sem race. There; are now some (50 of these Hittite names known, and they do not suggest any Aryan etymology. They are quite unlike those of the Aryan Medes (such as Baga-datta, etc) mentioned by the Assyrians, or those of the Vannic kings whose language (as shown by recently published bilinguals in Vannic and Assyrian) seems very clearly to have been Iranian or similar to Pers and Sanskrit but which only occurs in the later Assyr age. Comparisons with Armenian and Ceorgian (derived from the Phrygian and Scythian) also fail to show any similarity of vocabulary or of syntax, while on the other hand comparisons with the Akkadian, the Kassite and modern Turkish at once suggest a linguistic connection which fully agrees with what has been said above of the racial type. The common element Tarku, or Tarkhan, in Hittite names suggests the Mongol dargo and the Turkish liirL-lian, meaning a "tribal chief." Sil again is an Akkadian word for a "ruler," and nazi is an element in both Hittite and Kassite names.

    It has also been remarked that the vocabulary of the Hittite letters discovered by Chant re at Pterium recalls that of the letter writ- 6. Vocabu- ten by Dusratta of Matiene to Amen- ophis III (Am Tab no. 27, Berlin), and that Dusratta adored the Hittite god Tessupas. A careful study of the language of this letter shows that, in syntax and vocabulary alike, it must be regarded as Mongolia and as a dialect of the Akkadian group. The cases of the noun, for instance, are the same as in Akkadian and in modern Turkish. No less than 50 words and terminations are common to the language of this letter and of those discovered by M. Chantre and attributed to the Hittites whose territory immediately adjoined that of Matiene. The majority of these words occur also in Akkadian. But in addition to these indications we have a letter in the Am Tab (Berlin no. 10) written by a Hittite prince, in his own tongue and in the cuneiform script. It is from (and not to, as has been wrongly sup- posed by Knudtzon) a chief named Tarhun-dara, and is addressed to Amenophis III, whose name stands first. In all the other letters the name of the sender always follows that of the recipient. The general meaning of this letter is clear from the known meanings of the "ideograms" used for many words; and it is also clear that the language; is "agglutinative" like the Akkadian. The suffixed possessive pro nouns follow the pi. termination of the noun as in Akkadian, and prepositions are not used as they are in Sem and Aryan speech; the precative form of the vb. has also been recognized to be the same as used in Akkadian. The pronouns mi, "my," and ti, "thy," are to be found in many living Mon golia dialects (e.g. the Zyrianian me and tc); in Akkadian also they occur as mi and zi. The letter

    lary of



    7. Tell el- Amarna Tablet



    Letter "H"

    Storm-God Tossupas.

    opens with the usual salutation: Letter to Ameno- phis III the great king, king of the land of Egypt [Mizzari-na], from Tarhun-dara [Tarhundara-da], king of the land of Arzapi [or Arzaaj, thus. To me is prosperity. To my nobles, my hosts, my ca valry, to all that is mine in all my lands, may there be prosperity; [moreover?] may there be prosperity: to thy house, thy wives, thy sons, thy nobles, thy hosts, thy cavalry, to all that is thine in thy lands may there be prosper ity." The letter continues to speak of a daughter of the Pharaoh, and of a sum of gold which is being sent in charge of an envoy named Irsappa. It con cludes (as in many other instances) with a list of presents, these being sent by "the Hittite prince [Nu Hattu] from the land Igait" (perhaps the same as Ikata), and including, besides the gold, various robes, and ten chairs of ebony inlaid with ivory. As far as it can at present be understood, the language of this letter, which bears no indications of either Sem or Aryan speech, whether in vocabu lary or in syntax, strongly favors the conclusion that the native Hittite language was a dialect of that spoken by the Akkadians, the Kassites and the Min- yans of Matiene, in the same age.

    IV. Religion. The Hittites like their neighbors

    adored many gods. Besides Set (or Sutekh),

    the "great ruler of heaven," and

    1. Poly- Istar (Ashtoreth), we also find men- theism: tioned (in Hattusil s treaty) gods and Names of goddesses of "the hills and rivers of the Deities land of the Hatti," "the great sea, the

    winds and the clouds." Tessupas was known to the Babylonians as a name of Rimmon, the god of thunder and rain. On a bilingual seal (in Hittite and cuneiform characters), now in the Ashmolean Museum, we find noticed the goddess Ishara, whose name, among the Kassites, was equivalent to Istar. The Hittite gods are repre sented like those of the Assyrians standing erect on lions. One of them (at Samala in Syria) is lion-headed like Nergal. They also believed in demons, like the Akkadians and others.

    Their pantheon was thus also Mongolic, and the suggestion (by Dr. Winckler) that they adored

    Indian gods (Indra, Varuna), and the

    2. Religious Pers Mithra, not only seems improb- Symbolism able, but is also hardly supported by

    the quotations from Sem texts on which this idea is based. The sphinx is found as a Hittite emblem at Eyuk, N. of Pterium, with the double-headed eagle which again, at lasili-kaia, supports a pair of deities. It also occurs at Tel- Ion as an Akkadian emblem, and was adopted by the Seljuk Turks about 1000 AD. At Eyuk we have a representation of a procession bringing goats and rams to an altar. At Iflatun-bunar the winged sun is an emblem as in Babylonia. At Mer ash, in Syria, the mother goddess carries her child, while an eagle perches on a harp beside her. At Carchemish the naked Istar is represented with wings. The religious symbolism, like the names of deities, thus suggests a close connection with the em blems and beliefs of the Kassites and Akkadians.

    V. Script. In the 16th cent BC, and down to

    the 13th cent., the Hittites used the cuneiform

    characters and the Bab language

    1. Cunei- for correspondence abroad. On seals form and and mace-heads they used their own Hiero- hieroglyphics, together with the cunei- glyphic form. These emblems, which occur

    on archaic monuments at Hamath, Carchemish and Aleppo in Syria, as well as very frequently in Cappadocia and Pontus, and less fre quently as far W. as Ionia, and on the E. at Baby lon, are now proved to be of Hittite origin, since the discovery of the seal of Arnuanta already noticed. The suggestion that they were Hittite was first made by the late Dr. W. Wright (British and Foreign Evangelical Review, 1874). About 100 such monu ments are now known, including seals from Nineveh and Cappadocia, and Hittite gold ornaments in the Ashmolean Museum; and there can be little doubt that, in cases where the texts accompany figures of the gods, they are of a votive character.

    The script is quite distinctive, though many of

    the emblems are similar to those used by the

    Akkadians. There are some 170 signs

    2. Descrip- in all, arranged one below another in tipn of the line as among Akkadians. The Signs lines read alternately from right to left

    and from left to right, the profile em blems always facing the beginning of each line.

    The interpretation of these texts is still a contro versial question, but the most valuable suggestion toward their understanding is that made by the late Canon Isaac Taylor (see The Alphabet, 1883). A syllabary which was afterward used by the

    Inscription and Mutilated Figure from Jerabis.

    Greeks in Cyprus, and which is found extensively spread in Asia Minor, Egypt, Pal, Crete, and even on later coins in Spain, was recognized by Dr. Taylor as being derived from the Hittite signs. It



    Letter "H"

    was deciphered by George Smith from a Cypriote- Phoenic.ian bilingual, and appears to give the sounds

    applying to some 60 signs. These 3. Interpre- sounds are continued by the short bi- tation of linguals as yet known, and they appeal- Monuments in some cases at least to be very clearly

    .(lie monosyllabic words ‘vhieh apply in Akkadian to similar emblems. We have; thus the bases of a comparative; study, by aid of a known language and script a method similar to that which enabled Sir II. Rawlinson to recover scientifically Ihe lost, cuneiform, or Champollion to decipher Egyp hieroglyphics. See also AKCHAE- OUXIY OF ASIA MIXOH; RECI:XT EXPLOUATION.

    LITER ‘TUKB. The Egyp notices will ho found in Hrugsch s .1 Hixtor!, of K nii t under the Pharaoh*, 187U, and the . ‘ssyf in Schradcr s Cuneiform Inscriptions ami the ni KT l.ssr.. The discoveries of Ohantre are published in Iiis .U/.sx’i en Ca ppit /orc, 1S.)S, and those of Dr. II. Winckler in tlio Mitttilungen <ler deutschen Orient-Geacllschaft, no. :i. r >, December, 1907. Tim rc- scarclies of Ilumann and Puchstein, Rei*en in Klei/i- asien tin, I Nurdsyrien, IS .tO, are also valuable for this question; as is also Dr. Robert, Ivoldewey s discovery of a llittite monument, at Babylon (Die hettixrhe Inschrift, 1000). The recent discovery of sculpture at a site N. of Samala by Professor Garstang is published in the Annul* of Archaeology, I. no. 4, I .HIS. by the University of Liver pool. These sculptures are supposed to date, about <S()() JtC. but no accompanying inscriptions have as yet been found. The views of the present writer are detailed in his Till Amur/in T<ilil, t*. 2d ed, 1894. and in The llHtittx ,in<l Tin ir Languages, 1808. Dr. Sayce has given an account, of his researches in a small volume. The. llittitt*, 1SSS. but. many discoveries by Sir O. Wilson, Mr. 1). <i. Hogarth, Sir ‘V. Jiamsay, and other explorers have since; been published, and are scattered in various ])eriodicals not. easily accessible. The suggestions of Drs. Jensen. Hominel, and Peiser, in Germany, of comparison with Armenian, Georgian and Turkish, have not as yet. pro duced any agreement; nor have those of Dr. Sayce, who looks to Vannic or to Gr; and further light on Uittite decipherment is still awaited. See, further, Professor Garst ang s Land of the JI Mites, 1010.

    C. R. CONDER

    HIVITE, hl vlt C^.n, hiwivl; Evcuos,

    A son of Canaan (Gen 10 17), i.e. an inhabitant of

    the land of Canaan along with the

    1. Name Canaanite ami other tribes (Ex 3 17,

    etc). In the list of Canaanite peoples given in Gen 15 19-21, the Ilivites are omitted in the Ileb text, though insert eel in LXX and S. (iescnius suggests that the name is descriptive, meaning "villagers." The difficulty of explaining it is increased by the fact that it has been confused with Horite" in some passages of the Heb text. In Josh 9 7 the LXX reads "Horite" as also does Cod. A in Gen 34 2, and in Gen 36 2 a comparison with vs 24.25 shows that "Horite" must be substi tuted for "Hivite."

    In Jgs 3 3 the Hittites are described as dwelling

    "in Mount Lebanon, from Mount Baal-hermon unto

    t he entrance of Hamath/ andin accord-

    2. Geo- ance with this the Hivite is described graphical in Josh 11 3 as being "under Hermon Situation in the land of Mizpeh," and in 2 S 24

    7 they are mentioned immediately after "the stronghold of Tyre." Hence the LXX (Cod. A) reading must be right in Gen 34 2 and Josh 9 7, which makes the inhabitants of Shechem and Gibeon Ilorites instead of Hivites; indeed, in Gen 48 22 the people of Shechem are called Amorite, though this was a general name for the population of Canaan in the patriarchal period. No name resembling Hivite has yet been found in the Egyp or Bab inscriptions. A. H. SAYCK

    HIZKI, hiz ki PpTn, hizkl; LXX Ajaicl,

    Azuk i ; AV Hezeki): A son of Elpaal, a descendant of Benjamin (.1 Ch 8 17).

    HIZKIAH, hiz-kl a (rPpTPI , hizkli/ah; LXX E^Kta, Ezck ui, "strength of Jeh"):

    (1) A son of Neariah, a descendant of David (1 Ch 3 23, AN "He/ekiah").

    (2) An ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah (Zeph 1 1). In RV this word is here tr 1 "Hezeldah." This name again appears in Neh 10 17 [Ileb 18| in t he form of "Hizkijah" in AV, but as "Hezekiah" in RV. Se<; HKZKKIAM.

    HOAR, hor, HOARY, hor i. See Coum (S); HA.H.

    HOAR-FROST, hor frost, HOARY. See EIIOST.

    HOBAB, hf/babp2n,/,oM<7W(, "beloved"; LXX O(3a.p, Obdb) : This name occurs only twice (Xu 10 29; Jgs 4 11). It is not certain whether it denotes the father-in-law or the brother-in-law of Moses. The direct statement of Nu 10 29 is that Hobab was "the son of Rouel" (AV "Raguel"). This is probably the correct view 7 and finds support in Ex 18 27, which tells us that some time before the departure of the Israelites from Sinai, Jethro had departed and returned to his own land. The state ment of Jgs 4 1 1 is ambiguous, and therefore does not. help us out of the difficulty, but is rather itself to be interpreted in the light of the earlier statement in Nu 10 29.

    Mohammedan traditions favor the view that Hobab was only another name for Jethro. But this has little weight against the statements of Scripture. However, whether father-in-law or brother-in-law to Moses, the service he rendered to the leader of the hosts of Israel was most valuable and beautiful. Hobab was an experienced sheikh of the desert whose counsel and companionship Moses desired in the unfamiliar regions through which he was to journey. His knowledge of the wilderness and of its possible dangers would enable him to be to the Israelites "instead of eyes."

    The facts recorded of this man are too meager to enable us to answer all the questions that arise con cerning him. A difficulty that remains unsolved is the fact that in Jgs 1 16 and 411 he is described as a Kenite, while in Ex 3 1 and 18 1, the father-in- law of Moses is spoken of as "the priest of Midian."


    HOBAH, hd ba (rain , hobhah) : A place "on the left hand," i.e. to the N. of "Damascus," to which Abraham pursued the defeated army of Chedor- laomer (Gen 14 lo). It is probably identical with the modern II aba, about 60 miles N.W. of Damascus.

    HOBAIAH, ho-ba ya (!"P:in , Jwbhuijah, "whom Jeh hides," i.e. "protects"): The head of a priestly family that returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel. Because they could not trace their genealogy, they were not permitted to serve in the priestly office (Neh 7 63 f). In the K c re of this passage and in the || list of Ezr 2 61, this name appears in the form "Habaiah" ("^n, hnhJniiji/d/i). "Obdia" is the form of the word in 1 Esd 5 38.

    HOCK Op? , a/car, "to root out") : To hamstring, i.e. to render useless by cutting the tendons of the hock (in AV and ERV "hough"). "In their self- will they hocked an ox" (Gen 49 6, AV "digged down a wall"), in their destructiveness maiming those which they could not carry off. See also Josh 11 6.9; 2 S 8 4.

    HOD, hod ("in, hodh, "majesty," "splendor"; LXX A, "fiS, Hod; B, Hd, Od): One of the song of Zophah, a descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7 37).

    HODAIAH, ho-da ya. See HODAVIAH.



    Letter "H"

    HODAVIAH, hod-a-vl a (rPYTin , hodhawydh, or irTTjin, hudhawydhu; LXX A, flSovCa, Ho- doui(i) .

    (1) One of the heads of the half-tribe of Manasseh on the E. of the Jordan (1 Ch 5 24).

    (2) A Benjamite, the son of Hassenuah (1 Ch 9 7).

    (3) A Levite, who seems to have been the head of an important family in that tribe (Ezr 2 40). In Neli 7 43 the name is Hodevah (Hl l in , hodh c - wah; IV re rp-pn , hddh yah). Cf Ezr*3 9.

    (4) A son of Elioenai, and a descendant of David (1 Ch 3 24; ^r^^r’T’,, AV "Hodaiah").

    HODESH,ho desh (ttTTJ, Iwdhesh, "new moon"): One of the wives of Shaharaim. a Benjamite (1 Ch 8 9).

    HODEVAH, hii-de va, ho do-va (nTTin, hodh f - wdh, rrnin , hodh e ydh, "splendor of Jeh"): A Levite and founder of a Levite family, seventy-four of whom returned from exile with Zerubbabel, 53S BC (Neh 7 43). ARYm gives as another reading "Hodeiah." In Ezr 2 40 he is culled Hodaviah, of which Hodevah and Hodeiah are slight textual corruptions, and in Ezr 3 9 Judah, a name prac tically synonymous.

    HODIAH, h6-dl a, HODIJAH, ho-dl ja (rp-pn , hodlnyuh, "splendor of Jeh"):

    (1) A brother-in-law of Naham (1 Ch 4 19), and possibly for that reason reckoned a member of the tribe of Judah. AV tr "his wife" is wrong.

    (2) One of the Levites who explained to the people the Law as read by Ezra (Neh 8 7) and led their prayers (Neh 9 5). He is doubtless one of the two Levites of this name who sealed the cove nant of Nehemiah (Neh 10 10.13).

    (3) One of the chiefs of the people who scaled the covenant of Nehemiah (Neh 10 IS).


    HOGLAH, hog la (H5}n, hnt/hlah, "partridge"): The third of five daughters of Zelophehad of the tribe of Manasseh (Nu 26 33). Z. leaving no male heir, it was made a statute that the inheritance in such cases should pass to the daughters, if such there were, as joint heirs, on condition, however, of marriage within the tribe (Nu 27 1-11; 36 1-12; Josh 17 3 i).

    HOHAM, hd ham (ZHlH , hdJium, "whom Jeh impels[?]" CJes.): An Amorite king of Hebron and one of the five kings of the Amorites who leagued for war on Gibeon because of its treaty of peace with Joshua. The five were defeated in the decisive battle of Beth-horon, shut up in the cave at Mak- kedah in which they had taken refuge, and after the battle were slain, hanged and cast into the cave (Josh 10 1-27).

    HOISE, hoiz: The older form of "hoist" (OE hoisc), to raise, to lift, and is the tr of epairo, "to lift up": "they .... hoised up the mainsail to the wind" (Acts 27 40). RV "and hoisting up the foresail to the wind"; Wiclif has "lefte up," Tindale "hoysed up."

    HOLD, hold: In ARV frequently "stronghold" (Jgs 9 49; 1 S 22 4; 24 22; 285 17; 23 14; 1 Ch 11 10; 12 10). See FORTIFICATION. In Rev 18 2 for AV "cage" (phulakt) RV substitutes, as in first clause, "hold," and in m "prison."

    HOLDING, hol ding: Occurs with various shades of meaning: (1) as the tr of tdmakh, "to

    acquire," it has the sense of taking, obtaining (Isa 33 15, RV "that shaketh his hands from taking a bribe," ERV, as AV, "holding"); (2) of kill, "to hold," "contain," having the sense of containing or restraining (Jer 611, "I am weary with holding in"); (3) of krated, "to receive," "observe," "main tain" (Mk 7 3, "holding the tradition of the ciders"; 1 Tim 1 19, echo, "holding faith and a good conscience"; 3 9, "holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience"); (4) holding fast, cleav ing to, krated (Col 2 19, "not holding the head," RV ^ holding fast; ; cf Acts 3 11; Rev 7 1, "holding the four winds of the earth, that no wind should blow"); anl6chomai, "to hold over against one s self," "to hold fast" (Tit 1 9, RV "holding to the faithful word"); (5) holding forth, epcehd, "to hold upon, to hold out toward" (Phil 2 1(5, "holding forth the word of life," so RV); Light foot has "holding out" (as offering); others, however, render "holding fast," persevering in the Christian faith and life connecting with being "blameless and harmless" in ver 15. W. L. WALKKR

    HOLINESS, ho li-nes (V*~x , kadhosh, "holy," T2~p , kodliesh, "holiness"; o. yios, IK KJ/OX, "holy"):


    1. The Holiness of (!od

    (1) Absoluteness and Majesty

    (2) Ethical Holiness

    2. Holiness of Place, Time and Object

    3. Holiness of Men

    (1) Ceremonial

    (2) Ethical and Spiritual


    1. Applied to God

    2. To Christ

    3. To Things

    4. To Christians

    (1) As Separate from the VVorld

    (2) As Bound to the Pursuit of an Ethical Ideal

    /. In the OT Meaning of the Term. There has been much discussion as to the original meaning of the Sem root KDSH, by which the notion of holiness is expressed in the OT. Some would con nect it with an Assyr word denoting purity, clear ness; most modern scholars incline to the view t hat the primary idea is t hat of cut t ing off or separa- tion. Etymology gives no sure verdict on the point, but the idea of separation lends itself best, to the various senses in which the word "holiness" is cm- ployed. In primitive Sem usage "holiness" seems to have expressed not hing more than t hat ceremonial separation of an object from common use which the modern study of savage religions has rendered famil iar under the name of taboo (W . R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lect iv). But within the Bib. sphere, with which alone we arc; immediately concerned, holiness attaches itself first of all, not to visible objects, but to the invisible Jeh, and to places, sea sons, things and human beings only in so far as t hey an; associated with Him. And while the idea of ceremonial holiness runs through the OT, the ethi cal significance which Christianity attributes to the term is never wholly absent, and gradually rises in the course of the revelation into more emphatic; prominence.

    As applied to God the notion of holiness is used in the OT in two distinct senses: (1) First in the more general sense of separation from 1. The all that is human and earthly. It, thus

    Holiness denotes the absoluteness, majesty, and of God awfulness of the Creator in His dis

    tinction from the creature. In this use of the word, "holiness" is little more than an equivalent general term for "Godhead," and the adj. "holy" is almost synonymous with "Divine" (cf Dnl 4 8.9. IS; 5 11). Job s "holy arm" (Isa 52 10; Ps 98 1) is His Divine arm, and His "holy name" (Lev 20 3, etc) is His Divine name. When Hannah sings "There is none holy as Jeh" (1 S 2 2),



    Letter "H"

    the rest -if the verso suggests that she is referring, not to His ethical holiness, but simply to His supreme Divinity.

    (2) But, in the next place, holiness of character in the distinct ethical sense is ascribed to (!od. The injunction, "Bo ye holy; for I am holy" (Lev 11 44; 19 2), plainly implies an ethical concep tion. Men cannot resemble Cod in His incom municable attributes. They can reflect His like ness only along the lines of those 1 moral qualities of righteousness and love in which true holiness con sists. In the Psalmists and Prophets the Divine holiness becomes, above all, an ethical reality con victing men of sin (Isa 6 3.~>) and demanding of those who would stand in His presence clean hands and a pure heart (Ps 24 3 f).

    From the holiness of Clod is derived that cere monial holiness of things which is characteristic of the OT religion. Whatever is con-

    2. Holiness nected with the worship of the holy of Place, .)eh is itself holy. Nothing is holy in Time and itself, but. anything becomes holy by Object its consecration to Him. A place

    whore He manifests His presence is holy ground (Ex 3 5). The tabernacle or temple in which His glory is revealed is a holy building (Ex 28 29; 2 Ch 35 f>); and all its sacrifices (Ex 29 33), ceremonial materials (30 25; Nu 6 17) and utensils (1 K 8 4) are also holy. The Sab bath is holy because it is the Sabbath of the Lord (Ex 20 8-11). "Holiness, in short, expresses a rtlnlion, which consists negatively in separation from common use, and positively in dedication to the service of Jeh" (Skinner in HDB, II, 395).

    The holiness of men is of two kinds: (1) A cere monial holiness, corresponding to that of impersonal

    objects and depending upon their reia-

    3. Holiness tion to the outward service of Jeh. of Men Priests and Levites are holy because

    they have been "hallowed" or "sancti fied" by acts of consecration (Ex 29 1; Lev 8 12. 30). The Nazirite is holy because he has separated himself unto the Lord (Nu 6 5). Above all, Israel, notwithstanding all its sins and shortcomings, is holy, as a nation separated from other nations for Divine purposes and uses (Ex 19 6, etc; cf Lev 20 24). (2) But out of this merely ceremonial holiness there emerges a higher holiness that is spirit ual and et hical. For unlike other creatures man was made in the image of God and capable of reflecting the Divine likeness. And as God reveals Himself as ethically holy, He calls man to a holiness resem bling His own (Lev 192). In the so-called "Law of Holiness" (Lev 17-26), God s demand for moral holiness is made clear; and yet the moral contents of the Law are still intermingled with ceremonial elements (17 10 ff; 19 19; 21 1 IT). In psalm and prophecy, however, a purely ethical conception comes into view the conception of a human holi ness which rests upon righteousness and truth (Ps 15 1 f) and the possession of a contrite and humble spirit (Isa 57 1">). This corresponds to the knowledge of a God who, being Himself ethically holy, esteems justice, mercy and lowly piety more highly than sacrifice (Hos 6 6; Mic 6 6-8).

    ‘. In the NT: The Christian Conception. The idea of holiness is expressed here chiefly by the word hagios and its derivatives, which corre spond very closely to the words of the KDSH group in Heb, and are employed to render them in the LXX. The distinctive feature of the NT idea of holiness is that the external aspect of it has almost entirely disappeared, and the elhical meaning has become supreme. The ceremonial idea still exists in contemporary Judaism, and is typically repre sented by the Pharisees (Mk 7 1-13; Lk 18 11 f). But Jesus proclaimed a new view of religion and

    morality according to which men are cleansed or defiled, not by anything outward, but by the thoughts of their hearts (Mt 15 17-20), and God is to be worshipped neither in Samaria nor Jems, but wherever men seek Him in spirit and in truth (Jn 4 21-24).

    In the NT the term "holy" is seldom applied

    to God, and except in quotations from the OT

    (Lk 1 49; 1 Pet 1 15 f), only in the

    1. Applied Johannine writings (Jn 17 11; Rev to God 4 8; 6 10). But it is constantly used

    of the Spirit of God (Mt 1 18; Acts 1 2; Rom 5 5, etc), who now, in contrast with OT usage, becomes specifically the Holy Spirit or Holy Ghost.

    In several passages the term is

    2. Applied applied to Christ (Mk 1 24; Acts 3 to Christ 14; 4 30, etc), as being the very type

    of ethical perfection (cf He 7 26). In keeping with the fact that things are holy in a derivative sense through their relationship to God, the word is used of Jerus (Mt 4 5),

    3. Applied the OT covenant (Lk 1 72), the to Things Scriptures (Rom 1 2), the Law (7

    12), the Mount of Transfiguration (2 Pet. 1 IS), etc.

    But it is esp. in its application to Christians that the idea of holiness moots us in the NT in a sense

    that is characteristic and distinctive.

    4. Applied to Christ s people are regularly called Christians "saints" or holy persons, and holiness in

    the high ethical and spiritual moaning of the word is used to denote the appropriate quality of their life and conduct. (1) No doubt, as applied to believers, "saints" conveys in the first place the notion of a separation from the world and a con secration to God. Just as Israel under the old covenant was a chosen race, so the Christian church in succeeding to Israel s privileges becomes a holy nation (1 Pet 2 9), and the Christian individual, as one of the elect people, becomes a holy man or woman (Col 3 12). In Paul s usage all baptized pen-sons are "saints," however far they may still be from the saintly character (cf 1 Cor 1 2.14 with 5 1 ff). (2) But though the use of the name does not imply high ethical character as a realized fact, it always assumes it as an ideal and an obliga tion. It is taken for granted that the Holy Spirit has taken up His abode in the heart of every regenerate person, and that a work of positive sanctification is going on there. The NT leaves no room for the thought of a holiness divorced from those moral qualities which the holy God demands of those whom He has called to be His people. See SANCTIFICATION.

    LITERATURE. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Sem ite*, Lects iii, iv; A. 15. Davidson, Th(-,,’,,,,<, of the OT, 145 ff; Sehultz, Theolouu of the OT, II. 1<>7 If; Orr. .Sin ox a Problem of To-day, ch Hi; Sanday-Headlam, Romans, 12 if; arts. "Holiness" in HDB and " Heiligkuit Gottes irn AT" in RK.


    HOLLOW, hol o (r3, kaph, 22:, nabhabh}: "Hollow" is the tr of kaph, "hollow" (Gen 32 25.32, "the hollow of his thigh," the hip-pan or so( ket, over the sciatic nerve); of nabhabh, "to be hollow" (Ex 27 8; 38 7; Jer 52 21); of sho*al, "hollow" (Isa 40 12, "Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand?" [in handfuls; cf 1 K 20 10; Ezk 13 19]); of makhtcsh, "a mor tar," "socket of a tooth" (from its shape) (Jgs 15 19, "God clave an [RV "the"] hollow place that is in Lehi"); of sh e ka*aruroth, prob. from ka*(ir, "to sink" (Lev 14 37, "the walls of the house with hollow st rakes," so ERV, ARV "hollow streaks," depressions); of koilotcs (Wisd 17 19, "the hollow mountains," RV "hollows of the mountains"); of koUoma (2 Mace 1 19, "hollow place of a pit," RV



    Letter "H"

    "hollow of a well"); of antrddes (2 5, "u hollow cave," RV "a chamber in the rock," m "Gr a caver nous chamber"). W. L. WALKER

    HOLM-TREE, hom tre:

    (1) ~T"in, tirzah (Isa 44 14, AV "cypress"): The name, from the root meaning (cf Arab, taraza) "to be hard," implies some very hard wood. Vulg has ilex, which is Lat for holm oak, so named from its holly-like leaves (hollen in OE = "holly"); this tr has now been adopted, but it is doubtful.

    (2) irptVos, priuos, Sus ver 58. This is the ilex or holm oak. There is a play on the words prinos and pr tsai (lit. "saw") in vs 58 and 59 (see SUSANNA). The evergreen or holm oak is represented by two species in Pal, Quercns ilex and Q. cocci/era. The leaf of both species is somewhat like a small holly leaf, is glossy green and usually spiny. The Q. ilex is insignificant, but Q. cocci/era is a magnificent tree growing to a height of 40 ft. or more, and often found in Pal flourishing near sacred tombs, and itself not infrequently the object of superstitious venera tion. E. W. G. MASTERMAN

    HOLOFERNES, hol-6-fur nez ( OXo^tpv^s, Olo- phernes) . According to the Book of Jth, chief cap tain of Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Assyrians (Jth 2 4), who was commissioned to make war upon the West country and to receive from the inhabitants the usual tokens of complete sub mission, earth and water. The object of the expedition of II., who thus became the typical persecutor of the Jews, was to compel men every where to worship Nebuchadnezzar. He was slain by Judith, the heroine of the book of that name, during the siege of Bethulia. There is no notice of H. except in the Book of Jth. The termination of the word would seem to indicate a Pers origin f< ti the name. The II . of Shakespeare and Rabelais is in no way connected with the deeds of the H. of the Apoc. J. HUTCHISON

    HOLON, ho km (" 5n or " v "h , hdldn):

    (1) One of the towns in the hill country of Judah (Josh 15 51) assigned to the Levites (21 15). In 1 Ch 6 58 (Heb 43), it is HILEN (which see). The site may be the important ruins of Beit *Alam (see PEF, III, 313, 321, Sh XXI).

    (2) Probably once an important town in the "plain," i.e. plateau, of Moab (Jer 48 21); the site is unknown.

    HOLYDAY, ho li-da: This word occurs twice in AV, viz. Ps 42 4, "a multitude that kept [RV "keeping"] holyday," and Col 2 1(1. In the latter case it is a rendering of the Gr word eoprri, heortf, the ordinary term for a religious festival. RV tr s "feast day." In the former instance "keeping holyday" renders "?Tn , hoghcgh. The vb. means to "make a pilgrimage," or "keep a religious festival." Occasionally the idea of merrymaking prevails, as in 1 S 30 16 "eating and drinking," and enjoying themselves merrily. The Psalmist (who was per haps an exiled priest) remembers with poignant regret how he used to lead religious processions on festival occasions. T. LEWIS

    HOLY GHOST, ho li gost. See HOLY SPIRIT.


    See BLASPHEMY; HOLY SPIRIT, 111, 1, (4).

    HOLY OF HOLIES, ho liz (3"EF T p , ko- dhesh ha-kodhashlm, Ex 26 33, "Q 1 ! d bhir, 1 K 6 16, etc; in the NT, a-yia a-yUov, hdgia hagion, He 9 3) : The name given to the innermost shrine, or adytum of the sanctuary of Jeh.

    The most holy place of the tabernacle in the

    wilderness (Ex 26 31-33) was a small cube of

    10 cubits (15 ft.) every way. It was

    1. In the divided from the holy place by a veil Tabernacle which was lifted when entrance was

    made (see VEIL). Ceiled by curtains which bore cherubic figures embroidered in blue and purple and scarlet (26 1), it contained no furniture but the Ark of the Covenant, covered by a slab of gold called the MERCY-SEAT (q.v.), and having within it only the two stone tables of the Law (see TABERNACLE; ARK OF COVENANT). Only the high priest, and IK; but once a year, on the great DAY OF ATONEMENT (q.v.), was permitted to enter within the veil, clothed in penitential garments, amid a cloud of incense, and with blood of sacrifice (Lev 16; cf He 97).

    The proportions of the most holy place in the first temple were the same as in the tabernacle,

    but the dimensions were doubled.

    2. In the The sacred chamber was enlarged to 20 Temple of cubits (30 ft.) each way. We now Solomon meet with the word d e bhir, "oracle"

    (1 K 6 16, etc), which with the exception of Ps 28 2, belonging perhaps to the same age, is met with in Scripture only in the period of Solomon s reign. This xnnctnin, like its pred ecessor, contained but one piece of furniture the Ark of the Covenant. It had, however, one new conspicuous feature in the two large figures of cheru bim of olive wood, covered with gold, with wings stretching from wall to wall, beneath which the ark was now placed (1 K 6 23-28; 2 Ch 3 10-13; see TEMPLE).

    In Ezekiel s temple plans, which in many things

    may have been those of the temple of Zerubbabel,

    the prophet gives 20 cubits as the

    3. In Later length and breadth of the most holy Times place, showing that these figures

    were regarded as too sacred to undergo change (Ezk 41 4). There was then no Ark of the Covenant, but Jewish tradition relates that the blood of the great Day of Atonement was sprinkled on an unhewn stone that stood in its place. In Herod s temple, the dimensions of the two holy chambers remained the same at least in length and breadth (see TEMPLE, HEROD S). The holiest place continued empty. In the spoils of the temple depicted on the Arch of Titus there is no representa tion of the Ark of the Covenant ; only of the furni ture of the outer chamber or holy place.

    In the Ep. to the He we are taught that the

    true holy of holies is the heaven into which Jesus

    has now entered to appear in virtue of

    4. Figura- His own sacrifice in the presence of tive God for us (He 9 11 ff). Restriction

    is now removed, and the way into the holiest is made open for all His people (10 19.20). W. SHAW CALDECOTT


    HOLY PLACE (TT" ?~ , hn-kiWu sh, Ex 26 33, ^rVT( y ha-liekhul, 1 K 6 17, etc; i] irpuTT) CTKT|VT|,

    he prole skent, He 9 6 f) : The taber- 1. The nacle consisted of two divisions to

    Terms which a graduated scale of holiness is

    attached: "The veil shall separate unto you between the holy place and the most holy" (Ex 26 33). This distinction was never abrogated. In the Ep. to the He these divisions are called the "first" and "second" tabernacles (He 9 (if). The term "holy place" is not indeed confined to the outer chamber of the sanctuary; in Lev 6 16, it is applied to "the court of the tent of meeting." But the other is its technical use. In Solomon s temple we have a different usage. The word hekhdl,



    Letter "H"

    "temple," is not at first applied, as after, to the whole building, hut is the designation specifically of the holy place, in distinction from the il l>’lr, or "oracle" (cf 1 K 6 3..1. 1(5. 1 7.33. etc; so in K/k 41 1.2.4, etc). The wider usage i.s later (<! 2 K 11 10 11.13, etc).

