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Comprehensive Bible Encyclopedia

All Entries for LETTER "P"



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    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole NEW TESTAMENT

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    ** Cambridge Bible Commentary Concise, The Whole OLD TESTAMENT



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    AMERIPEDIA: George Washington on HOMOSEXUALITY




      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






    All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

    Letter "P"


    Letter "P"

    PAARAI, pa'a-ri

      "devotee of Poor"): One of David's' 37 valiant men (2 Sam 23:35). Doubtless the "Naarai" of 1 Chron 11:37.

    PACATIANA, pa-ka-ti-a'na,
      About 295 AD, when the province of Asia was broken up, two new provinces were formed, Phrygia Prima (Paoatiana), of which Laodicea was "the chicfest city" (subscription to 1 Tim AV), and Phrygia Secunda (Salutaris). See Phrygia, and HDB, III, 865.

    PACE, paas
      (~??, Qa'adh): A step in 2 Sam 6:13, hence about one yard.

    PACHON, pa'kon
      The name of a month mentioned in 3 Maccabees 6:38.

    PAD DAN, pad'an
      (Gen 48 7; AV Padan, padan). See next article.

    PADDAN-ARAM, pad'an-a'ram
      LXX it is Mesopotamia, AV Padan-aram: In Gen 48 7, Paddan stands alone, but as the LXX, Sam, and Pesh read "Aram" also, it must in this verse have dropped out of the MT. In the time of Abraham, padan it occurson the Bab contract-tablets as a land measure, to which we may compare the Arab, fedddn or "ox-gang."

      In the Assyr syllabaries it is the equivalent of iklu, "a field," so that Paddan-aram would mean "the field of Aram," and with this we may compare Hos 12 12 (Heb 12 13) and the use of the Heb sddJieh in connection with Moab and Edom (Jgs 5 4; Ruth 1 6).


      Furthermore, padanu and harranu are given as synonyms with the meaning of "road."

      Paddan-aram occurs only in the PC, but it corresponds to the "Haran" of the older documents. The versions agree in translating both as Mesopotamia, and identify with the home of the patriarchs and the scene of Jacob's exile the district of Haran to the E. of the Upper Euphrates valley.

      More in harmony with the length of Jacob's flight, as indicated by the time given (Gen 31 22.23), is Harran-el-'Awamid, an ancient site 10 miles to the E. of Damascus, which satisfies all the demands of history. Deut 23:13

      See Aram. W. M. Christie

    PADDLE, pad'le
      (Heb 14), RV "shovel."'

    PADON, pa'don
      ("redemption"): One of the Nethinim (see Nethinim) who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:44; Neh 7:47); the "Phaleas" of 1 Esd ras 5:29 (m "Padon").

    PAGIEL, pa'gi-el,
      "God's intervention"): Son of Ocran, of the tribe of Asher, among those enrolled by Moses at the numbering of Israel (Num 1:13; 2:27).

      When the tabernacle was set up, the heads of the families of Israel "brought their offerings" in rotation, and Pagiel, as prince of his tribe, came on the 11th day (Nm 7:72). Num 7:72-77 describes his offering.

      In the journeyings of Israel he was "over the host of the tribe of the children of Asher" (Num 10{26), and possibly standard-bearer (cf Num 10:14, 22, 25). Henry Wallace

      PAHATH-MOAB, pa'hath-mo'ab (nSTO-nns , pahath md'ahh, "sheik of Moab"; in 1 Esd 5 11; 8 31, "Phaath Moab"): A Jewish clan probably named after an ancestor of the above title. Part of the clan returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 6; cf Neh 7 11) under two family names, Jeshua and Joab; and a part came back with Ezra (Ezr 8 4). Hashub, a "son of Pahath-moab," is named among the repairers of both the wall and the "tower of the furnaces" at Jerus (Neh 3 11). It is the name of one of the signatories "sealing" the "sure cove- nant" of Neh 9 38 (Neh 10 14). Some of the sons of this name had taken "strange wives" (Ezr 10 30). Henry Wallace

      PAI, pa'i C^J'S , pa'i; ^oyup, Phogor) : The royal city of Hadad or Hadar, king of Edom (1 Ch 1 50). The name is given as "Pau" (^73, pa'tt) in Gen 36 39. There is no indication of its position. It is not identified.

      PAIN, pan (bin, Ml, b^n, m, bnn, hebhel, nbn, Mlah, rbrhn , halhalah, 2if.^ , ka' Sbh, 3X3, Ic'ebh, IS'n, mefar, 3i«D"a, makh'Sbh, bp?, 'amal, "l"^¥, gir; Pao-avCJw, basanizo, irdvos, ponos, oiStv, odln): These words signifying various forms of bodily or mental suffering are generally tr'' "pain"; 28 out of the 34 passages in which the word is used are in the poetical or prophetical books and refer to conditions of mental disquiet or dismay due to the punishment of personal or national sin. In one instance only is the word used as a historic record of personal physical pain: the case of the wife of Phinehas (1 S 4 19), but the same word Sir is used figuratively in Isa 13 8; 21 3; Dnl 10 16, and tr'' "pangs" or "sorrows." In other pas- sages where we have the same comparison of con- sternation in the presence of God's judgments to the pangs of childbirth, the word used is hebhd, as in Isa 66 7; Jer 13 21; 22 23; 49 24. In some

      of these and similar passages several synonyms are used in the one verse to intensify the impression, and are tr'' "pain," "pangs," and "sorrows," as in Isa 13 8.

      The word most commonly used by the prophets is some form of hul or hll, sometimes with the addition "as of a woman in travail," as in Ps 48 6; Isa 26 18; Jor 6 24; 22 2:3; Mic 4 10. This pain is referred to the heart (Ps 55 4) or to the head (.ler 30 23; cf vs 5.6). In Ezk 30 4, it is the penal affliction of Ethiopia, and in ver 16, AV "Sin [Tanis) shall have great pain" (RV "anguish"); in Isa 23 .5 Egypt is .sorely pained at the news of the fall of Tyro. Before the invading host of locusts the people are much pained (.loel 2 6 AV). Pain in the sense of toil and trouble in Jer 12 13 is the tr of halah, a word more frequently rendered grieving or sickness, as in 1 K 14 1 ; Prov 23 3.5; Cant 2 5; Jer 5 3, Tlie reduplicated form halhnldh is esp. used of a twisting pain usually referred to the loins (Isa 21 3; Ezk 30 4.9; Nah 2 10).

      Pain in the original meaning of the word (as it has come down to us through the Old Fr. from the Lat poena) as a penalty inflicted for personal sin is expressed by the words kaebh or ke\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ihh in Job 14 22; 15 20, and in the questioning complaint of the prophet (Jer 15 18). As a judgment on personal sin pain is also expressed by makh'ohh in Job 33 19; Jer 51 8, but this word is used in the sense of afflictions in Isa 53 3 in the expression "man of sorrows." The Psalmist (Ps 25 18) praying for deliverance from the afflictions which weighed heavily on him in turn uses the word ' dmdl, and this word which primarily means "toil" or "labor," as in Eccl 1 3, or "travail," as in Isa 53 11, is trii "painful" in Ps 73 16, as expressing Asaph's disquiet due to his misunderstand- ing of the ways of Providence. The "pains of hell" (Ps 116 3 AV) , which got hold of the Psalmist in his sick- ness, is the rendering of the word m^r;ar; the same word is tr*! "distress" in Ps 118 5. Most of these words have a primary physical meaning of twisting, rubbing or constricting.

      In the_ NT odin is tr

      In Rev 12 2 the woman clothed with the sun (basanizomene) was in pain to be delivered; the vb. (basanizo) which means "to torture" is used both in Mt 8 6 in the account of the grievously tor- mented centurion's servant, and in the description of the laboring of the apostles' boat on the stormy Sea of Galilee (Mt 14 24). The former of these seems to have been a case of spinal meningitis. This vb. occurs in Thucydides vii.86 (viii.92), where it means "being put to torture." In the two passages in Rev where pain is mentioned the word is ponos, the pain which affected those on whom the fifth vial was poured (16 10) , and in the description of the City of God where there is no more pain (21 4). The primary meaning of this word seems to be ' 'toil, " as in Iliad xxi..525, but it is used by Hippocrates to express disease (Aphorisma iv.44).

      Alex. Macallster

      PAINFULNESS, pan'fool-nes {\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\i6xio%, mdchthas): In the summary of his missionary hibors in 2 Cor 11 27 AV, St. Paul uses this word. RV renders it "travail," which probably now expresses its meaning more closely, as in modern usage "pain- fulness" is usually restricted to the condition of actual soreness or suffering, although we still use "painstaking" in the sense of careful labor. The Gr word is used for toil or excessive anxiety, as in Euripides (Medea, 126), where it refers to that care for her children which she had lost in her mad- ness. Tindalc uses "painfulness" in 1 Jn 4 18 as the tr of (tiXacris, kolasis, which AV renders "torment" and RV "punishment."

      Alex. Macalister

      Paint Peilestine



      PAINT, pant (from Old Fr. pmnclre, frequentative of peindre, Lat pingo, "to paint"): (1) From Heb vb. niCTa, mashah, "to smear," "to anoint," "to paint," describing the painting of interiors with vermilion, perhaps resembling lacquer: "ceiled with cedar, and painted with vermilion" (Jer 22 14). The shields of the Ninevite soldiers were red, presumably painted (Nah 2 3). (2) From noun ^1S, pukh, "paint," "antimony," "stibium," "black mineral powder," used as a cosmetic, to lend artificial size and fancied beauty to the eye, always spoken of as a meretricious device, indicating light or unworthy character. Jezebel "painted her eyes, and attired her head" (2 K 9 30, lit. "put pukh into her eyes"). To the harlot city Jerus, Jeremiah (4 30) says, "deckest thee . . . . , en- largest thine eyes with paint" (pukh). AV renders "rentest thy face," as if the stain were a cut, or the enlarging done by violence. (3) From vb. xllS , kahal, "to smear," "to paint." Ezekiel says to Oliolah-Oholibah (Judah-Israel), "didst wash thy- self, paint [kahal] thine eyes," as the adulteress prepares herself for her paramour (Ezk 23 40). The antimony, in an extremely fine powder (Arab. kuhl, from kahal), is placed in the eye by means of a very fine rod, bodkin, or probe, drawn between the edges of the eyelids. This distends the eye, and also increases its apparent size, the effect being increased by a line of stain drawn from the corner, and by a similar line prolonging the eyebrow. See Etepaint; Color. Philip Wendell Channell

      PAINTING, pan'ting. See Crafts, II, 12.

      PAIR, pdr: The m of Cant 4 2 (but not of the 11 6 6) reads, "which are all of them in pairs," while the text has, "whereof every one hath twins." The Heb niT2"'Xri^, math'imolh, is from a V ta'am, "be double," and is perhaps susceptible of either meaning. But the description is of sheep, and the m gives no comprehensible figure, while the text points to the exceedingly sleek and healthy appearance. "Pairs" seems to result from con- fusing the figure with the thing figured — the teeth, where each upper is paired with the corresponding lower.

      PALACE, pal'fts: In Heb chiefly p12nS, 'armon, in RVtext tr<' "castle" in 1 K 16 IS; 2 K 15 25; PIT'S , birdh, JDH , hekhal, the same word often rendered "temple"; in Gr auX^, aule, in RV tr'' "court" (Mt 26 3.58.69; Mk 14 54.66; Lk 11 21; Jn 18 15). On the other hand, "palace" takes the place in RV of AV "common hall" or "judgment hall" (praiidrion, Mt 27 27; Jn 18 28. 33; 19 9; Acts 23 35). See Judgment, Hall of. A description of Solomon's palace is given in 1 K 7 1-12 (see Temple). Archaeology has brought to light the remains of great palaces in Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria (Sargon, Sennacherib, Assur- banipal, etc), Susa, etc. See House.

      James Ohr

      PALAESTRA, PALESTRA, pa-les'tra. See Games, II, 3, (i).

      PALAL, pa'lal (5pB , paldl, "judge"): Son of Uzai, and one of the repairers of the wall (Neh 3 25).

      PALANQUIN, pal-an-ken': In Cant 3 9 occurs ^TinSX, 'appiryon, a word that has no Scm cog- nates and is of dubious meaning. In form, however, it resembles the Sanskrit paryanka, and still more closely the Gr rpoptlop, phoreion, both of which mean "litter bed." Hence RV "palanqviin" (ultimately

      derived from paryanka). The m "car of state" and AV "chariot" are mere guesses.

      PALESTINA, pal-es-ti'na (niabS , p'lesheth) : Ex 15 14; Isa 14 29.31 AV; changed in RV to Philistia (q.v.).

      PALESTINE, pal'es-tin (nipbs, p'lesheth; 4>u- XnrTi«i(i, Phidistieim, 'A\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\6e|)D\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ot, Allophuloi; AV Joel 3 4 [RV "Philistia"), "Palestina"; AV Ex 15 14; Isa 14 29.31; cf Ps 60 8; 83 7; 87 4; 108 9):

      I. Physical Conditions

      1. General Geographical Features

      2. Water-Supply

      3. Geological Conditions

      4. Fauna and Flora

      5. Climate

      6. Rainfall

      7. Drought and Famine

      II. Palestine in the Pentateuch

      1. Places Visited by Abraham

      2. Places Visited by Isaac

      3. Places Visited by Jacob

      4. Mentioned in Connection with Judah

      5. Review of Geography of Genesis

      6. Exodus and Leviticus

      7. Numbers

      8. Deuteronomy

      III. Palestine in the Historic Books of the OT

      1. Book of Joshua

      2. Book of Judges

      3. Book of Ruth

      4. Books of .Samuel

      5. Books of Kings

      6. Post-exilic Historical Books

      IV. Palestine in the Poetic Books of the OT

      1. Book of Job

      2. Book of Psalms

      3. Book of Proverbs

      4. Song of Songs

      V. Palestine in the Prophets

      1. Isaiah

      2. Jeremiah

      3. Ezekiel

      4. Minor Prophets

      VI. Palestine in the Apocrypha

      1. Book of Judith

      2. Book of Wisdom

      3. 1 Maccabees

      4. 2 Maccabees

      VII. Palestine in the NT

      1. Synoptic Gospels

      2. Fourth Gospel

      3. Book of Acts Literature

      Theword properly means "Philistia," but appears to be first used in the extended sense, as meaning all the "Land of Israel" or "Holy Land" (Zee 2 12), by Philo and by Ovid and later Rom authors (Reland, Pallllustr., I, 38-42).

      /. Physical Conditions. — The Bible in general may be said to breathe the air of Pal; and it is here intended to show how important for sound criticism is the consideration of its geography, and of the numerous incidental allusions to the natural fea- tureSj fauna, flora, cultivation, and climate of the land in which most of the Bible books were written. With the later history and topography of Pal, after 70 AD, we are not here concerned, but a short account of its present physical and geological con- ditions is needed for our purpose.

      Pal W. of the Jordan, between Dan and Beersheba, has an area of about 6,000 sq. miles, the length from Hermon southward being nearly 150 1. General miles, and the width gradually in- Geo- creasing from 20 miles on the N. to 60

      graphical miles on the S. It is thuB about the Features size of Wales, and the height of the Palestinian mountains is about the same as that of the Welsh. E. of the Jordan an area of about 4,000 sq. miles was included in the land of Israel. The general geographical features are familiar to all.

      (1) The land is divided by the deep chasm of the Jordan valley — an ancient geological , fault con- tinuing in the Dead Sea, where its depth (at the



      Paint Palestine

      bottom of the lake) is 2,600 ft. below the Mediter- ranean.

      (2) W. of the valley the mountain ridge, which is a continuation of Lebanon, has very steep slopes on the E. and long spurs on the W., on which side the foothills (Heb sh'pheldh or "lowland") form a distinct district, widening gradually southward, while between this region and the sea the plains of Sharon and Philistia stretch to the sandhills and low cliffs of a harborless coast.

      (3) In Upper Galilee, on the N., the mountain ridge rises to 4,000 ft. above the Mediterranean. Lower Galilee, to the S., includes rounded hills less than 1,000 ft. above the sea, and the triangular plain of Esdraelon drained by the River Kishon between the Gilboa watershed on the E. and the long spur of Carmel on the W.

      (4) In Samaria the mountains are extremely rugged, but a small plain near Dothan adjoins that of Esdraelon, and another stretches E. of Shechem, 2,500 ft. above the level of the Jordan valley. In Judaea the main ridge rises toward Hebron and then sinks to the level of the Beersheba plains about 1,000 ft. above the sea. The desert of Judah forms a plateau (500 ft. above sea-level), between this ridge and the Dead Sea, and is throughout barren and waterless; but the mountains — which average about 3,000 ft. above the sea — are full of good springs and suitable for the cultivation of the vine, fig and ohve. The richest lands are found in the sh'pheldh region — esp. in Judaea — and in the corn plains of Esdraelon, Sharon, and Philistia.

      (5) E. of the Jordan the plateau of Bashan (averaging 1,500 ft. above the sea) is also a fine corn country. S. of this, Gilead presents amountain region rising to 3,600 ft. above sea-level at Jebel Osha', and sloping gently on the E. to the desert. The steep western slopes are watered by the Jabbok River, and by many perennial brooks. In North Gilead esp. the wooded hills present some of the most picturesque scenery of the Holy Land. S. of Gilead, the Moab plateau (about 2,700 ft. above sea-level) is now a desert, but is fitted for corn culture, and in places for the vine. A lower shelf or plateau (about 500 to 1,000 ft. above sea-level) intervenes between the main plateau and the Dead Sea cliffs, and answers to the Desert of Judah W. of the lake.

      The water-supply of Pal is abundant, except in the desert regions above noticed, which include only a small part of its area. The 2. Water- Jordan runs into the Dead Sea, which Supply has no outlet and which maintains

      its level solely by evaporation, being consequently very salt; the surface is nearly 1,300 ft. below the Mediterranean, whereas the Sea of Galilee (680 ft. below sea-level) is sweet and full of fish. The Jordan is fed, not only by the snows of Hermon, but by many affluent streams from both sides. There are several streams also in Sharon, including the Crocodile River under Carmel. In the mountains, where the hard dolomite limestone is on the surface, perennial springs are numerous. In the lower hills, where this limestone is covered by a softer chalky stone, the supply depends on wells and cisterns. In the Beersheba plains the water, running under the surface, is reached by scooping shallow pits — esp. those near Gerar, to be noticed later.

