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All Entries for LETTER "N"



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      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






    All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

    Letter "N"


    Letter "N"



    NAAM, (nii am)

      A son of Kaleb (Caleb) (1 Ch 4:15).

    NAAMAH, (na a-ma)
      ( "pleasant "; Nofj.d, Noemd) :

      (1) Daughter of Lamech and Zillah, and sister of Tubal-cain (Gen 4 22; cf Jos, Ant, 1, ii 2).

      (2) An Ammonitish woman whom Solomon married, and who became the mother of Rehoboam (1 K 14 21; 2 Ch 12 13). According to an addi tion in LXX following 1 K 12 24, "her name was Naaman, the daughter of Ana [Hanun] son of Na- hash, king of the sons of Anmion" (see Benzinger, Koniyc, in loc.).

    NAAMAH: ( na'amah; )

      (1) One of a group of 16 lowland (Shephelah) cities forming part of Judah s inheritance (Josh 15


      (2) The home of Zophar, one of Job s friends (Job 2 11, etc). See NAAMATHITE.

    NAAMAN, na a-man
      ("pleasantness"; LXX BA, A successful Syrian general, high in the confidence and esteem of the king of Syria, and honored by his fellow-countrymen as their deliverer (2 K 6~l-27). Afflicted with leprosy, he heard from a Heb slave-maid in his household of the wonder working powers of an Israelitish prophet. Sent by his master with a letter couched in somewhat peremptory terms to the king of Israel, he came to Samaria for healing.

      The king of Israel was filled with suspicion and alarm by the demands of the letter, and rent his clot lies; but Elisha the prophet intervened, and sent word to Naaman that he must bathe himself seven times in the Jor dan. He at first haughtily resented the humil iation and declined the cure; but on the remon strance of his attendants he yielded and obtained cleansing.

      At once he returned to Samaria, testi fied his gratitude by the offer of large gifts to the prophet, confessed his faith in Elisha s God, and sought leave to take home with him enough of the soil of Canaan for the erection of an altar to Jeh.

      The narrative is throughout consistent and natu ral, admirably and accurately depicting the con dition of the two kingdoms at the time. The char acter of Naaman is at once attractive and manly. His impulsive patriotic preference for the streams of his own land does not lessen the reader s esteem for him, and the favorable impression is deepened by his hearty gratitude and kindness.

      The Israelitish king is most probably Jehoram, son of Ahab, and the Syrian monarch Ben-hadad II. Jos (Ant, VIII, xv, 5) identifies Naaman with the man who drew his bow at a venture, and gave Ahab his death wound (1 K 22 34). There is one ref erence to Naaman in the NT. In Lk 4 27 v Jesus, rebuking Jewish exclusiveness, mentions "Naaman the Syrian."

      (2) A son of Benjamin (Gen 46 21.6). Fuller and more precise is the description of Nu 26 38.40, where he is said to be a son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (see also 1 Ch 8 3 f). JOHN A. LEES

    NAAMATHITE, na a-ma-thit,

      "a dweller in Naaman"; The description of Zophar, one of Job s friends (Job 2 11; 11 1; 20 1, etc). Naamah is too common a place-name to permit of the identification of Zophar s home; LXX renders "king of the Minaeans."

    NAAMITE ( na'arah; )
      na a-mlt H^SH , ha-na*dml, "the Naamite") : A family which traced its descent from Naaman (Nu 26 40). See NAAMAX, (2).

    NAARAH ( na'arah; )
      NAARAH, na a-ra (i~ny: , na drah, "a girl"): One of the two wives of Ashhur, father of Tekoa (1 Ch 4 5).

    NAARATH( na'arah; )
      AV Naarath): A town in the territory of Ephraim (Josh 16 7). It appears as "Naaran" in 1 Ch 7:28. Onom (s.v. "Noorath") places it 5 from miles from Jericho. The name has not been recovered, and no identification is certain. The position would agree with that of el-Aujeh, about 5 miles N.E. of Jericho.

    NAARAI, na'a-ri
      Son of Ezbai, one of David's heroes (1 Ch 11:37). In the passage (2 Sam 23:35), he is called "Paarai the Arbite." The true forms of the name and description are uncertain (see Budde, Richter u. Samuel, and Curtis, Chronicles).

    NAARAN, na'a-ran,
      NAARATH, na'a-rath - See Naarah.

    NAASHON, na'a-shon, na-ash'on,
      NAASON, na'a-son, NAASSON.nft-as'on (Naao-o-iiv, Naasson): AV Gr form of "Nahshon" (thus RV) (Mt 1:4; Lk 3:32).

    NAATHXJS, na'a-thus
      One of the sons of Addi who put away his foreign wife (1 Esdras 9:31). It apparently corresponds to "Adna" of Ezra 10:30, of which it is a transposition.

    NABAL, na'bal
      ( "foolish" or "wicked"; A wealthy man of Maon in the highlands of Judah, not far from Hebron, owner of many sheep and goats which he pastured around Carmel in the same district. He was a churlish and wicked man (1 Sam 25:2-10).

      When David was a fugitive from Saul, he and his followers sought refuge in the wilderness of Paran, near the possessions of Nabal, and protected the latter's flocks and herds from the marauding Bedouin.

      David felt that some compensation was due him for such services (vs 15 and 25), so, at the time of sheep-shearing — an occasion of great festivities among sheep masters — he sent 10 of his young men to Nabal to solicit gifts of food for himself and his small band of warriors.

      Nabal not only refused any assistance or presents, but sent back insulting words to David, whereupon the latter, becoming very angry, determined upon the extermination of Nabal and his household and dispatched 400 men to execute his purpose.

      Abigail, Nabal's wife, a woman of wonderful sagacity and prudence as well as of great beauty, having learned of her husband's conduct and of David's intentions, hurriedly pro- ceeded, with a large supply of provisions, dainties and wine, to meet David and to apologize for her husband's unkind words and niggardliness, and thus succeeded in thwarting the bloody and re- vengeful plans of Israel's future king.

      On her return home she found her husband in the midst of a great celebration ("like the feast of a king"), drunken with wine, too intoxicated to realize his narrow escape from the sword of David. On the following morning, when sober, having heard the report of his wife, he was so overcome with fear that he never recovered from the shock, but died 10 days later (vs 36-38).

      When David heard of his death, he sent for Abigail, who soon afterward became one of his wives. W. W. Davies

    NABARIAS, nab-a-ri'as
      One of those who stood upon Ezra's left hand as he expounded the Law (1 Esdras 9:44). Esdras (loc. cit.) gives only 6 names, whereas Nehemiah (Neh 8:4) gives 7.

      It is probable that the last (MeshuUam) of Nehemiah's list is simply dropped and that Nabarias = Hashbaddanah; or it may possibly be a corruption of Zechariah in Nehemiah's list.

    NABATAEANS, nab-a-te'-anz,
      NABATHAEANS, nab-a-the'anz (NaParatoi, Nabataloi in 1 Makkabees 5:25 AV Nabathites, more correctly "Nabataeans"):

      A Shemite (Arabian rather than Syrian) tribe whose home in early Hellenistic times was S.E. of Canaan/Philistia, where they had either supplanted;

      1. Locality mingled with the Edomites (cf Mai and Early 1 1-5). In Josephus' day they were Historically so numerous that the territory between the Red Sea and the Euphrates was called Nabatene (Ant, I, xii, 4).

      They extended themselves along the E. of the Jordan with Petra as their capital (Strabo xvi.779; Jos, Ant, XIV, i, 4; XVII, iii, 2; BJ, I, vi, 2, etc).

      Their earlier history is shrouded in obscurity. Jerome, Quaest in Gen 25 13, following the hint of Jos (Aiit, I, xii, 4), asserts they were identical with the Ishmaelite tribe of Nebaioth, which is possible, though Nebaioth is spelled with D and Nabataeans is not.

      They were apparently the first allies of the Assyrians in their invasions of Edom (cf Mai 1 1 S) . They were later subdued by Sennacherib (Sayce, New Light from the Ancient Monuments, II, 430), but before long regained their independence and resisted Ashurbanipal (Rawlinson, note, ad loc).

      According to Alexander Polyhistor (Fr. 18), they were included in the nomadic tribes reduced by David. Their history is more detailed from 312 BC (Diod. Sic. xix), when Antigonus I (Cyclops) sent his general Athenaeus with a force against them in Petra.

      After an initial advantage, the army of Athenaeus was almost annihilated. Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, was sent against them a few years later, with little success, though he arranged a friendship with them.

      The first prince mentioned is Aretas I, to whom the high priest Jason fled in 169 BC. They were friendly to the early Macca- bees in the anti-Hellenistic struggle, to Judas in 164 BC (1 Mace 5 25) and to Jonathan in 160 BC (9 35).

      Toward the end of the 2d cent. BC on the fall of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid Dynasties, the Na- bataeans under King Erotimus founded

      2. A Strong a strong kingdom extending E. of the Kingdom Jordan (in 110 BC). Conscious now of their own strength, they resented the ambition of the Hasmonean Dynasty — their former allies — and opposed Alexander Jannaeus (96 BC) at the siege of Gaza (Jos, Ant, XIII, xiii, 3).

      A few years later (90 BC) Alexander retaliated by attacking Obedas I, king of the Nabataeans, but suffered a severe defeat E. of the Jordan (Jos, Ant, XIII, xiii, 5; BJ, I, iv, 4). Antiochus XII of Coele-Syria next led an expedition against the Nabataeans, but was defeated and slain in the battle of Kana (Jos, Ant, XIII, xv, 1-2; BJ , I, iv, 7-8).

      Consequently, Aretas III seized Coele-Syria and Damascus and gained another victory over Alexander Jannaeus at Adida (in 85 BC). The Nabataeans, led by Aretas (III ?), espoused the cause of

      Hyrcanus against Aristobulus, be-

      3. Conflicts sieged the latter in Jerus and provoked

      the interference of the Romans, by whom under Scaurus they were defeated (Jos, Ant, XIV,i,4f; BJ,I,vi,2f). After the capture of Jerus, Pompey attacked Aretas, but was satisfied with a payment (Jos, ib), and Damascus was added to Syria, though later it appears to have again passed into the hands of Aretas (2 Cor 11 32). In 55 BC Gabinius led another force against the Nabataeans (Jos, ib).



    In 47 BC Malchus I assisted Caesar, but in 40 BC refused to assist Herod against the Parthians, thus provoking both the Idumaean Dynasty and the Romans. Antony made a present of part of Malchus' territory to Cleopatra, and the Nabataean kingdom was further humihated by dis- astrous defeat in the war against Herod (31 BC).

    Under Aretas IV (9 BC— 40 AD) the kingdom was recognized by Augustus. This king sided with

    the Romans against the Jews, and fur- 4. End of ther gained a great victory over Herod the Nation Antipas, who had divorced his daughter

    to marry Herodias. Under Eng Abias an expedition against Adiabene came to grief. Malchus II (48-71 AD) assisted the Romans in the conquest of Jerus (Jos, BJ, III, iv, 2). Rabel (71-106 AD) was the last king of the Nabataeans as a nation. In 106 AD their nationality was broken up by the vmwise policy of Trajan, and Ara- bia, of which Petra was the capital, was made a Rom province by Cornelius Palma, governor of Syria. Otherwise they might have at least contributed to protecting the West against the East. Diodorus (loc. cit.) represents the Nabataeans as a wild nomadic folk, witli no agriculture, but with flocks and herds and engaged in considerable trading. Later, however, they seem to have imbibed con- siderable Aramaean culture, and Aram, became at least the language of their commerce and diplomacy. They were also known as pirates on the Red Sea; they secured the harbor of Elah and the Gulf of 'Akaba. They traded between Egypt and Meso- potamia and carried on a lucrative commerce in myrrh, frankincense and costly wares {KGF, 4th ed [1901], I, 726-44, with full bibliography).

    S. Angus NABATHITES, nab'a-thits: AV = RV "Naba- thaeans."

    NABOTH, na'both, na'both (^132, nabhotk, from D13, mlbh, "a sprout"; N a^ovBai, Nabouthal): The owner of a vineyard contiguous to the palace of King Ahab. The king d&sired, by purchase or exchange, to add tlie vineyard to his own grounds. Naboth, however, refused to part on any terms with his paternal inheritance. This refusal made Ahab "heavy and displeased" (1 K 21 4). Jezebel, the king's wife, then took the matter in hand, and by false accusation on an irrelevant charge procured the death of Naboth by stoning (1 K 21 7-14). As Ahab was on his way to talve possession of the vineyard he met Elijah the prophet, who denounced his vile act and pronounced judgment on Idng and royal house. A temporary respite was given to Ahab because of a repentant mood (1 K 21 27-29) ; but later the blow fell, first upon himself in a con- flict with Syria (1 K 22 34-40); then upon his house through a conspiracy of Jehu, in which Jehoram, Ahab's son, and Jezebel, hia wife, were slain (2 K 9 2.5-26.30 ff). In both cases the cir- cumstances recalled the foul treatment of Naboth.

    Henry Wallace

    NABUCHODONOSOR, nab-Q-ko-don'6-sor (NaPouxo8ovoer6p, N ahouchodonosor) : LXX and Vulg form of "Nebuchadnezzar" ("Nebuchad- rezzar") found in AV of the Apoc in 1 Esd 1 40. 41.45.48; 2 10; 5 7; 6 26; Ad Est 11 4; Bar 1 9.11.12. It is the form used in AV of the Apoc throughout. In RV of Jth and Tob 14 1.5, the form "Nebuchadnezzar" is given.


    OF (1133 , nakhon; AV Nachon) : The place where Uzzah was smitten for putting forth his hand to steady the ark, hence called afterward "Perez- uzzah" (2 S 6 8); in the 1| passage (1 Ch 13 9)

    we have '"i"'? , kidhon, and in Jos (Ant, VII, iv, 2) XeiScii', Cheidon. In 1 S 23 23 the word nakhon occurs, and is tr>^ "of a certainty," m "with the certainty" or "to a set place"; also in 1 S 26 4 it is tr"* "of a certainty," m "to a set place." It is uncertain whether in 1 S 6 6 it is a place-name at all, and no successful attempt has been made to identify either Nacon or Chidon; possibly they are both personal names. E. W. G. Masterman

    NACHOR, na'kor (Nax»p, Nachor) AV; Gr form of "Nahor" (thus RV). Grandfather of Abraham (Lk 3 34).

    NADAB,na'dab {y\': , nadhahh, "noble"; NaSAp, Nadub) :

    (1) Aaron's first-born son (Ex 6 23; Nu 3 2; 26 60; 1 Ch 6 3 [Heb 5 29]; 24 1). He was permitted with Moses, Aaron, the 70 elders, and his brother Abihu to ascend Mt. Sinai and behold the God of Israel (Ex 24 1.9). He was associated with his father and brothers in the priestly office (Ex 28 1). Along with Abihu he was guilty of offering "strange fire," and both "died before Jeh" (Lev 10 1.2; Nu 3 4; 26 61). The nature of their offence is far from clear. The word rendered "strange" seems in this connection to mean no more than "unauthorized by the Law" (see 11T, zur, in BOB, and cf Ex 30 9). The proximity of the prohibition of wine to officiating priests (Lev 10 8.9) has given rise to the erroneous suggestion of the Midr that the offence of the brothers was drunkenness.

    (2) A descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Ch 2 28.30).

    (3) A Gibeonite (1 Ch 8 30).

    (4) Son of Jeroboam I and after him for two years king of Israel (1 K 14 20; 15 25). While Nadab was investing Gibbethon, a Phili strong- hold, Baasha, who probably was an officer in the army, as throne-robbers usually were, conspired against him, slew him and seized the throne (1 K 15 27-31). With the assassination of Nadab the dynasty of Jeroboam was extirpated, as foretold by the prophet Ahijah (1 K 14). This event is typical of the entire history of the Northern King- dom, characterized by revolutions and counter- revolutions. John A. Lees

    NADABATH, na'da-bath (NaSapdB, Nadahdlh; AV Nadabatha, na-dab'a-tha) : A city E. of the Jordan from which the wedding party of Jambri were coming when Jonathan and Simon attacked them and slew very many, designing to avenge the murder of their brother John (1 Mace 9 37 fT). Nebo and Nabathaea have been suggested as identi- cal with Nadabath. Clermont-Ganneau would read rhabatha, and identify it with Rabbath-ammon. There is no certainty.

    NAGGAI, nag'i, nag'a-I (Na-y^at, Naggal; AV Nagge) : In Lk 3 25, the Gr form of the Heb name NOGAH (q.v.).

    NAHALAL, na'hal-al (bbn3, nahdlal; B, BaiB- ixdv, Bailhmdn, A, NaaXioX, Naalul, and other forms) : A city in the territory of Zebulun assigned with its suburbs to the Merarite Levites, out of which the Canaanite inhabitants were not driven (.losh 19 15, AV [incorrectly] "Nahallal"; 21 35; Jgs 1 30, "Nahalol"). In the Talm Jerus {Meg., l1) it is identified with Mahlul. This name might correspond either with 'Ain MCiliil, or with Ma'lfd. The former lies about 3i miles N.E. of Nazareth on a hill near the eastern boundary of Zebulun. The latter is situated about 3i miles W. of Nazareth,



    Nabathites Nahum, Book of

    near the southern border of Zebulun. The change of n to m is not unusuaL W. Ewing

    NAHALIEL, na-ha'li-el, na-hal'i-el (bxibn? , nahall'd, "torrent valley of God"; B, Mavaif|X, Manatl, A, 'NaaXii\\\\\\\\K, NaaliU) : A place where Israel encamped on the way from Arnon to Jericho, named with Mattanah and Bamoth (Nu 21 19). Onom placesit near to the Arnon. It is natural to seek for this "torrent valley" in one of the tributaries of the Arnon. It may be Wddy Waleh, which drains a wide area to the N.E. of the Arnon; or perhaps Wddy Zerkd Ma'in farther to the N.

    NAHALLAL, na-hal'al, NAHALOL, na'ha-lol. See Nahalal.

    NAHAM, na'ham (Dn3 , naham, "comfort"): A Judahite chieftain, father of Keilah the Garmite (1 Ch 4 19); the passage is obscure.

    NAHAMANI, na-ha-ma'ni, na-ham'a-ni C?pnD , nahdmdni, "compassionate"): One of the twelve heads who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh 7 7). The name is wanting in the 1| list (Ezr 2 2). In 1 Esd 5 8 he is called "Eneneus" (RVm "Enenis" ) .

    NAHARAI, na'ha-ri Cin: , naharmj), NAHARI, na'ha-ri Cin: , nahraij) : One of David's heroes, Joab's armor-bearer (2 S 23 37, AV "Nahari"; 1 Ch 11 39).

    NAHASH, na'hash (TBnj, ndhash, "serpent"; Nads, Nads) :

    (1) The father of Abigail and Zeruiah, the sisters of David (2 S 17 25; cf 1 Ch 2 16). The text in 2 S, where this reference ia made, is hopelessly corrupt; for that reason there are various explana- tions. The rabbis maintain that Nahash is another name for Jesse, David's father. Others think that Nahash was the name of Jesse's wife; but it is not probable that Nahash could have been the name of a woman. Others explain the passage by making Nahash the first husband of Jesse's wife, so that Abigail and Zeruiah were half-sisters to King David.

    (2) A king of Ammon, who, at the very beginning of Saul's reign, attacked Jabesh-gilead so success- fully, that the inhabitants sued for peace at almost any cost, for they were willing to pay tribute and serve the Ammonites (1 S 11 Iff). The harsh king, not satisfied with tribute and slavery, de- manded in addition that the right eye of every man should be put out, as "a reproach upon Israel." They were given seven days to comply with these cruel terms. Before the expiration of this time, Saul, the newly anointed king, appeared on the scene with an army which utterly routed the Am- monites (1 S 11 1 ff), and, according to Jos, lulled King Nahash {Ant, VI, v, 3).

    If the Nahash of 2 S 10 2 bo the same as the king mentioned in 1 S 11, this statement of Jos cannot bo true, for he lived till the early part of David's reign, 40 or more years later. It is, of course, possible that Na- hash the father of Hanun, was a son or grandson of the king defeated at Jabesh-gilead by Saul. There is but little agreement among commentators in regard to this matter. Some writers go so far as to claim that 'all passages in which this name [Nahash] is found refer to the same individual."

    (3) A resident of Rabbath-ammon, the capital of Ammon (2 S 17 27). Perhaps the same as Na- hash (2), which see. His son Shobi, with other trans-Jordanic chieftains, welcomed David at Mahanaim with sympathy and substantial gifts when the old king was fleeing before his rebel son Absalom. Some believe that Shobi was a brother of Hanun, king of Ammon (2 S 10 1).

    W. W. Davies

    NAHATH, na'hath (nn? , nahath) :

    (1) A grandson of Esau (Gen 36 13; 1 Ch 1 37).

    (2) A descendant of Levi and ancestor of Samuel (1 Ch 6 26); also called "Toah" (1 Ch 6 34) and "Tohu" (1 S 1 1).

    (3) A Lcvite who, in the time of Hezekiah, assisted in the oversight of "the oblations and the tithes and the dedicated things" (2 Ch 31 13).

    NAHBI, na'bi C^^ni , nahhl): The representa- tive of Naphtali among the 12 spies (Nu 13 14).

    NAHOR, na'hor ("lin: , nahor; in the NT Nax

    (1) Son of Serug and grandfather of Abraham (Gen 11 22-25; 1 Ch 1 26).

    (2) Son of Terah and brother of Abraham (Gen 11 26.27.29; 22 20.23; 24 15.24.47; 29 5; Josh 24 2).

    A city of Nahor is mentioned in Gen 24 10; the God of Nahor in Gen 31 53. In AV Josh 24 2; Lk 3 34, the name is spelled "Nachor."

    NAHSHON, na'shon CiilCn?, nahshori; LXX and NT, Naao-o-iiv, Naasson): A descendant of Judah; brother-in-law of Aaron and ancestor of David and of Jesus Christ (Ex 6 23; Nu 1 7; 1 Ch 2 10.11; Ruth 4 20; Mt 1 4; Lk 3 32).

    NAHUM, na'hum (Naoin, Naoum; AV Naum) : An ancestor of Jesus in Lk's genealogy, the 9th before Joseph, the husband of Mary (Lk 3 25).

    NAHUM, na'hum, THE BOOK OF:

    I. Authorship and Date

    1. The Name

    2. Life and Home of Nahum The Four Traditions

    3. Date, as Related to Assyrian History

    (1) The Revolt of Shamash-shumukin

    (2) The Invasion of fi25 BC

    (3) The Final Attack

    (4) Probable Date II. The Book

    1. Contents (Chs 1-3)

    2. Style

    3. Integrity III. Teaching

    1. The Character of Jehovah

    2. Nahum's Glee over the Ruin of Nineveh

    3. Universality of .Jehovah's Rule

    4. The Messianic Outlook Literature

    /. Authorship and Date. — The name Nahum

    (DinD, 7iahum; LXX and NT Naov|x, Naoum;

    Jos, Naoumos) occurs nowhere else

    1. Name in the OT; in the NT it is found in

    Lk 3 25. It is not uncommon in the Mish, and it has been discovered in Phoen inscrip- tions. It means "consolation," or "consoler," and is therefore, in a sense, synibolical of the message of the book, which is intended to comfort the oppressed and afflicted people of Judah.

    Of the personal life of Nahum, practically nothing is known. In 1 1 he is called "the Elkoshite," that

    is, an inhabitant of Elkosh. Un-

    2. Life fortunately, the location of this place and Home is not known. One tradition, which

    cannot be traced beyond the 16th cent. AD, identifies the home of Nahum with a modern village Elkush, or Alkosh, not far from the left bank of the Tigris, two days' journey N. of the site of ancient Nineveh. A second tradition, which is at least as old as the days of Jerome, the latter part of the 4th cent., locates Elkosh in Galilee, at a place identified by many with the modern El- Kauze, near Ramieh. Others identify the home of the prophet with Capernaum, the name of which means "Village of Nahum." A fourth tradition, which is first found in a collection of traditions



    entitled "Lives of the Prophets," says "Nahum was from Elkosh, bej'ond Bet Gabre, of the tribe of Simeon." A place in the S. is more in har- mony with the interest the prophet takes in the Southern Kingdom, so that the last-mentioned tradition seems to have much in its favor, but abso- lute certainty is not attainable.

    The Book of Nahum centers around the fall and destruction of Nineveh. Since the capture of the city is represented as still in the future, 3. Date it seems evident that the prophecies

    were delivered some time before 607- 606 BC, the year in which the city was destroyed. Thus the latest possible date of Nahum's activity is fixed. The earliest possible date also is indicated by internal evidence. In 3 8 ff the prophet speaks of the capture and destruction of No-amon, the Egyp Thebes, as an accomplished fact. The expe- dition of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, against Egypt, which resulted in the fall of Thebes, occurred about 663 BC. Hence the activity of Nahum must be placed somewhere between 66-3 and 607.

    As to the exact period between the two dates there is disagreement among scholars. One thing is made quite clear by the prophecy itself, namely, that at the time the words were spoken or written, Nineveh was passing through some grave crisis. Now we know that during the second half of the 7th cent. BC Assyria was threatened three times: (1) the revolt of Shamash-shumukin of Babylon against his brother, the king of Assyria, 650-648 BC; (2) the invasion of Assyria and threatened attack upon Nineveh by some unknoTsm foe, per- haps the Scythians, about 625 BC; (3) the final attack, which resulted in the fall and destruction of Nineveh in 607-606 BC.

    The first crisis does not offer a suitable occasion for Nahum's prophecy, because at that time the city of Nineveh was not in any danger. Little is known concerning the second crisis, and it is not possible either to prove or to disprove that it gave rise to the book. On the other hand, the years immediately preceding the downfall of Nineveh offer a most suitable occasion. The struggle con- tinued for about 2 years. The united forces of the Chaldaeans and Scythians met determined resist- ance; at last a breach was made in the northeast corner of the wall, the city was taken, pillaged and burned. Judah had suffered much from the proud Assyrian, and it is not difBcult to understand how, with the doom of the cruel oppressor imminent, a prophet-patriot might burst into shouts of exulta- tion and triumph over the distress of the cruel foe. "If," says A. B. Davidson, "the distress of Nineveh referred to were the final one, the descriptions of the prophecy would acquire a reality and naturalness which they otherwise want, and the general char- acteristics of Heb prophecy would be more truly conserved." There seems to be good reason, there- fore, for assigning Nahum's activity to a date between 610 and 607 BC.

    //. The Book. — Nahum is the prophet of Nine- veh's doom. Ch 1 (-)-2 2) contains the decree of Nineveh's destruction. Jeh is a God 1. Contents of vengeance and of mercy (vs 2.3); though He may at times appear slack in punishing iniquity, He will surely punish the sinner. No one can stand before Him in the day of judgment (vs 4—6). Jeh, faithful to who rely upon Him (ver 7), will be terrible toward His enemies and toward the enemies of His people (ver 8). Judah need not fear: the present enemy is doomed (vs 9-14), which will mean the exaltation of Judah (1 1.5; 2 2). The army appointed to exe- cute the decree":." (ipproaching, ready for battle (2 1-4). All efforts' to save the city are in vain; it falls (vs 5.6), the queen and her attendants are

    captured (ver 7), the inhabitants flee (ver 8), the city is sacked and left a desolation (vs 9-13) . The destruction of the bloody city is imminent (3 1-3) ; the fate is well deserved and no one will bemoan her (vs 4-7); natural strength and resources will avail nothing (vs 8-11); the soldiers turn cowards and the city will be utterly cut off (vs 12-18); the whole earth will rejoice over the downfall of the cruel oppressor (ver 19).

    Opinions concerning the religious significance of the Book of Nahum may differ, but from the stand- point of language and style all stu-

    2. Style dents assign to Nahum an exalted

    place among the prophet-poets of the ancient Hebrews; for all are impressed with the intense force and picturesqueness of his language and style. "Each prophet," says Kirkpatrick, "has his special gift for his particular work. Nahum bears the palm for poetic power. His short book is a Pindaric ode of triumph over the oppressor's fall." So also G. A. Smith: "His language is strong and brilliant; his rhythm rumbles and rolls, leaps and flashes, like the horsemen and chariots he describes."

    Until recently no doubts were expressed concern- ing the integrity of the book, but within recent years scholars have, with growing unanimity,

    3. Integrity denied the originality of 1 2 — 2 2

    (Heb 2 3), with the exception of 2 1, which is considered the beginning of Nahum's utterances. This change of opinion is closely bound up with the alleged discovery of distorted remnants of an old alphabetic poem in ch 1 {HDB, art. "Nahum"; fcpos, 1898, 207 ff; ZATH-', 1901, 225ff; Eiselen, Minor Prophets, 422 ff). Now, it is true that in 1 2-7 traces of alphabetic arrangement may be found, but even here the artistic arrange- ment is not carried through consistently; in the rest of the chapter the evidence is slight.

    The artificial cliaracter of acrostic poetry is generally supposed to point to a late date. Hence those who be- lieve that ch 1 was originally an alphabetic poem con- sider it an exilic or post-exilic production, which was at a still later date prefixed to the genuine prophecies of Nahum. In support of this view it is pointed out further that the prophecy in ch 1 is vague, while the utterances in chs 2 and 3 are definite and to the point. Some derive support for a late date also from the language and style of the poem.

    That difHcuIties exist in ch 1, that in some respects it ditfers from chs 2 and 3, even the students of the Eng. text can see ; and that the Heb text has suffered in transmission is very probable. On the other hand, the presence of an acrostic poem in ch 1 is not beyond doubt. The apparent vagueness is removed, if ch 1 is interpreted as a general introduction to the more specific denun- ciation in chs 2 and 3. And a detailed examination sliows that in this, as in other cases, the linguistic and stylistic data are indecisive. In view of these facts it may safely be asserted that no convincing argument has been pre- sented against the genuineness of 1 2 — 2 2. "There- fore," says G. A. Smith, "while it is possible that a later poem has been prefixed to the genuine prophecies of Nahum, and the first ch supplies many provocations to belief in such a theory, this has not been proved, and the able essays of proof have much against them. The question is open."

    ///. Teaching. — The utterances of Nahum center around a single theme, the destruction of Nineveh. His purpose is to point out the hand 1. The of God in the impending fall of the city,

    Character and the significance of this catastrophe of Jehovah for the oppressed Hebrews. Asare.sult they contain little direct religious teach- ing; and what there is of it is confined very largely to the opening vs of ch 1. These vs emphasize the two- fold manifestation of the Divine holiness, the Divine vengeance and the Divine mercy (1 2.3). The manifestation of the one results in the destruction of the wicked (1 2), the other in the salvation of the oppressed (1 15; 2 2). Faith in Jeh will secure the Divine favor and protection (1 7).



    The fierceness of Nahum, and his glee at the

    thought of Nineveh's ruin, may not be in accord

    with the injunction, "Love thine

    2. Nahum's enemy" ; but it should be borne in Glee over mind that it is not personal hatred the Ruin that prompts the prophet; he is stirred of Nineveh by a righteous indignation over the

    outrages committed by Assyria. He considers the sin and overthrow of Nineveh, not merely in their bearing upon the fortunes of Judah, but in their relation to the moral government of the whole world ; hence his voice gives utterance to the outraged conscience of humanity.

    While Nahum's message, in its direct teaching,

    appears to be less spiritual and ethical than that

    of his predecessors, it sets in a clea,r

    3. Univer- light Jeh's sway over the whole uni- sality of verse, and emphasizes the duty of Jehovah's nations as well as of individuals to Rule own His sway and obey His will. This

    attitude alone will assure permanent peace and prosperity; on the other hand, disobe- dience to His purpose and disregard of His rule will surely bring calamity and distress. The emphasis of these ethical principles gives to the message of Nahum a unique significance for the present day and generation. "Assyria in his hands," says Kennedy, "becomes an object-lesson to the empires of the modern world, teaching, as an eternal prin- ciple of the Divine government of the world, the absolute necessity, for a nation's continued vitality, of that righteousness, personal, civic, and national, which alone exalteth a nation."

    In a broad sense, 1 15 is of Messianic import.

    The downfall of Nineveh and Assyria prepares the

    way for the permanent redemption and

    4. The _ exaltation of Zion: "the wicked one Messianic shall no more pass through thee." Outlook LiTEHATUBE. — Comms. on the Minor

    Propliets by Ewald, Pusey, Keil, Orelli; G. A. Smith (Expositor's Bible); Driver (New Cent.); B. A. Davidson, comm. on "Nah." "Hab," "Zeph" (Cambridge Bible); A. F. Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets; Eiselen, Prophecy and the Prophets; F. W. Farrar, Minor Prophets ("Men o( the Bible" series); Driver. Intro to the Lit. of the OT; HDB, art. "Nahum"; EB, art. "Nahum."

    F. C. Eiselen NAIDUS, na'i-dus (A, NdeiSos, Ndeidos, B, Nd- aiSos, Ndaidos) : One of those who had taken "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 31), apparently = "Be- naiah" of Ezr 10 30, of which it is probably a cor- ruption or the latter part.

    NAIL, nal: (1) As denoting the finger-nail, the Heb word is T}ES, sipporen (Dt 21 12), the cap- tive woman "shall shave her head, and pare her nails." i'he latter was probably intended to pre- vent her from marring her beauty by scratching her face, an act of self-mutilation oriental women are repeatedly reported to have committed in the agony of their grief. Aram. "ISip , l"phar{Dn\\\\\\\\ 4 33, "his nails like birds' claws"). (2) As pin or peg (for tents, or driven into the wall) the word is IT}"^ , ya- thedh (in Jgs 4 21 RV, "tent-pin") ; in Isa 22 23, "a nail in a sure place" is a peg firmly driven into the wall on which something is to be hung (ver 24) ; cf Eccl 12 11, where the word is 7nasm''rdlh, cognate with masmer below. (3) For nails of iron (1 Ch 22 3) and gold (2 Ch 3 9), and in Isa 41 7 and Jer 10 4, the word is "I^PP , masmer. (4) In the NT the word is ■i;Aos, hflos, used of the nails in Christ's hands (Jn 20 25), and "to nail" in Col 2 14 ("nail- ing it to the cross") is irpo

    In a figurative sense the word is used of the hard point of a stylus or engraving tool; "The sin of Judah is written with a pen of iron, and with the point (lit. "claw," "nail"] of a diamond : it is graven

    upon the tablet of their heart, and upon the horns of your altars" (Jer 17 1). Jambs Ore

    NAIN, na'in (Natv, Nam): This town is men- tioned in Scripture only in connection with the visit of Jesus and the miracle of raising the widow's son from the dead (Lk 7 11). The name persists to this day, and in the form of Nein clings to a small village on the northwestern slope of Jebel ed-Duhy ("Hill of Moreh"), the mountain which, since the Midtllc Ages, has been known as Little Hermon. The modern name of the mountain is derived from Neby Duhy whose wely crowns the height above the village. There are many ancient remains, proving that the place was once of considerable size. It was never inclosed by a wall, as some have thought from the mention of "the gate." This was probably the opening between the houses by which the road entered the town. Tristram thought he had found traces of an ancient city wall, but this proved to be incorrect. The ancient town perhaps stood somewhat higher on the hill than the present village. In the rocks to the E. are many tombs of antiquity. The site commands a beauti- ful and extensive view across the plain to Carmel, over the Nazareth hills, and away past Tabor to where the white peak of Hermon glistens in the sun. To the S. are the heights of Gilboa and the uplands of Samaria. The village, once prosperous, has fallen on evil days. It is said that the villagers received such good prices for simsum that they cul- tivated it on a large scale. A sudden drop in the price brought them to ruin, from which, after many years, they have not yet fully recovered.

    W. EwiNG

    NAIOTH, na'yoth, ni'oth (^^3, nayolh; B, Aiid9, Audth, A, Nauiii9, NauiolK) : This is the name given to a place in Ramah to which David went with Samuel when he fled and escaped from Saul (1 S 19 18, etc). The term has often been taken as meaning "houses" or "habitations" ; but this can- not be justified. There is no certainty as to exactly what the word signified. Clearly, however, it attached to a particular locality inRamah ; and what- ever its etymological significance, it denoted a place where the prophets dwelt together. On approach- ing it in pursuit of David, Saul was overcome by the Spirit of God, and conducted himself like one "pos- sessed," giving rise to the proverb, "Is Saul also among the prophets?" W. Ewing

    NAKED, na'ked, NAKEDNESS, na'ked-nes: "Naked" in the OT represents variqus derivatives of "l^y , Vtr, and T\\\\\\\\yS , 'araA, chiefly Dliy , ^arom (adj.) and ni")y , \\\\\\\\rwah (noun) ; in the NT the adj . is 7«(i- v6s, gumnds, the noun -yDiiviTtjs, gumnoles, with vb. ■yv(ivtiT£{pa), gumneteud, in 1 Cor 4 11. In Ex 32 25; 2 Ch 28 19, AV adds 37nS, para\\\\\\\\ "break loose," "cast away restraint." Both the Gr and Heb forms mean "without clothing," but in both languages they are used frequently in the sense of "lightly clad" or, simply, "without an outer garment." So, probably, is the meaning in Jn 21 7 — Peter was wearing only the chiton (see Dress); and so per- haps in Mk 14 51. .52 and Mic 1 8. In Isa 20 2-4, however, the meaning is lit. (for the "three years" of ver 3 see the comms.). So in Gen 2 25; 3 7, where the act of sin is immediately followed by the sense of shame (see Delitzsch, Bib. Psychology, and Gunkel, ad loc). A very common use of "naked" is also "without proper clothing" (Job 22 6;^1 Cor 4 11, etc), whence, of course, the expression "clothe the naked." "Nakedness," in addition, is used as a euphemism in 1 S 20 30. A -lightly different euphemistic usage is that of LlV 18 19, which in Ezk 16 36.37 is played off against the literal sense




    (cf Ezk 22 10; 23 18.29). The point of Gen 9 22.23 is a little hard to grasp, but apparently there is here again a euphemism — this time for a particularly horrible act (see the comms. and of Hab 2 15). Possibly some of these euphemisms are due to the Massoretes (see OT Texts). The Jews objected vigorously to exposure of the body (even athletes insisting on a loin-cloth [cf 2 Mace 4 12.13]), and compulsory nudity was the extreme of shame and humiliation (Isa 20 2-4; Lam 1 8; Hos 2 3; Nah 3 5, etc). The relation of this attitude to Israel's high sexual morality needs no explanation. Burton Scott Easton

    NAME, nam (QTD , shcm; 6vo(jia, 6noma; Lat nomen [2 Esd 4 1]; vbs. (5^o/xdfu, onomdzo; Lat nomino [2 Esd 5 26]): A "name" is that by which a person, place or thing is marked and known. In Scripture, names were generally descriptive of the person, of his position, of some circumstance affect- ing him, hope entertained concerning him, etc, so that "the name" often came to stand for the person. In Acts 1 1.5; Rev 3 4, onoma stands for "per- sons"; cf Nu 26 53, 55.

    /. OT Word and Use. — The word for "name" in the OT is shem (also the name of one of the sons of Noah). The etj'mology is uncer- 1. General tain, although it may be from shCmiah (obs.), "to set a mark"; shum is the Aram. form. For the name as descriptive of the per- son see Names. Besides designating persons, the name also stands for fame, renown, reputation, char- acter gained or expressed, etc (Gen 6 4; 2 S 7 9.23, etc); it might be an "evil name" (Dt 22 14.19); the "name" is also equivalent to a "people" or "nation" (which might be "blotted out," i.e. de- stroyed [Dt 7 24, etc]); to speak or write "in the name" signified authority (Ex 5 23; 1 K 21 8, etc); to "call one's name" over a place or people indicated po.ssession or ownership (2 S 12 28; Am 9 12, etc); to act "in the name" was to represent (Dt 25 6); to be called or known "by name" indicated special individual notice (Ex 31 2; Isa 43 1; 45 3.4). Gen 2 19.20 even displays a conception of identity between the name and the thing.

    "To name" is sometimes 'amar, "to say" (1 S 16 3); dabhar, "to speak" (Gen 23 16); nakabh, "to mark out" (Nu 1 17); /card',' "to call" (Gen 48 16; Isa 61 6).

    Of special is the usase with respect to the name of God. (For the various Divine names and their sig- nificance see God, Names of.) He ro- 2, The vealed Himself to Israel through Moses by

    "rii'iMMQ ^ "*^'^ name (wliich was at the same time

    juivine ^ijg^^. Qj jjjg (jQij Q( ^^jjgjj. f^thers) — Je-

    Name hovah (q.v.) {Yahweh) — the nature of

    wliicli should be shown by His manifesta- tions on their behalf (E,x 3 1.3-16; 15 2. .3). The "name of God was therefore not a mere word, hut the whole of" the Divine manifestation, the character of God as re- vealed in His relations to His people and in His dealings with them (Ex 9 16; .losh 7 9; 9 9, etc). The "name of Jeh" was proclaimed to Moses on Mt. Sinai. "Jeh, .Teh. a God merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and at)undant in lovingkindness and truth," etc (Ex 34 6); the name J'ehovah (so revealed) was (Ex 3 15) His "memorial Name" (so, often, in ARV; see Memorial). His sole Deity was such an important element in His name that Dt 6 4 f was termed the "Shema" (from shcma' , "hear," the first word in ver 4), the first article of Israelitish faith, taught to all the children, written on the phylacteries, and still recited as the first act in public and private worship "twice a day by every adult male Jew." Where Jeh is said to record His name, or to put His name in a place (or person), some special Divine manifestation is implied, making the place or person sacred to Him (Ex 20 24; 1 K 8 10). His "name" was in the angel of His Presence (Ex 23 21); what He does is "for his great name's sake," in fidelity to and vindication of His revealed character and covenant relationship (2 Ch 6 '-iZ: Ps 25 11); the great things He should do would be "for a name" (Isa 55 13); He would give His people a new name, "an everlasting name" (Isa 56 5) ; to be "called by" the name of Jeh is

    "to be his people" (2 Ch 7 14; Isa 43 7); it implies "protection," etc (Isa 63 19; Jer 14 8.9); to "call upon" the name of Jeh was "to worship him" as God (Gen 21 33; 26 2.5, etc); "to confess His name, to "acknowledge him" (1 K 8 33.35); to love, trust, act in, etc, "the name," was to love, trust, etc, Jeh Himself (Ps 5 11; 7 17). Very frequently, esp. in the Pss and prophecies of Isa and Jer, " the name" of God stands for "God himself"; to "forget his name" was "to depart fromhim" (Jer 23 27) ; "to minister, prophesy, or speak" in His name signified Divine appointment, inspiration, authority (Jer 11 21; 14 14.15, etc); we have "swear- ing by" or "in" the name of Jeh (Dt 6 13); to take His name "in vain" was to swear falsely (Ex 20 7; Lev 19 12); we have "blessing" in His name (Dt 10 8); "cursing" (2 K 2 24). In Lev 24 11, we have tlie case of one who "blasphemed the Name, and cursed," the penalty for which was death by stoning (vs 13-16). In later Jewish usage (cf Wisd 14 21) the sacred name Jeh was not pronounced in reading the Scriptures, 'Adhonay ("my Lord") being substituted for it (the vowels belonging to 'Adhonay were written with the consonants of the Divine name) , hence the frequent term "the Lord" in AV, for which ARV substitutes "Jeh."

    //. NT Word and Use. — In the NT onoma has frequently also the significance of denoting the "character," or "work" of the person, 1. Character e.g. Mt 1 21, "Thou shalt call his and Work name Jesus; for it is he that shall of the save," etc (Lk 1 31; 2 21; 1 63,

    Person "His name is John"; cf the new names

    given to Simon, James and John; Saul's new name of "Paul"). The "name" of God has the same relation to the character of God as in the OT (Mt 6 9; "Father, glorify thy name," Jn 12 28); it is manifested by Christ (Jn 17 26; cf vcr 3) ; the name of Jesus, as manifesting God, takes the place of the name of Jeh in the OT (cf Jas

    2 7 with Jer 14 9, and see below) ; to Him is given "the name which is above every name; that in the name of Jesus every knee should bow .... and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father," Phil 2 9.10 (cf Isa 45 23); "It is not the name Jesus, but the n.ame of Jesus" (Lightfoot), i.e. the name ("Lord") received by Jesus; we have with reference to Jesus simply "the Name" (Acts 5 41, "worthy to suffer dishonor for the Name"; Jas 5 14 [probable text, WH], "in the Name";

    3 Jn ver 7, "for the sake of the Name"); the "name of Christ" is equivalent to "Christ him- self" (Mt 10 22; 19 29); it is the same thing as "his manifestation" (Jn 20 31); therefore "to believe on his name" is to believe in Him as mani- fested in His life and work (,Jn 1 12; 2 23); "in the name of God" means sent by God, as repre- senting Him, with Divine authority (Mt 21 9; 23 39); in like manner, we have "prophesying" or "preaching" in the name of Jesus (Acts 4 18; 5 28) . The ' 'name of Jesus' ' represented His ' 'author- ity" and "power," e.g. working miracles in His name (Mt 7 22; Mk 9 39; Acts 4 7, 'by what name [or "power"] have ye done this?'), and it is contrasted with casting out evil spirits by some other name or power (Acts 16 18; 19 17). The gospel of salvation was to be preached "in his name," by His authority and as making it effectual (Lk 24 47); sinners were justified "through his name" (Acts 10 43; 1 Cor 6 11); sins were for- given "for his name's sake" (1 Jn 2 12); men "called upon the name" of Jesus, as they had done on that of Jeh (Acts 9 14.21 [cf 7 59]; Rom 10 13 14).

    "To name the name" of Christ was to belong to Him (2 Tim 2 19); the calling of His name on the Gentiles signified their acceptance as God's people (Acts 15 17 [quoted from Am 9 12]; cf Rom 1 5); to "hold fast his name" is to be true to Him as made known (Rev 2 13' 3 8); to be "gathered together in his name." to "do all thingsinhisname,"isas"aclmowledginghim" (Mtl8 20; Col 3 17); " to baptize in " or "into the name" of Jesus Christ (Acts 2 38; 22 16, "calling on his name," con- trasted with baptizing into one's own name in I Cor 1 13, eis) is "to call over them his name" (in the rite), as



    Name Names, Proper

    claiming them tor Christ and as their acknowledgment of Him or of faith in Him — becoming His disciples; similarly, to baptize "into [eis] the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit," represents "dedication to" God as He has been revealed in Christ.

    "In the name of" means "as representing" (or as being), e.g. "in the name of a prophet," of "a righteous man," or of "a disciple" (Mt 10 41.42); to receive a httle child "in Christ's name," i.e. as belonging to Him, is to receive Himself (Mt 18 5; Mk 9 37; ver 41 to disciples, RV "because ye are Christ's," m "Gr in name that ye are [Christ's]"; Lk 9 48; cf Mt 18 20; Mk 13 6, "Many shall come in my name"; Lk 21 8).

    The significance of the name of Jesus in relation to prayer deserves special notice. To pray in the name of Jesus, to ask anything in 2. In His name, according to His promises,

    Relation "Whatsoever ye shall ask in my name, to Prayer that will I do" (Jn 14 13; cf 14 14; 15 16; 16 23); "Hitherto have ye asked nothing in my name : ask .... that your joy may be made full" (Jn 16 24), is not merely to add to our prayers (as is so often unthinldngly done) : "we ask all in the name of Jesus," or "through Jesus Christ our Lord," etc, but to pray or ask as His representatives on earth, in His mission and stead, in His spirit and with His aim; it implies union with Christ and abiding in Him, He in us and we in Him. The meaning of the phrase is, "as being one with me even as I am revealed to you." Its two correlatives are "in me" (Jn 6 56; 14 20; 15 4ff; 16 33; cf 1 Jn 5 20), and the PauUne "in Christ" (Westcott, The Gospel according to St. John).

    W. L. Walkee

    NAMES OF GOD. See God, Names of.


    I. The Form of Hebrew Names

    1. Various Types

    2. Vocalization

    3. Transposition of Parts

    4. Methods of Abbreviation II. The Range of Proper Names

    1. Personal Names

    (1) Not Exclusively Descriptive

    (2) Drawn from a Wide Field

    (3) Influences Leading to Choice

    (4) Popularity of Names : Hard to Determine

    2. Geographical Names

    III. Characteristics of Biblical References

    1. Derivation of Names Manifest

    2. The Narrator's Only Concern

    3. Allusions Linked with Names

    /. Form of Hebrew, or. More Broadly, Semitic, Proper Names. — The Heb proper name consists of a single word, a phrase, or a sentence. 1. Various (1) Where the name is a single word. Types other than a vb., it may be (a) a com-

    mon noun, concrete, as Barak, "light- ning," Tola, "crimson worm," Elon, "oak," Achsah, "anklet," Deborah, "bee"; or abstract, as Uzzah, "strength," Manoah, "rest," Hannah, "grace"; or either abstract or concrete, as Zebul, "habita- tion"; (6) a participle, as Saul, "asked," Zeruiah, "cleft"; (c) an adj., as Ikkesh, "perverse," Maharai, "impetuous," Shimei, "famous"; or (d) a word that may be either an adj. or an abstract noun according to circumstances. Such are formations after the norm of kattul, as Shammua', which are generally adjs.; and formations by means of the ending am or on, as AduUam, Zalmon, Gideon, or, with the rejection of the final n, Shilo[h] and Solo- mo[n]. (2) The name may be a phrase, consisting of (a) two nouns, as Penuel, "face of God," Samuel, "name of God," Ish-bosheth, "man of shame"; or (6) an adj. and a noun, as Jedidiah, "beloved of Jeh"; or (c) a preposition and one or more nouns, as Besodeiah, "in the intimacy of Jeh" (Neh 3 6). (3) When the name is a sentence, the predicate may

    be (a) a noun, the copula being implied, as Abijah, "Jeh is a father," Eliab, "God is a father," Elime- lech, "God is king"; or (6) an adj., asTobijah, "Jeh is good" (Zee 6 10); or (c) a participle, as Obed- edom, "Edom is serving"; or (d) a finite vb. This last type exhibits five or .six varieties: the subject stands before a perfect, as Jonathan, "Jeh hath given," Jehoshaphat, "Jeh hath judged," Eleazar, "God hath helped," Elkanah, "God hath formed"; or before an imperfect, as Eliahba, "God hideth Himself"; or the subject comes after a perfect, as Benaiah, "Jeh hath built," Shcphatiah, "Jeh hath judged,' Asahel, "God hath made"; or after an im- perfect, as Jezreel, "God doth sow." Very often the subject is the pronoun included or imphed in the verbal form, as Nathan, "he hath given," Hillel, "he hath praised," Jaii-, "he enlighteneth," Jeph- thah, "he openeth." Occasionally the predicate contains an object of the vb., as Shealtiel, "I have asked God" (Ezr 3 2), or a prepositional phrase, as Hephzibah, "my delight is in her" (2 K 21 1). The sentence-name is usually a declaration, but it may be an exhortation or a prayer, as Jerubbaal, "let Baal strive," and Hoshea, "save!" (Nu 13 16), or it may be a question, as Micaiah, "who is like Jeh?" All of the foregoing illustrations have been taken from the Books of Jgs and S, unless otherwise noted.

    The proper name is treated as one word, whether on analysis it consists of a single word, a phrase, or a sen- tence: and as such it is subject to the 2 Vocali- laws of accent and quantity which govern •7a+;r.Ti ^^^ Ti

    zaiion as a name undergoes the variations of

    pronunciation due to the custom of lengthening a short vowel in pause and to the laws which control the aspiration of certain labials. Unguals, and palatals. Thus the name Perez, "breach," which appears also as Pharez in AV of the OT, occurs in the Heb text in the four forms pereQ, -pareQ, phere^ and phareg (Ruth 4 18: Neh 11 4.6). (2) In a name con- sisting of a phrase the normal advance of the accent as usual causes the loss of a pretonic vowel, as is indicated by the suspended letter in J**didiah, "beloved of Jeh"; requires a short vowel in a closed unaccented syllable, as in Mahalal'el, "praise of God"; allows contraction, as in Beth-el. "house of God"; and occasions the return of a segholate noun to its primitive form, as in Abdiel, "servant of God," where the vowel i is an archaism which has lingered in compound names, but has generally dis- appeared elsewhere in speech. (3) Names which con- sist of a sentence are also accented as one word, and the pronunciation is modified accordingly. The synonyms Eliam and Ammiel, "God is a kinsman," not only ex- hibit the common archaism in the retention of the vowel i. but the name Eliam also shows the characteristic lengthening of the vowel in the final accented syllable, so common in nouns. The four forms Eliphelet, Eli- phalet. Elpelet and Elpalet, meaning "God is deliver- ance," represent the variations of the Heb due to the causes already mentioned (1 Cli 3 8: 14 5.7; see AV and RV). The requirements regarding the elision and the quantity and quality of vowels, on the shifting of the accent, are also regularly met by the various types of sentence-names in which the predicate is a vh. Thus the personal names ' Ulshdmd' z,nd' eladthan (subject followed by vb. in the perfect): "etydkim, 'elyahbd', and yehdydkhln (subject and imperfect) ; gedhalydh, yekholydhu, hdrakh'el, in which the first vowel is protected by the implied reduplication of the Picl species, b'ndyak, 'dsdh'el, and 'dsdh-'el, 'd.lVel, hdzdh'el and hdzd'el and pedhah'el (perfect and subject)*; yigdalydhu' yihhnsydh. ya'd.ii'el, yahdi'el, y^hallel'el, yesimVel (imperfect and subject); y^'rubha'al and ydshobh'dm (jussive and_sub- ject; u in sharpened, and 6 in closed, syllable: in Jasho- beam the first long vowel is retained by a secondary accent, marked by metheg); ndikdn and yiphtdh, i.e. Jephthah. Ibneiah shows the customary apocopation of the imperfect of Lamedh-he vbs.; and tlie names Benaiah to Pedahel show the methods of combining the perfect of such vbs. with a following element. The short vowel of the final closed syllable of the imperfect is elided, if the final consonant is permitted to begin the syllable of the next element of the name, as in Jezreel, Jekabzeel, Jerahmeel, Ezekiel, Jehizkiah (see the Heb form of these names) ; but it is not elided in Ishmael, although the consonant is attached to the following syl- lable; and elision is avoided, as in .Jiphthah-el, by keep- ing the ultimate and penultimate syllables distinct. Jehucal, a Hophal imperfect, is peculiar in not length- ening the vowel in the accented final syllable, when the vb. is used as a personal name.