    The si/.e of the holy place differed at. different

    times. The holy place of the tabernacle was 20

    cubits long by 10 broad and 10 high

    2. Size of (30X15X15 i t.); that of Solomon s the Holy temple was twice this in length and Place breadth- 10 by 20 cubits; but it is

    contended by many (Bfdir, etc) that in height it was the full internal height of the building 30 cubits; the Ilerodian temple has the same dimensions of length and breadth, but, ,Ios and Miildi ilh give largely increased, though differing, numbers for the height (.see TUMI-LI-;, HKKOD S).

    The contents of the holy place were from the

    beginning ordered to be t hese (Kx 25 23 If ; 30

    1-10): the altar of incense, a golden

    3. Contents candlestick (in Solomon s temple in- of Holy creased to ten, 1 K 7 49), and a table, Place of showbread (likewise increased to

    ten, 2 Ch 4 S). For the construction, position, history and uses of these objects, see TAUKKN ACLF,; TEMPLK, and arts, under the several headings. This, as shown by .Jos and by the sculp tures on the Arch of Titus, continued to be the furniture of the holy place till the end.

    As t he outer division of t he sanctuary, into which, as yet, not the people, but, only their representa tives in the priesthood, were admitted

    4. Symbol- while- yet the symbols of the people s ism consecratei I life (prayer, light, thanks giving) were found in it, the holy place

    may be said to represent the people s relation to ( lod in the earthly life, as the holy of holies repre sented God s relation to the people in a perfected communion. In the Ep. to the He, the holy place is not largely dwelt on as compared with the court in which the perfect sacrifice was offered, and the holiest of all into which Christ has now entered (Christ passes "through" the tahernacle into the holiest, 9 11). It pertains, however, evidently to the earthly sphere of Christ s manifestation, even as earth is the present scene of the church s fellow ship. Through earth, by the way which Christ has opened up, the believer, already in spirit, finally in fact, passes with Him into the holiest (He 10 19; cf 9 S; sec Westcott, 11,-hmrx, 233 ff).

    ‘V. SHAW CALDKCOTT HOLY SPIRIT, hd li spir it :


    1. Meaning of the Word

    2. The Spirit in Relation to the Godhead

    3. In External .Nature

    4. In Man

    5. Imparting Powers for Service

    (1) Judges and Warriors

    (2) Wisdom for Various Purposes

    (3) In Prophecy

    (i. Imparting .Moral Character

    7. In the Messiah

    S. Predictions of Future Outpouring of tin- Spirit


    1. The Spirit- in .losephus 2. In the Pseudepigrapha

    3. In tho Wisdom of Solomon

    4. In Philo


    1. In Relation to the Person and Work of Christ

    (1) Birth of Jesus

    (2) Baptism

    (3) Temptation

    (4) Public Ministry

    (5) Death and Resurrection and Pentecostal Gift

    2. The Holy Spirit in the Kingdom of (lod

    (1) Synoptic Teachings

    (2) In the Writings of John

    (3) In Acts

    (4) In Paul s Writings

    (n) The Spirit- and Jesus

    (l>) In Bestowing Charismatic Gifts

    (c) III the Beginnings of the Christian Life (</) In the Religious and Moral Life (<) In the ( hurcli (/) In the Resurrection of Believers (.">) The Holy Spirit in Other XT Writings LITERATURE

    The expression Spirit, or Spirit of Clod, or Holy Spirit, is found in the great majority of the books of the Bible. In the ( )T the 11 eb word uniformly employed for the Spirit as referring to Cod s Spirit is rP~l, rtl"h, meaning "breath," "wind" or "hreexe." The vb. form of the word is H 7 "!, nl"h, or rP~| , rl"h, used only in the Hiphil and meaning "to breathe," "to blow." A kindred vb. is i"!" 1 ! , rdim/j, meaning "to breathe," "having breathing room," "to be spacious," etc. The word always used in the XT for the Spirit is the Cr neuter noun TrveD^a, />/n in/in, with or without, the article, and for Holy Spirit, irvev/j.a ayiov, pui iitna hitijion, or TO Trvevp.a. rb ayLov, to i>ucuin<i to hat/ion.. In the XT we find also the expressions, "tho Spirit of Cod," "the Spirit of the Lord," "the Spirit of the; Father," "the Spirit of Jesus," "of Christ." The word for Spirit in the Cr is from the vb. irvtw, />/ <>, "to breathe," "to blow." The corresponding word in the Lat is />’/, meaning "spirit."

    /. The Teachings as to the Spirit in the OT.

    At the outset we note the significance of the term

    itself. From the primary meaning

    1. Meaning of the word which is "wind," as refer- of the ring to Nature, arises the idea of breath Word in man and thence the breath, wind or

    Spirit of Cod. We have no way of tracing exactly how the minds of the Bib. writers connected the earlier literal meaning of the word with the Divine Spirit. Nearly all shades of meaning from the lowest to the highest appear in the OT, and it is not difficult to conceive how t he original narrower meaning was gradually expanded into the larger and wider. The following are some of the shades of OT usage. From the notion of wind or breath, ru"h came to signify: (1) the principle of life itself; spirit in this sense indicated the degree of vitality: "My spirit is consumed, my days are extinct" "(Job 17 1; also Jgs 15 1<J; 1 S 30 12); (2) human feelings of various kinds, as anger (Jgs 8 3; Prov 29 11), desire (Isa 26 9), courage (Josh 2 11); (3) intelligence- (Kx 28 3; Isa 29 24); (4) general disposition (Ps 34 IS; 51 17; Prov 14 29; 16 IS; 29 23).

    No doubt the Bib. writers thought, of man as made in the image of Cod (Cen 1 27 f ), and it was easy for them to think of Cod as being like man. It is remarkable that their anthropomorphism did not go farther. They preserve, however, a highly spiritual conception of Cod as compared with that of surrounding nations. But as the human breath was an invisible part of man, and as it re-presented his vitality, his life and energy, it was easy to trans fer the conception to Cod in the; effort to represent His energetic and transitive action upon man and Nature. The Spirit of Cod, therefore, as based upon the idea of the ru"h or breath of man, originally stood for the energv or power of Cod (Isa 31 3; cf A. B. Davidson, Theology of the OT, 117-18), as contrasted with the weakness of the flesh.

    We consider next the Spirit of God in relation to

    God Himself in the OT. Here there ure several

    points to be noted. The first is that

    2. The there is no indication of a belief that Spirit in the Spirit of Cod was a matt-rial par- Relation to tide or emanation from God. The the God- point of view of Bib. writers is nearly head always practical rather than specula tive. They did not philosophize about

    the Divine nature. Nevertheless, they retained a



    Letter "H"

    very clear distinction between spirit and flesh or ol her material forms. Again we observe in the OT both an identification of God and the Spirit of God, and also a clear distinction between them. The identification is seen in Ps 139 7 where the omni presence of the Spirit is declared, and in Isa 63 10; Jer 31 33; Ezk 36 27. In a great number of passages, however, God and the Spirit of God are not thought of as identical, as in Gen 12; 63; Neh 9 20; Ps 51 11; 104 29 f. Of course this does not mean that God and the Spirit of God were two distinct beings in the thought of OT writers, but only that the Spirit had functions of His own in distinction from God. The Spirit was God in action, particularly when the action was specific, with a view to accomplishing some particular end or purpose of God. The Spirit came upon indi viduals for special purposes. The Spirit was thus God immanent in man and in the workl As the angel of the Lord, or angel of the Covenant in certain passages, represents both Jeh Himself and one sent by Jeh, so in like manner the Spirit of Jeh was both Jcli within or upon man, and at the same time one sent by Jeh to man.

    Do the OT teachings indicate that in the view of the writers the Spirit of Jeh was a distinct person in the Divine nature? The passage in Gen 1 26 is scarcely conclusive. The idea and importance of personality were but slowly developed in Israeli t- ish thought. Not until some of the later prophets did it receive great emphasis, and even then scarcely in the fully developed form. The statement in Gen 1 20 may be taken as the pi. of majesty or as referring to the Divine council, and on this account is not conclusive for the Trinitarian view. Indeed, there are no OT passages which compel us to under stand the complete NT doctrine of the Trinity ami the distinct personality of the Spirit in the NT sense. There are, however, numerous OT passage s which are in harmony with the Trinitarian con ception and prepare the way for it, such as Ps 139 7; Isa 63 10; 48 10; Hag 2 5; Zee 4 G. The Spirit is grieved, vexed, etc, and in other ways is conceived of personally, but as He is God in action, God exerting power, this was the natural way for the OT writers to think of the Spirit.

    The question has been raised as to how the Bib. writers were able to hold the conception of the Spirit of God without violence to their monotheism. A suggested reply is that the idea of the Spirit came gradually and indirectly from the conception of subordinate gods which prevailed among some of the surrounding nations (I. F. Wood, Tin: Spirit of Cod in Bib. Literature, 30). But the best Israeli* ish thought developed in opposition to, rather than in analogy with, polytheism. _ A _more natural explanation seems to be that their simple anthropomorphism led them to conceive the Spirit of God as the breath of God parallel with the con ception of man s breath as being part of man and yet going forth from him.

    "We consider next the Spirit of God in external Nature. "And the Spirit of God moved [was brooding or hovering] upon the face 3. The of the waters" (Gen 1 2). The figure

    Spirit in is that of a brooding or hovering bird External (cf Dt 32 11). Here the Spirit brings Nature order and beauty out of the primeval

    chaos and conducts the cosmic forces toward the goal of an ordered universe. Again in Ps 104 2S-30, God sends forth His Spirit, and visible things are called into being: "Thou sendest forth thy Spirit, they are created; and thou renewest the face of the ground." In Job 26 13 the beauty of the heavens is ascribed to the Spirit: "By his Spirit the heavens are garnished." In Isa 32 If) the wilderness becomes a fruitful field as the result

    of the outpouring of the Spirit. The Bib. writers scarcely took into their thinking the idea of second causes, certainly not in the modern scientific sense. They regarded the phenomena of Nature as the result of God s direct action through His Spirit. At every point their conception of the Spirit saved them from pantheism on the one hand and poly theism on the other.

    The Spirit may next be considered in imparting

    natural powers both physical and intellectual. In

    Gen 2 7 God originates man s person-

    4. The al and intellectual life by breathing Spirit of into his nostrils "the breath of life." God in Man In Nu 16 22 God is "the God of

    the spirits of all flesh." In Ex 28 3; 31 3; 35 31, wisdom for all kinds of workmanship is declared to be the gift of God. So also physical life is due to the presence of the Spirit of God (Job 27 3); and Elihu declares (Job 33 4) that the Spirit of God made him. See also Ezk 37 14 and 39 29. Thus man is regarded by the OT writers, in all the parts of his being, body, mind and spirit, as the direct result of the action of the Spirit of God. In Gen 6 3 the Spirit of God "strives" with or "rules" in or is "humbled" in man in the antedilu vian world. Here reference is not made to the Spirit s activity over and above, but within the moral nature of man.

    The greater part of the OT passages which refer to the Spirit of God deal with the subject from the

    point of view of the covenant relations

    5. In Im- between Jeh and Israel. And the parting greater portion of these, in turn, have Powers for to do with gifts and powers conferred Service by the Spirit for service in the ongoing

    of the kingdom of God. ‘Ve fail to grasp the full meaning of very many statements of the OT unless we keep constantly in mind the fundamental assumption of all the OT, viz. the covenant relations between God and Israel. Extra ordinary powers exhibited by Israelites of what ever kind were usually attributed to the Spirit. These are so numerous that our limits of space forbid an exhaustive presentation. The chief points we may notice.

    (1) Pourrs conferred upon judges and warriors. The children of Israel cried unto Jeh and lie raised up a savior for them, Othniel, the son of Kenaz: "And the Spirit of Jeh came upon him, and he judged Israel" (Jgs 3 10). So also Gideon (Jgs 6 34): "The Spirit of Jeh came upon [lit. clothed itself with] Gideon." In Jgs 11 29 "the spirit of Jeh came upon Jcphthah"; ^ and in 13 2o "the Spirit, of Jeh began to move" Samson. In 14 G "the Spirit of Jeh came mightily upon him." In 1 S 16 14 we read "the Spirit of Jeh departed from Saul, and an evil spirit from Jeh troubled him." In all this class of passages, the Spirit imparts special endowments of power without necessary reference to the moral character of the recipient. The end in view is not personal, merely to the agent, but concerns the theocratic; kingdom and implies the covenant between God and Israel. In some cases the Spirit exerts physical energy in a more direct way (2 K 2 10; Ezk 2 If; 3 12).

    (2) Wisdom and skill bestowed for various purposes. Bezalel is filled with the Spirit of God in wisdom and in understanding to work in gold, and silver and brass, etc, in the building of the tabernacle (Ex 31 2-4; 35 31); and the Spirit of wisdom is given to others in making Aaron s garments (Ex 28 3). So also of one of the builders of Solomon s temple (1 K 7 14; 2 Ch 2 14). In these cases there seems to be a combination of the thought of natural talents and skill to which is superadded a special endowment of the Spirit. Pharaoh refers to Joseph as one in whom the Spirit of God is, as fitting



    Letter "H"

    him for administration and government (Clen 41 oS). Joshua is qualified for leadership by the Spirit (Nu 27 IS). In this and in Dt 34 9, Joshua is represented as possessing the Spirit through the laying on of the hands of Moses. This is an inter esting ( >T parallel to t hi bestowment of the Spirit by laying on of hands in the NT (Acts 8 17; 19 <>>. Daniel is represented as having ‘visdom to interpret dreams through the Spirit, and afterward because of the Spirit he is exalted to a position of authority and power (Dnl 4 S; 5 11 11; 6 :j). The Spirit qualifies Zerubbabel to rebuild the temple (/ee 4 (>). The Spirit was given to the people for instruc tion and strengthening during the wilderness wanderings (Xeh 9 20), and to the elders along with Moses (‘u 11 17.2.")). It thus appears how very ‘‘idc.-pread were the activities of the redemp tive Spirit, or the Spirit in the covenant. All these forms of i he Spirit s action bore in some way upon the national life of the people, and were directed in one way or another toward theocratic ends.

    (. i) Tin Spirit in OT prophecy. The most distinctive and important manifestation of the Spirit s activity in the OT was in the sphere of prophecy. .In the earlier period the prophet was called seer ("X" , ro t’ ) ; and later he was called prophet. (S^Zr , nabhT ). The word "prophet" (irpo<(>riTi)s, prophttcs) means one who speaks for (!od. The prophets were very early differentiated from the masses of the people into a prophetic class or order, although Abraham himself was called a prophet, as were Moses and other leaders (den 20 7; Dt 18 1.5). The prophet was esp. distinguished from others as the man who possessed the Spirit of Cod (Hos 9 7). _ The prophets ordinarily began their message s with the phrase, "thus saith Jeh," or its equivalent. But they ascribed their mes sages directly also to the Spirit of God (Ezk 2 2; 8 I}; 11 1.24; 13 3). The case of Balaam pre sents some difficulties (Nu 24 2). lie does not seem to have been a genuine prophet, but rather a diviner, although it is declared that the Spirit of (lod came upon him. Balaam serves, however, to illustrate the OT point of view. The chief in terest, was the national or theocratic or covenant, ideal, not that of the individual. The Spirit was bestowed at times upon unworthy men for the achievement of these ends. Saul presents a similar example. The prophet, was ( lod s messenger speak ing (iod s message by the Spirit. His message was not his own. It came directly from God, and at times overpowered the prophet with its urgency, as in the case of Jeremiah (1 4 IT).

    There are quite perceptible stages in the develop ment of the OT prophecy. In the earlier period the prophet was sometimes moved, not so much to intelligible speech, as by a sort of enthusiasm or prophetic ecstasy. In 1 S 10 we have an example of this earlier form of prophecy, where a company with musical instruments prophesied together . To what extent this form of prophetic enthusiasm was attended by warnings and exhortations, if so attended at all, we do not know. There was more in it than in the, excitement, of the diviners and devotees of the surrounding nations. For the Spirit of Jeh was its source.

    In t he later period we have prophecy in its highest forms in the OT. The differences between earlier and later prophecy are probably due in part to the conditions. The early period required action, the later required teaching. The judges on whom the Spirit came were deliverers in a turbulent age. There was not need for, nor could the people have borne, the higher ethical and spiritual truths which came in later revelations through the prophets

    Isaiah, Jeremiah and others. See 2 S 23 2; Ezk 2 2; 8 3; 11 24; 13 3; Mic 3 S; IIos 9 7.

    A difficulty arises from statements such as the following: A lying spirit was sometimes present in the prophet (1 K 2221f); Jeh puts a spirit in the king of Assyria and turns him back to his destruc tion (Isa 37 7); because of sin, a lying prophet should serve the people (Mic 211); "in Micaiah s vision Jeh sends a spirit to entice Ahab through lying prophets (1 K 22 19 ff); an evil spirit from Jeh comes upon Saul (1 S 16 14; 18 10; 19 9). The following considerations may be of value in explaining these passages. Jeh was the source of things generally in OT thought. Its pronounced monotheism appears in this as in so many other ways. Besides this, OT writers usually spoke phenomenally. Prophecy was a particular form of manifestation with certain outward marks and signs. Whatever presented these outward marks was called prophecy, whether the message conveyed was true or false. The standard of discrimination here was not the outward signs of the prophet, but the truth or right of the message as shown by the event. As to the evil spirit from Jeh, it may be explained in either of two ways. First , it may have referred to the evil disposition of the man upon whom God s Spirit was acting, in which case he would resist the Spirit and his own spirit would be the evil spirit. Or the "evil spirit from Jeh" may have referred, in the prophet s mind, to an actual spirit of evil which Jeh sent or permitted to enter the man. The latter is the more probable explana tion, in accordance with which the prophet would conceive that Jeh s higher will was accomplished, even through the action of the evil spirit upon man s spirit. Jeh s judicial anger against transgression would, to the prophet s mind, justify the sending of an evil spirit by Jeh.

    The activity of the Spirit in the OT is not limited

    to gifts for service. Moral and spiritual character

    is traced to the Spirit s operations as

    6. The well. "Thy holy Spirit" (Ps 61 11); Spirit Im- "his holy Spirit" (Isa 63 10); "thy parting good Spirit" (Neh 9 20); "Thy Spirit Moral and is good" (Ps 143 10) are expressions Spiritual pointing to the ethical quality of the Character Spirit s action. "Holy" is from the

    vb. form (^"~j2 , kadhash}, whose root meaning is doubtful, but which probably meant "to be separated," from which it comes to mean to be exalted, and this led to the conception to be Divine. And as Jeh is morally good, the concep tion of "the holy [ = Divine] one" came to signify the holy one in the moral sense. Thence the? word was applied to the Spirit of Jeh. Jeh gives His good Spirit for instruction (Neh 9 20); the Spirit is called good because it teaches to do God s will (Ps 143 10); the Spirit gives the fear of the Lord (Isa 11 2-5); judgment and righteousness (Isa 32 l.lf f); devotion to the Lord (Isa 44 3-f>); hearty obedience and a new heart (Ezk 36 26 f); penitence and prayer (Zee 12 10). In Ps 51 11 there is an in tense sense of guilt and sin coupled with the prayer, "Take not thy holy Spirit from me." Thus we sec that the OT in numerous ways recognizes the Holy Spirit as the source of inward moral purity, although the thought is not so developed as in the NT.

    In both the first and the second sections of Isa, there are distinct references to the Spirit in con nection with the Messiah, although

    7. The the Messiah is conceived as the ideal Spirit in the King who springs from the root of Messiah David in some instances, and in others

    as the Suffering Servant of Jeh. This is not the place to discuss the Messianic import of the latter group of passages which has given rise to



    Letter "H"

    much difference of opinion. As in the case of the ideal Davidic King which, in the prophet s mind, passes from the lower to the higher and Messianic conception, so, under the form of the Suffering Ser vant, the "remnant" of Israel becomes the basis for an ideal which transcends in the Messianic sense the original nucleus of the conception derived from the historic events in the history of Israel. The prophet rises in the employment of both conceptions to the thought of the Messiah who is the "anointed" of Jeh as endued esp. with the power and wisdom of the Spirit. In Isa 11 1-5 a glowing picture is given of the "shoot out of the stock of Jesse." The Spirit imparts "wisdom and understanding" and endows him with manifold gifts through the exercise of which he shall bring in the kingdom of righteousness and peace. In Isa 42 1 ff, the "servant" is in like manner endowed most richly wil h the gifts of the Spirit by virtue of which he shall bring fort h "justice to the Gentiles." In Isa 61 1 ff occur the notable words cited by Jesus in Lk 4 18 f, beginning, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me," etc. In these passages the prophet describes elab orately and minutely the Messiah s endowment with a wide range of powers, all of which are traced to the action of God s Spirit.

    In the later history of Israel, when the sufferings of the exile pressed heavily, there arose a tendency

    to idealize a past age as the era of the 8. Predic- special blessing of the Spirit, coupled tions of Fu- with a very marked optimism as to a ture Out- future outpouring of the Spirit. In pouring of Hag 2 ,5 reference is made to the Mo th e Spirit sale period as the age of the Spirit,

    "when ye came 1 out of Kgypt , and my Spirit abode among you." In Isa 44 > the Spirit is to be poured out on Jacob and his seed; and in Isa 59 20 a Redeemer is to come to /ion under the cove nant of Jeh, and the Spirit is to abide upon the people. The passage, however, which esp. indicates the transition from OT to NT times is that in Joel 2 28.32 which is cited by Peter in Acts 2 17-21. In this prophecy the bestowal of the Spirit is extended to all classes, is attended by marvelous signs and is accompanied by the gift of salvation. Looking back from the later to the earlier period of OT history, we observe a twofold tendency of teach ing in relation to the Spirit. The first, is from the outward gift of the Spirit for various uses toward a deepening sense of inner need of the Spirit for moral purity, and consequent emphasis upon the ethical energy of the Spirit. The second tendency is toward a sense of the futility of the merely human or theocratic national organization in and of itself to achieve the ends of Jeh, along wit h a sense of the need for the Spirit of God upon the people generally, and a prediction of the universal diffusion of the Spirit.

    ‘. The Spirit in Non- Canonical Jewish Litera ture. In the Palestinian and Alexandrian literature of the Jews there are comparatively few references to the Spirit of God. The two books in which the teachings as to the Spirit are most explicit and most fully developed are of Alexandrian origin, viz. The Wisdom of Solomon and the writings of Philo.

    In the OT Apocrypha and in Jos the references to the Spirit an; nearly always merely echoes of a long-past age when the Spirit was active among men. In no par ticular is the contrast between the canonical and non- canonical literature more, striking than in the teaching as to the Spirit of ( iod.

    Jos has a number of references to the Holy Spirit, but nearly always they have to do with the long-past history of Israel. He refers to 22 books of the OT 1. The which are of the utmost reliability. There

    <5r>iri4- in iin other books, but none "of like author

    ity." because there has "not been an JosepriUS exact succession of prophets" (C.I/), 1, S). Samuel is described as having a large place in the affairs of the kingdom because he is a prophet

    (Ant, VI, v, 6). God appears to Solomon hi sleep and teaches him wisdom (ib, VIII, ii); Balaam prophesies through the Spirit s power (ib, IV, v, 6); and Moses was such a prophet that his words were God s words (ib, IV, viii, 49). In Jos we have; then simply a testimony to the inspiration and power of the prophets and the books written by them, in so far as we have in him teach ings regarding the Spirit of (iod. Even here the action of the Spirit is usually implied rather than expressed.

    In the pseudepigraphic writings the Spirit of God is usually referred to as acting in the long-past history of Israel or in the; future Messianic age. In o Thp the apocalyptic books, the past ago of

    " ... power, when the Spirit wrought mightily,

    Spirit in becomes the ground of the hopes of the

    the Pseude- future. The past is glorified, and out of it ronha arises the hope of a future kingdom of

    glory and power. Enoch says to Methuse lah: "The word calls me and the Spirit is poured out upon me" (Kn 91 1). In 49 1-4 the Messiah has the Spirit of wisdom, understanding and might. Enoch is represented as describing his own translation. " He was carried aloft in the chariots of the Spirit" (Kn 70 2). In Jiib 31 1<> Isaac is represented as prophesying, and in 25 13 it is said of Kebekah that the " Holy Spirit descended into her mouth." Sometimes the action of the Spirit is closely connected with the moral life, although this is rare. "The Spirit of God rests" on the man of pure and loving heart (XII P, Benj. 8). In Simeon 4 it is declared that Joseph was a good man and that the Spirit of God rested on him. There appears at times a lament for the departed age of proph ecy (1 Mace 9 27; 14 41). The future is depicted in glowing colors. The Spirit is to come in a future judg ment (XII P, Levi 18); and the spirit of holiness shall rest upon the redeemed in Paradise (Levi 18); and in Levi 2 the spirit of insight is given, and the vision of the sinful world and its salvation follows. Generally speak ing, this literature is far below that of the OT, both in moral tone and religious insight. Much of it seems childish, although at times we encounter noble passages. There is lacking in it the prevailing OT mood which is best described as prophetic;, in which the writer feels constrained by the power of God s Spirit to speak or write. The OT literature thus possesses a vitality and power which accounts for the strength of its appeal to our religious consciousness.

    We note in the next place a few teachings as to the Spirit of God in Wisd. Here the ethical ele ment in character is a condition of the

    3. The Spirit s indwelling. "Into a malicious Spirit in the soul wisdom shall not enter: nor dwell Wisdom of in the body that is subject unto sin. Solomon For the holy spirit of discipline will

    flee deceit, and will not abide when unrighteousness cometh in" (Wisd 1 4f). This "holy spirit of discipline" is evidently God s Holy Spirit, for in ver 7 the writer proceeds to assert, "For the Spirit of the Lord fillet h the world," and in vs S. ( .) there is a return to the conception of un righteousness as a hindrance to right speaking. In Wisd 7 7 the Spirit of Wisdom comes in response to prayer. In 7 22-30 is an elaborate and very beautiful description of wisdom: "In her is an under standing spirit, holy, one only, manifold, subtil, lively, clear, undefiled, plain, not subject to hurt, loving the thing that is good, quick, which cannot be letted, ready to do good, kind to man, stedfast, sun 1 ," etc. "She is the brightness of the ever lasting light, the unspotted mirror of the power of God, and the image of his goodness," etc. No one can know God s counsel except by the Holy Spirit (9 17). The writer of Wisd was deeply possessed of the sense of the omnipresence of the Spirit of ( !od, as seen in 1 7 and in 12 1. In the latter passage we read : "For thine incorruptible spirit is in all things." In Philo we have what is almost wholly wanting in other Jewish literature, viz. analytic and reflective thought upon the work of the Spirit of

    4. The God. The interest in Philo is primari- Spirit in ly philosophic, and his teachings on Philo the Spirit possess special interest on

    this account in contrast with Bib. and other extra-Bib, literature. In his Questions tnnl Solutions, 27, 28, he explains the expression in (Jen 8 1: "lie brought a breath over the earth and the wind ceased." He argues that water is not diminished by wind, but, only agitated and dis-



    Letter "H"

    tin-bed. Hence there 1 must be a reference 1o God s Spirit or breath by which t lie whole universe obtains .security. He has a similar discussion ol the point why the word Spirit" is not used instead of "breath" in Gen in the account of man s creation, and concludes that "to breathe into" here means to "inspire," and that God by His Spirit imparted to man mental and moral life and rapacity for Divine things (All( (/uric*, xiii). In several passages I liilo discusses prophecy and the prophetic office. One of the most interesting relates to the prophetic oflice of Moses (Life nf Manx, ‘‘iii i f). He also describes a false pmphet ‘vlio claims (o be 1 inspireil and possessed by the Holy Spirit." (On. 77/ ‘‘ ho Offer Xdcrijiee, xi). In a very notable passage, Philo describes in detail liis own subjective experi ences under t lie infhn -nee of the Holy S])irit , and his language is that of the intellectual mystic. He says that at times he found himself devoid of impulse or capacity for mental activity, when suddenly by the coming of the Spirit of God, his intellect was rendered very fruitful: "and sometimes when I have come to my work empty 1 have .suddenly become full, ideas being, in an invisible; manner, showered upon me and implanted in me from on high; so that through the influence of Divine inspiration 1 have become greatly excited and have known neit her the place in which 1 was, nor those who were present , nor myself, nor what 1 was saying, nor what I was writing," etc (M /(/rations of Al/rah/nn, vii).

    In Philo, as in the non-canonical literature gener ally, we find little metaphysical leaching as to the Spirit and His relations to the Godhead. On this point there is no material advance over the OT teaching. Tin- agency of the Holy Spirit in shaping and maintaining the physical universe 1 and as the source of man s capacities and powers is clearly recognized in Philo. In Philo, as in Jos, the con ception of inspiration as the complete occupation and domination of the prophet s mind by the Spirit of God, even to the extent, of suspending the operation of the natural powers, comes clearly into view. This is rattier in contrast with, than in conformity to, the OT and NT conception of inspiration, in which the personality of the prophet remains intensely active while under the influence of the Spirit, except possibly in cases of vision and trance.

    ‘. The Holy Spirit in the NT.’’ the NT there is unusual symmetry and completeness of teaching as to the work of the Spirit of God in relation to the Messiah Himself, and to the founding of the Mes sianic, kingdom. The simplest mode; of presenta tion will be to trace the course 1 of the progressive activities of the Spirit, or teachings regarding these activities, as these are presented to us in the NT lit (>rat ure as ‘ve now have it, so far as the nature of the subject, will permit. This will, of course, dis turb 1e> some extent the chronological order in which the NT books were written, since in some case s, as in John s Gospel, a very late book contains early teachings as to the Spirit .

    (1) The birth of J ex us. In Mt 1 18 Mary is found with child "of the Holy Spirit" (K Trvevp.a.Tos

    a /iou, ( / pnei i mains hagiou)] an angel 1. The tells Joseph that that "which is con-

    Spirit in ceiveel in her is of the Holy Spirit" Relation to (1 20), all of which is declared to lie in the Person fulfilment of the prophecy that a virgin and Work shall bring forth a son whose name of Christ shall be called Immanuel (Isa 7 14).

    In Lk 1 35 the angel says to Mary that the Holy Spirit (/ine/i/ini hayion) shall come upon her, and the power of the Most High (5iW/xts fifslffTov, (li ntumis Iliifis ixloii) shall overshadow her. Here "Holy Spirit" and "power of the Most High" are | ; expressions meaning the same thing;

    in the one case 1 emphasizing the Divine source and in the other the holiness e>f "the 1 holy thing which is begotten" (1 35). In connection with the pres entation of the babe in the temple, Simeon is described as one upem whom the Holy Spirit re steel, to whom revelation was made through the Spirit, and who came inte> the temple in the Spirit (Lk 2 2f)-2S). So also Anna the prophetess speaks con cerning the babe, evidently in Luke s thought, under the influence of the Holy Spirit (Lk 2 3<> ff).

    It is clear from the foregoing that the passages in Mt and Lk mean te> set forth, first, the super natural origin, and secondly, the sinlessness of the babe born of Mary. The act, of the Holy Spirit is regarded as creative, although the words employed signify "begotten" or "born" (yewrjOtv, gennethen, Mt 1 20; and yewdpevov, genndmenon, Lk 1 3. r >). There is no hint in the stories of the nativity con cerning the pretcmporal existence of Christ. This doe-trine was developed later. Nor is there any suggestion of the immaculate conception or sinless- ness of Mary, the mother of Our Lord. Dr. C. A. Briggs has set, forth a theory of the sinlessness of Mary somewhat different from the Roman Catholic view, to the effect that the OT prophecies foretell the 1 purification of the 1 Davielic line, and that Mary was the culminating point in the purifying process, who thereby became sinless (Incarnation of the Lord, 230-34). This, however, is speculative and without substantial Bib. warrant. The sinlessness of Jesus was not due to the sinle ssnessof His mother, but to the Divine origin of His human nature, the Spirit of God.

    In He; 10 5 ff the writer makes reference to the sinless body of Christ as affording a perfect offering for sins. No direct reference is made to the birth of Jesus, but the origin of His body is ascribeel to God (He 10 5), though not specifically to the Holy Spirit.

    (2) The baptism of Jesus. The NT records give us very little information regarding the growth of Jesus to manhood. In Lk 2 40 ff a picture is given of the boyhood, exceeelingly brief, but full of signifi cance. The "child grew, and waxed strong, filled with wisdom [m "becoming full of wisdom"]: and the grace of God was upon him." Then follows the account of the visit to the temple. Evidently in all these experiences, the boy is under the influence and guidance of the Spirit. This alone would supply an adequate explanation, although Luke does not expressly name the Spirit as the semrce of these particular experiences. The Spirit s action is rather assumed.

    Great emphasis, however, is given to the descent, of the Spirit upon Jesus at, His baptism. Mt 3 It) declares that after His baptism "the heavens were opened unto him, and he saw the Spirit of God descending as a dove, and coming upem him." Mk 1 10 repeats the statement in substantially equivalent terms. Lk 3 22 declares that the Spirit descended in "bodily form, as a dove" (<Tu>/j.aTLK<f> ddti us irfpiffTepdv, somatikd eidci has peristerdn). In Jn 1 32.33 the Baptist, testifies that lie 1 saw the Spirit descending upon Jesus as a dove out of heaven, and that it abode upon Him. and, further, that this descent of the Spirit was the mark by which he was to recognize Jesus as "he that bapti/eth in the Holy Spirit."

    We gat her from these passages that at the baptism there was a new communication of the Spirit to Jesus in great fulness, as a special anointing for His Messianic vocation. The account declares that the dovelike appearance was see 1 !! by Jesus as well as John, which is scarcely compatible with a subjec tive- experience merely. Of course, the dove here is to be taken as a symbol, anel not as an assertion that Goel s Spirit assumed the form of a dove actually.