      The fertility and cultivation ot any country depends mainly on its geological conditions. These are com- paratively simple in Pal, and have under- ? frpo gone no change since the age when man

      , . , flrst appeared, or since the days ol the

      logical Heb patriarchs. The country was flrst up-

      Conditions heaved from the ocean in the Eocene age; and, in the subsequent Miocene age, the great crack in the earth's surface occurred, which formed a narrow gull stretching from that ot the 'Akabah on the

      S. almost to the foot of Hermon. Further upheaval, accompanied by volcanic outbreaks which covered the plateaus of Golan, Bashan, and Lower Galilee with lava, cut off the Jordan valley from the Red Sea, and formed a long lake, the bottom of which continued to sink on the S. to its present level during the Pleiocene and Pluvial periods, after which — its peculiar fauna having devel- oped meanwhile — the lake gradually dried up, till it was represented only, as it now is, by the swampy H-Uleh, the pear-shaped Sea of Galilee, and the Dead Sea. These changes all occurred long ages before the appear- ance of man. The beds upheaved include: (1) the Nubian Sandstone (of the Greensand period), which was sheared along the line of the Jordan fault E. of the river, and which only appears on the western slopes of Hermon, Gilead, and Moab; (2) the limestones ot the Cretaceous age, including the hard dolomite, and softer beds full of characteristic fossils; (13) the soft Eocene limestone, which appears chiefly on the western spurs and in the foothills, the angle of upheaval being less steep than that of the older main formation. On the shores of the Mediterranean a yet later sandy limestone forms the low cliffs of Sharon. See Geology of Palestine.

      As regards fauna, flora and cultivation, it is suffi- cient here to say that they are still practically the same as described throughout the

      4. Fauna Bible. The lion and the wild bull and Flora {Bos primigenius) were exterminated

      within historic times, but have left their bones in the Jordan gravels, and in caves. The bear has gradually retreated to Hermon and Lebanon. The buffalo has been introduced since the Moslem conquest. Among trees the apple has fallen out of cultivation since the Middle Ages, and the cactus has been introduced; but Pal is still a land of corn, wine and oil, and famous for its fruits. Its trees, shrubs and plants are those noticed in the Bible. Its woods have been thinned in Lower Galilee and Northern Sharon, but on the other hand the copse has often grown over the site of former vineyards and villages, and there is no reason to think that any general desiccation has occurred within the last 40 centuries, such as would affect the rainfall.

      The climate of Pal is similar to that of other

      Mediterranean lands, such as Cyprus, Sicily or

      Southern Italy; and, in spite of the

      5. Climate fevers of mosquito districts in the

      plains, it is much better than that of the Delta in Egypt, or of Mesopotamia. The summer heat is oppressive only for a few days at a time, when (esp. in May) the dry wind — deficient in ozone — blows from the eastern desert. For most of the season a moisture-laden sea breeze, rising about 10 AM, blows till the evening, and fertilizes all the western slopes of the mountains. In the bare deserts the difference between 90° F. by day and 40° F. by night gives a refreshing cold. With the east wind the temperature rises to 105° F., and the nights are oppressive. In the Jordan valley, in autumn, the shade temperature reaches 120° F. In this season mists cover the mountains and swell the grapes. In winter the snow some- times lies for several days on the watershed ridge and on the Edomite mountains, but in summer even Hermon is sometimes quite snowlcss at 9,000 ft. above the sea. There is perhaps no country in which such a range of climate can be found, from the Alpine to the tropical, and none in which the range of fauna and flora is consequently so large, from the European to the African.

      The rainfall of Pal is between 20 and 30 in. an- nually, and the rainy season is the same as in other Mediterranean countries. The "form-

      6. Rainfall er rains" begin with the thunder-

      storms of November, and the "latter rains" cease with April showers. From December to February — except in years of drought — the rains are heavy. In most years the supply is quite suffi- cient for purposes of cultivation. The ploughmg begins in autumn, and the corn is rarely spoiled by storms in summer. The fruits ripen in autumn




      and suffer only from the occasional appearance of locust swarms. There appears to be no reason to suppose that climate or rainfall have undergone any change since the times of the Bible; and a con- sideration of Bible allusions confirms this view.

      Thus the occurrence of drought, and of conse- quent famine, is mentioned in the OT as occasional

      in all times (Gen 12 10; 26 2; 41 50; 7. Drought Lev 26 20; 2 S 21 1; 1 K 8 35; and Isa 5 6; Jer 14 1; Joel 1 10-12; Hag

      Famine 1 11; Zee 14 17), and droughts are

      also noticed in the Mish (Ta'dnith, i. 4-7) as occurring in autumn, and even lasting throughout the rainy season till spring. Good rains were a blessing from God, and drought was a sign of His displeasure, in Heb belief (Dt 11 14; Jer 5 24; Joel 2 23). A thunderstorm in harvest time (Maj') was most unusual (1 S 12 17.18), yet such a storm does still occur as a very exceptional phenomenon. By "snow in harvest" (Prov 25 13) we are not to understand a snowstorm, for it is likened to a "faithful messenger," and the reference is to the use of snow for cooling wine, which is still usual at Damascus. The notice of fever on the shores of the Sea of Galilee (Mt 8 14) shows that this region was as unhealthy as it still is in summer. The decay of irrigation in Sharon may have ren- dered the plain more malarious than of old, but the identity of the Palestinian flora with that of the Bible indicates that the climate, generally speaking, is unchanged.

      //. Palestine in the Pentateuch. — The Book of Gen is full of allusions to sites sacred to the memory

      of the Heb patriarchs. In the time of 1. Places Abraham the population consisted of Visited by tribes, mainly Sem, who came origi- Abraham nally from Babylonia, including

      Canaanites ("lowlanders") between Sidon and Gaza, and in the Jordan valley, and Amorites ("highlanders") in the mountains (Gen 10 15-19; Nu 13 29). Their language was akin to Heb, and it is only in Egj^pt that we read of an interpreter being needed (Gen 42 23), while ex- cavated remains of seal-cylinders, and other objects, show that the civilization of Pal was similar to that of Babjdonia.

      (1) Skechem. — The first place noticed is the shrine or "station" (makdm) of Shechem, with the Elon Moreh (LXX "high oak"), where Jacob after- ward buried the idols of his wives, and where Joshua set up a stone by the "holj' place" (Gen 12 6; 35 4; Josh 24 26). Sam tradition showed the site near Baldta ("the oak") at the foot of Mt. Gerizim. The "Canaanite was then in the land" (in Abra- ham's time), but was exterminated (Gen 34 25) by Jacob's sons. From Shechem Abraham jour- neyed southward and raised an altar between Bethel (Beitin) and Hai (Haydn), E. of the to^\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\Ti of Luz, the name of which still survives hard-by at the spring of Luzeh (Gen 12 8; 13 3; 28 11.19; 35 2).

      (2) The Negcb. — But, on his return from Egypt with large flocks (12 16), he settled in the pastoral region, between Boersheba and the western Kadesh (13 1; 20 1), called in Heb the neghebh, "dry" country, on the etlge of the cultivated lands. From E. of Bethel there is a fine view of the lower Jordan valley, and here Lot "lifted up his eyes" (13 10), and chose the rich grass lands of that valley for his flocks. The "cities of the Plain" (kikkdr) were clearly in this valley, and Sodom must have been near the river, since Lot's journey to Zoar (19 22) occupied only an hour or two (vs 15.23) through the plain to the foot of the Moab mountains. These cities are not said to have been visible from near Hebron; but, from the hilltop E. of the city, Abra- ham could have seen "the smoke of the land" (19 28) rising up. The first land owned by him

      was the garden of Mamre (13 18; 18 1; 23 19), with the cave-tomb which tradition still points out under the floor of the Hebron mosque. His tent was spread under the "oaks of Mamre" (18 1), where his mysterious guests rested "under the tree" (ver 8). One aged oak still survives in the flat ground W. of the city, but this tree is very unconi- mon in the mountains of Judah. In all these inci- dental touches we have evidence of the exact knowledge of Pal which distinguishes the story of the patriarchs.

      (3) Campaign of Amraphel. — Pal appears to have been an outlying province of the empire of Hammurabi, king of Babylon in Abraham's time; and the campaign of Amraphel resembled those of later Assyr overlords exacting tribute of petty kings. The route (14 5-S) lay through Bashan, Gilead and Moab to Kadesh (probably at Petra), and the return through the desert of Judah to the plains of Jericho. Thus Hebron was not attacked (see ver 13), and the pursuit by Abraham and his Amorite allies led up the Jordan valley to Dan, and thence N. of Damascus (ver 15). The Salem whose king blessed Abraham on his return was thought by the Samaritans, and by Jerome, to be the city near the Jordan valley afterward visited by Jacob (14 18; 33 IS); but see Jerusalem.

      (4) Gerar. — Abraham returned to the southern plains, and "sojourned in Gerar" (20 1), now Umm Jerrdr, 7 miles S. of Gaza. The wells which he dug in this valley (26 15) were no doubt shallow excavations like those from which the Arabs still obtain the water flowing under the surface in the same vicinity {SWP, III, 390), though that at Beersheba (21 25-32), to which Isaac added an- other (26 23-25), may have been more permanent. Three masonry wells now exist at Btr es iSefta', but the masonry is modern. The planting of a "tama- risk" at this place (21 33) is an interesting touch, since the tree is distinctive of the dry lowlands. From Beersheba Abraham journeyed to "the land of Moriah" (LXX "the high land") to sacrifice Isaac (22 2); and the mountain, according to Heb tradition (2 Ch 3 1), was at Jerus, but according to the Samaritans was Gerizim near the Elon Moreh — a summit which could certainly have been seen "afar off" (ver 4) on "the third day."

      Isaac, living in the same pastoral wilderness, at

      the western Kadesh (25 11) and at Gerar (26 2),

      suffered like his father in a year of

      2. Places drought, and had similar difficulties Visited by with the Philis. At Gerar he sowed Isaac corn (26 12), and the vicinity is stiff

      capable of such cultivation. Thence he retreated S.E. to Rehoboth (Rukeibeh), N. of Kadesh, where ancient wells like those at Beer- sheba still exist (26 22). To Beersheba he finally returned (ver 23).

      When Jacob fled to Haran from Beersheba (28 10) he slept at the "place" (or shrine) consecrated

      by Abraham's altar near Bethel, and —

      3. Places like any modern Arab visitor to a Visited by shrine — erected a memorial stone (ver Jacob 18), which he renewed twenty years

      later (35 14) when God appeared to him "again" (ver 9).

      (1) Haran to Succolh. — His return journey from Haran to Gilead raises an interesting question. The distance is about 350 miles from Haran to the Galeed or "witness heap" (31 48) at Mizpah — probably SiXf in North Gilead. This distance Laban is said to have covered in 7 days (31 23), which would be possible for a force mounted on riding camels. But the news of Jacob's flight reached Laban on the 3d day (ver 22), and some time would elapse before he could gather his "brethren." Jacob with his flocks and herds must




      have needed 3 weeks for the journey. It is remark- able that the vicinity of Mizpah still presents an- cient monuments like the "pillar" (ver 45) round which the "memorial cairn" {yghar-sahadhulha) was formed. From this place Jacob journeyed to Mahanaim (probably Mahmah), S. of the Jabbok river — a place which afterward became the capital of South Gilead (Gen 32 1 f; 1 K 4 14); but, on hearing of the advance of Esau from Edom, he retreated across the river (Gen 32 22) and then reached Succoth (33 17), believed to be Tell Der'ala, N. of the stream.

      (2) From the Jordan to Hebron. — Crossing the Jordan by one of several fords in this vicinity, Jacob approached Shechem by the perennial stream of Wddy Fdr'ah, and camped at Shalem {S&lim) on the east side of the fertile plain which stretches thence to Shechem, and here he bought land of the Hivitcs (33 18-20). We are not told that he dug a well, but the necessity for digging one in a region full of springs can only be explained by Hivite jealousy of water rights, and the well still exists E. of Shechem (cf Jn 4 5f), not far from the Elon Moreh where were buried the t'raphlm (Gen 35 4) or "spirits" (Assyr tarpu) from Haran (31 30) under the oak of Abraham. These no doubt were small images, such as are so often unearthed in Pal. The further progress of Jacob led by Bethel and Bethlehem to Hebron (35 6.19.27), but some of his elder sons seem to have remained at Shechem. Thus Joseph was sent later from Hebron (37 14) to visit his brethren there, but found them at Dothan.

      (3) Dothan (37 17) lay in a plain on the main trade route from Egypt to Damascus, which crossed the low watershed at this point and led down the valley to Jezreel and over Jordan to Bashan. The "well of the pit" {SWP, II, 169) is still shown at Tell Dothan, and the Ishmaelites, from Midian and Gilead, chose this easy caravan route (37 2.5.28) for camels laden with the Gilead balm and spices. The plain was fitted for feeding Jacob's flocks. The products of Pal then included also honey, pistachio nuts, and almonds (43 11); and a few centuries later we find notice in a text of Thothmes III of honey and balsam, with oil, wine, wheat, spelt, barley and fruits, as rations of the Egyptian troops in Canaan (Brugsch, Hist Egypt, I, 332).

      The episode of Judah and Tamar is connected with a region in the Sh'phelah, or low hills of Judaea.

      AduUam {'Aid-el-ma), Chezib {'Ain 4. Men- Kezheh), and Timnath {Tihneh) are tioned in not far apart (Gen 38 1.5.12), the Connection latter being in a pastoral valley where with Judah Judah met his "sheep shearers."

      Tamar sat at "the entrance of Enaim" (cf vs 14.22 ERV) or Enam (Josh 15 34), perhaps at Kejr 'Ana, 6 miles N.W. of Timnath. She was mistaken for a k'dheshah, or votary of Ashtoreth (Gen 38 15.21),' and we know from Hammurabi's laws that such votaries were already recognized. The mention of Judah's signet and stafi' (ver 18) also reminds us of Bab customs as described by Herodotus (i.l95), and signet-cylinders of Bab style, and of early date, have been unearthed in Pal at Gezer and elsewhere (cf the "Bab garment," Josh 7 21).

      Generally speaking, the geography of Gen presents no difaculties, and shows an intimate knowledge ot the

      country, while the allusions to natural K Rovipwnf products and to customs are in accord with o. rtevicw ui t-^^ results of scientific discovery. Only Geograpny Qjje difficulty needs notice, where Atad of Genesis (50 lO) on the way from Egypt to Hebron

      is described as "beyond the Jordan." In this case the Assyr language perhaps helps us, for in that tongue Yaur-danu means "the great river, and the reference may be to the Nile itself, which is called Yaur in Heb (!/«'or) and Assyr alike.

      Ex is concerned with Egypt and the Sinaitic

      desert, thougli it may be observed that its simple

      agricultural laws (chs 21-23), which

      6. Exodus so often recall those of Hammurabi, and would have been needed at once on Leviticus the conquest of Gilead and Bashan,

      before crossing the Jordan. In Lev (ch 11) we have a list of animals most of which belong to the desert — as for instance the "coney" or hyrax (Lev 11 5; Ps 104 18; Prov 30 26), but others — such as the swine (Lev 11 7), the stork and the heron (ver 19) — to the 'Arahah and the Jordan valley, while the hoopoe (AV "lapwing," ver 19) lives in Gilead and in Western Pal. In Dt (ch 14) the fallow deer and the roe (ver 5) are now inhabitants of Tabor and Gilead, but the "wild goat" (ibex), "wild ox" (buball), "pygarg" (addax) and "chamois" (wild sheep), are found in the 'Arabali, and in the deserts.

      In Nu the conquest of Eastern Pal is described,

      and most of the towns mentioned are known (21

      18-33) ; the notice of vineyards in

      7. Numbers Moab (ver 22) agrees with the dis-

      covery of ancient rock-cut wine presses near Heshbon {SEP, I, 221). The view of Israel, in camp at Shittim by Balaam (22 41), standing on the top of Pisgah or Mt. Nebo, has been shown to be possible by the discovery of Jebel Neba, where also rude dolmens recalling Balak's altars have been found {SEP, I, 202). The plateau of Moab (32 3) is described as a "land for cattle," and still supports Arab fiocks. The camps in which Israel left their cattle, women and children during the wars, for 6 months, stretched (33 49) from Beth-jeshimoth {Suweimeh), near the northeastern corner of the Dead Sea over Abel-shittim ("the acacia meadow" — a name it still bears) in a plain watered by several brooks, and having good herb- age in spring.

      (1) Physical allusions. — The description of the "good land" in Dt (8 7) applies in some details

      with special force to Mt. Gilead, which

      8. Deuter- possesses more perennial streams than onomy Western Pal throughout — "a land of

      brooks of water, of fountains and springs, flowing forth in valleys and hills"; a land also "of wheat and barley, and vines and fig-trees and pomegranates, a land of olive-trees and honey" is found in Gilead and Bashan. Pal itself is not a mining country, but the words (ver 9), "a land whose stones are iron, and out of whose hills thou mayest dig copper," may be explained by the facts that iron mines existed near Beirut in the 10th cent. AD, and copper mines at Punon N. of Petra in the 4th cent. AD, as described by Jerome {Onom, s.v. "Phinon"). In Dt also (11 29; cf 27 4; Josh 8 30) Ebal and Gerizim are first noticed, as beside the "oaks of Moreh." Ebal the mountain of curses (3,077 ft. above sea-level) and Gerizim the mountain of blessings (2,850 ft.) are the two highest tops in Samaria, and Shechem lies in a rich valley between them. The first sacred center of Israel was thus established at the place where Abraham built his first altar and Jacob dug his well, where Joseph was buried and where Joshua recognized a holy place at the foot of Gerizim (Josh 24 26). The last chapters of Dt record the famous Pisgah view from Mt. Nebo (34 1-3), which answers in all respects to that from Jebel Neba, except as to Dan, and the utmost (or "western") sea, neither of which is visible. Here we should probably read "toward" rather than "to," and there is no other hill above the plains of Shittim whence a better view can be obtained of the Jordan valley, from Zoar to Jericho, of the watershed mountains as far N. as Gilbca and Tabor, and of the slopes of Gilead.