    When the name was a sentence in Heb, its con- stituent parts could be transposed without chang- ing the meaning. Thus the father 3. Transpo- of Bathsheba was called Ammiel, "a sition of kinsman is God," and Eliam, "God is Constituent a kinsman" (2 S 11 3; 1 Ch 3 5); Parts and similarly, in letters written from

    Pal to the king of Egypt in the 14th cent. BC, Ilimilki is also called M'ilkili, the name in either form signifying "God is king." Ahaziah, king of Judah, is called Jehoahaz (cf 2 Ch 21 17 with 22 1), a legitimate transposition of the vb. and subject, and meaning in each case, "Jeh hath laid hold."

    Not only did transposition take place, but the sub- stitution of a cognate root and even the use of a differ- ent part of the vb. also occurred. Thus King .Jehoiachin (2 K 24 6; Jer 52 31) was known also as Jeconiah (.Ter 24 1; 28 4) and Coniah (22 24.28; 37 1). The two names Jehoiachin and Jeconiah have e-xactly the same meaning, "Jeh doth establish"; and Coniah is a synonym, "the establishing of Jeh." The Divine name which begins Jehoiachin is transferred to the end in Jeconiah and Coniah; and the Hiphil imperfect of the vb. kiln, which is seen in Jehoiachin, has been replaced by the Qal imperfect of the vb. kdnan in Jeconiah, and by the construct infinitive of the same species in Coniah. Parallel cases occur in Assyr and Bab lit., among which the two forms of the king's name, Zamama-shum-iddina and Zaraama-nadin-shum, exhibit both the transposition of constituent parts and an interchange of preterite and participle.

    Twin forms like Abiner and Abner, Abishalom and Absalom, Elizaphan and Elzaphan, are not the

    full name and its abbreviation by 4. Methods syncopation, but are merely two of Abbre- variant, equally legitimate, modes of viation combining the constituent parts. The

    common methods of shortening were: (1) contraction by the rejection of a weak consonant or the apocopation of a final unaccented vowel, notably illustrated by the Divine name y'ho at the beginning and ydhii at the end of proper names: hence Jehoash became Joash (2 K 12 1.19), and Amaziahu became Amaziah (2 K 14 1 Heb text, and 8) ; (2) abbreviation of composite geographical names by the omission of the generic noun or its equivalent : Jerusalem, which to the Hebrews meant "foundation of peace," was shortened to Salem, "peace" (Ps 76 2); Kiriath-baal, "city of Baal" (Josh 15 60), to Baal or Baalah (Josh 15 9.10; cf 2 S 6 2); Beeshterah, "house or temple of Astarte," to Ashtaroth; Beth-lebaoth, "house of lionesses," to. Lebaoth; Beth-azmavcth to Az- maveth; Bcth-rehob to Rehob; Beth-bamoth to Bamoth (M S, 1. 27, with Nu 21 19); Beth-baal- meon to Baal-meon (Nu 32 38; Josh 13 17); the same custom existed among the Moabites who spoke of this town indifferently as Beth-baal-mcon and Baal-meon (M S, 11. 9, 30); (3) abbreviation by the omission of the Divine name: thus the name of the idolater Micaiah, which means, "who is like Jeh?" (Jgs 17 1.4 [Heb]), was shortened to Micah, "who is like?" (vs 5.8); and similarly in the case of three other men, namely the prophet (Micaiah, Jer 26 18 ERV, and Micah, Mic 1 1), the Levite musician (Neh 12 3.5 with 11 17.22), and the father of Abdon (2 K 22 12 with 2 Ch 34 20).

    The king of Judah, Yauhazi, as he was known to the Assyrians, i.e. Jehoahaz, ".'ich hath laid hold," is called simply Ahaz, "he hath laid hold," in the Heb records. The town of Jabneel, "God doth cause to be built," was shortened to Jabneh, "he doth cause to be built" (Josh 15 11; 2 Ch 26 0; cf 1 Mace 4 15); Paltiel, "deliver- ance of God," was curtailed to Palti, "deliverance" (1 .S 25 44; 2 S 3 15); Abijah, ",Ieh is father," to Abi (2 Ch 29 1 with 2 K 18 2); and Baraoth-baal, "high place,s of Baal," to Bamoth (Josh 13 17 with Nu 21 10). Abdi, Othni, Uzzi, and not a few other similar names, probably represent curtailment of this sort. The omission of the Divine title has parallels in Assyr and Bab lit.: thus Nabu-nadin-ziri and Nabu-shum-ukin were called Nadinu and Shum-uldn respectively (Dynastic Tablet no. 2, col. iv, 4, 5, with Bab Chron., col. i, 13, 16).

    (4) Abbreviation by the elision of the initial con- sonant, yet so that the remainder is a synonymous name of complete grammatical form. The name of Iving Hezekiah was written by the Hebrews both y'hizkiydh, "Jeh doth strengthen," and hizkiyah, "Jeh is strength." The two forms interchange many times in 2 Ch 29-33. Similarly, Jeconiah was shortened to Coniah, as has already been no- ticed; the name of the town Jekabzeel, "God bring- eth together," to Kabzeel, "God's bringing to- gether" (Neh 11 2.5 with Josh 15 21; 2 S 23 20); Meshelemiah, "Jeh is recompensing," to Shelemiah, "Jeh's recompensing" (1 Ch 26 1.2 with ver 14); MeshuUam, "recompensed," to Shallum, "recom- pensed" (1 Ch 9 11; Neh 11 11 with 1 Ch 6 12; Ezr 7 2).

    //. The Range of Proper Names. — (1) Not ex- clusively descriptive. — Simonis in his Onomasticum, published in 1741, and Gesenius in his 1. Personal Thesaurus, issued during the years Names from 1835 to 1853, endeavored to in-

    terpret the proper names as though they were ordinarily intended to characterize the person who bore them . Embarrassed by the theory, Gesenius tr"* Malchiel by "rex Dei, h. e. a Deo con- stitutus"; and Simonis tr"^ Malchi-shua by "regis auxilium, i.e. auxilium s. salus regi patri praestita"; Ammizabad was rendered by Gesenius "famulus largitoris, h.e. Jehovae," and by Simonis "populum (i.e. copiosissimam liberorum turbam) donavil" ; Gesenius tr"^ Gedaliah "quern Jehova educavit vel roboravit," Zerahiah "cui Jehova ortum dedit," .Jehozadak "quem Jehovajustumfecit," and Joel "cui Jehova est deus, i.e. eultor Jehovae"; but Simonis rendered Joel by "Jehoua (est) Deus .... vel (cui) Jehoua Deus (est)." Now Malchiel means "God is king," Malchi-shua "the king, i.e. God, is salvation" (cf Joshua), Ammizabad "the Kinsman hath en- ciowed," Gedaliah "Jeh is great," Zerahiah "Jeh hath risen in splendor," Jehozadak "Jeh is right- eous," and Joel, if a compound name, "Jeh is God." A moment's reflection makes clear that these names do not describe the persons who bear them, but in every case speak of God. They emphasize the important facts that personal names might be, and often were, memorial and doctrinal, and that per- sonal names were a part of the ordinary speech of the people, full of meaning and intelligible to all, subject to the phonetic laws of the Hebrews, and obedient to the rules of grammar.

    (2) Drawn from a wide field. — Parents named their children, and contemporaries dubbed people, from physical and spiritual traits, whether a beauty or a blemish; thus Hophni, "pertaining to the fist," Japhia, "gleaming," Ikkesh, "perverse," Ira, "watchful," Gareb, "rough-skinned," and Hiddai, "joyful." Children were called by the names of natural objects, as Peninnah, "coral," Rimmon, "pomegranate," Tamar, "palm tree," Nahash, "serpent," Eglah, "heifer," Aiah, "bird of prey," and Laish, "lion"; or after kinsfolk or remoter members of the clan, as Absalom's daughter Tamar bore the name of her father's beautiful sister, and as the priest Phinehas took his strange name from the noted Phinehas, who belonged to the same father's house in earlier days. Or the name given to the child furnished a memorial of events in the national history, like Ir'habod, "the glory is not" (1 S 4 21), and probably Obed-edom, "Edom is servmg" (cf 1 S 14 47; 21 7); or it told of cir- cumstances attending the child's birth, as Saul, "asked," and Ehshama, "God hath heard"; or it embodied an article of the parent's creed, as Joab and Abijah, "Jeh is a father," Joel, "Jeh is God"; or it expressed a hope concerning the child or bore witness to a prophecy, as Jedidiah, "beloved of Jeh," and Solomon, "peaceable" (2 S 12 25; 1 Ch



    22 9). Sometimes the name of the tribe or race to which a man belonged became his popular desig- nation, as Cushi, "Cushite." All of these examples have been cited from the records of one period of Israel's history, the times of Samuel and David.

    (3) Influences leading to choice. — The people in general gathered names for their children freely from all parts of this wide field, but in certain circles influences were at work which tended to restrict the choice to a smaller area. These influences were religious: (a) In homes of piety conscious nearness to God on the part of the parents naturally prompted them to bestow religious names upon their children. The name may be without distinct religious mark in its form and meaning, as Ephraim, "double fruit- fulness," Manasseh, "making to forget," and yet have been given in acknowledgment of God's grace and be a constant reminder of His goodness (Gen 41 51.52); or the name may be religious in form, as Shemaiah, "Jeh hath heard," and publicly testify to the parents' gratitude to God. (fe) The covenant relation, which Jeh entered into with Israel, made the name Jehovah, and that aspect of God's character which is denoted by this name, peculiarly precious to the people of God, and thence- forth the word Jehovah became a favorite element in the personal names of the Israelites, though not, of course, to the exclusion of the great name El, "God." (c) Among the kings in the line of David, the consciousness of their formal adoption by Jeh to be His vicegerents on the throne of Israel (2 S 7; Ps 2) found expression in the royal names. Jeh, the God of Israel, was acknowledged in the personal name Abijah, borne by the son and successor of Rehoboam. But his was an isolated case, unless the name Asa is an abbreviated form. But with Jehoshaphat, Abijah's grandson, early in the 9th cent., the custom became established. Henceforth it was conventional for the king of Judah to have for his name a sentence with Jeh as its subject. The only exceptions among the 16 successors of Asa on the throne were Manasseh and his son Amon, both of whom were notoriously apo-state from Jeh. The full name of Ahaz was Jehoahaz. Josiah's son Shallum as king was known as Jehoahaz; and his brother Eliakim, when placed on the throne by Pharaoh-necoh, was given the name Jehoiakim. (d) Akin to the influence exerted by the relation of the kings to the God of Israel, and manifesting almost equal power contemporaneously with it, was the influence of official connection with the sanctuary, either as priests or as subordinate min- isters, and it frequently led to the choice of an ecclesiastical name containing the word God or Jeh. During the five centuries and a half, beginning near the close of Solomon's reign and extending to the end of Nehemiah's administration, 22 high priests held office, so far as their names have been pre- served in the records. Of these pontiffs 17 bear names which are sentences with Jeh as subject, and another is a sentence with El as subject. The ma- terials for investigation along this line are not com- plete, as they are in the case of the kings, and ratios derived from them are apt to be erroneous; but evidently the priests of Jeh's temple at Jerus not only recognized the appropriateness for themselves and their families of names possessing a general religious character, but came to favor such as ex- pressly mentioned God, esp. those which mentioned God by His name of Jehovah.

    (4) Popularity of names: hard to determine. — Until abundant data come to light for all periods of the history, it is precarious to attempt to de- termine the relative popularity of the various kinds and types of names in any one generation, or to compare period with period with respect to the use or neglect of a particular class of names. For,

    first, in no period are the names which have been transmitted by the Heb records many as compared with the thousands in use at the time ; and, secondly, the records deal with the historical event which was conspicuous at the moment, and rarely mention persons other than the actors in this event.

    At one time men and women from the middle class of society are asserting themselves in the national lite, and the personal names current in the families of farmers, shopkeepers and soldiers obtain place in the annals; at another time, when the activities of the court are of paramount importance, it is mainly names that were current in official circles which are chronicled; at yet another period, when matters of the national w^orship engaged the attention of the state, ecclesiastics and lay- men from pious families, whose names were quite likely to have a religious meaning, receive mention. Very few names outside of the particular circle concerned are pre- served in the records. It is unwarranted, therefore, to draw inferences regarding the relative use of particular names, secular names, for instance, at different periods of the history of Israel, by comparing the number of these names foimd in a record of political uprisings in the army ^vith the nximber of similar names in the narra- tive of an episode which occurred at a later date and in which only priests took part. It is comparing things that differ. It is comparing the number of certain names current in military circles with the numljer of the same names among ecclesiastics, in order to learn whether these names were more common among the people as a whole in the one period than in the other.

    The brine of its waters led the ancient Hebrews to call the Dead Sea the Salt Sea. Bethesda, "house of mercy," received its name 2. Geo- from the belief in the healing virtue

    graphical of its waters; Lebanon, "white," from Names the snows that cover its crest; Sidon

    on the Mediterranean Sea and Beth- saida on the Sea of Galilee, from their fisheries; Tyre, from the great rock in the sea on which it was built; the valley of Elah, from the terebinth tree; Luz, from the almond tree; Shittim, from the acacia groves on the eastern terrace of the Jordan valley; and Jericho, from the fragrance of its palms and balsams. The "crags of the wild goats and En-gedi, "kid spring" (1 S 24 1.2), werein a deso- late, rocky region where the wild goats had their home; Aijalon signifies "place of harts," and Etam denotes a "place of beasts and birds of prey." The hopes of a people and pride in their town were ex- pressed in names like Joppa, "beautj'," Tirzah, "pleasantness," Janoah, "rest," Shiloh, "tran- quillity," and Salem, "peace." The resemblance of the Sea of Galilee in shape to a harp secured for it its ancient name of Chinnereth. Poetic imagina- tion saw in majestic Mt. Hermon likeness to a soldier's breastplate, and forthwith the mountain was called Serion and Senir. The sanctuary of a deity might give name to a town, hence Beth-dagon, Beth-anath, and Ashtaroth. Sometimes the name of a place commemorated a victory, as rock Oreb, rock Zeeb, and Eben-ezer (Jgs 7 25; 1 S 7 12); or enshrined a religious transaction or experience, Beth-el and Beracah (Gen 28 17-19; 2 Ch 20 26); or told of a migration, as when colonists gave the name of their native town to their new settlement (Jgs 1 2.3-26). Often the name of the founder or other famous inhabitant became attached to a town, and that for various reasons. It was often neces- sary to distinguish places of the same name from each other by this method ; thus certain of the towns called Gibeah became Gibeath-saul and Gibeath- phinehas. The Jebusite stronghold captured by David was named by him the city of David, and was known by this name, as a quarter of Jerus, for many generations (2 S 5 9; 2 K 16 20). The practice was common among the Sem contem- poraries of Israel, as is illustrated by Dur-sharruken, "Sargonsburg," and Kar-shalmanasharidu, "Shal- maneser's fortress." A town might also be named after the tribe which inhabited it or after the an- cestor of the tribe, as Dan (Jgs 18 29), and possi-

    Names, Proper Nanaea



    bly under not a few geographical designations a tribal name is hidden, even when the fact has es- caped record and is not revealed by the form of the name. In an inquiry after the origin of a geo- graphical designation the first consideration is due to the causes known to be ordinarily at work in giving rise to names of the same aspect as the one under scrutiny; and only when they fail to yield a suitable explanation are less obvious causes worthy of serious attention.

    ///. Characteristics of Biblical References. — As a rule, Sem words clearly reveal their origin and structure. The Semite might, indeed, 1. Deriva- err with respect to the particular tion of meaning intended, where a word was

    Names current in several significations. Thus

    Manifest the vale of hdkha' , mentioned in Ps 84 7 (Eng. 6), is open to two interpreta- tions: namely, "valley of Baca," so called from the balsam trees in it, and "valley of weeping," as the VSS render the unusual form, regarding it as equiva- lent to a similar word meaning "weeping." The pi. h'hha'im, "mulberry or balsam trees" (2 S 5 23. 24), was understood by Jos to denote a grove known by the name Weepers (Ant, VII, iv, 1; of LXX). In those rare cases where several derivations were possible, the Israelite may not always have known which thought was intended to be embodied in the naroe which he heard. But he discerned the alter- native possibilities; and a parent, in bestowing a name ambiguous in its derivation, might be de- liberately taking advantage of its power to be the vehicle for the suggestion and expression of two thoughts (Gen 30 23.24; Joseph being derivable from both yasaph and 'asaph).

    That the object of the Bib. writer was not to make known the derivation of the proper names is clear from cases like Esek, Rehoboth 2. The and Ishmael (Gen 16 11; 26 20.22):

    Narrator's Isaac called the name of the well, Con- Only tention, because the herdsmen of Concern Gerar "contended" with him; another well he called Broad Places (roomy places), because Jeh had "made room" for him; and Hagar was directed to name the son that she was about to bear "God doth hear," because Jeh had "heard" her affliction. The narrator's purpose was not to declare that the Heb word for contention, 'e.Sefc, is derived from the Heb vb. for "contend," 'a^ak, and that the name "God doth hear," yish- ma"el, signifies God doth hear, yishma' 'el. These derivations and meanings were plain. The pur- pose was to state the circumstances which led to the choice of the name. There are instances also where no part of the name reappears in the words that state the reason for the use of the name. For example, the name Maher-shalal-hash-baz is not explained by citing the words which compose it. One noun of the composite name appears, indeed, in the exposition of the meaning, but accidentally as it were, and without prominence or significance of position (Isa 8 3.4). Samuel is a notable ex- ample of this method. Hannah called his name Samuel, saying, 'Because of Jeh I asked him' (1 S 1 20) . Simonis, Ewald and Nestle derive the name from nh'mu'^^'el, "heard of God." This etymology would fully satisfy the reason given for the mother's choice of the name; but the suggested derivation is far-fetched, for it is not customary for a Heb word to lose the strong guttural ''ayin. The guttural was not lost, but was distinctly heard, in Ishmael, where there is the same concurrence of sounds as in sh'mu'-' 'el. Kimhi, on the other hand, suggested that Samuel is a contraction of sha'ul me' el, "asked of God"; and Ewald asserts that this origin is the theory of the narrator (Lehrbuch der hebraischen Sprache, 275, n. 3). This is incredible. Such a

    contraction is "alien to the genius of the Heb lan- guage" (Driver, Text of Samuel, 13), and the ab- sence of the two consonants aleph and lamedh before the letter m in the midst of the name Samuel would of itself prevent the Semite from imagining such an etymology. The derivation and meaning of Samuel were not obscure. The type was common, and was esp. familiar by reason of the name Peniel, "face of God" (Gen 32 30 f). Samuel means "name of God" (Gesenius). As Jacob, upon his return from Paddan-aram, in fulfilment of his vow erected an altar at Beth-el as a memorial of God's bestowal of the promised blessings and named the place thus consecrated "The God of Beth-el" (Gen 35 1.3.7), so Hannah having by vow dedicated to Jeh the son for whose birth she was praying, now that her prayer has been answered and the son given, calls him "The name of God" in commemoration of the Giver. The Bib. narrator states the motive which led the mother to choose the name Samuel for her child. In this explanation no part of the name is used. Moreover, the slight assonance between sh'mu' el &nd sh''iltiw in 1 S 1 20 was unsought, for these words are separated in the Heb text, and the emphasis is placed on the gift's being "from Jeh." The history of the discussion concerning this name shows how far astray criticism has been led by the false theory that the purpose of the narrator was to analyze the name and declare its derivation.

    Reuben affords evidence to the same effect. The name was known to the early Hebrews in this form e.xclu- sively. It is attested by their most ancient literature (Gen 29 32; 30 14; Jgs 5 1.5.16), by the entire OT, by the Gr tr (A, B and Lucian), by the Tgs, and by the NT (Rev 7 5). Yet in the 1st cent. Jos, adding a Gr termination, wrote Roubelos; and later the Syr version gave_ the naraeas Rllbll, and the Ethiopia version as Robel and Rfibel. The late variation is reasonably ex- plained as a softening of the pronunciation, which had come into vogue in certain circles. The liquids, or, to speak particularly regarding Reuben, the liquids n and I, sometimes interchanged, giving rise to two forms for a word in the same language or in kindred languages (Gesenius, Thesaurus, 727; Wright, Comp. Grammar, 67; Zimmern, VerglHchende Grammatik, § 11a). Not- withstanding the evidence furnished by the literature, preference has been given to Roubel as the original form on the ground that "the only plausible explanation of the etymology" given in Gen 29 32 "is that it is based on the form" R'' ilbel = R'' u ba'al (Skinner, Gen, 386). An exhibition of the etymology was needless, however, and was not the end which the writer had in view. His purpose was to state the occasion for bestowing this par- ticular name upon the child; and in stating it he does full justice to the clear meaning of the good, simple Heb of the name Reuben. The name signifies either "vision of a sou" or "Behold ye! a son." In either case the emphatic word is "son." As Hannah, taunted on account of her barrenness, besought God to look on her affliction and give her a man-child (1 S 1 11), so Leah, using the same words, speaking of the same mercy already shown her, and with the same thought in mind, e-xclaimed- ".Jeh hath looked upon my affliction; for now my hus- band will love me," and she called the name of her son "Look ye! It's a son" (or, "vision of a son"). A male child was to her a proof of God's regard for her misery and a guaranty of the future love of her husband for her' Moreover, the name kept the thought constantly before tlie mind of her husband. Gesenius remarks that Reuben means " properly, ' See ye, a son ! ' but the sacred writer in Gou 29 32 e.xplains it as for ra' aft (ra'uy) b^'onul provided in my affliction'" (LcricoK, Thesaurus) This curious specimen of criticism may be regarded as the reductio^ ad absurdum of the hypothesis that the Heb writers intend to give the derivation of the proper names. 1 he result of endeavoring to force the words of the ex- planation into an intentional etymology compels the assumption that the Heb writer misunderstood one of the simplest phrases of his own language and proposed a contraction impossible in itself and utterly foreign to the principles which underlie Heb speech.

    Allusions to proper names are made for the pur- pose of stating the reason for the bestowal of the

    "'ime, of pointing out a coincidence 3.^ Allusions between the name and the character Linked with or experience of its bearer, or of attach- Names ing a prophecy; and it is common to

    link the allusion with the name by em- ploying the root that underlies the name, or a cog-



    Names, Proper Nanaea

    nate root, or some other word that resembles the narne in sound: (1) Statement of the reason for the choice of the name: In the case of Simeon, the root of the name is used (Gen 29 33). Words of this type (with the termination on) are formed from nouns and vbs., and have the force of adjs., dimin- utives, or abstract nouns, and are sometimes used as concrete nouns (Stade, Lehrbuch der hebraischen Grammaiik, § 296). The Israelite at once recog- nized the root and formation of the name Simeon, which was a favorite with the Hebrews, and he knew that it could express the abstract idea of hearing. In Gen 29 33 the narrator is not seeking to impart etymological information ; but it is clear that he discerned the derivation when he gave the reason for the choice of this particular name for Leah's second son: "[Leah] said, Because Jeh hath heard that I am hated, he hath therefore given me this son also: and she called his name Simeon." The root of the name is used as a vb. in the state- ment of the motive. It was convenient and natural to do so, since the vb. shdma^ was the proper word to express the idea and was one of the most common words in the language. There would be no reason to suppose that identity with the root of the name was intentional, except that care is taken by the narrator in the case of the other sons of Jacob to maintain a similar correspondence. Accordingly, that form of paronomasia is employed where a word is used that is one with the name in derivation, but differs from the name in form and grammatically is a different part of speech.

    In the case of Cain a cognate root is used. The name is a segholate noun from the root kun, which means "to form," and then specifically to form at the anvil. Cain may accordingly be an abstract noun and denote formation, or a concrete noun denoting a forged weapon, or the agent in the work, namely a smith. In stating the reason for giving this name to the child, it was not feasible to use the vb. kUn, because of the technical mean- ing which had become attached to it. To avoid misunderstanding the cognate vb. hanah is em- ployed, which has radically the same significance, but is without the technical implications (Gen 4 1). The result is that kind of paronomasia which exists between words of similar sound and cognate origin, but difference of meaning.

    In the case of Noah a root unrelated to the name in origin, but containing a similar sound, is used. The Bib. narrator does not state whether the name Noah is the transliteration of a foreign word or is its tr into Heb; he merely declares that as given it expressed the father's hope that through this child men were to have relief from the ancient curse upon the ground. If the name is Heb, Its root may be nuah, "rest." At any rate it promptly suggested to the ear of the Hebrew the idea of rest. But the vb. nuah is used in Heb, as is the corre- sponding vb. "rest" in Eng., to express the two ideas of relief and cessation. Lamech did not mean that his son would cause men to cease from work, but that he would secure for them restful relief from toil due to God's curse on account of sin (Gen 5 29, with a reference to 3 17-19). The writer does not use the ambiguous word. To avoid ambiguity, yet with a view to preserving asso- nance with Noah, he employs the vb. naham, which has as one of its meanings the sense of comfort and relief.

    (2) The indication of a coincidence between the character or experience of a person and his name: Naomi, returning to her home bereaved and in poverty, saw the contrast between her present condition and her name; and she played upon her name by using a word of opposite meaning, saying: 'Call me not Pleasant, call me Bitter; for the Almighty hath dealt very bitterly with me' (Ruth 1 20). In whatever sense Nabal's name may have been bestowed upon him originally, at any rate his wife saw the correspondence between his name in its ordinary meaning and his conduct toward David, and she played upon it, saying: 'Fool is his name.

    and folly is with him' (1 S 25 2.5). Likewise the agreement between Jacob's character and a mean- ing that his name has in Heb was seen, and called forth the bitter word-play: 'Is he not rightly named "He supplants" ? for he hath supplanted me these two times' (Gen 27 36). Isaac, so far as the formation is concerned, may be an abstract noun meaning "laughter," or a concrete noun, "laughing one," or a vb. in the imperfect, "he laughs" or "one laughs" (cf Stade, Lehrbuch der hebraischen Gram- maiik, § 259a). Whichever specific meaning may have been in the mind of Abraham when he gave the name to his son, yet by reason of its ever speak- ing of laughter the name was a constant reminder to the parents of the laughter of unbelief with which they had listened to the promise of his birth (Gen 17 17; 18 12). But in due time the child of promise has been born. His name, as determined upon, is Isaac. This Sarah knows (17 19; 21 3). Accordingly, the theme with which she greets his advent is laid in her mouth. She plays upon the name Isaac, using the root of the word in various forms, first as a noun and then as a vb., and giving to the vb. a new subject and to the thought a new turn. Instead of the laughter of unbelief, with which the promise was received, 'God,' she says, 'hath prepared for me laughter [of joy], everyone that heareth [of the event] will laugh [with joy] for me' (21 6; cf Ps 126 2).

    (3) Attachment of a prophecy to a name : Paro- nomasia in all of its forms is used for this purpose. A meaning of the name, or a sound heard in it, or a contrast suggested by it may be played upon. In these several ways the prophet Micah plays upon successive names in one paragraph (Mic 1 10-15). In answer to Abraham's prayer in behalf of Ishmael, a promise is given concerning the lad, which is in- troduced by a play upon his name: 'As for the boy [named] "God heareth," I have heard thee' (Gen 17 18.20). To Gad a prophecy is attached in Gen 49 19. Two cognate roots are employed : gadhadh, which underlies the word rendered troop or maraud- ing band, and gUdh, which means "to press." In the use not only of the root of the name Gad, but of a different root also that is similar in sound, it is evi- dent that the purpose is simply to play upon the name. The brief oracle is uttered almost exclu- sively by means of variations in the vocalization of the two roots, producing one of the most successful word-plays in Heb literature.

    Judah is a noun corresponding to the Hophal imper- fect, and means "thing being praised," "object of praise." In bestowing this name upon her child the mother signified that Jeh was the object of her praise; for she said: "Now will I praise Jeh" (Gen 29 35). In Gen 49 8 a prophecy is spoken concerning Judah. The same etymology and meaning are recognized as before, but the application is different. The birth of Judah had made God an object of praise, the great deeds of the tribe of Judah were destined to make that tribe an object of praise. To quote the oracle: ' "Object of praise," thee shall thy brothers praise.' In this difference of refer- ence and in the repetition of the significant word con- sists the play upon the name.

    Dan is played upon in much the same way. The name may be a participle, used as a noun, and be rendered "judge": but it probably belongs to that numerous class in which the names are vbs. in the perfect, and sig- nifies, "he hath judged." His adoptive mother had called his name Dan, because God had heard her com- plaint and decided the cause in her favor (Gen 30 6). In attaching the prophecy, the name is played upon by changing the subject, and, in order to refer to the future, by substituting the imperfect for the perfect of the vb. : ' "He hath judged" shall judge his people, as one of the tribes of Israel' (Gen 49 16). See also God, Names of; Name.

    John D. Davis NANAEA, na-ne'a (Navata, Nanaia; AV Nanea) : A female deity worshipped by the Assyrians, Baby- lonians and Persians and other Asiatic peoples, the Nana or Nanai of the Babylonians, known as "the lady of Babylon." The name means "the

    Naomi Napkin



    undefiled," and probably represented originally the productive powers of Nature (genetrix), and as such was the companion of the sun-god. She was identi- fied with Ishtar in Assyria and Ashtoreth in Phoe- nicia, by the Greeks as Aphrodite (Clem. Alex. Protr., 19), but sometimes as Artemis the huntress (Paus_. iii.16.8; Plut. Artax. xxvii). Strabo (xv. 733) identifies her with Anaitis ( = Anahita), the Asian Artemis. She was the Venus, but sometimes the Diana, of the Romans. There are many variants of the name: Anaea (Strabo xvi.738), Aneitis (Plut. Artax. xxvii), Tanais (Clem. Alex., loc. cit.), also Tanath, sometimes in Phoen inscriptions, Tanata, Anta (Egyp). In 2 Mace 1 13 ff, a ficti- tious account is given of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, in a temple of Nanaea in Persia, by the treachery of Nanaea s priests. The public treasury was often placed in Nanaea's temple; this, Epi- phanes was anxious to secure under the pretext of marrying the goddess and receiving the money as a dowry. The priests threw down great stones "like thunderbolts" from above, killed the king and his suite and then cut off their heads. But 1 Mace 6 1 ff, which is more reliable, gives a different account of the death of Epiphanes after an attempt to rob a rich temple in Elymais. The account of 2 Mace 1 13 ff must be mere legend, as far as Epiphanes is concerned, but may have been suggested or colored by the story of the death of Antiochus the Great, who met his death while plundering a temple of Belus near Elymais (Strabo xvi.1.18; Diod. Sic. 573; Justin, xxxii.2). The temple of Nanaea referred to in 2 Mace 1 13 ff may be identified with that of Artemis (Polyb. xxxi.ll; Jos, Ajit, XII, ix, 1) or Aphrodite (Appian, Syr. 66; Rawlin- son, Speaker's Comm.). S. ANGtrs

    NAOMI, na'6-mi, nft-o'ml, nft-o'mi C^Ti . Tio'dml, probably = "pleasantness"; LXX B, Nwe- H-cCv, Noemein, A, Noe|i.(i€C[v], Noermneiln]) : Wife of Elimelech and mother-in-law of Ruth (Ruth

    1 2 — 4 17). She went with her husband to the land of Moab, and after his death returned to Bethlehem. When greeted on her return, she told the women of the town to call her, not no^dmi ("pleasantness"), but marah ("bitterness"), "for," she said, "the Almighty hath dealt very bitterly with me." She advised Ruth in her dealings with Boaz, and afterward nursed their child.

    The name may mean "my joy," "my bliss," but is perhaps better explained according to the tradi- tional interpretation as "the pleasant one."

    David Francis Roberts

    NAPHATH-DOR, na'fath-dor (Josh 12 23 RVm). See Dob.

    NAPHISH, na'fish (1»"'B5 , napMsh; Nais, Naphes, D, Na^9, Napheth): A son of Ishmael (Gen 25 15; 1 Ch 1 31). Naphish, along with other Hagrite clans, was overwhelmingly defeated by the Israelitish tribes on the E. of the Jordan (1 Ch 5 19, AV "Nephish"). Their descendants are mentioned among the Nethinim by the name "Nephisim," AV and RVm "Nephusim" (Ezr

    2 50); "Nephushesim," AV and RVm "Nephi- shesim" (Neh 7 52); "Naphisi" (1 Esd 6 31).

    NAPHISI, naf'i-sl (Nacjiio-t, Naphisi, B, Na(j>ci,o-€C,

    Napheisei): The name of one of the families which went up out of captivity with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 6 31) = "Nephushesim" of Neh 7 52; "Nephisim" of Ezr 2 50. See Naphish.

    NAPHOTH-DOR, na'foth-dor (Josh 11 2 RVm). See Dor.

    NAPHTALI, naf'ta-ll 0^^t>--< naphtall; N€- 6a\\\\\\\\ii\\\\\\\\i, Nephlhalelm):

    I. The P.4TRIARCH

    1. Name

    2. Circumstances of His Birtli

    3. Historical and Traditional Details II. Tribe of Naphtali

    1. Its Relative Position

    2. Its Location in Palestine

    3. Pliysical Features

    4. Distinction of tlie Tribe

    5. Sites and Inhabitants

    6. Labors of Jesus in This District

    /. The Patriarch. — The 5th son of Jacob, and

    the 2d born to him by Rachel's handmaid, Bilhah.

    He was full brother of Dan (Gen 30

    1. Name 7ff).

    At his birth Rachel is said to have

    exclaimed, naphlule 'Slohlm niphtalli, "wrestlings

    of God" — i.e. "mighty wrestlings" — "have I

    wrestled." Her sister's fruitfulness

    2. Circum- was a sore trial to the barren Rachel, stances of By her artifice she had obtained chil- Hls Birth dren, the offspring of her maid ranking

    as her own; and thus her reproach of childlessness was removed. The narne N. given to this son was a monument of her victory. She had won the favor and blessing of God as made manifest in the way yearned for by the oriental heart, the birth of sons.

    Personal details regarding the patriarch N. are entirely wanting in Scripture; and the traditions

    have not much to say about him.

    3. Histori- According to Tg Pseiulojon, he was a cal and swift runner. It also tells us that he Traditional was one of the 5 brethren whom Joseph Details chose to represent the family of Jacob

    in the presence of Pharaoh. He is said to have been 132 years old at his death (Test. XII P, viii, 1, 1). When Jacob and his family moved to Egypt, N. had 4 sons (Gen 46 24). In Egypt, he died and was buried.

    //. Tribe of Naphtali. — When the first census was taken in the wilderness, the tribe numbered

    53,400 fighting men (Nu 1 43; 2 30).

    1. Relative At the second census, the numbers Position had shrunk to 45,400 (Nu 26 48 ff);

    but see Numbers. The position of Naphtali in the desert was on the N. of the taber- nacle with the standard of the camp of Dan, along with the tribe of Asher (Nu 2 25 ff). The stand- ard, according to Jewish tradition, was a serpent, or basilisk, with the legend, "Return of Jehovah to the many thousands of Israel" (Tg Pseudojon on Nu 2 25). When the host was on the march, this camp came in the rear (Nu 2 31). The prince of the tribe at Sinai was Ahira ben Enan (2 29). Among the spies the tribe was represented by Nahbi ben Vophsi (13 14). Prince Pedahel ben Ammihud was chosen from N. to assist in the di- vision of the land (34 28). Toward the end of David's reign the ruler of the tribe was Jeremoth ben Azriel (1 Ch 27 19). Hiram the Tyrian artificer is described as "the son of a widow of the tribe of N." (1 K 7 14). But in 2 Ch 2 14 he IS called "the son of a woman of the daughters of Dan." Jgs 6 15 does not definitely associate Barak with the tribe of Issachar; his residence was at Kedesh (Jgs 4 6); it is therefore possible that he belonged to the tribe of N.

    In the allocation of the land, the lot of N. was the

    last but one to be drawn (Josh 19 32-39). The

    boundaries are stated with great ful-

    2. Location ness. While it is yet impossible to in Palestine trace them with certainty, the identi- fication of sites in recent years, for

    which we are mainly indebted to the late Col. Conder, makes possible an approximation. The territory was bounded on the E. by the Sea of



    Naomi Napkin

    Galilee and the upper reaches of the Jordan. Jos makes it extend to Damascus (Ant, V, i, 22); but there is nothing to support this. The southern boundary probably ran from the point where Wddy el-Bireh enters the Jordan, westward along the northern side of the valley to Mt. Tabor. The western border may have gone up by way of Hatiln (Ziddim) and Yakuk (Hukkok) to Kefr 'Anan (Hannathon), bending there to the W., including the land of er-Rameh (Ramah) until it reached the territory of Asher. Running northward again until nearly opposite Tyre, it bent eastward, and once more northward to the Litany (Leontes), taking in the larger part of what is called by the Arabs Belad Besharah and Beldd es-Shukif. Nineteen cities in N. are named in Josh 19 32 ff. Among them was the famous city of refuge, Kedesh-naphtali (q.v.), on the heights to the W. of the Waters of Merom, where extensive ruins are still to be seen (20 7) . It, along with Hammoth-dor and Kartan, was assigned to the Gershonite Levites (21 23; 1 Ch 6 76).

    The land lying around the springs of the Jordan was included in the lot of N. It is clear that from this part, as well as from the cities named in Jgs 1 33, N. did not drive out the Canaanites. These the Danites found in possession at the time of their raid. There is no indication that N. resented in any way this incursion of their kindred tribe into their territory (Jgs 18).

    The district thus indicated includes much excel- lent land, both pastoral and arable. There are the broad, rich terraces that rise away to

    3. Physical the N. and N.W. of the Sea of Galilee, Features with the fertile plain of Gennesaret

    on the seashore. The mountains imme- diately N. of the sea are rocky and barren; but when this tract is passed, we enter the lofty and spacious lands of upper Galilee, which from time immemorial have been the joy of the peasant farmer. Great breadths there are which in season yield golden harvests. The richly diversified scenery, mountain, hiU and valley, is marked by a finer growth of trees than is common in Pal. The tere- binth and pine, the olive, mulberry, apricot, fig, pomegranate, orange, lemon and vine are cultivated to good purpose. Water is comparatively plentiful, supplied by many copious springs. It was one of the districts from which Solomon drew provisions, the officer in charge being the king's son-in-law, Ahimaaz (1 K 4 15).

    The free life of these spacious uplands, which yielded so liberally to the touch of the hand of in- dustry, developed a robust manhood

    4. Dis- and a wholesome spirit of independence tinction of among its inhabitants. According to the Tribe Jos, who knew them well (BJ, III,

    iii, 2), the country never lacked mul- titudes of men of courage ready to give a good account of themselves on all occasions of war. Its history, as far as we know it, afforded ample oppor- tunity for the development of warlike qualities. In the struggle with Sisera, N. was found on the high places of the field (Jgs 5 18). To David's forces at Hebron, N. contributed a thousand cap- tains "and with them with shield and spear thirty and seven thousand" (1 Ch 12 34). Their position exposed them to the first brunt of attack by enemies from the N. ; and in the wars of the kings they bore an important part (1 K 15 20; 2 K 12 18; 13 22) ; and they were the first on the W. of the Jordan to be carried away captive (2 K 15 29). See Galilee.

    The largest town in Mt. Naphtali today is Safed, on the heights due N. of the Sea of Galilee, often spoken of as the "city set on a hill." It is built in the form of a horseshoe, open to the N., round

    the Castle Hill, on which are the ruins of the old fortress of the Templars. This is a position of great strength, which could hardly fail 5. Sites and to be occupied in ancient times. Inhabitants although, so far, it cannot be identi- fied with any ancient city. It con- tains between 20,000 and 30,000 inhabitants. Over against it to the N.W., beyond the deep gorge of

    Naphtali; da/ed.

    Wddy Leimun, rises Jehel Jermiik, the highest mountain in Pal proper (c 4,000 ft.) which may be the scene of the Transfiguration (q.v.). The inhabitants of Safed were massacred by Sultan Bibars in 1266. The city suffered severely from earthquake in 1759; and it shared with Tiberias, also a city of N., the disaster wrought by the earth- quake of 1837. It is one of the holy cities of the Jews.

    In the land of N. Jesus spent a great

    6. Labors part of his public life, the land of

    of Jesus Gennesaret, Bethsaida, Capernaum

    and Chorazin all lying within its

    boundaries (cf Mt 4 15). W. Ewing

    NAPHTALI, MOUNT CVns? in , har naphtali; Iv Tu opEi Tu Ne9aX6£, en to orei to Nephthalei): This was the most northerly of the three divisions of the Western Range, which derived their names from those of the tribes holding chief sway over them — Mt. Judah, Mt. Ephraim, and Mt. Naphtali (Josh 20 7 AV, RV replaces "Mount" by "the hill country of").

    NAPHTHAR, naf'thar (AV): RV "Nephthar."

    NAPHTUHIM, naf-tu'him (DTin?? , naphtuhim; LXX N€

    John A. Lees

    NAPKIN, nap'kin (o-ouSdpiov, souddrion; Lat sudarium) : In Lk 19 20, the cloth in which the "unprofitable servant" wrapped the money of his lord; cf Jn 11 44; 20 7; see Dress, 7; Hand- kerchief.

    Narcissus Natural, Nature



    NARCISSUS, niir-sis'us (NapKtcra-os, Narkissos) : In Rom 16 11 St. Paul sends greetings to "them of the household of Narcissus, that are in the Lord." "The last words may suggest that, though only the Christians in this household have a greeting sent to them, there were other members of it with whom the church had relations" (Denney).

    Narcissus is a common name, esp. among freed- men and slaves. But, as in the case of Aristobulus, some famous person of this name must be meant. Conybeare and Howson mention two, one the well- known favorite of Claudius, the other a favorite of Nero. The latter, who was put to death by Galba (Dio Cass, lxiv.3), they think to be the Narcissus meant here (St. Paul, ch xix). On the other hand, Bishop Lightfoot (Phil, 175) holds that "the power- ful freedman Narcissus, whose wealth was pro- verbial [Juv. Sat. xiv.329], whose influence with Claudius was unbounded, and who bore a chief part in the intrigues of this reign, alone satisfies this condition." Shortly after the accession of Nero, he had been put to death by Agrippina (Tac. Ann. xiii.l; Dio Cass, lx.34) in 54 AD. As this occurred three or four years before the Ep. to the Rom was written, some think another Narcissus is meant. However, as was usual in such cases, his property would be confiscated, and his slaves, becoming the property of the emperor, would swell "Caesar's household" as Narcissiani.

    S. F. Hunter

    NARD, nard. See Spikenard.

    NASBAS, nas'bas (Noo-pas, Nasbds, X, NapdS, Nabdd, read by Fritzsche) : A name otherwise un- known. It occurs only in Tob 11 18, "And Achia- charus, and Nasbas his brother's son," came to Tobit's wedding. Opinions are divided as to whether he was "brother's son" of Tobit or Achiacharus. AVm gives the suggestion of Junius, "Achiacharus who is also called Nasbas," thus identifying Nasbas with Achiacharus, which might gain support from 1 22 where Achiacharus is mentioned as "brother's son" of Tobit. See Achiacharus; Aman. N reads "Achiacharus and Nabad his brother's sotis," which is corrected by another hand to "brother's son" (i^dSektpos, exddelphos). The Itala gives "Nabal avunculus ["maternal uncle"] illius"; the Vulg "Nabath consobrini ["cousins"] Tobiae"; Syr "Laban his sister's son." This person is probably identical with the "Aman" of Tob 14 10 (see variety of read- ings under Aman) and the nephew in Harris' Story of Ahikar and His Nephew. S. Angus

    NASI, na'se (B, Nao-et, Nasel, A, Nao-£9, Nasith; AV Nasith) : The head of one of the families which went up with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 32) = "Neziah" of Ezr 2 54; Neh 7 56.

    NASOR, na'sor. See Hazor.

    NATHAN, na'than (]ln5, ndthan, "gift"; Na0dv, Nathdn): A court prophet in David's reign and a supporter of Solomon at his accession. There are three main incidents in his career as depicted in the OT.

    The two II narratives, 2 S 7 1-17=1 Ch 17 1-15, of which the former is the original, relate how David confided to Nathan his inten- 1. Nathan tion to build a house for Jeh's ark. and David's Nathan at first blesses the project, but Temple- that same night is given a Divine mes- Plans sage, and returns to tell the king that instead of David building a house for Jeh, Jeh will build a house for David: "I will set up thy seed after thee, .... and I will establish his kingdom I will be his father, and he shall be

    my son: if he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men" (2 S 7 12-14). Ver 13 says that "He shall build a house for my name, and I will establish the throne of his kingdom for ever," but this disturbs the one great thought of the passage, which is that God will build a house for David, and which is also the thought in David's prayer (va 18-29).

    The word "seed" in ver 12 is collective and so through- out the passage, so that the prophecy does not refer to any individual, but, like Dt 17 14-20; 18 15-22, be- longs to the group of generic prophecies. Nor is it Messianic, for ver 14 could not be reconciled with the sinlessness of Jesus. The message is rather a promise of the ever-merciful providence of God in dealing with David's family. (See, however, C. A. Briggs, Messianic Prophecy, 126 ff.) Budde, who says that the section be- longs to the 7th cent, and is certainly preexilic in the leading thought of the passage, sees in the prophecy something of the idealism of Amos and Hosea. for the prophet teaches that Jeh dwells, not in " a holy place made with hands" (He 9 11.24), but rather in the life of the nation as represented by the direct succession of Davidic kings. This presents an extension of the teaching of Paul that the very body itself is a sanctuary unto God (1 Cor 6 19).

    2 S 12 1-25 narrates Nathan's rebuke of David

    for his adultery, and for causing the death of

    Uriah; and then comes an account of

    2. Nathan the death of Bathsheba's child. In and David's vs l-15a, we have Nathan's parable Sin of the rich man and the poor man's

    ewe lamb, and the application of it to David's conduct. But several difficulties arise when we ask exactly what Nathan's message to David was: vs 13 f represent the prophet as saying that God has forgiven David but that the child will die, while vs 10-12 speak of a heavy punish- ment that is to come upon David and his family, and ver 16 does not show any indication of a proph- ecy as to the child's death. Commentators regard vs l-15a as later in origin than chs 11, 12 in the main, and hold vs 10-12 to be still later than the rest of va l-15a, Budde omits vs 9a/3. 10a6a.ll.l2, but regards even the rest of the story as interrupt- ing the connection between 11 27& and 12 156, and therefore of later date.

    1 K 1 is a part of "one of the best pieces of Heb narrative in our possession" (H. P. Smith, OT Hist,

    153, n. 2). It narrates the part that

    3. Nathan Nathan played in the events that led and Solo- to Solomon's accession. David was mon's getting old and feeble, and the suc- Accession cession had not been settled. When

    Adonijah, who was probably the eldest son living, gave a banquet to some of his father's state officials, Nathan, who was one of those that had not been invited, incited Bathsheba, Solomon's mother, to remind David of his promise to her that Solomon should succeed to the throne. 'This she did, and in the middle of her audience with David, Nathan appears with the news of Adonijah's feast and proclamation as king. Solomon is then anointed king by David's command, Nathan being one of his chief supporters. It has been suggested that it is only Nathan who interprets Adonijah's feast as a claim to the throne, but this con- tradicts ver 5. Yet, whereas in the two sections treated above Nathan is the prophet of Jeh, he is represented in 1 K as an intriguing court politician, plannmg very cleverly an opportune entrance into David's presence at the very time that Bathsheba has an audience with the king. The || narrative of 1 Ch 28 makes no mention of Nathan, Solomon being there represented as Divinely elected to suc- ceed David.

    1 K 4 5 mentions a Nathan as father of Azariah and Zabud two of the chief officers of Solomon. He is probably the prophet.

    1 Oh 29 29; 2 Ch 9 29 refer to "the words" or rather ' the acts of Nathan the prophet" as well as those



    Narcissus Natural, Nature

    of Samuel and Gad. " There can be no doubt that these are nothing more than references to the narratives in which Samuel, Nathan and Gad are mentioned in our Boolis of Samuel" (Curtis on 1 Ch 29 29). In 2 Ch 29 2.5, sanction is claimed for Levitical temple-music as being commanded by God through Nathan and Gad.

    Curtis (on 1 Ch 29 29) oljserves that Nathan is always called nahhV ("prophet") in S and K and not ro'th or f^ozeh, "seer."

    David Francis Roberts


    (1) A prophet (2 S 7; Ps 51, title). See pre- ceding article.

    (2) A son of King David (2 S 5 14; 1 Ch 3 5; 14 4).

    (3) Father of Igal, one of David's heroes (2 S 23 36). In 1 Ch 11 38, we have "Joel the brother of Nathan"; LXX B has "son" in this ver, but it is impossible to say whether Igal or Joel is the correct name.

    (4) A Jerahmeelite (1 Ch 2 36), whose son is called Zabad, whom some suppose to be the same as Zabud (1 K 4 5). On this view this Nathan is the same as the prophet (see 1, above).

    (5) A companion of Ezra from Babylon (Ezr 8 16 and 1 Esd 8 44).

    (6) Nathanias (1 Esd 9 34), one of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10 39).

    (7) Name of a family (Zee 12 12).

    David Francis Roberts NATHANAEL, na-than'a-el (NaBava^jK, Nathan- ail):

    (1) One of the "captains over thousands" who furnished the Levites with much cattle for Josiah's Passover (1 Esd 1 9) = "Nethanel" of 2 Ch 35 9.

    (2) (Na$avdi)\\\\\\\\o!, Nathandelos, BA om): One of the priests who had married a "strange wife" (1 Esd 9 22) = "Nethanel"of Ezr 10 22.

    (3) An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1).

    (4) One of the Twelve Apostles. See next article.

    NATHANAEL (bxjn?, nHhan'el, "God has given"; Na9ava^\\\\\\\\, Nathana^l): Nathanael, who was probably a fisherman, belonged to Cana in Galilee (Jn 21 2). According to the "Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles" (of Budge, Contendings of the Apostles, II, 50), N. was the same as Simon, the son of Cleopas, and was one of the Twelve. He was among those who met and conversed with Jesus during the preaching of John the Baptist at Bethany beyond Jordan (cf Jn 1 28). From the manner of the invitation extended to him by Philip (Jn 1 4.5), it is evident that N. was well versed in ancient Scripture, and that in him also the preach- ing of ,Iohn had aroused a certain ex-pectancy. His reply to Philip, "Can any good thing come out of Nazareth?". (Jn 1 46), was prompted, not by any ill repute of the place, but by its petty insignif- icance and familiarity in N.'s eyes. To this ques- tion Philip made no direct answer, but replied, "Come and see." It was the answer best fitted to the man and the occasion; it appealed to N.'s fair-mindedness and sincerity of purpose. He responded nobly to the call, and on approaching Jesus was received with the words: "Behold, an Israelite indeed, in whom is no guile!" (Jn 1 47). It was a tribute to that singleness of heart which enabled him to overcome his initial preju- dice. The same candor and openness distinguished the after-interview of N. with Jesus, as is evident by his question, "Whence knowest thou me?" (Jn 1 48). The reply of Jesus was not what he ex- pected. It concerned the time he had spent under the fig tree, kneeling, no doubt, in silent prayer and communion with God, and brought to mind all the sacred hopes and aspirations of that hour. It taught him that here was One who read on the instant the inmost secrets of his heart, and was Himself the ideal for whom he was seeking; and it

    drew from him the confession, "Rabbi, thou art the Son of God; thou art King of Israel" (Jn 1 49).

    Although N. is mentioned by name only once again in the NT, where he is one of the seven who witnessed the appearance of the risen Jesus at the Sea of Tiberias (Jn 21 2), it is evident that the connection and com- panionship of N. with Jesus must have been much closer than those two incidents would lead us to suppose. Accordingly, attempts have been made to identify him with other NT characters, the most commonly accepted being Bartholomew (cf Bartholomew). The principal arguments in support of this identification are: (1) N. is never mentioned by the synoptists, and Bartholomew is never mentioned by John, who further implies that N. was one of the twelve disciples (cf Jn 20 24—26; 21 2): (2) in the Synoptists, Philip is closely connected with Bartholomew (cf lists of the apostles), and in John with N. (cf Jn 1 45 ft) ; (3) the fact that most of the other apostles bear two names. Arguments are also adduced to identify him with Simon the Cananaean (cf Simon). N. has also been identified with Matthew and Matthias (based on the similarity of name-meanings), with John the son of Zebedee, with Stephen, and even with Paul.

    C. M. Kerr

    NATHANIAS, nath-a-nl'as (Naeavlas, Natha- nias) : One of those who put away their foreign wives (1 Esd 9 34) = "Nathan" of Ezr 10 39.

    NATHAN-MELECH, na'than-me'lek (^'jP'inj , nHhan-melekh, "king's gift"): A Judaean official, to whose chamber King Josiah removed "the horses ofthesun"(2 K 23 11). LXX calls him "Nathan, the king's eunuch" CNaOav ^a(7tX^ws toO eivoijxov, Nathan basileos tou eunouchou).

    NATIONS, na'shunz. See Gentiles; Goiim; Heathen; Table of Nations.

    NATIVITY, na-tiv'i-ty, OF MARY, GOSPEL OF THE. See Apocryphal Gospels.

    NATURAL, nat'n-ral, NATURE, na'tllr (nb, le^h; »|/dxik6s, psuchikds, <^va-iK6s, phusikds, <|)vo-is, phiisis) :

    "Natural" is the tr of le^h, "freshness or vigor" (Dt 34 7). Of Moses it is said, "His eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated."

    1. As Used ..,T <- ,, • 4.U ,

    in tv>o riT Nature m the sense of a system or

    ininevJl constitution does not occur in the OT. The world and men, each individual, were con- ceived as being the direct creation of a supra-mundane God, and conserved by His power and Spirit. The later conception of "nature" came in through Gr influences.