    Letter "H"

    Various meanings have been assigned to the symbol. One connects it with the creative power, according to a gentile usage; others with the speculative philosophy of Alexandrian Judaism, according to which the dove symbolized the Divine wisdom or reason. But the most natural explanation con nect s the symbolism of the dove with the brooding or hovering of the Spirit in Gen 1 3. In this new spiritual creation of humanity, as in the first physical creation, the Spirit of God is the energy through which the work is carried on. Possibly the dove, as a living organism, complete in itself, may sug gest the totality and fulness of the gift of the Spirit to Jesus. At Pentecost, on the contrary, the Spirit is bestowed distributively and partially at least to individuals as such, as suggested by the cloven tongues as of fire which "sat upon each one of them" (Acts 2 3). Jn 3 34 emphasizes the fulness of the bestowal upon Jesus: "For he whom God hath sent speaketh the words of God: for he giveth not the Spirit by measure." In the wit ness of the Baptist the permanence of the anoint ing of Jesus is declared: "Upon whomsoever thou shalt seethe Spirit descending, and abiding" (1 33).

    It is probable that the connection of the bestowal of the Spirit with water baptism, as seen later in the Book of Acts, is traceable to the reception of the Spirit by Jesus at His own baptism. Baptism in the Spirit did not supersede water baptism.

    The gift of the Spirit in fulness to Jesus at His bapt ism was no doubt His formal and public anoint ing for His Messianic work (Acts 10 38). The baptism of Jesus could not have the same signifi cance with that of sinful men. For the symbolic cleansing irom sin had no meaning tor the sinless one. Yet as an act of formal public consecration it was appropriate to the Messiah. It brought to a close His private life and introduced Him to His public. Messianic career. The conception of an anointing for public service was a familiar one in the OT writings and applied to the priest (Ex 28 41 ; 40 13; Lev 4 3.5.10; 6 20.22); to kings (1 S 9 10; 10 1; 15 1; 16 3.13); sometimes to prophets (1 K 19 16; cf Isa 61 1; Ps 2 2; 20 0). These anointings were with oil, and the oil came to be regarded as a symbol of the Spirit of God.

    The anointing of Jesus with the Holy Spirit qualified Him in two particulars for His Messianic office, (a) It was the source of His own endow ments of power for the endurance of temptation, for teaching, for casting out demons, and healing the, sick, for His sufferings and death, for His resurrection and ascension. The question is often raised, why Jesus, the Divine one, should have needed the Holy Spirit for His Messianic vocation. The reply is that His human nature, which was real, required the Spirit s presence. Man, made in God s image, is constituted in dependence upon the Spirit of God. Apart from God s Spirit man fails of his true destiny, simply because our nature is constituted as dependent upon the indwelling Spirit of God for the performance of our true functions. Jesus as human, therefore, required the presence of God s Spirit, notwithstanding His Divine-human consciousness. (/;) The Holy Spirit s coming upon Jesus in fulness also qualified Him to bestow the Hoi}- Spirit upon His disciples. John the Baptist esp. predicts that it is He who shall baptize in the Holy Spirit (Mt 3 11; Mk 18; Lk 3 16; sec also Jn 20 22; Acts 1 5). It was esp. true of the king that He was anointed for His office, and the term Messiah (D^tJp , mashi"h, equivalent to the Gr 6 Xpt(rr6s, ho Christos), meaning the Anointed One, points to this fact.

    (3) The temptation of Jesus. The facts as to the temptation are as follows: In Mt 4 1 we are told

    that Jesus was led by the Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the; devil. Mk 1 12 declares in his graphic way that after the baptism "straight way the Spirit driveth [ti<pd’’ei, ekhtillci] him forth into the wilderness." Lk 4 1 more fully declares that Jesus was "full of the Holy Spirit," and that He was "led in the Spirit in the wilderness during 40 days." The impression which the nar ratives of the temptation give is of energetic spiritual conflict. As the Messiah confronted His life task He was subject to the ordinary conditions of other men in an evil world. Not by sheer divinity and acting from without as God, but as human also and a part of the world, He must overcome, so that while He was sinless, it was nevertheless true that the righteousness of Jesus was also an achieved righteousness. The temptations were no doubt such as were peculiar to His Messianic vocation, the misuse of power, the presumption of faith and the appeal of temporal splendor. To these He opposes the restraint of power, the poise of faith and the conception of a kingdom wholly spiritual in its origin, means and ends. Jesus is hurled, as it were, by the Spirit into this terrific conflict with the powers of evil, and His conquest, like the temptations themselves, was not final, but typical and representative. It is a mistake to suppose that the temptations of Jesus ended at the close of the forty days. Later in His ministry. He refers to the disciples as those; who had been with Him in His temptations (Lk 22 2S). The temptations con tinued throughout His life, though, of course, the wilderness temptations were the severest test of all, and the victory there contained in principle and by anticipation later victories. Comment has been made upon the absence of reference to the Holy Spirit s influence upon Jesus in certain remarkable experiences, which in the case of others would ordi narily have; been traced directly to the Spirit, as in Lk 11 14 ff, etc (cf art. by James Denney in DCG, I, 732, 734). Is it not true, however, that the point of view of the writers of the Gospels is that Jesus is always under the power of the Spirit? At His baptism, in the temptation, and at the beginning of His public ministry (Lk 4 14) very special stress is placed upon the fact. Thence forward the Spirit s presence and action arc assumed. From time to time, reference is made to the Spirit for special reasons, but the action of the Spirit in and through Jesus is always assumed.

    (4) The public wi.iiixtry of Jesus. Here we can select only a few points to illustrate a much larger truth. The writers of the Gospels, and esp. Luke, conceived of the entire ministry of Jesus as under the power of the Holy Spirit. After declaring that Jesus was "full of the Holy Spirit" and that He was led about by the Spirit, in the wilderness forty days in 4 1, he declares, in 4 14, that Jesus "returned in the power of the Spirit into Galilee." This is followed in the next verse by a general summary of His activities: "And he taught in their synagogues, being glorified of all." Then, as if to complete his teaching as to the relation of the Spirit to Jesus, he narrates the visit to Nazareth and the citation by Jesus in the synagogue there of Isaiah s words beginning, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me," with the detailed description of His Messianic- activity, viz. preaching to the poor, announcement of release to the captives, recovering of sight to the blind, and to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord (Isa 61 If). Jesus proclaims the fulfilment of this prophecy in Himself (Lk 4 21). In Mt 12 IS ff a citation from Isa 42 1-3 is given in connection with the miraculous healing work of Jesus. It is a passage of exquisite beauty and describes the Messiah as a quiet and unobtrusive and tender minister to human needs, possessed of



    Letter "H"

    irresistible power and infinite patience. Thus the; highest OT ideals as to the operations of the Spirit of God eonie to realization, esp. in the public minis try of Jesus. The comprehensive terms of the description make it incontestably clear that t he- NT writers thought of tin- entire public life of Jesus as directed by the Spirit of (iod. ‘Ve need only to read the evangelic records in order to fill in the details.

    The miracles of Jesus were wrought through the power of the Holy Spirit. Occasionally He is seized as it were by a sense of the urgency of His work in some such way as to impress beholders with the presence of a strange- power working in Him. In one case- men think He is beside Himself (Mk 3 21); in nnothe-r they are impressed with the authoritativeness of His teaching (Mk 1 22); in another His intense- devotion to His task makes Him forget bodily needs (Jn 4 31); again men think He- has a demon (Jn 8 4S); at one time He is se-i/ed with a rapturous joy when the- 70 return from their successful evangelistic tour, and Luke- declares that at that hour Jesus rejoiced in the Holy Spirit (Lkl021; e-f Mt 11 25). This whole passage is a remarkable one-, containing elements which point to the- Johannine conception of Jesus, on which account Harnack is disposed to discredit it at certain points (Saying* of Jesus, 302). OIK- of the most impressive aspects of this activity of Jesus in the Spirit is its suppressed intensity. Nowhere is there lack of self-control. Nowhere is there evidence of a coldly didactic attitude, on the one hand, or of a loose rein upon the will, on the other. Jesus is always an intensely human Master wrapped in Divine power. The miracles contrast strikingly with the miracles of the apocryphal gospels. In the latter all sorts of capricious deeds of pe>we>r are- ascribed te> Jesus as a boy. In our Gospels, em the contrary, ne> miracle is wrought until after His anointing with the Spirit at baptism.

    A topic of especial interest is that of blasphemy against the Holy Spirit. Jesus cast out demons by the- power of God s Spirit. In Mt 12 31; Mk 3 2Sf; Lk 12 10, we have the declaration that blasphemy against the Holy Spirit is an unpardon able sin. Mark particularizes the offence of the ace-users of Jesus by saying that they saiel of Jesus, "He- hath an unclean spirit." The blasphemy against the Spirit seems to have been not merely rejectiem of Jesus and His words, which might be due- to various causes. It was rather the sin of ascribing works of Divine mercy and power works which had all the marks of their origin in the goodness of Ge>el te> a diabetic source. The; charge was that He; cast out de-vils by Beelzebub the prince of de-vils. We are ne>t to suppose that the unpardonable nature of the sin against (he- Holy Spirit was due- te> anything arbitrary in Goel s arrangements regarding sin. The moral and spiritual attitude involved in the charge against Jesus was simply a hopeless one. It presupposed a warping e>r wrenching of the- moral nature- freim t he- truth in such degre-c, a de-ep-seated malignity and insusceptibility te> Divine- influences so complete, that no moral nucleus remained on which t he- forgiving love of Goel might work. See BLAS- I-IIKMY.

    (o) Death, resurrection, and Pentecostal gift. It is not possible- to give he-re- a complete outline- e>f the activitie-s of Jesus in the Holy Spirit. We observe one- or two additional points as to the relations of the- Holy Spirit te> Him. In He- 9 14 it is declareel that Christ "through the e-te-rnal Spirit offered himself without, blemish unto God," ami in Rom 1 4, Paul says He> was "declared te> be- the Son of Ge>d with power, ae-coreling to the spirit

    of holiness, by the resurrection from the dead" (<-f also Rom 811).

    As already noted, John the Baptist gave as a particular elesignation of Jesus that it was He who shemld baptize with the Holy Spirit, in contrast with his own baptism in water. In Jn 20 22, after the resurrec.tiem and before the ascension, Jesus breathed on the- disciple-s and saiel "Receive ye- the- Iloly Spirit." The-re- was probably a real com- munication of the Spirit in this act of Jesus in anticipation of the outpouring in fulness on the day of Pentecost. In Acts 1 2 it is declared that He gave- commandment through the- Holy Spirit, and in 1 f> it is predicted by Him that the disciples shoulel "be baptized in the He)ly Spirit not many days hence"; and in 1 8 it is declared, "Ye shall receive power, when the Holy Spirit is come upon


    It is clear from the pre-ceeling that in the thought of the NT writers Jesus is completely endued with the power of the Holy Spirit. It is in large measure the OT vie-w of the Spirit ; that is to say, the opera- tiem of the- Spirit in and through Jesus is chiefly with a view to His official Messianic work, the- charismatic Spirit imparting power rather than the Spirit fe>r holy living me-rely. Yet t he-re is a differ ence betwe-en the OT and NT representations here. In the OT the agency of the- Spirit is made very prominent when mighty works are performed by His power. In the Gospels the view is concen trated le-ss upon the Spirit than upon Je-sus Him- se-lf, though it is always assumed that He is acting in t he power of the Spirit . In the case of Jesus also, the- moral quality of His words and deeds is always assumed.

    Our next topic in setting forth the NT teaching is the Holy Spirit in relation to the kingelom of God. Quite in harmony with the plenary 2. The eneluement of Jesus, the founder

    Spirit in the of the kingelom, with the power of the Kingdom Spirit, is the communication of the of God Spirit to the agents employed by

    Providence in the conduct of the affairs of the kingdom. We ne-e-el, at all points, in considering the subject in the NT to keep in view the; OT background. The covenant relations between God ami Israel were the presupposition of all the blessings of the OT. In the NT there is not an identical but an analogous point of view. God is continuing His work among men. Indeed in a real sense He has begun a new work, but this ne-w r work is the fulfilment of the olel. The new differs from the old in some very important respects, chiefly inele-e-el in this, that now the national and theocratic life is wholly out of sight. Prophecy no longer deals with political questions. The power of the Spirit no longer anoints kings and judges for the-ir duties. The action of the Spirit upon the cosmos now ceases to receive attention. In short, the kingelom of God is Intensely spiritualized, and the n-hit ion of the Spirit to the individual or the church is nearly always that which is dealt with.

    (1) Synoptic teachings. We consieler briefly the synoptie- teachings as to the Holy Spirit in relation to the kingdom of God. The forerunner of Jesus goe-s before His face in the- Spirit and power of Elijah (Lk 1 17). Of Him it had been predicted that He should be filled with the Holy Spirit from His mother s womb (Lk 1 15). The Master expressly predicts that the Holy Spirit will give the needed wisdom when the- elisciples are delivered up. "It is not ye that speak, but the Holy Spirit" (Mk 13 11). In Lk 12 12 it is also declared that "The- Holy Spirit shall teach you in that very hour what ye ought to say." Likewise in Mt, 10 20, "It is not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father that speaketh in you." In Lk 11 13 is



    Letter "H"

    a beautiful saying: If we who are evil give good gifts to our children, how much more shall the "heavenly Father give the Holy Spirit to them that ask him." This is a variation from the || passage in Mt (7 11), and illustrates Luke s marked emphasis upon the operations of the Spirit. In Mt 28 19, the disciples are commanded to baptize in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. This passage has been called in question, but there is not sufficient ground for its rejection. Hitherto there has been almost no hint directly of the personality of the Spirit or the Trinitarian im plications in the teaching as to the Spirit. Here, however, we have a very suggestive hint toward a doctrine of the Spirit which attains more complete development later.

    (2) In the Gospel of John there is a more elaborate presentation of the office and work of the Holy Spirit, particularly in chs 14-17. Several earlier passages, however, must be noticed. The passage on the new birth in Jn 3 5 ff we notice first. The expression, "except one be born of water and the Spirit," seems to contain a reference to baptism along with the action of the Spirit of God directly on the soul. In the light of other NT teachings, however, we are not warranted in ascribing saving efficacy to baptism here. The "birth," in so far as it relates to baptism, is symbolic simply, not actual. The outward act is the fitting symbolic accompaniment of the spiritual regeneration by the Spirit. Symbolism and spiritual fact move on || lines. The entrance into the kingdom is symboli cally effected by means of baptism, just as the "new birth" takes place symbolically by the same means.

    In Jn 6 51 if we have the very difficult words attributed to Jesus concerning the eating of His flesh and the drinking of His blood. The disciples were greatly distressed by these words, and in 6 63 Jesus insists that "it is the spirit that giveth life; the flesh profit eth nothing." One s view of the meaning of this much-discussed passage will turn largely on his point of view in interpreting it. If he adopts the view that John is reading back into the record much that came later in the history, the inference will probably follow that Jesus is here referring to the Lord s Supper. If on the other hand it is held that John is seeking to reproduce substantially what was said, and to convey an impression of the actual situation, the reference to the Supper will not be inferred. Certainly the language fits the later teaching in the establish ment of the Supper, although John omits a detailed account of the Supper. But Jesus was meeting a very real situation in the carnal spirit of the multi tude which followed Him for the loaves and fishes. His deeply mystical words seem to have been intended to accomplish the result which followed, viz. the separation of the true from the false dis ciples. There is no necessary reference to the Lord s Supper specifically, therefore, in His words. Spiritual meat and drink, not carnal, are the true food of man. He Himself was that food, but only the spiritually susceptible would grasp II is meaning. It is difficult to assign any sufficient reason why Jesus should have here referred to the Supper, or why John should have desired to introduce such reference into the story at this stage.

    In Jn 7 37 ff we have a saying of Jesus and its interpretation by John which accords with the synoptic reference to a future baptism in the Holy Spirit to bo bestowed by Jesus: "He that believeth on me, as the scripture hath said, from within him shall flow rivers of living water." John adds: "But this spake lie of the Spirit, which they that believed on him were to receive: for the Spirit was not yet given; because Jesus was not yet glorified." No doubt John s Gospel is largely a reproduction

    of the facts and teachings of Jesus in the evangel ist s own words. This passage indicates, however, that John discriminated between his own con structions of Christ s teachings and the teachings themselves, and warns us against the custom of many excgetes who broadly assume that John employed his material with slight regard for careful and correct statement, passing it through his own consciousness in such manner as to leave us his own subjective Gospel, rather than a truly historical record. The ethical implications of such a process on John s part would scarcely harmonize with his general tone and esp. the teachings of his Epp. No doubt John s Gospel contains much meaning which he could not have put into it prior to the coming of the Spirit. But what John seeks to give is the teaching of Jesus and not his own theory of Jesus.

    We give next an outline of the teachings in the great chapters from 14 to 17, the farewell discourse; of Jesus. In 14 10 Jesus says, "I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another Comforter" (TrapdK’T)Tos, iKintklctos; see PARACLETE). Next Jesus describes this Comforter as one whom the world cannot receive. Disciples know Him because He abides in them. The truth of Christianity is spiritually discerned, i.e. it is discerned by the power and indwelling of the Holy Spirit. In the name of "reality," science sometimes repudiates these inner experiences as "mystical." But Chris tians cling to them as most real, data of experience as true and reliable as any other forms of human experience. To repudiate them would be for them to repudiate reality itself. The Father and Son shall make their abode in Christians (14 23). This is probably another form of assertion of the Spirit s presence, and not a distinct line of mystical teaching. (Cf Woods, The Spirit of God in liib. Lilt future, 243.) For in ver 26 the promise of the Spirit is repeated. The Father is to send the Spirit in the name of Christ ., and He is to teach the disciples all tilings, quickening also their memories. In the NT generally, and esp. in John s and Paul s writings, there is no sense of conflict between Father, Son and Spirit in their work in the Chris tian. All proceeds from the Father, through the Son, and is accomplished in the Christian by the Holy Spirit. As will appear, Christ, in the believer is represented as being practically all that the Spirit does without identifying Christ with the Spirit. So far there are several notes suggesting the personality of the Holy Spirit. Tin; designa tion "another Comforter," taken in connection with the description of his work, is one. The fact that He is sent or given is anot her. And another is seen in the specific; work which the Spirit is to do. Another is the masculine pronoun employed here (^etVos, ekeinos). In ver 20 the function of the Spirit is indicated. He is to bring to "remembrance all that I said unto you." In 15 26 this is made even more comprehensive: "He shall bear witness of me," and yet more emphatically in 16 14, "He shall glorify me: for he shall take of mine, and shall declare it unto you." The sphere of the Spirit s activity is the heart of the individual believer and of the church. His chief function is to illumine the teaching and glorify the person of Jesus. Jn 15 26 is the passage which has been used in support of the doctrine of the procession of the Spirit . Jesus says, "I will send" (W/xi/ w, pempso), future tense, referring to the "Spirit of truth which proceedeth from the Father" (tKiropefarai, ekporeuetai), present tense. The present tense here suggests timeless action and has been taken to indicate; an essential relation of the Spirit to God the Father (cf Godet, Comm. on John, in loc.). The hazard of such an interpretation lies chiefly in the absence of other



    Letter "H"

    confirmatory Scriptures and in the possibility of another and simpler meaning of the word. How ever, the language is unusual, and the change of tense in the course of the sentence is suggestive. Perhaps it- is one of the many instances where we must admit we do not know the precise import of the language of Script ure.

    lu 16 71") we have a very important passage. Jesus declares to the anxious disciples that it is expedient for Him to go away, because otherwise the Spirit will not come. "He, when he is come, will convict the world in respect of sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment" (16 8). The term tr 1 "convict" (t’tyei, clcijlcxti) involves a cognitive along with a moral process. The Spirit who deals in truth, and makes Hi.s appeal through the truth, shall convict, shall bring the mind on which He is working into a sense of self-condemna tion on account of sin. The word means more than reprove, or refute, or convince. It signifies up to a certain point a moral conquest of the mind: "of sin, because they believe not on me" (16 *.)). Un belief is the root sin. The revelation of God in Christ is, broadly speaking, His condemnation of all sin. The Spirit may convict of particular sins, but they will all be shown to consist essentially in the rejection of God s love and righteousness in Christ, i.e. in unbelief. "Of righteousness, because I go to the Father, and ye behold me no more" (16 10). What does this mean? Does Jesus mean that His going to the Father will be the proof of His right eousness to those who put Him to death, or that this going to the Father will be the consummating or crowning act of His righteousness which the Spirit is to carry home to the hearts of men? Or does He mean that because He goes away the Spirit will take His place in convicting men of righteousness? The latter meaning seems implied in the words, "and ye behold me no more." Probably, however, the mean ings are not mutually exclusive. "Of judgment because the prince of this world hath been judged" (16 11). In His incarnation and death the prince of this world, the usurper, is conquered and cast out.

    We may sum up the teachings as to the Spirit in these four chapters as follows: He is the Spirit of truth; He guides into all truth; He brings to memory Christ s teachings; He shows things to come; He glorifies Christ; He speaks not of Him self but of Christ ; He, like believers, bears witness to Christ; He enables Christians to do greater works than those of Christ; He convicts the world of sin, of righteousness, and of judgment; He conies because Christ goes away; He is "another Com forter"; He is to abide with disciples forever.

    These teachings cover a very wide range of needs. The Holy Spirit is the subject of the entire discourse. In a sense it is the counterpart of the Sermon on the Mount. There the laws of the kingdom are expounded. Here the means of realization of all the ends of that kingdom are presented. The king dom now becomes the kingdom of the Spirit. The historical revelation of truth in the life, death, resur rection and glorification of Jesus being completed, the Spirit of truth comes in fulness. The gospel as history is now to become the gospel as experience. The Messiah as a fact is now to become the Messiah as a life through the Spirit s action. All the ele ments of the Spirit s action are embraced: the charismatic for mighty works; the intellectual for guidance; into truth; the moral and spiritual for producing holy lives. This discourse transfers the kingdom, so to speak, from the shoulders of the Master to those of the disciples, but the latter are empowered for their tasks by the might of the indwelling and abiding Spirit. The method of the kingdom s growth and advance is clearly indicated as spiritual, conviction of sin, righteousness and

    judgment, and obedient and holy lives of Christ s disciples.

    Before passing to the next topic, one remark should be made as to the Trinitarian suggestions of these chapters in Jn. The personality of the Spirit is (dearly implied in much of the language here. It is true we have no formal teaching on the metaphysical side, no ontology in the strict sense; of the word. This fact is made much of by writers who are slow to recognize the personality of the Holy Spirit in the light of the teachings of John and Paul. These writers have no difficulty, however, in asserting that the NT writers hold that (!od is a personal being ^see I. F. Woods, The Spirit of Cod in Bib. Literature, 256, 208). It must be insisted, however, that in the NT, as in the OT, there is little metaphysics, little ontological teaching as to God. His personality is deduced from the same kind of sayings as those relating to the Spirit. From the ontological point of view, therefore, we should also have to reject the per sonality of God on the basis of the Bib. teach ings. The Trinitarian formulations may not be correct at all points, but the NT warrants the Trinitarian doctrine, just as it warrants belief in the personality of God. We are not insisting on finding metaphysics in Scripture where it is absent, but we do insist upon consistency in construing the popular and practical language of Scripture as t o the second and third as well as the first Person of the Trinity.

    We add a few lines as to John s teachings in the Epp. and Revelation. In general they are in close harmony with the teachings in his Gospel and do not require extended treatment. The Spirit imparts assurance (1 Jn 3 24); incites to confession of Christ (4 2); bears witness to Christ (5 Off). In Rev 1 4 the "seven Spirits" is an expression for the completeness of the Spirit. The Spirit speaks to the churches (2 7.11; 3 6). The seer is "in the Spirit" (4 2). The Spirit joins the church in the invitation of the gospel (22 17).

    (3) The Hoi if Spirit in the Book of Acts. The Book of Acts contains the record of the beginning of the Dispensation of the Holy Spirit. There is at the outset the closest connection with the recorded predictions of the Holy Spirit in the Gospels. Particularly does Luke make clear the continuity of his own thought regarding the Spirit in his earlier and later writing. Jesus in the first chapter of Acts gives commandment through the Holy Spirit and predicts the reception of power as the result of the baptism in the Holy Spirit which the disciples are soon to receive.

    The form of the Spirit s activities in Acts is chiefly charismatic, that is, the miraculous endow ment of disciples with power or wisdom for their work in extending the Messianic kingdom. As yet the work of the Spirit within disciples as the chief sanctifying agency is not fully developed, and is later described with great fulness in Paul s writings. Some recent writers have overemphasized the con trast between the earlier and the more developed view of the Spirit with regard to the moral life. In Acts the ethical import of the Spirit s action appears at several points (see Acts 5 3.9; 7 51; 8 18 f; 13 9; 15 2S). The chief _ interest in Acts is naturally the Spirit s agency in founding the Messianic kingdom, since here is recorded the early history of the expansion of that kingdom. The phenomenal rather than the inner moral aspects of that great movement naturally come chiefly into view. But everywhere the ethical implications are present. Gunkel is no doubt correct in the state ment that Paul s conception of the Spirit as inward and moral and acting in the daily life of the Chris tian opens the way for the activity of the Spirit as



    Letter "H"

    a historical principle in subsequent ages. After all, this is the fundamental and universal import of the Spirit (see Gunkel, Die Wirkungcn dcs hciligcn Gcistcs, etc, 76; cf Pfleiderer, Paulinismua, 200).

    We now proceed to give a brief summary of the Holy Spirit s activities as recorded in Acts, and follow this with a discussion of one or two special points. The great event is of course the outpouring or baptism of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost followed by the completion of the baptism in the Holy Spirit by the baptism of the household of Cornelius (2 1 ff ; 10 17-48). Speaking with tongues, and other striking manifestations attended this baptism, as also witnessing to the gospel with power by the apostles. See BAPTISM OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. This outpouring is declared to be in fulfilment of OT prophecy, and the assertion is also made that it is the gift of the exalted Lord Jesus Christ (2 17.33). Following this baptism of the Holy Spirit the dis ciples are endued with miraculous power for their work. Miracles are wrought (Acts 2 43 ff), and all necessary gifts of wisdom and Divine guidance are bestowed. A frequent form of expression describ ing the actors in the history is, "filled with the Holy Spirit." It is applied to Peter (4 8); to disciples (4 31); to the seven deacons (6 3); to Stephen (6 5; 7 55); to Saul who becomes Paul (13 9).

    The presence of the Spirit and His immediate and direct superintendence of ai fairs are seen in the fact that Ananias and Sapphira are represented as lying to the Holy Spirit (5 3.9); the Jews are charged by Stephen with resisting the Holy Spirit (7 51); and Simon Magus is rebuked for attempt ing to purchase the Spirit with money (8 18 f).

    The Holy Spirit is connected with the act of baptism, but there does not seem to be any fixed order as between the two. In Acts 9 17 the Spirit comes before baptism; and after baptism in 8 17 and 19 G. In these cases the coming of the Spirit was in connection with the laying on of hands also. But in 10 44 the Holy Spirit falls upon the hearers while Peter is speaking prior to baptism and with no laying on of hands. These instances in which the order of baptism, the laying on of hands and the gift of the Spirit seem to be a matter of indifference, are a striking indication of the non-sacramentarian character of the teaching of the Book of Acts, and indeed in the NT generally. Certainly no par ticular efficacy seems to be at I ached to the laying on of hands or baptism except as symbolic representa tions of spiritual facts. Gunkel, in his excellent work on the Holy Spirit, claims Acts 2 38 as an instance; when the Spirit is bestowed during bap tism (I)ic Wvrkungen d<s hcilif/cn Geistes, etc, 7). The words of Peter, however, may refer to a recep tion of the Spirit subsequent to baptism, although evidently in immediate connection with it. The baptism of the Holy Spirit clearly then was not meant to supplant water baptism. Moreover, in the strict sense the baptism of the Holy Spirit was a historical event or events completed at the outset when the extension of the kingdom of God, begin ning at Pentecost, began to reach out to the gentile world. See BAPTISM OF THE HOLY SPIRIT.

    In Acts the entire historical movement is repre sented by Luke as being under the direction of the Spirit. He guides Philip to the Ethiopian and then "catches away" Philip (8 29.39). He guides Peter at Joppa through the vision and then leads him to Cornelius at Caesarea (10 19 f; 11 12 f). The Spirit commands the church at Antioch to separate Saul and Barnabas for missionary work (13 2ff). He guides the church at Jerus (16 28). He forbids the apostle to go to Asia (16 6f). The Spirit enables Agabus to prophesy that Paul will be bound by the Jews at Jerus (21 11; cf also 20 23). The Spirit appointed the elders at Ephesus (20 28).

    One or two points require notice before passing from Acts. The impression we get of the Spirit s action here very strongly suggests a Divine purpose moving on the stage of history in a large and com prehensive way. In Jesus that purpose was individualized. Here the supplementary thought of a vast historic movement is powerfully suggested. Gunkel asserts that usually the Spirit s action is not conceived by the subjects of it in terms of means (Mittel) and end (Zweck), but rather as cause ( Ursache) and activity (Wirkung) (see Die Wirkungen des hciligcn Gcistcs, etc, 20). There is an element of truth in this, but the idea of purpose is by no means confined to the historian who later recorded the Spirit s action. The actors in the spiritual drama were everywhere conscious of the great movement of which they as individuals were a part. In some passages the existence of purpose in the Spirit s action is clearly recognized, as in His restraining of Paul at certain points and in the appointment of Saul and Barnabas as mission aries. Divine purpose is indeed implied at all points, and while the particular end in view was not always clear in a given instance, the subjects of the Spirit s working were scarcely so naive in their apprehension of the matter as to think of their expe riences merely as so many extraordinary phe nomena caused in a particular way.

    We note next the glossolalia, or speaking with tongues, recorded in Acts 2, as well as in later chapters and in Paul s Epp. The prevailing view at present is that "speaking with tongues" does not mean speaking actual intelligible words in a foreign language, but rather the utterance of meaningless sounds, as was customary among the heathen and as is sometimes witnessed today where religious life becomes highly emotional in its manifestation. To support this view the account in Acts 2 is questioned, and Paul s instructions in 1 Cor 14 are cited. Of course a man s world-view will be likely to influence his interpretation in this as in other matters. Philosophically an antisupernatural world-view makes it easy to question the glossolalia of the NT. Candid exegesis, however, rather requires the recognition of the presence in the apostolic church of a speaking in foreign tongues, even if alongside of it there existed (which is open to serious doubt) the other phenomenon mentioned above. Acts 2 3 ff is absolutely conclusive taken by itself, and no valid critical grounds have been found for rejecting the passage. 1 Cor 14 con firms this view when its most natural meaning is sought. Paul is here insisting upon the orderly conduct of worship and upon edification as the important thing. To this end he insists that they who speak with tongues pray that they may also interpret (1 Cor 14 5; ch 13). It is difficult to conceive what he means by "interpret" if the speaking with tongues was a meaningless jargon of sounds uttered under emotional excitement, and nothing more. Paul s whole exposition in this chapter implies that "tongues" may be used for edification. He ranks it below prophecy simply because without an interpreter "tongues" would not edify the hearer. Paul himself spoke with tongues more than they all (14 18). It seems scarcely in keeping with Paul s character to suppose that he refers here to a merely emotional volubility in meaningless and disconnected sounds. See TONGUES, GIFT OF.

    (4) The Holy Spirit in Paul s writings. The teachings of Paul on the Holy Spirit are so rich and abundant that space forbids an exhaustive presenta tion. In his writ ings the Bib. representations reach their climax. Mr. Wood says correctly that Paul grasped the idea of the unity of the Christian life. All the parts exist in a living whole and the Holy



    Letter "H"

    In fact a careful study of Paul's teachings discloses three ji lines, one relating to faith, another to Christ, and tin 1 third to the Holy Spirit. That, is to say, his teachings coalesce, as it: were, point, by point, in reference to these three subjects. Faith is the human side of the Divine activity carried on by the Holy Spirit. Faith is therefore implied in

    1 he Spirit s action and is the result of or response to it in its various forms. lint faith is primarily and essentially faith in Jesus Christ. Hence ‘ve find in Paul that Christ is represented as doing sub stantially everything that the Spirit does. Now ‘‘e are not to see in this any conflicting conceptions as to Christ and the Spirit , but rather Paul s intense feeling of the unity of the work of Christ and the Spirit. The law" of the Spirit s action is the revelation and glorification of Christ. In his Gos pel, which came later, John, as we have seen, defined the Spirit s function in precisely these terms. Whether or not .John was influenced by Paul in the mat ter we need not here consider.

    ((/) We begin with a brief reference to (lie con nection in Paul s thought between the Spirit and .Jesus. The I lolv Spirit is described as the Spirit of Cod s Son (Rom" 8 14 ff; Cal 4 (5), as the Spirit, of Christ (Horn 8 9). He who confesses Jesus does so by the Holy Spirit , and no one can say that Jesus is anathema, in the Holy Spirit (1 Cor 12 3). Christ is called a life-giving Spirit- (15 45); and in

    2 Cor 3 17 the statement appears, "Xow the Lord is the Spirit." All of this shows how com pletely one Paul regarded the work of Christ and the Spirit, not because they were identical in the sense in which Beyschlag has contended, but because their task and aim being identical, there was no sense of discord in Paul s mind in explaining their activities in similar terms.

    (h) The Spirit appears in Paul as in Acts impart ing all kinds of charismatic: gifts for the ends of the Messianic kingdom. He enumerates a long list of spiritual gifts which cannot receive separate treatment here, such as prophecy (1 Thess 5 19 f); tongues (1 Cor 12-14); wisdom (2 Off); knowl edge (12 8); power to work miracles (12 9 f ) ; discerning of spirits (12 10); interpretation of tongues (12 10); faith (12 9); boldness in Chris tian testimony (2 Cor 3 17 f); charismata gen erally (1 Thess 1 ;">; 4 8, etc)- See SPIIIITTAL GIFTS. In addition to the above list, Paul esp. emphasizes the Spirit s action in revealing to himself and to Christians the mind of Cod (1 Cor 2 10-12; Eph 3 /)). He speaks in words taught, by the Spirit (1 Cor 2 13). He preaches in demonstra tion of the Spirit and of power (1 Cor 2 4; 1 Thess 1 5).

    In the above manifestations of the Spirit, as enumerated in Paul s writings, we have presented in very large measure what we have already seen in Acts, but with some additions. In 1 Cor 14 and elsewhere Paul gives a new view as to the charis matic gifts which was greatly needed in view of the tendency to extravagant, and intemperate indul gence in emotional excitement, due to the mighty action of Cod s Spirit in the Corinthian churcli. He insists that all things be done unto edification, that spiritual growth is the true aim of all spiritual endowments. This may be regarded as the con necting link between the earlier and later NT teaching as to the Holy Spirit, between the charis matic and moral-religious significance of the Spirit. To the latter we now direct attention.

