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      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






    All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

    Letter "M"


    Letter "M"

    MAACAH, MAACHAH, ma a-ka
      (1) B, Mtoxa, Mocha, daughter of Xahor, borne to him by Reumah (Gen 22 24).

      (2) B, Maaxd, Maachd, A, Maaxd, Maarhdth, the one wife of David who was of royal rank, the daughter of Tahnai, king of Geshur, who became the mother of Absalom (2833; 1 Chron 3:2).

      (3) Maaxd, Mnuchri, father of Achish, king of Gath (1 Kings 2:39). He is probably referred to as "Maoeh" in 1 Sam 27:2.

      (4) The daughter of Absalom, the favorite wife of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 Kings 15:2; 2 Chron 11:20, etc). Evidently "daughter" must here be understood as "granddaughter," according to a common oriental usage.

      Tamar was the only daughter of Absalom. If Tamar married Uriel of Gibeah (2 Chron 13:2), then Maacah was her daughter. In that case the name Micaiah in this passage would be either a copyist error or a variant of Maacah.

      She must have been a woman of strong personality. Unfortunately her influence was cast upon the side of idolatry. She maintained her position in the palace, however, till the reign of her grandson Asa.

      Possibly she acted as regent during his minority. Ultimately she was degraded by him for an act of peculiar infamy (1 Kings 15:13; 2 Chron 15:16).

      (5) Concubine of Caleb, son of Hezron (1 Chron 2:48).

      (G) Sister of Huppim and Shuppim the Benjamites, who became the wife of Machir the Manassite, the "father" of Gilead (1 Chron 7: 12-15 f).

      (7) Wife of Jeiel, the "father" of Gibeon, an ancestress of King Saul (1 Chron 8:29; 9:35).

      (S) Father of Hanan, one of David s mighty men (1 Chron 11:43).

      (9) Father of Shephatiah, ruler of the Simeonites under David (1 Chron 27:1-6j. W. EWING

    MAACAH, ma a-ka
      Mocha, A, Maaxa, Maachd): A small Syrian kingdom adjoining that of Geshur on the western border of Bashan, the inhabitants of which are called Maachathitea (RV "Maacathites"), whose terri tory was taken by Jair (Dt 3:14; Josh 12:5). The bonier of the Geshurites and the Maacathites and all Mt. Hermon were given to the half-tribe of Manasseh (Josh 13:11).

      The inhabitants of these kingdoms, however, were not driven out by Israel (Joah 13:13), and at a later day the children of Ammon hired mercenaries from Maacah for their encounter with David.

      The armies met near Medeba when the "Syrians" from Maacah found themselves opposed to Joab. That famous captain completely routed them (2 S 10 G ff , LXX "Amalek"). In 1 Ch 19 G it is called Aram-maacah, yria-maachah (AV); and in 1 Ch 2 23 "Aram" appears instead of "Maacah."

      It evidently lay between Geshur on the S. and Hermon on the N., being probably bounded by Jordan on the W., although no certain indication of boundaries is now possible. They would thus be hemmed in by Israel, which accounts for Geshur and Maacath dwell in the midst of Israel" (Josh 13:13). It is possible that Abel-beth-maacah may have been a colony founded by men from Maacah. W. EWING

    MAACATHITES, ma-ak a-thites
      Mentioned in Scripture are Ahasbai 2 Sam 23:34), Jaa/aniah (2 Kings 25:23), Xaham (1 Ch 4:19) and Jezaniah (Jer 40:1-10 ). See preceding article.

      MAADAI, ma-a-da l, ma a-dl C 1 "? 1 ^ , ma*n<Jhay): Son of Bani; one of those who married foreign wives (Ezr 10 34).

      MAADIAH, ma-a-dl a (rp-jrp , ma^adlnjah, "whose ornament is Jah"): A priest, who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh 12 5). The name also occurs in the form "Moadiah" (Xeh 12 17).

      MAAI, ma-a I, ma I (T>2 , ma ny): An Asaphite musician who took part in the ceremony of the dedication of the walls (Xeh 12 3G).

      MAALEH-ACRABBIM, ma a-la-a-krab im, mfi- al a-. See AKUAUHIM.

      MAANI, ma a-nl (MaavC, Maan t):

      (1) AV "Meani" (1 Esd 5 31), corresponding to "Meunim" in Ezr 2 50; Xeh 7 52.

      (2) RV "Baani," head of a family, many of whom had married foreign wives (1 Esd 9 34; called "Bani "in Ezr 10 34).

      MAARATH, ma a-rath Ornyg , ma arath): A city in the hill country of Judah, mentioned between Gedor and Beth-anoth (Josh 15 59). The small village of Beit Ummnr upon the watershed, a little to the W. of the carriage road to Hebron and about a mile from Kh. Jedur (Gedor), is a probable site. There are many rock tombs to its E. The village mosque is dedicated to Xi-l>i Malta, i.e. St. Matthew. See PEF, III, 305, Sh XXI.

      MAAREH-GEBA, ma a-re-ge ba, -ga ba 3753 , ma drch gebhtf; B, Mapaa-ydp, Maraagdbe, A, Suo-fiwv TTIS Fapad, dnsinon tts (ialxid) : The place where the men of Israel lay in ambush, from which they broke forth upon the children of Benjamin (Jgs 20 33). AV renders "the meadows of Gib eah," RVm "the meadow of Geba [or Gibeah]." LXX A affords a clue to the correct reading. It is not a place-name. The text must be emended to read mimma- drabh l gcbha\\\\ "to the W. of Geba." Pesh suggests a reading mimm e -*drath gebha*, "from the cave of Geba." This, however, there is nothing to warrant. \\\\V. EWING

      MAASAI, ma a-si, ma-as l Plgy 1 ? , mcfsay; AV Maasiai): A priest, son of Abdid (1 Ch 9 12).

      MAASEAS, ma-a-sc as (Maao-atos, Maasaios; AV Maasias): Grandfalher of Baruch (Bar 1 1); called Mahseiah in Jer 32 12; 51 59.

      MAASEIAH, ma-a-se ya, ma-a-si a ina^dscydlul, "Jeh s work"; Maacrcraid, Maatssaid, and Masaaias in LXX): A name common in exilic and late monarchic times (Gray, II PN).

      (1) A Levite musician named in connection with David s bringing up of the ark from the house of Obed-edom (1 Ch 15 18.20).

      (2) A Levite captain who aided Jehoiada at the coronation of Joash (2 Ch 23 1).

      (3) An officer of Uzziah (2 Ch 26 11).

      (4) Ahaz son, slain by the Ephraimite, Zichri (2 Ch 28 7).

      (5) A governor of Jerus under Josiah (2 Ch 34

      Maasiai Mace, Books of



      (6) (7) (S) (<>) The name of 4 men, 3 of them priests, who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10

      (10) Father of A/ariah, one of the builders of t lie wall (Neh 3 23).

      (11) One of those who stood at Ezra s right hand during the reading of the La\\\\v (Neh 8 4).

      til ) One of the expounders of the Law (Noh 8 7).

      (13) One of those who took part in sealing the covenant (Neh 10 2")).

      (14) A Judahite inhabitant of Jerus (Nell 11 .">), who in 1 Ch 9 f> is called Asaiah.

      (15) A Benjamite (Neh 11 7).

      (16) (17) Name of two priests (Neh 12 11 f). (IS) A priest, in Zedekiah s reign, father of a

      certain Zephaniah who interviewed the prophet, Jeremiah (Jer 21 1 ; 29 2/i; 37 3).

      (1!)) Father of the false prophet Zedekiah (Jer 29 21).

      (20) A keeper of the threshold in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jer 35 4).

      (21) Baaseiah (q.v.), a Knhathite name (1 Ch 6 40), is probably a textual error for Maaseiah.

      (22) AV for Mahseiah, an ancestor of Barnch (Jer 32 12). JOHN A. LEES

      MAASIAI, ma-as i-I. See MAASAI.

      MAASMAS, ma-as mas, ma as-nias (Maao-fids, MiiiixHidx; Swete reads Manxman; AV Masman, 1 Esd 8 43): Corresponds to "Shemaiah" in Ezr 8 16.

      MAATH, ma ath (Mad9, Mnnlli): An ancestor of Jesus in St. Luke s genealogy in the 12th gen eration before Joseph, the husband of Alary (Lk 3 26).

      MAAZ, mfi az C^ST? , ?/wV;f): A descendant of Judah (1 Ch 2 27).

      MAAZIAH, mfi-a-zi a (irPTjpS , ma*azyahu):

      (1) The priest to whom fell the lot for the 24th course (1 Ch 24 IS).

      (2) One of those who took part, in sealing the covenant (Neh 10 8).

      MABDAI, mab da-I. See MAMDAI. MABNABEDAI, mab-nab r-di. See MACIINA-


      MACALON, mak a-lon (ot K MaKaXwv, hoi ck Makaldn; 1 Esd 5 21): This corresponds to "the men of Michmas" in Ezr 2 27. The mistake has probablv arisen through reading M in Gr uncials for A A.

      MACCABAEUS, mak-a-be us (MaKKa(3atos, Mak- kabdioN), MACCABEES, mak a-bez (ol MaKKa- PCUOI, hoi Makkabaioi):

      I. PAI.KSTI \\\\K VXDER Kixr.s OF SYRIA

      1. Rivalry of Syria and Egypt

      2. Palestine Seized by Antiochus the Great :!. Accession of Antiochus Kpiphanes


      1. Mattathias

      2. Judas

      3. Jonathan

      4. Simon

      ">. John Flyrcanus r>. .John and Kleazar LITERATURE

      The name Maccabaeus was first applied to Judas, one of the sons of Mattathias generally called in Eng. the Maccabees, a celebrated family who de fended Jewish rights and customs in the 2d cent. BC (1 Mace 2 1-3). The word has been variously derived (e.g. as the initial letters of Ml Khu-

      mokJifi., Ba- clnn, } a/nr<li! "Who is like unto thee among the mighty, () Jeh? ), but it is probably best associated with ntakkabfulh, "hammer, and as a]>plied to Judas may be compared with the malleus iScolonim and nuillcux haereticorum of tin; Middle Ages (see next article). To understand the work of the Maccabees, it is necessary to take note of the relation in which the Jews and Pal stood at the time to the immediately neighboring nations.

      /. Palestine under Kings of Syria. On the di vision of Alexander s empire at his death in the year 323 BC, Pal became a sort of

      1. Rivalry buffer state between Egypt under the of Syria Ptolemies on the S., and Syria, under and Egypt the. house of Seleucus, 1h ; > last survivor

      of Alexander s generals, on the N. The kings of Syria, as the Seleucid kings are gen erally called, though their dominion extended prac tically from the Mediterranean Sea to India, had not all the same name, like the Ptolemies of Egypt, though most of them were called either Seleucus or Ant iochus. For a hundred years after the death of Alexander, the struggle went on as to which of the two powers was to govern Pal, until in the year 223 came the northern prince tinder whom Pal was destined to fall to the Seleucids for good.

      This was Antiochus III, commonly known as Antiochus the Great, lie waged t\\\\vo campaigns

      against Egypt for the possession of

      2. Palestine Pal, finally gaining the upper hand in Seized by the year 198 BC by his victory at Antiochus Panitim, so called from its proximity the Great to a sanctuary of the god Pan, a spot

      close to the sources of the Jordan and still called Banias. The Jews helped Antiochus to gain the victory and, according to Jos, his rule was accepted by the Jews with goodwill. It is with him and his successors that the Jews have now to deal. Antiochus, it should be noticed, came in contact with the Romans after their conquest of Macedonia in 197, and was defeated by Scipio Asiaticus at Mag nesia in 190. He came under heavy tribute which he found it difficult to pay, and met his end in 187, while plundering a Gr temple in order to secure its contents. His son and successor Seleucus IV was murdered by his prime minister Heliodorus in 176- 175 BC, who reaped no benefit from his crime.

      The brother of the murdered king succeeded to

      the throne as Antiochus IV, generally known as

      Antiochus Epiphanes ("the Illus-

      3. Acces- trious"), a typical eastern ruler of sion of considerable practical ability, but Antiochus whose early training while a hostage Epiphanes at, Rome had made him an adept in

      dissimulation. Educated in the fash ionable Hellenism of the day, he made it his aim during his reign (175-164 BC) to enforce it upon his empire, a policy which brought him into conflict with the Jews. Even before his reign many Jews had yielded to the attraction of Gr thought and custom, and the accession of a ruler like Antiochus Epiphanes greatly increased the drift in that direc tion, as will be found described in the article dealing with the period between the Old and the New Tes taments (see BETWEEN THE TESTAMENTS). Pious Jews meanwhile, men faithful to the Jewish tradi tion, Chasldtm (see HASIDAEANS), as they were called, resisted this tendency, and in the end were driven to armed resistance against the severe op pression practised by Antiochus in advancing his Hellenizing views. See ASMONEANS.

      //. Palestine under the Maccabees. Mattathias, a

      priest of the first 24 courses and therefore of the noblest who dwelt at Modin, a city of Judah, was

      1. Matta- the first to strike a blow. With his own

      thias hand ho slew a Jew at Modin who was

      willing to offer the idolatrous sacrifices

      ordered by the king, and also Apelles, the leader of the



      Maasiai Mace, Books of


      2. Judas

      messengers (1 Mace 2 15-28). He fled with his suns to tin- mountains (108 BC), where he organized a successful resist mice; but being of advanced ago and unlit for the fatigue of active service, he died in 10(5 BO and was buried "in the sepulchres of his fathers" at Modin (1 Mace 2 70; Jos, Ant, XII, vi, 3). lie appar ently named as his successor his 3d son, Judas, though it was with real insight that on his deathbed he recom mended the four brothers to take Simon as their coun sellor (1 Mace 2 05).

      Judas, commonly called Judas Maccabaeus often called in 2 Mace "Judas the Maccabee" held strongly the opinions of his father and proved at least a very capable, leader in guerilla war fare. He defeated several of the generals of Antiochus Apollonius at Beth-horon, part of the army of Lysias at Emmaus (160 BO), and Lysias himself at Bethsura the following year. He took possession of Jerus, except the "Tower," where he was subsequently besieged and hard pressed by Lysias and the young king Antiochus Kupator in 103 BC; but quarrels among the Syrian generals secured relief and liberty of religion to the Jews which, however, proved of short duration. The Helleni/.ing Jews, with AI-CIMUS (q.v.) at their head, secured the favor of the king, who sent Nicanor against Judas. The victory over JS icanor first at Capharsalama and later (101 BC) at Adasanear Beth-horon, ill which engagement Xicanor was slain, was the greatest of Judas successes and practically secured the independence of the Jews. The attempt of Judas to negotiate an alliance with the Romans, who had now serious interests in these regions, caused much dissatisfaction among his followers; and their defection at Elasa (101 BC), during the invasion under, which was undertaken before the answer of the Rom Senate arrived, was the cause of the defeat and death of Judas in battle. His body was buried "in the sepulchres of ]iis fathers" at Modin. There is no proof that Judas held the, oflice of high priest like his father Mattathias. (An interesting and not altogether favorable estimate of Judas and of the spiritual import of the revolt will be found in Jerusalem under tin High Priests, 97-99, by K. .11. Bevaii, London, 1904.)

      Jonathan (called Apphus, "the wary"), the youngest of the sons of Mattathias, succeeded Judas, whose defeat and death had left the patriotic party in Q Tnr,atv.o,i a deplorable condition from which it was 6. jonatnan ros( .i ll>(1 hv thc , skm an(1 a |,jii t y of Jona than, aided largely by the rivalries among the competitors for the Syrian throne. It was in reality from these rivalries that resulted the 05 years (129-04 BC) of the completely independent rule of the Hus- monean dynasty (see ASMONKANS) that elapsed between the (!r supremacy of the Syrian kings and the Rom supremacy established by Pompey. The first step toward the; recovery of the patriots was the permission granted them by Demetrius [ to return to Judaea in 15S BC the year in which Bacchides ended an unsuc cessful campaign against Jonathan and in fact accepted the terms of the latter. After his departure, Jonathan "judged the people at Michmash" (1 Mace 9 7. 5). Jonathan was even authorized to reenter Jems and to maintain a military force, only the "Tower" the A km, as it was called in Or, being held by a Syrian garrison. See further under ASMOXEAXS; LACEDAEMONIANS; TRYPHON.

      Simon, surnamed Thassi ("the zealous"?) was now the only surviving member of the original Maccabean family, and he readily took up the inherit ance. Tryphon murdered the boy-king Antiochus Dionysus and seized the throne of Seleneus, although having no connect ion with the Seleucid family. Siinoii accordingly broke entirely with Tryphon after making successful overtures to Demetrius, who granted the fullest immunity from all the dues that had marked the Seleucid supremacy. Even the golden crown, which had to be paid on the investiture of a new high priest, was now remitted. On the 23d of Ijjar (May), 141, the, patriots entered even the Akra "with praise and palm branches, and with harps, and with cymbals and with viols, and with hymns, and with songs" (1 Mace 13 51). Simon was declared in a Jewish assembly to be high priest and chief of the people "for ever, until there should arise a prophet worthy of credence" (1 Mace 14 41), a limitation that was felt to be necessary on account of the departure of the people from the Divine appointment of the high priests of the old line and one that practically perpetuated the high-priesthood in the family of Simon. Even a new era was started, of which the high-priesthood of Simon was to be year 1, and this was really the founda tion of the Hasmonean dynasty (see ASMONEANS).

      John Hyrcanus, one of the sons of Simon, escaped from

      the plot laid by Ptolemy, and succeeded his father, both

      as prince and high priest. See ASMO-

      6. John NEANS. He was succeeded (104 BC) by


      4. Simon

      his son Aristqbulus I who took the final step of assuming the title of king.

      Two members of the first generation of the Macca bean family still remain to be mentioned: (1) John,

      the eldest, surnamed Gaddis (AV "Caddis"), probably meaning "my fortune," was murdered by a marauding tribe;, the sons of 6. John JAMBRI (q.v.), near Medcba, on the and Eleazar E. of the Jordan, when engaged upon the convoy of some property of the Maccabees to the friendly country of the Naba- taeans (1 Mace 9 35-42). (2) Eleazar, surnamed Avaran, met his death (161 BC) in the early stage of the Syrian war, shortly before the death of Judas. In the battle of Bethzacharias (163 BC), in which the Jews for the first time met elephants in war, he stabbed from below the elephant on which he supposed the young king was riding. He killed the elephant but he was himself crushed to death by its fall (1 Mace 6 43-46). For the further history of the Hasmonean dynasty, see ASMONEANS; MACCABEES, BOOKS OF.

      LITERATURE. There is a copious literature on the Maccabees, a family to which history shows few, if any, parallels of such united devotion to a sacred cause. The main authorities are of course the Maccabean Books of the Apocrypha; but special reference may be made to the chapters of Stanley, Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church, dealing with the subject, and to E. R. Bevan, Jerusalem under the High J riests, 1904, or to the 2d vol of House of Seleucus by the same author, 1902.


      MACCABEES, mak a-bez, BOOKS OF:

      I. 1 MACCABEES

      1. Name

      2. Canonieity

      3. Contents

      4. Historicity

      5. Author s Standpoint and Aim

      0. Date

      7. Sources

      N. Original Language 9. Text and Versions LITERATURE II. 2 MACCABEES

      1. Name

      2. Canonieity

      3. Contents

      4. Sources

      5. Historicity

      0. Teaching of the Book

      7. Author

      8. Date

      9. Original Language 10. Text and Versions



      1. Name

      2. Canonieity

      3. Contents

      4. Historicity

      5. Aim and Teaching

      0. Authorship and Date

      7. Original Language

      8. Text and Versions LITERATURE


      1. Name

      2. Canonieity

      3. Contents

      4. Teaching

      5. Authorship and Date

      0. Original Language 7. Text and Versions


      V. 5 MACCABEES

      1. Name

      2. Canonieity

      3. Contents

      4. Historicity

      5. Original Language (>. Aim and Teaching

      7. Authorship and Date

      8. Text and Versions LITERATURE

      I. 1 Maccabees. The Heb title has perished with the original Heb text. Rabbinical writers call

      the Books of Mace C%iEttnn "HBO, 1. Name iph r re ha-hashmonlm, "The Book of

      the Hasnioneans" (see ASMONEANS). Origen gives to Book I (the only one he seemed to know of) the name Zap/37?0 Za/Javai A, Sarbtth Saba- naiel, evidently a Heb or Aram, name of very un certain meaning, but which Dalman (Aram. Gram., 6) explains as a corruption of Aram. words= "The



      Book of the House of the Hasnioneans" (cf therab- binieal name given :ihove). In the (ir MSS N, AV (Cod. Venetus), tho 4 hooks go under tlie desig nation Ma.KKapa.lwv, Makkabaion, A B T A, pLpXos, biblos, being understood. In the Vulg the 1st and 2d books are alone found, and appear under the name Muchnbntonun liber prim/ix, x-un<{i<x. The spelling Machalxieonim reproduces probably the pronunciation current, in Jerome s day.

      The name "Maccabee" belongs strictly only to Judas, who in 2 Mace is usually called "the Mac cabee" (6 MaK/ca/3cuos, ho Makkdbaios). But the epithet came to be applied to the whole family and their descendants. The word means probably "extinguisher" (of persecution) C 1 ?^ , m<ikhbi, from kdbhah, "to be extinguished"; so Niese; Jos, Ant, XII, vi, 1 f; S. J. Curtis, The, Name. Macca bee). The more usual explanation, "hammerer" P5 C , makkabhay), is untenable, as the noun from which it is derived (T^K > tnakkeUictli) (Jgs 4 21) denotes a smith s hammer.

      Since the Vulg includes only the first 2 books of Mace, these are the only books pronounced canon ical by the Council of Trent and in- 2. Canon- eluded in recognized Protestant VSS icity of the Apoc (see APOCRYPHA). That

      1 Mace was used largely in the early Christian church is proved by the numerous ref erences made to it and quotations from it in the writings of Tertullian (d. 220), Clement of Alex andria (d. 220), Ilippolytus (d. 235), Origen (d. 254), etc. The last named states that 1 Mace is uncanonical, and it is excluded from the lists of canonical writings given by Athanasius (d. 373), Cyril of Jerus (d. 3<SG), and Gregory of Nazianzus (d. 390). Indeed, none of the books of the Mace was recognized as canonical the Council of Trent. (1553) gave this rank to the first 2 books, and Protestants continue in their confessions to exclude the whole of the Apoc from the Bible proper, though Luther maintained that 1 Mace was more worthy of a place in the Canon than many books now included in it.

      1 Mace gives first of all a brief view of the reign of Alexander the Great and the partition of his kingdom

      among his successors. Having thus ex- 9 Pnntontc plained the origin of the Scleucid Dynasty, * ^ on - elus tho author proceeds to give a history of the

      Jews from the, accession of Antiochus IV, king of Syria (175 BO), to tho death of Simon (135 BC). The events of these 40 years are simply but graphically related and almost entirely in the order of their occur rence. The contents of 1 Mace and 2 Mace 4-15 are in the main parallel, dealing with the same incidents; but tho simple narrative character of 1 Mace, in contrast to the didactic and highly religious as well as super natural coloring of 2 Mace, can easily be scon in these corresponding parts. The victories due to heroism in

      1 Mace are commonly ascribed to miraculous interven tion on the part of (Io<l in 2 Mace (see 1 Mace, 4 1 f; cf 2 Mace 8 23 f). 2 Mace is more given to exaggera tions. Tho army of Judas at Bcthsura consists of 10,000 according to 1 Mace 4 29, but of 80,000 according to

      2 Mace 11 2. Tho following is a brief analysis of 1 Mace:

      (1) 1 1-10: An account of the rise of the Seleucid Dynasty.

      (2) 1 11 16 24: History of the Jews from 175 to 135 BC.

      (a) 1 11-04: Introductory. Some Jews inclined to adopt Or customs (religious, etc); Antiochus aim to conquer Egypt and to suppress tho Jewish religion as a source of Jewish disloyally. Desecration of the Jewish temple: martyrdom of many faithful Jews.

      (6) 2 1-70: The revolt, of Mattathias.

      (c) 3 1 9 22: Leadership of Judas Maccabaeus after his father s death. Brilliant victories over the Syrians. Purification of the temple. Death of An tiochus IV (Epiphanes) and accession of Antiochus V (Eupator) (164 BC). Demetrius I became king of Syria, and Alcimus Jewish high priest (162 BC). Treaty be tween Jews and Romans. Defeat of Jews at Eleasa and death of Judas Maccabaeus (161 BC).

      (d) 9 23 12 53: Leadership of Jonathan, 5th son of Mattathias, elected to succeed his brother Judas. He becomes high priest. Political independence of Judaea secured.

      (c) 13 31 16 24: Peaceful and prosperous rule of Simon, brother of Jonathan; accession of his son John Hyrcanus (135 BCJ.

      That the author of 1 Mace aims at giving a cor rect narrative, and that on the whole his account, is correct, is the opinion of practically 4. Histo- all scholars. The simple, straight - ricity forward way in which he writes inspires

      confidence, and there can be no doubt that we have here a first-class authority for the period covered (175-135 BC). It is the earliest Jewish history which dates events in reference to a definite era, this era being that of the Seleucids, 312 BC, the year of the founding of that dynasty. The aid received from God is frequently recognized in the book (2 51 ff; 3 IS; 4 10 f; 9 40; 16 3), yet it is mainly through personal valor that the Jews conquer, not, as in 2 Mace (see III, 3 below), through miraculous Divine interpositions. Ordi nary, secondary causes are almost the only ones taken into account, so that the record may be relied upon as on the whole trustworthy. Yet the writer shows the defects which belong to his age and en vironment, or what from the standpoint of literal history must be counted defects, though, as in the case of 2 Mace (cf Ch), a writer may have other aims than to record bare objective facts. In 1 1-9 the author errs through ignorance of the real facts as regards Alexander s partition of his kingdom; and other misstatements of fact due to the same cause occur in 10 1 ff (Alexander [Balas], son of Antiochus Epiphanes) and in 13 31 ff (time of assas sination of Antiochus VI by Tryphon). In 6 37 it is said there were 32 men upon each elephant, per haps a misreading of the original "2 or 3," although the Indian elephant corps of today carry more.

      We know nothing of a Pers village Elymais (6 1). The number of Jewish warriors that fought and the number slain are understated, while there are evident exaggerations of the number of soldiers who fought against them and of those of them who were left dead on the field (see 4 15; 7 46; 11 45-51, etc).

      But in this book, prayers, speeches and official records abound as they do in Ezra, Nehemiah (see Century Bible, "Ezr," "Neh," "Est," 12 ff), and many modern Protestant writers doubt or deny the authenticity of a part of those, though that is not necessarily to question their genuineness as part of the original narrative.

      As regards the prayers (3 50-54; 4 30-33) and speeches (2 7-13; 2 50-68; 4 6-11, etc), there is no valid reason for doubting that they give at least the substance of what was originally said or written, though ancient historians like Thucydides and Livy think it quite right to edit the speeches of their characters, abbreviating, expanding or altering. Besides, it is to be remembered that the art of stenography is a modern one; even Dr. Johnson, in default of verbatim reports, had to a large extent to make the speeches which he ostensibly reported.

      There is, however, in the book a large number of official documents, and it is in regard to the authenticity of these that modern criticism has expressed greatest doubt. They are the following:

      (1) Letter of the Jews in Gilead to Judas (5 10-13).

      (2) Treaty of alliance between the Romans and Jews; copy written on brass tablets sent to Judas (8 22-32).

      (3) Letter from King Alexander Balas to Jonathan

      (4) Letter from King Demetrius I to Jonathan (10 2545)

      (5) Letter from King Demetrius II to Jonathan (11 30-37), together with letter to Lasthenes (11 31-37).

      (6) Letter from the young prince Antiochus to Jona than, making the latter high priest (11 57).

      (7) Letter from Jonathan to the Spartans, asking for an alliance (12 5-18).

      (8) Earlier letter of the Spartan king Anus to the high priest Onias (12 20-23).

      (<J) Letter from King Demetrius II to Simon (13 30- 40).



      (10) Letter from the Spartans to Simon (14 20-24).

      (11) A decree of the Jews recognizing the services of Simon and his brothers (14 2745).

      (12) Letters from Antiochus VII (Sidetes) to Simon (15 2-9).

      (13) Message from tho Rom consul Lucius to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, asking protection for the Jews (15 16-21). A copy was sent to Simon (15 24).

      Formerly the authenticity of these state docu ments was accepted without doubt, as they are still by Romanist commentators (Welte, Scholz, etc). At most they are but translations of translations, for the originals would be written in Gr and Lat, from which the author would translate into Heb. The Gr of our book is a tr from the Heb (see II, 8 below).

      Rawlinson (Speaker s Apoc, II, 329) says these documents "have a general air of authenticity." Most modern scholars reject the letters purporting to emanate from the Romans (nos. 2 and 13 above) and from the Spartans (nos. 8, 10 above), together with Jonathan s message to the latter (no. 7, above), on the ground that they contain some historical in accuracies and imply others. How could one consul issue official mandates in the name of the Rom republic (see no. 13, above)? In no. 8 above, it is the king of the Spartans who writes on behalf of his people to Onias the high priest; but it is the cp/ioroi or rulers who write for the Spartans to Simon. Why the difference? Moreover, in 12 21 the Spartans and Jews are said to be kinsmen (lit. brothers), both alike being descendants of Abraham; so also 14 20. This is admittedly contrary to fact. For a careful examination of these official documents and their objective value, see Kautzsch, Die Apokryphen des AT, 27-30. Though, however, these documents and some others can be proved in correct as they stand, they do seem to imply actual negotiations of the kind described ; i.e. the Jews must have had communications with the Romans and Spartans, the Jews of Gilead must have sent a missive 1 to Judas (no. 1), Alexander Balas did no doubt write to Jonathan, etc, though the author of 1 Mace puts the matter in his o\\\\vn way, coloring it by his own patriotic and religious prejudices.

      Though the name of the author is unknown, the

      book itself supplies conclusive evidence that he

      belonged to the. Sadducee party, the

      6. Author s party favored by the Hasmoneans.

      Standpoint The aim of the writer is evidently his-

      and Aim torical and patriotic, yet his attitude

      toward religious questions is clearly

      indicated, both directly and indirectly.

      (1) Nowhere in the book is the Divine Being mentioned under any name except Heaven (3 18 f. 50.60; 4 10. 55; 12 15, etc), a designation common in rabbinical Heb (Talm, etc). As early as 300 BC the sacred name "Yahwe" was discarded in favor of "Adonai" (Lord) for superstitious reasons. But in 1 Mace no strictly Divine name meets us at all. This would seem to suggest the idea of a certain aloofness of God, such as characterized the theology of the Sadducee party. Contrast with this the mystic closeness of God realized and expressed by the psalmists and prophets of the OT.

      (2) The author is a religious patriot, believing that his people have been Divinely chosen and that the cause of Israel is the cause of God.

      (3) He is also a strict legalist, believing it the duty of every Jew to keep the Law and to preserve its institutions (1 f; 2 20ff.; 3 21, etc), and deprecating attempts to compel Jews to desecrate the Sabbath and feast days (1 45), to cat unclean food (1 63) and to sac rifice to idols (1 43). Yet the comparatively lax attitude toward the Sabbath implied in 2 41 ff, involving the principle of Christ s words, "The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the

      Sabbath" (Mk 2 27), agrees with the Sadducee position against that of the Pharisees.

      (4) The book teaches that the age of inspiration is past, and that the sacred books already written are the only source of comfort in sorrow and of en couragement under difficulties (12 9).

      (5) The legitimacy of the high-priesthood of Simon is not once questioned, though it is con demned by both the Deuteronomic law (D), which restricts the priesthood to the tribe of Levi, and by the priestly law (P), which requires in addition that a priest must be of the family of Aaron. This laxity agrees well with the general tenets of the Sadducees.

      (6) The book contains no trace of the Messianic hope, though it was entertained at the time in other circles (the Pharisees; see MESSIAH, II, 2; PROPH ECY); 2 57 is no exception, for it implies no more than a belief that there would be a restoration of the Davidic Dynasty. Perhaps it is implied that that expectation was realized in the Hasmoneans.

      _(7) There is no reference in the book to the doc trine of a resurrection from the dead or to that of the immortality of the soul, though we know that both these beliefs were commonly held by Jews of the time (see Dnl 12 3; En 19; 22 11-14- 9 1 5ff; 2 Mace 7 We know that the Pharisee party believed in a resurrection (see Acts 23 6) . The Maccabean heroes fought their battles and faced death without fear, not because, like Moslems, they looked to the rewards of another life, but because they believed in the Tightness of their cause and coveted the good name won by their fathers by acts of similar courage and devotion.

      This outline of the doctrines taught or implied in the book makes it extremely likely that the author was a member of the Sadducee party.

      1 Mace must have been written before the Rom conquest under Pompey, since the writer speaks of the Romans as allies and even 6. Date friends (8 1.12; 12 1; 14 40); i.e. the composition of the book must have been completed (unless we except chs 14-16; see below) before 63 BC, when Pompey conquered Jerus, and Judaea became a Rom province. We thus get 63 BC as a terminus ad quern. Moreover, the historical narrative is brought down to the death of Simon (16 16), i.e. to 135 BC. We have thus an undoubted terminus a quo in 135 BC. The .book belongs for certain to the period between 135 and 63 BC. But 16 18-24 implies that John Hyrcanus (d. 105 BC) had for some time acted as successor to Simon, and Reuss, Ewald, Fritzsche, Grimm, Schiirer, Kautzsch, etc, are probably right in concluding from 16 23 f that John was dead when the book was completed, for we have in this verse the usual formula recording the close, of a royal career (see 1 K 11 41; 2 K 10 34, etc), and the writer makes it .sufficiently understood that all his acts were already "entered in the public annals of the kingdom" (Ewald, History of Israel, V, 463, n.), so that repetition was unnecessary. But Bertheau, Keil, Wellhausen and Torrey draw the contrary con clusion, arguing that John had but begun his rule, so that at the time of writing there was practically nothing to record of the doings subsequent to 135, when John succeeded Simon (seeEB, III, 2860 [Toy]). In 13 30 we read that the monument erected in 143 BC by Simon in memory of his father and brothers was standing at the time when this book was written, words implying the lapse of say 30 years at least. This gives a terminus a quo of 113 BC. Moreover, the panegyric on Simon (d. 135 BC) and his peaceful rule in 14 4-15 leaves the impression that he had been long in his grave. We cannot be far wrong in assigning a date for the book in the early part of the last cent. BC, say 80 BC.



      Destinou (/;/r Qiii Ucn Jr.s- /<7r;r/i/,s JON, I, 1SS2, SO ffi, followed by Wellhauscn (1.1(1, 1S94, 222 f), maintained that Jos (d. c .*")), who followed 1 Mace up to the end of ch 13, could not have seen chs 14-16 (or from 14 1(1?). or he \\\\vould not have given so meaner an account of the high-priesthood of Simon (see Ant, XIII, vi, 7), which the author of 1 Mace describes so fully in those chapters. But Jos must have used these chapters or he could not have written of Simon even as fully as he does.

      If, as Torrey (EB, 111, 2X02) holds, we have in

      I Mace "the account of one who had witnessed the

      whole Maccabcan struggle from itsbe-

      7. Sources ginning," the book having been com

      pleted soon after the middle of the 2d cent. BC, it may then be assumed that the writer depended upon no other sources than his own. But even in this case one is compelled, contrary to Torrey (I.e.), to assume that written sources of his own were used, or the descriptions would not have been so full and the dating so exact. If, however, we follow the evidence and bring down the date of the book to about 80 BC (see 1,0), it must be supposed that the author had access to written sources. It may legitimately be inferred from 9 22 and 16 23 and from the liabit of earlier times (see Century Bible, "Ezr," etc, 11 ff) that official records were kept in the archives of the temple, or elsewhere. These might have contained the state documents referred to in I, 4, some or all, and reports of speeches and prayers, etc. It must be admitted that, unlike the compilers of the historical books of the OT (S, K, Ch, etc), the author of 1 Mace does not definitely name his written sources. The writer might well be supposed to have kept a kind of diary of his own in which the events of his own early life were recorded. Oral tradition, _mueh more retentive of songs, speeches and the like in ancient than in modern times, must have been a very important source.

      We have the testimony of Origen (see I, 1) and

      Jerome (Prolog. Galeatus) that the book existed in

      Heb in their day. But it is doubtful

      8. Original whether the words of Origen imply a Language Heb or an Aram, original, and though

      Jerome does speak of the book as Heb (hebraicus), it has to be remembered that in later times the Or adj. denoting Heb (c/Spaierri, fichralsti) and perhaps the corresponding Lat one (hebraicus) denoted often Palestinian Aram, (see Jgs 6 2; 19 13.17; and Kautzsch, Grammatik des bib. Aram., 19).

      Hebraisms (or Aramaisms?) abound throughout the book. In the following examples Hebraisms are literally rendered in Gr, though in the latter language they are unidiornatic and often unintelli gible: "two years of days" = two full years (1 29, etc); "month and month" = every month (1 58); "a man [or each one] his neighbor" = each .... the other (2 40; 3 43); "sons of the fortress" = occupants of the fortress (4 2); "against our face" = before us (4 10); "men of power" = warriors (5 32); "of them" = some of them (6 2; cf 7 33, "of the priests" = some of the priests); "the right hand wing" = the southern wing (91); "yester day and the third day" = hitherto (9 44). The above are strictly Hebraisms and not for the most part Aramaisms. The implied use of the "wet in consecutive" in 3 1.41; 8 1; 9 1, and often, points also to a Heb, not to an Aram, origin. "Heaven" as a substitute for "God," so common in this book (see I, 5), is perhaps as much an Aramaism as a Hebraism (see Tg Jerus Nu 25 19). Many of the proper names in the book are obviously but trans literations from the Heb; thus ^vXiffriflv, Phulis- ticin (3 24); cf Sir 46 IS; 47 7; sec the names in 11 34; andSchiirer, (7.7 F 4 , I, 233.

      The original Tfeb text of 1 Mace (sec T, N) must, have been lost at a ver.y early time, since we have no evidence

      of its use by any early writer. .1. 1).

      9. Text Michaelis held that Jos used it, but this

      j idea lias been abandoned in the faco of

      overwhelming evidence to the- contrary. Versions The Meb text of the first half of 1 Mace,

      edited by A. Schweizcr and taken by him to be a part of the; original text, ; s in reality a tr from the Lat made in the llth cent, of our era (so Noldeke, etc).

      (1) Greek. The (ir text from which the other VSS are nearly all made is given in all edd of the LXX. It occurs in the uncials X (Fritzsche, X), A (Fritzsche, III), and V (sth or 9th cent.), not in B ; and in a large number of cursives. Sweto (OT in Gr) gives the text of A with tho variations of S and V. Though the Gr text has so many Hebraisms, it is an exceedingly good rendering, full of spirit and on the whole more idiomatic than the rest of the LXX.

      (2) Latin. There are two Lat recensions of the book: () that found in the Yulg, which agrees almost entirely with the Old Lat VS. It is in the main a literal rendering of the (ir. (It) Sabatier (lii lilinrum sacrorum Lntin/ie versiones tinti<iu<u . Ilj published in 1/4:5 a LatVS of chs 1-13 found in but one MS (Sangermanensis). Though It is evidently made from the Gr it differs at many points from the Vtilg. It is probably older than the Old Lat and therefore than the Vulg.

      (3) tfi/riar. There are also two varying texts in this language, (a) The best known is that printed in the Paris Polyglot (vol IX), copied with some changes into the London Polyglot (vol IV ; for readings see vol Vj. Lagarde (Lib. Vet. Teat. Apoc. Syr., 1801) has edited this VS, correcting and appending readings. (6) A text differing in many respects from (a) is given by Ceriani in his Cod. Ambros. of the Pesh (1876-83), though this also is made from the Gr. For a careful collection of both the above Syr texts by G. Schmidt, see ZATW, 1897, 1-17, 233-02.

      LITKKATURE. See literature cited in the foregoing material. For texts and comms. on the Apoc, see APOCRYPHA. Tho following comms. deserve special mention: Grimm, Kurz. exru. Jl/utdhurh, etc, to which the comms. by Keil (1 and 2 Mace) and Bissel (Lange) owe very much; Kautzsch, Die A i><>r ilc.t AT; W. Fair- weather and J. S. Black, Cambridge Iii/>tr, "1 Mace." and Oesterley in the Oxford Apoc edited by R. II. Charles (1913). Of the diet. arts, those in Eli (Torrey) and II DB (Fairweather) are excellent. See also E. Montet, AVs-ni sur les orifjines tlf* Kinlurrens e,t des pharisiens, 1SS5; \\\\Vibricll, Juilen umL Grin-hen. rur tier innk. E rtu linni], 1S7.">, 69-76; B. Xiese, Kritih <!<r heitlen Makkab&erbUcher, 1900. For a very full bibliography see Schiirer, G.1V*, III, 19811, and his art. "Apocrypha" in RE*, and in Sch-Hcrz.

      II. 2 Maccabees. See I, above. The earliest ex

      tant mention of the book as 2 Mace is in Euseb.,

      Prnep. Evany., VIII, 9. Jerome also

      1. Name (Prol. Galeatus) calls it, by this name.

      In the early church 2 Mace was

      much less valued and therefore less read than 1

      Mace. Augustine was the only church Father to

      claim for it canonical rank and even he,

      2. Canon- in a controversy with the Donatists icity who quoted 2 Mace, replied that this

      book had never been received into the Canon. Since they formed an integral part of the Vulg, 1 and 2 Mace were both recognized by the Council of Trent as belonging to the Komanist Canon.

      (1) 1 2 18: Two letters from the Jews of Jerus to their brethren in Egypt, urging them to keep the Feast

      of Dedication and in a general way to ob- serve the Law given them by God through ]\\\\i os( , S- Both letters appear designed to win for the Jerus temple the love and de votion which the Jews of Egypt were in danger of lavish ing upon the Leontopolis temple in Egypt. These letters have no connection with the rest of the book or with each other, and both are undoubted forgeries. There can be no doubt that 2 Mace was first of all composed, and that subsequently either the author or a later hand prefixed these letters on account of their affinity in thought to the book as it first existed. See further on these letters II, 4 and 9.

      (2) 2 19-32: Introduction to what follows. The author or epitomizer claims that liis history (ch 3 to end of the book) is an epitome in one book of a larger work in 5 books by Jason of Gyrene. But see II, 4, below.

      (3) 3 1 15 39 (end of book) : History of the rise and progress of the Maccabean wars from 176 BC, to the closing year of the reign of Seleucus IV Philopatpr, to the defeat and death of Nicanor in 161 BC, a period of 15 years. The record in 2 Mace begins one year earlier than that of 1 Mace, but as the latter reaches down to





      135 BO (and probably below 105 BC; see I, 5), 1 Mace covers a period of at least 40 years, while 2 Mace gives the history of but 15 years (176-161 BC). The history of this period is thus treated: (a) 3 1 4 6: Traitorous conduct of the Benjamite Simon in regard to the temple treasures and the high priest; futile attempt of Helio- clorus, prime minister of Seleucus IV", to rob the temple (see I, 3, [11] above); (/>) 4 7 7 42 1 Mace 1 10-64, with significant variations and additions. Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes (175 BC); the Hellenizing of some Jew.s; persecution of the faithful; martyrdom of Eleazar and the 7 brethren and their mother (this last not in 1 Mace); (<) chs 8-15 (end) || 1 Mace 3-7, with sig nificant divergences in details. Rise and development of the Maccabean revolt (see I, 3, above). In the closing verses (15 3,S ff) the writer begs that Ms composition may be received with consideration.

      The record of events in 2 Mace ends with the brilliant victory of Judas over Xicanor, followed by the death of the latter; but it is strange that the history of the main hero of the book should be dropped in the middle. Per haps this abrupt ending is due to the writer s aim to commend to the Jews of Egypt the two new festivals, both connected with the Jerus temple: () Hunukknh (Festival of Dedication) (1 9.18; 2 16; 10 S; ; (6) Nicanor Day (15 Ml. to commemorate the defeat and death of Xicanor. To end the book with the account of the institution of the Jailer gives it greater prominence.

      In its present form 2 Mace is based ostensibly on two kinds of written sources.

      (1) In 2 10-32 the writer of 3 1 to 4. Sources the end, which constitutes the book proper, says that his own work is but an epitome, clearly, artistically and attractively set out, of a larger history by one Jason of Gyrene. Most commentators understand this statement literally, and endeavor to distinguish between the parts due to Jason and those due to the opitomi/er. Some think they see endings of the 5 books reflected in the summaries at 3 40; 7 42; 10 9; 13 26; 15 37. But W. H. Rosters gives cogent reasons for concluding that the reference to Jason is but a literary device to secure for his own composition the respect accorded in ancient, as in a lesser degree in modern, times to tradition. The so-called "epitomizor" is in that case alone responsible for the history he gives. The present writer has no hesitation in accepting these conclusions. We read nowhere else of a historian called "Jason," or of such a large history as his must have been if it extended to 5 books dealing with the events of 15 years, though such a man and so great a work could hardly have escaped notice. Hitzig (Ci-sch. des Volkes Israels, II, 415) held that Jason or his sup posed epitomizor made use of 1 Mace, altering, adding and subtracting to suit his purpose. But the different order of the events and the contra dictions in statements of facts in the 2 books, as well as the omission from 2 Mace of important items found in 1 Mace, make; Hitzig s supposition quite untenable. A careful examination of 2 Mace has led Grimm, Schiirer, Zockler, Wibrich, Cornill, Torrcy and others to the conclusion that the author de pended wholly upon oral tradition. This gives the best clue to the anachronisms, inconsistencies and loose phrasing which characterize the book. Ac cording to 1 Mace 4 26-33, the first campaign of Lysias into Judaea took place in 165 BC, the year before the death of Antiochus IV; but 2 Mace 11 tells us that it occurred in 163 BC, i.e. subsequent to the death of Antiochus IV. Moreover, in the latter passage this 1st expedition of Lysias is con nected with the grant of freedom to the Jews, which is really an incident of the 2d expedition, and in 13 1-24 is rightly mentioned in the account of the 2d expedition. The writer of 2 Mace, relying upon memory, evidently mixes up the stories of two different expeditions. Similarly the invasions of neighboring tribes under Judas, which are repre sented in 1 Mace 5 1-68 as taking place in quick succession, belong, according to 2 Mace 8 30; 10 15-38; 12 2-45, to separate dates and different sets of circumstances. The statements in 2 Mace

      are obscure and confused, those in 1 Mace 6 clear and straightforward. Though in 2 Mace 10 37 we read of the death of Timotheus, yet in 12 2 ff he appears as a leader in other campaigns. There again the writer s memory plays him false as he recalls various accounts of the same events. It was Mattathias who gathered together the Jews and organized them for resistance against Syria, if we follow 1 Mace 2 1-70; but 2 Mace 8 l -7 ascribes this role to his son Judas. The purification of the temple took place 3 years subsequent to its prof anation, according to 1 Mace 1 51; 4 52, but only 2 years, according to 2 Mace 10 3.

      (2) The two letters sent from Palestinian to Egyp Jews (1 12 IS) form no integral part of the original 2 Mace. They are clearly forgeries, and abound in inaccuracies and inconsistencies. The second letter, much the longer, gives an account of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, which is irrec oncilable with that in 9 1-28 and also with that in 1 Mace 6 1-16. Nehemiah is said in 1 18 to have rebuilt the temple and altar, a work accom plished by Zerubbabel nearly a cent, earlier (Ezr 3 3; 6 15). Nehemiah s work was to repair the gates and walls (Neh 3 1-32; 61; 71; Sir 49 13). The writer of this letter says (2 Mace 2 3-5) that at the time of the exile, Jeremiah concealed in a cave on Mt. Pisgah the tabernacle, the ark of the covenant and the altar of incense, a statement which no one accepts as correct or even plau sible. That the author of the rest of the book is not the composer of the letters is proved by the dif ference of style and the contradictions in subject- matter. But that he himself prefixed them is made probable by the connecting particle in the Gr (5f), though some (Bertholdt, Grimm, Paulus, Kosters) think rather plausibly that the letters were added by a later hand, the connection in the Gr being also introduced by him and not by the author of the rest of the book. It has been main tained that we have but one letter in 1 1 2 18, and on the other hand that there are three. But the division into two is quite natural and is almost universally accepted.

      2 Mace belongs to the class of lit. called by the Germans Tendenz-Schriften, i.e. writings originating in the desire to teach some doctrine 6. Histo- or to correct some supposed error, ricity 1 Mace gives us a history of the Macca

      bean wars as such, taking so little notice of the part played by God that the Divine Being is not so much as mentioned, except under the impersonal form Heaven (cf "Heaven helps those who help themselves")- Nor has 1 Mace a word to say about a life beyond the grave. In short, 1 Mace is written from the standpoint of the Sadducees, to which party the reigning dynasty (the Hasmonean) belonged. The writer of 2 Mace is evidently a Pharisee and his aim is not historical but doctrinal; i.e. the book is a historical romance with a purpose, that purpose being to make promi nent the outstanding tenets of the Pharisees (see II, 6). Two extreme opinions have been defended as to the historical value of 2 Mace: (1) That 2 Mace is a strictly historical work, is more trust worthy than 1 Mace and is to be followed when the two books differ; so the bulk of Roman Catholics and also Niese and Schlatter. The supernatural- ism of the book is to Romanists a recommendation. (2) That 2 Mace has virtually no historical value, since it was written for other than historical ends; so Wibrich, Kosters and Kamphausen. But the bulk of Protestant critics of recent times occupy a position midway between these two opposite opin ions, viz. that 1 Mace is much more accurate than 2 Mace and is to be preferred when the 2 books of Mace differ or contradict each other; so Grimm,



      Reuss, Sclmrer, Kamphausen. On the oilier hand, when 2 Mace contains historical matter absent from 1 Mace it is to be accepted as correct unless opposed by intrinsic improbability or direct con I rary evidence. In chs 3-5 \\\\ve have details concerning the Maccabean revolt not, found in 1 Mace, and in treatment of episodes or incidents with which 1 Mace deals it is often fuller and more specific, as in 10 14-23; 12 7-9 (cf 1 Mace 6 1-5; 12 17-25); 10 24-38 (cf 1 Mace 5 29-44); 12 32- If) (cf 1 Mace 5 65.68.63 f). On the other hand, the account of the celestial appearances in 3 24 ft; 11 8, etc, and the description in 6 18 t f of the martyr dom of Eleazar the scribe and of (he 7 brethren and their mother, carry on their face the marks of their legendary and unhistorical character. The edi fying remarks scattered throughout the book, many of them pragmatic, and reminding one of the Book of Dnl, confirm the impression otherwise suggested, that the author s aim was didactic and not his torical. The book as it stands is a real authority for the ideas prevalent in the writer s circle at the time of its composition.

      In general it may be said that the doctrines taught in 2 Mace arc 1 those of the Pharisees of the day.

      Several scholars consider 2 Mace the 6. Teach- answer of Pharisaism to the Saddu- ing of the ceeism of 1 Mace (see Wellhausen, Book Die I*h<irix(ier und die Saduciicr; cf

      Geiger, l. rxchrift inul Ubcrsetzungen der Bibel, 219 f f). But there is evidence enough (see II, 4) that the author of 2 Mace had not seen 1 Mace. Yet it is equally clear that 2 Mace does give prominence, to the distinctive tenets of Pharisaism, and it was probably written on that account.

      (1) The strictest observance of the law is en forced. The violation of the sanctity of the Sabbath countenanced under special circumstances in 1 Mace (2 39-48) is absolutely forbidden in 2 Mace (6 (5.11 ; 8 26 f; 12 38); cf the words of the Pharisees to Petronius when the lat ter proposed to have a statue of the emperor Gains erected in the temple: "We will die rather than transgress the law" (Jos, Ant, XVIII, viii, 3).

      (2) The Pharisaic party took but little interest in political affairs, and supported the Hasmoneans only because and in so far as they fought for the right to observe their religious rites. When, how ever, they compromised with Hellenism, the Phari sees turned against them and their allies the Sad- ducees. In this book we miss the unstinted praise accorded the Hasmonean leaders in 1 Mace, and it is silent as to the genealogy of the Hasmoneans, the death of Judas Maccabaeus and the family grave at Modin.

      (3) The book reveals thus early the antagonism between the, Pharisees and the priestly party, which is so evident in the Gospels. The high-priesthood had through political circumstances become the property of the Maccabees, though they were not of the Aaronic family, or even of the tribe of Levi. The priestly circle became the aristocratic, broad- church party, willing to come to terms with Gr thought and life. Hence in 2 Mace, Jason and Menelaus are fit representatives of the priesthood. In the list of martyrs (chs 6 f ) no priest appears, but on the other hand, Eleazar, one of the principal scribes scribes and Pharisees were then as in NT times virtually one party suffered for his loyalty to the national religion, "leaving his death for an example" (6 18-31).

      (4) The temple occupies a high and honorable place in 2 Mace, as in the mind of the orthodox party (see 2 19; 3 2; 5 15; 9 10; 13 23; 14 31). Great stress is laid on the importance of the feasts (6 6; 10 8, etc), of sacrifice (10 3), of circumcision

      (6 10), of the laws of diet (6 18; 11 31). The author seems in particular anxious to recommend to his readers (Egyp Jews) the observance of the two new festivals instituted to commemorate the purification of the temple after its pollution by the Syrians and also the victory over Nicanor. Accord ing to this book the Hanukkahfe&stw&a established immediately after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes (10 (iff), not before this event (1 Mace 4 0(5), probably to give it additional importance. The book closes with the defeat and death of Nicanor and the founding of the Nicanor Day festival, without mentioning the death of Judas, as though the writer s aim was to give prominence to the two new festivals.

      (5) This book shows a Jewish particularism which agrees well with Pharisaism and Scribism, but is opposed to the broader sentiments of the ruling party: Israel is God s people (1 2(5); His por tion (14 1")); He often intervenes miraculously on behalf of Israel and the religion of Israel (3 24-30; 10 29 f; 11 (5-8); even the calamities of the nation are proofs of Divine love because designed for the nation s good (5 18); but the sufferings brought upon the heathen are penal and show the Divine displeasure (438; 69; 138; 1532f). The writer is deadly opposed to the introduction of Gr customs and in particular to the establishment of a gymnasium in Jems (4 7f; 11 24). The Book of Jub, also written by a zealous Pharisee, takes up the same hostile attitude toward foreign customs (see 3 31; 7 20, and the note by 11. H. Charles [Book of Jub] on the former) .

      (6) This book gives prominence to the doctrine of a resurrection and of a future life about which 1 Mace, a document of the Sadducee party, is silent (cf I, 5 above; see 7; 12 43-45; 14 46 [cf IV, 4, below]). The Sadducees, to which the Hasmoneans belonged, denied a resurrection, limit ing their conception of religion to the present life, in this agreeing with the teaching of the Heb Scrip tures down to the time of the exile (536 BC). But the Pharisees and scribes, though professing to rest their beliefs on the "Law of Moses," departed from that law in this matter (see Warburton, The Divine Legation of Moses}. The resurrection is to be a bodily one (7 11.22 f ; 14 46) and to a life that is unending (7 9.36). The following related beliefs supported in this book and forming part of the creed of orthodox Pharisaism are adduced by Roman ists on behalf of their own teaching: (a] the effi cacy of prayers for the dead (12 44); (b) the power exercised by the intercession of saints (15 12-14); Philo (Deexecrat., 9) and Jos (Ant, I, xi, 3) held the same doctrine; (c) the atoning character of the martyrdom of the righteous (7 36.38; cf 4 Mace 17 22; see IV, 4, [3], below).

      (7) The angelology of 2 Mace forms a prominent feature of the book (see 3 24-30; 10 29 f; 11 6-8). The Sadducees accepted the authority of the Pent, though they rejected tradition. They were there fore inconsistent in allowing no place for angelic beings in their creed, though consistent in rejecting the doctrine of a future life.

      (8) The comparative silence of this book on the question of the Messianic hope is strikingly in con trast with the prominence of the subject in Ps Sol (1723ff, etc; see Ryle and James, Psalms of Solomon, lii ff) and other contemporary writings emanating from the Pharisees. But why should the author of 2 Mace be expected to give equal prominence to all his opinions in one tract? Some such hope as that connected with the Messiah does, however, seem to be implied in 1 27; 2 18; 7 33; 14 15.

      The present writer holds that one man is respon sible for 2 Mace in its present form and that the



      only written source was the 2 letters with which

      the book opens (1 1 2 18) (see II, 4, above).

      Even if we have to assume an origi-

      7. The nal in 5 books of which 2 Mace, as we Author have it, is but an epitome, it is not pos sible to distinguish between the senti ments of "Jason" and his epitomizer. The author assuming but one was evidently an Egyp, probably an Alexandrian Jew, who nevertheless retained his loyalty to the Jcrus temple and its constitutions and desired to prevent the alienation of his fellow-countrymen in the same country from the home sanctuary and its feasts, esp. the two new feasts, Ilannkknh (Dedication) and Nicanor Day. The Jews of Egypt had a temple of their own, in opposition to the teaching of the Jewish law (D and P; cf Dt 12 2-18 and Lev 17 1-9; 19 30), and it was perhaps the growing influence of this temple that prompted the author to compose this book which sets so much honor upon the Jerus temple and its observances. The character of the Gr (sec; II, 9, below), the ignorance of Pal and also the deep interest in Egypt which this book reveals these and other considerations point to the conclusion that the author lived and wrote in Egypt. There is no evidence that Judas Maccabaeus (Leon Allutius), or the author of Sir (Hasse) or Philo the Jew (Honorius d Autun) or Jos wrote the book, though it has been ascribed by different scholars to each of the persons named.

      The book must have been written sufficiently

      long after 161 BC, the year with which the record

      closes, to allow 7 mythical tales of the

      8. Date martyrdoms in chs 6 f and the history

      of the supernatural appearances in 3 24-30, etc, to arise. If we allow 30 years, or the lifetime of a generation, we come down to say 130 BC as a terminus a quo. There is probably in 15 3(i a reference to the Book of Est (so Cornill, Kautzschand Wellhausen,/J(7 4 , 302 f) which would bring the terminus a quo down to about 100 BC. That 2 Mace was written subsequently to 1 Mace (i.e. after 80 BC) is made certain by the fact that the Jews now pay tribute to Rome (8 10.30). Since Philo, who died about 40 AD, refers to 4 8 - 7 42 (Quod ontnis probus liber, Works, ed Mangey, II, 459), the book must have been composed before 40 AD. This is confirmed by the certainty that it was written before the destruction of Jerus and the temple (70 AD), for the city still exists and the temple services are in full operation (3 Off, etc). He 11 35 f is no doubt an echo of 6 187 42 and shows that the unknown author of He had 2 Mace before him. The teaching of the book represents the views of the Pharisees about the middle of the last cent. BC. A date about 40 BC would agree with all the evidence.

      That the original language was Gr is made exceed ingly likely by the easy flow of tho stylo and the almost entire absence of Hebraisms (yet see 8 15; Q Oricrinal 95; 1424). No scholar of any standing y. ungin< i hag plead( , d for a Hl>h or i g i na i O f the

      Language present book. Bertholdt, however, ar gued that the two letters (1 1 2 18) were composed in Heb (or Aram.). Ewald held that tho 2d letter (1 11 2 IX) is from the Heb, and Sehliinkes that this applies to the 1st only. But the evidence given by these scholars is unconvincing, though the 1st letter is* certainly more Hebraic in style than the 2d, the con trary of what Ewald said.

      As to the texts and versions, see I, 0, above, where tho statements apply here with but slight qualifications. But the book is lacking in X as well as in 10 Text A - * n addition to tho Old Lat text adopted for the Vulg, we have another Lat text in Cod. Ambrosianus, published


      Versions in 1824 by Peyron; but this" book is unrepresented in Sabatier s collection of Old Lat texts.

      LITERATURE. In addition to the lit. mentioned under APOCRYPHA and I above, and in the course of the present art., note the following items: Comm. of Moffatt (Oxford

      A par); C. Bertheau, De sec. lib. Mace., 1829 (largely quoted by Grimm); VV. H. Kosters, " De Polemiek van het tweede boek do Mak," TT. Xli, 491-558; Schlatter, "Jason von Gyrene," TLZ, 1893, 322; A. Biichler, Die Tobiaden u. die Oniuden im II Mak, 1889; Wibrich, Juden und Griechen, etc, 1S95, 64; Kamphausen (Kautzsch, Die Apoc des AT). The following discussing the two letters (1 1 2 18) deserve mention: Valckenaer, De Aristobulo 38-44; Sehliinkes, Kiiistolae quae secundo Mace libro I etc, 1844, 19; also Difficiliorum locorum epistolae, etc 1847; Graetz, "Das Sendschreiben der Palaestinenser an die aegyptiscnen Gemeinden," etc, Monats.i. fur u U7,i/i. (If* Jndi iitlnimx, 1877, 1-1(1, 49-60; A. Biichler " Das Sendsehrciben der Jerusalemer," etc, Monatxx. J iir Gesch. u. Wisxen. </r.s .1 mlenthnm.t; see last notice 1 , 1897, 481 -">()<), 529-54); Bruston, " Trois lettres des .luifs de Palestine," Z.t / ll", X, 110-17; W. II. Kosters, "Strek- king der brieven in 2 Mace," TT, 1898, 68-76; Torrey, "Die Uricfe2 Mak," XATW, 1900,225-42.

      ///. 3 Maccabees. The name 3 Mace, though occurring in the oldest MSS and VSS, is quite un suitable, because the book refers to

      1. Name events which antedate the Maccabean

      age by about half a cent., and also to events in which the Maccabees took no part. But this book tells of sufferings and triumphs on the part of loyal Jews comparable to those of the Maccabean period. Perhaps the term Maccabees was generalized so as to denote all who suffered for their faith. Some hold that the book was written originally as a kind of introduction to the Books of Mace, which it precedes as Book I in Cotton s Five Books of M<icc<tl>ctx. But the contents of the book do not agree with this view. Perhaps the title is due to a mistake on the part of a copyist.

      The book has never been reckoned as canonical by the Western church, as is shown by the fact that

      it exists in no edition of the Vulg

      2. Canon- and was not included in the Canon by icity the Council of Trent. It is for the

      latter reason absent from the Protes tant VSS of the Apoc which contain but the Books of Mace (1 and 2). But 3 Mace has a place in two uncials of the LXX (A and V) and also in the an cient (Pesh) Syr VS of the Scriptures, and it is given canonical rank in the Apos Const (canon 85). The book must therefore have been held in high esteem in the early church.

      3 Mace is a historical novel in which there is much more romance than history, and more silly and super ficial writing than either. It professes Q r -fante to narrate occurrences in the history of tho " <"0iuen ,s j ows w hieh took place; at Jerus and at Alexandria in which the Jews were per secuted but in various ways delivered.

      (1) l i 224: After conquering at Raphia Antiochus III. the great king of Syria (224-187 BC), Ptolemy IV Philopator, king of Egypt (221-204 BC), resolved to visit Jerus and to enter tho sanctum ("holy of holies," ads, nods) of the temple to which by tho Jewish law access was allowed only to the high priest, and even to him but once a year (Day of Atonement [1 11]). The Jews, priests and people, were in a paroxysm of grief and earnestly entreated him to desist, but he persisted in his plan. They then through Simon, the high priest, 219-199 BC, prayed that God might intervene and avert this desecration. The prayer is answered, the king being paralyzed before realizing his purpose.

      (2) 2 25-30: Returned to Alexandria, Ptolemy is ex asperated at the failure of his long-cherished project and resolves to wreak his vengeance upon the Jews of Egypt. He issues a decree 1 that all Jews in Alexandria who re fused to bend tho knee to Bacchus should be deprived of all their rights as citizens.

      (3) 2 31 4 21: A goodly number of Alexandrian Jews refuse to obey the royal mandate, whereupon Ptolemy issues an edict that all the Jews of Egypt, men, women and children, shall be brought in chains to Alexandria and confined in the race-course (hippodrome), with a view to their wholesale massacre. Prior to the massacre there is to be a complete register taken of the names of the assembled Jews. Before the list is complete the writing materials give way and the huge slaughter is

      (4) 4 22 6 21 : The king, still thirsting for the blood of this people, hits upon a different method of compass ing tlieir ruin. Five hundred elephants are intoxicated with wine and incense and let loose upon the Jews in the race-course. Here we have the principal plot of the book and we reach the climax in the various providential expedients, childish in their character, of preventing the



      execution of the kind s purpose. The lesson of it all seems to be that God will deliver those who put their trust in Him.

      (5) 6 22 7 23: At length the king undergoes a change of heart. He releases the .lews and restores them to all their lost rights and honors. In response to their request, he gives them permission to slay their brother-Jews who, in the hour of trial, had given tip their faith. They put to death 300, "esteeming this destruc tion of the wicked a season of joy" (7 15).

      3 Mace is made tip of a number of incredible tales, the details of which an 1 absurd and contradictory. The beginning of the book has evidently been lost, as appears from the opening words, "Now when Philopator" (<> Se <l iAo7iaTcup, ho <!/ I h ili>dtor) . and also from the refer ences to an earlier part of the narrative now lost, e.g.:

      1 1 ("from those who came back"); 1 2 ("the plot afore mentioned"); 2 25 ("the aforenamed boon com panions"), etc.

      The book contains very little that is true history, notwithstanding what Israel Abrahams (see "Litera ture" to this seel ion), depending largely 4. Histo- on Mahaffy (The Umpire of the Ptole- ricity mies), says to the contrary. It is much

      more manifest than even in the case of

      2 Mace that the writer s aim was to convey certain impressions and not to write history (see III, 5).

      The improbabilities of the hook are innumerable (see Bissell, The Apoc of the. OT, 016 f), and it, is evident that we have to do here with a combination of legends and fables worked up in feeble fashion with a view to making prominent certain ideas which the author wishes his readers to keep in mind. Yet behind the fiction of the book there are certain facts which prompted much of what the writer says.

      (1) That Ptolemy IV bore the character of cruelty and capriciousness and effeminacy is borne out by Polybius (204-121 BC) in his History and by Plutarch in his Life of Cleomenes.

      (2) The brief outline of the war between Ptolemy IV and Antiochus III, the latter being conquered at Raphia (chs 1 f), agrees in a general way with what has been written by Polybius, Livy and Justin.

      (3) In this book, by the command of Ptolemy, 500 intoxicated elephants are let loose upon the Jews brought bound to the race-course of Alexan dria. Jos (CAp, II, v) tells us that Ptolemy VII Physcon, king of Egypt, 145-117 BC, had the Jews of Alexandria, men, women and children, brought bound and naked to an inclosed space and that he had let loose on them a herd of elephants, which, however, turned instead upon his own men, killing a large number of them. The cause of the king s action was that the Jewish residents of Alexandria sided with his foes. In 3 Mace the cause of the action of Ptolemy IV was the failure of his project to enter the sanctum of the Jerus temple; this last perhaps a reflection of 2 Mace 3 9 ff, where it is related that Heliodorus was hindered from entering the temple by a ghostly apparition. Now these two incidents, in both of which Jews are attacked by intoxicated elephants, must rest upon a common tradition and have probably a nucleus of fact. Perhaps, as Israel Abrahams holds, the tradition arose from the action of the elephants of Ptolemy in the Battle of Raphia. Most writers think that the reference is to some thing that, occurred in the reign of Ptolemy VII.

      (4) The shut ting-up of the Jews in the race course at Alexandria was not improbably suggested by a similar incident in which Herod the Great was the principal agent.

      (5) In the opinion of Grimm (Comm., 216) we have in the two festivals (6 36; 7 19) and in the existence of the synagogue at Ptolemais an implied reference to some great deliverance; vouchsafed to the Jews.

      3 Mace was probably written by an Alexandrian Jew at a time when the Jews in and around Alex

      andria were sorely persecuted on account of their

      religion. The purpose of the author seems to have

      been to comfort those suffering for the

      5. Aim and faith by giving examples showing how- Teaching God stands by His people, helping

      in all their trials and delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. Note further the following points: (1) The book, unlike 2 Mace, is silent as to a bodily resurrection and a future life, though this may be due to pure accident. Hades (XiSrjs, If aides) in 4 8; 5 42; 6 31, etc. appears to stand only for death, regarded as the end of all human life. (2) Yet the belief in angelic beings is clearly implied (see 6 IS IT). (3) The author has much confidence in the power of prayer (sco 2 10; 2 21-24; 5 6-10.13.50 f; 6 1-15, etc). (4) The book lays stress upon the doctrine that God is on the side of His people (4 21, etc), and even though they transgress His commandments He will forgive and save them (2 13; 4 13, etc).

      From the character of the Gr, the interest shown in Alexandrian Judaism, and the acquaintance dis played with Egyp affairs (see I. Abra-

      6. Author- hams. op. cit., 39 ff), it may be in- ship and ferred with confidence that the author Date was a Jew residing in Alexandria.

      The superior limit (terminus a quo) for the date is some time in the last cent. BC. Since the existence of the additions to Dnl is implied (see Dnl 6 6), the inferior limit (terminus a<l t/ueni) is some time before 70 AD. If the temple had been destroyed, the continuance of the temple services could not have been implied (see 1 Sff). As the book seems written to comfort and encourage Alexandrian Jews at a time when they were per secuted, Ewald, Hausrath, Reuss and others thought it was written during the reign of the emperor Caligula (37-41 AD), when such a persecution took place. But if Ptolemy is intended to repre sent Caligula, it is strange, as Schiirer (OJV 1 , ill, 491) remarks, that the writer does not make Ptolemy claim Divine honors, a claim actually made by Caligula.

      Though Jos (d. 95 AD) could not, have known the book, since his version of the same incidents differs so much, yet it must have been written some 30 years before his death, i.e. before the destruction of Jerus and the temple in 71 AD.

      That 3 Mace was composed in Gr is the opinion of all

      scholars and is proved by the free, idiomatic and rather

      bombastic character of the language in the

      (!) Greek. This book occtirs in the two .Language uncials A and V (not in B or X), i" most cur sives and also in nearly all odd of t he LXX. (2) Syriac. The Syr VS (Pesh) reproduced in the Paris and London Polyglot and by Lagarde, Lib. .1 /><><.

      Vet. Text. It is not a good tr. o TVY+ onH (3) Latin. The earliest Lat tr is that

      0. ACAL tuu maclo for tho Complutensian Polyglot, Versions (4) T he earliest in Eng. is that of Walter

      Lynne (1650).

      LITERATURE. Besides thecomms. by Grimm (the best). Bissell (Lange), Kautzsch and Emmet (Oxford .l/<w), and the arts, in HDH (Fairweather, excellent), EH (Torrey, good), GJV* (Schiirer), III, 489-92; //.// , II, iii. 216-19, let the following bo noted: A. Hausrath. .1 Hi*t of \\\\T Times, 1895, II, 70 if; Wibrich, Juden u. Grierhcn; Abra hams, "The Third Book of the Mace," JQR, IX, 1S97, 39-58; A. Blichler, J)i>- Tobiadrn u. die. Oniadcn. 1899. 172-212. Both Abrahams and Buchler defend the his toricity of some parts of 3 Mace; Wibrich, " Dor histori- sche Kern des III Makk," Hermes, Bd. 39, 1904, 244-58. For ET see (1) Henry Cotton, The Five Books of Mace (Cotton calls it First Book of Mace); (2) W. K. Churton, The I ncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures, and (3) Bax ter, The Apoc, Gr and Eng.

      IV. 4 Maccabees. 4 Mace is a philosophical

      treatise or discourse on the supremacy of pious

      reason ( = religious principle) in the vir-

      1. Name tuousman. The oldest title of the book,

      4 Mace (MaKKaftaluv d, Makkabalon d, [4]), occurs in the earliest extant MSS of the LXX



      (X , A, V, etc), in the list of the Cod. Claromontanus (3(1 cent.?), the Catalogue of the Sixty Canonical Books (5th cent.?) and the Synopsis of Athanasius (9th cent.). It obtained this name from the fact that it illustrates and enforces its thesis by examples from the history of the Maccabees. Some early Christian writers, believing 4 Mace to be the work of Jos (see IV, 5), gave it a corresponding title. Eusebius and Jerome, who ascribe the book to Jos, speak of it under the name of: A Discourse con cerning the Supreme Power of Reason.

      Though absent from the Vulg, and therefore from the Romanist Canon and from Protestant VSS of its Apoc, 4 Mace occurs in the prin- 2. Canon- cipal MSS (X, A, V, etc) and edd icity (Fritzsche, Swete, not Tischendorf) of

      the LXX, showing it was highly es teemed and perhaps considered canonical by at least some early Christian Fathers.

      This book is a philosophical disquisition in the form

      of a sermon on the question "Whether pious reason is

      absolute master of the passions" (1 1).

      o p nn t pn te U) 1 1-12: The writer first of all states

      o. vumeiiib ]lis t ], enu > an( ) (| K , method in which he

      intends to treat it.

      (2) 1 13 3 18: He defines his terms and endeavors from general principles to show that pious reason does of right rule the passions.

      (3) 3 19 to end of book: He tries to prove the same proposition from the lives of the Maccabean martyrs. These historical illustrations are based oil 2 Mace 6 18 7 42 (cf 3 Mace 6).

      Because the book is written as a discourse or sermon and is largely addressed to an apparent audience (1 17; 2 14; 13 10; 18 4), Freudenthal and others think we have here an example of a Jewish sermon delivered as here written. But Jewish preachers based their dis courses on Scripture texts and their sermons were more concise and arresting than this book.

      The author s philosophical standpoint is that of Stoicism, viz. that in the virtuous man reason dominates passion. His doctrine of 4. Teach- four cardinal virtues (<pp6vr)<ris, />// ru ing //T.s /.S , diKaLOffiivri, dikdiosune, avSpela., tiinirr ia, auippocrvvr), sophrosiine, "Provi dence," "Justice," "Fortitude," "Temperance" [1 18J), is also derived from Stoicism. Though, how ever, he sets out as if he were a true Stoic, he pro ceeds to work out his discourses in orthodox Jewish fashion. His all-dominating reason is that which is guided by the Divinely revealed law, that law for the faithful observing of which the martyrs died. The four cardinal virtues are but forms of that true wisdom which is to be obtained only through the Mosaic law (7 15-18). Moreover, the passions are not, as Stoicism taught, to be, annihilated, but regulated (1 61; 3 5), since God has planted them (2 21).

      The author s views approach those of Pharisaism. (1) He extols the self-sacrificing devotion to the law exhibited by the Maccabean martyrs men tioned in 3 9 to the end of the book. (2) He be lieves in a resurrection from the dead. The souls of the righteous will enjoy hereafter ceaseless fellowship with God (9 8; 15 2; 18 5), but the wicked will endure the torment of fire forever and ever (10 11.15; 12 12; 13 14). Nothing, how ever, is said of the Pharisees doctrine of a bodily resurrection which 2 Mace, a Pharisaic document (see II, 6, [6], above), clearly teaches. (3) The mar tyrdom of the faithful atones for the sins of the people (6 24; 17 19-21; cf Rom 3 25).

      According to Eusebius (HE, III, 6), Jerome (De Viris IHnst., xiii; C Peley, ii.6), Suidas (Lex IUXTT/TTOS, losepos) and other early 6. Author- writers, Jos is the author of this book, ship and and in Gr edd of his works it consti- Date tutes the last chapter with the head

      ing: 4>Xa/3. loa-r/Trov eis Ma.KKaf3a.iovs X6"yos, 7} -rrepl avTOKpdropos Ao^icr/uoC, Phlah. lost/pou eis

      Makkabaious loyon, e peri aulokrdtoros logismou,

      "The Discourse of Flavins Josephus: or concerning the Supreme Power of Reason" (so Niese, Bekker, Dindorf, etc). But this tradition is negatived by the style and thought, which differ completely from those found in the genuine writings of that Jewish historian. Besides this, the author of the book makes large use of 2 Mace, of which Jos was ig norant. Moreover, there are traditions equally ancient of a contrary kind.

      The author must have been a Jew and he prob ably belonged to the Pharisee party (see IV, 7). He was also a Hellenist, for he reveals the; influence of Gr thought more than any other apocryphal writer. He was also, it would appear, a resident of Alexandria, for the earliest notices of it occur in literature having an Alexandrian origin, and the author makes considerable use of 2 Mace, which emanated from Alexandria.

      It is impossible definitely to fix the date of the book. But it was certainly written before the destruction of the temple in 70 AD and after the composition of 2 Mace, on which it largely depends. A date in the first, half of the 1st cent, of our era would suit all the requirements of the case.

      The book was certainly written in Gr, as all scholars

      agree. It employs many of the terms of Gr philosophy

      and it bears the general characteristics

      6. Original of tn< - ( r s l>l ii and written at Alexan

      dria at the commencement of the Christian .Language era

      (1) Cru-k This book occurs in the prin cipal MSS (X, A, V, etc) and printed edd (Grabc, Breitinger, Ape), Pritzsche, Swete [Cod. A with variants of X and V] and Baxter, The Apoc, Cr and

      7. Text and E "< -)< also " various Jos MSS and most v-_ e( ld f -J s including Naber, but not Niese. Versions (2) LatinNo Old Lat VS has come

      down to us.

      (3) Si/riar. The (Vsh text is printed in Cod. Ambros. (Ceriani) and by Bensley from a MS in The Fourth Hunk <>f Mnrr (in, I Kindred Durum, nl.- in Syr (agrees mostly with Cod. A). Sixtus Senensis (HihUothi <-n Sancta, 1566, I. 3 .)) speaks of having seen another 4 Mace. But this was probably "simply a reproduction of Jos" (Schiirer, IMP, II, iii, 14).

      LITERATI-RE. Besides the lit. mentioned under the other books of Mace, under APOCRYPHA, and in the course of the present art., note the following: The comnis. of (irimni (excellent; the only one on the complete book) and Deissmann (in Kautzsch, Apok des AT, brief hut up to date and good); the valuable monograph by Freudenthal: Die Flat-ins ./(isephim beii/clei/te, Schrift iilier die Herrsrhafft der Vernunft (IV. MakkabaerbUCh) I ntersucht, 1809. See, besides the arts, in // 1) H (Fair- weather); EB (Torrey); Gfrorer, J ltilu. etc, II, 1831, 173- 200; Dalme, Gesch. Darstellung der jiid.-alex. Religions- Philosophie, II, 1X34. l!()-99; and the Uist,,ri/ of Kwald, IV, 632 If . There are KTs in Cotton, The Five Books <,f Marc, Oxford, 1832; W. R. Ohm-ton, Thr. Uncanonical a mi Apocryphal Scripture; Baxter, The A pur, Gr and Kn.j.

      V. 5 Maccabees. The designation 5 Mace was

      first given to the book (now commonly so called)

      by Cotton (The Five Books of Mace, in

      1. Name Eng., 1X32), and it has been perpet

      uated by Dr. Samuel Davidson (Intro to the OT, III, 405); Ginsburg (Kitto x Ci/e. of Iiil>. Li/.); Bissell (Apoc of the OT) and others. It has been called the Arab. 2 Mace (so in. the Paris and London Polyglot), and the A rah. Mace. The 5 Mace in the Translatio S //ra Peshitto, edited by Ceriani, is really nothing more than a Syr VS of the

      6th book of Jos, The Wars of the Jews.

      2. Canon- This book has never been recognized icity as canonical by either Jews or Chris tians.

      The book is ostensibly a history of the Jews from the attempt of Heliodorus to plunder the temple (186 BO)

      to about (I BO. It is really nothing more /^ than a clumsy compilation from 1 and 2

      6. Contents ^i acc am i J s (except en 12, which is the

      only original part , and this teems with errors of various kinds); a note, at the end of ch 16 says 1 1 16 26 is called The Second Hook of Mace, according to the Tr of the Hebrews. Oh 19 closes with the events narrated at the end of 1 Mace. The rest of the book (ehs 20- 59) follows Jos (H.I, I f) closely. Perhaps the original




      work ended with ch 19. C.insburg (op. cit., Ill, 17). Bissell (Apor, (>:59) and Wellhauscn (Der arab. Josippux) give useful tallies showing the dependence of the various parts of 5 Mace oil the sources used.

      In so far as this book repeats the contents of 1 and 2 Mace and Jos, it has the historical value of the sources used. But in itself the 4. Histo- book has no historical worth. The ricity author calls Rom and Egyp soldiers

      "Macedonians," Alt. Gerizim, "Jeze bel," Samaria "Sebaste," Shechem "Neapolis" or "Naploris." Herod and Pilate exchange names. Some of the mistakes may of course be traceable to the tr.

      The original work was almost certainly composed in Heb, though we have no trace of a Heb text (so Ginsburg, op. cit., and Bissell). This 6. Original conclusion is supported by the nu- Language incrous Hebraisms which show them selves even in a double tr. Tin; Pent is called the "Torah," the II eb Scriptures are spoken of as "the twenty-four books," the temple is "the, house of God" or "the holy house," Judaea is "the land of the holy house" and Jerus is "the city of the holy house." These and like examples make it probable that the writer was a Jew and that the language he used was Heb. Zunz (Die gotlesdienst- lic/icn Yortnitjc, 1S32, 140fT), Graetz (Gcschichte, V, 281) and Dr. S. Davidson (op. cit., 465) say the book was written in Arab, from Heb memoirs. According to Zunz (I.e.) and Graetz (I.e.) the Jew ish history of Joseph ben Gorion (Josippon), the "pseudo-Josephus" (10th cent.), is but a Heb re cension of 5 Mace (the Arab. 2 Mace)- On the contrary, Wellhausen (op. cit.) and Schiirer (<7JV 4 , I, 159 f) maintain that the shorter narrative in

      5 Mace represents the extent of the original com position far more correctly than the Heb history of Josippon (which ranges from Adam to 70 AD), and than other recensions of the same history.

      The book was compiled for the purpose of con soling the Jews in their sufferings and encouraging them to be stedfast in their devotion

      6. Aim and to the Mosaic law. The same end Teaching was contemplated in 2, 3 and 4 Mace

      and in a lesser degree in 1 Mace, but the author or compiler of the present treatise wished to produce a work which would appeal in the first instance and chiefly to Heb (or Arab.?) readers. The author believes in a resurrection of the body, in a future life and a final judgment (5 13.43f). The righteous will dwell in future glory, the wicked will be hereafter punished (5 49.50 f; 59 14).

      We have no means of ascertaining who the author was, but he must have boon a Jew and he lived some

      time after the destruction of the temple

      7. Author- in 70 AD (see 9 5; 21 30; 22 9; 53 ship and 8, though Ginsburg regards these Date passages as late additions and fixes

      the date of the original work at about

      6 BC, when the history ends). The author makes large use of Jos (d. 95 AD), which also favors the lower date.

      The Arab, text of the book and a Lat tr by Gabriel

      Sionita is printed in the Paris and London Polyglots.

      No other ancient text has come down to

      8. Text and us. Cotton (op. cit., xxx) errs in saying Versions that there is a Syr VS of the book.

      LITERATURE. The most important lit. has been mentioned in the course of the art. The Kng. and earlier Ger. edd of Schiirer, (!J I", do not help. The only Kng. tr is that by Cotton made directly from the Lat of (iabriel Sionita. Bissell says that a Fr. VS appears as an appendjx in the Bible of de Sacy; not, however, in the Xouvelle Edition (ls:57) in the possession of the present writer.


      MACEDONIA, mas-n-do ni-a (MaiSovia, Makc- doniu, ethnic MaiSwv, Makeddri)

      I. THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE AND LAND 11. HISTORY OF MACEDONIA 1. Philip and Alexander J. Roman Intervention :5. Roman Conquest

      4. Macedonia a Roman Province

      5. Later History


      1. Paul s First Visit

      2. Paul s Second Visit :i. Paul s Third Visit 4. Paul s Later Visits


      1. Prominence of Women

      2. Marked Characteristics H. Its Members


      A country lying to the N. of Greece 1 , afterward enlarged and formed into a Horn province; it is to the latter that the term ahvavs refers when used in the NT.

      /. The Macedonian People and Land. Eth nologists differ about the origin of the Macedonian race and the degree of its affinity to the Hellenes. But we find a well-marked tradition in ancient times that the race comprised a Hellenic element and a non-Hellenic, though Aryan, element, closely akin to the. Phrygian and other Thracian stocks. The dominant race, the Macedonians in the narrower sense of the term, including the royal family, which


      Coin of Macedonia.

      was acknowledged to be Gr and traced its descent through the Temenids of Argos back to Heracles (Herod, v.22), settled in the fertile plains about the lower Haliacmon (Karasu or Vistritza) and Axius (\\\\ <mlar), to the N. and N.W. of the Thermaic Gulf. Their capital, which was originally at Edessa or Aegae (Vodhena), was afterward transferred to Pella by Philip II. The other and older element the Lyncestians, Orestians, Pelagonians and other tribes were pushed back northward and westward into the highlands, where they struggled for gen erations to maintain their independence and weak ened the Macedonian state by constant risings and by making common cause with the wild hordes of Illyrians and Thracians, with whom we find the Macedonian kings in frequent conflict. In order to maintain their position they entered into a good understanding from time to time with the states of Greece or acknowledged temporarily Pers suze rainty, and thus gradually extended the sphere of their power.

      //. History of Macedonia. Herodotus (viii.137- 39) traces the royal line from Perdiccas I through Argaeus, Philip I, Aeropus, Alcet as and Amyntas I to Alexander I, who was king at the time of the Pers invasions of Greece. He and his son and grandson, Perdiccas II and Archelatis, did much to consolidate Macedonian power, but the death of Archelaus (399 BC) was followed by 40 years of disunion and weakness.

      With the accession of Philip II, son of Amyntas II, in 359 BC, M. came under the rule of a man powerful alike in body and in mind, an able gen eral and an astute diplomatist, one, moreover, who started out with a clear perception of the end at which he must aim, the creation of a great national army and a nation-state, and worked consistently




      and untiringly throughout his roign of 23 years to

      gain that object. He welded the Macedonian

      tribes into a single nation, won by

      1. Philip force and fraud the important posi- and tions of Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Alexander Olynthus, Abdcra and Maronea, and

      secured a plentiful supply of gold by founding Philippi on the site of Crenides. Grad ually extending his rule over barbarians and Greeks alike, he finally, after (lie battle of Chaeronea (338 BC), secured his recognition by the Greeks them selves as captain-general of the Hellenic states and leader of a Graeco-Macedonian crusade against Persia. On the eve of this projected eastern ex pedition, however, ho was assassinated by order of his dishonored wife Olympias (336 BC), whose son, Alexander the Great, succeeded to the throne. After securing his hold on Thrace, Illyria and Greece, Alexander turned eastward and, in a series of brilliant campaigns, overthrew the Pers empire. The battle of the Granieus (334 BC) was followed by the submission or subjugation of most of Asia Minor. By the battle of Issus (333), in which Darius himself was defeated, Alexander s way was opened to Phoenicia and Egypt; Darius second defeat, at Arbela (331), sealed the fate of the Pers power. Babylon, Susa, Persepolis and Ecbatana were taken in turn, and Alexander then pressed eastward through Ilyrcania, Aria, Arachosia, Bac- tria and Sogdiana to India, which he conquered as far as the Hyphasis (Sutlcj) : thence he returned through Gedrosia, Carmania and Persis to Babylon, to make preparations for the conquest of Arabia. A sketch of his career is given in 1 Mace 1 1-7, where he is spoken of as "Alexander the Mace donian, the son of Philip, who came out of the land of Chittim" (ver 1): his invasion of Persia is also referred to in 1 Mace 6 2, where he is described as "the Macedonian king, who reigned first among the Greeks," i.e. the first who united in a single empire all the Gr states, except those which lay to the W. of the Adriatic. It is the conception of the Macedonian power as the deadly foe of Persia which is responsible for the description of Hainan in Ad Est 16 10 as a Macedonian, "an alien in truth from the Pers blood," and for the attribution to him of a plot to transfer the Pers empire to the Macedonians (ver 14), and this same thought ap pears in the LXX rendering of the Ileb Agagite ( n "OS!, dgkaghl) in Est 9 24 as Macedonian (Makedon).

      Alexander died in June 323 BC, and his empire

      fell a prey to the rivalries of his chief generals (1

      Mace 1 9); after a period of struggle

      2. Roman and chaos, three powerful kingdoms Intervention were formed, taking their names from

      Macedonia, Syria and Egypt. Even in Syria, however, Macedonian influences remained strong, and we find Macedonian troops in the serv ice of the Seleucid monarchs (2 Mace 8 20). In 215 King Philip V, son of Demetrius II and suc cessor of Antigonus Doson (229-220 BC), formed an alliance with Hannibal, who had defeated the Rom forces at Lake Trasimene (217) and at Cannae (216), and set about trying to recovery Illyria. After some years of desultory and indecisive war fare, peace was concluded in 205, Philip binding himself to abstain from attacking the Rom pos sessions on the E. of the Adriatic. The Second Macedonian War, caused by a combined attack of Antiochus III of Syria and Philip of Macedon on Egypt, broke out in 200 and ended 3 years later in the crushing defeat of Philip s forces by T. Quinctius Flamininus at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly (cf 1 Mace 8 5). By the treaty which followed this battle, Philip surrendered his conquests in Greece, Illyria, Thrace, Asia Minor and the Aegean, gave

      up his fleet, reduced his army to 5,000 men, and undertook to declare no war and conclude no alli ance without Rom consent.

      In 179 Philip was succeeded by his son Perseus, who at once renewed the Rom alliance, but set to work to con solidate and extend his power. In 172

      3. Roman war again broke out, and after several Rom PnnrMtaot reverses the consul Lucius Acmilius Pau- V- Onquesi lus decisively defeated tho Macedonians

      at Pydna in 108 BC (cf 1 Mace 8 5, where Perseus is called "king of Chittim"). Tin; king ship was abolished and Perseus was banished to Italy. The Macedonians were declared free and autonomous; their laud was divided into four regions, with their capi tals at Amphipolis, Thessalouica, Pella and Pelagonia respectively, and each of them was governed by its own council; commercium and comiuhiurn were forbidden between them and the gold and silver mines were closed. A tribute was to be paid annually to the Rom treasury, amounting to half the land tax hitherto exacted by the Macedonian kings.

      But this compromise between freedom and subjection could not be of long duration, and after the revolt of

      Andriscus, the pseudo-Philip, was quelled

      4. Mace- (14S BC), M. was constituted a Rom donia a province and enlarged by the addition of -p parts of Illyria, Epirus, the Ionian islands and Thessaly. Each year a governor was Province dispatched from Rome with supreme mili tary and judicial powers; tho partition fell

      into abeyance and communication within the province was improved by the construction of the \\\\ i<i Eu/iutm from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica, whence it was afterward continued eastward to the Nestus and the Hellespont. In 141) the Achaeans, who had declared war on Rome, were crushed by Q. Caecilius Metellus and L. Mummius, Corinth was sacked and destroyed, the Achaean league was dissolved, and Greece, under the name of Achaca. was made a province and placed under the control of the governor of M. In 27 BO, when the administration of the provinces was divided between Augustus and the Sen ate, M. and Achaea fell to the share of the latter (Strabo, p. 840; Dio Oassius liii.12) and were governed separately by ex-praetors sent out annually with the title, of pro consul. In 15 AD, however, senatorial mismanagement had brought the provinces to the verge of ruin, and they were transferred to Tiberius (Tacitus, Annalx, i.76), who united them under the government of a Irt/atus Aui/tiKti pro practore until, in 44 AD, Claudius restored them to the Senate (Suetonius, Clnxiliu.i 25; Dio Oassius lx.24). It is owing to this close historical and geographical connection that we find M. and Achaea frequently men tioned together in the NT, M. being always placed first (Acts 19 21; Rom 15 20; 2 Cor 9 2; 1 Thess 1 7.8). Diocletian (284-305 AD) detached from M. Thessaly and the Illyrian coast lands and formed them into two provinces, the latter under the name of 5 Later Kpirus Nova. Toward the end of the 4th

      TJ.. cent, what remained of M. was broken

      -History U p into two provinces, Macedonia prima

      and Maci donia srcundn or xalularix, and when in 395 tin; Rorn world was divided into the western and eastern empires, M. was included in the latter. During the next few years it was overrun and plundered by the (ioths under Alaric, and later, in the latter half of the Oth cent., immense numbers of Slavonians settled there. In tho 10th cent, a large part of it was under Bulgarian rule, and afterward colonies of various Asiatic tribes were settled there by the Byzantine emperors. In 1204 it became a Lat kingdom under Boniface, mar quis of Monferrat, but 20 years later Theodore, the Gr despot of Epirus, founded a Gr empire of Thessalonica. During the 2d half of the 14th rent, the greater part of it was part of the Servian dominions, but in 1430 Thessa lonica fell before the Ottoman Turks, and from that time down to the year 1913 M. has formed part of the Turk ish empire. Its history thus accounts for the very mixed character of its population, which consists chiefly of Turks, Albanians, Greeks and Bulgarians, but has in it a considerable element of Jews, Gypsies, Vlachs, Servians and other races.

      ///. Paul and Macedonia. In the narrative of Paul s journeys as given us in Acts 13-28 and in the Pauline Epp., M. plays a prominent part. The apostle s relations with the churches of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea will be found discussed under those several headings; here we will merely recount in outline his visits to the province.

      On his 2d missionary journey Paul came to Troas,

      and from there sailed with Silas, Timothy and Luke

      to Neapolis, the nearest Macedonian

      1. Paul s seaport, in obedience to the vision of a

      First Visit Macedonian (whom Ramsay identifies

      with Luke: see s.v. "Philippi") urging

      him to cross to M. and preach the gospel there

      Macedonia Machpelah



      (Acts 16 9). From Neapolis ho journeyed inland to Philip])!, which is described as "a city of M., the first, of the district" (ver 12). Thence Paul and his two companions (for Luke appears to have remained in Philippi for the next 5 years) traveled along the Egnatian road, passing through Amphip- olis and Apollonia, to Thessalonica, which, though a "free city," and therefore technically exempt from the jurisdiction of the "Rom governor, was practically the provincial capital. Driven thence by the hostility of the Jews, the evangelists preached in Reroea, where Silas and Timothy remained for a short time after a renewed outbreak of Jewish ani mosity had forced Paul to leave M. for the neigh boring province of Achaia (Acts 17 14). Although he sent a message to his companions to join him with all speed at. Athens (ver 15), yet so great was his anxiety for the welfare of the newly founded Macedonian churches that he sent Timothy back to Thessalonica almost immediately (1 Thess 3 1.2), and perhaps Silas to some other part of M., nor did they again join him until after he had settled for some time in Corinth (Acts 18 5; 1 Thess 3 G). The rapid extension of the Christian faith in M. at this time may be judged from the phrases used by Paul in his 1st Ep. to the Thess., the ear liest, of his extant letters, written during this visit to Corinth. He there speaks of the Thessalonian converts as being an example "to all that believe in M. and in Achaia" (1 7), and he commends their love "toward all the brethren that are in all M." (4 10). Still more; striking are the words, "From you hath sounded forth the word of the Lord, not only in M. and Achaia, but in every place your faith to God-ward is gone forth" (1 8).

      On his 3d missionary journey, the apostle paid two further visits to M. During the course of a

      long stay at Ephesus he laid plans for 2. Paul s a 2d journey through M. and Achaia, Second and dispatched two of his helpers,

      Visit Timothy and Erastus, to M. to prepare

      for his visit (Acts 19 21.22). Some time later, after the uproar at Ephesus raised by Demetrius and his fellow-silversmiths (vs 23-41), Paul himself set out for M. (20 1). Of this visit Luke gives us a very summary account, telling us merely that Paul, "when he had gone through those parts, and had given them much exhortation, . . . . came into Greece" (ver 2); but from 2 Cor, written from M. (probably from Philippi) during the course of this visit, we learn more of the apos tle s movements and feelings. While at Ephesus, Paul had changed his plans. His intention at first had been to travel across the Aegean Sea to Corinth, to pay a visit from there to M. and to return to Corinth, so as to sail direct to Syria (2 Cor 1 15. 16). Rut by the time at which he wrote the 1st Ep. to the Cor, probably near the end of his stay at Ephesus, he had made up his mind to go to Corinth by way of M., as we have seen that he actually did (1 Cor 16 5.6). From 2 Cor 2 13 we learn that he traveled from Ephesus to Troas, where he expected to find Titus. Titus, however, did not yet arrive, and Paul, who "had no relief for [his] spirit," left Troas and sailed to M. Even here the same restlessness pursued him: "fightings without, fears within" oppressed him, till the presence of Titus brought some relief (2 Cor 7 5.6). The apostle was also cheered by "the grace of ( lod which had been given in the churches of M." (8 1); in the midst of severe persecution, they bore their trials with abounding joy, and their dee]) poverty did not prevent them begging to be allowed to raise a contribution to send to the Chris tians in Jems (Horn 15 26; 2 Cor 8 2-4). Liber ality was, indeed, from the very outset one of the characteristic virtues of the Macedonian churches.

      The Philippians had sent money to Paul on two occasions during his first visit to Thessalonica (Phil 4 16), and again when he had left M. and was stay ing at Corinth (2 Cor 11 9; Phil 4 15). On the present occasion, however, the Corinthians seem to have taken the lead and to have prepared their bounty in the previous year, on account of which the apostle boasts of them to the Macedonian Christians (2 Cor 9 2). He suggests that on his approaching visit to Achaia he may be accompanied by some of these Macedonians (ver 4), but whether tliis was actually the case we arc not told.

      The 3d visit, of Paul to M. took place some 3

      months later and was occasioned by a plot against.

      his life laid by the Jews of Corinth,

      3. Paul s which led him to alter his plan of sail- Third Visit ing from Cenchreae, the eastern sea port of Corinth, to Syria (2 Cor 1

      16; Acts 20 3). He returned to M. accompanied as far as Asia by 3 Macedonian Christians So- pat er, Arist arclms and Secundus and by 4 from Asia Minor. Probably Paul took the familiar route by the Via Eynatia, and reached Philippi immediately before the days of unleavened bread; his companions preceded him to Troas (Acts 20 5], while he himself remained at Philippi until after the Passover (Thursday, April 7, 57 AD, according to Ramsay s chronology), when he sailed from Neapolis together with Luke, and joined his friends in Troas (ver 6).

      Toward t he close of his 1st imprisonment at Rome

      Paul planned a fresh visit to M. as soon as he should

      be released (Phil 1 26; 2 24), and

      4. Paul s even before that he intended to send Later Visits Timothy to visit the Philippian church

      and doubtless those of Reroea and Thessalonica also. Whether Timothy actually went on this mission we cannot say; that Paul himself went back to M. once more we learn from 1 Tim 1 3, and we may infer a 5th visit from the reference to the apostle s stay at Troas, which in all probability belongs to a later occasion (2 Tim 4 13). IV. The Macedonian Church. Of the churches of Macedonia in general, little need be said here.

      A striking fact is the prominence in

      1. Promi- them of women, which is probably nence of due to the higher social position held Women by women in this province than in

      Asia Minor (Lightfoot, Philippians*, 55 ff). We find only two references to women in connection with Paul s previous missionary work; the women proselytes of high social standing take a share in driving him from Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13 50), and Timothy s mother is mentioned as a Jewess who believed (16 1). Rut in M. all is changed. To women the gospel was first preached at Philippi (ver 13) ; a woman was the first convert and the hostess of the evangelists (vs 14.15); a slave girl was restored to soundness of mind by the apostle (ver IS), and long afterward Paul mentions two women as having "labored with [him] in the gospel" and as endangering the peace of the church by their rivalry (Phil 4 2.3). At Thessalonica a considerable number of women of the first rank appear among the earliest converts (Acts 17 4), while at Reroea also the church included from the outset, numerous (lr women of high position (ver 12). The bond uniting Paul and the Macedonian Christians seems to have been a peculiarly close and affectionate one. Their liberality

      2. Marked and open-heartedness, their joyous- Character- ness and patience in trial and perse- istics cution, their activity in spreading the

      Christian faith, their love of the brethren these are a few of the characteristics which Paul specially commends in them (1 and 2 Thess; Phil; 2 Cor 8 1-8), while they also seem



      Macedonia Machpelah

      to have been much freer than the churches of Asia Minor from Judaizing tendencies and from the allurements of "philosophy and vain deceit."

      We know the names of a few of the early members of the Macedonian churches Sopater (Acts 20 4)

      or Sosipater (Rom 16 21: the iden- 3. Its tification is a probable, though not a

      Members certain, one) of Beroea; Aristarchus

      (Acts 19 29; 20 4; 27 2; Col 4 10; Philem ver 24), Jason (Acts 17 5-9; Rom 16 21?) and Secundus (Acts 20 4) of Thessalonica; Clement (Phil 4 3), Epaphroditus (Phil 2 25; 4 IS), Euodia (Phil 4 2; this, not Eupdias [AV], is the true form), Syntyche (ib), Lydia (Acts 16 14.40; a native of Thyatira), and possibly Luke (Ramsay, ,SV. Paul the Traveller, 2QI ff) of Philippi. (laius is also mentioned as a Macedonian in Acts 19 29, but perhaps the reading of a few MSS Ma/ceSora is to be preferred to the TR Ma./ce56j as, in which case Aristarchus alone would be a Mace donian, and this (laius would probably be identical with the Gains of Derbe mentioned in Acts 20 4 as a companion of Paul (Ramsay, op. cit., 2SO). The later history of the Macedonian churches, together with lists of all their known bishops, will be found in Le Quien, OrU:ns Christianas, II, Iff; III, 10X9 if, 104:, f.

      LITKKATCRE. General: C. Nicolaidos, Macedonian, Berlin, IS .M); Berard, La M(tci;lmne, Paris, 1S .)7; "Odysseus," Tnrhf,j in Europf, London, 1900. Secular History: Hogarth, I liilip nn>( Alexander of Macedpn, London, 1S97, and the histories of the Hellenistic period by Holm, Xiese, Droysen and Kaerst. Ethnography and Language: <). Hoffmann, Die Makcdom-n, Hire Sliraclte unit itir \\\\ <i!k.tiun, GSttingen, 1!H)<>. Topog raphy and Antiquities: Heuzey and Daumet, Mixxio/i, arf/ifoloi/ii/nf df M<ii-filinnf, Paris, 187<>; Cousinery, Voyagedansla Macedoine, Paris. 1S31 ; Clarke, Trm-i-l**, VII, V1IL, London, IMS; Leake, Travels in \\\\ortln-rn Greece, III, London, ls:$. r >; Duchesne and Bayet, Mcmoire Kitr line mission fit Murcdoin, , ft an Mont Atliox, Paris, 1S7G; Halm, /{fixe von Btii/rail nurh Snlonilci, Vienna, ISfil. Coins: Head, Ilixtnria Xummnrum, l!Cif; British Museum < ,i/nliii/u<! of Cni/ix: .\\\\fnffilnnin. etc, London, ]s7 .i. Inscriptions: ( Id, nos. lir>l-2010; CIL, III, 1 and III, Suppi.; Dimitsas, U Ma*t6o.<(. a, Athens, 1896.

      M. N. TOD

      MACHAERUS, ma-kc rus fMa X aipov S , Ma- clHiiraux): Not mentioned in Scrii)ture, canonical or apocryphal, but its importance in Jewish history justifies its inclusion here. Pliny (Nil, v.16.72) speaks of it as, after Jems, the strongest of Jewish fortresses. It was fortified by Alexander Jannaeus (BJ, VII, vi, 2). It was taken and destroyed by Gabinius (ib, I, viii, 5; Ant, XIV, y, 4). Herod the Great restored it and, building a city here, made it one of his residences (BJ, VII, vi, 1, 2). It lay within the tetrarchy assigned to Antipas at the death of Herod. The wife of Antipas, daughter of Aretas, privately aware of his infidelity, asked to be sent hither (Ant, XVIII, v, 1). Here Jos has fallen into confusion if he meant by the phrase "a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod" that it was still in Herod s hands, since immediately he tells us that it was "subject to her father." It was natural enough, however, that a border fortress should be held now by one and now by the other. It may have passed to Aretas by some agreement of which we have no record; and Herod, unaware that his wife knew of his guilt, would have no suspicion of her design in wishing to visit her father. If this is true, then the Bap tist could not have been imprisoned and beheaded at Machaerus (ib, 2). The feast given to the lords of Galilee would most probably be held at Tiberias; and there is nothing in the Gospel story to hint that the prisoner was some days journey distant (Mk 6 14 ff). The citadel was held by a Rom garrison until 66 AD, which then evacuated it to escape a siege (BJ, II, xviii, 6). Later by means of a

      stratagem it was recovered for the Romans by Bassus, c 72 AD (BJ, VII, vi, 4).

      The place is identified with the modern Mkaur, a position of great, strength on a prominent height between Wady Z<rku Mtt ln and Wady el-Mojib, overlooking the Dead Sea. There are extensive ruins. W. EWIXG

      MACHBANNAI, mak ba-ni, -ba-na i maklibann-ay; AV Machbanai) : A Gadite who at tached himself to David in Ziklag (1 Ch 12 13).

      MACHBENA, mak-be na (n:3D a , makhbcnuh; B, Maxap-rjvd, Macliabcnd, A, Maxa(j,T]vd, Machanicnd; AV Machbenah) : A name which occurs in the gen ealogical list of Judah (1 Ch 2 49), apparently the name of a place, which may be the same as "Cabbon" (Josh 15 40), probably to be identified with d- Kubcibch, about 3 miles S. of Beit Jibrin.

      MACHI, ma ki ("PP, inukhl; Pesh and some MSS of LXX read "Machir"): A Gadite, father of Geuel, one of the 12 spies (Nu 13 15).

      MACHIR, ma kir (TO?, mdkhtr; Ma X P) Mar heir}, MACHIRITE, ma kir-it:

      (1) The eldest son of Manasseh (Gen 50 23). InNu 26 29 it is recorded that Machir begat Gilead, but another narrative informs us that the children of Machir "went to Gilead, and took it, and dis possessed the Amorites that were therein. And Moses gave Gilead unto Machir the son of Manas seh; and he dwelt therein" (Nu 32 39.40; Josh 17 1.3; of also 1 Ch 2 21.25; 7 14-17; Dt 3 15; Josh 13 31). In the song of Deborah, Machir is used as equivalent to Manasseh (Jgs 5 14).

      (2) Son of Ammiel, dwelling in Lo-debar (2 S 9 4.5), a wealthy landowner who protected Mephibosheth (Meribbaal), son of Jonathan, until assured of the friendly intentions of David (cf Ant, VII, ix, 8). Afterward, during the rebellion of Absalom, Machir with others came to David s assistance at Mahanaim, bringing supplies for the king and his men (2 S 17 27 ff). JOHN* A. LEES

      MACHMAS, mak mas. See MICHMASH.

      MACHNADEBAI, mak-nad P-bi, mak-na-de bl ("H!? 1 ? , makhnadd e bhay) : Son of Bani, one of those who married foreign wives (Ezr 10 40).

      MACHPELAH, mak-pe la (nbEDrin, ha-makh- pcldh, "the Machpelah"; TO SnrXoiiv, to diploun, "the double") : The name of a piece of ground and of a cave purchased by Abraham as a place of sepulcher. The word is supposed to mean "double" and refers to the condition of the cave. It is tr fi "double cave" (TO 8nr\\\\ovv a-rrrjXaLov, to diploun sptlaion) in the LXX in Gen 23 17. The name is applied to the ground in Gen 23 19; 49 30; 50 13, and to the cave in Gen 23 9; 25 9. In Gen 23 17 we have the phrase "the field of Ephron, which was in [the] Machpelah."

      The cave belonged to Ephron the Hittite, the

      son of Zohar, from whom Abraham purchased it

      for 400 shekels of silver (Gen 23 8-16).

      1. Scrip- It is described as "before," i.e. "to the

      tural Data E. of" Mamre (ver 17) which (ver 19)

      is described as the same as Hebron

      (see, too, 25 9; 49 30; 50 13). Here were buried

      Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebecca, Jacob and

      Leah. (Cf however the curious variant tradition in

      Acts 7 16, "Shechem" instead of "Hebron.")

      Jos (BJ, IV, ix, 7) speaks of the monuments (mnemei(i) of Abraham and his posterity which "are shown to this very time in that small city [i.e. in

      Machpelah Magadan



      Hebron]; the fabric of which monuments arc of the most excellent marble and wrought after the most excellent manner"; and in another 2. Tradition place, he writes of Isaac being buried Regarding by his sons \\\\\\\\ith his wife in Hebron the Site where they had a monument belonging to them from their forefathers (A til, 1, xxii, 1). The references of early Christian writers to the site of the. tombs of the patriarchs only very doubtfully apply to the present^ buildings ami may possibly refer to Rdmct el-Khalll (see MAMRE). Thus the Konhttnx J tltjrini (333 AD) men) ions a square enclosure built of stones of great beauty in which Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were buried with their wives. Antonius Martyr (c GOO) and Arculf (G9S) also mention this monument. Mukaddasi speaks (c OS")) of the strong fortress around the tombs of the patriarchs built of great squared stones, the work of Jinns, i.e. of super natural beings. From this onward the ^references are surely to the present site, and it is difficult to believe, if, as good authorities maintain, the great buttressed square wall enclosing the site_is work -at least as early as Herod, that the earlier references can be to any other site. It is certain that the existing buildings are very largely those which the Crusaders occupied; there are many full references to this place in mediaeval Moslem writers.

      The IJiirnni at Hebron, which present-day tradi tion, Christian, Jewish and Moslem, recognizes as built over the cave of Machpelah, is 3. The one of the most jealously guarded sanc-

      Haram at tuaries in the world. Only on rare Hebron occasions and through the exercise of much political pressure have a few honored Christians been allowed to visit the spot. The late King Edward VII in 1SG2 and the present King George V, in 1SS2, with certain distinguished scholars in their parties, made visits which have been chiefly important through the writings of their companions Stanley in 1SG2 and Wilson and Cornier in 1S82. One of the latest to be accorded the privilege was C. W. Fairbanks, late vice-presi dent of the United States of America. What such visitors have been permitted to see has not been of any great antiquity nor has it thrown any certain light on the question of the genuineness of the site.