    In the Apoc, we find "nature" in the sense of innate character or constitution (Wisd 7 20, "the natures [phuseis] of living creatures"; 13 1, "Surely vain are all men by nature" [phusei], 3 Mace 3 29, "mortal nature" [phusie]).

    In the NT "nature" (phusis) is frequently found

    in the latter sense (Rom 1 26, "against nature";

    2 14, "by nature"; 2 27; 11 24, also

    2. As Used "contrary to nature"; 1 Cor 11 14, in the NT "Doth not even nature itself teach


    Gal 2 15; 4 8; Eph 2 3;

    in 2 Pet 1 4, we have "that ye might be partakers of the divine nature," RVm "or, a"); phusis occurs also in Jas 3 7, "every kind of beasts," RVm "Gr nature," also "mankind" (ver 7), RVm "Gr the human nature." "Natural" (Rom 11 21.24) is the tr of katd phusin, "according to nature." Paul in 1 Cor speaks of "the natural man" (2 14, ARVm "or unspiritual, Gr psychical") and of a "natural body" (15 44 bis), the Gr word being psuchikos, "of the soul" (psuche), the animal, natural, principle, as contrasted with what pertains to the higher principle of the spirit (pneuma). In 1 Cor 15 46 the contrast Is expressed, "Howbeit that is not first which is spiritual, but that which is natural," ARVm "Gr psychical." The "natural man" is the man in whom the spirit is unquickened, the "natural body" is that corresponding to the psychical or soul-nature, the "spiritual body" that corresponding to the Spirit

    Natural Features Nazareth



    as the dominant principle of the life. In Jude ver 10, we have phusikos, "naturally," "naturally, as brute beasts," RV "naturally, like the creatures without reason"; genesis, "origin," "birth," is tr'' "natural" (Jas 1 23, "his natural face," RVm "Gr the face of his birth"); and "nature" (3 6, "the course of nature," RV "the wheel of nature," m "or birth") ("wheel" probably means "circle of nature" [the whole creation; see Course)); gnesios, "genuine" ("true to right nature"), "legiti- mate," "sincere," is tr'^ "naturally" (Phil 2 20, "who will naturally care for your state," RV "truly," m "Gr genuinely"). W. L. Walker

    NATURAL FEATURES, fe'tQrz: As has been pointed out by various authors (cf HGHL), the principal physical features of Pal run in N. and S. lines, or rather about from S.S.W. to N.N.E.

    The lowland or Shephelah (AV "vale, valley, plain, or low country") includes the maritime plain and the western foothills.

    The hill country consists of the mountains of Judaea, and its features are continued northward to the plain of Esdraelon and southward to the Sinaitio peninsula. It is rocky and has very little water. Except for the few fountains, the scanty population depends upon rain water collected during the winter months.

    The Arabah (RV) includes the Jordan valley from the Sea of Galilee to the Dead Sea, as well as the depression running from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Akabah. It is to the latter depression that the name Wddi-ul-'' Arabah is now applied by the Arabs. It is bounded on the E. by Mt. Seir or Edom, and on the W. by the mountains of the Sinaitic peninsula. Its highest point, about half- way between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of Akabah, is a few hundred ft. higher than the level of the Mediterranean, but nearly 2,000 ft. above the level of the Dead Sea. From this point the valley slopes southward to the Gulf of Akabah, and northward to the Dead Sea. The lower Jordan valley slopes from about 600 ft. below ocean-level at the Sea of Galilee to about 1,300 ft. below ocean-level at the Dead Sea.

    To the E. are the highlands of Gilead and Moab rising abruptly from the valley, as does the hill country of Judaea on the W. The country to the

    "Up to .Jerusalem" from the Good Samaritan'.? Inn.

    E. of the Jordan-Dead Sea-Arabah depression, to the whole of which the name Ghaur (Ghdr) is ap- plied by the Arabs, is a great table-land sloping gradually to the E. from the sharp edge which over- looks the Ghaur. It has no conspicuous peaks. What appear to be peaks when viewed from the Ghaur are irregularities of its western contour, which are invisible or appear as slight mounds to the observer who looks westward from any point some miles to the E. Mt. Nebo, for instance, when seen from Mddeba is not readily distinguishable. This is because it really docs not rise above the general

    level of the table-land. The small annual rainfall on the heights near the Ghaur diminishes east- ward, and the desert begins within from 20 to 40 miles.

    Another term much used by OT writers is South or Negeb, which embraces the southernmost por- tion of the promised land, and was never effectively occupied by the Israelites. Its uttermost bound- ary was the "river of Egypt" {al-'Arish), and coin- cides roughly with the present boundary between the Ottoman territory on the E. and the Anglo- Egyp territory of Sinai on the W.

    ThB term slopes, 'dshedhoth. AV "springs," occurs in Josli 10 40, "So Joshua smote all the land, the hill- country .... and the lowland, and the slopes, and all their kings"; and again in Josh 12 7.8, " And Joshua gave it .... for a possession according to their divisions; in the hill-country, and in the lowland, and in the Arabah, and in the slopes, and in the wilderness, and In the South." In the former passage, it seems to refer to the foothills which form the eastern or higher part of the lowland or Shephelah. In the latter passage, it might mean the same, or it might mean the descent from the Judaean hills to the Ghaur. In Dt 3 17; 4 49; Josh 12 3; 13 20, we have "the slopes of Pisgah" Cashdoth- ha-pisgdh, "springs of Pisgah"). which denotes the descent from 'the heights of Moab to the Ghaur. The same word occurs in the sing, in Nu 21 1-5. referring to the descent to theArnon. "Slopes," therefore, does not seem to be a term applied to any particular region.

    The wilderness is usually the desert of the wander- ing, including the central part of the Sinaitic peninsula, but it is by no means always used in this sense, e.g. Josh 8 15.20.24, where it clearly refers to a region near Ai. "The wilderness" of Mt 4 1 is thought to be the barren portion of Judaea between Jerus and the Jordan. See Champaign; Country; Desert; East; Hill; Lowland; South.

    Alfred Ely Day

    NATURAL HISTORY, his't5-ri. See Animal; Botany; Birds; Fishes; Insects; Zoology.

    NATURAL MAN, THE. ral.

    See Man, The Natu-

    NATURE. See Natural, Nature.

    NAUGHT, not, NAUGHTY, no'ti, NAUGHTI- NESS, -nes: In the sense of bad, worthless, worth- lessness, the words in AV represent the Heb yi , ra\\\\\\\\ changed in RV to "bad" (2 K 2 19; Prov 20 14; Jer 24 2), ?T , ro"', retained in RV "naughti- ness" (1 S 17 28), nin, tettiwo/i, rendered in RV in Prov 11 6 "iniquity," and in 17 4 "mischievous." In Prov 6 12, "naughty person," lit. "man of Belial," is in RV "worthless person." In the NT, "superfluity of naughtiness" in Jas 1 21 (ior KaKla, kakia) becomes in RV "overflowing of wickedness," m "malice," and in Wisd 12 10 AV's "naughty generation" (wovripb^, ponerds) is made into "by birth ■ • ■ • evil." James Orr

    NAUM, na'um: AV form, Nahum (q.v.), the name of an ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3 2.5).

    NAVE, nav (1 K 7 33). See Sea, Molten.

    NAVE, na'vc (Nau^, Naut) : Gr form of the Heb proper name "Nun" (so RV), found only in AV of Sir 46 1.

    NAVEL, na'v'l (lia , .shor [LXX in Prov 3 8 suggests a different reading, viz. instead of ^'^12 , shorrekha, ?1"1TB, s?terekha = '^'ii<1p , s¥'erekha, "thy flesh"]) : The AV translates the Heb sharir in the de- scription of Behemoth (.Job 40 16) by "navel," where modern translators have substituted "muscles"' similarly in the tr of shorer (Cant 7 2) it has been



    Natural Features Nazareth

    replaced by "body." There remain two passages of RV where "navel" is retained as the tr of shor. Thus we find the word used, pars pro tola, for the whole being: "It [the fear of Jeh] will be health to thy navel, and marrow to thy bones" (Prov 3 8). The uttermost neglect which a new-born babe can experience is expressed by Ezekiel: "In the day thou wast born thy navel [i.e. umbilical cord] was not cut, neither wast thou washed in water to cleanse thee; thou wast not salted at all, nor swaddled at all" (Ezk 16 4). H. L. E. Luebing

    NAVY, na'vi. See Ships and Boats, II, 1, (2).

    NAZARENE, naz-a-ren', naz'a-ren (NaJapriviJs, Nazarends; Nazoraios in Mt, Jn, Acts and Lk) : A derivative of Nazareth, the birthplace of Christ. In the NT it has a double meaning: it may be friendly and it may be inimical.

    On the lips of Christ's friends and followers, it is an honorable name. Thus Matthew sees in it a ful- filment of the old Isaian prophecy 1. An Hon- (Isa 11 l[Heb]): "That it might be orable Title fulfilled which was spoken through the prophets, that he should be called a Nazarene" (Mt 2 23). According to an over- whelming array of testimony (see Meyer, Comm., in loc), the name Nazareth is derived from the same l/ nd(ar, found in the text quoted from Isa. We have here undoubtedly to do with a permissible accommodation.

    It Is not quite certain that Matthew did not intend, by the use of tills word, to refer to the picture of the Messiah, as drawn in Isa 63, on account of the low esti- mate in wliich this place was held ( Jn 1 46) . Nor Is it permissible, as has been done by Tertullian and Jferome, to substitute the word "Nazarite" for "Nazarene," which in every view of the case is contrary to the patent facts of the lije of the Saviour.

    Says Meyer, "In giving this prophetic title to the Messiah he entirely disregards the historical mean- ing of the same (LXX Isa ll 1, dnthos), keeps by the relationship of the name Nazareth to the word nagar, and recognizes by virtue of the same, in that prophetic Messianic name neger, the typical refer- ence to this — that Jesus through His settlement in Nazareth was to become a 'Nazoraios,' a 'Naza- rene.' " This name clung to Jesus throughout His entire life. It became His name among the masses: "Jesus of Nazareth passeth by" (Mk 10 47; Lk 24 19). Perhaps Matthew, who wrote after the event, may have been influenced in his application of the Isaian prophecy by the very fact that Jesus was popularly thus known. Even in the realm of spirits He was known by this appellation. Evil spirits knew and feared Him, under this name (Mk 1 24; Lk 4 34), and the angels of the resurrection morning called Him thus (Mk 16 6), while Jesus applied the title to Himself (Acts 22 8). In the light of these facts we do not wonder that the dis- ciples, in their later lives and work, persistently used it (Acts 2 22; 3 6; 10 38).

    If His friends knew Him by this name, much more His enemies, and to them it was a title of

    scorn and derision. Their whole atti- 2. A Title tude was compressed in that one word of Scorn of Nathanael, by which he voiced his

    doubt, "Can any good thing come out of Nazareth?" (Jn 1 46). In the name "Naza- rene," the Jews, who opposed and rejected Christ, poured out all the vials of their antagonism, and the word became a Jewish heritage of bitterness. It is hard to tell whether the appellation, on the lips of evil spirits, signifies dread or hatred (Mk 1 24; Lk 4 34). With the gatekeepers of the house of the high priest the case is clear. There it signifies un- adulterated scorn (Mt 26 71; Mk 14 67). Even in His death the bitter hatred of the priests caused

    this name to accompany Jesus, for it was at their dictation written above His cross by Pilate (Jn 19 19). The entire Christian community was called by the leaders of the Jewish people at Jerus, "the sect of the Nazarenes" (Acts 24 5). If, on the one hand, therefore, the name stands for devotion and love, it is equally certain that on the other side it represented the bitter and undying hatred of His enemies. Henry E. Dosker

    NAZARETH, naz'a-reth (Najap^r, Nazarit,

    Nojap^e, Nazarith, and other forms): A town in

    Galilee, the home of Joseph and the

    1. Notice Virgin Mary, and for about 30 years Confined to the scene of the Saviour's life (Mt 2 the NT 23; Mk 1 9; Lk 2 39.51; 4 16, etc).

    He was therefore called Jesus of Nazareth, although His birthplace was Bethlehem; and those who became His disciples were known as Nazarenes. This is the name, with slight modifi- cation, used to this day by Moslems for Christians, Na^ara — the sing, being Na^rany.

    The town is not named in the OT, although the presence of a spring and the convenience of the site make it probable that the place was occupied in old times. Quaresimus learned that the ancient name was Medina Abiat, in which we may recog- nize the Arab. el-Medinat el-bai4ah, "the white town." Built of the white stone supplied by the limestone rocks around, the description is quite accurate. There is a reference in Mish (M'na- hoih, viii.6) to the "white house of the hill" whence wine for the drink offering was brought. An elegy for the 9th of Ab speaks of a "course" of priests settled in Nazareth. This, however, is based upon an ancient midhrash now lost (Neubauer, Geogr. du Talm, 82, 85, 190; Delitzsch, Ein Tag in Caper- naum, 142). But all this leaves us still in a state of uncertainty.

    The ancient town is represented by the modem

    en-Na^irah, which is built mainly on the western

    and northwestern slopes of a hollow

    2. Posi- among the lower hills of Galilee, just tion and before they sink into the plain of Physical Esdraelon. It lies about midway Features between the Sea of Galilee and the

    Mediterranean at Haifa. The road to the plain and the coast goes over the south- western lip of the hollow; that to Tiberias and Damascus over the heights to the N.E. A rocky gorge breaks down southward, issuing on the plain between two craggy hills. That to the W. is the traditional Hill of Precipitation (Lk 4 29). This, however, is too far from the city as it must have been in the days of Christ. It is probable that the present town occupies pretty nearly the ancient site; and the scene of that attempt on Jesus' life may have been the cliff, many feet in height, not far from the old synagogue, traces of which are still seen in the western part of the town. There is a good spring under the Greek Orthodox church at the foot of the hill on the N. The water is led in a conduit to the fountain, whither the women and their children go as in old times, to carry home in their jars supplies for domestic use. There is also a tiny spring in the face of the western hill. To the N.W. rises the height on which stands the sanctuary, now in ruins, of Nehy Sa'in. From this point a most beautiful and extensive view is obtained, rang- ing on a clear day from the Mediterranean on the W. to the Mountain of Bashan on the E.; from Upper Galilee and Mt. Hermon on the N. to the uplands of Gilead and Samaria on the S. The whole extent of Esdraelon is seen, that great battle- field, associated with so many heroic exploits in Israel's history, from Carmel and Megiddo to Tabor and Mt. Gilboa.




    There are now some 7,000 inhabitants, mainly

    Christian, of whom the Greek Orthodox church

    claims about 3,000. Moslems number

    3. Present about 1,600. There are no Jews. It Inhabitants is the chief market town for the pas- toral and agricultural district that lies

    around it.

    In Nazareth, Jesus preached His first recorded

    sermon (Lk 4 16 £f), when His plainness of speech

    aroused the homicidal fury of His

    4. Labors hearers. "He did not many mighty of Jesus works there because of their unbelief"

    (Mt 13 58). Finding no rest or se- curity in Nazareth, He made His home in Caper- naum. The reproach implied in Nathanael's question, "Can any good thing come out of Naza- reth?" (Jn 1 46), has led to much speculation.

    paios, nazeiraios, as also various words indicating "holiness" or "devotion"; AV Nazarite, naz'a-rit) :

    1. Antiquity and Origin

    2. Conditions of the Vow

    3. Initiation

    4. Restoration

    5. Completion and Release

    6. Semi-sacerdotal Character

    7. Nazirites for Life

    8. Samson's Case

    9. Samuel's Case

    10. Token of Divine Favor

    11. Did Not Form Commimitles

    12. Among Early Christians

    13. Parallels among Other Peoples

    The root-meaning of the word in Heb as well as the various Or tr= indicates the Nazirite as "a con- secrated one" or "a devotee." In the circumstances of an ordinary vow, men consecrated some mate-

    Nazareth, fkom the Road to the Plain of Esdraelon.

    By ingenious emendation of the text Cheyne would read, "Can the Holy One proceed from Nazareth?" {EB, S.V.). Perhaps, however, we should see no more in this than the acquiescence of Nathanael's humble spirit in the lowly estimate of his native province entertained by the leaders of his people in Judaea.

    Christians are said to have first settled here in the time of Constantine- (Epiphanius) , whose mother Helena built the Church of the Annun- 6. Later elation. In crusading times it was History the seat of the bishop of Bethsean.

    It passed into Moslem hands after the disaster to the Crusaders at Hattin (1183). It was destroyed by Sultan Bibars in 1263. In 1620 the Franciscans rebuilt the Church of the Annunciation, and the town rose again from its ruins. Here in 1799 the French general Junot was assailed by the Turks. After his brilliant victory over the Turks at Tabor, Napoleon visited Nazareth. The place suffered some damage in the earthquake of 1837.

    Protestant Missions are now represented in Nazareth by agents of the Church Missionary So- ciety, and of the Edinburgh Medical Missionary Society. W. Ewing

    NAZIRITE, naz'i-rit (T'T?, nazir, connected

    rial possession, but the Nazirite consecrated himself or herself, and took a vow of separation and self- imposed discipline for the purpose of some special service, and the fact of the vow was indicated by special signs of abstinence. The chief OT passages are Jgs 13 5-7; 16 17; Nu 6; Am 2 11.12; cf Sir 46 13 (Heb); 1 Maoo 3 49-52.

    The question has been raised as to whether the Nazirite vow was of native or foreign origin in Israel.

    The idea of special separation, how- 1. Antiquity ever, seems in all ages to have appealed and Origin to men of a particular temperament,

    and we find something of the kind in many countries and always linked with special abstinence of some kind; and from all that is said in the Pent we should infer that the custom was already ancient in Israel and that Mosaism regu- lated it, bringing it into line with the general system of religious observance and under the cognizance of the Aaronic priests. The critics assign the sec- tion dealing -with this matter (Nu 6 1-21) to P, and give it a late date, but there cannot be the least doubt that the institution itself was early. It seems not unlikely that on the settlement in Canaan, when the Israehtes, having failed to overcome the native population, began to mix freely wdth them, the local worship, full of tempting Dionysiac ele- ments, brought forth this religious protest in favor




    of Israel's ancient and simpler way of living, and as a protection against luxury in settling nomads. It is worthy of note that among the Semites vine- growing and wine-drinking have ever been con- sidered foreign to their traditional nomadic mode of life. It was in this same protest that the Rechab- ites, who were at least akin to the Nazirites, went still farther in refusing even in Canaan to abandon the nomadic state. See Rechabites.

    The Pent, then, makes provision for the Nazirite

    vow being taken by either men or women, though

    the OT does not record a single in-

    2. Condi- stance of a female Nazirite. Further, tions of it provides only for the taking of the the Vow vow for a limited time, that is, for the

    case of the "Nazirite of days." No period of duration is mentioned in the OT, but the Mish, in dealing with the subject, prescribes a period of 30 days , while a double period of 60 or even a triple one of 100 days might be entered on. The conditions of Naziritism entailed: (1) the strictest abstinence from wine and from every prod- uct of the vine; (2) the keeping of the hair un- shorn and the beard untouched by a razor; (3) the prohibition to touch a dead body; and (4) prohi- bition of unclean food (Jgs 13 5-7; Nu 6).

    The ceremonial of initiation is not recorded, the Pent treating it as well known. The Talm tells us

    that it was only necessary for one to

    3. Initiation express the wish that he might be a

    Nazirite. A formal vow was, however, taken; and from the form of renewal of the vow, when by any means it was accidentally broken, we may judge that the head was also shorn on initiation and the hair allowed to grow during the whole period of the vow.

    The accidental violation of the vow just men- tioned entailed upon the devotee the beginning of

    the whole matter anew and the serving

    4. Restora- of the whole period. This was entered tion on by the ceremonial of restoration,

    in the undergoing of which the Nazi- rite shaved his head, presented two turtle-doves or two young pigeons for sin and burnt offerings, and re-consecrated himself before the priest, further pre- senting a lamb for a trespass offering (Nu 6 9-12). When the period of separation was complete, the ceremonial of release had to be gone through.

    It consisted of the presentation of

    5. Comple- burnt, sin and peace offerings with tion and their accompaniments as detailed in Release Nu 6 13-21, the shaving of the head

    and the burning of the hair of the head of separation, after which the Nazirite returned to ordinary life.

    The consecration of the Nazirite in some ways resembled that of the priests, and similar words

    are used of both in Lev 21 12 and Nu

    6. Semi- 6 17, the priest's vow being even sacerdotal designated nezer. It opened up the Character way for any Israelite to do special

    service on something like semi-sacer- dotal lines. The priest, like the Nazirite, dared not come into contact with the dead (Lev 21 1), dared not touch wine during the period of service (Lev 10 9), and, further, long hair was an ancient priestly custom (Ezk 44 20).

    The only "Nazirites for life" that we know by name are Samson, Samuel and John the Baptist,

    but to these Jewish tradition adds

    7. Nazirites Absalom in virtue of his long hair. for Life We know of no one voluntarily taking

    the vow for life, all the cases recorded being those of parents dedicating their children. In rabbinical times, the father but not the mother might vow for the child, and an interesting case of this kind is mentioned in the dedication of Rabbi

    Chanena by his father in the presence of Rabban Gamaliel {Nazlr, 296).

    Samson is distinctly named a Nazirite in Jgs 13

    7 and 16 17, but it has been objected that his case

    does not conform to the regulations

    8. Sam- in the Pent. It is said that he must son's Case have partaken of wine when he made

    a feast for his friends, but that does not follow and would not be so understood, say, in a Moslem country today. It is further urged that in connection with his fighting he must have come into contact with many dead men, and that he took honey from the carcase of the lion. To us these objections seem hypercritical. Fighting was specially implied in his vow (Jgs 13 5), and the remains of the lion would be but a dry skeleton and not even so defiling as the ass's jawbone, to which the critics do not object.

    Samuel is nowhere in the OT called a Nazirite,

    the name being first apphed to him in Sir 46 13

    (Heb) , but the restri ctions of his dedica-

    9. Samuel's tion seem to imply that he was. Well- Case hausen denies that it is implied in 1 S

    1 11 that he was either a Nathin ("a gift, [one] 'given' unto Jeh"; cf Nu 3 9; 18 6) or a Nazirite. In the Heb text the mother's vow mentions only the uncut hair, and first in LXX is there added that he should not drink wine or strong drink, but this is one of the cases where we should not regard silence as final evidence. Rather it is to be regarded that the visible sign only is mentioned, the whole contents of the vow being implied.

    It is very likely that Nazirites became numerous in Israel in periods of great religious or political

    excitement, and in Jgs 5 2 we may para-

    10. Token phrase, 'For the long-haired champions of Divine in Israel.' That they should be raised Favor up was considered a special token of

    God's favor to Israel, and the tempting of them to break their vow by drinking wine was considered an aggravated sin (Am 2 11.12). At the time of the captivity they were looked upon as a vanished glory in Israel (Lam 4 7 m), but they reappeared in later history.

    So far as we can discover, there is no indication that they formed guilds or settled communities

    like the "Sons of the Prophets." In

    11. Did Not some sense the Essenes may have con- Form Com- tinned the tradition, and James, the munitjes Lord's brother (Euseb., HE, II, xxiii,

    3, following Hegesippus), and also Banus, tutor of Jos {Vita, 2), who is probably the same as the Buni mentioned as a disciple of Jesus in Sank. 43a, were devotees of a kind resembling Nazirites. Berenice's vow was also manifestly that of the Nazirite (Jos, BJ, II, xv, 1).

    The case of John the Baptist is quite certain, and it was probably the means of introducing the cus- tom among the early Christians. It

    12. Among was clearly a Nazirite's vow which Paul Early took, "having shorn his head in Christians Cenohreae" (Acts 18 18), and which

    he completed at Jerus with other Chris- tians similarly placed (Acts 21 23).

    As the expenses of release were heavj' for poor men, such were at times aided in this matter by their richer brethren. Thus Agrippa,on his return from Rome, assisted many Nazirites (Jos, Ant, XIX, vi, 1), and Paul was also at charges with others (Acts 21 23).

    We come across something of the same kind in many countries, and we find special abstinence always emphasized. Thus we meet with a class of "votaries" as early as the days of Hammurabi, and his code devotes quite a number of sections to them. Among other restrictions they were pro- hibited from even entering a wineshop {Sect, 110).

    Neah Nebuchadnezzar



    Then we are familiar with the Hierodouloi of the Greeks, and the Vestal Virgins of the Romans.

    The word n'zir also appears in Syr 13. Par- and was applied to the maidens de- allels voted to the service of Belthis. In

    among the East, too, there have always been

    Other individuals and societies of ascetics

    Peoples who were practically Nazirites, and the

    modern dervish in nearly every way re- sembles him, while it is worthy of record in this connection that the Moslem (an abstainer by creed) while under the vow of pilgrimage neither cuts his hair nor pares his nails till the completion of his vow in Mecca. W. M. Christie

    NEAH, ne'a (HySH, ha-ne'ah, "the neah"; 'Av- vovd, Amioud) : A town in the lot of Zebulun (Josh

    19 13), mentioned along with Gath-hepher and Rimmon. It is possibly identical with "Neiel" (ver 27). No name resembling either of these has yet been recovered, although the district in which the place must be sought is pretty definitely indi- cated. It may probably have lain to the N. of Rimmon (Rummaneh), about 4 miles N.E. of Sef- furiyeh.

    NEAPOLIS, n5-ap'6-lis (NeairoXis, Nedpolis; WH, Nea Polis) : A town on the northern shore of the Aegean, originally belonging to Thrace but later falling within the Rom province of Macedonia. It was the seaport of Philippi, and was the first point in Europe at which Paul and his companions landed; from Troas they had sailed direct to Samothrace, and on the next day reached Neapolis (Acts 16 11). Paul probably passed through the town again on his second visit to Macedonia (Acts

    20 1), and he certainly must have embarked there on his last journey from Philippi to Troas, which occupied 5 days (Acts 20 6). The position of Neapolis is a matter of dispute. Some writers have maintained that it lay on the site known as Eski (i.e. "Old") Kavalla (Cousin&y, Macedoine, II, 109 ff), and that upon its destruction in the 6th or 7th cent. AD the inhabitants migrated to the place, about 10 miles to the E., called Christopolis in mediaeval and Kavalla in modern times. But the general view, and that which is most consonant with the evidence, both literary and archaeological, places Neapolis at Kavalla, which lies on a rocky headland with a spacious harbor on its western side, in which the fleet of Brutus and Cassius was moored at the time of the battle of Philippi (42 BC; Appian Bell. Civ. iv.l06). The town lay some 10 Rom miles from Philippi, with which it was connected by a road leading over the mountain ridge named Symbolum, which separates the plain of Philippi from the sea.

    The date of it.s foundation is uncertain, but it seems to have been a colony from the island of Thasos, which lay opposite to it (Dio Cassius xlvii.3.'3). It appears (under the name Neopolis, which is also borne on its coins) as a member both of the first and of the second Athenian confederacy, and was highly commended by the Athen- ians in an e.xtant decree for its loyalty during the Thasian revolt of 411-408 BO (Inscr. Graec, I, Suppl. 51). The chief cult of the city was that of "The Virgin," usually identified with the Gr Artemis. (See Leake, Travels in Northern Greece. Ill, 180; Cousinery, Voyage dans la MacSdoine, II, 69 11,109 ff; Heuzey and Daumet, Mis- sion arch^ol. de MacSdoine, 11 ff.)

    M. N. Tod NEAR, ner, NIGH, ni (chiefly Sin]?, karobh, "to draw near," 3"1]5 , karabh; iyyvi, eggiis): Used of proximity in place (Gen 19 20; 45 10; Ex 13 17; Ps 22 11; Jn 3 23, etc), time (Jcr 48 16; Ezk 7 7; 30 3; Mk 13 28), or kinship (Lev 21 2; Ruth 3 12), but also employed of moral nearness. Jeh is "nigh" to them that are of a broken heart (Ps 34 18). God draws nigh to His people, and

    they to Him (Jas 4 8). The antithesis is God's "farness" from the wicked.

    NEARLAH, ne-a-ri'a (H;*"!?: , rf'arydh) :

    (1) A descendant of David (1 Ch 3 22 f).

    (2) A descendant of Simeon (1 Ch 4 42). In both instances LXX reads "Noadiah."

    NEBAI, neTDi, ng-ba'i, neb'S-i C5"':, nebhay). See NoBAi.

    NEBAIOTH, ng-ba'yoth, ne-bi'oth (n'-'i? , r\\\\\\\\V2i , n'bhdyolh; LXX NapaiuO, Nabaiolh): Firstborn of Ishmael (Gen 25 13; 28 9; 36 3; 1 Ch 1 29). Isa 60 7 mentions the tribe Nebaioth with Kedar, with an allusion to its pastoral nature: "the rams of Nebaioth" are to serve the ideal Zion as sacrificial victims. Again associated with Kedar, the name occurs frequently in Assyr inscriptions. The tribe must have had a conspicuous place among the northern Arabs. Jos, followed by Jerome, regarded Nebaioth as identical with the Nabataeans, the great trading community and ally of Rome, whose capital and stronghold was Petra. This view is widely accepted, but the name "Nabataean" is spelled with a t, and the interchange of t and t, although not unparalleled, is unusual. If the name is Arab., it is probably a fem. pL, and in that case could have no connection with the Nabataeans.

    A. S. Fulton

    NEBALLAT, ne-bal'at (t33nD, n'bhalldt; Na- paWdr, Naballdt) : A town occupied by the Benja- mites after the exile, named along with Lod and Ono (Neh 11 34). It is represented by the modern Beit Nebdla, 4 miles N.E. of Lydda.

    NEBAT, neTsat (123? , n'hhat) : Father of Jero- boam I (1 K 11 26, and frequently elsewhere). The name occurs only in the phrase "Jeroboam the son of Nebat," and is evidently intended to dis- tinguish Jeroboam I from the later son of Joash. See Jeroboam.

    NEBO, ne'bo (133, n'bko; Assyr Nabu): The Bab god of literature and science. In the Bab mythology he is represented as the son and inter- preter of Bel-merodach (cf Isa 46 1; Bel and Nebo there represent Babylon). His own special shrine was at Borsippo. His planet was Mercury. His name enters into Bib. names, as "Nebuchad- nezzar," and perhaps "Abed-nego" (Dnl 1 7, for "Abed-nebo, servant of Nebo"). See Babylonia AND Assyria, Religion of.

    NEBO (ins , n'bho; NaPav, Nabaii) : (1) This town is named in Nu 32 3 between Sebam and Beon (which latter evidently represents Baal-meon of ver 38), after Heshbon and Elealeh, as among the cities assigned by Moses to Reuben. It was occupied by the Reubenite clan Bela (1 Ch 5 8). Here it is named between Aroer and Baal- meon. In their denunciations of wrath against Moab, Isaiah names it along with Medeba (Isa 15 2) and Jeremiah with Kiriathaim (Jer 48 1), and again (ver 22) between Dibon and Beth-diblathaim. Mesha (M S) says that by command of Chemosh he went by night against the city, captured it after an assault that lasted from dawn till noon, and put all the inhabitants to death. He dedicated the place to Ashtar- chemosh. Jerome (Com??!, on Isa 15 2) tells us that at Nebo was the idol of Chemosh. The site which seems best to meet the requirements of the pa.ssages indicated is on the ridge of Jebel Nebd to the S.W. of Hesban, where ruins of an ancient town bearing the name of en-Nebdixre found (Buhl, GAP 266).



    Neah Nebuchadnezzar

    (2) (ins , wbho; B, NajSoC, Naboii, A, NajSci, Nabo, and other forms) : Fifty-two descendants of the inhabitants of Ncbo returned from exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 29; Neh 7 33). The place was in Judah and is named after Bethel and Ai. There is nothing, however, to guide us as to its exact position. It may be represented by either Beit Nuba, 12 miles N.W. of Jerus, or Nuba, which lies about 4 miles S.S.E of 'Id el-Ma' (AduUam).

    W. EwiNG

    NEBO, MOUNT (Inj IH, har n'bho; Na^ai, Nabau) : A mountain in the land of Moab which Moses ascended at the command of God in order that he might see the Land of Promise which he was never to enter. There also he was to die. From the following passages (viz. Nu 33 47; Dt 32 49; 34 1), we gather that it was not far from the plain of Moab in which Israel was encamped; that it was a height standing out to the W. of the mountains of Abarim; that it lay to the E. of Jericho ; and that it was a spot from which a wide and comprehensive view of Pal could be obtained. None of these conditions are met by Jebel 'Alldrus, which is too far to the E., and is fully 15 miles S. of a line drawn eastward from Jericho. Jebel 'Osha, again, in Mt. Gilead, commands, indeed, an ex- tensive view; but it lies too far to the N., being at least 15 miles N. of a line drawn eastward from Jeri- cho. Both of these sites have had their advocates as claimants for the honor of representing the Bib. Nebo.

    The "head" or "top" of Pisgah is evidently identical with Mt. Nebo (Dt 34 1). After Moses' death he was buried "in the valley in the land of Moab," over against Beth-peor.

    The name Nebd is found on a ridge which, some 5 miles S.W. of Hesban and opposite the northern end of the Dead Sea, runs out to the W. from the

    Mt. Nobo from the Spring 'Airi Neba.

    plateau of Moab, "sinking gradually: at first a broad brown field of arable land, then a flat top crowned by a ruined cairn, then a narrower ridge ending in the summit called Siaghoh, whence the slopes fall steeply on all sides. The name Nebo or Neba [the "knob" or "tumulus"] applies to the flat top with the cairn, and the name TaVat e^-Sufa to the ascent leading up to the ridge from the N. Thus we have three names which seem to connect the ridge with that whence Moses is related to have viewed the Promised Land, namely, first, Ncbo, which is identically the same word as the modern Neba; secondly, SiSghah, which is radically identi- cal with the Aram. Se'ath, the word standing instead of Nebo in the Tg of Onkelos [Nu 32 3), where it is called the burial place of Moses; thirdly, TaVut e^-Sufa, which is radically identical with the Hcb Zuph (euph), whence Mizpah (mi^paJi) and Zophim (S&phvm) The name Pisgah is not now

    known, but the discovery of Zophim [cf Nu 23 14] confirms the view now generally held, that it is but another title of the Nebo range."

    Neither Mt. Hermon nor Dan {Tell el-Kaiy) is visible from this point; nor can Zoar be seen; and if the Mediterranean is the hinder sea, it also is invisible. But, as Driver says ("Dt," ICC, 419), the terms in Dt 34 1.3 are hyperbolical, and must be taken as including points filled in by the imagi- nation as well as those actually visible to the eye. Mr. Birch argues in favor of TaVat el-Benat, whence he believes Dan and Zoar to be visible, while he identifies "the hinder sea" with the Dead Sea (PEFS, 1898, 110 ff). W. EwiNG

    NEBUCHADNEZZAR, neb-Q-kad-nez'ar, NEB- UCHADREZZAR, -rez'ar: Nebuchadnezzar, the second king of Babylon of that name, is best known as the king who conquered Judah, destroyed Jerus, and carried the people of the Jews captive to Babylon. Of all the heathen monarchs men- tioned by name in the Scriptures, N. is the most prominent and the most important. The prophe- cies of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, and the last chs of K and Ch centered about his life, and he stands preeminent, along with the Pharaohs of the oppression and the exodus, among the foes of the kingdom of God. The documents which have been discovered in Babylon and elsewhere within the last 75 years have added much to our knowl- edge of this monarch, and have in general confirmed the Bib. accounts concerning him.

    His name is found in two forms in the Bible, Nebu- chadnezzar and Nebuchadrezzar. In the LXX he is

    called Na^ovxoSovoffdp, Nabouchodonosdr, 1 His *°*^ ^^ *^® Vulg N ahuchodonosoT . This

    T.J latter form is found also in the AV Apoc

    iName throughout and in KV 1 Esd, Ad Est and

    Bar, but not Jthor Tob. This change from r to n which is found in the two writings of the name in the Heb and the Aram, of the Scriptures is a not un- common one in the Sem languages, as in Burnaburiyash and Burraburiyash, Ben-hadad and Bar-hadad (see Brockelmann's Comparative Grammar, 1.36, 173, 220). It is possible, however, that the form Nebuchadnezzar is the Aram, tr of the Bab Nebuchadrezzar. If we take the name to be compounded of Nabu-kudurri-usur in the sense " O Nebo. protect thy servant," then Nabu-kedina- usur would be the best tr possible in Aramaic. Such tr" of proper names are common in the old VSS of the Scriptures and elsewhere. For example, in WAI, V, 44, we find 4 columns of proper names of persons giving the Sumerian originals and the Sem tr* of the same; ct Bar-hadad in Aram, for Heb Ben-hadad. In early Aram, the s had not yet become t (see Cooke, Text-Book of North-Sem Inscriptions, 188 f) ; so that for anyone who thought that kudurru meant "servant," N. would be a perfect tr into Aram, of Nebuchadrezzar.

    The father of N. was Nabopolassar, probably

    a Chaldaean prince. His mother is not known by

    name. The classical historians men-

    2. Family tion two wives: Amytis, the daughter

    of Astyages, and Nitocris, the mother of Nabunaid. The monuments mention three sons : Evil-merodach who succeeded him, Marduk-shum- usur, and Marduk-nadin-ahi. A younger brother of N., called Nabu-shum-lishir, is mentioned on a building-inscription tablet from the time of Nabo- polassar.

    The sources of our information as to the life of

    N. arc about 500 contract tablets dated according

    to the days, months and years of his

    3. Sources reign of 43 years; about 30 building of Inf orma- and honorific inscriptions ; one historical tion inscription; and in the books of Jer,

    Ezk, Dnl, and K. Later sources are Ch, Ezr, and the fragments of Berosus, Menander, Megasthenes, Abydenus, and Alexander Polyhistor, largely as cited by Jos and Eusebius.

    From these sources we learn that N. succeeded his father on the throne of Babylon in 604 BC, and reigned till 561 BC. He probably commanded

    Nebuchadnezzar Needlework



    the armies of Babylon from 609 BC. At any rate, he was at the head of the army which defeated

    Pharaoh-necoh at Carchemish on the 4. PoUtical Euphrates in 605 BC (see 2 K 23 31; History 2 Ch 35 20 if). After having driven

    Necoh out of Asia and settled the affairs of Syria and Pal, he was suddenly

    Boimdary Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I.

    recalled to Babylon by the death of his father. There he seems quietly to have ascended the throne. In the 4th year of Jehoiakim (or 3d according to the Bab manner of reckoning [Dnl 1 IJ), he came up first against Jcrus and carried away part of the vessels of the temple and a few captives of noljle lineage. Again, in Jehoiakim's 11th year, he captured Jerus, put Jehoiakim, its king, into chains, and probably killed him. Hia successor, Jehoiachin, after a three months' reign, was be- sieged in Jerus, captured, deposed, and carried cap- tive to Babylon, where he remained in captivity 37 years until he was set free by Evil-merodach. In the 9th year of Zcdckiah, N. made a 4th expe- dition against Jerus which he besieged, captured, and destroyed (see Jor 52). In addition to these wars with Judah, N. carried on a long siege of Tyre, lasting 13 years, from his 7th to his 20th year. He had at least three wars with Egypt. The first culminated in the defeat of Necoh at Carchemish; the second in the withdrawal of Hophra (Apries) from Pal in the 1st year of the siege of Jerus under Zedekiah; and the third saw the armies of N. enter- ing Egypt in triumph and defeating Amasis in

    N.'s 37th year. In the numerous building and honorific inscriptions of N. he makes no mention by name of his foes or of his battles; but he frequently speaks of foes that he had conquered and of many peoples whom he ruled. Of these peoples he men- tions by name the Hittites and others (see Lang- don, 148-51). In the Wady-Brissa inscription, he speaks of a special conquest of Lebanon from some foreign foe who had seized it; but the name of the enemy is not given.

    The monuments justify the boast of N.: "Is not this great Babylon that I have built?" (Dnl 4 30). Among these buildings special emphasis 6. Build- is placed by N. upon his temples and ings, etc shrines to the gods, particularly to Marduk, Nebo and Zarpinat, but also to Shamash, Sin, Gula, Ramman, Mah, and others. He constructed, also, a great new palace and rebuilt an old one of his father's. Besides, he laid out and paved with bricks a great street for the procession of Marduk, and built a number of great walls with moats and moat-walls and gates. He dug several broad, deep canals, and made dams for flooding the country to the N. and S. of Babylon, so as to protect it against the attack of its enemies. He made, also, great bronze bulls and serpents, and adorned his temples and palaces with cedars and gold. Not merely in Babylon itself, but in many of the cities of Babylonia as well, his building opera- tions were carried on, esp. in the line of temples to the gods.

    The inscriptions of N. show that he was a very religious man, probably excelling all who had pre- ceded him in the building of temples, 6. Religion, in the institution of offerings, and the etc observance of all the ceremonies con-

    nected with the worship of the gods. His larger inscriptions usually contain two hymns and always close with a prayer. Mention is fre- quently made of the offerings of precious metals, stones and woods, of game, fish, wine, fruit, grain, and other objects acceptable to the gods. It is worthy of note that these offerings differ in char- acter and apparently in purpose from those in use among the Jews. For example, no mention is made in any one of N.'s inscriptions of the pouring out or sprinkling of blood, nor is any reference made to atonement, or to sin.

    No reference is made in any of these inscriptions to N.'s insanity. But aside from the fact that we could

    scarcely expect a man to publish his own 7 Mndr»pQ<5 calamity, esp. madness, it should be noted '• "J-'i'inebi j[jj^(_ according to Langdon we have but

    three inscriptions of his wTitten in the period from 580 to 561 BC. If his madness lasted for 7 years, it may have occurred between 580 and 567 BC, or it may have occurred between the li^gyp campaign of 567 BC and his death in 561 BC. But, as it is more likely that the "7 times" mentioned in Dnl may have been months, the illness may have been in any year after 580 BC, or even before that for all we know.

    No mention is made on the monuments (1) of the dream of N. recorded in Dnl 2, or (2) of the image of gold

    that he set up, or (3) of the fiery furnace 8. Miracles, from which the three children were de- etc livered (Dnl 3). As to (1), it may be

    said, however, that a belief in dreams was so universal among all the ancient peoples, that a single instance of this kind may not have been considered as worthy of special mention. The annals of Ashur-banl- pal and Nubu-naid and Xerxes give a number of in- stances of the iniportance attached to dreams and their interpretation. It is almost certain that N. also be- lieved in them. That the dream recorded In Dnl Is not mentioned on the monuments seems less remarkable than that no dream of his is recorded. As to (2) we know that N. made an image of his royal person {i^alam sharrutiya, Langdon, XIX, B. col. X, 6: cf the image bf the royal person of Nabopolassar, id, p, 51). and it is certain that the images of the gods were made of wood (id. p. 155), that the images of Nebo and IMardtik were con- veyed in a bark in the New Year's procession (id, pp. 157, 159, 163, 165) and that there were Images of the gods in all the temples (id, passim); and that N. wor- shipped before these images. That N. should have made



    Nebuchadnezzar Needlework

    an image of gold and put it up in the Plain of Dura is entirely in harmony with what we know of his other "pious deeds." (3) As to "the fiery furnace." it is known that Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, says that his own brother, Shamash-shumukin, was burned in a similar furnace.

    The failure of N. to mention any of the particular persons or events recorded in Dnl does not disprove their historicity, any more than his failure to mention the battle of Carchemish, or the siege of Tyre and Jerus, disproves them. The fact is, we have no real historical Inscription of N., except one fragment of a few broken lines found in Egypt.

    LiTERATUHB. — T. G. Pinches, The NT in the Light of the Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia; Stephen Langdon, Building Inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. See also, Rogers, liis- lory of Babylonia and Assyria; and McCurdy, History, Prophecy and the Monuments, III.

    R. Dick Wilson NEBUSHAZBAN, neb-li-shaz'ban CIlTlp^ap, n'bhushaz'bhdn — Assyr Nabusezib-anni, "Nebo de- livers me"; AV Nebushasban) : An important officer (the Rab-saris, "chief captain" or "chief eunuch") of the Bab army, who with Nergal- sharezer and others was appointed to see to the safety of Jeremiah after the taking of Jerus (Jer 39 13).

    NEBUZARADAN, neb-li-zar-a'dan, -zar'a-dan CIlXIII^p , n'bhuzar' Mhan = Assyr Nabv^zara- iddina, "Nebo has given seed" ; NepouJapSdv, Nebou- zarddn): Nebuchadnezzar's general at the siege of Jerus (2 K 25 8.11.20 |j Jer 52 12.15.26; 39 9. 10.11.13). Under the title of "captain of the guard," he commanded the army, and, after the fall of the city, carried out his master's policy with regard to the safety of Jeremiah, the transport of the exiles, and the government of those who were left in the land.

    NECHO, NECHOH, ne'ko.


    See Pharaoh-

    neck, nek ("1^? , (awwar, HSJ? , gawwa'r, Tl)!? , gawwdron, nnX^S, (awwd'rah, Aram. 1^32, gawwar [Dnl 5 7.16.29], a";;?, 'oreph, Tip^-}'^)?, miphreketh [1 S 4 18]; vuTos, notos, "back" [Bar 2 33]; occasion- ally the words fia, garon [Isa 3 16; Ezk 16 11], and nnU'lS, garg'roth, pi. of gargarah, lit. "throat" [Prov 1 9; 3 3.22; 6 21], are tr"" "neck"): The neck is compared with a tower for beauty (Cant 4 4; 7 4) and is decorated with necklaces and chains (Prov 1 9; 3 3.22; 6 21, Heb garg'roth; Ezk 16 11, Heb garmi, "throat"; Dnl 6 7.16.29, Heb gawwar). It is also the part of the body where the yoke, emblem of labor and hardship, dependence and subjection, is borne (Dt 28 48; Jer 27 8.11. 12; 28 14; Acts 15 10). "To shake off the yoke," "to break the yoke," or "to take it off" is expressive of the regaining of independence and liberty, either by one's own endeavors or through help from out- side (Gen 27 40; Isa 10 27; Jer 28 11; 30 8). Certain animals which were not allowed as food (like the firstborn which were not redeemed) were to be killed by having their necks ('oreph) broken (Ex 13 13; 34 20); the turtle-doves and young pigeons, which were sacrificed as sin offerings or as burnt offerings, had their heads wrung or pinched off from their necks (Lev 5 8). In 1 S 4 18 the Heb word miphreketh signifies a fracture of the upper part of the spinal column caused by a fall.

    It was a military custom of antiquity for the con- queror to place his foot upon the vanquished. This custom, frequently represented in sculpture on many an Egyp temple wall, is referred to in Josh 10 24; Bar 4 25 and probably in Rom 16 20 and Ps 110 1. St. Paul praises the devotion of Aquila and Priscilla, "who for my life laid down their own necks" (Rom 16 4). See Footstool.

    To "fall on the neck" of a person is a very usual mode of salutation in the East (Gen 33 4; 45 14; 46 29; Tob 11 9.13; Lk 15 20; Acts 20 37). In moments of great emotion such salutation is apt to end in weeping on each other's neck.

    Readiness for work is expressed by "putting one's neck to the work" (Neh 3 5). Severe pun- ishment and calamity are said to "reach to the neck" (Isa 8 8; 30 28).

    The Lord Jesus speaks of certain persons for whom it were better to have had a millstone put around the neck and to have been drowned in the sea. The meaning is that even the most disgrace- ful death is still preferable to a life of evil influence upon even the little ones of God's household (Mt 18 6; Mk 9 42; Lk 17 2).

    To "make the neck stiff," to "harden the neck" indicates obstinacy often mingled with rebellion (Ex 32 9; 33 3.5; 34 9; 2 Ch 30 8; 36 13; Neh 9 16.17.29; Ps 75 5 [RVm "insolently with a haughty neck"]; Prov 29 1; Jer 7 26). Cf (TK'KijpoTpdxv^os, sklerotrdchelos, "stiffnecked" (Acts 7 51). Similarly Isaiah (48 4) speaks of the neck of the obstinate sinner as resembling an iron sinew.

    H. L. E. Ldering

    NECKLACE, nek'lfts (T^n";, rabhidh, "chain"): A neck-chain ornament, worn either separately (Ezk 16 11), or with pendants (Isa 3 19), such as crescents (Isa 3 18) or rings (Gen 38 25); some- times made of gold (Gen 41 42; Dnl 6 29), or of strings of jewels (Cant 1 10). Even beasts of burden were sometimes so adorned by royalty (Jgs 8 26). It was considered suggestive of pride (Ps 73 6) or of fihal loyalty (Prov 1 9). The word does not occur in AV, but such adornments have always been popular in all the Bible lands.

    NECO, ne'ko (^23, n'kho [2 Ch 35 22; 36 4]). See Pharaoh-necoh.

    NECODAN, ns-ko'dan. See Nekoda.

    NECROMANCY, nek'r5-man-si. See Astrol- ogy, 1; Divination; Witchcraft.

    NEDABIAH, ned-a-bl'a (H^n-? , n'dhabhydh) : A descendant of David (1 Ch s' iS)'.

    NEEDLE, ne'd'l (paij)is, rhaphis): The word "needle" occurs only 3 t, viz. in the reference to Christ's use of the proverb: "It is easier for a camel to go through a needle's eye, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God" (Mt 19 24; Mk 10 25; Lk 18 25). This saying ought to be accepted in the same sense as Mt 23 24, "Ye blind guides, that strain out the gnat, and swallow the camel!" Christ used them to illustrate absurdities. A rabbinical || is cited, "an elephant through a needle's eye." Some writers have attempted to show that rhaphis referred to a small gate of a walled oriental city. No evidence of such a use of the word exists in the terms applied today in Bib. lands to this opening. "Rich man" here has the connotation of a man bound up in his riches. If a man continues to trust in his earthly posses- sions to save him, it would be absurd for him to expect to share in the spiritual kingdom where dependence upon the King is a first requisite.

    The fact that needles are not mentioned elsewhere in the Bible should not be taken to indicate that this instrument was not used. Specimens of bone and metal needles of ancient origin show that they were common household objects. See Camel.

    James A. Patch

    NEEDLEWORK, ne'd'1-wlkk. See Embroid- ery.

    Needy Nehemiah



    NEEDY, ned'i (i^aS, 'ebhyan). See Poor.

    NEESING, ne'zing (Job 41 18, AV, ERV "by

    his neesings a light doth shine," ARV "sneezings"): "Neese" in EUzabethan Eng. (through two dis- tinct derivations) could mean either "sneeze" or "snort," and it is impossible to say which force was intended by the AV editors. The Heb is mlj^tiy , 'Atishah, a word found only here, but connected with a Sem V meaning "sneeze," or, perhaps, "snort." Job 41 18 is part of the description of the "levia- than" or crocodile. This animal has a habit of inflating himself, and after this he discharges through his nostrils the moist, heated vapor, which sparkles in the sunlight. The act is neither a "sneeze" nor a "snort," but the latter word is sufficiently de- scriptive. There is no allusion to legendary "fire- spouting" monsters. Cf Job 39 20; Jer 8 16.

    In the older edd of AV "neesed" is found in 2 K 4 35: "and the child neesed seven times" (later edd and RV "sneezed"). Burton Scott Easton

    NEGEB, neg'eb (D5,3n, ha-neghebh, "thenegeb,"

    or simply, 2?5 , neghebh, from a V meaning "to be

    dry," and therefore in the first instance

    1. Meaning implying the "dry" or "parched re-

    gions," hence in LXX it is usually tr'' €pT||ios, eremos, "desert," also vd-yep, ndgeb) : As the Negeb lay to the S. of Judah, the word came to be used in the sense of "the South," and is so used in a few passages (e.g. Gen 13 14) and in such is tr'' X(i/', lips (see Geography).

    The Eng. tr is unsuitable in several passages, and likely to lead to confusion. For example, in Gen 13 1 Abram is represented as going "into the South" when journeying northward from Egypt toward Bethel; in Nu 13 22 the spies coming from the " wilderness of Zin " toward Hebron are described as coming "by the South, ' ' although they were going north. The difficulty in these and many other passages is at once obviated if it is recog- nized that the Negeb was a geographical terra for a definite geographical region, just as Shephelah, lit. "lowland," was the name of another district of Pal. In RV " Negeb " is given in m, but it would make for clearness if it were restored to the text.

    This "parched" land is generally considered as

    beginning S. of ed Dahartyeb — the probable site of

    Debir (q.v.) — and as stretching S.

    2. Descrip- in a series of rolling hills running in a tion general direction of E. to W. until the

    actual wilderness begins, a distance of perhaps 70 miles (see Natural Features). To the E. it is bounded by the Dead Sea and the south- ern Ghor, and to the W. there is no defined bound- ary before the Mediterranean. It is a land of sparse and scanty springs and small rainfall; in the character of its soil it is a transition from the fertility of Canaan to the wilderness of the desert; it is essentially a pastoral land, where grazing is plenti- ful in the early months and where camels and goats can sustain life, even through the long summer drought. Today, as through most periods of his- tory, it is a land for the nomad rather than the settled inhabitant, although abundant ruins in many spots testify to better physical conditions at some periods (see I, 5, below). The direction of the valleys E. or W., the general dryness, and the character of the inhabitants have always made it a more or less isolated region without thoroughfare. The great routes pass along the coast to the W. or up the Arabah to the E. It formed an additional barrier to the wilderness beyond it; against all who would lead an army from the S., this southern frontier of Judah was always secure. Israel could not reach the promised land by this route, through the land of the Amalekites (Nu 13 29; 14 43-45). The Negeb was the scene of much of Abram's wanderings (Gen 12 9; 13 1.3; 20 1); it was in

    this district that Hagar met with the angel (Gen 16 7.14); Isaac (Gen 24 62) and Jacob (Gen 37 1; 46 5) both dwelt there. Moses 3. OT sent the spies through this district

    References to the hill country (Nu 13 17.22); the Amalekites then dwelt there (ver 29) and apparently, too, in some parts of it, the Awim (Josh 13 3.4). The inheritance of the children of Simeon, as given in Josh 19 1-9, was in the Negeb, but in Josh 15 21-32 these cities are credited to Judah (see Simeon). Achish allotted to David, in response to his request, the city of Ziklag (q.v) in the Negeb (1 S 27 5f); the exploits of David were against various parts of this district described as the Negeb of Judah, the Negeb of the Jerahmeelites, and the Negeb of the Kenites, while in 1 S 30 14 we have mention of the Negeb of the Cherethites and the Negeb of Caleb. To this we may add the Negeb of Arad (Jgs 1 16). It is impossible to de- fine the districts of these various clans (see separate arts, under these names). The Negeb, together with the "hill-country" and the "Shephelah," was according to Jeremiah (17 26; 32 44; 33 13) to have renewed prosperity after the captivity of Judah was ended.