    (c) We note the Spirit in the beginnings of the Christian life. From beginning to end the Chris tian life is regarded by Paul as under the power of the Holy Spirit, in its inner moral and religious

    aspects as well as in its charismatic forms. It is a singular fact that Paul does not anywhere expressly declare that the Holy Spirit originates the Chris tian life. Cunkel is correct in this so far as specific and direct teaching is concerned. But Wood who asserts the contrary is also right, if regard is had to clear implications and legitimate 1 inferences from Paul s statements (op. cit ., 202). Rom 8 2 does not perhaps refer to the act of regeneration, and yet it is hard to conceive of the Christian life as thus constituted by the "law of the Spirit of life" apart from its origin through the Spirit. There are other passages which seem to imply very clearly, if they do not directly assert, that the Christian life is originated by the Holy Spirit (1 Thess 1 6; Rom 6 . r >; 89; 1 Cor 2 4; 6 11; Tit, 3 f>).

    The Holy Spirit in the beginnings of the Christian life itself is set forth in many forms of statement. They who have the Spirit belong to Christ, (Rom 8 9). We received not the Spirit of bondage but, of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father" (Rom 8 1")). "The Spirit himself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are children of Cod" (Rom 8 1C)). The Spirit is received by the hearing of faith (Gal 3 2). See also Rom 5 o; 8 2; 1 Cor 16 11; Cal 3 3.14; Eph 2 18. There are t’vo or three expressions employed by Paul which express some particular aspect of the Spirit s work in be lievers. One of these is "first-fruits" (Rom 8 23, d.Trapxri, aparche), which means that the present possession of the Spirit by the believer is the guarantee of the full redemption which is to come, as the first-fruits were the guarantee of the full harvest. Another of these words is "earnest" (2 Cor 1 22; 6 5, appaftuv, arrabo/t), which also means a pledge or guarantee. Paul also speaks of the "sealing" of the Christians with the Holy Spirit of promise, as in Eph 1 13 (ifftppayifffffire, esjtlirafjis- thcle, "ye were sealed"). This refers to the seal by which a king stamped his mark of authorization or ownership upon a document .

    (d) Paul gives a great variety of expressions indi cating the presence and activity of the Holy Spirit in the religious and moral life of the Christian. In fact at every point that life is under the guidance and sustaining energy of the Spirit. If we live after the flesh, we die; if after the Spirit, we live (Horn 8 (j). The Spirit helps the Christian to pray (Rom 8 26 f). The kingdom of Cod is righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit, (Rom 14 17). Christians are to abound in hope through the Holy Spirit, (Rom 15 13). "The fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, longsuffering, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, meekness, self-control" (Cal 5 22). Christians are warned to grieve not the Holy Spirit (Eph 4 30), and are urged to take the sword of the Spirit, (6 17). The flesh is contrasted with the Spirit at a number of points in Paul s writings (e.g. Rom 8 5f; Cal 5 17 ff). The Spirit in these passages probably means either the Spirit, of God or man s spirit as under the influence of the Spirit of God. Flesh is a difficult word to define, as it seems to be used in several somewhat different, senses. When the flesh is represented as lusting against the Spirit, however, it seems equivalent to the "carnal mind," i.e. the mind of the sinful natural man as distinct from the mind of the spiritual man. This carnal or fleshly mind is thus described because the flesh is thought of as the sphere in which the sinful impulses in large part, though not altogether (Gal 5 19 ff), take their rise.

    Paul contrasts the Spirit with the letter (2 Cor 3 6) and puts strong emphasis on the Spirit as the source of Christian liberty. As Gunkel points out. spirit and freedom with Paul are correlatives, like spirit and life. Freedom must needs come of the Spirit s presence because He is superior to all other



    Letter "H"

    authorities and powers (Die Wirkungcn dfs heiligen Geistcs, etc, 95). See also an excellent passage on the freedom of the Christian from statutory religious requirements in DCG, art. "Holy Spirit" by Dr. James Denney, I, 739.

    (c) The Holy Spirit in the church. Toward the end of his ministry and in his later group of epp., Paul devoted much thought to the subject, of the church, and one of his favorite figures was of the church as the body of Christ. The Holy Spirit is represented as animating this body, as communicating to it life, and directing all its affairs. As in the case of the individual believer, so also in the body of believers the Spirit is the sovereign energy which rules com pletely. By one Spirit all are baptized into one body and made to drink of one Spirit (1 Cor 12 13). All the gifts of the church, charismatic and otherwise, are from the Spirit (12 4.S-11). All spiritual gifts in the church are for edification (14 12). Prayer is to be in the Spirit (14 15). The church is to preserve the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace (Eph 4 3). Love (Col 1 8); fellow ship (Phil 2 1); worship (3 3) are in the Spirit. The church is the habitation of the Spirit (Eph 2 22). The church is an epistle of Christ written by the Spirit (2 Cor 3 3). Thus the whole life of the church falls under the operation of the Holy Spirit.

    (/) The Spirit, also carries on His work in believers in raising the body from the dead. In Rom 8 11 Paul asserts that the present indwelling in believers of the Spirit that raised up Jesus from the dead is the guarantee of the quickening of their mortal bodies by the power of the same Spirit. See also 1 Cor 15 44 f; Gal 5 5.

    We have thus exhibited Paul s teachings as to the Holy Spirit in some detail in order to make clear their scope and comprehensiveness. And we have not exhausted the material supplied by his writings. It will be observed that Paul nowhere elaborates a, doctrine of the Spirit, as he does in a number of instances his doctrine of the person of Christ. The references to the Spirit are in con nection with other subjects usually. This, however, only serves to indicate how very fundamental the work of the Spirit was in Paul s assumptions as to the Christian life. The Spirit is the Christian life, just as Christ is that life.

    The personality of the Spirit appears in Paul as in John. The benediction in 2 Cor 13 14 distin guishes clearly Father, Son and Spirit (cf also Eph 4 4). In many connections the Spirit is distin guished from the Son and Father, and the work of the Spirit is set forth in personal terms. It is true, references are often made to the Holy Spirit by Paul as if the Spirit were an impersonal influence, or at least without clearly personal attributes. This dis tinguishes his usage as to the Spirit from that as to Christ and God, who are always personal. It is a natural explanation of this fact if we hold that in the case of the impersonal references we have a survival of the current OT conception of the Spirit, while in those which are personal we have the developed conception as found in both Paul and John. Personal attributes are ascribed to the Spirit in so many instances, it would seem unwar ranted in us to make the earlier and lower con ception determinative of the later and higher.

    In Paul s writings we have the crowning factor in the Bib. doctrine of the Holy Spirit. He gathers up most of the preceding elements, and adds to them his own distinctive teaching or emphasis. Some of the earlier OT elements are lacking, but all those which came earlier in the NT are found in Paul. The three points which Paul esp. brought into full expression were first, the law of edification in the use of spiritual gifts, second, the Holy Spirit in the moral life of the believer, and third, the

    Holy Spirit in the church. Thus Paul enables us to make an important, distinction as to the work of the Spirit in founding the kingdom of God, viz. the distinction between means and ends. Charis matic gifts of the Spirit were, after all, means to ethical ends. God s kingdom is moral in its pur pose, "righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit." Christianity is, according to Paul, inher ently and essentially supernatural. But its per manent and abiding significance is to be found, not in extraordinary phenomena in the form of "mighty works," "wonders," "tongues" and other miracles in the ordinary sense, but in the creation of a new moral order in time and eternity. The super natural is to become normal and "natural" in human history, therefore, in the building up of this ethical kingdom on the basis of a redemption that is in and through Jesus Christ, and wrought out in all its details by the power of the Holy Spirit.

    (5) The Holy Spirit in other NT imtings. There is little to add to the NT teaching as to the Holy Spirit. Paul and John practically cover all the aspects of His work which are presented. Then 1 are a few passages, however, we may note in con cluding our general survey. In He the Holy Spirit is referred to a number of times as inspiring the OT Scriptures (He 37; 9 S; 10 15). We have already referred to the remarkable; statement in He 9 14 to the effect that the blood of Christ was offered through the eternal Spirit. In 10 29 doing "despite unto the Spirit of grace" seems to be closely akin to the sin against t he Holy Spirit in the Gospels. In He 4 12 there is a very remarkable description of the "word of God" in personal terms, as having all the energy and activity of an actual personal presence of the Spirit, and recalls Paul s language in Eph 6 17. In 1 Pet we need only refer to 1 11 in which Peter declares that the "Spirit of Christ" was in the OT prophets, pointing forward to the sufferings and glories of Christ.

    LITERATURE. I. P. Wood, The Spirit of Clod in Bib. Literature; art. "Spiritual (iifts" in EJi; (iunkel, Die Wirkuni,i> - rles heilii/en (lei.t<!<; (ilocl, Der heitiue Geist in. tier Heilsverkiindigung <lex I aulux; Wcnclt, Die Be-

    i/rifff Fli ixrh it n (I (!< ixt ini biblixrlirn. S nru rht/ehrn itch ; Weinel, Die Wirkungen ilrx d eixtex mnl </er (!ii*tir; IMck-

    Administration of t tic Hula Spirit in the Hod’ of Christ;

    Work of tin- ‘.’ Spirit; Owen

    J /ieii inntoloyia; Webb, J erxon and (t/liee of the Iloli/ Spirit ; Hare, The .’fixxi, , of the Comforter; Candlish,

    Tin Work of the 11 oh/ Spirit; Wurman, Thr. Sen nfold (lift*; Hfher, J ernon/iliti/ ami Orf teix of the ‘.</ Spirit; Swcte, The Holy Spirit in. the. ‘T; Moult 1 , Veni Creator; Johnson, The. lloli/ Spirit Then and Note; Kuyper, The Work of the Holy Spirit; Bib. Theologies of Schultz, Davidson, Weiss, Beyschlag, Stevens; list appended to art. on "Holy Spirit," in IIDH and DCG; extensive bibliography in Denio s The Supreme Leader, 239 IF.

    E. Y. MtJLLINS

    HOMAM, ho mam (D Olfl,, "destruc tion"): 4 Horite descendant of Esau (I Ch 1 39). The name appears in Gen 36 22 as "lleman."

    HOME, horn (IT? , bayilh, "house," Diptt , makum, "place," briS , Olid, "tent" [Jgs 19 9], mil 1 , shubh, "to cause to turn back," tpF) , luwckli, fin, tokh, "middle," "midst," [Dt 21*12]; O!KO S) oikos, "house," "household," vST]|Aa>, cmlc/nco, "to be among one s people," oikos idiot;, "one s own proper [house]"): This term in Scripture does not stand for a single specific word of the original, but for a variety of phrases. Most commonly it is a tr of the Heb bayith, Gr o?/cos, "house," which means either the building or the persons occupying it. In Gen 43 26 "home" and "into the house" represent the same phrase, "to the house" (ha-bay thuh) . In Ruth 1 21, "hath brought me home again" means "has caused me to return." In 2 Ch 25 10



    Letter "H"

    "homo again" menus "to their place." In Eccl 12 5 "long home," RV "everlasting home," means "eternal house." In .In 19 27 "unto his own hoinc" means "unto his own things" (so .In 1 11). In 2 Cor 5 ( ) (and RV vs S. ( .) "he at. home" is a tr of cndcnno, "to he among one s own people/ as opposed to tlcdriHco, "to he or live abroad."


    HOME-BORN, hom horn (TYiS , czrah): A native-horn Ileh, as contrasted with a foreigner of different, blood. The same Ileh word is found in Lev 16 29; 18 20 and elsewhere, but is Ir 1 differ ently. Homo-born in Jer 2 14 is a tr of the phrase, rP3 "fb^, yll/lh bnyilh, where it means a ])erson free-born as contrasted with a slave.

    HOMER, hd mer (TEH , hninir): A dry measure containing about 11 bushels. It was equal to 10 ephas. See WEIGHTS AND MKASI IIES.

    HOMICIDE, hom i-sld (nSI , rfr/j.): Ileh has no word for killing or murder; rw;? l h is the word for manslayer. The (ir for murder is <t>6vos, phonos. Homicido was every conscious violent action against a human being with the immediate result of death. It was always to be punished by death, being considered a crime against the image of (iod. Killing is definitely forbidden in the sixth commandment (On 9 5f; Ex 20 13; 21 12; Lev 24 17.21; Nu 35 10-21; Dt 19 11-13). The penalty of death was not inflicted when the killing was unintentional or unpremeditated (Ex 21 13; Nu 35 22-25; Josh 20 3-5; cf Mish, Mukkutk, x’. 5). Cities of Refuge were founded to which the manslayer could escape from the "avenger of blood." There he had to abide till after the death of the officiating high priest. If he left the city before that event, the avenger who should kill him was free from punishment (Ex 21 13; Nu 35 10-15. 25-2S.32; Dt 19 1-13; Josh 20 2ff). See CITIES OP REFT<;K. Killing a thief who broke in during the night was not accounted murder (Ex 22 2). Unintentional killing of the; pregnant woman in a fray was punished according to the lex talionis, i.e. the husband of the woman killed could kill the wife of the, man who committed the offence without being punished (Ex 21 22 f). This was not usually carried out, but it gave the judge a standard by which to fine the offender. If a man failed to build a battlement to his house, and anyone fell over and was killed, blood-guiltiness came upon that man s house (Dt 22 8). He who killed a thief in the daytime was guilty in the same way (Ex 22 3; cf AV). Where a body was found, but the murderer was unknown, the elders of the city nearest to the, place where it was found were ordered by a pre scribed ceremony to declare that they were not guilty of neglecting their duties, and were therefore innocent of the man s blood (Dt 21 1-0). Two witnesses were necessary for a conviction of murder (Nu 35 30). If a slave died under chastisement, the master was to be punished according to the principle that "he that smiteth a man, so that he dieth, shall surely be put to death" (Ex 21 20; cf Ex 21 12). According to the rabbis the master was to be killed by the sword. Since in this pas sage the phrase "he shall die" is not used, some have supposed that punishment by death is not indicated. If the slave; punished by the master died after one or two days, the master was not liable to punishment (Ex 21 21). Because; of the words, "fe>r he is his money," the rabbis held that non-Israelitish slaves were meant. In ancient times the ave nger of blood was himself to be the exee-utioncr of the murderer (Nu 35 19.21). Ac cording to ISanhedhrin 9 1 the murderer was to

    be beheaded. Nothing is saiel in the; law about suicide . PAUL LEVEHTOFF

    HONEST, onYst, HONESTY, on es-ti: The word "honest" in the NT in AV generally represents the adj. KO.’<$S, AaW.s, "good," "excellent," "hon orable ," and, with the exemption of Lk 8 15, "honest and gexxl heart," is changed in RV into the more correct "honorable" (Rom 12 17; 2 Cor

    8 21; 13 7; Phil 4 S); in 1 Pet 2 12, into "seem ly." In ARV "honestly" in He 13 IS is re-ndereel "honorably," and in 1 Thess 4 12 (he re’c- HtoHox) is rendered "becomingly." The; noun "honesty" oe-curs but once; in AV as the tr of ere/i- v6Tt)s, xctH.iu itcs (1 Tim 2 2), and in RV is more appropriately rendereel "gravity." JAMKS OHII

    HONEY, Imn i (iTl" , dWxixlt; |i&t, nu li}: One familiar with life; in Pal will recognize in d hliaxh the Arab, dibs, which is the usual term fe>r a sweet syrup made by boiling down the juice ejf grape s, raisins, carob beans, e>r date s. J)il>s is selelom, if ever, used as a name for honey (cf Arab, anal), whereas in the OT d bhash probably had only that meaning. The honey referred to was in most case s wild honey (Dt 32 13; Jgs 14 8.9; 1 S 14 25. 20.29.43), although the offering of honey with the first-fruits would see-in to indie-ate that the bee-s were alse> domesticated (2 Ch 31 5). The be-e-s constructed their honeycomb and deposited their honey in holes in the gremnd (1 S 14 25); uneler re>cks or in crevices between the rocks (Dt, 32 13; Ps 81 10). They de> the same; today. When do- mestieateel they are kept in cylindrical basket hives which are; plastered on the outside with mud. The Syrian bee is an esp. hardy type anel a goexl honey producer. It is carried to Europe and America for breeding purposes.

    In OT times, as at present, honey was rare enough to be considered a luxury (Gen 43 11; 1 K 14 3). Honey was used in baking sweets (Ex 16 31). It was forbidden to be offered with the meal offering (Lev 2 11), perhaps because it was fermentable, but was presented with the fruit offering (2 Ch 31 5). Hone>y was offered to David s army (2 S 17 29). It was sometimes stored in the fields (Jer 41 8). It was also exchanged as merchandise (Ezk 27 17). In NT times wild hemey was an article of food among the lowly (Alt 3 4; Mk 1 0).

    Figurative: "A land flowing with milk and honey" suggested a land fille>d with abundance e>f good things (Ex 3 8.17; Lev 20 24; Nu 13 27; Dt 6 3; Josh 5 0; Jer 11 5; Ezk 20 0.15). "A land of olive trees anel honey" had the same mean ing (Dt 8 S; 2 K 18 32), and similarly "streams of honey and butte r" (Job 20 17). Honey was a standard of sweetness (Cant 4 11; Ezk 3 3; Rev 10 9.10). It typified sumptuous fare (Cant 5 1; Isa 7 15.22; Ezk 16 13.19). The ordinances of Je-h were "sweeter than honey anel the droppings of the honeycomb" (Ps 19 10; 119 103). "Thou didst eat .... honey" (Ezk 16 13) expressed Jeh s goodness to Jerusalem. JAMES A. PATCH

    HONORABLE, on er-a-b l (13?, kabhedh; i- <r’T’[i.tav, ciiKchtmon}: In the OT "honorable" is for the most part the tr of kabhcdh, properly, "to be heavy," "weighty" (Gen 34 19, RV "honored"; Nu 22 15; 1 S 9 0; Isa 3 5, etc); kabhddh, "weight," "heaviness," etc, occurs in Isa 5 13; hddh, "beauty," "majesty," "honor" (Ps 111 3, RV "honor"); udhar, "to make honorable," "illus trious" (Isa 42 21, "magnify the law, and make it honorable ," RVm "make the teaching great and glorious"); yakar, "precious" (Ps 45 9); nusd panlm, "lifted up of face" (2 K 5 1; Isa 3 3;

    9 15); n c su phanim (Job 22 8, RVm "he whose



    Letter "H"

    person is accepted"); cuschcmon, lit. "well fash ioned," is tr d Mk 15 43, AV "honorable," RV "of honorable estate"; cf Acts 13 50; 17 12; tndoxos, "in glory," occurs 1 Cor 4 10, RV "glory" ; timios, "weighty" (He 13 4, RV "had in honor"); dtimos, "without weight or honor" (1 Cor 12 23, "less honorable"); entimos, "in honor" (Lk 14 8), "more honorable."

    RV gives for " honorable " (1 S 9 6) ," held in honor "; for "Yet shall I bu glorious" (Isa 49 5), "I am honor able"; "honorable" for "honest" (Rom 12 17; 2 Cor 13 7; Phil 4 8, m "reverend"); for "honestly" (He 13 18) ARV has "honorably."

    In Apoc we have, endoxfis tr d "honorable" (Tob 12 7, RV "gloriously"); rmlosos (Jth 16 lit), timios (Wisd 4 8), <!oxdzo (Ecclus 24 12, RV "glorified"), doxa (29 27, 11 V "honor"), etc.


    HOOD, hood (PIS 1 :?, z e nlphuth)’ The ladies "hoods" of Isa 3 23 AV appear as "turbans" RV; and "mitre" of Zee 3 5 is "turban, or diadem" ERVm. The word is from the vb. zanaph, "to wrap round." It connotes a head-covering, not a per manent article of dress. See DRESS, 5; HAT.

    HOOF, hoof. See CHEW; CLOVEN.

    HOOK, hook: (1) !"Gn , hakkdh, is rendered "fishhook" in Job 41 1 RV (AV "hook"). RV is correct here and should have used the same tr for the same word in Isa 19 8; Hab 1 15, instead of retaining AV s "angle." Similarly in Am 4 2, H3? , f innah, and rO H riTVD , slrdt/i dilghdh, appear to be synonyms for "fishhook," although the former may mean the barb of a fisher s spear. In the NT "fishhook" occurs in Mt 17 27 (Ayicurrpov, dgkis- trou). (2) The "flesh-hook" & " , mazlcgh, njxTT? , mizldglidh) of Ex 27 3, etc, was probably a small pitchfork, with two or three tines. (3) The "pruning-hook" (rn ET Q , mazmrmh), used in the culture of the vine (Isa 18 5), was a sickle-shaped knife, small enough to be made from the metal of a spear-point (Isa 2 4; Joel 3 10; Mic 4 3). (4) T1 , wdw, is the name given the supports of certain hangings of the tabernacle (_F.x 26 32, etc). Their form is entirely obscure. (5) J~!n , hah, is rendered "hook" in 2 K 19 28 = Isa 37 20; Ezk 29 4; 38 4, and Ezk 19 4.9 RV (AV "chain"). A ring (cf Ex 35 22), put in the nose of a tamed beast and through which a rope is passed to lead him, is probably meant. (G) fV53} , aghmon, is rendered "hook" in Job 41 2 AV, but should be "a rope" of rushes or rush-fiber as in RV, or, simply, "a rush" (on which small fish are strung). (7) rnn , ho a h, is "hook" in Job 41 2 RV (AV "thorn," perhaps right) and 2 Ch 33 11 RVm (text "chains," AV "thorns"). On both vs see the comms. (,8) C")PETp , sh r phattayim, is "hooks" in Ezk 40 43 (RVm "ledges"), but the meaning of this word is com pletely unknown, and "hook" is a mere guess.


    HOOPOE, hoo po; -poo (nETpVJ, dukhlphath; ihro’|/, ( /;/>*,- Lai U pupn epopx): One of the pecul iar and famous birds of Pal, having a curved bill and beautiful plumage. It is about the size of a thrush. Its back is a rich cinnamon color, its head golden buff with a crest of feathers of gold, banded with white and tipped with black, that gradually lengthen as they cover the head until, when folded, they lie in lines of black and white, and, when erect, each feather shows its exquisite mark ing. Its wings and tail are black banded with white and buff. It nests in holes and hollow trees. All ornithologists agree that it is a "nasty, filthy bird" in its feeding and breeding habits. The nest, being paid no attention by the elders, soon be

    comes soiled and evil smelling. The bird is men tioned only in the lists of abomination (Lev 11 19; and Dt 14 18). One reason why Moses thought it unfit for food was on account of its habits. Quite as strong a one lay in the fact that it was one of the

    ‘ ^

    Hoopoe ( U pupa epops).

    sacred birds of Egypt. There the belief was preva lent that it could detect water and indicate where to dig a well; that it could hear secrets and cure dis eases. Its head was a part of the charms used by wit dies. The hoopoe was believed to have wonder ful medicinal powers and was called the "Doctor Bird" by the Arabs. Because it is almost the size of a hoopoe and somewhat suggestive of it in its golden plumage, Ihe lapwing was used in the early translations of the Bible instead of hoopoe. But when it was remembered that the lapwing is a plover, its flesh and eggs esp. dainty food, that it was eaten everywhere it was known, modern com mentators rightly decided that the hoopoe was the bird intended by the Mosaic law. It must be put on record, however, that where no superstition attaches to the hoopoe and where its nesting habits are unknown and its feeding propensities little understood, as it passes in migration it is killed, eaten and considered delicious, esp. by residents of Southern Europe. CENE STRATTON-PORTER

    HOPE, hop: In RV the NT "hope" represents the noun ATI-IS, el pis (52 1), and the vb. f’-rrifa, dp izo

    (31 t). AV, however, renders the 1. In the noun in He 10 23 by "faith," and for OT the vb. gives "trust" in 18 cases

    (apparently without much system, e.g. in Phil 2 cf vs 19 and 23; see TRUST), while in Lk 6 35 it translates dTreXTrtfu, apelpizil, by "hoping for nothing again" (RV "never despairing"). But in the OT there is no Ileb word that has the exact force of "expectation of some good thing," so that in AV "hope" (noun and vb.) stands for some 15 Heb words, nearly all of which in other places are given other 1r s (e.g. Tl ^ 2 G , mibhtdh, is rendered "hope" in Jer 17 17, "trust" in Ps 40 4, "con fidence" in Ps 65 5). RV has attempted to be more systematic and has, for the most part, kept "hope" for the noun rnF’ , likivah, and the vb. brP, ydhul, but complete consistency was not possible (e.g. Prov 10 28; 11 23; 23 18). This lack of a specific word for hope has nothing to do with any undervaluation of the virtue among the Hebrews. For t he religion of t he OT is of all 1 hings a religion of hope, centered in God, from whom all deliverance and blessings are confidently expected (Jer 17 17; Joel 3 10; Ps 31 24; 33 18.22; 39



    Letter "H"

    7, etc). The varieties of this hope ;ire countless (see LSKAKL, HKLK;ION OF; SALVATION, etc), but the form most perfected ;iml with fundamental sig nificance for the NT is the firm trust that at a time appointed God, in person or through His repre sentative (see MESSIAH), will establish a kingdom of righteousness.

    (1) The proclamation of this coming kingdom of God was the central element in the teaching of

    Jesus, and 1 IK; message of its near ad- 2. In the vent (Mk 1 15, etc), with the cer- NT tainty of admission to it for those; who

    accepted His teaching (Lk 12 - 52, etc), is the substance of His teaching as to hope. This teaching, though, is delivered in the language of One to whom the realities of the next world and of the future are perfectly familial ; the tone is not that of prediction so much as it- is that of the state ment of obvious facts. In other words, "hope" to Christ is "certainly." and the word "hope" is never on His lips (Lk 6 31 and .In 5 45 are naturally not exceptions). For the details see Ki’<;no.’i OF (Jon; FAITH; FORGIVENESS, etc. And however far He may have taught that the kingdom was present in His lifetime, none the less the full con summation of that kingdom, with Himself as Mes siah, was made by Him a matter of the future (see


    (2) Hence- after the, ascension the early church was left, with an eschatological expectation that was primarily and almost technically the "hope" of the NT "looking for the blessed hope and appearing of the glory of the great Clod and our Saviour Jesus Christ" (tit 2 13), "unto a living hope . . . . , unto an inheritance incorruptible, and undefiled, .... reserved in heaven for you, who by the power of Clod are guarded through faith unto a sal vation ready to be revealed in the last time" (1 Pet 1 3-5; cf Rom 5 2; 8 20-24; 2 Cor 3 12; Eph 1 1S-21; Col 1 5.23.27; Tit 12; 37; 1 Jn 3 2.3). The foundations of this hope were many: (a) Primarily, of course, the promises of the OT, which were the basis of Christ s teaching. Such are often emoted at length (Acts 2 10, etc), while they underlie countless other passages. These promises are the "anchor of hope" that holds the soul fast (He 6 1S-20). In part, then, the earliest Christian expectations coincided with the Jewish, and the "hope of Israel" (Acts 28 20; cf 26 6.7; Eph 2 12, and esp. Rom 11 25-32) was a common ground on which Jew and Christian might meet. Still, through the confidence of forgiveness and purification given in the atonement (He 9 14, etc), the Christian felt himself to have a "better hope" (He 7 19), which the Jew could not know. (6) Specifically Christian, however, was the pledge given in the resurrection of Christ. This sealed His Messiahship and proved His lordship (Rom 1 4; Eph 1 18-20; 1 Pet 3 21, etc), so sending forth His followers with the certainty of victory. In addition, Christ s resurrection was felt to be the first step in the general resurrection, and hence a proof that the consummation of all things had begun (1 Cor 15 23; cf Acts 23 0; 24 15; 26 0.7; 1 Thess 4 13.14, etc), (c) But more than all, devotion to Christ produced a religious experience that gave certainty to hope. "Hope putleth not to shame; because the love of God hath been shed abroad in our hearts through the Holy Spirit which was given unto us" (Rom 5 5; cf 8 10.17; 2 Cor 1^22; 6 5; Eph 1 14, etc, and see HOLY SPIRIT). Even visible miracles were wrought by the Spirit that were signs of the end (Acts 2 17) as well as of the individual s certainty of partaking in the final happiness (Acts 10 47; 19 6, etc).

    (3) Yet, certain though the hope might be, it was not yet attained, and the interim was an oppor-

    t unity to develop faith, "the substance of the things hoped for" (He 11 1). Indeed, hope is simply faith directed toward the future, and no sharp dis tinction between faith and hope is attainable. It is easy enough to see how the AV felt "confession of our faith" clearer than "confession of our hope" in He 10 23, although the rendition of r’;/,s by "faith" was arbitrary. So in Rom 8 20-24, "hope is scarcely more than "faith" in this specialized aspect . In particular, in ver 24 we have as the most natural tr (cf Eph 2 5.S), "Bv hope we were saved" .(so AV, ERV, ARVm), and only a pedantic in sistence on words can find in this any departure from the strictest Pauline theology (cf the essen tial outlook on the future of the classic example of "saving faith" in Rom 4 18-22, esp. ver 18). Still, the combination is unusual, and the Gr may be rendered equally well "I 1 or hope; we were saved" ("in hope" of the ARV is not so good); i.e. our sal vation, in so far as it is past, is but to prepare us for what is to come (cf Eph 4 4; 1 Pet 1 3). But this postponement of the full attainment, through developing faith, gives stedfastness (Rom 8 25; cf 1 Thess 1 3; 5 S; He 3 0; 6 11), which could be gained in no other way. On the other hand this stedfastness, produced by hope, reacts again on hope and increases it (Rom 5 4; 15 4). And so on. .But no attempt is made; in the NT to give a catalogue of the "fruits of hope," and, indeed, such lists are inevitably artificial.

    (4) One passage that deserves special attention is 1 Cor 13 13, "Now abideth faith, hope, love, these three." "Abideth" is in contrast to "shall be done away" in vs 8.9, and the time of the abiding is consequently after the Parousia; i.e. while many gifts are for the present world only, faith, hope and love are eternal and endure in the next world. 1 Cor 13 is evidently a very carefully written sec tion, and the permanence of faith and hope cannot be set down to any mere carelessness on St. Paul s pan, but the meaning is not very clear. Probably he felt that the triad of virtues was so essentially a part of t he Christian s character t hat the existence of the individual without them was unthinkable, without trying to define what the object of faith and hope would be in the glorified state. If any answer is to be given, it must be found in the doc trine that even in heaven life will not be static but will have opportunit ies of unlimited growth. Never will the finite soul be able to dispense entirely with faith, while at each stage the growth into the next can be anticipated through hope.

    Only Advent ist bodies can use all the NT prom ises literally, and the tr of the eschatological lan guage into modern practical terms is 3. Practical not always easy. The simplest method is that already well developed in the Fourth Gospel, where the phrase "kingdom of ( lod" is usually replaced by the words "eternal life," i.e. for a temporal relation between this world and the next is substituted a local, so that the accent is laid on the hope that awaits the individual beyond the grave. On the other hand, the cataclysmic im agery of the NT may be interpreted in evolutionary form. God, by sending into the world the super natural power seen in the Christian church, is work ing for the race as well as for the individual, and has for His whole creation, as well as for individual souls, a goal in store. The individual has for his support the motives of the early church and, in particular, learns through the cross that even his own sins shall not disappoint him of his hope. But both of the above interpretations are needed if religion is fairly to represent the spirit of the NT. A pure individualism that looks only beyond the grave for its hope empties the phrase "kingdom of God" of its meaning and tends inevitably to asceti-



    Letter "H"

    cism. And, in contrast, the religion of Jesus cannot be reduced to a mere hope of ethical advance for the present world. A Christianity lhat loses a transcendent, eschatological hope ceases to he Christianity. BURTON SCOTT E ASTON

    HOPHNI, hof m, and PHINEHAS, (in e-as, -a/ Pr?n, hophnl, "pugilist" [?], Dnp" 1 ? , pin e ha,prob. "face of brass"): Sons of Eli, priests of the sanc tuary at Shiloh. Their character was wicked enough to merit the double designation "sons of Eli" and (AV) "sons of Belial" (RVm "basemen," 1 S 2 12). Their evil practices an; described (vs 12-17). Twice; is Eli warned concerning them, once by an unknown prophet (1 S 2 27 If ) and again by the lips of the young Samuel (1 S 3 11-18). The curse fell at the battle of Aphek (1 S 4 1-18) at which the brothers were slain, the ark was taken and the disaster occurred which caused Eli s death. Phinehas was father of the posthumous Ichabod, whose name marks the calamity (see ICHABOD). A remoter sequel to the prophetic warnings is seen in the deposition of Abiathar, of the house of Eli, from the priestly office (1 K 2 2(i. 27. 35).



    HOR, hor, MOUNT (inn in , hor ha-har; lit, "Hor, the mountain"):

    (1) A tradition identifying this mountain with

    Jebel Neby Udrun may be traced from the time of

    Jos (Ant, IV, iv, 7) downward. Onom

    1. Not (s.v. "0/3, Hor) favors this identifica- Jebel Neby tion, winch has been accepted by many Harun travelers and scholars. In FIDB,

    while noting the fact that it has been questioned, Professor Hull devotes all the space at his disposal to a description of Jebel Neby Hurun. It is now recognized, however, that this identifica tion is impossible. Xiebuhr (Rcist: nach Arab., 23S), Pocoke (Description, of the East, I, 157), Robinson (BR, 1, lSf>), Ewald (Hist, of Israel, II, 201, n.), and others had pointed out difficulties in the way, but the careful discussion of Dr. II. Clay Trumbull ( Ktidexh Bnrncn, 127 ff) finally dis|)osed of Ilie claims of Jcbil N<hy Hariln.