      The space containing the traditional tombs is a great quadrangle 197 ft. in length (NAY. to S.E.) and 111 ft. in breadth (X.E. to S.W.). It is enclosed by a massive wall of great blocks of limestone, very hard and akin to marble. The walls which are between 8 and 9 ft thick are of solid masonry throughout, At the height of 15 ft. from the ground, at indeed the level of the floor within, the wall is set back about 10 in. at intervals, so as to leave pilasters 3 ft. 9 in. wide, with space between each of 7 ft. all round. On the longer sides there are 16 and on the shorter sides 8 such pilasters, and there are also buttresses 9 ft. wide on each face at each angle. This pilastered wall runs up for 25 ft., giving the total average height from the ground of 40 ft, The whole character of the masonry is so similar to the wall of the Jems Haram near the "wailing place" that Conder and Warren considered that it must belong to that period and be Herodian work.

      The southern end of the great enclosure is occu pied by a church probably a building entirely of the crusading period with a nave and two aisles. The rest is a courtyard open to the air. The cenotaphs of Isaac and Rebecca are within the church; those of Abraham and Sarah occupy octagonal chapels in the double porch before the church doors; those of Jacob and Leah are placed in chambers near the north end of the Haram. The six monuments are placed at equal distances

      along the length of the enclosure, and it is probable that, their positions there have no relation to the sarcophagi which are described as existing in the cave itself.

      It is over this cave that the chief mystery hangs. It is not known whether it has been entered by any man at present alive, Moslem or 4. The Cave otherwise. While the cave was in the hands of the Crusaders, pilgrims and others were allowed to visit this spot. Thus Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, writing in 11G3 AD, says that if a Jew comes, who gives an additional fee to the keeper of the cave, an iron door is opened, which dates from the times of our forefathers who rest in peace, and with a burning candle in his hand the visitor descends into a first cave which is empty, traverses a second in the same state and at last reaches a third which contains six sepulchres those of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and of Sarah,

      Rebecca and Leah, one opposite the other

      A lamp burns in the cave and upon the sepulchre continually, both night and day." The account reminds us of the condition of many Christian tomb- shrines in Pal today.

      It would appear from the description of modern observers that all entrance to the cave is now closed; the only known approaches are never now opened and can only be reached by breaking up the flags of the flooring. Through one of the openings which had a stone over it pierced by a circular hole 1 ft. in diameter near the northern wall of the old church, Conder was able by lowering a lantern to sec into a chamber some 15 ft. under the church. He estimated it to be some 12 ft, square; it had plastered walls, and in the wall toward the S.E. there was a door which appeared like the entrance to a rock-cut tomb. On the outside of the Haram wall, close to the steps of the southern entrance gateway is a hole in the lowest course of masonry, which may possibly communicate with the western cave. Into this the Jews of Hebron are accustomed to thrust many written prayers and vows to the patriarchs.

      The evidence, historical and archaeological seems to show that the cave occupies only the south end of the great quadrilateral enclosure under part only of the area covered by the church. See HEBRON.

      LITERATURE. PEF, III, 333-46; PEFS, 1882, 197; 1897, 53; 1912, 145-150; HDH, III, art, "Machpelah," by Warren; Stanley, SI and Lictx on the Jewish Church; "Pal under the Moslems," 1 EF; Pilgrim TextSoc. pub lications.

      E. W. G. MASTEKMAN MACONAH, ma-ko na: AV Mekonah (q.v.).

      MACRON, ma kron (MaKpwv, Mdkron) : Ptolemy Macron who had been appointed by Ptolemy Philometor VI governor of Cyprus and deserted to Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria (2 Mace 10 12 ff). Under Antiochus he was governor of Coele- Syria and Phoenicia (8 8). In 1 Mace 3 38 and 2 Mace 4 45 he is called "Ptolemy the son of Dorymencs." At first he was a fierce and cruel enemy of the Jews and was one of those chosen by Lysias to destroy Israel and reduce Judas Maccabee (ib). Later he apparently relented toward the Jews (2 Mace 10 12), fell into disfavor with An tiochus Eupator, before whom he was accused by the king s/nends, and was so galled by being constantly called traitor that he ended his life with poison (2 Mace 10 13). S. ANGUS

      MAD, MADNESS (bbn, lialal, Jott, shagha*; (j.av(a, mania) : These words, and derivatives from the same roots are used to express various condi tions of mental derangement. Though usually tr d "mad," or "madness," they are often used for temporary conditions to which one would scarcely




      Machpelah Magadan

      apply them today except as common colloquial inaccuracies. The madness coupled with folly in Eccl is rather the excessive frivolity 1. In the and dissipation on the part of the idle OT rich (so in 1 17; 2 2-12; 7 25; 9 3; 10

      13). The insensate fury of the wicked against the good is called by this name in Ps 102 8. In Dt 28 28-34 it is used to characterize the state of panic produced by the oppression of tyrannical conquerors, or (as in Zee 12 4) by the judgment of God on sinners. This condition of mind is meta phorically called a drunkenness with the wine of God s wrath (Jer 25 16; 61 7). The same mental condition due to terror-striking idols is called madness" in Jer 60 38. The madman of Prov 26 18 is a malicious person who carries his frivolous jest to an unreasonable length, for he is responsible for the mischief he causes. The ecstatic condition of one under the inspiration of the Divine or of evil spirits, such as that described by Balaam (Nu 24 3f), or that which Saul experienced (1 S 10 10), is compared to madness; and conversely in the Near East at the present day the insane are supposed to be Divinely inspired and to be peculiarly under the Divine protection. This was the motive which led David, when at the court of Achish, to feign madness (1 S 21 13-15). It is only within the last few years that any provision has been made in Pal for t he restraint even of dangerous lunatics, and there arc many insane persons wandering at large there.

      This association of madness with inspiration is expressed in the name "this mad fellow" given to the prophet who came to anoint Jehu, which did not necessarily convey a disrespectful meaning (2 K 911). The true prophetic spirit was, however, dif ferentiated from the ravings of the false prophets by Isaiah (44 25), these latter being called mad by Jeremiah (29 26) and Hosea (9 7).

      The most interesting case of real insanity recorded in the OT is that of Saul, who, from being a shy, self-conscious young man, became, on his exalt at ion to the kingship, puffed up with a megalomania, alternating with fits of black depression with homi cidal impulses, finally dying by suicide. The cause of his madness is said to have been an evil spirit from God (1 S 18 10), and when, under the influ ence of the ecstatic mood which alternated with his depression, he conducted himself like a lunatic (19 23 f), his mutterings arc called "prophesy ings." The use of music in his case as a remedy (1 S 16 16) may be compared with Elisha s use of the same means to produce the prophetic ecstasy (2 K 3 15).

      The story of Nebuchadnezzar is another history of a sudden accession of insanity in one puffed up by self-conceit and excessive prosperity. His de lusion that he had become as an ox is of the same nature as that of the daughters of Procyus recorded in the Song of Silenus by Virgil (Ed. vi.48).

      In the NT the word "lunatic" (sdcniazomcnoi) (AV Alt 4 24; 17 15) is correctly rendered in RV "epileptic." Undoubtedly many 2. In the of the demoniacs were persons suffer- NT ing from insanity. The words "mad"

      or "madness" occur 8 t, but usually in the sense of paroxysms of passion, excitement and foolishness. Thus in Acts 26 11 Paul _says that before his conversion he was "exceedingly mad" (emmaindmenos) against the Christians. In 1 Cor 14 23, those who "speak with tongues" in Christian assemblies are said to appear mad to the outsider. Rhoda was called "mad" when she an nounced that Peter was at the door (Acts 12 15). The madness with which the Jews were filled when Our Lord healed the man with the withered hand is called dnoia, which is literally senselessness (Lk 6 11), and the madness of Balaam is called para-

      phronia, "being beside himself" (2 Pet 2 16). Paul is accused by Festus of having become deranged by overstudy (Acts 26 24). It is still the belief among the fellahin that lunatics are people inspired by spirits, good or evil, and it is probable that all persons showing mental derangement would natur ally be described as "possessed," so that, without entering into the vexed question of demoniacal possession, any cases of insanity cured by Our Lord or the apostles would naturally be classed in the same category. See also LUNATIC.


      MADAI, mad a-I, ma dl ("TP3, madhay). See MEDICS.

      MADIABUN, ma-dl a-bun (MaSia(3ovv, Madia- boiin, AY). See EMADAIU x.

      MADIAN, mii di-an (AV Jth 2 26; Acts 7 29 AV). See MIDIAN.

      MADMANNAH, mad-man a (HS C l Q , mannah; B, Maxaptjj., Mucfiarim, A, BcS^ya, lli di-lifnd [Josh 15 31] | B, Map|AT}vd, Marnicnd, A, MaSn-nva, Madmcnd [1 Ch 2 49]): This town lay in the Negeb of Judah and is mentioned with Hormah and Ziklag. It is represented in Josh 19 5, etc, by Beth-marcaboth. { mm Deiinneh, 12 miles N. of Beersheba, has been proposed on ety mological grounds (I KF, III, 392, 399, Sh XNIV).

      MADMEN, mad men ("pPT^ madhmen; KO\\\\ iravcriv iravo-eTcu, k<d pausin pausetai) : An un- identified town in Moab against which Jer prophe sied (48 2). The play upon the words here suggests a possible error in transcription: gam madhmen liddo/ni, "Also, Madmen, thou shalt be silenced." The initial M of "Madmen" may have arisen by dittography from the last letter of gam. We should then point Diinon, which of course is Dibon.

      MADMENAH, mad-me na (rEE* 1 ?, madhmcnGh; Ma8pT|vd, Madebend): A place mentioned only in Isaiah s description of the Assyr advance upon Jerus (10 31). It is not identified.

      MADNESS, mad nes. See MAD, MADXF.SS.

      MADON, mfi don (fTTQ, mddhdn; B, Ma^pwv, Marrhon, A, MaSwv, Maddn [Josh 11 1], B, Map- |ACtf6, Marmoth, A, Mapwv, Huron [Josh 12 19]): A royal city of the Canaanites named along with Hazor of Galilee. El-Medlneh, "the city," on the heights YV. of the Sea of Galilee, with which it might possibly be identified, probably dates only from Moslem times. It seems likely that the common confusion of the Heb T for "1 has occurred, and that we should read "Maron." The place may be then identified with Mciron, a village with ancient ruins and rock tombs at the foot of Jcbd Jermuk, a little to the NAY. of >Sa/ecZ. \\\\Y. EWINO

      MAELUS, ma-e lus (A, Md^Xos, Mdelos, B, MCXiiXos, Hilelos}: One of those who at Esdras request put away his foreign wife (1 Esd 9 26 = "Mijamin" in the || Ezr 10 25).

      MAGADAN, mag a-dan, ma-ga dan (Ma-yaSAv, Magadan; the reading of TJt, Ma-y8aXd [AV], Magdald, is unsupported): This name appears only in Mt 15 39. In the H passage, Mk 8 10, its place is taken by Dalmanutha. From these two passages it is reasonable to infer that "the borders of Magadan" and "the parts of Dalma nutha" were contiguous. We may perhaps gather from the narrative that they lay on the western

      Magbish Magic, Magician



      shore of the Sc;i of Galilee. After the feeding of the -1,000, .Jesus and His disciples came to these parts. Thenee they departed to "the other side" (Mk 8 13), arriving at Bethsaida. Tliis is gen erally believed to have been Bethsaida Julias, N.K. of the sea, whence He set out on His visit to Cues- area Philippi. In this case we might look for l)al- nmmitha and Magadan somewhere S. of the Plain of Gennesaret, at the foot of the western hills. Stanley (N/\\\\ 383) quotes Schwarz to the effect that a cave in the face of these precipitous slopes bears the name of Teliman or Talmanutha. If this is true, it points to a site for Dalmanutha near Mm (i-FnHij(h. Magadan might then be represented by el-Mejdel, a village at the S.W. corner of the Plain of Cennesaret. It is commonly identified with Magdala, the home of Mary Magdalene, but without any evidence. The name suggests that this was the site of an old Ileb iniyhdal, "tower" or "fortress." The village with its ruins is now the

      her of that tribe. It was one of them, Bardiya, who pretended to be Smerdis and raised the rebel lion against Cambyses. Itahlt Mayli in 1. Origi- ,ler 39 3 does not mean "Chief Magus," nally a but is in Assyr Rah nnuji, (apparently

      Median "commander" ; cf rab nunji k/i nui-lcabli, Tribe commander of chariots";, having no

      connection with "Magus" (unless per haps Magians were employed as charioteers, Media being famous for its Nisaean steeds). The invest ment of the Magi with priestly functions, paxnil>ly under Cyrus (Xen. Cymp. viii), but probably much later, was perhaps due to the fact that Zoroaster (Zarathustra) belonged, it is said, to that tribe. They guarded the sacred fire, recited hymns at dawn and ollered sacrifices of haoina- ]uic?, etc. Herodotus (i.132) says they also buried the dead (perhaps temporary burial is meant as in VcndulM, Farg. viii). They were granted extensive estates in Media for their maintenance, and the dthrumns and other


      property of the German Roman Catholics. The land in the plain has been purchased by a colony of Jews, and is once more being brought under culti vation.

      The identification with Magdala is made more probable by the frequent interchange of I for n, e.g. Nathan (Ileb), Nethel (Aram.). W. EwiNG

      MAGBISH, mag bish (C^tt , maghbish; B, is, M<n/<box, A, Maafkis, Maabels): An unidentified town in Benjamin, 156 of the inhabit ants of which are said to have returned from exile with Zerubbabel (E/r 2 30). It does not appear in Nehemiah s list (7 33). LXX (B), however, has Magcbos. The name is probably identical with Mag])iash, "one who sealed the covenant" (Neh 10 20).

      MAGDALA, mag da-la. See MAGADAN.

      MAGDALENE, mag da-len, mag-da-le/nP. See MARY, III.

      MAGDIEL, mag di-el (SP ^ a , maghdl el; Gen 36 43, A, MTo8v^\\\\, Metoduil; \\\\ Ch 1 .54, A, Mceye- 5v^\\\\, V ac/wl nf-l, B. M6^\\\\, MnluH): One of the "dukes" of Edom.

      MAGED, ma ged. See MAKED.

      MAGI, mfi ji, THE (Md Y oi, Magoi [Mt 2 1.7.16, "Wise-men," RV and AV, "Magi" RVm]): Were originally a Median tribe (Herod, i.101); and in Darius Inscriptions Mayush means only a mem-

      priests mentioned in the A vesta may have been of their number, though only once does the word "Magus" occur in the book (in the compound Mdghu-tKbish, "Magus-hater," Yasiia, lxv.7, Geld- ner s ed). The Magi even in Herodotus time had gained a reputation for "magic" arts (cf Acts 13 6.8). They also studied astrology and astronomy (rationes munilnni mot us et sidcrum [Amm. Marc., xxiii.6, 32]), partly learned from Babylon.

      These latter studies explain why a star was used to lead them to Christ at Bethlehem, when Our Lord

      was less than two years old (Mt 2 1(5). 2. The Magi No reliable tradition deals with the at Beth- country whence these particular magi lehem came. Justin Martyr, Tertullian and

      Epiphanius fancied that they came from Arabia, founding their opinion on the fact that "gold, frankincense and myrrh" abounded in Yemen. But the text says they came not from the S. but from the E. Origen held that they came from Chaldaea, which is possible. But Clement of Alexandria, Diodorus of Tarsus, Chry- sostom, Cyril of Alexandria, Juvencus, Prudentius and others are probably right in bringing them from IVisia. Sargon s settlement of Israelites in Media (c 730-728 BC [2 K 17 6]) accounts for the large Ileb element of thought which Darmesteter recog nizes in the Avesta (SHE, IV, Intro, ch vi). Me dian astronomers would thus know Balaam s prophecy of the star out of Jacob (Nu 24 17). That the Jews expected a star as a sign of the birth of the Messiah is clear from the tractate Zohar of the G e mara and also from the title "Son of the Star" (Bar Kokh e bha) given to a pseudo-Messiah



      Magbish Magic, Magician

      (130-35 AD). Tacitus (///. v.13) and Suetonius

      (b esp. iv) tell us hmv widespread in Ilie East at the time of Christ s coining was the expectation that "at that time men starting from .Judaea would make themselves masters of things" (ef Virgil, Eel. iv). All this would naturally prepare the Magi to follow the star when it appeared. See also ASTROLOGY; ASTRONOMY; DIVINATION; MAGIC; \\\\\\\\ISK MKN; ZOROASTRIANISM.

      LITERATI-RE. Herodotus; Xenophon; Anmi. Mar- cellinus; Strabo; Spiegel, Mti>i-r*is<-l<e Kfilinschriftrn; Geldner, Amid; Muss-Arnolt, Assyr Diet.; BDB; RE.



      MAGIC, maj ik, MAGICIAN, ma-jLsh an:

      I. DEFINITION II. DIVISION OF THK SUBJECT 1. Magic as Impersonal L . Magic as Personal


      IV. MACIC IN THK BIIH.E 1. Hostility to Magic

      2. Potency of Magical Words H. Influence of ( harms V. MAHICAL TKK.MS I SKD IN THE BIBLE 1. Divination J. Sorcery :J. Enchantment

      4. Amulets

      5. Incantation

      (i. Repeated rtterances 7. Impostors S. Witchcraft LITERATURE

      The word comes from a Cr adj. (^071^77, ma- gilce) with which the noun r^x^, lech it e, "art," is understood. The full phrase is "magical art" (Wisd 17 10). But the Gr word is derived from the magi or Zarathustran (Zoroastrian) priests. Magic is therefore historically the art practised in Persia by the recognized priests of the country. It is impossible in the present article 1 , owing to exi gencies of space, to give a full account of this im portant subject and of the leading views of it which have been put forth. The main purpose of the following treatment will be to consider the subject from the Bib. standpoint.

      /. Definition. In its modern accepted sense magic may be described as the art of bringing about results beyond man s own power by superhuman agencies. In the wide sense; of this definition divination is btit a species of magic, i.e. magic tised as a means of securing secret knowledge, esp. a knowledge of the future. Divination and magic bear a similar relation to prophecy and miracle respectively, the first and third implying special knowledge, the second and fourth special power. But divination has to do generally with omens, and it is better for this and other reasons to notice the two subjects magic and divination apart, as is done in the present work.

      //. Division of the Subject. There are two kinds of magic: (1) impersonal; (2) personal. In the first, magic is a species of crude science, 1. Magic as for the underlying hypothesis is that Impersonal there are forces in the world which can be utilized on certain conditions, incantations, magical acts, drugs, etc. The magi cian in this case connects what on a very slender induction he considers to be causes and effects, mainly on the principle of post hoc ergo proplcr hoc. He may not know much of the causal agency; it is enough for him to know that by performing some act or reciting some formula (see CHARM) or carry ing some object (see AMULET) he can secure some desired end. Frazer (Golden Bough 2 , I, 61) says: "Magic is a kind of savage logic, an elementary species of reasoning based on similarity, contiguity and contrast." But why does the savage draw conclusions from association of ideas? There must

      be an implied belief in the uniformity of Nature or in the controlling power of intelligent beings.

      In personal magic, living, intelligent, spiritual beings are made the real agents which men by in cantations, etc, influence and even 2. Magic control. The magical acts may in an as Personal advanced stage include sacrifice, the

      incantations become prayer.

      Impersonal magic is regarded by most anthro pologists, including E. B. Tylor and J. Frazer, as more primitive than the second and as a lower form of it. This conclusion rests on an assumption that human culture is always progressive, that the movement is uniformly onward and upward. But this law does not always hold. The religion of Israel as taught in the 8th cent. BC stands on a higher level ethically and intellectually than that taught in the writings of Haggai, Zechariah and Ecclesiastes centuries later. Among the ancient In dians, the Rig Veda occupies much loftier ground than the much later Atharva Veda.

      ///. Magic and Religion. Personal magic in its higher forms shades off into religion, and very commonly the two exist together. It is the practice to speak of sacrifice and prayer as constituting ele ments of the ancient and modern religions of India. But it is doubtful whether either of these has the same connotation that it bears in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. J. Frazer ((i olden Bough" 1 , I, f>7 ff ) says that where 1 the operation of spirits is assumed (and these cases are exceptional"), magic is "tinged and alloyed with religion." Such an assumption is, he 1 admits, often made and the present writer thinks it is generally made, for even the operation of the laws of association implies it. But Frazer concludes from various considerations that "though magic is .... found to fuse and amalgamate with religion in many ages and in many lands, there are some grounds for thinking that this fusion is not primitive." It is of course personal magic to which religion stands in closest relations. As soon as man comes to see in the beings by whose 1 power marvels are wrought, per sonalities capable of emotions like himself and susceptible to persuasion, his magical art becomes an intelligent effort to propitiate these superior be>ings and his incantations become hymns and prayers. In all religions, Jewish, Moslem, Chris tian or pagan, when the ae t or prayer as such is he>ld to produce certain re-suits or to secure certain ele sire-el boons, we have to do with a specie s of magic. The word "religion" is inapplicable, unle\\\\ss it includes the idea of personal faith in a Ge>d or gods whose favor depends on moral acts and on ritual ae ts only in so far as the-y have a voluntary and ethi cal character. If it be grant eel that magie-, the lower, preceeles re-ligion. the> higher, this does not necessarily negative the> validity of the religious concept. Mature 1 knowledge is preceele d by ele 1 - mentary impressions and be lie>fs whie h are sub jective without objective correspondences. But this higher knowledge is none the less valid for its antecedents. If it can be proved that the; Chris tian or any other religion has become what it is by gradual ascent from animism, magic, ete-, its valid ity is not by this destroyed or even impaired. Religion must be 1 judged according to its own proper evidence. But sen 1 II, end.

      IV. Magic in the Bible. The general remarks made on the Bible and divination in DIVINATION, V, have an equal application to the 1. Hostility attitude of the Bible toward magic, to Magic This attitude is distinctly hostile, as it could not but be in documents pro fessing to inculcate the teaching of the ethical and spiritual religion of Israe 1 ! (see Dt 18 10 f ; 2 K 21 6; 2 Ch 33 0, etc). Yet it is equally clear that

      Magic, Magician Mahalath



      (ho actual power of magic is acknowledged as clearly us its illegitimacy is pointed out. In P s account, of the plagues (Kx 7-11) it i.s assumed that- the magicians of Egypt had real power to per form superhuman feats. They throw their rods and they become serpents; they turn the waters of the Nile into blood. It is only when they try to produce gnats that they fail, though Aaron had succeeded by Yahweh s power in doing this and thus showed that Yahweh s power was greatest. Hut that the magicians had power that was real and great is not so much as called in question.

      Among the ancient Semites (Arabs, Assyrians, Hebrews, etc) there was a strong belief in the po tency of the magical words of blessing

      2. Potency and of curse. The mere utterance of of Magical such words was regarded as enough Words to secure their realization. That the

      narrator of Nu 22-24 (J) ascribed to Balaam magical power is clear from the narra tive, else why should Yahweh be represented as transferring Balaam s service to the cause of Israel? We have other Bib. references to the power of the spoken word of blessing in Gen 12 3; Ex 12 32; Jgs 17 2; 2 S 21 3, and of curse in Gen 27 29; Jgs 6 23; Job 3 8 (cf the so-called Imprecatory Psalms, and sec Century Bible, "Ps," vol II, 210). On the prevalence of the belief among the Arabs, see the important work of Goldziher, Abhand- lungen zur arabischen Pldlologie, Theil I, 23 ff .

      In Gen 30 14 (J) we have an example of the be lief in the power of plants (here mandrakes) to stir

      up and strengthen sexual love, and

      3. Influence we read in Arab. lit. of the very same of Charms superstition in connection with what is

      called Yabrtih, almost certainly the same plant. Indeed one of the commonest forms in which magic appears is as a love-charm, and as this kind of magic was often exercised by women, magic and adultery are frequently named together in the OT (see 2 K 9 22; Nah 3 4; Mai 3 5; and cf Ex 22 18 [17], where the sorceress [AV "witch"] is to be condemned to death). We have an in stance of what is called sympathetic magic (for a description of which see Jevons, Intro to Hist of Religion, 28 ff, and Frazer, Golden Bough*, I, 49 ff) in Gen 30 37 ff. Jacob placed before the sheep and goats that came to drink water peeled rods, so that the pregnant ones might bring forth young that were spotted and striped. The teraphim mentioned in Gen 31 19 ff and put away with wizards during the drastic reforms of Josiah (2 K 23 24; cf Zee 10 2) were household objects sup posed capable of warding off evil of every kind. The Babylonians and Assyrians had a similar cus tom. We read of an Assyr magician that he had statues of the gods Lugalgira and Alamu put on each side of the main entrance to his house, and in consequence he felt perfectly impregnable against evil spirits (see Tallquist, Assyr. Besch, 22).

      In Isa 3 2 the koscm ("magician" or "diviner") is named along with the knight warrior, the judge, prophet and elder, among the stays and supports of the nation; no disapproval is expressed or im plied with regard to any of them. Yet it is not to be denied that in its essential features pure Yahwism, which enforced personal faith in a pure spiritual being, was radically opposed to all magical beliefs and practices. The fact that the Hebrews stood apart as believers in an ethical and spiritual religion from the Sem and other peoples by which they were surrounded suggests that they were Di vinely guided, for in other respects art, philoso phy, etc this same Heb nation held a lower place than many contemporary nations.

      V. Magical Terms Used in the Bible. Many terms employed in the OT in reference to divina

      tion have also a magical import. See DIVINATION, VII. For a fuller discussion of Bib. terms con nected with both subjects, reference may be made to T. Wit ton Davies, Magic, Divination and Demon- ology among the Hebreirx and Their Neighbours, 44 ff, 78 ff; see also arts. "Divination" and "Magic" in EH, by the present writer.

      Here a few brief statements arc all that can be

      attempted. Keyon (SC]5), usually rendered "div

      ination" (see Nu 23 23), has pri-

      1. Divina- marily a magical reference (Fleischer), tion though both Wellhausen (Rente des

      arabischen Heidenthunts 2 , 133, n.o) and W. Robertson Smith (Jour. Phil., XIII, 278) hold that its first use was in connection with divination. The Arab. vb. ("to exorcise") and noun ("an oath") have magical meanings. But it must be admitted that the secondary meaning ("divination") has almost driven out the other. See under I, where it is held that at bottom magic and divination are one.

      The vb. kashaph (ETCS), RV "to practise sorcery," comes, as Fleischer held, from a root denoting "to

      have a dark appearance," to look

      2. Sorcery gloomy, to be distressed, then as a

      suppliant to seek relief by magical means. The corresponding nouns kashshaph and m kashsheph are rendered "sorcerer" in EV.

      Lahash (tDfb), EV "enchantment," etc (see Isa 3 3, n e bhon lahash, RV "the skilful enchanter"), is

      connected etymologically with nahash,

      3. Enchant- "a serpent," the n and I often inter ment changing in Sem. Lahash is, therefore,

      as might have been expected from this etymology, used specifically of serpent charming (see Jer 8 17; Eccl 10 11; cf m lahesh [tnyn] in Ps 58 5 [6], EV "charmer").

      Hebher O5D) occurs in the plural only (Isa 47 9.12, EV "enchantments"). It comes from a root

      meaning "to bind," and it denotes

      4. Amulets probably amulets of some kind carried

      on the person to ward off evil. It seems therefore to be the Bib. equivalent of the Talmudic k e mla^ (iP Ep), lit. = "something bound," from kamcf (2 522), "to bind."

      Shihar OHttJ) (Isa 47 11) seems to have an

      etymological connection with the principal Arab.

      word for "magic" (sihrun), and is ex-

      6. Incan- plained by the great majority of recent

      tation commentators following J. H. Michaelis

      (Hitzig, Ewald, Dillmann, Whitehouse

      in Century Bible, etc) as meaning "to charm away"

      (by incantations). So also Tg, Rashi, JH and JD,

      Michaelis, Eichhorn, etc.

      The vb. battoloyeo (jSar-roXc^w) in Mt 6 7 ( =

      "say not the same thing over and over again") re

      fers to the superstitionthat the repeated

      6. Utter- utterance of a word will secure one s ances Re- wish. In India today it is thought peated that if an ascetic says in one month the

      name of Radha, Krishna or Rom 100,- 000 times, he cannot fail to obtain what he wants (sec 1 K 18 26). See REPETITION.

      The term goetes (y6rjTes), RV "impostors," AV "seducers," is used of a class of magicians who

      uttered certain magical formulae in

      7. Impos- a deep, low voice (cf the vb. goad tors [yodu>], which = "to sigh," "to utter

      low moaning tones"). Herodotus (ii.33) says that there were persons of the kind in Egypt, and they are mentioned also by Euripides and Plato.

      Paul in Gal 5 20 classes with uncleanness, idolatry, etc, what he calls pharmakeia (0ap/xa/ceta), AV "witchcraft," 11 V "sorcery." The word has



      Magic, Magician Mahalath

      reference first of all to drugs used in exercising the magical art. Note the name Simon Magus, which

      = Simon the magician (Acts 8 9f), 8. Witch- and Bar-Jesus, whom Luke calls a craft magician (ndyos, magos, EV sorcerer")

      and to whom he gives also the proper name Elymas, which is really the Arab. *dlim = "learned," and so one skilful in the magical art. See also under AMULET; CHARM; DEMON- OLOGY; WITCHCRAFT.

      LITERATURE. A very full bibliography of the subject will be found in T. VVittoii Davies, Manic, Divination and Demonology among the Ilt lin ten anil Their Neighbours, xi-xvi. See also the; lit. under DIVINATION and in addition to the lit. cited, in the course of the foregoing art., note the following: A. Lehmann, Abvrglanin- und Zauberi i*. 1908; A. (\\\\ Haddon, Ma-iic, and Frtixhixtn, 1900; Blau, Das altjiidische Zauberu-^cn, 1S9S; Smith, "Witchcraft in the OT," Bib. Sor., 1902, 23 35; "\\\\V R. Hidliday, Gr Divination; A Study of It* Mct/todx and Principles, London. Maemillan (important) and the valuable art. on "Magic" by X. W. Thomas in the Enc Brit, and also the relevant arts, in the 15ible dictionaries.


      MAGISTRATE, maj is-trat ("?, sh phat, cor responding to ISE iT, shdphat, "to judge," "to pro nounce sentence" [Jgs 18 7]): Among the ancients, the terms corresponding to our "magistrate" had a much wider signification. "Magistrates and judges" (D" 1 *?" 1 ] O^nV^j shdph e tlm w e -dhayyanim} should be tr d "judges and rulers" (Ezr 7 25). C^O , s ghdnlm, "rulers" or "nobles," were Bab magistrates or prefects of provinces (Jer 61 23.28. 57; Ezk 23 6). In the time of Ezra and Nehe- miah, the Jewish magistrates bore the same title (K/r 9 2; Neh 2 16; 4 14; 13 11). The Gr &pxuv t drchdii, "magistrate" (Lk 12 58; Tit, 3 1 AV), signifies the chief in power (1 Cor 2 6.8) and "ruler" (Acts 4 26; Rom 13 3).

      The Messiah is designated as the "prince [arrkfin] of the kings of the earth" (Kev 1 . r > AY), and by the same term Moses is designated the judge and leader of the Hebrews (Acts 7 27.35). The wide application of this term is manifest from the fact that it is used of magis trates of any kind, e.g. the high priest (Acts 23 5); civil judges (Lk 1258; Acts 16 19); ruler of the synagogue (Lk 8 41; Mt 9 IS. 23; Mk 5 22); per sons of standing and authority among the Pharisees and other sects that appear in the Sanhedriti (Lk 14 1; Jn 3 1; Acts 3 17). The term also designates Satan, the prince or chief of the fallen angels (Mt 9 34; Eph 2 2).

      In the NT we also find o-Tpariiyds, strategos, em ployed to designate the Rom praetors or magis trates of Philippi, a Rom colony (Acts 16 20. A collective term for those clothed with power (Eng. "the powers"), &-ov<rlai, cxnu- sini, is found in Lk 12 11 AY; Rom 13 2.3; Tit 3 1. The "higher powers" _ (Rom 13 1) are all those who are placed in positions of civil authority from the emperor down.

      In early Heb history, the magisterial office was limited to the hereditary chiefs, but Moses made the judicial office elective. In his time the "heads of families" were 59 in number, and these, together with the 12 princes of the tribes, composed the Sanhedrin or Council of 71. Some of the scribes were intrusted with the business of keeping the genealogies and in this capacity were also regarded as magistrates. FRANK E. HIRSCH

      MAGNIFICAL, mag-nif i-kal (b"!}, gadhal, in Hiph. "to make great"): Old form retained from Genevan VS in 1 Ch 22 5; in ARV "magnificent."

      MAGNIFICAT, mag-nif i-kat: The name given to the hymn of Mary in Lk 1 46-55, commencing "My soul doth magnify the Lord." Three old Lat MSS substitute the name "Elisabeth" for "Mary" in ver 46, but against this is the authority of all Gr MSS and other Lat VSS. The hymn, modeled in part on that of Hannah in 1 S 2 1 if,

      is peculiarly suitable to the circumstances of Mary, and plainly could not have been composed after the actual appearance and resurrection of Christ. Its early date is thus manifest.

      MAGNIFY, mag ni-fl (Hiph. of V^, gadhal; fwya\\\\vvo>, incgiiluno, "to make great," "extol," "celebrate in praise"): Used esp. of exaltation of the name, mercy, and other attributes of God (Gen 19 19; 2 S 7 26, Ps 35 27; 40 16; 70 4; Lk 1 46; Acts 10 46); of God s "word" (Ps 138 2); or of Christ (Acts 19 17; Phil 1 20). Men also can be "magnified" (Josh 4 14; 1 Ch 29 25, etc). In Rom 11 13, "magnify mine office," the word (Gr doxdzo) is changed in RV to "glorify."

      MAGOG, ma gog (U h ij 2, maghogh; Magog): Named among the sons of Japheth (Gen 10 2; 1 Ch 1 5). Ezekiel uses the word as equiva lent to "land of Gog" (Ezk 38 2; 39 6). Jos identifies the Magogites with the Scythians (Ant, I, vi, 1). From a resemblance between the names Gog and Gyges (Gugu), king of Lydia, some have suggested that Magog is Lydia; others, however, urge that Magog is probably only a variant of Gog (Sayce in ///>/>). In the Apocalypse of John, Gog and Magog represent all the heathen oppo nents of Messiah (Rev 20 8), and in this sense these names frequently recur in Jewish apocalyptic literature. J OHN A. LEES

      MAGOR-MISSABIB, ma gor-mis a-bib ^5?^3 , mdf/fwr missabfnbh, "terror on every side") : A name given by Jeremiah to Pashhur ben Immer, the governor of the temple, who had caused the prophet to be beaten and set in the stocks (Jer 20 3). The same expression is used (not as a proper name) in several other passages (Ps 31 13; Jer 6 25; 20 10; 46 5; 49 29; Lam 2 22).

      MAGPIASH, mag pi-ash. Sec MAGBISH.


      MAHALAH, ma-ha la, ma ha-la (r6n , RV has the correct form MAHLAII): \\\\ descendant of Manasseh (1 Ch 7 18).

      MAHALALEL, ma-ha la-lel (bsbbn? , niahnlnl el; AV Mahalaleel, ma-ha la-le-el, ma-hal a-lel) :

      (1) Son of Cainan, the grandson of Seth (Gen 6 12 IT; 1 Ch 1 2).

      (2) The ancestor of Athaiah, one of the children of Judali who dwelt in Jerus after the return from exile (Neh 11 4).

      MAHALATH, ma ha-lath (rbrTg, mahiilnth):

      (1) In Gen 28 9 the name of a wife of Esau, daughter of Ishmael, and sister of Nebaioth, called in 36 3, BASEMATII (q.v.). The Sam, however, throughout ch 36 retains "Mahalath." On the other hand, in 26 34 Basemath is said to be "the daughter of Elon the Hittite," probably a con fusion with Adah, as given in 36 2, or corruption may exist in the lists otherwise.

      (2) One of the 18 wives of Rehoboam, a grand daughter of David (2 Ch 11 18).

      (3) The word is found in the titles of Ps 53 (RV "set to Mahalath") and Ps 88 (RV "set to Maha lath Leannoth," in "for singing"). Probably some song or tune is meant, though the word is taken by many to denote a musical instrument. Heng- stenberg and others interpret it as indicating the subject of the Pss. See PSALMS. JAMES ORR

      Mahali Maimed


      MAHALI, infi ha-ll. Sec MAIIM.

      MAHANAIM, ma-ha-na im (u^H^? , imilianayini; the (!r is different in every case where (lie name occurs, B and A also giving variant forms; the dual form may he taken as having arisen from an old locative ending, as, e.g. in C^pTITH 1 } , yrustiula[y]im, from an original Cp CI T, y^rushoLern. In (Jen 32 21 iiuihtini h is evidently a |j form and should be rendered as a proper name, Mahaneh, i.e. Maha- naiin) : The city must have; been one of great strengl h. It lay E. of the Jordan, and is first mentioned in the history of Jacob. Here he halted after parting from Laban, before the passage of the Jabbok (den 32 2), "and the angels of dod met him." Possibly it was the site of an ancient sanctuary. It is next noticed in denning the boundaries of tribal territory E. of the Jordan. It lay on the border of dad and Manasseh (Josh 13 26.30). It belonged to the lot of Clad, and was assigned along with Ramoth in dilead to the Merarite Levites (21 38; 1 Ch 6 80 the former of these passages affords no justi fication to Cheyne in saying [EB, s.v.] that it is mentioned as a "city of refuge ). The strength of the place doubtless attracted Abner, who fixed here the capital of Lshbosheth s kingdom. Saul s chivalrous rescue of Jabesh-gilead was remembered to the credit of his house in these dark days, and the loyalty of M. could be reckoned on (2 S 2 8, etc). To this same fortress David fled when en dangered by the rebellion of Absalom; and in the "forest" hard by, that prince met his fate (2 S 17 24, etc). It was made the center of one of Solo mon s administrative districts, and here Abinadab the son of Iddo was stationed (1 K 4 14). There seems to be a reference to M. in Cant 6 13 RV. If this is so, here alone it appears with the article. By emending the text Cheyne would read: "What do you see in the Shulammite ? A narcissus of the valleys."

      It is quite clear from the narrative that Jacob, going to meet his brother, who was advancing from the S., crossed the Jabbok after leaving M. It is therefore vain to search for the site of this city S. of the Jabbok, and Conder s suggested identifica tion with some place near el-Bukci^a, E. of es-Salt, must be given up.

      On the N. of the Jabbok several positions have been thought of. Merrill (East of the Jordan, 433 ff) argues in favor of Khirbct Saleikhat, a ruined site in the mouth of Wady tialeikhat, on the north ern bank, 3 miles E. of Jordan, and 4 miles N. of Wady *Ajliin. From its height, 300 ft. above the plain, it commands a wide view to the W. and S. One running "by the way of the Plain" could be seen a great way off (2 S 18 23). This would place the battle in the hills to the S. near the Jordan valley. Ahimaaz then preferred to make a detour, thus securing a level road, while the Cushite took the rough track across the heights. Others, among them Buhl (CAP, 257), would place M. at Mihnch, a partly overgrown ruin 9 miles E. of Jordan, and 4 miles N. of *Ajlun on the north bank of Wady Mahnch. This is the only trace of the ancient name yet found in the district. It may be assumed that M. is to be sought in this neighborhood. Cheyne would locate it at *Ajlun, near which rise s the great fortress Ka^atcr-Rabatf. He supposes that the "wood of Mahanaim" extended as far as Mihnch, and that "the name of Mihneh is really an abbreviation of the ancient phrase." Others would identify M. with Jerash, where, however, there are no remains older than Gr-Rorn times.

      Objections to either * Ajliin or Mihneh are: (1) The reference to "this Jordan" in den 32 10, which seems to show that the city was near the

      river. It may indeed be said that the great hollow of the Jordan valley seems close at hand for many miles on either side, but this, perhaps, hardly meets the objection. (2) The word A //r/,v7r, used for "Plain" in 2 S 18 23, seems always elsewhere to apply to the "circle" of the Jordan. Buhl, who identifies M. with Mihnch, yet cites this verse ((} A P, 112) as a case in which kikkar applies to the plain of the Jordan. He thus prescribes for Ahimaaz a very long race. Cheyne sees the diffi culty. The battle was obviously in the vicinity of M., and the nearest way from the "wood" was by the "122, kikkdr, "or, since no satisfactory ex planation of this reading has been offered by the 5H2, juihiil, that is to say, the eager Ahimaaz ran along in the watly in whi -h, at some little distance, M. lay" (Eli, s.v.). The site for the present remains in doubt. W. Ewi.vo

      MAHANEH-DAN, ma ha-ne-dan (yiTtrTC, ma- haneh-dhCin; irapenpoXTi Adv, /Hircnibolt: Dan) : This place is mentioned twice: in Jgs 13 25 (AV "the camp of Dan"), and Jgs 18 12. In Mahaneh-dan, between Zorah and Eshtaol, the spirit of the Lord began to move Samson. Here the 600 marauders of Dan, coming from Zorah and Eshtaol, encamped behind Kiriath-jearim. It has been thought that these two statements contradict each other; or at least that they cannot both apply to the same place. But if we accept the identification of Zorah with tfnrah, and of Eshtaol with Esfni\\\\ which there seems no reason to question; and if, further, we identify Kiriath-jearim with Khirbct Ertna, which is at least possible, the two passages may be quite recon ciled. Behind Kiriath-jearim, that is W. of Khir- bet Erma, runs the Vale of Sorek, on the north bank of which, about 2 miles apart, stand Zorah and Eshtaol; the former 3| miles, the latter 1\\\\ miles fron Khirbct Erma. No name resembling Mahaneh- dan has yet been recovered; but the place may have lain within the area thus indicated, so meeting the conditions of both passages, whether it was a per manent settlement, or derived its name only from the incident mentioned in 18 12. \\\\\\\\ . EWINQ

      MAHARAI, ma-har a-i, ma ha-r! C 1 "!" 1 ?, ma- hdray, "impetuous"): One of David s "braves" (2 S 23 28; 1 Ch 11 30; 27 13). He was one of the 12 monthly captains of David s administra tion, and took the 10th month in rotation. He was of the family of Zerah, and dwelt in Netophah in Judah.

      MAHATH, ma hath (WTO, mahath, "snatch ing"; Me 6, Meth):

      (1) One of the Kohathites having charge of the "service of song" in David s time, son of Amasai (1 Ch 6 35). Possibly the same as Ahimoth (ver 25). He seems also to be the same as the per son named in 2 Ch 29 12 during Hezekiah s time, though it is probable there is some confusion in the narrative. He is there represented as taking part in the new covenant of Hezekiah and the cleansing of the Lord s house.

      (2) One of the overseers of the temple under Conaniah and Shimei (2 Ch 31 13); three pas sages of Scripture give the name, but it is difficult to individuate these because the genealogy identi fies the two first named (1 Ch 6 35; 2 Ch 29 12), while the chronology seems to divide them one in David s day, the other in Hezekiah s. It is not, however, impossible to identify the man of 2 Ch 29 12 with him of 2 Ch 31 13. Possibly the genealogy has been mistakenly repeated in 2 Ch 29 12. HENRY WALLACE



      Mahali Maimed

      MAHAVITE, ma ha-vlt (D nrrg, mahdwint, "vil lagers"): The description given to Eliel, one of Davids warrior guard (1 Ch 11 46), perhaps to distinguish him from the Elicl in the next verse. MT is very obscure here.

      MAHAZIOTH, ma-h;Vzi-oth, ma-ha zi-oth (niS" l Tn a, mahazi 1 oth , "visions"): One of the 14 sons of Roman the Kohathite in the temple choir. "He was leader of (lie 23d course of musi cians whose function was to blow the horns" (1 Ch 26 4.30).

      MAHER-SHALAL-HASH-BAZ, nm her-shal al-

      hash baz (73 TTFI ^W in 1 )?, muticr slitllal tiaxli Ix/z, "the s])oil speedeth, the prey hasteth"): A symbolic n;ime given to Isaiah s son 1o signify the sharp dest ruction of Rezin and Pekah by the Assyr power (Isa 8 1.3). Cf the Or idea of Nemesis.

      MAHLAH, mii la (n^fTG, mnhldh, "sickness" or "song," etymology doubtful):

      (1) Eldest of Zelophehad s 5 daughters (Nu 26 33; 27 1). As Zelophehad, grandson of Manasseh, had no sons, the daughters successfully claimed their father s inheritance. The law was altered in their favor on condition that they married into their father s tribe. They agreed" and married their cousins (Nu 36 11). The whole chapter should be read and compared with Josh 17 3 ft, because the decision became a precedent.

      (2) Another (AV "Mahalah"), same Heb name as above, daughter of Hammoleketh, grand daughter of Manasseh (1 Ch 7 IS).


      MAHLI, mii li C^ITO, malill, "a sick or weak one") :

      (1) A son of Merari (Ex 6 19. A V Mahali; Nu 3 20), grandson of Levi and founder of the Leviti- cal family of MAHLITES (q.v.).

      (2) A son of Mushi, Mahli s brother, bears the siimename (1 Ch 6 47; 23 23; 24 30). Cf Ezr 8 18 and 1 Esd 8 47.

      MAHLITES, ma lits pbrns , ,,uMi) : Descendants of Ma.hli, son of Merari (Nu 3 33; 26 58). These Mahlites appear to have followed the example of the daughters of Zelophehad, mutatis mutandis. (See MAHLAH; had the name become the description of a practice?) They married the daughters of their uncle Eleazar (1 Ch 23 21.22).

      MAHLON, ma lon (p-ITC, mafildn, "invalid"): Ruth s first husband (Ruth 1 2.5; 4 9.10). In the latter passage is further evidence of the un willingness to allow a family connection or inher itance to drop (see MAHLAH; MAHLI). Note that David s descent and that of his "Greater Son" come through Ruth and Boaz (Ruth 4 22).

      MAHOL, ma hol (VinTC, mdhol, "dance"; of *",np~ i :3, fcnc-mahol, "sons of dance"): The father of the 4 sages reputed next in wisdom to Solomon (1 K 4 31). Their names were Ethan, Heman, Chalcol, Darda.

      MAHSEIAH, ma-se ya, ma-sl a (rPCfTQ , mah- ?eydh, "Jeh a refuge"): Grandfather of Baruc h (Jer 32 12) and of Seraiah (Jer 61 59). The name (not to be confused with MAASEIAH [q.v.] as AV has done even in the above passages) is spelt "Maaseas" (q.v.) in Bar 1 1.

      MAIANNAS, ml-an as (MaidLwas, Maidnnas- AV JVtaianeas): One of the Levites who taught

      the law for Esdras (1 Esd 9 48) = M \\\\\\\\SEI\\\\H fa v) in Neli 8 7.

      MAID, mad, MAIDEN, inad"n: Used in AV in the sense of a girl or young female; of an unmarried woman or virgin, and of a female servant or hand maid. Thus it translates several Heb words: (1) The more generic word is Hiy? , na drah, "girl," fern, form of the common *l?3, naV, "boy" (1 S 911; 2 K 6 2.4; Est 2 4.7 ff; Job 41 5; Am 27). In several places masc. form "li" , nn nr, with fern, form of vb. rendered "damsel" (Geri 24; 34 3.12; Dt 22 15); cf i, Va?, he pais (Lk 8 51.54); see also n-a.iSiffK-rj pnidiske diminutive (Sir 41 22; Mk 14 66.69; Lk 12 45 : Kopdviov, kordsion, LXX for nrTarah, "maid " in Mt 9 24 f with Job 6 12f; Sus vs 15.19). (2) The Heb rT f y, almah, also rendered "maid," refers to a woman of marriageable, age (Ex 2 8; Prov 30 19), whether married or not, whether a virgin or not. The same word is tr d "virgin" in several places (Gen 24 43 AV; Cant 13; 68; Isa 7 14). (3) The word Plbin?, b lhuldh, a common Heb word for Virgin," a chaste woman (LXX irapOtvot, parthenos), is frequently rendered "maid" and "maiden" (Ex 22 16; Jgs 19 24; 2 Ch 36 17- Ps 78 63; 148 12; Jer 61 22; Lam 5 11; E/k 9 6; 44 22; Zee 9 17; cf Dt 22 14.17, having "the marks [tokens] of virginity"); D^r?, frtlni- lli, rendered "maid." See VIRGIN. (4) Two Heb words covering the idea of service, handmaid, hand maiden, and in numerous passages so rendered 1 () "PS, amah, tr d "maid" (Gen 30 3; Ex 2 5 1 21 20.26; Lev 25 6; Ezr 2 65; Job 19 15; Nah 2 7); (6) nn?p, ship!, hah, "a family servant," "a handmaid," so rendered in numerous passages (maid," "maiden," Gen 16 2ff; 29 2429- 30 79 10.12.18; Isa 24 2; Ps 123 2; Eccl 2 7). In AV they are variously tr d "maid," "handmaid," etc. (5) I he rather rare word appa, hdbra, "favorite slave, is rendered "maid" in Jth 10 2.5; 13 {) 16 23; Ad Est 15 2.7. (6) Sov\\\\-r,, doi de, "female slave " in AV Jth 12 49 (RV "servant").

      Maidservant means simply a female slave in the different positions which such a woman naturally occupies. They were the property of their masters; sometimes held the position of concubines (Gen 31 33); daughters might be sold by their fathers into this condition (Ex 21 7). It is regrettable that no uniform tr was adopted in AV. And in RV cf Tob 3 7; Jth 10 10; Sir 41 22.

      "Maidservants" replaces "maidens" of AV in Lk 12 45. Cf Job 31 13.


      MAIMED, mam d (Tnn, hdrug; tcvXXrfs, kuttfo, dvdir^pos, oudperos): The condition of being mutilated or rendered imperfect as the result of accident, in contrast to congenital malforma tion. An animal thus affected was declared to be unfit to be offered in sacrifice as a peace offering (Lev 22 22); although under certain conditions a congenially deformed animal might be accepted as a free-will offering, apparently the offering of a maimed animal was always prohibited (vs 23.24). The use of such animals in sacrifice was one of the charges brought against the Jews of his time by Malachi (1 8-14). The word is also used to denote those who were so mutilated. Among those made whole by Our Lord in Galilee were the maimed as well as the halt (Mt 16 30).

      Figuratively the casting off of any evil habit or distracting condition which interferes with the spiritual life is called "maiming" (Mt 18 8: Mk 9

      Mainsail Malachi



      43); with this may he taken the lesson in Mt 19 12. In these passages "maimed" (kill lux) is used of injuries of the upper limb, and c//o/o,sof those affect ing the feet, rendering one halt. Hippocrates, however, uses kullos for ;i deformation of the legs in which the knees are bent so far outward as to render the patient lame; while he applies the term clu iloN as a generic name for any distortion, and in one place uses it, to describe a mutilation of the head (1 rorrtti licti, 83). The maimed and the halt. are among the outcasts who are to be brought into the gospel feast according to the parable (Lk 14 13-21). ALKX. MACAMSTKK

      MAINSAIL, man sfu 1 . See SHIPS AND BOATS.

      MAKAZ, nia kax (Tp-P > " ^ C): One of the c-ities of the 2d of the 12 districts or prefectures which supplied victuals for Solomon (1 K 4 9). It is associated with Shaalbim, Beth-shemesh and Elon-beth-hanan, all three ])robably identical with cities mentioned (Josh 19 41.42) as on the border of Dan. Cheyne (Kli, II, col. 2906) sug gests that Makaz may be identical with MKJAIK;ON (q.v.) in the latter list.

      MAKE, mak, .MAKER, mak cr (Pl?, \\\\rnlh,

      "P2, iidthan, C^ITE , mini; iroie w, poico, ri6i\\\\\\\\i.\\\\.,

      tithe mi, Ka0i<rTT]ni,, k/ilfustenii) : "Make"

      1. As Used is a frequently used word, meaning

      in the OT "to create," "construct," "cause,"

      "constitute," etc, and represents dif

      ferent Heb words. It is very often in AV (1) the

      tr of \\\\lsdh, "to do," "make," etc, usually in

      the sense of constructing, effecting. In Gen 1, etc, it is used of the creation; of the

      creation of man in the likeness of God (6 1); of

      the ark (6 14); of a feast (21 8); of the tabernacle

      and all the things belonging to it (Ex 25 8, etc);

      of idols (Isa 2 8; Jer 2 28, etc); (2) of ndttuin

      (lit. "to give"), chiefly in the sense of constituting,

      appointing, causing; of a covenant (Gen 9 12;

      17 2); of Abraham as the father of many nations,

      etc (17 5.6); of Ishmael as a great nation (17 20);

      of ^Ioses as a god to Pharaoh (Ex 7 1); of judges

      and officers (Dt 16 18); of laws (Lev 26 46, etc);

      it has the meaning of "to cause" (Ex 18 16; 23

      27; Nu 5 21; 1 S 9 22; Ps 106 46); (3) sum,

      "to set," "put," "lay," has a similar significance:

      of Abraham s seed (Gen 13 16; 32 12); Joseph

      lord of all Egypt (45 9; cf Ex 2 14; Dt 1 13;

      10 22); (4) shith, with same meaning, occurs (2 S

      22 12, "He made darkness pavilions round about

      him"; 1 K 11 34; Ps 18 11; 21 6). Other words

      are abhadh (Aram.); "to make," "do," (Jer 10 11;

      Dnl 3 1); *amadh, "to set up" (2 Ch 11 22; 25

      5; Neh 10 32); *a$abh, "to labor," etc (Job 10 8,

      AVm"took pains about me"); bdndh, "to build up"

      (Gen 2 22; 1 K 22 39); bard , "to prepare,"

      "create" (Nu 16 30; Ps 89 47); yd$agh, "to set

      up" (Job 17 6; Jer 51 34); yd<;ar, "to form,"

      "constitute" (Ps 74 17; 104 26); pd al, "to work,"

      "make" (Ex 15 17; Ps 7 15); words with special

      meanings are: pdkadh, "to give a charge" (1 K 11

      28; 2 K 25 23); kdrath, "to cut," or "prepare,"

      "to make a covenant or league" (Gen 15 18; Ex

      24 8; Josh 9 16); kdshar, "to bind together,"

      "to make a conspiracy" (2 K 12 20; 14 19);

      pdrnq, "to break forth," "to make a breach" (2 S

      6 8; 1 Ch 13 11; 15 13); labhen, "to make

      brick" (Gen 11 3); Idbhubli (denom. of 1 bh tbhnh),

      "to make cakes" (2 S 13 6.8); walakh, "to make

      a king" (1 S 8 22; 12 1); among obsolete and

      archaic words and phrases may be mentioned,

      "What makest thou in this place?" (Jgs 18 3),

      RV "doest"; "made" for "pretend" (2 S 13 5.6),

      RV "feign," "feigned"; "made as if" (Josh 8 15; 9 4), so RV; "make for him" (E/k 17 17), RV "help him"; "make mention" (Jer 4 16); "make mention of" (Gen 40 14; Ps 87 4); "make ac count" (Ps 144 3); "make an end" (Jgs 3 18; 15 17); "make an end" is also "to bring to nought," "to destroy" (Isa 38 12); "make riddance" (Lev 2322), RV "wholly reap." In 1 Mace 16 22, we have "to make him away" as tr of apolesai aitlon, RV "dest roy."

      Maker is the tr of dxdh (Job 4 17; Ps 95 6), of ydyir (Isa 45 9.1 1 ; Hab 2 18 bi), of Idrdxli, "grav er" (Isa 45 16;, of t >a\\\\d (Job 36 3; Isa 1 31, or />o*al).

      In the NT the chief word for "make" is poieo, "to do," "make," etc (Mt 3 3; Jn 2 16; 5 15); of kathistemi, "to set down," "to ap- 2. As Used point" (Mt 24 45.47; Rom 5 19); of in the NT tithrmi, "to set," "lay" (Mt 22 44; Mk 12 3(5;; of diatithemi, "to set or lay throughout" (Acts 3 25; He 8 10; 10 16); of didomi, "to give" (2 Thess 3 9; Rev 3 9); of ciini, "to be" (Mk 12 42;; of ej>ilr[< -r>, "to com plete" (He 8 f>; Gal 3 3, "make perfect," RVm "make an end"); of kalaskcudzo, "to prepare thoroughly" (He 9 2, RV "prepared"); of ktizo, "to make," "found" (Eph 2 15); of plerophoreo, "to bear on fully" (2 Tim 4 5, "make full proof of thy ministry," RV "fulfil"); doxnzo, "to make honorable or glorious" (2 Cor 3 10); of pcrilrepn (cis manian) , "io turn round to raving" (Acta 26 24, "doth make thee mad," RV "is turning thee mad," m "Gr turneth thee to madness"); of em- poreuomai, "to traffic," "cheat" (2 Pet 2 3, "make merchandise of you"); of eircttopnieo, "to make peace" (Col 1 20); of sumbdllo, "to throw together" (Lk 14 31; "to make war," RV "goeth to en counter"); "made" is frequently the tr of ginn- mai, "to become," "begin to be" (Mt 4 3; 9 16; Mk 2 21.27; Jn 1 3 [thrice]. 10, "The world was made through him," ver 14, "The word was made flesh," RV "became flesh"; 2 9, water "made wine," RV "now become wine," m "that it had become"; 8 33, "made free"; Rorn 1 3, RV "born"; Gal 3 13, RV "having become a curse for us"; 4 4, RV "born of a woman," etc; Phil 2 7, "was made in the likeness of men," RVm "Gr be coming in"; 1 Pet 2 7, etc).

      In addition to the changes in RV already noted may be mentioned, for "muketh collops" (Job 15 27) "gathered fat"; for "set us in the way of his steps" (Ps 85 13), "make his footsteps a way to walk in"; for "did more grievously afflict her" (Isa 9 1), "hath made it glorious"; for "shall make him of quick understand ing" (Isa ll 3), "his delight shall be in"; for "make sluices and ponds for fish" (Isa 19 10), "they that work for hire," m "or make dams"; for "ye that make men tion of the Lord" (Isa 62 6), "ye that are Jeh s remem brancers"; for "he shall confirm the covenant" (Dnl 9 27), "he shall make a firm covenant"; for "maketh my way perfect" (2 S 22 33), "guideth the perfect in his way" (see margin); for "the desire of a man is his kindness" (Prov 19 22), "that which maketh a man to be desired"; for "maketh intercession" (Horn 11 2), "pleadeth"; for "hath made us accepted" (Kph 1 6), "freely bestowed on us," m "wherewith he endued us"; for "made himself of no reputation " (Phil 2 7), "emp tied himself"; for "spoil you" (Col 2 8), "maketh spoil of you"; for "is the enemy of God" (Jas 4 4), "maketh himself"; for "worketh abomination or [maketh] a lie" (Rev 21 27). "maketh [m "doeth"] an abomination and a lie"; we have "become" for "made" (Mt 43; Lk 3 5; 4 3), "became" (Rom 10 20; 1 Cor 15 45, bis); "becoming in" for "being made" (Phil 2 7m).

      W. L. WALKER

      MAKEBATES, mak bats: This is the pi. of the word makebate, which means "one who stirs up strife." It occurs only in AVm of 2 Tim 3 3 and Tit 2 3 as an alternative tr of 5td/3oXot, didboloi, which AV renders "false accusers," and RV "slan derers."



      Mainsail Malachi

      MAKED, ma ked (MaKe S, Makcd, Ma.p, Makcb) : A strong; city E. of the Jordan, not yet identified. It is named along with Bosor, Alema and Casphor (1 Mace 6 26). In vcr 36, AV reads "Maged."

      MAKER, ma ker. Sec MAKE.

      MAKHELOTH, mak-he loth, mak-he loth

      (P^np 1 ^, makh cloth, "assemblies"): A desert camp of the Israelites between Ilaradah and Tahath (Nu 33 25.26). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

      MAKKEDAH, ma-ke da (tV^ , makkcdhdh; MaKT)8d, Makcdd): A Canaanite royal city which Joshua captured, utterly destroying the inhab itants, and doing to the king as he had done unto the king of Jericho (Josh 10 2S; 12 16). It lay in the Shephelah of Judiih (15 41). It was brought into prominence by the flight thither of the 5 kings of the Amorites who, having united their forces for the destruction of Gibeon, were themselves defeated and pursued by Joshua (eh 10). Seeing their danger, the men of Gibeon sent to the camp at Gil- gal beseeching Joshua to save and help them. That energetic commander marched all night with his full strength, fell upon the allies at Gibeon, slew them with a great slaughter, chased the fugitives down the valley by way of Beth-horon, and smote them unto Azekah and unto Makkedah. It was during this memorable pursuit that in response to Joshua s appeal:

      "Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon; And thou, Moon, in the valley of Aijalon,"

      the sun stayed in the midst of heaven, and hasted not to go down a whole day, until the nation had avenged themselves of their enemies.

      The 5 kings sought refuge in the cave at Makke dah, where, by Joshua s orders, they were blocked in with great stones, until the slaughter of the fugi tives should be completed. Then the royal prison ers were brought out, and, after the chiefs of Israel had set their feet upon their necks, Joshua slew them and hanged them on five trees until sunset. This is an illustration of the old practice of impaling enemies after death. The bodies were then cast into the cave where they had sought to hide, and great stones were rolled against the entrance.

      The flight of the allies was past Beth-horon and Azekah to Makkedah. Azekah is not identified, but it is named with Gederoth, Beth-dagon and Naamah (Josh 15 41). These are probably rep resented by Katrah, Dajdn and Naaneh, so that in this district Makkedah may be sought. The officers of the Pal Exploration Fund agree in sug gesting el-Mughdr, the cave," on the northern bank of Wddy es-Surar, about 4 miles from the sand dunes on the shore. There are traces of old quarry ing and many rock-cut tombs with loculi. "The village stands on a sort of promontory stretching into the valley .... divided into three plateaus; on the lower of these to the S. is the modern village, el-Mughdr, built in front of the caves which are cut out of the sandstone" (Warren). In no other place in the neighborhood are caves found. The narrative, however, speaks not of caves, but of "the cave," as of one which was notable. On the other hand the events narrated may have lent dis tinction to some particular cave among the many. "The cave" would therefore be that associated with the fate of the 5 kings. No certainty is possible. W. EWINQ

      MAKTESH, mak tesh, THE (TBI?512n , ha-makh- tesh, "the mortar"; cf Jgs 15 19, "the mortar," EV "hollow place that is in Lehi"): A quarter of Jems so named, it is supposed, on account of the

      configuration of the ground arid associated (Zeph 1 10.11) with the "fish gate" and MISHNEH (q.v.) or "second quarter." Most authorities think it was in the northern part of the city, and many con sider that the name was derived from the hollowed- out form of that part of the Tyropceon just N. of the walls, where foreign merchants congregated; others have suggested a hollow farther W., now occupied by the tintristan and the three long bazaars. E. W. G. MASTERMAN

      MALACHI, mal a-kl:

      1. Xame of the Prophet

      2. The Prophet s Times

      3. Contents

      4. Style

      5. Message LITERATURE

      The last book of the OT. Nothing is known of the person of Malachi. Because his name does not

      occur elsewhere, some scholars indeed 1. Name of doubt whether "Malachi" is intended the Prophet to be the personal name of the prophet .

      But none of the other prophetic books of the OT is anonymous. The form "CXbl2, mnl- dkhl, signifies "my messenger" ; it occurs again in 3 1; cf 2 7. But this form of itself would hardly be appropriate as a proper name without some additional syllable such as PP , Yah, whence mnl- nk/iiiih, i.e. "messenger of Yahweh." Haggai, in fact, is expressly designated "messenger of Yahweh" (Hag 1 13). Besides, the superscriptions pre fixed to the book, in both the LXX and the Vulg, warrant the supposition that Malachi s full name ended with the syllable FT . At the same time the LXX tr 3 the last clause of 1 1, "by the hand of his messenger," and the Tg reads, "by the hand of my angel, whose name is called Ezra the scribe." Jerome likewise testifies that the Jews of his day ascribed this last book of prophecy to Ezra (V . Pracf. in duodecim Prophetas). But if Ezra s name was originally associated with the book, it would hardly have been dropped by the collectors of the prophetic Canon who lived only a century or two subsequent to Ezra s time. Certain traditions ascribe the book to Zerubbabel and Nehemiah; others, still, to Malachi, whom they designate as a Levite and a member of the "Great Synagogue." Certain modern scholars, however, on the basis of the similarity of the title (1 1) to Zee 9 1; 12 1, declare it to be anonymous; but this is a rash con clusion without any substantial proof other than supposition. The best explanation is that of Pro fessor G. G. Cameron, who suggests that the ter mination of the word "Malachi" is adjectival, and equivalent to the Lat am/die us, signifying "one charged with a message or mission" (a missionary). The term would thus be an official title; and the thought would not be unsuitable to one whose message closed the prophetical Canon of the OT, and whose mission in behalf of the church was so sacred in character (1-vol 11 DB}.

      Opinions vary as to the prophet s exact date, but nearly all scholars are agreed that Malachi

      prophesied during the Pers period, 2. The and after the reconstruction and dedi-

      Prophet s cation of the second temple in 516 Times BC (cf Mai 1 10; 3 1.10). The

      prophet speaks of the people s "gov ernor" (Heb pehdh, Mai 1 S), as do Haggai and Nehemiah (Hag 1 1; Neh 5 14; 12 26). The social conditions portrayed are unquestionably those also of the period of the Restoration. More specifically, Malachi probably lived and labored during the times of Ezra and Nehemiah. Serious abuses had crept into Jewish life; the priests had become lax and degenerate, defective and inferior

      Malachi Male



      sacrifices were allowed to be offered upon the temple altar, the people were neglecting their tithes, divorce was common and God s covenant was forgotten and ignored; just such abuses as we know from the Book of Neh were common in his day (cf Neh 3 5; 6 1-13). Yet, it is doubtful whether Malachi preached during Nehemiah a act ire- governorship; for in Mai 1 8 it is implied that gifts might be offered to the "governor," whereas Nehemiah tells us that he declined all such (Neh 6 If). IS). On the other hand, the abuses which Malachi attacked correspond so exactly with those which Nehemiah found on his 2d visit to Jerns in 432 BC (Neh 13 7 IT) that it seems reasonably certain that he prophesied shortly before that date", i.e. between 445 and 432 BC. As Dr. J. M. P. Smith says, "The Book of Mai fits the situation amid which Nehemiah worked as snugly as a bone fits its socket" (ICC, 7). That the prophet should exhort the people to remember the law of Moses, which was publicly read by Ezra in the year 444 BC, is in perfect agreement with this conclusion, despite the fact that Stade, Cornill and Kautzsch argue for a date prior to the time of E/ra. On the other hand, Nagelsbach, Kohler, Orelli, Reuss and Volck rightly place the book in the period between the two visits of Nehemiah (445- 432 BC).

      The book, in the main, is composed of two ex tended polemics against the priests (1 6 2 9) and the people (2 10 4 3), opening with 3. Contents a clear, sharp statement of the prophet s chief thesis that Jeh still loves Israel (1 2-5), and closing with an exhorta tion to remember the Law of Moses (4 4-6). After the title or superscription (1 1) the prophecy falls naturally into seven divisions:

      (1) 1/2-5, in which Malachi shows that Jeh still loves Israel because their lot stands in such marked contrast to Edom s. They we re temporarily dis ciplined; Edom was forever punished.

      (2) 1 6 2 9, a denunciation of the priests, the Levites, who have become neglectful of their sacer dotal office, indifferent to the Law, and unmindful of their covenant relationship to Jeh.

      (3) 2 10-16, against idolatry and divorce. Some interpret this section metaphorically of Judah as having abandoned the religion of his youth (ver 11). But idolatry and divorce were closely related. The people are obviously rebuked for literally putting away their own Jewish wives in order to contract marriage with foreigners (ver 15). Such marriages, the prophet declares, are not only a form of idolatry (ver 11), but a violation of Jeh s intention to pre serve to Himself a "godly seed" (ver 15).

      (4) 2 17 3 6, an announcement of coming judgment. Men are beginning to doubt whether there is longer a God of justice (ver 17). Malachi replies that the Lord whom the people seek will suddenly come, both to purify the sons of Levi and to purge the land of sinners in general. The na tion, however, will not be utterly consumed (3 6).

      (5) 3 7-12, in which the prophet pauses to give another concrete example of the people s sins: they have failed to pay their tithes and other dues. Accordingly, drought, locusts, and famine have ensued. Let these be paid and the nation will again prosper, and their land will become "a delight some land."

      (6) 3 13 4 3, a second section addressed to the doubters of the prophet s age. In 2 17, they had said, "Where is the God of justice?" They now murmur: "It is vain to serve God; and what profit is it that we have kept his charge?" The wicked and the good alike prosper (3 14.15). But, the prophet replies, Jeh knows them that are His, and a book of remembrance is being kept; for a

      day of judgment is coming when the good and the evil will be distinguished; those who work iniquity will be exterminated, while those who do righteously will triumph.

      (7) 4 4-6, a concluding exhortation to obey the Mosaic Law; with a promise that Elijah the prophet will first come to avert, if possible, the threatened judgment by reconciling the hearts of the nation to one another, i.e. to reconcile the ideals of the old to those of the young, and vice versa.

      Malachi was content to write prose. His Hebrew is clear and forceful and direct; sometimes almost

      rhythmical. His figures are as nu- 4. Style merous as should be expected in the

      brief remnants of his sermons which have come down to us, and in every case thev are chaste and beautiful (1 6; 3 2.3.17; 4 1-3). His statements are bold and correspondingly effective. The most original feature in his style is the lecture- like method which characterizes his book through out; more particularly that of question and answer. His style is that of the scribes. It is known as the didactic-dialectic method, consisting first of an assertion or charge, then a fancied objection raised by his hearers, and finally the prophet s refutation of their objection. Eight distinct examples of this peculiarity are to be found in his book, each one containing the same clause in Heb, "Yet ye say" (12.6.7; 2 14.17; 37.8.13). This debating style is esp. characteristic of Malachi. Ewald called it "the dialogistic" method. Malachi shows the influence of the schools (cf his use of "also" and "again" in 1 13; 2 13, which is equivalent to our "firstly," "secondly," etc).

      Malachi s message has a permanent value for us as well as an immediate value for his own time. He

      was an intense patriot, and accord- 6. Message ingly his message was clean-cut and

      severe. His primary aim was to encourage a disheartened people who were still looking for Haggai s and Zechariah s optimistic predictions to be fulfilled. Among the lessons of abiding value are the following: (1) That ritual is an important element in religion, but not as an end in itself. Tithes and offerings are necessary, but only as the expression of sincere moral and deeply spiritual life (1 11). (2) That a cheap religion avails nothing, and that sacrifices given grudgingly are displeasing to God. Better a temple closed than filled with such worshippers (1 8-10). (3) That divorce and intermarriage with heathen idolaters thwarts the purpose of God in securing to Himself a peculiar people, whose family life is sacred because it is the nursery of a "godly seed" (2 15). (4) That there is eternal discipline in the Law. Malachi places the greatest emphasis upon the necessity of keeping the Mosaic Law. The priests, he says, are the custodians and expounders of the Law. At their mouth the people should seek knowledge. "To undervalue the Law is easy; to appraise it is a much harder task" (Welch). With Malachi, no less than with Christ Himself, not one jot or tittle should ever pass away or become obsolete.

      LITERATURE. Driver, "Minor Prophets," II, New- Century Bible (1906); G. A. Smith, "The Book of the Twelve Prophets," Expositor s Bible (1898); Dods, Post- Exilian Prophets: "Hag," "Zee," "Mai"; "Handbooks for Bible Classes"; J. M. P. Smith, ICC (1912). Among the numerous other eomms. on Mai maybe mentioned: Ei- selen (1907), Marti (1903), Xowack ( 1903) , Orclli (1908), AVellhausen (1898), Van Hoonacker (1908) and Isopeocul (1908) The various Intros to the OT should also be consulted, notably those by Driver (1910), Strack (1906), Wildeboer (190H), Clautior (1906), Cornill (1907), Konig (1893) and the arts, entitled "Malachi" in the various Diets, and Bible Kncs: e.g. in Eli (1002) by C C. Torrey; in HDB (1901), by A. C. Welch; m 1-vol IIDB (1909), by G. G. Cameron; and RE (1905), by Volck. GEOK<;E L, ROBINSON



      Malachi Male

      MALACHY, mal a-ki: Another form of the name of the prophet "Malachi" (q.v.), found in RV and AV of 2 Esd 1 40.

      MALCAM, mal kam (-+? , malkdm, "their king"; AVMalcham):

      (1) A chief of the Benjamites, son of Shaharaim (1 Ch 8 9).

      (2) The name of an idol as well as the possessive pronominal form of ~^"C , mclckh, "king" (2 S 12 30 RVm; Jer 49 1.3 [LXX Mclchol}; Zeph 1 5). In Am 1 15 it appears to he best tr 1 "their king," as in both AV and RV. Only a careful examinal ion of the context can determine whether the word is the proper name of the idol (Moloch) or the 3d personal possessive pronoun for king. The idol is also spelt "Milcom" and "Molech."

      MALCHIAH, mal-ki a. See MALCHIJAH.

      MALCHIEL, mal ki-el (bSTb-g , malki cl, "God is king"): (Jrandson of Asher (Gen 46 17; Nu 26 45; 1 Ch 7 31).

      MALCHIELITES, mal ki-el-Tts pb^sb? , mal- kl cll): Descendants of Malchiel (Nu 26 45).

      MALCHIJAH, mal-kl ja (rPSblQ , mnlknjdh, "Jeh is king"; MeX.x e a s> McldiciiiK, with variants):

      (1) A Levite, descendant of Gershom, of those whom David set over the "service of song" in the worship (1 Ch 6 40).

      (2) The head of the 5th course of priests (1 Ch 24 9).

      (3) One of the laymen who had taken "strange wives" during the, exile (E/r 10 25); the "Mel chias" of 1 Esd 9 20.

      (4) Another of the same name (Ezr 10 25; two in same verse). Called "Asibias" in 1 Esd 9 2(i.

      (">) Another under the same offence, son of Harim (Ezr 10 31). "Melchias" in 1 Esd 9 32.

      ((>) One of the "repairers" who helped with the "tower of the furnaces" (Neh 3 11).

      (7) Son of Rechab ruler of Beth-haceerem, re pairer of the dung gate (Neh 3 14).

      (5) A goldsmith who helped in building the walls of Jems (Neh 3 31).

      (9) One of those at Ezra s left hand when he read the law (though possibly one of the above [Neh 8 4j). In 1 Esd 9 44 "Melchias."

      10) One of the covenant signatories (Neh 10 3).

      (11) The father of Pashhur (Neh 11 12; Jer 21 1; 38 1).

      (12) A priest, a singer at the dedication of the walls of Jems under Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh 12 42).

      (13) (ITTSpia, malkiyahu, as above with u end ing): Son o f Ham-meleeh (or, as 1 K 22 26; 2 Ch 28 7 translate it, "king s son"). Jeremiah was cast, into his dungeon or pit (Jer 38 6).

      AV spells "Malchiah" or "Malchijah" indiffer- itly with "Melchiah" in Jer 21 1; ERV has "Mal

      chiah" in Jer 21 1 ; 38 1.6, elsewhere "Malchijah"; ARV has "Malchijah" throughout.


      MALCHIRAM, mal-ki ram (aT Sb O , malklram, "uplifted king"): Son of Jeconiah, descendant of David (1 Ch 3 18).

      MALCHI-SHUA, mal-ki-shoo a (^UTStt , mal- klslnl" , "my king saves"): One of the sons of Saul (1 S 14 49; 31 2, AV "Melchishua"; 1 Ch 8 33; 9 39) He was slain by the Philis with his brothers at the battle of Gilboa (1 Ch 10 2; 1 S 31 2).

      MALCHUS, mal kus (Md\\\\xos, Mdlchos, from

      :J 5T2 , meh kh, i.e. "counsellor" or "king"): The name of the servant of the high priest Caiaphas whose right ear was smitten off by Simon Peter at the arrest of Jesus in the Garden of Gethsemane (cf Mt 26 51; Mk 14 47; Lk 22 50; .In 18 10). It is noteworthy that Luke "the physician" alone gives an account of the healing of the wound (Lk 22 51). As Jesus "touched his ear, and healed him," the ear was not entirely severed from the head. The words of Jesus, "Suffer ye thus far," may have been addressed either to the disciples, i.e. "Suffer ye that I thus far show kindness to my captors," or to those about to bind him, i.e. asking a short respite to heal Malchus. They were not addressed directly to Peter, as the Gr form is pi., whereas in Mt 26 52; Jn 18 11, where, immediately after the smiting of Malchus, Jesus does address Peter, the sing, form is used; nor do the words of Jesus there refer to the healing but to the action of his disciple. A kins man of Malchus, also a servant of the high priest, was one of those who put the questions which made Peter deny Jesus (Jn 18 20). C. M. KEUH

      MALE, mill ([11 "1ST, zdkhar, "IDT, zfikfmr, T^T, znklulr [^/ meaning "to stand out," "to be promi nent," here a physiological differentiation of the sex, as Hip:, n kebhah, "female," q.v.]; [2] TITS, 7sh, lit. "man"; [3] by circumlocution, only in the books of S and K, "Pp3 l" 1 ^"^ ^, mashtln b klr; ovpwv irpos TOIX.OV, in/roil /iron tuiclioii, which RV euphem istically renders "man-child" [1 S 25 22.34; 1 K 14 10[): Gesenius has rightly pointed out that this phrase designates young boys, who do not as yet wear clot lies, of whom the above description is accurate, while it does not apply in the case of adults, even in the, modern Orient. Wo know this from t ho statement of Herod, ii.35, relating to Egypt, and from Jgs 3 24; 1 S 24 3. The Gr tr s these words with &pffrjv } drxen, &ppriv,drrhcn, while 1 Mace 5 2S.51 has the adj. dpcren/cis, (trxcnikots.

      The above words (the phrase mashtln b r kir ex- cepted) are used promiscuously of animals and men, e.g. "Of every clean beast thou shalt take to thee seven and seven, the male [ 7.s/i] and his female, of the birds also of the heavens, seven and seven, male [zdkhar] and female" (Gen 7 2.3). A careful distinction was made in the use of male and female animals in the rules concerning sacrifice; in some offerings none but males were allowed, in others females were permitted along with the males (Lev 3 6). The same distinction was made in the val uation of the different sexes (Gen 32 14.15; Lev 27 5). Certain priestly portions were permitted to the Levites or the male descendants of Aaron for food, while women were not permitted to partake of the same (Nu 18 10.11).

      As a rule Jewish parents (as is now common in the Orient) preferred male children to daughters. This is seen from the desire for male progeny (IS 1 8-18) and from the ransom paid for firstborn sons to Jeh (Ex 13 12; Lk 2 23). It was reserved to the NT to proclaim the equality of the sexes, as it does of races and conditions of men: "There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, there can be no male and female; for ye all are one man in Christ Jesus" (Gal 3 28). See WOMAN.

      Among the prominent sins of oriental peoples, "the abominations of the nations which .Jeh drove out before the children of Israel" was one of the most heinous char acter, that of sodomy, against which (lod s people are repeatedly warned. The (!r expression for the devotee of this vice is a compound noun, ap<re> OKoiTT)s, arseno- koltex, lit. "he who lies with man," the abuser of him self with mankind, the sodomite (1 Cor 6 9), while the Heb TZJ"Ip , fcu Mes/i, lit. means the (male) devotee of las-

      Malefactor Mamre



      civious and licentious idolatry (IH 23 17; 1 K 14 24; 15 12; 22 40; -2 K 23 7; Job 36 14).

      II . L. E. LUEBING

      MALEFACTOR, mal-P-fak tei- (KaKoiroi6s, kako- /xiit is, "a had doer," i.e. "evildoer, "criminal"; KaKovp-yos, knkoiinjoti, "a wrongdoer"): The former occurs in ,Jn 18 30 AV, the hitter, which is the stronger term, in Lk 23 32.39. The former describes the subject as doing or making evil, the latter a.s creating or originating the bad, and hence desig nates the more energetic, aggressive, initiating type of criminality.

      MALELEEL, ma-le lf-el, miil Mol Maleletl,A.V): (Jr form of "Mahalalel" (Lk 3 37); RV "Mahalalcel."

      MALICE, mal is, MALIGNITY, ma-lig ni-ti (KatcCd, kakia, irovripos, poncms, Ka.Kof|0eia, kakottheia) . "Malice," now used in the sense of deliberate ill-will, by its derivation means badness, or wickedness generally, and was so used in Older Eng. In the Apoc it is the tr of kakia, "evil," "badness" (Wisd 12 10.20; 16 14; 2 Mace 4 50, RV "wickedness"); in Eoclus 27 30; 28 7, we have "malice" in the more restricted sense as the tr of mfnis, "confirmed anger." In the NT "malice" and "maliciousness" are the tr of kakia (Rom 1 2<)a; 1 Cor 5 8; 14 20; Col 3 S); malicious is the tr of poncros, "evil" (3 Jn ver 10, RV "wicked"); it also occurs in Ad Est 13 4.7, ver 4, "malignant"; Wisd 1 4, RV "that deviseth evil"; 2 Mace 5 23; malignity occurs in Rom 1 296 as the tr of knkoc- tht ia, "evil disposition"; "maliciously," Sus vs 43.02; 2 Mace 14 11, RV "having ill will."

      W. L. WALKER

      MALLOS, mal os. See MALLUS.

      MALLOTHI, mal 6-thl, ma-ld thl 0*11310, mallo- tfn, "my discourse"): Son of Heman, a Kohathite singer (1 Ch 6 33; 25 4). The song service in the house of the Lord was apportioned by David and the captains of the host to the 3 families of Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun (1 Ch 25 1). Their place in the "courses" was, however, settled by "lot" (1 Ch 25 8.9). Mallothi was one of He- man s 17 children 14 sons and 3 daughters (1 Ch 25 5) and was chief of the 19th course of twelve singers into which the temple choir was divided (1 Ch 25 26). HENHY WALLACE

      MALLOWS, mal Sz. See SALT-WORT.

      MALLUCH, mal uk (-pStt , mallukh, "coun sellor"):

      (1) A Levite of the sons of Merari, ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Ch 6 44; cf ver 29).

      (2) Son of Bani, among those who had foreign wives (Ezr 10 29). He is a descendant of Judah (1 Ch 9 4) and is the Mamuchus of 1 Esd 9 30.

      (3) A descendant of Harim, who married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 32).

      (4) (5) Two who sealed the covenant with Ne- hemiah (Neh 10 4.27).

      (6) Possibly the same as (4). One of the priests who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh 12 2). Doubt less the Melicu of ver 14 m. HENRY WALLACE

      MALLUCHI, mal u-ki pDlSP , mallukhl, "my counsellor"): A family of priests that came over with Zerubbabel (Neh 10 4; 12 14). May be the patronymic MALLUCH, (4) (q.v.).

      MALLUS, mal us (MaXX6s, MaU6s; AV Mal- los) : A city in Cilicia, the inhabitants of which along with those of Tarsus, revolted from An-

      tiochus Epiphanes in protest against his action in giving them to his concubine, Antiochis (2 Mace 4 30). The ancient name was Marios. The river Pyramos divides about 10 miles from the sea, one branch flowing to the W., the other to the E. of the low range of hills along the coast on which stands Kara-Tasli. Mallus stood on a height (Strabo, 675) to the E. of the western arm, a short distance from the shore. The site is a little W. of Kara- Tash, where inscriptions of Antiocheia and Mallus have been found. Tarsus lay about 35 miles to the N.W. The two cities were rivals in trade. The position of Mallus with her harbor on the shore gave her really no advantage over Tarsus, with her river navigable to the city walls. The fine wagon road over the mountain by way of the Cilician Gates opened for her easy access to the interior, compared with that furnished for Mallus by the old caravan track to the N. by way of Adana. This sufficiently explains the greater prosperity of the former city. W. EWING

      MALOBATHRON, mal-o-bath ron: RVm sug gests that this tr may be right instead of Bet her in the phrase "ir2 "HH, hare bether (Cant 2 17). But this spice never grew wild in Pal, and so could hardly have given its name to a mountain, or mountain range. The name Bether ought there fore to be retained, notwithstanding Wellhausen (Prol. 2 , 415). The spice is the leaf of the Cassia lignea tree.

      MALTANNEUS, mal-ta-ne us (MaXrawaios, MaMannaios, BandSwete; AXrawalos, Allan-union, A and Fritzsche the M being perhaps dropped because of the final M in the preceding word; AV Altaneus) : One of the sons of Asom who put away his "strange wife" (1 Esd 9 33) = "Mattcnai" in Ezr 10 33.

      MAMAIAS, ma-ma yas. See SAMAIAS, (3).

      MAMDAI, mam da-I, mam dl (B, MajiSat, Mamdai, A, MavSaC, Mandai) : One of those who consented to put away their "strange wives" at Esdras order (1 Esd 9 34) = AV "Mabdai" = "Be- naiah ; in Ezr 10 35.

      MAMMON, mam un (Majxwvas, Mamdnds): A common Aram, word (^HOp , mamon) for riches, used in Mt 6 24 and in Lk 16 9.11.13. In these pas sages mammon merely means wealth, and is called "unrighteous," because the abuse of riches is more frequent than their right use. In Lk 16 13 there is doubtless personification, but there is no proof that there was in NT times a Syrian deity called Mammon. The application of the term in Mt is apparent and requires no comment. In Lk, however, since the statement, "Make to yourselves friends out of the mammon of unrighteousness," follows as a comment on the parable of the Unjust Steward, there is danger of the inference that Jesus approved the dishonest conduct of the steward and advised His disciples to imitate his example. On the contrary, the statement is added more as a corrective against this inference than as an apph- cation. Do not infer, He says, that honesty in the use of money is a matter of indifference. He that is unfaithful in little is unfaithful in much. So if you are not wise in the use of earthly treasure how can you hope to be intrusted with heavenly treasure? The commendation is in the matter of foresight, not in the method. The steward tried to serve two masters, his lord and his lord s creditors, but the thing could not be done, as the sequel shows. Neither can men serve both God



      Malefactor Mamre

      and riches exalted as an object of slavish servitude. Wealth, Jesus teaches, does not really belong to men, but as stewards they may use wealth pru dently unto their eternal advantage. Instead of serving God and mammon alike; we may serve God by the use of wealth, and thus lay up treasures for ourselves in heaven. Again, the parable is not to be interpreted as teaching that the wrong of dis honest gain may be atoned for by charity. Jesus is not dealing with the question of reparation. The object is to point out how one may best use wealth, tainted or otherwise, with a view to the future.

      RUSSKLL BKXJAMIX MILLER MAMNITANEMUS, mam-ni-ta-ne mua (Map-vi- rdvaijios, Matnnildnaimos, B, MajATiTavaLfjios, Mam- titiin-aimox, AV Mamnitanaimus) : 1 Esd 9 34, where it represents the two names Mattaniah and Mattenai in the || E/r 10 37, which probably rep resent only one person. It must be a corruption of these names. The Aldine gives a still more corrupt form, ^ s, Mamnimatanatmos.

      MAMRE, mam re (iO 1 ^ , mature ; LXX Mafj-Ppri, Mambrt):

      (1) In Gen 14 24 Mamre is mentioned as the name of one of Abraham s allies, who in ver 13 is described as the Amorite, brother of 1. Biblical Eshcol and Aner. The name of the Data grove of trees is evidently considered

      as derived from this sheikh or chief tain. The "oaks" ("terebinths") of Mamre where Abram pitched his tent (Gen 14 13; 18 1) are de scribed (13 IS) as "in Hebron." Later on MACH- PELAH (q.v.) is described as "before," i.e. "tothcE. of Mamre" (Gen 23 17; 25 <); 43 30; 60 13;, and Mamre is identified with Hebron itself (23 1(1).

      While Mamre has always been looked for in the vicinity of Hebron, the traditions have varied greatly, determined apparently by the presence of a suitable tree. The one sit e which has a claim on grounds other than tradition is that called Kh. and Mm Ximrch (lit. the "ruin" and "spring" of "the leopard"), about \\\\ mile N.N.W. of modern Hebron. The word Niinrch may be a sur vival of the ancient Mamre, the name, _ as often happens, being assimilated by a familiar word. The site is a possible one, but, beyond this, the name has not much to commend it.

      Tradition has centered round three different sites at various periods: (1) The modern tradition points to a magnificent oak (Quercua ilex, Arab. Sindiari), H miles W.N.W. of the modern city, as the tere binth of Abraham; its trunk has a girth of 32 ft. It is now in a dying condition, but when Robinson visited it (BR, II, 72, SI) it was in fine condition; he mentions a Mohammedan tradition that this was "Abraham s oak." Since then the site had been bought by the Russians, a hospice and church have been erected, and the tradition, though of no an tiquity, has become crystallized. (2) The second tradition, which nourished from the 16th cent, down to the commencement of the 19th cent., pointed to the hill of Deir el ArbaHn (see HEBRON) as that of Mamre, relying esp., no doubt, in its inception on the identity of Mamre and Hebron (Gen 23 19). A magnificent terebinth which stood there was pointed out as that of Abraham. The site agrees well with the statement that the cave of Machpelah was "be fore," i.e. to the E. of Mamre (Gen 23 17, etc). (3) The third and much older tradition, mentioned in several Christian writers, refers to a great terebinth which once stood in an inclosure some 2 miles N. of Hebron, near the road to Jerus. It is practically certain that the site of this inclosure is the strange Ramct el-Khnin. This is an inclosure some 214 ft. long and 102 ft. wide. The inclosing walls are

      2. Tradi-



      made of extremely fine and massive masonry and are 6 ft. thick; the stones are very well laid and the jointing is very fine, but the building was evi dently never completed. In one corner is a well Birei-Khalil lined with beautiful ashlar masonry, cut to the curve of the circumference.

      It is probable that this in closure surrounded a mag nificent terebinth; if so, it was at this spot that

      Sketch Map of the Environs of Hebron to Show the Various Proposed Sites of Mamre.

      before the days of Constantino a great annual fair was held, attended by Jews, Christians and heathen who united to pay honor to the sacred tree, while the well was on the same occasion illuminated, and offerings were made to it. Similar customs sur vive today at several shrines in Pal. Constantino suppressed these "superstitions," and built a church in the neighborhood, probably the so-called "Abra ham s house," Beit Ibrahim of today. The tree which stood here is apparently that mentioned by Jos (BJ, IV, ix, 7) as having continued "since the creation of the world." At this inclosure, too, Jewish women and children were sold at auction after the suppression of the revolt of Bar Cochba. Whatever the origin of the veneration paid to this terebinth now long centuries dead and gone early Christian tradition associated it with Abra ham and located Mamre here. This tradition is mentioned by Jerome (4th cent.), by Eucherius (6th cent,), by Areulphus (700 AD) and by Benja min of Tudela (1163 AD). Among the modern Jews it is looked upon as the site of "Abraham s oak." It is probable that the view that Abraham was connected with this tree is one attached to it much later than its original sanctity; it was origi nally one of the many "holy trees" of the land venerated by primitive Sem religious feeling, and the nearness of Hebron caused the Bible story to be attached to it. Judging from the Bible data, it appears to be too far from Hebron and Machpelah to suit the conditions; the site of Mamre _ must have been nearer to Deir el Arba*in, but it has probably been entirely lost since very early times. For a very good discussion about Mamre see

      Mamuchus Man of Sin



      Mfunbre by Lc R. P. Abel des Freres PrScheurs in

      the ( oiifcrt nci s <lc Haint Etirnnc, 11)09-10 (Paris).

      (2) An Amorite chief, owner of the "oaks" men tioned above ((Jen 14 13.2-4).

      10. W. (!. MASTHKMAX

      MAMUCHUS, ma-mu kus (Mdp.ovxos, Maninu- cfiox): One of (hose who put away their "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 30); identical with "Malluch" in E/,r 10 2<).


      MAN, NATURAL, nat ti-ral, nach u-ral (\\\\lnj\\\\i-Kos av0pa>iros, />.s//r///Av).s drUkropOs) . Man as lie /.s- by nature, contrasted with mun as ho becowes by grace. This phrase is exclusively Pauline.

      /. Biblical Meaning. The classical passage in which it occurs is 1 Cor 2 11AV: "But the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of (iod: for they arc foolishness unto him: neither can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned." In his anthropology Paul uses four groups of de scriptive adjs. in contrasted pairs: (1) the old man and the new man (Rom 6 t>; Eph 4 22; Col 3 II; Eph 2 ir>; 424; Col 3 10); (2) the outward man and theinwardman (2 Cor 4 16; Rom 7 22; Eph 3 ll>); (3) the carnal man and the x/n ritual man (Rom 8 1-14; 1 Cor 3 1.3.4); (4) the nat ural man and the spiritual man (2 Cor 2 14; 3 3.4; Eph 2 3; 1 Cor 2 lf>; 3 1 ; 14 37; 15 4(5; Gal 6 1). A study of these passages will show that the adjs. "old," "outward," "carnal," and "natural" describe man, from different points of view, prior to his conversion; while the adjs. "new," "inward" and "spiritual" describe him, from differ ent points of view, after his conversion. To elu cidate the meaning, the expositor must respect these antitheses and let the contrasted words throw light and meaning upon each other.

      The "old man" is the "natural man" considered chronologically prior to that operation of the Holy Spirit by which he is renovated into 1. The Old the new man."

      The old house is tho house as it was before it was remodeled; an old garment is the garment as it was before it was re-fashioned; and tho "old man" is man as he was before he was regenerated and sanctified by the grace of the Spirit. "Our old man is crucified with him, that the body of sin might be destroyed, that henceforth we should not serve sin" (Rom 6 6 AV). Here tho "old man " is called the "body of sin," as the physical organism is called the body of the soul or spirit, and is to be "crucified" and "destroyed." in order that man may no longer be tlie "servant of sin." "Put off concerning the former conversation the old man, which is corrupt ..... Put on the new man, which after (loci is created in right eousness and true holiness" (Eph 4 22.24 AV). Here the "old man" is said to be "corrupt." and we are called upon to "put it off." The figure is that of putting off old clothes which are unclean, and putting on those garments which have come from the wash clean and snowy white. We have the same idea, in different language and with a slightly different im agery, in Col 3 0.10.

      When Paul calls the "natural man" the "old man," and describes it as the "body of sin" which is "corrupt" in its nature and "deeds," and tells us that it must bo "crucified" and "destroyed" and "put off" in order that wo may "not serve sin," but may have "righteous ness" and "true holiness" and "knowledge" and the "image" of God, we get some conception of the moral meaning which he is endeavoring to convey by these contrasts (Gal 5 19-24). He has reference to that sin ful nature in man which is as old as the individual, as old as the race of which he is a member, which must be graciously renovated according to that gospel which he preached to Corinthians, Colossians, Ephesians, Romans and all the world. See OLD MAN; MAN, NEW, I, 3.

      The apostle also establishes a contrast between "the inward man" and "the outward man."

      "Though our outward man is decaying, 2. The Out- yet our inward man is renewed day ward Man by day" (2 Cor 4 10). Now what

      sort of man is the "outward man" as contrasted with the "inward man"? In Gr, the

      6xd-anthropos is set over against the eso-anlhropos. See OUTWAHD MAN.

      "The contrast hero drawn between the outward and the inward man, though illustrated by the con trast in Rom 7 22 between the law in the members and the inner man, and in Eph 4 22; Col 3 9 between the old man and the new man is not precisely tho same. Those contrasts relate to the difference between the sensual and the moral nature, the flesh and the spirit ; this to the difference between the material and the spiritual nature" (Stanley, in loc.).

      "The outward man" is the body, and "the in ward man" is the soul, or immaterial principle in the human make-up. As the body is wasted by the afflictions of life, the soul is renewed; what is death to the body is life to the soul; as afflict ions depot en- tiate man s physical organism, they impotentiate man s spiritual principle. That- is, the afflictions of life, culminating in death itself, have diametrically opposite effects upon the body and upon the soul. They kill the one; they quicken the other.

      "The inward man" is the whole human nature as renewed and indwelt and dominated by the Spirit of God as interpenetrated by the spirit of grace. As the one is broken down by the adverse; dispensations of life, the other is upbuilt by the sanctifying dis cipline of the Spirit.

      There is another Pauline antithesis which it is

      necessary for us to interpret in order to understand

      what IK; means by the "natural man."

      3. The It is the distinction which he draws Carnal between the "carnal mind" and the Man "spiritual mind." The critical refer ence is Rom 8 1-14. In this place

      the "carnal mind" is identified with the "law of death," and the "spiritual mind" is identified with the "law of the Spirit." These two "laws" are two principles and codes: the one makes man to be at "enmity against God" and leads to "death"; the other makes him the friend of God, and conducts to "life and peace." The word "carnal" connotes all that is fallen and sinful and unregenerate in man s nature. In its gross sense the "carnal" sig nifies that which is contrary to nature, or nature; expressing itself in low and bestial forms of sin.

      The "natural man" is the "old man," the "out ward man," the "carnal man" man as he is by nature, as he is firstborn, contra-

      4. The distinguished to man as he is changed Natural by the Spirit, as he is second-born or Man regenerated. There is an "old" life,

      an "outward" life, a "carnal" life, a "natural" life, as contrasted with the "new" life, the "inward" life, the "spiritual" life, the "gracious" life. The "natural man" is a bold and vivid per sonification of that depraved nature which we in herit from Adam fallen, the source and seat of all actual and personal transgressions.

      //. Theological Meaning. We know what we mean by the nature of the lion, by the nature of the lamb. We are using perfectly comprehensible language when we speak of the lion as naturally fierce, and of the lamb when we say he is naturally gentle. We have reference to the dominant dis positions of these animals, that resultant of their qualities which defines their character and spon taneity. So we are perfectly plain when we say that man is naturally sinful. We are but saying that sinfulness is to man what fierceness is to the lion, what gentleness is to the lamb. The "natu ral man" is a figure of speech for that sinful human nature, common to us all. It is equivalent to the theological phrases: the "sinful inclination," the "evil disposition," the "apostate will," "original sin," "native depravity." It manifests itself in the understanding as blindness, in the heart as hardness, in the will as obstinacy. See MAN, NEW. ROBERT ALEXANDER WEBB



      Mamuchus Man of Sin

      MAN, NEW (vt os or KCUVOS avOpwrros, ncoft or kaiiiox dnthropos) . Generally described, the "new inan" is man as he becomes under the transforming power of the Holy Spirit, contrasted with man as he is by nature. The phrase has (1) its Bib., and (2) its theological, meanings.

      /. Biblical Meaning. There are four Bib. con trasts which must be considered as opposites: (1) the "old man" (palaioa anthropos) and the "new man" (HCOS or kainon anthropos) , (2) the "outward man" (exo-anthropos) and the "inward man" (eso- anthropos) , (3) the "carnal man" (sarkikos anthropos) and the "spiritual man" (pneumalikos anlliropoxr, (4) the "natural man" (psuchikos anthropos) ami the "spiritual man" (pneumatikos anthropos). These are not four different sorts of men, but four different sorts of man. Take up these antitheses in their reverse order, so as to arrive; at some clear and impressive conception of what the Bib. writer means by the "new man."

      The "spiritual man" is a designation given

      in opposition to the "carnal man" and to the

      "natural man" (Rom 8 1-14; 1 Cor

      1. The 2 15; 3 1.3.4; 2 14; 3 11; 14 37; 15 Spiritual 46; Gal 6 1; Eph 2 3). All three Man of these terms are personifications of

      human nature. The "carnal man" is human nature viewed as ruled and dominated by sensual appetites and fleshly desires as ener gized by those impulses which have close association with the bodily affections. The "natural man" is human nature; ruled and dominated by unsanctified reason those higher powers of the soul not yet influenced by Divine grace. The "spiritual man" is this same human nature after it has been seized upon and interpenetrated and determined by the Holy Spirit. The word "spiritual" is sometimes used in a poetic and idealistic sense, as when we speak of the spirituality of beauty; sometimes in a metaphysical sense, as when we speak of the spirit uality of the soul; but in its prevalent Bib. and evangelical sense it is an adj. with the Holy Spirit as its noun-form. The spiritual life is that life of which the Holy Spirit is the author and preserver; and the "spiritual man" is that nature or character in man which the Holy Spirit originates, preserves, determines, disciplines, sanctifies and glorifies.

      The "inward man" is a designation of human nature viewed as internally and centrally regen erated, as contrasted with the "out-

      2. The ward man" (2 Cor 4 10; Rom 7 22; Inward Eph 3 10). See MAN, OUTWARD. Man This phrase indicates the whole human

      nature conceived as affected from within in the secret, inside, and true springs of activity by the Holy Spirit of God. Such a change regeneration is not superficial, but a change in the inner central self; not a mere external reformation, but an internal transformation. Grace operates not from the circumference toward the; center, but from the center toward the circum ference, of life. The product is a man renovated in his "inward parts," changed in the dynamic center of his heart.

      The "new man" is an appellation yielded by the contrasted idea of the "old man" (Rom 6 6; Eph

      4 22; Col 3 9; Eph 2 15; 4 24; Col 3

      3. The New 10). The "old" is "corrupt" and ex- Man presses itself in evil "deeds" ; the "new"

      possesses the "image of God" and is marked by "knowledge," "righteousness," and "holiness." There are two Gr words for "new"- neos and kainos. The former means new in the sense of young, as the new-born child is a young thing; the latter means "new" in the sense of renorated, as when the house which has been rebuilt is called a new house;. The converted man is "new"

      (neo-anthropos) in the sense that he is a "babe in Christ," and "new" (kaino-anthropos) in the sense that his moral nature is renovated and built over again.

      In the NT there are 5 different vbs. used to ex press the action put forth in making the "old man" a "new man." (1) In Eph 2 10 and 4 24, he is said to be "created" (ktizo), and in 2 Cor 6 17 the product is called a "new creature" (kaint /cms), a renovated creature. Out of the "old man" the Holy Spirit has created the "new man." (2) In 1 Pet 1 3.23 and elsewhere, he is said to be "begotten again" (anagenndo), and the product is a "babe in Christ" (1 Cor 3 1). The "old man" thus becomes the "new man" by a spiritual begetting: his pater nity is assigned to the Holy Ghost . (3) In Eph 2 5 and elsewhere, he is said to be quickened (zoopoieo), and the product is represented as a creature which has been made "alive from the dead" (Rom 6 13). The "old man," being dead in trespasses and sins (Eph 2 1), is brought forth from his sin-grave by a spiritual resurrection. (4) In Eph 4 23 he is represented as being made "young" (ananedo), and the product is a child of the Spirit at the commence ment of his religious experience. The "old man," dating his history back to the fall in Eden, has become, through the Spirit, a young man in Christ Jesus. (5) In 2 Cor 4 10 and in Rom 12 2, he is said to be renovated (anakaindo). The "old man" is renovated into the "new man." Sinful human nature is taken by the Spirit and morally recast .

      //. Theological Meaning. The "new man" is the converted, regenerated man. The phrase has its significance for the great theological doctrine of regeneration as it expands into the broad work of sanctification. Is the sinner dead? Regeneration is a new life. Is holiness non-existent in him? Re generation is a new creation. Is he born in sin? Regeneration is a new birth. Is he determined by his fallen, depraved nature? Regeneration is a spiritual determination. Is he the subject of carnal appetites? Regeneration is a holy appetency. Is he thought of as the old sinful man? Regenera tion is a new man. Is the sinful mind blind? Re generation is a new understanding. Is the heart stony? Regeneration is a heart of flesh. Is the conscience; seareel? Regeneration is a good con science. Is the will impotent? Regeneration is a new impotentiation. The regenerated man is a man with a new governing disposition a "new- man," an "inward man," a "spiritual man."

      (1) The "new man" the> regenerate man is not a theological transubstantiation : a being whose substance has been supernaturally converted into some other sort e>f substance.

      (2) He is not a scientific transmutation : a species of one kind which has been naturally evolved into a species e>f ane>ther kind.

      (3) He is rie>t a metaphysical reconstruction: a be ing with a new mental equipment.

      (4) He^ is an evangelical convert: an "old man" with a new regnant moral disposition, an "outward man" with a new inward fons et origo of moral life-; a "natural man" with a new renovated spiritual heart. See MAN, NATURAL; REGENERATION.


      MAN OF SIN (6 avOptoiros rfjs dp.apTias, ho anthropos Its hamartias; many ancient authorities read, "man of lawlessness," dvojiCas, 1. The anomlas) : The name occurs in Paul s

      Pauline remarkable announcement in 2 Thess Description 2 3-10 of the manifestation of a colos sal anti-Christian power prior te> the advent, which some of the Thessalonians had been misled inte) thinking of as immediately impending (ver 2). That "day of the Lorel," the> apostle de-

      Man of Sin Manasseh



      dares, will nnl come till, :is lie had previously taught them (ver .")>, there lias first been a great apostasy and the revelation of "the man of sin" (or "of lawlessness"; of ver S), named also "the son of perdition" (ver 3). This "lawless one" (ver S) j would exalt himself above all that, is railed C.od, or is an object of worship; he would sit in the temple of (lod, sotting himself forth as ( !od (ver 4). For the time another power restrained his manifes tation; when that was removed, ho would bo re vealed (vsG.7). Then "the mystery of lawlessness," which was already working, would attain its full development (vs T.Sj. The coming of this "man of sin," in the power of Satan, would bo with lying wonders and all deceit of unrighteousness, whereby many would be deceived to their destruction (vs 9.10). But only for a season (ver (i). Jesus would slay (or consume) him with the breath of His mouth (of Jsa 11 4), and bring him to nought by the manifestation of His coming (ver S).

      Innumerable are the theories and speculations to which this Paulino passage lias given rise (a

      very full account of these may be seen 2. The in the essay on "The Man of Sin"

      Varying In- appended to Dr. J. Eadio s_ posthu- terpreta- mous Conun. on TAr.s-.v, and in Liine- tions mann s Coimn., 222 ff, ET). (1)

      There is the view, favored by "mod erns," that the passage 1 contains no genuine pre diction (Paul "could not know" the future), but represents a speculation of the apostle s own, based on Did 8 23 ff; 11 3G ff, and on current ideas of Antichrist (see AXTICIIRIST; BELIAL; of Bousset, Dcr Antichrist, 93 ff, etcj. This view will not sat isfy those who believe in the reality of Paul s apostleship and inspiration. (2) Some connect the description with Caligula, Nero, or other of the Rom emperors. Caligula, indeed, ordered suppli cation to be made to himself as the supremo god and wished to set up his statue in the temple of Jerus (Suet. Calig. xxii.33; Jos, Ant, XVIII, viii). But this was long before Paul s visit to Thossalonica, and the acts of such a madman could not furnish the basis of a prediction so elaborate and important as the present (cf Liinomann and Bousset). (3) The favorite Protestant interpre tation refers the prediction to the papacy, in whom, it is contended, many of the blasphemous features of Paul s representation are unmistakably realized. The "temple of (lod" is here understood to be the church; the restraining power the Rom empire; "the man of sin" not an individual, but the per sonification of an institution or system. It is diffi cult, however, to resist the impression that the apostle regards "the mystery of lawlessness" as culminating in an individual a personal Anti christ and in any cast; the representation out strips everything that can be conceived of as even nominally Christian. (4) There remains the view held by most of the Fathers, and in recent times widely adopted, that "the man of sin" of this pas sage is an individual in whom, previous to the ad vent, sin will embody itself in its most lawless and God-denying form. The attempts to identify this individual with historical characters may be sot aside; but the idea is not thereby invalidated. The difficulty is that the apostle evidently con ceives of the manifestation of the "man of sin" as taking place, certainly not immediately, but at no very remote period not 2,000 years later and as connected directly with the final advent of Christ, and the judgment on the wicked (cf 1 7-9), with out apparently any reference to a "millennial" period, either before or after.

      It seems safest, in view of the difficulties of the passage, to confine one s self to the general idea it embodies, leaving details to be interpreted by the

      actual fulfilment. Thorn is much support in Scrip ture -not least in Christ s own teaching (of Mt 13

      30.37-43; 24 11 -14; Lk 18 S) -for 3. The the belief that before the final triumph

      Essential of Christ s kingdom there will be a Idea period of great tribulation, of decay of

      faith, of apostasy, of culmination of both good and evil ("Let both grow together until the harvest," Mt 13 30), with the seeming triumph for the time of the evil over the good. There will be a crisis-time sharp, severe, and terminated by a decisive interposition of the Son of Man ("tin; manifestation of his corning," RVm "( Ir presence"), in what precise form may be left undetermined. Civil law and government the existing bulwark against anarchy (in Paul s time represented by the Rom power) will be swept away by the rising tide of evil, and lawlessness will prevail. It may he that impiety will concentrate itself, as the pas sage says, in some individual head; or this may belong to the form of the apostle s apprehension in a case where "times and seasons" wore not yet fully revealed: an apprehension to be enlarged by subsequent revelations (see REVELATION, BOOK OK), or left to be corrected by the actual course of God s providence. The kernel of the prediction is not, any more than in the OT prophecies, dependent on its literal realization in every detail. Neither does the final manifestation of evil exclude partial and anticipatory realizations, embodying many of the features of the prophecy. See THESSALO- NIANS, SECOND EPISTLE to. III. JAMES Ouii

      MAN OF WAR. See WAR.

      MAN, OLD. See MAX, NEW; OLD MAX.


      MAN, SON OF. Sec Sox OF MAX.

      MANAEN, man a-en (Ma.var\\\\v, Mnnatn, Gr form of Hob name "Menahem," moaning "consoler"): Manaen is mentioned, with Barnabas, Saul and others, in Acts 13 1, as one of the "prophets and teachers" in the recently founded gentile church at Antioch, at the time when Barnabas and Saul were "separated" by Divine call for their mission ary service. He is further described as "the foster- brother \\\\xutitr<> i>h<>*\\\\ of ITerod the tetrareh" (i.e. HEROD AXTIPAS [q.v.]). He was probably brought up and educated with this Herod and his brother Archelaus. An earlier glimpse, of Christian influ ence in Herod s court is afforded by Joanna, the wife of Herod s steward Chuzas, among the holy women who ministered to Jesus (Lk 8 3). Manaon may have been related to the olden- Manaon, the Essone, who, Jos tolls us, foretold the greatness of Herod the Great, and was afterward treated by Herod as his friend (Ant, XV, x, f>). His position in the church at Antioch was evidently an influ ential one, whether he himself ranked among the "prophets," or perhaps only among the "teachers."