    When Nebuchadnezzar took Jerus the Edomites

    sided with the Babylonians (cf Lam 4 21 f; Ezk

    35 3-15; Ob vs 10-16), and during

    4. Later the absence of the Jews they advanced History north and occupied all the Negeb

    and Southern Judaea as far as Hebron (see Judaea). Here they annoyed the Jews in Maccabean times until Judas expelled them from Southern Judaea (164 BC) and John Hyrcanus conquered their country and compelled them to become Jews (109 BC). It was to one of the cities here — Malatha — that Herod Agrippa withdrew him- self (Jos, Ant, XVIII, vi, 2).

    The palmy days of this district appear to have been during the Byzantine period: the existing ruins, so far as they can be dated at all, belong to this tune. Beer- sheba was an important city with a bishop, and Elusa (mentioned by Ptolemy in the 2d cent.) was the seat of a bishop in the 4th, 5th and Gth cents. After the rise of Mohammedanism the land appears to have lapsed into primitive conditions. Although lawlessness and want of any central control may account for much of the retro- gression, yet it is probable that Professor Ellsworth Huntington (loc. cit.) is right in his contention that a change of climate has had much to do with the rise and fall of clvihzation and settled habitation in this district. The district has long been given over to the nomads and it is only quite recently that the Turkish policy of planting an official with a small garrison at Beersheba and at ' Aujeh has produced some slight change in the direction of a settled population and agricultural pursuits.

    It is clear that in at least two historic periods

    the Negeb enjoyed a very considerable prosperity.

    What it may have been in the days of the

    5. Its Patriarchs it is difficult to judge; all we Ancient read of them suggests a purely nomadic Prosperity life similar to the Bedouin of today but

    with better pasturage. In the di- vision of the land among the tribes mention is made of many cities— the Heb mentions 29 (Josh 15 21- 32; 19 1-9; 1 Ch 4 28-33)— and the wealth of cattle evidently was great (cf 1 S 15 9; 27 9- 30 16; 2 Ch 14 14 f). The condition of things must have been far different from that of recent times.

    The extensive ruins at Btr es Seha' (Beersheba) Khalasa (Elusa), Ruheibeh (Rehoboth, q.v ) 'Aujeh and other cities, together with the signs of orchards, vineyards and gardens scattered widely around these and other sites, show how compara- tively well populated this area was in Byzantine times in particular. Professor Huntington (loc cit ) concludes from these ruins that the population of the large towns of the Negeb alone at this period must have amounted to between 45,000 and 60 000



    Needy Nehemiah

    The whole district does not support 1,000 souls today.

    Literature. — Robinson, BR (18.38); Wilton, The Negeb, or "South Country" of Scripture (1863); E. H. Palmer, The Desert of the Exodus, II (1871); Trumbull, Kadesh-Barnea (1884); G. A. Smith, HGHL, ch xiii (1894); E. Himtington, Pal and Its Transformation, ctl vi, etc.

    E. W. G. Mastbbman NEGINAH, ne-ge'na (Ps 61 AV, title), NE- GINOTH, ne-ge'noth, neg'i-noth (Ps 4 AV, title). See Music; Psalms.

    NEHELAMITE, nc-hel'a-mit, THE Ca^nsn, ha-nehUami) : The designation of Shemaiah, a false prophet who opposed Jeremiah (Jer 29 24.31.32). The word means "dweller of Nehelam," but no such place-name is found in the OT. Its etymology, however, suggests a connection with the Heb halam, "to dream," and this has given rise to the rendering of AVm "dreamer."

    NEHEMIAH, ne-he-ml'a, ne-hem-I'a (n'^Tgn? , n'hemyah, "comforted of Jeh"):

    1. Family

    2. Youth

    3. King's Cupbearer

    4. Governor ol Judaea

    5. Death Literature

    Nehemiah, the son of Hacaliah, is the Jewish patriot whose life is recorded in the Bib. work named after him. All that we know about him from con- temporary sources is found in this book; and so the readers of this article are referred to the Book of Neh for the best and fullest account of his words and deeds. See Ezra-Nehemiah.

    All that is known of his family is that he was

    the son of Hacaliah (1 1) and that one of his

    brothers was called Hanani (1 2; 7 2);

    1. Family the latter a man of sufficient character

    • and importance to have been made a ruler of Jerus.

    From Neh 10 1-8 some have inferred that he was a priest, since Nehemiah comes first in the list of names ending with the phrase, "these were the priests." This view is supported by the Syr and Arab. VSS of 10 1, which read; "Nehemiah the elder, the son of Hananiah the chief of the priests " ; and by the Lat Vulg of 2 Mace 1 21, where he is called "Nehemiah the priest," and possibly by 2 Mace 1 18, where it is said that Nehemiah "offered sacrifices, after that he had builded the temple and the altar."

    The argument based upon Neh 10 1-8 will fall to the ground, if we change the pointing of the "Seraiah" of the 3d verse and read "its princes," referring back to the princes of ver 1. In this case, Nehemiah and Zede- Idah would be the princes ; then would come the priests and then the Levites.

    Some have thought that he was of the royal line of Judah, inasmuch as he refers to his "fathers' sepulchres" at Jerus (2 3). This would be a good argument only if it could be shown that none but kings had sepulchers

    It has been argued again that he was of noble lineage because of his position as cupbearer to the king of Persia. To substantiate this argument, it would need to be shown that none but persons of noble birth could serve in this position; but this has not been shown, and cannot be shown.

    From the fact that Nehemiah was so grieved at

    the desolation of the city and sepulchers of his

    fathers and that he was so jealous for

    2. Youth the laws of the God of Judah, we can

    justly infer that he was brought up by pious parents, who instructed him in the history and law of the Jewish people.

    Doubtless because of his probity and ability, he was apparently at an early age appointed by Ar-

    taxerxes, king of Persia, to the respon-

    3. Cup- sible position of cupbearer to the king. bearer of There is now no possible doubt that the King this king was Artaxerxes, the first of

    that name, commonly called Longi- manus, who ruled over Persia from 464 to 424 BC.

    The mention of the sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria, in a letter written to the priests of Jerus in 407 I5C, among whom Johanan is esp. named, proves that Sanballat must have ruled in the time of Artaxerxes I rather than in that of Artaxerxes II.

    The office of cupbearer was "one of no trifling honor" (Herod, iii.34). It was one of his chief duties to taste the wine for the king to see that it was not poisoned, and he was even admitted to the king while the queen was present (Neh 2 6). It was on account of this position of close intimacy with the king that Nehemiah was able to obtain his commission as governor of Judaea and the letters and edicts which enabled him to restore the walls of Jerus.

    The occasion of this commission was as follows:

    Hanani, the brother of Nehemiah, and other men

    of Judah came to visit Nehemiah

    4. Governor while he was in Susa in the 9th month of Judaea of the 20th year of Artaxerxes. They

    reported that the Jews in Jerus were in great affliction and that the wall thereof was broken down and its gates burned with fire. Thereupon he grieved and fasted and prayed to God that he might be granted favor by the king. Having ap- peared before the latter in the 1st month of the 21st year of Artaxerxes, 444 BC, he was granted per- mission to go to Jerus to build the city of his fathers' sepulchers, and was given letters to the governors of Syria and Pal and esp. to Asaph, the keeper of the king's forest, ordering him to supply timber for the wall, the fortress, and the temple. He was also appointed governor of the province of which Jerus was the capital.

    Armed with these credentials and powers he repaired to Jerus and immediately set about the restoration of the walls, a work in which he was hindered and harassed by Sanballat, the governor of Samaria, and others, some of them Jews dwelling in Jerus. Notwithstanding, he succeeded in his attempt and eventually also in providing gates for the various entrances to the city.

    Having accomplished these external renovations, he instituted a number of social reforms. He ap- pointed the officers necessary for better govern- ment, caused the people to be instructed in the Law by public readings, and expositions; celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles; and observed a national fast, at which the sins of the people were confessed and a new covenant with Jeh was solemnly con- firmed. The people agreed to avoid marriages with the heathen, to keep the Sabbath, and to contribute to the support of the temple. To provide for the safety and prosperity of the city, one out of every ten of the people living outside Jerus was com- pelled to settle in the city. In all of these reforms he was assisted by Ezra, who had gone up to Jerus in the 7th year of Artaxerxes.

    Once, or perhaps oftener, during his governorship

    Nehemiah returned to the king. Nothing is known

    as to when or where he died. It is

    5. Death certain, however, that he was no

    longer governor in 407 BC ; for at that time according to the Aram, letter written from Elephantine to the priests of Jerus, Bagohi was occupying the position of governor over Judaea. One of the last acts of Nehemiah's government was the chasing away of one of the sons of Joiada, the son of Eliashib, because he had become the son- in-law to Sanballat, the governor of Samaria. As this Joiada was the father of Johanan (Neh 12 22) who, according to the Aram. papjTus, was high priest in 407 BC, and according to Jos (Ant, XI, viii.l) was high priest while Bagohi (Bogoas) was general of Artaxerxes' army, it is certain that Ne- hemiah was at this time no longer in power. From

    Nehemiah, Book Nephthar



    the 3d of the Sachau papyri, it seems that Bagohi was already governor in 410 BC; and, that at the same time, Dalayah, the son of Sanballat, was gov- ernor in Samaria, More definite information on these points is not to be had at present.

    LiTEKATuRE. — The only early extra-Bib. data witli regard to Nehemiah and the Judaea ol his times are to be found: (1) in the Egyp papyri of Elephantine ("Ara- maische Papyri und Ostraka aus einer jiidischen Militar- Kolonie zu Elephantine," AUorientalische Sprachdenk- mdler des 5. Jahrhunderts vor Chr., Bearbeitet von Eduard Sachau. Leipzig. 1911); (2) in Jos, Ant, XI, vi, 6-8; vii, 1, 2; (3) m Ecclus 49 13, where it is said: "The renown of Nehemiah is glorious; of him who established our waste places and restored our ruins, and set up the gates and bars" ; (4) and lastly in 2 Mace 1 18- 36 and 2 13; in the latter of these passages it speaks of 'the writings and commentaries of Nehemiah; and how he, founding a library, gathered together the acts of the kings and the prophets and of David and the epistles of the kings concerning the holy gifts.'

    R. Dick Wilson

    NEHEMIAH, BOOK OF. See Ezra-Nehemiah.

    NEHEMIAS, ne-hS-mi'as: Gr form of Heb Nehemiah.

    (1) 'Neefxlas, Neemias, one of the leaders of the return under Zerubbabel (1 Esd 6 8) = "Nehe- miah" of Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7.

    (2) Neein(as, Neemias, B, 'Satij.tas, Naimias, the prophet Nehemiah (1 Esd 5 40 where AVm reads "N. who also is Atharias"). Neither Nehemias nor Attharias is found in the || Ezr 2 63; Neh 7 65, but SrnBnrin, ka-tirshatha'^Tirskatha, "the gov- ernor," by whom Zerubbabel must be intended. Thus the Heb word for "governor" has been con- verted into a proper name and by some blunder the name Nehemiah inserted, perhaps because he also was known by the title of "governor."

    S. Angus NEHILOTH, ne-hil'oth, ne'hi-loth (Ps 5, title). See Music.

    NEHUM, ne'hum (Dinp , n'hUm) : One of the twelve heads of the people who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh 7 7). In the || passage (Ezr 2 2), the name appears as Rehitm (q.v,), and in 1 Esd 6 8 as "Roimus."

    NEHUSHTA, ne-hush'ta (XnilJn?, n'hushla'): Mother of King Jehoiachin (2 K 24 8). She was the daughter of Elnathan of Jerus. After the fall of the city she was exiled with her son and his court (2 K 24 12; Jer 29 2).

    NEHUSHTAN, ne-hush'tan (TOffin? , n'hushtan; of npn? , n'hosheth, "brass," and liJnD , ndhdsh, "serpent") : The word occurs but once, 1. Tradi- viz. in 2 K 18 4. In the account tional there given of the reforms carried out

    Interpre- by Hezekiah, it is said that "he brake tation in pieces the brazen serpent that Moses

    had made; for unto those days the children of Israel did burn incense to it; and he called it Nehushtan." According to RVra the word means "a piece of brass," If this be correct, the sense of the passage is that Hezekiah not only breaks the brazen serpent in pieces but, suiting the word to the act, scornfully calls it "a [mere] piece of brass," Hezekiah thus takes his place as a true reformer, and as a champion of the purification of the religion of Israel. This is the traditional inter- pretation of the passage, and fairly represents the Heb text as it now stands.

    There are at least three considerations, however, which throw doubt upon this interpretation. In the first place, the word N. is not a common noun, and cannot mean simply "a piece of brass." The point of the Bib. statement is entirely lost by such a con-

    struction. It is emphatically a proper noun, and is the special name given to this particular brazen

    serpent. As such it would be sacred 2. Deriva- to all worshippers of the brazen ser- tion: A pent, and familiar to all who f re- Proper quented the Temple. In the second Noun place, it is probable that N. is to be

    derived from nahdsh, "serpent," rather than from n'hosheth, "brass," (1) because the Gr VSS, representing a form of the Heb text earlier than MT, suggest this in their transliteration of N. (B, Nesthcdei; A, Nesthdn); (2) because the Heb offers a natural derivation of N. from nahash, "serpent"; and (3) because the name of the image would more probably be based on its form than on the material out of which it was made. In the third place, the reading, "and it was called," which appears in RVm, is decidedly preferable to that in the text. It not only represents the best reading of the Heb, but is confirmed by the similar reading, "and they called it," which appears in the Gr VS referred to above. These readings agree in their indication that N. was the name by which the serpent-image was generally known during the years it was worshipped, rather than an expression used for the first time by Hezekiah on the occasion of its destruction.

    Whichever derivation be adopted, however, the word must be construed as a proper name. If it be derived from "brass," then the tr must be, not "a piece of brass," but "The [great] Brass," giving the word a special sense by which it refers unequivo- cally to the well-known image made of brass. If it be derived from "serpent," then the tr must be, "The [great] Serpent," the word in this case refer- ring in a special sense to the well-known image in serpent form. But the significance of the word probably lies far back of any etymological e.x- planation of it that can now be given. It is not a term that can be adequately explained by reference to verbal roots, but is rather an epitome of the reverence of those who, however mistakenly, looked upon the brazen serpent as a proper object of worship.

    In view of the foregoing it may be concluded, (1) that N. was the (sacred) name by which the brazen serpent was known during the years "the children of Israel did burn incense to it"; (2) that the word is derived from nahash, "serpent"; and (3) that it was used in the sense of "The Serpent," par excellence. See Images, 6, (2); Serpent, Fiery, Lindsay B. Longacre

    NEIEL, ns-i'el (bx-'ya, n'H'el; B, 'Iva^X, Inatl, A, 'Avi'rjX, Aniel) : A town on the boundary between Zebulun and Asher mentioned between Jiftah-el and Cabul (Josh 19 27), It may be the same as Neah (ver 13), but the place is not identified.

    NEIGH, na (bn2, Qahal, "to cry aloud," "neigh") : Figuratively used to indicate lustful desire (Jer 5 8; cf 13 29).

    NEIGHBOR, na'ber (?"!, re", £11)2^, 'amlth, "friend," lilf; , karobh, plB, shakhm; 6 irXiio-(ov,

    ho plesion, "near," ydruv, geilon, 1. As De- [cf 2 Mace 6 8; 9 25), "inhabitant"; scribed in Lat proximus [2 Esd 15 19], civis [9 45; the OX 10 2, RVm "townman"]): In the OT,

    the relationship of neighborhood in- volves moral and social obligations which are fre- quently emphasized. These are in the main de- scribed in negative rather than positive terms; e.g. there are special injunctions not to bear false witness against a neighbor (Ex 20 16; Dt 5 20; Prov 25 18), or in any way to deal falsely with



    Nehemiah, Book Nephthar

    him, defraud him, frame malicious devices or harbor evil thoughts against him (Ex 20 17; Lev 6 2; 19 13; Dt23 24f; Ps 15 3; 1015; Prov 24 28; Jer 22 13; Zee 8 17), or to lead him in- to shameful conduct (Hab 2 15), or to wrong him by lying carnally with his wife (Lev 18 20). But the supreme law that underUes these negative injunctions is stated positively, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself" (Lev 19 18). In this verse the term "neighbor" is defined by the expres- sion, "the children of my people." Here, and gen- erally in the OT, the term implies more than mere proximity; it means one related by the bond of nationality, a fellow-countryman, compatriot. Jeh being regarded as a national God, there was no rehgious bond regulating the conduct of the He- brews with other nations. Conduct which was prohibited between fellow-Jews was permitted toward a foreigner, e.g. the exaction of interest (Dt 23 19.20).

    In the NT, this limitation of moral obligation to fellow-countrymen is abolished. Christ gives a wider interpretation of the command- 2. As De- ment in Lev 19 18, so as to include scribed in it those outside the tie of nation or

    in the NT kindred. This is definitely done in the parable of the Good Samaritan (Lk 10 25-37), where, in answer to the question, "Who is my neighbor ?" Jesus shows that the rela- tionship is a moral, not a physical one, based not on kinship but on the opportunity and capacity for mutual help. The word represents, not so much a rigid fact, but an ideal which one may or may not realize (ver 36, "Which of these three, thinkest thou, ■proved [lit. became, not was] neighbor," etc). This larger connotation follows naturally as a corollary to the doctrine of the universal Fatherhood of God. The commandment to love one's neighbor as one's self must not be interpreted as if it implied that we are to hate our enemy (an inference which the Jews were apt to make) ; human love should be like the Divine, impartial, having all men for its object (Mt 5 43 ff). Love to one's fellow-men in this broad sense is to be placed side by side with love to God as the essence and sum of human duty (Mt 22 3.5-40 II Mk 12 28-31). Christ's apostles follow His example in giving a central position to the injunction to love one's neighbor as one's self (Jas 2 8, where it is called the "royal law," i.e. the supreme or governing law; Rom 13 9; Gal 5 14). D. MiALL Edwards

    NEKEB, neTieb: This name occurs only in com- bination with "Adami" (2J5|n "^'OnS, 'ddhaml ha-nekebh, "Adami of the pass"); L3CX reads the names of two places: Kai ' Apiik rai 'SdjSuiK, kai Arme kai Ndbok (B); Kai 'Ap/jal Kai Nd/fejS, kai Armai kai Ndkeb (Josh 19 33), so we should possibly read "Adami and Nekeb." Neubauer says {Geog. du Talm, 225) that later the name of Nekeb was Ciyadathah. It may therefore be represented by the modern Seiyadeh, not far from ed-Damieh to the E. of Tabor, about 4 miles S.W. of Tiberias. The name of Nekeb, a town in Galilee, appears in the list of Thothmes III.

    NEKODA, ng-ko'da (XnipS, n'kodha'):

    (1) Head of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2 48; Neh 7 50; cf 1 Esd 5 31).

    (2) Head of a family which failed to prove its Israehtish descent (Ezr 2 60; Neh 7 62; cf 1 Esd 6 31.37). In the || vs of 1 Esd the names are given thus: NoEBA and Nbkodan (q.v.).

    NEKODAN, ni-ko'dan (NeKioSdv, Nekoddn; RVm "Nekoda"; AV Necodan):

    (1) Head of a family which returned from exile,

    but "could not show their families nor their stock" (1 Esd 5 37) = "Nekoda" of Ezr 2 60; Neh 7 62. (2) See NoBBA.

    NEMUEL, nem'tl-el, nS-mu'el (bsilap, n'mu'el):

    (1) A Reubenite, brother of Dathan and Abiram (Nu 26 9).

    (2) A son of Simeon (Nu 26 12; 1 Ch 4 24). The name occurs also in the form "Jemuel" (Gen 46 10; Ex 6 15). According to Gray (HPN), either form is etymologically obscure; but Nemuel is probably correct, for it is easier to account for its corruption into Jemuel than vice versa. The patron}Tnio Nemuelites occurs once (Nu 26 12).

    NEMUELITES, nem'ci-el-Its, nS-mu'el-its (,'0iX^)2^'ri , ha-n'mu' ell) . See Nemuel, (2).

    NEPHEA, nS-fe'a. See Music.

    NEPHEG, ne'feg (552, nephegh, "sprout," "shoot"):

    (1) Son of Izhar, and brother of Korah of the fa- mous trio, Korah, Dathan and Abiram (Ex 6 21).

    (2) A son of David (2 S 5 15; 1 Ch 3 7; 14 6).

    NEPHEW, nef'u, nev'u. See Relationships, Family.

    NEPHI, ne'fl. See Nephthai.

    NEPHILIM, nef'i-lim (□"'b'^S?, n'phlllm): This word, tr"* "giants" in AV, but retained in RV, is found in two passages of the OT — one in Gen 6 4, relating to the antediluvians; the other in Nu 13 33, relating to the sons of Anak in Canaan. In the former place the Nephilim are not necessarily to be identified with the children said to be borne by "the daughters of men" to "the sons of God" (vs 2.4); indeed, they seem to be distinguished from the latter as upon the earth before this unholy commingling took place (see Sons op God). But it is not easy to be certain as to the interpretation of this strange passage. In the second case they clearly represent men of gigantic stature, in com- parison with whom the Israelites felt as if they were "grasshoppers." This agrees with Gen 6 4, "the mighty men that were of old, the men of renown." LXX, therefore, was warranted in translating by glgantes. James Orb

    NEPHIS, ne'fis. See Niphis.

    NEPHISH, ne'fish, NEPHISIM, ng-tl'sim, NE- PHISHESIM, ns-fish'g-sim, NEPHUSIM, n5-fu- sim (D''P''S3 , n'phislm, D"'P^Dp , n'phu§tm) : The former is the K^thibh (Heb "written") form of the name adopted in RV; the latter the K're (Heb "read") form, adopted in AV and RVm (Ezr 2 50). SeeNAPHisH; Nephushesim.

    NEPHTHAI, nef'thi, nef'tha-i. See Nephthar.

    NEPHTHALIM, nef'tha-lim (Mt 4 13): The Gr form of Naphtali (q.v.).

    NEPHTHAR, nef'thar (Ne+eip, Nephthar; A and Swete, Nephthar, AV and Vulg Naphthar), NEPHTHAI (NeeaC, Nephthai, al. Ne(t>ea([, Nepkihael, Fritzsche, N«ii, Nephd, AV and Vulg, following Old Lat, Nephi; Swete, following A, gives Nephthar twice) : According to 2 Mace 1 19- 36, at the time of the captivity the godly priests took of the altar fire of the temple and concealed it "privily in the hollow of a well that was without water," unknown to all. "After many years"

    Nephtoah Hero



    (upon the Return), before offering the sacrifices, Nehemiah sent the descendants of the godly priests to fetch tlie hidden fire. They reported they could find no fire but only "thick water" {liSiop Traxi^, hudor pachu), which he commanded them to draw up and sprinkle upon the wood and the sacrifices. After an interval the sun shone forth from behind a cloud and the liquid ignited and consumed the sac- rifices. Nehemiah then commanded them to pour {Karaxf^", katachein, al. /car^x^"', katechein, and KaTatrxe?!', kataschein) the rest of the liquid upon great stones. Another flame sprang up which soon spent itself, "whereas the light from the altar shone still" (RVm, the exact meaning being doubtful). When the king of Persia investigated it, he inclosed the spot as sacred. Nehemiah and his friends called the thick liquid "Nephthar," "which is by interpretation 'cleansing' " {Kadapia/iis, katharis- mos), "but most men call it Nephthai."

    No satisfactory explanation is to hand of either name, one of which is probably a corruption of the other. And no word exists in the Heb like either of them with the meaning of "cleansing," "purification." The Vulg applies the name to the spot {hunc locum), not the thing. The story prob- ably originated in Persia, where naphtha was abun- dant. The ignition of the liquid by the hot rays of the sun and the appearance of the words render it highly probable that it was the inflammable rock- oil naphtha, the combustible properties of which were quite familiar to the ancients (Pliny, NH, ii. 109; Plutarch, Alex. 35; Diosc, i.lOl; Strabo, Geogr. xvi.l, 15); the words then are probably corruptions of what the Greeks termed vdipda, naphtha. Ewald {Hist., V, 163) says: "This is but one of the many stories which sought in later times to enhance the very high sanctity of the Temple, with reference even to its origin." S. Angus

    NEPHTOAH, nef-to'a, net'to-a (niPBD , neph- to'h, occurs only in the expression "i "^73 'l^^P , ma'yan me ?i., "the fountain of the waters of Neph- toah"; LXX iniYt) iiSaxos Na4>ew, pege hiidatos Naphtha) : This spring was on the border line Ijetween Judah and Benjamin (Josh 15 9; 18 15). The place is usually identified with Liftci, a village about 2 miles N.W. of Jerus, on the east bank of the Wddy beit Hanlna. It is a village very conspicuous to the traveler along the high road from Jaffa as he nears Jerus. There are ancient rock-cut tombs and a copious spring which empties itself into a large masonry reservoir. The situation of Lifld seems to agree well with the most probable line of boundary between the two tribes; the spring as it is today does not appear to be so abundant as to warrant such an expression as "spring of the waters," but it was, like many such sources, prob- ably considerably more abundant in OT times.

    Conder would identify Lifta with the ancient Eleph (q.v.) of Benjamin, and, on the ground that the Talm (see Talm Bab. Yoma' 31a) identifies Nephtoah with Etam (q.v.), he would find the site of Nephtoah at '4in '■Atan, S. of Bethlehem. The Talm is not a sufficiently trustworthy guide when unsupported by other evidence, and the identifi- cation creates great difliculty with the boundary line. See PEF, III, 18, 43, Sh XVII.

    E. W. G. Mastebman

    NEPHUSHESIM, nS-fush'5-sim, NEPHISHE- SIM, n?-fish'S-sim (DiCl?51E3 , n'phush'fim, WC^''^} , n'phlsh'fim) : The former is the Kn,hibh (Heb "written") form of the name adopted in RV; the latter the K-re (Heb "read") form adopted in AV and RVm (Neh 7 52). See Naphish; Nephisim.

    NER, ner (15, ner, "lamp"): Father of Abner

    (1 S 14 50 f; 26 5.14, etc); grandfather of Saul (1 Ch 8 33). Other references, though addmg no further information are 2 S 2 8.12; 3 23.25; 28.37; 1 K 2 5.32, etc.

    NEREUS, ne'rus, ne'rS-us (Niipfiis, Neretis): The name of a Rom Christian to whom with his sister St. Paul sent greetings (Rom 16 15). Nereus and the others saluted with him (ver 15) formed a small community or "house church." The name of the sister is not given, but the name Nereis is found on an inscription of this date containing names of the emperor's servants (Lightfoot, Phil, 176). Among the Acta Sanctorum connected with the early church in Rome are the "Acts of Nereus and Achilleus" which call them chamberlains of Domitilla, the niece of Vespasian, and relate their influence over her in persuading her to remain a virgin. S. F. Hunter

    NERGAL, nar'gal ('55")3, ner'ghal): A Bab deity, identified with the planet Mars, and wor- shipped at Cutha (cf 2 K 17 30). See Baby- lonia and Assyria, Religion op.

    NERGAL-SHAREZER, nilr-gal-sha-re'zar ("l¥N"!Tp"b3"l5 , ner'ghal-shar'eQer, Heb form of Assyr N ergal-sar-uhur , "O Nergal, defend the prince"): A Bab officer, the "Rab-mag," associated with Nebushazban in the care of Jeremiah after the fall of Jerus (Jer 39 3.13). According to Hommel (art. "Babylon," HUB) and Sayce {HDB, s.v.), Nergal-sharezer is to be identified with Neriglissar who succeeded Evil-merodach on the throne of Babylon (cf Cheyne and Johns, EB, s.v.).

    NERI, ne'rl (NripeC, Nerei [Tisch., Treg., WH], TR, Nript, Neri; for Heb ii;"!3, neriyah): The name of an ancestor of Jesus, the grandfather of Zerubbabel (Lk 3 27). See Neriah.

    NERIAH, ne-ri'a ("TJ"!?, neriyah, "whose lamp is Jeh"): The father of Seraiah and of Baruoh, Jeremiah's friend and secretary (Jer 32 12.16; 36 4.8.32; 43 3). In Bar 1 1 the Gr foriu of the name, Ni)p(e) ias, Ner{e)ias, is given, and this short- ened, Neri, occurs in the genealogy of Jesus Christ.

    NERIAS, ng-rl'as (Ntip[£]£as, Ner\\\\\\\\e]ias): The Gr form of Heb Neriah found only in Bar 1 1 as the father of Baruch = "Neriah" of Jer 32 12; 36 4fT; 43 3. To Baruch's brother, Seraiah, the same genealogy is ascribed in Jer 51 59.

    NERO, ne'ro (Ne'pwv, Ner on) :

    I. Name, Parent.^ge and Early Training II. Agrippina's Ambition for Nero

    Her Nine Measures lor Bringing Him to tlie Tlirone

    III. Nero's Reign

    1. Quinquennium Neronis

    2. Poppaea Sabina

    3. Poppaea and Tigellinus

    4. Burning of Rome

    5. Persecution of Christians

    6. Conspiracy of Piso

    7. Nero in Greece

    8. Death of Nero

    IV. Downfall and Character

    1. Seven Causes of Downfall

    2. Character

    V. "Nero Redivivus" VI. Nero and Christianity

    1. Nero and the NT

    2. Neronian Policy and Christianity Literature

    The fifth Rom emperor, b. at Antium December 15, 37 AD, began to reign October 13, 54, d. June 9, 68.

    /. Name, Parentage and Early Training. — His

    name was originally Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus-



    Nephtoah Nero

    Noro (Brit. Mus.;.

    but after his adofition into tlie Claudian gens by the emperor Claudius, he became Nero Claudius Caesar Germanicus. His father was Enaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus ("Brazen-beard"), a man sprung from an illustrious family and of vicious character. His mother was Agrippina the younger, the daughter of Germanicus and the elder Agrippina, sister of the emperor Caius (Caligula) and niece of the emperor Claudius. On the birth of the child, his father predicted, amid the con- gratulations of his friends, that any offspring of him- self and Agrippina could only prove abominable and disastrous for the public (Suet. Nero vi: detestabile et malo publico). At the age of three the young Domitius lost his father and was robbed of his estates by the rapacity of Caius. In 39 his mother was banished for supposed

    complicity in a plot against Caius. N. was thus deprived of his mother and at the same time left almost penniless. His aunt, Domitia Lepida, now undertook the care of the boy and placed him with two tutors, a dancer and a barber (Suet. vi). On the accession of Claudius, Agrippina was recalled, and N. was restored to his mother and his patri- mony (41 AD).

    //. Agrippina's Ambition for Nero. — She cared little for her son's moral education, but began im- mediately to train him for high position. She aimed at nothing less than securing the empire for N. With a view to this she must gain influence over her uncle, the emperor Claudius, who was very susceptible to female charms. At first the path was by no means easy, while the licentious empress, Messalina, was in power. But on the fall and death of Messalina (48 AD)— for which Agrip- pina may have intrigued — the way seemed opened. With the assistance of the emperor's freedman, PaUas, Agrippina proved the successful candidate for Claudius' affections. She now felt secure to carry out the plans for the elevation of her son: (1) She secured his betrothal to Octavia, the daughter of Claudius, having previously, by the villainy of Vitellius, broken off the engagement between Octavia and Lucius Silanus (ib, xlviii). Later, N. married this unfortunate lady. (2) Vitellms again obliged by securing a modification of Rom law so as to permit a marriage with a brother's (not sister's) daughter, and in 49 Agrippina became empress. (3) In the meantime she had caused Seneca to be recalled from banishment and had in- trusted to him the education of N. for imperial pur- poses. (4) The adoption of her son by Claudius (50 AD). (5) She next secured early honors and titles for N. in order to mark him out as Claudius' successor. (6) She caused Britannicus, Claudius' son, to be kept in the background and treated as a mere child, removing by exile or death suspected supporters of Britannicus. (7) Agrippina was far- sighted and anticipated a later secret of Rom im- periahsm — the influence of the armies in the nom- ination of emperors. For this cause she took an active interest in mihtary affairs and gave her name to a new colony on the Rhine (modern Cologne). But she did not forget the importance of securing the praetorian guard and Burrus the prefect. (8) She persuaded Claudius to make a will in favor of her son. All was now ready. But Claudius did not like the idea of excluding his son Britannicus

    from power, and murmurs were heard among the senate and people. Delay migtit prove fatal to Agrippina's plans, so (9) Claudius must die. The notorious Locusta administered poison in a dish of mushrooms, and Xenophon, Agrippina's physic cian, thrust a poisoned feather down Claudius' throat on the pretence of helping him to vomit. Burrus then took N. forth and caused him to be proclaimed imperator by the praetorians.

    ///. Nero's Reign. — Nero's reign falls into three periods, the first of which is the celebrated quin- quennium, or first 5 years, character- 1. Quin- ized by good government at home and quennium in the provinces and popularity with Neronis both senate and people. Agrippina, having seated her son on the throne, did not purpose to relinquish power herself; she intended to rule along with him. And at first N. was very devoted to her and had given as watch- word to the guard, "the best of mothers" (Tac. Ann. xiii.2; Suet. ix). This caused a sharp conflict with Seneca and Burrus, who could not tolerate Agrippina's arrogance and unbounded influence over her son. In order to detach him from his mother they encouraged him in an amour with a Gr freedwoman, Acte (Tac. Ann. xiii.l2). This first blow to Agrippina's influence was soon followed by the dismissal from court of her chief protector Pallas. She now threatened to bring forth Britan- nicus and present him as the rightful heir to the throne. This cost Britannicus his life, for N., feel- ing insecure while a son of Claudius lived, compassed his death at a banquet. A hot wine cup was offered Britannicus, and to cool it to taste, cold water was added which had been adulterated with a virulent poison. The victim succumbed immediately. All eyes fastened on N. in suspicion, but he boldly asserted that the death was due to a fit of epilepsy — a disease to which Britannicus had been subject from childhood. Such was the fate of Agrippina's first protegS. She next took up the cause of the despised and ill-treated Octavia, which so incensed her son that he deprived her of her guards and caused her to remove from the palace. Agrippina now dis- appears for the next few years to come into brief and tragic prominence later. Seneca and Burrus undertook the management of affairs, with results that justified the favorable impression which the first 5 years of N.'s reign made upon the Rom people. Many reforms were initiated, financial, social and legislative. These ministers treated N. to counsels of moderation and justice, dictating a policy which left considerable activity to the senate. But perceiving the bent of his evil nature, they allowed him to indulge in low pleasures and ^ ex- cesses with the most profligate companions, think- ing, perhaps, either that the young ruler would in this way prove less harmful to the public, or that, after sowing his wild oats, he would return to the serious business of government. But in both ways they were sorely disappointed, for N., having sur- rendered himself to the basest appetites, continued to go from excess to excess. He surrounded him- self with the most dissolute companions, conspicu- ous among whom were Salvius Otho and Claudius Senecio.

    The former had a wife as ambitious as she was unprincipled, and endowed, according to Tacitus, with every gift of nature except an 2. Poppaea "honorable mind." Already divorced Sabina before marrying Otho, she was minded

    (58 AD) to employ Otho merely as a tool to enable her to become N.'s consort. With the appearance of Poppaea Sabina, for such was her name, opens the second period of N.'s reign. She proved his evil star. Under her in- fluence he shook off all restraints, turned a deaf ear




    to his best advisers and plunged deeper into im- morality and crime. She allowed, if not persuaded, N. to give her husband a commission in the dis- tant province of Lusitania. Her jealousy could tolerate no possible rival. She plotted the death of Agrippina to which she easily persuaded N. to con- sent. This foul crime was planned and carried out with the greatest cunning. Anicetus, admiral of the fleet, undertook to construct a vessel that would sink to order. N. invited his mother to his villa at Baiae at the Quinquatrus celebration. After the banquet she was persuaded to return to Bauli by the vessel prepared. But the plan did not suc- ceed, and Agrippina saved herself by swimming ashore. She pretended to treat the matter as an accident, sending a freedman to N. to inform him of her escape. Anicetus, however, relieved N. of the .awkward position by pretending that Agrip- pina's freedman had dropped a dagger which was considered proof enough of her guilt. Deserted by her friends and slaves except one freedman, she was quickly dispatched by her murderers. N. gave out that she died by suicide (Suet, xxxiv; Tac. Ann. cxli-cxlviii) .

    N. no longer made any secret of taking Poppaea as his mistress, and, under her influence, bid defi- ance to the best Rom traditions and 3. Poppaea plunged deeper into dissipation. In and 62 AD matters grew much worse by

    Tigellinus the death of the praetorian prefect, Burrus. Seneca lost in him a power- ful ally, and Poppaea gained in one of the new pre- fects, Sofonius Tigellinus, a powerful ally. She succeeded in causing Seneca to retire from the court. Next she determined to remove Octavia. A charge of adultery was first tried, but as the evidence proved too leaky, N. simply divorced her because of barren- ness. Then Anicetus was persuaded to confess adultery with her, and the innocent Octavia was banished to the island of Pandateria, where a little later she was executed at Poppaea's orders and her head brought to her rival (62 AD). Poppaea was now empress, and the ne.xt year bore a daughter to N., but the child died when only three months old. Two years later Poppaea herself died during preg- nancy, of a cruel kick inflicted by N. in a fit of rage (65 AD) . He pronounced a eulogy over her and took a third wife, Statilia Messalina, of whom he had no issue.

    N., having by his extravagance exhausted the well-filled treasury of Claudius (as Caius did that of Tiberius), was driven to fill his coffers by confis- cations of the estates of rich nobles against whom his creature Tigellinus could trump the slightest plausible charge. But even this did not prevent a financial crisis — the beginning of the bankruptcy of the later Rom empire. The provinces which at first enjoyed good government were now plundered; new and heavy taxes were imposed. Worst of all, the gold and silver coinage was depreciated, and the senate was deprived of the right of copper coin- age.

    This difficulty was much increased by the great fire which was not only destructive to both private and state property, but also neoessi- 4. Great tated the providing thousands of Fire (July, homeless with shelter, and lowering 64) the price of corn. On July 18, 64,

    this great conflagration broke out in Circus Maximus. A high wind caused it to spread rapidly over a large portion of the city, sweeping before it ill-built streets of wooden houses. At the end of six days it seemed to be exhausted for lack of material, when another conflagration started in a different quarter of the city. Various exaggerated accounts of the destruction are found in Rom his- torians: of the 14 city regions 7 were said to have

    been totally destroyed and 4 partially. N. was at Antium at the time. He hastened back to the city and apparently took every means of arresting the spread of the flames. He superintended in person the work of the fire brigades, often exposing himself to danger. After the fire he threw open his own gardens to the homeless. The catastrophe caused great consternation, and, for whatever reasons, sus- picion seemed to fix upon N. Rumor had it that on hearing the Greek verse, "When I am dead let the earth be wrapped in fire," he interrupted, "Nay rather, while I live" (Suet, xxxviii); that he had often deplored the ugliness of the city and wished an opportunity to rebuild it; that he purposely set it on fire in order to find room for his magnificent Domus Aurea ("Golden House"); that when the city was burning he gazed upon it from the tower of Maecenas delighted with what he termed "the beauty of the conflagration"; that he recited in actor's costume the sack of Troy (Suet, xxxviii; Tac. Ann. xv.38ff). In spite of all these reports N. must be absolved of the guilt of incendiarism.

    Such public calamities were generally attributed to the wrath of the gods. In the present case every- thing was done to appease the offended 5. Perse- deity. Yet, in spite of all, suspicion cution of still clung to N. "Wherefore in order Christians to allay the rumor he put forward as guilty [suhdidit reos], and afflicted with the most exquisite punishments those who were hated for their abominations [flagitia] and called 'Christians' by the populace. Christus, from whom the name was derived, was punished by the proc- urator Pontius Pilatus in the reign of Tiberius. This noxious form of religion [exitiabilis super- stitio], checked for a time, broke out again not only in Judaea its original home, but also throughout the city [Rome] where all abominations meet and find devotees. Therefore first of all those who con- fessed [i.e. to being Christians] were arrested, and then as a result of their information a large number [muUitudo ingens] were implicated [reading coniunc- ti, not convicii], not so much on the charge of in- cendiarism as for hatred of the human race. They died by methods of mockery; some were covered with the skins of wild beasts and then torn by dogs, some were crucified, some were burned as torches to give light at night .... whence [after scenes of extreme cruelty] commiseration was stirred for them, although guilty and deserving the worst penalties, for men felt that their destruction was not on account of the public welfare but to gratify the cruelty of one [Nero]" (Tac. Aim. xv.44). Such is the earliest account of the first heathen persecution (as well as the first record of the cruci- fixion by a heathen writer). Tacitus here clearly implies that the Christians were innocent {suhdi- dit reos), and that N. employed them simply as scapegoats. Some regard the conclusion of the paragraph as a contradiction to this — "though guilty and deserving the severest punishment" (adversus sontes et nonissima exempla meritos). But Tacitus means by sorties that the Christians were "guilty" from the point of view of the populace, and that they merited extreme punishment also from his own standpoint for other causes, but not for arson. Fatehantur does not mean that they confessed to incendiarism, but to being Christians, and qui fatehantur means there were some who boldly con- fessed, while others tried to conceal or perhaps even denied their faith.

    But why were the Christians selected as scapegoats ? VVhy not the Jews, who were both numerous and had already offended the Rom government and had been banished in great numbers? Or why not the many followers ol the oriental religions, which had proved more than once obno.xious ? (1 ) Popnaea was favorable to Judaism and had certainly enough influence over N




    to protect the Jews; she was regarded by them as a proselyte and is termed by Jos (^Ant, XX, viii, 11) »eo- o-e^is, theosebls, "god-fearing." When the populace and N. were seeking victims for revenge, the Jews may have been glad of the opportimity of putting forward the Christians and may have been encouraged in this by Poppaea. Parrar (Early Days of Christianity, I, ch iv) sees "in the proselytism of Poppaea, guided by Jewish rnalice, the only adequate explanation of the first Chris- tian persecution." (2) Closely connected with this was doubtless the observation by the Rom government that Christianity was an independent faith from Judaism. This may first have been brought home to the authorities by the trial of Paul before N., as suggested by Ramsay (Expos, July, 189.3). Judaism was a recognized and tolerated religion, a religio ticita, and Christianity when divorced from Judaism became a religio illicila and pun- ishable by the state, tor Christianity first rose "under the shadow of licensed Judaism" (sub umbracuto licitae Judaeorum religionis: Tert. ApoL, xxi). (3) As Chris- tianity formed a society apart from Rom society, all kinds of crimes were attributed to its followers, Thyes- tean feasts, nightly orgies, hostility to temples and images. These fiagitia seemed summed up in odium humani generis, "hatred for the human race.' (4) They were easily selected as being so numerous and making most progress in a line opposed to Rom spirit: cf ingens multitudo (Tac. Ann. XV. 44; Clemens Rom., Cor 1 6, TToAu ttA^^o?, voIjI pltthos: cf also "great multitude" of Rev 7 9; 19 1). (.5) No doubt, too, early Christian enthusiasm was unequivocal in its expressions, esp. in its belief of a final conflagration of the world and its serene faith amid the despair of others.

    In the meantime Tigellinus' t3Tanny and con- fiscations to meet N.'s expenses caused deep dis- content among tlie nobles, wtiich cul- G. Conspir- minated in tiie famous conspiracy at acy of Piso the head of which was C. Calpurnius (65 AD) Piso. The plot was prematurely be- trayed by Milichus. An inquisition followed in which the most illustrious victims who perished were Seneca the philosopher, Lucan the poet, Lucan's mother, and later Annaeus Mela, brother of Seneca and father of Lucan, T. Petro- nius Arbiter, "the glass of fashion." Finally, "N. having butchered so many illustrious men, at last desired to exterminate virtue itself by the death of Thrasea Paetus and Barea Soranus" (Tac. Ann. xvi.21 f).

    Having cleared every suspected person out of

    the way, he abandoned the government in Rome to

    a freedman Helius, and started on a

    7. Visit to long visit to Greece (66-68 AD), where Greece he took part in musical contests and (66 AD) games, himself winning prizes from

    the obsequious Greeks, in return for which N. bestowed upon them "freedom." N. was so un-Roman that he was perfectly at home in Greece, where alone he said he was appreciated by cultured people. In the meantime the revolt of Vindex in Gaul commenced (68 AD), but it was soon quelled by Verginius Rufus on account of its na- tional Gaulio character. Galba of Hither Spain next declared himself legatus of the senate and the Rom people. N. was persuaded to return to Rome by Helius; he confiscated Galba's property, but his weakness and hesitancy greatly helped the cause of the latter.

    Nymphidius Sabinus, one of the prefects, won over the guard for Galba, by persuading the irreso- lute emperor to withdraw from Rome

    8. Death and then told the praetorians that N. of Nero had deserted them. N. was a coward,

    both in life and in death. While he had the means of easily crushing Galba, he was revolving plans of despair in his Servilian gardens, whether he should surrender himself to the mercies of the Parthians or to those of Galba; whether Galba would allow him the province of Egypt; whether the pubUc would forgive his past if he showed penitence enough. In his distraction a comforter asked him in the words of Virgil, "Is it then so wretched to die?" He could not summon the courage for suicide, nor could he find one to

    inflict the blow for him: "Have I then neither friend nor foe?" Phaon a freedman offered him the shelter of his villa a few miles from Rome. Here he prepared for suicide, but with great cowardice. He kept exclaiming, "What an artist I am to perish !" {Qualis artifex pereo, Suet. xlix). On learning that he was condemned to a cruel death by the senate, he put the weapon to his throat and was assisted in the fatal blow by Epaphroditus his secretary. A centurion entered pretending he had come to help: "Too late — this is fidelity," were Nero's last words. His remains were laid in the family vault of the Domitii by his two nurses Ecloge and Alexandria and his concubine Acte (Suet. 1). Thus perished on July 9, 68 AD the last of the line of Julius Caesar in his 31st year and in the 14th of his reign.

    IV. Downfall and Character. — The causes of his down- fall were briefly: (1) his lavish expenditure leading to 1 QoTTon burdensome taxation and financial inse- 1. oeven curity; (2) tyranny and cruelty of his Causes of favorites; (3) the great fire which brought Downfall dissatisfaction to fasten suspicion on N.

    and the consequent enlargement of his private abode at the expense of the city — esp. the Golden House; (4) the unpopular measure of the extension of Rom franchise to Greece and favored foreigners; (.5) the security engendered by the success with which the con- spiracy of Piso was crushed ; (6) the discovery of another "secret of empire," that an emperor could be created elsewhere than at Rome, that the succession of emperors was not hereditary but rested with the great armies, and (7) the cowardice and weakness which N. displayed in the revolt which led to his death.

    His reign is memorable for the activity of Seneca, the great fire, the persecution of Christians, the beginning of the bankruptcy of the later Rom empire, the Arme- nian disaster of Paetus (62 AD) retrieved by Corbulo and the humiliation of Parthia, tlie outbreak of the insur- rection in Judaea (66 AD) , which ended in the destruction of Jerus.

    Nero ranks with Gaius for folly and vice, while his cruelties recall the worst years of Tiberius. Very etfem- rt ^, inate in his tastes, particular about the

    J. Lxiar- arrangement of his hair and proud of his acter voice, his greatest fault was inordinate

    vanity which courted applause for per- formances on non-Rom lines. He neglected his high office and degraded Rom gravitas by zeal for secondary pursuits. N., like his three predecessors, was very sus- ceptible to female charms. He was licentious in the extreme, even to guilt of that nameless vice of antiquity — love of a male favorite. His cruelty, both directly and through his instruments, made the latter part of his reign as detestable as the quinquennium had been golden. He loved the extravagant and luxurious in every exag- gerated form. He was a weakling and a coward in his lite, and esp. in his death. Of his personal appearance we are told his features were regular and good; the ex- pression of his countenance, however, was somewhat repelling. ^ His frame was ill proportioned — slender legs and big stomach. In later years his face was covered with pimples.

    V. ' 'Nero Redivivus. ' ' — It seems as if there was some- thing lovable even about this monster, which led a freedman to remain faithful to the last, and his two old nurses and cast-off concubine to care afl'ectionately for his remains, and tor a long time there were not wanting hands to strew his grave with spring and autumn fiowers and to display his efflgy (Suet. Ivli). But, whether from the strange circumstances of his death, or the sub- sequent terrible confusion in the Rom world, or from whatever cause, there soon arose a belief that N. had not really died, but was living somewhere in retirement or had fled among the Parthians, and that he was destined in a short time to return and bring great calamity upon his enemies or the world {quasi viventis et brevi magno inimicorum malo reversuri: Suet. Ivii). This belief was a force among the Parthians who were ready to take up arms at the report of a pseudo-Nero (Tac. Hist. i.2). In the confusion of the year of the four emperors, Greece and Asia were disturbed by the report of the advent of N. (Tac. 11.8), and the historian promises to mention the fortune and attempts of other pseudo- Neros. This belief was taken up by the Jews and amal- gamated with their legend of Antichrist. In Asc Isa 4 (1st cent. AD), the Antichrist is clearly identified with N. : " Belial shall appear in the shape of a man, the king of wickedness, the matricide." It occurs again and again in both the Jewish and Christian sections of the Sib Or (3 66 fl; i 117f.l3,5ff; 5 100 f.l36 f.216 f). How far N. was regarded by the Christians as the his- torical personage of Antichrist is a disputed point. That the common belief of the revival or advent of N. should influence contemporary Christian thought in days of social and political turmoil is highly probable. Bousset (Comm.) regards the Ijeast of Rev 13 as Rome,

    Nero Nethinim



    and the smitten head whose "deathstroke was healed" as N., and some scholars take Bev 17 10 f as referring to N. The "scarlet-colored beast" of 17 3 may be intended either for the Rom government in general or for N. in particular. That the number 666 (Rev 13 IS) represents in Heb letters the numerical equivalent of Neron Kesar is significant, tor the Jewish Christians would be familiar with gematrina' (the numerical equiva- lent of names). See Number. Cf Farrar, Early Days, ch x.xviii, sec. 5. In later times the idea of a twofold Antichrist seems to have arisen — one for the Jews and one tor the Crentiles; ct esp. Commodian, Carm. Apot. (926):^ "to us N. became Antichrist, to the Jews the other" (nobis Nero /actus Antichristus, ille Judaeis). There was an alternate theory that N. had really been killed, but that he would rise again (Sib Or 5 216 f; Augustine, De Civ. Dei, XX. 19: unde nonnulli ipsum resur- recturum et Juturum Antichristum suspicantur),

    VI. Nero and Christianity. — The name Nero

    does not occur in the NT, but he was the Caesar to

    whom Paul appealed (Acts 25 11)

    1. Nero and and at whose triljunal Paul was tried the NT after his first imprisonment. It is

    quite likely that N. heard Paul's case in person, for the emperor showed much interest in provincial cases. It was during the earlier "golden quinquennium" of N.'s reign that Paul ad- dressed his ep. to the Christians at Rome, and prob- ably in the last year of N.'s reign (68 AD) Paul suffered death near the city, though Harnack ( Chronologie) places his death in the first Neronian persecution of 64. Although the NT gives no hint of a possible visit or sojourn of Peter in Rome, such a sojourn and subsequent martyrdom are highly probable and almost certain from the early per- sistent tradition, esp. in Clement of Rome, Ignatius and Papias, and later in Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria and the Liher Pontificalia (catalogue of popes). His execution at Rome under Nero is practically certain.

    The first persecution to which Christianity was sub- jected came from the Jews: the first heathen persecution took place under N. Up to this time the

    2. Neronian Rom government had been on friendly Polirv and terms with Christianity, as Christianity r-u • +■ -1 ^^^ either not prominent enough to cause Christiamty any disturbance of society or was con- founded by the Romans with Judaism

    (sub umbraculo licitae Judaeorum religionis: Tert. Apol., xxi). Paul, writing to the Christians of the capital, urged them to "be in subjection to the higher powers" as "ordained of God" (Rom 13 1ft), and his high estimation of the Rom government as power for the good of society was probably enhanced by his mild captivity at Rome which permitted him to carry on the work of preaching and was terminated by an acquittal on the first trial (accepting the view of a first acquittal and subsequent activity before condemna- tion at a second trial). But soon, whether because of the trial of Paul, a Rom citizen, at Rome (about 6.3), or the growing hostility of the Jews, or the increasing numbers and alarming progress of the new religion, the distinction between Christianity and Judaism became apparent to the Rom authorities. If it had not yet been proscribed as a religio illicita ("unlicensed religion"), neither had it been admitted as a religio lieita. Chris- tianity was not in itself as yet a crime; its adherents were not lial:)le to persecution "for the name." Accord- ing to one view the Neronian persecution was a spas- modic act and an isolated incident in imperial policy : the Christians were on this occasion put forward merely to remove suspicion from N. They were not persecuted cither as Christians or as incendiaries, but on account of flagitia and odium humani generis, i.e. Thyestean feasts, Oedipodean incest and nightly orgies were attributed to them, and their withdrawal from society and exclu- sive manners caused the charge of "hatred for society." The evidence of Tacitus (Ann. xv.44) would bear out this view of the Neronian persecution as accidental, iso- lated, to satisfy the revenge of the mob, confined to Rome and of lorief duration. The other view is, how- ever, preferable, as represented by Ramsay (Church in the Rom Empire, ch xi) and E. G. Hardy (Studies in Rom History, ch iv). Suetonius speaks of the perse- cution of Christians as a permanent police regulation in a list of other seemingly permanent measures (Nero xvi: afflicti suppliciis Christiani genus hominum super- stitionis novae ac maleficae), which is not inconsistent with the account of Tacitus — who gives the initial step and Suetonius tlie permanent result. The Christians by these trials, though not convicted of incendiarism, were brought into considerable prominence; their un- social and exclusive manners, their withdrawal from the duties of state, their active proselytism, together with

    the charges of immorality, established them in Rom eyes as the enemies of society. Christianity thus became a crime and was banned by the police authorities. Sueto- nius gives a "brief statement of the permanent adminis- trative principle into which N.'s action ultimately re- solved itself" (Ramsay, op. cit., 232). No formal law needed to be passed, the matter could be left with the prefect of the city. A trial must be held and the flagitia proved before an order for execution, according to Kam- say, but Hardy holds that henceforth the name itself — nomen ipsum — was proscribed. A precedent was now established of great importance in the policy of the im- perial government toward Christianity (see, further, Roman Empike; Christianity). There is no reason to suppose that the Neronian persecution of 64 extended beyond Rome to the pro\'inces, though no doubt the attitude of the home government must have had con- siderable influence -with provincial officers. Paul seems to have gone undisturbed, or at least with no unusual obstacles, in his evangelization after his acquittal. The authorities for a general Neronian persecution and forrnal Neronian laws against Christianity are late; cf Orosius (Hist, vii.7, " [Nero] was the first to put to death Chris- tians at Rome and gave orders that they should be sub- jected to the same persecution throughout all the provinces'^).