      (2) Archaeology. — But besides these physical




      allusions, the progress of exploration serves to illustrate the archaeology of Dt. Israel was com- manded (12 3) to overthrow the Can. altars, to break the standing stones which were emblems of superstition, to burn the 'asherdh poles (or artificial trees), and to hew down the graven images. That these commands were obeyed is clear. The rude altars and standing stones are now found only in Moab, and in remote parts of Gilead, Bashan, and Galilee, not reached by the power of reforming kings of Judah. The 'dsherdh poles have dis- appeared, the images are found, only deep under the surface. The carved tablets which remain at Damascus, and in Phoenicia and Syria, representing the gods of Canaan or of the Hittites, have no counterpart in the Holy Land. Again when we read of ancient "landmarks" (Dt 19 14; Prov 22 28; 23 10), we are not to understand a mere boundary stone, but rather one of those monuments common in Babylonia — as early at least as the 12th cent. BC — on which the boundaries of a field are minutely described, the history of its grant by the king detailed, and a curse (cf Dt 27 17) pronounced against the man who should dare to remove the stone. (See illustration under Nebuchadnezzar.) ///. Palestine in the Historic Boobs of the OT. — Josh is the great geographical book of the OT;

      and the large majority of the 600 1. Book names of places, rivers and mountains of Joshua in Pal mentioned in the Bible are to

      be found in this book.

      (1) Topographical accuracy. — About half of this total of names were known, or were fixed by Dr. Robinson, between 1838 and 1852, and about 150 new sites were discovered (1872-78, 1881-82) in consequence of the 1-in. trigonometrical survey of the country, and were identified by the present writer during this period; a few interesting sites have been added by M. Clermont-Ganneau (Adul- 1am and Gezer), by Rev A. Henderson (Kiriath- jearim), by Rev. W. F. Birch (Zoar at Tell esh Shdghir), and by others. Thus more than three- quarters of the sites have been fixed with more or less certainty, most of them preserving their ancient names. It is impossible to study this topography without seeing that the Bible writers had personal knowledge of the country; and it is incredible that a Heb priest, writing in Baby- lonia, could have possessed that intimate acquaint- ance with all parts of the land which is manifest in the geographical chapters of Josh. The towns are enumerated in due order by districts; the tribal boundaries follow natural lines — valleys and mountain ridges — and the character of various regions is correctly indicated. Nor can we suppose that this topography refers to conditions subse- quent to the return from captivity, for these were quite different. Simeon had ceased to inhabit the south by the time of David (1 Ch 4 24), and the lot of Dan was colonized by men of Benjamin after the captivity (8 12.13; Neh 11 34.35). Tirzah is mentioned (Josh 12 24) in Samaria, whereas the future capital of Omri is not. Ai is said to have been made "a heap for ever" (8 28), but was inhabited apparently in Isaiah's time (10 28 = Aiath) and certainly after the captivity (Ezr 2 28; Neh 7 32; 11 31=Aija). At latest, the topography seems to be that of Solomon's age, though it is remarkable that very few places in Samaria are noticed in the Book of Josh.

      (2) The passage of the Jordan. — Israel crossed Jordan at the lowest ford E. of Jericho. The river was in flood, swollen by the melting snows of Her- mon (Josh 3 15); the stoppage occurred 20 miles farther up at Adam (ed-Ddmieh), the chalky cliffs at a narrow place being probably undermined and falling in, thus damming the stream. A Moslem

      writer asserts that a similar stoppage occurred^in the 13th cent. AD, near the same point. (See Jordan River.) The first camp was established at Gilgal {Jilgillieh) , 3 miles E. of Jericho, and a "circle" of 12 stones was erected. Jericho was not at the mediaeval site (er liiha) S. of Gilgal, or at the Herodian site farther W., but at the great spring 'Ain es Sultdn, close to the mountains to which the spies escaped (2 16). The great mounds were found by Sir C. Warren to consist of sun-dried bricks, and further excavations (see Mitieil. der deuischen Orient-Gesell., December, 1909, No. 41) have revealed little but the remains of houses of various dates.

      (3) Joshua's first campaign. — The first city in the mountains attacked by Israel was Ai, near Haydn, 2 miles S. E. of Bethel. It has a deep valley to the N., as described (Josh 8 22). The fall of Ai and Bethel (ver 17) seems to have resulted in the peaceful occupation of the region between Gibeon and Shechem (8 30—9 27) ; but while the Hivites submitted, the Amorites of Jerus and of the S. attacked Gibeon {el Jib) and were driven down the steep pass of Beth-horon (Beit 'AiXr) to the plains (10 1-11). Joshua's great raid, after this victory, proceeded through the plain to Makkedah, now called el Mughdr, from the "cave" (cf 10 17), and by Libnah to Lachish (Tell el Hesy), whence he went up to Hebron, and "turned" S. to Debir (edh Dhdheriyeh), thus subduing the sh'pheldh of Judah and the southern mountains, though the capital at Jerus was not taken. It is now very generally admitted that the six letters of the Amor- ite king of Jerus included in Am Tab may refer to this war. The 'Abiri or Habiri are therein noticed as a fierce people from Seir, who "destroyed all the rulers," and who attacked Ajalon, Lachish, Ash- kelon, Keilah (on the main road to Hebron) and other places (see Exodus, The).

      (4) The second campaign (11 1-14) was against the nations of Galilee; and the Heb victory was gained at "the waters of Merom" (ver 5). There is no sound reason for placing these at iihe FMleh lake; and the swampy Jordan valley was a very unlikely field of battle for the Can. chariots (ver 6). The kings noticed are those of Madon (Madin), Shimron (Semmunieh), Dor (possibly Tell Thorah), "on the west," and of Hazor (Hazzilr), all in Lower Galilee. The pursuit was along the coast toward Sidon (ver 8); and Merom may be identical with Shimron-meron (12 20), now Semmunieh, in which case the "waters" were those of the perennial stream in Wddy el Melek, 3 miles to the N., which flow W. to join the lower part of the Kishon. Shimron-meron was one of the 31 royal cities of Pal W. of the Jordan (12 9-24).

      The regions left unconquered by Joshua (13 2-6) were those afterward conquered by David and Solomon, including the Phili plains, and the Sido- nian coast from Mearah (el Mogheirtyeh) northward to Aphek (Afka) in Lebanon, on the border of the Amorite country which lay S. of the "land of the Hittites" (1 4). Southern Lebanon, from Gebal ( and the "entering into Hamath" (the Eleutherus Valley) on the W., to Baal-gad (prob- ably at ''Ain Judeideh on the northwestern slope of Hermon) was also included in the "land" by David (2 S 8 6-10). But the whole of Eastern Pal (13 7-32), and of Western Pal, excepting the shore plains, was allotted to the 12 tribes. Judah and Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh), being the strong- est, appear to have occupied the mountains and the sh'pheldh, as far N. as Lower Galilee, before the final allotment.

      Thus the lot of Simeon was within that inherited by Judah (19 1), and that ol Dan seems to have been partly talcen from Ephraim, since Joseph's lot originally




      reached to Gezer (16 3) ; but Benjamin appears to have received its portion early (cf 15 5-11; 16 1-2; 18 11- 28). This lot was larger than that of Ephraim, and Benjamin was not then the "smallest of the tribes of Israel" (1 S 9 21), since the destruction of the tribe did not occur till after the death of Joshua and Eleazar (Jgs 20 28).

      The twelve tribes were distributed in various regions which may here briefly be described. Reuben held the Moab plateau to the Arnon {Wddy Mdjub) on the S., and to the "river of Gad" (Widy NA'a-Cir) on the N.. thus including part of the Jordan valley close to the Dead Sea. Gad held all the W. of Gilead, being sepa- rated from the Ammonites by the upper course of the Jabbok. All the rest of the Jordan vaUey E. of the river was included in this lot. Manasseh held Bashan, but the conquest was not completed till later. Simeon had the neghebh plateau S. of Beersheba. Judah occupied the mountains S. of Jerus, with the sh'^pheldh to their W., and claimed Philistia S. of Ekron. Benjamin had the Jericho plains and the mountains between Jerus and Bethel. The border ran S. of Jerus to Rachel's tomb (1 S 10 2), and thence W. to Kiriath-jearim i'Erma) and Ekron. Dan occupied the lower hills W. of Benjamin and Ephraim. and claimed the plain from Ekron to Rakkon (.Tell er Rakkeit) N. of Joppa. Manas- seh had a large region, corresponding to Samaria, and including Carmel, Sharon and half the Jordan valley, with the mountains N . of Shechem ; but this tribe occupied only the hills, and was unable to drive the Canaanites out of the plains (Josh 17 11.16). Ephraim also complained of the smallness of its lot (ver 15), which lay in rugged mountains between Bethel and Shechem, Including, however, the corn plateau E. of the latter city. Issa- char held the plains of Esdraelon and Dothan, with the Jordan valley to the E., but soon became subject to the Canaanites. Zebulun had the hills of Lower Galilee, and the coast from Carmel to Accho. Naphtali owned the mountains of Upper Galilee, and the rich plateau between Tabor and the Sea of Gahlee. Asher had the low hills W. of Naphtali, and the narrow shore plains from Accho to Tyre. Thus each tribe possessed a pro- portion of mountain land fit for cultivation of figs, olives and vines, and of arable land fit for corn. The areas allotted appear to correspond to the density of popu- lation that the various regions were fitted to support.

      The Levitical cities were fixed in the various tribes as centers for the teaching of Israel (Dt 33 10), but a Levite was not obliged to live in such a city, and was expected to go with his course an- nually to the sacred center, before they retreated to Jerus on the disruption of the kingdom (2 Ch 11 14). The 48 cities (Josh 21 13-42) include 13 in Judah and Benjamin for the priests, among which Beth-shemesh (1 S 6 13.15) and Anathoth (1 K 2 26) are early noticed as Levitical. The other tribes had 3 or 4 such cities each, divided among Kohathites (10), Gershonites (13), and Merarites (12). The six Cities of Refuge were included in the total, and were placed 3 each side of the Jordan in the S., in the center, and in the N., namely Hebron, Shechem and Kedesh on the W., and Bezer (unknown), Ramoth (Reim-An) and Golan (probably Sahem el Jaulan) E. of the river. Another less perfect list of these cities, with 4 omissions and 11 minor differences, mostly clerical, is given in 1 Ch 6 57-81. Each of these cities had "suburbs," or open spaces, extending (Nu 36 4) about a quarter-mile beyond the wall, while the fields, to about half a mile distant, also belonged to the Levites (Lev 26 34).

      (1) Early wars. — In Jgs, the stories of the heroes who successively arose to save Israel from the heathen carry us to every part of the 2. Book of country. "After the death of Joshua" Judges (1 1) the Canaanites appear to have

      recovered power, and to have rebuilt some of the cities which he had ruined. Judah fought the Perizzites ("villagers") at Berek (Berkah) in the lower hills W. of Jerus, and even set fire to that city. Caleb attacked Debir (vs 12-15), which is described (cf Josh 15 15-19) as lying in a "dry" (AV "south") region, yet with springs not far away. The actual site (edh Dhdheriyeh) is a village with ancient tombs 12 miles S.W. of Hebron; it has no springs, but about 7 miles to the N.E. there is a perennial stream with "upper and lower springs." As regards the Phili cities (Jgs 1 18), the LXX

      reading seems preferable; for the Gr says that Judah "did not take Gaza" nor Ashkelon nor Ekron, which agrees with the failure in conquering the "valley" (ver 19) due to the Canaanites having "chariots of iron." The Can. chariots are often mentioned about this time in the Am Tab and Egyp accounts speak of their being plated with metals. Manasseh, Ephraim, Zebulun, Asher and Naphtali, were equally powerless against cities in the plains (vs 27-33); and Israel began to mingle with the Canaanites, while the tribe of Dan seems never to have really occupied its allotted region, and remained encamped in the borders of Judah till some, at least, of its warriors found a new home under Hermon (1 34; 18 1-30) in the time of Jonathan, the grandson of Moses.

      (2) Defeat of Sisera. — The oppression of Israel by Jabin II of Hazor, in Lower Galilee, appears to have occurred in the time of Rameses II, who, in his 8th year, conquered Shalem {S&lim, N. of Taanach), Anem ('Anm), Dapur {DebHrieh, at the foot of Tabor), with Bethanath ('Ainitha) in Upper Galilee (Brugsch, Hist Egypt, II, 64). Sisera may have been an Egyp resident at the court of Jabin (Jgs 4 2); his defeat occurred near the foot of Tabor (ver 14) to which he advanced E. from Harosheth {el Harathiyeh) on the edge of the sea plain. His host "perished at Endor" (Ps 83 9) and in the swampy Kishon (Jgs 6 21). The site of the Kedesh in "the plain of swamps" (4 11) to which he fled is doubtful. Perhaps Kedesh of Issachar (1 Ch 6 72) is intended at Tell Kadeis, 3 miles N. of Taanach, for the plain is here swampy in parts. The Can. league of petty kings fought from Taanach to Megiddo (6 19), but the old identi- fication of the latter city with the Rom town of Legio (Lejj'Q.n) was a mere guess which does not fit with Egyp accounts placing Megiddo near the Jordan. The large site at Mugedd'a, in the Valley of Jezreel seems to be more suitable for all the OT as well as for the Egyp accounts (SWP, II, 90-99).

      (3) Gideon's victory. — The subsequent oppression by Midianites and others would seem to have coincided with the troubles which occurred in the 6th year of Minepthah (see Exodus, The). Gid- eon's home (Jgs 6 11) at Ophrah, in Manasseh, is placed by Sam tradition at Fer'ata, 6 miles W. of Shechem, but his victory was won in the Valley of Jezreel (7 1-22) ; the sites of Beth-shittah (Shaita) and Abel-meholah (Min Helweh) show how Midian fled down this valley and S. along the Jordan plain, crossing the river near Succoth {Tell Der^ala) and ascending the slopes of Gilead to Jogbehah (7m- beihah) and Nobah (8 4-11). But Oreb ("the raven") and Zeeb ("the wolf") perished at "the raven's rock" and "the wolf's hollow" (cf 7 25), W. of the Jordan. It is remarkable (as pointed out by the present author in 1874) that, 3 miles N. of Jericho, a sharp peak is now called "the raven's nest," and a ravine 4 miles farther N. is named "the wolf's hollows." These sites are rather farther S. than might be expected, unless the two chiefs were separated from the fugitives, who followed Zebah and Zalmunna to Gilead. In this episode "Mt. Gilead" (7 3) seems to be a clerical error for "Mt. Gilboa," unless the name survives in corrupt form at 'Ain JdHd ("Gohath's spring"), which is a large pool, usually supposed to be the spring of Harod (7 1), where Gideon camped, E. of Jezreel.

      The story of Abimelech takes us back to Shechem. He was made king by the "oak of the pillar" (9 6), which was no doubt Abraham's oak already no- ticed; it seems also to be called 'the enchanter's oak' (ver 37), probably from some superstition connected with the burial of the Teraphim under it by Jacob. The place called Beer, to which Jotham fled from Abimelech (ver 21), may have been




      Beeroth (Bireh) in the lot of Benjamin. Thcbcz, the town taken by the latter (ver 50), and where he met his death, is now the village Tdhds, 10 miles N.E. of Shechcm.

      The Ammonite oppression of Israel in Gilead occurred about 300 years after the Heb conquest (11 26), and Jephthah the deliverer returned to Mizpah (ver 29), which was probably the present village (SJl/ (already noticed), from his exile in the "land of Tob" (vs 3.6). This may have been near Taiyibeh, 9 miles S. of Gadara, in the extreme N. of Gilead — a place notable for its ancient dolmens and rude stone monuments, such as occur also at Mizpah. Jephthah's dispute with the men of Ephraim (12 1) indicates the northern position of Mizpah. Aroer (11 33) is unknown, but lay near Rabbath-ammon (Josh 13 25; 2 S 24 5); it is to be distinguished from Aroer CAr'air) in the Arnon ravine, mentioned in Jgs 11 26.

      The scene of Samson's exploits lies in the sh'phe- lah of Judah on the borders of Philistia. His home at Zorah (Sftr'a/i) was on the hills N. of the Valley of Sorek, and looked down on "the camp of Dan" (13 2.5 m) , which had been pitched in that valley near Beth-shemesh . Eshtaol (Eshn^a) was less than 2 miles E. of Zorah on the same ridge. Timnath (14 1) was only 2 miles W. of Beth-shemesh, at the present ruin Tihneh. The region was one of vine- yards (ver 5), and the name Sorek {SiXrik) still sur- vives at a ruin 2 miles W. of Zorah. Sorek signified a "choice vine," and a rock-cut wine press exists at the site {SWP, III, 126). These 5 places, all close together, were also close to the Phili corn lands (15 5) in a region of vines and olives. Samson's place of refuge in the "cleft of the rook of Etam" (see 15 8) was probably at Beit ^Ai&h, only 5 miles E. of Zorah, but rising with a high knoll above the southern precipices of the gorge which opens into the Valley of Sorek. In this knoll, under the village, is a rock passage now called "the well of refuge" {Bir el HasiltaK), which may have been the "cleft" into which Samson "went down." Lehi (ver 9) was apparently in the valley beneath, and the name ("the jaw") may refer to the narrow mouth of the gorge whence, after conference with the Philis, the men of Judah "went down" (ver 11) to the "cleft of the rock of Etam" {SWP, III, 83, 137), which was a passage 2.50 ft. long leading down, under the town, to the spring. All of Samson's story is con- nected with this one valley (for Delilah also lived in the "Valley of Sorek," 16 4) excepting his visit to Gaza, where he carried the gates to the 'hill facing Hebron' (16 3), traditionally shown (SWP, III, 255) at the great mound on the E. side of this town where he died, and where his tomb is (wrongly) shown. Another tomb, close to Zorah, represents a more correct tradition (16 31), but the legends of Samson at this village are of modern Christian origin.