      MANAHATH, man a-hath (TOE , manahath;, Machanathi):

      (1) A place to which certain Benjamitos, victims, apparently, of intra-tribal jealousy, were carried captive (1 Ch 8 (>). Of this town the M ana- hat hites were probably natives. It is possibly denoted by Manooho which LXX adds to the list of towns in Judah (Josh 15 59). This place is named along with Bother ( Bitllr) . The name seems to be preserved in that of Maliha, a large village not far from Bittlr, S.W. of Jerus. The change of I to 71, and vice versa, is not uncommon. The same place may be intended by Menuhah (Jgs 20 43



      Man of Sin Manasseh

      RVm), where AV reads "with ease," and RV "at their resting-place."

      (2) One of the sons of Shobal, the son of Seir the Horite (Gen 36 23; 1 Ch 1 40), the "name- father" of one of the ancient tribes in Alt. Seir, afterward subdued and incorporated in Edom.

      W. EWIXG

      MANAHATHITES, man a-hath-Its (nTO p , m e nuhdlh [1 Ch 2 52], "WHIp , manahtl [ver 54]; B, Mwvauo, Monaid, A, Afifj.avi0, AnnnanUh [ver 52], B, Ma\\\\a0ti, MalnUin, A, Mavd0, Manuth, [ver 54]; AV Manahethites) : These men were the inhabitants of Manahath. They were descendants of Calel), one-half being the progeny of Shobal, and the other of Salma. In ver 52 RV transliterates "Menuhoth," but Manahathites is preferable.

      MANAHETHITES, man-a-he thits, ma-na heth- Its. See MANAHATHITES.

      MANASSEAS, man-a-se as (Mavao-o-^as, Mn- nasstas): One of those who liad married "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 31 j; "Manasseh" of Ezr 10 30.

      MANASSEH, ma-nas e (n i" 1 ? , Wnnsh.^ieh, "causing to forget"; ef Gen 41 51; Mav[v]ao-crT|, Man[n]asst) :

      (1) The firstborn of Joseph by Asenath, daughter of Poti-phera, priest of On. See next article.

      (2) The tribe named from Manasseh, half of which, with Gad and Reuben, occupied the E. of Jordan (Nu 27 1, etc). See next article.

      (3) The "Manasseh" of Jgs 18 30.31 AV is really an intentional mistake for the name Moses. A small nun (n) has been inserted over and between the first and second Heb letters in the word Moses, thus "ir- a for_mih2 . The reason for this is that the individual in question is mentioned as priest of a brazen image at Dan. His proper name was Moses. It was felt to be a disgrace that such a one bearing that honored name should keep it intact. The insertion of the nnn hides the disgrace and, moreover, gives to the person a name already too familiar with idolatrous practices; for King Manas- seh s 55 years of sovereignty were thus disgraced.

      (4) King of Judah. See separate article.

      (5) Son of PAHATH-MOAB (q.v.), who had mar ried a foreign wife (Ezr 10 30). Manaseas in 1 Esd 9 31.

      (6) TheManasses of 1 Esd 9 33. A layman of the family :>i Ilashum, who put a\\\\vav his foreign wife at Ezra s order (Ezr 10 33).

      In RV of Mt 1 10 and Rev 7 6 the spelling "Manasseh" is given for AV "Manasses." The latter is the spelling of the husband of Judith (Jth 8 2.7; 10 3; 16 22.23.24); of a person named in the last words of Tobit and otherwise unknown (Tob 14 10), and also the name given to a remarkable prayer probably referred to in 2 Ch 33 18, which Manasseh (4) is said to have uttered at the cud of his long, unsatisfactory life. See MAXASSHS, PRAYER OF. In Jgs 12 4, RV reads "Manasseh" for AV "Manassites." HENRY WALLACE

      MANASSEH: Following the Bib. account of Manasseh (patriarch, tribe, and territory) we find that he was the elder of Joseph s two 1. Son of sons by Asenath, the daughter of Joseph Poti-phera, priest of On (Gen 41 51).

      The birth of a son marked the climax of Joseph s happiness after the long bitterness of his experience. In the joy of the moment, the dark years past could be forgot t en ; therefore he called the name of the firstborn Manasseh ("causing to for get"), for, said he, God hath made me to forget all my toil. When Jacob was near his end, Joseph

      brought his two sons to his father who blessed them. Himself the younger son who had received the blessing of the firstborn, Jacob preferred Eph- raini, the second son of Joseph, to M. his elder brother, thus indicating the relative positions of their descendants (Gen 48). Before Joseph died he saw the children of Machir the son of M. (60 23). Machir was born to M. by his concubine, an Aramitess (1 Ch 7 14). Whether he married Maacah before leaving for Egypt is not said. She was the sister of Huppim and Shuppim. Of M. s personal life no details are recorded in Scripture. Acccording to Jewish tradition he became steward of his father s house, and acted as interpreter be tween Joseph and his brethren.

      At the beginning of the desert march the number of M. s men of war is given at 32,200 (Nu 1 34 f). At the 2d census they had increased 2. The to 52,700 (26 34). Their position in

      Tribes in the wilderness was with the tribe of the Wilder- Benjamin, by the standard of the tribe ness and of Ephraim, on the W. of the taber- Portion in nacle. According to Tg Pscudojon, Palestine the standard was the figure of a boy, with the inscription "The cloud of Jch rested on them until they went forth out of the camp." At Sinai the prince of the tribe was Gamaliel, son of IVdahzur (Nu 2 20). The tribe was represented among the spies by Gaddi, son of Susi (13 11, where the name "tribe of Joseph" seems to be used as an alternative). At the census in the plains of Moab, M. is named before Ephraim, and appears as much the stronger tribe (26 2Sff). The main military exploits in the conquest of East ern Pal were performed by Manassites. Machir, son of M., conquered the Amorites and Gilead (32 30). Jair, son of M., took all the region of Argob, containing three score cities; these he called by his own name, "Havvoth-jair" (32 41; Dt 3 4.14). Nobah captured Kenath and the villages thereof (Xu 32 42; Josh 17 1.5). Land for half the tribe was thus provided, their territory stretching from the northern boundary of Gad to an undetermined frontier in the N., marching with Gesliur and Maacah on the W., and with the desert on the E. The warriors of this half-tribe passed over with those of Reuben and Gad before the host of Israel, and took their share in the conquest of Western Pal (Josh 22). They helped to raise the great altar in the Jordan valley, which so nearly led to disastrous consequences (22 10 ff). Golan, the city of refuge, lay within their territory.

      The possession of Ephraim and Manasseh W. of the Jordan appears to have been undivided at first (Josh 17 16 ff). The portion which ultimately fell to M. inarched with Ephraim on the S., with Asher and Issachar on the N., running out to the sea on the W., and falling into the Jordan valley on the E. (177ff). The long dwindling slopes to west ward and the fiat reaches of the plain included much excellent soil. Within the territory of Issa char and Asher, Beth-shean, Ibleam, Dor, Endor, Taanach and Megiddo, with their villages, were assigned to M. Perhaps the men of the West lacked the energy and enterprise of their eastern brethren. They failed, in any case, to expel the Canaanites from these cities, and for long this grim chain of fortresses seemed to mock the strength of Israel (Josh 17 11 ff)

      Ten cities W. of the Jordan, in the portion of M., were given to the Levites, and 13 in the eastern portion (Josh 21 5.(>).

      M. took part in the glorious conflict with the host of Sisera (Jgs 6 14). Two famous judge s, Gideon and Jephthah, belonged to this tribe. The men of the half-tribe E. of Jordan were noted for skill and valor as warriors (1 Ch 6 18.23 f). Some men of

      Manasseh Manasses, Prayer



      M. had joined D;ivid before the battle of Ciilboa (1 Ch 12 I .M. Others, all mighty men of valor, and captains in the host, fell to him 3. Its on the way to Ziklag, and helped him

      Place in against the hand of rovers (vs 20 ft ). Later From the half-tribe W. of the Jordan

      History IS. (MM) men, expressed by name, came

      to David at Hebron to make him king (ver 31); while those who came from the E. num bered, along with the men of Reuben and dad, 120,000 (ver 37). David organized the eastern tribes under 2,700 overseers for every matter per taining to dod and for the affairs of the king (26 32). The rulers of M. were, in the W., Joel, son of IVdaiah, and in the E., Iddo, son of Zechariah (27 20.21). Divers of M. humbled themselves and came to Jerus at the invitation of Hezekiah to celebrate the Passover (2 Ch 30 11). _ Although not cleansed according to the purification of the sanctuary, they ate the Passover. Pardon was successfully sought for them by the king, because they set their hearts to seek God (vs 18 ff).

      Of the eastern half-tribe, it is said that they went a-whoring after the gods of the land, and in conse quence; they were overwhelmed and expatriated by Pul and Tiglath-pileser, kings of Assyria (1 Ch 5 2f)f). Reference to the idolatries of the western half-tribe are also found in 2 Ch 31 1; 34 6.

      There is a portion for M. in Ezekiel s ideal picture (48 4), and the tribe appears in the list in Rev (7 (>).

      The genealogies in Josh 17 1 ff; Nu 26 28-34;

      1 Ch 2 21-23; 7 14-19 have fallen into confu sion. As they stand, they are mutually contra dictory, and it is impossible to harmonize them.

      Tho theories of certain modern scholars who reject the Bib. account arc themselves beset with difficulties: e.g. the name is derived from the Arab, nana, "to injure a tendon of the leg." M., the Piel part., would thus bo the name of a supernatural being, of whom the infliction of such an injury was characteristic. It is not clear which of the wrestlers at the .Jabbok suffered the injury. As Jacob is said to have prevailed with gods and men, the suggestion is that it was his antagonist who was lamed. "It would appear therefore that in the original story the epithet Manasseh was a fitting title of Jacob himself, which might be borne by his worshippers, as in the case of Cad" (KB, s.v., par. 4).

      It is assumed that the mention of Machir in Jgs 5 14 definitely locates the Manassites at that time on the W. of the Jordan. The raids by members of the tribe on Kasternl al must therefore have taken place long after the days of Muses. The reasoning is precarious. After the mention of Keuben (vs 15.16), Gtlead (ver 17) may refer to Cad. It would be strange if this warlike tribe were passed over (Cut he). Machir, then probably the strongest clan, stands for the whole tribe, and may be supposed to indicate particularly the noted fighters of the eastern half.

      In dealing with the genealogies, "the difficult name" Zelophehad must be got rid of. Among the suggestions made is one by Dr. (Mieyne, which first supposes the existence of a name Salhad, and then makes Zelophehad a corruption of this.

      The genealogies certainly present difficulties, but other wise the narrative is intelligible! and self-consistent with out resort to such questionable expedients as those referred to above.

      W. EWING

      MANASSEH: A king of Judah, son and suc cessor of He/ekiah; reigned 55 years (2 K 21 1;

      2 Ch 33 1), from c 685 onward. His was one of the few royal names not compounded with the name of Jeh (his son Amon s was the only other if, as an Assyr inscription gives it, the full name of Ahaz was Jehoahaz or Ahaziah); but it was no heathen name like Amon, but identical with that of the elder son of Joseph. Born within Hezekiah s added 15 years, years of trembling faith and tender hope (cf Isa 38 15 f), his name may perhaps memorialize the father s sacred feelings; the name of his mother Hephzibah too was used long afterward as the symbol of the happy union of the land with its loyal sons (Isa 62 4). All this, however, was long

      forgotten in the memory of Manasseh s apostate career.

      /. Sources of His Life. -The history (2 K 21 1 -IS) refers for "the rest of his acts" to "the book of t he chronicles of the kings of Judah," but t he body of the account, instead of reading like state annals, is almost entirely a censure of his idolatrous reign in the spirit of the prophets and of the Deutero- nomic strain of literature. The parallel history (2 Ch 33 1-20) puts "the rest of his acts" "among the acts of the kings of Israel," and mentions his prayer (a prayer ascribed to him is in the Apocrypha) and "the words of the seers that spoke to him in the name of Jeh." This history of Ch mentions his captive journey to Babylon and his repentance (2 Ch 33 10-13), also his building operations in Jerus and his resumption of Jeh-worship (vs 14-17), which the earlier source lacks. From these sources, which it is not the business of this article either to verify or question, the estimate of his reign is to be deduced.

      //. Character of His Reign. Dtiring his reign,

      Assyria, principally under Esar-haddon and Assur-

      banipal, was at the height of its arro-

      1. Political gance and power; and his long reign Situation was the peaceful and uneventful life

      of a willing vassal, contented to count as tributary king in an illustrious world-empire, hospitable to all its religious and cultural ideas, and ready to take his part in its military and other enterprises. The two mentions of his name in Assyr inscriptions (see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 182) both represent him in this tributary light. His journey to Babylon mentioned in 2 Ch 33 1 1 need not have been the penalty of rebellion; more likely it was such an enforced act of allegiance as was perhaps imposed on all provincial rulers who had incurred or would avert suspicion of disloyalty. Nor was his fortification of Jerus after his return less necessary against domestic than foreign aggres sion; the more so, indeed, as in so long and undis turbed a reign his capital, which was now pract ically synonymous with his realm (Esar-haddpn calls him "king of the city of Judah"), became increasingly an important center of wealth and commercial prosperity. Of the specific events of his reign, however, other than religious, less is known than of almost any other.

      That the wholesale idolatry by which his reign

      is mainly distinguished was of a reactionary and

      indeed conservative nature may be

      2. Reaction- understood alike from what it sought ary Idolatry to maintain and from what it had to

      react against. On the one side was the tremendous wave of ritual and mechanical heathen cultus which, proceeding from the world- centers of culture and civilization (cf Isa 2 6-8), was drawing all the tributary lands, Judah with the rest, into its almost irresistible sweep. M., it would seem, met this not in the temper of an ama teur, as had his grandfather Ahaz, btit in the temper of a fanatic. Everything old and new that came to his purview was of momentous religious value except only the simple and austere demands of prophetic insight. He restored the debasing cultus of the aboriginal Nature-worship which his father had suppressed, thus making Judah revert to the sterile Baal-cultus of Ahab; but his blind credence in the black arts so prevalent in all the surrounding nations, imported the elaborate wor ship of the heavenly bodies from Babylon, invading even the temple-courts with its numerous rites and altars; even went to the horrid extreme of human sacrifice, making an institution of what Ahaz had tried as a desperate expedient. All this, which to the matured prophetic sense was headlong wicked ness, was the mark of a desperately earnest soul,



      Manasseh Manasses, Prayer

      socking blindly in this wholesale way to propitiate the mysterious Divine powers, his nation s God among thorn, who seemed so to have; the world s affairs in their inscrutable control. On the other side, there confronted him the prophetic voice of a religion which decried all insincere ritual ( wicked ness and worship/ Isa 1 13), made straight de mands on heart and conscience, and had already vindicated itself in the faith which had wrought the deliverance of 701. It was the fight of the decadent formal against the uprising spiritual; and, as in all such struggles, it would grasp at any expe dient save the one plain duty of yielding the heart to repentance and trust.

      Meanwhile, the saving intelligence and integrity of Israel, though still the secret of the lowly, was mak ing itself felt in the spiritual movement

      3. Perse- that Isaiah had labored to promote; cution through the permeating influence of

      literature and education the rem nant" was becoming a power to be reckoned with. It is in the nature of things that such an inno vating movement must encounter persecution; the significant tiling is that already there was so much to persecute. Persecution is as truly the offspring of fear as of fanaticism. M. s persecution of the prophets and their adherents (tradition has it that the aged Isaiah was one of his victims) was from their point of view an enormity of wickedness. To us the analysis is not quite so simple; it looks also like the antipathy of an inveterate formal order to a vital movement that it cannot understand. The vested interests of almost universal heathenism must needs die hard, and much innocent blood" was its desperate price before it would yield the upper hand. To say this of M. s murderous zeal is not to justify it; it is merely to concede its sadly mistaken sincerity. It may well have seemed to him that a nation s piety was at stake, as if a world s religious culture were in peril.

      The Chronicler, less austere in tone than the

      earlier historian, preserves for us the story that,

      like Saul of Tarsus after him, M. got

      4. Return his eyes open to the truer moaning of to Better things; that after his humiliation and Mind repentance in Babylon ho knew that

      Jeh he was God" (2 Ch 33 10-13). He had the opportunity to see a despotic idolatry, its evils with its splendors, in its own home; a first- fruit of the thing that the Heb exiles were afterward to realize. On his return, accordingly, he removed the altars that had encroached upon the sacred pre cincts of the temple, and restored the ritual of the Jeh-service, without, however, removing the high places. It would seem to have been merely the concession of Jeh s right to a specific cult us of His own, with perhaps a mitigation of the more offen sive extremes of exotic worship, while the tolera tion of the various fashionable forms remained much as before. But this in itself was something, was much; it gave Jeh His chance, so to say, among rivals; and the growing spiritual fiber of the heart of Israel could be trusted to do the rest. _ It helps us also the better to understand the situation when, only two years after M. s death, Josiah came to the throne, and to understand why he and his people were so ready to accept the religious sanity of the Deuteronomic law. He did not succeed, after all, in committing his nation to the wholesale sway or heathenism. M. s reactionary reign was indeed not without its good fruits; the crisis of religious syncretism and externalism was met and passed. JOHN FRANKLIN GENUNG

      MANASSES, ma-nas ez (Mavao-o-fis, Manassts, B, Manasst) :

      (1) One who had married a "strange wife" (1 Esd 9 33) = "Manasseh" of Ezr 10 33.

      (2) The wealthy husband of Judith; died of sun stroke when employed at the barley harvest (Jth 8 2f.7; 10 3; 16 22 ff).

      (3) A person mentioned in Tob 14 10, who "gave alms, and escaped the snare of death." It must be admitted that Manasses here is an awk ward reading and apparently interrupts the sense, which would run more smoothly if Manasses were omitted or Achiaeharus read. There is great va riety of text in this verse. X (followed by Fritzsche, Libriapoc. vd. 7Y.s7 Gr., 1871) reads en to poiesai me eleemostinen exf llficn, where Manasses is omitted and Achiacharus is understood as the subject. Itala and Syr go a step further and read Achia charus as subject. But B (followed by Swete, AV and RV) reads Mfinnxsc.s, which must be the correct reading on the principle of being the most difficult. Explanations have been offered (1) that Manasses is simply the Heb name for Achiacharus, it not being uncommon for a Jew to have a Gr and a Heb name; (2) that on reading A./J.UV, Amon, Manasses was inserted for Achiacharus according to 2 Ch 33 22 ff; (3) that M. here is an incorrect reading for Nasbas (Tob 11 18) ? identified by Grotius with Achiacharus. It seems impossible at present to arrive at a satisfactory explanation" (Fuller, Xpcnkcr s Comtn.). There is as great uncertainty as to the person who conspired against Manasses: Afj.dv, Amdn, in A, followed by AV and RV, who is by some identified with the Hainan of Est and Achiacharus with Mordecai; Add/*, Adam, in B, followed by Swete; Itala Nadab; Syr Ahab (Acab).

      (4) A king of Judah (Mt 1 10 AV, Gr form, RV "Manasseh"), whose prayer forms one of the apocryphal books. See MANASSES, PUAYKR OF.

      (5) The elder son of Joseph (Rev 7 (5, AV Gr form, RV "Manasseh"). S. ANGUS


      1. Name

      2. Canonicity and Position

      3. Contents

      4. Original Language

      5. Authenticity

      6. Author and Motive

      7. Date

      8. Text and Versions

      (1) Greek

      (2) Latin LITERATURE

      The Prayer of Manasses purports to be, and may in reality be, the prayer of that king mentioned in 2 Ch 33 13.1S f.

      In Cod. A it is called simply "A Prayer of Manas ses," in the London Polyglot "A Prayer of Man asses, King of the Jews." Its title

      1. Name in the Vulg is "A Prayer of Manasses,

      King of Judah, when He Was Held Captive in Babylon." In Baxter s Apoc, Gr and Eng. this Prayer appears at the end with the head ing "A Prayer of Manasses, son of Ezekias" ( = Hezekiah).

      The Greek church is the only one which has con sistently reckoned this Prayer as a part of its Bible.

      Up to the time of the Council of Trent

      2. Canon- (1545-03 AD), it formed a part of the icity and Vulg, but by that council it was rel- Position egated with 3 and 4 (1 and 2) Esd to

      the appendix (which included uncanon- ical scriptures), "lest they should become wholly lost, since they are occasionally cited by the Fathers and are found in printed copies." Yet it is wholly absent from the Vulg of Sixtus V, though it is in the Ap pendix of the Vulg of Clement VIII. Its position varies in MSS, VSS and printed editions of the LXX. It is most frequently found among the odes or canticles following the Psalter, as in Codd. A, T (the Zurich Psalter) and in Ludolfs Ethiopia Psalter. In Swete s LXX the Ps Sol followed by

      Manasses, Prayer Manifold



      the odes ( ( .l iai, ()//ni ), of which Pr Man istheSili, appear as an Appendix after 1 Mace in vol III. It was placed after 2 Ch in t lie original Vulg, but in the Romanist Vulg it stands first , followed by 3 and 4 (1 and 2) Ksd in the apocryphal Appendix. It is found in all MSS of the Armenian Bible, where, as in Swete s LXX, it is one of many odes. Though not included in Coverdale s Bible or the Geneva VS, it was retained (at the close of the Apoc; in Luther s tr, in Mathew s Bible and in the Bishops Bible, whence it passed into our KV.

      According to 2 Ch 33 (cf 2 K 21) Manasseh was exiled by the Assyrians to Babylon as a pun ishment for his sins. There he became

      3. Contents penitent and earnestly prayed to Clod

      for pardon and deliverance. God answered his prayer and restored him to Jorus and to the throne. Though the prayer is mentioned in 2 Ch 33 13.18f, it is not given , but this lack has been supplied in the Pr Man of the Apoc. After an opening invocation to the God of Abraham, Isaac, Judah and their righteous seed, the Creator of all things, most high, yet compassionate, who has ordained repentance, not for perfect, ones like the patriarchs who did not need it, but for the like of the person praying, there follows a confession of sin couched for the most part in general terms, a prayer for pardon and a vow to praise God forever if this prayer is answered.

      The bulk of scholars (Fritzsche, Reuss, Schurer, Ryssel, etc) agree that this Prayer was composed

      in Gr. The Gr recension is written

      4. Original in a free, flowing and somewhat Language rhetorical style, and it reads like an

      original work, not like a tr. Though there are some Hebraisms, they are not more numer ous or striking than usually meet us in Hellenistic Gr. It is of some importance also that, although Jewish tradition adds largely to the legends about Manasseh, it has never supplied a Heb VS of the Prayer (see TEXT AND VKKSIONS, VIII). On the other hand, Kwald (Hist. Jsr, i, 180; IV, 217, n.5, Ger ed, IV, 217 f), Fiirst (Gesch. der bibl. Lit., II, 399), Budde (ZAW, 1802, 3 .) IT), Ball (Speaker s Apoc) and others argue for a Heb original per haps existing in the source named of 2 Ch 33 18 f (see Ryssel in Kautzsch, Die Apoc des AT, 1(17).

      Have we here the authentic prayer of Manasseh offered

      under the circumstances described in 2 Ch 33? Ewald

      and the other scholars named (see fore-

      5. Authen- going section), who think the Prayer was ticitv composed in Heb, say that we have

      probably here a (ir rendering of the Heb original which the Chronicler saw in his source. Ball, on the other hand, though not greatly opposed to this view, is more convinced that the Ileb original is to be sought, in a haggadic narrative concerning Manasseh. Even if we accept the view of Kwald or of Ball, we still desiderate evidence that this Heb original is the very prayer offered by the king in Babylon. But the argu ments for a Or original are fairly conclusive. Many OT scholars regard the narrative of the captivity, prayer and penitence of Manasseh as a fiction of the Chronicler s imagination, to whom it seemed highly improper that this wicked king should escape the punishment (exile) which he richly deserved. So De "\\\\Vettc (Einleitunu), Graf (Stud. u. Krit., 1859. 41)7-04, and Clench. Bucher des AT, 174) and Xoldeke (Schenkel s Bibelwerk, "Manasse"). Nothing corresponding to it occurs in the more literal narrative of 2 K 21, an argument which, however, has but little weight. Recent discoveries of cuneiform inscriptions have taken off the edge of the most impor tant objections to the historicity of this part of Ch. See Hall (op. cit,., :W1 If) and Bissell (Lange s Apoc, 40S). The likeliest supposition is that the author of the Prayer was an Alexandrian Jew who, with 2 Ch 33 before him, desired to compose such a prayer as Manasseh was likely to offer under the supposed circumstances. This prayer, written in excellent Alexandrian (ir. is, as Fritzsche points out, an addition to 2 Ch 33, corresponding to the prayers of Mordecai and Esther added to the canonical Est (Ad Est 13 8 14 10), and also to the prayer of Azarias (Three 1 2-22) and the Song of the Three Young Men (Three; 1 20-68) appended to the canonical Book of Dnl.

      That the author was an Alexandrian .lew is made

      probable by the (Gr) language he employs and by

      the sentiments he expresses. It is

      6. The st range to find Swete (/s .r/xw 1 , ll,38f) Author and defending the Christian authorship of His Motive this Prayer. What purpose could the

      writer seek to realize in the composi tion and publication of the penitential psalm? In the absence of definite knowledge, one may with Reuss (])<is AT, VI, -Dili f) suppose that the .Jew ish nation was at the time given up to great un faithfulness to God and to gross moral corruption. The lesson of the Prayer is that God will accept, the penitent, whatever his sins, and remove from the nation its load of sufferings, if only it turns to God.

      Kwald and Fiirst (op. cit.) hold that the prayer is at least as old as tho Book of Ch (300 BC), since

      it is distinctly mentioned, they say, in

      7. Date 2 Ch 33 13.18 f. But the original form

      was, as seen (cf 4 above), Gr, not Heb. Moreover, the teaching of the Prayer is post-Bib. The patriarchs are idealized to the extent that they are thought perfect and therefore not needing for giveness (ver 8); their merits avail for the sinful and undeserving (ver 1) (see Weber, Jii/l. Thcoloyie, 292). The expressions "God of the Just" (ver 8), "God of those who repent" (ver 13), belong to com paratively late. Judaism. A period about the begin ning of the Christian era or (Fritzsche) slightly earlier would suit the character (language and leach ing) of the Prayer. The similarity between the doctrines implied in Pr Man and those taught in apocryphal writings of the time confirms this con clusion. There is no need with Bertholdt to bring down the writing to the 2d or 3d cent. AD. Fa- bricius (Liber Tobit, etc, 208) dates the Prayer in tho 4th or 5th cent. AD, because, in his opinion, its author is the same as that of the Apos Const which has that date. But the source of this part of the Apos Const is the Didaskalia (3d cent.), and moreover both these treat ises are of Christ ian origin, the Prayer being the work of an Alexandrian Jew.

      (T) The Greek text occurs in Codd. A, T (Psal-

      terium Turieence 262, Parsons). Swete (OTinGr,

      III, 802-4) gives the text of A wit h

      8. Text and the variations of T. It is omitted Versions from tho bulk of ancient MSS and edd

      of the LXX, as also from several mod ern editions (Tischendorf, etc). Nestle (Septua- ginta Studien, 1899,3) holds that the Gr text of Codd. A, T, etc, has been taken from the Apos Const or from the Ditlaxkulia. The common view is that it was extracted by the latter from the LXX. (2) The Latin text in Sabatier (Bib. Sac. Lai, III, 1038) is not by Jerome, nor is it in the manner of the Old Lat; its date is later.

      LITERATURE. The outstanding literature has been cited in the foregoing art. Reference may be made to Howorth ("Some Unconventional Views on the Text of the Bible," P.S.l, XXXI, SO If: he argues t hat the narra tive concerning Manasseh, including the Prayer in^the Apos (" oust, represents a portion of the true LXX of 2 Ch 33).


      MANASSITES, ma-nas its pfe" 1 ?, wnaxhxJri; 6 Mavacra-n, ho Manasst) . Members of the tribe of Manasseh (Dt 4 43; Jgs 12 4 AV; 2 K 10 33).

      MAN-CHILD, man chlld (ARV; "man child," ERV; not in AV; "Pp5 T^IP? , mashtln b kir) : The expression is used with the meaning of "male," but is found only in the description of the extermination of a whole family, where it is employed to express every male descendant of any age. It occurs in 1 S 25 22.34; 1 K 14 10; 16 11; 21 21; 2 K 9 8.



      Manasses, Prayer Manifold

      MANDRAKES, man draks CTXTH , fj.av6pa^6pas, iiunidntgoruH [Cicn 30 11 f; Cant, 7 13]; the marginal reading "love apples" is duo to the supposed connection of dud ha 7 in with D HTs , dodfnni, love"): Mandrakes are the fruit of the Mandragora offidnarum, a member of the Holanaccae or potato order, closely allied to the Atropa bcllu-

      Mandrake (Mandragora offidnarum).

      donna. It is a common plant all over Pal, flourish ing particularly in the spring and ripening about the time of the wheat harvest (den 30 14). The plant has a rosette of handsome dark leaves, dark purple flowers and orange, tomato-like i ruif. The root is long and branched; to pull it up is still con sidered unlucky (cf Jos, #./, VII, vi, 3). The fruit is called in Arab, laid cl-jinn, the eggs of the jinn"; they have a narcotic smell and sweetish taste, but are too poisonous to be used as food. They are still used in folklore medicine; in Pal. The plant was well known as an aphrodisiac by the an cients (Cant 7 13). E. W. d. MASTERMAN

      MANEH, man e, or MINA, ml na (Hrp, munch; IAVO., tuna, "])ound" [EV]): A weight containing 50 shekels, according to Hen usage, but which varied according to the standard adopted. Estimated on the Phoen, or commercial, standard, it was equal to 11,200 grains, or about 2 Ibs. troy, or about 1.6 Ibs. avoirdupois. This is probably the weight intended in 1 K 10 17; Ezr 2 00 "and Neh 7 71 f (see WEIGHTS AXU MEASURES). When used in a monetary sense, the munch of silver was worth about 6 17.S. or $34; the gold munch was equal to about 102 10s. or $510. H. PORTER

      MANES, mfi nez (Mdv^s, Mdncs): One of those who put away their "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 21). It represents the two names Maaseiah and Elijah of the |i Ezr 10 21. The real equivalent is prob ably Maaseiah, Elijah being dropped. RVm and AVm give Harim of Ezr 10 21 as identical ap parently incorrectly, for the words "and of the sons of Harim" (Ezr 10 21) are simply omitted. AV blunders strangely here in reading Eanes after a misprint Udv^s, Ednes (for Md^y, Mdiics) in the Aldine edition.

      MANGER, man jer (CJXXTVT), pfiulnc): Properly the place in a stall or stable where the food of cattle is placed (in the OT "crib" (Job 39 0; Prov 14 4; Isa 1 3]); thus also, apparently, in the narrative of the nativity in Lk 2 7.12.16. In LXX, the dr word, representing different Heb words, has also the extended meaning of "stall" (2 Ch 32 28 Hab 3 17); thus also in Lk 13 15, where RVm has "manger." Old tradition says that Jesus was born in a cave in the neighborhood of Bethlehem; even so, a place for food f or cattle may have been cut in the side of the rock. JAMES OUR

      MANI, ma nl (Mavi, Mani): Head of a family (1 Esd 9 30) = "Bani" in Ezr 10 20, the form which appears in 1 Esd 6 12.

      MANIFEST, man i-fest, MANIFESTATION, man-i-fes-ta shun (4>avp6o>, phancroo, <J>av6p6s, phu- neros): "To manifest" is generally the tr of pha- neroo, "to make apparent" (Mk 4 22; Jn 17 6; Rom 3 21; 1 Tim 3 1(5, "God was manifest in the flesh," RV "manifested"; 1 Jn 1 2 bits, etc); also of phaneros, "manifest" (Acts 4 1(5; Rom 1 19; 1 Cor 3 13; 1 Jn 3 10, etcj; "to make manifest" (phaneroo) (Jn 1 31; Rom 16 2ti); of onphunlzd, "to make fully manifest " (Jn 14 21 f); of cmphu ntx "fully manifest" (Rom 10 20); of ,/r/o.x, "evident," Ir 1 "manifest" (1 Cor 15 27, RV "evident"); of ekdelos, "very evident" (2 Tim 3 9, RV "evi dent"); of prudrloft, "evident beforehand" (1 Tim 5 25, RV "evident"); oiaphants,i& "not manifest" (He 4 13, "There is no creature that is not mani fest in his sight"); "manifest," occurs once in the OT as the tr of burar, "to clear," "to purify" (Eccl 3 IS, RV "prove"); of phaneros (2 Mace 3 28 RV "manifestly").

      Manifestation is the tr of apokdlupsis, "uncover ing" (Rom 8 10, "the manifestation of the sons of God," RV "revealing"); of phanerusis, "mani festation" (1 Cor 12 7; 2 Cor 4 2).

      RV has "manifest" for "shew" (Jn 7 4); "was mani fested" for "appeared" (Mk 16 12.14); "was mani fested to the," for "shewed himself to his" (Jn 21 14)- "be made manifest" for "appear" (2 Cor 5 10; 7 12 : Rev 3 is;; "became manifest" for "was made known" (Acts 7 i:i); "gave, him to be made manifest" for "shewed him openly" (Acts 1040); "lie who was manifested" for "(iod was manifest" (1 Tim 3 16) (m "The word (;,!. in place of II < who, rests on no sufficient ancient evidence. Some ancient authorities read which"); "is not yet made manifest" for "doth not yet appear" (1 Jn 3 2); "by the manifestation" for "with the brightness" (2 Thess 2 S) "be mani fested" for "appear" (Col 3 4 bit; 1 Pet 5 4); "if he shall be manifested" for " whou he shall appear" (1 Jn 2 28; 3 2), etc,.

      W. L. WALKER

      MANIFESTLY, man i-fest-li ^^,mar eh, "[inl personal presence"): Has the meaning of "by di rect vision," as in 1 Cor 13 12, "face to face," stating positively (Xu 12 S) what the next clause state s negatively, viz. "not in dark speeches." "Apparently" of AV is ambiguous.

      MANIFOLD, man i-fold (3"1, rabh; iroi.Ktt.os, poikilos): "Manifold," which occurs only a few times, is in the OT the tr of rabh, "many," "abun dant" (Xeh 9 10.27; Am 5 12, where it is equiva lent to "many"), and of rabhabh, "to multiply," "to increase" (Ps 104 24, "O Jeh, how manifold are thy works") ; poikilos, properly, "many colored," "spotted," "variegated," is tr 1 "manifold": 1 Pet 1 G m, "manifold temptations"; 4 10, "manifold grace," suggests variety, diver m 1 ness; polupoikilos has this meaning more intensely (Eph 3 10, "the manifold wisdom of God"). With this may be com pared a fine passage in Wisd 7 22, where it is said that in Wisdom there is "an understanding spirit, holy, one only [RV "alone in kind," m "Gr sole-

      Manius, Titus Manslayer



      born"], manifold [pnlunicrfs]." In like manner, polliiplasidn, "manifold more" (Lk 18 30), indicates the rnriul <hi<nls of the reward of him who is faithful to Christ. In Ecclus 51 3, we have "mani fold afflictions" (pklun). W. L. \\\\\\\\ ALKEH

      MANIUS, ma ni-us, TITUS, tl tus (TCros Mdvtos, Titos M nn ins. A, V and Syr; Mo.vX.ios, Mdnlios, Swete following A; Manillas, Itala and Vulg, A\\\\" Manlius): Titus Manius and Quintus Memmius were the legates of the Romans who carried a letter unto the Jewish people consenting to the favorable terms which Lysias, the captain of Antiochus, granted to the Jews after his defeat, 163 BC (2 Mace 11 34). That the letter is spurious appears from the facts (1) that it is dated in the 14Sth year of the Seleucidian era adopted by the Jews and not , after the Rom fashion, according to consulates; (2) that it is also dated the same day as that of Eupator the 15th of the month Xanthieus; (3) that the Jews had as yet no dealings with the Romans; Judas first heard of the fame of the Romans a year or two years later (1 Mace 8 Iff), after the death of Xicanor (.7 47); (4) that no such names are found among the TLomlegati mentioned by Polybius as sent to the East. If Manius is not altogether a fabrication, it is difficult to decade exactly who he is. The reading fluctuates between "Manius" and "Manlius." About the same time a T. Manlius Torquatus was sent by the Romans on an embassy to Egypt to settle a quarrel between Philomctor and Euergetes II Physcon (Polyb. xxxi.lS; Livy xliii.ll), but not to Syria, and his colleague was Cn. Merula. Perhaps Man ins Sergius is intended, who with C. Sulpicius was sent to investigate the state of Greece and to see what Antiochus Epiphanes and Eumanes were doing (165 BC) (Polyb. xxxi.9). But no stich name as Titus Manius or Manlius is otherwise found as legate to Asia with a colleague Quintus Memmius. See also MEMMIUS. S. ANGUS

      MANKIND, man-kind : In Lev 18 22; 20 13,

      the term is applied to men, as distinguished from women; in Job 12 10, to the human race; in Jan 3 7, to the human nature.

      MANLIUS, man li-tis, TITUS. See MANIUS, TITUS.

      MANNA, man a C|P , man; [idvva, manna}: The Heb man is probably derived, as Ebers sug gests, from the Egyp mennu, "food." In Ex 16 15, we have a suggested source of the name, "They said one to another, What is it?" i.e. manhu, which also means, "It is manna" (see m).

      This substance is described as occurring in flakes or small round grains, lit. "hoarfrost"; it fell with the

      dew (Xu 11 9) and appeared when 1. OT the dew left the ground (Ex 16 14) ; "It

      References was like coriander seed, white; and

      the taste of it was like wafers made with honey" (ver 31). In Xu 11 8, its taste is described "as the taste of fresh oil," m "cakes baked with oil." "And the children of Israel did eat the manna forty years, until they came .... unto the borders of the land of Canaan" (Ex 16 35). It ceased the day after they ate the produce of the land, unleavened cakes and parched grain, in the plains of Jericho (Josh 5 10-12). Although an important article of diet, it was by no means the sole one as seems implied in Nu 21 5; there are plenty of references (e.g. Ex 17 3; 24 5; 34 3; Lev 8 2.26.31; 9 4; 10 12; 24 5; Nu 7 13.19 f, etc) which show that they had other food besides. The food was gathered every morning, "every man according to his eating: and when the sun waxed

      hot., it melted" (Ex 16 21); a portion of the previous day s gathering bred worms and stank if kept (ver 20); on the 6th day a double amount was gathered, the. Sabbath portion being miraculously preserved (vs 22-27). A pot a golden one (He 9 4) with an omer of manna was "laid up before Jeh" in the tabernacle (Ex 16 33). Manna is re ferred to in Neh 9 20. It is described poetically as "food from heaven" and "bread of the mighty" (i s 78 24 f); as "bread of heaven" (Ps 105 40); and as "angels bread" (2 Esd 1 19; \\\\Visd 16 20).

      In Jn 6 31-63, Our Lord frequently refers to

      "the manna" or "bread from heaven" as typical

      of Himself. St. Paul (1 Cor 10 3)

      2. NT refers to it as "spiritual food," and in

      References Rev 2 17 we read, "To him that

      overcometh, to him will I give of the

      hidden manna."

      Manna, as might be expected, figures largely in rabbinical lit. It was, it is said, adapted to the taste of each individual who could by wishing taste in the manna anything he desired (cf Wisd 16 21). Manna is reserved as the future food of the right eous (cf Rev 2 17), for which purpose it is ground in a mill situated in the third heaven (Hag l 2h; Tan. Beshallah 22).

      No substance is known which in any degree satisfies all the requirements of the. Scriptural references, hut several travelers in the wilderness have 3 Natural reported phenomena which suggest some " of the features of the miraculous manna.

      (1) In the Peninsula of Sinai, on the tions route of the children of Israel, a species

      of tamarisk, named in consequence by Ebers Tammaris mannifera, is found to exude a sweet, honey-like substance where its bark is pierced by an insect, Gossyparia mannifera. It collects upon the twigs and falls to the ground. The Arabs who gather it to sell to pilgrims call it mann-es-samS, "heavenly manna" ; it is white at first but turns yellow; in the early morn ing it is of the consistency of wax but when the sun is hot i t disappears. This substance, occurs only after mid summer and for a month or two at most.

      (2) A second proposal is to identify manna -with a lichen Lecanora exculeiita and allied species which grows in the Arabian and other deserts upon the lime stone The older masses become detached and aro rolled about by the wind. \\\\Vhen swept together by sudden rain storms in the rainy season they may collect in large heaps. This lichen has been used by the Arabs in time of need for making bread. It is a quite reason able form of nourishment in the desert, esp. when eaten with the sugary maiina from the trees.

      E. W. G. MASTERMAN

      MANNER, man er, MANNERS, man erz (lin , (labhar, !p~ , <ltrckh, *JEPP, mishpat; 9os, ethos, OVTW, houtd): "Manner" (probably 1. As Used from man us, "the hand," mode of in the OT handling things, or acting) is in the Bible in general equivalent (1) to way, custom, habit, etc, (2) to kind or sort. There are some special senses, however, and archaic usages. It is frequently the tr of dabhar, "speak ing, "word," "thing" (Gen 18 25, "That be far from thee to do after this manner" [i.e. in this way] ; 32 19, "On this manner shall ye speak unto Esau" [in this way]; 39 19, "After this manner [in this way] did thy servant to me"; Ex 22 9, "every manner of trespass" [every kind, sort, or way]; Dt 15 2; 1 S 17 27.30 bis); also of derekh, "way (Gen 19 31, "after the manner of all the earth" [way]; 1 S 21 5 AV "[the bread] is in a manner common"; "manner" here might betaken as equiv alent to "way" or "measure," but the passage is a difficult one and the text uncertain; RV omits "manner," and in the text makes the reference to be to the journey, not to the bread, but in m it has "common [bread]"; Isa 10 24.26, "after the manner of Egypt" [after the way or fate of Egypt]; so also Am 4 10; 8 14, "the manner of Beer-sheba liveth," RV "the way," m "manner," the reference here being to the religious uwj, or manner of wor-



      Manius, Titus Manslayer

      ship); of mishpat, "judgment," "ordinance," honco also "manner" or "custom" (Gen 40 13; Ex 21 9; 2 K 1 7, "what manner of man" [sort or kind]; 17 26 AV; 1 Ch 24 19; Ezk 11 12, "after the manners [RV "ordinances"] of the nations"); torah, " instruction," "law," is also tr d "manner" (2 S 7 19, "[is] this the manner [in "law"] of man, O Lord God?" RV "and this [too] after the manner of men, O Lord Jeh," m "and is tin s the law of man, O Lord Jeh?"). Other words are: ornh, "path," "custom" (Gen 18 11); ddhhcr, "leading," "pasture" (cf "sheep-walk," "sheep- fold"); Isa 5 17, "Then shall the lambs feed after their manner," RV "as in their pasture" (in Mic 2 12, the same word is tr 1 AV "fold," RV "pas ture"); d -tnulfi, "likeness" (Ezk 23 15); rfatfi, "law," "sentence" (Est 2 12); kukknh, "statute," "custom" (Lev 20 23) in AV. In Nu 6 13 "with the manner" is supplied to "taken" (in adultery). "Manner" here, is an old law-French phrase, "a thief taken with the mm nour" that is, with the. thing stolen uponhiminmanu (in his hand) (Black- stone, Comni., IV, xxiiij, RV "in the act" (cf Jn 8 4, "in the very act"); gam, "also" is tr d (1 S 19 24) "in like manner," RV "also."

      In Apoc, 2 Mace 4 13 AV, we have "increase of

      heathenish manners," RV "an extreme of Gr

      fashions"; 6 9, the "manners of the

      2. As Used Gentiles," RV "the Gr rites"; in 2 in the Apoc- Esd 9 19, AV and RV, "manners" rypha appears in the sense of "morals"; cf

      1 Cor 15 33, RV "Evil companion ships corrupt good morals."

      In the NT various words and phrases are rendered by "manner"; we have c///o.s, "custom," "usage,"

      "manner" (Jn 19 40; Acts 15 1,

      3. As Used RV "custom"); katd 16 eiothos (Lk 4 In the NT 16, RV "as his custom was"); tripos,

      a "turning," "manner," "way" (Judo vorT); hon tropon, "in which manner" (Acts 1 11); houtos, "thus," "so," "accordingly," is "after this manner," "in like manner" (Mt 69; Mk 13 29 AV); in Acts 15 23, "after this manner" stands in AV for "by their hands," RV thus"; pos (Acts 20 18), "after what manner"; a.gtlye, "course of life" (2 Tim 3 10, RV "conduct" ); biosis, "mode of life" (Acts 26 4); in 1 Cor 15 33, we have manners in the moral sense, "Evil communications corrupt good manners," ARV "Evil companionships cor rupt good morals." Acts 13 18 is interesting because of diversities of rendering; AV has "suffered he their manners in the wilderness," m "clropoftliorc- scn, perhaps for etrophopkdresen, bore, or fed them as a nurse beareth or feedeth her child, Dt 1 31 (2 Mace 7 27) according to LXX, and so Chrysos- tom"; ERV text, same as AV, m "Many ancient authorities read bear he them as a nursing father in the wilderness. See Dt 1 31"; ARV (text) "as a nursing-father bare he them in the wilder ness," m "Many ancient authorities read Suffered he their manners in the wilderness. See Dt 9 7." The Gr words differ only by a single letter, and authorities are pretty equally divided.

      Among other changes RV has frequently "ordinance" for " manner " (Lev 5 10, etc) and "custom" (Ruth 4 7; Jn 19 40; lie 10 25, etc); "manner of" is introduced (1 S 48, etc); "manner of" and "manner" omitted (Gen 25 2:5; Ex 35 29, etc); " what manner of house " for "where is the house" (Isa 66 1); "manner of life" for "conversation" (Gal 1 i:?; Eph 4 22); "after tho manner of men" for "as a man" (Horn 3 5; 1 Cor 9 8); "how to inquire concerning these things" (Acts 25 20) for "of such manner of questions"; "in an unworthy manner," ARV, for "unworthily " (1 Cor 11 27); "who" for "what manner of man" (Mk 4 41; Lk 8 25, "who then is this?"); in Lk 9 55, "Ye know not what man ner of spirit ye are of" is omitted, with the in "Some ancient authorities add and said, Ye know not what mariner of spirit ye are of. "

      W. L. WALKER

      MANOAH, ma-no a (ITl^G , manoh, "rest"): A man of Zorah and of the family of the Danites. M. was the father of Samson, and his life-story is but imperfectly told in the history of the concep tion, birth and early life of his son. No children had been born to M. and his wife, and the latter was considered barren (Jgs 13 2). Finally it was revealed to her by an angel of the Lord that she would conceive and bear a child. She was cau tioned against strong drink and "unclean" food, for her child was to be born and reared a Nazirite to the end that he might save Israel out of the hands of the Plnhs (13 3-5). That M. was a devout man seems certain iu view of the fact that, upon hear ing of the angel s visit, he offered a prayer for the angel s return, in order that he and his wife might be instructed as to the proper care of the child to be born (13 8). The request was granted and the angel repeated the visit and the instructions (13 9-13). M. with true hospitality would have the guest remain and partake of food. The angel refused, but commanded a sacrifice unto Jeh. When M. had prepared the sacrifice and lit it on the the altar, the angel ascended in the flame from the altar and appeared no more (13 15-21). The child was born according to the promise and was named Samson. M. and his wife appear twice in the narrative of Samson s early life once as they pro test ingly accompanied him to sue for the hand of a Phili woman of Timnah in marriage, and again when they went with him to Timnah for the wedding.

      Jos richly embellishes this Scriptural narrative concerning M., but offers no further light upon the occupation or character of M. At the death of Samson, his brothers went down to Gaza and brought back the body and buried it by the side of M. in the family tomb near Zorah (16 31). In AY/W.SYW Agonisles Milton gains dramatic effect by having M. survive Samson and in deep sorrow assist at his burial. C. E. SCHENK

      MANSERVANT, man sur-vant ("a? , *ebhcdh): A male slave; usually coupled with maidservant or female slave (Gen 12 10; Ex 20 10; 1 S 8 10; Job 31 13; Lk 12 45). See SERVANT; SLAVE.

      MANSION, man shun (H.OVTJ, motif,, "abode"): In Jn 14 2, the word is used in the pi.: "In my Father s house are many mansions," RVm "abid ing places." The ideas conveyed are those of abun dance of room, and permanence of habitation, in the heavenly world.

      MANSLAYER, man slfx-er (Han 1 *? , ni"ra^c"h, from fti?"} , ra$ah [Nu 35 0.12]; dv8po<j>6vos, androphd- nos [1 Tim 1 9]): A term employed with reference 1 to both premeditated and accidental or justifiable killing. In the latter case, an asylum was granted (Nu 35 6.12) until the death of the high priest, after which the slayer was allowed to "return into the land of his possession" (ver 2S). The cases in which the manslayer was to be held clearly immune from the punishment imposed on wilful killing were:

      (1) death by a blow in a sudden quarrel (Nu 35 22) ;

      (2) death by anything thrown at random (Nu 35 22.23) ; (3) death by the blade of an axe flying from the handle (Dt 19 5). Among the cases in which one would be held responsible for the death of an other, is to be counted the neglectful act of building a house without a parapet (Dt 22 8).

      Manslaughter, as a modern legal term, is em ployed to distinguish unpremeditated killing from coldblooded murder, but formerly (2 Esd 1 20) it was used in a more general sense. See MURDER.


      Manstealing Mark



      MANSTEALING, man stel-ing. Sec CRIME, under "Kidnapping"; PUNISHMENT.

      MANTELET, man fel-et, man t 1-et, inaiit/let (Nah 2 5). Sec SIEGE, 4, (//).

      MANTLE, nian t l: Used 5 I of Elijah s mantle (r\\\\1~$, (Kklereih, 1 K 19 IX. 19; 2 K 2 S. 13.14), which \\\\vas probably of hair. Found in pi. once (Isa 3 22), \\\\vhereit (ma^ataphoth) is an upper wide tunic with sleeves (k e thoneth). See DRESS; KER- CHIEF.

      MANUSCRIPTS, man ii-skripts: In the broad est sense manuscripts include all handwrit t en records as distinguished from printed records. In a, nar rower senses they are handwritten codices, rolls and folded documents, as distinguished from printed hooks on the one hand and inscriptions, or engraved documents, on the other. More loosely, hut commonly, the term is used as synonym of the codex.

      The Heb and Or manuscripts of the OT and NT, respectively, form the primary sources for estab lishing the text or true original words of the respec tive authors. The subordinate sources, VSS and quotations have also their text problem, and manu scripts of the YSS and of the church Fathers, and other ancient writers who refer to Bib. matters, play the same part in establishing the true words of the VS or the writer that the Heb and Gr manu scripts play in establishing the original of Scripture. For discussion of the textual aspects, see arts, on TEXT AND MSS OF THE NT, TEXT OF THE OT, on VER SIONS, and esp. the SEPTUAGINT. For the material, writing instruments, form of manuscripts, etc, see BOOK; and esp. the lit. under WRITING.





      MAOCH, ma/ok ("" , ina*dkh, "oppressed," "bruised"): The same as Maacah (1 K 2 39). The father of that Achish, king of Gath, with whom David and his (>0() sojourned under fear of Saul s treachery (1 S 27 2).

      MAON, ma on, MAONITES, ma on-Its, ma- o nits CpyiQ , in-a^on; B, Macip, Moor, Madv, Madn, A, Macov, Maori):

      (1) A town in the mountain of Judah named along with Carmcl and Ziph (Josh 15 55). It appears again as the home of Nabal, the great flockmaster (i S 25 2). In the genealogical list of 1 Ch 2, Maon stands as the "son" of Shammai and the "father" of Beth-zur (vs 44.45). This evidently means that Shammai was the founder of Maon. About a mile S. of el-Karmil, the ancient Carmel, lies Tell Ma ln. This may be confidently identified with Maon, the radicals of the names being the same. It suits the requirements of the narratives in other respects, being near to Carmel, while the surround ing wilderness is still used as the wide pasture land for multitudinous flocks. In this district, the wilderness of Maon, David was hiding when his whereabouts was betrayed to Saul by the men of Ziph (1 S 23 24 f), and only a timely raid by the Philis delivered him out of that monarch s hands (vs 27 ff).

      _(2) (MaSia/x, Madidm}: Maon is named along with the Zidonians and Amalek as having at some time, not mentioned, oppressed Israel (Jgs 10 12). The LXX "Midian" has been accepted by some scholars as restoring the original text, since, other

      wise, the Midianites remain unmentioned. But the Maonites are evidently identical with the Meunim of 1 Ch 4 41 (II V), the pastoral people destroyed by llezekiah. In 2 Ch 20 1 AY, in stead of "other beside the Ammonites" we must read "some of the Meunim," as associated with the Ammonites in the battle with Jehoshaphat. Against them also U/ziah was helped of God (2 Ch 26 7). They are included among the inhabitants of Mt, Seir (20 10.23), so that an Edomite tribe is intended. It is natural to connect them with Martin, a place on the great pilgrimage road, and now a station on the Damascus-IIejaz Railway, to the S.E. of Petra. It undoubtedly represents an ancient stronghold.

      The Maonites appear in the lists of those who returned from exile (Ezr 2 50, AY "Mehunim," RY "Meunim"; Neh 7 52, "Meunim"). These may possibly be the descendants of prisoners taken in the wars of Jehoshaphat and I zziah, to whom menial tasks may have been appointed in the temple services. W. EWINQ

      MAR, mar: "To mar" means "to destroy," "to disfigure," "to damage." Job 30 13, "They mar my path" (RYm "they break up"); Nah 2 2, "and destroyed their vine" (AY "and marred their vine") ; cf Lev 19 27; 2 K 3 19; Isa 52 14; Jer 13 9.

      MARA, rnli ra, mar a (t"np , martih, "bitter") : The term which Naomi applies to herself on her return from Moab to her native country (Ruth 1 20). Changed beyond recognition, she creates astonishment among her former acquaintances, who ask, "Is this Naomi?" She replies, "Call me not Naomi" (i.e. "pleasant" or "sweet"), but "call me Mara" (i.e. "bitter"). In the light of her bitter experience, and her present pitiable plight, the old name has become peculiarly inappropriate.

      MARAH, mii ra, mar a (""Hp, marah, "bitter"): The first camp of the Israelites after the passage of the Red Sea (Ex 15 23; Nu 33 8f). The name is derived from the bitterness of the brackish water. Moses cast a tree into the waters which were thus made sweet (Ex 15 23). See WANDER INGS OF ISRAEL.

      MARALAH, mar a-la (nby-|ia , mar alah; B, Mapa-yeXSa, Maragddd, A, MaptXa, Marild} : A place on the western border of Zebulun (Josh 19 11). Pesh renders Ramalh ta*le , "height of the fox." It is not identified.

      MARANATHA, mar-a-nath a, mar-an-ii tha (from Aram, words, HPX N2 ~\\\\"ft , marana dthah, "Our Lord cometh, or will come"; according to some, "has come"; to others, "Come!" an invitation for his speedy reappearance [cf Rev 22 20] ; [j.apava0d, maranalhd, or p.apdv d0d, mardn athd) : Used in con nection with dvdde/j.a, anathema, "accursed" (1 Cor 16 22), but has no necessary connection therewith. It was used by early Christians to add solemn em phasis to previous statement, injunction or adjura tion, and seems to have become a sort of watch word; possibly forming part of an early liturgy.

      MARBLE, miir b l (Clip, shaijisJi, ttJTZ?, shcsh, flhtf i.?a, abhne shayish, "stones of marble"

      [i Ch 29 2]; rnnb 1 ! TH EJpi Era PE?"!,

      rigpath bahat wa-shesh w c -dhar w e -sohareth, "a pave ment of red, and white, and yellow, and black marble," or, according to m, "a pavement of por phyry, and white marble, and alabaster, and stone of blue color" [Est 1 ]; TTJUJ "n/VSJP, *ammudhe



      Manstealing Mark

      shcsh, pillars of marble" [Est 1 6; Cant 6 15]; cf tDllJ, shcsh, AViu "silk" or II V "fine linen" [Gen 41 42; Ex 25 4, etc]; C^STZJITD , s/idshannlm, "lilies" [Cant, 2 10, etc], apparently from a root signifying "white"; [io.pp.apos, indnnaros, "marble" [Rev 18 12]): Marble i.s properly crystalline lime stone, usually pure white or veined with black, the former being in demand for statuary, while the latter is used in architecture, esp. for floors and pillars. True marble is not found in Pal, but is obtained from Greece or Italy. Much of the stone described as marble is non-crystalline limestone capable of being smoothed and polished. "White or yellow stone of this character is abundant in Pal. Non-crystalline rocks of other colors are also some times called marble. In (he passage from Est cited above (cf m), it is a question whether the reference is to marble and other stones or to marble of differ- out colors. In 1 Ch 29 2, "marble stones" are mentioned among the materials brought together by David for the building of the temple. In Est

      1 6, pillars and a pavement of marble arc features of the palace of Ahasuerus. In Cant 6 15, (he various parts of the body of the "beloved" are likened to gold, beryl, ivory, sapphire, and marble. In Rev 18 12, marble occurs in the list of (he merchandise of Babylon. All these references imply a costly stone, and therefore probably one imported from other countries, and make it likely that true crystalline marble is meant. ALFHKD ELY DAY

      MARCH, march, MARCHES, march iz. See ARMY; WAR.

      MARCHESHVAN, mar-chesh van. See TIME.


      MARCUS, mar kus. See MARK, Joiiv.

      MARDOCHEUS, mar-do-ke us (MapSoxcuos,

      Munlochtiios) .

      (1) One of (lie Jewish leaders who accompanied Zerubbabel on (he return from Babylon (o Judah (1 Esd 5 S, where it stands for "Mordecai" of Ezr

      2 2 and Neh 7 7).

      (2) Another form of Mordecai, the uncle of Esther (Ad Est 10 4; 11 2.12; 12 1,1 ff; 16 13).

      MARE, mar ([1] "C ? C , silsuh, "steed," AV "com pany of houses" ; LXX r\\\\ i-mros, he hi />/>t>n, "mare" [Cant 1 9]; [2] G^CE^n 1:5, l> e hil-r<iiintllch7in, "bred of the stud," AV and IlVm "young drome

      daries" [Est 8 10]; cf Arab.


      "mare"): The word " mare" does not occur in EV, but in Cant 1 9 we find .yilxtlli, the fern, of .svT.s, "horse," and in Est 8 10, b i/(~ ha-rammakhim is by some tr 1 "sons of mares." See CAMKL; HOUSE.

      MARESHAH, ma-re sha (rUTTC , indrcshuh; B, Ba0T)crdp, Jitilhi xtir, A, Map-qcra, Maresd}: A town in the Shephelah of Judah named with Keilah and Achzib (Josh 15 44). It occupied such a position that Rehoboam thought well to fortify it for the protection of Jems (2 Ch 11 8). In the valley of Zephathah at Mareshah, Asa overwhelmed Zerah the Ethiopian and his army, pursuing them as far as Go/or (2 Ch 14 Off). From M. came Eliezer the prophet who denounced disaster upon the com mercial copartnery of Jehoshaphat and Ahaziah (20 37). The place is mentioned in Mic (1 15). M. was plundered and burned by Judas Macca- baeus (Ant, XII, viii, 0; 1 Mace 5 06 RVm). Hither C.orgias escaped, having been rescued from

      (he hands of Dositheus by a Thracian horseman (2 Mace 12 35). It was taken by John Hyrcanus, who allowed the inhabitants to remain on condi tion that they adopt circumcision and submit to (he Jewish law. This they did; and la(er John avenged an injustice done to M. by the Samaritans. It is then described as "a colony of Jews" (Ant, XIII, ix, 1; x, 2). The city was treated with favor by Pompey (XIV, iv, 4). When the Parthians invaded Judaea in support of An(igonus they demolished M. (xiii, 9).

      According to Ononi, M. was 2 Rom miles from Eleutheropolis (Hi-it Jihrhi). I ntil recently it was thought that Khirbet MiYash, where the old name lingers, not far S.W. of licit Jibrln, represented (he ancient city. The work of Dr. Bliss, however ("Excavations in Pal," PEF), shows that it must be located at Tell Sandahannah, about a mile S. of Beit Jibrin. A. series of remarkable tombs was discovered here. From 1 Ch 2 42 we may perhaps gather that Hebron was colonized by (he men of M. W. EWING

      MARIMOTH, mar i-moth, mar i-moth: An an cestor of Esdras (Ezra) (2 Esd 1 2), identical with Meraioth (Ezr 7 3). In 1 Esd 8 2, it appears also as "Memeroth" (AV "Moremoth").

      MARINER, mar i-ner. See SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 2, (3); 111,2.

      MARISA, mar i-sa (Mapi<ra, .1/V/mvf): The Gr form of MARKSHAH (q.v.) in 2 Mace 12 35.

      MARISH, mar ish (Xn r ), gcbJn ; e\\\\o s , Ix Ios) : An old form of "marsh," found in AV, ERV Ezk 47 1 1 (ARV "marsh"). Some (not all) edd of the AV Apoc have retained this same spelling in 1 Mace 9 42.45 (RV "marsh").

      MARK, mark: In the AV this word is used 22 t as a noun and 20 t as a predicate. In the former case it is represented by 5 Hob and 3 Gr words; in the latter by 11 Hob and 2 Gr words. As a noun it is purely a physical term, gaining almost a tech nical significance from tin; "mark" put upon Cain (Gen 4 15 AV) ; the x/if/t(i/<i. of Christ in Paul s body (Gal 6 17); the "mark of the beast" (Rev 16 2).

      As a vb. it is almost exclusively a, mental process: e.g. "to be attentive," "understand": "p3 , bin (Job 18 2

      AV), rightly rendered in RV "consider"; JH^lZJ , shith, "Mark ye well her bulwarks" (Ps 48 13), i.e. turn the mind to, notice, regard; TCTE , shdmar, i.e. observe,

      keep in view; so Ps 37 37, "Mark the perfect man"; cf Job 22 15 AV. This becomes a unique expression in 1 S 1 12, where Eli, noticing the movement of Hannah s lips in prayer, is said to have "marked her mouth." Jesus "marked" how invited guests chose, out (en-e^w, epfr.hd, i.e. "observed") the chief seats (Lk 14 7); so (TKOTreco, sA-opdo (Rom 16 17; Phil 3 17), "Mark them," i.e. look at. signifying keen mental attention, i.e. scru tinize, observe carefully. The only exceptions to this mental signification of the vb. are two vs in the OT: Isa 44 13, "He marketh it out with a pencil" ("rod ochre," A V "line"), and "with t he compasses," whore tho vb. is "15SP, , td ar, "to delineate," "mark out"; Jor 2

      22, "Thine iniquity is marked [QfO , kathnm, "cut

      (i.e. engraved)] lief ore me," signifying tho deep and inerad icable nature of sin. It may also bo rendered "written," as in indelible hieroglyphics.

      As a noun the term "mark" may signify, accord ing to its various Heb and Gr originals, a sign, "a target" an object of assault, a brand or stigma cut or burnt in the flesh, a goal or end in view, a stamp or imprinted or engraved sign.

      (1) HIS, ofV a sign": Gen 4 15 AV, "The Lord set a mark upon Cain" (ARV "appointed a sign"). It is impossible to tell the nature of this sign.


      Mark, Gospel



      Delitzsch thinks that the rabbins were mistaken in regarding it as a mark upon Cain s body. He considers it rather "a certain sign which protected him from vengeance;," the continuance of his life; being necessary for the preservation of the race. It was thus, as the He!) indicates, the token of a covenant which God made with Cain that his life would be spared.

      (2) N^I2^ , nidtidru, " an aim," hence a mark to shoot at. Jonathan arranged to shoot arrows as at a mark, for a sign to David (1 S 20 20); Job felt himself to be a target, for the Divine arrows, i.e. for the Divinely decreed sufferings which wounded him and which he was called to endure (Job 16 12); so Jeremiah, "He hath set me as a mark for the arrow" (Lain 3 12); closely akin to this is yttT? , iij>h(/a.\\\\ an object of attack (Job 7 20), where Job in bitterness of soul feels that God has become his enemy, and says, Why hast, thou made me the mark of hostile attack? ; "set me as a mark for thee." See TAUCKT.

      (3) ir\\\\, taw, "mark" (Ezk 9 4.6). In Ezekiel s vision of the destruction of the wicked, the mark to be set upon the forehead of the righteous, at Jeh s command, was, as in the case of the blood sprinkled on the door-posts of the Israelites (Ex 12 22.23), for their protection. As the servants of God (Rev 7 2.3) the elect were kept from harm by being sealed with the seal of the living God in their fore heads, so the man clothed in linen, with a writer s inkhorn by his side, was told to mark upon their foreheads those whom God would save from judg ment by His sheltering grace. Taw also appears (Job 31 3">) for the attesting mark made to a document (RV "signature," in "mark").

      The letter p in the Phoen alphabet and on the coins of the Maccabees had the form of a cross (T). In oriental synods it was used as a signature by bishops who could not write. The cross, as a sign of ownership, was burnt upon the necks or thighs of horses and camels. It may have been the " mark" set upon the forehead of the righteous in Ezekiel s vision.

      (4) yp;?!]} , ka*aka\\\\ "a stigma" cut or burnt. The Israelites were forbidden (Lev 19 28) to follow the custom of other oriental and heathen nations in cutting, disfiguring or branding their bodies.

      The specific prohibition "not to print any marks upon" themselves evidently has reference to the custom of tattooing common among savage tribes, and in vogue among both men and women of the lower orders in Arabia, Kgypt, and many other lands. It was intended to cultivate reverence for and a sense of the sacredness of the human body, as Cod s creation, known in the Chris tian era as the temple of the Holy Spirit. See also CUT TINGS IN THE FLESH.

      (5) crK07r6s, skojtos, something seen or observed in the distance, hence a "goal." The Christian life seemed to St. Paul, in the intensity of his spirit ual ardor, like the stadium or race-course of the Greeks, with runners stretching every nerve to reach the goal and win the prize. "I press on toward the goal [AV "mark"] unto the prize" (Phil 3 14). The mark or goal is the ideal of life revealed in Christ, the prize, the attainment and possession of that life.

      In Wisd 5 21 "they fly to the mark" is from e&TToxot, ci ixtocltoi, "with true aim" (so RV).

      (6) (TTiy/jia, xlh/nia, "a mark pricked or branded upon the body." Slaves and soldiers, in ancient times, were stamped or branded with the name of their master. Paul considered and called himself the bondslave of Jesus Christ. The traces of his sufferings, scourging, stonings, persecution, wounds, were visible in permanent scars on his body (cf 2 Cor 11 23-27). These he termed the stigmata of Jesus, marks branded in his very flesh as proofs of his devotion to his Master (Gal 6 17).

      This passage gives no ground for the Romanist super stition that the very scars of Christ s crucifixion were reproduced in Paul s hands and feet and side. It is also "alien to the lofty self-consciousness" of these words to find in them, as some expositors do, a contrast in Paul s thought to the scar of circumcision.

      (~) X&P a 7MS chtiragnia, "a stamp" or "im printed mark." "The mark of the beast" (pe culiar to Rev) was the badge of the followers of Antichrist, stamped on the forehead or right hand (Rev 13 Hi; cf Ezk 9 4.6). It _ was symbolic of character and was thus not a literal or physical mark, but the impress of paganism on the 1 moral and spiritual life. It was the sign or token of apos tasy. As a spiritual state or condition it subjected men to the wrath of God and to eternal torment, (Rev 14 9-11); to noisome disease (16 2); to the lake of fire (19 20). Those who received not the mark, having faithfully endured persecution and martyrdom, were given part in the first resurrection and lived and reigned with Christ a thousand years (Rev 20 4). The "beast" symbolizes the anti- Christian empires, particularly Rome under Nero, who sought to devour and destroy the early Chris tians.

      (S) fjubXwf/, mold]/*, "bruise," Sir 23 10 (RV "bruise"); 28 17. DWIGHT M. PRATT

      MARK, mark, JOHN: John ( Itodw^s, Tddrmcs)

      represents his Jewish, Mark (MdpKos, M&rkos) his

      Rom name. Why the latter was as-

      1. Name sinned we do not know. Perhaps the and Family aorist participle in Acts 12 25 may

      be intended to intimate that it dated from the time when, in company with Barnabas and Saul, he turned to service in the great gentile city of Antioch. Possibly it was the badge of Rom citizenship, as in the case of Paul. The standing of the family would be quite consistent with such a supposition.

      His mother s name was Mary (Acts 12 12). The home is spoken of as hers. The father was probably dead. The description of the house (with its large room and porch) and the mention of the Gr slave, suggest a family of wealth. They were probably among the many zealous Jews who, having become rich in the great world outside, retired to Jerus, the center of their nation and faith. M. was "cousin" to Barnabas of Cyprus (Col 4 10) who also seems to have been a man of means (Acts 4 36). Possibly Cyprus was also M. s former home.

      When first mentioned, M. and his mother are already Christians (44 AD). He had been con verted through Peter s personal influ-

      2. His cnce (1 Pet 5 13) and had already History as won a large place in the esteem of the Known brethren, as is shown by his being from the chosen to accompany Barnabas and NT Saul to Antioch, a little later. The

      home was a resort for Christians, so that M. had every opportunity to become ac quainted with other leaders such as James and John, and James the brother of the Lord. It was perhaps from the latter James that he learned the incident of Mk 3 21 which Peter would be less likely to mention.

      His kinship with Barnabas, knowledge of Chris tian history and teaching, and proved efficiency account for his being taken along on the first mis sionary journey as "minister" (UTT^T^S, hiiper&es) to Barnabas and Saul (Acts 13 5). Just what that term implies is not clear. Chase (HDB] conjectures the meaning to be that he had been huperctcs, "at tendant" or hazzan in the synagogue (cf Lk 4 20), and was known as such an official. Wright (ET, February, 1910) suggests that he was to render in newly founded churches a teaching service simi lar to that of the synagogue hazzan. Hackett



      thought that the kai of this verse implies that he was to be doing the same kind of work as Barnabas and Saul and so to be their "helper" in preaching and teaching. The more common view has been (Meyer, Swete, et al.) that he was to perform "per sonal service not evangelistic," "official service but not of the menial kind" to be a sort of business agent. The view that he was to be a teacher, a catechist for converts, seems to fit best all the facts.

      Why did he turn back from the work (Acts 13 13)? Not because of homesickness, or anxiety for his mother s safety, or home duties, or the desire to rejoin Peter, or fear of the perils incident to the journey, but rather because he objected to the offer of salvation to the Gentiles on condition of faith alone. There are hints that M. s family, like Paul s, were Hebrews of the Hebrews, and it is not without significance that in both verses (Acts 13 5.13) he is given only his Heb name. The terms of Paul s remonstrance are very strong (Acts 15 38), and we know that nothing stirred Paul s feelings more deeply than this very question. The explanation of it all may be found in what happened at Paphos when the Rom Kergius Paultis became a believer. At that time Paul (the change of name is here noted by Lk) stepped to the front, and henceforth, with the exception of 15 12.2"), where naturally enough the old order is maintained, Lk speaks of Paul and Barnabas, not Barnabas and Saul. We must remem ber that, at that time, Paul stood almost alone in his conviction. Barnabas, even Inter than that, had misgivings (Gal 2 13). Perhaps, too, M. was less able than Barnabas himself to see the latter take second place.

      We hear nothing further of M. until the begin ning of the second missionary journey 2 years later, when Paul s unwillingness to take him with them led to the rupture between Paul and Barnabas and to the mission of Barnabas and M. to Cyprus (Acts 15 39). He is here called Mark, and in that quiet way Luke may indicate his own conviction that Mark s mind had changed on the great ques tion, as indeed his willingness to accompany Paid might suggest. He had learned from the discus sions in the council at Jerus and from subsequent events at Antioch.

      About 11 years elapse before we hear of him again (Col 4 10 f; Philem ver 24). He is at Rome with Paul. The breach is healed. He is now one of the faithful few among Jewish Christians who stand by Paul. He is Paul s honored "fellow- worker" and a great "Comfort" to him.

      The Colossian passage may imply a contem plated visit by M. to Asia Minor. It may be that it was carried out, that he met Peter and went with him to Babylon. In 1 Pet 5 13 the apostle sends M. s greeting along with that of the church in Babylon. Thence 1 M. returns to Asia Minor, and in 2 Tim 4 11 Paul asks Timothy, who is at Ephesus, to come to him, pick up Al. by the way, and bring him along. In that connection Paul pays M. his final tribute; he is "useful for min istering" (^xpr;oTos els SLdKoviav, eiichrestos cis dia- konian), so useful that his ministry is a joy to the veteran s heart.

      The most important and reliable tradition is that ho was the close attendant and interpreter of Peter, and lias

      given us in the (iospel that bears his name 3. His an account of Peter s teaching. For that

      comradeship the NT facts furnish a basis, History and th(1 Kaps in tho NT history u,avo

      as Known plenty of room. An examination of tho from tradition will be found in MARK, THE

      r-vii GOSPEL ACCORDING TO (Q . V . ) .

      b 1 " 16 Other traditions add but little that is

      Sources reliable. It is said that M. had been a

      priest, and that after becoming a Christian he amputated a linger to disqualify himself for that service. Hence the nickname Ko\\\\ofSo&dKTv\\\\os, kolobo- ddktulos, which, however, is sometimes otherwise ex-


      Mark, Gospel

      plained. He is represented as having remained in Cyprus until after the death of Barnabas (who was living in 57 AD according to 1 Cor 9 5 f) and then to have gone to Alexandria, founded the church there, become its first bishop and there died (or was martyred) in the 8th year of Xero ((i2-03). They add that in 815 AD Venetian soldiers stole his remains from Alexandria and placed them under the church of St. Mark at Venice.

      LITERATURE. Chase, HDB, III, 245 ff; Rao, DCG, II, 119 f; Harnack, Enc Brit; Zahn, Intro to the NT II 427-56; Lindsay, Salmond, Morison and Swete in their Comma.



      II. CONTENTS A.ND GENKKAL CHARACTERISTICS 1. Scope 2. Material Peculiar to Mark

      3. Quotations

      4. A Book of Mighty Works

      5. The Worker Is Also a Teacher *i. A Book of Graphic Details



      1. General Character

      2. Vocabulary

      3. Style

      4. Original Language V. AUTHORSHIP


      1. The Gospel for Romans

      2. Plan of the (Jospel X. LEADING DOCTRINES

      1. Person of Christ 2. The Trinity

      3. Salvation

      4. Eschatology LITERATURE

      /. Our Second Gospel. The order of the Gospels in our XT is probably due to the early conviction that this was the order in which the Gospels were written. It was not, however, the invariable order. The question of order only arose when the roll was superseded by the codex, our present book-form. That change was going on in the 3d cent. Origen found codices with the order Jn, Mt, Mk, Lk due probably to the desire to give the apostles the lead ing place. That and the one common today may be considered the two main groupings the one in the order of dignity, the other in that of time. The former is Egyp and Lat ; the latter has the authority of most Gr MSH, Catalogues and Fathers, and is supported by the Old Syr.

      Within these, however, there are variations. The former is varied thus: Jn, Mt, Lk, Mk, and Mt, Jn, Mk, Lk, and Mt, Jn, Lk, Mk; the latter to Mt, Mk, Jn, Lk. Mk is never first; when it follows Lk, the time consideration has given place to that of length.

      II. Contents and General Characteristics. The

      Gospel begins with the ministry of John the Baptist

      and ends with the announcement of

      1. Scope the Resurrection, if the last 12 vs be

      not included. These add post-resur rection appearances, the Commission, the Ascen sion, and a brief summary of apostolic activity. Thus its limits correspond closely with those indi cated by Peter in Acts 10 37-43. Nothing is said of the early Judaean ministry. The Galilean min istry and Passion Week with the transition from the one to the other (in ch 10) practically make up the Gospel.

      Matter peculiar to Mk is found in 4 26-29 (the seed growing secretly); 3 21 (his kindred s fear);

      7 32-37 (the deaf and dumb man);

      2. Material 8 22-26 (the blind man); 13 33-37 Peculiar to (the householder and the exhortation Mark to watch); 14 51 (the young man who

      escaped). But, in addition to this, there are many vivid word-touches with which the common material is lighted up, and in not a few

      Mark, Gospel



      of the common incidents Mk s account is very much fuller; e.g. 6 14-29 (death of John the Bap tist); 7 1-23 (on eating \\\\vith umvashen hands); 9 14-29 (the demoniac boy); 12 2X-34 (the ques tioning scribe). There is enough of this material to show clearly that t he author could not have been wholly dependent on the other evangelists. Haw kins reckons the whole amount of peculiar material at about lifty verses (Jlor. S ////., 11).

      In striking contrast to Matthew who. in passage s,

      calls attention to tlie fulfilment of prophecy by Jesus,

      Mark only once quotes the OT and

      3. Quota- that he puts in the very forefront of his tions (iospel. The Isa part of his composite

      quotation appears in all 4 Cospcls; the Mai part in Mk only, though there is a reflection of it in Jn 3 2S. This fact alone might convey an erroneous impression of the attitude of the Gospel to the OT. Though Mark himself makes only this one twofold refer ence, yet he represents Jesus as doing so frequently. The difference in this respect between him and Matthew is not great. lie has 19 formal quotations as compared with -10 in Mt, 17 in IA<. and 12 in .In. Three of the 19 are not found elsewhere. The total for the XT is ]f>0, so that Mk has a fair proportion. When OT references and loose 1 citations are considered the result is much the same. NVH give Mt 100. Mk 5S, Lk 86, Jn 21, Acts 107. Thus the OT lies back of Mk also as the authori tative word of Cod. Swete (Intro to the OT in Gr, 393) points out that in those 1 quotations which are comniem to the synoptists the L.XX is usually followed; in others, the lleb more 1 frequently. (A ge>od illustration is seen in Mk 7 7 where the l.XX is followed in the phrase, "in vain do they worship me" a fair para phrase 1 of the Heb; but "teaching as their doctrines the precents e>f me>n " is a more corre ct representation e)f the ITeb than the LXX gives.) Three 1 quotations are pecul iar to Mk, viz. 9 4S; 10 1 .); 12 32.

      Judgeel by the space occupied, Mk is a Gospel of

      deeds. Jesus is a worker. His life is one of

      strenuous activity. He hastens from

      4. A Book one 1 task to another with energy and of Mighty decision. The word evOvs, eutkus, Works i.e. "straightway," is used 42 t as

      against Mi s 7 and Lk s 1. In 14 of these, as compared with 2 in Mt and none in Lk, the word is used of the 1 persemal activity of Jesus. It is not strange therefore that the uneventful early years should be passed over (cf Jn 2 11). Nor is it strange that miracles shemlel be more numerous than parable 1 *. According to Westcott s classification (Intro to Hludy of the Gospels, 480-86), Mk has 19 miracles anel only 4 parables, whereas the corre sponding figures for Mt are 21 to 15 and for Lk 20 to 19. Of the miracles 2 are peculiar to Mk, of the parables only 1. The evangelist, clearly records the deeels rather than the wore Is of Jesus. These facts furnish another point of contact with Peter s speeches in Acts the 1 beneficent character of the deeds in Acts 10 3X, anel their evidential signifi cance in Acts 2 22 (cf Mk 1 27; 2 10, etc).

      The following are the miracles recorded by Mk: the unclean spirit (1 21-2S), the paralytic (2 1-12), the withered hand (3 1-5), the 1 storm stilled (4 3541), the Gerasene demoniac (5 1-17), Jairus daughter (5 22 ff), the woman with the issue; (5 25-34), feeding the 5,000 (6 35-44), fe>eeling the 4.000 (8 1-10), walking on the water (6 48 if) ; the Syrophoenician s daughter (7 24- 30), the deaf mute; (7 31-37), the blind man (8 22-2(5), the demoniac, boy (9 14 if), blind Bartimaeus (10 46- 52), the fig tre-e withered (11 20 ff), the resurrection (16 1 If). Fe>r an inte re sting classification of these see Westcott s Intro to Shirty of the Gospels, 391. Only the last three belong to Judaea.

      Though what has been said is true, yet Mk is by

      no means silent about Jesus as a teacher. John the

      Baptist is a preacher (1 4.7), and

      5. The Jesus also is introeluced as a pmiehe-r, Worker a taking up anel enlarging the message Teacher e>f John. Very frequent mention is

      made of Him as teaching (e.g. 1 21 ; 2 13; 6 0, e te-); indeed the words diSax^, didacht, and 5t3d<rKw, diddsko, occur more 1 frequently in Mk than in any other (!ospe-l. Striking references are made 1e> His originality, methods, popularity and

      peerlessness as a te-acher (1 22; 4 1 f.33; 11 27 12 37; e sp. 12 31). A miracle; is definitely ele>- e lared to be> fe>r the; purpose of instruction (2 10), and the; implication is frequent that His miracle s were not only the dictates of His compassion, but alsei purposed self-revelations (5 19 f; 11 21-23). Not only is He 1 Himself a teacher, but He 1 is con- e-erneel to prepare 1 others to be teachers (3 13 f;

      4 10 f). Mk is just as explicit as Ml in calling attention <e> the fact that at a certain stage He; began leaching the multitude in parables, and e X- pemnding the; parables to His disciples (4 2-11 f). He mentions, however, only four of them (he; Sower (4 1-20), the Seed Growing Secretly (4 20- 29), the Mustard Seed (4 30-32) anel the Husband men (12 1-12). The number of somewhat lengthy discourses anel the total amount of te-aching is con siderably gre-a.1er than is sometimes recognized. Chs 4 anel 13 approach most nearly to the 1 length of the discourses in Mt anel correspond to Mt 13 and 24 respectively. But in 7 1-23; 9 33-50; 10 5-31.39-45 and 12 1-44 we have quite extensive 1 sayings. If Jesus is a worker, He is even more a teacher. His works prepare for His words rather than His words for His works. The teae lungs grew naturally out of the occasion and the ciivum- stances. He 1 eliel and taught. Because 1 He did what He diel He cemld teach with effectiveness. Be)th works anel words reveal Himself.

      Then 1 is a multitude of graphic details: Mk mentions actions anel gestures of Jesus (7 33; 9 30; 10 10) and His looks of inquiry 6. Graphic (5 32), in prayer (6 41; 7 34), of Details approval (3 34), love (10 21), warn

      ing (to Judas esp. 10 23), anger (3 5), and in judgment (11 11). Jesus hungers (11 12), seeks rest in seclusion (6 31) and sleeps on the boat cushion (4 3<S); He pities the multitude (6 34), wonders at men s unbelief (6 0), sighs over the ir sorrow anel blindness (7 34; 8 12), grieves at the ir hardening (3 5), and rebukes in sadness the wrong thought of His mother and brothers, and in inelig- nation the mistaken zeal and selfish ambitions of His disciples (8 33; 10 14). Mk represents His miracles of healing usually as instantaneous (1 31;

      2 11 f; 3 5), sometimes as gradual or difficult (1 20; 7 32-35; 9 20-28), and once as flatly im possible "because of the ir unbelief" (6 0). With many viviel touches we are told of the behavior of the people anel the impression made on them by what Je stis saiel or did. They bring their sick along the streets and convert the market-place intej a hospital (1 32), throng and jostle Him by the sea side (3 10), anel express their astonishment at His noteof authority (1 22) and power (2 12). Disciples are awed by His command over the sea (4 41), and disciples and others are surprised anel alarmed at the strange look of dread as He walks ahead alone, going up to Jerus and the cross (10 32). Many other picturesque details are given, as in 1 13 (He was with the wilel beasts); 2 4 (digging through the roof) ; 4 38 (lying asleep on the cushion) ;

      5 4 (the description of the Gerasene demoniac);

      6 39 (the companies, dressed in many colors anel k)oking like flower beds on the green mountain side 1 ). Other details peculiar to Mk are: names (1 29; 3 0; 13 3; 15 21), numbers (5 13; 6 7), time (1 35; 2 1 ; 11 19; 16 2), and place (2 13;

      3 8; 7 31; 12 41; 13 3; 14 08 and 15 39). These strongly suggest the observation of an eye witness as the final authority, and the geographical re-ferences suggest that even the writer understood the general features of the country, esp. of Jerus and its neighborhood. (For complete lists see Lindsay, >S7, Murk s Cosj-l, 20 ff.)

      ///. Text. Of the 53 select readings noted by WH (Intro), only a few are of special interest or



      importance. The following are to he accepted: tv rw Hcraiq. r(f Trpo<pT\\\\Tr\\\\ (1 2) ; d/xapTi^ttaros (3 29) ] TrXijpijs (indeclinable, 4 28); o r^rwv (6 3; Jesus is here called "the carpenter"); avrov (6 22, Herod s daughter probably had two names, Salome and Hcrodias); irvynrj (7 23, "with the fist," i.e. "thor oughly," not -rrvKvd, "oft"). WII are to be fol lowed in rejecting TruTTeuaai (leaving the graphic T6 Ei Svvr; [9 23]); /ecu vyirTeiq. (9 29); irdffa . . . . aXiffd^crerai, (9 49) ; roOs .... xP^f J - a(TL (10 24) ; but not in rejecting viov Oeov (1 1). They are probably wrong in retaining ovs .... wv6fj.acrai> (3 14; it was probably added from Lk 6 31); and in rejecting Kal /cAu cDy and accepting pavri- ffwvraL instead of fiaTTTiauvTai (7 4; ignorance of tin; extreme scrupulosity of the Jews led to these scribal changes; cf Lk 11 38, where ej3a.TTTtff6ij is not dis puted). So one may doubt -r/fropei (6 20), and suspect it of being an Alexandrian correction for tiroift, which was more difficult and yet is finely appropriate.

      The most important textual problem is that of 16 9-20. Burgon and Miller and Salmon believe it to bo genuine. Miller supposes that up lo that point Mk had bi-en giving practically Peter s words, that for some reason those then failed him and that vs 9-20 are drawn from his own stores. The majority of scholars regard them as non-Markan; they think ver 8 is not the in tended conclusion; that if Mark ever wrote a conclusion, it has been lost, and that vs 9-20, embodying traditions of the Apostolic Age, were supplied later. Cony bean- has found in an Armenian MS a note referring these verses to the presbyter Ariston. whom lie identifies with that Aristion, a disciple of .John, of whom Papias speaks. Many therefore would regard them as authentic, and some accept them as clothed with John s authority. They are certainly very early, perhaps as early as 100 AD. and have the support of A( L>Xl A/, all late uncials, all cursives, most VSS and Fathers, and were known to the scribes of X and B, who, however, do not accept them.

      1 1 is just possible that the Gospel did end at ver 8. The very abruptness would argue an early date when Christians lived in the atmosphere of tin- Resurrection and would form an even appropriate closing for the (Jospel of the Servant (sec- below). A Servant conies, fulfils his task, and departs we do not ask about his lineage, nor follow his subsequent history.

      IV. Language. Mark employs the common

      coloquial Gr of the day, understood everywhere

      throughout the Gr-Rom world. It

      1. General was emphatically the language of the Character people, "known and read of all men."

      His vocabulary is equally removed from the technicalities of the schools and from the slang of the streets. It is the clean, vigor ous, direct speech of the sturdy middle

      2. Vocabu- class -

      lary Of his 1,33.0 words, 00 are proper names.

      Of the rest 79 are peculiar to Mk, so far as the T\\\\"T is concerned; 203 are found elsewhere only in the Synoptics, 15 only in John s Gos- pel, 23 only in Paul (including He), 2 in the Catholic Epp. (1 in .las, 1 in 2 Pet), 5 in the Apocalypse (see Sweie. Cumm. mi Si. . \\\\fcirl,-). Hat her more than a fourth of the 79 are non-classical as compared with one-seventh for Lk and a little more than one-seventh for Mt. Haw kins also gives a list of 33 unusual words or expressions. The most interesting of the single words are (r^onei-ov^, schizomSnous, ij /ufi , ejihien, /cio^on-dAeis, komopoleis, exf- <t>a\\\\i(a<rav, ckepliflllosan, TrpoauAior, jirunu! in n , and ort,

      hoti, in the sense of "why" (2 1(5; 9 11.2S); of the expressions, the distributives in 6 7.39 f and 14 19, the Hebraistic * < ^oflrjcrtTai, and OTH.C with indie. Of ordinary constructions the following are found with marked frequency: Kai (reducing his use of Se to half of Mt s or Lk s) , historic present (accounting for the very frequent use of At-yei instead of tln-ey), the peri phrastic imperfect, the art. with infinitives or sentences, participles, and prepositions.

      There are indications that the writer in earlier life was accustomed to think in Aramaic. Occasionally that fact shows itself in the retention of Arum, irordx which are proportionately rather more numerous than in Mt and twice as numerous as in Lk or Jn. The most inter esting of these are raAeiOd KOU/^, taleithd kuum, t<!f>ndd, ephii/inthd, and lioai rjpyt?, lioaiterue*, each uttered at a time of intense feeling.

      Liitinivmx in Mk are about half as numerous as Arama- isms. Thev number 11, the same as in Mt, as com

      pared with 6 in Lk and 7 in Jn. The greater proportion in Mk is the only really noteworthy fact in these figures. It suggests more of a Roman outlook and fits in with the common tradition as to its origin and authorship.

      For certain words he has great fondness: eutfik, 42 1; o/caflapi-o;, lit; pAeTTio, and its compounds very fre quently; SO eTTepujTar, uTrayeti , t joirta, eutryycAioi , TrpocrKa- Ae<.cr#ai, fTTLTL^av, compounds Of TTOpeiiea-flat, o-i ^TjTeii-, and Such graphic words as ^flan/StTa-flai, f^ftp^aa-Hai, irayKi,\\\\L-

      <,W#ai and 4>tfj.ovcrt>ai. The following he uses in an unusual

      Sense: fi-ei\\\\ev, Trvynfj, a?re^ei, eiri.fia\\\\u>i .

      The same exact and vivid representation of the facts of actual experience accounts for the anacolutha and Other broken constructions, e.g. 4 31 f; 5 23 ; 6 Hf; 11 32. Some are due to the insertion of explanatory clauses, as in 7 3-5; some to the introduction of a quo tation as in 7 1 1 f. These phenomena represent the same type of mind as we have already seen (II, 6 above).

      The style is very simple. The common con nective is Kal. The stately periods of the classics arc wholly absent. The narrative is

      3. Style commonly terse and concise. At

      times, however, a multitude of details are crowded in, resulting in unusual fulness of ex pression. This gives rise to numerous duplicate expressions as in 1 32; 2 25; 5 19 and the like, which become a marked feature of the style. The descriptions are wonderfully vivid. This is helped out by the remarkably frequent use of the historic present, of which there are 151 examples, as con trasted with 78 in Mt and 4 in Lk, apart from its use in parables. Mk never uses it in parables, whereas Mt lias 15 cases and Lk 5. Jn has 1(52, a slightly smaller proportion than Mk on the whole, but rather larger in narrative parts. But Mk s swift passing from one tense to another adds a variety and vividness to the narrative not found in Jn.

      That the original language was Gr is the whole impression made by patristic references. Trans lations of the Gospel are always from,

      4. Original not into, Gr. It was the common Ian- Language guage of the Rom world, esp. for

      letters. Paul wrote to the Romans in Gr. Half a century later Clement wrote from Rome to Corinth in Gr. The Gr Mk bears the stamp of originality and of the individuality of the author.

      Some have thought it was written in Lat. The only real support for that view is the subscription in a few

      MSS (e.g. 160, Itil, eyp<i<H Tui/xai o-Ti e> Tiojufl, ci/i ii/ilie

      Rhoma istl en Rhomil) and in the Peshitta and Harclean Syr. It is a mistaken deduction from the belief that it was written in Rome or due to the supposition that "in terpreter of Peter" meant that Mark tr 1 Peter s discourses into Lat.

      Blass contended for an Aram, original, believing that Lk, in the first part of Acts, followed an Aram, source, and that that source was by the author of the Second Gospel which also, therefore, was written in Aramaic. He felt, moreover, that the text of Mk suggests several forms of the Gospel which are best explained as tr a of a common original. Decisive against the view is the tr of the few Aram, words which are retained.

      V. Authorship. The external evidence for the authorship is found in the Fathers and the MSS. The most important patristic state- 1. External ments are the following: Evidence />,, ; ,,; as _ Asia Minor, c 125 AD (quoted

      by Phis.. HE, III, 39): "And this also the elder said: Mark, having become the interpreter [sp/nqn-i - rrjs, hermeiicutf x] of Peter, wrote accurately whathe remem bered (or recorded) of the things said or done by Christ, but not in order. For he, neither heard the Lord nor fol lowed Him; but afterward, as I said [he attached himself to] Peter who used to frame his teaching to meet the needs [of his hearers], but not as composing an orderly account [tnivTa^iv, xiintaxin] of the Lord s discourses, so that Mark committed no error in thus writing down some filings as he remembered them: for lie took thought for one tiling not to omit any of the things he had heard nor to falsify anything in them."

      Justin Mnrtijr Palestine and the West, c 150 AD (In Dinl. u-ith Tri/plnt, cvi, Migne ed ) : "And when it is said that He imposed on one of the apostles the name Peter, and when this is recorded in his Memoirs with this other fact that He named the two sons of Zebedee Boanerges, which means Sons of Thunder. " etc.

      Irenaeiif! Asia Minor and (Jaul, c 175 AD (Adv. liner., iii.l, (moled in part Kus., UK, V, N): "After the



      apostles wore clothed with the power of the Holy Spirit and fully furnished for the work of universal evangel ization, they went out ["exierunt," in Ruu uus tr] to the ends of the earth preaching the gospel. Matthew went eastward to those of Heb descent and preached to them in their own tongue, in which language ho also [had ?] published a writing of the gospel, while Peter and Paul went westward and preached and founded the church in Rome. But after the departure [efcxW, "exitum" in Ruflnus] of these, Mark, the disciple and interpreter [ep^i tui^s, hermeneiites] of Peter, even ho has delivered to us in writing the things which were preached by Peter."

      Clement of Alt jcnndrin C 200 AD (Hypotyp. in Ells., HE, VI, 14): "The occasion for writing the Gospel ace. to Mk was as follows: After Peter had publicly preached the word in Rome and declared the gospel by the Spirit, many who were present entreated Mark, as one who had followed him for a long time and remembered what ho said, to write down what he had spoken, and Mk, after composing the Gospel, presented it to his petitioners. When Peter became awaro of it ho neither eagerly hin dered nor promoted it."

      Also (Etis., HE, II, 15): "So charmed were tho Romans with the light that shone in upon their minds from the discourses of Peter, that, not contented with a single hearing and the viva voce proclamation of the truth, they urged with the utmost solicitation on Mark, whose Gospel is in circulation and who was Peter s attendant, that he would leave them in writing a record of the teaching which they had received by word of mouth. They did not give over until they had pre vailed on him; and thus they became the cause of the composition of the so-called Gospel according to Mk. It is said that when tho apostle knew, by revelation of the Spirit, what was done, lie was pleased with the eager ness of the men and authorized the writing to be read in the churches."

      Tertullian North Africa, c 207 AD (Adv. Marc., Iv. 5) : He speaks of tho authority of the four Gospels, two by apostles and two by companions of apostles, "not excluding that which was published by Mark, for it may be ascribed to Peter, whose interpreter Mark was."

      Orii/en Alexandria and the East, c 240 AD ("Comm. on Mt" quoted in Kus., HE, VI, 25): "The second is that according to Mk who composed it, under the- guid ance of Peter [ws Iltrpo? ixln^y^aaro aiirw, has Pe/ros huphegtsato auto], who therefore!, in his Catholic ep., acknowledged the evangelist as his son."

      Eusebius Caesarea, c 325 AD (Dem. Evang., Ill, 5): "Though Peter did not undertake, through excess of diffidence, to write a Gospel, yet it had all along been currently reported, that Mark, who had become his familiar acquaintance and attendant [ KO.I ^OITTJTIJ?, gnbrimos kai phoitetts] made memoirs of [or recorded, airo- /j.vr)[j.oi>evcra.i, apomncmoneusai) the discourses of Peter concerning the doings of Jesus." "Mark indeed writes this, but it is Peter who so testifies about himself, for all that is in Mk are memoirs (or records) of tho discourses of Peter."

      Epiphanius Cyprus, C 350 AD (Tlaer., 41): "But immediately after Matthew, Mark, having become a follower [a>c6\\\\ov0os, akolouthos] of the holy Peter in Rome, is entrusted with the putting forth of a gospel. Having completed his work, he was sent by the holy Peter into the country of the Egyptians."

      Jerome East and West, c 350 AD (De vir. illustr., viii): "Mark, disciple and interpreter of Peter, at the request of the brethren in Rome, wrote a brief Gospel in accordance with what he had heard Peter narrating. When Peter heard it ho approved and authorized it to be read in the churches."

      Also xi: "Accordingly he had Titus as interpreter just as the blessed Peter had Mark whoso Gospel was composed, Peter narrating and Mark writing."

      Preface Comm. on Mt: "The second is Mark, inter preter of the apostle Peter, and first bishop of the Alex andrian church; who did not himself sec the Lord Jesus, but accurately, rather than in order, narrated those of His deeds, which he had heard his teacher preaching."

      To these should be added the Muratorlan Fragment c 170 AD "which gives a list of the NT books with a brief account of the authorship of each. The account of Mt and most of that of Mk are lost, only these words relating to Mark being left: quibus tainen interfuit, et ita posuit " (see below).

      These names represent the ehurches of the 2d, 3d and 4th cents., and practically every quarter of the Rom world. Quite clearly the common opinion was that Mark had written a Gospel and in it had given us mainly the teaching of Peter.

      That our second Gospel is the one referred to in these statements there can be no reasonable doubt. Our four were certainly the four of Irenaeus and Tatian; and Salmon (Intro} has shown that the same four must have been accepted by Justin, Papias and their contemporaries, whether orthodox or Gnostics. Justin s reference to the surname

      "Boanerges" supports this so far as Mark is con cerned, for in the Gospel of Mk alone is that fact mentioned (3 17).

      A second point is equally clear that the Gospel of Mk is substantially Peter s. Mark is called dis ciple, follower, interpreter of Peter. Origen ex pressly quotes "Marcus, my son" (1 Pet 6 13 AV) in this connection. "Disciple" is self-explanatory. "Follower" is its equivalent, not simply a traveling companion. "Interpreter" is less clear. One view equates it with "translator," because Mark tr d either Peter s Aram, discourses into Gr for the Hellenistic Christians in Jerus (Adeney, et al.), or Peter s Gr discourses into Lat for the Christians in Rome (Swete, et al.). The other view that of the ancients and most moderns (e.g. Zahn, Salmon) is that it means "interpreter" simply in the sense that Mark put in writing what Peter had taught. The contention of Chase \\\\HDli, III, 247) that this was a purely metaphorical use has little weight because it may be so used here. The conflict in the testimony as to date and place will be considered below (VII).

      There is no clear declaration that Mark himself was a disciple of Jesus or an eyewitness of what he records. Indeed the statement of Papias seems to affirm the contrary. However, that statement may mean simply that he was not a personal dis ciple of Jesus, not that he had never seen Him at all.

      The Muratorian Fragment is not clear. Its broken sentence has been differently understood. Zahn com pletes it thus: " [ali] quibus tamen interfuit, et ita posuit ," and understands it to mean that "at some incidents [in the life of Jesus], however, he was present and so put them down." Chase (HDB) and others regard "quibus tamen" as a literal tr of the Gr oU Se, hots de, and believe the meaning to be that Mark, who had prob ably just been spoken of as not continuously with Peter, "was present at some of his discourses and so recorded them." Chase feels that the phrase following respecting Luke: " Dominum tamen nee ipse vidit in carne," compels the belief that Mark like Luke had not seen the Lord. But Paul, not Mark, may be there in mind, and further, this interpretation rather belittles Mark s association with Peter.

      The patristic testimony may be regarded as sum marized in the title of the work in our earliest MSS, viz. Kara lldpKov, katd Mdrkon. This phrase must refer to the author, not his source of informa tion, for then it would necessarily have been Kara Il^rpoj , katd Petron. This is important as throwing light on the judgment of antiquity as to the author ship of the First Gospel, which the MSS all entitle KO.T& ^la.6da?ov, katd Matthaion.

      The internal evidence offers much to confirm the tradition and practically nothing to the contrary. That Peter is back of it 2. Internal j s congruous with such facts as the following :


      (1) The many vivid details referred to above (III, 6) must have come from an eyewitness. Tho frequent use of Ae-yet, legci, in Mk and Mt where Lk uses eln-ei/, eipen, works in the same direction.

      (2) Certain awkward expressions in lists of names can best be explained as Mark s turning of Peter s original, e.g. 1 29, where Peter may have said, "We went home, James and John accompanying us." So in 1 36 (con trasted with Lk s impersonal description, Lk 4. 42 f) ; Mk 3 10; 13 3.

      (3) Two passages (9 6 and 11 21) describe Peter s own thought; others mention incidents which Peter would be most likely to mention: e.g. 14 37 and vs 66- 72 (esp. impf. ripvelro, ernetto); 16 7; 7 12-23 (in view of Acts 10 15).

      (4) In 3 7 the order of names suits Peter s Galilean standpoint rather than that of Mark in Jerus Galilee, Judaea, Jerus, Peraea, Tyre, Sidon. The very artlessness of these hints is the best kind of proof that wo are in touch with one who saw with his own eyes and speaks out of his own consciousness.

      (5) Generally Mark, like Matthew, writes from the standpoint of the Twelve more frequently than Luke; and Mark, more frequently than Matthew, from the stand point of the three most honored by Jesus. Cf Mk 5 37 with Mt 9 23, where Mt makes no reference to the three;



      the unusual order of the names in Lk s corresponding passage (8 51) suggests that James was his ultimate source. The language of Mk 9 14 is clearly from one of the three, Lk s may he, but Mt s is not. The con trast in this respect between the common synoptic material and Lk 9 51 18 14 lends weight to this con sideration.

      ((>) The scope of the Gospel which corresponds to that outlined in Peter s address to Cornelius (Acts 10 :i7-41).

      (7) The book suits Peter s character impressionable rather than reflective, and emotional rather than logical. To such men arguments are of minor importance. It is deeds that count (Burton, Shurt Intro).

      It may seem to militate against all this that the three; striking incidents in Peter s career narrated in Mt 14 2S-:5I{ (walking on the water), 17 2-1-27 (tribute money), anil 16 10-19 (the church and the keys), should be omitted in Mk. But this is just a touch of that fine courtesy and modesty which companionship with Jesus bred. Wo see John in his Gospel hiding himself in a similar way. These men are more likely to mention the things that reflect discredit on themselves. It is only in Mt s list of the Twelve that he himself is called "the publican." So "Peter never appears in a separate role in Mk except to receive a rebuke" (Bacon).

      As to 3f ark s authorship, the internal evidence 1 appears slight. Like the others, he docs not ob- truele himself. Yet for that very reason what hints there are become the more impressive.

      There may be something in Zahn s point that the description e>f John as brother of James is an unconscious betrayal of the fact that the author s own name was John. There are two other passages, however, which are clearer and which reinforce each other. The story of the youth in 14 ol seems to be of a different complexion from other Gospel incidents. But if Mark himself was the youth, its presence is explained and vindicated. In that case it is likely that the Supper was celebrated in his own home and that the upper room is the same as that in Acts 12. This is favored by the fuller description of it in Mk, esp. the word "ready" a most natural touch, the echo of the housewife s exclamation of satisfaction when everything was ready for the guests. It is made) almost a certainty when "wo compare: 14 17 with the parallels in Mt and Lk. Mt 26 20 reads: " Xow when even was come, he was sitting at meat with the twelve disciples"; Lk 22 14: "And when the hour was come, he sat down, and the apostles with him"; while 1 Mk has: "And whe n it was evening he comet h with the: twelve ." The last represents exactly the 1 standpoint of one in the home who sees Je-sus and the Twelve; approaching. (And how admirably the terms "the 1 twelve 1 disciples." "the apostles" and "the twelve" suit Mt, Lk, and Mk re spectively.) Such phenomena, unde signed (save 1 by the inspiring Spirit), are just those that would not have be-i-n invented later, and become the strongest attesta tion of the reliability of the tradition ami the historicity of the 1 narrative. Modern views opposed to this are touched upon in what follows.

      VI. Sources and Integrity. We have seen that, according to the testimony of the Fathers, Peter s preaching and teaching are at least the main source, anel that many features of the Gospel support that view. We have seen, also, subtle but weighty reasons for believing that Mark added a little himself. Neeel we seek further sources, or does inquiry resolve itself into an analysis of Peter s teaching?

      B. Weiss believes that Mark used a document now lost containing mainly sayings of Jesus, called Logia (L) in the earlier discussions, but now com monly known as Q. In that opinion he: has recently been joined by Sanday anel Streeter. Harnack, Sir John Hawkins and Wellhausen have sought to reconstruct Q on the basis of the non-Markan matter in Mt anel Lk. Allen extracts it from Mt alone, thinking that Mk also may have drawn a few sayings from it. Some assign a distinct source for ch 13. Streeter considers it a document written shortly after the fall of Jerus, incorporating a few utterances by Jesus and itself incorporated bodily by Mark. Other sources, oral or written, are postulated by Bacon for smaller portions and grouped under X. He calls the final redactor R not Mark but a Paulinist of a radical type.

      In fe>rming a judgment much depends upon one s conception of the teaching method of Jesus and the apostles. Teaching and preaching are not synony

      mous terms. Mt, sums up the early ministry iu Galilee under "teaching, preaching and healing," and gives us the substance of that teaching as it impressed itself upon him. Mk reports less of it, but speaks of it more frequently than either Mt or Lk. Jesus evidently gave teaching a very large place, and a large proport ion of the time thus spent was devoted to the special instruction of the inner circle of disciples. The range of that instruction was not wide. It was intensive rather than exten sive. He held Himself to the vital topic of the kingdom of God. He must have gone over it again anel again. He would not hesitate to repeat in structions which even chosen men found it so diffi cult to understand. Teaching by repetition was common then as it is now in the East. The word "catechize" (ACCITTJX^W, kafccficd) implies that, and that word is used by Paul of Jewish (Rom 2 IS) and by Luke of Christian teaching (Lk 1 4). See CATECHIST.

      The novelty in His teaching was not in method so much as in content, authority and accompany ing miraculous power (Mk 1 27). Certainly He was far removed from vain repetition. His supreme concern was for the spirit. Just as certainly He was not concerned about a mere reputation fe>r origi nality or for wealth and variety of resources. He was concerned about teaching the the truth so effectively that they would be prepared by intel lectual clearness, as we ll as spiritual sympathy, to make it known to others. Anel God by His Provi dence, so kind to all but so often thwarted by human self-will, was free to work His perfect work for Him and make all things work together for the further ance of His purpose. Thus incidents occur, sit uations arise and persons of all types appear on the scene, calling forth fresh instruction, furnishing illustration and securing the presentation of truth in fulness with proper balance anel emphasis and in right perspective.

      Thus before His death the general character of that kingele)in, its principles anel prospects, were taught. That furnished the warp for the future Gospels. The essence, the substance and general form we re the same for all the Twelve; but each from the standpoint of his own individuality saw particular aspects anel was impressed with special details. No one of them was large enough to grasp it all, for no one was so great as the Master. And it woulel be strange indeed, though perhaps not so strange as among us, if none of them wrote down any of it. Ramsay, Salmon and Palmer are quite justified in feeling that it may have been put in writing before the death of Je sus. It may well be that Matthew wrote it as it lay in his mind, giving us substantially Harnack s Q. John anel James may have done the same and furnished Luke his main special source. But whether it was written down then or not, the main fact to bo noted is that it was loelged in their minds, and that the substance was, and the details through mutual conference increasingly became 1 , the ir common possession. They did not understand it all His rising from the dead, for example. But the words were lodged in memory, and subsequent events made their meaning clear.

      Then follow the great events of His death and resurrection, and for forty days in frequent appear ances He taught them the things concerning the kingdom of Goel and expounded in all the Scriptures the things concerning Himself, esp. the necessity of His death and resurrection. These furnished the woof of the future Gospels. But even yet they are not equipped for their task. So He promises them His Spirit, a main part of whose work will be to bring to their remembrance all He had said, to lead them into all the truth, and show them things to



      conic. \\\\\\\\ licii lie has conic they will he ready to witness in power.

      The apostles concept ion of t heir tusk is indicated in some measure by IV tor when lie insisted that an indispensable qualification in a successor to Judas was that, he must have been with them from the beginning to the end of Christ s ministry, and so be conversant with His words and deeds. From the day of Pentecost onward they gave themselves preeminently to leaching. The thousands con verted on 1 hat day continued in the teaching of the apostles. \\\\Ylien the trouble broke out between Hebrews and Hellenists, the Seven were appointed because the apostles could not leave the word of Clod to serve tables. The urgency of this business may have been one reason why they stayed in Jerus when persecution scattered so many of the church (Acts 8 2). They were thus in close touch for years, not, only through the struggle between Hebrews and Hellenists, but until the admission of the gentile Cornelius and his friends by Peter had been solemnly ratified by the church in Jerus and possibly until the Council had declared against the contention that circumcision was necessary for sal vation. During these years they had every oppor tunity for mutual conference, and the vital im portance of the questions that arose would compel them to avail themselves of such opportunities. Their martyr-like devotion to Jesus would make them quick to challenge anything that might seem a misrepresentation of His teaching. The Acts account of their discussions at great crises proves that conclusively. To their success in training others and the accuracy of the body of catachetical instruction Luke pays line tribute when he speaks of the "certainty "or undoubted truth, of it (Lk 1 4). Thus Jesus post-resurrection expositions, the ex perience of the years and the guidance of the Spirit are the source and explanation of the apostolic presentation of the gospel.