    Literature. — (a) Ancient: Tacitus Annals xii-xvi; Suetonius Nero; Dio Cassius in Epit. of Xiphilinus 61 ff; Zonaras xi. (b) Modern: Hermann Schiller, Ge- schichte des rom. Kaiserreichs unter der Regierung des Neron (Berlin, 1872); Merivale, Hist of the Romans under the Empire; Ramsay, Church in the Rom Empire and Expos, 1893; E. G. Hardy, Christianity and the Rom Government and Studies in Rom History; Mommsen, " Der Religionsfrevel nach rom. Recht," Histor. Zeitschr., 1890; C. F. Arnold, Die Neronische Chrislenverfolgung; Farrar, Early Days of Christianity; Baring-Gould, Tragedy of the Caesars; G. H. Lewes, "Was Nero a Monster?" in Cornhill Magazine, July, 1863; B. W. Henderson, Life and Principate of the Emperor Nero, with important bibliography of ancient and modern authorities (London, 1903); Lehmann, Claudius u. Nero.

    S. Angus NEST ("f? , ken; veoo-o-id, neossid, nossid; in the NT KaTao-Kifjva)

    Each nest so follows the building laws of its o-mier's species that any expert ornithologist can tell from a nest which bird builded it. Early in incubation a bird deserts^ a nest readily because it hopes to build another in a place not so easily discoverable and where it can deposit more eggs. When the young have progressed until then- quickening is perceptible through the thin shells pressed against the breast of the mother, she develops a bofdncss called by scientists the "brooding fever." In this state the wildest of birds frequently will suffer your touch before deserting the nest. Esp. is this the case if the young are just on the point of emerg- mg. The first Bib. reference to the nest of a bird wdl be found in Balaam's fourth prophecy in Nu 24 21 : "And he looked on the Kenite, and took up his parable and said, Strong is thy dwelling-place, and thy nest is set in the rock." Here Balaam was thmkmg of the nest of an eagle, hawk or vulture, placed on solid rock among impregnable crags of mountain tops. The next reference is among the laws for personal conduct in Dt 22 6: "If a bird's nest chance to be before thee in the way, in any tree or on the ground, with young ones or eggs, and the dam sittmg upon the young, or upon the eggs, thou shalt not take the dam with the young." Beyond question this is the earliest law on record for the pro- tection of a brooding bird. It is probable that it was made permissible to take the young, as the law



    Nero liethinim

    demanded their use, at least in the ease of pigeons and doves, for sacrifice. In 29 18, Job cries,

    " Then I said, I shall die in my nest. And I shall multiply my days as the sand;"

    that is, he hoped in his days of prosperity to die in the home he had builded for his wife and children. In Ps 84 3 David sings,

    " Yea, the sparrow hath found her a house, And the swallow a nest lor hersell, where she may

    lay her young. Even thine altars, O Jeh of hosts. My ICing, and my God."

    These lines are rich and ripe with meaning, for in those days all the world protected a temple nest, even to the infliction of the death penalty on any- one interfering with it. This was because the bird v/as supposed to be claiming the protection of the gods. Hebrew, Arab and Egyptian guarded all nests on places of worship. Pagan Rome executed the shoemaker who killed a raven that built on a temple, and Athens took the same revenge on the man who destroyed the nest of a swallow. Isaiah compared the destruction of Assyria to the robbing of a bird's nest: "And my hand hath found as a nest the riches of the peoples; and as one gathereth eggs that are forsaken, have I gathered all the earth: and there was none that moved the wing, or that opened the mouth, or chirped" (Isa 10 14; cf 16 2). Matthew quotes Jesus as having said, "The foxes have holes, and the birds of the heaven have nests; but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head" (Mt 8 20 = Lk 9 58). Gene Stratton-Porter

    NET. See Fishing; Fowler.

    NETAIM, na'ta-im, ne'ta-im, nS-ta'im (□"'yp? , n'td'im; B, 'Ala.(l\\\\\\\\i, Azaeim, A, ' ATae£(i, Ataeim) : In 1 Ch 4 23 AV reads "those that dwell among plants and hedges," RV "the inhabitants of Netaim and Gederah." The latter may be taken as cor- rect. Gederah was in the Judaean Shephelah. Here also we should seek for Netaim; but no likely identification has yet been suggested.

    NETHANEL, ne-than'el, neth'a-nel (bxpnp, nHhan'el, "God has given": NaSavaifjX, Nathanail; AV Nethaneel, n5-than'g-el) :

    (1) A chief or prince of Issachar (Nu 18; 2 5; 7 18.23; 10 15).

    (2) The 4th son of Jesse (1 Ch 2 14).

    (3) One of the trumpet-blowers before the ark when it was brought up from the house of Obed- edom (1 Ch 15 24).

    (4) A Levite scribe, the father of Shemaiah (1 Ch 24 6).

    (5) The 5th son of Obed-edom (1 Ch 26 4).

    (6) One of the princes whom Jehoshaphat sent to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 17 7).

    (7) A Levite who gave cattle for Josiah's Pass- over (2 Ch 35 9).

    (8) One of the priests who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10 22; cf 1 Esd 9 22).

    (9) A priest registered under the high priest Joiakim (Neh 12 21).

    (10) A Levite musician who assisted at the dedi- cation of the walls (Neh 12 36). John A. Lees

    NETHANIAH, neth-a-ni'a (^H^pflJ, nHhanyahu, "Jeh has given" ; NaBavCas, Nathanias):

    (1) An Asaphite musician (1 Ch 25 2.12).

    (2) A Levite who accompanied the princes sent by Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 17 8).

    (3) The father of Jehudi (Jer 36 14).

    (4) The father of Ishmael, the murderer of

    Gedaliah (Jer 40 8.14.15; 41, 11 1; 2 K 25 23.25). Some MSS of LXX read here Malhthanias.

    NETHINIM, neth'i-nim (Dljinp, n'lhlnim,

    "given"; NaSeivetn, Natheineim; AV Nethinims):

    A group of temple-servants (1 Ch 9

    1. Meaning 2 and 16 1 in Ezr and Neh). The

    word has always the article, and does not occur in the sing. The LXX translators usually transliterate, but in one passage (1 Ch 9 2) they render, "the given ones" (hoi dedomenoi). The Syr (Pesh) also, in Ezr, INfeh, transliterates the word, but in 1 Ch 9 2 renders it by a word mean- ing "sojourners." The meaning "given" is sug- gestive of a state of servitude, and Jos seems to confirm the suggestion by calling the N. "temple- slaves" (hier6douloi) (Ant, XI, v, 1). It should, however, be noted that another form of this word is employed in the directions regarding the Levites: "Thou shalt give the Levites unto Aaron and to his sons: they are wholly given unto him on behalf of the children of Israel" (Nu 3 9; cf also 8 16.19). Of the history of the N. in earlier times there are but few and uncertain traces. When Joshua dis- covered that he had been beguiled

    2. History by the Gibeonites into a covenant to

    let them live, he reduced their tribe to servitude, and declared, "Now therefore ye are cursed, and there shall never fail to be of you bond- men, both hewers of wood and drawers of water for the house of my God" (Josh 9 23.27). It is no doubt tempting to see in the Gibeonites the earliest N., but another tradition traces their origin to a gift of David and the princes for the service of the Levites (Ezr 8 20). Their names, too, indicate diversity of origin; for besides being mostly un- Hebrew in aspect, some of them are found elsewhere in the OT as names of non-Israelitish tribes. The Meunim, for example (Ezr 2 50 = Neh 7 52), are in all likelihood descended from the Meonites or Maonites who are mentioned as harassing Israel (Jgs 10 12), as in conflict with the Simeonites (1 Ch 4 41), and as finally overcome by Uzziah (2 Ch 26 7). The next name in the lists is that of the children of Nephisim. These may be traced to the Hagrite clan of Naphish (Gen 25 15; 1 Ch 5 19). In both Ezr and Neh, the list is immediately followed by that of the servants of Solomon, whose duties were similar to, it may be even humbler than, those of the N. These servants of Solomon appear to be descendants of the Canaanites whom Solomon employed in the building of his temple (1 K 5 15). All these indications are perhaps slight; but they point in the same direction, and warrant the as- sumption that the N. were originally foreign slaves, mostly prisoners of war, who had from time to time been given to the temple by the kings and princes of the nation, and that to them were assigned the lower menial duties of the house of God.

    At the time of the return from the exile the N.

    had come to be regarded as important. Their

    number was considerable: 392 accom-

    3. Post- panied Zerubbabel at the first Return exiUc in 538 BC (Ezr 2 58 = Neh 7 60). History When Ezra, some 80 years later, or- ganized the second Return, he secured

    a contingent of N. numbering 220 (Ezr 8 20). In Jerus they enjoyed the same privileges and im- munities as the other religious orders, being in- cluded by Artaxerxes' letter to Ezra among those who should be exempt from toll, custom and tribute (Ezr 7 24). A part of the city in Ophel, opposite the Water-gate, was assigned them as an official residence (Neh 3 26.31), and the situation is cer- tainly appropriate if their duties at all resembled those of the Gibeonites (see Ryle, "Ezra and Nehe- miah," in Cambridge Bible, Intro, 57). They were

    Netophah Nicodemus



    also organized into a kind of guild under their own leaders or presidents (Neh 11 21).

    The N. are not again mentioned in Scripture. It is probable that they, with the singers and porters, became gradually incorporated in the general body of Levites; their name passed ere long into a tradi- tion, and became at a later time a butt for the scorn and bitterness of the Talmudic writers against everything that they regarded as un-Jewish.

    John A. Lees

    NETOPHAH, niS-to'fa (nS'JJ, n'tophah; LXX NeTwcoTd, Nephotd, and other variants) : The birthplace of two of David's heroes, Maharai and Heleb (2 S 23 28.29), also of Seraiah the son of Tanhumeth the Netophathite, one of the captains who came to offer allegiance to Gedaliah (2 K 25 2,3; Jer 40 8). "The villages of the Neto- phathites" are mentioned (1 Ch 9 16) as the dwell- ings of certain Levites and (Neh 12 28, AV "Neto- phathi") of certain "sons of the singers."

    The first mention of the place itself is in Ezr 2 22; Neh 7 26; 1 Esd 5 18 (RV "Netophas"), where we have |1 lists of the exiles returning from Babylon under Zerubbabel; the place is mentioned between Bethlehem and Anathoth and in literary association with other cities in the mountains of Judah, e.g. Gibeon, Iviriath-jearim, Chephereh and Beeroth. In this respect it is most plausible to identify it with Nephtoah (q.v.), although the disappearance of the terminal guttural in the latter creates a difBculty. Conder has suggested a site known as Kh. Umm- Toba, N.E. of Bethlehem, an ancient site, but not apparently of great importance. Beit Nettlf, an important village on a lofty site in the Shephelah near the "Vale of Elah," also appears to have an echo of the name, and indeed may well be the Beth Netophah of the Mish {Sh'bhiVoth, ix.5; Neubauer, Geogr., 128), but the position does not seem to agree at all with that of the OT Netophah. For Kh. Umm-Toba see PEF, III, 128; for Beit Nettlf, PEF, III, 24; RBR, II, 17 f ; both Sh XVII.

    E. W. G. Masterman

    NETOPHAS, nB-to'fas (B, Nerepas, Netebas, A, NeTw<|>a^, Netophae): A town named in 1 Esd 6 18, identical with "Netophah" of Ezr 2 22; Neh 7 26.

    NETOPHATHI, ng-tof'a-thi, NETOPHA- THITES, n5-tof'a-thIts. See Netophah.

    NETTLES, nef'lz: (1) bnn, hand (Job 30 7; Prov 24 31; Zeph 2 9 m, in all, "wild vetches"); the tr "nettles" is due to the supposed derivations oihdriil from an (obs.) V sHD, hdral, meaning "to be sharp" or "stinging," but a tr "thorns" (as in Vulg) would in that case do as well. LXX has tppiyava. dypia, phrugana dgria, "wild brushwood," in Job, and certainly the association with the "salt- wort" and the retm, "broom," in the passage would best be met by the supposition that it means the low thorny bushes plentiful in association with these plants. "Vetch" is suggested by the Aram., but is very uncertain. (2) iBI^p , kimmosh (Isa 34 13; Hos 9 6), and pi. D"'3TU'Qp , kimm'shonim (Prov 24 31), tr'' (EV) "thorns," because of the tr of hdrUl as "nettles" in the same ver. From Isa 34 13 kim- mosh is apparently distinct from thorns, and the tr "nettle" is very probable, as such neglected or de- serted places as described in the three references readily become overgrown with nettles in Pal. The common and characteristic Pal nettle is the Urtica pilulifera, so called from the globular heads of its flowers. E. W. G. Masterman

    NETWORK, net'wdrk (nD3il5 , s'bhakhah) : RV in 2 K 25 17; 2 Ch 4 13 (also in pi., vs 12.13),

    for "wreathen work" and "wreath" in AV (of the adornment of the capitals of the pillars of Solomon's temple; see Jachin and Boaz). "Networks" in Isa 19 9 is in RV correctly rendered "white cloth." In ARV "network" is substituted for "pictures" in AV (Prov 25 11), "baskets" in ERV, m "filigree work."

    NEW, nu, NEWNESS, nu'nes (ICin, hadhash; Kaiv(Ss, kainds, ve'os, neos) :

    The word commonly tr"! "new" in the OT is ha- dhash, "bright," "fresh," "new" (special interest was shown in, and importance at- 1. In the tached to, fresh and new things and OT events); Ex 1 8; Dt 20 5; 22 8; 24

    5; 1 S 6 7; 2 S 21 16; Ps 33 3, "a new song"; Jer 31 31, "new covenant"; Ezk 11 19, "a new spirit" ; 18 31, "new heart"; 36 26, etc; hddhesh is "the new moon," "the new-moon day," the first of the lunar month, a festival, then "month" (Gen 29 14, "a month of days"); it occurs fre- quently, often tr'' "month"; we have "new moon" (1 S 20 5.18.24, etc); tirosh is "new [sweet] wine" (Neh 10 39; in Joel 1 5; 3 18, it is 'asts, RV "sweet wine"); in Acts 2 13, "new wine" is gleukos.

    Other words in the OT for "new" are hddhalh, Aram. (Ezr 6 4); Url, "fresh" (Jgs 15 1-5. BV "afresh jaw- bone of an ass"); b^rVdh, a "creation" (Nu 16 30, "if Jeh malie a new thing," RVm "create a creation"); bdkhar. "to be first-fruits" (Ezlc 47 12; so RVm); kum. "setting," is trd "newly" (Jgs 7 19); also mik- kardbh, "recently" (Dt 32 17, RV "of late"); news is shemu'dh, "report." "tidings"; Prov 25 25, "good news from a far country."

    In the NT "new" (mostly kainos, "new," "fresh," "newly made") is an important word. We have

    the title of the "New Testament" 2. In the itself, rightly given by ARV as "New NT Covenant," the designation of "the

    new dispensation" ushered in through Christ, the writings relating to which the volume contains. We have "new covenant" (kainos) in Lk 22 20, "This cup is the new covenant in my blood" (ERVm "testament"; in Mt 26 28; Mk 14 24, "new" is omitted in RV, but in Mt m "many ancient authorities insert new," and in Mk "some ancient authorities"); 1 Cor 11 2.5, ERVm "or testament"; 2 Cor 3 6, ERVm "or testament"; He 8 8, ERVm "or testament"; in ver 13, "cove- nant" is suppUed (cf He 12 24, neos).

    Corresponding to this, we have (2 Cor 5 17, AV and RV), "The old things have passed away; behold, they are become new" ; ib, "If any man is in Christ, he is a new creature," RVm "there is a new creation"; Gal 6 l,"), m "or creation," "new man" (Eph 2 15; 4 24; Col 3 10 [neos]); "new commandment" (Jn 13 34); "new doctrine" (Acts 17 19); "new thing" (17 21); "new- ness of life" (kainClls) (Bora 6 4); "newness of the spirit" (7 6; cf 2 Cor 5 17); "a now name" (Rev 2 17; 3 12); "new heavens and a new earth" (2 Pet 3 13); " new Jerusalem " (Rev 3 12; 21 2); "new song" (Rev 5 9); cf "new friend" and "new wine" (Sir 9 106, c); artigennetos, "newborn" (1 Pet 2 2); proxphatox "newly slain," "new" (He 10 20, RV "a new and li-idng way through the veil, that is to say, his flesh"; cf Sir 9 lOa; Jth 4 3); " new " is the tr of neos, "new," "young" (1 Cor 6 7; Col 3 10, "new man"; He 12 24, "new covenant").

    The difference in meaning between kainos and neos, is, in the main, that kainos denotes new in respect of qnality, "the new as set over against that which has seen service, the outworn, the effete, or marred through age" ; neos, "new [in respect of time], that which has recently come into existence," e.g. kain&nmnemeion, the "new tomb" in which Jesus was laid, was not one recently made, but one in which no other dead had ever lain; the "new cove- nant," the "new man," etc, may be contemplated under both aspects of quality and of time (Trench Synonyms of the NT, 209 f).

    InMt 9 16; Mk 2 21, dgnap;ios, "unsmoothed,"



    Netophah Nicodemus

    "unfinished," is tr'^ "new," "new cloth," RV "un- dressed." For "new bottles" (Lk 5 38 and H's), RV has "fresh wine-skins." W. L. Walker

    NEW BIRTH. See Regeneration.

    NEW COMMANDMENT. See Brotherly Love.

    NEW COVENANT. See Covenant, The New.

    NEW EARTH. See Eschatology of the NT;

    Heavens, New.

    NEW HEAVENS. See Heavens, New.

    NEW JERUSALEM. See Jerusalem, New; Revelation of John.

    NEW MAN. See Man, New.

    NEW MOON. See Moon, New; Fasts and Feasts.

    NEW TESTAMENT. See Bible; Canon of the NT; Criticism.

    NEW TESTAMENT CANON. See Canon op the NT.


    guage of the NT.

    See Lan-

    NEW TESTAMENT TEXT. See Text of the NT.

    NEW YEAR. See Time; Year.

    NEZIAH, n5-zi'a (n'^l^S , n«f i»/i) : The head of a family of Nethinim (Ezr' 2 54; 'Neh 7 56), called in 1 Esd 5 32, "Nasi" (AV and RVm "Nasith").

    NEZIB, ne'zib (lilf? , n'sibh; B, Nao-ctp, Na^eib, A, Neo-cp, Nesib) : A town in the Judaean Shephe- lah, mentioned along with Keilah and Mareshah (Josh 15 43). Onom places it 7 miles from Eleu- theropolis {Beit Jibrln), on the road to Hebron. It is represented today by Beit Nasih, a village with ancient remains some 2 miles S.W. of Khirbet Kila (Keilah).

    NIBHAZ, nib'haz (Tn35 , nihhhaz) : Given as the name of an idol of the Avvites, introduced by them into Samaria (2 K 17 31), but otherwise unknown. The text is supposed to be corrupt.

    NIBSHAN, nib'shan (ItJ^Sn , ha-nibhshdn; B, Na4)\\\\\\\\a5<4v, Naphlazon, A, NePo-dv, Nehsdn) : A city in the Judaean wilderness named between Secacah and the City of Salt (Josh 15 62). Onom knows the place but gives no clue to its identification. The site has not been recovered. Wellhausen sug- gests the emendation of nibhshan to kihhshdn, "fur- nace" {Proleg}, 344).

    NICANOR, nl-ka'nor, ni'ka-nor (NiKdvwp, Ni- kdnor) : The son of Patroclus and one of the king's "chief friends" (2 Mace 8 9), a Syrian general under Antiochus Epiphanes and Demetrius Soter. After the defeat of Seron by Judas, Epiphanes in- trusted his chancellor Lysias with the reduction of Judaea (1 Mace 3 34 ff). Nicanor was one of the three generals commissioned by Lysias — the others Ijeing Ptolemy, son of Dorymenes, and Gorgias (3 .38). The campaign began in 166 BC; the Syrians were defeated at Emmaus (3 57 ff), while

    Gorgias at a later stage gained a victory at Jamnia over a body of Jews who disobeyed Judas (5 58). The account given in 2 Mace differs considerably, both in omissions and in additions (2 Mace 8 9 ff). There Nicanor, not Gorgias, is the chief in command. The battle of Emmaus is not mentioned, but "the thrice-accursed Nicanor," having in overweening pride invited a thousand slavedealers to accom- pany him to buy the Jewish captives, was humil- iated, and his host was destroyed, he himself escap- ing "like a fugitive slave" to Antioch (2 Mace 8 34 f). After the death of Epiphanes, Eupator and Lysias (the last two at the hands of Demetrius [1 Mace 7 2]), Nicanor appears again under King Demetrius in the struggle between Alcimus and Judas. Alcimus, having been seated in the priest- hood by Demetrius' officer Bacchides, could not hold it against Judas and the patriots. He appealed again to Demetrius, who this time selected Nicanor, now governor of Cyprus (2 Mace 12 2) and known for his deadly hatred of the Jews, to settle the dis- pute and slay Judas (14 12 ff; 1 Mace 7 26 ff). Nicanor was appointed governor of Judaea on this occasion. Again 1 and 2 Mace differ. According to 1 Maco, Nicanor sought in vain to seize Judas by treachery. Then followed the battle of Caphar- salama ("village of peace"), in which the Syrians were defeated, though Jos (Ant, XII, x, 5) says Judas was defeated. Nicanor retired to Jerus, in- sulted the priests and threatened the destruction of the temple unless they delivered up Judas. He then retired to Beth-horon to find Judas posted oppo- site him at Adasa (1 Mace 7 39 ff), 3i miles dis- tant. Here on the 13th of the 12th month Adar (March), 161 BC, the Syrians sustained a crushing defeat, Nicanor himself being the first to fall. The Jews cut off his head and proud right hand and hanged them up beside Jerus. For a little while Adasa gave the land of Judah rest. The people ordained to keep this "day of great gladness" year by year — the 13th of Adar, "the day before the day of Mordecai" (Feast of Purim). 2 Mace mentions that Simon, Judas' brother, was worsted in a first engagement (14 17), omits the battle of Caphar- salama, and represents Nicanor, struck with the manliness of the Jews, as entering into friendly relations with Judas, urging him to marry and lead a quiet life, forgetful of the king's command until Alcimus accused him to Demetrius. The latter peremptorily ordered Nicanor to bring Judas in all haste as prisoner to Antioch (14 27). The scene of the final conflict (Adasa) is given only as "in the region of Samaria" (15 1). According to this account, it was Judas who ordered the mutilation of Nicanor and in a more gruesome fashion (15 30 ff ) . It is possible that the Nicanor, the Cypriarch or governor of Cyprus of 2 Mace 12 2, is a different person from Nicanor, the son of Patroclus — a view not accepted in the above account. S. Angus

    NICANOR (NiKdvup, Nikdnor): One of "the seven" chosen to superintend "the daily ministra- tion" of the poor of the Christian community at Jerus (Acts 6 5). The name is Gr.

    NICODEMUS, nik-5-de'mus (NvK68ti|xos, Nikd- demos): A Pharisee and a "ruler of the Jews," mentioned only by St. John. He (1) interviewed Christ at Jerus and was taught by Him the doctrine of the New Birth (.In 3 1-15), (2) defended Him before the Sanhedrin (Jn 7 .50-52), and (3) assisted at His burial (Jn 19 39-42).

    This meeting, which it has been surmised took place in the house of St. John (Jn 3 1-15), was one of the results of Our Lord's ministry at Jerus during the first Passover (cf Jn 3 2 with Jn 2 23). Although N. had been thus won to beheve

    Nicodemus Night-Monster



    in the Divine nature of Christ's mission, his faith

    was yet very incomplete in that he believed Him

    to be inspired only after the fashion

    1. The of the OT prophets. To this faint- Interview hearted faith corresponded his timid- ity of action, which displayed itself

    in his coming "by night," lest he should offend his colleagues in the Sauhedrin and the other hostile Jews (ver 2). In answer to the veiled question which the words of N. implied, and to convince him of the inadequacy of mere intel- lectual belief, Christ proclaimed to him the neces- sity for a spiritual regeneration: "Except one be born anew, he cannot see the kingdom of God" (ver 3). This was interpreted by N. only in its materialistic sense, and therefore caused him be- wilderment and confusion (ver 4). But Christ, as on another occasion when dealing with His questioners on a similar point of doctrine (cf Jn 6 52.53), answered his perplexity only by re- peating His previous statement (ver 5). He then proceeded to give further explanation. The re- birth is not outward but inward, it is not of the body but of the soul (ver 6). Just as God is the real agent in the birth of the body, so also is He the Creator of the New Spirit; and just as no one knoweth whence cometh the wind, or "whither it goeth," yet all can feel its effects who come under its influence, so is it with the rebirth. Only those who have experienced it as a change in themselves, wrought by the Divine Power, are qualified to judge either of its reality or of its effects (vs 7.8). But N., since such experience had not yet been his, remained still unenlightened (ver 9). Christ there- fore condemned such blindness in one who yet pro- fessed to be a teacher of spiritual thing;s (ver 10), and emphasized the reality in His own life of those truths which He had been expounding (ver 11). With this, Christ returned to the problem under- lying the first statement of N. If N. cannot believe in "earthly things," i.e. in the New Birth, which, though coming from above, is yet realized in this world, how can he hope to understand "heavenly things," i.e. the deeper mysteries of God's purpose in sending Christ into the world (ver 12), of Christ's Divine sonship (ver 13), of His relationship to the atonement and the salvation of man (ver 14), and of how a living acceptance of and feeding upon Him is in itself Divine life (ver 15; cf Jn 6 25-65)?

    The above interview, though apparently fruitless

    at the time, was not without its effect upon N. At

    the Feast of Tabernacles, when the

    2. The Sanhedrin was enraged at Christ's Defence proclamation of Himself as the "living

    water" (Jn 7 37.38), N. was em- boldened to stand up in His defence. Yet here also he showed his natural timidity. He made no per- sonal testimony of his faith in Christ, but sought rather to defend Him on a point of Jewish law (Jn 7 50-.52; cf Ex 23 1; Dt 1 16.17; 17 6; 19 15). By this open act of reverence N. at last made pubhc profession of his being of the following of

    Christ. His wealth enabled him to

    3. The provide the "mixture of myrrh and Burial aloes, about a hundred pounds," with

    which the body of Jesus was embalmed (Jn 19 39 ff).

    The Gospel of Nicodemus and other apocrjTjhal worlis narrate that N. gave evidence in favor of Christ at the trial before Pilate, that he was deprived of ofRce and banished from Jerus by the hostile Jews, and that he was baptized by St. Peter and St. John. His remains were said to have been found in a common grave along with those of Gamaliel and St. Stephen.

    Nicodemus is a type of the "well-instructed and thoughtful Jew who looked for the consummation of national hope to follow in the line along which he

    had himself gone, as being a continuation and not a new beginning" (Westcott). The manner in which the Gospel narrative traces the overcoming of his natural timidity and reluctant faith is in itself a beautiful illustration of the working of the Spirit, of how belief in the Son of Man is in truth a new birth, and the entrance into eternal life.

    C. M. Kerr NICODEMUS, GOSPEL OF. See Apocry- phal Gospels, III, 3, (6).

    NICOLAITANS, nik-6-la'i-tanz (NiKoXaCrat,

    NikolaUai) : A sect or party of evil influence in

    early Christianity, esp. in the 7

    1. The Sect churches of Asia. Their doctrine was

    similar to that of Balaam, "who taught Balak to cast a stumblingblock before the children of Israel, to eat things sacrificed to idols, and to commit fornication" (Rev 2 14.15). Their practices were strongly condemned by St. John, who praised the church in Ephesus for "hating their works" (Rev 2 6), and blamed the church in Pergamum for accepting in some measure their teaching (Rev 2 15). Except that reference is probably made to their influence in the church at Thyatira also, where their leader was "the woman Jezebel, who calleth herself a prophetess" (Rev 2 20; cf ver 14), no further direct information regarding them is given in Scripture.

    Reference to them is frequent in post-apostolic literature. According to Irenaeus {Adv. Haer., i.

    26.3; iii.10.7), followed by Hippolytus

    2. Refer- {Philos., vii.36), they were founded by ences Nicolaiis, the proselyte of Antioch, who

    was one of the seven chosen to serve at the tables (Acts 6 5). Irenaeus, as also Clement of Alexandria (Strom., ii.20), TertuUian and others, unite in condemning their practices in terms similar to those of St. John; and reference is also made to their gnostic tendencies. In explanation of the apparent incongruity of such an immoral sect being founded by one of "good report, full of the Spirit and of wisdom" (cf Acts 6 3), Simcox argues that their lapse may have been due to re- action from original principles of a too rigid asceti- cism. A theory, started in comparatively modern times, and based in part on the similarity of mean- ing of the Gr "Nikolaiis," and the Heb "Balaam," puts forward the view that the two sects referred to under these names were in reality identical. Yet if this were so, it would not have been necessary for St. John to designate them separately.

    The problem underlying the Nicolaitan contro- versy, though so little direct mention is made of it in Scripture, was in reality most im-

    3. Nice- portant, and concerned the whole rela- laitan Con- tion of Christianity to paganism and troversy its usages. The Nicolaitans disobeyed

    the command issued to the gentile churches, by the apostolic council held at Jerus in 49-50 AD, that they should refrain from the eat- ing of "things sacrificed to idols" (Acts 15 29). Such a restriction, though seemingly hard, in that it prevented the Christian communities from joining iri public festivals, and so brought upon them sus- picion and dislike, was yet necessary to prevent a return to a pagan laxity of morals. To this danger the Nicolaitans were themselves a glaring witness, and therefore St. John was justified in condemning them. In writing to the Corinthians, St. Paul gives warning against the same evil practices, basing his arguments on consideration for the weaker brethren (cf 1 Cor 8).

    Literature. — Simcox, "Rev" in the Cambridge Bible: H. Cowan in IIDB. art. "Nicolaitans"; H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of Si. John. Ixx fl, 27, 2X, .37.

    C. M. Kerb



    Nicodemus Night-Monster

    NICOLAUS, nik-fi-la'us (EV), NICOLAS, nik'6- las (NiK6Xaos, Nikolaos): One of "the seven" chosen to have the oversight of "the daily minis- tration" to the poor of the church in Jerus (Acts 6 5). He is called "a proselyte of Antioch"; the other 6 were therefore probably Jews by birth. This is the first recorded case of the admission of a prose- lyte into office in the Christian church. Some of the church Fathers (Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Pseudo- Tertullian) state that he was the founder of the sect called NicoLAiTANS (q.v.) (Rev 2 1.5). Other Fathers seem to suggest that this was a vain claim made by this sect in seeking apostolic authority for their opinions. It may be that the opinions of this sect were an antinomian exaggeration of the preaching of Nicolatis. S. F. Hunter

    NICOPOLIS, ni-kop'6-lis (NikoitoXis, Nikdpo- lis): A city in Pal, half-way between Jaffa and Jerus, now called Ammas, mentioned in 1 Mace 3 40.57 and 9 50. The earlier city (Emmaus) was burnt by Quintilius Varus, but was rebuilt in 223 AD as Nicopolis.

    The Nicopolis, however, to which Paul urges Titus to come (Trpis /ie eh NiKiiroXii', iKd yhp K^KpiKa ■n-apaxeip-icai, ■pros me eis Nikopolin, ekel gar ke- krika paracheirndsai [Tit 3 12]) is probably the city of that name situated on the southwest promontory of Epirus. If this view is correct, the statement made by some writers that from Eastern Greece (Athens, Thessalonica, Philippi, Corinth) Paul's labors extended to Italy, that he never visited Western Greece, requires modification. It is true that we do not hear of his preaching at Patras, Zacynthus, Cephallenia, Corcyra (the modern Corfu), which, as a way-station to and from Sicily, always held preeminence among the Ionian islands; but there can be little doubt that, if his plan of going to Nicopolis was carried out, he desired to evangelize the province of Epirus (as well as Acarnania) in Western Greece . Indeed, it was in this very city of Nicopolis, probably, that he was ar- rested and taken to Rome for trial — during one of the winters between 64-67 AD.

    Nicopolis was situated only a few miles N. of the modern Prevesa, the chief city of Epirus today, the city which the Greeks bombarded in 1912 in the hope of wresting it from the Turks. The ancient city was founded by Augustus, whose camp hap- pened to be pitched there the night before the famous fight with Antony (31 EC). The gulf, called Ambracia in ancient times, is now known as Arta. On the south side was Actium, where the battle was fought. Directly across, only half a mile distant, on the northern promontory, was the encampment of Augustus. To commemorate the victory over his antagonist, the Rom emperor built a city on the exact spot where his army had en- camped ("Victory City"). On the hill now called Michalitzi, on the site of his own tent, he built a temple to Neptune and instituted games in honor of Apollo, who was supposed to have helped him in the sea-fight. Nicopolis soon became the me- tropolis of Epirus, with an autonomous consti- tution, according to Gr custom. But in the time of the emperor Julian (362) the city had fallen into decay, at least in part. It was plundered by the Goths, restored by Justinian, and finally disap- peared entirely in the Middle Ages, so far as tfic records of history show. One document has Ni- kSttoXi! ri vuv Ilp^/Sefa, Nikdpolis he nun Preheza, "N., which is now Prebeza." In the time of Augustus, however, Nicopolis was a flourishing town. The emperor concentrated here the population of Aetolia and Acarnania, and made the city a leading member of the Amphictyonio Council. T?here are consider-

    able ruins of the ancient city, including two theaters, a stadium, an aqueduct, etc.

    Literature. — Kutin, Ueber die Entstehung der Stddte der Allen.

    J. E. Harry

    NIGER, ni'jer (Niytp, Niger). Sec Simeon, (5).

    NIGH, ni. See Near.

    NIGHT, nit (for the natural usage and the various terms, see Day and Night) :

    Figurative uses: The word "night" (Hpib , lay-

    lah, or -■'? , layil) is sometimes used fig. in the OT.

    Thus Moses compares the brevity of

    1. In the time, the lapse of a thousand years, OT to "a watch in the night" (Ps 90 4).

    Adver.sity is depicted by it in such places as Job 35 10; cf Isa 8 20; Jer 15 9. Dis- appointment and despair are apparently depicted by it in the "burden of Dumah" (Isa 21 11.12); and spiritual bUndness,_ coming upon the false prophets (Mic 3 6); again 'sudden and overwhelming con- fusion (Am 5 8; Isa 59 10 A V, D1B3, nesheph, "twi- Hght"asinRV).

    On the lips of Jesus (Jn 9 4) it signifies the end of opportunity to labor; repeated in that touching

    little allegory spoken to His disciples

    2. In the when He was called to the grave of NT Lazarus (Jn 11 9.10). Paul also uses

    the figure in reference to the Parousia (Rom 13 12), where "night" seems to refer to the present aeon and "day" to the aeon to come. He also uses it in 1 Thess 5 5.7 where the status of the redeemed is depicted by "day," that of the unregen- erate by "night," again, as the context shows, in reference to the Parousia. In Rev 21 25 and 22 5, the passing of the "night" indicates the realization of that to which the Parousia looked forward, the estabhshment of the kingdom of God forever. See also Delitzsch, Iris, 35. Henry E. Dosker

    NIGHT-HAWK, nlt'hok (D^nn , tahmas, "tach- mas"; -yXavf, glaux, but sometimes strouthos, and seirenos; Lat caprimulgus) : The Heb tahma^ means "to tear and scratch the face," so that it is very difficult to select the bird intended by its use. Any member of the eagle, vulture, owl or hawk famiUes driven to desperation would "tear and scratch" with the claws and bite in self-defence. The bird is mentioned only in the fists of abomina- tions (see Lev 11 16; Dt 14 15). There are three good reasons why the night-hawk or night-jar, more properly, was intended. The lists were sweep- ing and included almost every common bird unfit for food. Because of its peculiar characteristics it had been made the object of fable and superstition. It fed on wing at night and constantly uttered weird cries. Lastly, it was a fierce fighter when disturbed in brooding or raising its young. Its habit was to lie on its back and fight with beak and claw with such ferocity that it seemed very possible that it would "tear and scratch the face." Some com- mentators insist that the bird intended was an owl, but for the above reasons the night-jar seems most probable; also several members of the owl family were clearly indicated in the list. See Hawk. Gene Stratton-Porter

    NIGHT-MONSTER, nit'mon-ster (Plib^b , lUuh, LXX ovoK€vTaupos, onokentauros; Vulg lamia) :

    I. The Accepted Translation

    1. Professor Rogers' Statement

    2. E.xception to the Statement II. Folklore in the OT

    1. Paucity of References

    2. References in Highly Poetical Passages

    3. The References Allusive

    4. Possibility of Non-mythological Interpretation

    5. The Term lUith.

    Night-Monster NUe



    /. The Accepted Translation. — The term "night- monster" is a hiTJothetical tr of the Heb term T^'O'O , lillth, used once only, in Isa 34 14. The word is tr"* in AV "screech-owl," m "night monster," RV "night-monster," m "Lihth." The term "night- monster" is also an interpretation, inasmuch as it impHes that the Heb word is a Bab loan-word, and that the reference indicates a survival of primitive folldore.

    Concerning this weird superstition, and its strange, single appearance in the Book of Isa, Pro- fessor Rogers has this to say; "The lil,

    1. Professor or ghost, was a night-demon of terrible Rogers' and baleful influence upon men, and Statement only to be cast out with many incanta- tions. The lil was attended by a

    serving maid, the ardat UK ("maid of night"), which in the Sem development was transferred into the fem. lilitu. It is most curious and inter- esting to observe that this ghost-demon hved on through the history of the Bab rehgion, and was carried over into tlie Heb religion, there to find one single mention in the words of one of the Heb prophets" {Rel. of Assyria and Babylonia, 76, 77).

    Exception is to be taken to this statement,

    admitting the etymological assumption upon which

    it rests, that "hUth" is a word in

    2. Exception mythology, on the gi'ound that the to the conception of a night-demon has no Statement place in the reUgion of the Hebrews

    as exhibited in the Scriptures. It is certainly worthy of more than passing notice that a conception which is very prominent in the Bab mythology, and is worked out with great fulness of doctrinal and ritualistic detail, has, among the He- brews, so far receded into the background as to receive but one mention in the Bible, and that a bald citation without detail in a highly poetic passage.

    The most that can possibly be said, with safety, is that if the passage in Isa is to be taken as a sur- vival of folklore, it is analogous to those survivals of obsolete ideas stiU to be found in current speech, and in tlie ht. of the modern world (see Lunatic). There is no evidence of active participation in this behef, or even of interest in it as such, on the part of the prophetical writer. On the con- trary, the nature of the reference imphes that the word was used simply to add a picturesque detail to a vivid, imaginative description. AU positive evidence of Heb participation in this behef belongs to a later date (see Buxtorf's Lex., s.v. "Tahnud").

    //. Folklore in the OT. — Attention has been called elsewhere to the meagerness, in the matter of detail, of OT demonology (see Demon, Demon- ologt; Communion with Demons). A kindred fact of great importance should be briefly noticed here, namely, that the traces of mythology and popular foMore in the Bible are surprisingly faint and indistinct. We have the foUondng set of items in which such traces have been discovered : "Rahab" (3nT, TO/^ab^), mentioned in Job 9 13; 26 12; Isa 51 9; "Tanin" ('("'IPl, tannin), Isa 27 1; "Levia- than" (]'n;"!b , liwyathan), Job 3 8; Ps 74 14; Isa 27 1; Ezk 29 3; Job 41 passim; the "serpent in the sea," in Am 9 3; "Scirim" (D"'")^"!!) , s'Hrlm), 2 Ch 11 15; Lev 17 7; 2 K 23 8; Isa 13 21; 34 14; "Alukah" (Hp^lby, 'dhllcah), Prov 30 15; "Azazel" (bXiiTJ,'aza'zel),Lev 16 8.10.26; "Lilith" (ut sup.), Isa 34 14.15.

    A review of these passages brings certain very interesting facts to Ught.

    The references are few in number. Rahab is

    mentioned 3 t; Tanin (in this connection), once;

    Leviathan, 5 t; the serpent in the

    1. Paucity of sea, once; Seirim, 5 t (twice with ref- References erence to idols) ; Alukah, once; Azazel,

    3 t in one ch and in the same connec- tion; Lihth, once.

    These references, with the single exception of Azazel to which we shall return a Uttle later, are

    all in highly poetical passages. On

    2. Refer- general grounds of common-sense we ences in should not ascribe conscious and delib- Highly erate mythology to writers or speakers Poetical of the Bible in passages marked by Passages imaginative description and poetic

    imagery, any more than we should ascribe such beUefs to modern writers under hke circumstances. Poetry is the reahn of truth and not of matter of fact. In passages of this tenor, mythology may explain the word itself and justify its appropriateness, it does not explain the use of the term or disclose the personal view of the writer.

    AU these references are in the highest degree allusive. They exhibit no exercise of the mytho- logical fancy and have received no

    3. The embroidery with details. This is most References significant. So far as our specific ref- Allusive erences are concerned, we are deaUng

    with petrified mythology, useful as liter- ary embeUishment, but no longer interesting in itself. Every one of these words is sufficiently obscure in origin and uncertain in meaning to admit the

    possibihty of a non-mythological in-

    4. Possibil- terpretation; indeed, in several of the ity of Non- parallels a non-mythological use is mytho- evident. Bible-Diet, writers are apt logical to say (e.g. concerning lillth) that there Interpre- is wo doubt concerning the mytho- tation logical reference. The reader may dis- cover for laimself that the lexicographers

    are more cautious (see BOB, in loc). The use of "Rahab" in Job 26 12 is not mythological for the simple reason that it is figurative; the use of "Leviathan" in Isa 27 land Ezk 29 3 comes under the same category. In Job 40 and 41, if the identi- fication of behemoth and leviathan with hippopota- mus and crocodile be allowed to stand and the mythological significance of the two be admitted, we have the stage where mythology has become a fixed and universal symbolism which can be used to convey truth apart from the belief in it as reality (see Leviathan; "Job," New Cent. Bible, p. 335; Meth. Bey., May, 1913, 429 ff). The sea serpent of Am 9 3 is not necessarily the dragon or Tianiat, and the use of the term is merely suggestive. The term s''ir is in hteral use for "he-goat" (Nu 15 24, et al.) and is doubtful throughout. Ewald translates it "he-goat" in Isa 34 14 and "Satyr" in 13 21. It means Kt. "shaggy monster" (Vulg pilosus). We do not hesitate on the basis of the evidence to erase "Alukah" (Prov 30 15, RV "horse-leech," by some tr'^ "vampire") and "Azazel" (Lev 16 8, etc), inter- preted as a "demon of the desert," from the list of mythological words altogether. As ripe a scholar as Perowne ("Prov," Cambridge Bible) combats the idea of vampire, and Kellogg ("Lev," Expositor's Bible, in loc.) has simply put to rout the mytho- logical-demonic interpretation of Azazel. Even in the case of lililh the derivation is obscure, and the objections urged against the demonic idea by Alexander have not altogether lost their force (see ] Comm. on Isa, in loc). There is a close balance of probabihties in one direction or the other.

    One further fact with regard to lillth must be con- sidered. The term occurs in a hst of creatures, the greater part of which are matter-of-fact animals



    Night-Monster Nile

    or birds. A comparative glance at a half-dozen tr" of the passage Isa 34 11-14 wiU convince any reader

    that there are a great many obscure 5. The and difficult words to be found in the

    Term Hst. Following Dehtzsch's tr we have:

    riRth "peUcan," "hedge-hog," "horned-owl,"

    "raven," "wild-dog," "ostrich," "forest- demon" (s^'ir), "night-monster." This is a curious mixture of real and imaginary creatures. Alexander acutely observes that there is too much or too little mythology in the passage. One of two con- clusions would seem to follow from a list so con- structed : Either all these creatures are looked upon as more or less demonic (see Whitehouse, HDB, art.

    black or blue. This name does not occur in the Heb of the OT or in the Eng. tr) :

    I. The Nile IN Physical Geography

    1. Description

    2. Geological Origin

    3. The Making of Egypt

    4. The Inundation

    5. The Infiltration

    II. The Nile in Hlstory

    1. The Location of Temples

    2. The Location of Cemeteries

    3. The Damming of the Nile

    4. Egyptian Famines III. The Nile in Religion

    1. The Nile as a God

    2. The Nile in the Osirian Myth

    3. The Celestial Nile






    m^^^ '

    ;-■ ^ '

    ^BsKlgBSi {0^'

    i»' ' *

    wK^^Kt^EU^xy^ ■


    t' , ■■' ■'

    ^H^HH^hw "4^1^^''





    ^^g^AM \\\\\\\\

    On the Bank of the Nile.

    "Demon," with which cf W. M. Alexander, Demonic Possession in the NT, 16), or, as seems to the present writer far more probable, none in the list is considered otherwise than as supposed Uteral in- habitants of the wilderness. The writer of Isa 34 14, who was not constructing a scientific treatise, but using his imagination, has constructed a list in which are combined real and imaginary creatures popularly supposed to inhabit unpeopled solitudes. There stiU remains a by no means untenable suppo- sition that none of the terms necessarily are mytho- logical in this particular passage.

    Louis Matthews Sweet

    NIGHT-WATCH, nit'woch (nbib? nn^rTSX , 'askmUrah ba-laylah, "watch in the night"): One of the three or four divisions of the night. See Watch; Time.

    NILE, nil (NtiXos, Neilos, meaning not certainly known; perhaps refers to the color of the water, as

    A river of North Africa, the great river of Egypt. The name employed in the OT to designate the Nile is in the Heb li?'? , y'or, Egyp dur, earlier, atUr, usually tr"* "river," also occasionally "canals" (Ps 78 44; Ezk 29 3ff). In a general way it means all the water of Egypt. The Nile is also the prin- cipal river included in the phrase 'dD""'"|n5, na- hare kiish, "rivers of Ethiopia" (Isa 18 1). Poeti- cally the Nile is caUed U1,yam, "sea" (Job 41 31; Nah 3 8; probably Isa 18 2), but this is not a name of the river. llrT'lp , shlhor, not always written fuUy, has also been interpreted in a mis- taken way of the Nile (see Shihob). Likewise D"in2^ "11^5, nahar migrayim, "brook of Egypt," a border stream in no way connected with the Nile, has sometimes been mistaken for that river. See River of Egypt.

    /. The Nile in Physical Geography.— The Nile is formed by the junction of the White Nile and

    NUe Nineveh



    the Blue Nile in lat. 15° 45' N. and long. 32° 45'

    E. The Blue N. rises in the highlands of Abyssinia,

    lat. 12° 30' N., long. 3.5° E., and flows

    1. Descrip- N.W. 850 miles to its junction with tion the White N. The White N., the

    principal branch of the N., rises in Victoria Nyanza, a great lake in Central Africa, a few miles N. of the equator, long. 33° E. (more e.xactly the N. may be said to rise at the headwaters of the Ragera River, a smaU stream on the other side of the lake, 3° S. of the equator), and flows N. in a tortuous channel, 1,400 miles to its junction with the Blue N. From this junction-point the N. flows N. through Nubia and Egypt 1,900 miles and empties into the Mediterranean Sea, in lat. 32° N., through 2 mouths, the Rosetta, E. of Alexandria, and the Damietta, W. of Port Said. There were formerly 7 mouths scattered along a coast-hne of 140 miles.

    The Nile originated in the Tertiary period and

    has continued from that time to this, though by

    the subsidence of the land 220 ft. along

    2. Geologi- the Mediterranean shore in the Pin- eal Origin vial times, the river was very much

    shortened. Later in the Pluvial times the land rose again and is stiU rising slowly.

    Cultivable Egypt is altogether the product of the N., every particle of the soil having been brought

    down by the river from the heart of the

    3. The continent and deposited along the Making of banks and esp. in the delta at the Egypt mouth of the river. The banks have

    risen higher and higher and extended farther and farther back by the deposit of the sedi- ment, until the valley of arable land varies in width in most parts from 3 or 4 miles to 9 or 10 miles. The mouth of the river, after the last elevation of the land in Pluvial times, was at first not far from the lat. of Cairo. From this point northward the river has built up a delta of 140 miles on each side, over which it spreads itself and empties into the sea through its many mouths.

    The watering of Egypt by the inundation from the N. ia the most striking feature of the physical

    character of that land, and one of the

    4. The In- most interesting and remarkable physi- undation cal phenomena in the world. The

    inundation is produced by the com- bination of an indirect and a direct cause. The indirect cause is the rain and melting snow on the equatorial mountains in Central Africa, which maintains steadily a great volume of water in the White N. The direct cause is torrential rains in the highlands of Abyssinia which send down the Blue N. a sudden gi-eat increase in the volume of water. T"he inundation has two periods each year. The first begins about July 15 and continues until near the end of September. After a slight recession, the river again rises early in October in the great inundation. High Nile is in October, 25 to 30 ft., low Nile in June, about 12 J- ft. The Nilometer for recording the height of the water of inundation dates from very early times. Old Nilometers are found still in situ at Edfu and Assuan. The water- ing and fertiUzing of the land is the immediate effect of the inundation; its ultimate result is that making of Egypt which is still in progress. The settUng of the sediment from the water upon the land has raised the surface of the valley about 1 ft. in 300 to 400 years, about 9 to 10 ft. near Cairo since the beginning of the early great temples. The deposit varies greatly at other places. As the de- posit of sediment has been upon the bottom of the river, as well as upon the surface of the land, though more slowly, on account of the swiftness of the current, the river also has been Ufted up, and thus the inundation has extended farther and farther

    to the E., and the W., as the level of the vaUey would permit, depositing the sediment and thus making the cultivable land wider, as well as the soil deeper, year by year. At HeUopoUs, a little N. of Cairo, this extension to the E. has been 3 to 4 miles since the building of the great temple there.

    Cross-Section of Nilometer.

    At Luxor, about 350 miles farther up the river, where the approach toward the mountains is much steeper, the extension of the good soil to the E. and the W. is inconsiderable.

    The ancient Egyptians were right in calling all the waters of Egypt the N., for wherever water is

    obtained by digging it is simply the 5. The N. percolating through the porous

    Infiltration soil. This percolation is called the

    infiltration of the N. It always ex- tends as far on either side of the N. as the level of the water in the river at the time will permit. This infiltration, next to the inundation, is the most im- portant physical phenomenon in Egypt. By means of it much of the irrigation of the land during the dry season is carried on from wells. It has had its influence also in the political and reUgious changes of the country (cf below).

    //. The Nile in History. — Some of the early temples were located near the N., probably because of the deifi- cation of the river. The rising of the

    1. The Lo- surface of the land, and at the same time ratinn nf °^ ^^^ bed of the rivor, from the inunda- cauonoi ^jq^^ uj^g^j ^^^^^ Egypt and its great lemples river, but left the temples down at the

    old level. In time the infiltration of the river from its new higher level reached farther and farther and rose to a higher level until the floor of these old temples was under water even at the time of lowest N., and then gods and goddesses, priests and ceremonial aU were driven out. At least two of the greatest temples and most sacred places, Heliopolis and Memphis, had to be abandoned. Probably this fact had as much to do with the downfall of Egypt's religion, as its political disasters and the actual destruction of its temples by eastern invaders. Nature's God had driven out the gods of Nature.

    Some prehistoric burials are found on the higher ground, as at Kefr 'A mar. A thousand years of history

    would be quite sufficient to teach Egyp-

    2. The Lo- tians that the N. was still making Egypt. cation of Thenceforth, cemeteries were located at

    . the mountains on the eastern and the

    L-emeteries western boundaries of the valley. Here

    they continue to this day, for the most

    part still entirely above the waters of the inundation —

    and usuaUy above the reach of the infiltration.



    Nile Nineveh

    The widening of the cultivable land by means of long canals which carried the water from far up the river to

    levels higher than that of the inundation, 3. Dams in ^^-^ther down the river was practised from ./ ixr'l very early times. The substitution of

    me iNiie dams for long canals was reserved for

    modern engineering skill. Three great dams have been made: the flrst a little N. of Cairo, the greatest at Assuan, and the last near Asyut.

    Famines in Egypt are always due to failure in the quantity of the waters of inundation. Great famines

    have not been frequent. The cause of

    4 'Fflminp'5 ^^® failure in the water of inundation

    """"" is now believed to be not so much a

    lack of the water of inundation from the Blue N. as the choking of the channel of the White N. in the great marsh land of the Sudan by the sud, a kind of sedge, sometimes becoming such a tangled mass as to close the cliannel and impede the flow of the regular volume of water so that the freshet in the Blue N. causes but little inundation at the usual time, and during the rest of the year the N. is so low from the same cause that good irrigation by canals and wells is impossible. A channel through the sud is now kept open ijy the Egyp government.