      The appendix to Jgs includes two stories con- cerning Levites who both lived in the time of the 2d generation after the Hcb conquest (18 30; 20 28), and who both "sojourned" in Bethlehem of Judah (17 8; 19 2), though their proper city was one in Mt. Ephraim. In the first case Jonathan, the grandson of Moses, founded a family of idola- trous priests, setting up Micah's image at Dan {Tell el K&(j,'i) beside the sources of the Jordan, where ancient dolmen altars still exist. This image may have been the cause why Jeroboam afterward established a calf-temple at the same place. It is said to have stood there till the "cap- tivity of the ark" (St. Petersburg MS, Jgs 18 30), "all the time that the house of God was in Shiloh" (ver 31). From this narrative we learn that the tribe of Dan did not settle in its appointed lot (18 1), but pitched in the "camp of Dan," west of

      Kiriath-jearim (ver 12). This agrees with the former mention of the site (13 25) as being near Zorah; and the open valley near Beth-shemesh is visible, through the gorges of Lehi, from the site of Kiriath-jearim at ^Erma.

      (4) Appendix: Defeat of Benjamin. — In the 2d episode we trace the journey of the Levite from Bethlehem past Jerus to Gibeah (Jefea'), E. of Ramah (er-Rdm), a distance which could easily be traversed in an afternoon (cf 19 8-14). Gibeah was no doubt selected as a halting-place by the Levite, because it was a Levitical city. The story of the great crime of the men of Gibeah was well known to Hosea (9 9). Israel gathered against them at Mizpah {Tell en Na^beh) on the watershed, 3 miles to the N.W., and the ark was brought by Phine- has to Bethel (cf 20 1.31; 18 26.27), 3 miles N.E. of Mizpah. The defeat of Benjamin occurred where the road to Gibeah leaves the main north road to Bethel (ver 31), W. of Ramah. The sur- vivors fled to the rock Rimmon {Riimmon), 3 J miles E. of Bethel, on the edge of the "wilderness" which stretches from this rugged hill toward the Jordan valley. The position of Shiloh, 9 miles N. of this rock, is very accurately described (21 19) as being N. of Bethel {Beitln), and E. of the main road, thence to Shechem which passes Lebonah {Lubban), a village 3 miles N.W. of Seil-iXn or Shiloh. The "vineyards," in which the maidens of Shiloh used to dance (ver 20) at the Feast of Tabernacles, lay no doubt where vineyards still exist in the little plain S. of this site. It is clear that the writer of these two narratives had an acquaintance with Palestinian topography as exact as that shown throughout Jgs. Nor (if the reading "captivity of the ark" be correct) is there any reason to sup- pose that they were WTitten after 722 BC.

      The Book of Ruth gives us a vivid picture of

      Heb life "when the judges ruled" (1 1 AV), about a

      century before the birth of David. Laws

      3. Book as old as Hammurabi's age allowed the of Ruth widow the choice of remaining with

      the husband's family, or of quitting his house (cf 1 8). The beating out of gleanings (2 17) by women is still a custom which accounts for the rock mortars found so often scooped out on the hillside. The villager still sleeps, as a guard, beside the heap of winnowed corn in the threshing- floor (3 7) ; the head-veil, still worn, could well have been used to carry six measures of barley (ver 15). The courteous salutation of his reapers by Boaz (2 4) recalls the common Arab, greeting {Allah ma'kilm), "God be with you." But the thin wine (ver 14) is no longer drunk by Moslem peasants, who only "dip" their bread in oil.

      (1) Samuel. — The two Books of S present an

      equally valuable picture of life, and an equally

      real topography throughout. Sam-

      4. Books of ucl's father — a pious Levite (1 Ch Samuel 6 27) — descended from Zuph who had

      lived at Ephratah (Bethlehem; cf IS 9 4.5), had his house at Ramah (1 19) close to Gibeah, and this town {er-Rdm.) was Samuel's home also (7 17; 25 1). The family is described as 'Ramathites, Zuphites of Mt. Ephraim' (1 1), but the term "Mt. Ephraim" was not confined to the lot of Ephraim, since it included Bethel and Ramah, in the land of Benjamin (Jgs 4 5). As a Levite, Elkanah obeyed the law of making annual visits to the central shrine, though this does not seem to have been generally observed in an age when "every man did that which was right in his own eyes (Jgs 21 25). The central shrine had been removed by Joshua from Shechem to the remote site of Shiloh (Josh 22 9), perhaps for greater security, and here the tabernacle (ver 19) was pitched (cf 1 S 2 22) and remained for 4 centuries till the death




      of Eli. The great defeat of Israel, when the ark was captured by the Philis, took place not far from Mizpah (4 1), within an easy day's journey from Shiloh (cf ver 12). Ekron, whence it was sent back (6 16), was only 12 miles from Beth-shemesh CAin- shenis), where the ark rested on a "great stone" (LXX, ver 18) ; and Beth-shemesh was only 4 miles W. of Kiriath-jearim (ver 21), which was in the mountains, so that its inhabitants "came down" from "the hill" (6 21; 7 1) to fetch the ark, which abode there for 20 years, till the beginning of Saul's reign (14 18), when, after the war, it may have been restored to the tabernacle at Nob, to which place the latter was probably removed after Eli's death, when Shiloh was deserted. The exact site of Nob is not known, but probably (cf Isa 10 32) it was close to Mizpah, whence the first glimpse of Jerus is caught, and thus near Gibeon, where it was laid up after the massacre of the priests (1 S 21 1; 22 9.18; 2 Ch 1 3), when the ark was again taken to Kiriath-jearim (2 S 6 2). Mizpah (Tell en- Na^beh) was the gathering-place of Israel under Samuel; and 'the "stone of help" (Eben-ezer) was erected, after his victory over the Philis, "between Mizpah and Shen" (1 S 7 12) — the latter place (see LXX) being probably the same as Jeshanah I'Ain Sinai), 6 miles N. of Mizpah which Samuel visited yearly as a judge (ver 16).

      (2) Saul's search. — The journey of Saul, who, "seeking asses found a kingdom," presents a topog- raphy which has often been misunderstood. He started (9 4) from Gibeah (Jeba') and went first to the land of Shalisha through Mt. Ephraim. Baal-shalisha (2 K 4 42) appears to have been the present Kefr Thilth, 18 miles N. of Lydda and 24 miles N.W. from Gibeah. Saul then searched the land of Shalim — probably that of Shual (1 S 13 17), N.E. of Gibeah. Finally he went south beyond the border of Benjamin (10 2) to a city in the "land of Zuph," which seems probably to have been Bethlehem, whence (as above remarked) Samuel's family — descendants of Zuph — came originally. If so, it is remarkable that Saul and David were anointed in the same city, one which Samuel visited later (16 1.2 if) to sacrifice, just as he did when meeting Saul (9 12), who was probably known to him, since Gibeah and Ramah were only 2 miles apart. Saul's journey home thus naturally lay on the road past Rachel's tomb near Bethlehem, and along the Bethel road (10 2,3) to his home at Gibeah (vs 5.10). It is impossible to suppose that Samuel met him at Ramah — a common mistake which creates great confusion in the topography.

      (3) Saul's coronation and first campaign. — Saul concealed the fact of his anointing (10 16) till the lot fell upon him at Mizpah. This pubhc choice by lot has been thought (Wellhausen, Hist Israel, 1885, 252) to indicate a double narrative, but to a Hebrew there would not appear to be any dis- crepancy, since "The lot is cast into the lap; but the whole disposing thereof is of Jeh" (Prov 16 33). Even at Mizpah he was not fully accepted till his triumph over the Ammonites, when the king- dom was "renewed" at Gilgal (11 14). This cam- paign raises an interesting question of geography. Only 7 days' respite was allowed to the men of Jabesh in Gilead (11 3), during which news was sent to Saul at Gibeah, and messengers dispatched "throughout the borders of Israel" (ver 7), while the hosts gathered at Bezek, and reached Jabesh on the 7th or 8th day (vs 8-10) at dawn. Bezek appears to be a different place from that W. of Jerus (Jgs 1 4) and to have been in the middle of Pal at Jbztk, 14 miles N. of Shechem, and 25 miles W. of Jabesh, which probably lay in Wddy Ydbis in Gilead. The farthest distances for the messengers would not have exceeded 80 miles; and, allowing

      a day for the news to reach Saul and another for the march from Bezek to Jabesh, there would have been just time for the gathering of Israel at this fairly central meeting-place.

      The scene of the victory over the Philis at Mich- mash is equally real. They had a 'post' in Geba (or Gibeah, 13 3), or a governor (cf LXX), whom Jonathan slew. They came up to Michmash {Muhhmds) to attack Jonathan's force which held Gibeah, on the southern side of the Michmash valley, hard by. The northern cliff of the great gorge was called Bozez ("shining") in contrast to the southern one (in shadow) which was named Seneh or "thorn" (14 4). Jos {BJ, V, ii, 2) says that Gibeah of Saul was by "the valley of thorns," and the ravine, fianked by the two precipitous cliffs E. of Michmash, is still called WMy es Suweinil, or "the valley of little thorn trees." Jonathan climbed the steep slope that leads to a small flat top (1 S 14 14 AV), and surprised the Phili 'post.' The pursuit was by Bethel to the Valley of Aijalon, down the steep Beth-horon pass (vs 23.31); but it should be noted that there was no "wood" (vs 25.26) on this bare hilly ridge, and the word (cf Cant 5 1) evidently means "honeycomb." It is also possible that the altar raised by Saul, for ful- filment of the Law (Gen 9 4; Ex 20 25), was at Nob where the central shrine was then established.

      (4) David's early life. — David fed his flocks in the wilderness below Bethlehem, where many a silent and dreadful "Valley of Shadows" (cf Ps 23 4) might make the stoutest heart fail. The lion crept up from the Jordan valley, and (on another occasion) the bear came down from the rugged mountains above (1 S 17 34). No bears are now known S. of Hermon, but the numerous references (2 K 2 24; Isa 69 11; Hos 13 8; Prov 17 12; 28 15) show that they must have been exterminated, like the lion, in comparatively late times. The victory over Goliath, described in the chapter containing this allusion, occurred in the Valley of Elah near Shochoth (Shuweikeh) ; and this broad valley (Wddy es Sunt) ran into the Phili plain at the probable site of Gath (Tell es Sdfi) to which the pursuit led (1 S 17 1.2. .52). The watercourse still presents "smooth stones" (ver 40) fit for the sling, which is still used by Arab shepherds; and the valley still has in it fine "terebinths" such as those from which it took its name Elah. The bronze armor of the giant (vs 5.6) indicates an early stage of culture, which is not contradicted by the men- tion of an iron spearhead (ver 7), since iron is found to have been in use in Pal long before David's time. The curious note (ver 54) as to the head of Goliath being taken "to Jerus" is also capable of explanation. Jerus was not conquered till at least 10 years later, but it was a general practice (as late as the 7th cent. BC in Assyria) to preserve the heads of dead foes by salting them, as was probably done in another case (2 K 10 7) when the heads of Ahab's sons were sent from Samaria to Jezreel to be exposed at the gate.

      David's outlaw life began when he took refuge with Samuel at the "settlements" (Naioth) near Ramah, where the company of prophets lived. He easily met Jonathan near Gibeah, which was only 2 miles E.; and the "stone of departure" ("Ezel," 1 S 20 19) may have marked the Levitical bound- ary of that town. Nob also (21 1) was, as we have seen, not far off, but Gath (ver 10) was beyond the Heb boundary. Thence David retreated up the Valley of Elah to Adullam Q Aid-el-ma), which stood on a hill W. of this valley near the great turn (south- ward) of its upper course. An inhabited cave still exists here (cf 22 1), and the site meets every requirement (-SH'P, III, 311, 347, 361-67). Keilah (23 1) is represented by the village Kila, on the east




      side of thf same valley, 3 miles farther up; and Hereth (22 5) was also near, but "in Judah" (23 3), at the village Khards on a wooded spur 7 miles N.W. of Hebron. Thence David went "down" (ver 4) to Keilah 2 miles away to the W. As there was no safety for the outlaws, either in Philistia or in Judah, thej' had to retreat to the wilderness of Ziph (Tell ez'Zif), 4 miles S.E. of Hebron. The word "wood" (horesh) maj' more probably be a proper name, represented bj' the ruin of Khoreisa, rather more than a mile S. of Ziph, while the hill Haehilah (ver 19) might be the long spur, over the Jeshimon or desert of Judah, 6 miles E. of Ziph, now called el Kola. Maon (M'ain) lay on the edge of the same desert still farther S., about 8 miles from Hebron. En-gedi (23 29; 24 1.2) was on the precipices by the Dead Sea. The "wild goats" (ibex) still exist here in large droves, and the caves of this desert are still used as folds for sheep in spring (ver 3). The villagers S. of Hebron are indeed remarkable for their large flocks which — by agreement with the nomads — are sent to pasture in the Jeshimon, like those of Nabal, the rich man of Carmel (Kumiul), a mile N. of Maon (25 2), who refused the customary present to David's band which had protected his shepherds "in the fields" (ver 15) or pastures of the wilderness. In summer r)a\\\\\\\'id would naturally return to the higher ridge of Hachilah (26 1) on the south side of which there is a precipitous gorge (impassable save by a long detour), across which he talked to Saul (ver 13}, likening himself (ver 20) to the desert "partridge" still found in this region.

      (5) Defeat and death of Saul— The site of Ziklag is doubtful, but it eiadently lay in the desert S. of Beersheba (Josh 15 31; 19 5; 1 Ch 4 30; 1 S 27 6-12), far from Gath, so that King Achish did not know whether David had raided the S. of Judah, or the tribes toward Shur. Saul's powder in the mountains was irresistible; and it was for this reason perhaps that his fatal battle with the Philis occurred far N. in the plain near Jezreel. They camped (1 S 28 4) by the fine spring of Shunem [Sulem), and Saul on Gilboa to the S. The visit to Endor {Andur) was thus a perilous adventure, as Saul must have stolen bj' night round the Phili host to visit this place N. of Shunem. He returned to the spur of Gilboa on which Jezreel stands (29 1), and the spring noticed is a copious supply N. of the village Zer'iii. Beth-shan (31 12) was at the mouth of the valley of Jezreel at Beisdn, and here the bodies of Saul and his sons were burned by the men of .Jabesh-gilead ; but, as the bones were pre- served (ver 13; 2 S 21 13), it is possible that the corpses were cremated in pottery jars afterward buried under the tree. Excavations in Pal and in Babylonia show that this was an early practice, not only in the case of infants (as at Gezer, and Taanach), but also of grown men. See Palestine (Recext Exploration). The list of cities to which Da\\\\\\\'id sent presents at the time of Saul's death (30 26-31) includes those near Ziklag and as far N. as Hebron, thus referring to "all the places where Da\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\dd himself and his men were wont to haunt."

      (6) WeWiausen s theory of a double narrative. — The study of David's wanderings, it may be noted, and of ttie climatic conditions in tlie Jestiimon desert, does not serve to confirm Wellhausen's theory of a dout)le narrative, based on tlae secret unction and public choice of Saul, on the double visit to Hachilah. and on the fact that the gloomv king had forgotten the name of David's father. The history is not a "pious make-up" without "a word of truth" (WeUhausen, Hist Israel. 248-49;; and David, as a "youth" of twenty years, may yet have been called a "man of war"; while "transparent artifice" (p. 251) will hardly be recognized by the reader of this genuine chronicle. Nor was there any "Aphek in Sharon" (p. 260). and David did not "amuse himself liy going first toward the north" from Gibeah (p. 267j; his visit

      to Ramah docs not appear to be a "worthless anachronis- tic anecdote" (p. 271); and no one who has lived in the terrible Jeshimon could regard the meetin_g at Hachiilah asa"jest" (p. 26.5). Nor did the hill ("the dusky top") "take its name from the circumstance, " but WeUhausen probably means the ^elaha-mahl'^koth ("cliff of slip- pings" or of "slippings away"), now Wddy Maldkeh near Maon (cf 1 S 23 19.24.28), which lay farther S. than Ziph.

      (7) Early years of David's reign. — Da'vid, till the 8th year of his reign, was king of Judah only. The first battle with Saul's son occurred at Gibeon (2 S 2 13), where the "pool" was no doubt the cave of the great spring at el Jib; the pursuit was by the 'desert Gibeon road' (ver 24) toward the Jordan valley. Gibeon itself was not in a desert, but in a fertile region. Abner then deserted to David, but was murdered at the "well of Sirah" CAin Sdrah) on the road a mile N. of David's capital at Hebron. Nothing more is said about the Philis till David had captured Jerus, when they advanced on the new capital by the valley of Rephaim (5 22), which apparently ran from S. of Jerus to join the valley of Elah. If David was then at AduUam ("the hold," ver 17 AV; cf 1 S 22 S), it is easy to understand how he cut off the Phili retreat (2 S 5 23), and thus conquered all the hill country to Gezer (ver 2.5). After this the ark was finally brought from Baale-judah (Kiriath-jearim) to Jerus (6 2), and further wars were beyond the limits of Western Pal, in Moab (8 2) and in Syria (vs 3-12) ; but for "Syrians" (ver 13) the more correct read- ing appears to be Edomites (1 Ch 18 12), and the "Valley of Salt" was probably S. of the Dead Sea. Another war with the Syrians, aided by Aramaeans from E. of the Euphrates, occurred E. of the Jordan (2 S 10 16-18), and was followed by the siege of Rabbath-ammon CAmmdn), E. of Gilead, where we have notice of the "city of w-aters" (12 27), or lower town by the stream, contrasted, it seems, with the citadel which was on the northern hill.