      Of that company Peter was the recognized leader, and did more than any other to determine the, mold into which at least the post-resurrection teachings were cast. Luke tells us of many attempts to record them. He him self in his brief reports of Peter s addresses sketches their broad outlines. Mark, at the request of Rom Christians and with Peter s approval, undertook to give an adequate account. Two special facts intluenced the result one, the character of the people for whom he wrote; the other, the existence (as we may assume) of Matthew s (,). It would be natural for him to supplement rather than duplicate that apostolic summary. Moreover, since Q presented mainly the ethical or law side of Christianity the supplement would naturally present the gospel side of it and so become its complement while at the same time this presentation and the, needs of the people for whom he specially writes make it necessary to add something from the body of catechetical material, oral or written, not included in Q, as his frequent Kai tAe-yer, kal 6li </e.n, seems to imply (Buckley, 152 ff). So Mk s is "the, beginning of the Gospel." He intro duces Jesus in the act of symbolically devoting Himself to that death for our sins and rising again, which consti tutes th(! gospel and 1 lien entering upon His ministry by calling upon the people to "repent and believe in the gospel." The book is written from the standpoint of the resurrection, and gives the story of the passion and of the ministry in a perspective thus determined. About the same time it may be, Matthew, writing for Jewish Christians, combines this gospel side of the teaching with his own Q side of it, adding from the common stock or abridging as his purpose might suggest or space might demand. Later Luke does a similar service for Gr Christians (cf Harnack, The Twofold Gospel in the NT).

      The only serious question about the integrity of the book concerns the last twelve vs, for a dis cussion of which see under III above. Some have suggested that 1 1-13 is akin to 16 9-20, and may have been added by the same hand. But while vocabulary and connection are main arguments against the genuineness of the latter, in both these respects 1 1-13 is bound up with the main body of the book. Nor is there sufficient reason for deny ing ch 13 as a true report of what Jesus said.

      Wend ling s t heory of t hree strata assignable to three different writers historian, poet, and theologian is quite overdrawn. Barring the closing verses, there is nothing which can possibly demand any thing more than an earlier and a later edition by Mark himself, and the strongest point in favor of that is Luke s omission of 6 4~> 8 20. But Haw kins gives other reasons for that.

      VII. Date and Place of Composition. Ancient testimony is sharply divided. The Paschal Chroni cle puts it in -10 AD, and many AISS, both uncial and cursive (Harnack, Chronulixjie, 70, 124) 10 or 12 years after the Ascension. These Swete sets aside as due to the mistaken tradition that Peter began work in Koine in the 2d year of Claudius (42 AD). Similarly he would set aside the opinion of Chrysos- tom (which has some AISS subscriptions to support it) that it was written in Alexandria, as an error growing out of the statement of Eusebius (HE, II, lf>) that Mark went to Egypt and preached there the (Jospel he composed. This he does in deference to the strong body of evidence that it was written in Rome about the time of Peter s death. Still there remains a discrepancy between Irenaetis, as commonly understood, and the other Fathers. For, so understood, Irenaeus places it after the death of Peter, whereas Jerome, Epiphanius, Origen and Clement of Alexandria clearly place it within Peter s lifetime. But it does not seem necessary so to understand Irenaeus. It may be that it was com posed while Peter was living, but only published after his death. Christophorson (1">70 AD) had suggested that and supported it by the conjectural emendation of eKSoatv, ekdosin, "surrendering," "imprisonment," for e&Sov, exodon, in Irenaeus. Crabe, Mill and others thought Irenaeus referred, not to Peter s death, but to his departure from Rome on further missionary tours. But if we take exodon in that sense, it is better to understand by it departure from Pal or Syria, rather than from Rome. Irenaeus statement that the apostles were now fully furnished for the work of evangelization (Adv. liner., iii.l) certainly seems to imply that they were now ready to leave Pal ; and his next statement is that Matthew and Mark wrote their respective Gospels. And Eusebius (HE, III, 24) states ex plicitly that Matthew committed his Gospel to writ ing "when he was about" to leave Pal "to goto other peoples." The same may very possibly be true of Alark. If the fact be that Romans in Caesarea or Antioch made the request of Alark, we can easily understand how, by the time of Irenaeus, the whole incident might be transferred to Rome.

      If this view be adopted, the date would probably not be bc fore the council at Jerus and the events of Gal 2 11 ff. It is true the NT hints are that the apostles had left Jerus before; that, but that they had gone beyond Syria is not likely. At any rate, at the time of the clash at Antioch they had not be come so clear on the question touching Jews and Gentiles in the church as to be "fully furnished for the work of universal evangelization." But may it not be that Paul s strong statement of the seriousness of their error actually did settle those questions in the minds of the leaders? If so, and if, with new vision and ardor, they turn to the work of world-wide evangelism, that would be a natural and worthy occasion for the composition of the Gospel. The place may be Caesarea or Antioch, and the date not earlier than 50 AD. This is the simplest synthesis of the ancient testimony. Alod- ern opinion as to date has ranged more widely than the ancient. Baur and Strauss were compelled by their tendency and mythical theories to place it in the 2d cent. Recent criticism tends strongly to a date in the sixties of the 1st cent., and more com monly the later sixties. This is based partly on



      hints in tlic Gospel itself, })artly on its relation to Mt and Lk. The hints usually adduced are 2 20 and 13. The former, representing the temple as still standing, has force only if the relative clause be Mark s explanatory addition. Ch 13 has more force because, if Jems had already fallen, we might expect some recognition of the fact.

      _ Two other slight hints may be mentioned. The omis sion by the synoptists of the raising of Lazarus, and of the name of Mary in connection with the anointing of Jesus argues an early date when mention of them might have been unpleasant foi the family. When the Fourth (iospel was published, they may have been no longer alive. The description of John as the brother of James (5 37) may also take us back to an early date when James was the more honored of the two brothers though the unusual order of the names may be due, as Zalm thinks, to the author s instinctively distinguishing that John from himself.

      The relation of Mk to Mt and Lk is important if the very widespread conviction of the priority of Mk be true. For the most likely date for Acts is 62 AD, as suggested by the mention of Paul s two years residence in Rome, and Luke s Gospel is earlier than the Acts. It may well have been written at Caesarea about GO AD: that again throws Mk back into the fifties.

      The great objection to so early a date is the amount Of detail given of the destruction of Jerus. Abbott and others have marshaled numerous other objections, but they have very little weight most of them indeed are puerile. The real crux is that to accept an earlier date than 70 AD is to admit predictive prophecy. Yet to deny that, esp. for a believer in Christ, is an unwarranted pre-judgment, and even so far to reduce it as to deny its presence in this passage is to charge Luke a con fessedly careful historian with ascribing to Jesus state ments which He never made.

      The eagerness to date Mt not earlier than 70 is due to the same feeling. But the problem here is compli cated by the word "immediately" (24 29). Some regard that as proof positive that It must have been written before the destruction of Jerus. Others (e.g. Allen and Tlummer) feel that it absolutelv forbids a date much later than 70 AD, and consider 75 AD as a limit. But is it not possible that by trfltw?, eutheds (not irapaxpfifia, parachrima) , Christ, speaking as a prophet, may have meant no more than that the next great event comparable with the epochal overthrow of Judaism would be His own return and that the Divine purpose marches straight on from the one to the other? The XT nowhere says that the second advent would take place within that generation. See below under " Eschatology." There is therefore no sufficient reason in the Olivet discourse for dating Lk or Mt later than (JO AD, and if Mk is earlier, it goes back into the fifties.

      VIII. Historicity. Older rationalists, like Paul- us, not denying Mark s authorship, regarded the miraculous elements as misconceptions of actual events. Strauss, regarding these as mythical, was compelled to postulate a 2d-cent. date. When, however, the date was pushed back to the neighbor hood of 70 AD, the historicity was felt to be largely established. But recently the theory of "prag matic values" has been developed; Bacon thus states it: "The key to all genuinely scientific appreciation of Bib. narrative .... is the recognition of motive. The motive .... is never strictly historical but always aetiological and frequently apologetic. .... The evangelic tradition consists of so and so many anecdotes, told and retold for the pur pose of explaining or defending beliefs and practices of the content pantry church" (Modern Comm., Be ginnings of Compel Story, 9). Bacon works out the method with the result that Mk is charged again and again with historical and other blunders. This view, like Baur s tendency-theory, has elements of truth. One is that the vocabulary of a later day may be a sort of necessary tr of the original expres sion. But tr is neither invention nor perversion. The other is that each author has his purpose, but that simply determines his selection and arrange ment of material; it neither creates nor misrepre sents it if the author be honest and well informed. The word "selection" is advisedly chosen. The

      evangelists did not, lark material- Each of (lie Twelve had personal knowledge beyond the con tent, of Q or of Mk. These represent the central orb the one the ethical, the other the evangelic side of it but there; were rays of exceeding bright ness radiating from it in all directions. Luke s introduction and John s explicit declaration attest that fact. And neither John nor Luke throws the slightest suspicion on the reliability of the material they did not use. There is no sufficient reason for charging them with misstating the facts to make a point. Bacon seems to trust any other ancient writers or even his own imagination rather than the evangelists. The test becomes alto gether too subjective. Yet since Christianity is a historical revelation, perversion of history may become perversion of most vital religious teaching. In the last analysis, the critic undertakes to decide just what Jesus could or could not have done or said. The utter uncertainty of the result is seen by a comparison of Schmiedel and Bacon. The former is sure that the cry "My God, my God, why hast thoti forsaken me" is one of the ve ry few gen uine sayings of Jesus; Bacon is equally sure that Jesus could not have uttered it. Bacon also charges Mark with "immoral crudity" because in 10 45 he reports Jesus as saying that He came "to give his life a ransom for [dtrt, anti] many." Thus on two most vital mallei s he charges the evangelists with error because they run counter to his own reli gious opinions.

      Plummer s remark is just (Comm. on Mt,\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ii): "To decide a priori that Deity cannot become in carnate, or that incarnate Deity must exhibit such and such characteristics, is neither true philosophy nor scientific criticism." And A. T. Robertson ("Mt" in Bible for Home and School, 26): "The closer we get to the historic Jesus the surer we feel that lie lived and wrought as He is reported in the Synoptic Gospels." The evangelists had oppor tunities to know the facts such as we have not. The whole method of their training was such as to secure accuracy. They support each other. They have given us sketches of unparalleled beauty, vigor and power, and have portrayed for us a Person moving among men absolutely without sin a standing miracle. If we cannot trust them for the facts, there is little hope of ever getting at the facts at all.

      IX. Purpose and Plan. Mark s purpose was to write down the (iospel as Peter had presented it to Romans, so say the Fathers, at least, 1. The and internal evidence supports them.

      Gospel for In any additions made by himself he Romans had the same persons in rnind. That the Gospel was for Gentiles can be seen () from the tr of the Aram, expressions in 3 17 (Boanerges), 5 41 (Talitha cumi), 7 11 (Cor- ban), 10 40 (Bartimaeus), 14 36 (Abba), 15 22 (Gol gotha); (b) in the explanation of Jewish customs in 14 12 and 15 42; (c) from the fact that the Law is not mentioned and the OT is only once qtioted in Mark s own narrative; (d) the gentile sections, esp. in chs 6-8.

      That it was for Romans is seen in (a) the ex planation of a Gr term by a Lat in 12 42; (6) the preponderance of works of power, the emphasis on authority (2 10), patience and heroic endurance (10 17 ff); (c) 10 12 which forbids a practice that was not Jewish but Rom. Those who believe it was written at Rome find further hints in the men tion of Rufus (15 21; cf Rom 16 13) and the re semblance between 7 1-23 and Rom 14. The Rom centurion s remark (15 39) is the Q.E.D. of the author, and bears the same relation to Mark s pur pose as Jn 20 31 to John s.

      But one cannot escape the feeling that we have

      Mark, Gospel Market



      in this Gospel the antitype of the Servant of Je hovah. A. 15. Davidson (OT Tlwol., 365) tells us that there are 1\\\\vo great figures around which Isaiah s thoughts gather the King and the Servant. The former rises "to the unsurpassable height of God with us, mighty (!od, teaching that in Him CJod shall be wholly present with His people." The Servant is the other. The former is depicted ii Mt, who also identifies Him with the Servant (12 IS f); the latter by Mk who identifies Him with the Messianic King (11 10; 14 62). Davidson sum marizes the description of the Servant : "(1) He is God s chosen; (2) He has a mission to establish judgment on the earth The word is His in strument and the Lord is in the \\\\Yord, or rather He Himself is the impersonation of it; (3)_IIis en dowment is (lie Spirit, and an invincible faith; (4) There is in Him a marvelous combination of great ness and lowliness; (;")) There are inevitable suffer ings bearing the penalty of others sins; (6) He thus redeems Israel and brings light to the Gentiles. (7) Israel s repentance and restoration precede that broader blessing." It is not strange that this Serv ant-conception this remarkable blend of strength and submission, achieving victory through apparent defeat should appeal to Peter. He was himself an ardent, whole-souled man who knew both defeat and victory. Moreover, he himself had hired serv ants (Mk 1 20), and now for years had been a servant of Christ (cf Acts 4 29). That it did appeal 1o him and became familiar to the early Christians can be seen from Acts 3 13 and 4 30. In his First Ep. he has 17 references to Isaiah, 9 of which belong to the second part. Temperamentally Mark seems to have been like Peter. And his ex perience in a wealthy home where servants were kept (Acts 12 13), and as himself huperetes of apostles in Christian service, fitted him both to appreciate and record the character and doings of t hi; perfect servant the Servant of Jell. For Rom Christians that heroic figure would have a peculiar fascination.

      The plan of the Gospel seems to have been in fluenced by this conception. Christ s kingship was apprehended by the Twelve at a

      2. Plan of comparatively early date. It was the Gospel not until after the resurrection, when

      Jesus opened to them the Scriptures, that they saw Him as the Suffering Servant of Isa 53. That gave Peter his gospel as we haye already seen, and at the same time the general lines of its presentation. We see it sketched for Romans in Acts 10. That sketch is filled in for us by Mark. So we have the following analysis:

      Title: 1 1

      1. The Baptist preparing the way: 1 2-8; cf Isa 40 3 f . 2 Devotement of .Jesus to death for us and endowment by the Spirit: 1 9-13; cf Isa 42 l If.

      3. His greatness the Galilean Ministry: 1 14 8 30; cf Isa 4352 12.

      (1) In the synagogue: period of popular favor lead ing to break with Pharisaic Judaism: 1 14 3 <>.

      (2) Outside the synagogue: parabolic teaching of the multitude, choice and training of the Twelve and their (ireat Confession: 3 7 tf 8 30.

      4. His lowliness mainly beyond Galilee: 8 31 15; cf Isa 52 1353 9.

      (1) In the north announcement of death: 8 31 9 2 .*.

      (2) On the way to .Terns and the cross through Gali lee (9 30-50), Peraea (10 1-45) .Judaea (10 46- 52).

      (3) The triumphal entry into . Terns (11 1-11).

      (4) In Jerus and vicinity opposed by the leaders (11 12 1244); foretelling their doom (13); preparing for death (14 1-42); betrayed, con demned, crucified and buried in a rich man s tomb (14 43 15).

      5. His victory the resurrection: Ch 16; cf Isa 53 10-12. What follows in Isa is taken up in Acts, for the first part of which Peter or Mark may have been Luke s main source.

      Generally speaking the plan is chronological, but it is

      plain that the material is sometimes grouped according to subject-matter.

      This Servant -conception may also be the real explanation of some of the striking features of this Gospel, e.g. the absence of a genealogy and any record of His early life; the frequent use of the word "straightway"; the predominance of deeds; the Son s Tiot knowing the day (13 32); and the abrupt, ending at 16 8 (see III).

      X. Leading Doctrines. The main one, naturally,

      is the I cmon of Christ. The thesis is that He is

      Messiah, Son of God, Author (Source)

      1. Person ofthegospel. The first half of the book of Christ closes with the disciples confession of

      His Messiahship; the second, with the supreme demonstration that He is Son of God. Introductory to each is the Father s declaration of Him as His Beloved Son (1 11; 9 7). That the sonship is unique is indicated in 12 G and 13 32. At the same time He is the Son of Man true man (4 38; 8 5; 14 34); ideal man as absolutely obe dient to God (10 40; 14 36), and Head of humanity (2 10.28), their rightful Messiah or King (11; 14 G2) yet Servant of all (10 44 f); David s Son and David s Lord (12 37). The unique Sonship is the final explanation of all else, His power, His knowl edge of both present (2 5.8; 8 17) and future (8 31; 10 39; 14 27; 13), superiority to all men, whether friends (1 7; 9 3 IT) or foes (12 34), and to super human beings, whether good (13 32) or evil (1 13. 32; 3 27).

      The Father speaks in 1 11; 97; is spoken of in

      13 32; and spoken to in 14 36. The usual dis

      tinction between His fatherhood in

      2. The relation to Christ and in relation to us Trinity is seen in 11 25; 12 6 and 13 32.

      The Spirit is mentioned in 1 8.10.12; 3 29 and 13 11. The last passage especially im plies His personality.

      As to salvation, the Son is God s final messenger (12 6) ; He gives His life a ransom instead of many

      (10 45); His blood shed is thus the blood

      3. Salva- of the covenant (14 24); that involves tion for Him death in the fullest sense, in cluding rupture of fellowship with God

      (15 34). From the outset He knew what was before Him only so can His baptism be explained (1 5.11; cf 2 20); but the horror of it was upon Him, esp. from the transfiguration onward (10 32;

      14 33-36); that was the Divine provision for sal vation: He gave His life (10 45). The human condition is repentance and faith (1 15; 2 5; 6 34.36; 6 5; 9 23; 16 16), though He bestows lesser blessings apart from personal faith (1 23-26 5 1-20; 6 35-43). The power of faith, within the will of God, is limitless (11 25); faith leads to doing the will of God, and only such as do His will are Christ s true kindred (3 35). Salvation is possible for ( lentilc as well as Jew (7 24-30).

      The eschatology of this Gospel is found chiefly

      in 8 34 9 1 and 13. In 9 1 we have a prediction

      of the overthrow of Jerus which is here

      4. Escha- given as a type and proof of His final tology coming for judgment and reward which

      He has had in mind in the preceding verses. Ch 13 is a development of this the de struction of Jerus being meant in vs 5-23 and 28- 31, the final coming in vs 24-27 and 32. The dis tinction is clearly marked by the pronouns ravra, tauta, and tKeiv-qs, ekeines, in vs 30 and 32 (cf Mt 24 34.36). In each passage (91; 13 30) the fall of Jerus is definitely fixed as toward the close of that generation; the time of the latter is known only to the Father (13 32). Between Christ s earthly life and the Second Coming He is seated at the right hand of God (12 36; 16 19). The resurrection which He predicted for Himself (8 31; 9 31; 10



      Mark, Gospel Market

      34) and which actually took place (ch 16), He affirms for others also (12 24-27).

      LITERATURE. The works marked with the asterisk are specially commended; for very full list see Moirat s Intro.

      Commentaries: Fritzsche, 1830; Olshausen, tr<i 1863; J. A. Alexander, 1863; Lange, tr<i 1866; Meyer,* 1866, Amor, ed, 1884; Cook, Speaker s Comm., 1878; Plumptre, Ellicott x, 1879; Kiddle, Schaff s, 1879; W. N. Clarke, Amer. Comm., 1881; Lindsay, 1883; Broadus,* 1881 and 1905; Morison, *18S9; H. G. Holtzmann 3 , 1901; Maclean. Cambridije Hi hie, 1893; Gould, ICC, 1896; Bruce,* Expos ( ,,- Test., 1897; B. Weiss. Meyer, 1901; Menzies, The Earliest Gospi /, 1901 ; Salmond, Century Bible; Wellhausen 2 , 1909; Swete,* 1908; Bacon, The Beninnim/s of Gospel Slur i/, 1909; Wohlenberg, /aim s Series. Dun Evangelium des Markus, 1910. For the earlier see Swete.

      Introduction: Kichhorn. 182, : Credner, 1836; Schleiermacher, 1S45; De Wotte. 18(10; Bleek. 18611, tr 1 1883; Keuss, 1874, tr< 1884; B. Weiss.* 2J ed, tpi

      al)ove, and in II DR, II, 234 fT; Turner.* "Chronology of NT," IIDH, I, 403 If; J. J. Scott,* The Makiiuj of the. Gospels, 1905; Burkitt,* Gospel History it ml Its Trans mission, 1906; Salmon, Human Element in the Gospels. 1907; Harnack.* Gesch. der tiltrhristl. Lit., I, 1893; II, 2d ed, 1904; Beitruyc zur Einlcitung in das NT, 4 vols, tr<i in "Crown Theol. Lib.." Luke the Physician, 1907; The Sayiiiys of Jesus, 1908; The. Arts of the Apostles, 1909; The Date of the Acts and of the Syn. Gospels, 1911; Monteflore, The Synoptic Gospels, 1909; Hawkins,* Home Synopticae, 2d ed, 1909; Donney,* Jesus ami the Gospel; Cambridge liihlieal Essays, * ed by Swete, 1909; Oxford Studies in. the SI/H. Problem,* ed by Sanday, 1911; Salmond.* HDH. III. 24s if; Maclean,* DC G, II. 120 f;

      Petrie, Growth of Gospels Shou-n hi/ Structural Criticism, 1910; Buckley,* Intro to Sunoptir J roblem. 1912.

      The Language: Dalman,* Words of Jesus, tH 1909; Deissmann,* Bible Studies, tr<i 1901; Li.-/ht from the Ancient East, tpi 1910; Allen. Expos, I, ET, 1902; Marshall, Expos. 1891-94; Wellhausen.* Einl; Hatch, Essays in Bib. Gr, 1889; Swete and Hawkins.


      1886; 3ded, 1897; H. J. Holtzmann.* 1892; Th. Zahn,* 1897, tpJ 1909; Godet. 1S99; .1 iilicher". 1906; von Soden. 1905, tr<< 1906; Wendling, Ur-Marcus, 1905; A. Muller, Geschichtskerne in den Evang., 1905; Wrcdo, Oriyin of NT Scriptures, 1907, tr<i 1909; Home, 1875; West cot t,* Intro to Study of Gospels, 7th ed, 1888, and The Canon, 6th ed, 1889; Salmon,* 1897; Adeney, 1899; Bacon, 1900; Burton, 1904; Molfat,* Historical XT, 1901; Intro to Lit. of NT, 1911; Peake, 1909; Gregory, Einl. 1909; Charteris, Canonicity, 1881; The NT Scriptures,* 18S2, and popular Intros by Plumptre, 1883; Lumby, 1883; Kerr. 1892; McClymont,* 1893; Dods.* 1894- LIghtfoot, Essays onthe Work Entitled Supernatural Religion. 1889; Sanday,* Gospel* in the 3d Cent., 1874; Stanton,* Gospels as Historical Documents. I, 1903; II, 1909.

      Mark and the Synoptic Problem: Rushbrooke, Synopticon, 1880; Wright,* Synopsis of the Gospels in Greek, 3d ed, 1900; Composition of the Four Gospels, 1890; Some. NT Problems. 1898; H. J. Holtzmann, Die synopt. Eramj., 1863; Weizsiicker, L ntersuch. uber die evany. Gesch., 2d ed, 1901; Wernle, Die synopt. Fray, 1899; Loisy, Les ev. syn., 1908; Wellhausen, Einl in die drei erslcn Evany., 1905; Blass, Origin and Char, of Our Gospels, ET, xviii; Norton, Internal Erid. of the Genuineness of the Gospels, 1847; K. H. Woods, Stud. Bibl., II, 594; Palmer,* Gospel 1 roblems and Their Solution, 1899; J. A. Robinson,* The Study of the Gos pels, 1902; Gloag,* Intro to the Synoptic Gospels; Burton,* Some Principles of Lit. Criticism and Their Application to the Synoptic Problem, 1904; Stanton,* as

      Text: WIT. Intro to XT in. Gr; Salmon. Intro, oh ix; Gregory, Te.rt and Canon; Morison* and Swete,* in Comm. ; Burgon, /,</.-/ Twelve Verses.

      Special: Schweizer,* Quest of the Historical Jesus, 1910; Sanday, Life of Christ in Recent Research: Emmet, Eschatological Question in. the Gospels, 1911; Hogg. Christ s .\\\\fcssaae of the Kimidom, 1911; Forbes, The Sen-nut of the Lord, 1890; Davidson, OT Theology.

      J. H. FARMER

      MARKET, iiKir ket, MARKETPLACE, nuir kct- plas, MART, mart P"}"^3 , ma arCMi, "IHO , mhar; d-yopel, (ujoni): (1) Mtfarnbh, from a root meaning "1 radius ^nd hence goods exclianged, and so "merchandise" in RV, "market" in AV, occurs only in Ezk 27, and is tr 1 correctly "mer chandise" in both ERV and ARV. (2) Sahar means a "trading emporium," hence mart, and mer chandise. It occurs only in Isa 23 3 (see MKR- CHANDISE). (3) Agora, from root meaning "to collect," means a "town meeting-place," "resort of the people," so a place where the public generally met to exchange views and wares. No doubt, the central place soon filling up, the people thronged the adjoining streets, and so in time each street

      Market, Sheep Marriage



      Ilius used came to be called mjnrii, marketplace"; tr d "marketplace[s]" in I Esd 2 IS; Tob 2 3; Mt, 11 Id; 20 3; 23 7; Mk 6 :>(>; 7 4; 12 3S; Lk 7 32; 11 43; 20 4(1; Acts 16 10; 17 17; "Market of Appius" in Acts 28 1/3 means, probably, "street" (see- APPII FOUUM).

      The marketplace in XT times was the public open space, either simple or ornate, in town, city or country, where (Mk 6 ;">(>) the people congre gated, not only for exchange of merchandise, but for one or more of the following purposes: (1) a place where the children came together to sing, dance and play, a "back-to-date" municipal recreation center (Mt 11 16.17; Lk 7 32); (2) a plan; for loafers, a sort of ancient, irresponsible labor bureau where; the out-of-work idler waited the coming of an em-

      Going to Market.

      plover with whom he might bargain for his services, usually by the day (Mt 20 1-16); (3) a place where the proud pretender could parade in long robes and get public recognition, ".salutations in the market-places," e.g. the scribes and Pharisees against whom Jesus emphatically warns His dis ciples (Mt 23 3-7; Mk 12 3<S; Lk 11 43; 20 46); (4) a place where the sick were brought for treat ment, the poor man s sanatorium, a municipal hospital; Jesus "who went about doing good" often found His opportunity there (Mk 6 56); (5) a place of preliminary hearing in trials, where the accused might be brought before rulers who were; present at the time, e.g. Paul and Silas at Philippi (Acts 16 19); (6) a place for religious and prob ably political or philosophical discussion (gossip also), a forum, a free-speech throne; no doubt often used by the early apostles not only as a place of proclaiming some truth of the new religion but also a place of advertisement for a coming synagogue service, e.g. Paul in Athens (Acts 17 17).

      \\\\Yisd 15 12 (AV) has "They counted . . . our time here a market for gain," RV "a gainful fair," m "a keeping of festival," (Jr iravriyvpi(rfj.6s, paneyurix- inox, "an assembly of all." Such assemblies offered particular opportunities for business dealings.



      MARMOTH, mar moth, mar moth (B, Ma P( xw0i, Marmotlii, A, MapfxaGC, Marniathi): "The priest the son of Trias to whom were committed the silver and gold for the temple by the returning exiles (1 Esd 8 62) = "Meremoth" in |j Ezr 8 33.

      MAROTH, ma roth, ma rdth (PITO , maroth; [KaroiKoOcra] oSxivas, [kdtoikousa] odunas): An

      unknown (own probably in the Pliili plain, named by Micah (1 12).

      MARRIAGE, mai ij: Introductory

      Scope and Viewpoint of tile Present Article 1. Marriage among tile Hebrews 2. Betrothal the First Formal Part >. Wedding Ceremonies

      4. Jesus Sanction of the Institution

      5. His Teaching concerning Divorce LITERATURE

      It would be interesting to study marriage biologically and sociologically, to get the far and near historical and social background of it as an institution, esp. as it existed among the ancient Jews, and as it figures in the teaching of Jesus as recorded in the NT. For, like all social in stitutions, marriage, and the family which is the out come of marriage, must be judged, not by its status at any particular time, but in the light of its history. Such a study of it would raise a host of related historic ques tions, e.g. What was its origin ? What part has it played in the evolution and civilization of the race? What social functions has it performed ! And then, as a sequel, Can the services it has rendered to civilization and progress be performed or secured in any other way? This, indeed, would call for us to go back even farther to try to discover the psychology of the institution and its history, the beliefs from which it has sprung and by which it has survived so long. This were a task well worth while and amply justified by much of the thinking of our time; for, as one of the three social institutions that support the much challenged form and fabric of modern civilization, marriage, private property and the state, its continued existence, in present form at least, is a matter of serious discussion and its abolition, along with the other two, is confidently prophesied. "Mar riage, as at present understood, is an arrangement most closely associated with the existing social status and stands or falls with it" (Hebel. S<iriulim and .S ex, 1!)9, Reeves, London; Tlir Cooperative Commonwealth in Its Outline, Gronlund, 224). But such a task is entirely outside of and beyond the purpose of this article.

      Neither the Bible in general, nor Jesus in par ticular, treats of the family from the point of view of the historian or the sociologist, but solely from that of the teacher of religion and morals. In short, their point of view is theological, rather than sociological. Moses and the prophets, no less than Jesus and His apostles, accepted marriage as an existing institution which gave rise to certain prac tical, ethical questions, and they dealt with it ac cordingly. There is nothing in the record of the teachings of Jesus and of His apostles to indicate that they gave to marriage; any new social content, custom or sanction. They simply accepted it as it existed in the conventionalized civilization of the Jews of their day and used it and the 1 customs con- needed with it for ethical or illustrative purposes. One exception is to be made to this general state ment, viz. that Jesus granted that because of the exigencies of the social development Moses had modified it to the extent of permitting and regu lating divorce, clearly indicating, however, at the same time, that He regarded such modification as out of harmony with the institution as at first given to mankind. According to the original Divine purpose it was monogamous, and any form of polyg amy, and apparently of divorce, was excluded by the Divine idea and purpose. The treatment of the subject here, therefore 1 , will be limited as follows: Marriage among the Ancient Hebrews and Other Semite s; Betrothal as the First Formal Part of the Transaction; Wedding Ceremonies Connected with Marriage, esp. as Re fle e teel in the 1 NT; and Jesus Sanction and Use of the Institution, Teaching concerning Divorce, etc.

      With the Hebrews married life was the normal life. Any exception calleul for apology and ex planation. "Any Jew who has not 1. Marriage a wife is no man" (Talmud). It was among the regarded as awaiting everyone on Hebrews reaching maturity; and sexual ma turity comes much earlier indeed in the East than with us in the West in what we call childhood. The ancient Hebrews, in common



      with all Orientals, regarded the family as the social unit. In this their view of it coincides with that, of modern sociologists. Of the three! great, events in the family life, birth, marriage, and death, mar riage was regarded as the most important. It was a step that led to the gravest tribal and family con sequences. In case of a daughter, if she should prove unsatisfactory to her husband, she would likely be returned to the ancestral home, discarded and discredited, and there would be almost inevi tably a feeling of injustice! engendered on one side, and a sense of mutual irritation between the families (Jgs 14 20; 1 8 18 19). If she failed to pass muster with her mother-in-law she would just as certainly have to go, and the results would be much the same (cf customs in China). It was a matter affecting the whole circle of relatives, and pos-

      Modorn Arab Marriage; Procession.

      sibiy tribal amity as well. It was natural and deemed necessary, therefore, that the selection of the wife and the arrangement of all contractual and financial matters connected with it should be decided upon by the parents or guardians of the couple involved. Though the consent of the parties was sometimes sought (Gen 24 8) and romantic; attachments were not unknown (Gen 29 20; 34 3; Jgs 14 1; 1 S 18 20), the; girl or woman in the case was not currently thought of as having a per sonal existence at her own disposal. She was simply a passive unit in the family under the protection and supreme control of father or brothers. In marriage-, she was pnctically the chattel, the purchased pos session and personal property of her husband, who was her ba al or master (Hos 2 10), she herself being b e *ulah (Isa 62 4). The control, however, was not always absolute (Gen 26 34; Ex 2 21). The bargaining instinct, so dominant among Orientals then as now, played a large part in the transaction. In idea the family was a little king dom of which the father was the king, or absolute ruler. There are many indications, not only that the family was the unit from which national coher ence was derived, but that this unit was perpetuated through the supremacy of the; oldest male. Thus society became patriarchal, and this is the key of the ancient history of the family and the nation. Through the expansion of the family group was evolved in turn the clan, the> tribe, the nation, and the authority of the father became! in turn t hat of the chief, the ruler, and the king. The Oriental cannot conceive, indeed, of any band, or clan, or company without a "father," even though there be no kith or kinship involved in the matter. The "father" in their thought, too, was God s representative, and as such he was simply carrying out God s purpose, for instance, in selecting a bride for his son, or giving the bride- to be married to the son of another. This

      Market, Sheep Marriage

      is as true of the far East as of the near East today. Accordingly, as a rule, the young people simply acquiesced, without, c|uc-stion or complaint, in what was thus done for them, accepting it as though God had clone! it directly. Accordingly, too, the family ami tribal loyally overshadowed love-making and patriotism, in the larger sense. Out of this idea of the solidarity and select ness of the tribe and family springs the overmastering desire of the Oriental for progeny, and tor the conservation of the family or the- tribe at any cost. He-nce the feuds, bloody and bitter, that persist between this family or tribe and another that has in any way violated this sacred law.

      Traces of what is known as be.ena marriage are found in the ()T, e.g. that of Jacob, where Laban claims Jacob s wives and children as his own (Oen 31 31 43) and that of Moses (Kx 2 21; 4 IS). This is that form or marriage in which the husband is incorporated into the wife s tribe, the children belonging to her tribe and descent being reckoned on her side (cf YV. Robertson Smith, Kin- sin i> and Marriage in Enrlij Araln,i, !)4). In Samson s case we seem to have an instance of what is known among Arabs as <;<ulkat marriage (from f,i<lnk, "gift"), the kid here being the customary <;a<lak (Jgs 14; 15 1; 16 4). There is no hint that he meant to take his wife home. It is differentiated from prostitution in that no disgrace is attached to it and the children are recognized as legiti mate by the tribe-. Such marriage s make it easier to un derstand the existence of the nintri,in-fnit<; or the custom of reckoning the descent of children and property through the mothers. The influence of polygamy would work in the same direction, subdividing the family into smaller groups connected with the several wive-s. There is, henv- e-ver, no clear evidence in the OTof puli/amlry (a plural ity of husbands), though the Levirate marriage is regarded by semie as a survival of it. In other words, polyuami/ among the Hebrews scorns to have been confined to polyg yny (a plurality of wives). It is e-asy to trace its chie f causes: (1) desire fe>r a numerous offspring ("May his tribe- increase! ") ; (2) barrenness e>f first wife; (as in Abra ham s case-;; (3) advantages offered by marital alliances (e.g. Solomon); (4) the custom e>f making wive-s of cap tives taken in war (cf Ps 45 3.0); (5) slavery, which as it existed in the Orient almost implied it.

      Betrothal with the ancient Hebrews was of a more formal and far more binding nature than the "en gagement" is with us. Indeed, it was 2. Be- este-e-mc el a part of the transaction of

      trothal marriage, and that the most binding

      part. Among the Arabs today it is the only legal ceremony connected with marriage-. Gen 24 f)S.GO seems to preserve for us an example of an ancient formula and blessing for such an occasion. Its central feature was the dowry (muh(ir), which was paid to the parents, not to the- bride. It may take the form of service (Gen 29; 1 S 18 2.)). It is customary in Syria today, whe-n the projected marriage is approved by both families, and all the financial preliminaries have been settled, to have this ceremony of betrothal. It, consists in the acceptance be-fore witnesses of the terms of the marriage^ as contracted for. Then God s blessing is solemnly asked on the union thus provided for, but to take place probably only after some months, or perhaps some years. The betrothal effected, all danger from any further financial fencing and bluff ing now be-ing at an end, happiness and harmony may preside ove-r all the arrangements for the mar riage day. Among the Je-ws the betrothal was so far regarded as binding that, if marriage shoulel not take place, owing to the absconding of the- bridegroom or the breach of contract on his part, the young woman could not be married to another man until she was liberated by a due process and a paper of divore-e-. A similar custom prevails in China and Japan, and in cases becomes very op pressive. The marriage may have been intended by the parents from the infancy of the parties, but this formality of betrothal is not entered on till the marriage; is considered reasonably certain and measurably near. A prolonged interval between betrothal and marriage was deemed undesirable on many accounts, though often an interval was

      Marriage Marsena



      needed thai, the groom might, render the stipulated service or pay (lie price say a year or two, or.jis in the case of .Jacob, it might be seven years. The betrothed parties were legally in the position of a married couple, and unfaithfulness was adultery" (Dt 22 23; Mt 1 19).

      Polygamy is likely to become prevalent only whore conditions are abnormal, as where there is _a dispropor tionate number of females, as in tribal life in a state of war. In settled conditions it is possible only to those able to provide "dowry" and support for each and all of the wives.

      The fact of polygamy in OT times is abundantly wit nessed in the cases of Abraham, Jacob, the judges, David, Solomon, etc. It was prevalent in Issachar (1 Ch 7 4); among the middle class (1 S 1 If). But it is treated, even in the OT, as incompatible with the Divine ideal (Gen 2 - *), and its original is traced to a deliberate departure from that ideal by Lamooh, the Cainite (Gen 4 I .O. Kings are warned against it (Dt 17 17; cf Gen 29 :u ; 30). Noah, Isaac and Joseph had each only one wife, and Bible pictures of domestic happiness are always connected with monog amy (2 K 4; I s 128; Vrov 31; cf Sir 25 1; 26 l.i:j). Marriage is applied figuratively, too, to the union between God and Israel, implying monogamy as the ideal state. Nevertheless, having the advantage oif precedent, it was long before polygamy fell into dis use in Hob society. Herod had nine wives at one time (Jos, Ant. XVII, "i, 2). Justin Martyr (Dial., 134, 141) reproaches Jews of his day with having "four or oven live wives," and for "marrying as many as they wish" (cf Talm). It was not definitely and formally forbidden among Jews until c 100O AD. It exists still among Jews in Moslem lands. Side by side with this practice all along has been the ideal principle (Gon 2 IS) re buking and modifying it. The legal theory that made the man "lord" of the wife (Gen 3 10; Tenth Com mandment) was likewise modified in practice by the affection of the husband and tin- personality of the wife.

      The difference between a mum bine, and a wife was largely due to the wife s birth and higher position and the fact that she was usually backed by relatives ready to defend her. A slave could not be made a concubine without the wife s consent (Gen 16 2).

      There is a disappointing uncertainty as to the

      exact ceremonies or proceedings connected with

      marriage in Bible, times. We have to

      3. Cere- paint our picture from passing allu-

      monies sions or descriptions, and from what

      wo know of Jewish and Arab, customs.

      In cases it would seem that there was nothing beyond

      betrothal, or the festivities following it (see Gen 24

      3 ff). Later, in the case of a virgin, an interval of

      not exceeding a year came to be observed.

      The first ceremony, the. wedding procession, appar ently a relic of marriage by capture (cf Jgs 5 30; Ps 45 15), was the first part of the proceedings. The bridegroom s "friends" (.In 3 29) went, usually by night, to fetch the bride and her attend ants to the home of the groom (Mt 9 15; Jn 3 29). The joyousness of it all is witnessed by the prover bial "voice of the bridegroom" and theory, "Behold the bridegroom oomoth!" (Jer 7 34; Rev 18 23). The procession was preferably by night, chiefly, we may infer, that those busy in the day might attend, and that, in accordance with the oriental love of scenic effects, the weird panorama of lights and torches might play an engaging and kindling part.

      The marriage supper then followed, generally in the home of the groom. Today in Syria, as Dr. Mackie, of Beirut, says, when both parties live in the same town, the reception, may take place in either home; but the older tradition points to the house of the groom s parents as the proper place. It is the bringing home of an already accredited bride to her covenanted husband. She is escorted by a company of attendants of her own sex and by male relatives and friends conveying on mules or by porters articles of furniture and decoration for the new home. As the marriage usually takes place in the evening, the house is given up for the day to the women who are busy robing the bride and making ready for the coming hospitality. The bridegroom is absent at the house of a relative or friend, where men congregate in the evening for the purpose of

      escorting him home. When he indicates that it, is time to go, all rise up, and candles and torches are supplied to those who are to form the procession, and they move off. It is a very picturesque sight to see such a procession moving along the unlighted way in the stillness of the starry night, while, if it be in town or city, on each side of the narrow street , from the flat housetop or balcony, crowds look down, and the women take up the peculiar cry of wedding joy that tells those farther along that the pageant has started. This cry is taken up all along the route, and gives warning to those who are wait ing with the bride that it is time to arise and light up the approach, and welcome the bridegroom with honor. As at the house where the bridegroom receives his friends before starting some come late, and speeches of congratulation have to be made, and poems have to be recited or sung in praise of the groom, and to the honor of his family, it is often near midnight when the procession begins. Mean while, as the night wears on, and the duties of robing the bride and adorning the house are all done, a period of relaxing and drowsy waiting sets in, as when, in the NT parable, both the wise and the foolish virgins were overcome with sleep. In their case the distant cry on the street brought the warning to prepare for the reception, and then came the discovery of the exhausted oil.

      Of the bridegroom s rotinnc only a limited number would enter, their chief duty being that of escort. They might call next day to oiler congratulations. An Arab, wedding rhyme says:

      "To the bridegroom s door went the torch-lit array. And then like goats they scattered away."

      With their dispersion, according to custom, the doors would be closed, leaving within the relatives and invited guests; and so, when the belated virgins of the parable hastened back, they too found themselves inexorably shut out by the etiquette of the occasion. The opportu nity of service was past, and they were 110 longer needed.

      At the home all things would be "made ready," if possible on a liberal scale. Jn 2 gives a picture of a wedding feast where the resources were strained to the breaking point. Hospitality was here esp. a sacred duty, and, of course, greatly ministered to the joy of the occasion. An oriental proverb is significant of the store set by it :

      "He who does not invite me to his marriage Will not have me to his funeral."

      To decline the invitation to a marriage was a gross insult (Mt 22).

      It was unusual in Galilee to have a "ruler of the feast" as in Judaea (Jn 2). There was no formal religious ceremony connected with the Hob mar riage as with us there is not a hint of such a thing in the Bible. The marriage was consummated by entrance into the "chamber," i.e. the nuptial chamber (Hob hedher), in which stood the bridal bed with a canopy (huppah), being originally the wife s tent ((!:>n 24 67; Jgs 4 17). In all lands of the dispersion the name is still applied to the embroidered canopy under which the contracting parties stand or sit during the festivities. In Arab. Syr and Heb the bridegroom is said to "go in" to the bride.

      A general survey of ancient marriage laws and customs shows that those of the Hebrews are not a peculiar creation apart from those of other peoples. A remarkable affinity to those of other branches of the Sem races esp., may be noted, and striking parallels are found in the CH, with regard, e.g., to betrothal, dowry, adultery and divorce. But modern researches have emphasized the relative purity of OT sexual morality. In this, as in other respects, the Jews had a message for the world. Yet we should not expect to find among them the Christian standard. Under the new dispensation



      Marriage Marsena

      the keynote is struck by Our Lord s action. The significance of His attending the marriage feast at Cana and performing His first miracle there can hardly be exaggerated. The act corresponds, too, with His teaching on the subject. He, no less than Paul, emphasizes both the honorable-ness of the estate and the heinousness of all sins against it.

      The most characteristic use of marriage and the family by Our Lord is that in which He describes

      the kingdom of God as a social order 4. Jesus in which the relationship of men to Use of the God is like that of sons to a father, Institution and their relation to each other like

      that between brothers. This social ideal, which presents itself vividly and continuously to His mind, is summed up in this phrase, "King dom of God," which occurs more than a hundred times in the Synoptic Gospels. The passages in which it occurs form the interior climax of His message to men. It is no new and noble Judaism, taking the form of a political restoration, that He proclaims, and no "far-off Divine event" to be real ized only in some glorious apocalyptic consum mation; but a kingdom of God "within you," the chief element of it communion with God, the loving relation of "children" to a "Father," a present, possession. Future in a sense it may be, as a result to be fully realized, and yet present; invisible, and yet becoming more and more visible as a new social order, a conscious brotherhood with one common, heavenly ^ Father, proclaimed in every stage of His teaching in spite of opposition and varying fortunes with unwavering certainty of its completion this is the "kingdom" that Jesus has made the inalien able possession of the Christian consciousness. His entire theology may be described as a transfigura tion of the family (see Peabody, Jesus Christ, and the Korinl Question, 149 ff ; Holtzmann, NT The- olof/i/, I, 200; Harnaek, History of Dotjnia, I, 62; 13. Weiss, Bib. Theol. of the NT, I, 72, ET, 1SS2).

      Beyond this Jesus frequently used figures drawn from marriage to illustrate His teaching concerning the coming of the kingdom, as Paul did concerning Christ and the church. There is no suggestion of reflection upon the OT teaching about marriage in His teaching except at one point, the modifi cation of it so as to allow polygamy and divorce. Everywhere He accepts and deals with it as sacred and of Divine origin (Mt 19 9, etc), but He treats it as transient, that is of the "flesh" and for this life only.

      A question of profound interest remains to be treated : Did Jesus allow under any circumstances the remarriage of a divorced person during the lifetime 6 Divorce of th(> I )artner to the marriage? Or did He allow absolute divorce for any cause whatsoever? Upon the answer to that question in every age depend momentous issues, social and civic, as well as religious. The facts bearing on the question are confessedly enshrined in the NT, and so the inquiry may be limited to its records. Accepting with the best scholarship the documents of the NT as emanating from the disciples of Jesus in the second half of the 1st cent. AD, the question is, what did these writers understand Jesus to teach on this subject ? If we had only the Gospels of Mark and Luke and the Epp. of Paul, there could be taut one answer given: Christ did not allow absolute divorce for any cause (see Mk 10 2ff; ; Lk 16 18; Gal 1 12; 1 Cor 7 10). The OT permission was a concession. He teaches, to a low moral state and standard, and opposed to the ideal of marriage given in Gen (2 23).

      "The position of women in that day was far from envi able. They could bo divorced on the slightest pretext, and had no recourse at law. Almost all the rights and privi leges of men were withheld from them. What Jesus said in relation to divorce was more in defence of the rights of the women of His time than as a guide for the freer, fuller life of our day. Jesus certainly did not mean to recommend a hard and enslaving life for women. His whole life was one long expression of full understanding of them and sympathy for them" (Patterson, The Measure of a Man, 181 f).

      Two sayings attributed to Christ and recorded by

      the writer or editor of the First Gospel (Mt 5 32; 19 9) seem directly to contravene His teaching as re corded in Mk and Lk. Here he seems to allow divorce for "fornication" (ti ^ CTTO Tropt-tia, ei nit epi porneta, "save for fornication"), an exception which finds no place in the parallels (cf 1 Cor 7 15, which allows remarriage where a Christian partner is deserted by a heathen). The sense here demands that "fornication" be taken in its wider sense (Hos 2 5; Am 7 17; 1 Cor 5 1). Divorce to a Jew carried with it the right of remarriage, and the words causoth her to commit adultery (Mt 5 32) show that Jesus assumed that the divorced woman would marry again. Hence if He allowed divorce, He also allowed remarriage 1 . A criti cal examination of the whole passage in Mt has led niany scholars to conclude that the exceptive clause is an interpolation due to the Jewish-Christian compiler or editor through whose hands the materials passed. Others think it betrays traces of having been rewritten from Mk or from a source common to both Mt and Mk, and combined with a semi-Jewish tradition, in short, that it is due to literary revision and compilation. The writer or compiler attempted to combine the original sayings of Jesus and His own interpretation. Believing that Our Lord had not come to set aside the authority of Moses, but only certain Pharisaic exegesis, and sup ported, as doubtless he was, by a Jewish-Christian tra dition of Pal, he simply interpreted Mk s narrative by inserting what ho regarded as the integral part of an eternal enactment of Jeh. In doing this he was uncon sciously inconsistent, not only with Mk and Lk, but also with the context of the First Gospel itself, owing to his sincere but mistaken belief thut the Law of Moses must not bo broken. The view implied by the exception, of course, is that adultery ipxo facto dissolves the union, and so opens the way to remarriage. But remarriage closes the door to reconciliation, which on Christian principles ought always to be possible (cf Hosea; Jer 3; Hennas, Man/1 iv.l). Certainly much is to be said for the view which is steadily gaining ground, that the exception in Mt is an editorial addition made under the pressure of local conditions and practical necessity, the absolute rule being found too hard (see HDli, extra vol. 276, and The Tearhin// of Our Lord as to the, Indissolu- bility of Marriage, by Stuart Lawrence Tyson, M.A. Oxon., University of the South, 1912).

      The general principle expanded in the NT and the ideal held up before the Christians is high and clear. How far that ideal can be embodied in legislation and applied to the community as a whole all are agreed must depend upon social conditions and the general moral development and environment. See further DIVORCE.

      LITERATURE. Material from Mish in Selden, Uior Heb, London, 154ti; Hamberger, Heal. Enr f. Bibel und Talm, Breslau. 1870; Benzinger, Hebraische Archaologie; Nowack, Lehrbiirh der hebraisc/irn Archiiolooie; McLen nan, Primilire Marriage; Westermarck, Ilixtnri/ of Human, Marriage, London, 1X01; AV. H. Smith, Kinship ami Mar riage in Earl;/ Arabia, Cambridge, 1895; Tristram, Eastern Customs, London, 1894; Mackie, Bible Manners and Customs, London, 1898; Peabody, Jesus Christ and the Social Question, III, concerning the family.

      GEO. B. EAGER

      MARROW, mar o (HE, w?o"/z, nbn, hclebh, ^"P"iT, ,s/wA-/;i7//, !~inp, mahah, "to make fat," "to grease"; jxv\\\\6s, m nclos) : Marrow is the nourisher and strengthener of the bones; it is said to moisten the bones: "The marrow [mo n h\\\\ of his bones is moistened" (Job 21 24). The fear of Jeh "will be health to thy navel, and marrow [shikkily, m "re freshing, Heb moistening"] to thy bones" (Prov 3 8). Thus the expression is used figuratively of the things which alone can satisfy the sold: "My soul shall be satisfied as with marrow [hclcbh, "fat"] and fatness" (Ps 63 f>); "In this mountain will Jeh of hosts make unto all peoples a feast of fat things, a feast of wines on the lees, of fat things full of marrow [C^n^p , mfmuhayim, part, pi., Pual of mahah}, of wines on the lees well refined" CIsa 25 6). In the Ep. to the He the writer speaks of the word of God, which is "living, and active, and sharper than any two-edged sword, and piercing even to the dividing of soul and spirit, of both joints and mar row" (He 4 12). H. L. E. LUERINQ

      MARSENA, mar-se na, mar se"-na (fc$jp"Y)3, mar- s e nd ; derivation unknown but probably of Pers origin [Est 1 14]): One of "the seven princes of Persia and Media, who saw the king s face, and sat first in the kingdom."

      Marsh Mary



      MARSH, marsh ([1] X^ , tjcbhS , ARV "marsh," AY and EKV "marish" [Ezk 47 11]; AY "pit,"

      HY cistern" [Isa 30 14]; of Arab. \\\\J^ , jaba , "res ervoir," "watering-trough"; [2] f2, bd^, "mire"; "2, bic(-tlh, "mire," "fen"; of Arab, (jvdj , bn(l<la,

      to trickle," (jo-oj , bddud, "a little \\\\vater"; [3] "*-, tit., "mire," "clay"; [4] "TCH , homer, "mire," "clay," "mortar"; [">] rTG^Xn PQ"^ , mcfabheh lin- ci(lhamah[l K 7 40], and rTO-Xn ^5", W/d /m- \\\\1(lhaindh [2 Ch 4 17], "clay ground"): In the vision of E/ekiel the salt ness of the Dead Sea is "healed" by the stream issuing from under the threshold (if the temple, "But the miry places [7>/cc/i] thereof, and the marshes [(jcbhc } thereof, shall not bo. healed" (E/k 47 11). C/YMfi occurs elsewhere only in Isa 30 14, where AV has "pit" and PvV "cistern." Bo<;, "mire," is found only in Jor 38 22. I{i\\\\-cah is found also in Job 8 11,

      "Can the rush jjrow up without mire [bt cfdft] ( Can the flan grow without water?"

      and in Job 40 21 (of the behemoth),

      "He lictli under tlie lotus-trees, In the covert of the reed, and the fen [biffflA].

      In 1 Mace 9 42.1.") e\\\\os, helox, but in ver 42 B roads opos, dros, "mount."

      Marshes are found near the mouths of some of the rivers, as the Kishon, about the ITiilch (? waters of Merom), at various places in the course of the Jor dan and about the Dead Sou, esp. at its south end. For the most part Pal is rocky and dry.


      MARS , niiirz, HILL. See AREOPAGUS.

      MARSHAL, mar shal: Not found in AV, but in PvV the word represents two Hob words: (1) "ISO, yophcr (Jgs 5 14), tr 1 "they that handle the mar shal s staff." A difficulty arises because the usual meaning of sophcr is "scribe" or "writer (so AY). The revisers follow LNX and Or authority which favor "marshal" as against "scribe." The _offioe of marshal was to help the general to maintain discipline (of 1 Mace, 5 42). (2) ICSE , tiphar (Jor 61 27), a loan-word whose meaning is not clear. Lonormant thinks it akin to a Bab-Assyr word meaning "tablet-writer" (of Delitzsch). Accordingly, RVm renders Nah 3 17 "thy scribes," though the Syr has "thy warriors." as does the Tg in Jer. We must await further light on both words.

      GEO. B. EAGER

      MART, mart. See MARKET.

      MARTHA, mar tha (Mdp6a, Martha, "mistress," being a transliteration of the fern, form of "IT? , mar, "Lord"): Martha belonged to Bethany, and was the sister of Lazarus and Mary (Jn 11 If). From the fact that the house into which Jesus was re ceived belonged to Martha, and that she generally took the lead in act ion, it is inferred that she was the elder sister. Martha was one of those who gave hospitality to Jesus during His public ministry. Thus, in the course of those wanderings which began when "he stcdfastly set his face to go to Jerus" (Lk 9 ol), he "entered into a certain village"- its name is not stated and "a certain woman named Martha received him into her house" (Lk 10 3x). Martha, whose sense of responsibility as hostess weighed heavily upon her, was "cum bered about much serving," and her indignation was aroused at the lack of assistance given to her by her sister. Her words, "Lord, dost lliou not care?" implied a certain reproach to Jesus also, in that she felt lie showed a want of sympathy with her efforts and was the cause of Mary s remissness. But

      Jesus, in tones of gentle reproof, reminded her that for Him not the preparation of an elaborate meal but the hearing of His Word in the spirit of Mary was the "one thing needful" (Lk 10 39-42).

      Martha is first mentioned by St. John the only other ( lospel writer who refers to Martha in his account of the raising of Lazarus from the dead at Bethany (Jn 11 1-44). The narrative indicates, however, that Jesus was already on terms of the closest friendship with her and her household (of vs 3.f)). In the incident which St. John hen; records, Martha again displayed her more practical nature by going out to meet Jesus, while Mary sat in t In- house (ver 20). But she was not behind her sister in her love for her brother (ver ID), in her faith in Jesus (vs 21 f) and in her belief in the final resur rection (ver 24). The power of Him, whom she termed the "Teacher," to restore Lazarus to life even upon earth was beyond her understanding. To the words of Jesus concerning this she gave, however, a verbal assent, and went and informed Mary, "The Teacher is here, and calleth thoo" (vs 27 f). Yet she remained inwardly unconvinced, and remonstrated when Jesus ordered the stone before the grave to be removed (ver 39). Jesus then recalled His previous words to her remem brance (ver 40), and vindicated them by restoring her brother to life (vs 41-44). After the raising of Lazarus, Jesus then made His departure, but after a short stay in Ephraim (ver 54) He returned to Bethany (Jn 12 1). While He supped there, Martha once more served, and Lazarus was also present (Jn 12 2). It was on this occasion that Mary anointed the feet of Jesus (Jn 12 3-8). According to Mt 26 6-13; Mk 14 3-9, the anoint ing took place in the house of Simon the leper, and it has hence boon concluded by some that Martha was the wife or widow of Simon. The anointing described in Lk 7 36-50 happened in the house of Simon a Pharisee. But in none of the synoptist accounts is Martha mentioned. For the relation ship of these anointings with each other, see MARY, IV. As, according to St. John, the abode of the sisters was in Bethany, a further difficulty of a topographical nature is raised by those who hold that St. Luke implies, from the Galilean setting of Lk 10 38-41, that the sisters lived in Galilee-. But the information supplied by St. Luke, upon which this inference is based, is of the vaguest (cf Lk 10 3S), and the great division of St. Luke s Gospel (9 51 18 31) has within it no organic cohesion of parts. In it is mentioned that on two separate occasions Jesus passed through Samaria (Lk 9 52; 17 11). It is therefore more logical to suppose that the events described in Lk 10 38-41, falling within the intervening period, took place in Bethany during an excursion of Jesus to Judaea, and formed one of the several visits upon which the friendship recorded in Jn 11 3.5 was built. According to a fragment of a Coptic gospel belonging to the 2d cent, (cf Hennoeke, Ncutestamentliche Apokry- phcn, 38, 39), Martha was present with the other two Marys at the empty grave of Jesus (cf Mt 28 1.11), and went and informed the disciples.

      C. M. KERR

      MARTYR, miir ter (fiaprvs, martus, Aeolic jxapTvp, martur) : One who gives heed, and so, a "witness," so tr 1 in numerous passages, both as of one bearing testimony, and also as of one who is a spectator of anything (see WITNESS). In AY rendered "martyr" in Acts 22 20, "thy martyr Stephen"; and Rev 2 13, "Antipas my faithful martyr"; also 17 6, "the blood of the martyrs of Jesus," where alone ARV retains "martyrs." These 3 passages are the beginning of the use of the word "martyr" for such witnesses as were faithful even unto death, its uniform modern use.



      Marsh Mary

      MARVEL, mar vel, MARVELOUS, mar vel-us (rTCri , tdnmh, X^E , paid ; 0av|idw, thuunuizo, Saufiao-Tos, thaumastos): "To nuirvcl" is the tr of tdinafi, "to wonder" (Gen 43 33; Ps 48 5, RV "were amazed"; Eccl 6 8); of thaumazo, "to admire," "wonder" (Mt 8 10.27; Mk 5 20; Jn 3 7; Acts 2 7; Rev 17 7 AV, etc); "marvel" (subst.) occurs in the pi. as tr of paid , "to distin guish," fig., "to make wonderful" (Ex 34 10, "I will do marvels, such as have; not been wrought" [RVm "created"]); and of ihaumaslos (thaiima) (2 Cor 11 14).

      "Marvelous" is the tr of paid , "marvelous works" (1 (Mi 16 12.24; Ps 9 I); "marvelous tilings" (Job 5 !); 10 lt>; Ps 31 21; 118 2H; Isa 29 14; Dnl 11 150: Zee 8 ( ), bi); "marvellously," pnl<i (Job 37 - r >; Hah 1 5 bis \\\\tiimnh], "regard and wonder marvellously," lit. "marvel marvellously"); tliinimnxti-x, "admirable," "wonderful," is tr 1 "marvelous" (Mt 21 42; 1 Pet 2 9; Rev 15 1-5, etc).

      In Apoc we have "marvel" (Eeclus 11 13; 47 17; 2 Marc 1 22; 7 12); " niarvelleth" (Urdus 40 7; 43 IS); "marvellous" (Wisd 10 17; 19 8, etc, mostly thtminnzi) and compounds).

      RV ha.s wonder" for "marvel" (Rev 177); "the marvel" for a "marvellous thing" (Jn 930); "mar velled" for "wondered" ( Lk 8 25; H 14); "marvelled at" for "admired" (2 Thess 1 10); "marveling" for "wondered" (I,k943); "marvellous" for "wondrous" (I (Mi 16 !>; I s 105 2); "marvellous things" for "and wonders" (Job 9 10i; "wonderful" for "marvellous" (Ps 139 14); for "marvelled" (Mt 9 S)."\\\\vere afraid," and (Mk 12 17) "marvelled greatly" (different texts).

      \\\\V. L. \\\\YALKKK

      MARY, ma ri, mar i (Mapta, Mun/t, MapLaji, Muriilm, Gr form of Ilch ^"l^ , miri/dtn):


      The Xanii Mary in the NT II. MAKY, TIJK VIKCIV

      1. Mary in the Infancy Narratives

      2. Mary at ( ana

      3. Mary and the Career of Jesus

      4. Mary at the Cross

      5. Mary in the Christian Community

      0. Mary in Ecclesiastical Doctrine and Tradition

      (1) Legend

      (2) Dogma

      (ti) The Dogma of Tier Sinlcssness

      (/;) Dogma of Mary s Perpetual Virginity

      (c) Doctrine of Mary s Glorification

      (3) Conclusion III. MARY MAGDALENE

      1. Mary N ot the Sinful Woman

      2. Mary N ot a Nervous Wreck IV. MARY OF UKTIIANV

      1. Attack upon Luke s Narrative

      2. Evidence of Luke Taken Alone

      3. Evidence Sifted by Comparison

      4. Character of Mary


      /. Definition and Questions of Identification.

      A Heh fern, proper name of two persons in the ()T (see Ex 15 20; Nu 12 1; Mic 6 4; 1 Ch 4 17) and of a number not certainly determined in the NT. The prevalence of the name in NT times has been attributed, with no great amount of certainty, to the popularity of Mariamne, the last representative of the Hasmonean family, who was the second wife of Herod I.

      (1) The name Mary occurs in 51 passages of the NT to which the following group of articles is con fined (see MIRIAM). Collating all

      The Name these references we have the following Mary in apparent notes of identification: (a) the NT Mary, the mother of Jesus; (b) Mary Magdalene; (c) Mary, the mother of James; (d) Mary, the mother of Joses; (e) Mary, the wife of Clopas; (/) Mary of Bethany; ((/) Mary, the mother of Mark; (ft) Mary of Rome; (i) the "other" Mary.

      (2) A comparison of Mt 27 56; 28 1 with Mk 15 47 seems clearly to identify the "other" Mary with Alary the mother of Joses.

      (3) Mk~15 40 identifies Mary the mother of James and Mary the mother of Joses (cf 15 47) (see Allen s note on Mt 27 50).

      (4) At this point a special problem of identifi cation arises. Mary, the wife of Clopas, is men tioned as being present at the cross with Mary the mother of Jesus, the latter s sister and Mary of Magdala (Jn 19 2o). In the other notices of the group at the cross, Mary, the mother of James, is mentioned (Mt 27 56; Mk 15 40). Elsewhere, James is regularly designated "son of Alphaeus" (Mt 10 3; Mk 3 18; Lk 6 15) . Since it, can hardly be doubted that James, the apostle, and James the Less, the son of Mary, are one and the same person, the conclusion seems inevitable that Mary, the mother of James, is also the wife of Alphaeus. Here we might stop and leave the wife of Clopas unidentified, but the fact that the name Alphaeus ( A\\\\</>cuoj, Ali>h<nos) is the Gr trans literation of the Aram. S pn, hal/xiy, together with the unlikelihood that anyone important enough to be mentioned by John would be omitted by the synoptists and that another Mary, in addition to the three definitely mentioned, could be present and not be mentioned, points to the conclusion that the wife of Clopas is the same person as the wife of Alphaeus (see ALIMIAKTS). Along with this reasonable conclusion has grown, as an excrescence, another for which there is no basis whatever; viz. that the wife of Clopas was the sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus. This would make the apostle James (lie cousin of Jesus, and, by an extension of the idea, would identify James, the apostle, with James, the "Lord s brother." The available evi dence is clearly against both these inferences (see Mt 13 55; Mk 6 3; Gal 1 19).

      (5) One other possible identification is offered for our consideration. Zahn, in an exceedingly interesting note, (NT, II, 514), identifies Mary of Rome (Rom 16 6) with the "other" Mary of Mt. We need not enter into a discussion of the point thus raised, since the identification of a woman of whom we have no details given is of little more than academic interest .

      We are left free, however, by the probabilities of the case to confine our attention to the principal individuals who bear the name of Mary. We shall discuss Mary, the mother of Jesus; Mary of Mag dala; Mary of Bethany; Mary, the mother of James and Joses; Mary, the mother of Mark.

      //. Mary, the Virgin. The biography of the mother of Jesus is gathered about a brief series of episodes which serve to exhibit her leading char acteristics in clear light. Two causes have oper ated to distort and make unreal the very clear and vivid image of Mary left for us in the Gospels. Roman Catholic dogmatic and sentimental exag geration has well-nigh removed Mary from history (see IMMACULATE CONCEPTION). On the other hand, reaction and overemphasis upon certain features of the Gospel narrative have led some to credit Mary with a negative attitude toward Out- Lord and His claims, which she assuredly never occupied. It is very important that w r e should follow the narrative with unprejudiced eyes and give due weight to each successive episode.

      Mary appears in the following passages: the Infancy narratives, Mt 1 and 2; Lk 1 and 2; the wedding at Cana of Galilee, Jn 2 1-11; the episode of Mt 12 46; Mk 3 21.31 ff; the incident at the cross, Jn 19 25 ff; the scene in the upper chamber, Acts 1 14.

      (1) It is to be noted, first of all, that Mary and

      her experiences form the narrative core of both

      Infancy documents. This is contrary

      1. Mary in to the ordinary opinion, but is un-

      the Infancy questionably true. She is obviously

      Narratives tin; object of special interest to Luke

      (sec; Ramsay, Was Christ Born at

      Bethlehem? 76 f), and there are not wanting indi-




      cut ions that Luke s story came from Mary herself. But, while Matthew s account does not exhibit his interest in Mary quite so readily, that he was in terested in the pathetic story of the Lord s mother is evident.

      Luke tolls the story of Mary s inward and deeply personal experiences, her call (1 20 f), her maidenly fears (1 29.35), her loyal submission (1 3S), her outburst of sacred and unselfish joy (1 39-5.")). From this anticipatory narrative he passes at once to the Messianic; fulfilment.

      Matthew tells the story of the outward and, so to say, public experiences of Mary which follow hard upon the former and are in such dramatic con trast with them: the shame and suspicion which fell upon her (1 IS); her bitter humiliation (1 19), her ultimate vindication (1 20 f). Here the two narratives supplement each other by furnishing different details but, as in other instances, converge upon the central fact the central fact here being Mary herself, her character, her thoughts, her expe riences. The point to be emphasized above all others is that we have real biography, although in fragments; in that the same person appears in the inimitable reality of actual characterization, in both parts of the story. This is sufficient guaranty of historicity; for no two imaginary portraits ever agreed unless one copied the other which is evi dently not the case here. More than this, the story is a truly human narrative in which the remarkable character of the events which took place in her life only serves to bring into sharper relief the simple, humble, natural qualities of the subject of them.

      (2) One can hardly fail to be impressed, in study ing Mary s character, with her quietness of spirit; her meditative inwardness of disposition; her admirable self-control; her devout and gracious gift of sacred silence. The canticle (Lk 1 40-55), which at least expresses Luke s conception of her nature, indicates that she is not accustomed to dwell much upon herself (4 lines only call particular attention to herself), and that her mind is saturated with the spirit and phraseology of the OT. The intensely Jewish quality of her piety thus expressed accounts for much that appears anomalous in her subsequent career as depicted in the Gospels.

      The first episode which demands our attention is the wedding at Cana of Galilee (Jn 2 1-11). The relationship between Jesus and 2. Mary His mother has almost eclipsed other at Cana interests in the chapter. It is to be noted that the idea of wanton inter ference on the part of Mary and of sharp rebuke on the part of Jesus is to be decisively rejected. The key to the meaning of this episode is to be found in 4 simple items: (1) in a crisis of need, Mary turns naturally to Jesus as to the one from w r hom help is to be expected ; (2) she is entirely undisturbed by His reply, whatever its meaning may be; (3) she prepares the way for the miracle by her authori tative directions to the servants; (4) Jesus does actually relieve the situation by an exercise of power. Whether she turned t o Jesus with distinctly Messianic expectation, or whether Jesus intended to convey a mild rebuke for her eagerness, it is not necessary for us to inquire, as it is not possible for us to de termine. It is enough that her spontaneous appeal to her Son did not result in disappointment, since, in response to her suggestion or, at least, in har mony with it, He "manifested his glory." The incident confirms the Infancy narrative in which Mary s quiet and forceful personality is exhibited.

      In Mt 12 40 (|| Mk 3 31-35), we are told that, when His mother and His brethren came seeking Him, Jesus in the well-known remark concerning His true relatives in the kingdom of heaven intended to convey a severe rebuke to His own

      household for an action which involved both un belief and presumptuous interference in His great life-work. The explanation of this

      3. Mary incident, which involves no such pain- and the ful implications as have become con- Career of nected with it in the popular mind, Jesus is to be found in Mark s account. He

      interrupts his narrative of the arrival of the relatives (which begins in ver 21) by the account of the; accusation made by the scribes from Jerus that the power of Jesus over demons was due to Beelze bub. This goes a long way toward explaining the anxiety felt by the relatives of Jesus, since the un- governed enthusiasm of the multitude, which gave Him no chance to rest and seemed to threaten His health, was matched, contrariwise, by the bitter, malignant opposition of the authorities, who would believe any malicious absurdity rather than that His power came from God. The vital point is that the attempt of Mary and her household to get possession of the person of Jesus, in order to induce Him to go into retirement for a time, was not due to captious and interfering unbelief, but to loving anxiety. The words of Jesus have the undoubted ring of conscious authority and express the determi nation of one who wills the control of his own life but it is a serious mistake to read into them any faintest accent of satire. It has been well said (Horace Bushnell, Sermons on Living Subjects, 30) that Jesus would scarcely make use of the family symbolism to designate the sacred relationships of the kingdom of heaven, while, at the same time, He was depreciating the value and importance of the very relationships which formed the basis of His analogy. The real atmosphere of the incident is very different from this.

      To be sure that many have misinterpreted the above incident w^e need only turn to the exquisitely

      tender scene at the cross recorded by

      4. Mary at John (19 25 ff). This scene, equally the Cross beautiful whether one considers the

      relationship which it discloses as exist ing between Jesus and His mother, or between Jesus and His well-beloved disciple, removes all possible ambiguity which might attach to the preceding incidents, and reveals the true spirit of the Master s home. Jesus could never have spoken as He did from the cross unless He had consistently main tained the position and performed the duties of an eldest son. The tone and quality of the scene could never have been w*hat it is had there not been a stedfast tie of tender love and mutual under standing between Jesus and His mother. Jesus could hand over His sacred charge to the trust worthy keeping of another, because He had faith fully maintained it Himself.

      The final passage which we need to consider (Acts 1 14) is esp. important, because in it we discover

      Mary and her household at home in

      5. Mary in the midst of the Christian community, the Chris- engaged with them in prayer. It is tian Com- also clear that Mary herself and the munity family, who seemed to be very com pletely under her influence, whatever

      may have been their earlier misgivings, never broke with the circle of disciples, and persistently kept within the range of experiences which led at last to full-orbed Christian faith. This makes it suffi ciently evident, on the one hand, that the household never shared the feelings of the official class among the Jews; and, on the other, that the family of Jesus passed through the same cycle of experiences which punctuated the careers of the whole body of disciples on the way to faith. The bearing of this simple but significant fact upon the historical trust worthiness of the body of incidents just passed in review is evident.




      The sum of the matter concerning Mary seems to be this: The mother of Jesus was a typical Jewish believer of the best sort. She was a deeply medi tative, but by no means a daring or original thinker. Her inherited Messianic beliefs did not and perhaps could not prepare her for the method of Jesus which involved so much that was new and unexpected. But her heart was true, and from the beginning to the day of Pentecost, she pondered in her heart the meaning of her many puzzling experiences until the light came. The story of her life and of her relationship to Jesus is consistent throughout and touched with manifold unconscious traits of truth. Such a narrative could not have been feigned or fabled.

      (1) Legend. The ecclesiastical treatment of Mary consists largely of legend and dogma, about equally

      fictitious and unreliable. The legendary fi Marv in accounts, which include tho apocryphal " . gospels, deal, for the most part, with de-

      r/CClesiasti- tails of her parentage and early life; her cal Doctrine betrothal and marriage to Joseph; her anrl TraHi journey to Bethlehem and the birth of her child. * At this point the legendary narra tives, in their crass wonder-mongering and indelicate intimacy of detail, are in striking contrast to the chaste reserve of the canonical story, and of evidential value on that account.

      (2) Dogma. There is, in addition, a full-grown legend concerning Mary s later life in the house of John; of her death in which the apostles were miraculously allowed to participate; her bodily translation to heaven; her reception at the hands of Jesus and her glorification in heaven. In this latter series of statements, we have already made tho transition from legend to dogma. It is quite clear, from the statements of Roman Catholic writers themselves, that no reliable historical data are to be found among these legendary accounts. The general attitude of modern writers is exhibited in tho following sentences (from Wilhelm, and Scannel, Man ual of Catholic ThfoL, II, 220, quoted by Mayor, lil)B, II, 288, n.): "Mary s corporeal assumption into heaven is so thoroughly implied in the notion of her personality as given by Bible and dogma, that the church can dis pense with strict historical evidence of the fact." If that is the way one feels, there is very little to say about it. Aside froin the quasi-historical dogma of Mary s bodily assumption, the Roman Catholic doctrinal interpreta tion of her person falls into three parts.

      (a) Tho dogma of her sinlessness: This is discussed tinder IMMACULATE CONCEPTION (q.v.) and need not detain us here.

      ( )) The dogma of Mary s perpetual virginity: It is evident that this, too, is a doctrine of such a nature that its advocates might, with advantage to their argument, have abstained from the appearance of critical discussion.

      Even if all the probabilities of exegesis are violated and the cumulative evidence that Mary had other chil dren done away with; if the expression, "brethren of the Lord" is explained as "foster-brethren," "cousins" or what-not; if Jesus is shown to be not only "first-born" but "only-born" Son (Lk 27); if the expression of Mt 1 2.5 is interpreted as meaning "up to and beyond" (Pusey et al.; cf Roman, Catholic Diet., 604). it would still be as far as possible from a demonstration of the dogma. That a married woman has no children is no proof of virginity perpetual or otherwise. That this thought has entered the minds of Roman Catholic apologists although not openly expressed by them, is evidenced by the fact that while certain forms of dealing with the "brethren-of-t he-Lord" question make these the sons_of Joseph by a former niarriage, the favorite doctrine in cludes the perpetual virginity of Joseph. Just as the idea of the sinlessness of Mary has led to the dogma of the immaculate conception, so the idea of her perpetual virginity demands the ancillary notion of Joseph s. Xo critical or historical considerations are of any possible use here. It is a matter of dogmatic assumption un mixed with any alloy of factual evidence, and might better be openly made such.

      It is evident that a very serious moral issue is raised here. The question is not whether virginity is a higher form of life than marriage. One might be prepared to say that under certain circumstances it is. The point at issue here is very different. If Mary was married to Joseph and Joseph to Mary in appearance only, then they were recreant to each other and to the ordinance of God which made them one. How a Roman Catholic, to whom niarriage is a sacrament, can entertain such a notion is an unfathomable mystery. The fact that Mary was miraculously the mother of the Messiah has nothing to do with the question of her privilege and obligation in the holiest of human relationships. Back of this unwholesome dogma are two utterly false ideas: that the marriage relationship is incompatible with holy living, and that Mary is not to he considered a human being under the ordinary obligations of human Iif3.

      (c) The doctrine of Mary s glorification as the object of worship and her function as intercessor: With no wish to be polemic toward Roman Catholicism, and, on the contrary, with every desire to be sympathetic, it is very difficult to be patient with the puerilities which disfigure the writings of Roman Catholic dogmaticians in the discussion of this group of doctrines.

      (i) Take, for example, the crude literalism involved in the identification of the woman of Rev 12 1-6 with Mary. Careful exegesis of the passage (esp. ver 6), in connection with the context, makes it clear that no hint of Mary s status in heaven is intended. As a matter of fact, Mary, in any literal sense, is not referred to at all. Mary s motherhood along with that of the mother of Moses is very likely the basis of the figure, but tho woman of the vision is the church, which is, at once, the mother and the body of her Lord (see Milligan, Exposi tors Bible, "Revelation," 196 f).

      Three other arguments are most frequently used to justify the place accorded to Mary in the liturgy.

      (ii) Christ s perpetual humanity leads to His per petual Sonship to Alary. This argument, if it carries any weight at all, in this connection, implies that the glorified Lord Jesus is still subject to His mother. It is, however, clear from the Gospels that the subjection to His pan-tits which continued after the incident in the Temple (Lk 2 ol; was gently but firmly laid aside at the outset of tin; public ministry (see above, II, 2, 3). In all that pertains to His heavenly office, as Lord, Mary s position is one of dependence not of authority. (iii) Christ hears her prayers. Here, again, dogmatic assumption is in evidence. That He hears her prayers, even if true in a very special sense, does not, in the least, imply that prayers are to be addressed to her or that she is an intercessor through whom prayers may be addressed to Him.

      (iv) .Since Mary cared for the body of Christ when He was on earth, naturally His spiritual body would be her special care in heaven. But, on any reasonable hypot lie- sis, Mary was, is, and must remain, a part of that body (see Acts 1 14). Unless she is intrinsically a Divine being, her care for the church cannot involve her uni versal presence in it and her accessibility to the prayers of her fellow-believers.

      To a non-Romanist, the most suggestive fact in the whole controversy is that the statements of cautious apologists in support of the ecclesiastical attitude toward Mary, do not, in the least degree, justify the tone of extravagant adulation which marks the non-polemical devotional literature 1 of the subject (see Dearden, Modern Romanism Examined, 22 f).

      (:{) C uncluxi on. Our conclusion on the whole ques tion is that the lit. of Mariolatry belongs, historically, to unauthorized speculation; and, psychologically, to the natural history of asceticism and clerical celibacy.

      ///. Mary Magdalene (Mapia Ma-ySaX^v^, "Maria Magdalent = ot "Magdala")- A devoted follower of .Jesus who entered the circle of the taught during the Galilean ministry and became prominent during the last days. The noun "Magdala," from which the adjective "Magdalene" is formed, does not occur in the Gospels (the word in Mt 15 39, is, of cotirse, "Magadan"). The meaning of this obscure refer ence is well summarized in the following quotations fromPlummer (ICC, "Luke," 215): " Magdala is only the Gr form of mighrlol or watch-tower, one of the many places of the name in Pal (Tristram, Bible Places, 260) ; and is probably represented by the squalid _ group of hovels which now bears the name of Meidel near the center of the western shore of the lake."

      As she was the first to bear witness to the resur rection of Jesus, it is important that we should get a correct view of her position and char- 1. Mary not acter. The idea that she was a peni- the Sinful tent, drawn from the life of the street, Woman of undoubtedly arose, in the first in- Lk 7 stance, from a misconception of the

      nature of her malady, together with an altogether impossible identification of her with the woman who was a sinner of the preceding sec tion of the Gospel. It is not to be forgotten that the malady demon-possession, according to NT ideas (see DEMON, DEMONOLOGY), had none of the implications of evil temper and malignant disposi tion popularly associated with "having a devil." The possessed was, by Our Lord and the disciples. looked upon as diseased, the victim of an alien and evil power, not an accomplice of it. Had this always been understood and kept in mind, the un-




      fortunate identification of Mary with the career of public; prostitution would have been much less easy.

      According to XT usage, in such cases the name would have been withheld (cf Lk 7 37; .In 8 3). At the same time the statement that 7 demons had been cast out of Mary means either that the malady was of exceptional severity, possibly involving several relapses (cf Lk 11 26), or that the mode of her divided and haunted consciousness (cf Mk 6 9) suggested the use of the number 7. Even so, she was a, healed invalid, not n rescued social derelict.

      The identification of Mary with the sinful woman is, of course, impossible for one who follows care fully the course of the narrative with an eye to the transit ions. The woman of ch 7 is carefully covered with the concealing cloak of namelessness. Un doubtedly known by name to the intimate circle of first disciples, it is extremely doubtful whether she was so known to Luke. Her history is definitely closed at ver 50.

      The name of Mary is found at the beginning of a totally new section of the ( lospel (see Plummet s analysis, op. cit., xxxvii), where the name of Mary is introduced wit h u single mark of ident ification, apart from her former residence, which points away from the preceding narrative and is incompatible with it. If the preceding account of the anointing were Mary s introduction into the circle of Christ s followers, she could not be identified by the phrase of Lk. Jesus did not cast a demon out of the sinful woman of ch 7, and Mary of Magdala is not repre sented as having anointed the Lord s feet. The two statements cannot be fitted together.

      Mary has been misrepresented in another way, scarcely less serious. She was one of the very first witnesses to the resurrection, and her 2. Mary testimony is of sufficient importance Not a to make it worth while for those who

      Nervous antagonize the narrative to discredit Wreck her testimony. This is done, on the

      basis of her mysterious malady, by making her a paranoiac who was in the habit of "seeing things." Renan is the chief offender in this particular, but others have followed his example.

      (1) To begin with, it is to be remarked that Mary had been cured of her malady in such a marked way that, henceforth, throughout her life, she was a monument to the healing power of Christ. What He had done for her became almost a part of her name along with the name of her village. It is not to be supposed that a cure so signal would leave her a nervous wreck, weak of will, wavering in judgment, the victim of hysterical tremors and involuntary hallucinations.

      (2) There is more than this a priori consideration against such an interpretation of Mary. She was the first at the tomb (Mt 28 1; Mk 16 1; Lk 24 10). But she was also the last at the cross she and her companions (Mt 27 61; Mk 15 40). A glance at the whole brief narrative of her life in the Gospels will interpret this combination of state ments. Mary first appears near the beginning of the narrative of the Galilean ministry as one of a group consisting of "many" (Lk 8 3), among them Joanna, wife of Chuzas, Herod s steward, who fol lowed with the Twelve and ministered to them of their substance. Mary then disappears from the text to reappear as one of the self-appointed watch ers of the cross, thereafter to join the company of witnesses to the resurrection. The significance of these simple statements for the understanding of Mary s character and position among the followers of Jesus is not far to seek. She came into the circle of believers, marked out from the rest by an excep-

      tional experience of the Lord s healing power. Henceforth, to the very end, with unwearied de votion, with intent and eager willingness, with undaunted courage even in the face of dangers which broke t he courage of the chosen Twelve, she followed and served her Lord. It is impossible that such singleness of purpose, such strength of will, and, above all, such courage in danger, should have been exhibited by a weak, hysterical, neurotic in curable. The action of these women of whom Mary was one, in serving their Master s need while in life, and in administering the last rites to His body in death, is characteristic of woman at her best .

      IV. Mary of Bethany. Another devoted follower of Jesus. She was a resident of Bethany (B rjffavla, Bethania), and a member of the family consisting of a much-beloved brother, Lazarus, and another sister, Martha, who made a home for Jesus within their own circle whenever He was in the neighbor hood.

      The one descriptive reference, aside from the above, connected with Mary, has caused no end of perplexity. John (11 2) states that it was this Mary who anointed the Lord with ointment and wiped His feet with her hair, whose brother La/arus was sick. This reference would be entirely satis fied by the narrative of Jn 12 1.8, and no difficulty would be suggested, were it not for the fact that Luke (7 3f>-f)0) records an anointing of Jesus by a woman, accompanied with the wiping of His fee L with her hair. The identification of these two anointings would not occasion any great difficulty, in spite of serious discrepancies as to time, place and other accessories of the action, but for the very serious fact that the woman of Lk 7 is described as a sinner in the dreadful special sense associated with that word in NT times. This is so utterly out of harmony with all that we know of Mary and the family at Bethany as to be a well-nigh intol erable hypothesis.

      On the other hand, we are confronted with at least one serious difficulty in affirming two anoint ings. This is well stated by Mayor (HDB, III, 2SOa): "Is it likely that Our Lord would have uttered such a high encomium upon Mary s act if she were only following the example already set by the sinful woman of Galilee; or (taking the other view) if she herself were only repeating under more favorable circumstances the act of loving devotion for which she had already received His commendation?" We shall be compelled to face this difficulty in case we are forced to the conclusion that there were more anointings than one.

      In the various attempts to solve this problem, or rather group of problems, otherwise than by hold ing to two anointings, Luke, who 1. Attack stands alone against Mark, Matthew upon Luke s and John, has usually suffered loss Narrative of confidence. Mayor (op. cit ., 282a) suggests the possibility that the text of Luke has been tampered with, and that originally his narrative contained no reference to anointing. This is a desperate expedient which introduces more difficulties than it solves. Strauss and other hostile critics allege confusion on the part of Luke between the anointing at Bethany and the account of the woman taken in adultery, but, as Plumper well says, the narrative shows no signs of confusion. "The conduct both of Jesus and of the woman is unlike either fiction or clumsily distorted fact. His gentle severity toward Simon, and tender reception of the sinner, are as much beyond the reach of invention as the eloquence of her speechless affec tion" (ICC, "Luke," 209).

      The first step in the solution of this difficulty is to note carefully the evidence supplied by Luke s narrative taken by itself. Mary is named for




      tho first time in Lk 10 3S-42 in a way which clearly indicates that the family of Bethany is there men tioned for the first time (a "certain [rts,

      2. Evidence Us] woman named Martha," and she of Luke had a sister called Mary," etc). This Taken phrasing indicates the introduction of Alone a new group of names (cf Jn 11 1).

      It is also a clear indication of the fact that Luke does not identify Mary with the sinful woman of oh 7 (cf Mt 26 6-13; Mk 14 3-9; Lk 7 36-50; Jn 12 1-8).

      Our next task is to note carefully the relationship

      between the narratives of Mark, Matthew and John on

      one side, and that of Luke on the other.

      3. Evidence We may effectively analyze the narratives o -fipj y. v under the following: heads: (1) notes of

      1 y time and place; (2) circumstances and

      Comparison scenery of the incident; (H) description

      of the person who did the anointing;

      (4) complaints of her action, by whom and for what;

      (5) the lesson drawn from the woman s action which con stitutes Our Lord s defence of it; (G) incidental features of the narrative.

      I ruler (1) notice that all three evangelists place the incident near the close of the ministry and at Bethany. Under (2) it is important to observe that Matthew and Mark place the scene in the house of Simon "the leper," while John states vaguely that a feast was made for Him by persons not named and that Martha served. Under (3) we observe that Matthew and Mark say "a woman," while John designates Mary. (4) Accord ing to Matthew, the disciples found fault; according to Mark, some of those present found fault; while accord ing to John, the fault-finder was Judas Iscariot. Ac cording to all three, the ground or complaint is the alleged wastefulness of the action. (5) Again, according to all three, Our Lord defended the use made of the ointment by a mysterious reference to an anointing of His body for the burial. John s expression in par ticular is niost interesting and peculiar (see Jn 12 7).

      (6) The Simon in whoso house tho incident is said to have taken place is by Matthew and Mark designated "the leper." This must mean either that he had pre viously been cured or that his disease had manifested itself subsequent to the- feast. Of these alternatives the former is the more nat tiral (see Gould, ICC, " Mark," 257). The presence of a healed leper on this occasion, together with the specific mention of Lazarus as a guest, would suggest that the feast was given by people, in and about Bethany, who had especial reason to be grateful to Jesus for the exercise of His healing power.

      It is beyond reasonable doubt that the narratives of Matthew, Mark and John refer to the same incident. Tho amount of convergence and the quality of it put this identification among the practical certainties. The only discrepancies of even secondary importance are a difference of a few days in the time (Gould says four) and the detail as to tho" anointing of head or feet. It is conceivable, and certainly no very serious matter, that John assimilated his narrative at this point to the similar incident of Lk 7.

      An analysis of the incident of Lk 7 with reference to the same points of inquiry discloses the fact that it can not be the same as that described by the other evangel ists. (1) The time and place indications, such as they are, point to Galilee and the Galilean ministry. This consideration alone is a, formidable obstacle in tho way of any such identification. (2) The immediate surroundings are different. Simon "the leper" and Simon "the Pharisee" can hardly be one person. No man could have borne both of these designations. In addition to this, it is difficult to believe that a Pharisee of Simon s temper would have entertained Jesus when once ho had been proscribed by the authorities. Simon s attitude was a very natural one at the beginning of Christ s ministry, but the combination of hostility and questioning was necessarily a temporary mood. (:{) The description of the same woman as sinner in tho sense of Lk 7 in one Gospel; simply as a woman in two others; and as the beloved and honored Mary of Bethany in a third is not within tho range of probability, esp. as thero is no hint of an attempt at explanation on the part of any of the writers. At any rate, prima facie, this item in Luke s description is seriously at variance with tho other narratives. (4) Luke is again at variance with the others, if he is supposed to refer to the same event, in the matter of the complaint and its cause. In Luke s account there is no complaint of the woman s action suggested. There is no hint that anybody thought or pretended to think that she had committed a sinful waste of precious material. Tho only complaint is Simon s, and that is directed against the Lord Himself, because Simon, judging by himself, surmised that Jesus did not spurn the woman because He did not know her character. This supposed fact had a bearing on the question of Our Lord s Messiahship, concerning which Simon was debating; otherwise one suspects he had little interest in the episode. This fact is, as we shall see.

      determinative for the understanding of the incident and puts it apart from all other similar episodes.

      (5) The lesson drawn from the act by Our Lord was in each incident different. The sinful woman was com mended for an act of courtesy and tenderness which expressed a love based upon gratitude for deliverance and forgiveness. Mary was commended for an act which had a mysterious and sacramental relationship to the Lord s death, near at hand.

      This brings us to tho point where wo may consider the one serious difficulty, that alleged by Mayor and others, against the hypothesis of two anointings, namely, that a repetition of an act like this with commendation attached would not be likely to occur. The answer to this argument is that tho difficulty itself is an artificial one due to a misreading of the incident. In the point of central reference the two episodes are worlds apart. Tho act of anointing in each case was secondary, not primary. Anointing was one of those general and preva lent acts of social courtesy which might mean much or little, this or that, and might be repeated a score of times in a year with a different meaning each time. Tho matter of primary importance in every such case would be the purpose and motive of the anointing. By this consideration alone we may safely discriminate between these incidents. In the former case, the motive was to express the love of a forgiven penitent. In the latter, the motive was gratitude for something quite different, a beloved brother back from the grave, and, may we not say (in view of Jn 12 7), grief and foreboding? That Mary s feeling was expressed in the same way outwardly as that of tho sinful woman of the early ministry does not change the fact that the feeling was different, that the act was different and that, consequently, the com mendation she received, being for a different thing, was differently expressed. The two anointings are not duplicates. Mary s act, though later, was quite as spontaneous and original as that of the sinful woman, and the praise bestowed upon her quite as natural and deserved.

      With this fictitious and embarrassing identifica tion out of the way, we are now free to consider

      briefly the career and estimate the 4. Character character of Mary. (1) At the outset of Mary it is worth mentioning that we have

      in the matter of these two sisters a most interesting and instructive point of contact between the synoptic and Johannine traditions. The underlying unity and harmony of the two are evident here as elsewhere. In Lk 10 3S-42 we are afforded a view of Mary and Martha photo graphic in its clear revelation of them both. Martha is engaged in household affairs, while Mary is sitting at the feet of Jesus, absorbed in listening. This, of course, might mean that Mary was idle and list less, leaving the burden of responsibility for the care of guests upon her more conscientious sister. Most housewives are inclined to take this view and to think that Martha has been hardly dealt with. The story points to the contrary. It will be no ticed that Mary makes no defence of herself and that the Master makes no criticism of Martha until she criticizes Mary. When He does speak, it is with the characteristic and inimitable gentleness, but in a way leaving nothing to be desired in the direction of completeness. He conveyed His love, His perfect understanding of the situation, His de fence of Mary, His rebuke to Martha, in a single sen tence which contains a perfect photograph of the two loved sisters. Martha is not difficult to identify. She was just one of those excellent and tiresome women whose fussy concern and bustling anxiety about the details of household management make their well-meant hospitality a burden to all their guests. Mary s quiet and restful interest in the gtiest and His conversation must be set against the foil of Martha s excess of concern in housework and the serving of food. When one comes to think of it, Mary chose the better part of hospitality, to put no higher construction upon her conduct. (2) In Jn 11 20, we are told that Martha went forth to meet Jesus while Mary remained in the house. In this we have no difficulty in recognizing the same contrast of outwardness and inwardness in the dispositions of the sisters; esp., as when Mary docs come at Martha s call to meet Jesus, she ex-

      Mary Master



      hibits an intensity of feeling of which Martha gives no sign. It is significant that, while Mary says just what Martha had already said (vs 21.32), her way of saying it and her manner as a whole so shakes the Lord s composure that He is unable to answer her directly but addresses His inquiry to the com pany in general (ver 34). (3) Then we come to the events of the next chapter. The supper is given in Bethany. Martha serves. Of course she serves. She. always serves when there is opportunity. Waiting on guests, plate in hand, was the innocent delight of her life. One cannot fail to see that, in a single incidental sentence, the Martha of Lk 10 38- 42 is sketched again in lifelikeness. It is the same Martha engaged in the same task. But what of Mary in this incident ? She is shown in an unprec edented role, strange to an oriental woman and esp. to one so retiring in disposition as Mary. Her action not only thrust her into a public place alone, but brought her under outspoken criticism. But after all, this is just what we come to expect from these deep, intense, silent natures. The Mary who sat at Jesus feet in listening silence while Martha bustled about the house, who remained at home while Martha went out to meet Him, is the very one to hurl herself at His feet in a storm and passion of tears when she does meet Him and to break out in a self- forget ful public act of devotion, strange to her modest disposition, however native to her deep emotion.

      Martha was a good and useful woman. No one would deny that, least of all the Master who loved her (Jn 11 5). But she lived on the surface of things, and her affections and her piety alike found adequate and satisfying expression at all times in the ordinary kindly offices of hospitality and do mestic service. Not so Mary. Her disposition was inward, silent, brooding, with a latent capacity for stress and the forthwith, unconventional ex pression of feelings, slowly gathering intensity through days of thought and repression. Mary would never be altogether at home in the world of affairs. Hers was a rare spirit, doomed often to loneliness and misunderstanding except at the hands of rarely discerning spirits, such as she happily met in the person of her Lord.

      V. Mary, the Mother of James and Joses. Under this caption it is necessary merely to recall and set in order the few facts concerning this Mary given in the Gospels (see Mt 27 55.56.61; Mk 15 40; 16 1; Lk 24 10; cf Lk 23 49-56).

      In Mt 27 55.56 ( || Mk 15 40), we are told that at the time of the crucifixion there was a group of women observing the event from a distance. These women are said to have followed Jesus from Galilee, ministering to Him and to the disciples. Among these were Mary Magdalene (see III, above); Mary, mother of James and Joses; and the unnamed mother of Zebedee s children. By reference to Lk 8 2.3, where this group is first introduced, it appears that, as a whole, it was composed of those who had been healed of infirmities of one kind or another. Whether this description applies indi vidually to Mary or not we cannot be sure, but it is altogether probable. At any rate, it is certain that Mary was one who persistently followed with the disciples and ministered of her substance to aid and comfort the Lord in His work for others. The course of the narrative seems to imply that Mary s sons accompanied their mother on this ministering journey and that one of them became an apostle. It is interesting to note that two mothers with their sons joined the company of the disciples and that three out of the four became members of the apos tolic group. Another item in these only too frag mentary references is that this Mary, along with her of Magdala and the others of this group, was

      of sufficient wealth and position to be marked among the followers of Jesus as serving in this par ticular way. The mention of Chuzas wife (Lk 8 3) is an indication of the unusual standing of this company of faithful women.

      The other notices of Mary show her lingering late at the cross (Mk 15 40); a spectator at the burial (Mk 15 47); and among the first to bear spices to the tomb. This is the whole of this woman s biography extant, but perhaps it is enough. We are told practically nothing, directly, concerning her; but, incidentally, she is known to be generous, faithful, loving, true and brave. She came in sorrow to the tomb to anoint the body of her dead Lord; she \\\\vent away in joy to proclaim Him alive forever- more;. A privilege to be coveted by t he greatest was thus awarded to simple faith and trusting love.

      VI. Mary, the Mother of John Mark. This woman is mentioned but once in the NT (Acts 12 12), but in a connection to arouse intense interest. Since she was the mother of Mark, she was also, in all probability, the aunt of Barnabas. The aunt of one member and the mother of another of the earliest apostolic group is a woman of importance. The statement in Acts, so far as it concerns Mary, is brief but suggest ive. Professor Ramsay (see St. Paul the Traveller, etc, 385) holds that the authority for this narrative was not Peter but Mark, the son of the house. This, if true, adds interest to the story as we have it. In the first place, the fact that Peter went thither directly upon his escape from prison argues that Mary s house was a well-known center of Christian life and worship. The additional fact that coming unannounced and casually the apostle found a considerable body of believers assemble* 1 points in the same direction. That "many" were gathered in the house at the same time indicates that the house w r as of considerable size. It also ap pears that Rhoda was only one of the maids, arguing a household of more than ordinary size. There is a tradition of doubtful authenticity, that Mary s house was the scene of a still more sacred gathering in the upper room on the night of the betrayal. We conclude that Mary was a wealthy widow of Jerus, who, upon becoming a disciple of Christ, with her son, gave herself with whole-souled devo tion to Christian service, making her large and well- appointed house a place of meeting for the pro scribed and homeless Christian communion whose benefactor and patron she thus became.



      MASALOTH, mas a-loth. Sec MESALOTH. MASCHIL, mas kil. See PSALMS.

      passage in "Meshech"

      MASH (f Q , mash) : Named in Gen 10 23 as one of the sons of Aram. In the 1 Ch 1 17 the name is given as (meshekh), and the LXX (MdsocK) supports this form in both passages. "Meshech," however, is a Japhetic name (Gen 10 2), and "Mash" would seem to be the original reading. It is probably to be identified with the Mons Masius of classical writers (Strabo, etc), on the northern boundary of Mesopotamia.

      MASHAL, ma shal See MLSHAL.

      J n , mashal, 1 Ch 6 74).

      MASIAS, ma-si as (A, Mao-Cas, Manias, B, Mi- <raas, Meisaias) : The head of one of the families of Solomon s servants (1 Esd 5 34); it has no equivalent in the |l Ezr 2 55 ff; RVm "Misaias."



      Mary Master

      MASMAN, mas man. Sec MAASMAS.

      MASON, ma s n: The tr of 4 Hcb words: (1) "IX T2~in, hurash t-bhen, "graver o f stone" (2 S 5 11); (2) (3) "1*3, gadhar (2 K 12 12), "pp IZh hurash klr (1 Ch 14 1), "maker of a wall [or hedge]"; (4) 22?n, hdgabh, "a hewer or digger [of stones]" (1 Ch 22 2; Ezr 3 7). Lebanon still supplies the greater number of skilled masons to Pal and Syria (see 2 S 5 11), those- of Shweir being in special repute. See CRAFTS, II, 8; also ARCHI TECTURE; BUILDING; GEBAL; HOUSE.

      MASPHA, mas fa (1 Mace 3 4G, RV "Mizpeh"). See MI/PEH, 4.

      MASREKAH, mas rri-ka, mas-re ka ( masrvktili ; MacreKKa, M asckka) . A place mentioned in the list of ancient rulers of Edom (Gen 36 31), "before there reigned any king over the children of Israel." Masrekah was the royal city of Samlah, son of Hadad (ver 30; 1 Ch l 47). The name may mean "place of choice vines," but there is nothing to show in what locality it must be sought.

      MASSA, mas a (KffiflJ, massd , "burden"): Descendant of Abraham through Ishmael (Gen 25 14; 1 Ch 1 30). His people may be the Masani of Ptolemy, having Eastern Arabia near Babylon as their habitat. The marginal reading of the head ing to Prov 31 mentions Lemuel as king of Massa. If that reading is accepted, it would seem that a tribe and probably a place were named from Ish- mael s descendant. The reading is doubtful, however, for where the phrase recurs in Prov 30 1 (RV) it appears to be a gloss.

      MASSACRE, mas a-ker, OF THE INNOCENTS.


      MASSAH AND MERIBAH, mas a, mer i-ba (T"Q 1 "TXJ5 T I HE S, ma$sah um nbhah, "proving and strife"; irei.pao-iJ.6s al XoiSop-qcris, prirasinos kni loidoresis) These names occur together as applied to one place only in Ex 17 7; they stand, however, in parallelism in Dt 33 S; Ps 95 8. In all other cases they are kept distinct, as belonging to two separate narratives. The conjunction here may be due to conflation of the sources. Of course, it is not impossible that, for the reason stated, the double name was given, although elsewhere (Dt 6 16; 9 22) the place is referred to as Massah.

      This scene is laid in Ex 17 1 at REPHIDIM (q.v.)

      and in ver 6 at HORIOB (q.v.). It is near the begin

      ning of the desert wanderings. In

      1. First dearth of water the people murmur Instance and complain. Moses, appealing to

      God, is told what to do. He takes with him the elders of Israel, and smites with his rod the rock on which the Lord stands in Horeb, where upon water gushes forth, and the people drink. Here Moses alone is God s agent. There is no hint of blame attaching to him. He called the place Massah and Meribah, because of the striving of the children of Israel, and because they tempted the Lord (ver 7). In some way not indicated, here and at Meribah, God put the Levitcs to proof (Dt 33 8).

      The second narrative describes what took place

      at Kadesh (i.e. "Kadesh-barnea") when the desert

      wanderings were nearly over (Nu 20

      2. Second 1-13). The flow of water from the Instance famous spring for some reason had

      ceased. In their distress the people became impatient and petulant. At the door of the tent of meeting Moses and Aaron received the

      Lord s instructions. In his speech of remonstrance to the people Moses seemed to glorify himself and his brother; and instead of speaking to the rock as God had commanded, he struck it twice with his rod. The flow of water was at once restored; but Moses and Aaron were heavily punished because they did not sanctify God in the eyes of the children of Israel. The "Waters of Meribah" was the name given to this scene of strife. The incident is re- f"rred to in Nu 20 24, and Dt 32 51 (m"rlbhath kddhesh AV "Meribah-Kadesh," RV "Meribah of Kadesh"). In Ps 81 7 God appears as having tested Israel here. The sin of Israel and the en suing calamity to Moses are alluded to in Ps 106 32.

      The place appears in Ezk 47 19; 48 28, as on the southern border of the land of Israel, in the former as "Meriboth-kadesh," in the latter as "Meribath-kadesh" (Meriboth = pl. Meribath = "const, sing.") where the position indicated is that of A in Kadis, "Kadesh-barnea."

      In Dt 33 2, by a slight emendation of the text we might read m e nbhdth kddhesh for meribh bhdth kodhesh. This gives a preferable sense.

      W. EWING

      MASSIAS, ma-si as (A, Mao-<rCos, Massia-s, B, Acr<reias, . 1 win*} : One of those who put away their "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 22) = "Maaseiah" of Ezr 10 22.

      MAST. See SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 2, (3); 3.

      MASTER, mas ter ("p S , adh.ln, b?3 , ftn oZ, " in , rabbi; 8<nr6TT]s, dcxpt /lcs, SiSdo-KoAos, didd- skalos, Kxipios, kiirios, pa(3p, rhabbi): "Master," when the tr of adhou, "ruler," "lord" (Sir), often tr 1 "lord," demotes generally the owner or master of a servant or slave (Gen 24 9, etc; 39 2, (Me; Ex 21 4, etc; Dt 23 If) bis; 2 S 9 9.10 bis; Prov 30 10); elsewhere it is rat her "lord" or "ruler" (often king, e.g. 1 S 24 0.8; 26 10); in the fl. ddhonlm, it is, as the rule, used only of God (but see Gen 19 2.18; Dt 10 17; Ps 136 3, "Lord of lords"; Isa 26 13, "other lords"; 19 4 [Heb "lords"]; 24 2). Rn l al, "lord," "owner," is tr d "master": "the master of the house" (Ex 22 8; Jgs 19 22.23); "the ass his master s crib" (Isa 1 3). We have it also tr 1 "masters of assemblies" (Eccl 12 11). See ASSEMBLIES, MASTERS OF. Cf Ecclus 32 1, "master [of a feast]," RV "ruler"; Jn 2 9, "ruler of the feast"; rnbh (I)nl 1 3; Jon 1 6, "shipmaster"); rabh, Aram., "great," "mighty," "elder" (Dnl 4 9; 5 11, "master of the magicians"); also S(ir, "head" or "chief" (Ex 1 11, "taskmasters"; 1 Ch 15 27, "master of the song," RVm "l/ic carrying of the ark, Heb the lifting up"); l r, "to call," "to awake," is also rendered "master" in AV, "The Lord will cut off the man that doeth this, the master and the scholar," in "him that waketh and him that answereth," RV as AVm (Mai 2 12). The vb. "to master" docs not occur in the OT, but we have in Apoc (Wisd 12 18) "mastering thy power" (despdzon ischiios), RV "being sovereign over [thy] strength."

      In the NT despotes answers to ddhon as "master" (1 Tim 6 1.2; 2 Tim 2 21), rendered also "Lord" (Lk 2 29,etc); kurios, is "Master," "Lord," "Sir," used very frequently of God or of Christ (Mt 1 20.22.24), tr d "Master" (Mt 6 24; 15 27; AV Mk 13 35; Rom 14 4, etc); kathegctf-s, a "leader," is tr 1 "Master" (Mt 23 8[AV].10); didaskalos, a title very often applied to Our Lord in the Gospels, is "Teach er," tr d "Master" in AV Mt 8 19; 9 11; Mk 4 38; Lk 3 12, etc; RV "Teacher"; also Jn 3 2.10; Jas 3 1, "be not many masters," RV "teachers"; rhabbi, rhabbci ("Rabbi") (a transliterated Heb term signifying "my Teacher") is also in several instances applied to Jesus, AV "Master" (Mt 26 25.49; Mk

      Mastery Matthew, Gospel



      9 .">; 11 121; .In 9 2 [HV leaves untranslated]; Mk 10 f>1, "Rabboni," AV "Lord"; Jn 20 1<> [ Kabbouni"], RV "Kahboni," q.v.).

      For "master" KV has "lord" (1 S 26 Hi; 29 4.10; Am 4 1; Mk 13 :<5; Koin 14 4); " master " for " lord (Gen 39 1(1; 2 Vet 2 1; Rev 6 10); for "good man of the house" (Ml 24 4:5; I>k 12 :< .), "master of the house"; in Kph 6 5, KVin gives "(Jr lords" (in ver 9, "their Maxtt-r and yours" is also (!r kuriusi; instead of "the only Lord <!od and our Lord Jesus Christ" (Judo ver 4), KV reads "our only Master and Lord, Jesus Christ," m "the only Master, and our Lord Jesus Christ"; for "overcame them" (Acts 19 10), "mas tered both of them."

      W. L. WALKER

      MASTERY, mas ter-i (rvrOjl , (fbhurah, t25tp , sh lct, Aram.; d.-ywvto[Aai., agonizomai, d.0\\\\a>, athleo): "Mastery" occurs twice in the OT and twice in AV of the NT: in Ex 32 18 ((fbhurah, "might"), "the voice of them that shout for mas tery"; in Dnl 6 24 (sh let, "to have power"), "The lions had the mastery of them"; in 1 Cor 9 25, agonizomai, "to contend for a prize," to be a com batant in the public games, is tr 1 "striveth for the mastery," RV "striveth in the games"; and in 2 Tim 2 5, athlco, with the same meaning, is tr d "strive for masteries," RV "contend in the games." From the Gr we have the; words "athlete," etc.

      W. L. WALKER

      MASTIC, MASTICK.mas tik (crxivos, sch mos) : A tree mentioned only in Sus ver 54 (cf Gen 37 2") in). It is the Pistacia Icntiscus (Arab. Mistaki), a shrub which attains a height of 10 to 12 ft., growing in thickets on the slopes round the Mediterranean. The gum which exudes through incisions made in the bark is greatly prized as a masticatory. _The smell and flavor are suggestive of the terebinth. It is chewed in order to preserve the teeth and gums. But often men chew it without any special purpose, just because they like it. The mastick produced in Chios is most highly esteemed. It js employed in making perfumes and sweetmeats; in preparing bread a little is sometimes added to the dough just before it is put into the oven. W. EWING

      MATHANIAS, math-a-nl as: AV in 1 Esd 9 31. See MATTHANIAS.

      MATHELAS, ma-t he/las (A, Ma^Xas, Mathtlas, B, MaeT|, Man-Inn; AV Matthelas) : One of the priests who had married "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 19) = "Maaseiah" of Ezr 10 18.

      MATHUSALA,ma-thu sa-la(MaeovoraXA,Ma^oti-

      sahi): Gr form of "Methuselah," RV (Lk 3 37


      MATRED, ma tred (I ltp Q , matredh, "expul sion"): The mother of Mehetabel, wife of Hadar, one of the kings of Edom (Gen 36 39; 1 Ch 1 50, "Hadad"). The LXX and Pesh designate Matred as male, i.e. as son of Me-zahab instead of daughter.

      MATRI, rna tri ("n^a , matrl, "rainy"): A family of the tribe of Benjamin to which King Saul belonged (1 S 10 21 AV).

      MATRIXES, ma trits (" Tv Sn , ha-main): The RV trot nialri with the definite art., "the Matrites" (1 S 10 21).

      MATTAN, mat an CJP^ , mattan, "a gift") :

      (1) A priest in the house of Baal, slain by Jehoiada before Baal s altar (2 K 11 18; 2 Ch 23 17).

      (2) The father of Shephatiah a contemporary and persecutor of Jeremiah (Jer 38 1), one of those who put Jeremiah into Malechiah s dungeon (ver 6).