    ///. The Nile in Religion. — One of the gods of the

    Egyp pantheon was Hapi, the Nile. In early times

    it divided the honors with Ra, the

    1. The Nile sun-god. No wonder it was so. If as a God the Egyptians set out to worship

    Nature-gods at all, surely then the sun and the Nile first.

    The origin of the Osirian myth is still much dis- cussed. Very much evidence, perhaps conclusive

    evidence, can be adduced to prove that

    2. The Nile it rose originally from the Nile; that in Osirian Osiris was first of all the N., then the Myth water of the N., then the soil, the prod- uct of the waters of the N., and then

    Egypt, the N. and all that it produced.

    Egypt was the Egyptian's little world, and Egypt

    was the Nile. It was thus quite natural for the

    Egyptians in considering the celestial

    3. The world to image it in Ukeness of their Celestial own world with a celestial Nile flowing Nile through it. It is so represented in the

    mythology, but the conception of the heavens is vague. M. G. Kyle

    NIMRAH, nim'ra (TTn^D , nimrah; B, Nd|ippa, Ndmbra, A, 'A|i(3pdH., Ambrdm), or BETH-NIMRAH

    (rriTOD 71^3 , beth nimrah; B, Na(j.pd|x, Namrdm, A, 'Aiippdv, Ambrdn [Nu 32 36], B, Baieava|3pd, Bailhanabrd, A, Bijeaiivd, Belhmnnd [Josh 13 27]) : These two names evidently refer to the same place; but there is no reason to think, as some have done, from the similarity of the names, that it is identical with NiMRiM (q.v.). On the contrary, the indi- cations of the passages cited point to a site E. of the Jordan valley and N. of the Dead Sea. About 11 miles N.E. of the mouth of the Jordan, where Wddy Nimrin, coming down from the eastern up-lands, enters the plain, stands a hiU called Tell Nimrin, with tombs and certain traces of ancient building. This may be certainly identified with Nimrah and Beth-nimrah; and it corresponds to Bethnambris of Onom, which lay 5 Rom miles N. of Livias.

    W. EwiNG NIMRIM, nim'rim (n"'^'a5""'15 , me nimrim; B, NePpetv, Nebrein, A, 'EPp(|x,_ fiirim [Jer 48 34], TO {iSiop Ttis Ni|j.p€£p., 16 hudor lis Nimreim [Isa 15 6]): The meaning appears to be "pure" or "whole- some water." The name occurs only in Isa 15 6 and Jer 48 34 in oracles against Moab. In each case it is mentioned in association with Zoar and Horonaim. It is therefore probably to be sought to the S.E. of the Dead Sea. Onom places a town, Bennamareim, to the N. of Zoar, and identifies it with the OT "Nimrim," as it seems, correctly. The name is still found in Wddy Numeireh, opening on the sea at Burj Numeirah, N. of Ghor es-Safiyeh. The waters of Nimrim may be sought either in

    Moiyel Nmneirah or in the spring higher up, where lie the ruins of a town in a well-watered and fruit- ful district (Buhl, GAP, 272). W. Ewing

    NIMROD, nim'rod (~'TP3, nimrodh; N€(3p<68, Nehrod): A descendant of Ham, mentioned in "the generations of the sons of Noah" (Gen 10; cf 1 Ch 1 10) as a son of Cush. He established his king- dom "in the land of Shinar," including the cities "Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh" (ver 10), of which only Babel, or Babylon, and Erech, or Uruk, have been identiiied with certainty. "The land of Shinar" is the old name for Southern Baby- lonia, afterward called Chaldaea ('eref kasdim), and was probably more extensive in territory than the burner of the inscriptions in the ancient royal title, "King of Shumer and Accad," since Accad is in- cluded here in Shinar. Nimrod, like other great kings of Mesopotamian lands, was a mighty hunter, possibly the mightiest and the prototype of them all, sinoe to his name had attached itself the prov- erb: "Like Nimrod a mighty hunter before Jeh" (ver 9), In the primitive days of Mesopotamia, as also in Pal, wild animals Were so numerous that they became a menace to life and property (Ex 23 29; Lev 26 22); therefore the king as benefactor and protector of his people hunted these wild beasts. The early conquest of the cities of Baby- lonia, or their federation into one great Ivingdom, is here ascribed to Nimrod, Whether the founding and colonization of Assyria (ver 11) are to be ascribed to N. will be determined by the exegesis of the text. EV reads: "Out of that land ke [i.e. Nimrod] went forth into Assyria, and builded Nineveh," etc, this tr assigning the rise of Assyria to N., and appar- ently being sustained by Mic 5 5.6 (cf J. M. P. Smith, "Micah," ICC, in loc); but ARVm renders: "Out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded Nineveh," which tr is more accurate exegetically and not in conflict with Mic 5 6, if in the latter "land of Nimrod" be understood, not as parallel with, but as supplemental to, Assyria, and therefore as Babylon (cf comms. of Cheyne, Pusey, S. Clark, in loc).

    N. has not been identified with any mythical hero or historic king of the inscriptions. Some have sought identification with Gilgamesh, the flood hero of Babylonia (Skinner, Driver, Delitzsch); others with a later Kassite king (Haupt, Hilprecht) , which is quite unlikely; but the most admissible correspondence is with Marduk, chief god of Baby- lon, probably its historic founder, just as Asshur, the god of Assyria, appears in ver 11 as the founder of the Assyr empire (Wellhausen, Price, Sayce). Lack of identification, however, does not necessarily indicate mythical origin of the name. See Astron- omy, II, 11; Babylonia and Assyria, Religion OF, IV, 7; Merodach; Orion. Edward Mack

    NIMSHI, nim'shi ClBTaS , nimshi): The grand- father of Jehu (2 K 9 2.14). Jehu's usual desig- nation is "son of Nimshi" (1 K 19 16).

    NINEVEH, nin'e-ve (ni5"'5 , nin'weh: Niv€-oif|, Nineut, Niveu'C, Nineui; Gr and Rom writers, Ntvos, Ninos) :

    I, Beginnings, Name, Position

    1. First Biblical Mention

    2. Etymology of the Name

    3. Position on the Tigris

    II. Nineveh and Its SuRROUNDlNas

    1. Its Walls

    2. Principal Mounds and Gateways

    3. Extent and Population within the Walls

    4. Extent outside the Walls

    5. Calah, Besen and Rehoboth-Ir

    6. Khorsabad

    7. Sherif Khan and Selamleh

    8. Nimroud




    III. Palaces at Nineveh Proper

    1. The Palace of Sennacherib

    2. The Palace of Assur-banl-apli

    IV. Sennacherib's Description op Nineveh

    1. The Walls

    2. The Gates — Northwest

    3. The Gates — South and East

    4. The Gates — West

    5. The Outer Wall: the Plantations

    6. The Water-supply, etc

    7. How the Bas-BeUefs lUustrate the King's De- scription

    8. Nineveh the Later Capital

    V. Last Days and Fall of Nineveh Literature

    /. Beginnings, Name, Position. — The first Bib.

    mention of Nineveh is in Gen 10 11, where it is

    stated that Nimrod (q.v.) or Asshur

    1. First went out into Assyria, and builded N. Biblical and Rehoboth-Ir, and Calah, and Mention Resen between N. and Calah, with the

    addition, "the same is the great city." Everything indicates that these statements are correct, for N. was certainly at one time under Bab rule, and was at first not governed by Assyr kings, but by i'ssake or viceroys of Assur, the old capital. To all appearance N. took its name from the Bab Nina near Lagas in South Babylonia, on the Eu- phrates, from which early foundation it was prob- ably colonized. The native name appears as Ninua or Nind {Niiiaa), written with the character for

    "water enclosure" with that for "fish"

    2. Ety- inside, implying a connection between mology of Nind and the Sem niin, "fish." The the Name Bab Nina was a place where fish were

    very abundant, and Istar or Nina, the goddess of the city, was associated with Nin-mah, Merodach's spouse, as goddess of reproduction. Fish are also plentiful in the Tigris at Mosul, the modern town on the other side of the river, and this may have influenced the choice of the site by the Bab settlers, and the foundation there of the great temple of Istar or Nina. The date of this founda- tion is unknown, but it may have taken place about 3000 BC.

    N. lay on the eastern bank of the Tigris, at the

    point where the falls into that stream. The

    outline of the wall is rectangular on the

    3. Its Posi- W., but of an irregular shape on the tion on the E. The western fortifications run Tigris from N.W. to S.E., following, roughly,

    the course of the river, which now flows about 1,500 yards from the walls, instead of close to them, as anciently.

    //. Nineveh and Its Surroundings. — According to the late G. Smith, the southwestern wall has a

    length of about 2 J miles, and is joined at

    1. Its Walls its western corner by the northwestern

    wall, which runs in a northeasterly direction for about 1 5 miles. The northeastern wall, starting here, runs at first in a southeasterly direc- tion, but turns southward, gradually approaching the southwestern wall, to which, at the end of about 3j miles, it is joined by a short wall, facing nearly S., rather more than half a mile long.

    The principal mounds are Kouyunjik, a little N.E. of the village of ^Amusiyeh, and Nebi-Yunas,

    about 1,500 yards to the S.E. Both

    2. Principal of these lie just within the S.W. wall. Mounds Extensive remains of buildings occupy and Gate- the fortified area. Numerous open- ways ings occur in the walls, many of them

    ancient, though some seem to have been made after the abandonment of the site. The principal gate on the N.W. was guarded by winged bulls (see Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, 2d series, pi. 3; Nineveh and Babylon, 120). Other gates gave access to the various commercial roads of the country, those on the E. passing through the curved outworks and the double line of fortifications which

    protected the northeastern wall from attack on that side, where the Ninevites evidently considered that they had most to fear.

    According to G. Smith, the circuit of the inner

    wall is about 8 miles, and Captain Jones, who made

    a trigonometrical survey in 1854,

    3. Extent estimated that, allotting to each in- and Popu- habitant 50 sq. yards, the city may lation have contained 174,000 inhabitants. within the If the statement in Jon 4 11, that the Walls city contained 120,000 persons who

    could not discern between their right hand and their left, be intended to give the number of the city's children only, then the population must have numbered about 600,000, and more than three cities of the same extent would have been needed to contain them. It has therefore been

    supposed — and that with great prob-

    4. Extent ability — that there was a large exten.- outside the sion of the city outside its walls. This Walls is not only indicated by Jon 3 3,

    where it is described as "an exceeding great city of three days' journey" to traverse, but also by the extant ruins, which stretch S.E. along the banks of the Tigris as far as Nimroud (Calah), while its northern extension may have been regarded as including Khorsabad.

    Concerning the positions of two of the cities

    mentioned with N., namely, Calah and Resen, there

    can be no doubt, notwithstanding that

    5. Calah, Resen has not yet been identified — Resen and Calah is the modern Nimroud, and Rehoboth-Ir Resen lay between that site and N.

    The name Rehoboth-Ir has not yet been found in the inscriptions, but Fried. Delitzsch has suggested that it may be the rehil Ninua of the inscriptions, N.E. of N. If this be the case, the N. of Jonah contained within it all the places in Gen 10 11.12, and Khorsabad besides.

    Taking the outlying ruins from N. to S., we begin with Khorsabad (DUr-Sarru-ktn or Dxlr-Sargina) ,

    12 miles N.E. of Kouyunjik, the great

    6. Khorsa- palace mound of N. proper. Khorsa- bad bad is a great inclosure about 2,000

    yards square, with the remains of towers and gateways. The palace mound lies on its northwest face, and consists of an extensive plat- form with the remains of Sargon's palace and its temple, with a ziqqurat or temple-tower similar to those at Babylon, Borsippa, Calah and elsewhere. This last still shows traces of the tints symbolical of the 7 planets of which its stages were, seemingly, emblematic. The palace ruins show numerous halls, rooms and passages, many of which were faced with slabs of coarse alabaster, sculptured in relief with military operations, hunting-scenes, mythological figures, etc, while the principal en- trances were flanked with the finest winged human- headed bulls which Assyr art has so far revealed. The palace was built about 712 BC, and was prob- ably destroyed by fire when N. fell in 606 BC, sharing the same fate. Some of the slabs and winged bulls are in the Louvre and the British Museum, but most of the antiquarian spoils were lost in the Tigris by the sinking of the rafts upon which they were loaded after being discovered.

    Another outlying suburb was probably Tarbisu now

    represented by the ruins at Sherif Khan, about '3 mUes

    N. of Kouyunjik. In this lay a temple —

    7. Sherif "palace" Sennacherib calls it — dedicated Khan and *° Nergal. Anciently it must have been Coio^toi, ? P'ace of some importance, as Esar- oeiamien haddon seems to have built a palace there .„ ,- ^ - ^? ■^'l ^^ '^ "seat" for his elde,st son, AsSur-banl-aph. The site of Resen, "between N. and Calah IS thought to be the modern SdamUh. 12 miles S. of N., and 3 miles N. of Nimroud (Calah). It is in the form of an irregular inclosure on a high mound over- looking the Tigris, with a surface of about 400 acres




    No remains ol buildings, sculptures or inscriptions have, however, been lound there.

    After N. itself (Kouyunjik), the ruins known as Nimroud, 14 or 15 miles S.E., are the most impor- tant. They mark the site of the an- 8. Nim- cient Calah, and have already been roud described under that heading (see p.

    539). As there stated, the stone-faced temple-tower seems to be referred to by Ovid, and is apparently also mentioned by Xenophon (see Resen). The general tendency of the accumu- lated references to these sites supports the theory that they were regarded as belonging to N., if not by the Assyrians themselves (who knew well the various municipal districts), at least by the foreign- ers who had either visited the city or had heard or read descriptions of it.

    ///. The Palaces at Nineveh Proper. — The palaces at N. were built upon extensive artificial platforms between 30 and 50 ft. high, either of sun- dried brick, as at Nimroud, or of earth and rubbish, as at Kouyunjik. It is thought that they were faced with masom-y, and that access was gained to

    of Sennacherib seated on his "standing" throne, while the captives and the spoil of the city passed before him. The grand entrance was flanked by winged bulls facing toward the spectator as he entered. They were in couples, back to back, on each side of the doorway, and between each pair the ancient Bab hero-giant, carrying in one hand the "boomerang," and holding tightly with his left arm a struggling lion (Layard, Nineveh and Baby- lon, 137) was represented, just as at his father Sargon's palace at Khorsabad. The upper part of these imposing figures had been destroyed, but they were so massive, that the distinguished explorer attributed their overthrow not to the act of man, but to some convulsion of Nature.

    In the north of the mound are the ruins of the palace of Assur-bani-apli or Assur-bani-pal, dis- covered by Hormuzd Rassam. His 2. The latest plan (Asshur and the Land of Palace of Nimrod, Cincinnati and New York, Assur-bani- 1897, plate facing p. 36) does not give apli the whole of the structure, much of

    the building having been destroyed; but the general arrangement of the rooms was upon the traditional lines. The slabs with which they were paneled showed bas-reliefs illustrating the

    Entr.\\\\\\\\nce to Kouyunjik.

    them by means of flights of deep steps, or sloping pathways. Naturally it is the plan of the basement floor alone that can at present be traced, any upper stories that may have existed having long since dis- appeared. The halls and rooms discovered were faced with slabs of alabaster or other stone, often sculptured with bas-reliefs depicting warlike expe- ditions, the chase, religious ceremonies and divine figures. The depth of the accumulations over these varies from a few inches to about 30 ft., and if the amount in some cases would seem to be excessive, it is thought that this may have been due either to the existence of upper chambers, or to the extra height of the room. The chambers, which are grouped around courtyards, are long and narrow, with small square rooms at the ends. The partition walls vary from 6 to 15 ft. in thickness, and are of sun-dried brick, against which the stone paneling was fixed. As in the case of the Bab temples and palaces, the rooms and halls open into each other, so that, to gain access to those farthest from the courtyard entrance, one or more halls or chambers had to be traversed. No traces of windows have been discovered, and little can therefore be said as to the method of lighting, but the windows were either high up, or light was admitted through open- ings in the roof.

    The palace of Sennacherib lay in the southeast corner of the platform, and consisted of a court- yard surrounded on all four sides by 1. The numerous long halls, and rooms, of

    Palace of which the innermost were capable of Sennacherib being rendered private. It was in this palace that were found the reliefs de- picting the siege of Lachish, with the representation

    Assyr campaigns against Babylonia, certain Arab tribes, and Elam. As far as they are preserved, the sculptures are wonderfully good, and the whole decorative scheme of the paneled walls, of which, probably, the greater part is forever lost, may be characterized, notwithstanding their defects of perspective and their mannerisms, as nothing less than magnificent. The lion-hunts of the great king, despite the curious treatment of the animals' manes (due to the sculptors' ignorance of the right way to represent hair) are admirable. It would be diffi- cult to improve upon the expressions of fear, rage and suffering on the part of the animals there de- lineated. The small sculptures showing Assur- banl-iipli hunting the goat and the wild ass are not loss noteworthy, and are executed with great delicacy.

    IV. Sennacherib's Description of Nineveh. — In all probability the best description of the city is that given by Sennacherib on the cylinder 1. The recording his expedition to Tarsus in

    Walls Cilioia. From ancient times, he says,

    the circuit of the city had measured 9,300 cubits, and he makes the rather surprising statement that his predecessors had not buUt either the inner or the outer wall, which, if true, shows how confident they were of their security from attack. He claims to have enlarged the city by 12,515 (cubits). The great defensive wall which he built was called by the Sumerian name of Bad-imgallabi- lu-susu, which he translates as "the wall whose glory overthrows the enemy." He made the brick- work 40 (cubits) thick, which would probably not greatly exceed the estimate of G. Smith, who reck- oned it to have measured about 50 ft. The height

    Nineveh Nineveh, Library



    of the wall he raised to 180 tipki, which, admitting the estimate of Diodorus, should amount to about 100 ft.

    In this inclosing wall were 15 gates, which he enu- merates in (uU. Three o£ these were situated in the short northwest wall — the gate of Hadad; the gate of Uru or Hadad of Tarbisu (Sherif Khan), and the gate of the inoon-god Nannar, Sennacherib's own deity. The plans show five openings in the wall on this side, any of which may have been the gate used when going to Tarbisu, but that adorned with winged bulls probably fiu-nished the shortest route.

    2. The Gates — Northwest

    3. The

    Gates — South and East

    4. The

    Gates — West

    Bas-Relief of Lion-Hunt.

    The gates looking toward the S. and the E. were the A5§ur-gate (leading to the old capital): Sennacherib's Halzi-gate; the gate of SamaS of Gagal. the gate of the god Enlil of Kar-Ninlil, and the "covered gate," which seems to have had the reputation of letting forth the fever-demon. After this are men- tioned the Sibaniba-gate, and the gate of Halah in Mesopotamia. This last must have been the extreme northeastern opening, now com- municating with the road to Khorsabad, implying that Halah lay in that direction.

    The gates on the west or river-side of the city were "the gate of Ea, director of my water- springs"; the quay-gate, "bringer of the tribute of my peoples"; the gate of the land of Bari, within which the presents of the Sumuilites entered (brought down by the Tigris from Babylonia, in all probability) ; the gate of the tribute-palace or armory; and the gate of the god Sar-ur — "altogetlier 5 gates in the direction of the W." There are about 9 mde openings in the wall on this side, 2 being on each side of the Kouyunjik mound, and 2 on each side of that called Nebi- Yunus. As openings at these points would have endangered the city's safety, these 4 have probably to be eliminated, leaving 2 only N. of Nebi-Yunus, 2 between that and Kouyunjik, and one N. of Kouyunjik. Minor means of e.xit probably existed at all points where they were regarded as needful.

    To the outer wall of the city Sennacherib gave a Sumerian name meaning, "the wall which terrifies

    the enemy." At a depth of 54 gar, 5. The the underground water-level, its

    Outer Wall: foundations were laid upon blocks of the Plan- stone, the object of this great depth tations being to frustrate undermining. The

    wall was made "high like a mountain." Above and below the city he laid out plantations, wherein all the sweet-smelling herbs of Heth (Pal and Phoenicia) grew, fruitful beyond those of their homeland. Among them were to be found every kind of mountain-vine, and the plants of all the nations around.

    In connection with this, in all probability, he

    arranged the water-supply, conducting a distant

    water-course to N. by means of con-

    6. The duits. Being a successful venture, he Water- seems to have watered therewith all Supply, etc the people's orchards, and in winter

    1,000 corn fields above and below the city. The force of the increased current in the river Khosr was retarded by the creation of a swamp, and among the reeds which grew there were placed wild fowl, 'wild swine, and deer(?). Here he repeated his exotic plantations, including trees for wood, cotton (apparently) and seemingly the olive.

    Sennacherib's bas-reliefs show some of the phases

    of the work which his cylinder inscriptions describe.

    We see the winged bulls, which are of

    7. How the colossal dimensions, sometimes lying Bas-Reliefs on their sledges (shaped like boats or Illustrate Assyr ships), and sometimes standing the King's and supported by scaffolding. The Description sledges rest upon rollers, and are

    dragged by armies of captives urged to action by taskmasters with whips. Others force the sledges forward from behind by means of enor- mous levers whose upper ends are held in position by guy-ropes. Each side has to pull with equal force, for if the higher end of the great lever fell, the side which had pulled too hard suffered in killed and crushed, or at least in bruised, workmen of their number. In the backgroimd are the soldiers of the guard, and behind them extensive wooded hills. In other bas-reliefs it is apparently the pleasure- grounds of the palace which are seen. In these the background is an avenue of trees, alternately tall and short, on the banks of a river, whereon are boats, and men riding astride inflated skins, which were much used in those days, as now. On another slab, the great king himself, in his hand-chariot dra-wn by eunuchs, superintends the work.

    How long N. had been the capital of Assyria is unknown. The original capital was Assur, about 50 miles to the S., and probably this continued to be regarded as the religious and official capital of the country. Assur-nasir-apli seems to have had a


    Bas-Relief of Sennacherib Besieging Lachish.

    (Brit. Mus.l

    greater liking for Calah (Nimroud), and Sargon for Khorsabad, where he had founded a splendid

    palace. These latter, however, prob- 8. Nmeveh ably never had the importance of N., the Later and attained their position merely on Capital account of the reigning king building a

    palace and residing there. The period of N. s supremacy seems to have been from the be- ginnmg of the reign of Sennacherib to the end of that of A5sur-banl-apli, including, probably, the reigns of his successors likewise — a period of about 98 years (704-606 BC).

    V. Last Days and Fall of Nineveh. — N., during the centuries of her existence, must have seen many



    Nineveh Nineveh, Library

    stirring historical events; but the most noteworthy were probably Sennacherib's triumphal entries, including that following the capture of Lachish, the murder of that great conqueror by his sons (the recent theory that he was killed at Babylon needs confirmation), and the ceremonial triumphs of Assur-bant-apli — the great and noble Osnappar (Ezr 4 10). After the reign of Assur-banl-apli came his son AsSur-etil-tlani, who was succeeded by Sin-sarra-iskun (Saracos), but the history of the country, and also of the city, is practically non- existent during these last two reigns. The Assyr and Bab records are silent with regard to the fall of the city, but Alexander Polyhistor, Abydenus and Syncellus all speak of it. The best account, however, is that of Diodorus Siculus, who refers to a legend that the city could not be taken until the river became its enemy. Arbaces, the Scythian, besieged it, but could not make any impression on it for 2 years. In the 3d year, however, the river (according to Commander Jones, not the Tigris, but the Khosr), being swollen by rains, and very rapid in its current, carried away a portion of the wall, and by this opening the besiegers gained an entrance. The king, recognizing in this the ful- filment of the oracle, gathered together his concu- bines and eunuchs, and, mounting a funeral pyre which he had caused to be constructed, perished in the flames. This catastrophe is supposed to be referred to in Nah 1 8: "With an over-running flood he [the Lord] will make a full end of her place [i.e. of N.]," and 2 6: "The gates of the rivers are opened, and the palace is dissolved." The destruc- tion of the city by fire is probably referred to in 3 13.15. The picture of the scenes in her streets • — the noise of the whip, the rattling wheels, the prancing horses, the bounding chariots (3 2 ff), followed by a vivid description of the carnage of the battlefield — is exceedingly striking, and true to their records and their sculptures.

    Literature. — The standard books on the discovery and exploration of N. are Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains (two vols, 1849): Nineveh and Babylon (,1853) ; Monuments of Nineveh, 1st and 2d series (plates) (1849 and 1853): and Hormuzd Rassam, Asshur and the Land of Nimrod (Cincinnati and New York, 1897).

    T. G. Pinches


    I. The Discovery

    II. The Library

    III. Writing-Materials

    IV. Contents

    1. Philology

    2. Astronomy and Astrology

    3. Religious Texts

    4. Law

    5. Science

    6. Literature

    7. History and Chronology

    8. Commerce

    9. Letters

    /. The Discovery. — In the spring of 1850, the workmen of Sir A. H. Layard at Nineveh made an important discovery. In the ruins of the palace of Assur-bani-pal they found a passage which opened into two small chambers leading one into the other. The doorway was guarded on either side by figures of Ea, the god of culture and the inventor of letters, in his robe of fishskin. The walls of the chambers had once been paneled with bas-reliefs, one of which represented a city standing on the shore of a sea that was covered with galleys. Up to the height of a foot or more the floor was piled with clay tab- lets that had fallen from the shelves on which they had been arranged in order, and the larger number of them was consequently broken. Similar tablets, but in lesser number, were found in the adjoining chambers. After Layard's departure, other tab- lets were discovered by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, and then the excavations ceased for many years. The discovery of the Bab version of the account of the

    Deluge^ however, by Mr. George Smith in 1873 led the proprietors of the Daily Telegraph to send him to Nineveh in the hope that the missing por- tions of the story might be found. He had not been excavating there long before he came across a fragment of another version of the story, and then once more the excavations came to an end. Since then expeditions have been sent by the British Museum which have resulted in the recovery of further remains of the ancient library of Nineveh. //. The Library. — The tablets formed a library in the true sense of the word. Libraries had existed

    =J"( f-

    Plan of the library at Nineveh.

    in the cities of Babylonia from a remote date, and the Assyr kings, whose civilization was derived from Babylonia, imitated the example of Babylonia in this as in other respects. The only true book- lover among them, however, was Assur-bani-pal. He was one of the most munificent royal patrons of learning the world has ever seen, and it was to him that the great library of Nineveh owed its existence. New editions were made of older works, and the public and private libraries of Babylonia were ransacked in search of literary treasures.

    ///. Writing- Materials. — Fortunately for us the ordinary writing-material of the Babylonians and Assyrians was clay. It was more easily procurable than papyrus or parchment, and was specially adapted for the reception of the cuneiform char- acters. Hence, while the greater part of the old Egyp lit., which was upon papyrus, has perished that of Babylonia and Assyria has been preserved. In Babylonia the tablets after being inscribed were often merely dried in the sun; in the damper climate of Assyria they were baked in a kiln. As a large amount of text had frequently to be compressed into a small space, the writing is sometimes so minute as to need the assistance of a magnifying glass before it can be read. It is not surprising, therefore, that in. the library-chambers of Nineveh Layard found a magnifying lens of crystal, which had been turned on the lathe.




    IV. Contents. — The subject-matter of the tab- lets included all the known branches of knowledge.

    Foremost among them are the philo- 1. Philology logical works. The inventors of the

    cuneiform system of writing had spoken an agglutinative language, called Sumerian, similar to that of the Turks or Finns todiy, and a considerable pait of the early lit. had been written in this language, which to the later Sem Babylonians and Assjii- ans was what Lat was to the European nations m

    Inscribed Tablet Im- pressed with beals.

    the Middle Ages. The stu- dent was therefore pro- vided with grammars and dictionaries of the t^vo languages, as well as ■nith reading-books and inter- linear tr» into Assyr of the chief Sumerian texts Besides this, long lists of the cuneiform characters were drawn up with their phonetic and ideographic values, together with lists of Assyr synonyms, in which, for example, all the equivalents are given of the word "to go." The Assyr lexicographers at times attempted etymologies which are as wide of the mark as similar etymologies given by English lexicographers of a past generation. Sabattu, "Sab- bath," for instance, is derived from the two Sumerian words, sa, "heart," and bat, "to end," and so is explained to mean "day of rest for the heart." It is obvious that all this implies an advanced literary culture. People do not begin to compile grammars and dictionaries or to speculate on the origin of words until books and libraries abound and education is widespread.

    Astronomy occupied a prominent place in Assyr

    lit., but it was largely mingled with astrology.

    The Babylonians were the founders of

    2. Astron- scientific astronomy; they were the omy and first to calculate the dates of lunar Astrology and solar eclipses, and to give names

    to the signs of the Zodiac. Among the contents of the library of Nineveh are reports from the Royal Observatory, relating to the observation of eclipses and the like.

    A knowledge of astronomy was needed for the regulation of the calendar, and the calendar was

    the special care of the priests, as the

    3. Religious festivals of the gods and the payment Texts of tithes were dependent upon it.

    Most of the religious texts went back to the Sumerian period and were accordingly pro- vided with Assyr tr". Some of them were hymns to the gods, others were the rituals used in different temples. There was, moreover, a collection of psalms, as well as numerous mythological texts.

    The legal lit. was considerable. The earliest

    law books were in Sumerian, but the great code

    compiled by Khammurabi, the con-

    4. Law temporary of Abraham, was in Sem

    Babylonian (see Hammurabi). Like English law, Assyro-Babylonian law was case- made, and records of the cases decided from time to time by the judges are numerous.

    Among scientific works we may class the long lists of animals, birds, fishes, plants and stones, together

    with geographical treatises, and the 6. Science pseudo-science of omens. Starting

    from the belief that where two events followed one another, the first was the cause of the

    second, an elaborate pseudo-science of augury had been built up, and an enormous lit. arose on the interpretation of dreams, the observation of the liver of animals, etc. Unfortunately Assur-bani- pal had a special predilection for the subject, and the consequence is that his library was filled with works which the Assyriologist would gladly ex- change for documents of a more valuable character. Among the scientific works we may also include those on medicine, as well as numerous mathemat- ical tables.

    Literature was largely represented, mainly in the form of poems on mythological, religious or his- torical subjects. Among these the

    6. Liter- most famous is the epic of the hero atnre Gilgames in twelve books, the Bab

    account of the Deluge being intro- duced as an episode in the eleventh book. Another epic was the story of the great battle between the god Merodach and Tiamat, the dragon of chaos and evil, which includes the story of the crea- tion.

    Historical records are very numerous, the Assjt- ians being distinguished among the nations of

    antiquity by their historical sense.

    7. History In Assyria the royal palace took the and place of the Bab or Egyp temple; Chronology and where the Babylonian or the

    Egyptian would have left behind him a religious record, the Assyrian adorned his walls with accounts of campaigns and the victories of their royal builders. The dates which are attached to each portion of the narrative, and the care with which the names of petty princes and states are transcribed, give a high idea of the historical pre- cision at which the AssjTians aimed. The Assyr monuments are alone sufficient to show that the historical sense was by no means unknown to the ancient peoples of the East, and when we remember how closely related the Assjrrians were to the He- brews in both race and language, the fact becomes important to the Bib. student. Besides historical texts the library contained also chronological tables and long lists of kings and djmasties with the num- ber of years they reigned. In Babylonia time was marked by officially naming each year after some event that had occurred in the course of it; the more historically-minded Assyrian named the year after a particular official, called limmu, who was appointed on each New Year's Day. In Baby- lonia the chronological system went back to a very remote date. The Babylonians were a commercial people, and for commercial purposes it was necessary to have an exact register of the time.

    The library contained trading documents of

    various sorts, more esp. contracts, deeds of sale of

    property and the like. Now and then

    8. Com- we meet with the plan of a building. merce There were also fiscal documents

    relating to the taxes paid by the cities and provinces of the empire to the imperial treasury.

    One department of the library consisted of letters,

    some of them private, others addressed to the king

    or to the high officials. Nearly a

    9. Letters thousand of these have already been

    published by Professor Harper. The clay books, it need hardly be added, were all carefully numbered and catalogued, the Assyr system of docketing and arranging the tablets being at once ingenious and simple. The librarians, con- sequently, had no difficulty in finding any tablet or series of tablets that might be asked for. We may gather from the inscription attached to the larger works copied from Bab originals as well as to other collections of tablets that the library was open to all "readers." A. H. Sayce



    Nineveh, Library Nob

    NINEVITES, nin'ft-vlts (NivtuftJiTai, Nineu[e]itai) : Only in Lk 11 30. The il passage (Mt 12 41), with Lk 11 32, has the fuller form, "men of Nineveh," which gives the meaning.

    NIPHIS, ni'fis (Nenets,' Neiphels, A, *iv€Cs, Phinels; AV Nephis): Given in 1 Esd 5 21 m as = "Magbish" of Ezr 2 30, whose sons are the same in number (156) as those of Niphis, but it would seem rather to be the equivalent of Nebo in ver 29.

    NISAN, ni'san CIOiD , nisdn) : The first month of the Jewish year in which occurred the Passover and which corresponds to April. The month is the same as Abib, which occurs in the Pent. Nisan occurs in Neh 2 1 and Est 3 7. It denotes "the month of flowers." See Calendar.

    NISROCH, nis'rok, niz'rok (ty'iP?, nisrokh): The Assyr god in whose temple Sennacherib was worshipping when put to death by his sons (2 K 19 37; Isa 37 38). The name is not found else- where. Some identify him with Asshur, the na- tional deity. See Babylonia and Assyria, Re- ligion OF.

    NITRE, ni'ter (IP? , nether; vCrpov, nitron) : Nitre as used in AV does not correspond to the present use of that term. Nitre or niter is now applied to sodium or potassium nitrate. The writer has in his collection a specimen of sodium carbon- ate, called in Arab. natrUn, which was taken from the extensive deposits in Lower Egypt where it is found as a deposit underneath a layer of common salt. Similar deposits are found in Syria and Asia Minor. This is probably the "nitre" of the Bible. ARV has rendered nitre "lye" in Jer 2 22, and "soda" in Prov 25 20. Soda or lye has been used as a cleansing agent from earliest times. It effer- vesces energetically, when treated with an acid; hence the comparison in Prov 25 20 of the heavy- hearted man roiled by the sound of singing to the sizzling of soda on which vinegar has been poured. See Vinegar. James A. Patch

    NO, no. See No-amon.

    NOADIAH, no-a-di'a (n;-ri3 , no'adhyah, "tryst of Jeh"; NoaSeC, Noadei):

    (1) Son of Binnui, one of the Levites to whom Ezra intrusted the gold and silver and sacred vessels which he brought up from Babylon (Ezr 8 33); also called Moeth (q.v.), son of Sabannus (1 Esd 8 63).

    (2) A prophetess associated with Tobiah and Sanballat in opposition to Nehemiah (Neh 6 14).

    NOAH, no'a (Hi, rao«A, "rest"; LXX Noie, Noe; Jos, Nuxos, Nochos). The 10th in descent from Adam in the line of Seth (Gen 5 28.29). Lamech here seems to derive the word from the V DHj , naham, "to comfort," but this is probably a mere play upon the name by Noah's father. The times in which Noah was born were degenerate, and this finds pathetic expression in Lamech's saying at the birth of Noah, "This same shall comfort us in our work and in the toil of our hands, which cometh because of the ground which Jeh hath cursed." Concerning the theory that Noah is the name of a dynasty, like Pharaoh or Caesar, rather than of a single individual, see Antediluvians. In his 600th year the degenerate races of mankind were cut off by the Deluge. But 120 years previously (Gen 6 3) he had been warned of the catastrophe, and according to 1 Pet 3 20 had been preparing for the event by building the ark (see Ark;

    Deluge). In the cuneiform inscriptions Noah corresponds to "Hasisadra" (Xisuthrus). After the flood Noah celebrated his deliverance by build- ing an altar and offering sacrifices to Jeh (Gen 8 20), and was sent forth with God's blessing to be "fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth" (Gen 9 1), as Adam had been sent forth at the beginning (Gen 1 28). In token of the cer- tainty of God's covenant not to destroy the race again by flood, a rainbow spanned the sky whose reappearance was ever after to be a token of peace. But Noah was not above temptation. In the pros- perity which followed, he became drunken from the fruit of the vineyard he had planted. His son Ham irreverently exposed the nakedness of his father, while Shem and Japheth covered it from view (Gen 9 22,23). The curse upon Canaan the son of Ham was literally fulfilled in subsequent history when Israel took possession of Pal, when Tyre fell before the arms of Alexander, and Carthage surrendered to Rome.

    George Frederick Wright NOAH (ny:, no'ah, "movement"): One of the daughters of Zelophehad (Nu 26 33; 27 1; 36 11; Josh 17 3ff).


    Apocalyptic Literature.

    NO-AMON, no-a'mon ClTOX XD , no' 'clmon, Egyp rmt, "a. city," with the feminine ending t, and Amon, proper name of a god, City Amon, i.e. the "City," par excellence, of the god Amon; tr'' in AV "popu- lous No," following the Vulg in a misunderstanding of the word 'amon; RV "No-amon"): Occurs in this form only in Nah 3 8, but SS'O IITOX , 'amon minno', "Amon of No," occurs in Jer 46 25. Cf also Ezk 30 14-16, where N5 , no', is undoubtedly the same city.

    The description of No-amon in Nah 3 8 seems to be that of a delta city, but D^, yam, "sea," in that passage is used poetically for the Nile, as in Job 41 31 and in Isa 18 2. With this difficulty removed, the Egyp etymology of the name leaves no doubt as to the correct identification of the place. The "City Amon" in the days of Nahum, Jeremiah and Ezekiel was Thebes (cf art. "Thebes" in any general encyclopaedia). M. G. Kyle

    NOB, nob (32 , nobh; B, No|iPii, Nombd, A, Nopd, Nobd, and other forms) : An ancient priestly town to which David came on his way S. when he fled from Saul at Gibeah (1 S 21 1). Here he found refuge and succor with Ahimelech. This was ob- served by Doeg the Edomite, who informed the king, and afterward became the instrument of Saul's savage vengeance on the priests, and on all the inhabitants of the city (ch 22). The name occurs in Neh 11 32 in a list of cities, immediately after Anathoth. In Isaiah's ideal account of the Assyrians' march against Jerus, Nob is clearly placed S. of Anathoth. Here, says the prophet, the Assyrian shall shake his hand at the mount of the daughter of Zion, the hill of Jerus. It was a place, therefore, from which the Holy City and the temple were clearly visible.

    The district in which the site must be sought is thus very definitely indicated; but within this dis- trict no name at all resembling Nob has been dis- covered, and so no sure identification is yet possible. 'Andta (Anathoth) is 2i miles N.E. of Jerus. Nob therefore lay between that and the city, at a point where the city could be seen, apparently on the great road from the N. Rather more than a mile N. of Jerus rises the ridge Rds el-Mesharif (2,665 ft.), over which the road from the N. passes; and


    Nose, Nostrils



    here the traveler approaching from that direction obtains his first siglit of the city. It is fittingly named "the looli-out." Col. Conder states the case for identifying this height with Mt. Scopus where Titus established his camp at the siege of Jerus {PEFS, 1874, 111 ff). Immediately S. of the ridge, to the E. of the road, there is a small plateau, S. of which there is a lower ridge, whence the slopes dip into Wddy el-Joz. This plateau, on which Titus may have sat, is a very probable site for Nob. It quite suits the requirements of Isaiah's narrative, and not less those of David's flight. Gibeah lay not far to the N., and this lay in the most likely path to the S. W. Ewing

    NOBAH, no'ba (HDi, nobhah; B, NaP(6e, Na- both, Napoi, Nahai, 'a, Napwe, Nabolh, NaPeB, Nabeth) :

    (1) Nobah the Manassite, we are told, "went and took Kenath, and the villages thereof, and called it Nobah, after his own name" (Nu 32 42). There can be little doubt that the ancient Kenath is represented by the modern Kanawal, on the west- ern slope of Jebel ed-Druze, the ancient name having survived that of Nobah.

    (2) A city which marked the course of Gideon's pursuit of the Midianites (Jgs 8 11). It is possible that this may be identical with (1). Cheyne argues in favor of this (EB, s.v. "Gideon"). But its mention along with Jogbehah points to a more southerly location. This may have been the original home of the clan Nobah. Some would read, following the Syr in Nu 21 30, "Nobah which is on the desert," instead of "Nophah which reacheth unto Medeba." No site with a name resembling this has yet been recovered. If it is to be distinguished from Kenath, then probably it will have to be sought somewhere to the N.E. of Rabbath-Ammon ('Amman). W. Ewing

    NOBAI, no'bl, nob'a-i P5'l3, nobhay, or ■'5"^? , nebhay) : One of those who took part in sealing the covenant (Neh 10 19).

    NOBLE, no'b'l, NOBLES, noTD'lz, NOBLEMAN, no'b'1-man (D'^l'iri, horim, l^'^S?, 'addlr; ci-yev^s, eugents, Kpano-TOS) krdtistos, Pao-i\\\\\\\\iK6s, basilikds) : "Nobles" is the tr of the Heb hmrlm (occurring only in the pi.), "free-born," "noble" (1 K 21 8.11; Neh 2 16; 6 17, etc); of 'addtr, "begirded," "mighty," "illustrious" or 'Vble" (Jgs 5 13; 2 Ch 23 20, etc); of nadhlbh, "hberal," "a noble" (Nu 21 18; Prov 8 16, etc).

    Other words are gddhol, "great" (Jon 3 7); yakkir. Aram, "precious" (Ezr 4 10); naghldh, "aleader" (Job 29 10); part^'mim, " foremost ones " (Est 1 3; 6 9); 'd-Qilim, "those near." "nobles" (Ex 24 11); bariah, "fugitive" (Isa 43 14); kabhedh, "weighty," "honored" (Ps 149 8); eugerees, "wellborn" (Acts 17 11; 1 Cor 1 26); kratislos, "strongest," " most powerful " (Acts 24 3; 26 25).

    The Apoc, AV and EV, still further enlarges the list. In RV we have megisldnes. "great ones" (1 Esd 1 38; 8 26, with cre(imos, "in honor"; Wisd 18 12). Otherwise RV's uses of "noble," and "nobleness" are for words con- taining the -J gen and referring to birth (of "Wisd 8 3; 2 Mace 6 27.31; 12 42; 14 42 6is). AV's uses are wider (Jth 2 2, etc).

    Nobleman is, in Lk 19 12, the tr of eugents dnthrdpos, "a man well born," and in Jn 4 46.49 of basilikos, "kingly," "belonging to a king," a designation extended to the officers, courtiers, etc, of a king, RVm "king's officer"; he was probably an official, civil or military, of Herod Antipas, who was styled "king" (basileus).

    For "nobles" (Isa 43 14), AV "have brought down all their nobles," RV has "I will bring down all of them as fugitives," m "or, as otherwise read, all their nobles even," etc; for "nobles" (Jer 30 21), "prince"; ERV has " worthies " for " nobles" (Nah 3 18); RV has "the

    noble" for "princes" (Prov 17 26); "nobles" for "princes" (Job 34 18; Dnl 1 3), for "Nazarites" (Lam 4 7, m "Nazirites"); "her nobles" for "his fugitives," m "or, as other otherwise read, fugitives" ( 16 5); ARV has "noble" for "liberal" (Isa 32 5); for "The nobles held their peace," AVm "The voice of the nobles was hid" (Job -29 10), RV has "The voice of the nobles was hushed," m "Heb hid"; for "most noble" (Acts 24 3; 26 25), "most excellent."

    W. L. Walker NOD, nod (lis, nodh): The land of Eden, to which Cain migrated after the murder of his brother and his banishment by Jeh (Gen 4 16). Conjecture is useless as to the region intended. The ideas of China, India, etc, which some have entertained, are groundless. The territory was evidently at some distance, but where is now un- discoverable.

    NODAB, no'dab (S'l'lS , nodhobh; NaSapoioi, Nadabaioi): A Hagrite clan which, along with Jetur and Naphish, suffered complete defeat at the hands of the trans-Jordanic Israelites (1 Ch 5 19). It has been suggested that Nodab is a corruption of Kedemah or of Nebaioth, names which are asso- ciated with Jetur and Naphish in the lists of Ishmael's sons (Gen 25 15; 1 Ch 1 31), but it is difficult to see how even the most careless copy- ist could so blunder. There is a possible remi- niscence of the name in Nudebe, a village in the Hauran.

    NOE, no'e (N&t, Noe): AV of Mt'24 37.38; Lk 3 36; 17 26.27; Tob 4 12. Gr form of Noah (q.v.) (thus RV).

    NOEBA, no'e-ba (Notpa, Noebd): Head of one of the families of temple-servants (1 Esd 5 31) = "Nekoda" of Ezr 2 48.

    NOGAH, no'ga (^53, noghah, "splendor"): A son of David born at Jerus (1 Ch 3 7; 14 6). In the II list (2 S 5 14.15) this name is wanting. In its Gr form (Na77a£, Naggai) it occurs in the genealogy of Jesus (Lk 3 25).

    NOHAH, no'ha (nn'lD, nohdh, "rest"): The fourth son of Benjamin (1 Ch 8 2). It is prob- able that in Jgs 20 43, instead of "a resting-place" we should read "Nohah," which may have been the settlement of the family.

    NOISE, noiz (bip, kol, r^n, hdmon, lisffi, shd'on; ^avfi, phoni): "Noise" is most frequently the tr of kol, "voice," "sound," in AV (Ex 20 18, "the noise of the trumpet," RV "voice"; 32 17 6is.l8; Jgs 5 11, "[they that are delivered] from the noise of the archers," RV "far from the noise," etc, m "because of the voice of"; 1 S 4 6, etc); hamon, "noise," "sound" (1 S 14 19); roghez, "anger," "rage" (Job 37 2); re"', "outcry" (Job 36 33); sha'on, "desolation," "noise" (Isa 24 8; 25 5); t'shu'oth, "cry" "crying" (Job 36 29); pa^ah, "to break forth" (Ps 98 4); shame-', "to hear," etc (Josh 6 10; 1 Ch 15 28); phone, "sound," "voice," is tr<* "noise" (Rev 6 1, "I heard as it were the noise of thunder," RV "saying as with a voice of thunder"); rhoizeddn, "with a hiss- ing or rushing sound" (2 Pet 3 10, "with a great noise"); ginetai phont (Acts 2 6, AV "when this was noised abroad," m "when this voice was made," RV "when this sound was heard"); akouo, "to hear": dialaleo, "to talk or speak" throughout, are also tr^ "noised" (Mk 2 1; Lk 1 65). So RV (cf Jth 10 18, "noised among the tents"). Otherwise in RV Apoc, Ihroos "confused noise" (Wisd 1 10); boi, "outcry" (Jth 14 19); tchos, "sound" (Wisd 17 18; cf Sir 40 13); Latvox, "voice" (2 Esd 5 7).



    Nobah Nose, Nostrils

    For "noise" (Ps 65 7 bis), RV tias "roaring"; for "malie a noise lilie the noise of the seas" (Isa 17 12;, "the uproar [m "muititude"] of many peoples, that roar lilie the roaring of the seas"; for "a voice of noise from the city" (Isa 66 8), "a voice of tumult from the city"; for "noise" (Jer 10 22), "voice"; for "a noise" (1 Ch 15 28), "sounding aloud." "voice" (Ezk 43 2); for "every battle of the warrior is with confused noise" (Isa 9 5), "all the armor of the armed man in the tumult," m "every boot of the booted warrior"; for "make a noise," "moan" (Ps 66 2). "roar" (Isa 17 12); for " make a loud noise " (Ps 98 4), "break forth"; for "maketh a noise" (Jer 4 19), "is disquieted"; for " the noise of his tabernacle " (Job 36 29), " the thunder- ings of his pavilion"; for "make any noise witli your voice" (Josh 6 10), "let your voice be heard"; "joy- ful noise," for "shouting" (Isa 16 10); for "The Lord on high is mightier than the noise of many waters, yea, than the mighty waves of the sea" (Ps 93 -1), "Above the voices of many waters, the mighty breakers of the sea, Jeh on high is mighty."

    W. L. Walker

    NOISOME, noi'sum (TX]r\\\\\\\\, hawwah, ^"1, ra'; KOKis, kakos): "Noisome" from "annoy" (annoy- some) has in Bible Eng. the meaning of "evil," "hurtful," not of "offensive" or "loathsome." It is the tr of hawwah, "mischief," "calamity" (Ps 91 3, "noisome pestilence," RV "deadly"); of ra\\\\\\\\ a common word for "evil" (Ezk 14 15.21), "noisome beasts" (RV "evil"). It occurs also in Job 31 40 AVm as the tr of ho' shah, "noisome weeds," AV and RV "cockle," m as AVm; of kakos, "evil," "bad" (Rev 16 2), "a noisome and grievous sore." "Noi- some" also occurs in Apoc (2 Mace 9 9) as the tr of haruno, "to make heavy," "oppress," where it seems to have the meaning of "loathsome."

    W. L. Walkee NON, non {fi:,nm): 1 Ch 7 27 AV and RVm. See Nun.

    NOOMA, no'6-ma (Noofid, Noomd, B, 'Oo|id, Oomd; AV Ethma): 1 Esd 9 35 = "Nebo" of Ezr 10 43, of which it is a corruption.

    NOON, noon, NOONDAY, noon'da (D'lnnS, gohdrayim; |j.£(ninPp£a, ■mesemhria) : The word means light, splendor, brightness, and hence the brightest part of the day (Gen 43 16.25; Acts 22 6). See also Midday; Day and Night; Time.

    NOPH, nof (Db, noph; in Hos 9 6 moph): A name for the Egyp city Memphis (so LXX), hence thus rendered in RV (Isa 19 13; Jer 2 16; 44 1; Ezk 30 13.16). See Memphis.

    NOPHAH, no'fa (nsb , nophah; LXX does not transliterate) : A city mentioned only in Nu 21 30 (see Nobah). LXX reads kai hai gunaikes eti pros- exikausan pur epi Modb, "and the women besides [yet] kindled a fire at [against] Moab." The text has evidently suffered corruption.

    NORTH, north, NORTH COUNTRY (iiS2 , gaphon, from V 15?, gaphan, "to hide," i.e. "the hidden," "the dark"' [Ges.]; Poppas, borrhds; Poppas, boreas [Jth 16 4]; septentrio [2 Esd 15 43]): In ad- dition to the many places where "north" occurs merely as a point of the compass, there are several passages in Jer, Ezk and Zeph, where it refers to a particular country, usually Assyria or Babylonia: Jer 3 18, "They shall come together out of the land of the north to the land that I gave for an inherit- ance unto your fathers" ; Jer 46 6, "In the north by the river Euphrates have they stumbled and fallen"; Ezk 26 7, "I will bring upon Tyre Neb- uchadrezzar king of Babylon, king of kings, from the north"; Zeph 2 13, "He will stretch out his hand against the north, and destroy Assyria, and will make Nineveh a desolation."

    While the site of Nineveh was N.E. of Jerus, and that of Babylon almost due E., it was not unnatural

    for them to be referred to as "the north," because the direct desert routes were impracticable, and the roads led first into Northern Syria and then east- ward (cf however Gen 29 1, "Then Jacob went on his journey, and came to the land of the children of the east")-

    In Ezk 38 6, we have, "Gomer, and all his hordes; the house of Togarmah in the uttermost parts of the north." It is uncertain what country is here referred to. Some have supposed Armenia (cf Gen 10 3; 1 Ch 1 6; Ezk 27 14).

    The north border of the promised land, as outlined in Nu 34 7-9 and Ezk 47 1.5-17, cannot be deter- mined with certainty, because some of the towns named cannot be identified, but it was approxi- mately the latitude of Mt. Hermon, not including Lebanon or Damascus. For North (m'zdrim) see Astronomy. Alfred Ely Day

    NORTHEAST, SOUTHEAST: These words occur in Acts 27 12, "if by any means they could reach Phoenix, and winter there; which is a haven of Crete, looking north-east and south-east." RVm has, "Gr, down the south-west wind and down the north-west wind," which is a lit. tr of the Gr: eis Phoinika .... limena Its Krttes bleponta (looking) katd liba (the southwest wind) kai katd choron (the northwest wind). Choros does not appear to occur except here, but the corresponding Lat caurus or corns is found in Caesar, Vergil, and other classical authors. AV has "lieth toward the south west and north west." Kard, katd, with a wind or stream, means, "down the wind or stream," i.e. in the direc- tion that it is blowing or flowing, and this interpre- tation would indicate a harbor open to the E. If y^lf, lips, and x^pos, choros, are used here as names of directions rather than of winds, we should expect a harbor open to the W. There is good reason for identifying Phoenix (AV "Phenice") with Loutro on the south shore of Crete (EB, s.v. "Phenice"), whose harbor is open to the E. See Phoenix.

    Alfred Ely Day

    NOSE, noz, NOSTRILS, nos'trilz (CN, 'aph, "nose," D'^^TIp, n'hirayim, dual of "ITID , n'hir, "nostrils"): The former expression {'aph from *'anph, like Arab. i_aj| , 'anf) is often tr'' "face" (which see s.v.) in EV. It is frequently referred to as the organ of breathing, in other words, as the receptacle of the breath or spirit of God: "Jeh .... breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul" (Gen 2 7; cf 7 22); "My life is yet whole in me, and the spirit of God is in my nostrils" (Job 27 3). Therefore a life which depends on so slight a thing as a breath is considered as utterly frail and of no great conse- quence: "Cease ye from man, whose breath is in his nostrils; for wherein is he to be accounted of?" (Isa 2 22; cf Wisd 2 2).

    In poetical language such a breath of life is as- cribed even to God, esp. with regard to the mighty storm which is thought to proceed from His nostrils (Ex 15 8; 2 S 22 9; Ps 18 8.15).