      (8) Hehreiv letter-writing. — In this connection we find the first notice of a "letter" (11 14) as WTitten by David to Joab. Writing is of course noticed as early as the time of Moses when — as we now know — the Canaanites wrote letters on clay tablets in cuneiform script. These, however, were penned by special scribes; and such a scribe is mentioned early (Jgs 8 14). David himself may have employed a professional writer (cf 2 S 8 17), while Uriah, who carried his own fate in the letter, w'as probably unable to read. Even in Isaiah's time the art was not general (Isa 29 12), though Heb kings could apparently wTite and read (Dt 17 18; 2 K 19 14); to the present day the accomphsh- ment is not general in the East, even in the upper class. It should be noted that the first e-vidence of the use of an alphabet is found in the early alpha- betic Pss, and the oldest dated alphabetic text yet known is later than 900 BC. The script used in the time of Moses may have been cuneiform, which was still employed at Gezer for traders' tablets in 649 BC. The alphabet may have come into use first among Hebrews, through Phoen influence in the time of David; and so far no script except this and the cuneiform has been unearthed in Pal, unless it is to be recognized in signs of the Hittite syllabary at Lachish and Gezer. Another interesting point, as regards Heb civilization in David's time, is the first mention of "mules" (2 S 13 29; 18 9; IK 1 33.38), which are unnoticed in the Pent. They are represented as pack animals on an Assyr bas- relief; but, had they been known to Moses, they would probably have been condemned as unclean. The sons of David fled on mules from Baal-hazor {Tell 'Aslir) "beside Ephraim" (now probably Taiyibeh), N. of Bethel, where Absalom murdered Amnon.




      (9) Later years of David's reign. — On the rebel- lion of Absalom David retreated to Mahanaim, apparently by the road N. of the Mount of OUves, if the Tg of Jonathan (2 S 16 5) is correct in placing Bahurim at Almon {'Almtt), N.E. of Jerus. It is not clear where the "wood of Ephraim," in which Absalom perished, may have been, but it was beyond Jordan in Gilead (17 22; 18 6); and oak woods are more common there than in Western Pal. The latest revolt, after Absalom's death, was in the extreme north at Abel (Abil), in Upper Galilee (20 14), after which Joab's journey is the last inci- dent to be studied in the Books of S. For census purposes he went E. of the Jordan to Aroer (per- haps the city on the Arnon), to the "river of Gad" {Wddy Nd'ailr) near Jazer, and through Gilead. Tahtim-hodshi (24 6) is believed (on the authority of three Gr MSS) to be a corruption of "the Hit- tites at Kadesh" (Kades), the great city on the Orontes (see Hittites), which lay on the northern boundary of David's dominions, S. of the kingdom of Hamath. Thence Joab returned to Zidon and Tyre, and after visiting all Judah to Beersheba reached Jerus again within 10 months. The ac- quisition of the temple-site then closes the book.

      (1) Solomon's provinces. — The Books of K con- tain also some interesting questions of geography.

      Solomon's twelve provinces appear to 5. Books answer very closely to the lots of the of Kings twelve tribes described in Josh. They

      included (1 K 4 7-19) the following: (a) Ephraim, (6) Dan, (c) Southern Judah (see Josh 12 17), {d) Manasseh, (e) Issachar, (/) Northern Gilead and Bashan, (g) Southern Gilead, (h) Naph- tali, (i) Asher, (j) part of Issachar and probably Zebulun (the text is doubtful, for the order of ver 17 differs in LXX), {k) Benjamin, (I) Reuben. LXX renders the last clause (ver 19), "and one Naseph [i.e. "officer"] in the land of Judah" — probably superior to the other twelve. Solomon's dominions included Philistia and Southern Syria, and stretched along the trade route by Tadmor (Palmyra) to Tiphsah on the Euphrates (vs 21.24; cf 9 18 = Tamar; 2 Ch 8 4 = Tadmor). Another Tiphsah (now Tafsah) lay 6 miles S.W. of Shechem (2 K 15 16). Gezer was presented to Solomon's wife by the Pharaoh (1 K 9 16).

      (2) Geography of the Northern Kingdom. — -Jero- boam was an Ephraimite (11 26) from Zereda, probably Surdah, 2 miles N.W. of Bethel, but the LXX reads "Sarira," which might be Sarra, IJ miles E. of Shiloh. After the revolt of the ten tribes, "Shishak king of Egypt" (11 40; 14 25) sacked Jerus. His own record, though much damaged, shows that he not only invaded the mountains near Jerus, but that he even conquered part of Galilee. The border between Israel and Judah lay S. of Bethel, where Jeroboam's calf-temple was erected (12 29), Ramah (er-Rdm) being a frontier town with Geba and Mizpah (15 17.22) ; but after the Syrian raid into Galilee (ver 20), the capital of Israel was fixed at Tirzah (ver 21), a place celebrated for its beauty (Cant 6 4), and perhaps to be placed at Teia^ir, about 11 miles N.E. of Shechem, in ro- mantic scenery above the Jordan valley. Omri reigned here also for six years (16 23) before he built Samaria, which remained the capital till 722 BC. Samaria appears to have been a city at least as large as Jerus, a strong site 5 miles N.W. of Shechem, commanding the trade route to its west. It resisted the Assyrians for 3 years, and when it fell Sargon took away 27,290 captives. Excava- tions at the site will, it may be hoped, yield results of value not as yet published. See next article.

      The wanderings of Elijah extended from Zaro- phath (Surafend), S. of Sidon, to Sinai. The posi- tion of the Brook Cherith (17 3) where — according

      to one reading — "the Arabs brought him bread and flesh" (17 6) is not known. The site of this great contest with the prophets of the Tyrian Baal is supposed to be at el Mahrakah ("the place of burn- ing") at the southeastern end of the Carmel ridge. Some early king of Israel perhaps, or one of the


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      judges (cf Dt 33 19), had built an altar to Jeh above the Kishon (1 K 18 20.40) at Carmel; but, as the water (ver 33) probably came from the river, it is doubtful whether this altar was on the "topof Carmel," 1,.500 ft. above, from which Elijah's servant had full view of the sea (vs 42.43). Elijah must have run before Ahab no less than 15 miles, from the nearest point on Carmel (ver 46) to Jez- reel, and the journey of the Shunaminito woman to find Elisha (2 K 4 25) was equally long. The vineyard of Naboth in Jezreel (1 K 21 1) was perhaps on the east of the city (now ZerHn), where rock-cut wine presses exist. In the account of the ascension of Elijah, the expression "went down to Bethel" (2 K 2 2) is difficult, if he went "from Gilgal" (ver 1). The town intended might be Jiljilia, on a high hill 7 miles N. of Bethel. LXX, however, reads "they came."

      (3) Places connected with Elisha. — The home of Elisha was at Abel-meholah (1 K 19 16) in the Jordan valley (Jgs 7 22), probably at ^Ain Helweh, 10 miles S. of Beth-shan. If we suppose that Ophel (2 K 6 24 RVm), where he lived, was the present 'AfUleh, it is not only easy to understand that he would often "pass by" Shunem (which lay between Ophel and Abel-meholah), but also how Naaman might have gone from the palace of Jezreel to Ophel, and thence to the Jordan and back again to Ophel (vs 6.14.24), in the course of a single day in his chariot. The road down the valley of Jezreel was easy, and up it Jehu afterward drove furiously, coming from Ramoth in Gilead, and visible afar off from the wall of Jezreel (9 20). The 'top of the ascents' (ver 13), at Ramoth, refers no doubt to the high hill on which this city (now Reinfdii) stood as a strong fortress on the border between Israel and the Syrians. The flight of Ahaziah of Judah, from Jezreel was apparently N. by Gur [Kara), 4 miles W. of Ibleam {Yebla), on the road to "the garden house" [Beit Jenn), and thence by Megiddo [Mu- jedda') down the Jordan valley to Jerus (9 27.28). Of the rebellion of Moab (2 K 1 1; 3 4) it is




      enough to point out here that King Mesha's account on the M S agrees with the OT, even in the minute detail that "men of Gad dwelt in Ataroth from of old" (cf Nu 32 34), though it lay in the lot of Reuben.

      The topographical notices in the boolcs irritten after the captivity require but short notice. The Benjamltes built up Lod (Ludd), Ono {Kcfr 'Ana) and 6. Post- Aijalon (Yalo), wtuch were in the lot of

      exilic Dan (1 Ch 8 12; Neh 11 36), and it is

      „. . . , worthy of note that Lod (Lydda) is not rlistoncal to be regarded as a new town simply bo- Books cause not mentioned in the earlier books;

      for Lod is mentioned (no. 64) with Ono in the lists of Thothmes III, a century before the Heb conquest of Pal. The author of Ch had access to in- formation not to be found elsewhere in the OT. His list of Rehoboam's fortresses (2 Ch 11 6-10) includes 14 towns, most of which were on the frontiers of the diminished kingdom of Judah, some being noticed (such as Shoco and Adoraim) in the list of Shishak's conquests. He speaks of the "valley of Zephathah" (14 10). now Wdrly ^ifieh, which is otherwise unnoticed, and places it correctly at Marcshah (Mcr'ash) on the edge of the Phili plain. He is equally clear about the topog- raphy in describing the attack on Jehoshaphat by the Ammonites, IMoabites and Edomites. They camped at En-gedi (' Ain Jidi), and marched W. toward Tokoa iTeku'a); and the thanksgiving assembly, after the Heb victory, was in the valley of Beracah (2 Ch 20 1.20.26), which retains its name as BreikUt, 4 miles W. of Tekoa.

      IV. Palestine in the Poetic Books of the OT. —

      In Job the scene is distinctively Edomite. Uz (Job 1 1; cf Gen 22 21 ERV; Jcr 25 20; 1. Book Lam 4 21) and Buz (Job 32 2; cf of Job Gen 22 21) are the Assyr Hazu and

      Bazu reached by Esarhaddon in 67.3 BC S. of Edom. Tema and Sheba (Job 6 19) are noticed yet earlier, by Tiglath-pileser III, and Sar- gon, who conquered the Thamudites and Naba- taeans. We have also the conjunction of snowy mountains and ice (Job 6 16) with notice of the desert and the 'Arabah valley (24 5), which could hardly apply to any region except Edom. Again, we have a nomad population dwelling close to a city (29 4-7) — perhaps Petra, or Md'an in Edom. There were mines, not only in the Sinaitic desert, but at Punon in Northern Edom (cf 28 2-11). The white broom (30 4) is distinctive of the deserts of Moab and Edom. The wild ass and the ostrich (39 .5.13) are now known only in the desert E. of Edom; while the stork (39 13 RVm) could have been found only in the 'Arabah, or in the Jordan valley. The wild ox (39 9 RV), or Bos primi- genius, is now extinct (LXX "unicorn," Nu 23 22; bt 33 17), though itsbones occurinLebanoncaves. It was hunted about 1130 BC in Syria by Tiglath- pileser I (cf Ps 29 6), and is mentioned as late as the time of Isaiah (34 7) in connection with Edom; its Heb name (f'e-m) is the Assyr rimu, attached to a representation of the beast. As regards the crocodile ("leviathan," 41 1), it was evidently well known to the writer, who refers to its strong, musky smell (ver 31), and it existed not only in Egypt but in Pal, and is still found in the Crocodile River, N. of Caesarca in Sharon. Behemoth (40 1.5), though commonly supposed to be the hippopotamus, is more probably the elephant (on account of its long tail, its trunk, and its habit of feeding in mountains, vs 17.20.24); and the elephant was known to the Assyrians in the 9th cent. BC, and was found wild in herds on the Euphrates in the 16th cent. BC. The physical allusions in Job seem clearly, as a rule, to point to Edom, as do the geo- graphical names; and though Christian tradition in the 4th cent. AD (St. Silvia, 47) placed Uz in Bashan, the LXX (42 IS) defines it as lying "on the boundary of Edom and Arabia." None of these allusions serves to fix dates, nor do the peculiarities of the language, though they suggest Aram, and Arab, influences. The mention of Babylonians (1 17) {Kasdim) as raiders may, however, point to

      about 600 BC, since they could not have reached Edom except from the N., and did not appear in Pal between the time of Amraphel (who only reached Kadesh-bamea) , and of Nebuchadnezzar. It is at least clear (24 1-12) that this great poem was written in a time of general anarchy, and of Arab lawlessness.

      In the Pss there are many allusions to the natural phenomena of Pal, but there is very little detailed topog- raphy. " The mountain of Bashan" (Ps 68 •) Rnolr of L5) rises E. of the plateau to 5,700 ft. above i. J30UK ui sea-level; bub Zalmon (ver 14) is an un- Fsalms known mountain (cf Zalmon, Jgs 9 48).

      This Ps might well refer to David's con- quest of Damascus (2 S 8 6), as Ps 72 refers to the time of Solomon, being the last in the original collection of "prayers of David" (ver 20). In Ps 83 (vs 6-S) we find a confederacy of Edom, Ishmael, Moab and the Hagarenes (or "wanderers" E. of Pal; cf 1 Ch 5 18-22) with Gebal (in Lebanon), Ammon, Amalek, and Tyre, all in alliance with Assyria — a condition which first existed in 732 BC, when Tiglath-pileser III conquered Damascus. The reference to the "northern" ("hid- den") tribes points to this date (ver 3), since this con- queror made captives also in Galilee (2 K 15 29; 1 Ch 5 26; Isa 9 1).

      In Prov the allusions are more peaceful, but not geographical. They refer to agriculture (3 10; 11 26; 12 11; 25 13), to trade (7 16; 31 14.24) ^ Bnolr nf and to flocks (27 23-27). The most o. ijuuit ui remarkable passage (26 8) reads literaUy. froverDS "As he that packs a stone into the stone- heap, so is he that giveth honor to a fool." Jerome said that this referred to a superstitious custom ; and the erection of stone heaps at graves, or round a pillar (Gen 31 4.5.46), is a widely spread and very an- cient custom (still preserved by Arabs) , each stone being the memorial of a visitor to the spot, who thus honors either a local ghost or demon, or a dead man — a rite which was foolish in the eyes of a Hebrew of the age in which this verse was written (see Expos T, VIII, 399, 524).

      The geography of Cant is specially important to a right understanding of this bridal ode of the Syrian

      princess who was Solomon's first bride. 4. Song of It is not confined, as some critics say Songs it is, to the north, but includes the

      whole of Pal and Syria. The writer names Kedar in North Arabia (1 5) and Egypt, whence horses came in Solomon's time (19; IK 10 28.29). He knows the henna (AV "camphire") and the vineyards of En-gedi (1 14), where vine- yards still existed in the 12th cent. AD. He speaks of the "rose" of Sharon (2 1), as well as of Lebanon, with Shenir (Assyr Saniru) and Hermon (4 8) above Damascus (7 4). He notices the pastoral slopes of Gilead (6 5), and the brown pool, full of small fish, in the brook below Heshbon (7 4), in Moab. The locks of the "peaceful one" (6 13, Vulg pacified) are like the thick copses of Carmel; 'the king is caught in the tangles' (7 5). See Galleey. She is "beautiful as Tirzah [in Samaria], comely as Jerus, terrible to look at" (6 4AV). She is a garden and a "paradise" ("orchard") of spices in Lebanon, some of which spices (calamus, cin- namon, frankincense and myrrh) have come from far lands (4 12-15). Solomon's vineyard — another emblem of the bride — (1 6; 8 11) was in Baal- hamon, which some suppose to be Baal-hermon, still famous for its vineyards. He comes to fetch her from the wilderness (3 6); and the dust raised by his followers is like that of the whirlwind pillars which stalk over the dry plains of Bashan in sum- mer. The single word "paradise" (4 13 m) is hardly evidence enough to establish late date, since — though used in Pors — its etymology and origin are unknown. The word for "nuts" (Heb 'eghoz) is also not Pors (6 11), for the Arab, word y=>-\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\, jauz,

      is Sem, and means a "pair," applying to the walnut which abounds in Shechem. The "rose of Sharon" (2 1), according to the Tg, was the white "narcis- sus"; and the Heb word occurs also in Assyr {haha^illatu), as noted by Delitzsch (quoting WAI, V, 32, no. 4), referring to a white bulbous plant.




      Sharon in spring is covered still with wild narcissi, Ara,b. bu^eil (cf Isa 35 1.2). There is perhaps no period when such a poem is more likely to have been written than in the time of Solomon, when Israel "dwelt safely, every man under his vine and under his fig-tree" (1 K 4 25); when the roe and the fallow deer (Cant 2 17; 1 K 4 23) abounded; and when merchants (Cant 3 6) brought "powders" from afar; when also the dominion included Damas- cus and Southern Lebanon, as well as Western Pal with Gilead and Moab. See also Song of Songs.

      V. Palestine in the Prophets.— Isaiah (1 8) likens Zion, when the Assyr armies were holding

      Samaria, Moab and Phihstia, to "a 1. Isaiah booth in a vineyard, a lodge in a

      garden of cucumbers." He refers no doubt to a "tower" (Mt 21 33), or platform, such as is to be found beside the rock-cut wine press in the deserted vineyards of Pal ; and such as is still built, for the watchman to stand on, in vineyards and vegetable gardens.

      The chief topographical question (10 28-32)

      S'wmieh, 2 miles S.W. of Heshbon (Hesbdn) — is said to have had vines reaching to Jazer {Sa'aur, 6 miles to the N.) ; and rock-cut wine presses still remain at Sibmah (Isa 16 8; Jer 48 32). The Bozrah men- tioned with Edom (Isa 34 6; 63 1; Jer 49 13.22; Mio 2 12) is probably BuKeirah, near the southern border of Moab. In the last-cited passage there is a play on the words haQrah ("fortress") and bograh for "sheepfold."

      In Jer (1 1), Anathoth {'Andta) is mentioned as a priests' city (cf 1 K 2 26). The "place" or shrine of Shiloh was deserted (Jer 7 12), but 2. Jeremiah the town seems still to have been in- habited (41 5). The "pit" at Mizpah (vs 6-9) may have been the great rock reservoir S. of Tell en-Nasheh. The Moabite towns noticed (48 l-.5.20-24.:31-45; 49 3) with Rabbah ('AmTjidn) have been mentioned as occurring in the parallel passages of Isa. The numerous petty kings in Edom, Moab, Philistia, Phoenicia, and Arabia (25 20-24) recall those named in Assyr lists of the same age. Lam 4 3 recalls Job 39 14 in attributing to the

      Pilgrims Bathing in the Jordan.

      refers to the Assyr advance from the north, when the outposts covered the march through Samaria (whether in 732, 722, or 702 BC) to Philistia. They extended on the left wing to Ai (Haydn), Michmash (Mukhrnds), and Geba, S. of the Michmash valley iJeba'), leading to the flight of the villagers, from Ramah {er-R&m) and the region of Gibeah— which included Ramah, with Geba (1 S 22 6) and Mi- gron (1 S 14 2) or "the precipice." They were alarmed also at Gallim {Beit Jdla), and Anathoth CAndta), near Jerus; yet the advance ceased at Nob (cf Neh 11 32) where, as before noted, the first glimpse of Zion would be caught if Nob was at or near Mizpah (Tell en Na^beh), on the mam north road leading W. of Ramah.