      MATTANAH, mat a-na (rCI-TO , maUanah; B, MavOavaetv, Mnnthanaein; A, Ma.v0a.vttv, Man- Ihmicin): A station of the Israelites which .seems to have lain between Beer and Nahaliel (Nil 21 18 f). The name means "gift," and might not inappro priately be applied to a well in the wilderness (Budde translates "Out of the desert a gift"; see ExposT, VI, 482). Some would therefore identify it with Beer. This is improbable. There is now no clue to the place, but it must have lain S.\\\\Y. of the Dead Sea.

      MATTANIAH, mat-a-nl a OirPJITa, mattanyahu, "gift of Job"):

      (1) King Zedekiah s original name, but changed by Nebuchadnezzar when he made him king over Judah instead of his nephew Jehoiachin (2 K 24 17).

      (2) A descendant of Asaph (1 Ch 9 15), leader of the temple choir (Neh 11 17; 12 8). Men tioned among the "porters," keepers of "the store houses of the gates" (12 25), and again in ver 35 as among the "priests sons with trumpets."

      (3) May be the same as (2), though in 2 Ch 20 14 he is mentioned as an ancestor of that Jahaziel whose inspired words in the midst of the congrega tion encouraged Jehoshaphat to withstand the in vasion of Moab, Ammon and Seir (vs 14 IT).

      (4-7) Four others who had foreign wives, (a) the Matthanias of 1 Esd 9 27 (Ezr 10 26); (b) the Othonias of 1 Esd 9 28 (Ezr 10 27); (c) the Matthanias of 1 Esd 9 31 (Ezr 10 30); (<l) the fourth of these in 1 Esd 9 34 AV has had his name blended into that of Mattenai, and the two appear as the composite name Mamnitanemus (Ezr 10 37). He is a son of Bani.

      (8) A Levite, father of Zaccur, ancestor of Hanan the under-treasurer of the Levitical offerings under Nehemiah (Neh 13 13).

      (9) One of the sons of Heman the singer, whose office it was to blow the horns in the temple-service as David had appointed it (1 Ch 25 4.5). He was head of the 9th division of the 12 Levites (1 Ch 25 16), who were proficient in the Songs of Jeh (1 Ch 25 7).

      (10) One of the sons of Asaph who helped Heze- kiah in the fulfilling of his vow to cleanse the house of the Lord (2 Ch 29 13). HEXKY WALLACE

      MATTATHA, mat a-tha (Mai-raOd, Mattathd): Son of Nathan the son of David in the genealogy of Jesus (Lk 3 31).

      MATTATHAH, mat a-tha: RV MATT ATT AH


      MATTATHIAS, mat-a-thl as (Ma-rraOCas, Mat- talhias). The persons of this name in the Apoc are:

      (1) Mattathias the father of the Maccabees. See ASMONEANS; MACCABEES.

      (2) One of the 7 who stood on Ezra s right hand as he read the law (1 Esd 9 43) = "Mattitbiah" of Neh 8 4.

      (3) The son probably the youngest (cf 1 Mace 16 2) of Simon the Maceabean, treacherously murdered along with his father and his brother Judas by his brother-in-law Ptolemy, son of Abubus in the stronghold of Dok near Jericho in the 177th Seleucid 136-135 BC (1 Mace 16 14).

      (4) Son of Absalom, one of the two "captains of the forces" who in the campaign against Deme trius in the plain of Hazor gallantly supported Judas, enabling the latter to turn an impending defeat into a great victory (1 Mace 11 70).

      (5) One of the three envoys sent by Nicanor to treat with Judas in 161 BC (2 Mace 14 19). No



      Mastery Matthew, Gospel

      names of envoys arc given in theaccountof 1 Mace 7 27 ff.

      (()) One of Ihe sons of Asoin who put away his "strange wife" (1 Esd 9 33)=AV "Matthias" = "Mattattah" of Ezr 10 33.

      In addition to these tw r o of this name are men tioned in the NT:

      (7) Lk 3 25, "son of Amos."

      (8) Lk 3 20, "son of Semein." S. ANGUS

      MATTATTAH, mat a-ta (nnn 1 )? , mattutlah): RV for "Mattathah" in AV (Ezr 10 33). The same as "Mattathias" of 1 Esd 9 33, AV "Matthias" (q.v.).

      MATTE NAI, mat-e-na l, mat O-ni pII-VS, mat- t e nn/j, "liberal"):

      (1) (2) Two who married foreign wives, one a son of Hashum (Ezr 10 33; in 1 Esd 9 33 "Altan- neus") ; the other a son of Bani (Ezr 10 37).

      (3) A priest in the days of Joiakim son of Jeshua (Neh 12 19), representing the house of Joiarib.

      MATTER, mat er: This word being a very general term may express various ideas. RV therefore" frequently changes the reading of AV in order to state more definitely the meaning of the context (cf Ex 24 14; 1 S 16 IS; 1 K 8 59; 2 S 11 19; Est 34; Ps 35 20; 64 5; Prov 16 20; 18 13). "lin , dabhar, and the Gr \\\\6yos, logos, both meaning "word," are very frequently tr d by "matter." #X?7, hide, "wood," is rendered "matter" in Jas 3 5 AV (RV "how much wood is kindled"; cf Sir 28 10). Job 32 IS tr" lit. "words"; also Dnl 4 17, "sentence." Sta0^>w, diaphcro, "to carry in differ ent places," "to differ," is rendered "to make matter" (CJal 2 G). The meaning is "it makes a difference," "it matters," "it is of importance."

      A. L. BKKSLICH

      MATTHAN, mat than (TRMa,r9&v,Matthdn,WH Ma69<iv, Maththdn): An ancestor of Jesus, grand father of Joseph the husband of Mary (Mt 1 If)). See MATTHAT.

      MATTHANIAS, mat-tha-nl as (A, MarOavCas, Matthanias, B, Mardv, Matt in):

      (1) One of those who put away their "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 27) = "Mattaniah" of Ezr 10 2ti.

      (2) AV"Mathanias"(lEsd 9 31) = "Mattaniah" of Ezr 10 30. B, followed by Swete, reads Heo-- Kacnrafffj.i> i > Beskospasm M.S.

      MATTHAT, mat/that (Mcw-edr, Mnttluit, Ma9- 00.T, M(illillnU): The name of two ancestors of Jesus in Lk s genealogy (Lk 3 24.29), one being the grandfather of Joseph the husband of Mary.

      MATTHEW, math fi: Matthew the apostle and evangelist is mentioned in the 4 catalogues of the apostles in Mt 10 3; _Mk 3 IS; Lk 6 15; Acts 1 13, though his place is not constant in this list, varying between the 7th and the 8th places and thus exchanging positions with Thomas. The name occurring in the two forms Mar0cuos, Matthaios, and Ma00atbs, Mnthlhmos, is a Gr reproduction of the Aram. Mattathytlh, i.e. "gift of Jeh," and equivalent to Theodore. Before his call to the apostolic office, according to Mt 9 9, his name was Levi. The identity of Matthew and Levi is practically beyond all doubt, as is evident from the predicate in Mt 10 3; and from a comparison of Mk 2 14; Lk 6 27 with Mt 9 9. St. Mark calls him "the son of Alphaeus" (Mk 2 14), although this cannot have been the Alphaeus who was the father of James the Less; for if this James and Matthew had been brothers this fact would doubtless have been men tioned, as is the case with Peter and Andrew, and also with the sons of Zebedee. Whether Jesus, as

      He did in (he case of several others of His disci ples, gave him the additional name of Matthew is a matter of which we are not informed. As he was a customs officer (6 reXcii T/s, fin tdoncs, Mt 10 3) in Capernaum, in the territory of Herod Antipas, Matthew was not exactly a Rom official, but was in the service of the tetrarch of Galilee, or possibly a subordinate officer, belonging to the class called portitores, serving under the publicani, or superior officials who farmed the Rom taxes. As such he must have had some education, and doubt less in addition to the native Aram, must have been acquainted with the Gr. His ready acceptance of the call of Jesus shows that he must have belonged to that group of publicans and sinners, who in Galilee and elsewhere looked longingly to Jesus (Mt 11 19; Lk 7 34; 15 1). Just at what period of Christ s ministry he was called does not appear with certainty, but evidently not at once, as on the day when he was called (Mt 9 11.14.18; Mk 5 37), Peter, James and John are already trustworthy disciples of Jesus. Unlike the first six among the apostles, Matthew did not enter the group from among the pupils of John the Baptist. These are practically all the data furnished by the NT on the person of Matthew, and what is found in post- and extra-Bib, sources is chiefly the product of imagina tion and in part based on mistaking the name of Matthew for Matthias (cf Zalm, Intro to the NT, ch liv, n.3). Tradition states that he preached for 15 years in Pal and that after this he went to foreign nations, the Ethiopians, Macedonians, Syrians, Persians, Parthians and Medes being mentioned. He is said to have died a natural death either in Ethiopia or in Macedonia. The stories of t he Roman Catholic church that he died the death of a martyr on September 21 and of the Gr church that this occurred on November 10 are without any histori cal basis. Clem. Alex. (Strom., iv.9) give s the ex plicit denial of Heracleon that Matthew suffered martyrdom. G. H. SCHODDB

      MATTHEW, THE GOSPEL OF (efayyflUov Kard Ma00aiov, euaggelion katd Malhthalon [or MarOaiov, Mattkaion]) :

      1. Name of Gospel Unity and Integrity

      2. Canonicity and Authorship

      3. Relation of Or and Aram. Gospels

      4. Contents, Character and Purpose

      5. Problems of Literary Relation 0. Date of Gospel


      The "Gospel according to Matthew," i.e. the Gospel according to the account of Matthew, stands, according to traditional, but not en- 1. Name of tirely universal, arrangement, first Gospel among the canonical Gospels. The Unity and Gospel, as will be seen below, was Integrity unanimously ascribed by the testi mony of the ancient church to the apostle Matthew, though the title does not of itself necessarily _ imply immediate authorship. The unity and integrity of the Gospel were never in ancient times called in question. Chs 1, 2, par ticularly the story of the virgin birth and child hood of Jesus are proved by the consentient tes timony of MSS, VSS, and patristic references, to have been an integral part of the Gospel from the beginning (see VIIUJIN BIRTH). The omission of this section from the heretical Gospel of the Ebion- ites, which appears to have had some relation to our Gospel, is without significance.

      The theory of successive redactions of Mt, starting with an Aram. Gospel, elaborated by Eichhorn and Marsh (1801), and the related theories of successive editions of the Gospel put forth by the Tubingen school (Baur, Hilgenfeld, Kostlin, etc), and by Ewald (Bleek supposes a primitive Gr Gospel), lack historical founda tion, and are refuted by the fact that MSS and VSS know only the ultimate redaction. Is it credible that



      (lie churches should <|iiie(ly accept redaction after redac tion, and not a word be said, or a vestige remain, of any oi t hem .

      (1) Canonirilif. The apostolic origin and canon ical rank of the Gospel of Mt were accepted without,

      a doubt, by the early church. Origen, 2. Canon- in tin 1 beginning of the 3d cent, could icity and speak of it as the first of "the four Authorship ( Jospels, which alone are received with out dispute by the church of Clod under heaven" (in Euseb., HE, VI, 25). _ The use of the ( iospel can be t raced in 1 he apostolic Fathers; most distinctly in Barnabas, who quotes Mt 22 14 with the formula, "It is written" (5). Though not mentioned by name, it was a chief source from which Justin took his data for the life and words of Jesus (cf West cot t, Canon, 91 f f), and apostolic origin is implied in its forming part of "the Memoirs of the Apostles," "which are called Gospels," read weekly in the assemblies of the Christians (Ap. i.66, etc). Its identity with our Mt is confirmed by the un doubted presence of that (Iospel in the Diatcssaron of Tatian, Justin s disciple. The testimony of Papias is considered below. The unhesitating acceptance of the Gospel is further decisively shown by the testimonies and use made of it in the works of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and by its inclusion in the Muratorian Canon, the Itala, Pesh, etc. See CANON OF NT; GOSPELS.

      (2) Au(Jiorxh>.i>. The questions that cluster around the First ( Jospel have largely to do with the much-discussed and variously disputed statement concerning it found in Eusebius (HE, III, 39), cited from the much older work of Papias, entitled In terpretation of the. Word.-: of the Lord. Papias is the first who mentions Matthew by name as the author of the Gospel. His words are: "Matthew com posed the Logia [\\\\byia, login, "words," "oracles"] in the Heb [Aram.] tongue, and everyone inter preted them as he was able." Papias cannot here be referring to a book of Matthew in which only the discourses or sayings of Jesus had been preserved, but which had not any, or only meager accounts of His deeds, which imaginary document is in so many critical circles regarded as the basis of the present Gospel, for Papias himself uses the expression T& \\\\byta, in Kxjia, as embracing the story, as he himself says, in speaking of Mk, "of the things said or done by Christ" (Euseb., HE, III, 24; cf particularly T. Zahn, Intro to NT, sec. 54, and Light foot, Supernatural Religion, 170 ff). Eusebius further reports that after Matthew had first labored among his Jewish compatriots, he went to other nations, and as a substitute for his oral preaching, left to the former a Gospel written in their own dialect (III, 24). The testimony of Papias to Matthew as the author of the First Gospel is con firmed by Irenaeus (iii.3, 1) and by Origen (in Euseb., HE, V, 10), and may be accepted as repre senting a uniform 2d-cent. tradition. Always, however, it is coupled with the statement that the Gospel was originally written in the Heb dialect. Hence arises the difficult question of the relation of the canonical Gr Gospel, with which alone, appar ently, the fathers were acquainted, to this alleged original apostolic work.

      One thing which seems certain is that whatever this Heb (Aram.) document may have been, it was not

      an original form from which the present 3. Relation Gr Gospel of Mt was tr cl , either by the of Gr and apostle himself, or by somebody else, Aram. as was maintained by Bengel, Thiersch,

      Gospels and other scholars. Indeed, the Gr

      Mt throughout bears the impress of being not a tr at all, but as having been originally written in Gr, and as being less Hebraistic in the form of thought than some other NT writings, e.g.

      the Apocalypse. It is generally not difficult to discover when a Gr book of this period is a tr from the Heb or Aram. That our Mt was written origi nally in Gr appears, among other things, from the way in which it makes use of the OT, sometimes following the LXX, sometimes going back to the Heb. Particularly instructive passages in this regard an; 12 1S L 21 and 13 14.15, in which the rendering of the Alexandrian tr would have served the purposes of the evangelist, but he yet follows more closely the original text, although he adopts the LXX wherever this seemed to suit better than the Heb (cf Keil s Comm. on Alt, loc. cit.).

      The external evidences to which appeal is made in favor of the use of an original Heb or Aram. Mt in the primitive church are more than elusive. Eusebius (HE, V, 10) mentions as a report (X^- ycTai, le(jctai) that Pantaenus, about the year 170 AI), found among the Jewish Christians, probably of South Arabia, a Gospel of Mt in Heb, left there by Bartholomew; and Jerome, while in the Syrian Beroea, had occasion to examine such a work, which he found in use among the Nazarenes, and which at first he regarded as a composition of the apostle Matthew, but afterward declared not to be such, and then identified with the Gospel according to the Hebrews (Evangelium sccundum or jitxta Hcbraeos) also called the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles, or of the Nazarenes, current among the Nazarenes and Ebionites (De Vir.Illustr. t iii , Con- tra Pdag.,u\\\\. 2; Comm. on Mt 12 13, etc; see GOS PEL ACCORDING TO THE HEBREWS). For this reason the references by Irenaeus, Origen, Eusebius to the Heb Gospel of Mt are by many scholars regarded as referring to this Heb Gospel which the Jewish Chris tians employed, and which they thought to be the work of the evangelist (cf for fuller details R E, XII, art. "Matthaeus der Apostel"). Just what the origi nal Ileb Mt was to which Papias refers (assuming it to have had a real existence) must, with our present available means, remain an unsolved riddle, as also the possible connection between the Gr and Heb texts. Attempts like those of Zahn, in his Kom- mcntar on Mt, to explain readings of the Gr text through an inaccurate understanding of the imag inary Heb original are arbitrary and unreliable. There remains, of course, the possibility that the apostle himself, or someone under his care (thus Godet), produced a Gr recension of an earlier Aram. work.

      The prevailing theory at present is that the TTeh Matthacan document of Papias was a collection mainly of the discourses of Jesus (called by recent critics Q), which, in variant Gr translations, was used both by the author of the Gr Mt and by the evangelist Luke, thus explaining the common features in these two gospels (\\\\V. C. Allen, however, in his Grit, and Exetjet. Comm. on Mt, disputes Lk s use of this supposed common source, Intro, xlvifT). The use of this supposed Matthaean source is thought to explain how the Gr Gospel came to bo named after the apostle. It has already been re marked, however, that there is no good reason for sup posing that the, "Logia" of Papias was confined to dis courses. See further on "sources " below.

      (1) Contents and character. As respects con tents, the Gospel of Mt can be divided into 3 chief parts: (1) preliminary, including the 4. Contents, birth and early youth of the Lord Character (chs 1, 2); (2) the activity of Jesus in and Galilee (chs 3-18); (3) the activity

      Purpose of Jesus in Judaea and Jerus, followed by His passion, death, and resurrection (chs 19-28). In character, the Gospel, like those of the other evangelists, is only a chrestomathy, a selection from the great mass of oral tradition con cerning the doings and sayings of Christ current in apostolic and early Christian circles, chosen for the special purpose which the evangelist had in view. Accordingly, there is a great deal of material in Mt



      in common \\\\vitli Mk and Lk, although not a little of tliis material, too, is individualistic in character, and of a nature to vex and perplex the harmonist, as e.g. Matthew s accounts of the temptation, of the demoniacs at Gadara, of the blind man at Jericho (4 1-11; 8 2S-34; 20 29-34); yet there is much also in this Gospel that is peculiar to it. Such are the following pericopes: clis 1,2; 9 27-36; 10 15. 37-40; 11 2S-30; 12 11.12.15-21.33-38; 13 24- .JO.30-52; 14 28-31; 16 17-19; 17 24-27; 18 15-35; 19 10-12; 20 1-10; 21 10 f. 14-16.28-32; 22 1-14; 23 8-22; 24 4225 -16; 27 310.62-66; 28 1 1 IT. The principle of arrangement of the material is not chronological, but rather that of similarity of material. The addresses and parables of Jesus are reported consecutively, although they may have been spoken at different times, and material scattered in the other evangelists esp. in Lk is found combined in Mt. Instances arc seen in the Sermon on the Mount (chs 5-7), the "mission address" (eh 10), the seven parables of the Kingdom of Clod (ch 13), the discourses and parables (ch 18), the woes against the Pharisees (ch 23), and the grand eschatological discourses (chs 24, 25) (cf with || in the other gospels, on the relation to which, see below).

      (2) Purpose. The special purpose which the writer had in view in his Gospel is nowhere expressly stated, as is done, e.g., by the writer of the Fourth (lospel in Jn 20 30.31, concerning his book, but it can readily be gleaned from the general contents of the book, as also from specific passages. The tradi tional view that Matthew wrote primarily to prove that in Jesus of Nazareth is to be found the ful filment and realization of the Messianic predictions of the OT prophets and seers is beyond a doubt correct. The mere fact that there are about _ 40 proof passages in Mt from the OT, in connection even with the minor details of Christ s career, such as His return from Egypt (2 15), is ample evidence of this fact, although the proof manner and proof value of some of these passages are exegetical mice*, as indeed is the whole way in which the OT is cited in the NT (see QUOTATIONS, NT).

      The question as to whether the Gospel was written for Jewish Christians, or for Jews not yet converted, is less important, as this book, as was the case probably with the Ep. of Jas, was written at that transition period when the Jewish and the Christian communions were not yet fully separated, and still worshipped together.

      Particular indications as to this purpose of the Gospel are met with at the beginning and through out the whole work; e.g. it is obvious in 1 1, where the proof is furnished that Jesus was the son of Abraham, in whom all families of the earth were to be blessed (Gen 12 3), and of David, who was to establish the kingdom of God forever (2 S 7). The genealogy of Lk, on the other hand (3 23 ff), with its cosmopolitan character and purpose, aiming to show that Jesus was the Itedeemer of the whole world, leads back this line to Adam, the common ancestor of all mankind. Further, as the genealogy of Mt is evidently that of Joseph, the foster and legal father of Jesus, and not that of Mary, as is the case in Lk, the purpose to meet the demands of the Jewish reader is transparent. The full account in Mt of the Sermon on the Mount, which does not, as is sometimes said, contain a "new program of the kingdom of God" indeed does not contain the fundamental principles of the Gospel at all but is the deeper and truly Bib. interpretation of the Law over against the superficial interpretation of the current Pharisaism, which led the advocates of the latter in all honesty to declare, "What lack I yet?" given with the design of driving the auditors to the gospel of grace and faith proclaimed by Christ (cf

      Gal 3 24) all this is only intelligible when we remember that the book was written for Jewish readers. Again the yeypa-n-rai, gegraptai i.e. the fulfilment of OT Scripture, a matter which for the Jew was everything, but for the Gentile was of little concern appears in Mt on all hands. We have it e.g. in connection wit h the birth of Jesus from a virgin, His protection from Herod, His coming to Nazareth (1 22 f; 2 f. 23), the activity of John the Baptist (3 3; cf 11 10), the selection of Galilee as the scene of Jesus operations (4 14 ff), the work of Jesus as the fulfilment of the Law and Prophets (5 17), His quiet, undemonstrative methods (12 17 ff), His teaching by parables (13 35), His entrance into Jerus (21 4C.16), His being arrested (26 54 j, the betrayal of Judas (27 9), the distribution of His garments (27 35). Through out , as Professor Kiibel says, the ( iospel of Mt shows a "diametrical contrast between Christ and Pharisa ism." Over against, the false Messianic ideas and ideals of contemporary teachings among the Jews, Mt_selccts those facts from the teachings and deeds of Christ which show the true Messiah and the cor rect principles of the kingdom of God. In this respect the Gospel can be regarded as both apolo getic and polemical in its aim, in harmony with which also is its vivid portraiture to the growing hostility of t he Jews to Christ and to His teachings which, in the latter part of Mt, appears as intense as it. does in John. Nowhere else do we find such pronounced denunciations of the Pharisees and t heir system from the lips of Jesus (cf 9 11 ff; 12 1 ff; 15 Iff; 16 Iff; and on particular points 5 20 ff; 9 13; 23 23; see also 8 12; 9 34; 12 24; 21 43). It is from this point of view, as representing the antithesis to the narrow Pharisaic views, that we are to understand the writer s emphasis on the iinin rxtilit// of the kingdom of Jesus Christ (cf 3 1-12; 8 10-12; 21 33-44; 28 1S-20) passages in which some have thought they discerned a con tradiction to the prevailing Jewish strain of the Gospel.

      The special importance of the Gospel of Mt for the synoptic problem can be fully discussed only

      in the art. on this subject (see Gos- 5. Problems PELS, THK SYNOPTIC), and in con- of Literary nection with Mk and Lk. The Relation synoptic problem deals primarily with

      the literary relations existing between the first 3 Gospels. The contents of these are in many cases so similar, even in verbal details, that they must have some sources in common, or some dependence or interdependence must exist between them; on the other hand, each of the 3 Gospels shows so many difference s and dissimilarities from the other two, that in their composition some inde pendent source or sources oral or written must have been employed. In general it may be said that the problem itself is of little more than literary importance, having by no means the historical significance for the development of the religion ot the NT which the Pentateuchal problem has for that of the OT. Nor has the synoptic problem any historical background that promises a solution as the Pentateuchal problem has in the history of Israel. Nothing save an analysis of the contents of these Gospels, and a comparison of the contents of the three, offers the scholar any material for the study of the problem, and as subjective taste and impressions are prime factors in dealing with ma terials of this sort, it is more than improbable, in the absence of any objective evidence, that the synoptic problem in general, or the question of the sources of Mt in particular, will ever be solved to the satisfaction of the majority of scholars. The hypothesis which at present has widest acceptance is the "two-source" Mieory, according to which

      Matthias Meals



      Mk, in its existing or sonic earlier form, and the problematical original Mt ((2), constitute the basis of our canonical Gospel.

      In proof of this, it is pointed out that nearly the whole of tin; narrative-matter of Mk is taken up into Mt, as also into Lk, while the lar^e sections, chiefly discourses, common to Mt and Lk are held, as already said, to point to a source of that- character which both used. The difficulties arise when the comparison is pursued into details, and explanation is sought of the variations in phraseology, order, sometimes in conception, in the respective gospels.

      Despite the prestige which this theory has at tained, the true solution is probably a simpler one. Matthew no doubt secured the bulk of his data from his own experience and from oral tradition, and as the former existed in fixed forms, due to catechetical instruction, in the early church, it is possible to explain the similarities of Mt with the other two synoptics on this ground alone, without resorting to any literary dependence, either of Mt on the other two, or of these, or either of them, on Mt. The whole problem is purely speculative and subjective and under present conditions justifies a cui bono ? as far as the vast literature which it has called into existence is concerned.

      According to early and practically universal tradition Alt wrote his Gospel before the other

      three, and the place assigned to it in 6. Date of NT literature favors the acceptance Gospel of this tradition. Irenaeus reports that

      it was written when Peter and Paul were preaching in Rome (iii.l), and Euseb. states that this was done when Matthew left Pal and went to preach to others (HE, III, 24). Clement of Alexandria is responsible for the statement that the presbyters who succeeded each other from the beginning declared that "the gospels containing the genealogies [Mt and Lk] were written first" (Euseb., HE, VI, 14). This is, of course, fatal to the current theory of dependence on Mk, and is in consequence rejected. At any rate, there is the best reason for holding that the book must have been written before the destruction of Jerus in 70 AD (cf 24 15). The most likely date for the Gr Gospel is in the 7th Christian decade. Zahn claims that Matthew wrote his Aram. Gospel in Pal in 62 AD, while the Gr Mt dates from 85 AD, but this latter date is not probable.

      LITERATURE. Intro to tho Comms. on Mt (Meyer, Alford, Allen [ICC], Broadus [Philadelphia, 1887], Morison, Plummer, Schaeffer in Lutheran Commentary [Xew York, 1895], etc) ; works on Intro to the NT (Salmon, Weiss, Zahn, etc) ; arts, in Bible Diets, and Encs may be consulted. See also F. C. Burkitt, The Gospel History and Its Transmission; Wellhausen, Das Evangelium Matlhaci and Einleitung in die drei ersten Evangelien; Sir J. C. Hawkins, Horae Synopticae; West- cott, Intro to the Study of the Gospels; Lightfoot, Essays on Supernatural Religion, V, " Papias of Hierapolis" (this last specially on the sense of Loyia). See also the works cited in MARK, GOSPEL OK.

      G. H. SCHODDE

      MATTHIAS, ma-thl as (MarGicis, Matthias, or Ma.e9as, Malhthias; rPriTn , Mattithyah, "given of Jeh"): Matthias was the one upon whom the lot fell when he, along with Joseph Barsabbas, was put forward to fill up the place in the apostleship left vacant by Judas Iscariot (Acts 1 15-26). This election was held at Jerus, and the meeting was presided over by St. Peter. The conditions demanded of the candidates were that they should "have companied with us all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and went out among us, beginning from the baptism of John, unto the day that he was received up from us," and that the one chosen should "become a witness with us of his resurrection" (Acts 1 21.22). The mode of procedure was by lot, and with prayer was the election made (cf Acts 1 24).

      Hilgenfeld identifies Matthias with Nathanael

      (cf NATHAN A KL). He was traditionally the author of the "Gospel of Matthias," a heretical work re ferred to by Origen (Horn, on Lk, i), by Eusebius (HE, III, 25, 6) and by Hieronymus (Proem in Mnltfi.). No trace of it is left. The gnostic Basilides (c 133 AD) and his son Isidor claimed to ground their doctrine in the "Gospel of Basilides" on the teaching Matthias received directly from the Saviour (Ilippol., vii.20) (cf Hennecke, Nei/tes- tamentliche Apokryphen, 167). Various parts of the apocryphal "Contendings of the Apostles" deal with the imprisonment and blinding of Matthias by the Ethiopian cannibals, and his rescue by Andrew (cf Budge, Contendings of the Apostles, II, 163, 164, 267-88; see also ANDREW). According to the Martyrdom of Kt. Matthias (Budge;, II, 289-94) he was sent to Damascus, and died at Phalaeon, a city of Judaea. Other sources mention Jerus as the place of Matthias ministry and burial.

      C. M. KKRR

      MATTITHIAH, mat-i-thl a (rPttrvg , malliUtyah, or ^rPriirp, tnattithijahu,, "gift of jeh"):

      (1) The Mattithiah of Neh 8 4 (1st spelling) was one of those who stood at Ezra s right hand while he read the law (cf 1 Esd 9 43). He may be the individual set over "things that were baked in pans" (1 Ch 9 31).

      (2) One of those appointed by David to minister before the ark, and to "celebrate and to thank and praise Jeh, the God of Israel" (1 Ch 16 4.5).

      (3) One of those who had foreign wives (Ezr 10 43). In 1 Esd 9 35, "Mazitias."

      (4) One of the Levites who ministered before the ark with harps (1 Ch 15 18.21; 25 3.21, 2d spelling). HENRY WALLACE

      MATTOCK, mat/ok: The tr of 3 Hcb words: (1) rnEHnft, mah&reshah, probably "a pickaxe" (1 S 13 20.21; cf ver 21 m); (2) inn, herebh, "sword," "ax," "tool" (2 Ch 34 6 A V, "with their mattocks," AVm "mauls," RV "in their ruins," RVm "with their axes") ; (3) "^I^ P , madder, "a hoe," "rake," "chopping instrument" (Isa 7 25). Vines were usually grown on terraces on the hills of Pal, and then the mattock was in constant use. The usual mattock is a pick with one end broad, the other pointed.

      MAUL, mol CpSU, mephlq, lit. "a breaker," "a club," "mace," "mattock"): A smashing weapon like the oriental war-club or the clubs always carried by the shepherds of Lebanon (Prov 25 18; cf Jer 51 20 m).

      MAUZZIM, moz em, mots em (D" I -T7 52 , mCfuz- zlm, "places of strength," "fortresses"): Many con jectures as to the meaning of this word and its context (Dnl 11 38; cf vs 19.39) have been made. The LXX (uncertainly), Theodotion, and the Geneva Version render it as a proper name. Theod- oret adopted Theodotion s reading and explained it as "Antichrist"! Grotius thought it a corrup tion of "Afifos, Azizos, the Phoen war-god, while Calvin saw in it the "god of wealth"! Perhaps the buzz of conjectures about the phrase is owing to the fact that in the first passage cited the word is preceded by Elu n h, meaning God. The context of the passage seems clearly to make the words refer to Antiochus Epiphanes, and on this account some have thought that the god Mars whose figure appears on a coin of Antiochus is here re ferred to. All this is, however, little better than guesswork, and the RV tr, by setting the mind upon the general idea that the monarch referred to would trust in mere force, gives us, at any rate, the general



      Matthias Meals

      sense, though it does not exclude the possibility of a reference to a particular deity. In vs 19 and 39, the word "Mauzzim" is simply tr fl "fortresses," and the idea conveyed is that the mental obsession of fortresses is equivalent to deifying them. A con jecture of Layard s (Nirttwh, II, 450, n.), is, at any rate, worth referring to. HEXRY WALLACE

      MAW, mo (rnp, kchhuh [cf rap, kr,M<ih, NU 25

      <S], TU~0, k rcs; LXX evucrrpov, cnuslron}: The first word means the maw or stomach of ruminants. It is derived from a root designating "hollowed out." It is mentioned alongside of the shoulder and the two cheeks of ox and sheep, which an 1 the, priest s share of any sacrifice brought by Israelites (1)1 18 3). LXX, where enxxtron corresponds to Attic tfvvo-rpov, tnustrpn, denotes the fourth stomach or abomasum, which was considered as a delicacy, and was almost a national dish of the Athenians, just as tripe is of the Londoners. The parallel form kobhah is used for the body of a woman, which is being transfixed by a spear thrust in Nu 25 8. Tin- last word k Tcs is found in a metaphorical sense: "[Nebuchadrezzar] hath, like a monster, swallowed me up, he hath filled his maw with my delicacies" (Jer 61 34). H. L. K LUERINQ

      MAZITIAS, maz-i-tl as (A, MaiTa S , Mnzliinx, B, ZciTtas, Zeitias): One of those who had taken "strange wives" (1 Ksd 9 3f)), identical with Mattithiah (Ezr 10 43).

      MAZZALOTH, maz a-loth (The Planets). See ASTROLOGY, 9.

      MAZZAROTH, maz a-roth: Tlie 12 constella tions of the Zodiac. See ASTRONOMY, II, 12.

      MAZZEBAH, maz-e ba, mats-e ba. See PILLAR.

      MEADOW, med d: (1) nT^." , Vo///, "the meadows [AV " paper reeds"] by the Nile" (Isa 19 7); I"23~ri~l> 1 2 , ma f &reh-gabha\\\\ AV "meadows of Gibeah," KV "Maareh-geba," RVm "the meadow of Geba, or Gibeah" (.Jgs 20 33); from

      """ , Wu/i, "to be naked"; cf Arab, ^

      "to be naked,"


      ara d , "a bare tract of

      land." *Ardth and monarch signify tracts bare of trees. (2) IflX , dhu, in Pharaoh s dream of liie kine, AV "meadow," RV "reed grass" (Gen 41 2.18). Aha is found also in Job 8 11, AV and RV "flag," RVm "reed-grass." According to Gesenius, dhu is an Egyp word denoting the vege tation of marshy ground. (3) C^^G ^2$, J dl>l;(i kframlm, "Abel-cheramim," RVm "The meadow of vineyards," AV "the plain [AVm "Abel"| of the vineyards" (Jgs 11 33); "Abel-beth-maacah" (I K 15 20; 2 K 15 29; cf 2 S 20 14.1f,.ixj; "Abcl- shittim" (Nu 33 49; cf 25 1 ; Josh 21; 31; Jgs 7 22; Joel 3 IS; Mic 6 T,j; "Abel-meholah" (Jgs 7 22; 1 K 4 12; 19 Ki); "Abel-maim" (2 Ch 16 4); "Abel-mizraim" (Gen 50 1 1): "stone," AV "Abel," RVm "Abel," that is "a meadow" (IS

      6 IS); cf Arab. Jot, abal, "green grass," and abalul, " unhealthy marshy ground," from

      irabal, "to rain.


      MEAH, nie a (flX 1 ? , me ah, "hundred"). S( HAMMEAH.

      MEAL, rnel (^X, Okhd): Denotes the portion of food eaten at any one time. It is found as a com pound in Ruth 2 14, "meal-time," lit. "the time of eating." See FOOD.


      MEALS, melz, MEAL-TIME: Bread materials, bread-making and baking in the Orient are dealt with under BREAD (q.v.). For food-stuffs in use among the Hebrews in Bible times more specifically see FOOD. This article aims to be complementary, dealing esp. with the methods of preparing and serving food and times of meals among the ancient Hebrews.

      The Book of Jgs gives a fair picture of the early formative period of the Heb people and their ways of living. It is a picture of semi-savagery of the life and customs of free desert tribes. In 1 S we note a distinct step forward, but the domestic and cultural life is still low and crude. When they are settled in Pal and come in contact with the most cultured people of the day, the case is different. Most that raised these Sem invaders above the dull, crude existence of fellah ni, in point of civiliza tion, was due to the people for whom the land was named (Macalister, Hist of CiriU.znlion in Pal). From that time on various foreign influences played their several parts in modification of Heb life and customs. A sharp contrast illustrative of the primitive beginnings and the growth of luxury in Israel in the preparation and use; of foods may be seen by a comparison of 2 S 17 28 f with 1 K 4 22 f.

      /. Methods of Preparing Food. The most primi-

      tiveway of using the cereals was to pluck the fresh

      ears (Lev 23 14; 2 K 4 42), remove

      1. Cereals the husk by rubbing (cf Dt 23 25

      and Mt 12 i), and cat the grain raw.

      A practice common to all periods, observed by

      fdlahin today, was to parch or roast the ears and

      Baking Bread on Stones.

      eat them unground. Later it became customary to grind the grain into flour, at first by the rudi mentary method of pestle and mortar (Nu 11 8; cf Prov 27 22), later by the hand-mill (Ex 11 5; Job 31 10; cf Mt 24 41), still later in mills worked by the ass or other animal (Mt 18 G, lit. "a mill-

      Meals Mean



      Another simple way of preparing the K "dn was to s. ,ak it in water, or I >ni lit slightly, and I lien, after dryiiiK and crushing il, to serve il as the dish called "Croats" is served umon^ western peoples.

      The kneading of the doii^Ii preparatory to baking was done doubtles--, as it is now in t lie Kasl. by press ing it between the hands or by passing it from hand to hand; except that in the monuments show, it was put in "baskets" ;i:id trodden with the feet, as grapes in t he wine press. (This is done in Paris bakeries to this day.) See Biu;.u>; FOOD.

      Lentils, several kinds of beans, and a profusion

      of vegetables, wild and cultivated, were prepared

      and eaten in various ways. The

      2. Vege- lentils were sometimes roasted, as tables they are today, and eaten like "parched

      corn." They were sometimes stewed like beans, and flavored with onions and other ingredients, no doubt, as wo find done in Syria today (cf Ceil 25 29. 34), and sometimes ground and made into bread (Ezk 4 9; cf ZDPV, IX, 4). The wandering Israelites in the wilderness looked back wistfully on the cucumbers, melons, leeks, onions and garlic of Egypt (Nu 11 5), and later we find all of these used for food in Pal. How many other things were prepared and used for food by them may be gathered from the Mish, our rich est source 1 of knowledge on t he subject.

      Tlu 1 flesh of animals permission to eat which it

      would seem was first given to Noah after the deluge

      (Cen 1 29 f; 9 3 f) was likewise pre-

      3. Meat pared and used in various ways: (fi)

      7iV>r;.s //m/was much in vogue, indeed was probably the oldest of all methods of preparing such food. At first raw meat was laid upon hot stones from which the embers had been removed, as in the case of the cake 1 baken on the hot stones" (1 K 19 G RVm; cf Hos 7 8, "a cake not turned"), and sometimes underneath with a covering of ashes. The //.s/i that the disciples found prepared for them by the Sea of Calilee (Jn 21 9) was, in exception to this rule, cooked on the live coals themselves. A more advanced mode of roasting was by means of a spit of green wood or iron (for baking in ovens, see FOOD). (/;) Boiling was also common (see Gen 25 29; Ex 12 9, etc, ARV; EV more frequently "seething," "sod," "sodden"), as it is in the more primitive parts of Syria today. The pots in which the boiling was done wen 1 of earthenware or bronze 1 (Lev 6 2S). When the meat was boile^l in more water than was required fe>r the ordinary "stew" the result, was the broth (Jgs 6 19 f), and the meat and the broth might then be served separately. The usual way, however, was to cut the meat into pieces, larger or smaller aa the case might demand (1 S 2 13; Ezk 24 3ff; cf Micah s metaphor, 3 3), and put these pieces into the cooking-pot with water sufficient only for a stew. Vegetables and rice were generally added, though crushed wheat sometimes took the place of the rice, as in the case of the "savory meat" which Rebekah pre pared for her husband from the "two kids of the goats" (Gen 27 9). The seeds of certain legu minous plants we re also often prepared by boiling (Cen 25 29; 2 K 4 38). (c) The Heb house wives, we may be sure, were in sue h matters in no way behind their modern kinswomen of the desert, of "whom Doughty tells: "The Arab housewives make savory messes of any grain, seething it and putting thereto only a little salt and samn [clarified butter]."

      Olive oil was extensively and variously used by the ancient Hebrews, as by most eastern peoples

      then, as it is now. (a) Oriental cook- 4. Oil ing diverges here more than at any

      other point from that of the northern and western peoples, e>il serving many of the pur

      poses of butter and lard among ourselves, (b) Oil was used in cooking vegetables as we use bacon and other animal fats, and in cooking fish and eggs, as also in the liner sorts of baking. See BKKAD; FOOD; OIL. (r) They even mixed oil with the flour, shaped it into cakes and then baked it (Lev 2 4). The "little oil" of the poor widow of /ere- phath was clearly not intended for the lamps, but to bake her pitiful "handful of meal" (1 K 17 12). ((/) Again the cake 1 of unmixeel flour might be 1 baked till almost, done, then smeared with oil, sprinkled with anise seed, and brought, by further baking to a glossy brown. A species of thin flat cakes of this kind are "the- wafers anointed with oil" of Ex 29 2, etc. (c) Oil and honey constituted, as now in the East, a mixture used as we use 1 butter and honey, and are found also mixed in the making of sweet cakes (E/k 16 13.19). The taste of the manna is said in .Ex 16 31 to be like- that of "wafers made with honey," and in Xu 11 8 to be like: "the taste of cakes baked with oil" (RVm).

      //. Meals, Meal-Time, etc. (1) It was cus tomary among the ancient Hebrews, as among their contemporaries in the East in classical lands, to have but two meals a day. The "morning morsel" or "early snack," as it is called in the Talm, taken with some- relish like olives, oil or melted butter, might be: used by peasants, fishermen, or even artisans, to "break their fast" (see the one refer ence to it in the XT in Jn 21 12.1.1), but this was not a true 1 meal. It was rather dpLcrrov irpw ivbv, (tr/slon prmnon (Robinson, BRP, II, 18), though some think it the 1 bpivrov, driston, of the 1 NT (Ede-rsheim, LTJM, II, 205, n. 3; cf Plummer, ICC, on Lk 11 37). To "eat a meal," i.e. a full meal, in the morning was a matter for grave reproach (Keel 10 10), as early drinking was un usual and a sign of degradation (of Acts 2 1~>).

      (2) The first meal (cf "meal-time," lit. "the time of eating," Ruth 2 14; Cen 43 10), according to general usage, was taken at or about noon when

      Arab Meal.

      the climate anel immemorial custom demanded a rest from labor. Peter s intended meal at Joppa, interrupted by the messengers of Cornelius, was at "the sixth hour," i.e. 12 M. It corresponded somewhat to our modern "luncheon," but the hour varied according to rank and occupation (Shab- bmh 10<i). The: Bedawi take it about 9 or 10 o clock (Burckharelt, Xotcs, I, 09). It is described somewhat fully by Lane in Modern Egyptians^ To abstain from this meal was accounted "fasting (Jgs 20 20; 1 S 14 24). Drummond (Tropical Africa) says his Negro bearers began the day s work without food.

      (3) The second anel main meal (XT, Setirvov, dc ipnon) was taken about the set of sun, or a little before or after, when the day s work was over and



      Meals Mean

      the laborers had "come in from the field" (Lk 17 7; 24 29 i j. This is the supper time," the "great supper" of Lk 14 16, the important meal of the day, when the whole family were together for the evening (Burckhardt, Notes, I, 69). It was the time of the feeding of the multitudes by Jesus (Mk 6 35; Alt 14 15; Lk 9 12), of the eating of the Passover, and of the partaking of the Lord s Supper. According to Jewish law, and for special reasons, the chief meal was at midday "at the sixth hour," according to Jos (Vita, 54; cf Gen 43 16-25; 2 S 24 15 LXX). It was Jeh s promise to Israel that they should have "bread" in the morning and "flesh" in the evening (Ex 16 12), incidental evi dence of one way in which the evening meal differed from that at noon. At this family meal ordinarily there was but one common dish for all, into which all "dipped the sop" (see Mt 26 23; Mk 14 20j, so that when the food, cooked in this common stew, was set before the household, the member of the household who had prepared it had no further work to do, a fact which helps to explain Jesus words to Martha, One dish alone is needful (Lk 10 42; Hastings DCG, s.v. "Meals").

      (I) Sabbath banqueting became quite customary among the Jews (see examples cited by Lightfoot, Hor. lid) ct Talm on Lk 14 1; cf Edersheim, LTJM. II, 52, 437; Farrar, Life of Christ, II, 110, n.j. Indeed it was carried to such an excess that it became proverbial for luxury. But the principle which lay at the root of the custom was the honor of the Sabbath (Lightfoot, op. cit., Ill, 140), which may explain Jesus countenance and use of the custom (cf Lk 7 36; 11 37; 14 7-14), and the fact that on the last Sabbath He spent on earth before His passion He was the chief guest at such a festive meal (Jn 12 2). It is certain that. He made use of such occasions to teach lessons of charily and religion, in one case even when His host was inclined to indulge in discourteous criticism (Lk 7 30; 11 38.4.5 f; cf Jn 12 7 f). He seems to have withheld His formal disapproval of what might be wrong in tendency in such feasts because of the latent possibilities for good He saw in them, and so often used them wisely and well. It was on one of these occasions that a fellow-guest in his enthusiasm broke out in the exclamation, "Blessed is he that shall eat bread in the kingdom of God" (Lk 14 15), referring evidently to the popular Jewish idea that the Messianic kingdom was to be ushered in with a banquet, and that feasting was to be a chief part of its glories (cf Isa 25 6; Lk 13 29). See BANQUET.

      ///. Customs at Meals. In the earliest times the Hebrews took their meals sitting, or more prob ably squatting, on the ground like the Bedawi and fellahin of today (see Gen 37 25, etc), with the legs gathered tailor-fashion (PEFS, 1905, 124). The use of seats naturally followed upon the change from nomadic to agricultural life, after the conquest of Canaan. Saul and his messmates sat upon "seats" (1 S 20 25), as did Solomon and his court (1 K 10 5; cf 13 20, etc). With the growth of wealth and luxury under the monarchy, the custom of reclining at meals gradually became the fashion. In Amos day it was regarded as an aristocratic innovation (Am 3 12; 6 4), but two centuries later Ezekiel speaks of "a stately bed" or "couch" (cf Est 1 6 RV) with "a table prepared before it" (Ezk 23 41), as if it was no novelty. By the end of the 3d cent. BC it was apparently universal, ex-

      ept among the very poor (Jth 12 15; Tob 2 1).

      Accordingly, "sitting at meat" in the NT (EV) is every where replaced by "reclining" (RVm), though women and children still sat. They leaned on the left elbow (Sir 41 19), eating with the right hand (see LORD S SUPPEK). The various words used in

      the Gospels to denote the bodily attitude at meals, as well as the circumstances described, all imply that the Syrian custom of reclining on a couch, followed by Greeks and Romans, was in vogue (Edersheim, II, 207). Luke uses one word for it

      iis lechzs




      6\\\\ 5\\\\






      Table and Couclios with Scats Numbered in Order of Rank.

      which occurs nowhere else in the NT (/cara- K\\\\i6rjvai, kataklithtnai, 7 36; 14 8; 24 30; and KaraK\\\\LvLv y katakUnein, 9 14.15), which Hobart says is the medical term for laying patients or causing them to lie in bed (Medical Language of Luke, 69). For costumes and customs at more elaborate feasts see BANQUET; DRESS. For de tails in the "minor morals" of the dinner table, see the classical passages (Sir 31 12-18; 32 3-12),

      Reclining on Couches.

      in which Jesus ben-Sira has expanded the counsel given in Prov 23 1 f; cf Kennedy in 1-vol IIDB, s.v. "Meals."

      LITERATURE. Edersheim, Life, and Times of Jesus the Mcxxinh; O. Holtzmann, Elite, Untersuchung zuni Lebcn Jrsu, ET, 20(i; B. Weiss, The Life, of Christ, II, 125, n. 2; Plummrr, ICC, "Luke," 15<>f; Farrar, Life, of Christ; HDB, DCG, 1-vol UDB; EB; Jew Ene, etc.

      GKO. B. EAGER

      MEAN, men: The noun "meaning" (l)nl 8 15 AV, RV "I sought to understand"; and 1 Cor 14 11) is synonymous with "signification," but in 1 Mace 15 4 AV it expresses "purpose" (RV "I am minded to land"). The noun "mean" in Ileb always occurs in the pi., and is generally used in the sense of "agency," "instrument" (cf 1 K 10 20, etc). 11V very frequently changes AV: Wisd 8 13, "because of her"; 2 Thesa 2 3, "in any wise"; Lk 8 36, "how"; Prov 6 26, "on account of"; Rev 13 14, "by reason of" (cf also 2 Thess 3 10; Jn 9 21). ,He 9 15 (AV "that by means of death") tr 3 lit. "that a death having taken place," from ylvo/Mi, ginomai, "to become," "to happen." Acts 18 21 AV, "I must by all means keep this feast," is omitted in RV in harmony with several cursives, the Vulg, and some other VSS.

      The adj. "mean" is used in the sense of "common," "humble" (C~S , adfulin, "man";

      Meani Medes



      cf Isa 2 9; 5 15; 31 8 omits "moan"). It is also used in the sense- of "obscure" (Prov 22 29, :JTL n , hnshdkh, "obscure"; fio-^^os, dscmos, lit. "without a mark," "unknown," Acts 21 39). "Mean" is found in expressions like "in the meanwhile" (AV 1 K 18 45, RV "little while"; Jn 4 31; Horn 2 If), RV "one with another"); "in the mean time" (1 Mace 11 41 AV; Lk 12 1); and "in the mean season" AV (1 Mace 11 14; 15 15). The advb. "meanly" is found (2 Mace 15 38) in the sense of "moderately."

      The vb. "mean" expresses purpose (Isa 3 15; 10 7; Gen 50 20, etc). In some eases RV renders lit. tr: Acts 27 2, "was about to sail" (AV "mean- ins to sail"); cf Acts 21 13; 2 Cor 8 13. In other instances the idea of "to mean" is "to signify," "to denote" (1 S 4 6; den 21 29; Mt 9 13, etc). Lk 15 26 tr 3 lit. "what these things might be." In Ex 12 26 the sense of "mean ye" is "to have in mind." A. L. BHESLICH

      MEANI, mc-ii iil: AV = RV "Maani" (1 Esd 6 31).

      MEARAH, me -a ra (rnj"p , m r \\\\lrdh; omitted in LXX) : A town or district mentioned only in Josh 13 4, as belonging to the Zidonians. The name as it stands means "cave." If that is correct it may be represented by the modern village Mog- heiriyeh, "little cave," not far from Sidon. Per haps, however, we should find in the word the name of a Sidonian city, with the prep. ~\\\\~fc , ruin, that has suffered change in transcription. LXX reads "from Gaza"; but Gaza is obviously too far to the S.

      MEASURE, _mezh nr, MEASURES: Several different words in the Heb and Cir are rendered by "measure" in EV. In Job 11 9 and Jer 13 25 it stands for TQ , madh, rn Q , midddh, and it is the usual rendering of the vb. "Tip, madhadh, "to measure," i.e. "stretch out," "extend," "spread." It is often used to render the words representing particular measures, such as ephah (Dt 26 14.15; Prov 20 10; Mic 6 10); or kor (1 K 4 22; 6 11 [5 2 and 6 25 Heb text]; 2 Ch 2 10 [Heb text 29]; 27 5; Ezr 7 22); or seah (Gen 18 6; IS 25 18; 1 K 18 32; 2 K 7 1.16.18); or /Sdros, bdtos, "bath" (Lk 16 6). For these terms see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. It also renders rft Q , middah, "measure of length" (Ex 26 2); F^ W! Q,m e surah, a liquid measure (Lev 19 35; 1 Ch 23 29; Ezk 411.16); T2TP, mislrpat, "judgment" (Jer 30 11; 46 28); riXC^O, sa .f dh, a word of uncertain meaning, perhaps derived from seah (Isa 27 8); TirbttJ, shdllsh, "threefold, large measure" (Ps 80 5 [Heb text ver 6]; Isa 40 12); }DP\\\\, tokhcn, and r.ISIj Q, mathkuneth, "weight" and that which is weighed, taken as measure (Ezk 45 11). In Isa 6 14 it stands for pn , hok, "limit." In the NT, besides being the usual rendering of the vb. /tierp^w, mctrco, and of the noun ^rpov, mctron, it is used for x? vi , cho nii.r, a dry measure containing about a quart (Rev 66). II . POUTER

      MEASURING LINE Op., kaw, rnp, beweh): The usual meaning is simply line, rope or eord, as in Isa 28 10.13, but the line was used for measure ment, as is evident from such passages as 1 K 7 23; Job 38 5; Jer 31 39. Whether the line for meas uring had a definite length or not we have no means of knowing. In Isa 44 13 it refers to the line used by the carpenter in marking the timber on which he is working, and in Zee 1 16 it refers to the builder s line.

      Figuratively: It signifies destruction, or a portion of something marked off by line for destruction, as in 2 K 21 13; or for judgment, as in Isa 28 17.

      II. POUTER

      MEASURING REED (rVTCn n:p , k-nrh ha- midddh; KaXajios, kdlamos): L T sed in Ezk 40 5ff; 42 10; 45 1; Rev 11 1; 21 15.16. The length of the reed is given as 6 cubits, each cubit being a cubit and a palm, i.e. the large cubit of 7 palms, or about 10 ft. See CTBIT. Originally it was an actual reed used for measurements of considerable length, but came at last to be used for a measure of definite length, as indicated by the reference in Ezk (cf "pole" in Eng. measures).

      MEAT, met (Ppw(j.a, Irroma, pptoo-is, brosis) : In AV used for food in general, e.g. "I had my meat of herbs" (2 Esd 12 51); "his disciples were gone away into the city to buy meat," RV "food" (Jn 4 8). The Eng. word signified whatever is eaten, whether of flesh or other food.


      MEBUNNAI, me-bun I, me-bun ii-i P3^5 , m bhunnay, "well-built"): One of David s "braves" (2 S 23 27). In 2 S 21 18 he is named "Sib- bechai" (RV "Sibbecai"), and is there mentioned as the slayer of a Phili giant. The RV spelling occurs in "l Ch 11 29, the AV "Sibbcchai" in 20 4 (cf 2 S 21 18); and in 1 Ch 27 11 the RV spelling recurs, where this person is mentioned as captain of the 8th course of the 12 monthly courses that served the king in rota. Scribal error, and the similarity in Heb spelling of the two forms accounts for the difference in spelling. RV consistently tries to keep this right. HENRY WALLACE

      MECHERATHITE, mP-ke rath-it (T"}5^ , m r - kherathl, "dweller in Mecharah") : Possibly this is a misreading of "Maachathite" (AV). ft is the description of Hephcr, one of David s valiant men (1 Ch 11 36).

      In the parallel list of 2 S 23, esp. ver 34, the "Maa chathite" is mentioned without name in the place in the list given to Hepher in 1 Oh 11 36. The variations do not destroy the conviction that the list is virtually the same.

      MECONAH, me-ko na (HID 1 )? , m khonah; Maxvd, Machnd) . A town apparently in the neighborhood of Ziklag, named only in Neh 11 28, as reoceupied by the men of Judah after the Captivity. It is not identified.

      MEDABA, med a-ba: The Gr form of "Medeba" in 1 Mace 9 36.

      MEDAD, me/dad ("T^ , mcdhddh, "affection ate"): One of the 70 elders on whom the spirit of the Lord came in the days of Moses enabling them to prophesy. Medad and one other, Eldad, began to prophesy in the camp, away from the other elders who had assembled at the door of the tabernacle to hear God s message. Joshua suggested that Eldad and Medad be stopped, but Moses inter ceded on their behalf, saying, "Would that all Jeh s people were prophets!" (Nu 11 2(5-29). The subject-matter of their prophecy has been variously supplied by tradition. Cf the Pal Tgs ad loc., the apocalyptic Book of Eldad and Modad, and Bcfal ha-turlm (ad loc.). ELLA DAVIS ISAACS

      MEDAN, me dan (TTO, m dhan, "strife"): One of the sons of Abraham by Kcturah (Gen 25 2; 1 Ch 1 32). The tribe and its place remain un identified, and the conjecture that the name may



      Meani Medes

      be connected with the Midianites is unlikely from tho fact that in the list of the sons of Abraham and Keturah Midian is mentioned alongside of Medan.

      MEDEBA, med c-ba (SSTIS , medh bha ; Mai- Sapd, Maidabd, M^Sapa, Medabd): The name may mean "gently flowing water," but the sense is doubt ful. This city is first mentioned along with Heshbon and Dibon in an account of Israel s conquests (Nu 21 30). It lay in the M ishdr, the high pastoral land of Moab. The district in which the city stood is called the M ishdr or plain of Medeba in the description of the territory assigned to Reuben (Josh 13 9), or the plain by Medeba (ver 16). Here the Ammonites and their Syrian allies put the battle in array against Joab, and were signally defeated (1 Ch 19 7). This must have left the place definitely in the possession of Israel. But it must have changed hands several times. It was taken by Omri, evidently from Moab; and Mesha claims to have recovered possession of it (M S, 11. It would naturally fall to Israel under Jeroboam II; but in Isa 16 2 it is referred to as a city of Moab. It also figures in later Jewish his tory. John, son of Mattathias, was captured and put to death by the Jambri, a robber tribe from Medeba. This outrage was amply avenged by Jonathan and Simon, who ambushed a marriage party of the Jambri as they were bringing a noble bride from Gabbatha, slew them all and took their ornaments (1 Mace 9 36 ff; Ant, XII, i, 2, 4). Medeba was captured by Hyrcanus not without the greatest distress of his army" (Ant, XIII, ix, 1). It was taken by Jannaeus from the Nabataeans. Hyrcanus promised to restore it with other cities so taken to Aretas in return for help to secure him on the Judaean throne (ib, xv, 4; XIV, i, 4). Ptolemy speaks of it as a town in Arabia Petraea, between Bostra and Petra. Eusebius and Jerome knew it under its ancient name (O/tom, s.v.). It became the seat of a bishropric, and is mentioned in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon (451 AD), and in other ecclesiastical lists.

      The ancient city is represented by the modern Madebn, a ruined site with an Arab village, crowning a low hill, some 6 miles S. of Heshbon, with which it was connected by a Rom road. The ruins, which are con siderable, date mainly from Christian times. The sur rounding walls can be traced in practically their whole circuit. There is a large tank, now dry, measuring 108 yds. X103 yds., and about 12 ft. in depth. In 1SSO it was colonized by some Christian families from Kerak, among whom the Latins carry on mission work. In December, IS .K), a most interesting mosaic was found. It proved to be a map of part of Pal and Lower Egypt of the time of Justinian. Unfortunately it is much damaged. An account of it will be found in I EFS, 1897, 21311, 239; 1898, 85, 177 ff, 251.

      W. EwiNQ

      MEDES, medz 072 , mddlu; Assyr Amada, Madd; Achaem. Pers Mdda; Mf)8oi, Mcdoi [Gen

      10 2; 2 K 17 6; 18 11; 1 Ch 1 5; Ezr 6 2; Est 1; 10 2; Isa 13 17; 21 2; Jer 26 25; 61 11.28; Dnl 6 28; 6; 8 20; 9 1;

      11 1]): Mentioned as Japhcthites in Gen 10 2, i.e. Aryans, and accordingly they first called themselves "Aptoi, Arioi (Herod, vii.62), in Avestic Airya = Skt. Arya, "noble." They were closely allied in descent, language and religion with the Persians, and in secular history preceded their appearance by some centuries. Like most Aryan nations they were at first divided into small village communities each governed by its own chiefs (called in Assyr hazandti by Assur-bani-pal: cf Herod, i.96). Shalmaneser II mentions them (Nlmrod Obelisk, i.121) about 840 BC. They then inhabited the modern A zarbdijdn (Media Atropatene). Rarn- manu-nirari III of Assyria (Rawlinson, WAI, I, 35) declares that he (810-781 BC) had conquered "the land of the Medes and the land of Parsua"

      Median Dress.

      (Persis), as well as other countries. This probably meant only a plundering expedition, as far as Media was concerned. So also Assur-nirari II (WAI, II, 52) in 749-748 BC overran Namri in Southwest Media. Tiglath-pileser IV (in Bab called Pulu, the "Pul" of 2 K 15 19) and Sargon also overran parts of Media. Sargon in 716 BC conquered Kisheshin, Khar- khar and other parts of the country. Some of the Israelite s were by him transplanted to "the cities of the Medes" (2 K 17 6; 18 11; the LXX reading Op??, Orf., cannot be rendered "mountains" of the Medes here) after the fall of Samaria in 722 BC. It was perhaps owing to the need of being able to resist Assyria that about 720 BC the Medes (in part at least) united into a kingdom under Deipkes, according to Herodotus (i. ( ,)S). Sargon mentions him by the name Dayaukku, and says that he himself captured this prince (715 BC) and conquered his territory two years later. After his _ release, probably, Deiokcs fortified Ecbatana (formerly Ellippi) and made it his capital. It has been held by some that Herodotus confounds the Medes here with the Manda (or Umman-Manda, "hosts of the Manda") of the inscriptions; but these were probably Aryan tribes, possibly of Scythian origin, and the names Mada and Manda may be, after all, identical. Esar-haddon in his 2d year (679-678 BC) and Assur- bani-pal warred with certain Median tribes, whose power was now growing formidable. They (or the Manda) had conquered Persis and formed a great confederacy. Under Kyaxares (Uvakh- shatara Deiokes grandson, according to Herodo tus), they besieged Nineveh, but Assur-bani-pal, with the assistance of the Ashguza (? the Ashkenaz of Gen 10 3), another Aryan tribe, repelled them. The end of the Assyr empire came, however, in 606 BC, when the Manda under their king Iriba- tukte, Mamiti-arsu "lord of the city of the Medes," Kastarit of the Armenian district of Kar-kassi, the Kimmerians (Gimirra = Gomer) under Teushpa (Teispes, Chaishpish), the Minni (Manna; cf Jer 61 27), and the Babylonians under Nabu-pal-usur, stormed and destroyed Nineveh, as Nabu-nahid informs us. The last king of Assyria, Sin-sar- iskun (Sarakos), perished with his people.

      _ Herodotus says that Deiokes was succeeded by Phraor- tes (Fravartish) his son, Phraortes by his son Kyaxares; and the latter in turn left his kingdom to his sxm Astyages whose daughter Mandane married Cambyses, father of the great Cyrus. Yet there was no Median empire (such as he describes) then, or at least it did not em brace all the Aryan tribes of Western Asia, as we see from the inscriptions that in 606 BC, and even later, many of them were under kings and princes of their own (cf Jer 25 25; 51 11). Herodotus tells us they were divided into six tribes, of whom the Magi were one (Herod, i.101). Kyaxares warred for 5 years (590-585 BC) with the Lydians, the struggle being ended in May, 585, by the total eclipse of the sun foretold by Thales (Herod, i.74).

      The alliance between the Medes and the Baby lonians ended with Nebuchadnezzar s reign. His successor Nabu-nahid (555 BC) says that in that year the Medes under Astyages (Ishtuwegu) entered Mesopotamia and besieged Haran. Soon after, however, that dynasty was overthrown; for Cyrus the Persian, whom Nabu-nahid the first time he mentions him styles Astyages "youthful

      Media Mediation



      slave" (itrdiixu .w//r), but who was even then king of Anshan (Anzaii), attacked and in 549 BC cap tured Astyages, plundered Ecb:it:ui;i, and became king of the Medes. Though of Pers descent , Cyrus did not, apparently, begin to reign in Persia till ;">!(> BC. Henceforth "there was no Median empire distinguished from the Pers (nor is any such men tioned in Did, in spite of modern fancies). As the Medes were further advanced in civilization and preceded the Persians in sovereignty, the Gr his torians generally called the whole, nation "the Medes" long after Cyrus time. Only much later are the Persians spoken of as the predominant part ners. Hence it is a sign of early date that Daniel (8 20) speaks of "Media and Persia," whereas later the Book of Est reverses the order ("Persia and Media,," Est 1 3. 14. IS. 19; 10 2), as in the in scriptions of Darius at Behistun.

      Under Darius I, Phraortes (Fravartish) rebelled, claiming the throne of Media as a descendant of Kyaxares. His cause was so powerfully supported among the Medes that the rebellion was not sup pressed till after a fierce struggle. He_ was finally taken prisoner at Raga (Rai, near Tehran), brutally mutilated, and finally impaled at Ecbatana. After that Median history merges into that of Persia. The history of the Jews in Media is referred to in Dnl and Est. 1 Mace tells something of Media under the Syrian (6 56) and Parthian dominion (14 1-3; ef Jos, Ant, XX, iii). Medes are last mentioned in Acts 2 9. They are remarkable as the first leaders of the Aryan race in its struggle with the Semites for freedom and supremacy.


      MEDIA, mc di-a 0752, mad hay; Achaem. Pera Mada; M^Sia, Media): Lay to the W. and S.W. of the Caspian, and extended thence to the Zagrus Mountains on the W. On the N. in later times it was bounded by the rivers Araxes and Cyrus, which separated it from Armenia. Its eastern bound aries were formed by Hyrcania and the Great Salt Desert (now called the Kavir), and it was_ bounded on the S. by Susiana. In earlier times its limits were somewhat indefinite. It included Atropatene (Armenian Atrpatakan, the name, "Fire-guarding/ showing devotion to the worship of Fire) to the N., and Media Magna to the S., the former being the present A zarbaijdn. Near the Caspian the country is low, damp and unhealthy, but inland most of it is high and mountainous, Mt. Demavand in the Allmrz range reaching 18.600 ft. Atropatene was famed for the fert ility of its valleys and table-lands, except toward the N. Media Magna is high; it has fruitful tracts along the course of the streams, but suffers much from want of water, though this was doubtless more abundant in antiquity. It contained the Nisaean Plain, famous for its breed of horses. The chief cities of ancient Media were Ecbatana, Gazaea, and Ragae. The Orontes range near Ecbatana is the present Alvand. Lake Spauta is now known as Urmi (Urumiah).


      MEDIAN, me di-an. Sec DARIUS; MEUES; MEDIA.

      MEDIATION, me-di-a shun, MEDIATOR, me - di-a-ter:


      1. The Terms

      (1) Mediation

      (2) Mediator

      2. The Principle of Mediation II. MEDIATION" IN THK OT

      1. Negative Teaching in the OT

      2. The Positive Teaching: Early Period

      3. Prophetic Mediation

      4. Priestly Mediation

      5. The Theocratic King: the Messiah

      6. The Suffering Servant

      7. Superhuman Agents of Mediation

      (1) Angelic Mediation

      (2) Divine Wisdom



      1. The Synoptic Gospels

      (1) Christ as Prophet

      (2) As King

      (3) As Priest ("Redeemer)

      2. Primitive Apostolic Teachings

      (1) The Early Speeches in Acts

      (2) Epistles of James and Judo

      (3) 1 Peter

      3. Epistles of Paul

      (1) The Need of a Mediator

      (2) The Qualifications

      (3) The Means, the Death of Christ

      (4) The Resurrection and Exaltation

      (5) The Cosmic Aspect of Christ s Mediator- ship

      4. Epistle to the Hebrews

      5. The Johannine Writings

      (1) The Fourth Gospel

      (2) The Epistles

      (3) The Apocalypse V. CONCLUSION


      /. Introductory. (1) "Mediation" in its broadest

      sense may be defined as the act of intervening

      between parties at variance for the

      1. The purpose of reconciling them, or be- Terms tween parties not necessarily hostile

      for the purpose of leading them into an agreement or covenant. Theologically, it has reference to the method by which God and man are reconciled through the instrumentality of some intervening process, act or person, and esp. through the atoning work of Jesus Christ. The term itself does not occur in Bib. literature. (2) The term "mediator" (= middleman, agent of mediation) is nowhere found in OT or Apoc (EV), but the corresponding Gr word /uecrfr^s, mesites, occurs once in LXX (Job 9 33 AV, "Neither is there any daysman betwixt us," where "daysman" stands for Heb mokhl a h, "arbitrator," ARV, ERVm "umpire" [see DAYSMAN]; LXX has 6 ^eo-h-qs iivuv, ho mesites hemon, "our mediator," as a paraphrase for Heb benenu, "betwixt us"). Even in the NT, mesites, "mediator," occurs only 6 1, viz. Gal 3 19.20 (of Moses), and 1 Tim 2 5; He 8 6; 9 15; 12 24 (of Christ).

      Though the actual terms are thus very rare, the principle of mediation is one of great significance

      in Bib. theology, as well as in the Jew-

      2. The ieh- Alexandrian philosophy. It cpr- Principle of responds to a profound human in- Mediation stinct or need which finds expression

      in some form or other in most religions. It is an attempt to solve the problem raised by (1) the idea of the infinite distance which separates God from man and the universe, and (2) the deeply felt want of bringing them into a harmonious relation. The conception of mediation will differ, therefore, according to whether the distance to be surmounted is understood ethically or metaphysically. If it be thought of in an ethical or religious sense, that is, if the emphasis be laid on the fact of human sin as standing in the way of man s fellowship with God, then mediation will be the mode by which peaceful relations are established between sinful man and the absolutely righteous God. But if the antithesis of God and the world be conceived of metaphysi cally, i.e. be based on the ultimate nature of God and of the world conceived as essentially opposed to each other, then mediation will be the mode by which the transcendent God, without Himself coming into direct contact with the world, is able to produce effects in it through an intermediate agent (or agents). The latter conception (largely the result of an exaggerated Platonic dualism) exerted an important influence on later Jewish thought, and even on Christian theology, and will come briefly under our consideration. But in the



      Media Mediation

      main we shall bo concerned with the former view, as more in harmony with the development of Bib. theology which culminates in the NT doctrine of atonement. Mediation between God and man as presented in the Scriptures has 3 main aspects, represented respectively by the functions of the prophet, the priest, and the theocratic king. Here and there in the OT these tend to meet, as in Mel- chizedek the priest-king, and in the Suffering Servant of Deutero-Isa, who unites the priestly function of sacrifice with the prophetic function of revealing the Divine will. But on the whole, these aspects of mediation in the OT run along lines which have no meeting-point in one person adequate to all the demands. In the NT they intersect in the person and work of Jesus Christ, who realizes in Himself the full meaning of the prophetic, priest ly, and kingly ideals.

      //. Mediation in the OT. We do not find in the OT a fixed and final doctrine of mediation univer sally accepted as an axiom of religious

      1. Negative thought, but only a gradual movement Teaching toward such a doctrine, under the in the OT growing sense of God s exaltation and

      of man s frailty and sinf illness. Such a passage as 1 S 2 25 seems definitely to contra dict the idea of mediation. Still more striking are the words of Job above referred to, "There is no umpire betwixt us, that might lay his hand upon us both," i.e. to enforce his decision (Job 9 33), where the LXX paraphrases, "Would that there were a mediator and a reprover and a hearer be tween us both." The note of despair which char acterizes this passage shows that Job has no hope that such an arbitrator between him and God is forthcoming. Yet the words give pathetic utter ance to the deep inarticulate cry of humanity for a mediator. In this connection we should note the protests of prophets and psalmists against an un ethical view of mediation by animal sacrifices (Mic 6 (>-<S; Ps 40 G-S, etc), and their frequent direct appeals to God for mercy without reference to any mediation (Ps 25 7; 32 "o; 103 8 ff, etc).

      (1) Mediator;/ sacrifice. In the patriarchal age, before the official priest had been differentiated

      from the rest of the community, the

      2. The function of offering sacrifice was dis- Positive charged by the head of the family or Teaching: clan on behalf of his people, as by Early Noah (Gen 8 20), Abraham (Gen 12 Period 7.8; 159-11), Isaac (Gen 26 24 f),

      Jacob (Gen 31 54; 33 20). So Job, conceived by the writer as living in patriarchal antiquity, is said to have offered sacrifices vicari ously for his sons (Job 1 5). Melchi/edek, the priest-king of Salem (Gen 14 18-20), is a figure of considerable theological interest, inasmuch as ho was taken by the author of Ps 110 as 1 lie forerunner of the ideal theocratic king who was also priest, and by the author of He as prototype of Christ a priesthood.

      (2) Intercessory prayer. Intercession is in all stages of thought an essential element in mediation. We have striking examples of it in Gen 18 22-33; Job 42 8-10.

      (3) The Mosaic covenant. In Moses we have for the first time a recognized national representative who acted both as God s spokesman to the people, and the people s spokesman before God. He alone was allowed to "come near unto Jeh," and to him Jeh spake "face to face, as a man speaketh unto his friend" (Ex 33 11). He went up to God and "reported the words of the people" to Him, as to a sovereign who cannot be approached save by his duly accredited minister (Ex 19 8). We have a striking example of his intercessory mediation in the episode of the golden calf, when he pleaded effectively

      with God to turn from His wrath (Ex 32 12-14), and even offered to make atonement for" (kipper, lit. "cover") their sin by confessing their sin before God, and being willing to be blotted out of God s book, so that the people might be spared (vs 30-32). Here we have already the germs of the idea of vicarious suffering for sin.

      (4) Intercessor;/ mediation. Samuel is by Jere miah classed with Moses as the chief representative of intercessory mediation (Jer 15 1). He is re ported as mediating by prayer between Israel and God, and succeeding in warding off the punishment of their sin (1 S 7 5-12). On such occasions, prayer was wont to be accompanied by confessions of sins and by an offering to Jeh.

      Samuel represents the transition from the ancient

      seer or soothsayer to the -prophetic order. The

      prophet was regarded as the organ of

      3. Prophetic Divine revelation, to consult whom Mediation was equivalent to "inquiring of God"

      (1 S 9 9) a commissioner sent by God (Isa 6 8 f ) to proclaim His will by word and action. In that capacity he was Jell s representa tive among men, and so could speak in a tone of authority. Prophetic revelation is essential to the OT religion (cf He 1 1), which by it stands dis tinguished from a mere philosophy or natural reli gion. God is not merely a passive object of human discovery, but one who actively and graciously reveals Himself to His chosen people through the medium of the authorized exponents of His mind and will. Thus in the main the prophet stands for the principle of mediation in its mun-ward aspect. But the God-ward aspect is not absent, for we find the prophet mediating with God on behalf of men, making intercession for them (Jer 14 19-22; Am 7 2f.5f).

      Mediation is in a peculiar sense the fund ion of the,

      priest. In the main he stands for the principle in

      its (rod-icard aspect. Yet in the early

      4. Priestly period it was the man-ward aspect that Mediation was most apparent; i.e. the priest

      was at first regarded as the medium through which Jeh delivered His oracles to men, the human mouthpiece of supernatural revelation, giving advice in difficult emergencies by casting the sacred lot. Before the time of the first literary prophets, the association of the priests with the ephod and the lot had receded into the background (though the high priest theoretically retained tin- gift of interpreting the Divine will through the Urim and Thummim, Ex 28 30; Lev 8 8); but the power they lost with the oracle they gained at the altar. First they acquired a preferential si atus at the local sand uaries; then, in the Deutero- nomic legislation, where sacrifice is limited to the Jems sanctuary, it is assumed that only Levite priests can officiate. Finally, in the Levilical sys tem as set forth in the PC (which regulated Jewish worship in the post -exilic times), the Aarpnic priests, now clearly distinguished from the Levites, have the sole privilege of immediate access to God in His sanctuary (Nu 4 19.20; 16 3-5). God s transcendence and holiness are now ,so emphasized that between Him and the sin-stained people there is almost an infinite chasm. Hence the people can only enjoy its ideal right of drawing nigh unto God and offering sacrifice to Him through the mediation of the official priesthood. The mediatorship of priests derived its authority, not from their moral purity or personal worth, but from the ceremonial purity which attached to their office. All priests are not on the same level. A process of graduated sanctity narrows down their number as the approach is made to the Most Holy Place, which symbolizes the presence chamber of Jeh. (1) Out of the sacred nation as a whole, the priestly tribe of Levi is




      elected and invested with a special sanctity to perform all the subordinate" acts of service within the tabernacle (Xu 8 10; 18 0). (2) Within this sacred tribe, the members of the house of Aaron are set apart and invested with a still higher sanctity; they alone officiate at the altar in the Holy Place anil expiate the guilt of the people by sacrifice and prayer, thus representing the people before God. Yet even they are only admitted to the proximate nearness of the Holy Place. (3) The gradation of the hierarchy is completed by the recognition of a single, supreme head of the priesthood the high priest. He alone can enter the Holy of Holies, and that alone once a year, on the Day of Atonement, when he makes propitiation not only for himself and the priesthood, but for the entire congregation. The ritual of the Day of Atonement is the highest exercise of priestly mediatorship. On that day, the whole community has access to Jeh through their representative, the high priest, and through him offer atonement for their sins. Moreover, the role of the high priest as mediator is symbolized by his wearing the breastplate bearing the names of the children of Israel, whenever he goes into the Holy Place (Ex 28 29).

      Something must be said of the sacrificial system, through which alone the priest exercised his media- toriar functions. For his mediatorship did not depend on his direct personal influence with God, exercised, for instance, through intercessory prayer (intercession is not ment ioned by P as a duty of the priest, though referred to by the prophets, Joel 2 17; Mai 1 9). It depended rather on an elaborate system of sacrifice, of which the priest was but an official agent. It was he who derived his authority from the system, rather than the system from him. The most characteristic features in the ritual of the PC are the sin offering (liattu th, Lev 4; 6; 6 24- 30) and the guilt offering ( ashum, Lev 6-7, 14, 19), which seem peculiar to P. These are meant to restore the normal relation of the people or of indi viduals to God, a relation which sin has disturbed. Hence these sacrifices, when duly administered by the priest, are distinctly mediatorial or recon- ciliatory in character, i.e. they make atonement for or "coven-" (/,//;/;<"/) the sin of the guilty com munity or individuals. This seems the case also, though in a far less degree, even with the burnt, peace, and meal offerings, which, though "not offered expressly, like the >sin and guilt offerings, for the for giveness of sin, nevertheless were regarded .... as covering, or neutralizing, the offerer s un- worthiness to appear before God, and so, though in a much less degree than the sin or guilt offering, as effecting propitiation" (Driver in IIDB,IV, 132). We must beware, however, of reading the full NT doctrine of sin and propitiation into the sacrificial law. Two important points of difference may be noted: (1) The law does not provide atonement for all sins, but only for sins of ignorance or inad vertence, committed within the covenant. Delib erate sins fall out side the scope of priestly mediation. (2) While sin includes moral impurity, it must be admitted that the chief emphasis falls on ceremonial uncleanness, because it is only violation of physical sanctity that can be fully rectified by ritual ordi nance-. The law was essentially a civil code, and was not adequate to deal with inward sins. Thus the sacrificial system in itself is but a faint adumbration of the NT doctrine of Christ s high-priestly work, which has reference 1o sin in its widest and deepest meaning. Yet, in spite of these limitations, the priestly ritual was, as far as it went, an organized embodiment of the sin-consciousness, and so pre pared the way for the coming of a perfect Mediator.

      On another plane than that of the priest is the mediation of the theocratic king. Jeh was ideally

      the sole king of Israel. But He governed the people

      mediately through His vicegerent the theocratic

      king, the agent of His will. The king

      5. The was regarded as "Jeh s anointed" (1 Theocratic S 16 0, etc), and his person as invio- King: the lable. He was the "visible represent a- Messiah five of the invisible Divine King"

      (Riehm). The ideal of the theocratic king was most nearly represented by David, the man after Jeh s own heart (cf 1 S 13 14). This fact led to Jeh s covenant-promise that David s house should constitute a permanent dynasty, and his throne be established forever (2 S 7 5-17; cf Ps 89 19-37). The indestructibility of the Davidic dynasty was the basal conviction on which the hope of a Messiah was built. It led to attention being further concentrated on one preeminent King in David s line, who should be the Divinely accredited representative of Jeh, and reign in His name. As a Divinely endowed human hero, the Messiah will possess attributes which will qualify Him to mediate between God and His people in national life; and affairs, and so inaugurate the ideal age of peace and righteousness. He is portrayed esp. as the Royal Saviour of Israel, through whom the salva tion of the people is mediated and justice admin istered (e.g. Isa 11 1-10; 61 1-3; Ps 72 4.13; Jer 23 5.0; 33 15.16).

      In the wonderful figure of exilic prophecy, the

      Suffering Servant of Jeh, the principle of mediation

      is exemplified both in its man-ward

      6. The and God-ward aspects. In its inan- Suffering ward aspect, his mission is the pro- Servant phetic one of being God s anointed

      messenger to men, His witness before the world (Isa 42 6.19; 4310; 492; 604.5; 61 1-3). But the profound originality of the con ception of the Servant lies chiefly in the God-ward significance of his suffering (Isa 53). The Servant suffered vicariously as an atonement for the sins of the people. His death is even said to be a "guilt- offering" ( asham, ver 10), and he is represented as making "intercession for the transgressors" (ver 12). Here is the profoundest expression in the OT of the principle of mediatorship.

      The substitution of voluntary, deliberate, human sacrifice for that of unwilling beasts elevates the sacrifi cial idea to a now ethical plane, and brings it into far more vital and organic relation to human life. The basis of the mediatorship of the Servant seems to be tin: principle of the solidarity or organic unity of the people, involving the ideal unity of the Servant and the people he represents. In the earlier servant-passages the Servant is identical with the whole nation (Isa 41 8; 44 1 f, and often), and the unity is therefore actual, not ideal merely. In other passages, however, they are clearly to bo distinguished, for while the people as a whole is unfaithful to its mission, the Servant remains faithful and suffers for it. Whether in Isa 53 the Servant is the pious remnant of the people or is con ceived of as an individual we need not here consider. In either case, the tie between the Servant and the whole nation is never completely broken; the idea of their mystical union is still the groundwork of the prophet s thought. In virtue of this ideal relation, the Servant is the representative of the nation before God, not in a mere official sense (as in the case of the priest), but on the ground of personal merit, as the true Israel, the embodi ment of the national ideal. On that ground God can accept his suffering in lieu of the deserved penalty of the whole people. Wo have here a wonderful adumbration of the NT doctrine of atonement through the One Me diator, the Son of Man, the representative of the race. See SEHVANT or JEHOVAH.

      In later Judaism, the growing sense of God s

      transcendence favored the tendency to introduce

      supernatural intermediaries between

      7. Super- God and the world.

      human (1) Angelic mediation. Not until

      Agents of post-exilic times did angels come to Mediation have theological significance. Pre viously, when God was anthropo- morphically conceived as appearing periodically on




      earth in visible form, the need of angelic mediation was not felt. The "angel" in early narrative (e.g. Gen 16 7-11) did not possess abiding personality distinct from God, but was God Himself tempora rily manifested in human form. But the more God came to be conceived as "the high and lofty One that inhabiteth eternity," the greater was the need for mediation between God and the world, and even between _ God and His servant the prophet. In post-exilic writers there is an increasing disposition to fill up the gap between God and the prophet with superhuman beings. Thus Zechariah receives all Divine instruction through angels; and similarly Daniel receives explanations of his dreams. We do not in the OT hear of angels interceding with God (God-ward mediation), but only as interme diaries of revelation and of the Divine will (man-ward mediation). Modern Jewish scholars deny that, Judaistic angelology implied that God was tran scendent in the sense of being remote and out of contact with the world. So, e.g., Montefiore (Hib- birt Lectures, 423-31), but even he admits a natural disinclination to bring the Godhead down ward to human conditions," and that "for super natural conversations angels formed a convenient substitute for God" (p. 430). The doctrine of angels had no influence on the NT doctrine of mediation, which moves on the plane of the ethical, rather than on the basis of the merely physical transcendence of God.

      (2) Divine wisdom. Of more importance as a preparat ion for the theology of the NT is t he doctrine of Wisdom, in which the Jews found "a middle term between the religion of Israel and the philosophy of Greece." In Prov 8 22-31 Wisdom is depicted as an individual energy, God s elect Son, His com panion and master-workman (ver 30) in creation, but whose chief delight is with the children of men. Though the personification is here purely ideal and poetical, and the ethical interest predominates over the metaphysical, yet we have in such a passage a clear proof of contact with Gr thought (esp. Platon- ism and Stoicism), and of the felt need of a mediator between God and the visible world. This mode of thought, linked to the Heb conception of the Divine Word as the efficient expression of God s thought and the medium of His activity (Isa 66 11; Ps 33 6; 107 20), has left its mark on Philo s Logos- doctrine and on the NT Christology. See WISDOM.

      ///. In Semi- and Non-canonical Jewish Literature. In the Apoc, the idea of mediation is for the most part absent. We have one or two references to angelic inter cession (Tob 12 12.15), a function not attributed to angels in the OT, but prominent in later apocalyptic literature (e.g. En 9 10; 15 2; 40 <>). The tradition of the agency of angels in the promulgation of the law is first found in the LXX of Dt 33 2 (not in the II eb original), but was greatly amplified in rabbinical liter ature (Jos, Ant, XV, v, 3). In Wisd a bold advance is made toward the conception of Wisdom as a personal mediator of creation (esp. 7 22-27). In later Judaism, the idea of the Word is further developed. The Tgs constantly refer the Divine activity to the mem<-ra or " Word" of God, where the OT refers it to God directly, and speaks of it as Israel s Intercessor before God and as Redeemer. This usage seems to arise out of a reluc tance to bring God into immediate contact with the world ; hence God s self-manifestation is represented as medi ated through a quasi-personal agent. The tendency finds its full development, however, not among the Jerua Jews, but among the Jews of Alexandria, esp. in Philo s Logos-doctrine. Deeply influenced by the Platonic dualism, Philo thought of God as pure Spirit, incapable of contact with matter, so that without mediation God could not act on the world. To fill up the great gap he conceived of intermediary beings which represented at once the Ideas of Plato, the active Powers of the Stoics and the angels of the OT. The highest of these was the Divine Logos, the mediator between the Inaccessible, transcendent Being and the material universe. On the one hand, in relation to the world, the Logos is the Mediator of creation and of revelation; on the other, in his God-ward activity, he is the representative; of the world before God, its High Priest, Intercessor, and Paraclete. Yet Philo s Logos was probably nothing more than a high philosophical abstraction vividly

      imaged in the mind. In spite of Philo s influence on early Christian theology, and even perhaps on some XT writers, his doctrine of mediation moves on quite differ ent lines from the central XT doctrine, which is con cerned above all with the reconciliation of God and man on account of sin, and not with the metaphysical recon ciliation of the absolute and the finite world. The Mediator of Philo is an abstraction of speculative thought; the Mediator of the XT is a concrete historical person known to experience. See PHILO JUDAEUS.

      IV. Mediation and Mediator in the NT. The

      relatively independent lines of development which the conception of mediation has hither- 1. The to taken now meet and coalesce in Jesus

      Synoptic Christ. The traditional division of Gospels Christ s mediatorial work into that of prophet, priest and king (very common since Calvin, but now often discarded) offers a con venient method of treating the subject, though we must avoid making the division absolute, as if Christ s work fell apart into three separate and independent functions. The unity of the work of salvation is preserved by the fact that "no one of the offices fills up a moment of time alone, but the others are always cooperative," although "Christ s mediatorial work ptits now this, now that side in the foreground." "The triple division is of special value, because it sets in a vivid light the continuity between the OT theocracy and Christianity" (Dor- ner, System of Christian Doctrine, ET, III, 385 ff). These three aspects of Christ s mediatorship can be distinguished in the Synoptics, although the formal distinction is the work of later analysis.

      (1) Christ as Prophet. It was in the character of Prophet that He mainly impressed the common mind, which was moved to inquire "Whence hath this man this wisdom?" and by His reply, "A prophet is not without honor," "etc, He virtually accepts that title (Alt 13 54.57). As Prophet, Christ is the mediator of revelation; through Him alone can men come to know God as Father (Mt 11 27) and "the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven" (13 11). In all His teaching we feel that He speaks within the center of truth, and hence can teach with authority and not as the scribes (7 29), who approach the truth from without. His teaching is part of His redemptive work, and not something extraneous to it, for the sin from which He redeems includes ignorance and error.

      (2) Christ as King. The official name "Christ" ( = Messiah, the anointed King) refers primarily to His kingship. The Messianic hope had taught men to look forward to the rule of God on earth instituted and administered through His representa tive. Christ waa the fulfilment of that hope. Though He held an attitude of reserve in the matter, there can be no doubt that He conceived of Himself as the Messiah (Mk 8 27-30; 14 10 f; cf His entry into Jerus as a triumphant king, 11 1 ff; the inscription on the cross, 16 26). But it is also clear that He fundamentally modified the Messianic idea, (a) by suffusing it with the thought of vicari ous suffering, and (6) by giving it an ethical and spiritual rather than a national and official signifi cance. The note of His kingship was that of authority^ (Mk 1 27; 2 10; Mt 7 29; 28 18) exercised in the realm of truth and conscience. His kingship includes the future as well as the present; He is the arbiter of human destiny (Mt 26 31 ff).

      (3) Christ as Priest, or, better, as Redeemer (the synoptists do not hint at the priestly analogy) . Our Lord often spoke of forgiveness without mention ing Himself as the one through whom it was medi ated, as if it flowed directly from the gracious heart of the Father (cf the parables of Lk 15). But there are other passages which emphasize the close con nection of His person with men s redemption. Men s attitude to Him decides absolutely their relation to God (Mt 10 32.40). Rest of soul is




      mediated to the heavy laden through Him (Mi 11 28-30). He claims authority on earth to forgive sins (Mk 2 10). \\\\Ve liave no evidence that Ho spoke definitely of His death until after Peter s con fession at Caesarea (Mk 8 31, begun to teach," etc), though we seem to have vague allusions earlier (e.g. the allegory of the bridegroom, Mk 2 19.20). This may be partly due to conscious reserve, in accordance with the true pedagogical method by which He adapted His leaching to the progressive receptivity of His followers. But inasmuch as we must think of Him as .subject to the ordinary laws of human psychology, the idea of His death must have 1 been to Him a growth, matured partly by outward events, and partly by the development of His inner consciousness as the Suffering Messiah. In His later ministry, He frequently taught that He must suffer and die (Mk 9 12.31; 1032f; 12 S; 14 S and || passages; ef Mk 10 38; Lk 12 49 f). There are 1\\\\vo important passages which expressly connect Ili.s death with His mediatorial work. The first, is Mk 10 45 ; Mt 20 28, "The Son of Man came not to be ministered unto but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many." The context shows that it was while the thought of His approaching death filled His mind that Our Lord uttered these words (cf Mk 10 33. 3Sf). As to the exact meaning of ransom (\\\\Arpov, Iii Iron) there are two circles of ideas with which it may be associated, (a) It may mean a sacrificial offering, representing Ileb kupher (lit. "covering," "propitiatory gift") which it translates several times in LXX (e.g. Ex 30 12). Thus Ritschl defines it as "an offering which, because of its specific worth to Clod, is a protection or covering against sin" (Rechtfertigung und Vcrsofmung, II, 6S-SS). (//) It may mean ransom price, the purchase- money paid for the emancipation of a slave. In LXX, Inlron in most cases stands for some form of the roots gd al, to deliver," padhah, "to redeem" (e.g. Lev 25 51; Nu 3 51). Hence Wendt ex plains the "ransom" as the price by which Jesus redeemed His disciples from their bondage to suffer ing and death (Teaching of Jesus, II, 226 ft). This analogy certainly suits the context better than that drawn from the Levitical ritual, for it brings out the contrast between the lihcratincj work of Christ and the enxlaring work of those who "lord it over" men. We must not press the analogy in detail or seek here an answer to the question, who was the recip ient of the ransom price (e.g. whether the devil, as many Fathers, notably Origen and Gregory of Nyssa; God, as Anselm and later theologians; the "eternal law of righteousness," ^ as Dale). The purpose of the passage is primarily practical, not speculative. It is certainly pressing the figurative language of Jesus too far to insist that the ransom price is the exact quantitative equivalent of the lives liberated, or of the penalty they had deserved regarded as a debt. This is too prosaic and liter- alistic an interpretation of a passage which has its setting in the ethical rather than in the commercial realm, and which breathes a spirit closely akin to that of Isa 53, where suffering and service are, as here, combined.

      The other passage in which Christ definitely con nects His mediatorship with His death is that which reports His words at the Last Supper (Mk 14 22- 24; Mt 26 20-28; Lk 22 19 f; cf 1 Cor 11 24 f). The reported words arc not identical in the several narratives. But even in their simplest form (in Mk), there is evidently a threefold allusion, to the paschal lamb, to the sacrifice offered by Moses at the ratification of the covenant at Sinai (Ex 24. 8), and to Jeremiah s prophecy of a new covenant (31 31-31). There can be; little doubt that the paschal feast, though it does not conform in detail

      to any of the 1 Levitical sacrifices, was regarded as a Nttcrijirc, as is indicated by the blood ceremonial (Ex 12 21 27). The blood of the covenant, too, is sacrificial; and, as we have seen, it is probable that all blood sacrifices, and not those of the sin and guilt offerings only, were associated with pro pitiatory power. Wendt denies that then; is here any reference to sin and its forgiveness (Tun-Jiini/^ af Jisux, II, 211 f). It must be admitted that the words in Mt "unto remission of sins," which have no counterpart in the other reports, are probably an explanatory expansion of the words actually ut tered. Hut they are a true interpretation of their meaning, as is attested by the fact that the new covenant of Jeremiah s prophecy was one of for giveness and justification (Jer 31 34), and that Christ speaks of His blood as shed for others. And as the Passover signified deliverance from bondage to an earthly power (Egypt), so the Supper stands for forgiveness and deliverance from a spiritual power (sin). Clearly Christ here; repre sents Himself as the Mediator of the new covenant, through whom men are to find acceptance with God, though the exact modus opcra/tdi of His sacrifice is not indicated.

      The Synoptics give special prominence to those historical events which are most intimately asso ciated with Christ s mediatorship not only the agony in the garden and the crucifixion, but also the resurrection and ascension (which make possible His intercessory mediation in heaven).

      (1) The early speeches in Acts reveal a primitive stage of theological reflection. Yet they are essen tially Christ ocentric. (ft) It is the

      2. Primitive Messianic Kingship of Christ that is Apostolic chiefly emphasized. The main thesis Teaching is that Jesus is the Messiah (the "anointed one"; cf Acts 4 27; 10 38), and that His Messiahship was realized in the cruci fixion and attested by the resurrection. An im portant feature is the use of the title "Servant" for Christ (3 13.2(5; 4 27.30; cf 8 30-35), in evident reference to the Suffering Servant of Deutero-lsa. In the phrase, "thy holy Servant .... whointhou didst anoint," coming immediately after the Mes sianic quotation, "against the Lord, and against his Anointed" (4 20 f), we have a concise instance of that coalescing of the idea of the Messiah with that of the Suffering Servant which gave the Messianic idea an entirely new meaning. As Messiah, Jesus was the sole Mediator of salvation (4 12). (b) Another OT type which finds its fulfilment in Jesus is that of the "propAef like unto" Moses (3 22; 7 37; cf Dt 18 15.18). (c) But the priestly functions of Christ are not explicit ly touched on. The quest ions are not faced, What is the God-ward significance; of His death? How is it effective for man s salvation? It is rather the man-ward significance that is made explicit, i.e. Jesus as Messiah mediates salvation to men from His place of exaltation at the right hand of God. Yet the germs of a God-ward me diation are found in the identification of the Messiah with the Suffering Servant.

      (2) Epistles of James and Jude. In these epp. the doctrine of Christ s mediation does not occupy a prominent place. To James, Christianity _is the culmination of Judaism. Christ s mediatorial functions are set forth more by way of presupposi tion than by explicit statement, and the whole weight is laid on the kingly and prophetic offices. The Messiahship of Jesus is assumed to such an extent that the title "Christ" has become part of the proper name, and His Lordship is also implied (1 1; 2 1). Nothing definite is said of His function in salvation; it is God Himself who regenerates, but the medium of regeneration is "the word of truth," "the implanted word" (1 18.21), which




      must refer 1o the word which Jesus had preached. This implies liiat Jesus as prophetic teacher is tin- Mediator of salvation. Nothing is said of the death on the cross or its saving significance. The Ep. ot Judo assumes the Lordship of Christ, through whom God s Saviourhood works, and whose mercy results in eternal life (vs 4.21. 2o).

      (3) 1 Peter. In 1 Pet we have the early apostolic teaching touched with Paulinism. The fact that salvation is mediated through the sufferings and death of Christ is now explicitly stated. Christ lias suffered for sins once for all, the righteous for the unrighteous (3 IS). The suffering has sig nificance both Cod-ward and man-ward. Rela tively to God it is a sacrificial offering which opens up a way of access to Him; He suffered "that he might bring us to God" (3 IS), and that through IFis representative priesthood the ideal "holy priest hood" of all God s people might bo realized, for it is "through Jesus Christ" that men s spiritual sacrifices" become "acceptable to God" (2 f>). So the elect are sprinkled with the blood of Christ, i.e. lirought into communion with God by His sacrifice (1 2). Relatively to man, it is a means of ran soming or liberating man from the bondage of sin. Knowing that ye were redeemed [Ai rpcitfijre, elutrothele, lit. "ransomed," from hdron, ransom," an echo of Mk 10 4.1] .... with precious blood, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot" (1 IS. 19). The sacrificial language is simple and undeveloped, and it is not clear whether the figure of "lamb" implies a reference to the paschal lamb or to Isa 53 7, or to both. The effect on man is, how ever, clear. Christ "bare our sins in his body upon the tree, that we, having died unto sins, might live unto righteousness; by whose stripes ye were healed" (2 24; see the whole passage, vs 21 -24, reminiscent of the figure of the Suffering Servant of Isa eh 53).

      Christ s modiat.orship stands at the very center of 1 aiil s gospel; this in spite of the fact that only once does he apply the term "medi- 3. Epistles ator" to Christ (1 Tim 2 >), and that of Paul in the only other passage where he

      uses the word, he applies it to Moses, in a sense which might seem to be inconsistent with the idea of Christ s mediatorship, vi/. where he discusses Ihe relation of law to promise. The law was "ordained through angels by the hand of a mediator. Now a mediator is not .... of one; but God is one" (Gal 3 19.20).

      This passage has had to undergo abrmt 300 different interpretations. The view that the "mediator" here is Christ (Origen, Augustine and most of the Fathers, Calvin, etc) is clearly untenable. Modern exegetcs agree that the reference is to Moses (cf Ley 26 4<>, when; L\\\\K has "by the hand of Moses"; Philp calls Moses "mediator and reconciler," De Vit. Moj/s.iii.lO), who. ac cording to a rabbinical tradition, received the Law through the intermediation of angels (cf Acts 7 > $ , He 2 2). Nor is it likely that Paul meant the reader to realize the glory of (he law and the solemnity of its ordination (Meyer). The point is rather the inferiority at the law to the evan gelical promise to Abraham. Mediation implies at least two parties between whom it is carried on. The law was given by a double mediatorship, that of the angels and tint of Moses, and was thus two removes from its Divine source. But in relation to the promise God stood alone, i.e. acted freely, unconditionally, inde pendently, and for Himself alone. The promise is no agreement between two, but the free gift of the one God (so Schleiermacher, Lightfoot, etc). This is by no means a denial of the Divine origin of thelaw (Ritschl), for the mediation of angels and of Moses was Divinely author ized; hut it does seem to make the method of mediation inferior to that of the direct communication of pod s gracious will to man. Paul is not, however, treating of the principle of mediation in the abstract, but only that form of it which implies a contract between two parties. Christ is not Mediator in the same sense as Moses, for the fret; and unconditioned character of the forgiving grace which Christ mediates is by no means diminished by the fact of ills mediation.

      What, then, is Paul s positive teaching on Christ s Mediatorship?

      (1) The need of a Mediator arises out of Ihe fact of .s///. Sin interrupts the harmonious relation between God and man. It results in a state of mutual alienation. On the one hand, man is in a state of enmity to God (Rom 5 10; 8 7; Col 1 21). On the other hand, God is moved to righteous wrath in relation to the sinner (Horn 1 IS; 5 9; Eph 5 6; Col 3 6). Hence the need of a mutual change of attitude, a removal tit God s displeasure against the sinner as well as of the sinner s hostility to God. Gotl could not restore man to favor by a mere fiat, without some public exhibition of Divine righteousness, and vindication of His character as not indifferent to sin (cf Rom 3 25.20). Such exhibition demanded a Mediator.

      (2) r y\\\\ic qualification of Christ to be the Mediator depends on His intimate relation to both parties at variance.

      (a) Christ s relation to man: Firstly, He is Him self a man, i.e. not merely "man" generically, but an indiridnal man. The "one mediator between God and men" is "himself man, Christ Jesus" (1 Tim 2 5), "born of a woman" (Gal 4 4), "in the likeness of sinful flesh" (Horn 8 3, where the word "likeness" does not make "flesh" unreal, but qualifies "sinful"), i.e. bore to the eye the aspect of an ordinary man; secondly, He bore a particular relation to a section of humanity, the Jews (Rom 1 3; 9 5); thirdly, He bore a Kt/irirxal relation to mankind in general. He was more than an indi vidual among many, like a link in a chain. He was the Second Adam, the archetypal, universal, representative Man, whose actions therefore had significance beyond Himself and were ideally the actions of humanity, just as Adam s act had, on a lower plane, a significance for the whole race (Rom 6 12-21; 1 Cor 15 22.45).

      (1>) His relation to Clod: Paul very frequently speaks of Christ as the "Son of God," and that in a unique sense. Moreover, He was the "image of God" (2 Cor 4 4; Col 1 15), and subsisted originally "in the form of God" (Phil 2 (5). He is set alongside with God over against idols (1 Cor 8 5.0), and is coordinated with Gotl in the bene diction (2 Cor 13 14). Clearly Paul sets Him in the Divine sphere over against all that is not God. Yet he assigns Him a certain subordination, and even asserts that His mediatorial kingship will come to an end, that Gotl may be all in all (1 Cor 15 24.2S). But this cessation of His function as Mediator of salvation, when its end shall have been attained, cannot affect His Divine dignity, "since the mediatorial sovereignty which is now ceasing was not its cause, but its consequence" (B. Weiss, II, 390).

      (3) The means of effecting the reconciliation was mainly the death on. the cro.s-.s. Paul emphasizes the mediating value of the death both on its objective (God-ward) side ami on its subjective (man-ward) side. First, it is the object ire (/round of forgiveness and favor with God. On the basis of what Christ has done, God ceases to reckon to men their sins (2 Cor 5 19). Paul s view of the death may be seen by considering some of his most characteristic expressions, (a) It is an act of reconciliation. This involves a change of at tit title, not only in man, but in God, a relinquishing of the Divine wrath without which there can be no restoration of peaceful rela tions (though this is disputed by many, e.g. Ritschl, Lightfoot, Westcott, Beyschlag), but not a change of nature or of intention, for the Divine wrath is but a mode of the eternal love, and moreover it is the Father Himself who provides the moans of reconciliation and undertakes to accomplish it (2 Cor 5 19; cf Col 1 20.21; Eph 2 l(i). (b) It is an act of -propitiation (Rom 3 25, iXao-rripiov, hilnsterion, from iX<o-Ke<r0eu, hildskesthai, "to ren-




      dor favorable" or "propitious"). Here there is a clear though tacit reference to a change of atti tude on God s part. He; who was not formerly propitious to man \\\\vas appeased through the. death of Christ. Yet the propitiatory means are pro vided by God Himself, who takes the initiative in the matter ("whom (!od set forth," etc). (<") It is uratiKom. The Mediator "gave himself a ransom for all" (1 Tim 2 0). The idea of payment of a ransom price is clearly implied in the word "re demption" (Rom 3 24; 1 Cor 1 30; Eph 1 7; Col 1 11, airo\\\\vTpuffis, dfiohitrosis, from lulron, "ransom"). It is not alone the fact of liberation (West cot t, Ritschl), but also the cost of liberation that is referred to. Hence Christians are said to be "redeemed," "bought with a price" (Gal 3 13; 4 5; 1 Cor 6 20; 7 23; cf 1 Pet 1 18 f). Yet the metaphor cannot be pressed to yield an answer to the question to whom the ransom was paid. All that can safely be said is that it expresses the tre mendous cost of our salvation, viz. the self-surren dered life ("the blood") of Christ, (d) Strong sub- stitutionary language is sometimes used, notably in (lal 3 13 ("having become a curse for us") and in 2 Cor 6 21 ("Him who knew no sin he made to be sin on our behalf"). But the sinless substitute is not regarded as actually punished (that would be a moral contradiction). His death was not penal substitution, but a substitute for penalty. It had the value to God of the punishment of sinners, in virtue of His oneness with the race. It was the recognition from within humanity of the sinfulness of sin, and expressed the Divine righteousness as fully as penalty would have done. The secret seems to be Christ s sympathetic love by which He identified Himself with man s sin and doom of death, (e) Sacrificial language is used, as in 1 Cor 6 7; Eph 5 2, and in the references to Christ s "blood." Not often, however, does Paul explicitly speak of the death in terms of the Levitical ritual, which would be less congenial to his mind than the prophetic conception of the Suffering Servant. Yet he does seem to regard the death of Christ as the culmination of all that the sacrifices of the OT had imperfectly realized. Secondly, the subjective as pect of Christ s work is emphasized quite as much as the objective. The death of Christ, being in wardly assimilated by faith, becomes to the be liever the principle of ethical transformation, so that he may become worthy of the Divine favor which he now enjoys. As a result of his subjective identity with Christ through faith, the objective state of privilege is changed into actual liberation from sin (Gal 2 20; 6 11; Rom 6 6.7; Col 3 3).

      (4) The resurrection and exaltation of Christ are essential to His mediatorial work (1 Cor 15 17). It is not alone that the resurrection "proves that the death of Christ was not the death of a sinner, but the vicarious death of the sinless Mediator of salvation" (B. Weiss, I, 43G), but that salvation cannot be realized except through communion with the living, glorified Christ, without which the sub jective identity of the believer with Christ by which redemption is personally appropriated would not be possible (Gal 2 20; Rom 6 4.5; Phil 3 10; Col 31). The exaltation also makes possible His continuous heavenly intercession on our behalf (Rom 8 31), which is the climax of His mediatorial activities.

      (5) The cosmic aspect of Christ s mediatorsliip. In his later epp. (esp. Col and Eph), Paul lays stress on Christ s mediatorial activity in creation and providence, though the germs of his later teach ing are found in the earlier epp. (1 Cor 8 6). He is resisting a kind of nascent gnostic dualism, according to which God could communicate with the world only through a hierarchy of intermediate

      powers. Against this he proclaims Christ as the one and only Mediator between God and the uni verse, having, on the one hand, a unique relation to God ("the image of the invisible God," Col 1 15; in whom the fulness of God dwells, 1 19; 2 9), and, on the otiier hand, a unique relation to the world, as its creative agent, its immanent principle of unity, and its ultimate goal (1 15-17). Here the apostle shows affinity with the Logos-doctrine of Philo, though the differences are marked and funda mental. Corresponding to this wider view of Christ s person, there is a wide view of the recon- ciliation wrought through Him. It even extends to the world beyond man, and restores the broken harmony of the universe (Col 1 20; Eph 1 10).

      The main thesis of He is the absoluteness and finality of the gospel and its superiority over Juda ism. The finality of Christianity 4. The depends on the fact that it has a perfect

      Epistle Mediator, who is the substance of

      to the which the various Jewish forms of

      Hebrews mediation were types and shadows. He illustrates this by a series of con trasts between Christ and the mediators of the old system (by the application of principles and exe- getical methods which reveal the influence of the school of Philo). In each contrast, Christ s supe riority is based on His Sonship. (1) Christ is superior to the prophets as Mediator of revelation. The OT revelation was fragmentary and multiform, while now God speaks, not through many agents, but through One, and that one a Son. As Son He is the perfectly adequate expression of the Father. The author takes us at once to the high tran scendental sphere of Christ s relations to God and the universe, in virtue of which He is God s Me diator in creation, providence, revelation and re demption (1 1-3). (2) He is superior to the angels, through whose mediation the law was given (1 4-11). (3) He is superior to Moses, the human agent in the giving of the law (3 1-6). (4) He is greater than Aaron the high priest, the people s representative before God. This leads to the cen tral doctrine of the ep., the high-priesthood of Jesus. The following are the salient points in the elaborate treatment of this subject:

      (1) Christ s qualification for the high-priesthood is twofold: (a) His participation in all human expe rience (except sin), which guarantees His power of sympathy. Every high priest, as men s repre sentative before God, must be "taken from among men" (5 1). Hence the author lays great stress on the human nature and experiences of Christ (cf 2 10.17.18; 4 15; t 5 7.8). (b) His Divine appointment. Every priest must have a call from God. So Christ has been appointed priest, not indeed in the Aaronic line, but after the order of Melchizedek (5 1-10).

      (2) The nature of His priesthood, its superiority to the Levitical priesthood. The priests of the OT themselves needed atonement, for they were not sinless; Christ is holy, guileless, undefiled, and need not make atonement for His own sins. They were priests only for a time, and were many in number, for they were mortal; but He abideth forever, and His priesthood is eternal. They were dependent on the law of physical descent; He was a priest after the order of Melchizedek, whose priesthood did not depend on genealogy or pedigree, and who combined the functions of king with those of priest. In a word, their order was transient, temporary, shadowy; His belonged to the world of unchanging reality (ch 7).

      (3) The realization of His high-priesthood. A high priest implies a sacrifice; hence Christ must "have somewhat to offer" (8 3). In the Levitical system, the priest and the sacrifice are distinct from




      each other. But Christ offered not an external gift, but Himself. Much stress is laid on Christ s vol untary obedience (5 8; 10 7), progressively at tained through suffering, and culminating in the absolute surrender of His life ("blood") in death. His sacrifice harmonizes with the principle that "apart from shedding of blood there is no remission" (9 22), although the principle is lifted from the physical to the spiritual realm. In working this out, the author makes use of analogies drawn from three parts of the Levitical ritual, (a) Christ s death was a sin offering. He has offered one final sacrifice for sins (10 12.18). As priest, he has "made propitiation for the sins of the people" (2 17); as victim He was "once [for all] offered to bear the sins of many" (9 28). (6) The Sinaitic covenant (Ex 24 8) is made use of. Christ is "the mediator of a new [better] covenant" (8 6;

      9 15; 12 24), i.e. the agent interposing between God and man in the establishment of a new rela tionship analogous to Moses in the old covenant. Even the first covenant was dedicated wit li blood, and so the blood of the Son of God was "the blood of the covenant" (10 29; cf Mk 14 24). On tho double meaning of the word diatlitkc ("covenant ," "testament"), the author bases a twofold argu ment for the necessity of Christ s death (9 15 ff). (c) The ritual of the Day of Atonement fur nishes another analogy. As the high priest once a year entered the most holy place of the earthly people, so Christ has entered once for all the true spiritual sanctuary in heaven, and there He presents Himself to God as the Mediator able; to make inter cession for us with the Father (9 12.24-26; cf 7 25). He is a ministering priest in the true tabernacle, the immediate presence of God (8 2). Thus the ascension and session make possible the culmination of the mediatorial work of Christ in the eternal sacrifice and intercession within the veil.