    From Nu 20 22; 33 37 we may perhaps infer that Mt. Hor, "in the edge of the land of Edom,"

    was about a day s journey from

    2. Suggest- Kadesh. The name, "Ilor the moun- ed Identifi- tain" suggests a prominent feature cation of the landscape. Aaron was buried

    there (Xu 20 2S; Dt 32 50). It was therefore not in Mt . Seir (Dt 2 5), of which not even a foot-breadth was given to Israel. Jcbd Neby Htlnln is certainly a prominent feature of the land scape, towering over the tumbled hills that form the western edges of the Edom plateau to a height of 4, SOU ft. But it is much more than a day s journey from Kadesh, while it is well within the boundary of Mt. Seir. The king of Arad was alarmed at the march to Mt. Hor. Had Israel marched toward Jcbcl Neby Huriln, away to the S.E., it could have caused him no anxiety, as he dwelt in the north. This points to some eminence to the N. or N.E. of Kadesh. A hill meeting sufficiently all these condi tions is Jcbcl (see HALAK, MOUNT), which

    rises to the N.E. of *A in kadis (Kadesh-

    3. Jebel barnea). It stands at the extreme Maderah N.W. boundary of the land of Edom,

    yet not within that boundary. Above the barrenness of the surrounding plain this "large, singular-looking, isolated chalk hill" rises "alone like a lofty citadel," "steep-sided" and "quite naked." Here the solemn transactions described in Nu 20 22 ff could have been carried out lit. "in the sight of all the congregation." While certainty

    is impossible, no more likely suggestion has been made.

    (2) A mountain named only in Nu 34 7 f as on the N. boundary of the land of Israel. No success has attended the various attempts made to identify this particular height. Some would make it Mt. Hermon (Hull, HDIi, s.v.); others Jcbcl Akkar, an out runner on the N.I ], of Lebanon (Furrer, ZD1* V , VIII, 27), and others the mountain at the "knee of" Nnhr cl-Kdsimlyeh (van Kasteren, Rev. Bib., 1895 30 f). In Ezk 47 15 TfTjn, ha-derekh, should cer tainly be amended to ^"0 , hadhrdkh, a proper name, instead of "the way." Possibly then Mt. Hor should disappear from Nu 34 7 f , and we should read, with slight emendation, "From the great sea ye shall draw a line for you as far as Had- rach, and from Hadrach . . . ." W. EWING

    HORAM, ho ram (D*in , hor am, "height"): A king of (lexer defeated by Joshua when he came to the help of Lachish, which Joshua was besieging (Josh 10 33).

    HOREB, ho reb. See SINAI.

    HOREM, ho rem (D^H , horcm, "consecrated"): One of the fenced cities in the territory of Xaphtali (Josh 19 38), named with Iron and Migdal-el. ll may possibly be identified with the modern Hurak, which lies on a mound at the S. end of Wddij d-*A in, to the W. of Kedcs.

    HORESH, ho rcsh (Htpn , hor shah, 1 S 23 15.18, in only; LXX v rfj Kcuvfj, en tP Kuint;, "in the New"; EV "in the wood" [ntthnS, !>,,- hdr shah], the particle "in" being combined with the article): Ilorcsh in other passages is tr d "forest" (cf2 Ch 27 4; Isa 17 9; K/k 31 3) and it is most probable that it should be so tr d here.

    HOR-HAGGIDGAD, hor-ha-gid gad O3"3n nh , hor ha-gidhgadh) : A desert camp of the Israelites between Beeroth Bene-jaakan and Jotbathah (Xu 33 32 f). In Dt 10 7 it is called Cudgodah. See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    HORI, ho ri ("nil, "nTi , fwrl, "cave-dweller"):

    (1) A Ilorite descendant of Esau (Gen 36 22 1 Ch 1 39).

    (2) A Simeonite, father of Shaphat, one of the twelve spies (Nu 13 5).

    HORITE, ho rlt, HORIM, hd rim pnh , hurl, Q" 1 "!!"! , honm; Xoppaioi, Cliorra wi): Denoted the inhabitants of Mt. Seir before its occupation bv the Edomites (Dt 2 12). Seir is accordingly called Horite in Gen 36 20.30, where a list of "his de scendants is given, who afterward mixed with the invading Edomites. Esau himself married the daughter of the Horite chieftain Anah (Gen 36 25; see ver 2, where "Hivite" must be corrected into "Ilorite"). The "Horites" in their "Mt.Seir" were among the nations defeated by the army of Chedor- laomer in the age of Abraham (Gen 14 (i). The Heb Horite, however, is the Khar of the Egyp inscriptions, a name given to the whole of Southern Palestine and Edom as well as to the adjacent sea. In accordance with this we; find in the OT also traces of the existence of the Horites in other parts of the country besides Mt. Seir. In Gen 34 2; Josh 9 7, the LXX (Cod. A) more correctly reads "Horite" instead of "Hivite" for the inhabitants of Shechem and Gibeon, and Caleb is said to be "the son of Hur, the first-born of Ephratah" or Bethlehem (1 Ch 2 50; 4 4). Hor or Horite has sometimes been ex plained to mean "cave-dweller"; it more probably,



    Letter "H"

    however, denotes the "white" nice. The Ilorites were Semites, iiml consequently arc distinguished in l)t 2 I 2 from the (all race of Rcphaim.

    A. II. SAYCK

    HORMAH, hor ma (TTQ-in , linnnah): A city first, mentioned in connection with the defeat <>l the Israelites by the Amalekites and the ( anaanites, when, after t he ten spies who brought an evil report of the land had died of plague, the people persisted, against the will of Moses, in going "up unto the place which Jehovah hath promised" (Xu 14 1.1; Dt 1 -I 1). After the injury done them by the king of Arad, Israel took the city, utterly destroyed it, and called it Hormah, i.e. "accursed" (Xu 21 3). To this event probably the reference is in .Igs 1 17, where Judah and Simeon are credited with t he work. In Josh 12 14 it is named bet ween ( Jeder and Arad; in Josh 15 30 between Chesil and Ziklag, among the uttermost, cities toward the border of Edom in the S.; and in Josh 19 4 between Betlml and Zik- lag (cf 1 Ch 4 30). To it David sent a share of t he spoil taken from the Amalekites who had raided Ziklag (1 S 30 30). The city must have lain not far from Kadesli, probably to the N.E. No name resembling Hormah lias been recovered in that dis trict. The ancient name was Zephath (Jgs 1 17). It is not unlikely that in popular use this name out lived Hormah: and in some form it, may survive to this day. In that case it may be represented by the modern cy-Snlxiilil between < /- Kfittlaxa in the N. and .-1 in Kadis in the S., about 2 . ) miles from the latter. If we may identify Ziklag with *Asluj, about 14 miles N. of (x-Stihn/lri, the probability is heightened. Robinson (UK, III, 150) compares the name Zephath with that of ‘tikb I s-fiafu, to the N. of }’ d<li/ el-F/kr<ih; but, this appears to be too far about 40 miles from Kadesli. W. EWIXG

    HORN, horn (TTeb and Aram, "j"!]? , keren; Kt pas, A rm.s; for the "rani s horn" pSI" 1 , yobhrl] of Josh 6 see Mrsir, and for t he "inkhorn" of Ezk 9 [r.Cp. , kcM lh] see separate art.):

    (1) Keren, and Arras represent the Eng. "horn" exactly, whether on the animal ((!en 22 13), or used for musical ]iurposes (Josh 6 5; 1 Ch 25 5), or for containing a liquid (1 S 16 1.13; 1 K 1 39), but, in Ezk 27 1") the "horns of ivory" are of course tusks and the "horns" of ebony are small (pointed?) logs. Consequently most of the usages require no explanation.

    (2) Both the altar of burnt offering (Ex 27 2; 38 2; cf K /.k 43 15) and the incense altar (Ex 30 2; 37 25.2(5; cf Rev 9 13) had "horns," which are explained to be projections "of one piece with" the wooden framework and covered with the brass (or gold) that covered the altar. They formed the most sacred part of the altar and were anointed with the blood of the most solemn sacrifices (only) (Ex 30 10; Lev 4 7.1S.25.30.34; 16 IS; cf E/k 43 20), and according to Lev 8 15; 9 9, the first official sacrifices began by anointing them. Con sequently cutting off the horns effectually dese crated the altar (Am 3 14), while "sin graven on them" (Jer 17 1) took all efficacy from the sacri fice. On the other hand they offered the highest sanctuary (1 K 1 50.51; 2 28). Of their symbol ism nothing whatever is said, and the eventual origin is quite obscure. "Remnants of a bull-cult " and "miniature sacred lowers" have been suggested, but are wholly uncertain. A more likely origin is from an old custom of draping the altar with skins of sacrificed animals (/i"S, 43(5). That, however, the "horns" were mere conveniences for binding the sacrificial animals (Ps 118 27, a custom referred 1<> nowhere else in the OT), is most unlikely. See ALTAR.

    (3) The common figurative use of "horn" is taken from the image of battling animals (literal use in Dnl 8 7, etc) to denote; aggressive strength. So Zedekiah ben Chenaanah illustrates the predicted defeat of the enemies by pushing with iron horns (1 K 22 11; 2 Ch 18 10), while "horns of the wild- ox" (Dt 33 17; Ps 22 21; 92 10, AV "unicorn") represent the magnitude of power, and in Zee 1 1S-21 "horns" stand for power in general. In I lab 3 4 the "horns coming out of his hand" denote the potency of Jeh s gesture (RV "rays" maybe smoot her, but is weak). So to "exalt t he horn" (1 S

    2 1.10; Ps 75 4, etc) is to clothe with strength, and to "cut off the horn" (not to be explained by Am

    3 11) is to rob of power (Ps 75 10; Jer 48 25). Hence the "horn of salvation" in 2 S 22 3; Ps 18 2; Lk 1 (59 is a means of active defence and not a place of sanctuary as in 1 K 1 50. ‘Yhen, in Dnl 7 7-21;; Rev 131; 173.7.12. K), many horns arc; given to the same; animal, they figure successive nations or rulers. But- the seven horns in Rev 5 (5; 12 3 denote t he completeness of the malevolent or righteous power. In Rev 13 11, however, the two horns point only to tin external imitation of the harmless lamb, the "horns" being mere stubs. BURTON SCOTT EASTON

    HORNS OF THE ALTAR (naHLn P,:np? , kar-

    nutlt h<i-mizb<l"h): These projections at the four

    corners of the altar of burnt offering

    1. The were of one piece with the altar, and Brazen were made of acacia wood overlaid Altar with brass (Ex 27 2, "bronze" ). In

    K/ekiel s altar-specifications their posi tion is described as being on a level with the altar hearth (43 If)). Fugitives seeking asylum might cling to the horns of the altar, as did Adonijah (1 K 1 50), which is OIK- proof among many that worshippers had at all times access to the neighbor hood of the altar. On certain occasions, as at, the consecration of Aaron and his sons (Ex 29 12), and a sin offering for one of the people of the land (Lev 4 30), the horns were touched with sacrificial blood.

    The altar of incense, standing in the outer chamber of the sanctuary, had also four horns,

    which were covered with gold (Ex 37

    2. The 25). These were touched with blood Golden in the case of a sin offering for a high Altar priest, or for the whole congregation,

    if they had sinned unwittingly (Lev 4 7. IS). See ALT AH; HOHN.


    HORNS, RAMS . See Mrsir.

    HORNET, hor net (H^S , fiYdfi; cf r’"^Z ; i, "Zorah" [Jgs 13 2, etc]; also cf P,""^ ; (;ur(i*<tth, "leprosy" [Lev 13 2, etc]; from root 277? > f(7ra , "to smite"; LXX D-t^Kia, sphckia, lit. "wasp s nest"): Hornets are mentioned only in Ex 23 28; Dt 7 20; Josh 24 12. All three references are to the miraculous interposition of (lod in driving out before the Israelites the original inhabitants of the promised land. There has been much speculation as to whether hornets are lit erally meant. The following seems to throw some light on this question (Ex 23 20.27.2S): "Behold, 1 send an angel before thee, to keep thee by the way, and to bring thee into the place which I have prepared ..... I will send my terror before thee, and will discomfit all the people to whom thou shall come, and 1 will make all thine enemies turn their backs unto thee. And I will send the hornet before thee, which shall drive out the Hivite, the Canaanite, and the Hittite, from before thee." The "terror" of ver 27 may well be considered to be



    Letter "H"

    typified by the "hornet" of vcr 28, the care for the Israelites (ver 20) being thrown into marked con trast with the confusion of their enemies. Cf Isa 7 IS, where the fly and the bee symbolize the mili tary forces of Egypt and Assyria: "And it shall come to pass in that day, that Jeh will hiss for the fly that is in the uttermost part of the rivers of Egypt, and for the bee that is in the land of Assyria." Hornets and wasps belong to the family Vcspidae of the order Hymenoptcra. Both belong to the genus Vespa, the hornets being distinguished by their large size. Both hornets and wasps arc abundant in Pal (cf Zorah, which may mean "town of hornets"). A large kind is called in Arab, dcbbitr, which recalls the Heb d blwrdh, "bee." They sting fiercely, but not unless molested.


    HORONAIM, hor-6-na im (ZPph , D^llH , hd- ronayiin; Apcovu|j., Ardnir nn; in Jer Opwvaijj., Oronaim, "the two hollows"): An unidentified place in the S. of Moab. It is named in Jer 48 5. Isaiah (15 5) and Jeremiah (48 3) speak of "the way to Horonaim"; and Jeremiah (48 5) of the "descent," or "going down" of Horonaim. Mcsha (MS) says he was bidden by Chemosh to "go down" and fight against Horonem. Probably, therefore, it lay on one of the roads leading down from the Moabite plateau to the Arabah. It is mentioned by Jos as having been taken by Alexander Jannaeus (A nt, XIII, xv, 4). Hyrcanus promised to restore it and the rest to Aretas (XIV, i, 4). There is no indication thai in early times it was ever possessed by Israel. Buhl (GAP, 272 f) thinks it may bi n-presented by some significant ruins near Wady ed-Dcra a (Wady Ku-tik). W. EWING

    HORONITE, hor o-mt, ho ro-nit ha-horun i): An appellation of Sanballat (Nell 2 10. 19; 13 28), as an inhabit ant of BETH-HURON (q.v.).

    HORRIBLE, hor i-b l (T.iriC, sluf&rur, ""Vn3[lD , stui arurl): In Jer 5 30 x/ni dnlr, "vile-," "horrible," is tr 1 "horrible," "a wonderful and horrible thing," RVm "astonishment and horror"; also 23 14; in 18 13; Hos 6 10 it is sha anln; in Ps 11 G we have zirajfhah, "heat," RV "burning wind"; in Ps 40 2 sha dn, "noise," "tumult," "He brought me up .... out of a horrible pit," RVm "a pit of tumult" (or destruction). Horribly is the tr of siTar, "to shudder," "to be whirled away," in Jer

    2 12, and of sn^ir, "fear," "trembling," in Ezk 32 10; in Ezk 27 35 RV lias "horribly afraid" (.sY/V/r) for "sore afraid." "Horrible" occurs fre quently in Apoc (2 Esd 11 4f>; 15 28.34; Wisd

    3 19, "For horrible [chair pox] is the end of the un righteous generation," RV "grievous," etc).

    W. L. WALKER

    HORROR, hor er QTCff^ , cm ah, rfiSjE , -palld- fii-th): In Gen 15 12 cn/tlfi (often rendered "terror") is tr 1 "horror," "a horror of great darkness"; nnl- Idquth, "trembling," "horror" (Ps 55 5; Ezk 7 18); zardphah, "glow," "heat" (Ps 119 53, RV "hot in dignation," m "horror"); cf Ps 11 G; Lam 5 10. For "trembling" (Job 21 G) and for "Tearfulness" (Isa 21 4) RV has "horror." "Horror" does not, occur in the NT, but in 2 Mace 3 17 we have "The man was so compassed with horror" (phrikasmos) , RV "shuddering."

    HORSE, hors: The common names are (1) CIO , sits, and (2) iiriros, hippos. (3) The word TU^S , pardsh, "horseman," occurs oft en, and 1. Names in several cases is tr d "horse" or "war- horse" (Isa 28 28; Ezk 27 14; Joel 2 4 RVm); also in 2 S 1 G, where the "horsemen"

    Hormah Horse, Red

    of EV is D^Tp^Sn V55 , ba f ule ha-parashim, "own ers of horses"; cf Arab. (j^’Ls , furis, "horseman,"

    and iwui , faras, "horse." (4) The fern, form HC^D ,

    siisdh, occurs in Cant 1 9, and is rendered as follows: LXX TJ ITTTTOS, he hippos; Vulg cquitatum; AV "company of horses," RV "steed." It is not clear why EV does not have "mare." (5) The word D"H3SC ( abbinm, "strong ones," is used for horses in jgs~5 22; Jer 8 10; 47 3; 50 11 (AV "bulls"). In Ps 22 12 the same word is tr d "strong bulls"

    (of Bashan). (G) For 2") , rckhcsh (cf Arab.

    rakatl, "to run"), in 1 K 4 28; Est 8 10.14; Mic 1 13, RV has "swift steeds," while AV gives "dromedaries" in 1 K and "mules" in Est. (7) For rVP.2T?, kirkdrdlh (Isa 66 20), AV and ERV have "swift beasts"; KRVm and ARV "drome daries"; LXX o-KidSia, skii nlia, perhaps "covered carriages." In Est. 8 10.14 we find the doubtful words (8) D ^IT.J. nX , &hasht e rdnlm, and (9) C n 2^^.n " I? , b e ne hd-rammdkhlm, which have been variously tr d . AV has respectively "camels" and "young dromedaries," RV "used in the king s service" and "bred of the stud," RVm "mules" and "young dromedaries." See CAMEL.

    The Heb and Egyp names for the horse are alike

    akin to the Assyr. The Jews may have obtained

    horses from Egypt (Dt 17 1G), but

    2. Origin the Canaanites before them had horses

    (Josh 17 Hi), and in looking toward the X.E. for the origin of the horse, philologists are in agreement with zoologists who consider that the plains of Central Asia, and also of Europe, were the original home of the horse. At least one species of wild horse is still found in Central Asia.

    The horses of the Bible are almost exclusively war-horses, or at least the property of kings and

    not of (lie common people. A doubt-

    3. Uses ful reference to the use _ of horses in

    threshing grain is found in Isa 28 28. Horses arc among the property which the Egyp tians gave- to Joseph in exchange; fe>r grain (Gen 47 17). In Dt 17 1C) it is e-iijoined that the king "shall not multiply horse s to himself, nor cause the people to re-turn to Egypt, to the- e-nd that he may mult iply horses." This and ot her injunctions failed to preve-nt the Jews from borrowing from the neighboring civilizations their e-ustoms, idolatries, and vices. Solomon s horses are- enumerated in 1 K 4, and the s ^lrlm. and lcl>hcn of 1 K 4 28 (5 8) are identical with the- sha ir ("barley") and tibn ("straw") with which the- Aral) fceels his horse today. In war, horse s we re rielde-n and were driven in chariots (Ex 14 9; Josh 11 4; 2 S 15 1, etc). The horse is referreel to figuratively chiefly in Zee and Rev. A chariot and horse-s of fire take Elijah up to heaven (2 K 2 llf). In Ps

    4. Figura- 20 7; 33 17; and 76 G, the great tive and strength of the horse is recalled as a Descriptive remineler of the great e-r strength of

    Goel. In Jas 3 3, the small bridle by which the horse can be managed is compared to the tongue (cf Ps 32 9). In Job 39 19-25 we have a magnificent description of a spirited war-horse.


    HORSE, BLACK (I iriros p&a. s, hippos melas): Symbolic, of famine ("balance .... measure of wheat for a shilling," etc., Rev 6 5.G; cf Zee 6 2.6). See REVELATION, Beje)K OF.


    HORSE, RED fiinros irvppos, hippos purros): Symbolic of war, bloodshed ("slay one another,"



    Letter "H"

    etc, Uev 6 4; cf Zee 1 S; 6 2). Sec RK VIOLA TION, HOOK OF.

    HORSE, WHITE il im-os XCUKOS, hi /I/ION 1ei<k< >x): Symbolic of victory, conquest ("bo’v .... con quering and to coiKiuer," Hev 6 2; 19 11.14; cf Zee 1 S; 6 - >.(>). See KKVKLATION, BOOK. OK.

    HORSELEACH, hors lech (H^br ,,; cf Aral). xjf^JLt , <’. "/ . "ghoul." and &.eLLc. , *til<il:<tli,

    h," from root

    , < ‘> , to cling"; LXX

    pSe XXa, hi/t l/ii, "leech"): The word occurs only once, in Prov 30 lf>, l!’ in "vampire." In Arab. "(ilii(-uh is a leech of any kind, not only a horse-leech. The Aral). *(ili"<k<ili, which, it may be noted, is almost idem ical with t he Heb form, is a ghoul (Arab, ylu il), an evil spirit which seeks to injure men and which preys upon the dead. The mythical vampire is similar to the ghoul. In zoology the name vam pire" is applied to a family of bats inhabiting tropical America, some, but not all, of which suck blood. hi the passage cited the Arab. Bible lias <ilillcah, "ghoul." If leech is meant, there can be no good reason for specifying "horseleach." At, least, six species of leech are known in Pal and Syria, and doubtless others exist. They are com mon in streams, pools, and fountains where animals drink. They enter the mouth, attach themselves to the interior of the mouth or pharynx, and are removed only with difficulty.

    Ai.i KI.I) Ei.v DAY HORSEMAN, hors man. See AHMY.

    HORSES OF THE SUN (2 K 23 11): In con nection with the sun-worship practised by idola trous kings in the temple at, Jems (2 K 23 5; of K/,k 8 Hi), horses dedicated to the sun, with char iots, had been placed at the entrance of the sacred edifice. These Josiah, in his great reformation, "took away," and burned the chariots with fire. Horses sacred to the sun were common among oriental peoples (Bochart, Hciroz., I, 2, 10).

    HOSAH, hd sa (~wh, } ION ah): A city on the border of Asher, in the neighborhood of Tyre (Josh 19 29). LXX reads lns< / /;’, which might suggest identification with Ktfr YUN]/, to the X.I-], of Acre. Possibly, however, as Sayce (I/CM, 429) and Moon 1 (JudycN, f>l) suggest, llosah may represent. the Assyr I su. Some scholars think that I su was the Assyr name for Palaetyrus. If "the fenced city of Tyre" were that on the island, while the city on the mainland lay at Iftas cl-^Aiti, 30 stadia to the S. (Strabo xvi.7f>S), this identification is not im probable.

    HOSANNA, ho-zan a (wo-avvd, Itds(inna): This (!r transliteration of a Heb word occurs 6 t in the ( iospels as the cry of the people when Our Lord entered Jerus as the Messiah represented by Zee (9 9), and of "the. children" when He cleansed the temple (Mt 21 9 fc/.s.lf>; Mk 11 9 f ; Jn 12 1:5). In Mt 21 9 it is "Hosanna to the son of David!" followed by "Blessed is he that comet h in the name of the Lord; Hosanna in the highest!"; in ver If) it is also "Hosanna to the Son of David!"; in Mk 11 9f it is "Hosanna; Blessed is he that comet h in the name of the Lord; Blessed is the kingdom that cometh, the kingdom of our father David: Ho sanna in the highest"; and in Jn 12 13 it is "Ho sanna: Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord, even the King of Israel." Thus in all the evangelists it is an acclamation or ascription of praise. This has raised the question whether the supposed derivation from Ps 118 25, beginning with

    annuh YHWH honht oh una , "Save now, pray" (which is followed [ver 2(>] by "Blessed be he that cometh [RVm "or entereth"] in the name of Jeh") is correct. (See Thayer, ‘ DB; Cheyne, Kli; Dalman, Won I a of J exits.) Various other explana tions have been suggested. Thayer remarks, "It is most natural to regard the word Ilosanna, as respects its form, as neither syncopated nor con tracted, but the shorter Hiphil imperative with the appended enclitic" (lto*lui n(T ; cf Ps 86 2; Jer 31 7), for which there is Talinndic warrant. "As respects its force, we must for .... contextual reasons, assume that it, had already lost its pri mary supplicatory sense and become an ejaculation of joy or shout, of welcome." It is said to have been so used in this sense at, the joyous Feast, of Tabernacles, the 7th day of which came to be called "the (Jreat Ilosanna," or "Hosanna Day." But, while the word is certainly an ejaculation of praise and not one of supplication, the idea of Nulrnlinn need not be excluded. AsinHev 7 10(cfl9 l),we have the acclamation, "Salvation unto (Jod .... and unto the Lamb," so we might have the cry, "Salvation to the son of David"; and "Ilosanna in the Highest," might be the equivalent of "Salvation unto our (lod!" He who was "coming in the name of the Lord" was the king who was bringing salva tion from (.Jod to the people. W. L. WALKER

    HOSEA, ho-/e a:

    I. TH K PKOIMI KT 1. Manic _ . Native Place :5. Date 4. Personal History (Marriage)

    (1) Allegorical View

    (2) Literal View II. Tin-: BOOK

    1. Style and Scope

    2. Historical Background

    3. Contents and Divisions (1) Chs 1-3

    cj) rhs 4-14

    4. Testimony to Karlicr History ">. Testimony to Law

    (i. Affinity with Deuteronomy LITERATURE

    /. The Prophet. The name (JPtSin, hdshe a *;

    LXX n<n], Osee; for other forms vide note in I)B),

    probably meaning "help," seems to

    1. Name have been not uncommon, being derived

    from the auspicious vb. from which we have the frequently recurring word "salvation." It may be a contraction of a larger form of which the Divine name or its abbreviation formed a part, so as to signify "Clod is help," or "Help, ("Jod." According to Nu 13 S.16 that was the original name of Joshua son of Nun, till Moses gave him the longer name (compounded with the name of Jeh i which he continued to bear (yTpTP , y e }idsfnt"*), "Jeh is salvation." The last king of the Xorthern Kingdom was also named Hosea (2 K 15 30), and we find the same name borne by a chief of the tribe of Ephraim under David (1 Ch 27 20) and by a chief under Nehemiah (Xeh 10 23).

    Although it is not directly stated in the book, there can be little doubt that lie exercised his min istry in the kingdom of the Ten

    2. Native Tribes. Whereas his references to Place Judah are of a general kind, Ephraim

    or Samaria being sometimes men tioned in the same connection or more frequently alone, the situation implied throughout and the whole tone of the addresses agree with what we know of the Xorthern Kingdom at the time, and his references to places and events in that kingdom arc- so numerous and minute as to lead to the conclusion that he not only prophesied there, but that he was a native of that, part of the country. Gilead, e.g. a district little named in the prophets, is twice men-



    Letter "H"

    tinned (6 8; 12 11) and in such a, manner as to suggest that he knew it by personal observation; and Mizpah (mentioned in 5 1) is no doubt the Mizpah in Gileud (Jgs 10 17). Then we find Tabor (5 1), Shechem (6 9 RV), Gilgal and Bethel (4 15; 9 15; 10 5.S.15; 12 11). Even Lebanon in the distant N. is spoken of with a minuteness of detail which could be expected only from one very familiar with Northern Pal (14 5-8). In a stricter sense, therefore, than Amos who, though a native of Tekoah, had a prophetic, mission to the N., Hosea may be called the prophet of Northern Israel, and his book, as Ewald has said, is the prophetic voice wrung from the bosom of the kingdom itself.

    All that we are told direclly as to the time when Hosea prophesied is the statement in the first verso that the word of the Lord came to 3. Date him "in the days of Uzziah, Jot ham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam the son of Joash, king of Israel." It is quite evident that his ministry did not extend over the combined reigns of all these kings; for, from the beginning of the reign of Uzziah to the beginning of that of Hezekiah, according to the now usually received chronology (Kautzsch, Literature, of tin- OT, ET), there is a period of 52 years, and Jeroboam came to his throne a few years before the accession of I zziah.

    When we examine the book itself for more precise indi cations of dale, we (hid that the prophet threatens in (iod s name that in "a little while" He will "avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the house of .lehu." Now Jero boam was the great-grandson of Jehu, and his son Zech- ariah.who succeeded him.reigiicd only six months and was the last of the line of Jehu. We may, therefore, place the beginning of Hosea s ministry a short, time before the, death of Jeroboam which took place 74H U(‘ As to the other limit, it is to be observed that, though the downfall of "the kingdom of the house of Israel" is threatened (1 4), the catastrophe had not occurred when the prophet ceased his ministry. The date of that event is fixed in the year 722 UC’ and it is said to have happened in the Oth year of King Ilezekiah. This does not give too long a time for Hosea s activity, and it leaves the accuracy of the superscription unchallenged, whoever may have written it. If it is the work of a later editor, it may be that Hosea s ministry ceased before the reign of "Hezekiah, though he may have lived on into that king s reign. It should be added, however, that there seems to be no reference to another event which might have been expected to find an echo in the book, viz. the conspiracy in the reign of Ahaz (735 15C) by Pekah of Israel and Hozin of Damascus against the kingdom of Judah (2 K 16 5; Isa 7 1).

    Briefly we may say that, though there is uncer tainty as to the precise dates of the beginning and end of his activity, he began his work before the middle of the 8th cent., and that he saw the rise; and fall of several kings. He would thus bo a younger contemporary of Amos whose activity seems to have been confined to the reign of Jero boam.

    Hosea is described as the son of Beeri, who is

    otherwise unknown. Of his personal history we

    are told either absolutely nothing or

    4. Personal else a very groat deal, according as wo

    History interpret ehs 1 and 3 of his book. In

    (Marriage) ancient and in modern times, opinions

    have boon divided as to whether in

    these chapters we have a recital of actual facts, or

    the presentation of prophetic teaching in the form

    of parable or allegory.

    (1) Allegorical view. The Jewish interpreters as a rule took the allegorical view, and Jerome, in the early Christian church, no doubt following Origen the great allegorizer, states it at length, and sees an intimation of the view in the closing words of Hosea s book: "Who is wise, that he may under stand these things? prudent, that lie may know thorn?" (14 <)).

    It is a mystery, ho says; for it is a scandal to think of Hosea being commanded to take an unchaste wife and without any reluctance obeying the command. It is

    a figure, like that of Jeremiah going to the Euphrates (when Jerus was closely besieged) and hiding a girdle in the bed of the river (Jer 13). So Ezukiel is com manded to represent, by means of a tile, the siege of Jerus, and to lie 390 days on his side to indicate the years of their iniquity (Ezk 4) ; and there are other sym bolical acts. Jerome then proceeds to apply the allegory first to Israel, which is the (romer of ch 1, and then to Judah. the wife in ch 3, and finally to Christ and the church, the representations being types from beginning to end.

    Calvin took the same view. Among modern commentators we find holding the allegorical view riot only Hengstenberg, Hiivernick and Keil, but also Eichhorn, Rosenmiiller anil Hitzig. Reuss also (Das AT, II, 88 IT) protests against the literal interpretation, as impossible, and that on no moral or reverential considerations, but entirely on exe- getical grounds. He thinks it enough to say that, when the prophet calls his children "children of whoredom," he indicates quite clearly that he uses the words in a figurative sense; and he explains the allegory as follows: The prophet is the representa tive of Jeh; Israel is the wife of Jeh, but faithless to her husband, going after other gods; the children are the Israelites, who are therefore called children of whoredoms because they practise the idolatry of the nation. So they receive names which denote the consequences of their sin. In accordance with the allegory, the children are called the children of the prophet (for Israel is Clod s own) but this is not the main point; the essential tiling is the naming of the children as they are named. In the third chapter, according to this interpretation, allegory again appears, but with a modification and for another purpose. Idolatrous Israel is again the unfaithful wife of the prophet as the representative of Jeh. This relation can again be understood only as figurative; for, if the prophet stands for Jeh, the marriage of Israel to the prophet cannot indicate infidelity to Jeh. The sense is evident: the mar riage still subsists; Cod does not give His people up, but they are for the present divorced "from bed and board"; it is a prophecy of the time when Jeh will leave the people to their fate, till the day of reconciliation comes.

    (2) Literal nVi/v The literal interpretation, adopted by Theodore of Mopsuestia in the ancient church, w as followed, after the Reformation, by the chief theologians of the Lutheran church, and has been held, in modern times, by many leading expositors, including Dolitzsch, Kurtz, Hofmann, Wollhausen, Cheyne, Robertson Smith, G. A. Smith and others. In this view, as generally hold, chs 1 and 3 go together and refer to the same person. The idea is that Hosea married a woman named Gomer, who had the three children here named. Whether it was that she was known to be a worth less woman before t he marriage and that the prophet hoped to reclaim her, or that she proved faithless after the marriage, she finally left him and sank deeper and deeper into sin, until, at some future time, the prophet bought her from her paramour and brought her to his own house, keeping her se cluded, however, and deprived of all the privileges of a wife. In support of this view it is urged that the details are related in so matter-of-fact a manner that they must be matters of fact, Though the children receive symbolical names (as Isaiah gave such names to his children), the meanings of these are clear and are explained, whereas the name of the wife cannot thus be explained. Then there are details, such as the weaning of one child before the conception of another (1 8) and the precise price paid for the erring wife (3 2), which are not needed to keep up the allegory, and are not invested with symbolical moaning by the prophet. What is con sidered a still stronger argument, is relied on by modern advocates of this view, the psychological



    Letter "H"

    argument thai there is always a proportion between a revelation vouchsafed and the mental state oi the person ivceiving it. Ilosea dates the beginning of liis prophetic ‘‘ork Irom the time ot lii.s marriage; it- ‘vas the unfaithfulness of his wife that brought, home to him t lie a post asy of Israel; and, as his heart, went after his wayward wife, so I he 1 )ivme love was stronger than Israel s sin; and thus through his own domestic experience lie was prepared to be a prophet to his people.

    The great dilliculty in the way of accepting the literal interpretation lies, as Keuss has pointed out, in the statement at the beginning, t hat the prophet was commanded to take a ‘vife of whoredoms and children of whoredoms. And the advocates of tin- view meet the dilliculties in some way like this: The narrative- as it stands is manifestly later than the events. On looking back, the prophet describes his wife as she turned out to be, not, as she was at the beginning of the history. It is urged with some force that it was necessary to the analogy (even if the story is only a parable) that the wife should have been first of all chaste; for, in I losea s repre sentation, Israel at the time of its election ill the wilderness was faithful and fell away only after ward (2 1">; 9 10; 11 1). The narrative does not, require us to assume that (lomer was an immoral person or t hat she was t IK- mot her of children before her marriage. The children receive symbolic; names, but these names do not, reflect upon (iomer but upon Israel. Why, then, is she described as a woman of whoredoms? It is answered that the ex pression rW/<’t z tinnlni is a class-descriptive, and is different from the expression "a woman who is a harlot" (islixlnlli zonah). ‘ Jewish interpreter quoted by Aben Exra says: "lloseawas commanded to take a wife of whoredoms because an honest woman was not to be had. The whole people had gone astray was an adulterous gene-rat ion ; and she as one of them was a typical example, and the children wen- involved in the common declension (see 4 1 f)." The comment of I mbreit is worthy of notice-: "As the covenant of J oh with Israel is viewed as a marriage bond, so is the prophetic; bond with Israel a marriage, for lie is t he- messenger and medi ator. Therefore, if he- feels an irresistible impulse to enter into the marriage-bond with Israel, he is bound to unite- himself with a bride- of an unchaste character. Yea, his own wife- Gomer is involved in the- universal guilt" (I n/k. ( 1 <ni. iihcr die I^roplidcii, Hamburg, 1844). It is considered, then, on this view, that (lomer, after her marriage, being in he-art addicted to the prevailing idolatry, which we- know was often associated with gross immoral ity isee 4 IMi.i elt the irksome-ness of restraint, in the prophet s house, left him anel sank into open profli gacy, from which (ch 3) the prophet reclaimed her so far as to bring her back and keep her secluded in his own house-.