      Another passage refers to the towns of Moab (Isa 15 1-6), and to Nimrim ( Tell Nimrtn) and Zoar ( Tell esh ShdghUr) in the valley of Shittim. The ascent of Luhith (ver 5) is the present Tal'at el Heilh, on the southern slope of Nebo {Jehel Neba). The curious term "a heifer of three years old" (cf Jer 48 34 m) is taken from LXX, but might better be rendered "a round place with a group of three" (see Eglath-shelishiyah) . It is noticed with the "high places" of Moab (Isa 15 2; Jer 48 35), and prob- ably refers to one of those large and ancient stone circles, surrounding a central group of three rude pillars, which still remain m Moab {bhl , I, 1»'. 203, 233) near Nebo and Zoar. Sibmah— probably

      ostrich want of care for her young, because she endeavors (like other birds) to escape, and thus draws away the hunter from the-hest. This verse should not be regarded as showing that the author knew that whales were mammals, since the word "sea-monsters" (AV) is more correctly rendered "jackals" (RV) or "wild beasts."

      In Ezk (ch 27), Tyre appears as a city with a very widespread trade extending from Asia Minor to Arabia and Egypt, and from Assyria 3. Ezekiel to the isles (or "coasts") of the Medi- terranean. The "oaks of Bashan" (27 6; Isa 2 13; Zee 11 2) are still found in the S.W. of that region near Gilead. Judah and Israel then provided wheat, honey, oil and balm for export as in the time of Jacob. Damascus sent white wool and the wine of Helbon (Helbon), 13 miles N., where fine vineyards still exist. The northern border described (47 15-18) is the same that marked that of the dominions of David, running along the Eleutherus River toward Zedad (Sudud) . It is described also in Nu 34 8-11 as passing Riblah (Riblah) and including Ain (el 'Ain), a village on the western slopes of the Anti-Lebanon, E. of Rib- lah. In this passage (as in Ezk 47 IS) the Hauran (or Bashan plain) is excluded from the land of Israel, the border following the Jordan valley, which seems to point to a date earlier than the time when the Havvoth-jair (Nu 32 41; .Dt 3 14; Josh




      13 30; Jgs 10 4; 1 K 4 13; 1 Ch 2 23), in Gilead and Bashan, were conquered or built — possibly after the death of Joshua. The southern border of the land is described by Ezekiel (47 19) as reaching from Kadesh (-barnea) — probably Petra — to Tamar, which seems to be Tamrah, 6 miles N.E. of Gaza.

      In the Minor Prophets there are fewer topo- graphical notices. Hosea (12 11) speaks of the altars of Gilead and Gilgal as being 4. Minor "as heaps in the furrows of the fields." Prophets He perhaps alludes to the large dolmen- fields of this region, which still charac- terize the country E . of the Jordan . He also perhaps speaks of human sacrifice at Bethel (13 2). In Joel (1 12) the apple tree (Heb tappWh, Arab, tuffah) is noticed (cf Cant 2 3.5; 8 5), and there seems to be no reason to doubt that the apple was culti- vated, since el Mukaddasi mentions "excellent apples" at Jerus in the 10th cent. AD, though it is not now common in Pal. The sycamore fig (Am 7 14), which was common in the plains and in the sh'phelah (1 K 10 27), grew also near Jericho (Lk 19 4), where it is still to be found. In Mic (1 10-15), a passage which appears to refer to Heze- kiah's reconquest of the sh'phelah towns and attack on Gaza before 702 BC (2 K 18 8; 2 Ch 28 18) gives a list of places and a play on the name of each. They include Gath (Tell es Safi), Saphir (es Sdfir), Lachish (Tell d-Hesy), Achzib CAin Kezbeh), and Mareshah (Mer'ash) : "the glory of Israel shall come even unto Adullam" C Aid-el-ma) perhaps refers to Hezekiah himself (Mic 1 15). After the captiv- ity Philistia (Zee 9 5) was still independent. See Philistines. The meaning of the "mourning of Hadadrimmon in the Valley of Megiddon" (Zee 12 11) is disputed. Jerome (see Beland, Pal Illusir., II, 891) says that the former of these names referred to a town near Jezreel (Maximiauopolis, now Rum- maneh, on the western side of the plain of Esdra- elon), but the mourning "for an only son" was probably a rite of the Syrian god called Hadad, or otherwise Rimmon, like the mourning for Tammuz (Ezk 8 14).

      VI. Palestine in the Apocrypha. — The Book ot Jth is

      regarded by Renan {Evangiles, 1877, 29) as a Haggddhd^ or legend, written in Heb in 74 AD. It is remarkable, however, that its geo- graphical allusions are very correct. Judith was apparently of the tribe of Ma- nasseh (8 2.3) ; and her husband, who bore this name, was buried between Dothaim (Tell Dolhin) and Balamon (in W&dy Belameh), E. of Dothan. Her home at Bethulia was thus probably at Mithilieh, on a high hill (6 11.12), 5 miles S.E. of Dothan (SWP, II, 156), in the territory of Manasseh. The requirements of the narrative are well met; for this village is supplied only by wells (7 1.3.20), though there are springs at the foot of the hUl to the S. (7 7.12), while there is a good view over the valley to the N. (10 10), and over the plain of Esdraelon to Nazareth and Tabor. Other mountains surround the village (15 3). The camp of the invaders reached from Dothan to Belmaim (Balamon) from W. to E., and their rear was at Cyamon (Tell KeimHn), at the foot of Carmel. The Babylonians were allied with tribes from Carmel, Gilead and Galilee on the N. with the Samaritans, and with others from Betane (probably Beth-anoth, now Beit 'Ainun, N". of Hebron), Chellus (Klalash — the later Elusa — 8 miles S.W. of Beersheba), and Kades (' Ain Kadis) on the way to Egypt. Among Samaritan towns S. of Shechem, Ekrebel ('Akraheh) and Chusi (KHzah) are mentioned, with "the brook Mochmur" (Wddu el Humr) rising N. of Ekrebel and running E. into the Jordan.

      The philosophical Book of Wisd has no references to

      Pal; and in Ecclus the only allusions are to the palm of

      En-gaddi (24 14), where palms still exist,

      and to the "rose plant in Jericho" (24 14;

      cf 39 13; 60 8); the description of the rose

      as "growing by the brook in the field"

      suggests the rhododendron (Tristram,

      NHB, 477), which flourishes near the Jordan and grows

      to great size beside the brooks of Gilead.

      Judas Maccahaeus. — The Book of Mace is a val- uable history going down to 13.5 BC, and its geographical allusions are sometimes important. Modin, the home I

      1. Book of Judith

      2. Book of Wisdom

      of Judas Maccabaeus (2 15), where his brother Simon erected seven monuments visible from the sea (9 19; 13 25-30), was above the plain in which o 1 -fjfarro Cedron (Katrah, 5 miles E. of Jamnia) o. ± ividCLd- gjQ^^ (,jg- ^Q^j ^g ^ gj ^^^ jg clearly

      Dees the present viUage el Midieh on the low

      hills with a sea view, 17 miles from Jerus and 6 miles B. of Lydda, near which latter Eusebius (Onom s.v. "Modeim") places Modin. The first victory of Judas (3 24) was won at Beth-horon, and the second at Emmaus (' Amwds) by the Valley of Aijalon — the scenes of Joshua's victories also.

      The Greeks next attempted to reach Jerus from the S. and were again defeated at Beth-zur (4 29), now Beit-siir, on the watershed, 15 miles S. of Jerus, where the road 'runs through a pass. Judas next (after cleansing the temple in 165 BC) marched 8. of the Dead Sea, at- tacking the Edomites at Arabattine (perhaps Akrabbim) and penetrating to the Moab plateau as far N. as Jazar (5 3-8). On his return to Judaea the heathen of Gilead and Bashan rose against the Israelites of Tubias (ver 13) or Tob (Taiyibeh), and the Phoenicians against the Galilean Hebrews who were, for a time, withdrawn to Jerus untd the Hasmoneans won complete independence (11 7.59). In the regions of Northern Gilead and Southern Bashan (5 26.36.37) Judas conquered Bosor (Bu.y), Alema (Kefr el-ma), Casphon (Khisfln), Maged (perhaps el Mejd, N. of 'Amm&n), and Camaim (Ash- teroth-karnaim), now Tell ' A shier ah. The notice of a "brook" at the last-named place (ver 42) is an interest- ing touch, as a fine stream runs S. from the west side of the town. In 162 BC Judas was defeated at Bathzach- arias (6 32), now Beit Skdria, 9 miles S. of Jerus. but the cause was saved by a revolt in Antioch ; and in the next year he defeated Nicanor near Caphar-salama (perhaps Selmeh, near Joppa), and slew him at Adasah (' Adaseh), 8 miles S.E. of Beth-horon (7 31.40.45). The fatal battle in which Judas was killed (9 6.15) was fought also near Beth-horon. He camped at Eleasa (Il'asa), close by, and defeated the Greeks on his right, driving them to Mt. Azotus (or Beth-zetho. according to Jos [Ani. XII, xi, 2]), apparently near Bir-ez-Zeit, 4 miles N.W. of Bethel; but the Greeks on his left surrounded him during this rash pursuit.

      On the death of Judas, Bacchides occupied Judaea and fortified the frontier towns (9 50.51) on all sides. Simon and Jonathan were driven to the marshes near the Jordan, but in 159 BC the Greeks made peace with Jonathan who returned to Michmash (ver 73) and 7 years later to Jerus (10 1.7). Three districts on the southern border of Samaria were then added to Judaea (10 30; 11 34), namely Lydda, Apherema (or Ephraim) now Taiyibeh, and Ramathem (er-Rdm); and Jonathan defeated the Greeks in Philistia (10 69; H 6). Simon was "captain" from the "Ladder of Tyre" (Rds en Nakdrah), or the pass N. of Accho, to the borders of Egypt (11 59); and the Greeks in Upper GalUee were again defeated by Jonathan, who advanced from Gen- nesaret to the plain of Hazor (Hazzur), and pursued them even to Kedesh Naphtali (Kedes), northward (vs 63.73). He was victorious even to the borders of Hamath. and the Eleutherus River (Nahr el Kebtr), N. of Tripolis, and defeated the Arabs, called Zabadeans (probably at Zeb- ddny in Anti-Lebanon), on his way to Damascus (12 25. 30.32). He fortified Adida (HadUheh) in the shopheldh (ver 38), W. of Jerus, where Simon awaited the Gr usurper Tryphon (13 13.20). who attempted to reach Jerus by a long detour to the S. near Adoraim (Dura), but failed on account of the snow in the mountains. After the treacherous capture of Jonathan at Accho, and his death in Gilead (12 48; 13 23), Simon became the ruler of all Pal to Gaza (13 43), fortifying Joppa, Gezer and Ashdod (14 34) in 140 BC. Five years later he won a final victory at Cedron (Katrah), near Jamnia (Yebnah), but was murdered at' Dok (16 15), near Jericho, which site was a small fort at 'Ain Duk, a spring N. of the city.

      The second Book of Mace presents a contrast to the first in which, as we have seen, the geography is easily understood. Thus the site of Caspis 4. 2 Macca- ■"'*'' i*'^ l^^^e (12 13.16) is doubtful. It hppo seems to be placed in Idumaea, and Charax

      "CCS may be the fortress of Kerak in Moab

      (ver 17). Ephron. W. of Ashteroth- karnaim (vs 26.27), is unknown; and Beth-shean is called by Its later name Scythopolis (ver 29), as in the LXX (Jgs 1 27) and in Jos (Ant, XII, viii, 5; vi, 1). A cu- rious passage (13 4-6) seems to refer to the Pers burial towers (still used by Parsees). one of which appears to have existed at Berea (Aleppo), though this was not a Gr custom. See Asmoneans.

      VII. Palestine in the NT.— We are told that Our Lord was born in "Bethlehem of Judaea"; and

      the theory of Neubauer, adopted by 1. Synoptic Griitz, that Bethlehem of Zebulun Gospels (Josh 19 15)— which was the present

      Beil-Lahm, 7 miles N.W. of Nazareth — is to be understood, is based on a mistake. The




      Jews expected the Messiah to appeur in the home of David (Mic 5 2) ; and the Northern Bethlehem was not called "of Nazareth," as asserted by Rix {Tenl and Teslmnent, 258); this was a conjectural readmg by Neubauer {Geog. du Talm, 189), but the Talm (Talm Jerus, M'ghillah 1 1) calls the place Beihlehem-.frUh (or "of balm"), no doubt from the storax bush (Styrax officinalis) or stacto (Ex 30 34), the Arab, 'ahhar, which still abounds in the oak wood close by.

      (1) Galilean scenery. — The greater part of the life of Jesus was spent at Nazareth in Zebulun, and the ministry at Capernaum in Naphtali (cf Mt 4 13-15; Isa 9 1), with yearly visits to Jerus. The Gospel narratives and the symbohsm of the para-

      Traditional Mount of the Precipitation near Nazareth.

      bles constantly recall the characteristic features of Galilean scenery and nature, as they remain un- changed today. The "city set on a hill" (Mt 5 14) may be seen in any part of Pal; the lilies of the field grow in all its plains; the "foxes have holes" and the sparrows are still eaten; the vine- yard with its tower; the good ploughland, amid stony and thorny places, are all still found through- out the Holy Land. But the deep lake surrounded by precipitous cliffs and subject to .sudden storms, with its shoals of fish and its naked fishers; the cast nets and drag nets and small heavy boats of the Sea of Galilee, are more distinctive of the Gospels, since the lake is but briefly noticed in the OT.

      (2) Nazareth wa.s a little village in a hill plateau N. of the plain of Esdraelon, and 1,000 ft. above it.

      Plowing near Nazareth.

      The name (Heb nagdrdh) may mean "verdant," and it had a fine spring, but it is connected (Mt 2 23) in the Gospels with the prophecy of the "branch" (neQcr, Isa 11 1) of the house of David. Its popula- tion was Hebrew, for it possessed a synagogue (Lk 4 16). The "brow of the hill whereon their city was built" (4 29) is traditionally the "hill of the leap" (Jebel Kafsi), 2 miles to the S.— a cliff over- looking the plain. Nazareth was not on any grciit highway; and so obscure was this village that it is

      unnoticed in the OT, or by Jos, while even a Gali- lean (Jn 1 46) could hardly believe that a prophet could come thence. Jerome (Onom s.v.) calls it a "village"; but today it is a town with 4,000 Chris- tians and 2,000 Moslems, the former taking their Arab, name (Nasarah) from the home of their Master.

      (3) Capernaum (Mt 4 13; 9 1) lay on the shore of the Sea of Galilee, apparently (Mt 14 .34; Jn 6 17) in the little plain of Gennesaret, which stretches for 3 miles on the northwest side of the lake, and which has a breadth of 2 miles. It may have stood on a low cliff (though this is rendered doubtful by the Sin. MS rendering of Mt 11 23— "Shalt thou be exalted unto heaven?"), and it was a military station where taxes were levied (9 9), and possessed a synagogue (Mk 1 21; Lk 4 3.3; Jn 6 59). Christian tradition, since the 4th cent. AD, has placed the site at Tell Htlm, where ruins of a synagogue (probably, however, not older than the 2d cent. AD) exist; but this site is not in the plain of Gennesaret, and is more probably K'phar 'Ahim (Talm Bab, M'naholk 85a). Jewish tradition (Midhrash Koheleth, vii.20) connects Capernaum with minim or "heretics" — that is to say Chris- tians — whose name may yet linger at ^Ain Minyeh at the north end of the plain of Gennesaret. Jos states {BJ, III, x, 8) that the spring of Caper- naum watered this plain, and contained the catfish {coracinus) which is still found in 'Aire el Mudaw- werah ("the round spring"), which is the principal source of water in the Gennesaret oasis.

      (4) The site of Chorazin (Kerdzeh) has never been lost. The ruined village lies about 2j miles N. of Tell Hum and possesses a synagogue of simi- lar character. Bcthsaida ("the house of fishing") is once said to have been in Gahlee (Jn 12 21), and Ileland (Pal Illuslr., II, 553-55) thought that there were two towns of the name. It is certain that the other notices refer to Bethsaida, called Julias by Herod Philip, which Jos {Ard, XVIII, ii, 1; iv, 6; BJ, III, x, 7) and Pliny {NH, v.l5) place E. of the Jordan, near the place where it enters the Sea of Galilee. The site may be at the ruin ed Dikkeh ("the platform"), now 2 miles N. of the lake, but probably nearer of old, as the river deposit has increased southward. There are remains of a syna- gogue here also. The two miracles of feeding the 5,000 and the 4,000 are both described as occurring E. of the Jordan, the former (Lk 9 10) in the desert (of Golan) "belonging to the city called Bethsaida" (AV). The words (Mk 6 45 AV), "to go to the other side before unto Bethsaida," may be rendered without any straining of grammar, "to go to the side opposite to Bethsaida." For the disciples are not said to have reached that citj'; but, after a voyage of at least 3 or 4 miles (Jn 6 17.19), they arrived near Capernaum, and landed in Gennesaret (Mk 6 53), about 5 miles S.W. of the Jordan.

      (5) The place where the swine rushed down a •steep place into the lake (Mt 8 32; Mk 5 1; Lk 8 26) was in the country of the Gerasenes (see Vat. MS), probably at Kersa on the eastern shore oppo- site Tiberias, where there is a steep slope to the water. It should be noted that this was in Decapolis (Mk 5 20), a region of "ten cities" which lay (except Scythopolis) in Southwest Bashan, where a large number of early Gr inscriptions have been found, some of which (e.g. Vogiie-Waddington, nos. 2412, 2413) are as old as the 1st cent. AD. There was evidently a Gr jjopulation in this region in the time of Our Lord; and this accounts for the feeding of swine, otherwise distinctive of "a far country" (Lk 15 13.15); for, while no Hebrew would have tended the unclean beast in Pal, the Greeks were swine- herds from the time at least of Homer.