      (4) The man-ward efficacy of His mcdiator^hip. The effect of Christ s death on man is described by the words "cleanse," "sanctify," "perfect" (9 14;

      10 10.14.20; 13 12), words which have a ritualistic quite as much as an ethical sense, meaning the re moval of the sense of guilt, dedication to God, and the securing of the privilege of full fellowship with Him. The ultimate blessing that comes to man through the work of Christ is the privilege of free, unrestricted access to God by the removal of the obstacle of guilt (4 16; 10 19 ff).

      (1) The Fourth Gospel. Aspects of Our Lord s teaching unassimilated by the other disciples, and

      therefore but meagerly touched on in 5. The the Synoptics, find prominence in the

      Johannine Gospel of Jn, but colored by his own Writings meditations. Great emphasis is laid

      on the idea of salvation by revelation mediated through Jesus Christ. The historical revelation of God in the person and teaching of Jesus is the main subject of the Gospel. But in the Prologue we have the eternal background of the historical manifestation in the doctrine of t he Logos, who, as Son in eternal fellowship with the Father, His mediator in creation, and the immanent prin ciple of revelation in the world, is fitted to become God s Revealer in history (vs 11-18). His work on earth is to dispense light and life, knowledge of God and salvation. Through Him God gives to the world eternal life (3 16). He is the Water of Life (4 14; 7 37), the Bread of Life (6 48 ff), the Light of the World (8 12) ; it is by inward appro priation of Him that salvation is mediated to men (6 52 ff). He is the perfect revealer of God, hence the only means of access to the Father (14 6.9). It is on salvation by illumination and communion, rather than on salvation by reconciliation and atonement that chief stress is laid. Sacrificial or

      propitiatory language is not, used of Christ s death. Yet emphasis is laid on the voluntary and vicarious character of His death. He lays down His life of Himself (10 18); "The good shepherd layeth down his life for [ = on behalf of] the sheep" (10 11; cf 15 13). Christ s death was the supreme; example of the law that self-sacrifice is necessary to the highest and most fruitful life (12 23 ff). "in ch 17 we have a unique instance of Our Lord s inter cessory prayer.

      (2) The epistles. In 1 Jn we find more explicit statements with regard to the connection between the death of Christ and sin. "The blood of Jesus his Son cleanseth us from all sin" (1 7); "He was manifested to take away sins" (3 5); "If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father," i.e. a pleader who will mediate with God on our behalf, the ground of His intercessory efficacy being that He ig the "propitiation for our sins" (2 2; 4 10, a term which links the Johannine doctrine to that of Paul, though 1 Jn represents Christ Himself, and not merely His death on the cross, as the propitiation). This latter term shows that an objective value is attached to the atonement, as in some way neutral izing or making amends for sin in the eyes of God, yet in such a way as not to contradict the principles of righteousness (cf "Jesus Christ the righteous." 2 1).

      (3) The Apocalypse presents both aspects of Christ s mediation. On the one hand, He is asso ciated with God in the government of the world and in judgment (3 21; 7 10; 6 16), holds the keys of death and Hades (1 18), is the Lord of lords and King of kings (17 14; 19 16), and is the Mediator of creation (3 14). On the other hand, by His sacrificial act He represents men before God. The most characteristic expression of this is the title "the Lamb" (29 t). By His blood the guilty are cleansed and made saints, purchased unto God (5 9; 7 14). The lamb is the symbol of the sacrificial love which is the heart of God s sover eignty (5 6). It is not clear whether the allusion in this title is to the paschal lamb or to the Suffering Servant pictured as a lamb led to the slaughter (Isa 63 7), or to both. In any case it contains the idea of Christ s redemptive sacrifice, which is de clared to be an essential part of God s eternal counsel (13 8m, "the Lamb that hath been slain from the foundation of the world").

      V. Conclusion. Our inquiry will have shown how central and prominent is the idea of mediation throughout the Scriptures. We might even say it supplies the key to the unity of the Bible. In the OT the principle is given "in divers portions and in divers manners," but in the NT it converges in the doctrine of the person and work of the One final Mediator, the Son of God. Amid all the rich di versity of the various parts of the NT, there is one fundamental conception common to all, that of Christ as at once the interpreter of God to men and the door of access for men to God. Especially is Christ s self-sacrifice presented as the effective cause of our salvation, as a means of removing the guilt and sin which stand as a barrier in the way of God s purpose concerning man and of man s fellowship with God. There is a tendency in some influential writers of today to speak disparagingly of the doctrine of the one Mediator, on the ground that it injures the direct relationship of man with God (e.g. R. Eucken, Truth of Rdigion, 583 ff). Here we can reply only that the doctrine properly defined is attested in universal Christian experience, and that, so far from standing in the way of our personal approach to God, it is a simple historical fact that apart from the work of Jesus we would not enjoy that free access to Him which is now our privilege.

      Medicine Megiddo



      l,rri:ii ATI-HI :. Besides the comms., such works on OT Theology as I hose (if Oehler, Schlill/,, A. 15. Davidson, and on NT Theology bv H. Weiss, UeyschhiK. Ilolt/,- niann. \\\\V. IS. Stevens, \\\\Yeinel; \\\\Vendt, The Teaehiny of Jr. t us; \\\\. 11. Bruce, ,SV. Paul s Conception <,f Cltrix- tinnitit and Tli,- K,,. to the. II,; .). Denney, Tin- Death of Chrin t; Dil liose. Tin- <;.-,-;/ in tin- (I,,*,,,-!*, Tin -Gox/ii I according to ,SV. I , nil. I(iuh-l ri< xtl<oo<l unit SnrriJ u-c. For the idea of mediation in Jewish religion, Oesterley, The. Jeiri*h D<>rtrim; of Mediation; Toy , J udaism and Chris tianity. Much material on the Bib. doctrine may he found in such works as Dorner, Xi/xtt in of Clirixtiun Dor-trine; Kitschl. Die christln-hr L< hre von tier 1{> i-tit- f> rtii/iini/ iittil I ernohnung, 3 \\\\ ()ls (vols I and HI, KT; Dale, The Atonement; Mcl,eod Campbell, Tin- \\\\ntun- of the Moni-ment; V. 1). Maurice. / /,, Doctrine of Sac rifice; Moberly, Atonement and I l-rsonnUt 11; J. Scott Lid- Kelt. The Spiritual Principle of the Atonement; (I. B. Stevens, Christian. Doctrine <>f Salvation; arts, in lIDli, Ix C, and in this Encyclopaedia on "Mediation"; "Me diator"; "Atonement"; "Messiah"; "Propitiation"; " Trophels" ; "Priests"; "Hansom"; "Reconciliation"; "Sacrifice"; Salvation," etc.


      MEDICINE, med i-sin, med i-s n (HHS , yeltah, ns*~!371, t rnphuli, PiXE") , r r i>hu ah): These words an> used in the sense of ;i remedy or remedies for disease. In Prov 17 22 AV. a merry heart is said to do good "like a medicine." There is an alterna tive reading in AVm, "to a medicine," RV "is a good medicine"; RVm gives another rendering, " causel h good healing," which is the form that occurs in the LXX and which was adopted by Kimchi and olliers. Some of the Tgs, substituting a iniw for the first h in gehdh,read here "doethgood to the body," thus making this clause, antithetic to the latter half of the verse. In any case the meaning is that a cheerful disposition is a powerful remedial agent .

      In the figurative account of the evil case of Judah and Israel because of their backsliding (Jer 30 13), the prophet says they have had no T^phu ah, or "healing medicines." Later on (Jer 46 11), when pronouncing the futility of the contest of Neco against Nebuchadrezzar, Jeremiah compares Egypt to an incurably sick woman going up to Gilead to take balm as a medicine, without any benefit. In Ezekiel s vision of the trees of life, the leaves are said (AV) to be for medicine, RV reads "healing," thereby assimilating the language to that in Rev 22 2, "leaves of the tree .... for the healing of the nations" (cf Kzk 47 12).

      Very few specific remedies are mentioned in the Bible. "Balm of flilead" is said to be an anodyne (Jer 8 22; cf 61 S). The love-fruits, "man drakes" (Gen 30 14) and "caperberry" (Eccl 12 f>m), myrrh, anise, rue, cummin, the "oil and wine" of the Good Samaritan, soap and sodic carbonate ("natron," called by mistake "nitre") as cleansers, and llezekiah s "fig poultice" nearly exhaust the catalogue. In the Apoc we have; the heart, liver and gall of Tobit s fish (Tob 6 7). In the Egyp pharmacopoeia are the names of many plants which cannot be identified, but most of the remedies used by them were dietetic, such as honey, milk, meal, oil, vinegar, wine. The Bab medicines, as far as they can be identified, an; similar. In the Mish we have references to wormwood, poppy, hemlock, aconite and other drugs. The apothecary men tioned in AV (Ex 30 2f>, etc) was a maker of per fumes, not of medicines. Among the felldhin many common plants are used as folk-remedies, but they put most confidence in amulets or charms, which are worn by most Palestinian peasants to ward off or to heal diseases. ALEX. MACALISTER

      MEDITATION, med-i-ta shun (rVttH, haghuth, nrnp , slhdh): "Meditation" is the tr of haghuth, from fiu(/huh, "to murmur," "to have a deep tone," hence "to meditate" (Ps 49 3); of hdghlgh, "sigh ing," "moaning" (Ps 6 1; seever2); of higgdyon, "the murmur" or dull sound of the harp, hence

      mrtlitafioH (Ps 19 11, "Let .... the meditation ol my heart be acceptable in thy sight.") ; of .sv"//, "speech," "meditation" (Ps 104 31, "Let my medi tation be sweet unto him"); of xllirih, a "bowing down," "musing" (Ps 119 97. <) .); 2 Esd 10 5). "To meditate" is the tr of hdij/ulk (Josh 1 <S; Ps 12; 63 (i; Isa 33 IS AV); of .s"/i (Gen 24 63); of !"/. (Ps 119 15.23, etc; 143 ft, AV "muse"; 1 Gh 16 <); Ps 105 2m). In Apoc we have "to meditate" (Ecclus 14 20, "Blessed is the man that shall meditate in wisdom," RVm "most authorities read come to an end" [/<(, ///r.s-r/]; 39 1, "rneditateth in the law of the Most High" \\\\tliii/ii>i n/tii\\\\). The lack of meditation is a great want in our modern religious life. In the NT, we have "to meditate" (Trpo/xtXerdw, pr< ini lilno, "to take care beforehand"), Uv 21 11, and meditate" (/ueXerdo;, nicleliio, "to take care"), 1 Tim 1 15 AV (RV "be diligent"); cf Phil 4 S; Col 3 2. W. L. \\\\\\\\ ALKER

      f MEDITERRANEAN, med-i-fe-ra ne-an, SEA (f| 0dA.acro-a, he. thdlassa} . To the Hebrews the Mediterranean was lite sea, as was natural from their situation.

      Hence, they speak of it simply as "the sea" (2*n, Jin-uilm), e.g. (icn 49 1:5; Xu 13 % 2!; 34 . r >; Jgs 5 Y?; or, a^ain, it is "the great sea" ( ~"1~3,~~ ~^n, ha-yam 1ni-,.iridhnl, C.K. Xu 34 G.7; Josh 9 l ; 15 12. -17; Ezk 47; 48 2S); or, because it lay to the "\\\\V. of Pal, as "the great sea toward the goinK down of the sun" (Josh ]. 4; 23 4), and, since the west was regarded as the "back," in contrast to the east as the "front," as " hinder [or "western" RV, "uttermost" or "utmost" AV] sea" ( ("P.nXn C^n. ha-yam ha- akdrdn), Dt H 24; 34

      2; 7ec 14 8; Joel 2 20, in the last two passages con trasted with "the former [AV, " eastern" KV] sea" (l^ TOn D s n. ha- yum ha-k<i<lhmdnl) , i.e. the Dead Sea. See FOUMEK. That portion of the Mediterranean directly VV. of Pal is once (Ex 23 HI) referred to as " the sea of the Philis" C^PiTlJbj 3^, yum p<li*htim). AV

      has "sea of Joppa" (Ezr 3 7) where RV correctly renders "to the sea, unto Joppa" (cf 2 Ch 2 !<>)". Similarly, AV "the sea of (Mlicia and Paraphylia" (Acts 27 - r >) is better rendered "the sea which is off Cilicia and Pamphylia" (RV).

      In the NT, references to the Mediterranean are common, esp. in the accounts of Paul s voyages, for which see PAUL. Jesus once (Mk 7 24 iff) came to or near the sea.

      The Mediterranean basin was the scene of most ancient civilizations which have greatly influenced that of the western world, excepting those whose home was in the valleys of the Tigris and the Euphrates; and even these continually thrust themselves into it, so far as they could. As its name implies, it is an inland area, united to the Atlantic only by the narrow Straits of Gibraltar. In comparatively recent geological time it was also joined to the Red Sea, the alluvial deposits of the Nile, which have extended the line of the Delta, having with the aid of drifting desert sands sub sequently closed the passage and joined the con- tinentsof Asia and Africa. The total length of the Mediterranean is about 2,300 miles, its greatest breadth about 1,OSO miles, and its area about 1,000,- 000 sq. miles. It falls naturally into the western and eastern (Levant) halves, dividing at the line running from Tunis to Sicily, where it is compara tively shallow; the western end is generally the deeper, reaching depths of nearly 6, 000 ft. On the N. it is intersected by the Italian and Balkan peninsulas, forming the Gulf of Lyons, the Adriatic ami the Aegean. In ancient times these and other divisions of the Mediterranean bore specific names given by the Greeks and Romans, but from the nature of the case their limits were ill defined. The temperature of the Mediterranean is in summer warmer, in winter about the same as that of the



      Medicine Megiddo

      Atlantic. Its water has a slightly greater specific gravity, probably because of a larger proportionate evaporation. WILLIAM ARTHUR HKIDEL

      MEEDA, me -e da. See MKKDDA.

      MEEDDA, me-ed a (MeeSScl, Meeddd, but Swete, AtSSd, Dcddd, following B; AV Meeda): The head of one of the families of Nethinim (temple slaves) wlio went up with Zerubbabel from the ca])tivity (1 Es I 5 32); identical with "Mehida" of Ezr 2 52 and Neh 7 54.

      MEEKNESS, mek nes (STCy, Vi/</m//; irpaoT^s, pruotes, irpaiJTTis, prat itcs): Meekness" in the OT (*anawdh, \\\\inwdh) is from l dndic, "suffering," "op- pressed," "afflicted," denoting the spirit produced under such experiences. The word is sometimes 1i"> "poor" (Job 24 4, RVm "meek"; Am 8 4); "humble" (Ps 9 12.1S, RVm "meek"); "lowly" (Prov 3 34; 16 11), RV "poor," m "meek"). It is generally associated with some form of oppres sion. The "meek" were the special objects of the Divine regard, and to them special blessings are promised (Ps 22 2(5, "The meek shall eat and be satisfied"; 25 9, "The meek will he guide in justice; and the meek will he teach his way"; 37 11, "The meek shall inherit the land"; 147 6, "Jeh up- holdeth the meek"; 149 4, "He will beautify the meek with salvation," RVm "victory"; of Isa 11 4; 29 19; 61 1, "Jehovah hath anointed me to preach good tidings unto the meek," RVm "poor"; /ph 2 3; Ps 45 4, "because of [RVm "in behalf of J truth and meekness and righteousness"). Of Moses it is said he "was very meek, above all the men that were upon the face of the earth," notwith standing the Divine revelations given him, and in the face of opposition (Nu 12 3; cf 2 Cor 12 1-0). Meekness is ascribed even to Jeh Himself (2 S 22 3(5, "Thy gentleness ^dndirdh] hath made me great"; cf Ps 18 36 [ d/i /*], RVm "condescension"); men are exhorted to seek it (Zeph 2 3, "Seek righteous ness, seek meekness"; cf Prov 15 1 ; 16 14; 23 15; Eccl 10 4).

      In the Apoc also "meekness" holds a high place (Ecclus 1 27, "The fear of the Lord is wisdom and in struction: faith and meekness are his delight." RV"in faith and meekness is his good pleasure"; Kcclns 3 1!>, "Mysteries are revealed unto the meek " [RV omits]; cf 10 14).

      "Meekness" in the NT (praotcs, prnntes) is not merely a natural virtue, but a Christian "grace"; it is one of the "fruits of the Spirit" (Gal 5 23). The conception of meekness, as it had been defined by Aristotle, was raised by Christianity to a much higher level, and associated with the commonly despised quality of humility (see s.v.). It was the spirit of the Saviour Himself (Mt 11 29): "I am meek [prdos] and lowly in heart" (cf 2 Cor 10 1, "by the meekness and gentleness of Christ"); it presupposes humility, flows from it, and finds ex pression in moderation (see s.v.). (See Trench, (Syn. of NT, 145; \\\\VH, NT Lexicon, s.v.) Christians are exhorted to cherish it and show it in their rela tions to one another (Eph 4 2; Col 3 12; 1 Tim 6 11; Tit 3 2, "showing all meekness toward all men"); it ought to characterize Christian teachers or those in authority in "instructing [RV "cor recting," m "instructing"] them that oppose them selves" (2 Tim 2 25); the saving, "implanted" (RVm "inborn") word is to be received "with meek ness" (Jas 121); a man is to "show by his good life his works in meekness of wisdom" (3 13), and to give a reason for the hope that is in him, "with meekness and fear" (1 Pet 3 15).

      The intcrchangcableness of "meek" with "poor," etc, in the OT ought to be specially noted. Our Lord s open ing of His ministry at Xa/areth (Lk 4 is, "He anointed

      me to preach good tidings to the poor"), and His mes sage to John (Mt 11 ">, "The poor have good tidings preached to them"; are in harmony therewith.

      W. L. WALKKR

      MEET, met, adj. OTB? , ydshdr; afjios, d.rios): Various words are employed to express meet ness, the sense of what is proper, worthy, or fit. We have ydshdr, "straight," "upright," "right" (2 K 10 3, "meetest"; Jer 26 14, RV "right"); ydshnr

      (Jer 27 5, RV "right"); ydaht-r (Prov 11 24, RVm "what is justly due"); dnkh, Aram, "meet" (Ezr 4 14); b nc, "sons of" (Dt 3 IS, AV "meet for the war," m "Ileb sons of power," RV "men of valor"); kiln, "to be right," etc (Ex 8 20); \\\\lmfi, "to be made," "used" (Ezk 15 5 bis, RVm "made into"); fdle"h, "to be good or fit for" (Ezk 15 4, RV "profitable"); rti tih, "seen," "looked out," "chosen" (Est 2 9); axios, "worthy" (Mt 3 8; Acts 26 20, RV "worthy"; 1 Cor 16 4; 2 Thess 1 3); dikaios, "just," "right" (Phil 1 7, RV "right"; 2 Pet 1 13, RV "right"); culltctos, "well set" (Tie 6 7); euchrestos, "very useful," "profitable" (2 Tim 2 21, "meet for the master s use"); hi- kanos, "sufficient" (1 Cor 15 9); hikanoo, "to make sufficient" (Col 1 12); kalos, "beaut if ml," "honest" (Mt 15 2(5; Mk 7 27); del, "it be- hooveth" (Lk 15 32; Rom 1 27, RV "due"). For "meet" (supplied) (Jgs 5 30), RV has "on"; for "Surely it is meet to be said unto (iod" (Job 34 31), "For" hath any said unto God?" In 2 Mace 9 12, we have dikaios, RV "right."

      W. L. WALKER

      . MEGIDDO, m<i-gid o, MEGIDDON, me-gid on (T^jlS , ?>i r (/lnddd, "jT-Wp , mfghiddon; Ma-ytSSto, J\\\\f(ii/i/l/lo, Ma-yeSSwv, Magedddn, Ma-ySw, Aluydd): A royal city of the Canaaaites, the king of which was slain by Joshua (Josh 12 21). It lay within the territory of Issachar, but was one of the cities assigned to Manasseh (Josh 17 11; 1 Ch 7 29). Manasseh, however, was not able to expel the Canaanites, who therefore continued to dwell in that land. Later, when the children of Israel were waxen strong, the Canaanites were put to taskwork (Jotsh 17 12f;_Jgs 1 27 f). The host of Sisera was drawn to the river Kishon, and here, "by the waters of Megiddo," the famous battle was fought (5 19). By the time of Solomon, Israel s supremacy was unquestioned. Megiddo was included in one of his administrative districts (1 K 4 12), and it was one of the cities which he fortified (9 15). Ahaziah, mortally wounded at the ascent of Gur, fled to Megiddo to die (2 K 9 27). At Megiddo, Josiah, king of Judah, attempted t o arrest Pharaoh-necoh and his army on their march to the Euphrates against the king of Assyria. Here the Egyp monarch "slew him . . . . when he had seen him," and from Megiddo went the sorrowful procession to Jems with Josiah s corpse (2 K 23 29 f; 2 Ch 35 20 ft). The sad tale is told again in 1 Esd 1 25 ff. "The mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megid- don" became a poetical expression for the deepest and most despairing grief (Zee 12 11). See also ARMAGEDDON.

      The constant association of Megiddo with Taanach (Tell Tcfanek) points to a position on the south edge of the plain of Esdraelon. In confirma tion of this, we read (HP, 1st series, II, 35-47) that Thothmes III captured Megiddo, after having defeated the Palestinian allies who opposed him. He left his camp at Aruna (possibly Mr araA), and, following a defile (possibly }\\\\"ddy Vlra/i), he ap proached Megiddo from the S. We should thus look for the city where the pass opens on the plain; and here, at Khan el-Lejjun, we find extensive ruins on both sides of a stream which turns several mills before falling into the Kishon. We may identify the site with Megiddo, and the stream with "the

      Mehetabel Melody



      waters of Megiddo." Pharaoh-necoh would natu rally take the same line of march, and his advance could be nowhere more hopefully opposed than at ?l-Lcjjun. Tell el-Mulasellim, a graceful mound hard by, on the edge of the plain, may have formed the acropolis of Megiddo.

      The name Mujuddcf attaches to a site 3 miles S. of Beisan in the Jordan valley. Here Conder would place Megiddo. But while there is a resemblance in the name, the site really suits none of the Bib. data. The phrase "Taanach by the waters of Megiddo" alone confines us to a very limited area. No position has yet been suggested which meets all the conditions as well as el-Lejjun.

      The Khan here shows that the road through the pass from Esdraelon to the plain of Sharon and the coast was still much frequented in the Middle Ages.

      W. EWING

      MEHETABEL, mMiet a-bel, MEHETABEEL, me-het a-bel (xX^t^np, m -hclabh el, "whom God makes happy"):

      (1) Daughter of Matred, wife of Hadad or Hadar, the 8th and apparently last of the kings of Edom (Gen 36 39; 1 Ch 1 50).

      (2) Grandfather of that Shemaiah who played a treacherous part against Nehemiah at the sug gestion of Tobiah and Sanballat, by trying to per suade Nehemiah to commit sacrilege (Neh 6 10- 13).

      MEHIDA, me-hi da (^DP, m -hldha , "re nowned"; "Meeda" [1 Esd 5 32]): Ancestor and patronymic of a family of Nethinim who came back from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 52; Neh 7 54).

      MEHIR, me her ("PT!p, m hlr, "price," "hire"): A descendant of Judah, son of Chelub, nephew of Shuah (1 Ch 4 11). Perug, a Chaldee name of equivalent meaning, is given for this person in the Tg of 11. Joseph.

      MEHOLATHITE, mo-ho la-thit (Tinp , m f ho- lathi) : The gentile designation of Adriel, the son of Barzillai, who married Merab, the daughter of King Saul (1 S 18 19; 2 S 21 8), the name Michal in 2 S 21 8 being doubtless a copyist s error. See ABEL-MEHOLAH.

      MEHTTJAEL, mO-hu ja-cl (S^JTSp, m*huya el, bS^np , m e hlya el, "smitten of God") : A descendant of Cain through Enoch and Irad (Gen 4 18). The list in Gen 6 12 ff is a working-over of the same material of genealogy by another hand at a differ ent date of spelling (cf spelling of Chaucer and that of today). In that case, Mehalalel would be the correspondent name to Mehujael (see Expos T, X, 353).

      MEHUMAN, mn-hu man (" Oin Sp, m f hitman [Est 1 10]): A eunuch of Aliasuerus, the first of the seven chamberlains.

      MEHUNIM, me--hu nim (2% See MEUNIM.

      ME- JARKON, mc-jar kon ,

      ha-yarkon; 9aXa.<r<ra. lepdictov, thalassa Hierdkon) : The Heb may mean "yellow water." The phrase is lit. "the waters of Jarkon." LXX reads "and from the river, Jarkon and the boundary near Joppa." From this possibly we should infer a place called Jarkon in the lot of Dan; but no name resembling this has been found. The text (Josh 19 46) ia corrupt.

      MEKONAH, mc-ko na ME CON AII.

      m khdnah). See

      MELATIAH, mel-a-tl a (rP jbtt , m latyah, "Jeh s deliverance") : A Gibeonite who assisted in building the wall of Jerus under Nehemiah (Neh 3 7).

      MELCHI, mel kl (Tisch., Treg., WIT, MeXxcC, Melchei; TR, MeXxt, Mdchi): The name; of two ancestors of Jesus according to Lk s genealogy, one being in the 4th generation before Joseph, the husband of Mary, the other being in the 3d gen eration before Zerubbabel (Lk 3 24.28).

      MELCHIAH, mel-ki a (STSba , malkhlyah, "Jeh s king"): A priest and father of Pashur (Jer 21 1 AV); elsewhere and in RV called MALCHIAH and MALCHIJAH (q.v.).

      MELCHIAS, mel-kl as (B, MeXxeCas, Melcheias, B^A, -Cas, -ias) : Name of three men who had taken "strange wives":

      (1) 1 Esd 9 26 = "Malchijah" (Ezr 10 25).

      (2) 1 Esd 9 32 = "Malchijah" (Ezr 10 31).

      (3) One of those who stood at Ezra s left hand when the law was read (1 Esd 9 44) = "Malchijah" (Neh 8 4), possibly identical with (1) or (2).

      MELCHIEL, mel ki-el (MeXx^X, Melchiel, B, MeXxeirjX, Melcheiel): The father of Charmis, one of the governors of Bothulia (Jth 6 15). Other readings are SeXX??^, Selltrn, and Mo^io^X, MochisH.

      MELCHISHUA, mel-ki-shoo a (yW Sg, mal- klshu a \\\\ "king s help"). See MALCHISHUA.

      MELCHIZEDEK, mel-kiz s-dek, and (AV in He) MELCHISEDEC (p"i~^b/a, malkl-fedhek, "Cedhek, or Cidhik is my king" [Gen 14 18 ff; Ps 110 4]; MtXxiere SeK, Melchisedek [He 6 6.10; 6 20; 7]): The name is explained in He 7 2 as "king of righteousness," with -I as the old genitive ending; but the correct explanation is no doubt the one given above; cf Adoni-zedek in Josh 10 1, where LXX with Jgs 1 5-7 has Adoni- bezek. M. was king of Salem (= Jerus) and a priest unto El Ely on (Gen 14 18). He brought bread and wine to Abraham after the latter s vic tory over the kings, and also bestowed upon him the blessing of _ El Elyon. Abraham gave him "a tenth of all," i.e. of the booty probably, unless it be of all his possessions. Gen 14 22 identifies Jch with El Elyon, the title of the Deity as worshipped at Jerus; and so He 7 1 ff, following LXX of Gen 14 18 ff, calls M. "priest of God Most High," i.e. Jeh.

      Skinner (Gen, 271, where Jos, Ant, XVI, vi, 2, and Asm M 6 1 are cited) points out that the Maccabees were called "high priests of God most high. Hence some hold that the story of M. is an invention of Judaism, but punkel (Gen 3 , 285 ff) maintains that tie is a traditional, if not a historical, character.

      Ps 110 _4 makes the king-priest who is addressed there a virtual successor of M., and the kings of Jerus might well, as Gunkel suggests, have been considered successors of M. in the same way that Charlemagne was regarded as the successor of the Caesars, and the latter as successors of the Pharaohs in Egypt. This leads naturally to an early date being ascribed to Ps 110.

      The thought of a priest after the order of M. is taken up by the author of He. He wanted to prove the claim of Christ to be called priest. It was im possible, even had he so wished, to consider Jesus as an Aaronic priest, for He was descended from the tribe of Judah and not from that of Levi (7 14). The words of Ps 110 4 are taken to refer to Him



      (5 5 f), and in 7 f> ff (ho order of M. is held to be higher than that of Aaron, for the. superiority of AI was acknowledged by Abraham (a) when he paid tithes to M. and (6) when he was blessed by M., for "the less is blessed of the better." It might be added that Jesus can be considered a priest after the order of AI. in virtue of His descent from David, if the latter be regarded as successor to AI. But the author of He does not explicitly say this Further, Aaron is only a "type" brought forward in He to show the more excellent glory of the work of Jesus, whereas AI. is "made like linto the Son of God" (7 3), and Jesus is said to be "after the like ness of Melchizedek" (7 15).

      He 7 1 ff presents difficulties. Where did the author get the material for this description of M ? (1) AI. is said to be "without father, without mother, [i.e.] without genealogy"; and (2) he is described as "having neither beginning of days nor end of life" ; he "abidet h a priest continually." The answer is perhaps to be had among the Am Tab among which are at least 6, probably 8, letters from a king of Urusalim to Amenophis IV, king of Egypt whose "slave" the former calls himself. Urusalim is to be identified with Jerus, and the letters belong to c 1400 BC. The name of this king is given as Abd-Khiba (or Abd-hiba), though Hommel, quoted by G. A. Smith, Jcriits, II, 14, n. 7, reads Arad- Chfba. Zmimer, m ZA, 1891, 246, says that it can be read Abditaba, and so Sayce (HDB, III 335/0 calls him Ebhedh tobh. The king tells his Egvp overlord, Neither my father nor my mother set me in t his place: the mighty arm of the king [or, accord ing to Sayce, "the arm of the mighty king"] es tablished me in my father s house" (Letter 102 in Berlin collection, 11. 9-13; also no. 103 11 ^5-^S- no. 104 II. 13-15; sec-, further, II. Winckler, Die Itiontafeln von Tell-d- Amarnn; Knudtzon Bei- trarje zur Assyriologie, IV, 101 ff, 279 ff. cited by G. A. Smith, Jerus, II, 8, n. 1).

      It thus becomes clear that possibly tradition identified AI. with Abd-Khiba. At any rate the idea that AI. was "without father, without mother [i.e.] without genealogy" can easily be explained the words of Abd-Khiba concerning himself can have been also attributed to AI. The words meant originally that he acknowledged that he did not come to the throne because he had a claim on it through descent; he owed it to appointment, But Jewish interpretation explained them as im plying that he had no father or mother. Ps 110 4 had spoken of the king there as being "a priest for ever after the order of Alclehizedek," and this seems to have been taken to involve the perpetuity of AI. also as priest. AI. was then thought of as having neither beginning of days" = "without lather, without mother, without genealogy " and again as not having "end of life" = "abidet ha priest cont inually." Hence he is "made like unto the son ot God, having neither beginning of days nor end of life. We get another NT example of Jewish interpretation in Gal 4 21 ff. We have no actual proof that AI. is identical with Abd-Khiba; possibly the reference to the former as being "without lather, etc, is not to be explained as above. But why should AI., and he alone, of all the OT charac ters be thought of in this way?

      Vvostcott, He 199, has a suggestive thought about M,- 1 ne lessons of his appearance; lie. in the appearance itself

      Abraham marks a now departure But before the

      Iresti order is established we have a vision of the old in its superior majesty; and this, on the eve of disappear ance, gives its blessing to the new "

      9ni )n .V l0 R f T e n C ?f to * M in Pllil sce Wostcott, op. cit., 201 , K Kendall, He, App , 58 ff; and esp. (with the pas sages and other authorities cited there) G. Miligan Theuloyy of Ep. to the He, 203 ff.

      The conclusions we come to are: (1) There was a

      Mehetabel Melody

      tradition in Jerus of M., a king in pre-Israelitish times, who was also priest, to El Elyfm. This is the origin of Gen 14 18 ff, where El Elyfm is identified with Jeh. (2) Ps 110 makes use of this tradition and the Psalmist s king is regarded as Ms successor. (3) The Ep. to the He makes use oi (a) Is 110, which is taken to be a prophecy of Christ, (/,)ofGen 14 18 ff, and (c) of oral tradition which was not found in the OT. It is t his unwrit ten tradition that is possibly explained by the Am Tab See further, arts, by Sayce, Driver, and Hornmel m Expos T, Ml, VIII. Sec also JERUSALEM.


      MELEA, me le-a, mel e-a (MeXea, Mdeti) : An an cestor of Jesus in Lk s genealogy (Lk 3 31).

      MELECH, me lek (^ , mdekh, "king"): Great- grandson of Jonathan, son of Saul, grandson of Meplubosheth or Aleribbaal (1 Ch 8 35; 9 41).

      MELICU, mel i-ku Or^, m llkhil, also i3 wiukhl, "regnant"): Same as MALLUCHI (q.v.).

      MELITA, mel i-ta (MtXfrr,, Mdilt, Acts 28 !) Is now generally identified with Alalta. The former error in attributing the reference to the island of Meleda on the 10. coast of the Adriatic Sea was due to the ancient practice of employing the term Adna to include the Ionian and Sicilian seas. ^ Alalta is the largest of a group of islands including Gozo and the islets Comino, Cominotto and Filfla, lying about 56 miles from the southern extremity of Neily, 174 from the mainland of Italy, and lS7 from the African coast. Alalta itself is 17. V miles long and <)- broad, and contains an area of 95 sq miles Its modern capital, Valetta, is situated in 3o 54 N. hit. and 14 31 E. long.

      The central position of Alalta in the Alediter- ranean Sea gave it great importance as a naval station. It was probably at first a Phoen colony and later passed under the influence , if not dom ination, of the Sicilian Greeks. But the Romans captured it from the Carthaginians in 218 BC (Livy xxi. 51) and attached it definitely to the province of Sicily. Under Rom rule the inhabitants were famous for their industry, esp. in the production of textile fabrics, probably of native cotton. The cele brated vcstis melitensis was a fine and soft ma terial for dresses and for the covering of couches (Cicero Vcrr. ii.72.176; ii.74.183; iv.46.103; Dio- dorus v.12 22). At the time when Paul visited the island it would seem that the administration was intrusted to a deputy of the propraetor of Sicily, who is referred to as protos Mditaidn (Acts 28 7; CIG, 5754), or Melitensium primus omnium (CIL x, 7495) (see Pnujus). A bay 2k miles N.W. of Valetta, the mouth of which is held by tradition to be the place where the vessel that bore Paul ran ashore, tallies admirably with the description of the locality in Acts. The Admiralty charts indicate places near the west side of the entrance to the bav where the depth is first 20 ft, and then 15 ft., while the rush of the breakers in front of the little island of Salmoneta and behind it suit the reference to a place "where two seas met" (Acts 27 41). The inlet is called the Bay of St. Paul. The topo graphical question has been exhaustively treated by Ramsay in tit. Paul the Traveller.


      MELODY, mel o-di: rTTJpT, zimruli, a musical piece or song to be accompanied by an instrument (Isa 51^3); an instrument of praise (Am 6 23); PT> naghan, "to play on a stringed instrument," "Alake sweet melody, sing many songs" (Isa 23 16); ^d\\\\\\\\u, pmllu, to celebrate the praises of God with music (Eph 5 19). See AIusic.


      Melons Menahem

      MELONS, mel im/ (CTlEnS:, nhlniinl/lin; cf ATM!), bfittikfi, the "water melon"; Tmroves, pc- jxnu x): Iii Nil 11 5, (lie melon is referred to as common in Egypt, and there can be no doubt that the variety indurated is the watermelon (Citrullus rulf/aris) which is indigenous in tropical Africa. It has been cultivated in Egypt since the earliest times.

      MELZAR, mel zar (1S?T3n, tta-mdqar; TAX Apuo-8p, AbicNiln, Theod. B, AixeXcrdS, Ilatnd- sdd): Possibly ;i transliteration of the Bab Amclu- usur, the officer to whom was intrusted the bringing- up of Daniel and his three companions (Dnl 1 11 AV, RV "the steward," m "Heb Hammelzar"). It IKIS been suggest ed that the name is not the name of a person, but denotes the office of guardian, like the Bab ina^iiru. In this case the I would come by dissimulation from the first of the two s sounds, which on its side has come from an assimilated u, the root being nan/ini, to protect," "to guard."


      MEM, mam, mem p2, C) : The 13th letter of the Heb alphabet, transliterated in this Encyclopaedia as ?//. It came also to be used for the number 40. For name, etc, see ALPHABET.


      MEMBER, mem ber ([1] "V? , yiigiir; melos; [2] HDDtJ, shaph c khah, "rnembrurn virile" [Dt 23 1]): The first Heb word is derived from a root meaning "to knead," "to mold in clay," "to create." It therefore denotes any feature or part of the body. "So the tongue also is a little member, and boasteth great things" (Jas 3 5). "The mem bers" is equivalent with "the body" (which see; cf Ps 139 10 AV). The members are not self-govern ing, but execute the orders of the mind, obeying either the lower nature in the commission of sin or iniquity, unrighteousness and uncleanness (Rom 6 13,19), or following the higher nature, the Divine impulses in the fulfilling of the law of Christ (6 19).

      By nature, the "law in my members" (Rom 7 23) is opposed to the better nature (Jas 4 1) until by "re generation" (which seo) this condition is changed, when the Spirit of Christ becomes the governing power, using our members, i.e. all our abilities, in the execution of His plans. This is not done while we remain passive, but only when we have actively presented or yielded our members to His service (Horn 6 19). Therefore our bodies must not be desecrated by baser uses (1 Cor 6 15.19.20). The Lord Jesus illustrates the severe discipline which is needed to subdue the members of even the regenerate to perfect submission under the higher law of the Spirit by the simile of the right eye, which is to be plucked out, and the right hand, which is to 1)0 cut off (Mt 5 29. 30), and St. Paul speaks of putting to death (AV "mortifying") the "members which are upon the earth" (Col 3 5).

      It is the difference in character and gifts of indi vidual Christians which leads St. Paul to speak of the variety of members, which, though of manifold functions, are equally important to the complete ness of the body. It is thus in the manifold variety of the body of Christ (1 Cor 12 12-27; _ Eph 4 16), and Christians being members of Christ, who is the head (Eph 1 22; 4 15; 5 23), are members one of another (Rom 12 5; Eph 4 25).

      In Dt 23 1 the Israelitish Law against emascula tion is referred to, and a religious disability is stated for the eunuch. Heathen Semites and other neighbors of Israel often castrated for religious purposes in the temple service of various divinities and for functions in princely palaces and harems. Heathen monarchs almost invariably had large numbers of these unfortunates, who frequently attained to positions of high power and re sponsibility. Herodotus states their freemen* occur rence among the Persians (Hint, vi.32), and in the light of 2 K 20 18 and Dnl 1 3 it appears as not impossible that Daniel and his friends belonged to this class. In later years their existence is certain in Israel (1 S 8 15 RYm; Jer 38 7; Mt 19 12). See also CONCISION; EUNUCH.

      H. L. E. LUERINQ

      MEMEROTH, mem e-roth (A, Mapepu.6, J/V/rr- rnlh; H here omits Memerot h and 1 wo other names; AV Meremoth): A name in the genealogy of E/ra (I Esd 8 2j="Meraioth" in E/r 7 3, also "Mari- moth" in 2 Esd 1 2.

      MEMMIUS, mem i-us, QUINTUS, kwin tus (Koivros Me|o.p.ios, Kointox Memmios): One of the 2 Rom legates who bore a letter to the Jews after their victory over Lysias 103 BC (2 Mace, 11 34). No Quint us Memmius is otherwise known to his tory, and no Memmius among the list, of legates sent to Asia,. Polybius (xxxi.18) mentions a Quin- tus and a Canuleins as sent to Egypt, 102 BC, and again (xxxiii.15) the same Quintus as sent as an ambassador to Rhodes, 153 BC. A Titus Mem mius had been an envoy of the senate to Achaia and Macedonia before the date of this letter (Livy xliii.5). None of these is likely to be the one; re ferred to in 2 Mace 11 34, and it is possible that no such person was sent with the letter, which is spurious. See MANIUS. S. Ax<;rs

      MEMORIAL, me-mo ri-al, MEMORY, mein o-

      ri (i~n2TX, azkdrdh, "12T , zekltcr, "CT , zekher, "(YtST, zikkdrun; |j.vT]p.6crt)vov, mnemosunon) : "Me morial" as the tr of azkdrdh is a sacrificial term, that which brings the offerer into remem brance before CJod, or brings God into favorable remembrance with the offerer; it is used of the burning of a portion of the meal offering, RV (AV "meat-offering") ; better, cereal offering, on the altar (Lev 2 2, RV "as the memorial"; 2 9.10; 5 12, RV "as"; 24 7; Nu 5 20, RV "as"); as the tr of zekher (zekher), zikkdrun, it is a memorial in the sense of a remembrance (zekher, zekher, Ex 3 15; the memorial [name] of Jeh); hence we have in RV "memorial name" for "remembrance" (Ps 30 4 ARV; 97 12, ERV "holy name," in "Heb me morial"; 102 12; 135 13; Isa 26 8; Hos 12 5, ERV "memorial"); for "memorial" (Est 9 2<S; Ps 9 6, ARV "remembrance"); zikkardn, "a remem brance" (Ex 12 14; 13 9; Lev 23 24; Nu 5 15 [of the meal offering]; Josh 4 7; Neh 2 20; Zee 6 14); the Passover feast was to be in this sense "a memorial .... for ever" (Ex 12 14; 13 9); so also ihcsh c ma* (Dt 6 4f); "memorial" occurs in Wisd 4 1 (mnfme), RV "memory"; 4 19; Ecclus 45 1 (mnemosunon); 49 1; 1 Mace 37: 12 53, RV "memorial."

      "Memorial" occurs in the NT as the tr of mnano- sunon, "a token of remembrance" (Mt 26 13; Mk 14 9; Acts 10 4, "Thy prayers and thine alms an; gone up for a memorial before God," which suggests the sense in which "memorial" was used in the sacrificial ritual, and also the "better sacrifices" of the new dispensation).

      Memory is the tr of zekher (zekher) (Ps 109 15; 145 7; Prov 10 7; Eccl 9 5; Isa 26 14. RV "remem brance"); it occurs also in 1 Mace 13 29; 2 Mace 7 20. Knlecho, "to have, or hold fast." is rendered in 1 Cor 15 2 AV "keep in memory," m "hold fast," ARV "hold fast," ERV "hold it fast," i.e. the word preached to them.

      \\\\\\\\ . L. Vi ALKER

      MEMPHIS, mem fis: The ancient capital of Egypt, 12 miles S. of the modern Cairo. This Gr

      and Rom form of the name was derived 1. Name from the Coptic form Mcnfi (now Arab.

      Menf), the abbreviation of the Egyp name Men-nofcr, "the good haven." This_ name was applied to the pyramid of Pepy I, in the cemetery above the city; some have thought the city name to have been derived from the pyramid, but this is unlikely, as the city must have had a regular name before that. It may perhaps mean "the excellence of Mena," its founder. It appears still more shortened in Hos (9 6) as Moph (moph),



      Melons Menahem

      and in Jsa (19 13), Jer (2 16), and Ezk (30 13) as Noph (>iop/t).

      The classical statements show that the city in Rom times was about 8 miles long and 4 miles wide,

      and the indications of the site agree 2. Political with this. It was the sole capital of Position Egypt from the 1st to the XVIIth

      Dynasty; it shared supremacy with Thebes during the XVIIIth to XXVth Dynasties, and with Siiis to the XXXth Dvnastv. Alexandria

      Statue of Kamcses II at Memphis.

      then gradually obscured it, but the governor of Egypt signed the final capitulation to the Arabs in the old capital. While other cities assumed a polit ical equality, yet commercially Memphis probably remained supreme until the Ptolemies.

      The oldest center of settlement was probably

      the shrine of the sacred bull, Apis or Hapy, which

      was in the S. of the city. This wor-

      3. The ship was doubtless prehistoric, so that Founders when the first king of all Egypt, Mena, and the founded his capital, there was already City a nucleus. His great work was taking

      in land to the N., and founding the temple of the dynastic god Ptah, which was ex tended until its inclosure included as much as the great temple of Amon at Thebes, about 3 furlongs long and 2 furlongs wide. To the N. of this was the sacred lake; beyond that, the palace and camp. Gradually the fashionable quarters moved northward in Egypt, in search of fresher air; the rulers had moved 10 miles N. to Babylon by Rom times, then to Fostat, then Cairo, and lastly now to Abbasiyeh and Kubkeh, altogether a shift of 18 miles in 8,000 years.

      After the shrine of Apis the next oldest center is

      that of Ptah, founded by Mena. This was recently

      cleared in yearly sections by the

      4. Archaeo- British School, finding principally logical sculptures of the XVIIIth and XlXth Results Dynasties. The account of the north

      gate given by Herodotus, that it was built by Amenemhat HI, has been verified by find- Ing his name on the lintel. An immense sphinx of alabaster 26 ft. long has also been found. To the E. of this was the temple of the foreign quarter, the temple of King Proteus in Gr accounts, where foreign pottery and terracotta heads have been found. Other temples that are known to have existed in Memphis are those of Hathor, Neit, Amen, Imhotep, Isis, Osiris-Sokar, Klmumu. Bast el, Tahuti, Anubis and Sebek.

      A large building of King Siamen (XXIst Dynasty) has been found S. of the Ptah temple. To the N. of the great temple lay the fortress, and in it the palace mound of the XXVIth Dynasty covered two acres. It has been completely cleared, but the lower part is still to be examined. The north end

      of it was at least 90 ft, high, of brickwork, filled up to half the height by a flooring raised on cellular brickwork. The great court was about 110 ft. square, and its roof was supported by 16 columns 45ft. high.

      The principal sights of Memphis now are the great colossus of Rameses II, the lesser colossus of the same, and the immense alabaster sphinx. The cemetery of the city is the most important in Egypt ; it lies 2 miles to the W. on the desert, and is known as Saqqareh, from So-kar, the god of the dead. SeeSAQQAKEH. W. M. FLIXDKKS PETHIE

      MEMUCAN,mO-mu kan (pTC 1 ?, m nnlMiati; der ivation unknown but probably of Pers origin [Est 1 14.16.21]): One of the seven princes of Persia and Media, who saw the; king s face, and sat first in the kingdom." Ahasuerus consults these men, as those "that knew law and judgment," as to the I >roper treatment, of the rebellious Vashti. Me- mucan is the spokesman of the reply. He recom mends Vashti s deposition so that "all the wives will give to their husbands honor, both to great and small." This advice is adopted and incorporated into a royal decree with what success is not said.

      MENAHEM, men a-hem (=n:^, m e nahem, "one who comforts"; Mavarm, M (matin; 2 K 15 14-22; : Son of Gadi and 16th king of 1. Acces- Israel. He reigned 10 years. Mena- sion and hem was probably the officer in charge; Reign of the royal t roops in Tir/ah, one of the

      king s residences, at the time of the murder of Zechariali by Shallum. Hearing of the deed, he brought up his troops and avenged the death of his master by putting Shallum to death in Samaria. He then seized the vacant throne. His first full year may have been 758 BC (others, as seen below, put later).

      The country at this time, as depicted by Hosea

      and Amos, was in a deplorable condition of anarchy

      and lawlessness. Menahem, with a

      2. Early strong hand, enforced his occupation of Acts the throne. One; town only seems to

      have refused to acknowledge him. This was Tiphsah, a place 6 miles S.W. of Shechcm, now the ruined village of Khiirbet Tafsah. As Menahem is said to have attacked this inclosed city from Tirzah, lying to its N., it is probable that he took it on the way to Samaria, before proceeding to do battle with Shallum. If this was so, it is some explanation of the cruelty with which he treated its inhabitants (ver 1(5). One such instance of severity was enough. The whole kingdom was at his feet. He proved to be a strong and determined ruler, and during the 9 or 10 years of his governorship had no further internecine trouble to contend with. But there was anot her source of disquiet. Assyria, under Pul, had resumed her advance to the W. and threatened the kingdoms of Palestine.

      3. Mena- Menahem resolved on a policy of hem and diplomacy, and, rather than risk a war Assyria with the conqueror of the East, agreed

      to the payment of a heavy tribute of 1,000 talents of silver. To raise this sum he had to assess his wealthier subjects to the extent of 50 shekels each. As there are 3,000 shekels in a talent of silver, it is obvious that some 60,000 persons, "mighty men of wealth," must have been laid under contribution in this levy an indication at once of the enormity of the tribute, and of the prosperity of the country at the time. However short sighted the policy, its immediate purpose was at tained, which was that the hand of the Assyrian king "might be with him to confirm the kingdom in his hand" (ver 19).

      Menan Mephibosheth



      A difficulty attaches to the dates of this period. The Pul of 2 K 15 19 and 1 Ch 5 26 is now identified with Tiglath-pileser 111, 4. A Con- who took this title on ascending the flict of throne of Assyria in 745 BC. In an in-

      Dates scription of Tiglath-pileser, Menahem

      appears as Minehimmu Samarind (Menahem the Samarian), together with Rasunnu (Rezin) of Damascus and Hirfimu (Hiram) of Tyre. The date given to this inscription is 73S BC, where as the last year we can give to Menahem is 749, or 10 years earlier.

      The chronological difficulty which thus arises may be met in one of two ways. Either the in scription, like that on the black obelisk 6. Proposed of Kurkh (see JEHU), was written some Solutions years after the events to which it refers and contains records of operations in which Tiglath-pileser took part before he became king; or Pekah who was on the throne of Israel in 738 (?) is spoken of under the dynastic name Menahem, though he was not of his family. The former of these hypotheses is that which the present writer is inclined to adopt. (By others the dates of Menahem are lowered in conformity with the inscription; sec CHRONOLOGY OF THE OT.)

      Menahem attempted no reformation in the na tional religion, but, like all his predecessors, ad hered to the worship of the golden 6. Character calves. On this account, like them, he incurs the heavy censure of the historian. W. SHAW CALDECOTT

      MENAN, me nan. See MENNA.


      me ne, te kcl, u-far sin, men a, mcn a, tek el, oo- far sin Cpv"lB1 bp?fl Srip X^ , m ne mne t e kel upharsin; Thcocl., Mavfj, 0K\\\\, Rape s, Mane, thekel, phares): These are the words that, according to Daniel s reading, were inscribed on the walls of Belshazzar s palace and that caused the great com motion on the occasion of his last feast (Dnl 6 25). As the only authority that we have for the reading is that of Daniel, it seems but fair that the inter pretation of the terms be left to the person who gave us the text. According to his interpretation, there is a double sense to be found in the three different words of the inscription (Dnl 5 26-28).

      M e ne , which, however it is pointed, must be taken from the verb m e nah (Heb mandh; Bab manu), is said to have indicated that God had numbered (the days of) Belshazzar s kingdom and finished it (or delivered it up). Both of these meanings can be shown to be proper to the -\\\\/ m ndh.

      T c kel, on the contrary, is interpreted as coming from two roots: the first, t e kal, "to weigh," and the second, kal, "to be light or wanting" (Heb kdlal; Bab kaldlu).

      P e re$ (or parsln) also is interpreted as coming from two roots: first, p e ras, "to divide" (Heb paras or pdrash; Bab pdrasu), and the second as denoting the proper name Paras, "Persia." Thus inter preted, the whole story hangs together, makes good sense, and is fully justified by the context and by the language employed. If the original text was in Bab, the signs were ambiguous; if they were in Aram., the consonants alone were written, and hence the reading would be doubtful. In either case, the inscription was apparent but not readable, except by Daniel with the aid of God, through whom also the seer was enabled to give the proper interpre tation. That Daniel s interpretation was accepted by Belshazzar and the rest shows that the interpre tation of the signs was reasonable and convincing when once it had been made. We see, therefore,

      no good reason for departing from the interpreta tion that the Book of Dnl gives as the true one.

      As to the interpretation of the inscription, it makes no difference whether the signs represented a inina, a shekel, and two perases, as has been recently suggested by M. Clermont-Ganneau. In this case the meaning was not so apparent, but the puns, the play upon the sounds, were even better. We doubt, however, if it can be shown that t kd means shekel. On the old Aram, documents of Egypt and Assyria, it is with one exception spelled shekel. In the Tg of Onkelos, shekel is always rendered by sela*; in the Pesh and Arab. VSS, by mnthkal; in the Samaritan Tg, by mathkal (except only perhaps in Gen 23 16, where we have ethkel). In the Tg of Onkelos, wherever tikld occurs, it translates the Heb beka* (Gen 24 22 and Ex 38 26 only). M e ne , to be sure, may have meant the mina, and p e res, the half-mina. The pdrash is mentioned in the inscription of Panammu and in an Aram, inscription on an Assyr weight. Besides this, it is found in the New Heb of the Mish. It is not found, however, in the Tg of Onkelos, nor in Syr, nor in the OT Heb; nor in the sense of half- shekel in the Aram, papyri. While, then, it may be admitted that Daniel may have read, _ "A mina, a mina, a shekel, and two half-minas," it is alto gether unlikely, and there is certainly no proof that he did. Yet, if he did, his punning interpretations w r ere justified by the usage of ancient oracles and interpreters of signs, and also by the event.


      MENELAUS, men-e-la us (Mev&aos, Mcnelaos] : According to the less likely account of Jos (Ant, XII, v, 1; XV, iii, 1; XX, x, 3), Menelaus was a brother of Jason and Onias III, and his name was really Onias. But it is very unlikely that there should be two brothers of the same name. The account of 2 Mace is more credible that Menelaus was the brother of the notorious Simon who sug gested to the Syrians the plundering of the temple; he was thus of the tribe of Benjamin (2 Mace 4 23; cf with 3 4) and not properly eligible to the high-priesthood. He was intrusted by Jason (171 BC), who had supplanted Onias, with contributions to the king of Syria, Antiochus Epiphanes, and by outbidding Jason in presents he secured the office of high priest for himself (4 23 f), 171 BC. Mene laus returned with "the passion of a cruel tyrant" to Jerus, and Jason fled. But as Menelaus failed to pay the promised amount, both he and Sostratus, the governor, were summoned to appear before the king. Lysimachus, the brother of Menelaus, was left at Jerus in the meantime as deputy high priest. The king was called from his capital to suppress an insurrection of Tarsus and Mallus. Menelaus took advantage of his absence to win over Andro- nicus, the king s deputy, by rich presents stolen from the temple. For this sacrilege Onias III sharply reproved him and fled to a sanctuary, Daphne, near Antioch. Andronicus was then further persuaded by Menelaus to entice Onias from his retreat and murder him (4 34 f) an act against which both Jews and Greeks protested to the king on his return, and secured deserved punishment for Andronicus. Meanwhile, the oppression of Lysimachus, abetted by Menelaus, caused a bloody insurrection in Jerus, in connection with which a Jewish deputation brought an accusation against Menelaus on the occasion of Antiochus visit to Tyre. Menelaus bribed Ptolemy, son of Doryme- nes, to win over the king to acquit himself and secure the execution of "those hapless men, who, if they had pleaded even before Scythians, would have been discharged uncondemned" (439ff). Menelaus returned in triumph to his office. But Jason, taking advantage of Epiphanes absence in



      Menan Mephibosheth

      Egypt and a false rumor of his death, made a bloody but unsuccessful attempt upon the city, in order to secure his office again; his rival took refuge in the citadel. The king returned in fury, caused a three days slaughter of the citizens, rifled the temple with Menelaua as guide, and left him as one of his agents to keep the Jews in subjection (2 Mace; 5 1 ft ). He appears next and for the last time in the reign of Eupator in 162 BC. Lysias, the king s chancellor, accused him to the king as the cause of all the troubles in Judaea (2 Mace 13 3-8). Eupator caused him to be brought to Beroea and there before, according to 2 Mace, loc. cit., or after, according to Jos, Ant, XII, ix, 7, the invasion of Judaea by Eupator and Lysias to be put to death by being flung from the "top of a high tower into the ashes of which it was full a fitting end for such a wretch. S. ANGUS

      MENESTHEUS, inP-nes thus, mr-nes the-us (Meveo-Oevs, Menesthetis, A, Meveo-Oeo-e ws, Mcncx- thcseos): The father of Apollonius, a general of Epiphanes (2 Mace 4 21 and in 2 Mace 4 4 11 V, following a conjecture of Hort [Me>r0<?wj, J/r/ms- theos, for fj.aive<r6cu Hws, mainesthai ficos; the latter is ret ained inSwete and Frit zsche]). "Son of Menes- theus" is added to distinguish this Apollonius from "A. son of Thrasaeus" (2 Mace 3 5) and "A. son of Gennaeus" (12 2). See APOLLONIUS.

      MENI, me ni: Destiny, a god of flood Luck, possibly the Pleiades (Isa 65 11 m). See ASTROL OGY, 10; GAD.

      MENNA, meii a (Mtvvd, Mcnnd, WH, Treg., Tisch.; Ma ivdv, Main-fin, TR; \\\\\\\\ Menan): An ancestor of Jesus, a great-grandson of David (Lk 3 31).

      MENUHAH, men-u lia (niT: 1 ? , m n-tihah, "place of rest"; AV Menuchah, men-u ka): Rendered in Jgs 20 43 AV with ease," RV "at their resting- place." Both, however, have a marginal suggest ion which would make the word a place-name, which would then more naturally read "from Nuhah over against Gibeah," thus describing the ground over which the slaughter of the Benjamites occurred. In 1 Ch 8 2 the word "Nohah" occurs as that of a Benjamite clan. The place intended is perhaps MANAHATH (q.v.).

      MENUHOTH, men-u hoth (flin^ , m nuhoth, "dwellings"; AV "Tinip , manahtl, Manahethites): The first form is the RV transliterated in the name; the second form is AV retained by RV in the pas sages where the word occurs (1 Ch 2 52; cf ver 54). The people here spoken of by AV as "half of the, Manahethites" are mentioned as descendants of Salma (ver 54), while those mentioned as Menu- hot h are mentioned as descendants of Judah through Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim. Both words are from the same root. AV keeps the same designa tion for both passages, while RV has marked the difference in spelling by changing the first passage and following AV in the second. Both sections of the family belong to the clan Caleb, and it would seem that they became the dominant people in the otherwise unknown town of Manahath, so that it came to be regarded as belonging to Judah. It may be connected with the Menuchah (RV "Menuhah") suggested as a place-name in Jgs 20 43 m. In the LXX between vs 59 and GO of Josh ch 15 the names of 11 cities are inserted, among them being a Manocho whose Heb equivalent gives the word. It is diffi cult to identify, and the Vulg cuts the knot by trans lating "dimidium requietionum"! See MANAHATH.


      MEONENIM, meXm C-nim, mP-6 nS-nirn, OAK

      OF: (rr:;ir>5 -ibx, # ww^um; B, -HW-

      |Aaa>v|j.v, Eldnmaonemein, A, Spvos dirop\\\\ir6v- TCOV, druos apobleponton; AV Plain of): This was a sacred tree which apparently could be seen from the gate of Shechem (Jgs 9 37). No doubt it took its name from the soothsayers who sat under it, practising augury, etc. Several times mention is made of sacred trees in the vicinity of Shechem (Gen 35 4; Josh 24 26; Jgs 9 6, etc). Where this tree stood is not known. See AUGURS OAK.

      MEONOTHAI, me-on 6-thi, mO-o nfi-thl, me- 5-no thi priiyp, m^onothai, "my dwellings"): A son of Othniel, nephew of Caleb (1 Ch 4 14). Possibly, as AVm suggests, and the Vulg and Complutensian LXX say, vs 13.14 should read "the sons of Othniel, Hat hath and Meoiiothai; and Meonothai begat Ophrah," etc. The latter may be founder of the town of that name.

      MEPHAATH, mef a-ath, rnP-fa ath (rrStt and T\\\\y^12, mcpha dth, n^EI^ , mopha ath; ~B, Mai- 4>da0, Maiphdatlt, M^fydaQ, M f phdath) : A city of the Amorites in the territory allotted to Reuben, named with Kedemoth and Kiriathaim (Josh 13 18), and given to the Merarite Levites (21 37; 1 Cli 6 79). It appears again as a Moabite town in Jer 48 21. It was known to Eusebius and Jerome (Onom) as occupied by a Rom garrison, but the site has been lost.

      MEPHIBOSHETH, mr-fib 6-sheth m pklbhosheth, "idol-breaker," also MERIB-BAAL [q.v.]; Me(A<jnp6o-0, Memphib6sthe):

      (1) Son of Saul by his concubine RIZPAH (q.v.), daughter of Aiah (2 S 21 8). See also ARMONI.

      (2) Grandson of Saul, son of Jonathan, and nephew of Mephibosheth (1) (2 S 4 4). He was 5 years old when his father and grandfather were slain. He was living in charge of a nurse, possibly because his mother was dead. Tidings of the dis aster at Jezreel and the onsweep of the Philis terri fied the nurse. She fled with her charge in such haste that a fall lamed the little prince in both feet for life. His life is a series of disasters, dis appointments, and anxiet ies. It is a weary, broken, dispirited soul that speaks in all his utterances. The nurse carried him to Lo-debar among the mountains of Gilead, where he was brought up by Machir, son of Ammiel (2 S 9 4). There he evi dently married, for he had a son Mica when he returned later at David s request. When David had settled his own affairs and subdued his enemies, he turned his inquiries to Saul s household to see whether there were any survivors to whom he might show kindness for Jonathan s sake (2 S 9 1). The search caused the appearance of Ziba, a servant of Saul s house (ver 2), who had meanwhile grown prosperous by some rapid process which can only be guessed at (vs 9.10). From him David learned about Mephibosheth, who was sent for. His humble bearing was consistent with his chronically broken spirit. David put Ziba s property (which had belonged to Saul) at Mephibosheth s disposal and made Ziba steward thereof. Mephibosheth was also to be a daily guest at David s table (2 S 9 11-13). Seventeen years pass, during which Mephibosheth seems to have lived in Jerus. Then came Absalom s rebellion. David determined to flee, so distraught was he by the act of his son. At the moment of flight, in great depression and need, he was opportunely met by Ziba with food, refresh ment and even means for travel. Naturally, the king inquired for Ziba s master. The treacherous reply was made (2 S 16 1-4) that Mephibosheth

      Merab THF

      Mercy, Merciful


      had remained behind for his own ends, hoping the people would give him, Saul s grandson, the king dom. David believed this and restored to Ziba the property lost. Not till many days after did the lame prince get, his chance to give David his own version of the story. He met David on his return from quelling Absalom s rebellion. He had not dressed his feet, trimmed his beard nor washed his clothes since the- hour of David s departure (2 S 19 24). At David s anxious request Mephib- osheth told his story: his servant had deceived him; he wanted to go with David, had even asked for his beast to be saddled; but Ziba had left him, and had slandered him to the king. But he would not plead his cause any more; David is "as an angel of (lod"; whatever he decides will be well! (2 S 19 20.27). Thus characteristically continued the speech of this lame, broken, humble man, son of a proud family (ver2S). David wearily settled the matter by dividing the property between the prince and his servant, the prince expressing utmost content that- Ziba should take all so long as David remained friendly (vs 21). 30). That David accepted Mephibosheth s explanation and was drawn out in heart toward the character of the broken man is shown by the fact that when some expiation from Saul s household was considered necessary to turn away the famine sent by an offended deity, Mephib- osheth is spared when other members of Saul s household were sacrificed (2 S 21 7). The char acter of Mephibosheth well illustrates the effect of continued disaster, suspicion and treachery upon a sensitive mind. HENRY WALLACE

      MERAB, me rab (3 TQ, mcrabh, "increase"; Mep6(3, Mernb): The elder daughter of Saul (1 S 14 49), promised, though not by name, to the man who should slay the Phili Goliath (1 S 17 25). David did this and was afterward taken by Saul to court (1 S 18 2), where he was detained in great honor. Merab was not, however, given to him as quickly as the incident would lead one to expect, and the sequel showed some unwillingness on the part of some persons in the contract to complete the promise. The adulation of the crowd who met David on his return from Phili warfare and gave him a more favorable ascription than to Saul (1 S 18 0-10) awoke the angry jealousy of Saul. He eyed David from that day and forward" (ver 9). Twice David had to "avoid" the "evil spirit" in Saul (ver 11). Saul also feared. David (ver 12), and this led him to incite the youth to more danger ous deeds of valor against the Philis by a renewed promise of Merab. He will have David s life, but rather by the hand of the Philis than his own (ver 17). Merab was to be the bait. But now another element complicated matters Michal s love for David (ver 20), which may have been the retarding factor from the first. At any rate Merab is finally given to Adriel the Meholathite (ver 19). The pas sage in 2 S 21 8 doubtless contains an error Michal s name occurring for that of her sister Merab though the LXX, Jos, and a consistent Heb text all perpetuate it, as well as the concise meaning of the Heb word Ydladh, which is a physio logical word for bearing children, and cannot be tr* 1 "brought up." A Tg explanation reads: "The 5 sons of Merab (which Michal, Saul s daughter brought up) which she bare," etc. Another sug gestion reads the word "sister" after Michal in the possessive case, leaving the text otherwise as it stands. It is possible that Merab died compara tively young, and that her children were left in the care of their aunt, esp. when it is said she herself had none (2 S 6 23). The simplest explanation is to assume a scribal error, with the suggestion referred to as a possible explanation of it. The

      lonely Michal (2 S 6 20-23) became so identified with her (deceased) sister s children that they became, in a sense, hers. HENRY WALLACE

      MERAIAH, me-ra ya, me-rl a "

      -, - , ,

      : A priest in the time of Joiakim

      conumacous: pres n e me o oa son of Jeshua, and head of the priestly house o Seraiah to which K/ra belonged (Neh 12 12; c

      E/r 71).

      MERAIOTH, me-ra yoth, me-rl oth (rVH 1 )? , m Tdi/otfi): The name varies much in the (ir.

      (1) A Levite, a descendant of Aaron (1 Ch 6 Of; Ezr 7 3), called "Memeroth" in 1 Esd 8 2; and "Marimoth" in 2 Esd 1 2.

      (2) The son of Ahitub and father of Zadok (1 Ch 9 11).

      (3) A priestly house of which, in the days of Joiakim, Helkai was head (Neh 12 15). In ver 3 the name is given as "Meremoth."

      MERAN, me ran. See MERRAN.

      MERARI, me-ra ri ("H"y>?, m Tan, "bitter"; MapapfC, Mararci):

      (1) The 3d son of Levi, his brothers, Gershon and Kohath, being always mentioned together with him (den 46 11; Ex 6 10 if). Pie was among those 70 who went down to Egypt with Jacob (Gen 46 8.11; cf ver 26 and Ex 1 5).

      (2) The family of Merari, descendants of above, and always with one exception, for which see MEBARITES spoken of as "sons of Merari" in numerous references, such as 1 Ch 6, which only repeat without additional information the references to be found in the body of this article. We early find them divided into two families, the Malili and Mushi (Ex 6 19; Nu 3 17.20.33). At the exodus they numbered, under their chief Zuriel, 6,200, and they were assigned the north side of the tabernacle as a tenting-plaee (Nu 3 34.35), thus sharing in the honor of those who immediately sur rounded the tabernacle the south side being given to the Kohathites, the west to the Gershonites, and the east toward the sun-rising being reserved for Moses, Aaron and his sons (Nu 3 23. 29. 35. 38). To the Merarites was intrusted the care of the boards, bars, pillars, sockets, vessels, pins and cords of the tabernacle^ (Nu 3 30.37; 4 29-33). They and the Gershonites were "under the hand" of Ithamar, son of Aaron, the sons of Gershon having charge of the softer material of the tabernacles curtains, covers, hangings, etc (Nu 3 25.20). When reckoned by the number fit for service, i.e. between 30 and 50 years, the sons of Merari were 3,200 strong (Nu 4 42-45). Because of the weight of the material in their charge they were allowed 4 wagons and 8 oxen for carriage (Nu 78). In marching, when the tabernacle was taken down, the standard of Judah went first (Nu 10 14); then followed the Merarites bearing the tabernacle (ver 17), and after them came the standard of Reuben (ver 18). After the settlement in Canaan they had 12 cities assigned them out of Gad, Reuben and Zebulun (Josh 21 7.34-40; 1 Ch 6 63.77-81), just as the other two branches of Levi s family had their 12 cities respectively assigned out of the other tribes (Josh 21). The names of these Merarite cities are given (loc. cit.), and among them is Ramoth- gilead, one of the cities of refuge (ver 38). It is evident from 1 Ch 6 44-47; 16 41; 25 15.19. 21 f; cf 15 0.17-19 that they had charge under Ethan or Jeduthun of the temple music in the service. In David s time Asaiah was their chief (1 Ch 15 G). Himself and 220 of the family helped David to bring up the Ark. David divided



      the Levites info courses among (he Gorshonites, Kohathites and Merarites (1 Ch 23 (i; cf vs 21-23; 24 26-30). The functions of certain Merarites are described in 1 Ch 26 10-19. They also took part in cleansing the temple in Hezekiah s time 2 Ch 29 12) as well as in the days of Josiah (2 Ch 34 12), helping to repair the house of the Lord. Among the helpers of Ezra, too, we find some of them numbered (Ezr 8 IS. 19). The family seems to have played a very important part in keeping steady and true such faithfulness as remained in Israel.

      (3) The father of Judith (Jth 8 1; 16 7).


      MERARITES, me-ra rits ("""Hp, m f mri, "bitter") : The descendants of MKRAKI (q.v.), son of Levi. The only place where this form of (he word occurs is Nu 26 57. Elsewhere they are always referred to as "sons of Merari."

      MERATHAIM, mer-a-tha im (Z Tn E , nr rd- thaynn, "double rebellion"): A name used for Baby lon in Jer 60 21. According to Delit/sch it may be equivalent to (lie Bab Mar rat tin, i.e. land by the nar Marratu, "(he bitter river" (Pers Gulf ) = Southern Babylonia (OIIL, s.v.).

      MERCHANDISE, mur chan-dlz (fl] "0237, \\\\wtnr, [2] "in?, sahar, [3] 1HC , .yahar, [4] "nil?, .ffwruh, [5]_"3ri, r khullnh, [6] 2~\\\\"K, ma ambh, [7] ^*2"]^Q, markoh th; [8] tjnropia, cmporla, [9] IJA- iropiov, cmporion, [10] -y"! 10 ?? gomots): There seem to be 4 distinct meanings of the word according to RV, viz.: (1) The products, i.e. goods or things sold or exchanged, and so merchandise in the present- day usage: (a) sahar is tr d thus in Prov 31 IS; Isa 23 IS; (6) sahar is tr d thusinlsa 46 14; these two are from a -\\\\/ meaning to travel about as a peddler; (r) r khullah, tr d thus in Ezk 26 12, from a j/ meaning to travel for trading purposes; (d) ma drubh, tr d thus in Ezk 27, from a / meaning to intermix, to barter; (c.) markoleth, tr d thus in Ezk 27 24 (the above 5 Heb words are all used to designate the goods or wares which were bartered); (/) amar, occurring in Dt 21 14; 24 7, tr d in AV "make merchandise of," but in RV "deal with as a slave," or RVm "(leal with as a chattel"; (g) cmporia, tr d "merchandise" in Mt 22 5; (h) emporion, likewise in Jn 2 16 (the same Gr word is used in 2 Pet 2 3 for ARV "make merchandise of you"); (i) gomos, "merchandise," m "cargo."

      (2) The process of itself, i.e. the business: r khullah has in it (tie y 7 meaning of itinerant trad ing, and so in Ezk 28 16 the correct tr is not "mer chandise," as in AY, but "traffic," "abundance of thy traffic," i.e. doing a thriving business: "trade was good."

      (3) The place of trading, i.e. emporium, mart, etc: s hdrah in Ezk 27 15 is tr d "mart." In Jn 2 16 reference is made to the "house of merchan dise."

      (4) The profits of trading: In Prov 3 14, sahar is tr d "gaining." Referring to wisdom, "For the gaining of it is better than the gaining of silver, and the profit thereof than fine gold"; AV "mer chandise." WILLIAM EDWARD RAFFETY

      MERCHANT, mur chant, MERCHANTMAN,

      mur chant-man. See COMMERCE; MERCHANDISE; TRADE.

      MERCURY, mur kfi-ri, MERCURIUS, mer-kii - ri-us: The tr of Epnijs, Hirm?*, in Acts 14 12: "They called Barnabas, Jupiter; and Paul, Mercury, because he was the chief speaker." Hermes was the god of eloquence (and also of theft), the attend

      ant, messenger and spokesman of (he gods. The more commanding presence of Barnabas (cf 2 Cor 10 10) probably caused him to be identified with Zeus (the Rom Jupiter), while his gift of eloquence suggested the identification of Paul with Hermes (the Rom Mercury). The temple of Jupiter was before Lystra, and to him the Lycaonians paid their chief worship. Cf the legend o f Baucis and Phile mon (Ovid, Mflain. viii.611 f) and see HERMES; JUPITER; GREECK, REUNION i\\\\. M. (). EVANS

      MERCY, mur si, MERCIFUL, mur si-fool ("i~n, he$edh, Drn , rdhani, "in, finnan; \\\\tos, clcox, \\\\e <, deed, otKTipfAos, oiktirmos) : "Mercy" is a dis tinctive Bible word characterizing God as revealed to men.

      In the OT it is oftonost (lie tr of hrxnlh. "kindness." "loving-kindness" (see LOVINGKINDNES S), but r-iinimim. lit. "bowels" (the sympathetic region), and hriniin, "to be inclined to," "to be gracious." are also frequently tr* "mercy"; eleos, "kindness," "beneficence," and t lrro. "to show kindness." are the chief words rendering "mercy" in the NT; oikiirniox, "pity," compassion." occurs a few times, also oiktirmon, "pitiful," i/i-i miin,

      "kind," "compassionate," twice; hilriiN, "forgiving," and anileos, "not forgiving," " without mercy, " once each (He 8 12; Jas 2 13).

      (1) Mercy is () an essential quality of God (Ex 34 (5.7; Dt 4 31; Ps 62 12, etc); it is His delight (Mic 7 18.20; Ps 62 8); He is "the Eat her of mercies" (2 Cor 1 3), "rich in mercy" (Eph 2 4), "full of pity, and merciful" (Jas 6 11); (6) it is associated with forgiveness (Ex 34 7; Nu 14 18; 1 Tim 1_13.16); (c) with His forbearance (Ps 145 8, "Jeh is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great lovingkindness" ; cf Rom 2 4; 11 32); (fl) with His covenant (1 K 8 23; Neh 1 5), with His justice (Ps 101 1), with His faithfulness (Ps 89 24), with His truth (Ps 108 4); mercy and (ruth are united in Prov 33; 14 22, etc (in Ps 85 10 we have "Mercy and truth are met toget her") ; (c) it goes forth to all (Ps 146 9, "Jeh is good to all; and his tender mercies are over all his works"; cf ver 16, "Thou openest thine hand, and satisfiest the desire of every living thing," RVm "satisfiest every living thing with favor"); (/) it shows itself in pitying help (Ex 3 7; Ezr 9 9f), supremely in Christ and His salvation (Lk 1 50.54.58; Eph 2 4); (g) it is abundant, practically infinite (Ps 86 5.15; 119 64); (/ t ) it is everlasting (1 Ch 16 34. 41; Ezr 3 11; Ps 100 5; 136 repeatedly).

      (2) "Mercy" is used of man as well as of God, and is required on man s part toward man and beast (Dt 25 4; Ps 37 21; 109 16; Prov 12 10; Dnl 4 27; Mic 6 8; Mt 6 7, "Blessed are the merciful: for they shall obtain mercy"; 25 31-4(5; Lk 6 36, "Be ye merciful, even as your Father is merciful"; 10 30 f, the Good Samaritan; 14 12-16; Jas 3 17).

      (3) In the NT "mercy" (deos, usually (he LXX tr of hcsedfi) is associated with "grace" (chdris) in the apostolical greetings and elsewhere. Trench points out that the difference between them is that the freeness of God s love is the central point of charts, while eleos has in view misery and its relief; charts is His free grace and gift displayed in (he for giveness of sins extended to men as they are guilty; His eleos (is extended to them) as they are miserable. The lower creation may be the object of His mercy (eleos), but man alone of His grace (charts) ; he alone needs it and is capable of re ceiving it (Synonyms of the NT, 163 f).

      (4) From all the foregoing it will be seen that mercy in God is not merely His pardon of offenders, but His attitude to man, and to the world gener ally, from which His pardoning mercy proceeds. The frequency with which mercy is enjoined on men is specially deserving of notice, with the ex clusion of the unmerciful from sonship to the all-

      Mercy-Seat Mesha



      merciful Father and from the benefits of His merci fulness. Shakespeare s question, "How canst thou hope, for mercy rendering none?" is fully warranted by Our Lord s teaching and by Scripture in general; cf esp. the parable of the Unmerciful Servant (Alt 18 21 -3f>).

      ( )) As (he rule, ARV has "lovingkindness" for "mercy" when hinnlh is used of Cod, and "kindness" when it is used of men in relation to each other. "Com passion" (tr of nilnim) is also in several instances substi- tutod for "mercy" dsa 9 17; 14 1; 27 H; Jcr 13 11; 30 IS), also "goodness" (tr of hesedh referring to man) (llos 4 l; 6 (>).

      W. L. WALKER

      MERCY-SEAT, mur si-set, THE (PQE3 , kap- porcl/i.; NT lXao-TT]piov, hilastfrrion, lie 9 5): The name for the lid or covering of the ark of the cove nant (Ex 25 17, etc). The OT term means "covering," then, like the NT word, "propitiatory" (cf kipper, "to cover guilt," "to make atonement"). The ark contained the two tables of stone which witnessed against the sin of the people. The blood of sacrifice, sprinkled on the mercy-seat on the great day of atonement, intercepted, as it were, this con demning testimony, and effected reconciliation be tween God and His people. See ATONEMENT; ATOXEMKNT, DAY OF; PROPITIATION; ARK OF COVENANT. In Rom 3 25, Jesus is said to be set forth as "a propitiation [lit. "propitiatory"], through faith, in his blood," thus fulfilling the idea of the mercy-scat (cf He 9, etc).


      MERED, me red ("79, mcrcdh, "rebellion"; LXX has at least four variants in 1 Ch 4 17.18): A descendant of Judah through Caleb, and men tioned as a "son of Ezrah" (ver 17).

      RV, rightly following the orthography of the Hob which has here he (h) instead of alcph (a), as in the name of the well-known Ezra, saves us from confusing this Ezrah with the other by giving him the correct termi nal letter. Moreover, even if the question of spelling were waived, the absence of the mention of children in any known passages of the life of the scribe Ezra should settle the question, since this passage (ver 17) is asso ciated with progeny.

      A difficulty meets us in ver 18, where Mered is mentioned as taking to wife "Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh." That Pharaoh is not the proper name of some individual but the official title of Egypt s sovereign seems evident from the fact that AVm and RV text agree in translating the other wife of Mered as "the Jewess," rather than as a proper name Jehudijah, as if to distinguish the "Jewess" from the Egyptian. Probably "Hodiah" also is a corruption of Jehudijah in ver 19, and should be tr d again "the Jewess." Tgs and traditions have so changed and transposed and "interpreted" this passage that a sufficiently confused text has become .worse confounded, and the only solid fact that emerges is that once a comparatively obscure Judah- ite (though the founder of several towns Gedor, Soco, Eshtemoa, etc, ver 18) married an Egyp princess, whether as a captive or a freewoman we do not know. See BITHIAH. HENRY WALLACE

      MEREMOTH, mcr e-moth, me-re moth m r rcmoth, "heights"; MepeijxwO, M ereimoth) :

      (1) Son of Uriah (Ezr 8 33), who was head of the 7th course of priests appointed by David (1 Ch 24 10, Hakkoz = Koz; cf Neh 3 4.21). The family of Koz were among those unable to prove their pedi gree on the return from Babylon, and were therefore deposed as polluted (Ezr 2 61. 02). Meremoth s division of the family must, however, have been scatheless, for he is employed in the temple after the ret urn as weigher of the gold and the vessels (Ezr 8 33), a function reserved for priests alone (Ezr 8 24-28). He takes a double part in the reconstruc tion under Nehemiah, first as a builder of the wall

      of the city (Neh 3 4), then as a restorer of that part of the temple, abutting on the house of Eliashib the priest (Xeh 321); "Marmoth" in 1 Esd 8 G2.

      (2) A member of the house of Bani, and, like so many of that house;, among those who married and put away foreign wives (Ezr 10 30). He seems to be named Carabasion (!) in the corresponding list of 1 Esd 9 34.

      (3) The name occurs in Neh 10 5 among those who "seal the covenant" with Nehemiah (Neh 10 1). It may there be the name of an individual (in which case there wer(; 4 of the name), or it may be a family name. Certainly a "Meremoth" came back under Zerubbabel 100 years before (Neh 12 3), and the signatory in question may be either a descendant of the same name or a family representative. The name recurs later in the same list (Neh 12 15) as "Meraioth" through a scribal error confusing the two Heb letters yodh and holem for mem. A com parison of Neh 12 1-3 and 12-15 shows clearly that it is the same person. Note that in ver 15 "Helkai" is the name of the contemporary leader.

      (4) For Meremoth (1 Esd 8 2 AV), see ME.ME- ROTH. HENRY WALLACE

      MERIBAH, mer i-ba, me-re ba. See MASSAH AND MKKIHAH.

      MERIB-BAAL, mer-ib-bfi al (^"a"!" 1 "! 1 ? , tn rlbh- ba*al; also by3~" l ~\\\\">2, m r rl-bha?al, "Baal contends") : The spelling varies in a single verse; 1 Ch 9 40 contains the name twice: first, in the first form above; second, in the second form. The name is given also in 1 Ch 8 34. It is the other name of MEPHIBOSHETH (2) (q.v.).

      In Jer 11 13 and Hos 9 10 the terms "Baal" and "Bosheth" seem to stand in apposition, the latter form being a slightly contemptuous alternative rendered "shame." This is akin to other like changes, such as Esh-baal for Ish-bosheth, Jerub-besheth for Jerub-baal, etc. The change in the first part of the name could occur through a clerical confusion of aspirate pe and resh, in Hebrew.


      MERIBATH-KADESH, mer i-bath-ka desh, MERIBOTH-KADESH, mer i-both-k. (Ezk 48 28; 47 19): The southern limit of Ezekiel s ideal land of Israel. See MERIBAH.

      MERODACH, mC-ro dak, mer 6-dak (T7"^, m rddhfikh] : The supreme deity of the Babylonians (Jer 50 2); the Nimrod of Gen 10 8-12; and among the constellations, Orion. See ASTRONOMY, II, 11; BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA, RELIGION OF; NIMROD.

      MERODACH-BALADAN, mC-ro dak-bal a-dan, mer 6-dak-b. ("jn^xS ^"JS Tlp, m rd dhakh bal d- dhdn; MapioSdx BaXaSdv, Maroddch Baladdn) : The son of Baladan, is mentioned in Isa 39 1, as a king of Babylon who sent an embassy to Hezekiah, king of Judah, apparently shortly after the latter s ill ness, in order to congratulate him on his recovery of health, and to make with him an offensive and defensive alliance. This Merodach-baladan was a king of the Chaldaeans of the house of Yakin, and was the most dangerous and inveterate foe of Sargon and his son Sennacherib, kings of Assyria, with whom he long and bitterly contested the possession of Babylon and the surrounding ^provinces. M.-b. seems to have seized Babylon immediately after the death of Shalmaneser in 721 BC; and it was not till the 12th year of his reign that Sargon suc ceeded in ousting him. From that time down to the 8th campaign of Sennacherib, Sargon and his son pursued with relentless animosity M.-b. and his family until at last his son Nabushumishkun was captured and the whole family of M.-b. was



      Mercy-Seat Mesha

      apparently destroyed. According to the monu ments, therefore, it was from a worldly point of view good politics for Hezekiah and his western allies to come to an understanding with M.-b. and the Aramaeans, Elamites, and others, who were con federated with him. From a strategical point of view, the weakness of the allied powers consisted in the fact that the Arabian desert lay between the eastern and western members of the confederacy, so that the Assyr kings were able to attack their enemies when they pleased and to defeat them in detail. II. DICK WILSON

      MEROM, mP rom, WATERS OF prna"^, me-mcrom; v8o>p Mappwv or Meppcov, hfidur Marron or Merron): The place which was the scene of Joshua s victory over Jabin and his confederate s (Josh 11 7), commonly identified with Lake Huleh in the upper part of the Jordan valley, but with doubtful propriety. Jos says (Ant, V, i, 18) that the camp of the allies was at Beroth in upper

      Waters of Merom.

      Galilee, and that Beroth was not far from, which is upon the summit of the Galilean hills. According to the Scriptural account, the pursuit was to Sidon and Hazor on the W. of the mountains (see HAZOR), while the names of the confederates are those of places in lower Galilee and the mari time plain. It seems improbable that a force of chariots should be brought over to be hemmed in by the rugged mountains which border the narrow plain of Huleh on both sides, plains that are made still narrower by the swamps surrounding the lake (see JORDAN VALLEY) in Joshua s time, when they were much larger than they are now after having been filled with the accumulation of sediment brought down by mountain streams for 3,000 years. Conder, with much reason, supposes the "waters of Merom" to be the perennial stream Wddy el-Melek, near Shimrom-Merom (Sem&nieK), 5 miles W. of Nazareth. Were Lake Huleh referred to, the proper phrase would be Sea (yam) of Merom, rather than waters (mayini).

      GEORGE FREDERICK WRIGHT MERONOTHITE, mO-ron 6-thit, mP-ro no-thlt pP.mO, merdnothl, V meaning "fertility"): The designation of two persons in the OT:

      (1) Jehdeiah, who was in charge of the royal asses under David (1 Ch 27 30).

      (2) Jadon who was among the repairers of the wall under Nehemiah (Neh 37). No place of the name Meronoth can be identified. That Jadon worked on the wall near Gibeonites and Mizpahites affords no clear clue to the place, unless it be shown that there was some geographical rota in the wall repairers.

      MEROZ, me roz (TTYQ, mmlz; B, Mt] P w, Meroz, A, Mau>p, Mazor) : This name occurs only once in Scripture. The angel of the Lord is represented as invoking curses upon Meroz because; the inhabit ants "came not to the help of Jeh" on the day of Deborah and Barak s victory (Jgs 5 23). It is a strange fate, shared with Chorazin, to be preserved from oblivion only by the record of a curse. The bitterness in the treatment of Meroz, not found in the references to any of the other delinquents, must be due to the special gravity of her offence. Reuben, Gilead and Dan were far away. This, however, is not true of Asher, who was also absent. Perhaps Meroz was near the field of battle and, at some stage of the conflict, within sight and hearing of the strife. If, when Zebulun "jeoparded their lives unto the death, and Naphtali, upon the high places of the field," they turned a deaf ear and a cold heart to the dire straits of their brethren, this might explain the fierce reproaches of Deborah.

      Meroz may possibly be identified with el-Murus- sus, a mud-built village about 5 miles N.W. of Jlcisdn, on the slopes to the N. of the Vale of Jcz- reel. If the Kedesh where Heber s tent was pitched be identical with Katlish to the W. of the Sea of Galilee, Sisera s flight, avoiding the Israelites in the neighborhood of Mt. Tabor, may have car ried him past el-M urussus. If the inhabitants had it in their power to arrest him, but suffered him to escape- (Moore, "Jgs," ICC, 103), such treachery to the nation s cause; might well rouse the indignation of the heroic prophetess. W. EWING

      MERRAN, mer an (Mtppdv, Mcrrdn; AV Meran) : Many identifications have: been suggested em the assumption that the text as it stands is correct. Some of these are the Sielonian Meareh (Grotius), Marane, a city e>f which Pliny speaks as being near the Red Sea (Keil), and the desert of Mahrah in Arabia (Fritzsche). It is very probable, however, that the name re-presents an error in transcription from the original Sern text, confusing the "i with the "I, so that we should read Meddan, or Medan, i.e. Midian. The phrase will then run, "the merchants of Mielian and Teman" (Bar 3 23). The mer chants of Midian are referred to in Gen 37 28.

      W. EWING

      MERUTH, me ruth. See EMMERUTH.

      MESALOTH, mes a-loth (Meo-o-aX<o0, Messaloth, MaicraXuiO, Maisalolti) . A place mentioned in the account of the march of Bacchides ami Alcimus into Judah, as "in Arbela" (1 Mace 9 2). If Arbela be ielentical with Irbil or Irbid on the south ern lip e>f Wady el-Hamam, W. of the Sea of Galilee, this fixes the locality; but no name resembling Mesaloth has been found.

      MESECH, me sek. See MESHECH.

      MESHA, me sha:

      (1) (yilTia , mesha ; B, Mapurd, Marisd, A, Ma- picrds, Marisds) : Caleb s firstborn son, the father of Ziph, probably the ancestor of the Ziphites (1 Ch 2 42).

      (2) (XTZTT2, mesha ; B, Mn, Misd, A, MW<T-<, Mosd): A Benjamite, son of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh, born in the land of Moab (1 Ch 8 ).

      (3) ("^"Q, mcsha*; Muxrd, M<~wi): A king of Moab. All the Bib. information regarding this mon arch is contained in 2 K 3. He-re we gather that Mesha was contemporary with Ahab, Ahaziah and Jehoram. He was tributary te> Israel, his annual contribution consisting of 100,000 lambs and 100,- 000 rarns. After the death of Ahab he asserted his independence. Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, and

      Meshach Messiah



      the king of Edoni joined forces with Jehonim in an attempt to quell the rebellion. At the instance of Elisha, who accompanied the host, water was miraculously provided when the army of the allies was ready to perish of thirst. Mesha came out against them and fell upon the camp. His attack was repulsed with heavy slaughter, and the defeated king was chased by the victors until he took refuge in the great fortress of Kir-hareseth. A vigorous siege was begun. Seeing that his case was des perate, Mesha attempted, with 700 men, to break through the lines. Failing in this, he offered his firstborn as a burnt offering upon the wall. Then "there came great wrath upon Israel" (by which, probably, panic is meant), and the besiegers retired, leaving their conquest incomplete.

      In his inscription see MOAHITK STONE Mesha gives an account of his rebellion, naming the places captured and fortified by him. It is not surprising that he says nothing of his defeat by Jehoram and his allies. There is, however, one serious dis crepancy. The time Moab was under the suprem acy of Israel, during the reign of Omri and half the reign of Ahab, he puts at 40 years. According to Bib. chronology, Omri and Ahab together reigned only 34 years. If, with Mesha, we deduct half the reign of Ahab, the period is reduced to 23 years. It is impossible to add to the length of either reign. So great a difference cannot be explained by the use of round numbers. Why Mesha should wish to increase the time of his people s subjection is not clear, _ unless, indeed, he thought in this way to magnify the glory of their deliverer.

      In Mesha the sentiment of patriotism was wedded to some measure of military capacity. Judging by his inscription, he was also a deeply religious man according to his lights. Substitute "Jehovah" for "Chemosh," and his phraseology might be that of a pious Heb king. The sacrifice of his son is at once the mark of the heathen and an index of the strength of his devotion.

      (4) (XTIJ Q , mesha ; Ma<r<H}, Masse) : This appears to mark the western boundary of the land occupied by the descendants of Joktan (Gen 10 30). No certain identification is possible, but several more or less probable have been suggested: e.g. (a) The Gr Mesene, on the Pers Gulf, not far from the mouth of the Tigris and the Euphrates; (6) the Syro- Arabian desert, called Mashu in the Assyr inscrip tions; the name here, however, could hardly cover such a vast tract as this; more probably it denoted a place; (r) Dillmann would alter the vowels and identify it with Massa , a branch of the Ishmaelite stock (Gen 25 14; 1 Ch 1 30). This, however, furnishes no clue to the locality, the territory of that tribe being also unidentified. W. EWING

      MESHACH, me shak (^ffiTfl , meshakJi): Pos sibly the Sumerian form of the Bab Sil-Asharidu, "the shadow of the prince," just as Shadrach probably means "the servant of Sin," and Abednego the "servant of Ishtar." Meshach was one of the three Heb companions of Daniel, whose history is given in the first chapters of the Book of Dnl. See, further, under SHADRACH.

      MESHECH, me shek, MESECH, me sek mcshckh, long," "tall"; Moo-ox., Mosoch): Son of Japheth (Gen 10 2; 1 Ch 1 5; ver 17 is a scribal error for "Mash"; cf Gen 10 22.23). His de scendants and their dwelling-place (probably some where in the neighborhood of Armenia [Herod. iii.94]) seem to be regarded in Scripture as syno nyms for the barbaric and remote (Ps 120 5; cf Isa 66 19, where Meshech should be read instead of "that draw the bow"). It is thought that the

      "Tibareni and Moschi" of the classical writers refer to the same people. Doubtless they appear in the annals of Assyria as enemies of that country under the names Tabali and Mushki the latter the de scendants of Meshech and the former those of Tubal to whom the term "Tibareni" may refer in the clause above. This juxtaposition of names is in harmony with practically every appearance of the word in Scripture. It is seldom named without some one of the others Tubal, Javan, Gog and Magog. It is this which forms a good justification for making the suggested change in Isa 66 19, where Meshech would be in the usual company of Tubal and Javan. Ezekiel mentions them several times, first, as engaged in contributing to the trade of Tyre (Tiras of Gen 10 2?), in "vessels of brass" and very significantly slaves; again there is the association of Javan and Tubal with them (Ezk 27 13); second, they are included in his weird picture of the under-world : "t hem that go down into the pit" (32 18.20). They are mentioned again with Gog and Magog twice as those against whom the prophet is to "set his face" (Ezk 38 2.3; 39 1).


      MESHELEMIAH, mn-shel-n-ml a (rPTp5ri2, m shelemyah, "Jeh repays"): Father of Zechariah one of the porters of the tabernacle (1 Ch 9 21; 26 1 .2.9) . In the latter passage Meshelemiah, with a final u, is credited with "sons and brethren, valiant men, IS." He is the "Shelemiah" of ver 14, the "Shallum" of 1 Ch 9 17.19.31, and the "Me- shullam" of Neh 12 25.

      MESHEZABEL, me-shez a-bel (bs^rCTJ, m r shc- zcbh c el, "God a deliverer"; AV Meshezabeel, mc- shez a-bel) :

      (1) A priest, ancestor of Meshullarn, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of Jerus (Neh 3 4).

      (2) One of the chiefs of the people giving name to the family which sealed the covenant with Nehe miah (Neh 10 21).

      (3) A descendant of Judah through Zerah, and father of Pethahiah (Neh 11 24).

      MESHILLEMITH, mS-shil c-mith mfshillcmlth, "retribution"): A priest, son of Im- mer, ancestor, according to 1 Ch 9 12, of Adaiah and Pashhur, and according to Neh 11 13, of Amashai. In the latter passage this name is spelled MESHILLEMOTH (q.v.).

      MESHILLEMOTH, mO-shil 0-moth, mf-shil f- moth (riT)2311J5? , m shillemoth, "recompense"):

      (1) An Ephraimite ancestor of Berechiah, chief of the tribe in the reign of Pekah (2 Ch 28 12).

      (2) The "Meshillemith" of Neh 11 13.

      MESHOBAB, mP-sho bab (llttrc, m f shobhabh): A Simeonite (1 Ch 4 34). This name heads the list of those who, for the sake of wider pasture- lands, occupied a Hamitic settlement in the neigh borhood of Gerar (MT GEDOR [q.v.]), and a Maonite settlement in Edomite territory (1 Ch 4 39-41). The latter event is dated in the days of Hezekiah (see Curtis, Chron., in loc.).

      MESHULLAM, me-shul am (2S^ , m shidlfim, "resigned" or "devoted"; cf Arab. Muslim; Me- o-o\\\\X.d(i, Mesolldm): An OT name very common in post-exilic times.

      (1) The grandfather of Shaphan (2 K 22 3).

      (2) A son of Zerubbabel (1 Ch 3 19).

      (3) A Gadite (1 Ch 6 13).

      (4) (5) (6) Three Benjamites (1 Ch 8 17; 9 7.8). (7) The father of Hilkiah (1 Ch 9 11; Neh 11




      Meshach Messiah

      (S) A priest, son of Meshillemith (1 Ch 9 ! _ ); the parallel list (Xeh 11 13) omits the name.

      (9) A Kohathite appointed by Josiah as one of the overseers to direct the: repairs of the temple (2 Ch 34 12).

      (10) One of the chief men sent by Ezra to pro- euro Levites to go up with him to Jerus (Ezr 8 10; of 1 Esd 8 44).

      (11) A Levite opposed to Ezra s regulations anent marriage with foreigners (Ezr 10 15; 1 Esd 9 14).

      (12) One, of those who had married foreign wives (E/.r 10 20; cf 1 Esd 9 30).

      _(13) One of the repairers of the wall (Xeh 3 4.30). His daughter was married to Jehohanan, the son of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh 6 IS).

      (14) One of the repairers of the Old Gate (Neh 36).

      (15) A supporter of Ezra at the reading of the Law (Xeh 8 4).

      (10) One of those who subscribed the Covenant (Neh 10 20).

      (17) A priest who subscribed the Covenant (Xeh 10 7).

      (IS) (10) Two priests at the time of the high priest Joiakim (Neh 12 ]3.1i > .

      (20) A porter at the time of the high priest Joiakim (Neh 12 25).

      (21) A processionist at the dedication of the wall of Jerus (Xeh 12 33). JOHN A. LEES

      MESHULLEMETH, me-shul e-meth m shullemeth) : The wife of King Manasseh and mother of Amon (2 K 21 10). She is further desig nated "daughter of Haruz of Jot bah." This is the earliest instance of the birthplace being added to the designation of the queen mother. The name is properly the fern, of the frequently occurring

      MlOSHULLAM (q.V.).

      MESOBAITE, mP-sr. ba-It. See MK/OHAITE. MESOPOTAMIA, mes-o-po-ta mi-a. See SYRIA.

      MESS, rnes (r^Tp C, ?//,s rt/<): Any dish of food writ (Lat ini>isitt; Fr. /w.w) to the table. It occurs in the OT in ( ien 43 34 (his); 2 S 11 8 EY, and in the XT in lie 12 10, translating Pp&a-is, brosis.

      MESSENGER, mes en-jer: The regular Heb word for messenger" is :fX~^, in(ir<ikh, the Gr #77e\\\\os, ii</(/< loft. This may be a human messenger or a messenger of God, an angel. The context must decide the right tr. In Hag 1 13 the prophet is called God s messenger; Job 33 23 changes AV to "angel" (m "messenger"); and Mai 3 1 m, sug gests "angel" instead of "messenger." The Mai passages 2 7; 3 1 (bis) have caused a great deal of comment. See MALACHI. The Gr dTroo-roXos, apdstolos, "apostle," is rendered "messenger" in 2. Cor 8 23; Phil 2 25; 1 S 4 17 tr" lit. from Heb "11B2, Msar, "to tell good news," "he that brought the tidings." Gen 50 10 reads "message" instead of "messenger." A. L. BRESLICH

      MESSIAH, mfe-sl a (rniTQ , masliV h; Aram. SSfPTZJlS , m e shlhd ; LXX Xpio-ros, (7/iri.sWs, "anoint ed"; XT "Christ"):

      1. Meaning and Use of the Term

      2. The Messianic Hope


      1. The Messianic King

      (1) Isaiah

      (2) Jeremiah and Ezekiel

      (3) Later Prophets

      2. Prophetic and Priestly Relations

      3. Servant of Jeh

      4. Transformation of the Prophetic Hope into the Apocalyptic

      II. THE MESSIAH i v THE PKI:-( II FUSTI \\\\ N A<;E

      1. Post-prophetic Age

      2. Maccahean Times

      . Apocalyptic Literature. III. THE MESSIAH IN THE NT

      1. The Jewish Conception

      (1) The Messiah as King

      (2) His Prophetic Character

      (3) The Title "Son of (iod"

      2. Attitude of Jesus to the Messiahship 15. The Christian Transformation

      4. Xew Elements Added

      (1) Future Manifestation

      (2) Divine Personality C5) Heavenly Priesthood

      5. Fulfilment in Jesus LITERATURE

      "Messias" (Ju 1 41; 4 25 AV) is a transcription

      of Mecrcrt as, Messias, the Gr representation of the

      Aramaic. "Messiah" is thus a modifica-

      1. Meaning tion of the Gr form of the word, and Use of according to the Ileb.

      the Term The term is used in the OT of kings

      and priests, who were consecrated to office by the ceremony of anointing. It is applied to the priest only as an adj. "the anointed priest." (Lev 4 3.5.16; 6 22 [Heb 151). Its substantive use is restricted to the king; he onlv is called "the Lord s anointed," e.g. Saul (1 S 24 6.10 [Heb 7.11], etc); David (2 S 19 21 [Heb 22]; 23 1, "the anointed of the God of Jacob"); Zedekiah (Lam 4 20). Similarly in the Pss the king is designated " mine," "thine," "his anointed." Thus also even Cyrus (Isa 45 1), as being chosen and commissioned by Jeh to carry out His purpose with Israel. Some think the sing, "mine anointed" in Hab 3 13 de notes the whole people; but the Heb text is some what obscure, and the reference may be to the king. The pi. of the subst. is used of the patriarchs, who are called "mine anointed ones" (Ps 105 15; 1 Ch 16 22), as being Jeh s chosen, consecrated servants, whose persons were inviolable.

      It is to be noted that "Messiah" as a special title is never applied in the OT to the unique king of the future, unless perhaps in Dnl 9 25 f (mn>ihl"h naghidh, "Messiah-Prince"), a difficult passage, the interpretation of which is very uncertain. It was the later Jews of the post-prophetic period who, guided by a true instinct, first used the term in a technical sense.

      The Messiah is the instrument by whom God s

      kingdom is to be established in Israel and in the

      world. The hope of a personal de-

      2. The liverer is thus inseparable from the Messianic wider hope that runs through the OT. Hope The Jews were a nation who lived in

      the future. In this respect they stand alone among the peoples of antiquity. No nation ever cherished such strong expectations of a good time coming, or clung more tenaciously amid defeat and disaster to the certainty of final triumph over all enemies and of entrance upon a state of perfect peace and happiness. The basis of this larger hope is Jeh s covenant with Israel. "I will take you to me for a people, and I will be to you a God" (Ex 6 7). On the ground of this promise the prophets, while declaring God s wrath against His people on account of their sin, looked beyond the Divine chastisements to the final era of perfect sal vation and blessedness, which would be ushered in when the nation had returned to Jeh.

      The term "Messianic" is used in a double sense to describe the larger hope of a glorious future for the nation, as well as the narrower one of a personal Messiah who is to be the prominent figure in the perfected kingdom. It may be remarked that many writers, both prophetic and apocalyptic, who picture the final consummation, make no allusion whatever to a coming deliverer.

      This art . will treat of the personal Messianic hope



      as it is found in the OT, in tho pre-Christian age, and in 1 he XT.

      /. The Messiah in the OT. The, chief element in the conception of the Messiah in the OT is that

      of the kin^. Through him as head 1. The of the nation Jeh could most readily

      Messianic work out His saving purposes. But King the kingdom of Israel was a theocracy.

      In earlier times Moses, Joshua, and the judges, who were raised up by Jeh to guide His people at different crises in their history, did not claim to exercise authority apart from their Divine commission. Nor was the relation of Jeh to the nation as its real ruler in any way modified by the institution of the monarchy. It was by His Spirit that the king was qualified for the righteous govern ment of the people, and by His power that he would become victorious over all enemies. The passage on which the idea of the Messianic king who would rule in righteousness and attain universal dominion was founded is Nathan s oracle to David in 2 S 7 1 1 f f . In contrast to Saul, from whom the kingdom had passed away, David would never want a de scendant to sit on the throne of Israel. How strong an impression this promise of the perpetuity of his royal house had made on David is seen in his last words (2 S 23.); and to this "everlasting covenant, and sure," the spiritual minds in Israel reverted in all after ages.

      (1) Isaiah. Isaiah is the first of the prophets to refer to an extraordinary king of the future. Amos (9 11) foretold the time when the shattered fortunes of Judah would be restored, while Hosea (3 5) looked forward to the reunion of the two kingdoms under David s line. But it is not till we reach the Assyr age, when the personality of the king is brought into prominence against the great world- power, that we meet with any mention of a unique personal ruler who would bring special glory to David s house.

      The kings of Syria and Israel having entered into a league to dethrone Ahaz and supplant him by an obscure adventurer, Isaiah (7 10-17) announces to the king of Judah that while, by the help of Assyria, he would sur vive the attack of the confederate kings, Jeh would, for his disobedience, bring devastation upon his own land through the instrumentality of his ally. But the prophet s lofty vision, though limited as in the case of other seers to the horizon of his own time, reaches be yond Judah s distress to Judah s deliverance. To the spiritual mind of Isaiah the revelation is made of a true king, Immanuel, " God-with-us," who would arise out of the house of David, now so unworthily represented by the profligate Ahaz. While the passage is one of the hardest to interpret in all the OT, perhaps too much has been made by some scholars of the difficulty connected with the word almah, "virgin." It is the mysterious personality of the child to which prominence is given in tho prophecy. The significance of the name and the pledge of victory it implies, the reference to Immanuel as ruler of the land in 8 8 (if the present rendering be correct), as well as the parallelism of the line of thought in the prophecy with that of ch 9, would seem to point to the identity of Immanuel with the Prince of the four names, "Wonderful Counsellor, Mighty God, Father of Eternity, Prince of Peace" (9 6 RVm). These Divine titles do not necessarily imply that in the mind of the prophet the Messianic king is God in the metaphysical sense the essence of the Divine nature is not a dog matic conception in the OT but only that Jeh is present in Him in perfect wisdom and power, so that He exercises over His people forever a fatherly and peaceful rule. In confirmation of this interpretation reference may be made to the last of the great trilogy of Isaianic prophe cies concerning the Messiah of the house of David (11 2) , where the attributes with which He is endowed by the Spirit are those which qualify for the perfect discharge of royal functions in the kingdom of God. See IM MANUEL.

      A similar description of the Messianic king is given by Isaiah s younger contemporary Micali (5 2 ff), who emphasizes the humble origin of the extraordinary ruler of the future, who shall spring from the Davidic house, while his reference to her who is to bear him confirms the interpretation which re gards the virgin in Isaiah as the motherof the Messiah.

      (2) Jtremiah and Ezekiel. After the time of Isaiah and Micah the throne of David lost much of its power and influence, and the figure of the ideal king is never again portrayed with the same defmiteness and color. Zephaniah, Nahuin, and Habakkuk make no reference to him at all. By the great prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel, however, the hope of a Davidic ruler is kept before the people. While there are passages in both of these writers which refer to a succession of pious rulers, this fact should not dominate our interpretation of other utterances of theirs which seem to point to a par ticular individual. By Jeremiah the Messiah is called the "righteous Branch" who is to be raised unto David and be called "Jehovah [is] our right eousness," that is, Jeh as the one making righteous dwells in him (Jer 23 5 f; cf 30 9). In Ezk_he is alluded to as the coming one "whose right it is" (21 27), and as Jeh s "servant David" who shall be "prince" or "king" forever over a reunited people (34 23 f; 37 24). It is difficult to resist the im pression which the language of Ezekiel makes that it is the ideal Messianic ruler who is here predicted, notwithstanding the fact that afterward, in the prophet s vision of the ideal theocracy, not only does the prince play a subordinate part, but pro vision ia made in the constitution for a possible abuse of his authority.

      (3) Later prophets. After Ezekiel s time, during the remaining years of the exile, the hope of a pre eminent king of David s house naturally disappears. But it is resuscitated at the restoration when Zerubbabel, a prince of the house of David and the civil head of the restored community, is made by Jeh of hosts His signet-ring, inseparable from Him self and the symbol of His authority (Hag 2 23). In the new theocracy, however, the figure of the Messianic ruler falls into the background before that of the high priest, who is regarded as the sign of the coming Branch (Zee 3 8). Still we have the unique prophecy of the author of Zee 9 9, who pictures the Messiah as coming not on a splendid charger like a warrior king, but upon the foal of an ass, righteous and victorious, yet lowly and peace ful, strong by the power of God to help and save. There is no mention of the Messianic king in Joel or Mai; but references in the later, as in the earlier, Pss to events in the lives of the kings or the history of the kingdom prove that the promise made to David was not forgotten, and point to one who would fulfil it in all its grandeur.

      The Messianic king is the central figure in the consummation of the kingdom. It is a royal son

      of David, not a prophet like unto 2. Prophetic Moses, or a priest of Aaron s line, and Priestly whose personal features are portrayed Relations in the picture of the future. The

      promise in Dt 18 15-20, as the con text shows, refers to a succession of true prophets as opposed to the diviners of heathen nations. Though Moses passed away there would always be a prophet raised up by Jeh to reveal His will to the people, so that they would never need to have recourse to heathen soothsayers. Yet while the prophet is not an ideal figure, being already fully inspired by the Spirit, prophetic functions are to this extent associated with the kingship, that the Messiah is qualified by the Spirit for the discharge of the duties of His royal office and makes known the will of God by His righteous decisions (Isa 11 2-5).