    Quite recent ly tills view has been advocated by Kiedel (Miii tt. Untersuchunyen, Leipzig. 190:2), who endeavors to enforce it by giving :i symbolic meaning to (Joiner s name. Bath-Diblaim. The word is the dual (or might be- pointed as a pi.) of a word, d< hliilii/i. meaning a fruit cake, i.e. raisins or figs pressed together, it is the- word used in the story of Jle/ckiah s illness (2 K 20 7), and is found in the list of things furnished by Abigail to David (1 S 25 18). See also 1 S 30 12; 1 Ch 12 40. Another name for the same thing, dshishah, occurs in Hos 3 1. rendered in AV "flagons of wine," but in KV "cakes of raisins." It seems clear that this word, at least here, denotes fruit-cakes offered to the! heathen deities, as was the custom in Jeremiah s time- i.ler 7 1< S ; 44 17). So Kiedel argues (hat Comer may have been described as a "daughter of fruit-cakes" according to the II, -b idiom in sue-li expressions as "daughters of song," etc (Ke-cl 12 4; I rov 31 2; 2 S 7 10; (Jen. 37 3, etc).

    It will be- perceived that the literal interpretation as thus state-el does nejt involve the- supposition that, Hosea became aware of his wife s infidelity before

    the birth of the second child, as Robertson Smith and (1. A. Smith suppose-. The- names given to the children all refer to the infidelity of Israel as a people-; and the renderings of Lo -ruhdmah, "she that never knew a father s love-," and of Lo-^anuni, "ne> kin of mine," are; too violent in this connect iem. Nor does the; interpretation demand that it, was first t h rough his marriage- and subsequent experience; that the prophet received his call; although no doubt the- experience through which he- passed deepened the conviction of Israel s apostasy in his mind.

    ‘. The Book. Scarcely any book in the OT is more diflicult of exposition than the Book of Hos.

    This does not seem to be owing to any 1. Style exceptional defect in the transmitted

    and Scope text, but, rather to the peculiarity e>f

    the style; and part ly also, no doubt, to the- fact that the historical situation of the prophet was one- of bewildering and sudden change of a violent kind, which seems to reflect itself in the book. The style; here is preeminently the- man. Whatever view we may take- of his personal history, it is evident that he- is deeply affect ed by the situa tion in which he is placed. He is controlled by his subject, instead of controlling it. It is his heart that speaks; he is not careful to concentrate his thoughts or to mark his transitions; the sentences fall from him like- the sobs of a broken heart. Mournful as Jeremiah, he does not indulge in the pleasure of melancholy as that prophet seems to do. Jeremiah broods over his sorrow, nurses it. and tells us he is wee-ping. Hosea does not say he is weeping, but we hear it in his broken utterances. Instead of laying out his plaint, in measured form, he ejaculates it in short, sharp sentences, as the stabs of his people s sin pierce his he-art.

    The result is the absence of that rhythmic flow and studied parallelism which are such common features of Ile-b oratory, and are- often so helpful to the expositor. His imagery, while highly poetical, is not elaborated; his figures are not so much carried out a.s thrown out; nor does he dwell long on the same figure-. His sentences are like utterances of an oracle, and he forge-Is himself in identifying himself with the God in whose name ho speaks a feature which is not without significance in its be-aring on the- question of his personal history. The standing expre-ssion "Thus saith the Lord" ("It is the utterance of .le-h" KV), so characteristic of the- prophe-tic stylo, very rare-ly occurs (only in 2 13.16.21; 11 11); whereas the; words that he speaks are the very words of the Lord; and without any formal indication of the fact, he passes from speaking in his own name to speaking in the name of .leh (see, e.g. 6 4; 7 12; 8 13; 9 9.10.14- 17, etc). Never was speaker so absorbed in his theme-, or more identified with Him for whom he speaks. He seems to be oblivious of his hearers, if indeed his chapters are the transcript, or summary of spoke-n addresses. They certainly want to a great extent the directness and point which are so marked a feature of prophetic diction, so much so that some (e.g. Keuss and Marti) suppose they are the> production of one who had rattlers and not hearers in view.

    But, though the style appears in this abrupt form, there is one clear note on divers strings sound ing through the whole. The theme is twofold: the love of Jehovah, and the indifference of Israe-1 to t hat love; and it would be hard to say which of the two is more vividly conceived and more forcibly expressed. Under the figures of the tendercst affec tion, sometimes that of the pitying, solicitous care of the parent (11 1.3.S; 14 3). but more promi nently as the affection of the husband (chs 1, 3), the Divine love is represented as ever enduring in spite of all indifference and opposition; and, on the other hand, the waywardness, unblushing faithlessness of the loved one is painted in colors so repulsive as almost to shock the moral sense, but giving thereby evidence of the painful abhorrence it had produced on the prophet s mind. Thus early does he take the sacred bond of husband and wife as the type of the Divine electing love a similitude found else-



    Letter "H"

    where in prophetic literature, and most fully elab orated by Ezekiel (Ezk 16; cf Jer 3). Hosea is the prophet of love, and not without propriety has been called the St. John of the OT.

    For the reasons just stated, it is very difficult to

    give a systematic analysis of the Book of Hos. It

    may, however, be helpful to that end

    2. Historical to recall the situation of the time as

    Background furnishing a historical setting for the

    several sections of the book.

    At the commencement of the prophet s ministry, the Northern Kingdom was enjoying the prosperity and running into the excesses consequent on the victories of Jeroboam II. The glaring social cor ruptions of the times are exhibited and castigated by Amos, as they would most impress a stranger from the S.; but Hosea, a native, as we arc led to suppose, of the Northern Kingdom, saw more deeply into the malady, and traced all the crime and vice of the nation to the fundamental evil of idolatry and apostasy from the true God. What he describes under the repulsive figure of whoredom was the rampant worship of the b^ullm, which had practi cally obscured the recognition of the sole claims to worship of the national Jeh. This worship of the b *ull>n is to be distinguished from that of which we read at the earlier time of Elijah. Ahab s Tyrian wife Jezebel had introduced the worship of her native country, that of the Sidonian Baal, which amounted to the setting up of a foreign deity; and Elijah s contention that it must be a choice between Jeh and Baal appealed to the sense of pa triotism and the sentiment of national existence. The. worship of the 6a a/s, however, was an older and more insidious form of idolatry. The worship of the Can tribes, among whom the Israelites found themselves on the occupation of Pal, was a reverence of local divinities, known by the names of the places where each had his shrine or influence. The generic name of bcfal or "lord" was applied naturally as a common word to each of these, with the addition of the name of place or potency to distinguish them. Thus we have Baal-hermon, Baal-gad, Baal-berith, etc. The insidiousness of this kind of worship is

    E roved by its wide prevalence, esp. among people at a nv stage of intelligence, when the untutored mind is brought face to face with the mysterious and unseen forces of Nature. And the tenacity of the feeling is proved by the prevalence of such worship, even among people whose professed religion condemns idolatry of every kind. The veneration of local shrines among Christians of the East and in many parts of Europe is well known; and Mohammedans make; pilgrimages to the tombs of saints who, though not formally worshipped as deities, are believed to have the power to confer such benefits as the Canaanites expected from the bcfah. The very name ba*al, originally meaning simply lord and master, as in such expressions as "master of a house," "lord of a wife," "owner of an ox," would be misleading; for the Israelites could quite inno cently call Jeh their bcfal or Lord, as we can see they did in the formation of proper names. We can, without much difficulty, conceive what would happen among a people like the Israelite tribes, of no high grade of religious intelligence, and with the prevailing superstitions in their blood, when they found themselves in Pal. From a nomad and pastoral people they became, and had to become, agriculturists; the natives of the land would be their instructors, in many or in most cases the actual labor would be done by them. The Book of Jgs tells us emphatically that several of the Israelite tribes "did not drive out" the native inhabitants; the northern tribes in particular, where the land was most fertile, tolerated a large native admixture. We are also told (Jgs 2 7) that the people served

    the Lord all the days of Joshua and of the elders who outlived Joshua; and this hint of a gradual declension no doubt points to what actually took place. For a time they remembered and thought of Jeh as the God who had done for them great things in Egypt and in the wilderness; and then, as time went on, they had to think of Him as the giver of the land in which they found themselves, with all its varied produce. But this was the very thing the Canaanites ascribed to their ba’d&. And so, imperceptibly, by naming places as the natives named them, by observing the customs which the natives followed, and celebrating the festivals of the agricultural year, they were gliding into conformity with the religion of their neighbors; for, in such a state of society, custom is more or less based on religion and passes for religion. Almost before they were aware, they were doing homage to the various 6 /s in celebrating their festival days and offering to them the produce of the ground.

    Such was the condition which Hosea describes as an absence of the knowledge of God (4 1). And the consequence cannot be better described than in the words of St. Paul: "As they refused to have God in their knowledge, God gave them up unto a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not lit ting" (Rom 1 2S). Both Hosea and Amos tell us in no ambiguous terms how the devotees of the impure worship gave themselves up "to work all uncleanness with greediness" (Eph 4 19; cf Am 2 7f; Hos 4 14); and how deeply the canker had Worked into the body politic is proved by the rapid collapse; and irretrievable ruin which followed soon after the strong hand of Jeroboam was removed. The 21 years that followed his death in 743 BC saw no fewer than six successive occupants of the throne, and the final disappearance of the kingdom of the ten tribes. Zechariah, his son, had reigned only six months when "Shallum the son of Jabesh con spired against him . . . . and slew him, and reigned in his .stead" (2 K 15 10). Shallum himself reigned only a month when he was in the same bloody manner removed by Menahem. After a reign of 10 years, according to 2 K 15 17 (although the chronology here is uncertain), he was succeeded by his son Pekahiah (2 K 15 22), and after two years Pekah "his captain" conspired against him and reigned in his stead (2 K 15 25). This king also was assassinated, and was succeeded by Hoshea (2 K 15 30), the last king of the ten tribes, for the kingdom came to an end in 722 BC. Hosea must have lived during a great part- of those troublous times; and we may expect to hear echoes of the events in his book.

    (1) C/i.s 1-3. We should naturally expect that the order of the chapters would correspond in the

    main with the progress of events; and 3. Contents there is at least a general agreement and among expositors that chs 1-3 refer

    Divisions to an earlier period than those that

    follow. In favor of this is the reference in 1 2 to the commencement of the prophet s min istry, as also the threatening of the impending extirpation of the house of Jehu (1 4), implying that it was still in existence; and finally the hints of the abundance amounting to luxury which marked the prosperous time of Jeroboam s reign. These three chapters are to be regarded as going together; and, however they may be viewed as reflecting the prophet s personal experience, they leave no room for doubt in regard to the national apostasy that weighed so heavily on his heart. And this, in effect, is what he says: Just as the wife, espoused to a loving husband, enjoys the pro tection of home and owes all her provision to her husband, so Israel, chosen by Jeh and brought by Him into a fertile land, has received all she has from



    Letter "H"

    Him alone. The giving of recognition 1o the htt /itx for material prosperity was tantamount to a wife s bestowing her affection on anotlier; the accepting of these blessings as bestowed on condition of homage rendered to the /w/ a/s was tantamount to the receiving of hire by an abandoned woman. This being so, the prophet, speaking in God s name, declares what He will do, in a series of a thrice repeated "therefore" (2 0.0.14), marking three stages of His discipline. First of all, changing the metaphor to that of a straying heifer, the prophet in (lod s name declares (vs (iff) that He will hedge ii]) her way with thorns, so that she will not be able to reach her lovers meaning, no doubt, that whether by drought or blight, or some national misfortune, there would be such a disturbance of the processes of ‘al lire that the usual rites of hom age to the lin til* would prove 1 ineffectual. The people would fail to iind the "law of the god of the land" (2 K 17 2(1 1. In their perplexity they would bethink themselves, begin to doubt the. power of the /K/V;/s, and resolve to pay to Jeh the homage they had been giving to the local gods. But tliis is st ill the same low conception of Jeh that had led them astray. To exchange one (iod for another simply in the hope of enjoying material prosperity is not the service which Ho requires. And then comes the second "therefore" (vs Off I. Instead of allowing them to enjoy their corn and wine and oil on the terms of a mere lip -allegiance or ritual service, Jeh will take these away, will reduce Israel to her original poverty, causing all the mirth of her festival days to cease, and giving gar ments of mourning for festal attire. Her lovers will no longer own her, her own husband s hand is heavy upon her, and what remains? The third "therefore" tells us (vs 14 IT). Israel, now bereft of all, helpless, homeless, is at last convinced that, as her (iod could take away all, so it was from Him she had received all: she is shut up to His love and His mercy alone. And here the prophet s thoughts clothe themselves in language referring to the early betrothal period of national life. A new beginning will be made, she will again lead the wilderness life of daily dependence on God, cheerfully and joyfully she will begin a new journey, out of trouble will come a new hope, and the very recollection of the past vvillbeapain to her. As all the associations of the name bo*al have been degrading, she shall think of her Lord in a different relation, not as the mere giver of material blessing, but as the husband and desire of her heart, the One Source of all good, as distinguished from one of many benefactors. In all this Hosea docs not make it clear how he expected these changes to be brought about, nor do we detect- any references to the political history of the time. He mentions no foreign enemy at this stage, or, at most, hints at war in a vague manner (1 4 f). In the second chapter the thing that is emphasized is the heavy hand of Clod laid on the things through which Israel had been led astray, the paralyzing of Nature s operations, so as to cut at the root of Nature-worship; but the closing stage of the Di vine discipline (ch 3), when Israel, like the wife kept in seclusion, neither enjoying the privileges of the lawful spouse nor able to follow after idols, seems to point to, and certainly was not reached till, the captivity when the people, on a foreign soil, could not exercise their ancestral worship, but yet were finally cured of idolatry.

    The references to Judah in these chapters are not to be overlooked. Having said (1 6) that Israel would be utterly taken away (which seems to point to exile), the prophet adds that Judah would be saved from that fate, though not by warlike means. Farther down (ver 11) he predicts the union of Israel and Judah under one head, and finally in

    ch 3 it is said that in the latter day the children of Israel would seek the Lord their God and David their king. Many critics suppose that 1 10 f are out of place (though they cannot find a better place for them) ; and not a few declare that all the refer ences to Judah must be taken as from a later hand, the usual reason for this conclusion being that the words "disturb the connection." In the case of a writer like; Hosea, however, whose transitions are so sharp and sudden, we are not safe in speaking of disturbing the connection: what may to us appear abrupt, because we are not expecting it, may have flashed across the mind of the original writer; and Hosea, in forecasting the f lture of his people, can scarcely be debarred from having thought of the whole nation. It was Israel as a whole that was the original bride of Jeh, and surely therefore the united Israel would be the partaker of the final glory. As a matter of fact, Judah was at the time in better case than Israel, and the old promise to the Davidic house (2 S 7 16) was deeply cherished to the end.

    (2) Chs 4-14. If it is admissible to consider chs 1-3 as one related piece (though possibly the written deposit of several addresses) it is (mite otherwise; with chs 4-14. These are, in a manner, a counterpart of the history. ^ h(>n the strong hand of Jeroboam was relaxed, the kingdom rapidly fell to pieces; a series of military usurpers follows with bewildering rapidity; but who can tell how much political disorder and social disintegration lie behind those brief and grim notices: So and So "conspired against him and slew him and reigned in his stead"? So with these chapters. The wail of grief, the echo of violence and excess, is heard through all, but it is very difficult to assign each lament, each reproof, each denunciation to the pri mary occasion that called it forth. The chapters seem like the recital of the confused, hideous dream through which the nation passed till its rude awakening by the sharp shock of the Assyr invasion and the exile that followed. The political condition of the time was one of party strife and national impotence. Sometimes Assyria or Egypt is men tioned alone (5 13; 8 9.13: 9 (i; 10 6; 14 3), at other times Assyria and Egypt together (7 11; 9 3; 11 5.11; 12 1); but in such a way as to show too plainly that the spirit of self-reliance not to speak of reliance on Jeh had departed from a race that was worm-eaten with social sins and rendered selfish and callous by the indulgence of every vice. These foreign powers, which figure as false refuges, are also in the view of the prophet destined to be future scourges (see 5 13; 8 Of; 7 11; 12 l);and we know, from the Book of K and also from the Assyr monuments, how much the kings of Israel at this time were at the mercy of the great conquer ing empires of the East. Such passages as speak of Assyria and Egypt in the same breath may point to the rival policies which were in vogue in the Northern Kingdom (as they appeared also somewhat later in Judah) of making alliances with one or other of these great rival powers. It was in fact the Egyptianizing policy of Hoshea that finally occasioned the ruin of the kingdom (2 K 17 4). Thus it is that, in the last chapter, when the prophet indulges in hope no more mixed with boding fear, he puts into the mouth of repentant Ephraim the words: "Assyria shall not save us; we will not ride upon horses" (14 3), thus alluding to the two for eign powers between which Israel had lost its independence.

    It is not possible to give a satisfactory analysis of the chapters under consideration. They are not marked oft, as certain sections of other prophetical books are, by headings or refrains, nor are the refer ences to current events sufficiently clear to enable



    Letter "H"

    us to assign different parts to different times, nor, in fine, is the matter so distinctly laid out that we can arrange the book under subjects treated. Most expositors accordingly content themselves with indicating the chief topics or lines of thought, and arranging the chapters according to the tone per vading them.

    Iveil, e.g., would divide all those chapters into throe great sections, each forming a kind of prophetical cycle, in which the three great prophetic tones of reproof, threatening, and promise, are heard in succession. His first section embraces eh 4 to 6 3, ending with the gra cious promise: "Come, and let us return unto Jeh," etc. The second section, 6 4 to 11 11, ends with the promise : "They shall come trembling as a bird . . . . and I will make them to dwell in their houses, saith Jeh." The third section, 11 12 to 14 9, ends: "Take with you words, and return unto Jeh," etc. Ewald s arrangement proceeds on the idea that the whole book consists of one narrative piece (chs 1-3) and one long address (chs 4- 14). which, however, is marked off by resting points into smaller sections or addresses. The progress of thought is marked by the three great items of arraignment, punishment, and consolation. Thus: from 4 1 6 11 there is arraignment; from 6 11 to 9 9 punishment, and from 9 10 14 10 exhortation and comfort. Driver says of chs 4-14: "These chapters consist of a series of dis courses, a summary arranged probably by the prophet himself at the close of his ministry, of the prophecies de livered by him in the years following the death of Jero boam II. Though the argument is not continuous, or systematically developed, they may be divided into three sections: (a) chs 4-8, in which the thought of Israel s t/nilt predominates; (t>) ch 9-11 11, in which the pre vailing ; thought is that of Israel s punishment; (r) 11 12- ch 14 in which these two lines of thought are both con tinued (chs 12, 13), but are followed (in ch 14) by a glance at the brighter future which may ensue provided Israel repents." A. II. Davidson, after mentioning the proposed analyses of Kwald and Driver, adds: "But in truth the passage is scarcely divisible; it consists of a multitude of variations all executed on one theme, Israel s apostasy or unfaithfulness to her God. This unfaithfulness is a condition of the mind, a spirit- of whoredoms, and is revealed in all the aspects of Israel s life, though particularly in three things: (1) the cultu*. which, though ostensibly service of Jeh, is in truth wor ship of a being altogether different from Him; (2) the inti-rnal political disorders, the changes of dynasty, all of which have been effected with no thought of Jeh in the people s minds; and (3) the fon-is/n politics, the making of covenants with Egypt and Assyria, in the hope that they might heal the internal hurt of the people, instead of relying on Jeh their Cod. The three things." he adds, "are not independent; the one leads to "the other. The fundamental evil is that there is no knowl edge of Cod in the land, no true conception of Deity. Me is thought of as a Nature-god, and His conception exercises no restraint on the passions or life of the people: hence the social immoralities, ami the furious struggles of rival factions, and these again lead to the appeal for foreign intervention."

    Some expositors, however (e.g. Maurer, Hitzig, Delitzsch and Volck), recognizing what they con sider as direct references or brief allusions to certain outstanding events in the history, perceive a chrono logical order in the chapters. Volck, who has at tempted a full analysis on this line (PRE-) thinks that chs 4-14 arrange themselves into 6 consecu tive sections as follows: (1) ch 4 constitutes a section by iiself, determined by the introductory words "Hear the word of Jeh" (4 1), and a similar call at the beginning of ch 5. He assigns this chapter to the reign of Zechariah, as a description of the low condition to which the nation had fallen, the priests, the leaders, being involved in the guilt and reproof (ver t>). (2) The second section extends from 5 1 to 6 3, and is addressed directly to the priests and the royal house, who ought to have been guides but were; snares. The prophet in the spirit sees Divine judgment already breaking over the devoted land (5 cSj. Tliis prophecy, which Hitzig referred to the time of Zechariah, and Maurer to the reign of Pekah, is assigned by Volck to the one month s reign of Shallum, on the ground of 5 7: "Now shall a month [AV and RVm, but RV "the new moon"] devour them." It is by inference from this that Volck puts ch 4 in the preceding reign of Zech ariah. (o) The third section, 6 4 7 16, is marked off by the new beginning made at 8 1: "Set the

    trumpet to thy mouth." The passage which de termines its date is 7 7: "All their kings are fallen," which, agreeing with Hitzig, he thinks could not have been said after the fall of one king, Zechariah, and so he assigns it to the beginning of the reign of Menahem who killed Shallum. (4) The next halt ing place, giving a fourth section, is at 9 9, at the end of which there is a break in the MT, and a new subject begins. Accordingly, the section embraces 8 1 to 9 9, and Volck, agreeing with Hitzig, assigns it to the reign of Menahem, on the ground of 8 4: "They have set up kings, but not by me," referring to the support given to Menahem by the king of Assyria (2 K 15 19). (5) The fifth section extends from 9 10 to 11 1 1 , and is marked by the peculiarity that the prophet three times refers to the early his tory of Israel (9 10; 10 1 ; 11 1). Identifying Shalman in 10 14 with Shalmuneser, Volck refers the section to the opening years of the reign of Hoshea, against whom (as stated in 2 K 17 3) Shalmaneser came up and Hoshea became his serv ant. (6) Lastly there is a sixth section, extend ing from 12 1 to the end, which looks to the future recovery of the people (13 14) and closes with words of _ gracious promise. This portion also Volck assigns to the reign of Hoshea, just as the ruin of Samaria was impending, and there was no prospect of any earthly hope. In this way Volck thinks that the statement in the superscription of the Book of Hos is confirmed, and that we have before us, in chronological order if not in precisely their original oral form, the utterances of the prophet during his ministry. Kwald also was strongly of opinion that the book (in its second part at least ) has come down to us substantially in the form in which the prophet himself left it.

    The impression one receives from this whole sec tion is one of sadness, for the prevailing tone is one of denunciation and doom. And yet Hosea is not a prophet of despair; and, in fact, lie bursts forth into hope just at the point where 1 , humanly speak ing, there is no ground of hope. But this hope is produced, not by what he sees in the condition of the people: it is enkindled and sustained by his confident faith in the unfailing love of Jeh. And so he ends on the theme on which he began, the love of ( lod prevailing over man s sin.

    The references in Hos to the earlier period of his tory are valuable, seeing that we know his date, and that the dates of the books reeord- 4. Testi- ing that history are so much in dispute, many to These references are particularly val- Earlier liable from the way in which they

    History occur; for it is the manner of the

    prophet to introduce; them indirectly, and allusively, without dwelling on particulars. Thus every single reference can be understood only by assuming its implications; and, taken together, they do not merely amount to a number of isolated testimonies to single events, but are rather dis severed links of a continuous chain of history. For they do not occur by way of rhetorical illustration of some theme that may be in hand, they are of the very essence of the prophet s address. The events of the past are, in the prophet s view, so many ele ments in the arraignment or threatening, or what ever it may be that is the subject of address for the moment: in a word, the whole history is regarded by him, not as a series of episodes, strung together in a collection of popular stories, but a course of Divine discipline with a moral and religious sig nificance 1 , and recorded or referred to for a high purpose. There is this also to be remembered : that , in referring briefly and by way of allusion to past events, the prophet is taking for granted that his hearers understand what he is referring to, and will not call in question the facts to which he alludes.



    Letter "H"

    Tliis implies that the mass of the people, even in degenerate Israel, were well acquainted with such incidents or episodes as the prophet introduces into his discourses, as well as t he links which were sarv to hind them into a connected whole. It is necessary to hear all this in mind in forming an estimate of the historical value of other hooks. It seems to be taken by many modern writers as certain that those parts of the I ent (JE) which deal with the earlier history were not written till a compara tively short time before Hosea. It is plain, how ever, that the accounts must be of much earlier date, before they could have become, in an age when books could not have been numerous, the general possession of the national consciousness. Further, the homiletic manner in which Hosea handles these ancient stories makes one suspicious of the modern theory that a. number of popular stories were supplied with didactic "frameworks by later Deuteronomic or other "redactors," and makes it more probable that these accounts were invested with a moral and religious meaning from the beginning. With these considerations in mind, and particularly in view of the use he makes of his references, it is interesting to note the wide range of the prophet s historical survey. If we read with RV "Adam" for "men" (AV 6 7), we have a clear allusion to the Fall, implying in its connection the view which, as all admit, Hosea held of the reli gious history of his people as a declension and not an upward evolution. This view is more clearly brought out in the reference to the period of the exodus and the desert life (2 15; 9 10; 11 1). Equally suggestive are the allusions to the patriar chal history, as the references to Admah and Ze- boiim (11 8), and the repeated references to the weak and the strong points in the character of Jacob (12 3.12). Repeatedly he declares thai Jeh is the God of Israel from the land of Egypt" (12 9; 13 4), alludes to the sin of Achan and the valley of Achor (2 15), asserts that God had in time past "spoken unto the prophets" (12 10), "hewed" His people by prophets (6 5), and by a prophet brought His people out of Egypt (12 13). There are also references to incidents nearer to the prophet s time, some of them not very clear (14; 5 1; 9 5. 15; 10 9); and if, as seems probable, "the sin of Israel" (10 8) refers to the schism of the ten tribes, the prominence given to the Davidic kingship, which, along with the references to Judah, some critics reject on merely subjective grounds, is quite intelligible (3 5; 4 15).

    We do not expect to find in a prophetic writing the same frequency of reference to the law as to the history; for it is of the essence of 6. Testi- prophecy to appeal to history and to mony to interpret it. Of course, the moral and the Law social aspects of the law are as much the province of the prophet as of the priest; but the ceremonial part of the law, which was under the care of the priests, though it was designed to be the expression of the same ideas that lay at the foundation of prophecy, is mainly touched upon by the prophets when, as was too frequently the case, it ceased to express those ideas and became an offence. The words of the prophets on this subject, when fairly interpreted, are not opposed to law in any of its authorized forms, but only to its abuses; and there are expressions and allusions in Hosea, although he spoke to the Northern Kingdom, where from the time of the schism there had been a wide departure from the authorized law, which recognize its ancient existence and its Divine sanc tion. The much-debated passage (8 12), "Though I write for him my law in ten thousand precepts" (RV or RVm "I wrote for him the ten thousand things of my law"), on any understanding of the

    words or with any reasonable emendation of the text (for which see the comm.), points to written law, and that of considerable compass, and seems hardly consistent with the supposition that in the prophet s time the whole of the written law was confined to a few chapters in Ex, the so-called Book of the Covenant. And the very next verse (8 13), "As for the sacrifices of mine offerings, they sacri fice flesh and eat it; but Jeh accepteth them not," is at once an acknowledgment of the Divine insti tution of sacrifice, and an illustration of the kind of opposition the prophets entertained to sacrificial service as it was practised. So when it is said, "I will also cause all her mirth to cease, her feasts, her new moons, and her sabbaths, and all her solemn assem blies" (2 11; cf 9 5), the reference, as the context shows, is to a deprivation of what were national distinctive privileges; and the allusions to trans gressions and trespasses against the law (8 1; cf Dt 17 2) point in the same direction. We have a plain reference to the Feast of Tabernacles (12 9) : "I will yet again make thee to dwell in tents, as in the days of the solemn feast" (cf Lev 23 39-43); and there are phrases which are either in the express language of the law-books or evident allusions to them, as "Thy people are as they that strive with the priest" (4 4; cf Dt 17 12); "The princes of Judah are like them that remove the landmark" (5 10; cf Dt 19 14); "Their sacrifices shall be unto them as the bread of mourners" (9 4; cf Dt 26 14); "They [the priests] feed on the sin of my people" (4 8; cf Lev 6 25 f; 10 17). In one verse the prophet combines the fundamental fact in the na tion s history and the fundamental principle of the law: "I am Jeh thy God from the land of Egypt; and thou shalt know no god but me" (13 4; cf Ex 20 3).

    It is, however, with the Book of Dt more than with any other portion of the Pent that the Book of

    Hos shows affinity; and the resem- 6. Affinity blances here are so striking, that the with Deu- critics who hold to the late date of Dt teronomy speak of the author of that book as

    "the spiritual heir of Hosea" (Driver, Comm. on Dt, Intro, xxvii), or of Hosea as "the great spiritual predecessor of the Deuteronomist" (Cheyne, Jeremiah, His Life and Times, 66). , The resemblance is seen, not only in the homiletical manner in which historical events are treated, but chiefly in the great underlying principles implied or insisted upon in both books. The choice of Israel to be a peculiar people is the fundamental note in both (Dt 4 37; 7 6; 10 15; 14 2; 26 IS; Hos 12 9; 13 4). God s tender care and fatherly discipline are central ideas in both (Dt 8; Hos 9 15; 11 1-4; 14 4); and, conversely, the supreme duty of love to God, or reproof of the want of it, is everywhere emphasized (Dt 65; 10 12; 11 1.13.22; 13 3; 19 9; 30 6.16.20; Hos 4 1; 6 4.6). Now, when points of resemblance are found in two different books, it is not always easy to say on merely literary grounds which has the claim to priority. But it docs seem remarkable, on the one hand, that a writer so late as the time of Josiah should take his keynote from one of the very earliest of the writing prophets two centuries before him; and, on the other hand, that these so-called "prophetic ideas," so suitable to the time of the kindness of youth and love of espousals (Jer 2 2), should have found no place in the mind of that "prophet" by whom the Lord brought Israel out of Egypt (Hos 12 13). The ministry of Moses was to enforce the duty of whole-hearted allegiance to the God who had made special choice of Israel and claimed them as His own. Nor was Hosea the first, as it is sometimes alleged, to represent the religious history of Israel as a defection. Moses



    Letter "H"

    had experience of their apostasy under the very shadow of Sinai, and all his life long had to bear with a stiff-necked and rebellious people. Then, again, if these "Deuteronomic" ideas are found so clearly expressed in Hosea, why should it be necessary to postulate a late Deuteronomist going back upon older books, and editing and supplementing them with Deuteronomic matter? If Moses sustained anything like the function which all tradition as signed to him, and if, as all confess, he was the in strument of molding the tribes into one people, those addresses contained in the Book of Dt are precisely in the tone which would be adopted by a great leader in taking farewell of the people. And, if he did so, it is quite conceivable that his words would be treasured by the Clod-fearing men among his followers and successors, in that unbroken line of prophetic men to whose existence both Amos and Hosea appealed, and that they should be found coming to expression at the very dawn of written prophecy. Undoubtedly these two prophets took such a view, and regarded Moses as the first and greatest Deuteronomist.

    LITERATURE. Harper, "Minor Prophets," in ICC; Keil, "Minor Prophets," in Clark s For. Theol. Library; Huxtable, "Hosea," in &i><-nki-r x Comm.; Clieyne, "Ho sea, "in Cambriili/f Bible; Pnsey, Minor Prophets; Robert son Smith, Prophets f Israel; ( ,. A. Smith, "The Book of the Twelve," in Esimxitor s Bible; Horton. "Hosea," in Century Bible; F arrar, "Minor Prophets," in Men of the Bible; A. B. Davidson, art. "Hosea" in HUB; Cornill, The Prophets of Israel, KT. Chicago, 1S97; Valeton, Amos en Hosea; Xowack, "Die kleineii Propheten." in Ilnml- Comm. z. AT; Marti, Dodekapropheton in Kitrz. lland- Coinin.


    HOSHAIAH, hcvsha ya (PPyiEin, hoshtfyah, "whom Jeli helpcth"):

    (1) Father of Je/aniah (probably = Azariah, so LXX; cf Jer 42 1 and 43 2 with 2 K 25 23 and note similar letters in names in Heb), who with other leaders antagonized the policy and counsel of Jeremiah after the fall of Jerus (Jer 42 143 7).

    (2) A man, probably of Judah, who led half of the princes of Judah in procession at the dedication of the wall of Jerus (Neh 12 32).

    HOSHAMA, hosh a-ma, hS-sha ma hoshama^, abbreviated from yQTZJlrP, "whom Jeh heareth"): One of the sons or descend ants of Jeconiah, the captive king of Judah (1 Ch 3 IS).

    HOSHEA, ho-she a (3TOn , ho$hen’ "salvation";

    lio-fit, Uosee, 2 K 17 1-9) : Son of Elah, the 19th

    and last king of Israel. The time was

    1. A Satrap one of social revolution and dynastic of Assyria change. Of the last five kings of

    Israel, four had met their deaths by violence. Hoshea himself was one of these assassins (2 K 15 30j, and the nominee of Tiglath-pileser 111, whose annals read, "Pekah I slew, Hoshea I appointed over them." Though called king, Hoshea was thus really a sat raj) of Assyria and held his appointment only during good behavior. The realm which he administered was but the shadow of its former self. Tiglath-pileser had already carried into captivity the northern tribes of Zebulun, Naphtali, Asher and Dan; as also the two and a half tribes E. of the Jordan (2 K 15 29). Apart

    from those forming the kingdom of

    2. The Judah, there remained only Ephraim, Reduced Issachar, and the half-tribe of Manas- Kingdom seh. Isaiah refers to the fall of Syria of Israel in the words, "Damascus is taken

    away from being a city" (Isa 17 1), and to the foreign occupations of Northern Israel

    in the words, "He brought into contempt the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali .... by the way of the sea, beyond the Jordan, Galilee of the nations" (Isa 91).