      (6) The site of Magadan-Magdala (Mejdel) was


      Pal (Exploration)



      on the west shore at the S.W. end of the Gen- nesaret plain (Mt 15 39). In Mk 8 10 we find Dalmanutha instead. Magdala was the Heb mighdol ("tower"), and Dalmanutha may be re- garded as the Aram, equivalent {D'' almanfdha) meaning ' 'the place of high buildings' ' ; so that there is no necessary discrepancy between the two ac- counts. From this place Jesus again departed by ship to "the other side," and reached Bethsaida (Mt 16 5; Mk 8 13.22), traveling thence up the Jordan valley to Caesarea Philippi (Mt 16 13; Mk 8 27), or BdniCis, at the Jordan springs. There can be little doubt that the "high mountain apart" (Mt 17 1) was Hermon. The very name signifies "separate," applying to its solitary dome; and the sudden formation of cloud on the summit seems to explain the allusion in Lk 9 34.

      (7) ^ Other allusions in the Synoptic Gospels, referring to natural history and customs, include the notice of domestic fowls (Mt 23 37; 26 34), which are never mentioned in the OT. They came from Persia, and were introduced probably after 400 BC. The use of manure (Lk 13 8) is also un- noticed in the OT, but is mentioned in the Mish {Sh'hi'iOt, ii.2), as is the custom of annually whiten- ing sepulchers (Mt 23 27; Sh'kallm, i.l). The removal of a roof (Mk 2 4; cf Lk 5 19) at Caper- naum was not difficult, if it resembled those of modern Galilean mud houses, though the Third Gospel speaks of "tiles" which are not now used. Finally, the presence of shepherds with their flocks (Lk 2 8) is not an indication of the season of the nativity, since they remain with them "in the field" at all times of the year; and the "manger" (Lk 2 7) may have been (as tradition affirmed even in the 2d cent. AD) in a cave like those which have been found in ruins N. and S. of Hebron {SWP, III, 349, 369) and elsewhere in Pal.

      (1) The topography of the Fourth Gospel is important as indicating the writer's personal knowl- edge of Pal; for he mentions several 2. Fourth places not otherwise noticed in the NT. Gospel Beth-abarah (Jn 1 28, RV "Bethany";

      10 40), or "the house of the crossing," was "beyond the Jordan." Origen rejected the read- ing "Bethania," instead of Beth-abarah, common in his time, and still found in the three oldest uncial MSS in the 4th and 5th cents. AD. The place was a day's journey from Cana (cf Jn 1 29.35.43; 2 1), which may have been at ^Ain Kdnd, a mile N. of Nazareth. It was two or three days' distance from Bethany near Jerus (Jn 10 40; 11 3.6.17), and would thus lie in the upper part of the Jordan valley where, in 1874, the surveyors found a ford well known by the name 'Abdrak, N. of Beisd/i, in the required situation. John, we are told, baptized in "all the region round about the Jor- dan" (Mt 3 5), including the waters of "Mnon near to Salim" (Jn 3 23). There is only one stream which answers to this description, namely that of Wddy Fdr'ah, N.E. of Shechem, on the boundary of Judaea and Samaria, where there is "much water." ^non would be 'Ainiin, 4 miles N., and Salim is Sdlim, 4 miles S. of this perennial affluent of the Jordan.

      (2) The site of Sychar (Sam Iskar, Arab. ^Askar) near Jacob's well (Jn 4 5.6) lay W. of Salim, and just within the Sam border. The present village is only half a mile N. of the well. Like the preceding sites, it is noticed only in the Fourth Gospel, as is Bethesda, while this Gospel also gives additional indications as to the position of Calvary. The town of Ephraim, "near to the wilderness" (11 54), is noticed earlier (2 S 13 23; cf Ephraim, 2 Ch 13 19 m), and appears to be the same as Aphcrema (I Mace 11 34), and as Ophrah of Benjamin (Josh 18 23; 1 S 13 17). Eusebius (Onom s.v.) places

      it 20 Rom miles N. of Jerus, where the village Taiyiheh looks down on the desert of Judah.

      In the Book of Acts the only new site, unnoticed before, is that of Antipatris (23 31). This stood at the head of the stream (Me-jarkon) 3. Book which runs thence to the sea N. of of Acts Joppa, and it was thus the half-way

      station between Jerus and the sea- side capital at Caesarea. The site is now called Rds el 'Am ("head of the spring"), and a castle, built in the 12th cent., stands above the waters. The old Rom road runs close by {SWP, II, 258). Caesarea was a new town, founded by Herod the Great about 20 BC {SWP, II, 13-29). It was even larger than Jerus, and had an artificial harbor. Thence we may leave Pal with Paul in 60 AD. The reader must judge whether this study of the country does not serve to vindicate the sincerity and authen- ticity of Bible narratives in the OT and the NT alike.

      Literature. — Though the lit. connected with Pal is enormous, and constantly increasing, the number of reaUy original and scientihc sources of knowledge is (as in other cascsj not large. Besides the Bible, and Jos, the Mish contains a great deal of valuable information as to the cultivation and civilization of Pal about the 1st and 2d cents. AD. The following 20 works are of primary importance. The Onomasticon of Eusebius and Jerome shows intimate acquaintance with Pal in the 4th cent. AD, though the identification of Bible sites is as often wrong as right. The rabbinical geography is discussed by A. Neubauer {La geographie du Talmud, 1868), and the scattered notices by Gr and Rom writers were coUected by H. Reland {Palaestina ex monumentis veteribus illuatrata, 2 vols, 1714). The first really scien- tific account of the country is that of Dr. E. Robinson (Bib. Researches, 1838, and Later Bib. Researches, 1852; in 3 vols, 1856). The Survey of Western Pal (7 vols, 1883) includes the present writer's account of the natural features, topography and surface remains of all ages, written while in command (1872-78) of the 1-inch trigonometric survey. The Survey of Eastern Pal (I vol, 1889) gives his account of JNIoab and Southern Ciilcad, as surveyed in 1881-82. The natural history is to be studied in the same series, and in Canon Tristram's Natural History of the Bible, 1868. The geology is best given by L. Lartet {Essai sur la geologie de la Palestine) and in Professor Hull's Memoir on the Geol. and Geog. of Arabia Petraea, etc, 1886. The Archaeological Re- searches of M. Clermont-Ganneau (2 vols, 1896) include his discoveries of Gezer and Adullam. Much informa- tion is scattered through the PEFQ (1864-1910) and in ZDPV. G.S,c\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\mm.3,c\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ier's Across the Jordan, 18S5 Pclla 1888, and Northern ' AjlUn, 1890, give detailed informa- tion for Northeast Pal; and Lachish, by Professor Flinders Petrie, is the memoir of the e.xcavations which he began at Tell el-Hesy (identified in 1874 bv the present writer), the full account being in A Mound of Mann Cities by P. J. Bliss, 1894. Other excavations, at Gath etc, are described in Eicavations in Pal (1898-1900) by F. J. Bliss, R. A. S. Macalister, and Professor Wiinsch- while the memoir of his excavations at Gezer (2 vols) has recently been published by Professor Macalister. For those who have not access to these original sources The Historical Geography of the Holy Land by Professor G A. Smith, 1894, and the essay (300 pp.) by Professor D P. Buhl {Geographic des alien Paldstina, 1896) will be found useful. The best guide book to Pal is still that of

      ?„^,'^.?®'^S?^>^""*,'^ ^^, '^''- ^- ^^ot^'ti iind published in 1876', 1912. -This author had personal acquaintance with the prmcipal routes of the country. Only standard works of reference have been herein mentioned, to which French German American, and British explorers and scholars have alike contributed. See Jerds.\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\lem.

      _ C. R. CONDER


      Preliminary Consideration I. Er.a. of Prepar.vtion

      1. Outside of Palestine

      2. In Palestine

      (1) Early Christian Period

      (2) Period of Cursory Observation

      (3) Beginning of Scientific Observation II. Era of Scientific Exploration

      1. Period of Individual Enterprise (1) First Trained Explorers

      o i,^^ '^.'?l Climax of Individual Exploration

      2. Scientific Cooperative Surface Exploration ,^. 5,' ^^o'** Recent Results in Surface Exploration III. Era of Scientific Excavation

      1. Southern Palestine

      (1) Tell el-Hesy

      (2) Excavations in Jerusalem

      (3) Excavations in the Shophelah

      (4) Painted "Tombs of Marissa"




      Pal (Exploration)

      2. Northern Palestine

      (1) Tell Ta'anntk

      (2) Tell el-Mutesellim

      (3) Tell HUm

      3. Eastern Palestine Jericho

      4. Central Palestine

      (1) Jerusalem

      (2) Samaria

      (3) ^ Ain Shems

      (4) Gezer Literature

      Previous to the last century, almost the entire stock of knowledge concerning ancient Pal, in- cluding its races, laws, languages. Preliminary history and manners, was obtained Considera- from Jos and the Bible, with a few tion brief additional references given by

      Gr and Rom authors; knowledge concerning modern Pal was limited to the reports of chance travelers. The change has been due largely to the compelling interest taken in sacred history and the "Holy Oracles." This smallest country in the world has aroused the spirit of exploration as no other country has or could. It has largely stimulated many of the investigations carried on in other lands.

      /. Era of Preparation. — Much direct information concerning ancient Pal, absolutely essential to the success of modern exploration in that 1. Outside land, has come through discoveries of Palestine in other countries; but due in many cases to Bib. influence. All the most important Heb and Gr MSS and VSS of the Bible and most of the Jewish Talm and apocryphal and Wisdom books were found outside of Pal. The pictures of its population, cities, fortresses and armies give a color and perspective to its ancient history far more vivid than can be found on any of its own contemporary monuments. The records of Thothmes III (15th cent. BC) describing the cap- ture of Megiddo in the plain of Esdraelon with its vast stores of "chariots wrought with gold," bronze armor, silver and ebony statues, ivory and ebony furniture, etc, and of his further capture of 1 18 other Can. towns, many of which are well known from the Bible, and from which he takes an enormous tribute of war materials, golden ornaments and golden dishes, "too many to be weighed," find no parallel in any indigenous record — such records even if written having been doomed to perish because of the soil, climate and character of the rocks W. of the Jordan. So c 1400 BC, the Am Tab (discovered in 1887) mention by name many Bib. cities, and give much direct information concerning the political and social conditions at that period, with at least 6 letters from the governor of Jerus, who writes to the Pharaoh news that the Egyp fleet has left the coast, that all the neighboring cities have been lost to Egypt, and that Jerus will be lost unless help can be had quickly against the invasion of the Khabiri. The literature of the XlXth Dynasty contains many Heb names with much information concerning Goshen, Pithom, Canaan, etc, while in one huge stele of Menephtah the Israelites are mentioned by name. Later Egyp Pharaohs give almost equally important knowledge concerning Pal, while the Assyr texts are even more direct. The black obehsk of Shalmaneser II (9th cent.) catalogues and pictures the tribute received from Jehu; almost every king of the 8th cent, tells something of his relations with the rulers of Jerus or Damascus, throwing immense light on local pohtics, and the later Bab records give vividly the conditions previous to and during the exile, while the edict of Cyrus gives the very decree by virtue of which the Jews could return to their native land. Later discoveries, like the CH at Susa (1901), the SendjirH and other Aram, texts from Northern Syria (1890, 1908), and the Elephantine papyri.

      some of which are addressed to the "sons of San- ballat" and describe a temple in Egypt erected to Yahu (Jehovah) in the 5th cent. BC, may not give direct information concerning Pal, but are important to present explorers because of the light thrown upon the laws of Pal in patriarchal times; upon the thought and language of a neighboring Sem com- munity at the time of the Monarchy; upon the religious ritual and festivals of Nchcmiah's day, and upon the general wealth and culture of the Jews of the 5th cent.; opening up for the first time the intimate relations which existed between Jerus and Samaria and the Jews of the Dispersion. So the vast amounts of Gr papyri found recently in the Fayydm. not only have preserved the "Logia" and "Lost Gospels" and fragments of Scripture texts, early Christian Egyp ritual, etc, but have given to scholars for the first time contemporaneous examples of the colloquial language which the Jews of Pal were using in the 1st cent. AD, and in which they wrote the "memoirs" of the apostles and the Gospels of Jesus.

      (1) Early Christian period. — At this time, during the first three or four centuries the ancient sites

      and holy places were identified, giving 2. In some valuable information as to the

      Palestine topographical memories of the earlier

      church. By far the most valuable of these carefully prepared summaries of ancient Bible places, with their modern sites, and the dis- tances between them, was the Onomaslicon of Euse- bius, as it was enlarged by Jerome, which attempted seriously the identification of some 300 holy places, most of these being vitally important for the modern student of the Bible. While some of these identifi- cations were "curiously incorrect" (Bliss) and the distances even at the best only approximate, yet few satisfactory additions were made to the list for 1,500 years; and it was certainly a splendid contribution to Palestinian topography, for the list as a whole has been confirmed by the scientific con- clusions of recent investigators.

      (2) Period of cursory observation. — The earhest traveler who has left a record of his journey into Pal was Sinuhit, who, perhaps a century after Abraham, men- tions a number of places known to us from the Bible and

      describes Canaan as a "land of figs and vines

      where wine was more plentiful than water

      honey and oil In abundance .... all kinds of fruit upon its trees, barley and spelt in the fields, and cattle beyond number"; each day his table is laden with "bread, wine, cooked flesh and roasted fowl .... wild game from the hills and milk in every sort of cooked dish" (Breasted, Ancient Record.'!. I, 496). A few other Egyp visitors (1300-1000 BC) add little to our knowl- edge. The report of the Heb spies (Nu 13) records important observations, although they can only humor- ously be called " genuine explorers " (Bliss), and Joshua's list of cities and tribes, although their t)Oundaries are carefully described (chs 13-21), are natvu-ally excluded from this review.

      The record of early Christian travel begins with the Bordeaux Pilgrim (332 AD), and during the next ti.o centuries scores of others write out their observations in the Holy Land, but for 1.000 years there Is scarcely a single visitor who looks at the country except through the eyes of the monks. A woman traveler of the 4lh cent, reports some interesting facts about the early ritual of the Jerus church and the catechumen teaching, and surprises us by locating Pithom correctly (although the site was totally forgotten and only recovered in 1883), and the Epitome of Eucherius (,5th cent.) gives a clear description of the holy places in Jerus ; but almost the only other significant sign that anyone at this era ever made serious observations of value comes from the very large, fine mosaic of the 5th ctnt. recently discov- ered at Madeba, which gives a good impression of ancient Jerus with its buildings, and a careful bird's- eye view of the surrounding country (see below 11,3). By the middle of the 6th cent, the old "Holy Places" were covered by ciiurches, while new ones were manu- factured or discovered in dreams, and relics of mar- tyrs' bones began to engross so much attention that no time was left in which to make any ordinary geo- graphical or natural-liistory observations. A little local color and a few facts in regard to the plan of early churches and the persecution of Christians by Mos- lems constitute almost the sum total of value to be



      gathered from the multitude of pilgrims between the 6th and 12th cents. In the 12th cent. John of Wiirzburg gives a few geographical notes of value; Theoderich notices certain inscriptions and tombs, describes accu- rately the churches and hospitals he visits, with their pic- tures and decorations, and outhnes intelligently the boundaries of Judaea and the sahent features of the moun- tains encompassing Jerus; the Abbot Daniel notices the wild beasts in the Jordan forests and the cus- toms at church feasts, and his account is important be- cause of the hght it throws on conditions in Pal just after its conquest by the Crusaders, while in the 13th cent. Burchard of Rlt. Zion makes the earUest known mediaeval map of Pal, mentions over 100 Scripture sites, and shows unexpected interest in the plant and animal life of the country — but this practically exhausts the valuable information from Christian sources in these centuries. The Moslem pilgrims and writers from the 9th to the 15th cents, show far more regard to geograph- ical realities than the Christians. It is a Moslem, Istakhri, who in the 10th cent, makes the first effort at a systematic geography of Pal, and in the 10th and 13th cents., respectively, Mukaddasi, after 20 years of prepa- ration, and Yaliut, in 'a "vast work," publish obser- vations concerning climate, native customs, geographical divisions, etc, which are yet valuable, while Nasir-i- Khusran, in the 11th cent., also gave important informa- tion concerning Palestinian botany, gave dimensions of buildings and gates, and even noticed to some extent the ancient arches and ruins — though in all these there are pitiful inaccuracies of observation and induction. One of the best Moslem writers thinks the water of Lake Tiberias is not fit to drink because the city sewerage has ceased to flow into it, and Christian writers from the 7th cent, down to modern times continually mention the Jor and Dan as two fountains from which the Jor- dan rises, and continually report the most absurd stories about the Dead Sea and about its supernatural saltness, never noticing the salt mountain near by and the other simple causes explaining this phenomenon. See Dead Sea.

      In the 14th cent. Marino Sanuto gave a "most com- plete monograph" (Ritter) of Palestinian geography, his maps being really valuable, though, according to modern standards, quite inaccurate. The Jew, Estoai ben Moses ha-Phorhi, in this same century advanced beyond all Christian writers in a work of "real scientific knowl- edge" (Bliss), in which he correctly identified Megiddo and other ancient sites, though the value of his work was not recognized for 400 years. The groat name of the 15th cent, is that of the Dominican, Father Felix Fabri, who in his large book, Wanderijigs in the Holy Land, was the first to notice monuments and ruins to which no Bib. traditions were attached (Bhss), and who, within a decade of the discovery of America, described most vividly the dangers and nuseries of the sea voyages of that era, and in most modern fashion narrated his ad- ventures among the Saracens; yet notwithstanding the literary value of the book and his better method of arranging his materials, Fabri actually explained the saltness of the Dead Sea as due to the sweat which flowed from the skin of the earth! In the 16th cent, travelers showed more interest in native customs, but the false traditional identification of sites was scarcely questioned; the route of travel was always the same, as it was absolutely impossible to get E. of the Jordan, and even a short trip away from the caravan was dangerous. (3) Beginning of scientific observation. — In the 17th cent. Mlchal Nau, for 30 years a missionary in Pal, De la Roque and Halliflx showed a truly scientific veracity of observation and an increasing accuracy in the record- ing and verification of their notes, and Maundrell ad- vanced beyond all his predecessors in noticing the an- tiquities on the seacoast, N. of Beirut; but all of these, though possessing fine qualities as explorers, were forced to travel hastily and limit their study to a very narrow field.