      It is more difficult to define the relationship of the priesthood to the kingship in the final era. They are brought into connection by Jeremiah (30 9.21) who represents the new "David" as possessing the priestly right of immediate access to Jeh, while the Levitical priesthood, equally with the Davidic king-




      ship, is assured of perpetuity on the ground of the covenant (Jer 33 18 IT). But after the restoration, when prominence is given to the high priest in the reconstitution of the kingdom, Joshua becomes the type of the coining "Branch" of the Davidic house (Zee 3 8), and, according to the usual interpreta tion, receives the crown a symbol of the union of the kingly and priestly offices in the Messiah (Zee 6 11 ff). Many scholars, however, holding that the words "and the counsel of peace shall be between them both" can only refer to two persons, would substitute "Zerubbabe-1" for "Joshua" in ver 11, and read in ver 13, "there shall be a priest upon his right hand" (cf RV, LXX). The prophet s meaning would then be that the Messianic high priest would sit beside the Messianic king in the perfected king dom, both working together as Zerubbabel and Joshua were then doing. There is no doubt, how ever, that the Messiah is both king and priest in Ps 110.

      The bitter experience s of the nation during the exile originated a new conception, Messianic in the deepest sense, the Servant of Jeh 3. The (Isachs40-66; chiefly 41 S; 42 l-7.19f:

      Servant 43 S.K); 44 1 f. 21; 49 3-6; 504-9; of Jehovah. 521353). As to whom the prophet refers in his splendid delineation of this mysterious being, scholars are hopelessly di vided. The personification theory that the Serv ant represents the ideal Israel, Israel as Cod meant it to be, as fulfilling its true vocation in the salvation of the world is held by those who plead for a con sistent use of the phrase throughout the prophecy. They regard it as inconceivable that the same title should be applied by the same prophet to two distinct subjects. Others admit that the chief difficulty in the way of this theory is to conceive it, but they maintain that it best explains the use of the title in the chief passages where it occurs. The other theory is that there is an expansion and contraction of the idea in the mind of the prophet. In some passages the title is used to denote? the whole; nation; in others it is limited to the pious kernel; and at last, the conception culminates in an individual, the ide>al ye-t real Israelite of the future, who shall fulfil the missiem in which the nation failed.

      What really elivieles expositors is the interpre tation of 52 13 53. The question is not whether this passage was fulfilleel in Jesus Christ on this all Christian expositors are; agreed but whether the; "Servant" is in the mind of the prophet merely the personification of the godly portion of the na tion, or a person yet to come.

      May not the unity argument be pressed te>o hard? If the Messiah came to be conceived of as a specific king while the original promise spoke of a dynasty, is it so ine-onceivable that the title "Servant of Jeh" should be used in an individual as well as in a collective se iise? It is worthy of ne>te>, toe), that not only in some parts of this prophee-y, but all through it, the individuality e>f the suffeivr is maele prominent; the collective ielea entirely disappears. The contrast is not between a faithful peirtiem and the gene>ral body of the people 1 , but between the "Servant" anel every single member of the nation. Moreover, whatever objections may be urged against the individual interpretation, this view best explains the eloctrine of substitution that runs through the whole passage. Israel was Jeh s elect people, His messenger of salvation to the Gentile s, and its faithful remnant suffered for the sins of the mass; even "Immanuel" shared in the sorrows of His people. But here the "Servant" makes atone ment for the sins of inelividual Israelite s; by his death they are justified anel by his stripes they are healed. To this great spiritual conception only the prophet of the exile attains.

      It may be addeel that in the Suffering Servant, who offers the sacrifice of himse lf as an expiation fe>r the sins of the people, prophetic activity and kingly honor are associateel with the priestly func tion. After he; has be en raise-el from the deael he becomes the great spiritual teacher of the world by his knowledge of Gexl anel salvation which he communicates te> others lie make s many righteous (53 11; <-f 42 1 ff; 49 2; 50 4); anel as a rewarel for his sufferings he attains te> a position of the- highest royal splenelor (52 15/>; 53 I2a; cf 49 7). See- SKRVAXT OF JKnen AH.

      In the Book of Dnl, written to encourage- the Jewish people- to stedfastness during the- persecution

      of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Messianic 4. Trans- he>pe of the prophets assumes a new formation form. Here the apocalyptic ielea of of the Pro- the Messiah appears for the first time phetic Hope in Jewish literature . The coming into the ruler is re-presented, ne>t as a de-scend- Apocalyptic. ant e>f the house of David, but as a

      pe rson in human form and of super human e haracte-r, through whom God is to estab lish His sove-re ignty upon the earth. In the prophet s vision (Dnl 7 13 f) one "like unto a son e>f man," k e bhar gnash (not, as in AV, "like the son of man"), e-ome-s with the clemds e>f heave>n, anel is brought before the ancient of days, and receives an imperishable kingdom, that all peoples should serve him.

      Scholars arc by no moans agreed in their interpretation or the prophecy. In support of the view that the "one like mile) a son of man" is a symbol for the ideal Israel, appeal is maele to the interpretation give-n of the vision in vs is. 22. 27, according to which dominion is given to the saints of the Most High." Further, as the four heathen kingdoms are- represented by the brute creation, it would be; natural for t he higher power, which is to take their place, to be: symbolized by the human form.

      But strong reasons may be urged, em the: other hand, for the- personal Messianic interpretation of the passage. A distinction seems to be made betwe-en "one like unto a son of man" and the saints of the Most High in ver 21, the saints being there- represented as the object e>f per secution from the little horn. These-ene e>f the judgment is earth, where the saints alreaely are, anel to which the ancient of days and the "one like unto a son of man" descend (\\\\-s 22.1)5). And it is in aceordane e- with tin- interpretation given of the vision in ver 17, where re fer e-nee is maele! te) the* four kings of the- bestial kingdoms, that the kingdom e>f the saints, which is to be established in their place, should also be represented by a royal head.

      It may be noted that a new ielea is suggested by this passage, the preexistence of the Messiah before His manifestation.

      //. The Messiah in the Pre-Christian Age.

      After prophetic inspiration ccase-d, t he-re was little in the teaching of the scribes, e>r in the

      1. Post- reconstitution of the kingelom under prophetic the rule e>f the high prie-sts, to quicken Age. the ancie-nt hope of the nation. It

      would appe-ar from the Apoe that while the elements of the general expert at ion were still cherisheel, the specific he)pe> of a preeminent king e>f David s line had grown very elim in the con sciousness of the people!. In Ecclus (47 11) men tion is maele of a "ce>venant of kings and a throne of glory in Israel which the Lord gave unto Daviel"; ye;t even this allusiem te> the everlasting duration of the Davidic dynasty is nu>re of the nature of a historical statement than the expression of a con fident hope.

      In the; earlier stage s of the Maccabean uprising,

      when the struggle was for religiems freedom, the

      people lemke-el for help to God alone,

      2. Macca- and would probably have been content bean to acknowledge the political suprem- Times. acy of Syria after liberty had been

      granted them in 162 BC to worship God accoreling to their own law anel ceremonial. But the successful effe>rt of the Maccabean leaders




      ii> achieving political independence, while it satis fied the aspirations of the people generally "until there should arise a faithful prophet" (1 Mace 14 41; of 2 . r >7), brought religious and national ideals into conflict. The "Pious" (hfixlilhlm), under (lie new name of Pharisees, now became more than ever devoted to the Law, and repudiated the claim of a Maccabean to be high priest and his subse quent assumption of the royal title, while the Mac cabees with their political ambitions took the side of the aristocracy and alienated the people. The national spirit, however, had been stirred into fresh life. Nor did the hope thus quickened lose any of its vitality when, amid the strife of factions and the quarrels of the ruling family, Pompey captured Jerus in 63 BC. The fall of the Hasmonean house, even more than its ascendancy, led the nation to set its hope more firmly on God and to look for a deliverer from the house of David.

      The national sentiment evoked by the Maccabees finds expression in the Apocalyptic lit. of the cen tury and a half before Christ.

      Apoca- i n the oldest parts of the Sib Or (3

      lyptK 652-5<i) there occurs a brief predict ion of a

      Literature king whom God shall send from the sun, who shall "cause the whole earth to ceaso from wicked war, killing some and exacting faithful oaths from others. And this he will do. not according to his own counsel, but in obedience to the beneficent decrees of God." And in a later part of the same book (3 49) there is an allusion to "a pure king who will wield the sceptre over the whole earth for ever. " It may be the Messiah also who is represented in the earlier part of the Book of En (90 37 f) as a glorified man under the symbol of a white bull with great horns, which is feared and wor shipped by all the other animals (the rest of the religious community) and into whose likeness they are trans formed.

      But it is in the Ps Sol, which were composed in the Pompeian period and reveal their Pharisaic origin by representing the Hasmoneans as a race of usurpers, that we have depicted in clear outline and glowing colors the portrait of the Davidic king (Ps Sol 17 18). The author looks for a personal Messiah who, as son of David and king of Israel, will purge Jerus of sinners, and gather together a holy people who will all be the "sons of their God." He shall not conquer with earthly weapons, for the Lord Himself is his King; he shall smite the earth with the breath of his mouth; and the heathen of their own accord shall come to see his glory, bring ing the wearied children of Israel as gifts. His throne shall be established in wisdom and justice, while he himself shall be pure from sin and made strong in the Holy Spirit.

      It is evident that in these descriptions of the coming one we have something more than a mere revival of the ancient hope of a preeminent king of David s house. The repeated disasters that over took the Jews led to the transference of the national hope to a future world, and consequently to the transformation of the Messiah from a mere earthly king into a being with supernatural attributes. That this supernatural apocalyptic hope, which was at least coming to be cherished, exercised an influence on the national hope is seen in the Ps Sol, where emphasis is laid on the striking indi viduality of this Davidic king, the moral grandeur of his person, and the Divine character of his rule.

      We meet with the apocalyptic conception of the Messiah in the Similitudes of Enoch (chs 37-71) and the later apocalypses. Reference may be made at this point to the Similitudes on account of their unique expression of Messianic doctrine, although their pre-Christian date, which Charles puts not later than 64 BC, is much disputed. The Messiah who is called "the Anointed," "the Elect one," "the Righteous one," is represented, though in some sense man, as belonging to the heavenly

      world. His preexist ence is affirmed. He is the supernatural Son of Man, who will come forth from His concealment to sit as Judge of all on the throne of His glory, and dwell on a transformed earth with the righteous forever. For further details in the conceptions of this period, see APOCALYPTIC LIT ERATURE (JKWISII); KsCHATOIAHiY OF THE OT.

      ///. The Messiah in the NT. To the prevalence of the Messianic hope among the Jews in the time of Christ the Gospel records bear ample testimony. We see from the question of the Baptist that "the coming one" was expected (Mt 11 3 and ), while the people wondered whether John himself were the Christ (Lk 3 15).

      (1) The Messiah as king. In the popular con ception the Messiah was chiefly the royal son of

      David who would "bring victory and 1. The prosperity to the Jewish nation and

      Jewish set up His throne in Jerus. In this

      Conception capacity the multitude hailed Jesus

      on His entry into the capital (Mt 21 9 and ,) ; to the Pharisees also the Messiah was the son of David (Mt 22 42). It would seem that apocalyptic elements mingled with the national expectation, for it was supposed that the Messiah would come forth suddenly from concealment and attest Himself by miracles (Jn 7 27.31).

      But there were spiritual minds who interpreted the nation s hope, not in any conventional sense, but according to their own devout aspirations. Looking for "the consolation of Israel," "the re demption of Jerus," they seized upon the spiritual features of the Messianic king and recognized in Jesus the promised Saviour who would deliver the nation from its sin (Lk 2 25.30.38; cf 1 68-79).

      (2) His prophetic character. From the state ments in the Gospels regarding the expectation of a prophet it is difficult to determine whether the prophetic function was regarded as belonging to the Messiah. We learn not only that OIK; of the old prophets w T as expected to reappear (Mt 14 2; 16 14 and |l), but also that a preeminent prophet was looked for, distinct from the Messiah (Jn 1 21.25; 7 40 f). But the two conceptions of prophet and king seem to be identified in Jn 6 14 f, where we are told that the multitude^ after recognizing in Jesus the expected prophet, wished to take Him by force and make Him a king. It would appear that while the masses were looking forward to a temporal king, the expectations of some were molded by the image and promise of Moses. And to the woman of Samaria, as to her people, the Messiah was simply a prophet, who w r ould bring the full light of Divine knowledge into the world (Jn 4 25). On the other hand, from Philip s description of Jesus we would naturally infer that he saw in Him whom he had found the union of a prophet like unto Moses and the Messianic king of the prophetical books (Jn 1 45).

      (3) The title "Son of God." It cannot be doubted that the "Son of God" was used as a Messianic title by the Jews in the time of Our Lord. The high priest in presence of the Sanhedrin recognized it as such (Mt 26 63). It was applied also in its official sense to Jesus by His disciples: John the Baptist (Jn 1 34), Nathanael (1 49), Mary (11 27), Peter (Mt 16 16, though not in ||). This Messianic use was based on Ps 2 7; cf 2 S 7 14. The title as given to Jesus by Peter in his confession, "the Son of the living God," is suggestive of something higher than a mere official dignity, although its full significance in the unique sense in which Jesus claimed it could scarcely have been apprehended by the disciples till after His resurrection.

      (1) His claim. The claim of Jesus to be the Messiah is written on the face of the evangelic his tory. But while He accepted the title, He stripped




      it of its political and national significance and filled

      it with an ethical and universal content. The

      Jewish expectation of a great king

      2. Attitude who would restore the throne of David of Jesus to and free the nation from a foreign the Mes- yoke was interpreted by Jesus as of one siahship who would deliver God s people from

      spiritual foes and found a universal kingdom of love and peace.

      (2) His delay in, making it. To prepare the Jew ish mind for His transformation of the national hope Jesus delayed putting forth His claim before the multitude till His triumphal entry into Jerus, which, be it noted, He made in such a way as to justify His interpretation of the; Messiah of the prophets, while He delayed emphasizing it to His disciples till the memorable scene at Caesarea Philippi when He drew forth Peter s confession.

      (3) "The Son of Man." But he sought chiefly to secure the acceptance of Himself in all His lowliness as the true Messianic king by His later use of His self-designation as the "Son of Man." While "Son of Man" in Aram., bar iidsha , may mean simply "man," an examination of the chief passages in which the title occurs shows that Jesus applied it to Himself in a unique sense. That He had the passage? in Dnl in His mind is evident from the phrases He employs in describing His future coming (Mk 8 38; 13 26 and j| ; 14 62 and ||). By this apocalyptic use of the title He put forward much more clearly His claim to be the Messiah of national expectation who would come in heavenly glory. But He used the title also to announce the tragic destiny that awaited Him (Mk 8 31). This He could do without any contradiction, as He regarded His death as the beginning of His Messianic reign. And those passages in which He refers to the Son of Man giving His life a ransom "for many" (Mt 20 28 and !j) and going "as it is written of him" (Mt 26 24 and ||), as well as Lk 22 37, indicate that He interpreted Isa 53 of Himself in His Mes sianic character. By His death He would complete His Messianic work and inaugurate; the kingdom of God. Thus by the help of the title "Son of Man" Jesus sought, toward the close of His ministry, to explain the seeming contradiction between His earthly life and the glory of His Messianic kingship.

      It may be added that Our Lord s use of the phrase implies what the Gospels suggest (Jn 12 31), that the "Son of Man," notwithstanding the references in Dnl and the Similitudes of Enoch (if the pre- Christian date be accepted), was not regarded by the Jews generally as a Messianic title. For He could not then have applied it, as He; does, to Him self before Peter s confession, while maintaining His reserve in regard to His claims to be the Mes siah. Many scholars, however, hold that the "Son of Man" was already a Messianic title before Our Lord employed it in His conversation with the disciples at Caesarea Philippi, and regard the earlier passages in which it occurs as inserted out of chronological order, or the presence of the title in them either as a late insertion, or as duo to the ambiguity of the Aramaic. See SON OF MAN.

      The thought of a suffering Messiah who would

      atone for sin was alien to the Jewish mind. This

      is evident from the conduct, not only

      3. The of the opponents, but of the followers Christian of Jesus (Mt 16 22; 17 23). While Trans- His disciples believed Him to be the formation Messiah, they could not understand

      His allusions to His sufferings, and regarded His death as the extinction of all their hopes (Lk 18 34; 24 21). But after His resur rection and ascension they were led, by the im pression His personality and teaching had made upon them, to see how entirely they had miscon

      ceived His Messiahship and the nature and extent of His Messianic kingdom (Lk 24 31; Acts 2 3<>. 38 f). They were confirmed, too, in their spiritual conceptions when they searched into the ancient prophecies in the light of the cross. In the mys terious form of the Suffering Servant they beheld the Messianic king on His way to His heavenly throne, conquering by the power of His atoning sacrifice and bestowing all spiritual blessings (Acts 3 13.18-21.26; 4 27.30; 8 3f>; 10 30-43).

      (1) Future manifestation. New features were now added to the Messiah in accordance with Jesus

      own teaching. He had ascended to 4. New His Father and become the heavenly Elements king. But all things were not yet Added put under Him. It was therefore seen

      that the full manifestation of His Messiahship was reserveel fe>r the future, that He would return in glory to fulfil His Messianic office and complete His Messianic reign.

      (2) Divine personality. Higher views of His personality we re 1 now e ntertaine d. He is declared to be the Son of God, not in any ofhYial, but in a unique sense, as coequal with the Father (Jn 1 1; Rom 1 4.7; 1 Cor 1 3, etc). His preexistence is affirmed (Jn 1 1; 2 Cor 8 9); and when He e emies again in his Messianic glory, He will exeTcise the Divine function of Universal Juelge (Acts 10 42; 17 30 f, etc).

      (3) Heavenly priesthood. The Christian cem- ception of the Messianic king who had enteml into His glory through suffering and eleath carried with it the doctrine of the Messianic priesthood. But it took some time for early Christian thought to ael- vance from the new discovery of the combination of humiliation and gle>ry in the Messiah to concen trate upon His heavenly life . While the preaching of the first Christians was directed to show from the Scriptures that "Jesus is the Christ" and necessarily involved the ascription to Him of many functions characteristic of the true priest, it was rese-rveel for the author of the Ep. to the He to set fe>rth this aspee-t of His work with separate distinctness anel to apply to Him the title of our "great high priest" (He 4 14). As the high priest, on the Day of Atonement not only sprinkled the blood upon the altar, but offe-red the sacrifice, so it was now seen that by passing into the heavens anel presenting to God the offering He had maele of Himself on earth, Je-sus had fulfilled the high-priestly office.

      Thus the ideal of the Heb prophets and poets is amply fulfilled in the person, teaching anel work of Jesus of Nazareth. Apologists may 6. Fulfil- often err in supporting the argume>nt ment in from prophecy by an extravagant Jesus symbolism and a false exegesis; but

      they are right in the contention that the essential elements in the; OT conception the Messianic king who stands in a unique relation to Jeh as His "Son," anel who will cxe>rcise universal dominion; the supreme prophet who will never be superseded; the priest forever are gathered up and transformeel by Jesus in a way the ancient seers never elreameel of. As the last anel greatest prophet, the suffering Son of Man, and the sinle ss Saviour of the world, He mee ts humanity s deepest longings for Divine knowleelge, human sympathy, and spiritual deliverance; and as the uniejue Son of God, who came to reveal the Father, He rule s over the hearts of me ii by the might of eternal love. No wonder that the NT writers, like Je-sus Himself, saw references to the Messiah in OT passages which would ne)t be conceeleel by a historical interpretation. While recognizing the place of the old covenant in the history of salvation, they sought to eliscove^r in the light of the fulfilment in Jesus the meaning of the OT which the Spirit of God intended to con-

      Metal Micah



      vcy, (lie Divine, saving thoughts \\\\vliich constitute its essence. And to us, us to the early Christians, "the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy" (Rev 19 10). To Him, hidden in the bosom of the ages, all the scattered rays of prophecy pointed; and from Him, in His revealed and risen splendor, shine forth upon the world the light and power of Clod s love and truth. And through the history and experience of His people. He is bringing to larger realization the glory and passion of Israel s Messianic hope.

      LITERVTURE. Druiumond, The J> tri*h Messiah; Stanton, The. Jewish and tin: Christian Messiah; Kiehin, .\\\\fessianic J rop/icci/; Delitzseh, Messianic Prophecies; von Orolli. OT J ropheci/; A. B. Davidson, OT Prophecy; Sclmltz OT Theoloyi/; Schiirer, IIJ1 , div II, vol II. sec. 29 "The Messianic Hope"; Westeott, Intro to the Study of the Gospel*, ch ii, "The Jewish Doctrine of Messiah"; EdorslK im, The Life and Times of Jesus the, Messiah, book II, ch v, "What Messiah Did the Jews Expect?"; E F. Scott, The Kingdom and the Messiah; Fairweat her, The Background of the Gospels; arts, in I)B, HUB, Eli, DCG. For further list see Riohm and Schiirer; see also APOCALYPTIC LITEHATUKE.


      METAL, met al (VciJJn, hashmal; TiXtKrpov, flektron; AV amber; Ezk 8 2, RVm "amber"): The substance here; intended is a matter of great uncertainty. In Egypt bronze was called hesmen, which may be connected with the Heb hashmal; the Gr ckktron too has generally been accepted as an alloy of gold or silver or other metals, but this is far from certain. Professor Ridgeway (EB, 1, cols. 134-3G) has conclusively shown, however, that amber was well known in early times and that there is nothing archaeologically improbable in the read ing of AV.

      Amber is a substance analogous to the vegetable resins, and is in all probability derived from extinct coniferous trees. The best or yellow variety was obtained by the ancients from the coasts of the Baltic where it is still found more plentifully than elsewhere. A red amber has been found in South Europe and in Phoenicia. From earliest times amber has been prized as an orna ment; Homer apparently refers to it twice. Amber bracelets and necklaces an; highly prized by the Orientals esp. Jewesses today, and they an; credited with medicinal properties. See ELECTKD.M; STONES, PKE- cious.

      E. W. G. MASTERMAN

      METALLURGY, met al-ur-ji: There are numer ous Bib. references which describe or allude to the various metallurgical operations. In Job 28 1 occurs pp.T, zakak, tr d "refine," lit. "strain." This undoubtedly refers to the process of separating the gold from the earthy material as pictured in the Egyp sculptures (Thebes and Beni Hassan) and described by Diodorus. The ore was first crushed to the size of lentils and then ground to powder in a handmill made of granite slabs. This powder was spread upon a slightly inclined stone table and water was poured over it to wash away the earthy materials. The comparatively heavy gold particles were then gathered from the table, dried, and melted in a closed crucible with lead, salt and bran, and kept in a molten condition for 5 days, at the end of which time the gold came out pure.

      The alloying of gold and silver with copper, lead or tin, and then removing the base metals by cupellation is used figuratively in Ezk 22 18.22 to denote the coming judgment of Jeh. Again in Isa 1 25 it indicates chastening. The fact that the prophets used this figure shows that the people were familiar with the common metallurgical oper ations. See REFINER. JAMES A. PATCH

      METALS, rnet alz (Lat metallum, "metal," "mine"; Gr n^raXXov, metallon, "mine"): The metals known by the ancients were copper, gold, iron, lead, silver and tin. Of these copper, gold and silver were probably first used, because, occurring in a metallic state, they could be separated easily

      from earthy materials by mechanical processes. Evidence is abundant of the use of these three metals by the people of remotest antiquity. Lead and tin were later separated from their ores. Tin was probably used in making bronze before it was known as a separate metal, because the native oxide, cassiterite, was smelted together with the copper ore to get bronze. Because of the difficul ties in getting it separated from its compounds, iron was the last in the list to bo employed. In regard to the sources of these metals in Bible times we have few Bil). references to guide us. Some; writers point to Dt 8 9, "a land whose; stones a. re iron," etc, as referring to Pal. Pal can be disregarded, however, as a source of metals, for it possesses no mineral deposits of any importance. If it was expected that Israel would possess Lebanon also, then the description would be more true. There is some iron ore which was anciently worked, although present-day engineers have declared it not to be extensive enough to pay for working. There is a little copper ore (ehalcopyrite, malachite, azurite). In the Anti-Lebanon and Northern Syria, esp. in the country E. of Aleppo now opened up by the Bagdad Railroad and its branches, there are abun dant deposits of copper. This must have been the land of Nuhasse referred to in the Am Tab. If Zee 6 1 is really a reference to copper, which is doubtful, then the last-mentioned source was prob ably the one referred to. No doubt Cyprus (Alasia in Am Tab [?]) furnished the ancients with much copper, as did also the Sinaitic peninsula.

      Tarshish is mentioned (Ezk 27 12) as a source of silver, iron, tin, and lead. This name may belong to Southern Spain. If so it corresponds to the gen eral belief that the Phoenicians brought a consider able proportion of the metals used in Pal from that. country. Havilah (Gen 2 ll),Ophir(l K 10 11), Sheba (Ps 72 15) are mentioned as sources of gold. These names probably refer to districts of Arabia. Whether Arabia produced all the gold or simply passed it on from more remot e sources is a question (see GOLD).

      From the monuments in Egypt we learn that that country was a producer of gold and silver. In fact, the ancient mines and the ruins of the miners huts are still to be seen in the desert regions of upper Egypt. In the Sinaitic peninsula are deposits of copper, lead, gold, and silver. The most remark able of the ancient Egyp mines are situated here (J. Sarabit el Khadirn, U. Sidreh, W. Magharah). The early Egyp kings (Sneferu, Amenemhat II, and others) not only mined the metals, but cut on the walls of the mines inscriptions describing their methods of mining. Here, as in upper Egypt, are remains of the buildings where miners lived or carried out their metallurgical operations. It is hardly to be conceived that the large deposits of lead (galena) in Asia Minor were unworked by the ancients. No nearer deposits of tin than those in Southeastern Europe have yet been found. (For further information on metals see separate articles.)



      METE, met ("""Q , madhadh): "To measure," either with a utensil of dry measure, as in Ex 16 18, or to measure with a line or measure of length, as in Ps 60 6; 108 7; Isa 40 12. In Isa 18 2.7 it is the rendering of kaw, kaw, lit. "line-line," i.e. measuring line, referring to the Ethiopians as a nation that measured off other peoples for destruc tion and trod them down, as in II V. It is regarded by some as signifying strength, being cognate with

      the Arab. j, kaid, "strong." For mete of



      Metal Micah

      Mt 7 2 ;ind passages iii Mk 4 21; Lk 6 3X. sr Mi:.\\\\snu:. II I> ORT Kit

      METERUS, me-1


      METEYARD, met yard (n"T2 , middah, "a meas ure," Lev 19 3")): lias this meaning in AV and R\\\\ , but in ARV, "measures of length."

      METHEG-AMMAH, me-theg-am a, meth-eg- am a (rVHXn :<np, incthn/h ha-ammah, "bridle of the metropolis"; LXX TTJV d4>opi.o-fj.VT]v, ten up/io- rismencn): It is probable that the place-name M. in 2 S 8 1 AV should be rendered as in RV, "the bridle of the mother city," i.e. Cath, since we find in the i passage in 1 Ch 18 1 rPr:;n p,a, gulh ubh c notheha, "(lath and her daughters," i.e. daughter towns. The LXX has an entirely different read ing: "and David took the tribute out of the hand of the Philis," showing that they had a different text from what we now have in the Heb. The text is evidently corrupt. If a place is intended its site is unknown, but it must have been in the Phili plain and in the vicinity of Oath. II. POKTKK

      METHUSAEL, mMhu sa-d. See METHUSHAKL.

      METHUSELAH, me-thu sr-la, me-thu se-la (n^ ittr 1 )? , wtltilsticlali, "man of the javelin"): A descendant of Seth, the son of Enoch, and father of Lamech ((Jen 5 21 IT; 1 Ch 1 3; Lk 3 37). Methuselah is said to have lived 909 years; he is therefore; the oldest of the patriarchs and the oldest man. It is doubtful whether these long years do not include the duration of a family or clan.

      METHUSHAEL, me-thu sha-el (bXTTTn; , m"- thtlaliaT-l): A descendant of Cain, and father of Lamech in the Cainite genealogy (Gen 4 IS). The meaning of the name is doubtful. Dillmann sug gested "suppliant or man of (Joel."

      MEUNIM, me-u nim (A V Mehunim) . Sec M AON.

      MEUZAL, me-u zal pTIXTS , w uzdl, or ,

      me uzal): A word which occurs only in AVm of Ezk 27 19. The rendering in AV text is "going to and fro," in RV text "wit h yarn," but in RVm, in agreement with BDH and most modern authorities, Mcuzal is regarded as a proper noun with a prefixed preposition, and is rendered "from I zal." See UZAL.

      ME-ZAHAB, mez a-hab, me-za hab (DHT ^ , me zakitUi, "waters of gold"; B, Mai^oiop, Maizodb, A, Mo6p, Mezoob): Grandfather of Mehetabel, the wife of Hadar, the last-mentioned "duke" of Edorn descended from Esau (Gen 36 39). The Jewish commentators made much play with this name. Abarbanel, e.g., says he was "rich and great, so that on this account he was called Me/a- hab, for the gold was in his house as water." The name, however, may denote a place, in which case it may be identical with Dizahab.

      MEZARIM, rncz a-rim (NORTH). See AS TRONOMY, II, 13, (1).

      MEZOBAITE, mG-zo ba-It (PPl Sign, /ia-m"- gobhayah): The designation of Jaasiel, one of Da vid s heroes (1 Ch 11 47).

      MIAMIN, mi a-min. See MIJAMIN; MINIAMIN.

      MIBHAR, mib har prqia , mibhhar, "choice"! ?]) : According to 1 Ch 11 38, the name of one of David s

      heroes. No such name, however, occurs in the l| passage (2 S 23 30). A comparison of the two records makes it probable that inibkhar is a cor ruption of mi^dbhah = "hom Zobah," which com pletes the designation of the former name, Nathan ol Zobah. The concluding words of the verse, Ben-Hagrl = "the son of llagri," will then appear as a misreading of JidnT ha-gadhi = "Bani, the Gad- ite, thus bringing the two records into accord.

      MIBSAM, mib sam (ETlWa fume"!?]):

      (1) A son of Ishmael (Gen 25 13; 1 Ch 1 >{))

      (2) A Simeonite (1 Ch 4 25 j.

      MIBZAR, mib zar ("123? , mibhyir, "a fortress"): An Edomite chief, AV "duke" (Gen 36 42; 1 Ch 1 53). According to Eusebius, Mibzar is connected with Mibsara, a considerable village subject to Petra and still existing in his time. Cf llolzinger and Skinner in respective comms. on Gen.

      MICA, mi ka (tf IP}?, tmkha 1 ): A variant of the name Micah, and probably like it a contracted form of MICAIAH (q.v.). In AV it is sometimes spelled "Alicha."

      (1) A son of M(>rib-baal or Mephiljosheth (2 S S,!? AV " Mi cha"). In 1 Ch 8 34, lu- is called


      (2) The son of Zichri (1 Ch 9 1.5). In Xeh 11 ?7, (A Y " Micha "), he is designated "the son of /abdi, and in Neh 12 35, his name appears as "Mieaiah [AV "Michaiah"], the son of Zaccur."

      (3) One of the signatories of the Covenant (Neh 10 11, AV Micha"). JOHN- A. LEES

      MICAH, mi ka (rG^, mikhah, contracted from T TPD < 1 52 , tnlkhaijah il, "who is like Jeh?" ; B, Maxaias, Mcichaias, A, Mixd, Michd; sometimes in AV spelled Michah):

      (1) The chief character of an episode given as an appendix to the Book of Jgs (Jgs 17, 18). Micah, a dweller m Mt. Ephraim, was the founder and owner of a small private sanctuary with accessories for worship (17 1-5), for which he hired as priest a Judaean Levite (17 7-13). Five men sent in quest of new territory by the Danites, who had failed to secure a settlement upon their own tribal allotment, visited Micah s shrine, and obtained from his priest an oracle favoring their quest (18 1-0). They then went on until they reached the town of Laish in the extreme N., and deeming it suitable for their purpose, they returned to report, to their fellow-tribesmen. These at once dis patched thither 000 armed men, accompanied by their families (18 7-12). Passing Micah s abode, they appropriated his idols and his priest, and when their owner pursued, he was insulted and threat ened (18 13-20). They took Laish, destroyed it with its inhabitants and rebuilt it under the name of Dan. There they established the stolen images, and appointed Micah s Levite, Jonathan, a grand son of Moses (AV "Manasseh"), priest of the new sanctuary, which was long famous in Israel (18 27- 31).

      The purpose of the narrative is evidently to set forth the origin of the Danito shrine and priesthood. A few peculiarities in the story have led some critics e.g., Moore, "Judges," in ICC and "Judges" in SBOT; Budde, Richter to regard it as composite. Wellhausen, however, considers that the peculiarities are editorial and have been introduced for the pur pose of smoothing or explaining the ancient record. Most authorities are agreed that the story is nearly contemporary with the events which it narrates, and that it is of the highest value for the study of the

      Micah Michael



      history of Israelitish worship. See also JUDGKS; DAN; PRIESTHOOD.

      ( 2) A Reubenite, \\\\vlii)sc descendant Beerah was carried into exile by Tiglath-pileser (1 Ch 5 . r >).

      (3) A son of Merib-baal (1 Ch 8 34 f; 9 40 f). See MICA, (I).

      (4) A Kohathite Leyite (1 Ch 23 20; 24 24 f).

      (5) The father of Abdon, one of Jtwiah s messen gers to the prophetess Huldah (2 Ch 34 20). In the || passage (2 K 22 12), the reading is "Achbor the son of Mieaiah," AV "Michaiah."

      ((5) A Simeonite mentioned in the Book of Jth

      (7) The prophet, called, in Jer 26 IS (Heb), "Micaiah the Morashtite." See special article. (S) The son of Inilah. See MICAIAH, (7).

      JOHN A. LEES

      MICAH (Hp 1 52, mlkhuti; Mix aia s> Meichaias;

      an abbreviation for Micaiah [Jer 26 IS], and this

      a ir ain of the longer form of the word

      1. Name in 2 Ch 17 7; cf 1 K 22 S): The and Person name signifies "who is like Jeh?"; cf

      Michael, equal to "who is like El?" (i.e. God). As this name occurs not infrequently, he is called the "Morashtite/ i.e. born in Morc- sheth. He calls his native city, in 1 14, More- sheth-gath, because it was situated near the Phili city of Gath. According to Jerome and Eusebius, this place was situated not far eastward from Elcu- theropolis. The prophet is 7iot to be confounded with Micah ben Imla, in 1 K 22 8, an older prophet of the Northern Kingdom.

      According to Jer 26 IS, Micah lived and prophe sied in the reign of Hezekiah; according to Mic 1 1,

      he labored also under Jotham and

      2. Time Ahaz. This superscription has, it of Micah must be said, great similarity to Isa

      1 1 and is probably of a later date. Yet the contents of his first discourse confirm the fact that he prophesied, not only before the de struction of Samaria, but also before the reforma tion of Hezekiah (cf Mic 1 5). Accordingly, eh 1 is probably a discourse spoken already under Ahaz, and chs 2 to 5 under Hezekiah. No mention is any longer made of Samaria in chs 2 to 5. This city has already been destroyed; at any rate, is being besieged. Accordingly, these discourses were pronounced after the year 722 BC, but earlier than 701 BC, as the reformation of Hezekiah had not yet been entirely completed. It is impossible to date exactly these discourses, for this reason, that all the separate sentences and addresses were after ward united into one well-edited collection, prob ably by Micah himself. The attacks that have been made by different critics on the authenticity of chs 4 and 5 have but a poor foundation. It is a more difficult task to explain the dismal picture ot the conditions of affairs as described in chs 6 and 7 as originating in the reign of Hezekiah. *or tins reason, scholars have thought of ascribing them to the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz. But better reasons speak for placing them in the degenerate reign ot Manasseh. There is no reason for claiming that Micah no longer prophesied in the times of this king It is true that a number of critics declare that Micah did not write these chapters, esp. the so-called psalm in 7 7-20, which, it is claimed clearly presupposes the destruction of Jerus (7 11 j! But it is a fact that Micah did really and distinctly predict this destruction and the exile that followed this event in 3 12; and accordingly he could in this concluding hymn very easily have looked even beyond this period.

      Micah is, then, a younger contemporary ot Isaiah, and, like the latter, he prophesied in Judah, per haps also in Jerus. To the writings of this great prophet his book bears a close resemblance both in

      form and in contents, although he did not, as was

      the case with Isaiah, come into personal contact

      with the kings and make his influence

      3. Relation felt in political affairs. The; statement to Isaiah in Mic 4 1 IT is found almost literally

      in Isa 2 2 IT. Opinions differ as to who is to be credited with the original, Isaiah or Micah. In the latter, the passage seems to suit better into the connection, while in Isa 2 it begins the discourse abruptly, as though the prophet had taken it from some other source. However, Mic 4 4 f is certainly a sentence added by Micah, who, accordingly, was not the first to formulate the prophecy itself. It is possible that both prophets took it from some older prophet. But it is also conceivable that Isaiah is the author. In this case, he placed this sentence at the head of his briefer utterances when he composed his larger group of addresses in chs 2-4, for the purpose of expressing the high purposes which God has in mind in His judgments.

      Micah combats in his discourses, as does Isaiah,

      the heathenish abuses which had found their way

      into the cult, not only in Samaria, but

      4. Contents also in Judah and Jerus, and which of the the reformation of Hezekiah could Prophecies counteract only in part and not at

      all permanently (cf 1 5-7; 5 11-13; 6 7.10). Further, he rebukes them for the social injustice, of which particularly the powerful and the great in the land were guilty (2 1 ff; 3 2 f.10 f); and the dishonesty and unfaithfulness in business and in conduct in general (cf 6 10 ff; 7 2ff). At all times Micah, in doing this, was compelled to defend himself against false prophets, who slighted these charges as of little importance, and threat ened and antagonized the prophet in his announce ments of impending evil (cf 2 5ff.llff). In pro nounced opposition to these babblers and their pre dictions of good things, Micah announces the judgment through the enemies that are approach ing, and he even goes beyond Isaiah in the open declaration that Jerus and the temple are to be destroyed (3 12; 4 10; 5 1). The first-mentioned passage is also confirmed by the event reported in Jer 26 17 ff. The passage 4 10, where in a sur prising way Babylon is mentioned as the place of the exile, is for this reason regarded as unauthentic by the critics, but not justly. Micah predicts also the deliverance from Babylon and the reestablish- ment of Israel in Jerus, and declares that this is to take place through a King who shall come forth from the deepest humiliation of the house of David and shall be born in Bethlehem, and who, like David, originally a simple shepherd boy, shall later become the shepherd of the people, and shall make his people happy in peace and prosperity. Against this King the last great onslaught of the Gentiles will avail nothing (4 11-13; 6 4ff). As a matter of course, he will purify the country of all heathen abuses (5 9 ff). In the description of this ruler, Micah again agrees with Isaiah, but without taking the details from that prophet.

      The form of the prophecies of Micah, notwith standing their close connection with those of his

      great contemporary, has nevertheless 6. Form its unique features. There is a pro of the nounced formal similarity between Prophecies Mic 1 10 ff and Isa 10 28 ff. Still

      more than is the case in Isaiah, Micah makes use of the names of certain places. Witty references, which, we can understand only in part, are not lacking in this connection; e.g. Lachish, the "city of horses," is made the object of a play on words. (Recently in the ruins of this city a large wall has been unearthed.) The style of Micah is vigorous and vivid. He loved antitheses. It is a peculiarity



      Micah Michael

      quent use of the image of the shepherd, 2 12; 3 2f; 4 6; 5 3 ff; 7 14. The fact that these peculiarities

      appear in all parts of his little book is an argument in favor of its being from one author. He is superior to Isaiah in his tendency to idyllic details, and esp. in a deeper personal sympathy, which generally finds expression in an elegiac strain. His lyrical style readily takes the form of a prayer or of a psalm (cf ch 7).

      LITERATURE. C. P. Caspari, Uvbrr Micha ilen Mortm- thitfii, 1S51; T. K. Cheyiic, Micnh irlth .\\\\<>t<-s an, I Intro- linrtitin, 1SS2; V. Kyssel, L nti rxiir/i uiiiji-n ii/nr Ti J-li/i .iliilt unit Echthcit des Uuchr* Mi<-h<i, 1S.S7. See t lie cumins, on the 12 minor prophets by llilzig, Kwuld. ( . F. Keil, P. Kleinert, \\\\V. Nowaek, C. v. Orelli, K. Marti; 1 aul ilaupt, The Book of Micnh, 1910; 1 usey, The Minor Prophets, 1860.


      MICAIAH, mi-ka ya, ml-ki a (irPD" 1 ^ , vil- khdyultil, "who is like Jeh?"; Meixcuas, Meichaias): A frequently occurring OT name occasionally con tracted to MICA or MICAH (q.v.). In AY it is usually spelled "Michaiah."

      (1) The mother of Abijah (2 Ch 13 2, AV "Michaiah"). The , passage (1 K 15 2; cf 2 Ch 11 20) indicates that Michaiah here is a cor ruption of MAACAH (q.v.) (so LXX).

      (2) The father of Achbor (2 K 22 12, AV "Michaiah"). See MICAH, (5).

      (3) A prince of Judah sent by Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 17 7, AY "Michaiah").

      (4) The son of Zaccur, a priestly processionist at the dedication of the wall (Neh 12 35, AY "Michaiah").

      (5) A priestly processionist at the dedication of the wall (Neh 12 41; wanting in LXX).

      ((>) The canonical prophet. Sec; MICAH, (7), and special article.

      (7) The son of Imlah, the chief character of an important episode near the end of the reign of Almb (I K 22 4-2S j 2 Ch 18 3-27). In the Heb, his name appears once in the contracted form "Micah" (2 Ch 18 14). Ahab had suggested to his visitor, Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, that they should under take a joint campaign against Ramoth-gilead. Jehoshaphat politely acquiesced, but asked that the mind of Jeh should first be ascertained. Ahab forthwith summoned the official prophets, to the number of 400, into the royal presence. Obse quious to their master, they, both by oracular utterance and by the symbolic action of their leader, Zedekiah, the son of Chenaanah, gave the king a favorable answer. Their ready chorus of assent seems to have made Jehoshaphat suspicious, for he pleaded that further guidance be sought. Micaiah, for whom Ahab, then, with evident reluctance, sent, at first simply repeated the favor able response of the 400; but adjured by the king to speak the whole truth, he dropped his ironical tone, and in sad earnest described a vision of disaster. Ahab endeavored to lessen the effect of this oracle by pettishly complaining that Micaiah was always to him a prophet of evil. The latter thereupon related an impressive vision of the heavenly court, whence he had seen a lying spirit dispatched by Jeh to the prophets in order to bring about Ahab s delusion and downfall. In answer to a rude challenge from Zedekiah, who acted as spokesman for the 400, Micaiah confident ly appealed to the issue for proof of the (ruth of his prediction, and was promptly committed to prison by the king.

      The narrative is exceedingly vivid and of the utmost interest to .students of Israelitish prophecy. Several of its details have given rise to discussion, and tin; questions- How far were the prophet s visions objective? How far did he admit the inspiration of his opponents? Is the Divine action described consistent with the holy character of .Jeh? have occasioned diiliculty to many But their difficulty arises largely either because of their Christian viewpoint, or because of their hard and me chanical theory of prophetic inspiration. Micaiah s position was a delicate one. Foreboding or foreseeing disaster, lie did his best to avert it. This he, could do only by weaning the king from the influence of the 400 time-serving prophets. Jle sought to gain his end; first by an ironical acquiescence in their favorable answer- then, by a short oracle forecasting disaster esp to Ahab and, these means having failed, by discrediting in the most solemn manner the courtly prophets opposed to him Thus regarded, his vision contains no admission of their equal inspiration; rather is it an emphatic declaration that these men were uttering falsehood in Jeh s name, thereby endangering their countrv s safety and their king s life. Their obsequious time-service made them fit forerunners of the false prophets denounced by Jeremiah (Jer 23 .) 40) and by K/.ekiel (K/k 13 1-15). The frank anthropomorphism of the vision need be no stumbling-block if allowed to drop into its proper place as the literary device of a prophet intenselv conscious of his own inspiration and as whole-heartedly patriotic as those opposed to him.

      The record ends very abruptly, giving no account of Micaiah s vindication when at length the course of events brought about the fulfilment of his pre diction. The closing words, "Hear, ye peoples all of you" (1 K 22 28 ;i 2 Ch 18 27), a quotation of Mic 1 2, are an evident interpolation by some late scribe who confused the son of Imlah with the contemporary of Isaiah.

      For fuller treatment see Eli. HDD, and comms on K and Ch.

      JOHN A. LKES MICE, mis. See MOCSI-;.

      MICHA, inl ka, MICHAH, ml kji. See MICA; MICAH.

      MICHAEL, ml ka-el, ml kel (bxrPH , nukliu cl, "who is like God?" Mix^X, MichaM) :

      (1) The father of Sethur the Asherite spy (Nu 13 13).

      (2) (3) Two Cadites (1 Ch 6 13.14).

      (4) A name in the genealogy of Asaph (1 Ch 6 40 [Hcb 25]).

      (5) A son of I/rahiah of Issachar (I Ch 7 3) (0) A Benjamite (1 Ch 8 1(>).

      (7) A Manassite who ceded to David at Ziklati (1 Ch 12 20).

      (8) The father of Omri of Issachar (1 Ch 27 IS). (!)) A son of King Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 21 2).

      (10) The father of Zebediah, an exile who re turned with Ezra (E/r 8 8 | 1 Esd 8 34).

      (11) "The archangel" (Jude ver <)). Probably also the unnamed archangel of 1 Thess 4 16 is Michael. In the OT he is mentioned by name only in Dnl. He is "one of the chief princes" (Dnl 10 13), the "prince" of Israel (10 21), "the great prince" (12 1); perhaps also "the prince of the host" (8 11). In all these passages Michael appears as the heavenly patron and champion of Israel; as the watchful guardian of the people of God against all foes earthly or devilish. In the uncanonical apocalyptic writings, however, Jewish angelology is further developed. In them Michael frequently appears and exercises functions similar to those which arc ascribed to him in Dnl. He is the first of the "four presences that stand before God"- Michael, Gabriel, Raphael and I riel or Phanuel (En 9 1 ; 40 9). In other apocryphal books and even elsewhere in En, the number of archangels is given as 7 (En 20 1-7; Tob 12 15; cf also Rev 8 2). Among the many characterizations of Michael the following may be noted: He is "the merciful and long-suffering" (En 40 0; 68 2.3),

      Michah Midianitish



      "the mediator and intercessor" (Asc Lsa, Lat VS 9 23; T(>st, XII P, Lev! 5; Dan 6). It is he who op])osed the devil in a dispute concerning Moses body (Judc ver 9). This passage, according to most modern authorities, is derived from the apocryphal Asm M (see Charles s ed, 105-10). It is Michael also who loads the angelic armies in the war in heaven against "the old serpent, he that is called the Devil and Satan" (Rev 12 7 ff). Accord ing to Charles, the supplanting of the "child" by the archangel is an indication of the Jewish origin of this part of the book.

      The earlier Protestant scholars usually identified Michael with the proincarnatc Christ, finding sup port for their view, not only in the juxtaposition of the "child" and the archangel in Rev 12, but also in the attributes ascribed to him in Dnl (for a full discussion see Hengstenberg, Offenbnrung, I, 611- 22, and an interesting survey in English by Dr. Douglas in Fairbairn s 5D). JOHN A. LKES

      MICHAH, ml ka. Sec MICAH.

      MICHAIAH, ml-ka ya, mi-kl a. SIM; MICAIAH.

      MICHAL, ml kal ( ^P, mikhal, contracted from biO" 11 !?, mlkha cl, "Michael" [q.v.]; M(.\\\\\\\\6\\\\, Md- chol): Saul s younger daughter (1 S 14 49), who, falling in love with David after his victory over Goliath (1 S 18 20), was at last, on the payment of double the dowry asked, married to him (1 S 18 27) . Her love was soon put to the test. When Saul in his jealousy sent for David, she was quick to dis cern her husband s danger, connived at his escape, and not only outwitted and delayed the messengers, but afterward also soothed her father s jealous wrath (1 S 19 11-17). When David was out lawed and exiled, she was married to Palti or Paltiel, the son of Laish of Gallim (1 S 25 44), but was, despite Palti s sorrowful protest, forcibly restored to David on his return as king (2 S3 14-16). The next scene in which she figures indicates that her love had cooled and had even turned to disdain, for after David s enthusiastic joy and ecstatic dancing before the newly restored Ark of the Covenant, she received him with bitter and scorn ful mockery (2 S 6 20), and the record closes with the fact that she remained all her life childless (2 S

      6 23; cf2 S 21 8 where Michal is an obvious mis take for Merab). Michal was evidently a woman of unusual strength of mind and decision of char acter. She manifested her love in an age when it was almost an unheard-of thing for a woman to take the initiative in such a matter. For the sake of the man whom she loved too she braved her father s wrath and risked her own life. Even her later mockery of David affords proof of her courage, and almost suggests the inference that she had resented being treated as a chattel and thrown from one husband to another. The modern_ reader can scarce withhold from her, if not admiration, at least a slight tribute of sympathy. JOHN A. LEES

      MICHEAS, mi-ke as (MICHAEAS): In 2 Esd 1 39 = the prophet Micah.

      MICHMAS, mik mas (Op? 1 )? , mikhmay; B, MaxH-o-s. Machmas, A, Ka^as, Chammas) : The form of the name "Michmash" found in Ezr 2 27; Neh

      7 31. In 1 Esd 5 21 it appears as MA CALON (q.v.).

      MICHMASH, mik mash (TlJppP , mikhmush; MaxH-as, Machmns): A town in the territory of Benjamin, apparently not of sufficient importance to secure mention in the list of cities given in Josh 18 21 ff. It first appears as occupied by Saul with

      2,000 men, when Jonathan, advancing from Gibcah, smote the Phili garrison in Geba (1 S 13 2). To avenge this injury, the Philis came up in force and pitched in Michmash (ver 5). Saul and Jonathan with 600 men held Geba, which had been taken from the Phili garrison (ver 16). It will assist in making clear the narrative if, at this point, the natural features of the place are described.

      Pass of Michmash.

      Michmash is represented by the mod. Mukhinus, about 7 miles N. of Jems. From the main road which runs close to the watershed, a valley sloping eastward sinks swiftly into the great gorge of Wady es-tiuweinlt. The village of Mukhmus stands to the N. of the gorge, about 4 miles E. of the carriage road. The ancient path from Ai southward passes to the W. of the village, goes down into the valley by a steep and difficult track, and crosses the gorge by the pass, a narrow defile, with lofty, precipitous crags on either side the only place where a crossing is practicable. To the S. of the gorge is Geba, which had been occupied by the Philis, doubtless to com mand the pass. Their camp_\\\\vas probably pitched in a position E. of Mukhmus, where the ground slopes gradually northward from the edge of the gorge. The place is described by Jos as "upon a precipice with three peaks, ending in a small, but sharp and long extremity, while there was a rock that surrounded them like bulwarks to prevent the attack of the enemy" (Ant, VI, vi, 2). Condor confirms this description, speaking of it as "a high hill bounded by the precipices of Wddy es-Suweimt on the S., rising in three flat but narrow mounds, and communicating with the hill of Mukhmas, which is much lower, by a long and narrow ridge." The Philis purposed to guard the pass against approach from the S. On the other hand they wore not eager to risk an encounter with the badly armed Israelites in a position where superior numbers would be of little advantage. It was while the armies lay thus facing each other across the gorge that Jonathan and his armor-bearer performed their intrepid feat (14 Iff). Sec BOZKZ; SENEH.

      It will be noted that the Philis brought their chariots to Michmash (1 S 13 5). In his ideal picture of the Assyr advance on Jerus, Isaiah makes the invader lay up his baggage at Michmash so that he might go lightly through the pass (10 28). A company of the men of Michmash (see MICH- MAS) returned with Zerubbabel from exile (Ezr 2 27; Noh 7 31). Michmash produced excellent barley- According to the Mish, "to bring barley to Michmash" was equivalent to our Eng. "to carry coal to Newcastle." Michmash was the seat of government under Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 Mace 9 73).

      The modern village is stone-built. There are



      Michah Midianitish

      rock-cut tombs to the N. Cisterns supply the water. There are foundations of old buildings, arge stones, and a vaulted cistern. W. EWING

      MICHMETHAH, mik me-tha (HP^^n , ha- mikhmfthah; B, IKO,O-(JUOV, Hikasmtm, A, Max^^O, Machthdth): A place named in defining the terri tory of Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh 16 0; 17 7). It is said to lie "before," i.e. to the E. of Shechem. In the name itself, the meaning of which is obscure, there is nothing to guide us. The presence of the art., however ("i/ic Michmethah"), suggests that it may not be a proper name, but an appellative, applying to some feature of the landscape. Cornier suggests the plain of Alakhnc.h, which lies to the E. of Nablus (Shechem), in which there may possibly be an echo of the ancient name.

      MICHRI, mik rl pi,; 1 ? , niikfiri): A Benjamito dweller in Jerus (1 Ch 9 S).

      MICHTAM, mik tam. See PSALMS.

      MIDDAY, mid da (D^H ha-ijum, C n "ini , gohorayim; r\\\\\\\\itpa. HK SC) : The Hob mahdfith ha-yum (Neh 8 3) and the Gr hcincras mcscs (Acts 26 13) are strictly the middle of the .day, but the Ileb gohdrayim is a dual form from "1H3I , <;nhar, meaning "light," hence light or brightness, i.e. (he brightest part of the day (1 K 18 2!)). See Noox.

      MIDDIN, mid in CpP?, middln; in Gli, Atvwv, Ainon, "springs"): One of the six cities in the wilderness of Judah (Josh 15 b l). There are not many possible The Ileb name may possibly survive; in Kh. Al ird, a very conspicuous site with many ancient cisterns overlooking the plateau el ]lulci<i\\\\ above which it towers to a height of 1,000 ft.; it is the Alons Murdcsof early Christian pil grims; the existing remains are By/antine. It is a site of great natural strength and was clearly once a place of some importance. The Gr reading A int nt, "place of springs," suggests the neighbor hood of the extensive oasis of /I in Feshkhah at the northwest corner of the Dead Sea where there are at Kh. Kuinriln remains of buildings and a rock-cut aqueduct. See J h F, III, 210, 212, Sh XVIII.

      E. \\\\V. G. MASTERMAN


      MIDIAN, mid i-aii, MIDIANITES, mid i-an-Its Cp"!T2 , midhydn, C" I I^"1 C , midhydnlm; MaSudfj., Madidm, Ma8ir|vaioL, Madienaloi) : 1. The Seed Alidian was a son of Abraham by his of Abraham concubine Keturah. To him were to the Time born 5 sons, Ephah, Ephor, Hanoch, of the Abida and Eldaah (Gen 25 2.4; 1

      Judges Chl32f). Bearing gifts from Abra

      ham, he and his brothers, each with his own household, moved off from Isaac into "the east country" (Gen 25 (>). The first recorded in cident in the history of the tribe is a defeat suffered "in the field of JMoab" at the hands of Hadad, king of Edom. Of this nothing beyond the fact is known (36 35; 1 Ch 1 4(3). The Midianites next ap pear as merchantmen traveling from Gilead to Egypt, with "spicery and balm and myrrh," with no prejudice against a turn of slave-dealing (Gen 37 2511 ). Moses, on fleeing from Egypt, found refuge in the land of Midian, and became son-in- law of Jothro, the priest of Midian (Ex 2 15.21). In Midian Moses received his commission to Israel in Egypt (4 19). A Midianite, familiar with the desert, acted as guide ("instead of eyes") to the children of Israel in their wilderness wanderings

      (Nu 10 29 ff). The friendly relations between Israel and Midian, which seem to have prevailed at first, had been ruptured, and we find the elders of Midian acting with those of Moab in calling Balaam to curse Israel (22 4-7). Because of the grievous sin into which they had seduced Israel on the shrewd advice of Balaam, a war of vengeance \\\\vas made against the Midianites in which five of their chiefs perished; the males were ruthlessly slain, and Balaam also was put to death (25 15.17; 31 2 ff). \\\\Vc next hear of Midian as oppressing Israel for 7 years. Along with the Amalekites and the children of the East they swarmed across the Jor dan, and their multitudinous boasts swept up the produce of the earth. Overwhelming disaster be fell this horde at the onset of Gideon s chosen men. In the battle and pursuit, "there fell a hundred and twenty thousand men that drew sword"; their kings, Zebah and Zalmunna, and their princes, Oreb and Zeeb, sharing the common fate (Jgs 6-8). Echoes of this glorious victory "the day of Midian" are heard in later lit. (Ps 83 9; Isa 9 4; 10 2(1; Hab 3 7).

      The Kenites appear to have been a branch of the

      Midianites. Jethro could hardly have; attained the

      dignity of the priesthood in Midian

      2. The had he been of alien blood (Jgs 1 10). Kenite See KENITES. Again, the tribesmen Branch are named indifferently Ishmaclites and

      Midianites (Gen 37 25.2S.30; Jgs 8 22.24). They must therefore have stood in close relations with the descendants of Ilagar s son.

      The representations of Midian in Scripture arc

      consistent with what we know of I lie immemorial

      ways of Arabian tribes, now engaged

      3. Modern in pastoral pursuits, again as carriers Arabs of merchandise, and yet again as

      freebooters. Such tribes often roam through wide circles. They appear not to have practised circumcision (Ex 4 25), which is now practically universal among the Arabs. The men wore golden ornaments, as do the modern nomads (Jgs 8 24 ff).

      The name of "Midian" is not found in Egyp or Assyr documents. Delit/sch (Wo lag das Para- dies? 304) suggests that Ephah (Gen

      4. Histori- 25 4) may be identical with IJayapa cal Refer- of the cuneiform inscriptions. If this ences is correct the references point to the

      existence of this Midianite tribe in the N. of el-Hijaz in the times of Tiglath-pilesor and Sargon (745-705 BC). Isaiah speaks of Midian and Ephah apparently as separate tribes, whose dromedaries bear gold and frankincense to Zion (60 0); but he gives no hint of the districts they occupied. The tribe of d hifar, found in the neigh borhood of Medina in Mohammed s day, Knobel would identify with Epher, another of Midian s sons. No boundaries can now be assigned to "the land of Midian." It included territory on the W. as

      well us on the E. of the Gulf of Akaba

      5. Territory (Ex 4 19). It lay between Edom

      and Paran (1 K 11 IS). In the time of the Judges their district seems to have extended northward to the E. of Gilead (8 10).

      A trace of the ancient name is found in that of Madyan, a place mentioned by the Arab, geog raphers, with a plentiful supply of water, now called Maghair Sho aib. It lies E. of the Gulf of Akaba, some miles from the coast, almost opposite the point of the Sinaitic peninsula. The name Sho aib, given by Mohammed to Jethro, may here be due to ancient Midianite tradition.

      W. EWING

      MIDIANITISH, mid i-an-it-ish, WOMAN n, ha-midhyanith, "the Midianitess"): The

      Midnight Milk



      designation given to the daughter of Zur, Cozbi, whom Ziiuri the .son of Salu brought into the camp of Israel (Nu 25 0-18). Both were of noble parentage (25 14.15). The majority of the people strongly resented this act of profanation (25 0). A pestilence was raging in the camp, and Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, in an outburst of zeal pursued the two delinquents and slew them by a spear- thrust through their bodies (25 8). He obtained as a reward the immediate staying of the plague and the promise of perpetual priesthood to his family (25 8.13). JOHN A. LEES

      MIDNIGHT, mid mt (n^ , Mgnth laylah, "middle of the night" [Ex 11 4; Job 34 20; Ps 119 62], nbn SH i;tn, hurl ha-laylah, "the half of the night" [Ex 12 29; Jgs 16 3; Ruth 3 8], "12^50 !pn, tnkh ha-laylah, "the division of the night" and hence the middle point [1 K 3 20]; (u o-r|s VVKTOS, muses nuktos [Alt 25 0], or [itVov rfjs VVKTOS, meson its nuktos, "the middle of the night" [Acts 27 27], jj.eo-oviJKTi.os, mesonuktios, "midnight"; WH, mesonuktion [Acts 16 25, etc]): In the period before the exile midnight does not seem to have been very accurately determined. The division of the night was into three watches, the middle one of which included midnight. In NT times the four- watch division was used where midnight must have been more or less accurately determined. See TIME; WATCH. H. PORTER

      MIDRASH, mid rash OB"TP? midhrash): The Heb word corresponding to AV "story" and RV "commentary" in 2 Ch 13 22; 24 27. A mid- rash is properly a story developed for purposes of edification. See COMMENTARY.

      MIDWIFE, mid wlf (n"5?Q, m yalledhetK) : Those who in patriarchal times attended mothers at childbirth are so named in Gen 35 17; 38 28; Ex 1 15-22. Such attendants were probably then (1 S 4 20), as they usually are now, the older female relatives and friends of the mother. The duties which they had to perform are enumerated in Ezk 16 4: division of the cord, washing the infant in water, salting with salt and swathing in swaddling clothes. During the Egyp bondage there were two midwives who attended the Heb women; from their names, they were probably He brews, certainly they were not Egyptians. From this passage it appears that they used a certain double-round form of birthstool called obhnayim, concerning which there are several rabbinical com ments. It probably was like the kurft elwilddeh, or "birth-seat," still used by the Egyp fellahin. I have not found any record of its use among the Palestinian fcllahtn. There is a curious passage in the Talm (Rotiih 2 b) in which it is said that the two midwives had different duties, Shiphrah being the one who dressed the infant, Puah, the one who whis pered to it. One Jewish commentator on this sup poses that Puah used artificial respiration by blow ing into the child s mouth. The midwives must have had considerable skill, as a case like that of Tamar required some amount of operative manipulation.

      The Eng. word means originally the woman who is "with the mother" (cf "the women that stood by," in 1 S 4 20), but very early became applied to those who gave skilled assistance, as in Raynold s Birth of Mankind, 1565. ALEX. MACALISTER

      MIGDAL-EDER, mig-dal-e der. See EDER.

      MIGDAL-EL, mig dal-el (bSTb^ E , mighdal- el; B, Me-yaXaapetn, Mcgalaarehn, A,

      Magdaliedram): The name, which means "tower of God," occurs between Iron and Horem in the list of the fenced cities of Naphtali (Josh 19 38). Onom places it 9 miles from Dora (Tanturah), on the way to Ptolemais, which points to Athlit. But this is far from the territory of Naphtali. It is probably to be identified with either Khirbet Mejdel, 3 miles N. of Kedes, or Mejdel Islim, 5 miles farther to the N.W.

      MIGDAL-GAD, mig dal-gad (~I3~b n^ , mighdal- gadh, "tower of Gad"): One of a group of 16 cities of Judah situated in the "lowland" (Josh 15 37). Of these, only Lachish, Eglon, Beth-dagon and Naamah have been identified with any certainty. This would indicate a site in the Phili plain, and the modern nourishing town of Mejdel, 2J- miles N.E. of Ashkelon, appears to be a possible identi fication. It is the most important town in the dis trict which is named after it Nahiet cl-Mcjdd. It must, however, be admitted that it is difficult to see how Judah could have held a site so close to the great Phili strongholds. It is very probable that Mejdel ("tower") is the tower mentioned in Jos, HJ , III, ii, 3, as close to Ashkelon, and it or Migdal- gad (or both if they are the same sites) may be identical with the Magtal of the Am Tab (Petrie, Hist. Egypt,, II, 329). For Mejdel see PEF, II, 410, Sh XVI. E. W. G. MASTERMAN

      MIGDOL, mig dol, mig dol (tl t a , mighddl; Ma-youXov, Magdolon): This name ("the tower") is applied to two places on the east frontier of Egypt.

      (1) In Ex 14 2; Nu 33 7, the Heb camp, on the march fromEtham after they had "turned" (appar

      ently to the S.), is defined as facing

      1. Ex 14:2; Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the Nu 33:7 sea, over against Baal-zephon. It

      is thus to be sought (see EXODUS) "\\\\Y. of the Bitter Lakes, and may have been a watch- tower on the spur of Jebel Atakah. Israel was supposed to be "entangled in the land," and shut in in the "wilderness," between this range and the Bitter Lakes, then forming the head of the Red Sea. The exact site is unknown. In about 385 AD, St. Silvia, traveling from Clysma (Suez), was shown the sites above mentioned on her way to Heroopolis, but none of these names now survive.,

      (2) In Jer 44 1; 46 14, a Migdol is noticed with Memphis, and with Tahpanhes (LXX "Taphnas"),

      this latter being supposed to be the

      2. Jer 44:1; Daphnai of Gr writers, now Tell 46:14 Defcneh, W. of Kantarah. The same

      place is probably intended in Ezk 29 10; 30 6 (cf vs 15-18), the borders of Egypt being denned as reaching "from Migdol to Syene" (see RVm), as understood by the LXX translators. The Antonine Itinerary places Migdol 12 miles S. of Pelusium, and the site appears to have been at or near Tell es Samut, the Egyp name, according to Brugsch (Hist, II, 351), being Samut. This Mig dol was thus apparently a "watchtower" on the main road along the coast from Pal, which is called (Ex 13 17) "the way of the land of the Philis," enter ing Egypt near Daphnai.

      These sites not identical. We are specially told that this was not the route taken at the exodus, and this Migdol cannot therefore be the same as (1), though Brugsch, in consequence of a theory as to the exodus which has not been accepted by other scholars, has confused the two sites, as ap parently does the Antonine Itinerary when placing Pithom on the same route leading to Zoan. Brugsch (Geography, III, 19) supposes the Egyp town name Pa-Ma kdl (with the determinative for "wall" added) to stand for Migdol, but the prefix Pa ("city")



      Midnight Milk

      seems to show that this word is purely native, and not Sem, to say nothing of philological objections. This town may, however, have lain in the required direction, according to a scribe s report of the time of Seti II (or about 1230 BC).

      As much confusion has been created by quoting this report as illustrative of the exodus, the actual words according to Brugsch s tr may be given (Hist, II, l. - 52) : "I set out from the hall of the royal palace on the 9th day of Epiphi, in the evening, after the two servants. I arrived at the fortress Thuku (T-k-u) on the 10th of Epiphi. I was informed that the men had resolved to take their way toward the S. On the 12th I reached Khetam. There I was informed that grooms who had come from the neighborhood [of the "sedge city"] re ported that the fugitives 1 ad already passed the ram part (Atibu or "wall"), to the N. of the Ma ktal of King Seti Minepthah." As to the position of this "wall," see SHU it.

      C. R. COXDER

      MIGRON, mig ron ("ll^, miyhron; Ma-ywv, Mayon) :

      (1) A place in the uttermost part of Geba which read here instead of Gibeah marked by a pome granate tree, where Saul and his GOO men encamped over against the Philis, who were in Michmash (1 S 14 2). Jos describes the distress of Saul and his company as they sat on a high hill (bounds hupselds) viewing the widespread desolation wrought by the enemy. There is, however, nothing to guide us as to the exact spot. Many suppose that the text is corrupt; but no emendation suggested yields any satisfactory result. The place was certainly S. of Michmash.

      (2) (B, Mo7e5(i, Magcdo, A, McryeSSci, Magedilo}: The Migron of Isa 10 28 is mentioned between Aiath (Ai) and Michmash. If the places are there named in consecutive order, this Migron must be sought to the N. of Michmash. It may with some confidence be located at Makrun, a ruined site to the N. of the road leading from Michmash to Ai.

      There is nothing extraordinary in two places having the same name pretty close to each other. The two Beth-horons, although distinguished as upper and lower, are a case in point. So also are the two Bethsaidas. There is therefore no need to try to identify the two with one another, as some (e.g. Robertson Smith in Journal of 1 li/loL, XIII, 62 ff) have attempted to do with no success.

      W. EWING

      MIJAMIN, mij a-min Cp??E, mfyamin; AV Miamin) :

      (1) One of those who had married foreign wives (Exr 10 25). He is also called Maelus (1 Esd 9 2(i).

      (2) The one to whom fell the lot for the Gth priestly course (1 Ch 24 9). His family returned with Zcrubbabel and Joshua (Neh 12 5).

      (3) A signatory of the Covenant (Neh 10 7).

      MIKLOTH, mik loth, mik ldth (nYsp Sp , mikldth) :

      ^(1) A Benjainite, son of Jeiel (1 Ch 8 32; 9

      37.38). A comparison of the two passages shows

      that the name Mikloth has been dropped at the

      end of 1 Ch 8 31.

      (2) An officer designated "the ruler," appointed in the priestly course for the 2d month (1 Ch 27 4).

      MIKNEIAH, mik-nc ya, mik-nl a OTPr.p O , mikncijuhu): A Levite doorkeeper (1 Ch 15 18).

      MILALAI, mil-a-la T, mil a-li (*#? , mildlay) : A Levite musician (Neh 12 30).

      MILCAH, mil ka (H^tt , milkah; M\\\\ x d, Mdchd) :

      (1) Daughter of Haran, wife of Nahor, and grand mother of Rebekah (Gen 11 29; 22 20-23: 24 15.24.47).

      (2) Daughter of Zelophehad (Nu 26 33; 27 1; 36 11; Josh 17 3). Many recent authorities are of

      opinion that Milcah is an abbreviation of Bethmilcah, and is a geographical rather than a personal name.

      MILCOM, inil korn, mil kom. See MOLECH.

      MILDEW, mil du CPpT , ycrakdn; LXX usually I Krepos, iktcros, lit, "jaundice"): In the 5 passages where it occurs it is associated with shiddapliou "blasting" (Dt 28 22; 1X8 37; 2 Ch 6 28; Am 4 9; Hag 2 17). In Jer 30 6, the same word is tr d "paleness," the yellow color of one with ab dominal disease. The root-meaning is "greenish yellow"; cf the Arab. (jUC>, yarkan, meaning

      both "jaundice" and "blight," Mildew or "rust" in corn is due to a special fungus, Pucdnia graminis, whose life is divided between the barberry and cereals. Many other varieties of fungi which flourish upon other plants are also designated "mil dew." See BLASTING. E. W. G. MASTERMAN

      MILE, mil ((iCXiov, milion, Lat mille passus, milia passuum): A thousand paces, equal to 1 618 Eng. yds. (Alt 5 41). See WKIGHTS AND MEAS URES.

      MILETUS, ml-le tus (Micros, yl///r/o.s) : A famous early Ionian Gr city on the coast of Caria, near the mouth of the Meander River, which, according to Acts ; 20 1521 1, and 2 Tim 4 20 (AV "Mile- turn"), Paul twice visited. In the earliest times it was a prominent trading post, and it is said that 75 colonies were founded by its merchants. Among them were Abydos, Cyzicus and Sinope. In 494 BC, the city was taken by the Persians; it was recovered by Alexander the Great, but after his time it rapidly declined, yet it continued to exist until long after the Christian era. In the history of early Christianity it plays but a little part. The Meander brings down a considerable amount of sediment which it has deposited at its mouth, naturally altering the coast line. The gulf into which the river flows has thus been nearly rilled with the deposit. In the ancient gulf stood a little island called Lade; the island now appears as a mound in the marshy malarial plain, and Palatin, the modern village which stands on the site of Miletus, is 6 miles from the coast. Without taking into account the great changes in the coast line it would be difficult to understand Acts 20 15-21, for in the days of Paul, Kphesus could be reached from Miletus by land only by making a long detour about the head of the gulf. To go directly from one of these cities to the other, one would have been obliged to cross the gulf by boat and then continue by land. This is what Paul s messenger probably did. The direct journey may now be made by land. Miletus has been so ruined that its plan can no longer be made out. Practically the only remaining object of unusual interest is the theater, the largest in Asia Minor, which was not built in a hollow of the hillside, as most ancient theaters were, but in the open field. E. J. BAXKS

      MILK, milk P^H, hdldbh; yaXa, gala; Lat lac [2 Esd 2 19; 8 10]): The fluid secreted by the mammary glands of female mammals for the nourish ment of their young. The word is used in the Bible of that of human beings (Isa 28 9) as well as of that of the lower animals (Ex 23 19). As a food it ranked next in importance to bread (Ecclus 39 26). Pal is frequently described as a land "flowing with milk and honey" (Ex 3 8.17; Nu 13 27; Dt 6 3; Josh 6 6; Jer 11 5; Ezk 20 6.15). Milk was among the first things set before the weary traveler (Gen 18 8). In fact, it was considered a luxury (Jgs 6 25; Cant 6 1). The people used the milk of kine

      Mill, Millstone Millennium


      and also tliaf of sheep (Dt 32 1 1), arid esp. that of floats (Prov 27 27). It \\\\vas received in pails (Yf/J/m/?, Jol) 21 24), and kept in leather bottles (no illi, Jgs 4 1U), where it turned sour quickly in the warm climate of Pal before being poured out thickly like a melting substance (nathakh; cf Job 10 10). Cheese of various kii\\\\ds was made from it, (<fhlilinlh and han<;c he-halabh, lit. "cuts of milk"); or the curds (hcm ali) were eaten with brea.d, and possibly also made into butter by churning (Prov 30 33). See FOOD, II. It is possible that milk was used for seething other substances; at least the Israelites were strictly forbidden to seethe a kid in its mother s milk (Ex 23 1 .); 34 2(5; Dt 14 21), and by a very general interpret at ion of these pas sages Jews have come to abstain from the use of mixtures of meat and milk of all kinds.

      Figuratively the word is used (1) of abundance (den 49 12); (2) of a loved one s charms (Cant 4 11); 05) of blessings (Isa 55 1; Joel 3 18); (4) of the (spiritual) food of immature people (1 Cor 3 2; He 5 12.13); (5) of purity (1 Pet 2 2).


      MILL, mil, MILLSTONE, mil ston (rtrn , rchch; (AV\\\\OS, niulox, (j.vX.o>v, mulori) . The two most primitive methods of grinding grain were (1) by pounding it in a mortar, and (2) by rubbing it be tween two stones. In Nu 11 S both methods are mentioned as used for rendering the manna more fit for cooking. Numerous examples of both mill

      Women at a Modern Mill.

      and mortar have been found in ancient excavations. Bliss and Maealister in their excavations at (lexer and other places have found specimens of what is called the saddle-quern or mill, which consists of two stones. The "nether" stone, always made of hard lava or basalt from the district of the Hauran, was a large heavy slab varying in length from 1^ ft. to 2;] ft., and i n width from 10 in. to 1 1 ft. Its upper surface was hollowed out slightly, which made it look a little like a saddle and may have suggested the name of "riding millstone" applied by the Hebrews to the upper stone which rested on it (Jgs 9 . r )3). The "upper stone" or "rider" was much smaller, 4 in. to <S in. long and 2| in. to 6 in. wide, and of varying shapes. This could be seized with the two hands and rubbed back and forth over the nether stone much the same as clothes are scrubbed on a wash-board. Such a stone could be used as a weapon (Jgs 9 53; 2 S 11 21), or given as a pledge (Dt 24 (i).

      Maealister goes so far as to say that "the rotary hand- qucrn in the form used In modern Pal and in remote European regions, such as the Hebrides, is quite un known throughout the whole, history, even down to the time of Christ" (Excavations <it <:, z<r). The same writer, however, describes some mills belonging to the 3d and 4th Sern periods which are much like, the present rotary quern, except smaller (4 in. to (> in. in diameter), and with no provision for a turning handle. Schumacher describes these as paint grinders. The only perforated upper millstones found in the excavations at Oezer belong to the early Arab, period.

      If the above assertions are substantiated then we must alter somewhat the familiar picture of the two women at the mill (Mt 24 11), commonly illus trated by photographs of the mills still used in modern Pal. These latter consist of two stone discs each IS in. to 20 in. in diameter, usually made of Hauran basalt. The upper one is perforated in the center to allow it to rotate on a wooden peg fixed in the nether stone, and near the circumference of the upper stone is fixed a wooden handle for turning it. The grain to be ground is fed into the central hole on the upper stone and gradually works down between the stones. As the grain is reduced to flour, it flies out from between t he stones on to a cloth or skin placed underneath the mill. To make the flour fine it is reground and sifted. Larger stones 4 ft. to f> ft. in diameter, working on the principle of the handmill, are still used for grind ing sesame seed. These are turned by asses or mules. Another form of mill, which is possibly referred to in Mt 18 (5; Mk 9 -12; Rev 18 21.22, consisted of a conical nether stone on which "rode" a second stone like a hollowed-out capstan. The upper stone was probably turned with handspikes in much the same way as an old-fashioned ship s capstan was turned. The material to be ground was fed into the upper com; which formed the hopper and from which it was delivered to the grind ing surfaces between the "rider" and the nether stone. This form of mill must have been known in late Hib. times, because many examples of the upper stone dating from the (ir-Hom period have; been found. One may be seen in the museum of the Syrian Protestant College at Beirut. Another large one lies among the ruins at Pet ra, etc. In Mt 18 6; Mk 9 42, the mill is described as a ULV\\\\CS 6viKt>s, nn ilos onikos, lit. a mill turned by an ass, hence a great millstone. It is not at all unlikely that the writers have confused the meaning of ovos, duos (TCn , humor}, a term commonly applied to the upper millstone of a handmill, thinking it referred instead to the animal which turned the mill. This explanation would make Christ s words of con demnation more applicable. The upper millstone of a handmill would be more than sufficient to sink the condemned, and the punishment would be more easily carried out. A few years from now hand- mills will have disappeared from the Syrian house holds, for the more modern gristmills turned by water or other motor power are rapidly replacing them. See CRAFTS, II, S.

      Figuratively: (1) Of firmness and undaunted courage (Job 41 24). "The heart of hot-blooded animals is liable- to sudden contractions and expan sions, producing rapid alternations of sensations; not so tin- heart of the great saurians" (Canon Cook ad loc.). (2) To "grind the face of the poor" (Isa 3 ir>) is cruelly to oppress and afflict them. (3) The ceasing of the sound of the millstone was a sign of desolation (Jer 25 10; Rev 18 22).





      Divergent Views Scope of Article I. THF, TEACHING OF JESITH

      The Millennium Not before the Advent

      (1) Parable of the Wheat and Tares

      (2) Parable of the Pounds II. TEACHING OF THE APOHTLES

      1. Expectation of the Advent

      2. Possibility of Survival Its Implications .i. Prophecy of "Man of Sin"

      4. No Room for Millennium

      5. Harmony of Christ and Apostles LITERATURE



      Mill, Millstone Millennium

      The groat majority of evangelical Christians believe that the kingdom of God shall have uni versal sway over the earth, and that Divergent righteousness and peace and the Views knowledge of the Lord shall every- Scope of where prevail. This happy time is Article commonly called the Millennium, or

      the thousand years reign. Divergent views are entertained as to how it is to be brought about. Many honest, and faithful men hold that it will be introduced by the agencies now at work, mainly by the preaching of the gospel of Christ and the extension of the church over the world. An increasing number of men equally honest teach that the Millennium will be established by the visible advent of the Lord Jesus Christ. The aim of this brief article is to set forth some of the Scriptural grounds on which this latter view rests. No reference will be made to objections, to counter- objections and interpretations; the single point, namely, that the Millennium succeeds the second coming of Jesus Christ, that it does not pre cede it, will be rigidly adhered to. Those who hold this view believe that neither Christ nor His apostles taught, on fair principles of interpreta tion, that the Millennium must come before His advent.

      /. The Teaching of Jesus. The Lord Jesus said nothing about world-wide conversion in His in structions to His disciples touching The Mil- their mission (Mt 28 19.20; Mk 16 lennium 15; Lk 24 4(5-48; Acts 1 8). They Not before were to be His witnesses and carry the Advent His message to the race, but He does not promise the race will receive their testimony, or that men will generally accept His salvation. On the contrary, He explicitly fore warns them that they shall be hated of all men, that sufferings and persecutions shall be their lot, but if they are faithful to the end their reward will be glorious. But world-wide evangelism does not mean world-wide conversion. The universal offer of salvation does not pledge its universal acceptance. In His instructions and predictions the Lord does not let Jail a hint that their world-wide mission will result in world-wide conversion, or that thereby the longed-for Millennium will be ushered in. But there is a time to come when the knowledge of the Lord shall cover the earth as the waters the sea, when teaching shall no longer be needed, for all shall know Him from the least to the greatest. Our dispensation, accordingly, cannot be the last, for the effects stated in that are not, contemplated in the instructions and the results of //iv .s. To the direct revelation of Christ on the subject we now turn. In two parables He explicitly announces the general character and the consumma tion of the gospel age, and these we are briefly to examine.

      (1) Parable of the Wheat and Tares (Ml 13 24- 80.36-43). Happily we are not left to discover the meaning and scope of this parable. We enjoy the immense advantage of having Our Lord s own interpretation of it. Out, of His Divine explana tion certain most important facts emerge: (a) The parable covers the whole period between the first and second advents of the Saviour. The Sower is Christ Himself. He began the good work; He opened the new era. (6) The field is the world. Christ s work is no longer confined to a single nation or people as once; it contemplates the entire race, (r) His people, the redeemed, begotten by His word and Spirit, are the good seed. Through them the gospel of His grace; is to be propagated throughout tin; whole world, (d) The devil is also a sower. He is the foul counterfeiter of God s work. lie sowed the tares, the sons of the evil one. (<)

      The tares are not wicked men in general, but a par ticular class of wicked brought into close and con taminating association with the children of God. "Within the territory of the visible church the tares are deposited" (Dr. David Brown). It is the corruption of Christendom that is meant, a gi- gantic fact to which we cannot shut our eyes. (/) The mischief, once done, cannot be corrected. "Let both grow together until the harvest." Chris tendom once corrupted remains so to the end. (0) The harvest is the consummation of the. age. This is the culmination of our age; it terminates with the advent and judgment of the Son of God. He will send forth His angels who will "gal her out of his kingdom all things that cause stumbling, and them that do iniquity, and shall cast them into the

      furnace of fire Then shall the righteous

      shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father."

      Here, then, we have the beginning, progress and consummation of our age. Christ Himself intro duced it, and it was distinguished for its purity and its excellence. But the glorious system of truth was soon marred by the cunning craftiness of Satan. No after-vigilance 1 or earnestness on the part of the servants could repair the fatal damage. They were forbidden to attempt the removal of the tares, for by so doing they would endanger the good grain, so intermixed had the two become! The expulsion of the tares is^left for angels hands in the day of the harvest. This is Our Lord s picture of our age: a Zizanian field wherein good and bad, children of God and children of the evil one, live side by side down to the harvest which is the end. In spite of all efforts to correct and reform, the corruption of Christendom remains, nay, grows apace. To expel the vast crop of false doctrine, false professors, false teachers, is now as it has been for centuries an impossibility. Christ s solemn words hold down to the final consummation, "Let both grow together until the harvest." In such conditions a millen nium of universal righteousness and knowledge of the Lord seems impossible until the separation takes place at the harvest.

      (2) Parable of the Poxntlx (Lk 19 11-27). Jesus was on His last journey to Jerus, and near the city. The multitude was eager, expectant. They supposed the Kingdom of God was imme diately to appear. The parable was spoken to correct this mistake and to reveal certain vital features of it. "A certain nobleman went into a far country, to receive for himself a kingdom, and to return." There is little difficulty in grasping the main teaching of this suggestive narrative. The nobleman is the Lord Jesus Christ, Himself; the far country is heaven; the kingdom He goes to receive is the Messianic kingdom, for the victorious establishment of which all God s people long and pray. The servants are those who sustain respon sible relation to the Lord because of the trust com mitted to them. The rebellious citizens are those who refuse subjection to His will and defy His authority. His return is His second coming. The parable spans the whole period between His ascen sion and His advent. It, measures across our entire age. It tells of Christ s going away, it describes the conduct of His servants and of the citizens during His absence; it foretells His return and the reckoning that is to follow. Mark the words, "And it came to pass, when he was come back again, having received the kingdom." It is in heaven He receives the investiture of the kingdom (Rev 6 (5). It is on earth that He administers it. The phrase, "having received the kingdom, cannot by any dexterity of exegesis be made to denote the end of time or the end of the Millennium, or of His re ceiving it at the end of the world; it is then He

      Millennium Mincing



      delivers it up to God, oven the Father (1 Cor 15 24-28).

      The order and sequence of events as traced by the Lord disclose the same fact made prominent in the partible of the Wheat and Tares, namely, that during the whole period between His ascension and His return there is no place for a Millennium of world-wide righteousness and prosperity. But Scripture warrants the belief that such blessedness is surely to fill the earth, and if so, it must be real ized after Christ s second coining.

      //. Teaching of the Apostles. There is no

      unmistakable evidence that the apostles expected

      a thousand years of prosperity and

      1. Expecta- peace- during Christ s absence in tion of the heaven. In Acts 111 we read that Advent the heavenly visitants said to the

      apostles, "Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye looking into heaven?" This attitude of the men of Galilee became the permanent attitude of the primitive church. It was that of the; uplifted gaze. Paul s exultant words respecting the Thessa lonians might well be applied to all believers of that ancient time, that they turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God, and to wait for his Son from heaven" (1 Thess 1 9.10). It is the prominent theme of the NT opp. In the NT it is mentioned 318 t. One verse in every thirty, we are told, is occupied with it. It is found shining with a glad hope in the first letters Paul wrote, those to the Thessalonians. It is found in the last he wrote, the second to Timothy, gleaming with the bright anticipation of the crown he was to receive at the Redeemer s appearing. James quickens the flagging courage, and reanimates the drooping spirits of believers with this trumpet peal: "Be ye also patient; establish your hearts: for the coming of the Lord is at hand" (5 8). Peter exhorts to all holy conversation and godliness by the like motive : "Looking for and hastening the coming of the day of God" (2 Pet 3 12m). Amid the deepening gloom and the gathering storms of the last days, Jude (ver 14) cheers us with the words of Enoch, the seventh from Adam, Behold, the Lord cometh with ten thousand of his saints, to execute judgment upon .... the ungodly. John closes the Canon with the majestic words, "Behold, he cometh with the clouds," "Behold, I come quickly." These men, speaking by the Spirit of the living God, know there can be no reign of universal righteousness, no de liverance of groaning creation, no redemption of the body, no binding of Satan, and no Millennium while the tares grow side by side with the wheat; while the ungodly world flings its defiant shout after the retiring nobleman, "We will not have this man to reign over us"; and while Satan, that strong, fierce spirit, loose in this age, deceives, leads cap tive, devours and ruins as he lists. Therefore the passionate longing and the assurance of nearing deliverance at the coming of Christ fill so large a place in the faith and the life of the primitive disciples.

      In 1 Thess 4 17 Paul speaks of himself and

      others who may survive till the Lord s coming:

      "Then we that are alive, that are left,

      2. Possi- shall together with them be caught bility of up in the clouds, to meet the Lord in Survival the air" (cf 1 Cor 15 51.52).

      5 Impli- Thjs j mplios f a i r iy tn at the apostle did

      cations n ot know that long ages would olapso bo-

      twoon his own day and Christ s advent. There was to his mind the possibility of His coming in his lifetime; in fact, he seems to have an expectation that lie would not pass through the gates of death at all, that he would live to see the Lord in His glorious return, for the day and the hour of the advent is absolutely concealed even from inspired men. The inference is perfectly legitimate that Paul and his fellow-disciples did

      not anticipate that a thousand years should intervene between them and the coming.

      Furthermore, the Thessalonians had fallen into a

      serious mistake (2 Thess 2 1-12). By a false spirit,

      or by a forged ep. as from Paul, they were

      3. Prophecy I L ( ! t believe that " the day of the Lord is i T\\\\/ran no iv present" (ERV), ver 2. The apostle

      * . ,, sets them right about this solemn matter.

      Of bin He assures them that some things must

      precede that day, namely, "the falling away," or apostasy, and the appearing of a powerful adversary whom ho calls "the Man of Sin," and de scribes as " the Son of Perdition." Neither the one nor the other of these two, the apostasy and the Man of Sin, was then present. But the road was fast getting ready for them. There was the " mystery of lawlessness" already at work at the time, and although a certain restraint held it in check, nevertheless when the check was re moved it would at once precipitate the apostasy, and it would issue in the advent of the Man of Sin, and he should be brought to nought by the personal coming of Jesus Christ. This appears to be the import of the passage.

      Here was the appropriate place to settle forever for these saints and for all others the question of a long period to intervene before the Saviour s advent. How easy and natural it would have been for Paul to write, " Brethren, there is to be first a time of universal blessed ness for the world, the Millennium, and after that there will be an apostasy and the revelation of the Mail of Sin whom Christ will destroy by the brightness of His com ing." But Paul intimated nothing of the sort. Instead, he distinctly says that the mystery of lawlessness is alread y working, that it will issue in "the falling away," and then shall appear the great adversary, the Lawless One, who shall meet his doom by the advent of Christ. The mystery of lawlessness, however, is held in restraint, we are told. May it not be possible that the check shall be taken off, then the Millennium succeed, and after that the apostasy and the Son of Perdition ? No, for its removal is immediately followed by the coming of the great foe, the Antichrist. For this foe has both an apocalypse and a parousia like Christ Himself. Hence, the lifting of the restraint is sudden, by no means a prolonged process.

      The apostle speaks of the commencement, prog ress, and close of a certain period. It had com menced when he wrote. Its close is

      4. No Room at the coming of Christ. What inter- for Millen- venes? The continuance of the evil nium secretly at work in the body of pro fessing Christians, and its progress

      from the incipient state to the maturity of daring wickedness which will be exhibited in the Man of Sin. This condition of things fills up the whole period, if we accept Paul s teaching as that of in spired truth. There appears to be no place for a Millennium within the limits which the apostle here sets. The only escape from this conclusion, as it seems to us, is, to deny that the coming of Christ is His actual, personal second coming. But the two words, cpiphdncia and parousia, which elsewhere are used separately to denote His advent, are here employed to give "graphic vividness" and certainty to the event, and hence they peremptorily forbid a figurative interpretation. The conclusion seems unavoidable that there can be no Millen nium on this side of the advent of Christ.

      Our Lord s Olivet prophecy (Mt 24, 25; Mk 13;

      Lk 21) accords fully with the teaching of the

      apostles on the subject. In that dis-

      5. Harmony course He foretells wars, commotions of Christ among the nations, Jerusalem s cap- and ture and the destruction of the temple, Apostles Israel s exile, Christians persecuted

      while bearing their testimony through out the world, cosmic convulsions, unparalleled tribulation and sufferings which terminate only with His advent. From the day this great prophecy was spoken down to the hour of His actual coming He offers no hope of a Millennium. He opens no place for a thousand years of blessedness for the earth.

      These arc some of the grounds on which Bib. students known as Prcmillennialists rest their belief touching the coming of the Lord and the Millennial reign.



      Millennium Mincing

      JjiTERATuiu-:. Premillenarian: II. Bonar, The Coming of I/if Kiiujdom ,if the Lord Jesus; Wood, The Last Thing*; (.illiniicss, The Approaching Knd of tin- An,-; Si-iss, The I.a.-t Times; (ionlon. Ecce Venit; I n: millen nial E.ISUII*: IVU-rs, The Theocratic Kin<i<lom; Wi-st, The Thousand Years in Hoth Testaments; Trotter, Plain J a/ierx on J ro/ilietic Xuhject*; Urookes, Maranntha; Andrews, ( hristianitu and Antichristianity; Kellogg, Prediction and Fulfill/lent.


      MILLET, niil ot, niil it (~rn , duhan; kcychros) : One; of th<> ingredients of the prophet s bread (Ezk 4 9). The Arab, equivalent is dukhn, the common millet, I atticum niiliuct Uin, an annual

      Millet (Sorghum vuljare.).

      grass 3 or 4 ft. high with a much-branched nodding panicle. Its seeds are as small as mustard seeds and are used largely for feeding small birds, but an; sometimes ground to flour and mixed with other cereals for making bread. The Italian millet, sctaria Italica, known as Bengal grass, is also called in Arab, dukhn, and has a similar seed. A somewhat similar grain, much more widely cultivated as a summer crop, is the Indian millet also called "Egyp maize" the Sorghum aunuum. This is known as dhurah in Aral)., and the seed as dhurah beidd, "white dourra." It is a very important crop, as it, like the common millet, grows and matures without any rain. It is an important breadstuff among the poor.

      Both the common millet and the dourra were cultivated in Egypt in very ancient times; the Heb dohan was certainly the first, but may include all three varieties. E. W. G. MASTERMAN

      MILLO, mil o (tfiVa , millo , generally inter preted to mean a "filling," e.g. a solid tower or

      an earth embankment; in Jgs 9 (>.20; 2 K 12 20,

      we get 502^2 rP2, bnh millo , tr 1 in EV "House

      e>f Millo," which Winckler thinks may

      1. OT have; be e n the original Jebusite- temple- References shrine of Jerus [see BETII-MILLO];

      LXX reads Bn9|j.aa\\\\wv, Bethmaalon, also Maalon anil o tkos Mantlon): It is gen erally supposed that "The Millo" was some kind of fortress or other eletence, but many speculations have been made regarding its position. In 2 S 5 9, we read that David built round about from the Millo and inward, or (in LXX) "lie fortified it, the; city, round about from the; Millo and his house" (cf 1 Ch 11 S). In connection with Solennon s strengthening of the; fortifications, there are several re i ere iices to Millo. In 1 K 9 15, Sedomon raisenl a levy "to build the house; of Je>h, and his own house 1 , and Millo, and the wall of Jerus," etc; in ver 24, "Pharaoh s daughter came up out e>f the city of David unto her house which Solomon had built for her: then did lie; build Millo"; in 1 K 11 27, Solemion "built Millo, ami repaiml the breach of the city of Daviel his father." At a later time Ileze- kiah "took courage, and built up all the wall that was broke n elown, and raiseel it up to the tenvcrs, ami the 1 other wall withemt, and strengthened Millo in the; city of David" (2 Ch 32 f>; 2 K 12 20); Joash was slain by his servants "at the house; e>f Millo, on the; way that goe-tli elown to Silla," but possibly this may have been in Shechcm (cf Jgs 9 6). The mention of the site; in the days e>f David and the reference to it in connection with the city e>f

      David (1 K 11 27) point to some

      2. Identical part of the southeastern hill S. of the with the temple. It is suggestive; that Millo Akra Site is in LXX always tr 1 by "Akra."

      It seems to the pre semt writeT very probable: that it was a fortress crowning the hill on which at a later time steiod the Syrian Akra, which hill, if we: are: to believe Jos (7^.7, V, iv, 1, e tc), was cut elown because: its commanding situation elom- inateel the: temple. This hill cannot have been the site of Zion afterward known as "David s Burg" (City of David), be cause the temibs e>f the Juelaean kings we re within its walls, and that alone would have made the complete le ve ling of the site impos sible, but whereas the Je-busite: fortre-ss was probably not far from Gihon, this fortifie-el summit may have been, as Watson suggests for the; Akra, as far north as where the pre-sent Al Aksa mosque is situate-d. In David s time it may have bee ii an isolateel and ele-tached fort guarding the north appre>ae-h, but if it was e>riginally a Jebusite high place (Winckler) partly of sun-elrie-d brick like 1 similar constructions in Babylonia, the: account of its be ing leveleel wemld l)e much more credible. The importance of this site in the days of Sobmem is fully explicable if this was the citadel guarding the newly built temple and royal palaces.

      Dr. G. A. Smith is inclined to think that Millo may have: been a fortress "off the south e tiel of Ophel, to re-tain and prefect the e>ld poe>l," anel Vince nt suggests that the site of Millo is that now occupied by the: great causeway connecting the Western anel Eastern hills along which runs the larlk bub es silaileli. E. W. G. MASTEKMAN

      MILLSTONE, mil ston. Sec MILL. MINA, mi na. See MANEH.

      MINCING, min sing (TEE , lapliuph): "Taking short steps," "walking trippingly." Only in Isa 3 10, "walking and mincing as they go, and making a tinkling [a jingling of the me-tal anklets] with their feet." Cf OIIL.

      Mind Ministry



      MIND, mind (vovs, niHtx, Bidvoia, rliiinoia, o-vvcais, sf/.vcsf .s): \\\\\\\\ e look in v;iiu in the ( )T and NT for anything like scientific precision in the 1. No Pre- employment of terms \\\\vhicli are meant cision in the to indicate mental operations. Terms Used In the ( )T l(~l>fi is made to stand for the various manifestations of our in tellectual and emotional nature. We are often misled by the different renderings in the different versions, both early and late.

      Sometimes ni phrxh or "soul" is rendered toy "mind" (I)t 18 6 AV, "desire of his soul" or "mind"); sometimes rii a h or "spirit" ((ien 26 -^>, "grief of mind." ru"h). Here Luther renders the term llrr:<-l<-i<t ("grief of heart _), and the Vulg an i mum. Sometimes Iffih. is used, as in Isa 46 8, "bring it to mind" (lit. "heart"), or in Ps 31 12, "I am forgotten as a dead man out of mind" (lit. "heart"), as in LXX, kanlin, and in Vulg, a corde, Luther, im llrrzen, new Dutch tr, uit de gcdachtenis (i.e. "memory").

      In the Apoc this precision is equally lacking. Thus we read in Wisd 9 15, "For the corruptible body [so ma] presseth down the soul [psuchf] and the earthly tabernacle weigheth down the mind [nous] that museth upon many things." But these distinctions are alien to the letter and spirit of revelation, a product of the Gr and not of the Heb mind.

      In the XT the words nous and dianoia are used, but not with any precision of meaning.

      Here too several terms are rendered toy the same word. Thus the Jleb ru"h is rendered toy nous in 1 Cor 2 10 (" mi ml of the Lord," with reference to Isa 40 !*, where " ru a h Y II W II [Jeh|" occurs). A ous evidently means here " the organ of spiritual perception a word toor- rowed from the LXX, where it is sometimes made to stand for lebh (Job 7 17; Isa 41 22); sometimes for ru ll h (Isa 40 13). In Ijk 24 45 the solitary text, where noun occurs in the (Jospels it is rendered "under standing" in AV, "mind" in KV.

      For a true solution we must turn to the Epp. of

      Paul, where the word frequently occurs in an ethical

      sense sometimes in connection with

      2. Ethical (sinful) flesh as in Col 2 18, "puffed Sense up by his fleshly mind," sometimes in

      direct contrast to it, as in Rom 7 25, with my mind I serve the law of God; with the flesh the law of sin. In Tit 1 15 it is brought into parallelism with conscience ("Their mind and their conscience are defiled"). Phrases like "a reprobate mind," "corrupted in mind" occur elsewhere (Rom 1 28; 1 Tim 6 5). From this state of "reprobation" and "corruption" man must be saved. Hence the necessity of complete transformation and renewal of the inner man (Rom 12 2), "transformed by the renewing of your mind [nous]."

      Another word, with possibly a deeper meaning, is

      sometimes employed, viz. dianoia, which lit. means

      "meditation," "reflection." It is found

      3. Dianoia as synonymous with nous in a good and Nous sense, as e.g. in 1 Jn 6 20 (He "hath

      given us an understanding, that we know him that is true"). Evidently the sense here is the same as in Rom 12 2, a renovated mind ca pable of knowing Christ. It may also bear a bad sense, as in Eph 4 18, where the Gentiles are repre sented as having "a darkened understanding," or in parallelism with siirx: "the desires of the flesh and of the mind" (Eph 2 3), and with nous: walking in vanity of mind [noux] and a darkened understand ing [dianoia] in Eph 4 18. At times also "heart" and "mind" are joined to indicate human depravity (Lk 1 51: "He hath scattered the proud in the imagination [dianma] of their heart"). It is inter esting also to know that the Great Commandment is rendered in Mt 22 37 "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul [psuche], and with all thy understanding [dianoia] [KV "mind"]" though Mk has two render

      ings in one of which dianoia occurs, and in the other xuiH xix (Mk 12 30.33), though possibly without any psychological refinement, of meaning, for the term ,sj///r.x/.s occurs elsewhere in conjunction with pncu- matikos ("spiritual understanding," Col 1 .)). It. also stands alone in the sense; of an "understanding enlightened from above" (2 Tim 2 7AV: "The Lord give thee understanding [.s/fm-.sf .s] in all things"). The history of these terms is interesting, but not of great, theological significance.

      It seems to us that (lodet s interpretation of the Great Commandment in Lie 10 27 is somewhat far-fetched, lit! considers the lu-urt as "the central 4. The focus from which all rays of the moral lift!

      Croat Crvm K forth, and that in their three principal 1- directions: the powers of feeling, or the mandment affections, nephcxh ( soul ) in the sense of feeling; the active powers, the impul sive aspirations, the miulit ( with all thy mil/lit ), the will; and in the intellectual powers, analytical or con templative, ilinniiin ( with all thy mind ). The differ ence bet-ween the heart, which resembles the trunk and the three branches, feeling, will, understanding, is emphati cally marked in the Alexandrian variation, by the substi tution of the preposition en ( in ) for i-k ( with, from ) in the three last members. Moral life proceeds from the heart and manifests itself without, in the three forms of activity. The impulse ( iod-ward proceeds from the heart , and is realized in the life through the will, which conse crates itself actively to the accomplishment, of His will; and through the mind, which pursues the track of His thought in all His works" (Clodet, Comm. on the d o^ni-l of Lk, II, :JS Y :5<.

      J. I. MARAIS

      MINE, nun, MINING, min ing: In Job 28 1-11 we have the only Bit), reference to mines. The writer very likely derived his information either from personal observation or from a description by an eyewitness, of the mining operations of Sinai (see METALS). No traces of ancient mines have yet been found in Pal and Syria. What metals were taken out came from the superficial strata. The mines of Upper Egypt have already been mentioned. Burton and other travelers in Northern Arabia and the Red Sea country have found there evidences of ancient mining operations.

      The usual Egyp method of mining was to follow the vein from the surface as far as it was practicable with tools correspon ling to our pick and hoe, ham mer and chisel. The shafts frequently extended into the ground a distance of 180 to 200 ft. The rock when too hard to be dug out was first cracked by having fires built on it. The metal-bearing stone was carrird in baskets to the surface, where the crushing and separating took place. The mining operations were performed by an army of slaves who were kept at their work day anil night, driven with the lash until they died, when their places were taken by others. See METALS; CRAFTS, II, 10. JAMES A. PATCH


      MINGLED PEOPLE, min g ld pe p l (MIXED MULTITUDE) :

      (1) "Mixed multitude" occurs in Nu 11 4 as a tr of wlDSC5<!, dsaphsuph, "collection," "rabble." The same phrase in Ex 12 38; Neh 13 3 is the rendition of H"}?, *erebh. "Mingled people" is used also to translate *crebh, and is found in Jer 25 20.24; 60 37; E/k 30 5, and in 1 K 10 15 RV (AV "Arabia"; cf ARVm). In the last case both revised VSS have followed the pointing of the MT, and this pointing alone distinguishes "mingled people" ( crebh) from "Arabia" (*urabh) , in the unpointed text both words are equally 3"l". Now "the traffic of the merchants, and of all the kings of the mingled people, and of the governors of the country" is very awkward, and the correction into "Arabia," as in the MT (and EV) of the ,i 2 Ch 9 14, is indicated. Probably the same change should



      Mind Ministry

      bo made in Ezk 30 /">, reading "Ethiopia, and Put, and Lud, and Arabia, and Cub." A .similar textual confusion seems to be responsible for either "and all the kings of Arabia" or "and all the kings of the mingled people" in Jer 25 24. On all these verses set; the conims.

      (2) In Jer 25 20; 50 37, "mingled people" is a term of contempt for the hybrid blood of certain of Israel s enemies. Something of this same con tempt may be contained in Ex 12 3S, where a multitude of non-lsraelitish camp-followers are mentioned as accompanying the children of Israel in the exodus, and in Nu 11 4 it is this motley body that seduced Israel to sin. But who they were, why they wished or were permitted to join in the exodus, and what, eventually became of them or of their descendants is a very perplexing puzzle. In Neh 13 3, the "mixed multitude!" consists of the inhabitants of Pal whom the Jews found there after the return from the exile (see SAMAHIA). In accord with the command of Dt 23 3-f>, the Jews with drew from all religious intercourse whatever had been established with these.

      NOTE. The Ileh noun for "mingled people" may or may not he connected with the vl>. tH "mingle" in Ezr 9 2\\\\ IN 106 :<".; J)nl 2 43. On this see the lexicons.


      MINIAMIN, min ya-min, mi-m a-min Cp^" 1 )? , minyamvn) :

      (1) A Levite who assisted Kore, the son of Imnah, in the distribution of the freewill offerings (2 Ch 31 I )).

      (2) A priestly family of the time of the high priest Joiakim (Neh 12 17), probably = MI.IAMIN (2).

      (3) A priestly participant in the ceremony of the dedication of the wall (Neh 12 41).

      MINISH, min ish (AV and ERV Ex 5 19; Ps 107 3 .); ERV Isa 19 G; IIos 8 10): The vl>. "minish," "make small," is now obsolete, being replaced by its derivative "diminish" (cf ARV in all vs al)ove).

      MINISTRY, min is-tri:

      I. Tin; WORD "MINISTRY"

      L se of the Word in This Article II. Two KINDS OF MINISTRY

      1. The Prophetic: Ministry

      (1) Apostles

      (2) Prophets

      (3) Teachers

      2. The Local Ministry Origin


      1. Insistence on Organization (1) Selecting a Bishop

      ( 2) Bishops and Presbyters

      2. Multiplication of Orders: Crowth of a Hier archy


      /. The Word "Ministry." The common NT term for the ministry is diakonia (Staicovla.) , &nd along with it we find didkonos (8id/<ovos), "minister," ho diakondn (b diaKovuv), "he who ministers," and diakonein (SiaKoveiv), "to minister." All these! words have a very extensive application within the NT and are by no means restricted to denote service within the Christian church; even when so re stricted the words are used in a great variety of meanings: e.g. (1) discipleship in general (Jn 12 26); (2) service rendered to the church because of the "gifts" bestowed (Rom 12 7; 1 Cor 12 5), and hence all kinds of service (Acts 6 2; Mt 20 26); (3) specifically the "ministry of the Word" (Eph 4 12), and most frequently the "apostleship" (Acts

      1 17; 20 24; 21 19; Rom 11 13, etc); (4) such services as feeding the poor (Acts 6 1; 11 29; 12 25), or organizing and providing the great collec tion for the poor saints at Jerus (Rom 15 25;

      2 Cor 8 4.19, etc); O r >) such services as those

      rendered by Stephanas ([ Cor 16 \\\\~>), by Archip- pus (Col 4 17), byTyehicus (Eph 6 21; Col 4 7), etc.

      In this art. the word has to do with the guidance and government of a united community, fellowship, or brotherhood of men and women Use of the whose inward bond of union was the Word in sense of fellowship with Jesus their This Article Risen Lord. In all ages of Christian ity the call to become the follower of Jesus, while it is the deepest of all personal things and comes to each one singly, never comes solita rily. The devout soul must share his experiences with those like-minded, and the fellowship thus formed must be able to take outward shape, which cannot fail to render necessary some sort of rule and guidance. The very thought of the church with articulate expression of a common faith, ad ministration of the sacraments, meetings and their right conduct, aid given to the spiritual and bodily needs of their fellow-members, implies a ministry or executive of some kind. To endeavor to explain what was the character of the ministry of the Chris tian church in the earliest centuries of its existence and how it came into being is the aim of this article.

      //. Two Different Kinds of Ministry. The earliest fact we have about the organization of the Christian church is given in Acts 6, where we are told that "seven" men wen; appointed to what is called a "ministry of tables" (diakonein trapezais), which is distinguished from the "ministry of the word" (diakonia toil logon). This distinction be tween two different kinds of "ministry" which appears at the very beginning is seen to exist all through the apostolic church and beyond it into the sub-apostolic. It can be traced in the Epp. of St. Paul and in other parts of the NT. It is seen in the Didiirlie, in the Pnxlur of Jhrntn.^, in the E/ip. of Barnabas, in the Apology of Justin Martyr, in the writings of Irenaeus and elsewhere. (For a full list of authorities, cf Ilarnack, Tcxlc u. Untcr- suchungen, II, ii, 111 IT.) The one ministry differs from the other in function, and the distinction depends on a conception to be afterward examined -that of "gifts." The common name, in apostolic and sub-apostolic literature, for the members of the one kind of ministry is "those who speak the Word of God" (lalountes ton logon ton Theou). Modern writers have called it the charismatic, but perhaps the better term is the prophetic min istry; while to the other class belong all the names which are given to denote office-bearers in the local churches. The two existed side by side. The great practical distinction between them was that the members of the former were in no sense office-bearers in any one Christian community; they were not elected or appointed to any office; they were not set apart for duties by any ecclesi astical ceremony. The "Word" came to them and they were compelled by inward impulsion to speak the message given them to deliver. Some were wanderers; others confined themselves to their own community. They were responsible to no ecclesi astical authority. Churches were encouraged to test them and their message; for the "gift" of dis cerning whether a so-called prophet spoke a truly Divine message was always presupposed to be within the local church. But once accepted they took a higher place than the office-bearers, they presided at the Lord s Supper, and their judgment in cases of discipline could overbear ordinary ecclesiastical rules. The contest of Cyprian with the "confessors" at Carthage was the last stage of the long struggle which arose in the 2d cent, be tween the two ministries. Out of the other kind of ministry came, by ordinary development, all the various kinds of ecclesiastical organization which




      now exist. Its members were office-bearers in the strictest, sense of the word; they were selected to do ecclesiastical work in a given community, they were set apart for it in a special way, and they were responsible to the church for its due performance.

      But it is important to remember that while the two kinds of ministries are thoroughly distinct from each other, the same individuals might belong to both kinds. The "prophetic gift" might fall on anyone!, private member or office-bearer alike;. Office-holding did not prevent the "gift." Poly- carp, office-bearer at Smyrna, was a prophet; so was Ignatius of Antioch, and many others. The "gift" of speaking the Word of God was a personal and not an official source of enlightenment.

      In the prophetic ministry we find a threefold division apostles, prop/ids and teachers. Some would add a fourth, evangelists, i.e. 1. The men like the apostles in all respects

      Prophetic save in having seen the Lord in the Ministry flesh. The distinction may hold good for the apostolic period, though that appears to be very doubtful; it disappears utterly in the sub-apostolic; evangelist and apostle seem to be one class. This triple division may be traced through early Christian literature from 1 Cor down to the Clementine Homilies, which can scarcely be earlier than 200 AD. It is hardly possible to define each class in any mechanical fashion; speak ing generally, the first were the missionary pioneers whose message was chiefly to the unconverted, while to the second and third classes belonged exhortation and instruction within the Christian communities.