    But Hosea is the prophet in whose writings we

    see most clearly the reflection of the politics of the

    day, and the altered condition of things

    3. Hosea in Israel. In the 2d division of his and book, chs 4-14, Hosea deals with a Ephraim state of things which can only be sub sequent to the first great deportation

    of Israelites, and therefore belongs to the reigns of Pekah and Hoshea. The larger part of the nation being removed, he addresses his utterances no longer to all Israel, but to Ephraim, the chief of the remain ing tribes. This name he uses no less than 35 t, though not to the total exclusion of the term "Israel," as in 11 1, "When Israel was a child, then I loved him," the whole nation in such cases being meant. Of the 35 uses of "Ephraim," the first is, "Ephraim is joined to idols; let him alone" (4 17), and the last, "Ephraim shall say, What have I to do any more with idols?" (14 S), showing that, in the prophet s estimation, the idolatrous worship of Jeh, as associated with the golden calves of Dan and Bethel, lay at the root of the nation s calamities.

    Over this shrunken and weakened kingdom corresponding generally with the Samaritan dis trict of the NT Hoshea was placed

    4. Hoshea s as the viceroy of a foreign power. The Dependent first official year of his governorship Position was 729, though he may have been

    appointed a few months earlier. Tiglath-pileser III died in 727, so that three years tribute was probably paid to Nineveh. There was, however, a political party in Samaria, which, ground down by cruel exactions, was for making an alliance with Egypt, hoping that, in the jealousy and antip athies of the two world-powers, it might find some relief or even a measure of independence. Hosea, himself a prophet of the north, allows us to see beneath the surface of court life in Samaria. "They call unto Egypt, they go to Assyria" (7 11), and again, "They make a covenant, with Assyria, and oil is carried into Egypt" (12 1). This political duplicity from which it was the king s prime duty

    to save his people, probably took its

    5. His origin about the time of Tiglath- Treasonable pileser s death in 727. That event Action either caused or promoted the treason able action, and the passage of large

    quantities of oil on the southward road was an object-lesson to be read of all men. On the acces sion of Shalmaneser IV who is the Shalmaneser of the Bible (2 K 17 3; 18 9j Iloshea would seem to have carried, or sent, the annual tribute for 726 to the treasury at Nineveh (2 K 17 3). The text is not clear as to who was the bearer of this tribute, but from the statement that Shalmaneser came up against him, and Hoshea became his servant, it may be presumed that the tribute for the first year after Tiglath-pileser s death was at first refused, then, when a military demonstration took place, was paid, and obedience promised. In such a case Ho shea would be required to attend at his suzerain s court and do homage; to the sovereign.

    This is what probably took place, not without

    inquiry into the past. Grave suspicions were thus

    aroused as to the loyalty of Hoshea,

    6. His and on these being confirmed by the Final confession or discovery that messen- Arrest gers had passed to "So king of Egypt,"

    and the further withholding of the trib ute (2 K 17 4), Hoshea was arrested and shut up in prison. Here he disappears from history. Such was the ignominious end of a line of kings, not one of whom had, in all the vicissitudes of two and a


    Host of Heaven


    quarter cent unes, been in harmony with the theo- ci .-ilic spirit, or reali/ed that the true welfare and dignity of the state lay in I lie unalloyed worship of .Mi.

    With Iloshea in his hands, Shalmaneser s troops

    marched, in the spring or summer of 72 ), to the

    completion of Assyria s work in Pal.

    7. Battle of Isaiah has much to say in his 10th and Beth-arbel llth chs on the divinely sanctioned

    mission of "the Assyrian" and of the ultimate fate that should befall him for his pride and cruelty in carrying out his mission. The- cam paign was not a bloodless one. At Beth-arbel at pres "nt unidentified the hostile forces met, with the result, that might, have been expected. "Shal- man spoiled Beth-arbel in the day of battle" (Hos 10 14). The defeated army took refuge behind the walls of Samaria, and the siege began. The city was well placed for purposes of defence, being built on the summit of a lonely hill, which was Omri a reason for moving the capital from Tir/ah (1 K 16 24). It was probably during the continuance of the siege that Isaiah wrote his prophecy, "Woe to the crown of pride, of the drunkards of Ephraim," etc (Isa 28), in which the hill of Samaria with its coronet of walls is compared to a diadem of flowers worn in a scene of revelry, which should fade and die. M icah s elegy on the fall of Samaria (ch 1) has the same topographical note, "1 will pour down the, stones thereof into the valley, and I will uncover the foundations thereof" (ver 6).

    Shalmaneser s reign was one of exactly five years, December, 727 to December, 722, and the city fell

    in the 1st month of his successor s

    8. Fall of reign. The history of its fall is sum- Samaria marized in Sargon s great Khorsabad in 721 inscription in these words, "Samaria

    I besieged, I captured. 27,290 of her inhabitants 1 carried away. f>0 chariots I collected from their midst. The rest of their property I caused to be taken."

    Hoshea s character is summed up in the qualified

    phrase, "lie did evil in the sight of the Lord, yet not

    as the kings of Israel that were before

    9. Hoshea s him." The meaning may be that, Character while not a high-principled man or of

    irreproachable life, he did not give to the idolatry of Bethel the official sanction and prominence which each of his 18 predecessors had done. According to Hos 10 6 the golden calf of Samaria was to be taken to Assyria, to the shame of its erstwhile worshippers.


    HOSPITALITY, hos-pi-tal i-ti, HOST, host (4>i.Xoev[a, philo.rcnia, "love of strangers," vos,

    xcnos, "guest," "friend"; iravSoxsvs, 1. Among pandochetis, "innkeeper"): When the Nomads civilization of a people has advanced

    so far that some traveling has become necessary, but not yet so far that traveling by in dividuals is a usual thing, then hospitality is a virtue indispensable to the life of the people. This stage of culture was that represented in ancient Pal and the stage whose customs are still preserved among the present-day Arabs of the desert. Hospi tality is regarded as a right by the traveler, to whom it never occurs to thank his host as if for a favor. And hospitalit y is granted as a duty by the host, who himself may very soon be dependent on some one else s hospitality. But none the less, both in OT times and today, the granting of that right is sur rounded by an etiquette that has made Arabian hospitality so justly celebrated. The traveler is made the literal master of the house during his stay; his host will perform for him the most servile offices, and will not even sit in his presence without express request. To the use of the guest is given over all

    that his host possesses, stopping not even short of the honor of wife or daughter. " Be we not all, say the poor nomads, guests of I llah? Has ( !od given unto them, God s guest shall partake with them thereof: if they will not for God render his own, it should not go well with them " (Doughty, Arabia Diwrta, I, 228). The host, is in duty bound to defend his guest against all comers and to lay aside any personal hatred the murderer of a father is safe as 1 he guest of the son.

    An exquisite example of the etiquette of hospi tality is found in (ien 18 1-8. The very fact! hat the three strangers have passed by Abra-

    2. In the ham s door gives him the privilege OT of entertaining them, When lie sees

    them approaching he runs to beg the honor of their turning in to him, with oriental cour tesy depreciates the feast that lie is about to lay before them as "a morsel of bread," and stands by them while they eat. Manoah (,Jgs 13 1">) is equally pressing although more matter-of-fact, while Jethro (Ex 2 20) sends out that the stranger may be brought in. And Job (31 32) repels the very thought that IK; could let the sojourner be unprovided for. The one case where a breach of hospitality receives praise is that of Jael (Jgs 4-5), perhaps to be referred to degeneration of customs in the conflicts with the Canaanitcs or (perhaps more plausibly) to literary-critical considerations, according to which in Jgs 5 Sisera is not represented as entering Jael s tent or possibly not as actually tasting the food, a state of affairs misunderstood in Jgs 4, written under later circumstances of city life. (For contrasting opinions see "Jael" in EH and I IDE.)

    It is well to understand that to secure the right to hospitality it is not necessary, even in modern

    times, for the guest to tut with his

    3. The host, still less to eat stilt specifically. Table-Bond Indeed, guests arriving after sunset

    and departing the next morning do not, as a rule, eat at all in the tent of the host. It is sufficient to enter the tent, to grasp a tent-pin, or even, under certain circumstances, to invoke the name of a man as host. On the other hand, the bond of hospitality is certainly strengthened by eating with one s host, or the bond may actually be created by eating food belonging to him, even by stealth or in an act of theft. Here a quite different set of motives is at work. The idea hen; is that of kinship arising from participation in a common sacrificial meal, and the modern Arab still terms the animal killed for his guest the dhabihtih or "sac rifice" (cf HDB, II, 428). This concept finds its rather materialistic expression in the theory that after the processes of digestion are completed (a time estimated as two nights and the included day), the bond lapses if it is not renewed. There seem to be various references in the Bible to some such idea of a "table-bond" (Ps 41 9, e.g.), but hardly in con nection directly with hospitality. For a discussion of them see BREAD; GUEST; SACRIFICE.

    In the city, naturally, the exercise of hospitality

    was more restricted. Where travel was great,

    doubtless commercial provision for the

    4. In the travelers was made from a very early City day (cf Lk 10 34 and see INN), and

    at all events free hospitality to all comers would have been unbearably abused. Lot in Sodom (Gen 19) is the nomad who has preserved his old ideas, although settled in the city, and who thinks of the "shadow of his roof" (ver 8) as his tent. The same is true of the old man in Gibeah of Jgs 19 16 ff. And the sin of Sodom and of Gibeah is not that wanderers cannot find hospi tality so much as it is that they are unsafe in the streets at night. Both Lot and "the old man,"



    Letter "H"

    however, are firm in their duty and willing to sacrifice their daughters for the safety of their guests. (Later ideas as to the position of woman should not be read back into these narratives.) However, when the city-dweller Rahab refuses to surrender her guests (Josh 2), her reason is not the breach of hospitality involved but her fear of Jeh (ver 9). When Abraham s old slave is in Nahor, and begs a night s lodging for himself and his camels, he accompanies the request with a substantial present, evidently conceived of as pay for the same (Gen 24 22 fj. Such also are the modern conditions; cf Benzinger-Socin in Baede ker s Palestine*, xxxv, who observe that "in mates" of private houses "are aware that Franks always pay, and therefore receive them gladly." None the less, in NT times, if not earlier, and even at present, a room was set apart in each village for the use of strangers, whose expenses were borne by the entire community. Most interpreters consider that the katdlitmaof Lk 2 7 was a room of this sort, but this opinion cannot be regarded as quite certain. But many of the wealthier city-dwellers still strive to attain a reputation for hospitality, a zeal that naturally was found in the ancient world as well.

    Christ s directions to the apostles to "take nothing

    for their journey" (Mk 6 8, etc) presupposes that

    they were sure of always finding hos-

    5. Christ pitality. Indeed, it is assumed that and Hos- they may even make their own choice pitality of hosts (Mt 10 11) and may stay

    as long as they choose (Lk 10 7). In this case, however, the claims of the travelers to hospitality are accentuated by the fact that they are bearers of good tidings for the people, and it is in view of this latter fact that hospitality to them becomes so great a virtue the "cup of cold water" becomes so highly meritorious because it is given "in the name of a disciple" (Mt 10 42; cf ver 41, and Mk 941). Rejection of hospitality to one of Christ s "least brethren" (almost certainly to be understood as disciples) is equivalent to the rejection of Christ Himself (Mt 25 43; cf ver 3f>). It is not quite clear whether in Ml 10 14 and s, simple refusal of hospitality is the sin in point or refusal to hear the message or both.

    In the Dispersion, the Jew who was traveling seemed always to be sure of finding entertainment

    from the Jews resident in whatever

    6. First city he might happen to be passing Mission- through. The importance of this aries fact for the spread of early Christian ity is incalculable. To be sure, some

    of the first missionaries may have been men who were able to bear their own traveling expenses or who were merchants that taught the new religion when on business tours. In the case of soldiers or slaves their opportunity to carry the gospel into new fields came often through the movements of the army or of their masters. And it was by an "infil tration" of this sort, probably, rather than by any specific; missionary effort that the church of Rome, at least, was founded. See ROMANS, EIMSTLK TO THE. But the ordinary missionary, whether apostle (in any sense of the word) or evangelist , would have been helpless if it had not been that he could count so confidently on the hospitality everywhere. From this fact conies one reason why St. Paul, for in stance, could plan tours of such magnitude with such assurance: he knew that he would not have to face any problem of sustenance in a strange city (Rom 16 23).

    As the first Christian churches were founded, the exercise of hospitality took on a new aspect, esp. after the breach with the Jews had begun. Not only did the traveling Christian look naturally to his brethren for hospitality, but the individual

    churches looked to the traveler for fostering the sense of the unity of the church throughout, the

    world. Hospitality became a virt ue in- 7. In the dispensable to the well-being of the Churches church one reason for the emphasis

    laid on it (Rom 12 13; 16 If; He 13 2) . As the organization of the churches became more perfected, the exercise of hospitality grew to be an official duty of the ministry and a reputation for hospitality was a prerequisite in some cases (1 Tim 32; 6 10; Tit 1 8). The exercise of such hos pitality must have become burdensome at times (1 Pet 4 9), and as false teachers began to appear in the church a new set of problems was created in discriminating among applicants for hospitality. 2 and 3 Jn reflect some of the difficulties. For the later history of hospitality in the church interesting matter will be found in the Didache, chs xi, xii, Apology of Aristides, ch xv, and Lucian s Death of Peregrinus, ch xvi. The church certainly preferred to err by excess of the virtue.

    An evaluation of the Bib. directions regarding hospitality for modern times is extremely difficult on account of the utterly changed conditions. Be it said at once, esp., that certain well-meant criticism of modern missionary methods, with their boards, organized finance, etc, on the basis of Christ s di rections to the Twelve, is a woeful misapplication of Bib. teaching. The hospitality that an apostle could count on in his own day is something that the modern missionary simply cannot expect and some thing that it would be arrant folly for him to expect (Weinel, Die urchristliche und die heutiye Mission, should be read by everyone desiring to compare modern missions with the apostolic). In general, the basis for hospitality has become so altered that the special virtue has become merged in the larger field of charitable enterprise of various sorts. The modern problem nearest related to the old virtue is the question of providing for the necessities of the indigent traveler, a distinctly minor problem, although a very real one, in the general field of social problems that the modern church has to study. In so far as the NT exhortations are based on missionary motives there has been again a merg ing into general appeals for missions, perhaps spe cialized occasionally as appeals for t raveling expense. The "hospitality" of today, by which is meant the entertainment of friends or relatives, hardly comes within the Bib. use of the term as denoting a special virtue.

    LITERATURE. For hospitality in the church, Harnack, Mission and Expansion of Christianity, II, ch iv (10).


    HOST OF HEAVEN (CTElBn 832, fbha ha- shamayini): The expression is employed in the OT to denote (1) the stars, frequently as objects of idolatry (Dt 4 19; 17 3; 2 K 17 10; 21 3.5; 23 4f; Jer 8 2; 19 13; Zeph 1 5), but also as witnesses in their number, order and splendor, to the majesty and providential rule and care of Jeh (Isa 34 4; 40 2G, "calleth them all by name"; 45 12; Jer 33 22); and (2) the angels (1 K 22 19; 2 Ch 18 IS; Neh 9 6; cf Ps 103 21).

    (1) Star-worship seems to have been an entice ment to Israel from the first (Dt 4 19; 17 3; Am 5 26; cf Acts 7 42.43), but attained special promi nence in the days of the later kings of Judah. The name of Manasseh is particularly connected with it. This king built altars for "all the host of heaven" in the courts of the temple (2 K 21 3.5). Josiah destroyed these altars, and cleansed the temple from the idolatry by putting down the priests and burn ing the vessels associated with it (2 K 23 4.5.12).

    (2) In the other meaning of the expression, the



    Letter "H"

    angels are regarded as forming Jell s "host" or ;inny, and He himself is the leader of them "Jeh of hosts" (Isa 31 1, etc) though this designation lias a much ‘vider reference. See ANCKI.S; AS TRONOMY; LOUD (IF HOSTS; cf Oehlcr, TheoL of OT, II, 270 ff (ET). JAMKS Oim


    HOTHAM, ho tham, HOTHAN, ho than (-r^n , hutlian/, "seal") :

    (1) ‘n Asherite, son of Hel)er, family of Beriah (1 Ch 7 32).

    (2) An Aroerite, father of two of the mighty men of David (1 Ch 11 44). AY, following LXX ‘w0dv, Cfidl/nln, has, incorrectly, Hothan.

    HOTHIR, ho thir (TT,"n , hollnr, "abundance") : Mentioned in 1 Ch 25 -1.2X among the sons of Heman, and one of those set apart by David for the musical service of the house of Clod (cf ver 0).

    HOUGH, hok. See HOCK.

    HOUR, our (XrrpC, shH Mlia, S7tt3 , /* ; "pa, horn): Hour as a division of the day does not occur in the OT; the term s/i. c V (shcf&tha 1 ) found in Dnl, is Aram., and as used there denotes a short period or point of time of no definite length (Dan 3 0.15; 4 33 [Ileb 30]; 5 5). The Gr hum is commonly used in the NT in the same way, as "that same hour," "from that hour," etc, but it also occurs as a division of the day, as, "the third hour," "the ninth hour," etc. The Hebrews would seem to have become acquainted with this division of time through the Babylonians, but whether before the; captivity we are not certain. The mention of the sun dial of Ahaz would seem to indicate some such reckoning of time during the monarchy. See TIME.


    HOURS OF PRAYER: The Mosaic law did not regulate the offering of prayer, but fully recognized its spontaneous character. In what manner or how far back in Jewish history the sacrificial prayer, mentioned in Lk 1 10, originated no one knows. In the days of Christ it had evidently become an institution. But ages before that, stated hours of prayer were known and religiously observed by all devout Jews. It evidently belonged to the evolu tionary process of Jewish worship, in connec tion with the temple-ritual. Devout Jews, living at Jerus, went to the temple to pray (Lk 18 10; Acts 3 1). The pious Jews of the Diaspora opened their windows "toward Jerus" and prayed "toward" the place of Cod s presence (1 K 8 48; Dnl 6 10; Ps 6 7). The regular hours of prayer, as we may infer from Ps 55 17 and Dnl 6 10, were three in number. The first coincided with the morning sacrifice, at the 3d hour of the morning, at 9 AM therefore (Acts 2 15). The second was at the Oth hour, or at noon, and may have coin cided with the thanksgiving for the chief meal of the day, a religious custom apparently universally observed (Mt 16 30; Acts 27 3.")). The 3d hour of prayer coincided with the evening sacrifice, at the ninth hour (Acts 3 1; 1030). Thus every day, as belonging to God, was religiously subdivided, and regular seasons of prayer were assigned to the devout believer. Its influence on the development of the religious spirit must have been incalculable, and it undoubtedly is, at least in part, the solution of the riddle of the preservation of the Jewish faith in the cruel centuries of its bitter persecution. Moham medanism borrowed this feature of worship from the Jews and early Christians, and made it one of the chief pillars of its faith. HENRY E. DOSKER

    HOUSE, hous (r." 1 !! , haylUi; O!KOS, o tkofi, in cl; cal Gr generally "an estate," olKia, oik ia, o ikciiKi [lit. "habitation"], in Acts 12 1, "prison"J:

    I. CAVK DWE i.i.i N<;S

    II. STONE- and MUD-BRICK-BUILT HOUSES 1. Details of Plan and Construction

    (1) Corner-Stono

    (2) Floor

    (3) Cutter

    (4) Door

    (5) Hillf?0

    (<>) Lock and Key (7) Threshold (S) Hearth (9) Window (10) Hoof 2. Houses of More thai One Story

    (1) I pper Chambers and Stairs

    (2) Palaces and Castles 3. Internal Appearance

    (1) Plaster

    (2) Paint

    (3) Decoration

    (4) Cupboards 111. OTHKK MEANINGS LITERATURE

    /. Cave Dwellings. The earliest permanent habi tat ions of the prehistoric inhabitants of Pal were the natural caves which abound throughout the count ry. As the people increased and grouped themselves into communities, these abodes were supplemented by systems of artificial caves which, in some cases, developed into extensive burrowings of many ad joining compartments, having in each system several entrances. These entrances were usually cut through the roof down a few steps, or simply dropped to the floor from the rock surface. The sinking was shallow and the headroom low but sufficient for the under sized troglodites who were the occupiers. Fig. 1 is the plan of an elaborate system of cave dwellings from Ge/er, all adjoining and approached by 9 sep arate entrances (P/i 1 / >> , October, 1905).

    ‘. Stone- and Mud- Brick- built Houses. There are many references to the use of caves as dwellings in the OT. Lot dwelt with his two daughters in a cave (Gen 19 30). Elijah, fleeing from Jezebel, lodged in a cave (1 K 19 9). The natural suc cessor to the cave was the stone-built hut, and just as the loose field-bowlders and the stones, quarried from the caves, served their first and most vital uses in the building of defence walls, so did they later become material for the first hut. Caves, during the rainy season, were faulty dwellings, as at the time when protection was most needed, they were being flooded through the surface openings which formed their entrances. The rudest cell built of rough stones in mud and covered with a roof of brushwood and mud was at first sufficient. More elaborate plans of several apartments, enter ing from what may be called a living-room, followed as a matter of course, and these, huddled together, constituted the homes of the people. Mud-brick buildings (Job 4 19) of similar plan occur, and to protect this friable material from the weather, the walls were sometimes covered with a casing of stone slabs, as at Lachish. (Sec Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities.) Generally speaking, this rude type of building prevailed, although, in some of the larger buildings, square dressed and jointed stones were used. There is little or no sign of improve ment until the period of the Hellenistic influence, and even then the improvement was slight, so far as the homes of the common people were concerned. Figs. 2 and 3 are the isometric sketch and plan showing construction of a typical small house from Gezer. The house is protected and 1. Details approached from the street by an open of Plan and court, on one side of which is a cov- Con- ered way. The doors enter into a

    struction living-room from which the two very small inner private rooms, bedcham bers, are reached. Builders varied the plan to suit



    Letter "H"

    requirements, but in the main, this plan may be taken as typical. When members of a family mar ried, extra accommodation was required. Additions were; made as well as could be arranged on the cramped .site, and in consequence, plans often be came such a meaningless jumble that it is impossible to identify the respective limits of adjoining houses. The forecourt was absorbed and crushed out of existence, so that in many of the plans recovered the arrangement shown in Figs. 2 and 3 is lost. Fig. 4 shows the elevation of the house from the court.

    (1) Corner-stone (HSS , pinndh, Isa 28 10; Jer 51 20; Xi8os dKpo-ycoviaios, I tlhos akrogu- nia tos, 1 Pet 2 6). In the construction of rude bowlder walls, more esp. on a sloping site, as can be seen today in the highlands of Scotland and Wales, a large projecting bowlder was built into the lower angle-course.

    to find floors of beaten clay similar to the native floor of the present day. Stone slabs were sparingly used, and only appear in the houses of the great.

    It tied together the return angles and was one of the few bond- stones used in the building. This most necessary support claimed chief importance and as such assumed a figurative

    meaning frequently used (Isa 28 1(5; 1 Pet 2 6; see CORNER-STONE). The importance given to the laying of a sure foundation is further emphasized by the dedication rites in common practice, evi dence of which has been found on various sites in Pal (see Excavations of (iczcr). The discovery of human remains placed diagonally below the foundations of the returning angle of the house gives proof of the exercise of dedication rites both before and after the conquest. Hiel sacrificed his firstborn to the foundations of Jericho and his youngest son to the gates thereof (1 K 16 34). But this was in a great cause compared with a simi lar sacrifice to a private dwelling. The latter mani fests a respect scarcely borne out by the miserable nature of the houses so dedicated. At the same time, it gives proof of the frequent collapse of structures which the winter rains made inevitable and at which superstition trembled. The fear of pending disaster to the man who failed to make his sacrifice is recorded in Dt 20 5: "What man is there that hath built a new house, and hath not dedicated it? let him go and return to his house, lest he die in the battle." See illustration, p. 550.

    (2) Floor (2p~]]2 , karkcf) . When houses were built on the rock outcrop, the floor was roughly leveled on the rock surface, but it is more common

    It is unlikely that wood was much used as a flooring to houses, al though Solomon used it for his temple floor (1 K 6 15).

    (3) Gutter (*Y13S, f in n or) . The "gutter" in 2 S 6 8 AV is ob viously difficult to as sociate with the gutter of a house, except in so far as it may have a similar meaning to the water duct or "water

    course" (RV) leading to the private cistern, which formed part of the plan. Remains of open channels for this purpose have been found of rough stones set in clay, sometimes leading through a silt pit into the cistern. ,

    (4) Door (r*" , dclelh, niT3 , pethah; 0vpa, thura). Doorways were simple, square, entering openings in the wall with a stone or wood lintel (mashfyoph, Ex 12 22.23; ayil, 1 K 6 31) and a stone thresh old raised slightly above the floor. It is easy to


    Fig. 2. Isometric Sketch of a House at Gczer.

    imagine the earliest wooden door as a simple mov able boarded cover with back bars, fixed vertically by a movable bar slipped into sockets in the stone jambs. Doorposts (saph, Ezk 41 16) appear to have been in use, but, until locks were introduced, it is difficult to imagine a reason for them. Posts, when introduced, were probably let into the stone



    Letter "H"

    at top and bottom, and, unlike our present door frame, had no head-piece. When no wood was used, the stone jambs of the opening constituted

    Fig. 3. Plan of House.

    the doorposts. To the present day the post retains its function as commanded in Dt 6 9; 11 20, and in it is fitted a small case containing a parchment on which is written the exhortation to obedience.

    (5) Hinge (PE , pdlh, 1 K 7 50; T$ , oTr, Prov 26 14). Specimens of sill and head sockets of stone have been discovered which suggest the

    Fig. 4. Elevation of House from Court.

    use of the. pivot hinge, the elongated swinging stile of the door being let into the sockets at top and bottom. A more advanced form of construction was necessary to this type of door than in the pre vious instance, and some little skill was required to brace it so that it would hold together. The con struction of doors and windows is an interesting question, as it is in these two details that the joinery

    craft first claimed development. There is no indi cation, however, of anything of the nature of ad vancement, and it, seems probable that then; was none.

    ((>) Lock ami key ("lock," man ill, Neh 3 3 ff; Cant 6 5; "key," maphtc"h, Jgs 3 2f>; fig. Isa 22 22; K’is, kli is, Alt, 16 19, etc). In later I lellenic t hues a Sort of pr i mit i ve loc k and key appeared, similar to the Arab, type. See E.rrnm- Fig. 5. Window.

    lions of Gezer, I, 197, and illustration in art. KI:Y.

    (7) Threshold (?,Q , aph, I K 14 17; Ezk 40 Off; "P? 1 )?, miiiliirtn, 1 S 5 4.5; K/k 9 3, etc). Next to the corner-stone, the threshold was specially sacred, and in many instances foundation-sacrifices have been found buried under the threshold. In later times, when the Hebrews became weaned of this unholy practice, the rite remained with the substitution of a lamp inclosed between two bowls as a symbol of the life. See GK/KH.

    (8) " Hearth (TJS , ah, Jer 36 22.23, TIV "brazier"; "VV3 , kiyyor). The references in the OT and the frequent discovery of hearths make it, clear that so much provision for heat ing had been made. It is un likely, however, that chimneys were provided. The smoke from the wood or charcoal fuel was allowed to find its way through the door and windows and the many interstices occurring in workmanship of the worst possible description. The "chimney" referred to (Hos 13 3) is a doubtful tr. The "fire in the brazier" (Jer 36 22 RV) which burned before the king of Judah in his "winter house" was prob ably of charcoal. The modern natives, during the cold season, huddle around and warm their hands at a tiny glow in much the same way as their an cient predecessors. The use of cow and camel dung for baking-oven (liunnlr) fires appears to have continued from the earliest time to the present day (Ezk 4 15). See also HEARTH.

    . 6. Living-Room of House.

    (9) Window (OxipCs, Ifnins, Acts 20 9; 2 Cor 11 33). It would appear that windows were often simple openings in the wall which were furnished with some method of closing, such as is suggested



    Letter "H"

    in Fig. 5, which, it may be conjectured, was some what the same as the primitive door previously mentioned. The window of the ark (hallon, Gen 8 6), the references in Gen 26 8; Josh 2 15, and the window from which Jezebel looked (2 X 9 30), were presumably of the casement class. Ahaziah fell through a lattice (fbhakhaK) in the same palace, and the same word is used for the "networks" (1 K 7 41) "covering the bowls of the capitals," and in Cant 2 9, "through the lattice" (harakkim). It would appear, therefore, that some variety of treat ment existed, and that the simple window opening with casement and the opening filled in with a lattice or grill were distinct. Windows were small, and, according to the Mish, were kept not less than

    the country; see Excavations of Gczer, I, 190; PEFti, Warren s letters, 40. "They let him down through the tiles JKepajios, keramos] with his couch into the midst before; Jesus" (Lk 6 19) refers to the breaking through of a roof similar to this. The roof ("housetop," yayli; 8u>)ia, doina) was an important part of every house and was subjected to many uses. It was used for worship (2 K 23 12; Jer 19 13; 32 29; Zeph 1 5; Acts 10 9). Ab salom spread his tent on the "top of the house" (2 S 16 22). In the Feast of the Tabernacles temporary booths (ukkah) were erected on the housetops. The people, as is their habit today, gathered together on the roof as a common meeting- place on high days and holidays (Jgs 16 27). The

    MollKUN AltAB VlLLAUE.

    6 ft. from floor to sill. The lattice was open, with out glass filling, and in this connection there is the interesting figurative reference in Isa 54 12 AV, "windows of agates," tr 1 in RV "pinnacles of rubies." Heaven is spoken of as having "windows" ( drubbah) for rain (Gen 7 11; 8 2; 2 K 7 2, etc). (10) Roofs (33 , gayh; a-r^r’, ,s/r</r). These were flat, and their construction is illustrated in Figs. 2 and 6. Cf "The beams of our house are cedars, and our rafters are firs" (Cant 1 17). To get over the difficulty of the larger spans, a common practice was to introduce a main beam (Icurafi) carried on the walls and strengthened by one or more interme diate posts let into stone sockets laid on the floor. Smaller timbers as joists ("rafters," rdftit) were spaced out and covered in turn with brushwood; the final covering, being of mud mixed with chopped straw, was beaten and rolled. A tiny stone roller is found on every modern native roof, and is used to roll the mud into greater solidity every year on t he advent of the first rains. Similar rollers have been found among the ancient remains throughout

    wild wranglings which can be heard in any modern native village, resulting in vile accusations and ex posure of family secrets hurled from the housetops of the conflicting parties, illustrate the passage, "And what ye have; spoken in the; ear in the inner chambers shall be proclaimed upon the housetops" (Lk 12 3).

    (1) Upper chambers and stairs. It is certain that there were upper chambers C~allijdh; virepwov,

    hupcroon, Acts 9 37, etc) to some of 2. Houses the houses. Ahaziah was fatally in- of More jured by falling from the window of than One his palace, and a somewhat similar fate Story befell his mother, Jezebel (2X12;

    9 33). The escape of the spies from the house on the wall at Jericho (Josh 2 15) and that of Paul from Damascus (2 Cor 11 33) give sub stantial evidence of window openings at a consider able height. Elijah carried the son of the widow of Zarephath "up into the chamber." The Last Supper was held in an upper chamber (Mk 14 15). Some eort of stairs (mcfdlah) of stone or wood must have



    Letter "H"

    existed, ami the luck of the remains of stone steps surest s that they were wood steps, probably in 1 1n form of ladders.

    (2) I alacts anil ( (miles { arnwn, birah, hekhal; av’T), unit, Trap(ipoXT|, parcmbolt ). These were part of every city and were more elaborate in plan, raised in all probability to some considerable height . The Can. castle discovered by Macalister at Ge/.er shows a building of enormously thick walls and small rooms. Keisner has unearthed Ahab s palace at Samaria, revealing a plan of considerable area. Solomon s palace is detailed in 1 K 7 (see TEMPLE). In this class may also be included the mcgalithic fortified residences with the beehive guard towers of an earlier date 1 , described by I >r. Mackenzie (I EF, I).

    Walls were plastered (Lev 14 43. IS), and small fragments of painted (Jer 22 14) plaster discovered from time to time show that some at- 3. Internal tempt at mural decoration was made, Appear- usually in the form of crudely painted ance line ornament. Walls were recessed

    here and there into various forms of cupboards (q.v.) at various levels. The smaller cuttings in the wall were probably for lamps, and in the larger and deeper recesses bed mats may have; been kept and garments stored. Fig. 6 shows the living-room of an ordinary house, as previously described.

    ‘. Other Meanings. The word has often the sense of "household," and this term is frequently substituted in RV for "house" of AV (e.g. Ex 12 3; 2 K 7 11; 10 5; 15 5; Isa 36 3; 1 Cor 111; 1 Tim 5 14); in certain cases for phrases with "house" RV has "at home" (Acts 2 40; 5 42). See HorsE OF GOD; HOUSEHOLD.

    LITKKATI-RE. Macalister. Kjrrnrati<nix at fti-zi-r; PEFff; Sellin, E.rciiratioK* at Tuiinach; Schumacher, Excavations ni Till M iiti-xi-IH n<: Bliss, M on nil of Mutt’ Cities; arts, in Dictionaries and Encyclopaedias.



    HOUSE OF GOD: In Gen 28 17.22 = BETHEL (q.v.). In Jgs, 1 and 2 Ch, Ezr, Neh, Ps, ete (heth ha- elohwn), a designation of the sanctuary = "house of Jeh" (of the tabernacle, Jgs 18 31; 20 18.26 AV; of the temple, 1 Ch 9 11; 24 5AV;2 Ch 5 14; Ps 42 4; Isa 2 3, etc; of the 2d temple, Ezr 5 S.15; Neh 6 10; 13 11; cf Mt 12 4). Spiritually, in the NT, the "house of God" (nikos theoii) is the church or community of believers (1 Tim 3 15; He 10 21; 1 Pet 4 17; cf 1 Cor 3 fl.Ki.17; 1 Pet 2 5).