    The phrase, "a smoke in my nose, a fire that burneth all the day" (Isa 65 5), is equivalent to a perpetual annoyance and cause of irritation. A cruel custom of war, in which the vanquished had their noses and ears cut off by their remorseless con- querors, is alluded to in Ezk 23 25. As a wild animal is held in check by having his nose pierced and a hook or ring inserted in it (Job 40 24 ; 41 2 [Heb 40 26]), so this expression is used to indicate the humbling and taming of an obstinate person (2 K 19 28; Isa 37 29; cf Ezk 29 4; 38 4). But men, and esp. women, had their noses pierced for the wearing of jewelry (Gen 24 47; Isa 3 21; Ezk 16 12). In one passage the meaning is not

    Nose-Jewels Number



    quite clear, viz. in the enumeration of blemishes which disable a "son of Aaron" from the execution of the priest's office (Lev 21 18), where EV trans- lates "flat [m "slit"] nose." The Heb word is Din , hdrum, which is a hapax legomenon. It corresponds,

    however, to the Arab. V Lo>^, ^^^ ^haram,har-

    man (kharam, kharman), which means "to open," "to pierce the nose," esp. the bridge of the nose. We may accept this meaning as the one intended in the passage.

    Another dark and much discussed passage must still be referred to: "And, lo, they put the branch to their nose" (Ezk 8 17). The usual explanation (whereof the context gives some valuable hints) is that a rite connected with the worship of Baal (the sun) is here alluded to (see Smend and A. B. Davidson's comms. on the passage). A similar custom is known from Pers sun-worship, where a bunch (baregma) of dates, pomegranates or tamarisks was held to the nose by the worshipper, probably as an attempt to keep the Holy One (sun) from being contaminated by sinful breath (Spiegel, Eranische Altertumer, III, 571). Among modern Jews posies of myrtle and other fragrant herbs are held to the nose by the persons attending on the ceremony of circumcision, for the alleged reason of making the sight and smell of blood bearable. Another interpretation of the above passage would understand ITll^T , z'morah, in the sense of "male sexual member" (see Gesenius-Buhl, s.v.; Levy, Nhh. Worterbuch, I, 544), and the whole passage as a reference to a sensuous Canaanite rite, such as is perhaps alluded to in Isa 57 8. In that case the DSX, 'appam, "their nose," of the MT would have to be considered as tikkun ^oph'rim (a correction of the scribes) for "'EX , 'appl, "my face." Or read "They cause their stench [z'moratham] to come up to my face" (Kraetzschmar, ad loc). See Branch.

    H. L. E. LUERINQ

    NOSE- JEWELS, noz-ju'elz, -joo'elz (DT;, nezem [probably from DTJ, nazam, "muzzle"], a "nose- ring," or "nose-jewel," so rendered in Isa 3 21; "jewel in a swine's snout," Prov 11 22, AVm "ring"; "jewel on thy forehead," Ezk 16 12, "ring upon thy nose") : In Gen 24 22, AV rendered in- correctly "earring"; cf ver 47. Indeed, the word had also a more generic meaning of "ring" or "jewelry," whether worn in the nose or not. See Gen 35 4; Ex 32 2, where the ornament was worn in the ear. There are several cases without specifi- cation, uniformly rendered, without good reason, however, "earring" in AV (Ex 35 22; Jgs 8 24. 25; Job 42 11 ["ring"]; Prov 25 12; Hos 2 13 [15]).

    The nose-jewel was made of gold or of silver, usually, and worn by many women of the East. It was a ring of from an inch to about three inches (in extreme cases) in diameter, and was passed through the right nostril. Usually there were pendant from the metal ring jewels, jjeads or coral. Such ornaments are still worn in some parts of the East. See also Amulet; Jewel.

    Edward Bagbt Pollard

    NOTABLE, no'ta-b'l (PITn , hazuth; yvaa-rdi, gnostds): "Notable" is the tr of hazidh, "conspicu- ous" (haz&h., "to see"), e.g. Dnl 8 5, "a notable horn," i.e. "conspicuous," AVm "a horn of sight"; ver 8, "notable [horns]"; of gnbstos, "known," "knowledge" (Acts 4 16); of episemos, "noted," "notable" (Mt 27 16; in Rom 16 7, "of note"); of epiphants, "very manifest," "illustrious" (cf "Antiochus Epiphanes"); Acts 2 20, "that great and notable day," quoted from Joel 2 31; LXX for yare', "to be feared," AV and RV "terrible"

    (cf Mai 4 5); "notable" occurs also in 2 Mace 3 26 (ekprepes); 14 33, RV "for all to see"; 6 28 (gennaios), "a, notable example," RV "noble"; notably, only in 2 Mace 14 31 (gennaios), "notably prevented," RV "bravely," m "nobly."

    W. L. Walker

    NOTE, not (ppn , hakak, D115T , rasham; o-q- (leiow, semeido, lirC

    "Note" (noun) is the tr of episemos, "marked upon," "distinguished" (Rom 16 7, "who are of note among the apostles").

    "Notes" (musical) occurs in Wisd 19 18, "notes of a psaltery" (phthoggos). W. L. Walker

    NOTHING, nuth'ing (X'b, Id', 1112^S^ X'b, Id' m''Umah, etc; |iT)S€ts, medeis, oiSets, oudels): "Nothing" is represented by various words and phrases, often with lo', which is properly a subst. with the meaning of "nothing." Most frequently we have Id' m''ilmah, "not anything" (Gen 40 15; Jgs 14 6).

    Other forms are ?o' rf/ia6/idr, "not anything" (Gen 19 8); lo'khol, "not anylthing]" (Gen 11 6; Prov 13 7); Id' [Aram.], "no," "nothing" (Dnl 4 35, "as nothing") ; 'ephes, "end," "cessation" (Isa 34 12); bilti, "without," "save'" "not" (Isa 44 10; Am 3 4); 'ayin, "there is not" (Isa 41 24); once tohu, "emptiness" (Job 6 18); bal mah, "not anything" (Prov 9 13); hinndm, "free." "gratis" (2 S 24 24) ; ma'a/, "to make small," "bring to nothing" (Jer 10 24); rak, "only" (Gen 26 29); le'al, "for nothing" (Job 24 25).

    In 2 Maco 7 12, we have "nothing," adverbially (ere oudeni), "he nothing regarded the pains" (cf

    1 K 15 21); 9 7 [oudamos), RV "in no wise" ; Wisd

    2 11, "nothing worth" (dchrestos), RV "of no serv- ice"; Bar 6 17.26.

    For "nothing" RV has "none" (Ex 23 26; Joel 2 3), "never" (Neh 5 8), "not wherewith" (Prov 22 27), "vanity and nought" (Isa 41 29); for "answered nothing" (Mk 15 5) , "no more answered anything"; "answered nothing" in ver 3 is omitted; "anything" for "nothing" (1 Tim 6 7), "not any- thing" (Acts 20 20), "not" (1 Cor 8 2), "no word" (Lk 1 37), "not wherewith" (7 42); for "to noth- ing" (Job 6 18), "up into the waste"; for "it is nothing with" (2 Ch 14 11), "there is none besides," m "like"; for "lacked nothing" (1 K 4 27), "let nothing be lacking," for "nothing doubting" (Acts 11 12), "making no distinction"; for "hoping for nothing again" (Lk 6 35), "never despairing"; for "are nothing" (Acts 21 24), "no truth in"; for "nothing shall offend them" (Ps 119 165), "no oc- casion of stumbling" ; for "bring to nothing" (1 Cor 1 19), ERV "reject," ARV "bring to nought"; "nothing better" for "no good" (Eccl 3 12), for "not" (Mt 13 34, different text), for "no man" (Acts 9 8), "for nothing," for "free" (Ex 21 11); "miss nothing" for "not sin" (Job 5 24), m "shalt not err"; "and shall have nothing" for "and not for himself" (Dnl 9 26, m "there shall be none belong- ing to him"). W. L. Walker

    NOUGHT, not (Djn, hinnam; Karapyim, katarged): "Nought" is to be distinguished from "naught" implying "badness" (see Naught). "Nought" in the sense of "nothing," etc, is the tr of hinnam, "gratis" (Gen 29 15), and of various other words occurring once only, e.g. 'awen "vanity" (Am 5 5); Idhu, "vacancy," "ruin" (Isa 49 4); 'epha\\\\\\\\ "nothing" (Isa 41 24); na- bhel, "to fade" (Job 14 18, m "fadeth away")- pur, "to make void" (Ps 33 10); katarged, "to make without effect" (1 Cor 1 28; 2 6); oudels,



    Nose-Jewels Number

    "not even one" (Acts 6 36); apelegmos, "refuta- tion" (Acts 19 27, RV "come into disrepute"); doredn, "without payment" (2 Thess 3 8, RV "for nought"); eremdo, "to desolate" (Rev 18 17, RV "made desolate"); kalaluo, "to loose down" (Acts 5 38, RV "be overthrown"). In Apoo we have "set at nought" and "come to nought," etc (1 Esd 1 56; 2 Esd 2 33; 8 59).

    For "nought" RV has "perish" (Dt 28 63); for " come to nought " (Job 8 22), "be no more"; "nought" f or " not ought " (Ex 5 11), for "no might" (Dt 28 32);- for "brought to silence," bia (Isa 16 1). "brought to nought"; ARV "bring to nought" (1 Cor 1 19) for "bring to nothing" (ERV "reject"); "nought but terror" (Isa 28 19) for "a vexation only"; "brought to nought" (Isa 16 4) for "is at an end"; "come to nought" for "taken none effect" (Rom 9 6); "set at nought" for "despise" (Rom 14 3).

    W. L. Walkeb

    NOURISH, nur'ish (b'la, giddel, H^n, hiyyah, 53!33 , kilkel, HS"! , ribbdh; rpi^a, trepho, avarp^cfxi), anatrepho, (KTpi^io, ektrepho, Ivrp^cfxa, enlripho) : While the word "nourish" was ordinarily an appro- priate rendering in the time of the AV, the word has since become much less frequent, and some senses have largely passed out of ordinary use, so that the meaning would now in most cases be better ex- pressed by some other word. Giddel means "to bring up," "rear [children]" (Isa 1 2, m "made great"; 23 4; Dnl 1 5); "cause [a tree] to grow" (Isa 44 14). Hiyyah means "to preserve alive" (with some implication of care) (2 S 12 3; Isa 7 21, ARV "keep alive"). Kilkel means "to sup- port," "maintain," "provide for" (esp. with food) (Gen 45 11; 47 12; 50 21). Rihhah means "to bring up," "rear [whelps]," in a figurative use (Ezk 19 2). Trepho means "to feed" (transitively) (Acts 12 20, RV"feed"; Rev 12 14); "to fatten" (Jas 5 5, the context indicating an unfavorable meaning). Anatrepho is "to bring up," "rear," like giddel (Acts 7 20.21); ektrepho is "to take care of" (Eph 5 29); entrepho means "to bring up in," "train in" (1 Tim 4 6).

    George Ricker Berry

    NOVICE, nov'is (v«64"jtos, neiphutos, "newly planted"): In this sense it is found in LXX of Job 14 9 and Isa 5 7. In the NT it occurs once only (1 Tim 3 6), where it means a person newly planted in the Christian faith, a neophyte, a new convert, one who has recently become a Christian. This term occurs in the list which Paul gives of the qualifications which a Christian bishop must pos- sess. The apostle instructs Timothy, that if any man desires the office of a bishop, he must not be a "novice," must not be newly converted, or recently brought to the faith of Christ "lest he be lifted up with pride, and fall into the condemnation of the devil."

    This means that a recent convert runs the very serious risk of being wise In his own eyes, of despising those who are stlU on the level from which, by his conversion, he has been lifted ; and so he becomes puffed up with high ideas of his own importance. He has not yet had time to discover his limitations, he is newly planted, he does not fully understand his true position in the Christian community, he overestimates hunself. For these reasons he is peculiarly liable to instability, and to the other weaknesses and sins connected with an inflated opinion of his own powers. His pride is a sure indication of a coming fall. A novice, therefore, must on no account be appointed to the office in question, for he would be sure to bring disgrace upon it.

    John Rutherfurd

    NUMBER, numTjer:

    I. Number and Arithmetic II. Notation of Numbers

    1. By Words

    2. By Signs

    3. By Letters

    III. Numbers in OT History

    IV. Round Numbers

    V. Significant Numbers

    1. Seven and Its Multiples (1) Ritual Use of Seven

    (2) Historical Use of Seven

    (3) Didactic or Literary Use of Seven

    (4) Apocalyptic U.«e of Seven

    2. The Number Three

    3. The Number Pour

    4. The Number Ten

    5. The Number Twelve

    6. Other Significant Numbers VI. Gematria


    /. Number and Arithmetic. — The system of counting followed by the Hebrews and the Semites generally was the decimal system, which seems to have been suggested by the use of the ten fingers. Heb had separate words only for the first nine units and for ten and its multiples. Of the sexagesimal system, which seems to have been introduced into Babylonia by the Sumerians and which, through its development there, has influenced the measure- ment of time and space in the western civilized world even to the present day, there is no direct trace in the Bible, although, as will be shown later, there are some possible echoes. The highest number in the Bible described by a single word is 10,000 (ribbo or ribho' , murids). The Egyptians, on the other hand, had separate words for 100,000, 1,000,-

    000. 10,000,000. The highest numbers referred to in any way in the Bible are : "a thousand thousand" (1 Ch 22 14; 2 Ch 14 9); "thousands of thou- sands" (Dnl 7 10; Rev 5 11); "thousands of ten thousands" (Gen 24 60); "ten thousand times ten thousand" (Dnl 7 10; Rev 5 11); and twice that figure (Rev 9 16). The excessively high numbers met with in some oriental systems (cf Lubbock, The Decimal System, 17 ff) have no parallels in Heb. Fractions were not unknown. We find i (2 S 18 2, etc); i (Ex 25 10.17, etc); i (1 S 9 8); i (Gen 47 24); i (Ezk 46 14); ^ (Ex 16 36); A (Lev 23 13); A (Lev 14 10), and T^TT (Neh 5 11). Three other fractions are less definitely expressed: | by "a double portion," lit. "a double mouthful" (Dt 21 17; 2 K 2 9; Zee 13 8); f by "four parts" (Gen 47 24), and A by "nine parts" (Neh 11 1). Only the simplest rules of arithmetic can be illustrated from the OT. There are examples of addition (Gen 5 3-31; Nu 1 20-46) ; subtraction (Gen 18 28 if) ; multipli- cation (Lev 25 8; Nu 3 46ff), and division (Nu 31 27 ff). In Lev 25 50 If is what has been said to imply a kind of rule-of- three sum. The old Babylonians had tables of squares and cubes in- tended no doubt to facilitate the measurement of land (Sayce, Assyria, lis Princes, Priests and People, 118; Bezold, Ninive und Babylon, 90, 92); and it can scarcely be doubted that the same need led to similar results among the Israelites, but at present there is no evidence. Old Heb arithmetic and mathematics as known to us are of the most elementary kind (Nowack, HA, 1,298).

    //. Notation of Numbers. — No special signs for

    the expression of numbers in writing can be proved

    to have been in use among the He-

    1. By brews before the exile. The Siloam Words Inscription, which is probably the

    oldest specimen of Heb writing extant (with the exception of the ostraca of Samaria, and perhaps a seal or two and the obscure Gezer tablet), has the numbers written in full. The words used there for 3,200, 1,000 are written as words without any abbreviation. The earlier text of the M S which practically illustrates Heb usage has the num- bers 30, 40, 50, 100, 200, 7,000 written out in the same way.

    After the exile some of the Jews at any rate em- ployed signs such as were current among the Egyptians, the Aramaeans, and the

    2. By Signs Phoenicians — an upright line for 1,

    two such lines for 2, three for 3, and so on, and special signs for 10, 20, 100. It had




    been conjectured that these or similar signs were knowTi to the Jews, but actual proof was not forth- coming until the discovery of Jewish papyri at Assuan and Elephantine in 1904 and 1907. In these texts, ranging from 494 to c 400 BC, the dates are stated, not in words, but in figures of the kind described. We have therefore clear evidence that numerical signs were used by members of a Jewish colony in Upper Egypt in the 5th cent. BC. Now, as the existence of this colony can be traced before 525 BC, it is probable that they used this method of notation also in the preceding century. Con- jecture indeed may go as far as its beginning, for it is known that there were Jews in Pathros, that is Upper Egypt, in the last days of Jeremiah (Jer 44 1.15). Some of the first Jewish settlers in Ele- phantine may have known the prophet and some of them may have come from Jerus, bringing these signs with them. At present, however, that is pure hypothesis.

    In the notation of the chapters and verses of the Heb Bible and in the expression of dates in Heb books

    the consonants of the Heb alphabet are 3. By employed for figures, i.e. the first ten

    Letters for 1-10, combinations of these for 11-

    19, the following eight for 20-90, and the remainder for 100, 200, 300, 400. The letters of the Gr alphabet were used in the same way. The antiquity of this kind of numerical notation cannot at present be ascertained. It is found on Jewish coins which have been dated in the reign of the Maccabean Simon (143-135 BC), but some scholars refer them to a much later period. All students of the Talm are familiar with this way of number- ing the pages, or rather the leaves, but its use there is no proof of early date. The numerical use of the Gr letters can be abundantly illustrated. It is met with in many Gr papyri, some of them from the 3d cent. BC (Hibeh Papyri, nos. 40-43, etc); on several coins of Herod the Great, and in some MSS of the NT, for instance, a papyrus fragment of Mt (Oxyrhynchus Pap., 2) where 14 is three times rep- resented by iota delta with a line above the letters, and some codices of Rev at 13 18 where 666 is given by the three letters chi xi vau (or digamma). It is possible that two of these methods may have been employed side by side in some cases, as in the Punic Sacrificial Tablet of Marseilles, where (1. 6) 150 is expressed first in words, and then by figures. ///. Numbers in OT History. — Students of the historical books of the OT have long been perplexed by the high numbers which are met with in many passages, for example, the number ascribed to the Israelites at the exodus (Ex 12 37; _ Nu 11 21), and on two occasions during the sojourn in the wilderness (Nu 1, 26) — more than 600,000 adult males, which means a total of two or three millions; the result of David's census 1,300,000 men (2 S 24 9) or 1,570,000 (1 Ch 21 5), and the slaughter of half a million in a battle between Judah and Israel (2 Ch 13 17). There are many other illus- trations in the Books of Ch and elsewhere. That some of these high figures are incorrect is beyond reasonable doubt, and is not in the least surprising, for there is ample evidence that the numbers in ancient documents were exceptionally liable to corruption. One of the best known instances is the variation of 1,466 years between the Heb text and the LXX (text of B) as to the interval from the creation of Adam to the birth of Abram. Other striking cases are 1 S 6 19, where 50,070 ought probably to be 70 (Jos, Ant, VI, i, 4); 2 S 15 7, where 40 years ought to be 4 years; the confusion of 76 and 276 in the MSS of Acts 27 37, and of 616 and 666 in those of Rev 13 18. Heb MSS furnish some instructive variations. One of them, no. 109 of Kennicott, reads (Nu 1 23) 1,050 for 50,000;

    50 for 50,000 (2 6), and 100 for 100,000 (yer 16). It is easy to see how mistakes may have originated in many cases. The Heb numerals for 30, etc, are the plurals of the units, so that the former, as written, differ from the latter only by the addition of the two letters yodh and mem composing the sylla- ble -im. Now as the mem was often omitted, 3 and 30, 4 and 40, etc, could readily be confused. If signs or letters of the alphabet were made use of, instead of abbreviated words, there would be quite as much room for misunderstanding and error on the part of copyists. The high numbers above referred to as found in Ex and Nu have been in- geniously accounted for by Professor Flinders Petrie (Researches in Sinai) in a wholly different way. By understanding 'eleph not as "thousand," but as "family" or "tent," he reduces the number to 5,550 for the first census, and 5,730 for the second. This figure, however, seems too low, and the method of interpretation, though not impossible, is open to criticism. It is generally admitted that the number as usually read is too high, but the original number has not yet been certainly discovered. When, however, full allowance has been made for the intrusion of numerical errors into the Heb text, it is difficult to resist the belief that, in the Books of Ch, at any rate, there is a marked tendency to exaggeration in this respect. The huge armies again and again ascribed to the little kingdoms of Judah and Israel cannot be reconciled with some of the facts revealed by recent research; with the following, for instance: The army which met the Assyrians at Karkar in 854 BC and which repre- sented 11 states and tribes inclusive of Israel and the kingdom of Damascus, cannot have numbered at the most more than about 75,000 or 80,000 men {HDB, 1909, 656), and the Assyrking who reports the battle reckons the whole levy of his country at only 102,- 000 (Der alte Orient, XI, i, 14, note). In view of these figures it is not conceivable that the armies of Israel or Judah could number a million, or even half a million. The contingent from the larger kingdom contributed on the occasion mentioned above con- sisted of only 10,000 men and 2,000 chariots (HDB, ib). The safest conclusion, therefore, seems to be that, while many of the questionable numbers in the present text of the OT are due to copyists, there is a residuum which cannot be so accounted for.

    IV. Round Numbers. — The use of definite nu- merical expressions in an indefinite sense, that is, as round numbers, which is met with in many lan- guages, seems to have been very prevalent in West- ern Asia from early times to the present day. Sir W. Ramsay (Thousand and One Churches, 6) re- marks that the modern Turks have 4 typical num- bers which are often used in proper names with little or no reference to their exact numerical force —3, 7, 40, 1,001. The Lycaonian district which gives the book its name is called Bin Bir Kilisse, "The Thousand and One Churches," although the actual number in the valley is only 28. The modern Persians use 40 in just the same way. "Forty years" with them often means "many years" (Brugsch, cited by Konig, Stilistik, 55). This lax use of numbers, as we think, was probably very frequent among the Israelites and their neighbors. The inscription on the M S supplies a very in- structive example. The Israelitish occupation of Medeba by Omri and his son for half the reign of the latter is there reckoned (11. 7 f) at 40 years. As, according to 1 K 16 23.29, the period extended to only 23 years at the most, the number 40 must have been used very freely by Mesha's scribe as a round number. It is probably often used in that way in the Bible where it is remarkably frequent, esp. in reference to periods of days or years. The 40 days of the Flood (Gen 7 4.17), the arrangement




    of the life of Moses in three periods of 40 years each (Acts 7 23; Ex 7 7; Dt 34 7), the 40 years' rule or reign of Eli (1 S 4 18), of Saul (Acts 13 21; ef Jos, Ant, VI, xiv, 9), of David (1 K 2 11), of Solomon (1 K 11 42) and of Jehoash (2 K 12 1), the 40 or 80 years of rest (Jgs 3 11.30; 5 31; 8 28), the 40 years of Phili oppression (Jgs 13 1), the 40 days' challenge of Goliath (1 S 17 16), the 40 days' fast of Moses (Ex 34 28), Elijah (1 K 19 8), and Jesus (Mt 4 2 and |1), the 40 days before the destruction of Nineveh (Jon 3 4), and the 40 days before the Ascension (Acts 1 3), all suggest con- ventional use, or the influence of that use, for it can hardly be supposed that the number in each of these cases, and in others which might be mentioned, was exactly 40. How it came to be so used is not quite certain, but it may have originated, partly at any rate, in the idea that 40 years constituted a generation or the period at the end of which a man attains maturity, an idea common, it would seem, to the Greeks, the Israelites, and the Arabs. The period of 40 years in the wilderness in the course of which the old Israel died out and a new Israel took its place was a generation (Nu 32 13, etc). The rabbis long afterward regarded 40 years as the age of understanding, the age when a man reaches his intellectual prime {Ab, v, addendum). In the Koran (Sura 46) a man is said to attain his strength when he attains to 40 years, and it was at that age, according to tradition, that Muhammad came forward as a prophet. In this way perhaps 40 came to be used as a round number for an indefinite period with a suggestion of completeness, and then was extended in course of time to things as well as seasons.

    Other round numbers are: (1) some of the higher numbers; (2) several numerical phrases. Under (1) come the following numbers. One hundred, often of course to be understood literally, but evi- dently a round number in Gen 26 12; Lev 26 8; 2 S 24 3; Eccl 8 12; Mt 19 29 and |1. A thou- sand (thousands), very often a literal number, but in not a few cases indefinite, e.g. Ex 20 6 |1 Dt

    5 10; 7 9; IS 18 7; Ps 50 10; 90 4; 105 8; Isa 60 22, etc. Ten thousand (Heb ribbo, ribboth, r'bhabhah; Gr murids, murioi) is also used as a round number as in Lev 26 8; Dt 32 30; Cant

    6 10; Mic 6 7. The yet higher figures, thousands of thousands, etc, are, in almost all cases, distinctly hyperbolical round numbers, the most remarkable examples occurring in the apocalyptic books (Dnl

    7 10; Rev 5 11; 9 16; EthiopicEn 40 1). (2) The second group, numerical phrases, consists of a number of expressions in which numbers are used roundly, in some cases to express the idea of fewness. One or two, etc: "a day or two" (Ex 21 21), "an heap, two heaps" (Jgs 15 16 RVm), "one of a city, and two of a family" (Jer 3 14), "not once, nor twice," that is "several times" (2 K 6 10). Two or three: "Two or three berries in the [topmost] bough" (Isa 17 6; cf Hos 6 2), "Where two or three are gathered together in my name," etc (Mt 18 20). Konig refers to Assyr, Syr, and Arab, parallels. Three or four: the most noteworthy example is the formula which occurs 8 t in Am (1; 2 1.4.6), "for three transgressions .... yea for four." That the numbers here are round numbers is evident from the fact that the sins enumerated are in most cases neither 3 nor 4. In Prov 30 15. 18.21.29, on the other hand, where we have the same rhetorical device, climax ad majus, 4 is followed by four statements and is therefore to be taken literally. Again, Konig (ib) points to classical and Arab, parallels. Four or five: "Four or five in the outmost branches of a fruitful tree" (Isa 17 6). Five or six: "Thou shouldest have smitten [Syria] five or six times" (2 K 13 19), an idiom met with also in

    Am Tab (Konig, ib). Six and seven: "He will deliver thee in six troubles; yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee" (Job 5 19). Seven and eight: "Seven shepherds, and eight principal men" (Mic 5 5), that is, "enough and more than enough" (Cheyne) ; "Give a portion to seven, yea, even unto eight" (Eccl 11 2). In one remarkable phrase which occurs (with slight variations of form) 24 t in the OT, two Heb words, meaning respectively "yester- day" and "third," are mostly used so as together to express the idea of vague reference to the past. RV renders in a variety of ways: "beforetime" (Gen 31 2, etc), "aforetime" (Josh 4 18), "here- tofore" (Ex 4 10, etc), "in time [or "times"] past" (Dt 19 4.6; 2 S 3 17, etc).

    V. Significant Numbers. — Numerical symbolism, that is, the use of numbers not merely, if at all, with their literal numerical value, or as round numbers, but with symbolic significance, sacred or otherwise, was widespread in the ancient East, esp. in Baby- lonia and regions more or less influenced by Bab culture which, to a certain extent, included Canaan. It must also be remembered that the ancestors of the Israelites are said to have been of Bab origin and may therefore have transmitted to their de- scendants the germs at least of numerical symbolism as developed in Babylonia ip the age of Hammurabi. Be that as it may, the presence of this use of num- bers in the Bible, and that on a large scale, cannot reasonably be doubted, although some writers have gone too far in their speculations on the subject. The numbers which are unmistakably used with more or less symbolic meaning are 7 and its multi- ples, and 3, 4, 10 and 12.

    By far the most prominent of these is the num- ber 7, which is referred to in one way or another in nearly 600 passages in the Bible, as 1. Seven well as in many passages in the Apoc and Its and the Pseudepigrapha, and later

    Multiples Jewish literature. Of course the num- ber has its usual numerical force in many of these places, but even there not seldom with a glance at its symbolic significance. For the determination of the latter we are not assigned to conjecture. There is clear evidence in the cuneiform texts, which are our earliest authorities, that the Babylonians regarded 7 as the number of totality, of completeness. The Sumerians, from whom the Sem Babylonians seem to have borrowed the idea, equated 7 and "all." The 7-storied towers of Babylonia represented the universe. Seven was the expression of the highest power, the greatest conceivable fulness of force, and therefore was early pressed into the service of religion. It is found in reference to ritual in the age of Gudea, that is per- haps about the middle of the 3d millennium BC. "Seven gods" at the end of an enumeration meant "all the gods" (for these facts and the cuneiform evidence cf Hehn, Siebenzahl und Sabbath bei den Babyloniern und im AT, 4 ff) . How 7 came to be used in this way can only be glanced at here. The view connecting it with the gods of the 7 planets, which used to be in great favor and still has its advocates, seems to lack ancient proof. Hehn (op. cit., 44 ff) has shown that the number acquired its symbolic meaning long before the earliest time for which that reference can be demonstrated. As this sacred or symbolic use of 7 was not peculiar to the Babylonians and their teachers and neigh- bors, but was more or less known also in India and China, in classical lands, and among the Celts and the Germans, it probably originated in some fact of common observation, perhaps in the four lunar phases each of which comprises 7 days and a frac- tion. Conspicuous groups of stars may have helped to deepen the impression, and the fact that 7 is made up of two significant numbers, each, as will




    be shown, also suggestive of completeness — 3 and 4 — may have been early noticed and taken into account. The Bib. use of 7 may be conveniently considered under 4 heads: (1) ritual use; (2) his- torical use; (3) didactic or literary use; (4) apoca- lyptic use.

    (1) Ritual use of seven. — The number 7 plays a con- spicuous part In a multitude of passages giving rules for worship or purification, or recording ritual actions. The 7th day of the week was holy (see Sabbath). There were 7 days of imleavened bread (Ex 34 18, etc), and 7 days of the Feast of Tabernacles (Lev 23 34). The 7th year was the sabbatical year (Ex 31 2, etc). The Moabite Balak built Balaam on three occasions 7 altars and provided in each case 7 bullocks and 7 rams (Nu 23 1.14.29). The Mosaic law prescribed 7 he-lambs for several festal offerings (Nu 28 11.19.27, etc). The 7-fold sprinkling of blood is enjoined in the ritual of the Day of Atonement (Lev 16 14.19), and elsewhere. Seven-fold sprinkling is also repeatedly mentioned in the rules for the purification of the leper and the leprous house (Lev 14 The leprous Naaman was ordered to bathe 7 times in the Jordan (2 K 5 10). In cases of real or suspected uncleanness through leprosy, or the presence of a corpse, or for other reasons, 7 days' seclusion was neces- sary (Lev 12 2, etc). Circumcision took place after 7 days (Lev 12 3). An animal must be 7 days old before it could be offered in sacrifice (Ex 22 30). Three periods of 7 days each are mentioned in the rules for the consecra- tion of priests (Ex 29 30.3o.37). An oath seems to have been in the first instance by 7 holy things (Gen 2l 29 IT and the Heb word for "swear"). The number 7 also entered into the structure of sacred objects, for instance the candlestick or lamp-stand in the tabernacle and the second temple each of which had 7 lights (Nu 8 2; Zee 4 2). Many other instances of the ritual use of 7 in the OT and many instructive parallels from Bab texts could be given.

    (2) Historical use of seven. — The number 7 also figures prominently in a large number of passages which occur in historical narrative, in a way which reminds us of its symbolic significance. The following are some of the most remarkable; Jacob's 7 years' service for Rachel (Gen 29 20 ; cf vs 27 f ) , and his bowing down 7 times to Esau (Gen 33 3) ; the 7 years of plenty, and the 7 j'ears of famine (Gen 41 531); Samson's 7 days' marriage feast (Jgs 14 12a; cf Gen 29 27), 7 locks of hair (.7gs 16 19), and the 7 withes with which he was bound ( vs 7 f ) ; the 7 daughters ofJethro(Ex 2 16), the 7 sous of Jesse (1 S 16 10),the7 sons of Sard (2 S 21 6), and the 7 sons of Job (Job 1 2; cf 42 13); the 7 days' march of the 7 priests blowing 7 trumpets roimd the walls of Jericho, and the 7-fold march on the 7th day (Josh 6 8 ff) ; the 7 ascents of Ehjah's servant to the top of Carmel (1 K 18 43 1); the 7 sneezes of the Shunammitish woman's sou (2 K 4 35); the heating of Nebuchadnezzar's furnace 7 times more than it was wont to be heated (Dnl 3 19), and the king's madness for 7 times or years (4; Anna's 7 years of wedded life (Lk 2 36); the 7 loaves of the 4,000 (Mt 15 34-36 11) and the 7 baskets fuU of fragments (Mt 15 37 11); the 7 brothers in the conundrmn of the Sadducees (Mt 22 25 11); the 7 demons cast out of Mary Magdalene (Mk 16 9 II Lk 8 2) ; the 7 ministers in the church at Jerus (Acts 6 3 ff), and the 7 sons of Sceva (19 14, but the Western text represents them as only 2) . The number must no doubt be understood lit. in many of these passages, but even then its symbolic meaning is probably hinted at by the historian. When a man was said to have had 7 sons or daughters, or an action was reported as done or to be done 7 times, whether by design or accident, the number was noted, and its symbolic force remembered. It cannot indeed be regarded in all these cases as a sacred number, but its association with sacred matters which was kept alive among the Jews by the institution of the Sabbath, was seldom, if ever, entirely overlooked.

    (3) Didactic or literary use of seven. — The symbolic use of 7 naturally led to its employment by poets and teachers for the vivid expression of multitude or inten- sity. This use is sometimes evident, and sometimes latent, (a) Evident examples are the 7-fold curse pre- dicted for the murderer of Cain (Gen 4 15); fleeing 7 ways (Dt 28 7.25): deliverance from 7 troubles (Job

    6 19); praise of God 7 times a day (Ps 119 164); 7 abominations (Prov 26 25; cf 6 16); silver purified 7 times, that is. thoroughly purified (Ps 12 6); 7-fold sin: 7-lold repentance, and 7-fold forgiveness (Lk 17 4; cf Mt 18 21); 7 evil spirits (Mt 12 45 II Lk ll 26). The last of these, as well as the previous reference to the 7 demons cast out of Mary Madgalene reminds us of the

    7 spirits of Beliar (XII P, Reuben chs 2 and 3) and of the 7 e\'il spirits so often referred to in Bab exorcisms (cf Helm op. cit., 26 fl), but it is not safe to connect Our Lord's words ivith cither. The Bab belief may indeed have influenced popular ideas to some extent, but there is no need to find a trace of it in the Gosnels. The 7 demons of the latter are sufficiently accounted lor by the common symbolic use of 7. For other passages which come under this head cf Dt 28 7.25; Ruth 4 15; 1 S 2 5; Ps 79 12. (6) Examples of latent use of the num-

    ber 7, of what Zbckler (iJE', "Sieben") calls "latent heptads," are not infrequent. The 7-fold use of the expression " the voice of Jeh " in Ps 29, which has caused it to be named " The Psalm of the Seven Thunders," and the 7 epithets of the Divine Spirit in Isa 112, cannot be accidental. In both cases the number is intended to point at full-summed completeness. In the NT we have the 7 beatitudes of character (Mt 5 3-9); the 7 peti- tions of the Paternoster (Mt 6 9 f ) ; the 7 parables of the Kingdom in Mt 13; the 7 woes pronounced on the Pharisees (Mt 23, perhaps the 7 savings of Jesus, beginning with "I am" (eg6 eimi) in the Fourth Gospel (Jn 6 35; 8 12; 10 7.11; 11 25; 14 6; 15 1), and the 7 disciples at the Lake alter the Resur- rection (Ju 2l 2). Several groups of 7 are found in the Epp. and in Eev: 7 forms of suffering (Rom 8 35); 7 gifts or charismata (12 6-9); 7 attributes of the wis- dom that is from above (Jas 3 17) ; 7 graces to be added to faith (2 Pet 1 5 Ef) ; two doxologies each containing 7 words of praise (Eev 5 12; 7 12), and 7 classes of men (6 15). Other supposed instances of 7-fold group- ing in the Fourth Gospel are pointed out by E. A. Abbott (Johannine Grammar, 2624 fl), but are of uncertain value. (4) Apocalyptic use of seven. — As might be expected, 7 figures greatly in apocalyptic lit. , although it is singu- larly absent from the apocalyptic portion of Dnl. Later works of this kind, however — the writings bearing the name of Enoch, the Testaments of Reuben and Levi, 2 Esd, etc — supply many illustrations. The doctrine of the 7 heavens which is developed in the Slavonic Enoch and elsewhere and may have been in the first instance of Bab origin is not directly alluded to in the Bible, but probably underlies the apostle's reference to the third heaven (2 Cor 12 2). In the one apocalyptic writing in the NT, 7 is employed with amazing frequency. We read of 7 churches (1 4. etc) : 7 golden candlesticks (1 12, etc); 7 stars (1 16); 7 angels of the churches (1 20); 7 lamps of fire (4 5); 7 spirits of God (1 4; 3 1: 4 5) : a book with 7 seals (5 1); a lamb with 7 horns and 7 eyes (5 6); 7 angels with 7 trumpets (8 2); 7 thimders (10 3) ; a dragon with 7 heads and 7 diadems (12 3); a beast with 7 heads (13 1): 7 angels having the 7 last plagues (15 1); and 7 golden bowls of the wrath of God (15 7) and a scarlet-colored beast with 7 heads (17 3) which are 7 mountains (ver 9) and 7 kings (ver 10). The writer, whoever he was, must have had his imagination saturated with the numerical symbolism which had been cultivated in Western Asia for mil- lenniums. There cannot be a shadow of doubt that 7 for him expressed fulness, completeness. As this inquiry will have shown, the significance of the number is prac- tically the same throughout the Bible. Although a little of it may have been rubbed off in the course of ages, the main idea suggested by 7 was never quite lost sight of in Bil>. times, and the number is still used in the life and song of the Holy Land and Arabia with at least an echo of its ancient meaning.

    The significance of 7 extends to its multiples. Fourteen, or t'wice 7, is possibly symbolic in some cases. The stress laid in the OT on the 14th of the month as the day of the Passover (Ex 12 6 and 16 other places), and the regulation that 14 lambs were to be offered on each of the 7 days of the Feast of Tabernacles (Nu 29 13.15) hint at design in the selection of the number, esp. in view of the fact that 7 and 7 occur repeatedly in cuneiform liter- ature — in magical and liturgical texts, and in the formula so often used in the Am Tab : "7 and 7 times at the feet of the king my lord .... I prostrate myself." The arrangement of the generations from Abraham to Christ in three groups of 14 each (Mt

    1 17) is probably intentional, so far as the number in each group is concerned. It is doubtful whether the number has any symbolic force in Acts 27 27;

    2 Cor 12 2; Gal 2 1. Of course it must be remembered that both the Heb and Gr words for 14 ('arba'ah 'asar; dekatessares) suggest that it is made up of 10 and 4, but constant use of 7 in the sense above defined will have influenced the application of its double, at least in some cases.

    Forty-nine, or 7X7, occurs in two regulations of the Law. The second of the three great festivals took place on the 50th day after one of the days of unleavened bread (Lev 23 15 ff), that is, after an interval of 7X7 days; and two years of Jubilee were separated by 7X7 years (Lev 25 8ff). The combination is met with also in one of the so-called Penitential Psalms of Babylonia: "Although my sins are 7 times 7, forgive me my sins."

    Seven multiplied by ten, or 70, was a very strong




    expression of multitude which is met with in a large number of passages in the OT. It occurs of per- sons: the 70 descendants of Jacob (Ex 1 5; Dt 10 22); the 70 elders of Israel (Ex 24 1.9; Nu 11 16.24 f ) ; the 70 kings ill treated by Adonibezok (Jgs 1 7); the 70 sons of Gideon (Jgs 8 30; 9 2); the 70 descendants of Abdon who rode on 70 ass- colts (Jgs 12 14); the 70 sons of Ahab (2 K 10 1.

    6 f ) ; and the 70 idolatrous elders seen by Ezekiel (Ezk 8 11). It is also used of periods: 70 days of Egyp mourning for Jacob (Gen 50 3) ; 70 years of trial (Isa 23 15.17; Jer 25 11 f; Dnl 9 2; Zee 1 12;

    7 5); the 70 weeks of Daniel (Dnl 9 24); and the 70 years of human life (Ps 90 10). Other noticeable uses of 70 are the 70 palm trees of Elim (Ex 15 27 II Nu 33 9) ; the offering of 70 bullocks in the time of Hezekiah (2 Ch 29 32), and the offering by the heads of the tribes of 12 silver bowls each of 70 shekels (Nu 7 13 ff). In the NT we have the 70 apostles (Lk 10 1.17), but the number is uncertain B, D and some VSS reading 72, which is the prod- uct, not of 7 and 10, but of 6 and 12. Significant seventies are also met with outside of the Bible. The most noteworthy are the Jewish belief that there were 70 nations outside Israel, with 70 lan- guages, under the care of 70 angels, based perhaps on the list in Gen 10; the Sanhedrin of about 70 members ; the tr of the Pent into Gr by LXX (more exactly 72), and the 70 members of a family in one of the Aram, texts of Sendschirli. This abundant use of 70 must have been largely due to the fact that it was regarded as an intensified 7.

    Seiienty and seven, or 77, a combination found in the words of Lamech (Gen 4 24) ; the number of the princes and elders of Suceoth (Jgs 8 14); and the number of lambs in a memorable sacrifice (Ezr

    8 35) , would appeal in the same way to the oriental fancy.

    The product of seven and seventy (Gr hebdomekon- tdkis heptd) is met with once in the NT (Mt 18 22), and in the LXX of the above-quoted Gen 4 24. Moulton, however (Gram, of Gr NT Prolegomena, 98), renders in both passages 70-|-7; contra, Allen, "Mt," 7CC, 199. The number is clearly a forceful equivalent of "always."

    Seven thousand in 1 K 19 18 1| Rom 11 4 may be a round number chosen on account of its em- bodiment of the number 7. In the M S the number of Israelites slain at the capture of the city of Nebo by the Moabites is reckoned at 7,000.

    The half of seven seems sometimes to have been regarded as significant. In Dnl 7 25; 9 27; 12 7; Lk 4 25 II Jas 5 17; Rev 11 2; 13 5 a period of distress is calculated at 3j years, that is, half the period of sacred completeness.

    The number three seems early to have attracted attention as the number in which beginning, middle and end are most distinctly marked, 2. The and to have been therefore regarded

    Number as symbolic of a complete and ordered Three whole. Abundant illustration of its

    use in this way in Bab theology, ritual and magic is given from the cuneiform texts by Hehn (op. cit., 63 ff), and the hundreds of passages in the Bible in which the number occurs include many where this special significance either lies on the surface or not far beneath it. This is owing in some degree ' perhaps to Bab influence, but will have been largely due to independent observation of common phenomena — the arithmetical fact mentioned above and familiar trios, such as heaven, earth, and sea (or "the abyss"); morning, noon and night; right, middle, and left, etc. In other words, 3 readily suggested completeness, and was often used with a glance at that meaning in daily life and daily speech. Only a selection from the great mass of Bib. examples can be given here. (1) Three

    is often found of persons and things sacred or secu- lar, e.g. Noah's 3 sons (Gen 6 10); Job's 3 daugh- ters (Job 1 2; 42 13) and 3 friends (Job 2 11); Abraham's 3 guests (Gen 18 2) ; and Sarah's 3 measures of meal (vcr 6; cf Mt 13 33 |i); 3 in mili- tary tactics (.Igs 7 16.20; 9 43; 1 S 11 11; 13 17; Job 1 17); 3 great feasts (Ex 23 14); the

    3 daily prayers (Ps 55 17; Dnl 6 10.13); the 3 night watches (Jgs 7 19); God's 3-fold call of Samuel (1 S 3 8); the 3 keepers of the temple threshold (Jer 62 24) ; the 3 presidents appointed by Darius (Dnl 6 2); the 3 temptations (Mt 4 3. 5f.S f II); the 3 prayers in Gethsemane (Mt 26 39. 42.44 11); Peter's 3 denials (Mt 26 34.75 H); the Lord's 3-fold question and 3-fold charge (Jn 21 15 ff); and the 3-fold vision of the sheet (Acts 10 16). (2) In a very large number of passages 3 is used of periods of time: 3 days; 3 weeks; 3 months and 3 years. So in Gen 40 12.13.18; Ex 2 2; 10 22f; 2 S 24 13; Isa 20 3; Jon 1 17; Mt 15 32; Lk 2 46; 13 7; Acts 9 9; 2 Cor 12 8. The fre- quent reference to the resurrection "on the 3d day" or "after 3 days" (Mt 16 21; 27 63, etc) may at the same time have glanced at the symbolic use of the number and at the belief common perhaps to the Jews and the Zoroastrians that a corpse was not recognizable after 3 days (for Jewish testi- mony cf Jn 11 39; Y'hhdmolh, xvi.3; Midr, Gen, ch c; S'mahoth, viii; for Pers ideas cf Expos T, XVlIl, 536). (3) The number 3 is also used in a literary way, sometimes appearing only in the structure. Note as examples the 3-fold bene- diction of Israel (Nu 6 24 ff) ; the Thrice Holy of the seraphim (Isa 6 3) ; the 3-fold overturn (Ezk 21 27 [Heb 32]); the 3-fold refrain of Pss 42,43 regarded as one psalm (Ps 42 5.11; 43 5); the 3 names of God (the Mighty One, God, Jehovah, Josh 22 22; cfPs 50 1); the 3 graces of 1 Cor 13; the 3 witnesses (1 Jn 6 8); the frequent use of 3 and 3d in Rev; the description of God as "who is and who was and who is to come" (Rev 1 4); and 'the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit' (Mt 28 19). In some of these cases 3-fold repetition is a mode of expressing the superlative, and others remind us of the remarkable association of 3 with deity alluded to by Plato and Philo, and illustrated by the triads of Egypt and Babylonia and the Far East. It cannot, however, be proved, or even made probable, that there is any direct connection between any of these triads and the Christian Trinity. All that can be said is, that the same numerical symbolism may have been operative in both cases.

    The 4 points of the compass and the 4 phases of the moon will have been early noticed, and the former at any rate will have suggested 3. The before Bib. times the use of 4 as a

    Number symbol of completeness of range, of Four comprehensive extent. As early as

    the middle of the 3d millennium BC Bab rulers (followed long afterward by the Assyr- ians) assumed the title "king of the 4 quarters," meaning that their rule reached in all directions, and an early conqueror claimed to have subdued the 4 quarters. There are not a few illustrations of the use of 4 in some such way in the Bible. The

    4 winds (referred to also in the cuneiform texts and the Book of the Dead) are mentioned again and again (Jer 49 36; Ezk 37 9), and the 4 quarters or comers (Isa 11 12; Ezk 7 2; Rev 20 8). We read also of the 4 heads of the river of Eden (Gen 2 10 ff), of 4 horns, 4 smiths, 4 chariots, and horses of 4 colors in the visions of Zechariah (1 8 LXX, 18 ff; 6 1 ff), the chariots being directly con- nected with the 4 winds; 4 punishments (Jer 15 3; Ezk 14 21, the latter with a remarkable Assyr parallel), the 4 kingdoms in Nebuchadnezzar's

    Number Numbers, Book of



    dream as interpreted (Dnl 2 37 ff) and Daniel's vision (7 3 ff) ; the 4 living creatures in Ezk (1 5 ff; cf 10), each with 4 faces and 4 wings, and the 4 modeled after them (Rev 4 6, etc). In most of these cases 4 is clearly symbolical, as in a number of passages in Apoo and Pscudepigrapha. Whether the frequent use of it in the structure of the taber- nacle, Solomon's temple, and Ezekiel's temple has anything to do with the symbolic meaning is not clear, but the latter can probably be traced in pro- verbial and prophetic speech (Prov 30 15.18.21. 24.29; Am 1 3.6, etc). 'The 4 transgressions of the latter represent full-summed iniquity, and the 4- fold grouping in the former suggested the wide sweep of the classification. Perhaps it is not fanci- ful to find the idea in the 4 sets of hearers of the gospel in the parable of the Sower (Mt 13 19-23 1|). The rabbis almost certainly had it in mind in their 4-fold grouping of characters in six successive paragraphs (Ab, v. 16-21) which, however, is of con- siderably later date.

    As the basis of the decimal system, which prob- ably originated in counting with the fingers, 10 has

    been a significant number in all his- 4. The torical ages. The 10 antediluvian

    Number patriarchs (Gen 5; cf the 10 Bab kings Ten of Berosus, and 10 in early Iranian

    and far-Eastern myths); the 10 right- eous men who would have saved Sodom (Gen 18 32); the 10 plagues of Egypt; the 10 command- ments (Ex 20 2-17 II Dt 5 6-21 ; the 10 command- ments found by some in Ex 34 14-26 are not clearly made out) ; the 10 servants of Gideon (Jgs 6 27) ; the 10 elders who accompanied Boaz (Ruth 4 2) ; the 10 virgins of the parable (Mt 25 1); the 10 pieces of silver (Lk 15 8) ; the 10 servants intrusted with 10 pounds (Lk 19 13 ff), the most capable of whom was placed over 10 cities (ver 17); the 10 days' tribulation predicted for the church of Smyrna (Rev 2 10); the use of "10 times" in the sense of "many times" (Gen 31 7; Neh 4 12; Dnl 1 20, etc, an idiom met with repeatedly in Am Tab); and the use of 10 in sacred measure- ments and in the widely diffused custom of tithe, and many other examples show plainly that 10 was a favorite symbolic number suggestive of a rounded total, large or small, according to circumstances. The number played a prominent part in later Jew- ish life and thought. Ten times was the Tetra- grammaton uttered by the high priest on the Day of Atonement; 10 persons must be present at a nuptial benediction; 10 constituted a congregation in the synagogue; 10 was the usual number of a company at the paschal meal, and of a row of com- forters of the bereaved. The world was created, said the rabbis, by ten words, and Abraham was visited with 10 temptations (Ab, v.l and 4; several other illustrations are found in the context).

    The 12 months and the 12 signs of the zodiac probably suggested to the old Babylonians the use

    of 12 as a symbolic or semi-sacred 6. The number, but its frequent employment

    Number by the Israelites with special meaning Twelve cannot at present be proved to have

    originated in that way, although the idea was favored by both Jos and Philo. So far as we know, Israelitish predilection for 12 was entirely due to the traditional beUef that the nation consisted of 12 tribes, a beUef, it is true, entertained also by the Arabs or some of them, but with much less intensity and persistence. In Israel the belief was universal and ineradicable. Hence the 12 pillars set up by Moses (Ex 24 4); the 12 jewels in the high priest's breast-plate (Ex 28 21); the 12 cakes of shewbread (Lev 24 5); the 12 rods (Nu 17 2); the 12 spies (Nu 13); the 12 stones placed by Joshua in the bed of Jordan (Josh 4 9) ;

    the 12 officers of Solomon (1 K 4 7); the 12 stones of Elijah's altar (1 K 18 31); the 12 disciples or apostles (26 t), and several details of apocalyptic imagery (Rev 7 5ff; 12 1; 21; 22 2; cf also Mt 14 20 || 19 28 || 26 53; Acts 26 7). The number pointed in the first instance at unity and completeness which had been sanctioned by Divine election, and it retained this significance when ap- plied to the spiritual Israel. Philo indeed calls it a perfect number. Its double in Rev 4 4, etc, is probably also significant.

    Five came readily into tlie mind as the half of 10. Hence perhaps its use in the parable of the Virgins (Mt 25 2). It was often employed in 6 Other literary division, e.g. in the Pent, the Pss. c- _.fl_„_i the part of the Hagiographa known as oignmcant ^.j^g Wghilloth, the Ethiopic Enoch and Numbers Mt (7 28; 11 l; 13 53; 19 1; 26 1; of

    Sir J. Hawkins, Horae Synopticae'^, 163 ff). It seems to have been occasionally suggestive of relative smallness, as in Lev 26 8, the S loaves (Mt 14 17 ID, 1 Cor 14 19, and perhaps in Am Tab. It has been re- marked (Skinner, "Gen," ICC. 483) that the number occurs repeatedly in reference to matters Egyp (Gen 41 34; 45 22; 47 2; Isa 19 IS), but there seems to be no sat- isfactory explanation. Sixty: Although, as was before observed, there is no direct trace in the Bible of the nmnerical system based on 60, there are a few passages where there may be a distant echo. The 60 cities of Argob (Dt 3 4; Josh 13 30; 1 K 4 13) ; the 60 mighty men and the 60 queens of Cant 3 7; 6 8, the double use of 60 of Rehoboam's harem and family (2 Oh 11 21), the 3 sacrifices of 60 victims each (Nu 7 88), and the lengthof Solomon'stemple, eocubits (1K6 2 1[2Ch 3 3), may perhaps have a remote connection with the Bab use. It must be remembered that the latter was cur- rent in Israel and the neighboring regions in the division of the talent into 60 minas. A few passages in the Pscudepigrapha may be similarly interpreted, and the Bab Talm contains, as might be expected, many clear allusions. In the Bible, however, the special iise of the number is relatively rare and indirect. One hundred and ten, the age attained by Joseph (Gen 50 22), is sig- nificant as the Egyp ideal of longevity (Smith, DB'^, 1804 f; Skinner, "Gen, 7CC, 539 f). One hundred and fifty- three: The Gr poet Oppian (c 171 AD) and others are said to have reckoned the number of fishes in the world at this figure (cf Jerome on Ezk 47), and some scholars find a reference to that belief in Jn 21 11 in which case the number would be symbolic of comprehensiveness. That is not quite impossible, but the suggestion cannot be safely pressed. Throughout this discussion of sig- nificant numbers it must be borne in mind that writers and teachers may often have been influenced by the desire to aid the memory of those they addressed, and may to that end have arranged thoughts and facts in groups of 3, or 4, or 7, or 10, and so on (.Sir John Hawkins, Horae Synopticae-, 166 f). They will at the same time have remembered the symbolic force of these numbers, and in some cases, at least, will have used them as round numbers. There are many places in which the round and the symbolic uses of a number cannot be sharply distinguished.