      (1) Apostles. In the NT and in the other lit. of the early church the word "apostle" is used in a narrower and in a wider sense, and it is the more extensive use of the word which denotes the first division of the prophetic ministry. The Lord selected the Twelve, "whom also he named apostles" (Mk 3 14, RVm), to be trained by personal fellow ship with Him and by apprentice mission work among the villages of Galilee for that proclamation of His gospel which was to be their future life-work. Two things strictly personal and excluding every thought of successors separated the "Eleven" from all other men : long personal fellowship with Jesus in the inner circle of His followers, and their selec tion by Himself while still in the flesh. They were the "Apostles" in the narrow sense of the word. But the name was given to many others. Matthias, who had enjoyed personal intercourse with Jesus both before and after the resurrection, was called by the disciple company, confirmed by decision of the lot, to the same service and sending forth (diakonia kai apostolt) (Acts 1 25). _ Paul was called by the Lord Himself, but in vision and in ward experience, and took rank with those before mentioned (Rom 1 1 ff; Gal 2 7-9). Others, called apostles, are mentioned by name in the NT. Barnabas is not only an apostle but is recognized to have rank equal to the "Eleven" (Acts 14 14; Gal 2 7-9). The correct rendering of the text (Rom 16 7) declares that Andronicus and Junias were apostles who had known Christ before Paul became a believer. Chrysostom, who thinks that Junias or Junia was a woman, does not believe that her sex hindered her from being an apostle. Silas or Silvanus and Timothy, on the most natural in terpretation of the passage, are called apostles by St. Paul in 1 Thess 1 1.6. The title can hardly be denied to Apollos (1 Cor 4 6.9). St. Paul praises men, whom he calls "the apostles of the churches," and declares them to be "the glory of Christ" (2 Cor 8 23m). One of them, Epaphrodi- tus, is mentioned by name "your apostle," says Paul writing to the Christians of Philippi (Phil 2 25 in) ; and there must have been many others.

      "Apostles" are distinguished from the "Twelve" by St. Paul in the rapid summary he gives of the appearances of Jesus after the resurrection (1 Cor 15 5.7). Besides those true apostles the NT men tions others who are called "false apostles" (2 Cor 11 13), and the church of Ephesus is praised for using its "gift" of discrimination to reject men who "call themselves apostles, and they are not" (Rev 2 2). This wider use of the word has descended to the present day; "apostles" or "holy apostles" isstill the name for missionaries and rnissioncrs in some parts of the Greek church. The double use of the word to denote the "Twelve" or the "Eleven" is seen in the sub-apostolic age; in the Didactic, which recognizes the narrower use of the word in its title ("The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles"), and in the text portrays the itinerant missionaries to whom the name in its widest use belonged.

      Those "apostles," to whatever class they be longed, had one distinguishing characteristic: they had chosen as their life-work to be the missionary pioneers of the gospel of the Kingdom of Christ. They were all engaged in aggressive work, and were distinguished from others not so much by what they were as by what they did. They were wander ers with no fixed place of residence. The require ments of their work might make them abide for long periods in some center (as did Paul at Corinth and at Ephesus, or some of the "Eleven" at Jerus), but they had no permanent home; life. As the earlier decades passed, their numbers increased rather than diminished. They are brought vividly before us in such writings as the Didache. They were to be highly honored, but as severely tested. They were not expected to remain longer than three days within a Christian community, nor to fare softly when there (Did., ii.4-6). The vindication of their call was what they were able to accom plish, and to this St. Paul, the greatest of them, appeals over and over again.

      (2) Prophets. Prophets had been the religious guides of Israel of old, and the spirit of prophecy had never entirely died out. John the Baptist (Mt 11 9), Simeon (Lk 2 25.26), and Anna (Lk 2 36) had the gift in the days of Christ. It was natural for the Sam woman to believe that the stranger who spoke to her by the well was a prophet (Jn 4 19). The reappearance of prophecy in its old strength was looked on as a sign of the nearness of the coming of the Messiah. Jesus Himself had promised to send prophets among His followers (Mt 10 41; 23 34; Lk 11 49). The promise was fulfilled. Christian prophets appeared within the church from its beginning. Nor were they con fined to communities of Jewish Christians; prophecy appeared spontaneously wherever Christianity spread. We are told of prophets in the churches of Jerus and Caesarea where the membership was almost purely Jewish; at Antioch where Jews and Gentiles united to make one congregation; and everywhere throughout the gentile churches in Rome, Corinth, Thessalonica and in the Galatian churches (Acts 11 27; 15 32; 21 9.10; Rom 12 6.7; 1 Cor 14 32.36.37; 1 Thess 5 20; Gal 3 3-5). Prophets are mentioned by name Agabus (Acts 11 28; 21 10), Symeon and others at An tioch (Acts 13 1), Judas and Silas in Jerus (Acts 15 32). Nor was the "gift" confined to men; women prophesied the four daughters of Philip among others (Acts 21 9). From the earliest times down to the close of the 2d cent, and later, an uninterrupted stream of prophets and prophet esses appeared in the Christian churches. The statements of NT writers, and esp. of St. Paul, im ply that prophets abounded in the earliest churches. St. Paul, for example, expected the prophetic gift to appear in every Christian community. He




      recognized that they had a regular place in the meet ing for public worship (1 Cor 14); ho desired that every member in the Corinthian church should possess the "gift" and cultivate it (1 Cor 14 1.5. 39); he exhorted the brethren at Thessalonica to cherish prophesyings (1 Thess 6 20), and those in Rome to make full use of prophecy (Rom 12 6). If he criticized somewhat severely the conduct of the "prophets" in the Corinthian church, it was to teach them how to make full use of their "gift" for the right edifying of the brethren.

      Prophecy was founded on revelation ; the prophets were men esp. "gifted" with spiritual intuition and magnetic speech. Sometimes their "gift" took the form of ecstasy, but by no means always; St. Paul implies that prophets have a real command of and can control their utterances. Sometimes their mes sage came to them in visions, such as we find in the Apocalypse and in Hernias; but this was not a necessary means. The prophets spoke as they were moved, and the Spirit worked on them in various ways.

      The influence of those prophets seems Co have in creased rather than diminished during the earlier dec ades of the I d cent. While the duty of the apostle was to the unbelievers, Jewish or heathen, the sphere; of the activity of the prophet was within the Christian congregation. It was his business to edify the brethren. Prophets had a recognized place in the meeting for the public worship of the congregation; if OIK; happened to be present at the dispensation of the Lord s Supper, he presided to the exclusion of the office-bearers, and his prayers were expected to be extempore (Did., x.7) ; he had special powers when matters of discipline were discussed, as is plain from a givat variety of evidence from Hernias down to Tertullian. From St. Paul s statements it seems that the largest number of the prophets he speaks of were members of the communi ties within which they used their "gift" of prophecy; but many of the more eminent prophets traveled from community to community edifying each. When such wandering prophets, with their wives and families, dwelt for a lime in any Christian society, preaching and exhorting, it was deemed to be the duty of that society to support them, and regulations were made; for such support. According to the Didnrhc (chxiii): "Every true prophet who shall settle among you is worthy of his support Every first-fruit then of the prod ucts of the winepress and threshing-floor, of oxen and

      of sheep, thou shall take and give to the prophets

      In like manner also when thou openest a jar of wine or oil, take the first of it and give it to the prophets; and of money and clothing and every possession take the first as may seem right to thee, and give according to the commandment." Only, the receivers were, to be true prophets. Kach congregation had to exercise the "gift of discrimination and sift the true from the false;; for "false" prophets confronted the true in early Chris tianity as well as in the old Judaism.

      (:{) Teachers. While the third class of the pro phetic ministry, the teachers, is found joined to the other two both in the NT and in sub-apostolic lit., and while St. Paul assigns a definite! place for their services in the meeting for edification (1 Cor 14 26), we hear less about them and their work. They seem, however, to have lingered much longer in active service in the early church than did the apostles and the prophets.

      As has been said, the first notice we have of organi zation within a local church is in Acts 6, where at

      the suggestion of the apostles seven 2. The men wore selected to administer the

      Local charity of the congregation.

      Ministry Tho concopt i on that "the Seven" were

      a special order of office-bearers, draronx, is a comparatively late suggestion. These men are nowhere; calleel deacons; the official ele signation is "The Seven." It may be; that the; appointment e>f thejse) men was e)nly a temporary expedient, hut it is more probable; that " the Seven" of Acts 6 are the eldt-rs of Acts 11; for we find those "elders " performing the duties which " the Seven " were appointed to fulfil. If se>, we ha vein Acts 6 the narra tive of the beginnings of local organization as a whole. When we turn to the expansiem of Christian communitie s outside Jerus, we have no such distinct picture of be-- ginnings; but as all the churches in Pal evidently re garded the society in Jerus as the mothe;r church, it is likely that their organization was the same. Acts le;lls

      us that Paul and Barnabas left hehind them at Derbe Ijjstra and Iconium societies e>f brethren with "elders" at their head. The; word use>el suggests an election by popular vote and was probably the same as had been used in the selection of the ".Seven" men.

      When we examine the records of the distinctively Pauline churches, there is not much direct evidence for the origins of the ministry there, but a great deal about the existence of some kind of rule and rulers For one thing, we can see that these churches had and were encouraged to have feelings of independ ence and of self-government; a great deal is said about the possession of "gifts" which imply the presence and power of the Spirit of Jesus within the community itself. We find names applied to men who, if not actually office-bearers, are; at least leaders and perform the functions of office-bearers prdistdmenoi, poimcnes, episkopoi, didfconoiand where special designations are lacking a distinction is always drawn between those; who obey and those who are to be obeyed. In all cases those leaders or ministers are mentioned in the plural.

      It may be said generally that about the close of the 1st cent, every Christian community was ruled by a body of men who are sometimes called pres byters (elders), sometimes but more rarely bishops (overseers), and whom modern church historians are inclined to call presbyter-bishops. Associated with them, but whether members of the same court or forming a court of their own it is impossible to say, were a number of assistant rulers called deacons. See BISHOP; CHUUCH GOVERNMENT; DEACON; ELDER. The court of elders had no president or permanent chairman. There was a two fold not a threefold ministry. During the 3el cent., rising into notice by way of geographical distribu tion rather than in definite chronological order, this twofold congregational ministry became threefold in the; sense that one man was placed at the head of each community with the title of pastor or bishop (the titles are interchangeable as late as the 4th cent, at least). In the early centuries those local churches, thus organized, while; they never lacked the sense that they all belonged to one body, were independent self-governing communities pre serving relations to each other, not by any political organization embracing them all, but by fraternal fellowship through visits of deputies, interchange of letters, and in some indefinite way giving and receiving assistance in the selection and setting apart of pastors.

      Origins of local ministry. The question arises, How did this organization come into being? We may dismiss, to begin with, the; idea once generally accepted among the Reformed churches, that the Christian society simply te>ok e>ver and made use of the synage>gue system of organization (Vitringa, De synagoga vetcre). The points common to both reveal a superficial resemblance, but no more. The distinctive differences are great. When we add to them the decisive statement of Epiphanius (Haeresis, xxx .lS), that the Jewish Christians (Judaizing) organized their communities with archons and an archisynagogos like; the Jewish syna gogues of the; Dispersion and unlike the Christian churches, all the evidence makes it impossible to believe that the earliest Christian organization was simply taken over from the Jewish. On the other hand, there is little evidence that the apostles (the Twelve ami St. Paul) received a special commission from Our Lord, to appoint and ordain the office bearers of the earliest Christian communities, so exclusive that there could be no legitimate or- ganization without this apostolic authority and background. We find, on the contrary, the church in Rome exercising all the disciplinary functions of a congregation without this apostolic ecclesiastical




      rule supposed lo be essential. Even in the mother- church in Jerus, the congregational meeting exer cised rule over the apostles themselves, for we find apostles summoned before; it and examined on their conduct (Acts 11 1-4). The whole question de mands the recognition of several facts:

      (1) Evidence abounds to show that the local churches during the apostolic and sub-apostolic age were self-governing communities and that the real background of the ministry was not apostolic authority but the congregational meeting. Its representative character and its authority are seen in the apostolic and sub-apostolic lit. from St. Paul to Cyprian.

      (2) The uniquely Christian correlation of the three conceptions of leadership, service and "gifts"; leadership depended on service, and service was possible by the possession and recognition of special "gifts" which were the evidence of the presence and power of the Spirit of Jesus within the community. These "gifts" gave the church a Divine authority to exercise rule and oversight apart from any special apostolic direction.

      (3) The general evidence existing to show that there was a gradual growth of the principle of asso ciation from looser to more; compact forms of or ganization (Gay ford, art. "Church" in HDB; also Harnack, Expos, 1887, January to June, 322-24), must not be forgotten; only one must remember that in young communities the growth is rapid.

      (4) We must also bear in mind that the first Christians were well acquainted with various kinds of social organization which entered into their daily life and which could not fail to suggest how they might organize their new societies.

      Examples occur readily: () Every Jewish village community was ruled by its "seven wise men," and it is probable that the appointment of the "Seven" in the primitive Jewish church was suggested by familiarity with this example of social polity, (b) It was and is an almost universal oriental usage that the "next of kin" to the founder was recognized, after the founder s death, to be the head of the new religious community founded, and this usage accounts for the selection of James, the eldest male surviving relative of Our Lord, to be the recognized and honored head of the church in Jerus. James has been called the first bishop; but when we read in Kusebius (HE. Ill, 11, 1.2; 32.4; IV, 22, 4; III, 20, 1-S) how his successors were chosen, the term seems inappropriate. A succession in the male line of the kindred of Jesus, where the selection to office is mainly in the hands of a family council, and where two (James and Zoker) can rule together, has small analogy to episcopal rule. O) The relation of "patron" to "client," which in one form or other had spread throughout the civilized world, is suggested by a series of kindred words used to denote rulers in local churches. We find pro-

      isttimi Hoi (n-poio-Ta^ei/oi), prostdtis (rrpocrTaTts) , prostdtes

      (TrpocTTaTrjs), proestos (n-poeaTiuO , in various writers, and the last was used as late as the middle of the 2d cent, to denote ministry in the Rom church (Rom 12 8; 16 2; 1 Thess 5 12; Hernias, Pastor. Via. 2, 4; Justin, Apol, i.f>5). (il) The Rom empire was honeycombed with "gilds." some recognized by law, most of them without legal recognition and liable to suppression. These confraternities were of very varied character trades unions, burial clubs, etc, but a large proportion were for the purpose of practising special religious rites. The Jewish synagogues of the Dispersion seemed to have been enrolled among those confraternities, and certainly appeared to their heathen neighbors to be one kind of such private associations for the practice of a religion which had been legalized. Many scholars have insisted that the gentile Christian churches simply copied the organization of such confraternities (Kenan, Les Apotn-.x; Heinrici, Zrilxrhrift f. wissensch. Theol., 1S70-77); Hatch, Organization of the Early Christian Churches). There must have been some external resemblances. Pliny believed that the Christian churches of Bithynia were illicit confraternities (Ep. 96; cf Lucian, Purajrinus Proteus). They had, in common with the churches, a democratic constitution; they shared a "common meal" at stated times; they made a monthly collection; they were ruled by a committee of office-bearers; and they exercised a certain amount of discipline over their members. Multitudes of Chris tians must have been members of such confraternities, and many continued to be so after accepting Chris tianity (Cyprian, Ep., Ixvii. fi).

      But while; the Christian churches may have learned much about the general principles of asso ciated life from all those varied forms of social organization, it cannot be said that they copied any one of them. The primitive Christian societies organized themselves independently in virtue of the new moral and social life implanted within them; and though they may have come to it by various paths, they all in the end arrived at one common form a society ruled by a body of office bearers who possessed the "gifts" of government and of subordinate service (unbodied in the offices of presbyter and deacon.

      ///. The Threefold Congregational Ministry. During the 2d cent, the ministry was subject to a change. The ruling body of office-bearers in every congregation received a permanent president, who was called the pastor or bishop, the latter term being the commoner. The change came gradually. It provoked no strong opposition. By the beginning of the 3d cent, it was everywhere accepted.

      When we seek to trace the causes why the college of elders received a president, who became the center of all the ecclesiastical life in the local church and the one potent office-bearer, we are reduced to conjecture. This only can be said with confidence, that the change began in the East and gradually spread to the West, and that there are hints of a gradual evolution (Lindsay, The Church and the. Ministry in the Early Centuries. ISO, 183-85). Scholars have brought forward many reasons for the change; the need for an undivided leadership in times of danger from external persecution or from the introduction of gnostic speculations which disturbed the faith of the members; the convenience of being repre sented to other local churches by one man who could charge himself with the administration of the external affairs of the congregation; the need of one man to preside at the solemn and crowning act of worship, the administration of the Lord s Supper; the sense of con gregational unity implied in the possession of one leader each or all are probable ways in which the churches were influenced in making this change in their ministry.

      This threefold congregational ministry is best seen in the Epp. of Ignatius of Antioch. They por tray a Christian community having at its head a bishop, a presbytcrium or session of elders, and a body of deacons. These form the ministry or office-bearers of the congregation to whom obe dience is due. Nothing is to be done without the consent of the bishop, neither love-feast, nor sacra ment, nor anything congregational. The ruling body is a court where the bishop sits as chairman surrounded by his council or session of elders; and the one is helpless without the other, for if the bishop be the lyre, the elders are the chords, and both are needed to produce melody. Ignatius compares the bishop to Jesus, and the elders to the apostles who surrounded Him. There is no trace of sacerdotalism, apostolic succession, one-man government, diocesan rule in those; letters of Ig natius; and what they portray is unlike any form of diocesan episcopacy.

      It is interesting to remark how all throughout the 3d cent, and later every body of Christians, even if consisting of fewer than twelve 1. Insist- families, is instructed to organize itself ence on into a church under a ministry of office- Organiza- bearers, consisting of a bishop or tion under pastor, at least two elders and at least a Ministry three; deacons. Should the bishop be illiterate for character more than erudition determined his choice the congregation was tolel to elegt a reader, and provision was made fe>r a ministry of women. It was possible to obey such instructions, because the ministry of the early church received no stipends. The ministry were office-bearers, to whom ecclesiastical obedience was due in virtue of their call and election and their being set apart by prayer, and perhaps by laying on of hands, for sacred office; but they were at the same time merchants, artisans, or engaged in other




      secular callings, and supported themselves. Build ings, set, apart, Cor public worship, did not, exist, until the very close of the I d cent., and then only in a few populous centers in towns which had felt persecution but slightly. The; only property which a church possessed, besides its copies of the Scriptures, its congregational records and perhaps a place of burial, wen- the offerings which were presented by members of the congregation, mostly in kind, after the Eucharist; and these offerings were distributed to the poor of the congregation. If office-bearers received a share, it was only on account of their poverty and because they were on the roll of widows, orphans and helpless poor.

      This threefold congregational ministry lias been called by some scholars "monarchical episcopacy," a title as high-sounding as it, is misleading. The kingdom over which those so-called monarchs pre sided might and often did consist of less than twelve families, and their rule was fenced in with many restrictions. We can collect from the Epp. of Ignatius what were the powers and what the limitations (/<>. to I olycurp) of the bishop. He administered the finances of the church; he was president of tin; court of Elders; he had the right to call and presumably to preside over the court of discipline; and he had the regulation of the sacra ments in his hands. On the other hand, it is very doubtful whet her he, or even he in conjunction with the elders, could excommunicate; that appears to have remained in the hands of the congregational meeting. The bishop might convoke the congre gational meeting for the purpose, but, it belonged to the meeting and not to the bishop to appoint dele gates and messengers to other churches; and the meeting had the power to order the bishop to go on such a mission.

      (1) Aid (jirrn in electing a bishop. From what has been said it is plain that, the selection of a bishop became one of the most important acts a congre- gatiun was called upon to perform. Accordingly, provision was made for its assistance. It is declared in the Apostolic Canons that, if a congregation con tains fewer than twelve men competent to vote at the election of a bishop, neighboring, "well- established" churches are to be written to in order that three men may be sent, to assist, the congrega tion in selecting their pastor (Sources of (he Apos tolic Canons, 7, $). This is evidently the origin of what afterward became the custom aiid later a law, that the consecration of a bishop required the presence of three neighboring bishops a rule which has given occasion to the saying that "all Christendom becomes Presbyterian on a conse cration day." This custom and rule, which in its beginnings was simply practical assistance given to a weak by stronger congregations, came to bear the meaning that, the bishop thus consecrated was an office-bearer in the church universal as well as the pastor of a particular congregation. It, is also more than probable that, this practice of seeking assistance in an emergency is the germ out of which grew the Synod the earliest recorded synods being congregational meetings assisted in times of difficulty by advice of experienced persons from other churches.

      (2) Bishops and presbyters. When a small group of villagers had been won to Christianity through the efforts of the Christian congregation in a neighboring town, they commonly were dis inclined to separate from it, and came from their villages into town to join in the public worship. "On the day called Sunday," says Justin Martyr, "all who live in the city and in the country gather together into one place" (A p., i.G7). The earliest collections of canons show that the bishop was able

      m time of absence or sickness to delegate his duties to elders or even to deacons; and this enabled him when occasion for it arose, to be, through his office bearers, the pastor of several congregations We can see the same process at work more clearly in large towns where the number of Christians h-id become very large. The bishop was always held to be the head of the Christian community, however large, in one place. He was the pastor; he baptized- lie presided at the Holy Supper; he admitted catechumens to the full communion of the brother hood. By the middle of the 3d cent, the work in most large towns was more than one man could do -No record exists of the number of members belong ing to the Rom church at this time, but some idea of itssize maybe obtained from the fact that it had more than 1,500 persons on its poor-roll; and before the close of the century the Horn Christians wor shipped m over 40 separate places of meeting. It is obvious that one man could not perform the whole pastoral duties for such a multitude, and that most of the pastoral work must have been delegated to the elders or presbyters. The unity of the pas torate was for long strictly preserved by the custom that the bishop consecrated the communion ele ments in one church, and these wore carried round to the other congregations. The bishop was thus the pastor in every congregation; (lie elders and deacons belonged to the whole Christian community they served all the congregations and were not attached to one distinctively. In Alexandria, on the other hand, something like a parochial system gathered round the bishop, for individual pres byters were set over the separate congregations within the city. But always and without excep tion the original pastoral status of the bishop was preserved by the fact that one portion of the pas toral duties was invariably left in his hands the rite of confirmation whereby catechumens were admitted to full communion.

      The middle of the :id cent, witnessed two changes in the ministry of the church. One was a multiplication of _ orders and the other the growth of a bier- is. Multiph- archy; and while many causes went to pro- cation of d , UC(! these changes it can hardly be doubted OrrlAt-c anH - y W(w at 1( ast Partly due to the 1 imitation of pagan religions organization, the Growth Although we find the distinction between of a those who are to be obeyed and those who

      TTiPt-arrhT, are to obey clearly laid down in the Epp. Jlierarcny O f St. Paul, we do not find a common ... . term m general use to denote the former class until the beginning of the :?d cent. In the west the word was onto, and in the east dcrus, from which come our "orders" and "clergy." Onto was the desig nation for the municipality in towns or for the committee which presided over a confraternity; and drrux denoted rank or class. The introduction of ministerial stipends and the implication that a paid ministrv was expected to give its whole time to the service of the church made the distinction between clergy and laity more emphatic When we investigate the matter, it is evident that the fact that the clergy are paid complicates the question- for the earliest lists are evidently those who are entitled to share in the funds of the church, and widows and orphans figure as members of the onto or deru* Setting this disturbing element aside we find that the earliest division of the ministry in the 3d cent, is into bishops presbyters and deacons (all congregational); but bishops and presbyters are sometimes said to form the special ordo ecclexinsticus. The earliest addition to those three orders is the reader, and there follows soon the sub- deacon. Then come such persons as exorcists, acolyths singers, door-keepers and even grave-diggers; and to such the name "minororders" is given. All are included within the clergy, all receive a proportionate share of the revenues of the congregational funds. The presence of bishops, presbyters and deacons needs no explanation Headers, as we have seen, were needed at first to assist illiterate bishops or pastors; their retention and the insertion of exorcists have been plausibly accounted for by the idea that they represented the absorption of the old prophetic ministry. But in instituting the other minor orders the Christian church evidently copied the pagan temple usages where persons who performed corre sponding services were included among the temple min istry and had due share of the temple revenues In the institution of a graded hierarchy including metropolitans

      Minni Miracle



      and patriarchs, the churches probably followed the example, of the great pagan organization called forth by the imperial cult of the Diri and Divue (Lindsay, The Church ami the Ministry, 33;> If). As Mommsen remarks, "The conquering Christian c.hurch took its hierarchic weapons from the, arsenal of the enemy."

      IV. Synods. Synods to begin with were essen tially democratic assemblies. They were, in their primitive form, congregational meetings assisted in times of emergency by delegates (not necessarily bishops) from "well-established churches," and they grew to be the instrument by which churches grouped round one center became united into one compact organization. The times were not democratic, and gradually the presence of the laity and even of presbyters and deacons and their combined assent to the decisions of the assembly became more and more a matter of form and gradually ceased alto gether. The synods consisted exclusively of bishops and became councils for registering their decisions; and this implied that each local church was fully and completely represented by its pastor or bishop, who had become very much of an autocrat, respon sible, not to his congregation nor even to a synod, but to God alone. Before the end of the 3d cent, and onward, synods or councils had become a regular part of the organization of the whole church, and the membership was confined to the bishops of the several churches included within the group. It was natural that such assemblies should meet in the provincial capitals, for the roads converged to the cities which were the seats of the Rom pro vincial administration. A synod required a chair man and various usages obtained about the natural chairman. At first the oldest bishop present was placed in the chair, and this continued long to be the practice in several parts of the empire. Grad ually it became the habit to put into the chair the bishop of the town in which the council met, and this grew to a prescriptive right. It was then that the bishops of the towns which were the meeting- places of synods came to be called metropolitans. The title was for long one of courtesy only and did not carry with it any ecclesiastical rank and author ity. But by the middle of the 4th cent, the metro politans had acquired the right to summon the synods and even to exercise some authority over the bishops of the bounds, esp. in the matter of election and consecration. When Christianity was thor oughly established as the religion of the empire, the more important bishops secured for themselves the civil precedence and privileges which had belonged to the higher priests of the abandoned Imperial Cult, and the higher ranks of the Christian ministry came into the possession of a lordship strangely at variance with their earlier position of service.

      LITERATURE. C. Vitringa, De synagoge vetere libri tres, Leucopetrae (Weissenfels). 1726; Bingham, Antiquities of the Christian Church, 1708-32; Banner- mann The Scripture Doctrine of the Church; Hort, The Christian Ecdesia; Lightfoot, Comm. on the Ep. to the Phil (dissertation on the ministry); Hatch, The Organization of the Early Christian Church, and arts, on "Orders" in Smith s Diet, of Christian Antiquities; Harnack, Expos for January to June, 1887, and Ent- stehung u. Entwicklung tier Kirchenverfassung . ... in d. zwei ersten Jahrhunderten (1910) (ET The Constitution and Law of the Church); Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry in the. Early Centuries; Schmiedel, art. "Min istry" in EB; Gayford, art. "Church" in HDB.

      T. M. LINDSAY

      MINNI, min I ("TE , minni): A kingdom men tioned in Jer 51 27, along with Ararat and Ash- kenaz, as assailants of Babylon. It is identified with the Minnai of the Assyr inscriptions, in close relation with, or part of, Armenia.

      MINNITH, min ith (If? 1 ?, minnlth; B, &XRIS Apvwv, tichris Arnon, A, ls 2e|j.coi8, eis Se- mdeith) : After Jephthah defeated the Ammonites, he is said to have smitten them from Aroer "until

      thou come to Minnith" (Jgs 11 33). Onom men tions a place called Maanith, 4 Rom miles from ileshbon, on the road to Philadelphia ( Amman), and locates Abel-cherarnim, which is mentioned with Minnith, 7 miles from Philadelphia, without indicating the direction. Some travelers have spoken of a Menjah, 7 miles E. of Ileshbon, but of this place Tristram (Land of Moab, 140) could find no trace. The same place appears to be mentioned in Ezk 27 17 as supplying wheat, which figures in the trade between Judah and Tyre. There are really no reliable data on which to suggest an identi fication, while there are grave reasons to suspect the integrity of the text. W. EWINO

      MINSTREL, min strel. Sec Music.

      MINT, mint (TjSxiocrfiov, heduosmon) : Mentioned (Mt 23 23; Lk 11 42) as one of the small things which were tithed. The cultivated variety (Mentha piperiia), "peppermint," was doubtless primarily intended, but the wild M. silvestris or horsemint, which nourishes all over the mountains of Pal, is probably included.

      MIPHKAD, mif kad, GATE OF OP sha ar ha-miphkadh; RV "Hammiphkad" [Neh 3 31]) : A gate in, or near, the north end of the east wall of Jerus, rebuilt under Nehemiah. Its exact position is uncertain. See JERUSALEM.

      MIRACLE, mir a-k l:


      1. General Idea

      2. Biblical Terms Employed II. MIRACLE IN THE NT

      1 Miracles in Gospel History

      2. Special Testimony of St. Luke

      3. Trustworthiness of Evidence in Gospels and Acts


      1. Prejudgment of Negative Criticism

      2. Sir George Stokes Quoted

      3. Effects on Nature of New Agencies

      4. Agreement with Biblical Idea and Terms

      5. J. S. Mill on Miracle

      0. Miracle as Connected with Command IV. EVIDENTIAL VALUE OF MIRACLE

      1. Miracles as Proofs of Revelation

      2. Miracles of Christ in This Relation

      3. Miracles Part of Revelation V. MIRACLES IN THE OT

      1. Analogy with NT Miracles

      2. The Mosaic Miracles

      3. Subsequent Miracles

      4. Prophecy as Miracle VI ECCLESIASTICAL MIRACLES

      1. Probability of Such Miracles

      2. Pascal Quoted


      /. Nature of Miracle. "Miracle" is the general

      term for the wonderful phenomena which accom

      panied the Jewish and Christian revela-

      1. General tion, esp. at critical moments, and Idea which are alleged to have been con

      tinued, under certain conditions, in the history of the Christian church. The miracle proper is a work of God (Ex 7 3ff; Dt 4 34.35, etc; Jn 3 2; 9 32.33; 10 38; Acts 10 38, etc); but as supernatural acts miracles are recognized as possible to evil agencies (Mt 24 24; 2 Thess 2 9; Rev 13 14; 16 14, etc).

      The Bib. idea of miracle as an extraordinary work

      of God, generally though not invariably ("provi

      dential" miracles see below, II, 6),

      2. Biblical transcending the ordinary powers of Terms Nature, wrought in connection with the Employed ends of revelation, is illustrated by

      the terms used to describe miracles in the OT and NT. One class of terms brings out the unusual, exceptional, and striking character of the works, as !*bs , pele , HlSbp? , niphla oth (Ex



      3 20; 15 11, etc), re pas, (eras, lit. "a portent" (in pi. Mt 24 24; Acts 2 22.43, etc); another 1 lys stress on the power displayed in them, as rn^3} , g c bhurdh, Stfra/us, dunamis (in pi. "mighty works 1 RVm "powers," Alt 11 20.21.23; 13 54; 14 2; 2 Cor 12 12, etc); a third gives prominence to their ideological significance their character as "signs," as niX , dth (pi. RV "signs," Nu 14 22; Dt 11 3, etc), (njfj.f iov, scmeion (pi. RV "signs," Jn 2 11.23, and frequently; Acts 4 16.22; 6 8 Rev 13 14, etc). .Another OT word for "wonder" or "miracle" is TET2 , mdpheth (Ex 7 9; Dt 29 3). See, further, below, III, 4.

      //. Miracle in the NT. The subject of miracles has given rise to much abstract discussion; but it is best approached by considering the 1. Miracles actual facts involved, and it is best in Gospel to begin with the facts nearest to us: History those which are recorded in the NT.

      Our Lord s ministry was attended from first to last by events entirely beyond the ordinary course of Nature. He was born of a Virgin, and His birth was announced by angels, both to His mother, and to the man to whom she was be trothed (Mt and Lk). He suffered death on the cross as an ordinary man, but on the third day after His crucifixion He rose from the torn!) in which He was buried, and lived with His disciples for 40 days (Acts 1 3), eating and drinking with them, but with a body superior to ordinary physical condi tions. At length He ascended to the heavens, and a cloud received Him out of their sight. But besides these two great miracles of His birth and His resurrection, Jesus was continually performing miracles during Ills ministry. His own words furnish the best description of the facts. In reply to the question of John the Baptist, His predecessor, He said, "Go and tell John the things which ye hear and see: the blind receive their sight, and the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, arid the deaf hear, and the dead are raised up, and the poor have good tidings preached to them" (Mt 11 4.5). Speci mens of these miracles are given in detail in the Gospel narratives; but it is a mistake to consider the matter, as is too often done, as though these par ticular miracles were the only ones in question. Even if they could be explained away, as has often been attempted, there would remain reiterated statements of the evangelists, such as St. Matthew s that He "went about in all Galilee, teaching in their synagogues, and preaching the gospel of the king dom, and healing all manner of disease and all manner of sickness among the people" (4 23), or St. Luke s "And a great number of the people from all Judaea and Jerus, and the seacoast of Tyre and Sidon, who came to hear him, and to be healed of their diseases; and they that were troubled with unclean spirits were healed. And all the multitude sought to touch him; for power came forth from him, and healed them all" (6 17-19).

      It must be borne in mind that if there is any assured result of modern criticism, it is that these accounts proceed from contemporaries 2. Special and eyewitnesses, and with respect Testimony to the third evangelist there is one of St. Luke unique consideration of great import. The researches of Dr. Hobart have proved to the satisfaction of a scholar like Harnack, that St. Luke was a trained physician. His testi mony to the miracles is therefore the nearest thing possible to the evidence which has often been desired that of a man of science. When St. Luke, e.g., tells us of the healing of a fever (4 38.39), he uses the technical term for a violent fever recog nized in his time (cf Meyer, in loc.); his testimony is therefore that of one who knew what fevers and

      Minni Miracle

      the healing of them meant. This consideration is esp. valuable in reference to the miracles recorded of St. Paul in the latter part of Acts, it should always be borne in mind that they are recorded by a physician, who was an eyewitness of them.

      It seems to follow from these considerations that the working of miracles by Our Lord, and by St. Paul in innumerable cases, cannot 3. Trust- be questioned without attributing to worthiness the evangelists a wholesale untrust- pf Evidence worthiness, due either to wilful, or to in Gospels superstitious misrepresentation, and and Acts this is a supposition which will cer tainly never commend itself to a fair and competent judgment, It would involve, in tact, such a sweeping condemnation of the evangel ists, that it could never be entertained at all except under one presupposition, viz. that such miraculous occurrence s, as being incompatible with the estab lished laws of Nature, could not possibly have hap pened, and that consequently any allegations of them must of necessity be attributed to illusion or fraud.

      ///. Miracle and Laws of 7Vafure. This, in fact, is the prejudgment or prejudice which has prompted^ either avowedly or tacitly, the great mass of negative criticism on this sub- judgment of ject, and if it could be substantiated Negative we should be confronted, in the Gos- Cnticism pels, with a problem of portentous


      On this question of the abstract possibility of miracles, it seems sufficient to quote the following passage from the Gifford Lectures for 2. Sir 1891 of the late eminent man of

      George science, Professor Sir George Stokes.

      Stokes On p. 23 Professor Stokes says: "Wo

      (Quoted know very well (hat a man may in general

      act uniformly according to a certain rule, and yet for a special reason may on a par ticular occasion act quite differently. We cannot refuse to admit the possibility of something analogous taking place as regards the action of the Supreme Being. If we think of the laws of Nature as self-existent and un caused, then we cannot admit any deviation from them liut if wo think of them as designed by a Supreme Will then we must allow the possibility of their being on some part icular occasion suspended. Xor is it even necessary in order that some result out of the ordinary course of Nature should be brought about, that they should even be suspended; it may bo that some different law is brought into action, whereby the result in question is brought about, without any suspension whatever of the laws by which the ordinary course of Nature is regu lated. .... It may be that the event which wo call a miracle was brought about, not by any suspension of the laws in ordinary operation, but by the superaddition of something not ordinarily in operation, or, if in oper ation, of such a nature that its operation is not perceived."

      Only one consideration need be added to this decisive scientific statement, viz. that if there be

      agencies and forces in existence out- 3. Effects side the ordinary world of Nature, on Nature and if they can under certain circum- of New stances interpose in it, they must

      Agencies necessarily produce effects inconsistent

      with the processes of that world when left to itself. Life under the surface of the water has a certain course of its own when undisturbed; but if a man standing on the bank of a river throws a stone into it, effects are produced which must be as unexpected and as unaccountable as a miracle to the creatures who live in the stream. The near ness of two worlds which are absolutely distinct from one another receives, indeed, a striking illus tration from the juxtaposition of the world above the water and the world below its surface. There is no barrier between them; they are actually in contact; yet the life in them is perfectly distinct. The spiritual world may be as close to us as the air is to the water, and the angels, or other ministers




      4. Agree ment with Biblical Idea and Terms


      of God s will, may as easily, at His word, interpose in it as a man can throw a stone into the water. When a stone is thus thrown, there is no suspension or modification of any law; it is simply that, as Sir George Stokes supposes in the cast of a miracle, a new agency has interposed.

      This indeed, is the main fact of which miracles are irresistible evidence. They show that some power outside Nature, some ttujx-r- natural power, has intervened. They are exactly described by the three words in the NT already mentioned. They are ttratu, "prodigies" or "won ders "; they are also iliinnnicis, vir- tutcs, "powers," or "manifestation of ,,., , and finally they are ftnncia, "signs." The three conceptions are combined, and the source of such manifestations stated with them, m a pregnant verse of He: "God also bearing witness with them, both by signs and wonders, and by mani fold powers, and by gifts of the Holy Spirit, accord ing to his own will" (2 4).

      The words of ,T. S. Mill on the question of the possi bility of miracles may also be quoted. Dealing with the objection of Hume in his Essay on Mira-

      5 T.S.MillcZes Mill observes: "In order that any rm Miracle alleged fact should be contradictory to a on Miraci . Iaw 8 o| ( . ;uls:l ,i (m . the allegation must be, not simply that the cause existed without, being followed by the effect, for thai would be no uncommon occurrence; but that this happened in the absence of any adequate counteracting cause. Now in the case of an alleged miracle the assertion is the exact opposite of this. It is that the elrect was defeated, not in the absence but in consequence, of a counteracting cause namely, direct interposition of an act of (lie will of some being who has power over Nat are; and in particular of a Being whose will being assumed to have endowed a 1 the causes with the powers by which they produce their effects, mav well be supposed able to counteract them. A miracle (as was justly remarked by Brown) is no con tradiction to the law of cause and effect : ; it is a new effect, supposed to be produced by the introduction of a new cause. Of the adequacy of that cause, if present, there can be no doubt ; and the only antecedent improbability which can be ascribed to the miracle is the improbability that any such cause existed" (System of Logic, II, 16

      There is, however, one other important char acteristic of miracles of those at least with which we are concerned viz. that they occur

      6 Miracle at the command, or at the prayer, of as Con- the person to whom they are attrib- nectedwith uted. This is really their most sig- Command nificant feature, and the one upon

      which their whole evidential value depends One critic has compared the fall of the fortifications of Jellalabad, on a critical occasion, with the fall of the walls of Jericho, as though the one was no more a miracle than the other. But the fall of the walls of Jericho, though it may well have- been produced by some, natural force, such as an earthquake, bears the character of a miracle because it, was predicted, and was thus commanded by God to occur in pursuance of the acts prescribed to Joshua. Similarly the whole significance of Our Lord s miracles is that they occur at His word and in obedience to Him. "What manner of man is this," exclaimed the disciples, "that even the winds and the sea obey him?" (Mt 8 27).

      IV. Evidential Value of Miracle. This leads us to the true view of t he value of miracles as proofs of a revelation. This is one of the 1. Miracles points which has been discussed in as Proofs far too abstract a manner. Argu- of Reve- ments have been, and still are, con- lation structed to show that, there can be no

      real revelation without miracles, that miracles are the proper proof of a revelation, and so on. It is always a perilous method of argument, perhaps a presumptuous one, to attempt to de termine whether God could produce a given result in any other way than the one which He has actually

      adopted. The only safe, and the sufficient, method of proceeding is to consider whether as a matter of fact, and in what way, the miracles which are actually recorded do guarantee the particular reve lation in question.

      Consider Our Lord s miracles in this light. Assuming, on the grounds already indicated, that they actually occurred, they prove 2. Miracles beyond doubt that He had supreme of Christ command over Nature; that not only in This the winds and the sea, but the human

      Relation soul and body obeyed him, and in the striking words of the Eng. service for the Visitation of the Sick, that He was "Lord of life and death, and of all things thereto pertaining, as youth, strength, health, age, weakness and sick ness." This is the grand fact which the miracles establish. They are not, like external evidence, performed in attestation of a doctrine. They are direct, and eloquent evidence of the cardinal truth of our faith, that Our Lord possessed powers which belong to God Himself. But they are not less direct evidence of the special office He claimed toward the human race that of a Saviour. He did not merely work wonders in order that men might believe His assertions about Himself, but His wonderful works, His powers virtues were direct evidence of their truth. He proved that He was a Saviour by doing the works of a Saviour, by healing men and women from their diseases of both body and soul. It is well known that salvation in the true sense, \\\\v/.. saving men out of evils and cor ruptions into which they have fallen, is an idea which was actually introduced into the world by the gospel. Then; was no word for it in the Rom lan guage. The ancients know of a ,srm//or, but not. of a salvator. The essential message of the miracles is that they exhibit Our Lord in this character- that of one who has alike the will and the power to save. Such is Our Lord s own application of them in His answer, already quoted, to the disciples of John the Baptist (Mt, 11 4.5).

      It is t herefore an ext raordinary mistake to suppose that the evidence for our faith would not be dam aged if the miracles were set aside. 3. Miracles We should lose the positive evidence Part of we now possess of Our Lord s saving

      Revelation power. In this view, the miracles are not the mere proofs of a revelation; they are themselves the revelation. They reveal a Saviour from all human ills, and there has been no other revelation in the world of such a power. The miracles recorded of the apostles have a like effect, They are wrought, like St. Peter s of the impotent man, as evidence of the living power of the Saviour (Acts 3, 4). "Be it known unto you all, and to all the people of Israel, that in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, whom ye crucified, whom God raised from the dead, even in him doth

      this man stand here before you whole And

      in none other is there salvation: for neither is there any other name under heaven, that is given among men, wherein we must be saved" (4 10.12). In a word, the miracles of the NT, whether wrought by Our Lord or by His apostles, reveal a new source of power, in the person of Our Lord, for the salva tion of men. Whatever interference they involve with the usual order of Nature is due, not to any modification of that order, but to the intervention of a new force in it. The nature of that, force is revealed by them, and can only be ascertained by observation of them. A man is known by his words and by his deeds, and to these two sources of reve- lation, respecting His person and character, Our Lord expressly appealed. "If I do not the works of my Father, believe me not, But if I do them, though ye believe not me, believe the works: that




      ye may know and understand that the Father is in me, and I in the Father" (Ju 10 37.38).

      It is therefore a mistake to try to put the evidenee of the miracles into a logically demonstrative argu ment. Pa ley stated the ease too much in this almost anathematized form.

      "It is idle," he said, "to say that a future state had been discovered already. It had been discovered as the Coperniean system was; it was one guess among many. He alone discovers who proves; and no man can prove tins point but the teacher who testifies by miracles that his doctrine conies from Cod" (Mural ami Polit. Phi losophy, book V, ch ix, close).

      Coleridge, in the Auh in Reflection, eritiei/es the above and puts the argument in a juster and more human form.

      "Most, fervently do I contend, that the miracles worked by Christ, both as miracles and as fulfilments of prophecy, both as signs and as wonders, made plain discovery, arid g.ive unquestionable proof, of His Divine character ami authority; that they were to the whole Jewish nation true and appropriate evidences, that He was indeed come who had promised and declared to their fore fathers, ii hnhl your (In, I inll come u-ith vengeance, crrn (I ml, with n rci-ninprnxr! lit: u-ill r<niif- anil xnre you. I receive them as proofs, therefore, of the truth of every word which lie taught who was Himself the Word: and as sure; evidences of the final victory over deatli and of the life to come, in that they were manifestations of Him who said: / am tin- raoirrrrtiun ami thvlifi!" (note prefatory to Aphorism ( XXI II).

      This seems the fittest manner in which to con template the evidence afforded by miracles.

      V. Miracles in the OT. If the miracles ascribed

      to Our Lord and His apostles are established on the

      grounds now slated, and are of the

      1. Analogy value just, explained, there ean be with NT little difficulty in principle in accepting Miracles as credible 1 and applying the miracles

      of the OT. They also are obviously wrought as manifestations of a, Divine Being, and as evidences of His character and will.

      This, e.g., was the great purpose of the miracles

      wrought- for the deliverance of the people of Israel

      out of Egypt. The critical theories

      2. The which treat the narrative of those Mosaic events as "unhistorieal" are, I am Miracles convinced, unsound. If they could

      be established, they would deprive us of some of the most precious evidences we possess of the character of God. But, in any case, the purpose to which the alleged miracles are ascribed is of the same character as in the case of the NT miracles. "For ask now," says Moses, "of the days that are past .... whether then 1 hath been any such thing as this great thing is, or hath been heard like it? Did ever a people hear the voice of God speaking out of the midst of the fire, as thou hast heard, and live? Or hath God assayed to go and take him a nation from the midst of another nalion, by trials, by signs, and by wonders, and by war, and by a mighty hand, and by an out stretched arm, and by great terrors, according to all that Jeh your God did for you in Egypt before your eyes? Unto thee it was showed, that thou might est know that Jeh he is God; there is none else besides him" (Dt 4 32-35). The God of the Jews was, and is, the God manifested in those miraculous acts of deliverance. Accordingly, the Ten Commandments are introduced with the declaration: "I am Jeh thy God, who brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house- of bond age," and on this follows: "Thou shalt have no other gods before me" (Ex 20 2.3). Without these miracles, the God of the Jews would be an abstraction. As manifested in them, He is the living God, with a known character, "a just God and a Saviour" (Isa 45 21), who can be loved with all the heart, and soul, and mind, and strength.

      3. Subse quent Miracles

      The subsequent miracles of Jewish history, like those wrought by Elijah, serve the same great end, and reveal more and more both of the will and the power of God. They are not mere portents, wrought as an ex ternal testimony to a doctrine. They are the acts of a living Being wrought through His ministers, or with their cooperation and Pie is revealed by them. If the miracles of the JSP were possible, those of the OT were possible, and as those of the NT reveal the nature and will of Christ, by word and deed, so those of the OT reveal the existence, the nature, and (lie will of God. Nature, indeed, reveals God, but the miracles reveal 1 new and momentous acts of God; and the whole religious life of the Jews, as the Pss show, is indis- solubly bound up with them. The evidence for them is, in fact, the historic consciousness of a great and tenacious nation.

      It should be added that the Jewish Scriptures embody one of the greatest of miracles that of prophecy. It is obvious thai the 4. Prophecy destiny of the Jewish people is pre- as Miracle dieted from the commencement, in the ^ narrative of the life of Abraham and onward. Then 1 can, moreover, be no question that the office of the Christ had been so distinctly foreshadowed in the Scriptures of the OT that the people, as a whole, expected a Messiah before He appeared. Our Lord did not, like Buddha or Mo hammed, create a new office; He came to fill an office which had been described by the prophets, and of which they had predicted the functions and powers. \\\\\\\\ e are told of the Saviour, "And beginning from Moses and from all the prophets, he inter preted to them in all the scriptures the things con cerning himself" (Lk 24 27). That, again, is a revelation of God s nature, for it reveals Him as "knowing the end from the beginning," and as the Ruler of human life and history.

      VI. Ecclesiastical Miracles. Some notice, finally , must be taken of the question of what are called ecclesiastical miracles. There seems no sufficient reason for assuming that miracles ceased with the apostles, and there is much evidence that in the early church miraculous cures, both of body and soul, were sometimes vouchsafed. There were occasions and circumstances when the manifestation of such miraculous power was as appropriate as testimony of the living power of Christ, as in the scenes in the Acts. But, they were not recorded under inspired guidance, like the miracles of the Apostolic Age, and they have in many cases been overlaid by legend.

      The observation in Pascal s Tlmm/lit* eminently applies to this class of miracles: " It lias appeared to me that the n ,-. , real cause [that there are so many false A. rascal miracles, false; revelations, etc] is that Quoted there are true ones, for it would not be possible that there should be so many false miracles unless there were true, nor so many false religions unless there were one that is true. For if all this had never been, it is impossible that so many others should have believed it Thus instead of con cluding that there are 110 true miracles since there are so many false, we must on the contrary say that there are true miracles since there are so many false, and that false miracles exist only for the reason that thi-re are true; so also that there are false religions only because there is one that is true" (On Miracles).

      VII. Miracle in Works of Grace. It has lately been argued with much earnestness and force in Germany, particularly by J. \\\\Vendland, in his Miracles and Christianity, that belief in miracles is indispensable to our apprehension of a real living God, and to our trust in His saving work in our own souls. The work of grace and salvation, indeed, is all so far miraculous that it requires the influence upon our nature of a living power above

      1. Proba bility of Such Miracles

      Miracles, Gift of Mitre



      that nature. It is not strictly correct to call it miraculous, :is these operations of Clod s Spirit arc now an established part of His kingdom of grace. But they none the less involve the exercise of a like supernatural power to that exhibited in Our Lord s miracles of healing and casting out of devils; and in proportion to the depths of man s Christian life will he be compelled to believe in the gracious operation on his soul of this Divine interposition.

      On the whole, it is perhaps increasingly realized that miracles, so far from being an excrescence on Christian faith, are indissolubly bound up with it, and that there is a complete unity in the mani festation of the Divine nature, which is recorded in the Scriptures.

      LITKRATUIUC. Trench, No/ex on the, Miracles; Moz- ley, lin nipton Lecture* (Mozk-y s argument is perhaps somewhat marred by its too positive and controversial tone, but, if the notes be rend as well as the lectures, the reader will obtain a comprehensive view of tin; main controversies on the subject) ; A. B. Bruce, The Miracu lous Element in Hie (inH/H l.*. For modern (ierman views see J. \\\\Vcndlund, Mirocli* ami Cliristinnitu; Ohristlicb, Modern Doubt innl Clirixtiitn Relief. Paley s Evidences and Butler s .!///<)</// may profitably be consulted. On continuance of miracles, see Biishnell, \\\\nturc and t lie- Supernatural, chxiv, and Christlieb, as above, Lecture V".

      II. WAGE


      MIRAGE, me-ra/h pit? , sfuirabh, "heat- mirage"; Arab. i^_jl-uu, sardb, from vb. t^_ J*.A*/, "to

      go forth," "to flow"; hence "flowing of water"): "The glowing sand shall become a pool, and the thirsty ground springs of water" (Isa 35 7); AVhas "parched ground" and RVin "mirage." The same Heb word is also used in Isa 49 10, "Neither shall the heat [in "mirage"] nor sun smite them." These are the only uses of the word in the Scriptures, although mirages are very common in the drier parts of the country. However, the context in both cases seems to justify the tr usually given, rather than "mirage." ALFRED H. JOY


      MIRIAM, mir i-am (S^I Q , mirydm; LXX and the NT Mapidfx, Maridm; EVof the NT "Mary"):

      (1) Daughter of Aniram and Jochebed, and sister of Aaron and Moses. It is probable that it was she who watched the ark of bulrushes in which the child Moses was laid (Ex 2 4). She associated herself with her brothers in the exodus, is called "the prophetess," and led the choir of maidens who sang the triumph-song after the crossing of the Red Sea (Ex 15 20 f). Along with Aaron, she op posed Moses at Hazeroth (Nu 12 1-5). She was smitten with leprosy in punishment, but on Aaron s intercession was pardoned and healed (Nu 12 10-15). She died and was buried at Kadesh (Nu 20 1). In the Deuteronomic Law respecting leprosy, Miriam is mentioned as a warning to the Israelites (Dt 24 8f). In Mic 6 4, she is referred to along with Moses and Aaron as a leader of God s people.

      (2) Son (or daughter) of Jether (1 Ch 4 17). The latter half of the verse is in its present situation unintelligible; it should probably follow ver IS (see Curtis, Chron., in loc.). JOHN A. LEES

      MIRMAH, mur ma A Bcnjamitc (1 Ch 8 10).

      , mirmah, "deceit"):

      MIRROR, mir er. See LOOKING-GLASS.

      MISAEL, mis il-el, ml sa-el (A, Mio-arjX, Misatl, B, Meicra^X., Mcisafi) :

      (1) One of those who stood on Ezra s left hand as he expounded the Law (1 Esd 9 44 = "Mishael," Neh 84).

      (2) In Three ver 66 (LXX Dnl 3 SS), for "Mis- hael," OIK; of Daniel s companions in captivity.

      MISAIAS, mi-sa yas, mi-si as: RVm = "Masias."

      MISCHIEF, mis chif: The word, in the sense of "hurt" or "evil" befalling, plotted against, or done to, anyone, represents a variety of Heb terms (e.g. a$dn, A.V den 42 4; 44 29; Ex 21 22; ra\\\\ 1 S 23 9; 2 S 16 S; 1 K 11 25, etc; Carnal, Ps 7 14. 16; 10 7.14; Prov 24 2, etc). Sometimes RV changes the word, as to "evil" (Ex 32 12.22); in Acts 13 10, to "villany" (padiovpyla, rhadiourgia).

      In RV Apoc the word is used for Kaicd, kukd, "evils," Ad Est 13 5 (cf Sir 19 2S) ; /ca/a a, knkia, "evil," 1 Mace 7 23; and Lat tmiliun, "evil," 2 Esd 15 56. "Mischievous" is used, Ad Est 14 19, for Tromjpewjjuat, /xincrcuonifii, "to be evil." The use in AV Apoc is considerably more extended (Sir 11 33; 19 27; 27 27, etc). JAMES ORR

      MISGAB, mis gab (35T?T2n , ha-misgabh; B, AfxdS, Anirilh, A, TO KpaTaCcop.a, to krata nlnin) . Named with Nebo and Kiriathaim in the denuncia tion of doom against Moab (Jer 48 1). No tract! of any name resembling this has been found. Pos sibly we should take it, not as a place-name, but as an appellation of some strong fortress, perhaps of Kir-moal) itself. The term is elsewhere tr 1 "high fortress" (Isa 25 12, etc).

      MISHAEL, rnish a-cl, ml sha-el shu cl, perhaps = "who is equal to God?"):

      (1) A Kohathite, 4th in descent from Levi (Ex 6 22). He and his brother Elzaphan carried out Moses order to remove from the sanctuary and the camp the corpses of Nadab and Abihu (Lev 10 4 f).

      (2) A supporter of Ezra at the reading of the Law (Neh 8 4).

      (3) The Heb name of one of Daniel s 3 compan ions (Dnl 1; 2 17). His Bab name was MESHACH (q.v.).

      MISHAL, mi shal (5STJJT2 , mish ul) : A town in the territory of Asher (Josh 19 26, AV "Misheal," Maao-d, Ma(ix(i), assigned to the Gershonite Levites (21 30; B, Ba<r<re\\\\\\\\dv, Bassdldn, A, Mao-aciX, Ma- .sadZ="Mashal" of 1 Ch 6 74). Onom (s.v. "Ma- san") places it near Carmel by the sea. It is not identified.

      MISHAM, mi sham (021^2 , mish am}: A Ben- jamite, son of Elpaal (1 Ch 8 12).

      MISHEAL, mish 0-al. See MISHAL.

      MISHMA, mish ma (yCTp)p , mishtna* ) :

      (1) A son of Ishmael (Gen 25 14; 1 Ch 1 30).

      (2) A Simeonite (1 Ch 4 25).

      MISHMANNAH, mish-man a (ns^TJT? , mish- mamiah) : A Gadite warrior who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12 10).

      MISHNA, mish na. See TALMUD.

      MISHNEH, mish ne (n Sn , ha-mishneh; 2 K 22 14; 2 Ch 34 22, AV "college," RV "second quarter," m "Heb Mishneh"; Zeph 1 10, AV "the second, "RV "second quarter," m "Heb Mishneh"): A part of Jerus, apparently not far from the FISH GATE (q.v.) and the MAKTESH (q.v.). The tr "college" is due to Tg Jon on 2 K 22 14. The



      Miracles, Gift of Mitre

      RV interpretation of Mishneh is connected with the belief that Ilezekiah, when he built "the other wall without" (1 Ch 32 5), made the second wall on the N. There seems little evidence of this (see JERUSALEM, VI, 11), and the "second" may refer to the district of the city on the west hill or perhaps to the hill itself. See COLLEGE.

      E. W. (1. MASTKRMAN

      MISHOR, ml shor. Sec PLAIN, and also note in HDK, III, 309.

      MISHRAITES, mish rft-Its (rntfEn , ha-mish- ra T): One of the families of Kiriath-iearim (1 Ch 2 53).

      MISPAR, mis par pSyT2, iniypilr): An exile

      who returned with Zerubbabel (J^zr 2 2). AV

      spells the name "Mizpar." In the verse of Neh it appears as "Mispereth" (Neh 7 7).

      MISPERETH, mis po-reth (n-}E9 a , mix-pvrdh) . See MirtPAR.

      MISREPHOTH-MAIM, miz-re-fdth-ma im (2"! rfiD lip Sp, inisr pttuth miyim; LXX Mao-tpwv, Mdscroti, Mao-p9 M.(j.c|>io(Aai|i, Mtixcrc/h McmpliO- m/iini): A place to which Joshua chased the various tribes, which were confederated under Jabin, after their defeat at the waters of Merom (Josh 11 8). It follows the mention of great Sidon, as though it was a place in the same region but farther from the point of departure. In Josh 13 (>, it is also men tioned in connection with the Sidonians, as though it was included in their territory, so it must have been in the coast district, or Phoenicia, which was in that period dominated by Sidon. The Canaan- ites who were among the tribes forming the hosts of Jabin would naturally seek refuge among their brethren in Sidon and its territory. They fled across the hill country which lies between the waters of Merom and the coast, but as Sidon is situated considerably t;> the N. of Merom, some would seek the; coast by a more; southerly route, and we may look for Misrcphoth-maim there. Dr. Thomson (L/i, II, 266-67, eel 1882) locates it at Rtm cl-Mu- ft/tdrifch, some 1 13 miles S. of Tyre, where there was a stronghold, and where the fugitives might find refuge (see LADDER OF TYRE). Though the name hardly suggests Misrephoth-maim, the identifica tion may be accepted until some better one is found. II. PORTER

      MIST (IX , cdh; dx\\\\vs, achhis, 6\\\\i.i\\\\\\\\r], homichlc): Mist is caused by particles of water vapor filling the air until it is only partially transparent. Mist and haze produce much the same effect, the one being due to moisture in the atmosphere and the other to dust particles. Mist or fog is not common on the plains of Pal and Syria at sea-level, but is of almost daily occurrence in the mountain valleys, coming up at night and disappearing with the morn ing sun (Wisd 24). It is nothing else than a cloud touching the land. In the account of creation, "there went up a mist from the earth," giving a descrip tion of the warm humid atmosphere of the carbon iferous ages which agrees remarkably with the teaching of modern science (Gen 2 6). The word is used fig. in Acts 13 11 to describe the shutting- out of light. Those who bring confusion and un certainty are compared to "mists driven bv a storm" (2 Pet 2 17). See VAPOR. ALFRED H. JOY

      MISTRESS, mis tres (n73 , baWah, cfbhereth): Is the tr of ba aluh, "lady," "owner" (1 K 17 17; Nah 3 4); in 1 S 28 7, "a woman that hath a familiar spirit" is lit. "the mistress of

      a familiar spirit"; of g r bhcrcfh (Gen 16 4.8.9; 2 K 5 3; Ps 123 2; Prov 30 23; Isa 24 2); in Isa 47

      5.7, we have AV and ERV "lady," ARV "mistress."

      MITE, mlt (XeiTTov, Icpton) : The smallest copper or bronze coin current among the Jews. They were first struck by the Maccabean princes with lleb legends, and afterward by the Herods and the Rom procurators with Gr legends. The "widow s rnite" mentioned in Mk 12 42 and Lk 21 2 was probably of the first kind, since those with Gr legends were regarded as unlawful in the temple service. According to Mk, the It pton was only half a kodrdntes (Lat quadrant), which would indi cate a value of about one-fourth of a cent or half an Eng. farthing. See MONEY. H. PORTER

      MITHKAH, mith ka (npT!2 , mithkuh, "sweet ness"; AV Mithcah): Name given owing to sweet ness of pasture or water. A desert, camp of the Israelites between Terah and Ilashmonah (Nu 33 2Sf). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

      MITHNITE, mif.h iiTt. (^HEn, ha-nulhnl): Designation of Jehoshaphat, one of David s officers (1 Cli 11 43).

      -ra-da tez (A,

      s, Mithridutca; AV Mith-

      MITHRADATES, Mithraddles, B, MiO ridates):

      (1) The; treasurer of Cyrus to whom the king committed the vessels which had been taken from the t"inple and who delivered them to the governor, Sanabassar (1 Esd 2 11 = "Mithredath" ofEzr 1 8).

      (2) Apparently another person of the same name one of the commissioners stationed in Samaria who wrote a letter to Arlaxcrxes persuading him to put a stop to the rebuilding of Jerus (1 Esd 2 16 = "Mithredath" of Ezr 4 7). S. ANGUS

      MITHREDATH, mith re-dath (nyirnp , milh- r dhnth; Pens = "gift of Mithra" or "consecrated to Mithra"):

      (1) The Pers treasurer through whom Cyrus restored the sacred vessels to the returning Jewish exiles (K/r 1 8).

      (2) A Persian, perhaps an official, who was asso ciated with Bishlam and Tabecl in corresponding with Artaxerxes concerning the restoration of Jerus (Ezr 4 7). In 1 Esd 2 11.16, the name is written MITHRADATES (q.v.).

      MITRE, mi ter: In AV this word renders two lleb words, both of which, however, come from the same stem, viz. ?!! , fdnaph, "to coil" or "to wrap round." In Ex 28, a mitre (RVm "turban") is enumerated among Aaron s articles of dress, which were to be made by tailors of recognized skill. On the forefront of the mitre was a "plate of pure gold" with the words "Holy to Jehovah" (i.e. con secrated to Jehovah) inscribed upon it. This gold plate was fastened to the mitre by a blue ribbon. The material of the mitre was fine linen or silk. The word for the head tire (AV "bonnet") of the ordinary priest was a different word. Ezekiel uses the word in connection with Zedekiah (21 26); the prophet associated regal and priestly functions with the throne. It is possible, however, that the two sentences "remove the mitre," and "take off the crown" refer to the degradation of the priest hood and of the throne which the downfall of Jerus will involve. The LXX varies between kiduris and mitra, the former word being used in Sir 45 12.

      T. LEWIS

      Mitylene Moab, Moabites



      MITYLENE, mit-i-le ne, mit-i-lye- nye (MiTv\\\\T|VT],

      Mituleni jorWLvTiXfyj], M uti-lene, as usually on coins.) :

      In antiquity t lie most important city <>l

      1. Impor- the Asiatic Acolians and of the island tance and of Lesbos. It had 2 harbors and History strong fortresses. The city \\\\vas noted

      for its high culture and for its zeal for art and science from the earliest, times. The island, under the leadership of Mitylene, revolted in 42S HC from the Athenian confederacy. The city \\\\\\\\ as besieged by the Athenians and finally taken. The inhabitants of Mitylene wen; treated with great severity; the walls were dismantled, and the city was deprived of its power on tin; sea. In the time of Alexander the Givat, Mitylene suffered most through the Persians, and later by the occupation of the Macedonians, but afterward regained its power and prosperity, and still later was favored by the Horn emperors, being made a free city by Poinpey.

      In the Middle Ages, the name Mitylene. was applied to the whole island. The present capital, often called simply Castro, has a lar^e castle built on the site of the ancient acropolis (in IHTU). The city was conquered by the Turks in 14(12. It contains 14 mosques, 7 churches, and has a population of about 15,000.

      On his third missionary journey, Paul traveled

      to the Hellespont from Philippi, thence through the

      Troad by land to Assos on the southern

      2. Paul s side where extensive excavations Visit were carried on in 18X1 by an American

      archaeological expedition thence by ship to Mitylene ("Acts 20 11), where, he spent the night. Leaving Lesbos, lie sailed southward to a point opposite the island of Chios (Acts 20 15). There is no record that a Christian church had been established in Mitylene at this time.

      IjITKRATUUK. ToZCF, Ixlfltlil.-i /if the, Arfjcnn, 121,

      134 f, 1:5(1; Ramsay, ,s7. Paul tin: Traveller, 291 ff.

      J. E. HARRY

      MIXED, mikst, MULTITUDE, inul ti-tud. See MINCLED PEOPLE.

      MIZAR, ml zar, THE HILL P?rn "VI, har mi<f fir; opos [JUKpos, iiros mikrds) . The name of a mountain found only in Ps 42 0; "I remember then from the land of Jordan, and the Hermans, from the hill Mizar. The term may be taken as an appellative meaning "littleness," and the phrase inehur linear would then mean "from the little mountain," i.e. the little mountain of Zion. Some scholars think that the ni in mehnr may have arisen from dittogrnphy, and that we should read, "from the land of .Ionian, and the Hermans, O thou little mountain [of Zion]." G. A. Smith discusses the question in a note (IIGJIL, 477). He suggests that certain names found in UK; district (za*iira, watly za arah, and Kliirbet Mnzilrfi} may be a reminis cence of the name of a hill in the district called M if fir; and surely none other would have been put by the Psalmist, in apposition to the Hermons. Cheyne says: "To me this appendage to Hcrmonim seems a poetic; loss. Unless the; little mountain has a symbolic meaning I could wish it away." I can not see this: the symbolic- meanings suggested for II* rniotiiin. and Mi far are all forced, and even if we g;>t a natural one, it would be out of place after the literal l<td <>f .Ionian. To employ all as proper names is suitable to a lyric. No identification is at present possible. W. EWIXG

      MIZPAH, miz pn, MIZPEH, miz pe: This name- is painted both ways in the; He b, and is found usually wit h t he 1 art iele. The 1 me-aning se ems to be "outlook" e>r "watchtower." It is natural, therefore, to look for the places so named in high positions, command ing wide prospee-ts.

      (1) (nESSn, /m-miep,ih [den 31 49; Jgs 11 11.34], risrc, wit; pah [Hos 5 1], ~"^ "SEE , mifpeh (jhU rulh [Jgs 11 29]; Mao-crr|<J>d, AInsncphd, TT]V (TKoiridv, ten skopidn, and othe v r forms): It seems ])robable that the same place? is intended in all these passages, and that it is identical with Ramath-mizpch of Josh 13 20. It is the place where Jacob and Laban parted in Mt. Gilead; con sequently it lay to the; N. of Mahanaim. IIe>re was the; home of Jephthah, to which he returned afte-r the defeat of the; Ammonites, only to realize how his rash vow had brought de-salatian to his house . It was taken by Judas Maccabaeus, who ciestroyc d the inhabitants and burned the city (1 Mace 5 3")). Identifications have bee n suggested with *S i7/, Jeranh, and Kal ni tr-Riilxi l; but these; see-m all to lie; S. of any possible; site: for Mahanaim. A ruine-d site; was discovered by Dr. Schumacher (M nn<L \\\\I I)\\\\ , 1X1)7, SO), with the name , Aldxffi., which is just- the Aral), e-quivale-nt of the; He b Miqpfih. It lie>s some: distance: to the N.W. of Jewish and e laims c.onside:ration in any attempt to fix the site of Mi/pah.

      (2) (nsren y;, <? hd-micpah [Josh 11 3],

      "12 n?p5 , bil/dth mi<;pt h [vcr 8] ; Mao-o-eujidv, Mns- nenni in, MacrcrT|4>d0, Masscphdth, and other forms): The "land of Mi/])ah" and the "valle y of Mi/pah" may be take ii as applying to the same district. It lay on the southwest slopes of Hermon N.E. of the; Waters of MeTom. The site must be: looked for on one: of the heights in the region indicated, from which a wide vie:w is obtained. Aliildlldh, a Dru/e village standing on a hill to the N. of *Abil, and E. of Nahr el-Hasbany, was sugge stex! by Itob- inson. The: present writer agrees with Buhl ((!Al , 240) that the ancic:nt castle above Banicis, KaVat e-Subeibeh, occupies a more likely position.

      (3) (HE$13 , m.i^pch; Mao-(}>d, Maspfui) : A town in the Shephelah of Judah name^d with Dilan, Jok- theel and Laehish (Tell d-Ile$y). Onnm me-ntions a May/a in the neighborhood of Eleutheropolis, to the N. The identificatiem proposexl by Van dc: Velde and Clue rin would suit this description. They would locate Mizpeh at Tdl c?-$fifiyeh, about 7.V mile>s N.W. <^f licit Jibrln, "a conspicuous hill with a glittc ring white cliff rising like an isolated block above: the: adjacent country" (PEF8, 1903, 276). Many identify this site with (lath, but the name and character of the place point rather to identification with Mizpeh, the Blanche Guardc or Alba Xpcnild. of the Middle Ages.

      (4) (riE^ SH , ha-mi<;pfih; MacrerT||ia,, Mdssenid, Ma<r4>el, Masphd): A town in the territory of Ben jamin (Josh 18 20). Hitheu- came the men of Israel to deal with the Benjamites after the outrage on the Levite s concubine (Jgs 20 1.3; 21 1.5.8). At Mizpah, Samuel gathered his countrymen. "While: then; crying to God in their distress, <he>y were attacked by the Philis, whom they defeated with great slaughter (1 S 7 5, etc). Here also Saul, the son of Kish, was chosen king, after which Samuel told the people the "manner of the king dom" (10 17, etc-). Mizpah was fortified by Asa, king of Judah, with materials which Baasha, king of Israel, had used to fortify Ramah (1 K 15 22; 2 Ch 16 6). \\\\Yhem Nebuchadnezzar captureel Jerus and made Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, governor of the remnant of the people left in the> land of Judah, the governor s residence was fixeel at Mizpah (2 K 25 23). Here he was joined by Jeremiah, whom Nebuzaradan, captain of the Bab guard, had set fre>e. At Mizpah, Ishmael, son of Nathaniah, treacherously slew Gedaliah and many who were with him. Two days later he murdered a company of pilgrims, throwing their elead bodies into the great cistern which Asa had made when



      Mitylene Moab, Moabites

      strengthening the place against possible attack by Baasha of Samaria. He then made prisoners of the people, including the king s daughters, and at tempted to convey them away to the Ammonites, an attempt that was frustrated by Johanan, son of Kareah (Jer 40, 41). Mizpah was the scene o f


      memorable assembly in a day of sore anxiety for Judah, when Judas Maccabacus called the warriors of Judah together for counsel and prayer (1 Mace 3 Ib j. From this passage we also learn that the place was an ancient sanctuary "for in Mizpah there was a place of prayer aforetime for Israel."

      It has been proposed to identify Mizpah with Tell \\\\(ixli< h, a site on the watershed S. of Birch. The Abbe Raboisson established the fact that Jems can be seen from this point. In this respect it agrees with Maundeville s description. "It, is a very fair and delicious place, and it is called Mt. Joy because it gives joy to pilgrims hearts, for from that place men first, see Jerus." But Jer 41 10 may be taken as decisive against this identification. Ishmael departed to go cant. From Tell Naxbch this would never have brought him to the great waters that are in (iibeon (/ AV Y?, 1S9S, 10!), "251; 1903, 207). A more probable identification is with AY/)// XtiHtirll, a village on high ground 4 miles N.W. of Jerus, the traditional burying-place of Samuel. It is 2,935 ft, above sea-level, and 500 ft. higher than the surrounding land. Here, the pil grims coming up byway of Beth-horon from Jaffa, the ancient route, first, saw the Holy City. The mosque of the village was formerly a church, dating from Crusading times; and here t he lomb of Samuel is shown. If this is the ancient Mizpah, a very slight detour to the N. would bring Ishmael to tin- great waters that are in (iibeon, cl-Jlb (Gibeon) being only a mile and a quarter distant.

      (.-)) (3$TQ HST2, micpch mtfabh, "Mizpeh of Moab"; Maenad, Masephd): A town in Moab to which David took his parents for safety during Saul s pursuit of him (1 S 22 3). It is possibly to be identified with Kir-moab, the modern Kerak, whither David would naturally go to interview the king. But there is no certainty. Possibly we should read "Mizpah" instead of "the hold" in ver 5.

      (6) In 2 Ch 20 24, probably we should read "Mizpah" instead of "watch-tower": ha-mi^pch ln-ini(Utb(lr would then point to a Mizpeh of the \\\\Yilderness to be sought in the district of Tekoa (ver 20). W. EWINC

      MIZPAR, miz par. See MISI-AK.

      MIZRAIM, miz ra-im (3"yi2p2 , miqrayitn}:

      ( 1 ) A son of Ham, and ancestor of various peoples,

      Ludim, Anamim, etc (Gen 10 0.13; 1 Ch 1 8.11). See TABLE OF NATIONS.

      (2) The name of Egypt. See EGYPT.

      The land of Ham. H, ham, was another name for t In land of Egypt. It occurs only in Ps 105 2:?. 27; 106 22- 1 s /8 ;>1 probably refers to the land of Hani, though it may refer to the children of Hani. The origin and significance of this name are involved in much obscurity 1 wo improbable etymologies and one probable etymology for Hani as a name of Egypt have been proposed, and the improbable ones very much urged: (1) Ham is often thought to bo a Hob appropriation of the Egyp name Kernt, a name for the "black land" as distinguished from "desnert," the red land of the desert which sur rounded it. This etymology is very attractive, but phonetically very improbable to say the least. (2) Ham has sometimes been connected directly with Ci"I h<im, the second son of Noah whose descendants under the name Micraim occupied a part of Northeastern Africa. But as there is no trace of t his name among the Egyptians and no use of it in the historical books of the OT, t hiscan hardly be said to bu a probable derivation of the word Cij There is a third proposed etymology for Ham which con nects R ultimately but indirectly with Ham. the second son of Noah. Some of the earliest sculptures vet found in Egypt represent the god Min (Menu; cf Koptos by Professor Petrie). This god seems also to have beeii called Khem, a very exact Egyp equivalent for CH, ham, the second son of Noah and the ancestor of the Hamitie I, K PPl of Egypt . That Ham the son of Noah should be domed in the Egyp pantheon is not surprising The sensuality of this god Minor Khem also accords well with the reputation for licentiousness borne by Ham the son of Noah. These facts suggest very strongly a trace in I .gyp mythology of the actual history of the movements of Hamitic people. (4) While the preceding division (3) probably states the real explanation of the earlv name of kgypt. It still remains to be noted that the use of the name Ham by the Psalmist may be entirely poetic. Until t be found that the name Ham was applied to E"vpt bv other writers of that period it will ever be in some measure unlikely that the Psalmist was acquainted with the mythological use; of the name Ham in Egypt and so in equal measure, probable that he meant nothing more than to speak of the land of the descendants of Ham the soil of Noah. See also HAM, L \\\\M> OF

      M. G. KYLE

      ^ MIZZAH, miz a (~Tn , mizzuh, "strong," "firm") : Grandson of Esau, one of the "dukes" of Edom (Gen 36 13.17; 1 Ch 1 37).

      MNASON, nfi son, m na son (Mvdo-wv, AIndsdn): All that we know of Mnason is found in Acts 21 1(5. (1) He accompanied Paul and his party from Caes- area on Paul s last visit to Jerus; (2) he was a Cyprian; (3) "an early disciple," an early convert to Christianity, and (4) the one with whom Paul s company was to lodge;. The "Western" text of this passage is very interesting. Blass. following D, Syr, reads, for "bringing," etc, "And they brought, us to those with whom one should lodge, and when we had (tome into a certain village we stayed with Mnason a Cyprian, an early disciple, and having departed 1 hence we came to Jerus and t he brethren," etc. Meyer-Wendt, Page and Rendell render the accepted text, "bringing us to the house of Mnason," etc. However, giving the imporf. trans of ane- bainomen, "we were going up" to Jerus (ver 15), we might understand that the company lodged with Mnason on the 1st night of their journey to Jerus, and not at the city itself. "Ver 15, they set about the journey; ver 10, they lodged with Mnason on the introduction of the Caesarean disciples; ver 17, they came to Jerus" (E.rj)os (!r Text., in loc.).

      S. F. HUNTER

      MOAB, mo ab, MOABITES, md ab-Its (Moab, C, mo abh, Moabite Stone, 2502; Gr [LXX|

      Mtodp, Moab, T] Mwapeiris, he Mda- 1. The lei Us, -Pins, bitix; Moabite, ."^XTO ,

      Land "0$b , tuoabhl; Moabites, 2^12 ^^ ,

      Ifne inn abh) : Moab was the district E. of the Dead Sea, extending from a point some distance N. of it to its southern end. The eastern boundary was indefinite, being the border of the desert which is irregular. The length of the

      Moab, Moabites Moabite Stone



      territory was about 50 miles and the average width about 30. It, is a high tableland, averaging some 3, 000 ft. above the level of the Mediterranean and 4,300 ft. above that of the Dead Sea. The aspect of the land, as one looks at it from the western side of Ilie Dead Sea, is that of a range of mountains

      Bedawin of Moab.

      with a very precipitous frontage, but the elevation of this ridge above the interior is very slight. Deep chasms lead down from the tableland to the Dead Sea shore, the principal one being the gorge of the river Arnon, which is about 1,700 ft. deep and 2 or more miles in width at the level of the tableland, but very narrow at the bottom and with exceedingly precipitous banks. About 13 miles back from the mouth of the river the gorge divides, and farther back it subdivides, so that several valleys are formed of diminishing depth as they approach the desert border. These are referred to in Nu 21 14 as the "valleys of the Arnon." The "valley of Zered" (Nu 21 12), which was on the southern border, drops down to the southern end of the Dead Sea, and although not so long or deep as the Arnon, is of the same nature in its lower reaches, very diffi cult to cross, dividing into two branches, but at a point much nearer the sea. The stream is not so large as the Arnon, but is quite copious, even in summer. These gorges have such precipitous sides that it would be very difficult for an army to cross them, except in their upper courses near the desert where they become shallow. The Israelites passed them in that region, probably along the present Hajj road and the line of the Mecca Railway. The tableland is fertile but lacks water. The fountains and streams in the valleys and on the slopes toward the Dead Sea are abundant, but the uplands are almost destitute of flowing water. The inhabitants supply themselves by means of cisterns, many of which are ancient, but many of those used in an cient times are ruined. The population must have been far greater formerly than now. The rainfall is usually sufficient to mature the crops, although the rain falls in winter only. The fertility of the country in ancient times is indicated by the numer ous towns and villages known to have existed there, mentioned in Scripture and on the M S, the latter giving some not found elsewhere. The principal of these were: Ar (Nu 21 15); Ataroth, Dibon, Jazer, Nimrah, Ncbo (32 3); Beth-peor (Dt 3 29);

      Beth-diblaim, Bozrah, Kerioth (Jer 48 22-24); Kir (Lsa 15 1); Medeba, Elealeh, Zoar (Isa 15 2.4.5); Kirheres (16 11); Sibmah (Josh 13 19); in all some 45 place-names in Moab are known, most of the towns being in ruins. Kir of Moab is represented in the modern Kcrak, the most im portant of all and the government center of the district. Madeba now represents the ancient Medeba, and has become noted for the discovery of a mediaeval map of Pal, in mosaic, of consider able archaeological value. Rabbath-moab and Heshbon (modern Rabba and Hesbari) are miserable villages, and the country is subject to the raids of the Bedawin tribes of the neighboring desert, which discourages agriculture. But the land is still good pasture ground for cattle and sheep, as in ancient times (Nu 32 3.4).

      The Moabites were of Sem stock and of kin to the

      Hebrews, as is indicated by their descent from Lot,

      the nephew of Abraham (Gen 19 30-

      2. The 37), and by their language which is People practically the same as the Heb. This

      is clear from the inscription on the M S, a monument of Mesha, king of Moab, erected about S50 BC, and discovered among the ruins of Dibon in 1SG8. It contains 34 lines of about 9 words each, written in the old Phoen and Heb characters, corresponding to the Siloam inscription and those found in Phoenicia, showing that it is a dialect of the Scm tongue prevailing in Pal. The original inhabitants of Moab were the Emim (Dt 2 10), "a people great .... and tall, as the Anakim." When these were deposed by the Moabites we do not know. The latter are not mentioned in the Am Tab and do not appear on the Egyp monuments before the 14th cent. BC, when they seem to be referred to under the name of Ruten, or Luten or Lotan, i.e. Lot (Paton, Syria and Pal) , Muab appears in a list of names on a monument of Rarn- eses III of the XXth Dynasty. The country lay outside the line of march of the Egyp armies, and this accounts for the silence of its monuments in regard to them.

      The chief deity of Moab was Chemosh (ETa? ,

      k c mosh ), frequently mentioned in the OT and on

      the M S, where King Mesha speaks

      3. Religion of building a high place in his honor

      because he was saved by him from his enemies. He represents the oppression of Moab by Omri as the result of the anger of Chemosh, and Mesha made war against Israel by command of Chemosh. He was the national god of Moab, as Molech was of Ammon, and it is pretty certain that he was propitiated by human sacrifices (2 K 3 27). But he was not the only god of Moab, as is clear from the account in Nu 25, where it is also clear that their idolatrous worship was corrupt. They had their Baalim like the nations around, as may be inferred from the place-names compounded with Baal, such as Bamoth-baal, Beth-baal-meon and Baal-peor.

      We know scarcely anything of the history of the Moabites after the account of their origin in Gen

      19 until the time of the exodus. It

      4. History would seem, ho\\\\vever, that they had

      suffered from the invasions of the Amorites, who, under their king Sihon, had sub dued the northern part of Moab as far as the Arnon (Nu 21 21-31). This conquest was no doubt a result of the movement of the Amorites southward, when they were pressed by the great wave of Hittite invasion that overran Northern Syria at the end of the 15th and the early part of the 14th cents. BC. The Amorites were forced to seek homes in Pal, and it would seem that a portion of them crossed the Jordan and occupied Northern Moab, and here the Israelites found them as they approached the



      Moab, Moabites Moabite Stone

      Promised Land. They did not, at first disturb the Moabites in the S., but passed around on the east ern border (Dt 2 8.9) and came into conflict with the Amorites in the N. (Nu 21 21-26), defeating them and occupying the territory (vs 31-32). But when Balak son of Zippor, king of Moab, saw what a powerful people was settling on his border, he made alliance with the Midianites against them and called in the aid of Balaam, but as he could not induce the latter to curse them he refrained from attacking the Israelites (Nu 22, 24). The latter, however, suffered disaster from the people of Moab through their intercourse with them (Nu 25). Some time before the establishment of the kingdom in Israel the Midianites overran Moab, as would appear from the passage in Gen 36 35, but the con quest was not permanent, for Moab recovered its lost territory and became strong enough to encroach upon Israel across the Jordan. Eglon of Moab oppressed Israel with the aid of Ammon and Amalek (Jgs 3 13-14), but Eglon was assassinated by Ehud, and the Moabite yoke was cast off after 18 years. Saul smote Moab, but did not subdue it (1 S 14 47), for we find David putting his father and mother under the protection of the king of Moab when per secuted by Saul (1 S 22 3.4). But this friendship between David and Moab did not continue. When David became king lie made war upon Moab and completely subjugated it (2882). On the di vision of the kingdom between Rehoboam and Jeroboam the latter probably obtained possession of Moab (1 K 12 20), but "it revolted and Omri had to reconquer it (M S), and it was tributary to Ahab (2 K 1 1). It revolted again in the reign of Ahaziah (2 K 1 1; 3 5), and Moab and Ammon made war on Jehoshaphat and Mt . Seir and destroyed the latter, but they afterward fell out among them selves and destroyed each other (2 Ch 20). Je hoshaphat and Jehoram together made an expedition into Moab and defeated the Moabites with great slaughter (2 K 3). But Mesha, king of Moab, was not subdued (ver 27), and afterward completely freed his land from the dominion of Israel (MS). This was probably at the time when Israel and Judah were at war with Hazael of Damascus (2 K 8 2S.29). Bands of Moabites ventured to raid the land of Israel when weakened by the conflict with Hazael (2 K 13 20), but Moab was probably sub dued again by Jeroboam II (2 K 14 2">), which may be the disaster to Moab recounted in Isa 15. After Mesha we find a king of the name of Salamanu and another called Chemosh-nadab, the latter being subject to Sargon of Assyria. He revolted against Sennacherib, in alliance with other kings of Syria and Pal and Egypt, but was subdued by him, and another king, Mutsuri, was subject to Esarhaddon. These items come to us from the Assyr monuments. When Babylon took the place of Assyria in the suzerainty, Moab joined other tribes in urging Judah to revolt but seems to have come to terms with Nebuchadnezzar before Jerus w r as taken, as we hear nothing of any expedition of that king against her. On the war described in Jth, in which Moab (1 12, etc) plays a part, see JUDITH.

      At a later date Moab was overrun by the Na- bathacan Arabs who ruled in Petra and extended their authority on the east side of Jordan even as far as Damascus (Jos, Ant, XIII, xv, 1,2). The Moabites lost their identity as a nation and were afterward confounded with the Arabs, as we see in the statement of Jos (XIII, xiii, 5), where he says that Alexander (Jannaeus) overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and the Gilead- ites. Alexander built the famous stronghold of Machaerus in Moab, on a hill overlooking the Dead Sea, which afterward became the scene of the im prisonment and tragical death of John the Baptist

      (Jos, BJ, VII, vi, 2; Ant, XVIII, v, 2; Mk 6 21- 28). It was afterward destroyed by the Romans. Kir became a fortress of the Crusaders under the name of Krak (Kcrak), which held out against the Moslems until the time of Saladin, who captured it in 1188 AD.

      LITERATURE. Comms. on the passages in the OT relating to Moab, and histories of Israel; Puton, Early History of Syria and J al; liawlinsoil. Anrirnt Mon archies, esp. Assyria and Babylonia; Condor, Ileth and Moab; G. A. Smith, JJGHL; the Moabite Stone; Jo- sephus.

      H. PORTER

      MOABITE STONE: A monument erected at Dibon (Dhiban) by Mesha, king of Moab (2 K 3 4.5), to commemorate his successful revolt from Israel and his conquest of Israelitish territory. It was discovered, August 19, 1808, by a German mis-

      Moabite Stone.

      (I EF Pilot,,.)

      sionary, Rev. V. Klein, who unfortunately took neither copy nor squeeze of it. It was 3 ft. 10 in. high and 2 ft. broad, with a semicircular top. The Berlin Museum entered into negotiations for the purchase of it, but while these were proceeding slowly, M. Clermont-Ganneau, then dragoman of the French consulate at Jerus, sent agents to take squeezes and tempt the Arabs to sell it for a large sum of money. This led to interference on the part of the Turkish officials, with the result that in 1869 the Arabs lighted afire under the Stone, and by pouring cold water on it broke it into pieces which they carried away as charms. M. Clermont- Ganneau, however, succeeded in recovering a large proportion of these, and with the help of the squeezes was able to rewrite the greater part of the inscrip tion. The last and most definitive edition of the text was published by Professors Smend and Socin in 1886 from a comparison of the fragments of the original (now in the Louvre) with the squeezes (in Paris and Bale) and photographs. The following is (with some unimportant correc-

      Moabite Stone Moladah


      lions) Dr. Neubauer s ir of (he inscription, based upon Siiiciitl ;unl Socin s text: "(1) I htm] Mesha, son of Chemosh-melech, king of Moab, t he Dibon it e. (2) My father reigned over Moab 30 years and I reigned (3) after my father. I have; made this monument. |or high place) for Cliemosli at Qorhah, a monument of salvation, (1) for he waved mo from all invaders [or kings], and let me see my desire upon all my enemies. Omri (5) was king of Israel, and he oppressed Moab many days, for Chemosh was angry with his (0) land. His son [Ahab] followed him and ho also said: 1 will oppress Moab. In my days [Chemosh] said: (7) I will see [my desire) on him and his house, and Israel surely shall perish for ever. Omri took the land of (S) Medeba [Nu 21 30], and [Israel] dwelt in it during his days and half the days of his son, altogether 40 years. But Chomosh [gave] if bark (9) in my days. I built Baal-Meon [Josh 13 17] and made therein the ditches [or wells]; 1 built (10) Kirjathaim [Nu 32 37]. The men of Gad dwelt in the land of Ataroth [Nu 32 3] from of old, and the king of Israel built there (11) [the city of] Ataroth; but I made war against the city and took it. And I slew all the [people of] (12) the city, for the pleasure of Che mosh and of Moab, and I brought back from them the Arel [bS"!S] of Dodali [nTH] and bore (13) him before Chemosh in Qerioth [Jer 48 24]. And I placed therein the men of Sharon and the men

      (14) of Mehercth. And Chemosh said unto me: Go, seize Nebo of Israel and (1,5) I went in the night and fought against it from the break of dawn till noon; and I took (10) it, slew all of them, 7,000 men and [boys?], women and [girls?], (17) and female slaves, for to Asht ar-Chemosh I devoted them. And I took from thence the Arcls pbSIS]

      (15) of Yahweh and bore them before Chemosh. Now the king of Israel had built (19) Jahaz [Isa 15 4], and he dwelt in it while he waged war against me, but Chemosh drove him out from before me. And (20) I took from Moab 200 men, all chiefs, and transported them to Jahaz which I took (21) to add to Dibon. I built Qorhah, the Wall of the Forests and the Wall (22) of the Ophel, and I built its gates and I built its towers. And (23) I built the House of Moloch, and I made sluices for the wafer-ditches in the midst (24) of the city. And there was no cistern within the city of Qorhah, and I said to all the people: Make for (25) yourselves every man a cistern in his house. And I dug the canals [or conduits] for Qorhah by means of the prisoners (20) from Israel. I built Aroer [Dt 2 30], and I made the road in Arnon. And (27) I built Beth-Ramoth [Nu 26 19] for it was destroyed. I built Bezer [Dt 4 43], for in ruins (28) [it was. And all the chiefs?] of Dibon wore 50, for all Dibon is loyal, and I (29) placed 100 [chiefs?] in the cities which I added to the land; I built (30) [Beth]- Mede[b]a [Nu 21 30] and Beth-diblathaim [Jer 48 22], and Beth-Baal-Meon [Jer 48 23], and transported the shepherds [?] (31) .... [with] the flockfs] of the land. Now in Iloronaim [Isa 15 5] there dwelt [the children ?] . . . . (32) .... [and] Chemosh said unto me: Go down, make war upon Horonaim. So I went down [and made war (33) upon the city, and took it, and] Chemosh dwelt in it during my days. And I went up [?] from thence; I made .... (34) . . . And I . ..."

      The Bib. character of the language of the inscrip tion will be noticed as well as the use of "forty" to signify an indefinite period of time. As in Israel, no goddess seems to have been worshipped in Moab, since the goddess Ashtoreth is deprived of the feminine suffix, and is identified with the male Chemosh ( Ashtar-Chemosh) . Dodah appears to have been a female divinity worshipped by the

      side of "\\\\ ahweh ; the root of the name is the same as that of David and the Carthaginian Dido. The .4/vY.s were "the; champions" of the deitv (Assyr (/iirtir/), Ir 1 "lion-like men" in AY (2 S 23 20; cf Isa 33 7). There was an Ophol in the Moabite capital as well as at Jerus.

      The alphabet of the inscription is an early form of the Phoenician, and resembles that of the earliest Or inscriptions. The words are divided from one another by dots, and the curved forms of some of the letters (h, k, I, in, it) presuppose writing with ink upon papyrus, parchment or potsherds.

      The revolt of Mesha took place after Aliab s death (2 K 3 5). At the battle of Qarqar in S54 BC, when the Syrian kings wore defeated by Shalmaneser II, no mention is made of Moab, as it was included in Israel. It would seem from the inscription, however, that Modeba had already been restored to Mesha, perhaps in return for the regular paymontof his tributeof 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams with their wool (2 K 3 4).

      LITKUATTHK. Clcrmont-Ganneau, La stele <lf .!/< ..</. 1870; (linsbiirtf, Monhitr Stone, 1.S71; R. Sniend and A. Socill, l)i<- 1 nxrhrift des Ki niiu* MI.^I ton Munh. IS.Sd; A. Xcilliiuicr ill Ifn oritx of tin- J dxt. 2(1 srr.. II, is.S .i; Ijidzlmrski. 11 nmlhucli </<; norilxtwitixctirn Epigraphik, 1898, 4-8:i, 415.

      A. II. SAYCE

      MOABITESS, md ab-it-es, mo-ab-I tes (rVpXI E , mo ubltlyali) : A woman, or in pi. women, of Moab. The term is applied to Ruth (1 22; 2 2.0.21; 4 5.10); to some of Solomon s wives (1 K 11 1); and to Shirnrith, whose son shared in the murder of King Joash (2 Ch 24 20). See MOAB.

      MOADIAH, mo-a-di a. See MAADIAH.

      MOCHMUR, mok mur, THE BROOK (6 xd- jjiappos Moxi-ioiip, ho chclmarrhos Mochmour): The torrent bed in a valley on which stood Chusi, not far from Ekrebel (Jtli 7 18). The latter may be identified with * Akrabeh, E. of Nublus. Wady Makhf iirlych runs to the S. of *Akrabeh, and prob ably represents the ancient Mochmur.

      MOCK, mok, MOCKER, mok er, MOCKING,

      mok ing (^ Tri , hdthal, ^??, lu^agh, (j.iraia>, I lHpa tzn): To mock is the tr of huthal, "to play upon," "mock," "deride" (Jgs 16 10.13.15; 1 K 18 27, "Elijah mocked them"; Job 13 9 bix, RY "deceiveth," "deceive," m "mocketh," "mock"); of ld l agh, "to stammer" or "babble in mimicry," "to mock" or "scorn" (2 Ch 30 10; Neh 4 1; Job 11 3; 21 3; Prov 1 20; 17 5; 30 17; Jer 20 7). Other words are <;ahak, "to laugh," etc (Gen 19 14;

      21 9; 39 14.17); kola?, "to call out," or "cry after," "to scoff" or "mock at" (2 K 2 23; Ezk

      22 5); sahak, "to laugh," "mock" (Job 39 22; Lam 1 7); lilt;, "to scorn" (Prov 14 9); x hok, "laughter," "derision" (Job 12 4); cm/xuzd, "to treat as a child," "mock" (Mt 2 10; 20 19; 27 29.31.41; Lk 14 29, etc); diachleudzo, "to mock." "laugh," etc (Acts 2 13; 17 32); mnklcrizd, "to sneer at," "mock," lit. "to turn up the nose" (Gal 6 7, "God is not mocked," "will not let himself be mocked"); liriye\\\\<iu, epigeldo, "laugh" (Job 2 8;

      I Mace 7 34; cf 2 Mace 7 39; 8 17). Mocker, huthiittm, "deceivers," "mockers" (Job

      172); /itf (Prov 20 1; Isa 28 22 AY); Itffyh, "stammering," "mocking" (Ps 35 10;cflsa 28 11); sdhak (Jer 15 17); cmpaiktcs, "a mocker," "scoffer," lit. "sporting as children" (Jude ver 18; cf 2 Pet 3 3).

      Mocking is the tr of kalldsdh, "mocking," "derision" (Ezk 22 4); of empaigmds (LXX for kalliiKdh) (He

      II :i; Wiscl 12 25; Ecclus 27 28, "mockery"; 2 Mace 7 7, " mockiiiK-stock," RV "the mockinsi"; ver



      Moabite Stone Moladah

      10, "made a rnocking-stock" [cmixtiz (Ecclus 33 r.

      For "mocked of" (Job 12 4) RV has "a laughing-stock to"; for "mockers" (Isa 28 --J. KH V " sconier," ARV "scoirer"; for "the mockers" (.ler 15 17), "them that made merry"; for "scorncth" (Prov 19 2S), "mocketh at"; for "As one man mocketh another, do ve so mock him?" (.Job 13 in, "Asonedeceivethaman will ye deceive him?" (m "mocketh," "mock"); "mock" for "laugh" (Job 9 23) ; for "There shall come in the last days scoffers" (i> Pet 3 <), "in the last days [m "Or in the last of the days"] mockers shall come with mockery" (i ini>aiijmonc empaiktai ).

      \\\\V. L. WALKER


      MODERATELY, mod er-at-li (fifHSb , lif- dhakah): " Moderately" is tlie AV tr oilifdhakah, "righteousness" (Joel 2 23, "for he hath given you the former rain moderately," in "according to right eousness," RV "in just measure, " m "in |or for] righteousness"). In Phil 4 5 AV, tm: pit ikcx is tr 1 moderation: "Let your moderation be known unto all men. The Lord is at hand," RV "forbear ance, m "or gentleness"; ef 2 Cor 10 1. The proper meaning of this word lias been the subject of considerable discussion; cpiiikcia is tr 1 "clem ency" (Acts 24 4), "gentleness" (of Christ) (2 Cor 10 1 i; epieikts is "gentle" (1 Tim 3 3: Tit 3 2; Jas 3 17; 1 Pet 2 IS).

      Trench says (Synonyms nf (lie XT, 151): " It- expresses exactly that moderation which recognizes the impossi bility cleaving to formal law, of anticipating and pro viding for all cases that Mill emerge and present them selves to it for decision; which, with this, recognizes the danger that ever waits upon the assertion of ln./ul rights, lest they should be pushed into murnl. wrongs, lest the sum mum JUK should in practice prove the xumma injuria, which therefore-, pushes not its own rights to the uttermost, but going back in part or in the whole from these, rectifies and redresses the injustices of jus tice. It is thus more truly just than strict justice would have been; no Latin word exactly and adequately ren ders it ; clemi ntiti sets forth one side of it, an/ nit UK another, and perhaps in (by which the Vulg tr" it in 2 Cor 10 1) a third; but the word is wanting which should set fort h all t hese excellences reconciled in a single and higher one." Its archetype and pattern, he [joints out, is found in God, who does not stand upon or assert strict rights in His relations to men.

      Light foot has "forbearance": "Let your gentle and forbearing spirit be recognized by all men. The judgment is drawing nigh." Hastings prefers "con- siderateness" or "sweet reasonableness" (H DI3, III, 413,) ; " (lentleness and forbearance are too passive. The considerateness of the Bible, whether applied to C!od or man, is an active virtue. It is the Spirit of the Messiah Himself, who will not break the bruised reed nor quench the smoking flax, and it is the spirit, of every follower who realizes that the Lord is at hand. " The want of this "considerate- ness" too often mars our religious life and spoils its influence. W. L. WALKER

      MODERATION, mod-er-a shun (TO cimiKe s, to epieikes) : The word occurs once in AV, Phil 4 5.

      MODIN, mo din (Mco8iv, Modccin, MuSeCv, Modein, McoSeein, Modeeim, and other forms; in the Talm it is called D" I 3 "T1?2 , inotlhl^lin, and Pi" 1 "" 1 ""!^ , modhl*llh [Neubauer, Gt oyrajtlu e du Talm, 99]): This place owes its interest to the part it played in the history of the Maccabees. It was the ancestral home of their family (1 Mace 2 17.70). Hither Mattathias, a priest of the sons of Joarib, retired when he had seen with a burning heart "the blas phemies that were committed in Judah and in Jems" under the orders of Antiochus Epiphanes. But the king s officer followed him, and by offers of the king s friendship and great rewards sought to seduce the people into idolatry. This only fed the indignation of Mattathias, and when a Jew went forward to sacrifice, Mattathias slew him on

      the altar together with the king s officer. From such a step there could be no going back. Thus began the patriotic enterprise which, led by the old priest s heroic sons, was destined to make illustrious the closing days of the nation s life (1 Mace 2 1 ff ; Ant, VI, i, 2; BJ, I, i, 3). Mattathias, his wife and sons were all buried in Modin (1 Mace 2 70; 9^19; 13 25-30; Ant, XII, xi, 2; XIII, vi, (i). Near Modin Judas pitched his camp, whence issuing by night with the watchword "Victory is God s," he and a chosen band of warriors over whelmed the army of Antiochus Eupator (2 Mace 13 14). In Modin Judas and John, the sons of Simon, slept before the battle in which they defeated Cendebaeus (1 Mace 16 4).

      Of the impressive monument erected by Simon over the tombs of his parents and brethren Stanley ( of tin- Jewish Church, 111, HIS) gives the following account : " It was a square structure surrounded by colonnades of monolith pillars, of which the front aiul back were of white polished stone. Seven pyramids were erected by Simon on the summit, for the father and mot her and four brothers who now lay there, with the seventh for him self when his time should come. On the faces of the monuments were bas-reliefs, representing the accoutre ments of sword and spear and shield for an eternal memorial of their many battles. There were also sculptures of ships no doubt to record their interest in that long seaboard of the Phili coast, which they were the lirst to use for their country s good. A monument at once so Jewish in idea and so gentile in execution was worthy of the combination of patriotic fervor and high philosophic enlargement of soul which raised the Macca- bean heroes so high above their age." Cuerin (La tia marie, II, 401; Galilee, I, 47) thought he had dis covered the remains of this monument at Khirbet el- Gharbawi near Me/lijeh. in 1X70. In this, however, he was mistaken, the remains being of Christian origin.

      Various identifications have been proposed. So/xl, about miles W. of Jerus, was for a time gen erally accepted. Robinson (lilt, 111, 151 f) sug- gcsted Lnt run. There is now a consensus of opin ion in favor of d-Mctlijcli, a village to the E. of Wadij Mulaki, 13 miles \\\\V. of Bethel. It occupies a strong position in the hills 6 miles E. of Lydda, thus meeting the condition of Onoin which places it near Lydda. The identification was suggested by Dr. Sandreczki of Jerus in ISO!). From d- Medyeh itself t e F^"- is-- not visible; but to the S. rises a rocky height, cr-Itdx, which commands a wide view, including the plain and the sea. The latter is 10 miles distant. If the monument of Simon stood on er-Ras, which from the rock cut tings seems not improbable, it would be seen very clearly by overlooking from the sea, esp. toward sunset (1 Mace 13 29). About j mile W. of el-Mcdych are tombs known as Kubur d- Ychud, one bearing the name of Sheikh el-Gharbawi, whose name attaches to the ruins. This is the tomb referred to above.

      \\\\Y. EWIXG

      MOETH, mo eth (Mtoe 9, MdctJi): Called "son of Sabannus," one of the Levites to whom, with the priest Mermoth, the silver and gold brought by Ezra from Babylon were committed (1 Esd 8 03) = "Noadiah" of Ezr 8 33, but there styled "son of Binnui."

      MOLADAH, mol a-da, mo-lfi da , m d-

      ludhuh; MX.aSd, Molailu): A place in the far south (Ncgcbfi) of Judah, toward Edom (Josh 15 20), reckoned to Simeon (19 2; 1 Ch 4 28). It was repeopled after the captivity (Neh 11 20). It is mentioned always in close proximity to Beersheba. Moladah is probably identical with Malatha, a city in Idumaea to which Agrippa at one time with drew himself (Jos, Ant, XVIII, vi, 2). The site of this latter city has by Robinson and others been considered to be the ruins and wells of Tdl d-Milh, some 13 miles to the E. of Beersheba and some 7 miles S.W. of Arad. The chief difficulty is the statement of Eusebius and Jerome that Malatha

      Mole Momdis



      was "by Jattir," i.e. Altir; if Iliis is correct Ihe 7V// el-Milk is impossible, as it is 10 miles from M///V, and we have no light at all on the site. See SALT, CITY OF. For 7V// d-Milh se<> I>Kt\\\\ III,

      415-16, Sll XXV. E. W. (

      MOLE, mdl ([1] rpr;P, tinxficim-th, AV "mole," RV chameleon"; LXX do-ird\\\\a|, aspd/ax = o-ird- Xa, s/>dliu; "mole." Vulg /a//7, "mole" [Lev 11 30]; [2] "i ~n, holi dh, EV "weasel"; LXX -yaXfj,

      l" <7/r, "weasel" or "pole-cat"; cf Arab. cM--^ ,

      Mul.l, "mole-rat" [Lev 11 2 .)]; [3| nilllSn, haphar-jifnltti, EV "moles"; from "ISH, hdphar,

      "to dig"; cf Arab. ,jbs> , hnfar, "to elig," and rnS ,

      7K~re7//, "mole" or "nil," for HISS , p t~rah, from ^/


      "IS E, wd ar, "to dig"; cf Arab. S,li, / //, or

      S.U, ///, "rat," "mouse," from ! Ls , fa ur,

      "to dig"; LXX TOIS (AaTatcHs, ioix ii/ultiioix, "vain, idle, or profane persons" [Isa 2 20]): (1) Tin- shcmcth is the last of S unclean "creeping things" in Lev 11 20. 30. The word occurs also in Lev 11 in IS and l)t 14 1C), tr 1 AV "swan," RV "horned owl," LXX iropfivpluv, porptiur ulH, "coot" or "heron." See CHAMKLKON. (2) Hdlcdli is the first in the same list. The word occurs nowhere else, and is tr d "weasel" in EV, but comparison with the Arab. khuld has led to the suggestion that "mole-rat" would be a better tr. See WEASEL. (3) In Isa 2 20, "In that day men shall cast away their idols . . . . to the moles and to the bats," haphar-peroth, variously written as one word or two, is tr d "moles" in EV, but has given rise to much conjecture.

      The European "mole," Talpa europca, is exten sively distributed in the temperate parts of Europe and Asia, but is absent from Syria and Pal, its place being taken by the mole-rat, tfpald.r typhlua. The true mole belongs to the Ittwclirora, and feeds on earth-worms and insect larvae, but in making its tunnels and nests, it incid. nS if injures gardens and lawns. The mole-rat belong; to the Rodentia, and has teeth of the same general type as those of a rat or squirrel, large, chisel-shaped incisors behind which is a large vacant space, no canines, and prae- molars and molars with grinding surfaces. It is larger than the mole, but of the same color, and, like the mole, is blind. It makes tunnels much like those of the mole. It is herbivorous and has been observed to seize growing plants and draw them down into its hole. In one of its burrows a central chamber has been found filled with entire plants of the hummus or chick-pea, and two side chambers containing pods plucked from the plants in the central chamber. While; the mole digs with its powerful and peculiarly shaped front feet, the mole-rat digs with its nose, its feet being normal in shape. See LI/AKD. ALFRED ELY DAY

      MOLECH, md lek, MOLOCH, mel lok (jfV En , ha-molckh, always with the art., except in 1 K il 7; LXX 6 MoXox, ln> Mnlocfi, sometimes also MoXx6(i, Molchoni, MeXxoX, Mclchol; Vulg Moloch):

      1. The Name

      2. The Worship in OT History

      3. The Worship in tin- Prophets

      4. Nature of the Worship

      5. Origin and Kxtent of tho Worship LITERATURE

      The name of a heathen divinity whose worship figures largely in the later history of the kingdom of Judah. As the national god of the Ammonites, he is known as "Milcom" (1 K 11 5.7), or "Malcam" ("Malcan" is an alternative reading in 2 S 12

      30.31; cf Jer 49 1.3; Zeph 1 5, where RVm reads

      "their king"). The use of /riacriXe^s, basilc.UH, and

      &PXUV, firclivii, as a tr of the name by

      1. The the LXX suggests that it may have Name been originally the Heb word for

      "king," melekh. Molech is obtained from melekh by the substitution of the vowel points of Heb hilfihi lh, signifying "shame." From the obscure and difficult passage, Am 5 26, RV has removed "your Moloch" and given "your king," but LXX had here tr 1 "Moloch," and from the LXX it found its way into the Acts (7 43), the only occurrence! of the name in the NT.

      In the! Le vitie-al ordinance s elelivered to the; Israel- it e;s by Mose s there; are; stern prohibitions of Molech-

      worship (Lev 18 21; 20 2-5). Par-

      2. The alle>l to these; prohibitions, although the Worship in name! of the god is not mentioned, OT History are- those; of the Deuteronomic Code

      whe re; the abominations of the Canaan- ites are forbielde;n, anel the burning of their sems anel daughters in the fire (te> Mejlech) is condemned as the climax of their wickedness (Dt 12 31; 18 10-13). The; re-fe-re-ne cs to Male-am, anel to David s causing the; inhabitants e,f Rabbath Ammon to pass through the brick kiln (2 S 12 30.31), are not sufne;iently e-le-ar to found upon, because of the uncertainty e>f the 1 readings. Solomon, uneler the influence of his idolatrous wive>s, built high place s for Che>mosh, the abennination e>f Meiab, and for Mileom, the abemiination of the chilelren of Ammon. See CHEMOSH. Because e)f this apostasy it was inti- mate d by the prophe t Ahijah, that the kingdom was te> be re>nt emt of the hand of Solomon, anel ten tribe s given te> Je roboam (1 K 11 31-33). These; high plae-e-s survived to the time of Josiah, who, amemg his other we>rks of reiligiotis reformation, elestre)yeel and ele file d the-m, filling their plae-es with the bone s of me;n (2 K 23 12-14). Me>le>ch- worshij) hael evidently received a great impulse from Ahax, who, like; Ahab of Israel, was a supporter of foreign re;ligiems (2 K 16 12 ff). lie also "made his sem to pass thremgh the fire, accoreling to the abe)ininatie)ns e>f the nations, whom Je h cast out fre>m be fore the; chilelren of Israel" (2 K 16 3). His grandson Manasseh, so far from following in the; footsteps e)f his father Ile/ekiah, who hael made gre-at re fetrms in the worship, reared altars for Baal, and be siele-s other abominations which he practised, made his son to pass through the fire (2 K 21 6). The chie f site of this worship, of whie-h Aha/ anel Manasse-h we re the promoters, was Topheth in the; Valley e>f Ilinneim, or, as it is also calleel, the Valley of the Children, e>r of the Sem of Hinnom, lying to the S.\