    HOUSEHOLD, hous hold: Three words are usually found in the Bible where the family is indi cated. These three are the Ileb word bnyith, and the Gr words oiltia and oikos. The unit of the na tional life of Israel, from the very beginning, was found in the family. In the old patriarchal days each family was complete within itself, the oldest living sire being the unquestioned head of the whole, possessed of almost arbitrary powers. The house and the household are practically synonymous. God had called Abraham "that he might command his children and household after him" (Gen 18 19). The Passover-lamb was to be eaten by the "house hold" (Ex 12 3). The "households" of the rebels in the camp of Israel shared their doom (Nu 16 31- 33; Dt 116). David s household shares his humil iation (2 S 15 10); the children everywhere in the < )T are the bearers of the sins of the fathers. Hu man life is not a conglomerate of individuals; the family is its center and unit.

    Nor is it different in the NT. The curse and the blessing of the apostles are to abide on a house,

    according to its attitude (Mt 10 13). A divided house falls (Mk 3 25). The household believes with the head thereof (.In 4 53; Acts 16 15.34). Thus the households became the nuclei for the early life of the church, e.g. the house of Prisca and Aquila at Rome (Horn 16 5), of Stephanas (1 Cor 16 15), of Onesiphorus (2 Tim 1 10), etc. No wonder that the early church made so much of the family life. And in the midst of all our modern, rampant individualism, the family is still the throb bing heart of the church as well as of t he nat ion.



    HOUSEHOLDER, hous hol-der (olKoSeo-rroT^s,

    oikoiles/totest: The word occurs in Mt 13 27.52; 20 1 ; 21 33, for the master or owner of a "house hold," i.e. of servants (tlonloi). The Gr word emphasizes the authority of the master.

    HOUSETOP, hous top. See IIorsE.

    HOW: Represents various Ileb and Gr words, interrogative, interject ional and relative. Its dif ferent uses refer to (1) the nninner or iraij, e.g. Gen 44 34, "How shall I go up to my father?" ( efc/i); Mt

    6 28, "how they grow" (pds); 1 Cor 15 35, "How are the dead raised?"; (2) ileijree, extent, frequently, "how great" (Dnl 4 3, mdh; Mk 5 19, hosos, "how much"); "how many" (Mt 27 13, posos); "how much" (Acts 9 13, hosos); "how much more" (Mt 711, posos; 1 S 14 30, nph kl); "how oft" (Ps 78 40, kammah; Mt 18 21, posdkis); "how long" (Job

    7 19, kammah; Mt 17 17, heds pote), etc; (3) the reason, wherefore, etc (Mt 18 12; Lk 2 49, tis); (1) means by what means? (Jn 3 4.9, pos) ; (5) cause. (Jn 12 34; Acts 28; 4 21, pos); (0) condition, in what state, etc (Lk 23 55, hos; Acts 15 30, pus; Eph 6 21, tis)] "how" is sometimes used to empha size a statement or exclamation (2 S 1 19.25.27, "How are the mighty fallen!"); "how" is also used for "that" (Gen 30 29, eth dsher, frequently "how that"; Ex 9 29, kl most frequently, in the NT, holi, Mt 12 5; 16 12.21; Acts 7 25; Rom 7 1, etc, in AV).

    RV has "wherefore" for "how" (Gen 38 29, m "how"); has "what" (Jgs 13 12; 1 K 12 0; Job 22 1:5-1 Cor 14 2(i), omits (2 Cor 13 5); has "how that" (1 S 2 22); "that" (1 Oh 18 9; Lk 1 58; Gal 4 13; Jas 2 22; Rev 2 2); has "that even" for "how that" (Ho 12 17); "What is this?" for "How is it that?" (Lk 16 2) ; omits "How is it ?" (Mk 2 Ki, different text ); has " Do ye not yet," for "How is it that ?" (Mk 8 21); "Have ye not yet" (Mk 4 40, different text); "what" for " how much " (Lk 19 15, different text) ; omits "how that" (Lk 7 22) ; "then how" (Jas 2 24); has "cannot" for "How can he" (1 Jii 4 20); omits "How hast thou" (Job 26 3), "how is" (Jer 51 41); has "how" for " the fashion which " (Gen 6 15), for "and" (Kx 18 1), for "what" (Jg.s 18 24; 1 S 4 10; 1 Cor 7 10>, for "why" (Job 19 28; 31 1; Jer 2 33; Gal 2 14), for "when" (Job 37 15), for "for" (Ps 42 4), for "but God" (Prov 21 12), for "whereunto" (Mk 4 30); for "by what moans" (Lk 8 30; Jn 9 21), for "how great ly" (Phil 1 8); "how that" for "because" (Kzk 6 9; l" Thoss 1 5), for "and how" (Acts 20 20); "know how to" for "can" (Mt 16 3); "how" for "by whom" (Am 7 2.5).

    "How" in compounds gives us Howbeit (how be it). It is the tr of uldm, "but," "truly," "yet" (Jgs 18 29); of akh, "certainly," "only" (IS 8 9); of e plies, "moreover," etc (2 S 12 14); of ken, "so," "thus" (2 Ch 32 31); of ruk, "only," "surely," "nevertheless" (1 K 11 13); of alia, "but, 5 etc (Jn 7 27; Acts 7 48; 1 Cor 8 7, etc); of dc, "but," etc (Jn 6 23); of nientoi (Jn 7 13 AV); many other instances.

    For "howbeit," RV has frequently "but" (2 K 12 13, etc), "and" (2 Ch 21 20; Mk 5 19), "surely" (ERV) (Job 30 24), "now" (Jn 11 13), "yet" (2 Cor 11 21), "nay, did" (Ho 3 10); omits (Mt 17 21, different



    Letter "H"

    text); it has "howbeit" for "hut" (2 K 12 3; Lk 19 27; Jn 5 34, etc), for "also" (Lev 23 2739) for "nevertheless" (Nu 13 28; 1 K 22 43; Mk 14 3(>; Lk 13 33 EKV; 18 S; 2 Tim 2 1), for "notwith standing" (Josh 22 10; Lk 10 20 EKV, "nevertheless 1 ARV; Phil 4 14), for "nay " (Rom 7 7).

    Howsoever (in what manner soever, although, however) is the tr of kdl asher, "all that which," etc (Zeph 3 7, "howsoever I punished them," RV "ac cording to all that I have appointed concerning her," m "howsoever I have punished her"; ERV omits "have"); of rak, "only," "surely," "never theless" (Jgs 19 20); of y e hi-mah, "let be what (2 S 18 22.23, RV "but come what may"); in 2 S 24 3 "how" and "soever" are separated (kahem), "how many soever they may be," lit. "as they and as they." W. L. WALKER

    HOZAI, ho za-I ("Tin , hozay, or as it stands at.the close of the verse in question, 2 Ch 33 19, "Tin , hozay; LXX TO>V opcovrwv, ton horonton; Vulg "Ho/ai"; AV the seers; AVm "Hosai"; ARV "Ho/ai," ARVm "the seers." LXX not improb ably reads Q^Thn , ha-hdzim,_as in ver IS; an easy error, since there we find n^ hn " 1 "12~"1 , iv r -<lhibh e re h<(-hozim, "the words of the seers," and here "HI" " Tin , dibhTe hozay, "the words of Hozai." Kittel, following Budde, conjectures as the original read ing "PTTI , hozaijw, "his [Manasseh s] seers"): A his toriographer of Manasseh, king of Judah. Thought by many of the Jews, incorrectly, to be the prophet Isaiah, who, as we learn from 2 Ch 26 22, was his toriographer of a preceding king, Uzziah. This "History of Hozai" has not come down to us. The prayer of Manasseh, mentioned in 33 12f.l8f and included in this history, suggested the apocryphal book, "The Prayer of Manasses," written, probably, in the 1st cent. BC. See APOCKYPH A.


    HUCKSTER, huk ster: A retailer of small wares, provisions, or the like; a peddler. "A huckster shall not be acquitted of sin" (Sir 26 29). Neither a merchant nor a huckster is without sin.

    HUKKOK, huk ok (pj?" , hukkok): A town on the border of Naphtali named with Aznoth-tabor (Josh 19 34). It is usually identified with the village of ydkuk, which stands on the W. of Wad’ t l- Ainud, to the N.W.of (iennesaret, about 4 miles from the sea. This would fall on the boundary of Zebulun and Naphtali, between Tabor and Han- nathon (Josh 19 14). The identification may be correct ; but it seems too far from Tabor.

    HUKOK, hu kok. See HELKATII.

    HUL, hul (VTJ, hill): The name of one of the "sons of Aram" in the list of nations descended from Noah, but a people of uncertain identity and location ((Son 10 23; 1 Ch 1 17).

    HULDAH, hul da (H^bn , hitldah, "weasel"; OX.5a, Ilolda): A prophetess who lived in Jerus during the reign of Josiah. She was the wife of Shallum, keeper of the wardrobe 1 , and resided in the "Mishneh" or second part or quarter of Jerus (lo cation unknown). Cheyne says it should read, "She was sitting in the upper part of the gate of the Old City," i.e. in a public central place ready to receive any who wished to inquire of Jeh. He gives no reason for such a change of text. The standing and reputation of Huldah in the city are attested by the fact that she was consulted when the Book of the Law was discovered. The king, high priest, counsellors, etc, appealed to her rather than to Jeremiah, and her word was accepted by all as the word of Jeh (2 K 22 14-20; 2 Ch 34 22 29).

    J. J. REEVE


    HUMILIATION, lul-mil-i-a shun, OF CHRIST (Acts 8 33; Phil 2 8). See KEXOSIS; PERSON OF CHRIST.

    HUMILITY, hn-mil i-ti (H}:" , Ymawati; ra-irti- vo<J>pocrvvT|, tapcinophrosune) :

    (1) The noun occurs in the OT only in I rov 15 3:i; 18 12; 22 4, but the adj. "humble" appears frequently as the tr of anl, anaw, shdphal, meaning also "poor," "afflicted"; the vb., as the tr of t tmilt, "to afflict," "to humble," and of knnn , "to be or become humbled"; fdna, "to be lowly," occurs in Mic 6 8. For " humble" (Ps 9 12; 10 12) RV has "poor"; Ps 10 17; 34 2; 69 32, "meek"; for "humbled" (Ps 35 13), "afflicted" (Isa 2 11; 10 33), "brought low"; for "He humbleth himself" (Isa 2 0) "is brought low," m "humbleth himself"; Ps 10 10, "boweth down"; tapeinophrosune is tr<i "humility" (Ool 2 IS. 23; I Pet 5 5); in several other places it is tr d " lowliness" and " lowliness of mind " ; tapeinos is tr^ "humble" (.las 4 <>; 1 Pet 5 5; else where "lowly," etc; 1 Pet 3 S, tapeinophron), RV "humble-minded"; tapeuiod, "to humble," occurs fre quently (Mt 18 4; 23 12, etc); tapeinosis is "humil iation" (Acts 8 33); for "vile body" (Phil 3 21) RV gives "body of our humiliation."

    (2) (a) In the OT as well as in the NT, humility is an essential characteristic of true piety, or of the man who is right with God. God humbles men in order to bring them to Himself (Dt 8 2.3, etc), and it is when men humble themselves before Him that they are accepted (1 K 21 29; 2 Ch 7 14, etc); to "walk humbly with thy God" completes the Di vine requirements (Mic 6 S). In Ps 18 35 (2 S 22 36) the quality is ascribed to God Himself, "Thy gentleness [or condescension] hath made me great." Of "him that hath his seat on high" it is said, "[He] humbleth [xliairiicl] himself to behold the things that are in heaven and in the earth" (Ps 113 6). It is in the humble heart that "the high and lofty One, .... whose name is Holy" dwells (Isa 57 15; cf 66 2).

    (b) The word tapeinophrosune is not found in classical Gr (Light foot); in the NT (with the ex ception of 1 Pet 5 5) it is Pauline. In Gr pre- Christian writers tapcinos is, with a few exceptions in Plato and Platonic writers, used in a bad or inferior sense as denoting something evil or un worthy. The prominence it gained in Christian thought indicates the new conception of man in relation to God, to himself, and to his fellows, which is due to Christianity. It by no means implies slavishness or servility; nor is it inconsistent with a right estimate of oneself, one s gifts and calling of God, or with proper self-assertion when ( ailed for. But the habitual frame of mind of a child of God is that of one who feels not only that he owes all his natural gifts, etc, to God, but that he has been the object of undeserved redeeming love, and who regards himself as being not his own, but God s in ( hrist . He cannot exalt himself, for he knows that he has nothing of himself. The humble mind is thus at the root of all other graces and virtues. Self-exaltation spoils everything. There can be no real lore without humility. "Love," said Paul, "vaunt eth not itself, is not puffed up" (1 Cor 13 4). As Augustine said, humility is first, second and third in Christianity.

    (c) Jesus not only strongly impressed His disci ples with the need of humility, but was in Himself its supreme examine. He described Himself as "meek and lowly [tapeinos] in heart" (Mt 11 29). The first of the Beatitudes was to "the poor in spirit" (Mt 5 3), and it was "the meek" who should "inherit the earth." Humility is the way to true greatness: he who should "humble himself as this little child" should be "the greatest in the kingdom of heaven"; "Whosoever shall exalt him self shall be humbled; and whosoever shall humble himself shall be exalted" (Mt 18 4; 23 12; Lk



    Letter "H"

    14 11; 18 11). To the humble mind truth is re vealed (Mt 11 25; Lk 10 21). Jesus set a touch ing example of humility in His washing His disci ples feet (.In 13 1 17) .

    ((/) St. Paul, therefore, makes an earnest appeal to Christians (Phil 2 1 1 1 ) that they should cherish and manifest the Spirit of their Lord s humility in lowliness of mind each counting oilier better than himself," and adduces the supreme example of the self-emptying (lcenoxix) of Christ: "Have this mind in you, which was also in Christ Jesus," etc. The rendering of In union < /,r’ own (Phil 2 7 AV) by "he humbled himself" has given rise to the desig nation of the Incarnation as "the Humiliation of Christ."

    (c) There is a false humility which Paul warns against, a self-sought, "voluntary humility" (Col 2 IS. 2)5). This still exists in many forms, and has to be guarded against. It is not genuine humility when we humble ourselves with the feeling that we are greater than others, but only when we do not think of self at all. It is not alone the sense of sin that should create the humble spirit: Jesus had no sin. It belongs not merely to the creature, but even to a xtni in relation to (Jod. There may be much self-satisfaction where sinfulness is confessed. We may be proud of our humility. It is necessary also always to beware of "the pride that apes humility."

    W. L. WALKER

    HUMPS, humps: Appears in Isa 30 G in ARV for "bunches" in AV.

    HUMTAH, lium ta (~~^~C.~ , hnmtfih}: An un identified place mentioned between Aphekah and Hebron in the mountain of Judah (Josh 15 54).

    HUNDRED, hun dred (HST? , me ah; Kar6v,

    hckatiin). See NUMHKU.

    HUNGER, hun ger (25"}, radhh; Xi(i,6s, Union (subs.), imvau, pcinad (vb.): (1) The desire for food, a physiological sensation associated with emptiness of the stomach, and dependent on some state of the mucous membrane; (2) starvation as the effect of want of food, as Ex 16 3; Isa 49 10; (3) to feel the craving for food as Dt 8 3; when used to indicate the condition due to general scarcity of food as Jer 38 9; Ezk 34 29 it, is replaced in RV by "famine." The word is used to express the poverty which follows idleness and sloth (Prov 19 15). The absence of this condition is given as OIK; of the characteristics of the future state of happi ness (Isa 49 10; E/k 34 29; Rev 7 1(5). Meta phorically the passionate striving for moral and spiritual rectitude is called hungering and thirsting after righteousness (Mt 5 (i) ; and the satisfaction of the, soul which receives Christ is described as a state in which "he shall not hunger" (.In 6 35).

    On two occasions it is said of Our Lord that He hungered (Mt 21 IS; Lk 4 2); 9 t the old Eng. expression "an hungred" is used, the "an" being a prefix which indicates that the condition is being continued (Mt 12 1.3; 25; Mk 2 25; Lk 6 3 AV). In Mt, 4 2 AV, "an hungred" has been changed to "hungered" in RV. "Hard be stead and hungry" in Isa 8 21 means bested (that is, placed) in a condition of hardship, "sore distressed," ARV. The word occurs in Spenser, "Thus ill bestedd and fearful more of shame" (I, i, 24). The reference of the aggravation of the sensation of hunger when one who is starving awakes from a dream of food (Isa 29 S) is graphi cally illustrated by the experience of the antarctic, voyager (Shackleton, Heart of the Antarctic, II, 9).


    HUNTING, hunt ing ("^ , eayidh) : The hunt ing of wild animals for sport, or for the defence of men

    and flocks, or for food, was common in Western Asia and Egypt, esp. in early times. Some of the Egyp and Assyr kings were great hunters in the first sense, for example Amenhotep 111 (1411-1375 BC), "a lion-hunting and bull-baiting Pharaoh," who boasted of having slain 7(1 bulls in the course of one expedition, and of having killed at one time or other 102 lions; and the Assyrian conqueror, Tiglath-pileser I (c 1100 BC), who claimed 4 wild bulls, 14 elephants and 920 lions as the trophies of his skill and courage.

    The Bib. prototype of these heroes of war and

    the chase is Nimrod, "a mighty hunter before Jeh"

    ((Jen 10 9), that is perhaps "a hunter

    1. Nimrod who had no equal," a figure not vet and His clearly identifiable with any historical Like or mythical character in the Assyro-

    Bab monuments, but possibly the (Jilgamesh of the great epic, who may be the hero represented on seals and reliefs as victorious over the lion (Skinner, "(Jen," ICC, 20S). We are re minded also of Samson s exploit at Timnah (Jgs 14 5 f), but this, like David s encounter with the lion and the bear (1 S 17 34 f) and Bemiiah s struggle with a lion in a pit. on a snowy day (2 S 23 20), was an occasional incident and scarcely comes under the category of hunting. There is no evi dence that hunting for sport was ever practised by the kings of Judah and Israel. Not until the time of Herod the Creat, who had a hunting establish ment and was a great hunter of boars, stags, and wild asses (Jos, 11,1, 1, xxi, 13), mastering as many as 40 beasts in one day, do we find a ruler of Pal indulging in this pastime.

    Hunting, however, for the two other purposes

    mentioned above was probably as frequent among

    the Israelites, even after they had

    2. Hunting ceased to be nomads, as among their in the OT neighbors. We know indeed of only

    two personal examples, both in the patriarchal period and both outside the direct line of Israeli! ish descent: Esau (Gen 25 27 f f) and Ishrnael (den 21 20); but there are several refer ences and many figurative allusions to the pursuit and its methods and instruments. Hunting (inclu sive of fowling) is mentioned in the Pent in the regu lation about pouring out the blood and covering it with dust (Lev 17 13); and there is a, general reference in the proverb (Prov 12 27): "The sloth ful man roast eth not that which he took in hunting." The hunting of the lion is assumed in Ezekiel s allegory of the lioness and her two whelps (Ezk 19 1-9; c f Job 10 l(i); of the antelope or oryx (Dt 14 5; Isa 51 20); of the roe (Prov 6 5); of the partridge in the mountains (1 S 26 20), and of birds in general in many passages. Hunting is probably implied in the statement about the pro vision of harts, gazelles and roebucks for Solomon s kitchen (1 K 4 23), and to some extent in the refer ence to the den of lions in Babylon (Did 6 7 ff).

    The weapons most frequently employed by hunt ers seem to have 1 been bows and arrows. Isaac

    ((Jen 27 3) commands Esau to take

    3. Methods his bow and quiver and procure him of Hunters venison or game (cf also Isa 7 24; Job

    41 2S). This method is amply illus trated by the monuments. Ashur-nazir-pallll (S85- SliO BC) and Darius (c 500 BC), for example, are depicted shooting at lions from the chariot. Use was also made of the sword, the spear, the dart or javelin, the sling and the club (Job 41 26.28f, where the application of these weapons to hunting is im plied). The larger animals were sometimes caught in a pit. The classical reference is in Ezekiel s allegory, "Ho was taken in their pit" (xliahath, Ezk 19 4.8; cf also Isa 24 17 f; Jer 48 43 f; Ps 35 7, etc) . The details of this mode of capture as practised



    Letter "H"

    at the present day, and probably in ancient times, are described by Tristram in his Natural History of the Bible (118 f). A more elaborate method is de scribed by Maspero in Lectures historiques (285).

    Assyrian Lion Hunt.

    To make the pit-capture more effective, nets were also employed: "They spread their net over him" (Ezk 19 8 cf Ps 35 7). When caught, the lion was sometimes placed in a large wooden cage (Ezk 19 9, Kut/har, the Assyr shiudru; for the word and the thing cf SBOT,"Ezk," Eng., 132; Hob, 71). The lion (or any other large animal) was led about bv a ring or hook (huh) inserted iu the jaws or nose (2 K 19 2S = Isa 37 29; Ezk 19 4.9; 29 4; 38 4). From wild animals the brutal Assyrians transferred the custom to their human captives, as the Israel ites were well aware (2 Ch 33 11 RVm, Heb lw"h; for monumental illustrations cf SBOT, "Ezk," Eng., 132 f). Nets were also used for other animals such as the oryx or antelope (Isa 51 20). The Egyp and Assyr monuments show that dogs were employed in hunting in the ancient East, and it is not improbable that they were put to this service by the Hebrews also, but there is no clear Bib. evidence, as "greyhound" in Prov 30 31 is a ques tionable rendering. Jos indeed (Ant, IV, viii, 9) mentions the hunting dog in a law ascribed to Moses, but the value of the allusion is uncertain.

    The hunting of birds or fowling is so often referred or alluded to that it must have been very widely practised (cf Ps 91 3; 124 7; Prov 1 17; 6 ">; Eccl 912; Am 3 5, etc). The only bird specifically mentioned is the partridge, said to be hunted oil the mountains (1 S 26 20). The method of hunting is sup posed by Tristram (XII It, 225) to be that still prevalent continual pursuit until the creature is struck down by sticks thrown along the ground but the interpretation is uncertain. Birds were generally caught by snares or traps. Two passages are peculiarly instructive on this point ; Job 18 8-10, where six word s are used for such contrivances, represented respectively by "net," "toils," "gin," "snare," "noose,"

    4. Fowlers and Their Snares

    limiting Deer in an Enclosed Field.

    catch connected with it which causes the net to collapse (Siegfried). For a full account of Egyp modes of fowl ing which probably illustrate ancient Palestinian methods, cf Wilkinson, Popular Account, II, 17S-S3. The two words (mokfxh and pah) mentioned above are used fig uratively in many OT passages, the former repeatedly of the deadly influence of Canaanitish idolatry on Israel, as in Ex 23 33, "For if thou serve, their gods, it will surely be a snare unto thee" (cf Ex 34 12; I)t 7 10; Josh 23 13). The use of the hawk in fowling, which is at tested for Northern Syria by a bas-relief found in 1908 at Sakje-Geuzi, is not mentioned in the OT, but there may perhaps be an allusion in Apoc (Bar 3 17, "they that had their pastime, with the fowls of the air"). A reference to the use of decoys has been found in Jer 5 27, "a cage .... full of birds," but that is a doubtful interpretation, and in the Cir of Sir 11 30, "As a decoy partridge in a cage, so is the heart of a proud man," but the Heb text of the latter is less explicit. See FOWLER.

    The NT has a few figurative allusions to hunting. The words for "catch" in Mk 12 13 and Lk 11 54

    (agreiio and thcreuo) mean lit. "hunt." 5. Allusions The vb. "ensnare" (pagideuo) occurs in the NT once in the Gospels (Mt 22 15), and

    the noun "snare" (}>a</is) is met with in 5 passages (Lk 21 34; Rom 11 9; 1 Tim 3 7; 6 9; 2 Tim 2 20). Another word for "snare" (hrochos), which means lit. "noose" (RVm), is used in 1 Cor 7 35. The words for "things that cause stumbling" and "stumble" (skdndalon and skamla- iizo) may possibly conceal in some passages an allu sion to a hunter s trap or .snare. Skandalon is closely allied to skanddlethron, "the stick in a trap on which the bait is placed," and is used in LXX for mokesh. The abundant use of imagery taken from hunting in the Bible is remarkable, in view of the comparative rarity of literal references.

    LITER ATI-HE. In addition to the works cited in the course of the art., the art. "Hunting" in DU-, IIDB large and small, Eli, Jew Euc; and "Jagd" in German Bible Dicta, of Guthe, Kiehm-, and Wiener, and in /i A :i .


    HUPHAM, liii fam (DSln, hil/iham, "coast- inhabitant"): One of Benjamin s sons and head of the Huphamite family (Nu 26 39). See HUPPIM.

    HUPPAH, hup a (HSri , JjnjipaJi, "protection"); The priest in charge of the 13th course as prescribed under David (1 Ch 24 13).

    HUPPIM, hup im (2 n Bn , /i ‘;/>!?, "coast- people"): Probably a variant form of III PIIAM (<|.v.). From the only mention made of him (Gen 46 21; 1 Ch 7 12.15), his direct descent is difficult

    to establish.

    HUR, hur pT!, hilr):

    (1) A prominent official in Israel. With Aaron he held up Moses hands during the battle against the Amalekites (Ex 17 10.12) and assisted him as judicial head of the people during Moses stay in the mount, (Ex 24 14).

    (2) Grandfather of Bezalel, the head artificer in the construction of the Tabernacle (Ex 31 2; 35 30; 38 22; 2 Ch 1 5). He is here assigned to the tribe of Judah, and in 1 Ch is connected with the same by descent through Caleb (2 19.20.50; 4 1.4). Jos (Ant, 111, ii, 4; vi, 1) makes him identi cal with (1) and the husband of Miriam.

    (3) One of the five kings of Midian slain along with Balaam when Israel avenged the "matter of Peor" upon this people (Nil 31 8; cf vs 1.2.16). In Josh 13 21 these kings are spoken of as "chiefs [>t si"un] of Midian" and "princes [n e lkhlm] of Sihon," king of the

    (4) According to 1 K 4 8 AV, the father of one of Solomon s twelve officers who provided food for the king s household, and whose district was the hill country of Ephraim. Here RV has "Ben-hur," taking the Heb ben, "son of," as part of the proper name; and the same is true in reference to the



    Letter "H"

    names oi four others of these officers (cf vs 9.10. 11.13).

    (5) Fat her of Repliaiali, who was one of t lie build ers of the wall under Nehemiah, and ruler of half the district of Jerus (Neh 3 .)).


    HURAI, hu ri, hu ra-I, lifi-ra i ("H^H , hurnij, "linen-weaver" ) : One of David s "mighty men" mentioned in 1 Oh 11 32 as of the brooks of Gaash, i.e. from Ml. (iaash. In the 2 S 23 30, the orthography is Iliddai.

    HURAM, hfi ram (2"Vn , Inlrutn, noble-born"):

    (1) (Iraiulson of Benjamin (1 Ch 8 5).

    (2) King of Tyre in alliance with David and Solo mon. So named in 2 Ch 2 3.11.12; 8 2; 9 10.21, but elsewhere written HIRAM (q.v.).

    (3) The Tynan artisan who is so named in 2 Ch

    2 13; 4 11.11), but elsewhere called "Hiram."

    HURI, hu ri PTH, hurl, "linen weaver"): One of the immediate descendants of (lad, and father of Abihail, a chief man of his family (1 Ch 6 14).

    HURT, hurt: The term (noun and vb.) represents a large number of lleb words, of which the chief are PI, n/ (vb. JT1, raV), "evil" ((Jen 26 29; 1 S 24 9; Ps 35 4, etc), and "Ql or 1310, shebhcr or s/it bticr (from 15CJ , aftub/iar), "a fracture" or "break ing" (Jer 6 14; *8 11.21; 10 19; cf Ex 22 10.14). In Gr a principal vb. is dSt/c^w, adikeo, "to do in justice" (Lk 10 19; Rev 2 11; 6 6, etc); once the word "hurt" is used in AV (Acts 27 10, story of Paul s shipwreck) for fy8/>is, hubris, "injury" (thus RV). In R.V "hurt" sometimes takes the place of other words in AV, as "sick" (Prov 23 35), "breach" (Isa 30 20), "bruise" (Jer 30 12; Nuh

    3 19); sometimes, on the other hand, the word in AV is exchanged in RV for "evil" (Josh 24 20), "harm" (Acts 18 10), or, as above, "injury" (Acts 27 10). These references sufficiently show the meaning of the word harm, bruise, breaking, etc. In Jer (ut supra) the word is used figuratively for moral disease or corruption. JAMES OUR

    HUSBAND, huz bancl (B^X , Ish; <ivf|p, atier): In the Heb household the husband and father was the chief personage of an institution which was re garded as more than a social organism, inasmuch as the family in primitive Sem society had a distinctively religious character and significance. It was through it that the cult of the household and tribal deities was practised and perpetuated. The house-father, by virtue of being the family head, was priest of the household, and as such, responsible for the religious life of the family and the maintenance of the family altar. As priest he offered sacrifices to the family gods, as at first, before the centralization of worship, he did to Jeh as the tribal or national Deity. We see this re flected in the stories of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and in the Book of Job. This goes far to explain such records as we have in Gen 31 53; 32 9, and the exceptional reverence that was paid the paternal sepulchers (1 S 20 6). Abraham was regarded as being the father of a nation. It was customary, it would seem, to assign a "father" to every known tribe and nation (Gen 10). So the family came to play an important and constructive part in Heb thought and life, forming the base upon which the social structure was built, merging gradually into the wider organism of the clan or tribe, and vitally affecting at last the political and religious life of the nation itself.

    The husband from the first had supreme author ity over his wife, or wives, and children. In his

    own domain his rule was well-nigh absolute. The wife, or wives, looked up to him as their lord (Gen 18 12). He was chief (cf Arab, sheik), and to dis honor him was a crime to be punished by death (Ex 21 15.17). He was permitted to divorce his wife with little reason, and divorces were all too common (Dt 22 13.19.2S.29; Isa 60 1; Jer 3 S; 5 S; Mai 2 16, etc). The wife seems to have had no redress if wronged by him. Absolute faithful ness, though required of the wife, was apparently not expected or exacted of the husband, so long as he did not, violate the rights of another husband. In general among Eastern people women were lightly esteemed, as in the Japhetic nations they came to be. Plato counted a state "disorganized "where slaves are disobedient to their masters, and wives are on equality with their husbands." "Is there! a human being," asks Socrates, "with whom you talk less than with your wife?" But, from the first, among the Hebrews the ideal husband trained his household in the way they should go religiously, as well as instructed them in the traditions of the family, the tribe, and the nation (Gen 18 19; Ex 12 2(i; 13 8; Dt 6 7, etc). It was due to this, in part at least, that, in spite of the discords and evils incident, to polygamy, the Heb household was a nursery of virtue and piety to an unusual degree, and became a genuine anticipation of the ideal real ized later in the Christian home (1 Cor 7 2 i f; Eph 5 25; 1 Pet 3 7).

    I sed figuratively of the relation (1) between Jeh and His people (Isa 64 5; Jer 3 14; Hos 2 19 f); (2) bet ween Christ and His church (Mt 9 15; 2 Cor 11 2; Eph 5 25; Rev 19 7; 21 2).


    HUSBANDMAN, huz band-man, HUSBANDRY, huz band-ri: Husbandman, originally a "house holder" or "master of the house," is now limited in its meaning to "farmer" or "tiller of the soil." In this sense it is the correct tr of the various Bib. words: np~X TITS , Ish adhamah, lit, "man of the soil" (Gen 9 20); 13$, ikkar, lit. "digger," "a farmer" (2 Ch 26 10; Jer 31 24; 51 23; Am 5 1G; Joel 1 11); 3/13, gabh, "to dig" (2 K 25 12); 3,rO , ydghabh, "to dig" (Jer 52 Hi); -yecup-yos, gcorgos, "cultivator" (Mt 21 33 ff; Jn 15 1; Jas 5 7). See AGRICULTURE.

    It is a common practice in Pal and Syria, today for a rich man to own lands in many different parts of the country. He sets farmers over these differ ent tracts who, with the helpers, do the plowing, planting, reaping, etc; or he lets out his lands to farmers who pay him an annual rental or return to him a certain percentage of the crop. Much of the plain of Esdraclon, for example, was until recently owned by Beirut proprietors and farmed in this way. The writer while riding on the plain near ancient Dan, was surprised to overtake an acquaint ance from Beirut (3 days journey away), who had just dismounted at one of his farms to inspect it and to receive the annual account of his farmer. The pride with which the husbandman pointed out the abundant harvest will not be forgotten. All the difficulties of the owner with his husbandmen described by Jesus are often repeated today.

    Figurative: Jesus said "I am the true vine, and my father is the husbandman" (Jn 15 1). He sows, cultivates, prunes and expects fruits from His church. In the parable of the Householder (Mt 21 33 ff), the wicked husbandmen were the Jews. The church is referred to as "God s husbandry" in 1 Cor 3 9 (m "tilled land"). JAMES A. PATCH

    HUSBAND S BROTHER (23?, yabhmn, "brother-in-law"; tm-yaiApptva), epigambr&Ad; Late Lat levir): He was required (Dt 25 5-10; Mt 22



    Letter "H"

    24) "to perform the duty of a husband s brother" (yibb mdh); that is, if his brother, living with him on the paternal estate, died without male issue, he should take the widow to wife, anil "raise up seed unto his brother," the firstborn of the new marriage inheriting the deceased brother s estate. Refusal of Ihc duty was possible, but entailed public ceremo nial disgrace and lasting reproach. This provision for a specific case modified the general law which forbade the marriage of a sister-in-law (Lev 18 16. 18). It was a patriarchal custom (Gen 38; Judah and Tamar), and is alluded to in Ruth 1 11-13. A related custom is found in Ruth 4 1, Boaz playing, however, the part, not of levir ("brother-in-law"), but of go el ("redeemer"). It was at least theoreti cally in force in Our Lord s time (Mt 22 23-28; the question of the Sadducees concerning the resurrec tion). For the origin and object of this custom see FAMILY; MARRIAGE.

    PHILIP WENDELL CRANNELL HUSHAH, hu sha (nilhn , hushah, "haste"): Mentioned in 1 Ch 4 4 as probably an individual, a Judahite, or a family name; but may possibly be a place.

    HUSHAI, hii shl, hu sha-I pTinn , hiixlmy, Xoucrei, Chnuxei; Jos, Chousi): An Archil e, native of Archi or Erech(?), W. of Bethel on the northern border of Benjamin and southern border of Joseph (Josh 16 2). Hushai was one of David s most faithful and wise counsellors. When David was fleeing from Jerus and Absalom, Hushai met him, having his coat rent and earth on his head. The king persuaded him to return to Jerus, feign submission to Absalom, and try to defeat the counsel of Ahithophel (2 S 15 32 f). Whatever Absalom decided on, Hushai was to send word to David through two young me