    VI. Gematria {gematriya') . — A peculiar applica- tion of numbers which was in great favor with the later Jews and some of the early Christians and is not absolutely unknown to the Bible, is Gematria, that is the use of the letters of a word so as by means of their combined numerical value to express a name, or a witty association of ideas. The term is usually explained as an adaptation of the Gr word geometrla, that is, "geometry," but Dalman (Wbrlerhuch, s.v.) connects it in this application of it with grammaleia. There is only one clear example in Scripture, the number of the beast which is the number of a man, six hundred sixty and six (Rev 13 18). If, as most scholars are inclined to believe, a name is intended, the numerical value of the letters composing which adds up to 666, and if it is assumed that the writer thought in Heb or Aram. Nero Caesar written with the consonants niin = 50, resh=200, wmv=6, nun =50, koph = 100, samekh = 60, resh =200: total = 666, seems to be the best solu- tion. Perhaps the idea suggested by Dr. Milligan that the 3-fold use of 6 which just falls short of 7, the number of sacred completeness, and is there- fore a note of imperfection, may have been also in the writer's mind. Some modern scholars find a second instance in Gen 14 14 and 15 2. As the



    Number Numbers, Book of

    numerical value of the consonants which compose Eliezer in Heb add up to 318, it has been main- tained that the number is not historical, but has been fancifully constructed by means of gemalria out of the name. This strange idea is not new, for it is found in the Midrash on Gen (ch 43) in the name of a rabbi who lived c 200 AD, but its antiquity is its greatest merit.

    LiTERATUHE. — In addition to other books referred to in the course of the art. : Hehn, Siebenzahl und Sabbath bei den Babylaniern und im AT; Konig, Stilistik, RheloTik, Poetik, etc, 51-57, and the same writer's art. "Number" in HDB; Sir J. Hawkins, Horae Synopiicae", 163—67 ; Wiener, Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism, 155- 69; "Number" in Wi)B (1-vol); EB; Jew Enc: Smith, DB; "Numbers" in DCQ; "Zahlen" in the Diets, of Wiener, Riehm=, Guthe; "Zahlen" and "Sieben" in RE'. William Taylor Smith

    NUMBER, GOLDEN. See Golden Number.

    NUMBERING. See David; Quirinius. NUMBERS, num'berz, BOOK OF:

    I. Title and Contents

    1. Title

    2. Contents

    II, Literary Structure

    1. Alleged Grounds of Distribution

    2. Objections to Same

    (1) Hypothesis Unproved

    (2) Written Record Not Impossible

    (3) No Book Ever Thus Constructed

    (4) Inherent Difficulties of Analysis (o) The Story of the Spies

    (6) KebeUion of Korah (c) Story of Balaam III. Historical Credibility

    1. Seeming Chronological Inaccuracies

    (1) The Second Passover

    (2) The Thirty-seven Years' Chasm

    (3) Fortieth Year

    2. So-called Statistical Errors

    (I) Number of the Fighting Men (2^ Size of the Congregation

    (a) Multiplication of People

    (()) Exodus in One Day

    (c) Support in Wilderness

    (d) Room at Mt. Sinai

    (e) Slow Conquest of Canaan (3) Number of the Firstborn

    3. Alleged Physical Impossibilities

    (1) Duties of the Priests

    (2) Assembling of the Congregation

    (3) Marching of the Host

    (4) Victory over Midian rV. Authorship

    1. Against the Mosaic Authorship

    (1) Alternating Use of Divine Names

    (2) Traces of Late Authorship

    2. For the Mosaic Authorship

    (1) Certain Passages Have the Appearance of Having Been Written by Moses

    (2) Acquaintance with Egyptian Manners and Customs


    /. Title and Contents. — Styled in the Heb Bible "131T23, b'midhbar, "in the wilderness," from the 5th word in 1 1, probably because of 1. Title recording the fortunes of Israel in the

    Sinaitic desert. The 4th book of the Pent (or of the Hex, according to criticism) was designated ' Apt-Biwi., Arilhmoi, in LXX and Numeri in the Vulg, and from this last received its name "Numbers" in the AV, in all 3 evidently because of its reporting the 2 censuses which were taken, the one at Sinai at the beginning and the other on the plains of Moab at the close of the wanderings.

    Of the contents the following arrangement will be

    sufficiently detailed : , „ , „ ,

    (1) Before leaving Sinai, 1 1 — 10 10 (a

    o /-I 4. *„ period of 19 days, from the 1st to the

    J. contents 20th of the 2d month after the exodus) ,

    describing :

    (a) The numbering and ordering of the people, chs

    1—4. (6) The cleansing and blessing of the congregation,

    (c) The princes' offerings and the dedication of the altar, chs 7, 8. , „ „ , , ^

    (d) The observance of a second Passover, 9 1-14.

    —10 10.

    (2) From Sinai to Kadesh, 10 11 — 14 45 (a period of 10 days, from the 20th to the 30th of the 2d month), narrating :

    (a) The departure from Sinai, 10 11-35. (6) The events at Taberah and Kibroth-hattaavah, ch 11.

    (c) The rebellion of Miriam and Aaron, ch 13.

    (d) The mission of the spies, chs 13, 14.

    (3) The wanderings in the desert, chs 15-19 (a period of 37 years, from the end of the 2d to the beginning of the 40th year), recording:

    (a) Sundry laws and the punishment of a Sabbath

    breaker, ch 15. (6) The rebellion of Korah, ch 16,

    (c) The budding of Aaron's rod, ch 17.

    (d) The duties and revenues of the priests and Levites, ch 18.

    (e) The water of separation for the imclean, ch 19.

    (4) From Kadesh to Moab, chs 20, 21 (a period of 10 months, from the beginning of the 40th year), re- citing:

    (a) The story of Balaam, 22 2 — 24 25. C(>) The zeal of Phinehas, ch 25.

    (c) The second census, 26 1-51.

    (d) Directions for dividing the land, 26 52 — 27 11.

    (e) Appointment of Moses' successor, 27 12-23, (/) Concerning offerings and vows, chs 28-30.

    (b) War with Midian, ch 31.

    (h) Settlement of Reuben and Gad, ch 32. (i) List of camping stations, 33 1-49. 0) Canaan to be cleared of its inhabitants and di- vided, 33 50—34 29. (fc) Cities of refuge to be appointed, ch 35. (0 The marriage of heiresses, ch 36.

    //. Literary Structure. — According to modem criticism, the text of Nu, like that of the other books of the Pent (or Hex), instead of being re- garded as substantially the work of one writer (whatever may have been his sources of information and whoever may have been its first or latest editor), should be distributed — not always in solid blocks of composition, but frequently in fragments, in sentences, clauses or words, so mysteriously put together that they cannot now with certainty be separated — among three writers, J, E and P with another D (at least in one part) — these writers, individuals and not schools (Gunkel), belonging, respectively: J to the 9th cent. BC (c 830), E to the 8th cent. BC (c 750), P to the 5th cent.BC (c 444), and D to the 7th cent. BC (c 621).

    The grounds upon which this distribution is made are principally these: (1) the supposed pref- erential use of the Divine names, of 1. Alleged Jeh (Lord) by J, and of Elohim (God) Grounds of by E and P — a theory, however, which Distribution hopelessly breaks down in its appli- cation, as Orr {POT, ch vii), Eerd- mans (St, 33 ff) and Wiener {EPC, I) have con- clusively shown, and as will afterward appear;

    (2) distinctions in style of composition, which are not always obvious and which, even if they were, would not necessarily imply diversity of authorship unless every author's writing must be uniform and monotonous, whatever his subject may be; and

    (3) perhaps chiefly a preconceived theory of reli- gious development in Israel, according to which the people in pre-Mosaic times were animists, totemists and polytheists; in Mosaic times and after, heno- theists or worshippers of one God, while recognizing the existence of other gods; and latterly, in exilic and post-exilic times, monotheists or worshippers of the one living and true God — which theory, in order to vindicate its plausibility, required the reconstruction of Israel's religious documents in the way above described, but which is now rejected by archaeologists (Delitzsch and A. Jeremias) and by theologians (Orr, Baentsch [though accepting the analysis on other grounds] and Konig) as not supported by facts.

    Without denying that the text-analysis of criti- cism is on the first blush of it both plausible and



    attractive and has brought to light valuable informa- tion relative to Scripture, or without overlooking

    the tact that it has behind it the 2. Objec- names of eminent scholars and is sup- tions to ported by not a few considerations of

    Same weight, one may fairly urge against it

    the following objections.

    (1) Hypothesis itnproved.-^At the best, the theory is an unproved and largely imaginary hypothesis, or series of hypotheses — "hypothesis built on hypothesis" (Orr); and nothing more strikingly reveals this than (a) the frequency with which in the text-analysis conjecture ("perhaps" and "probably") takes the place of reasoned proof ; (b) the arbitrary manner in which the supposed documents are constructed by the critics who, without reason given, and often in violation of their own rules and principles, lift out of J (for instance) every word or clause they consider should belong to E or P, and vice versa every word or clause out of E or P that might suggest that the passage should be assigned to J, at the same time explaining the presence of the inconvenient word or clause in a document to which it did not belong by the careless or deliberate action of a redactor; and (c) the failure even thus to construct the docu- ments successfully, most critics admitting that J and E cannot with confidence be separated from each other — Kuenen himself saying that "the at- tempt to make out a Jehovistic and an Elohistic writer or school of writers by means of the Divine names has led criticism on a wrong way" ; and some even denying that P ever existed as a separate document at all, Eerdmans {St, 33, 82), in par- ticular, maintaining, as the result of elaborate exegesis, that P could not have been constructed in either exilic or post-exilic times "as an intro- duction to a legal work."

    (2) Written record not impossible. — It is impos- sible to demonstrate that the story of Israel's "wan- derings" was not committed to writing by Moses, who certainly was not unacquainted with the art of writing, who had the ability, if any man had, to prepare such a writing, whose interest it was, as the leader of his people, to see that such writing, whether done by himself or by others under his supervision, was accurate, and who besides had been commanded by God to write the journeyings of Israel (33 2). To suppose that for 500 years no reliable record of the fortunes of Israel existed, when during these years writing was practised in Egypt and Babylon; and that what was then fixed in written characters was only the tradition that had floated down for 5 cents, from mouth to mouth, is simply to say that little or no dependence can be placed upon the narrative, that while there may be at the bottom of it some grains of fact, the main body of it is fiction. This conclusion will not be readily admitted.

    (3) No book constructed in this way. — No reliable evidence exists that any book either ancient or modern was ever constructed as, according to criticism, the Pent, and in particular Nu, was. Volumes have indeed been composed by two or more authors, acting in concert, but their contri- butions have never been intermixed as those of J, E, D and P are declared to have been; nor, when joint authorship has been acknowledged on the title-page, has it been possible for readers confi- dently to assign to each author his own contri- bution. And yet, modern criticism, dealing with documents more than 2,000 years old and in a lan- guage foreign to the critics — which documents, moreover, exist only in MSS not older than the 10th cent. AD (Buhl, Canon and Text of the OT, 28), and the text of which has been fixed not infallibly either as to consonant or vowel — claims that it can tell

    exactly (or nearly so) what parts, whether para- graphs, sentences, clauses or words, were supplied by J, E, P and D respectively. Credat Judaeus Apella!

    (4) Inherent difficulties of analysis. — The critical theory, besides making of the text of Nu, as of the other books of the Pent, such a patchwork as is un- thinkable in any document with ordinary preten- sion to historical veracity, is burdened with inherent difficulties which make it hard to credit, as the following examples, taken from Nu, will show.

    (a) The story of the spies: Chs 13 and 14 are thus distributed by Cornill, Driver, Strack and EB:

    JE, 13 176-20.22-24.266-31.326.33; 14 25..39-45.

    P, 13 l-17a.21. 25.26a (to Paran).32a; 14 1.2 (in the main). 5-7.10.26-38 (in the main).

    Kautzsch generally agrees; and Hartford-Bat- tersby in HDB professes ability to divide between J and E.

    (i) According to this analysis, however, up to the middle of the 5th cent. BC, either JE began at 13 176, in which case it wanted both the in- struction to search the land and the names of the searchers, both of which were subsequently added from P (assuming it to have been a separate docu- ment, which is doubtful) ; or, if JE contained both the instruction and the names, these were sup- planted by 1-17(1 from P. As the former of these alternatives is hardly likely, one naturally asks why the opening verses of JE were removed and those of P substituted? And if they were removed, what has become of them? Does not the occur- rence of Jeh in \\\\\\\\-\\\\\\\\7a, on the critical principles of some, suggest that this section is the missing para- graph of JE?

    (ii) If the JE passages furnish a nearly complete narrative (Driver), why should the late compiler or editor have deemed it necessary to insert two whole verses, 21 and 25, and two halves, 26a and 32a, if not because without these the original JE narrative would have been incomplete? Ver 21 states in general terms that the spies searched the whole land, proceeding as far N. as Hamath, after which ver 22 mentions that they entered the country from the S. and went up to Hebron and Eshcol, without at all stating an incongruity (Gray) or implying (Driver) that they traveled no farther N. — the reason for specifying the visit to Eshcol being the interesting fact that there the extraordinary cluster of grapes was obtained. Vs 25.26a relate quite naturally that the spies returned to Kadesh after 40 days and reported what they had found to Moses and Aaron as well as to all the congre- gation. Without these verses the narrative would have stated neither how long the land had been searched nor whether Moses and Aaron had re- ceived any report from their messengers, although ver 26b implies that a report was given to some person or persons unnamed. That Moses and Aaron should not have been named in JE is ex- ceedingly improbable. Ver 32a is in no way in- consistent with vs 266-31, which state that the land was flowing with milk and honey. What ver 32a adds is an expression of the exaggerated fears of the spies, whose language could not mean that the land was so barren that they would die of starvation, a statement which would have expressly contradicted ver 27 (JE)— in which case why should it have been inserted?— but that, notwithstanding its fruitfulness, the population was continually being wasted by internecine wars and the incursions of surrounding tribes. The starvation theory, more- over, is not supported by the texts (Lev 26 38; Ezk 36 13) usually quoted in its behalf.

    (iii) To argue (Driver) for two documents be- cause Joshua is not always mentioned along with



    Caleb is not strikingly convincing; while if Joshua is not included among the spies in JE, that is ob- viously because the passages containing his name have been assigned beforehand to P. But if Joshua's name did not occur in JE, why would it have been inserted in the story by a post-exilic writer, when even in Dt 1 36 Joshua is not ex- pressly named as one of the spies, though again the language in Dt 1 38 tacitly suggests that both Caleb and Joshua were among the searchers of the land, and that any partition of the text which con- veys the impression that Joshua was not among the spies is wrong?

    (iv) If the text-analysis is as the critics arrange, how comes it that in jE the name Jeh does not once occur, while all the verses containing it are allo- cated to P?

    (b) The rebellion of Korah: Chs 16 and 17 are sup- posed to be the work of " two. if not three," contributors (Driver, Kautzsch) — the whole story being assigned to P (enlarged by additions about which the text analysts are not unanimous), with the exception of 16 It. 2a. 12-, which are given to JE, though varia- tions here also are not unknown.

    It is admitted that the JE verses, if read continuously, make out a story of Dathan and Abiram as distin- guished from Korah and his company; that the motives of Dathan and Abiram probably differed from those of Korah and his company, and that Dathan and Abiram were swallowed up by an earthquake, while the 250 incense-offerers were destroyed by fire. To conclude from this, however, that three or even two narratives have been intermixed is traveling beyond the premises.

    (i) If JE contained more about the conspiracy of the Reubenites, Dathan and Abiram, than has been pre- served in the verses assigned to it, what has become of the excised verses, if they are not those ascribed to P; and, if they are not, what evidence exists that P's verses are better than the lost verses of JE ? And how comes it that in P the Divine name used throughout, with one exception, ver 22, is Jeh, while in JE it occurs only 6 t ? (ii) If JE contained only the parts assigned to it and nothing more happened than the Reubenite Smeute, why should the Korahite rebellion have been added to it 4 cents, later, if that rebellion never happened ? (iii) If the Korahite conspiracy did happen, why should it have been omitted in JE, and nothing whispered about it till after the exile ? (iv) If the two conspiracies, ecclesiasti- cal (among the princes) and civil (among the laymen), arose contemporaneously, and the conspirators made common cause with one another, in that there was nothing unusual or contrary to experience, (v) If Moses ad- dressed himself now to Korah and again to Dathan and Abiram, why should not the same doctunent say so ? (vi) If Dathan and Abiram were engulfed by an earth- quake, and the 250 princes were constuned by fire from the tabernacle, even that does not necessitate two docu- ments, since both events might have occurred together, (vli) It is not certain that P (vs 3.5-43) represents Korah as having been consumed by fire, while JE (vs 31-33) declares he was swallowed up by the earth. At least P (26 10) distinctly states that Korah was swallowed up by the earth, and that only the 250 were consumed by fire.

    Wherefore, in the face of these considerations, it is not too much to say that the evidence for more docmnents than one in this story is not convincing.

    (c) The story of Balaam: Chs 22-24 fare more leniently at the hands of analysis, being all left with JE, except 22 1, which is generously handed over to P. Uncertainty, however, exists as to how to par- tition ch 22 between J and E. Whether all should be given to E because of the almost uniform use of Elohim rather than of Jeh, with the exception of vs 22-3.5a, which are the property of J because of the use of Jeh (Driver, Kautzsch); or whether some additional verses should not be assigned to J (Cornill, HUB), critics are not agreed. As to chs 23 and 24, authorities hesitate whether to give both to J or to E, or ch 23 to E and ch 24 to J, or both to a late redactor who had access to the two sources — surely an unsatisfactory demonstration in this case at least of the documentary hypothesis. Comment on the use of the Divine names in this story is reserved till later.

    Yet, while declining to accept this hypothesis as proved, it is not contended that the materials in Nu are always arranged in chronological order, or

    that the style of composition is throughout the same, or that the book as it stands has never been revised or edited, but is in every jot and tittle the same as when first constructed. In ch 7, e.g., the narrative goes back to the 1st day of the 1st month of the 2d year, and in ch 9 to the 1st month of the 2d year, though ch 1 begins with the 1st day of the 2d month of the 2d year. There are also legislative passages interspersed among the historical, and poetical among the prosaic, but diversity of author- ship, as already suggested, cannot be inferred from either of these facts unless it is impossible for a writer to be sometimes disorderly in the arrange- ment of his materials; and for a lawgiver to be also a historian, and for a prose writer occasionally to burst into song. Assertions like these, however, cannot be entertained. Hence any argument for plurality of documents founded on them must be set aside. Nor is it a fair conclusion against the literary unity of the book that its contents are varied in substance and form and have been sub- jected, as is probable, to revision and even to inter- polations, provided always these revisions and interpolations have not changed the meaning of the book. Whether, therefore, the Book of Nu has or has not been compiled from preexisting documents, it cannot be justly maintained that the text-analysis suggested by the critics has been established, or that the literary unity of Nu has been disproved. ///. Historical Credibility. — Were the narrative in this book written down immediately or soon after the events it records, no reason would exist for challenging its authenticity, unless it could be shown either from the narrative itself or from ex- traneous sources that the events chronicled were internally improbable, incredible or falsified. Even should it be proved that the text consists of two or more preexisting documents interwoven with one another, this would not necessarily invalidate its truthfulness, if these documents were practically contemporaneous with the incidents they report, and were not combined in such a way as to distort and misrepresent the occurrences they related. If, however, these preexisting documents were pre- pared 500 (JE) or 1,000 (P) years after the incidents they narrate, and were merely a fixing in written characters of traditions previously handed doi\\\\\\\\Ti (JE), or of legislation newly invented and largely imaginary (P), it will not be easy to establish their historical validity. The credibility of this portion of the Pent has been assailed on the alleged ground that it contains chronological inaccuracies, statis- tical errors and physical impossibilities.

    (1) The second Passover (9 1-5) — The critical argument is that a contemporary historian would naturally have placed this paragraph 1. Seeming before 1 1. The answer is that pos- Chrono- sibly he would have done so had his logical In- object been to observe strict chrono- accuracies logical order, which it manifestly was not (see chs 7 and 9), and had he when commencing the book deemed it necessary to state that the Israelites had celebrated a second Passover on the legally appointed day, the 14th of the 1st month of the 2d year. This, however, he possibly at first assumed would be understood, and only afterward, when giving the reason for the supple- mentary Passover, realized that in after years readers might erroneously conclude that this was all the Passover that had been kept in the 2d year. So to obviate any such mistaken inference, he pre- fixed to his account of the Little Passover, as it is sometimes called, a statement to the effect that the statutory ordinance, the Great Passover, had been observed at the usual time, in the usual way, and that, too, in obedience to the express command- ment of Jeh.



    (2) The thirty-seven years' chasm. — Whether 20 1 be considered the beginning of the 3d or of the 40th year, in eitlier case a period of 37 years is passed over — in tlie one case in almost unbrolcen silence; in the other with scarcely anything of moment recorded save Korah's rebeUion and the publication of a few laws concerning offerings to be made when the people reached the land of their habitation. To pronounce the whole book un- historical because of this long interval of absolute or comparative silence (Bleek) is imreasonable. ^Most histories on this principle would be cast into the waste- basket. Besides, a historian might have as good reason for passing over as for recording the incidents of any particular period. And this might have been the case with the author of Nu. From the moment sentence of death was passed upon the old generation at Kadesh, till the hour when the new generation started out for Canaan, he may have counted that Israel had prac- tically ceased to be the people of Jeh, or at least that their fortunes formed no part of tiie history of Jeh's kingdom; and it is noticeable that scarcely had the tribes reassem- bled at Kadesh in preparation for their onward march than Miriam and Aaron, probably the last of the doomed generation, died. Accordingly, from tliis point on, the narrative is occupied with the fortunes of the new gen- eration. Whether correct or not, this solution of the 37 years' silence (Km'tz) is preferable to that which sug- gests (Ewald) that the late compiler, having found it impossible to locate all the traditions he had collected into the closing years of the wanderings, placed the rest of them in tlie first 2 years, and left the interval a blank — a solution which has not even the merit of being clever and explains nothing. It does not explain why, if the narrator was not writing history, there should have been an interval at all. A romancer would not have missed so splendid an opportiinity for exercising his art, would not have left a gap of 37 years unfilled, but like the writers of the apocryphal Gospels would have crowded it with manufactured tales.

    On the better theory, not only is the silence explained, but the items inserted are accounted for as well. Though the unbelieving generation had ceased to be the people of Jeh, Aaron had not yet been sentenced to e.xclusion from the promised land. Ho was still one of the representa- tives of the kingdom of Jeh, and Korah's rebellion prac- tically struck a blow at that kingdom. As such it was punished, and the story of its breaking out and suppres- sion was recorded, as a matter that vitally concerned the stability of the kingdom. For a like reason, the legis- lative sections were included in the narrative. They were .Teh's acts and not the people's. They were statutes and ordinances for the new generation in the new land.

    (3) The fortieth year. — The events recorded as having taken place between the 1st of the 5th month (the date of Aaron's death) and the 1st of the 11th month (the date of Moses' address) are so numerous and important as to render it impossible, it is said, to maintain the credibility of this portion of the narrative. But (a) it is not certain that all the events in this section were finished before Moses began his oration; neither (6) is it necessary to hold that they all occurred in succession; while {c) lintil the rapidity with which events followed one another is ascertained, it will not be possible to de- cide whether or not they could all have been begim and finished witliin the space of 6 months.

    (1) Numher of the fighting men. — This, which may be set down roughly at 600,000, has been chal- lenged on two grounds: (a) that the

    2. So-called number is too large, and (b) that the Statistical censuses at Sinai and in Moab are Errors too nearly equal.

    The first of these objections will be considered in the following section when treating of the size of the congregation. The second will not appear formidable if it be remembered (a) that it is neither impossible nor unusual for the popu- lation of a country to remain stationary for a long series of years; (6) that there was a special fitness in Israel's case that the doomed generation should be replaced by one as nearly as possible equal to that which had perished; (e) that had the narra- tive been invented, it is more than likely that the numbers would have been made either exactly equal or more widely divergent; and (d) that so many variations occurring in the strength of the tribes as numbered at Sinai and again in Moab, while the totals so nearly correspond, constitutes a watermark of truthfulness which should not be overlooked.

    (2) The size of the congregation. — Taking the fighting men at 600,000 and the whole community at 4 1 times that number, or about 2| millions,

    several difficulties emerge which have led to the sug- gestion (Eerdmans, Couder, Wiener) that the 600,- 000 should be reduced (to, say, 6,000), and the entire population to less than 30,000. The following alleged impossibilities are believed to justify this reduction: (a) that of 70 families increasing to 2 J millions between the descent into, and the departure from, Egypt; (6) that of 2 J millions being led out of Egypt in one day; (c) that of obtaining support for so large a multitude with their flocks in the Sinaitic desert; {d) that of finding room for them either before the Mount at Sinai, or in the limited territory of Pal; and (e) that of the long time it took to conquer Pal if the army was 600,000 strong.

    (a) Multiplication of people: As to the possi- bility of 70 souls multiplying in the course of 215 years or 7 generations (to take the shorter interval rather than the longer of 430 years) into 2\\\\\\\\ millions of persons giving 600,000 fighting men, that need not be regarded as incredible till the rate of in- crease in each family is exactly known. Allowing to each of Jacob's grandsons who were married (say 51 out of 53), 4 male descendants (Colenso allows 4|), these would in 7 generations — not in 4 (Colenso) — amount to 835,584, and with surviv- ing fathers and grandfathers added might well reach 900,000, of whom 600,000 might be above 20 years of age. But in point of fact, without definite data about the number of generations, the rates of birth and of mortality in each generation, all cal- culations are at the best problematical. The most that can be done is to consider whether the narra- tive mentions any circumstances fitted to explain this large number of fighting men and the great size of the congregation, and then whether the customary objections to the Bib. statement can be satisfactorily set aside.

    As for confirmatory circumstances, the Bible expressly states that dm'ing the years of the oppres- sion the Hebrews were extraordinarily fruitful, and that this was the reason why Pharaoh became alarmed and issued his edict for the destruction of the male childi'en. The fruitfulness of the Hebrews, however, has been challenged (Eerdmans, Vorge- schichte Israels, 78) on the ground that were the births so numerous as this presupposes, two mid- wives (Ex 1 15) would not have sufficed for the necessary offices. But if the two to whom Pharaoh spake were the superintendents of the midwives throughout Goshen, to whom the king would hardly address himself individually, or if they were the two officiating in Heliopolis, the statement in Ex 1 15 will appear natural enough, and not opposed to the statement in Ex 1 10 that Pharaoh was alarmed at the multiplication of the Hebrews in his land. And, indeed, if the Hebrews were only 30,000 strong, it is not easy to see why the whole might of Egypt could not have kept them in subjection. Then as to the congregation being 2 J millions if the- fighting men were 600,000, that corresponds with the proportion which existed among the Helvetii, who had 92,000 men capable of bearing arms out of a population, including children, old men and women, of 368,000 souls (Caesar, BG, i, 20). This seems to answer the objection (Eerdmans, Vorge- schichte Israels, 78) that the unschooled Oriental is commonly addicted to exaggeration where numbers are concerned.

    (b) Exodus in one day: The second difficulty would be serious were it necessary to suppose that the Israelites had never heard about their projected journey till the 14th of the 1st month. But the idea of gomg forth from Egypt must have been before them since the day Moses went to Pharaoh to demand their liberation; and at least 4 days before the 14th they had begun to prepare for de- parture. In circumstances such as these, with a



    people thirsting for liberty and only waiting the signal to move, aware also of the hour at which that signal would be given, viz. at midniglit, it does not appear so formidable a task as is imagined to get them all assembled in one day at a fore- appointed rendezvous, more esp. as they were not likely to delay or linger in their movements. But how could there have been 2^ millions of fugitives, it is asked (Eerdmans, Wiener), if Pharaoh deemed 600 chariots sufficient for pursuit? The answer is that Pharaoh did not reckon 600 chariots sufficient, but in addition to these, which were "chosen chariots," he took all the chariots of Egypt, his horsemen and his army (Ex 14 7.9), which were surely adequate to overcome a weaponless crowd, however big it might be. And that it was big, a vast horde indeed, Pharaoh's host implies.

    (c) Support in wilderness: The supposed diffi- culty of obtaining support for 2i millions of people with the flocks and herds in the Sinai tic desert takes for granted that the desert was then as barren a region as it is now, which cannot be proved, and is as little likely to be correct as it would be to argue that Egypt, which was then the granary of the world, was no more fertile than it was 10 years ago, or that the regions in which Babylon and AssjTia were situated were as desolate then as they are now. This supposition disregards tlie fact that Moses fed the flocks of Jethro for 40 years in that same region of Sinai; that when the Israelites passed through it, it was inhabited by several powerful tribes. It overlooks, too, the fact that the flocks and herds of Israel were not necessarily all cooped up in one spot, but were most likely spread abroad in districts where water and vegetation could be found . And it ignores the statement in the narrative that the IsraeUtes were not supplied exclusively by the produce of the desert, but had manna from heaven from the 1st day of the 2d month after leaving Egypt till they reached Canaan. Ration- alistic expositors may relegate this statement to the limbo of fable, but unless the supernatural is to be eliminated altogether from the story, this statement must be accorded its full weight. So must the two miraculous supplies of water at Horeb (Ex 17) and at Kadesh (Nu 20) be treated. It is sometimes argued that these supplies were quite insufficient for 2} millions of people with their flocks and herds; and that therefore the congregation could not have been so large. But the narrative in Nu states, and presumably it was the same in Ex, that the smitten rock poured forth its water so copiously and so continuously that 'the people drank abundantly with their flocks.' Wherefore no conclusion can be drawn from this against the reported size of the congregation.

    (d) Room at Mt. Sinai: As to the impossibility of finding room for 2 J millions of people either before the Mount at Sinai or within the land of Canaan (Conder), few will regard this as self- evident. If the site of their encampment was the Er-Rahab plain (Robinson, Stanley) — though the plain of Sebayeh, admittedly not so roomy, has been mentioned (Ritter, Kurtz, Knobel) — esti- mates differ as to the sufficiency of accommodation to be found there. Conder gives the dimensions of the plain as 4 sq. miles, which he deems insufficient, forgetting, perhaps, that "its extent is farther in- creased by lateral valleys receding from the plain itself" (Forty Days in the Desert, 73; cf Keil on Ex 19 1.2). Kalisch, though putting the size of the plain at a smaller figure, adds that "it thus furnished ample tenting ground for the hosts of Israel" — a conclusion accepted by Ebers, Riehm and others. In any case it seems driving literal interpretation to extreme lengths to hold that camp- ing before the Mount necessarily meant that every

    member of the host required to be in full view of Sinai. As to not finding room in Canaan, it is doubtful if, after the conquest, the remnants of both peoples at any time numbered as many persons as dwelt in Pal during the most flourishing years of the kingdom. It may well be that the whole popu- lation of Pal today amounts to only about 600,000 souls; but Pal today under Turkish rule is no proper gauge for judging of Pal under David or even under Joshua.

    (e) Slow conquest of Canaan: The long time it took to conquer Pal (Eerdmans, Vorgeschichte Israels, 78) is no solid argument to prove the un- reliable character of the statement about the size of the army, and therefore of the congregation. Every person knows that in actual warfare, victory does not always go with the big battalions; and in this instance the desert-trained warriors allowed themselves to be seduced by the idolatries and immoralities of the Canaanites and forgot to exe- cute the commission with which they had been in- trusted, viz. to drive out the Canaanites from the land which had been promised to their fathers. Had they been faithful to Jeh, they would not have taken so long completely to possess the land (Ps 81 13.14). But if instead of having 600,000 stal- wart soldiers they had only possessed 6,000, it is not difficult to see how they could not drive out the Canaanites. The difficulty is to perceive how they could have achieved as much as they did.

    (3) The number of the firstborn. — That the 22,273 firstborn males from 1 month old and upward (3 43} is out of all proportion to the 603,5.50 men of 20 years old and upward, being much too few, has frequently (Bleek, Bohlen, Colenso and others) been felt as a diffi- culty, since it practically involves the conclusion that for every firstborn there must have been 40 or 4.5 males in each family. Various solutions of this difficulty have been offered. The prevalence of polygamy has been suggested (Michaelis, Hiivernick). The exclusion of firstborn sons wlao were married, the inclusion only of the mother's firstborn, and the great fruitfulness of Heb mothers have been called in to surmount the difficulty (Kurtz). But perhaps the best explanation is that only those were counted who were born after the Law was given on the night of the departure from Egypt (Ex 13 2; Nu 3 13; 8 17) (Keil, Dchtzsch. Gerlach). It may be urged, of course, that this would require an exception- ally large number of births in the 13 months; but in the exceptionally joyous circumstances of the emancipation this might not have been impossible. In any case, it does not seem reasonable on account of this difficulty, which might vanish were all the facts known, to impeach the historical accuracy of the narrative, even in this particular.

    (Note. — In Scotland, with a population of nearly double that of the Israelites, viz. 4,877,648, the mar- riages in 1909 wore 30,092, the lowest on record for 55 years. At this rate the births in Israel during the first 12 months after the exodus might have been 15,046. assuming each marriage to have had issue. As this marriage rate, however, is excessively low for Scotland in normal years, the number of marriages and tlierefore of births in Israel in the first year after the exodus may well have been twice, if not 3 times, 15,046, i.e. 30,092, or 45,138. Reckoning the half of these as males, viz. 15,046 or 22,569, it does not appear as if the number of the firstborn in the text were quite impossible, on the supposition made.)

    (1) The duties of the priests. — These are supposed to have been so onerous that Aaron and his sons

    could not possibly have performed 3. Alleged them. But (a) the Levitical laws. Physical though published in the desert, were Impossi- not necessarily intended to receive bilities full and minute observance there, but

    only in Canaan, (b) In point of fact, as Moses afterward testified (Dt 12 8), the Levitical laws were not scrupulously kept in the wilderness, (c) There is no reason to suppose that the Passover of the 2d year was celebrated otherwise than it had been in Egypt before the exodus, the slaughtering of the lambs being performed by the heads of families. And {d) as the Levites were set apart to minister to the tabernacle (Nu 1 50), they would be able in many ways to assist the priests.



    (2) The assembling of the congregation. — The assembling of the congregation at the door of the tabernacle (10 3.4) has been adduced as another physical impossibility; and no doubt it was if every man, woman and child, or even only every man was expected to be there; but not if the con- gregation was ordinarily represented by its "re- nowned" or "called" men, princes of the tribes of their fathers, heads of thousands of Israel (1 16). To suppose that anything else was meant is surely not required. When Moses called all Israel and spake unto them (Dt 5 1; 29 2), no intelligent person understands that he personally addressed every individual, or spoke so as to be heard by every individual, though what he said was intended for all. An additional difficulty in the way of assembling the congregation, and by implication an argument against the size of the congregation, has been discovered in the two silver trumpets which, it is contended, were too few for summoning so vast a host as 2-2- millions of people. But it is not stated in the narrative either (a) that it was absolutely necessary that every individual in the camp should hear the sound of the trumpets any more than it was indispensable that Balaam's curse should reecho to the utmost bounds of Israel (Nu 23 13), or that a public proclamation by a modern state, though prefaced by means of an "Oyez," should be heard by all within the state or even within its capital; or (6) if it was necessary that everyone should hear, that the trumpeters could not move about through the camp but must remain stationary at the tabernacle door; or (c) that in the clear air of the desert the sound of the trumpets would not travel farther than in the noisy and murky atmosphere of modern cities; or (d) that should occasion arise for more trumpets than two, Moses and his successors were forbidden to make them.

    (3) The marching of the host. — The marching of the host in four main divisions of about half a million each (2; 10 14-20) has also been pro- nounced a stumbling-block (Colenso, Eerdmans, Doughty), inasmuch as the procession formed (i.e. if no di^dsion began to fall into line till its predecessor had completed its evolutions) would require the whole day for its completion, and would make a column of unprecedented length — of 22 miles (Colenzo), of 600 miles (Doughty) — and would even on the most favorable hypothesis travel only a few miles, when the whole line would again need to reconstruct the camp. The simple state- ment of this shows its absurdity as an explanation of what actually took place on the march, and indi- rectly suggests that the narrative may be historical after all, as no romancer of a late age would have risked his reputation by laying down such direc- tions for the march, if they were susceptible of no other explanation than the above. How precisely the march was conducted may be difficult or even impossible to describe in such a way as to obviate all objections. But some considerations may be advanced to show that the march through the desert was neither impossible nor incredible. (a) The deploying of the four main divisions into line may have gone on simultaneously, as they were widely apart from each other, on the E. (Judah), on the S. (Reuben), on the W. (Ephraim) and on the N. (Dan), (h) There is no gi-ound for thinking that the march would be conducted, at least at first, with the precision of a modern army, or that each division would extend itself to the length of 22 miles. It is more than likely that they would follow their standards as best they could or with such order as could be arranged by their captains, (c) If the camps of Judah and Reuben started their preparations together, say at 6 o'clock in the morn-

    ing (which might be possible), and occupied 4 hours in completing these, they might begin to advance at 10 o'clock and cover 10 miles in another 4 hours, thus bringing them on to 2 PM, after which 4 hours more would enable them to encamp themselves for the night, if that was necessary. The other two divisions falling into line, say at 2 o'clock, would arrive at 6 PM, and by 10 PM would be settled for the night, (d) It does not seem certain that every night upon the march they would arrange themselves into a regularly constructed camp; rather it is reasonable to conclude that this would be done only when they had reached a spot where a halt was to be made for some time, (e) In any case, in the absence of more details as to how the march was conducted, arithmetical calculations are of little value and are not entitled to discredit the truthfulness of the narrative.

    (4) The victory over Midian. — This has been objected to on moral grounds which are not now referred to. It is the supposed impossibility of 12,000 Israelites slaying all the male Midianites, cap- turing all their women and children, including 32,000 virgins, seizing all their cattle and flocks, with all their goods, and burning all their cities and castles without the loss of a single man (31 49), which occasions perplexity. Yet Scripture relates several victories of a similar description, as e.g. that of Abraham over the kings of the East (Gen 14 15), in which, so far as the record goes, no loss was incurred by the patriarch's army; that of Gideon's 300 over the Midianites at a later date (Jgs 7 22) ; that of Samson single-handed over 1,000 Philis (Jgs 15 15) ; and that of Jehoshaphat at the battle of Tekoa (2 Ch 20 24), which was won without a blow — all more or less miraculous, no doubt. But in profane history, Tacitus (Ann. xiii.39) relates an instance in which the Romans slaughtered all their foes without losing a single man; and Strabo (xvi. 112S) mentions a battle in which 1,000 Arabs were slain by only 2 Romans; while the life of Saladin contains a like statement concerning the issue of a_ battle (Hiivernick, Intro, 330). Hence Israel's victory over Midian does not afford sufficient ground for challenging its historic credibility.

    IV. Authorship. — Restricting attention to evi- dence from Nu itself, it may be remarked in a gen- eral way that the question of authorship is prac- tically settled by what has been advanced on its literary structure and historical credibility. For, if the materials of the book were substantially the work of one pen (whoever may have been their first collector or last redactor), and if these materials are upon the whole trustworthy, there will be little room to doubt that the original pen was in the hand of a contemporary and eyewitness of the incidents narrated, and that the contemporary and eye- witness was Moses, who need not, however, have set down everything with his own hand, all that is necessary to justify the ascription of the writing to him being that it should have been composed by his authority and under his supervision. In this sense it is believed that indications are not wanting m the book both against and for the Mo- saic authorship; and these may now be considered. (1) The alternating use of Divine names. — This usage, after forming so characteristic a feature in Gen and largely disappearing in Ex 1. Against and Lev, reasserts itself in Nu, and the Mosaic more particularly in the story of Authorship Balaam. If chs 23 and 24 can be explained only as late documents pieced together, because of the use of "God" in ch 23 and of "Lord" in ch 24, then Moses was not their author. But if the varying use of the Divine names is susceptible of explanation on the assumption that the two chapters originally formed one docu-



    ment, then most distinctly the claim of Moses to authorship is not debarred. Now whether Balaam was a false or a true prophet, it is clear that he could hope to please Balak only by cursing Israel in the name of Jeh, the Elohim of Israel; and so it is always Jeh he consults or pretends to consult before replying to the messengers of Balak. Four times he did so (22 8.19; 23 3,15); and 3 t it was Elohim who met him (22 9.20; 23 14), while every time it was Jeh who put the word in his mouth. Can any conclusion be fairer than that the historian regarded Elohim and Jeh as the same Divine Being, and represented this as it were by a double emphasis, which showed (a) that the Jeh whom Balaam con- sulted was Elohim or the supreme God, and (6) that the God who met Balaam and supplied him with oracles was Israel's Lord? Thus explained, the alternate use of the Divine names does not require the hypothesis of two single documents rolled into one; and indeed the argument from the use of the Divine names is now generally abandoned.

    (2) Traces of late authorship. — Traces of late authorship are believed to exist in several passages : (a) 15 32-36 seems to imply that the writer was no longer in the wilderness, which may well have been the case, if already he was in the land of Moab. (6) 20 5 suggests, it is said, that the people were then in Canaan. But the language rather conveys the impression that they were not yet come to Canaan; and in point of fact the people were at Kadesh in the wilderness of Zin. (c) In 21 14.15. 17.18.27-30, certain archaic songs are cited as if the people were familiar with them, and the Arnon is mentioned as the border of Moab long before Israel reached the river. But that poets were among the people at the time of the exodus and probably long before, the song of Moses (Ex 15) shows, and that a Book of the Wars of the Lord was begun to be composed soon after the defeat of Amalek is not an unreasonable hypothesis (Ex 17 14). As for the statement that "Arnon leaneth upon the borders of Moab," that may have been superfluous as a matter of information to the con- temporaries of Moses when they were about to cross the stream (Strack, EM, 25), but it was quite in place in an old prophetic song, as showing that their present position had been long before antici- pated and foretold, (d) 24 7, according to criticism, could not have been composed before the rise of the monarchy; and certainly it could not, if prediction of future events is impossible. But if reference to a coming king in Israel was put into Balaam's mouth by the Spirit of God, as the narrator says, then it could easily have been made before the monarchy; and so could (e) 24 17.18 have been written before the reign of David, though the con- quest of the Edomites only then began (2 S 8 14; 1 K 11 1; 1 Ch 18 12.13).

    Examples such as these show that many, if not most, of the like objections against the Mosaic authorship of this book are capable of at least possible solution; and that Kuenen's caution should not be forgotten: "He who relies upon the impression made by the whole, without interroga- tion of the parts one by one, repudiates the first principles of all scientific research, and pays homage to superficiality" (fleZ.o//sraeZ, I, 11).

    (1) Certain passages have the appearance of having been written by Moses. — These are: (a) those which bear evidence of having been 2. For the intended for a people not settled in Mosaic cities but dwelling in tents and camps.

    Authorship as e.g. chs 1-4, describing the arrange- ments for the census and the formation of the camp; 6 24-26, the high-priestly benedic- tion; 10 35.36, the orders for the marching and the halting of the host; 10 1-9, the directions about

    the silver trumpets; ch 19, the legislation which obviously presupposes the wilderness as the place for its observance (vs If criticism allows that these and other passages have descended from the Mosaic age, why should it be necessary to seek another author for them than Moses? And if Moses could have composed those passages, a presumption at least is created that the whole book has proceeded from his pen. (&) The patriotic songs taken from the Book of the Wars of the Lord (ch 21), which some critics (Cornill, Kautzsch and others) hold cannot be later than 750 BC, are by equally competent scholars (Bleek, De Wette, E. Meyer, Konig and others) recognized as parts of Israel's inheritance from the Mosaic age, when- soever they were incorporated in Nu. (c) The list of camping stations (ch 33) is expressly assigned to him. Whether "by the commandment of the Lord" should be connected with the "journeys" (Konig) or the "writing" makes no difference as to the authorship of this chapter, at least in the sense that it is based on a Mosaic document (Strack). It is true that even if this chapter as it stands was pre- pared by Moses, that does not amount to conclu- sive evidence of the Mosaic authorship of the whole book. Yet it creates a presumption in its favor (Drechsler, Keil, Zahn). For why should Moses have been specially enjoined to write so compara- tively uninteresting and unprofitable a document as a list of names, many of which are now incapable of identification, if that was all? But if Moses was already writing up a journal or history of the wanderings, whether by his o^vn hand or by means of amanuenses, and whether by express command or without it (not an unreasonable supposition), there was no particular need to record that this was so. If, however, Moses was not thinldng of pre- serving an itinerary, and God for reasons of His own desired that he should do so, then there was need for a special commandment to be given; and need that it should be recorded to explain why Moses incorporated in his book a list of names that in most people's judgment might have been omitted without imperiling the value of the book. Looked at in this way, the order to prepare this itinerary rather strengthens the idea of the Mosaic author- ship of the whole book.

    (2) Acquaintance on the part of the author ivith Egyptian manners and customs. — This points in the direction of Moses, (a) The trial by jealousy (5 11-31) may be compared with the tale of Set- nau, belonging probably to the 3d cent. BC, but relating to the times of Rameses II, in which Ptah- nefer-ka, having found the book which the god Thoth wrote with his own hand, copied it on a piece of papyrus, dissolved the copy in water and drank the solution, with the result that he knew all the book contained {RP, IV, 138). (h) The conse- cration of the Levites (8 7) resembled the ablutions of the Egyp priests who shaved their heads and bodies every 3d day, bathed twice during the day and twice during the night, and performed a grand ceremony of purification, preparatory to their seasons of fasting, which sometimes lasted from 7 to 40 days and even more {WAS, I, 181). (c) Uncleanness from contact with the dead (l9 11) was not unknown to the Egj'ptians, who required their priests to avoid graves, funerals and funeral feasts (Porphyry, De Abst. ii.50, quoted in Speaker's Conim.). (d) The fish, cucumbers, melons, leeks, onions and garlic referred to in 11 5 were articles of diet in Egypt (Herod, ii.93). (e) The antiquarian statement about Hebron (13 22) fits in well with a writer in Mosaic times. "A later writer could have had no authority for making the statement and no possible reason for inventing it" (Pulpit Comm. on Nu). On a candid review of all the arguments pro

    Numenius Oak



    and con, it is not too much to say that the pre- ponderance of evidence lies on the side of the sub- stantial Mosaicity of the Book of Numbers.

    LiTEBATuHE. — Comms. on Nu by Bertheau (ET), Knobel, Keil (ET), Dillmann, Strack, Lange (ET) ; in Speaker's Comm., Pulpit Comm., ICC (Gray); Bib. Intros of De Wette. HcnKstenberg, Havernick. Bleek, Konig, Strack, Cornill, Driver; in encs, etc, RE. HDB, EB, Sch-Herz; critical comms.: Reuss, Die Gcschichie der heih'aen Srhriftea AT; Kuenen, The Religion of Israel (ET) ; Wellhausen, Gesehiehte Israels and Pro- leoomena (ET) ; Klostermann, Der Pentateuch: Eerd- mans, Alttest. Sludien: Addis, Documents of Hezateuch: Olford Hexateuch; EPC.

    T. Whitelaw NUMENIUS, mi-me'ni-us (Noii|iTivi.os, Nou- menios) : The son of Antiochus, and Antipater were the two ambassadors whom Jonathan sent to the Romans, "to the Spartans, and to otherplaces," after his victory in the plain of Hazor (Galilee) over the princes of Demetrius (1 Maco 12 1 ff) about 144 BC Their mission was to confirm and renew the friendship and treaty which had existed from the days of Judas (8 17 ff). They were well received and successful, both at Rome (12 3 f) and at Sparta (12 19 ff; 14 22f). After the death of Jonathan, the victories of Simon and the establish- ment of peace, Simon sent Numenius on a second embassy to Rome (14 24), again to confirm the treaty and present a golden shield weighing 1,000 minae — apparently just before the popular decree by which Simon was created high priest, leader and captain "for ever" (1 Mace 14 27 ff), September, 141 BC. The embassy returned in 139 BC, bear- ing letters from the senate to the kings of Egypt, Syria and "all the countries," confirming the integ- rity of Jewish territory, and forbidding these kings to disturb the Jews, and requiring them also to sur- render any deserters (14 15 ff). See also Lucius; Schiirer, Gesch. des judischen Volkes (3d and 4th edd), I, 236, 250 f. S. Angus

    NUN, noon (3, ■): The 14th letter of the Heb alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopaedia as n. It came also to be used for the number 50. For name, etc, see Alphabet.

    NUN, nun (1^3, nun, "fish," derivative mean- ing "fecundity"): Father of Joshua (referred to thus 29 t) (Ex 33 11; Nu 11 28, etc; 1 Ch 7 27, m "Non"; Sir 46 1, m "Nave").

    NURSE, nurs, NURSING, nurs'ing: "Nurse" in AV represents two different Heb words: In 8 pas- sages (Gen 24 59; 35 8; Ex 2 7 bis.9; 2 K 11 2; 2 Ch 22 11; Isa 49 23) the word— noun or vb.— renders some form of the vb. p3^ , ydnak, "to suck." The fem. causative part, of this vb. is commonly used to denote nurse or foster-mother. According to Ex 2 7 Moses' mother — "a nurse of the Heb women" — became, at Pharaoh's daughter's request, the foster-mother of the foundling. Joash, the son of Ahaziah, was in charge of a nurse until he was 7 years old (2 K 11 2; 2 Ch 22 11). But it is obvious that the term was used in a more general way, e.g. of a lady's maid or tire-woman. Rebek- ah was accompanied by her nurse when she left home to be married (Gen 24 59; 35 8). In 5 pas- sages (Nu 11 12; Ruth 4 16; 2 S 4 4; Isa 49 23; 60 4 AV) "nurse" represents the Heb word, l^N , 'aman, "to support," "be faithful," "nourish." The part, of this vb. denoted a person who had charge of young children — a guardian or governess. Naomi took charge of Ruth's child "and became nurse unto it" (Ruth 4 16). In Nu 11 12 Moses asks whether he has to take charge of the Israelites "as a nursing-father carricth the sucking child." The same word is found in 2 K 10 15 (AV "them that brought up," i.e. guardians of the sons of

    Ahab) and in Est 2 7 (AV "and he brought up," i.e. he [Mordecai] adopted, his niece). Deutero-Isa uses both terms together (49 23) to describe the exalted position of Israel in the future when foreign kings and queens will offer their services and wait upon the chosen people.

    In the solitary passage in the NT where "nurse" occurs, it renders the Gr word Tpo06s, trophos. In this case the word does not mean a hired nurse, but a mother who nurses her own children (1 Thess 2 7). T. Lewis

    NURTURE, nt^u-'tnr: The word occurs in AV in Eph 6 4 as the tr of traiSela, paideia, but RV changes to "chastening," and uses "nurture" (vb.) for AV "bring up" (iKTp4(pw, ektrepho) in the first part of the verse. Paideia has the idea of training and correction; in RV 2 Esd 8 12 for Lat erudio; and cf AV Wisd 3 11; Sir 18 13 {paideuo), etc.

    NUTS, nuts:

    (1) (T1!5X, 'eghoz; Kapia, harua; Axah. jauz, "the walnut" [Cant 6 11]): This is certainly the walnut tree, Juglans regia, a native of Persia and the Himalayas which flourishes under favorable condi- tions in all parts of Pal; particularly in the moun-

    PistacMo Nut (Pistacia vera).

    tains. In such situations it attains the height of from 60 to 90 ft. A grove of such trees affords the most delightful shade.

    (2) (O'ljipa, hotnlm; Tepi^tvBoL, terebinthoi [Gen 43 11, m "pistachio nuts"]): The Heb is perhaps aUied to the Arab, hutm, the "terebinth," which is closely allied to the Pistacia vera, N.O. Anacar- diaceae, which produces pistachio nuts. These nuts, known in Arab, as fiatuk, are prime favorites with the people of Pal. They are oblong, -J in. long, with green, oily cotyledons. They are eaten raw and are also made into various sweets and confec- tionery. They are a product of Pal, very likely to be sent as a present to Egypt (Gen 43 11).

    E. W. G. Masterman


    nim'fas (N«[,.



    Numenius Oakchurch in Colossae, the latter city being only a very few miles distant from Laodicea. Indeed, so

    near were they, that Paul directs that 1. A Chris- the Ep. to the Col be read also in tian in Laodicea. Nymphas — or if Nympha

    Laodicea be read, then it is a Christian lady

    who is meant — was a person of out- standing worth and importance in the church of Laodicea, for he had granted the use of his dwelling- house for the ordinary weekly meetings of the church. The apostle's salutation is a 3-fold one — to the brethren that are in Laodicea, that is to the whole of the Christian community in that city, and to Nymphas, and to the church in his house.

    2. The Church in His House

    This fact, that the church met there, also shows that Nymphas was a person of some means, for a very small house could not have accommodated the Christian men and women who gathered together on the first day of every week for the purposes of Christian worship.

    The church in Laodicea — judging not only from the Ep. to the Eph, which is really Paul's Ep. to the Laodiceans, and which indicates that the church in Laodicea had a numerous mnmbenship, but also from what is said of it in Rev 3 17AV — must have been large and influential:

    ''Thou sayest, I am rich, and increased with goods, and have need of nothing." The house of Nymphas, therefore, must have possessed a large room or saloon sufficiently commodious toallowthe meet- ing of a numerous company.

    Nymphas would bo a person both ot Christian character and of generous feeling, and of some amount of wealth. Nothing more is known regarding him, as this is the only passage in which he is named.

    John Ruthehpurd

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      SCRIPTURE: "The ‘Devil’ ... walketh about seeking whom he may DEVOUR." I Pet 5:8

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        QUESTION: Do you Believe Satan the Adversary Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___

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      SCRIPTURE: Jesus declares: "'I ’WILL’' send Him (Holy Spirit) unto you, and when He is come 'He ’WILL’' testify of Me: John 14:26

      SCRIPTURE: "He ’WILL’ reprove the world [convict, convince, correct] of sin, of righteousness, and of judgment: John 16:7

      SCRIPTURE: (1) Of sin, because they believe not on me; ... (2) Of righteousness, because I go to my Father; ...(3) Of judgment, because the 'Prince of this World' IS JUDGED![A] John 16:8-10

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