      //. Era of Scientific Exploration. — (1) First trained explorers. — True scientific exploration opened with the 18th cent., as men began to think of this 1. Period of ^^ itself an important life-work and not TnHiviHiial merely as a short episode in a life devoted inuiviuudi (^Q niore serious pursuits. Enterprise Th. Shaw (1722) carefully fitted him-

      self as a specialist in natural history and physical geography, and scientifically reported a number of new facts, e.g. conditions and results of evaporation, etc, in the Dead Sea. - Bisliop Pococke (1738) had been well trained, was free from the bondage of tradition, and did for the antiquities of Pal what Maundrell had done for those of Syria, making a large number of successful identifications of sites and contributing much to the general knowledge of Pal. Volney (1783) was a brihiant literary man, in full sympathy with the scientific spirit, who popularized results and made a considerable number of original researches, esp. in the Lebanon. Seetzcn (lSOO-7) and Burckhardt (1810-12) are called by Bliss "veritable pioneers in tlic exploration of the ruins of Eastern and Southern Pal." The former opened Caes- area Philippi to light, visited a large unexplored dis- trict and made important observations in almost every field of knowledge, zoology, meteorology, archaeology;

      the latter, having become an Arab in looks and language, was able to go into many places where no European had ventured, one of his chief triumphs being the discovery of Petra and the scientific location of Mt. Sinai.

      (2) The climax of individual exploration. — The climax of the era of scientific observation, unassisted by learned societies, was reached by the American clergyman and teacher, Edward Robinson. He spent parts of two years in Pal (1838 and 1852) and in 1856 published 3 vols of Biblical Researches. He strictly employed the scientific method, and showed such rare insight that scarcely one of his conclusions has been found incorrect. His knowledge was as extensive as minute, and although he gave, in all. only five months of steady labor to the specific task of exploration, yet in that time he "recon- structed the map of Pal" (Bliss), and his conclusions henceforth "formed the ground work of modern re- search" (Conder). He studied Jerus, being the first to show that the ancient fragment of an arch (now " Robin- son's ' ' } had been part of the bridge connecting the temple with Mt. Zion, and was the first to trace with accuracy the windings of the tunnel leading from the Virgin's Fount to the Pool of Siloam. All Judaea, Galilee and Samaria were very well covered by him. He was the first to notice that the ruined building at Tell Hum was a synagogue; from the top of one hill he recognized seven Bib. sites which had been lost for at least 1,600 years; he identified correctly at least 160 new sites, almost all being Bib. places. Robinson's results were phenomenal in number and variety, yet necessarily these have been constantly improved upon or added to in each generation since, for no man can cover the entire field or be a specialist in every department. W. M. Thomson in his LB (new cd. 1910) and G. E. Post, Flora of Syria, Pal, and Sinai (1896), gave a needed popular resume of the manners, customs and folklore of the people, as these illustrated the Bible, and many books and articles since have added to this material.

      In 1848 the United States sent an expedition under Lieutenant Lynch to the Dead Sea, which ascertained the exact width, depth, currents, temperature, etc, and many parties since have added to this knowledge (see e.g. Dead Sea; and also PEFS, 1911, XII, 7). From 1854 to 1862 De Vogfie thoroughly examined the monu- ments of Central Syria and remained the sole authority on this section down to the American Archaeological Expedition of 1899. Tabler (184.5-63) scientifically de- scribed Jerus and its environs, and the districts lying between Jaffa and the Jordan, and between Jerus and Bethel. Guerin who studied Pal during periods cover- ing 23 years (1852-75), though limited by lack of funds, covered topographically, with a minuteness never before attempted, almost the whole of Judaea, Samaria and Galilee, gathering also many new records of monuments and inscriptions, the record of which was invaluable because many of these had been completely destroyed before the arrival of the next scientific party. A most sensational discovery was that of Rev. P. Klein in 1868, when he found at Dibon the huge basalt tablet set up by Mesha, king of Moab (9th cent. BC), on which in a language closely resembling the Heb, he gave honor to his god Chemosh by describing his successful revolt against a successor of Omri, the latter being mentioned by name with many well-known Bib. places. In style, thought and language this inscription greatly resembles the early OT records.

      With the foundation of the Palestine Exploration Fund (1865) the work of exploration took on an

      entirely new phase, since in this case, 2. Scientific not a single individual, but a large Cooperative company of speciahsts entered the Surface Ex- work, having behind them sufficient ploration funds for adequate investigation in

      each necessary line of research, and with the British War Office furnishing its expert Royal Engineers to assist the enterprise. Under the auspices of this society during the next 15 years Jerus was explored as never before, and all Western Pal was topographically surveyed (see below); a geological survey (1883-84) of Sinai, Wdrhj'Arahah and the Dead Sea, and later of Mt. Seir (1885) was accomplished under Professor Edward Hull; the natural history of the country was treated with great thoroughness by several specialists; Palmer and Drake in the dress of Syrian natives, without servants, risked the dangerous journey through the Desert of the Tih in order to locate so far as possible the route of the Exodus; Clermont-Ganneau, who had i)revious]y made the discovery of the Jewish placard from the Temple, forbidding strangers to enter the sacred enclosure, added greatly to archae- ological knowledge by gathering and deciphering many ancient inscriptions, uncovering buried



      cemeteries, rock-cut tombs and other monuments. He also laid down important criteria for the age of stone masonry (yet see PEFS, 1897, LXI); identi- fied various sites including AduUam, found the "stone of Bethphage," "Zoheleth," etc, and made innumerable plans of churches, mosques, tombs, etc, and did an incredible amount of other important work. Capt., afterward Col., C. R. Conder did an equally important work, and as the head of the archaeological party could finally report 10,000 place-names as having been gathered, and 172 new Bible sites successfully identified, while the bound- aries of the tribes had been practically settled and many vitally important Bible locations for the first timefixed. The excavations in Jerus under the same auspices had meanwhile been carried out as planned. After an introductory examination by Sir Charles Wilson, including some little excavating. Sir Charles Warren (1867-70) and, later, Col. Conder (1872-75) made thorough excavations over a large area, sink- ing shafts and following ancient walls to a depth of 80-150 ft. They uncovered the Temple-area from its countless tons of debris and traced its approxi- mate outUne; examined underground rock cham- bers; opened ancient streets; discovered many thousand specimens of pottery, glass, tools, etc, from Jewish to Byzantine periods; found the pier in the Tyropoeon Valley, where Robinson's arch had rested, and also parts of the ancient bridge; traced the line of several important ancient walls, locating gates and towers, and fixed the date of one wall certainly as of the 8th cent. BC, and prob- ably of the age of Solomon (G. A. Smith), thus accomplishing an epoch-making work upon which all more recent explorers have safely rested — as Maudslay (1875), in his masterly discovery and examination of the Great Scarp, and Guthe (1881), who made fine additional discoveries at Ophel, as well as Warren and Conder in their work afterward (1884), when they published plans of the whole city with its streets, churches, mosques, etc, 25 in. to the mile, which in that direction remains a basis for all later work. See Jerusalem.

      Perhaps, however, the greatest work of all done by this society was the Topographical Survey (1881- 86), accomplished for Judaea and Samaria by Col. Conder, and for Galilee by Lord Kitchener, result- ing in a great map of Western Pal in 26 sheets, on a scale of an inch to the mile (with several abridged additions), showing all previous identifications of ancient places. These maps, with the seven mag- nificent vols of memoirs, etc, giving the other scientific work done by the various parties, marked such an epoch-making advance in knowledge that it has been called "the most important contribution to illustrate the Bible since its translation into the vulgar tongue."

      In addition to the above the Palestine Explora- tion Fund established a Quarterly Statement and Society of Biblical Archaeology from which sub- scribers could keep in touch with the latest Bib. results, and published large quantities of tr= of ancient texts and travels and of books reporting discoveries as these were made. Altogether more advance was made during these 15 years from 1865- 80 than in the 15 centuries before.

      The next ten years (1880-90) did not furnish as much new material from Pal exploration, but in 1880 the Siloam Inscription (cf 2 K 3. Most 20 20; 2 Ch 32 30) was accidentally Recent found in Jerus, showing the accuracy

      Results in with which the engineers of Hezekiah's Surface Ex- day could, at least occasionally, cut ploration long tunnels through the rock (see also Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches, 313); and in 1881-85 Conder and Schu- macher attempted their difficult task of making a

      scientific topographical map of Eastern Pal. In 1881 H. Clay Trumbull rediscovered and properly described Kadesh-barnea, settling authoritatively its location and thus making it possible to fix pre- viously obscure places mentioned in the account of the Exodus wanderings. Since 1890 continued investigations in small districts not adequately described previously have taken place, new addi- tions to the zoological, botanical, geological and meteorological knowledge of Pal have been fre- quent; studies of irrigation and the water-supply have been made, as well as investigations into the customs, proverbs, folklore, etc, of the Arabs; many districts E. of the Jordan and through Petra down into Sinai have yielded important results, and many discoveries of surface tombs, ossuaries, mosaics, seals and manuscripts have been made in many parts of Pal. This has been done perhaps chiefly by the Palestine Exploration Fund, but much by individuals and some by the newly organized ex- cavation societies (see below). The most surprising discoveries made by this method of surface explora- tion (a method which can never become completely obsolete) have been the finding at different times of the four Boundary Stones of Gezer (1874, 1881, 1889) by Clermont-Ganneau, and, in 1896, of the very large mosaic at Madeba by Father Cleopas, librarian of the Greek Patriarch.

      The latter proved to be part of the pavement of a 6th-cent. basilica and is a "veritable map of Pal," showing its chief cities, the boundaries of the tribes, and esp. the city of Jerus with its walls, gates, chief buildings, including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and chief streets, notably one long straight street intersecting the city and lined with colonnades. As Madeba lies near the foot of Mt. Nebo, it is thought the artist may have in- tended to represent ideally a modern (6th-cent.) vision of Moses. George Adam Smith (HGHL, 7th ed, 1901); Jerusalem (2 vols, 1910), and E. Huntington, Pal and Its Transformation (1911), have given fine studies illustrating the supreme importance of accurate topographical knowledge in order to understand correctly the Bible narratives and the social life and politics of the Hebrews.

      ///. Era of Scientific Excavation. — (1) Tell el- Hesy (Palestine Exploration Fund). — Exploration must always continue, but excavation 1. Southern is a vast advance. The modern era Palestine in Palestinian study begins with Petrie at Lachish (q.v.) in 1890. Though Renan was actually the first man to put a spade into the soil (1860), yet his results were practically confined to Phoenicia. From Renan's time to 1890 there had been no digging whatever, excepting some narrow but thorough work in Jerus, and a slight tickhng of the ground at Jericho and at the so-called Tombs of the Kings. Nothing was more providential than this delay in beginning extensive excavations in Pal, such as had been previously so profitably conducted in Egypt and elsewhere. The results could not have been interpreted even two years earlier, and even when these excavations were commenced, the only man living who could have understood what he found was the man who had been selected to do the work. Nearly two centuries before, a traveler in Pal (Th. Shaw) had suggested the possibility of certain mounds ("tells") being artificial (cf Josh 8 28; Jer 30 18); but not even Robinson or Gu6rin had suspected that these were the cenotaphs of buried cities, but had be- lieved them to be mere natural hills. The greatest hour in the history of exploration in Pal, and per- haps in any land, was that in which on a day in April, 1890, W. M. Fhnders Petrie climbed up the side of Tell el-Hesy, situated on the edge of the Phili plain, c 30 miles S.W. of Jerus, and 17 miles



      N.E. from Gaza, and by examining its strata, which had been exposed by the stream cutting down its side, determined before sunset the fact, from pieces of pottery he had seen, that the site rnarked a city covering 1,000 years of history, the limits of occupation being probably 1500 BC to 500 BC. This ability to date the several occupa- tions of a site without any inscription to assist him was due to the chronological scale of styles of pottery which he had originated earlier and worked out positively for the Gr epochs at Naukratis a year or two before, and for the epochs preceding 1100 BC at Illahun in the Fayyum only a month or two before. The potsherds were fortunately very numerous at Tell el-Hesy, and by the end of his six weeks' work he could date approximately some eight successive occupations of the city, each of these being mutually exclusive in certain impor- tant forms of pottery in common use. Given the surface date, depth of accumulation and rate of deposit as shown at Lachish, and a pretty sure estimate of the history of other sites was available. Not only was this pottery scale so brilliantly con- firmed and elaborated at Tell el-Hesy that all excavators since have been able accurately to date the last settlement on a mound almost by walking over it; but by observations of the methods of stone dressing he was able to rectify many former guesses as to the age of buildings and to establish some valuable architectural signs of age. He proved that some of the walls at this site were built by "the same school of masons which built the Temple of Solomon," and also that the Ionic volute, which the Greeks borrowed from the Asiatics, went back in Pal at least to the 10th cent. BC, while on one pilaster he found the architectural motif of the "ram's horn" (cf Ps 118 27). He also concluded, contrary to former belief, that this mound marked the site of Lachish (,Josh 10 31; 2 K 18 14), as by a careful examination he found that no other ruins near could fill the known historic conditions of that city, and the inscription found by the next excavator and all more recent research make this conclusion practically sure. Lachish was a great fortress of the ancient world. The Egyp Pharaohs often mention it, and it is represented in a picture on an Assyr monument under which is written, "Sennacherib .... receives the spoil of Lachish" (see 2 K 18 14). It was strategically a strong position, the natural hill rising some 60 ft. above the valley and the fortification which Sennacherib probably attacked being over 10 ft. thick. The debris lay from 50-70 ft. deep on top of the hill. Petrie fixed the directions of the various walls, and settled the approximate dates of each city and of the imported pottery found in several of these. One of the most unexpected things was an iron knife dug up from a stratum indicating a period not far from the time when Israel must have entered Canaan, this being the earliest remnant of iron weapons ever found up to this date (cf Josh 17 16). The next two years of scientific digging (1891- 92), admirably conducted by Dr. F. G. JBliss on this site, wholly confirmed Petrie's general inductions, though the limits of each occupation were more exactly fixed and the beginning of the oldest city was pushed back to 1700 BC. The work was con- ducted under the usual dangers, not only from the Bedawtn, but from excessive heat (1()4° in the shade), from malaria which at one time prostrated 8 of the 9 members of the staff, scarcity of water, which had to be carried 6 miles, and from the sirocco (see my report, PEFS, XXI, 160-70 and Petrie's and Bliss's journal, XXI, 219-46; XXIII, 192, etc). He excavated thoroughly one-third of the entire hill, moving nearly a million cubic feet of debris. He found that the wall of the oldest

      city was nearly 30 ft. thick, that of the next city 17 ft. thick, while the latest wall was thin and weak. The oldest city covered a space 1,300 ft. sq., the latest one only about 200 ft. sq. The oldest pot- tery had a richer color and higher polish than the later, and this art was indigenous, for at this level no Phoen or Mycenaean styles were found. The late pre-Israelitish period (1550-800 BC) shows such im- portations and also local Cypriote imitations. In the "Jewish" period (800-300 BC) this influence is lost and the new styles are coarse and ungraceful, such degeneration not being connected with the entrance of Israel into Canaan, as many have sup- posed, but with a later period, most probably with the desolation which followed the exile of the ten tribes (Bliss and Petrie). In the pre-Israelite cities were found mighty towers, fine bronze im- plements, such as battle-axes, spearheads, brace- lets, pins, needles, etc, a wine and treacle press, one very large building "beautifully symmetrical," a smelting furnace, and finally an inscribed tablet from Zimrida, known previously from the Am Tab to have been governor of Lachish, c 1400 BC. Many Jewish pit ovens were found in the later ruins and large quantities of pottery, some containing potters' marks and others with inscriptions. Clay figures of Astarte, the goddess of fertility, were found in the various layers, one of these being of the unique Cypriote type, with large earrings, and many Egyp figures, symbols and animal forms. See also Lachish.

      (2) Excavations in Jerus. — During 1894-97, not- withstanding the previously good work done in Jerus (see above) and the peculiar embarrassments connected with the attempt to dig in a richly popu- lated town. Dr. Bliss, assisted by an expert archi- tect, succeeded in adding considerably to the sum of knowledge. He excavated over a large area, not only positively confirming former inductions, but discovering the remains of the wall of the empress Eudocia (450 AD), and under this the line of wall which Titus had destroyed, and at a deeper level the wall which surrounded the city in the Herodian age, and deeper yet that which must probably be dated to Hezekiah, and below this a construction "exquisitely dressed, with pointed masonry," which must be either the remains of a wall of Solomon or some other preexilic fortification not later than the 8th cent. He found gates and an- ciently paved streets and manholes leading to an- cient sewer systems, and many articles of interest, but esp. settled disputed questions concerning important walls and the levels of the ancient hills, thus fixing the exact topography of the ancient city. H. G. Mitchell and others have also carefully examined certain lines of wall, identifying Nehe- miah's Dung Gate, etc, and making a new survey of certain parts of underground Jerus, the results of the entire work being a modification of tradition in a few particulars, but confirmatory in most. The important springs and reservoirs, valleys and hills of the ancient Jerus have been certainly iden- tified.^ It is now settled that modern Jerus "still sits virtually upon her ancient seat and at much the same slope," though not so large as the Jerus of the kings of Judah which certainly extended over the Southwestern Hill. Mt. Zion, contrary to tradition which located it on the Southwestern Hill where the citadel stands, probably lay on the Eastern Hill above the Virgin's Spring (Gihon). On this Eastern Hill at Ophel lay the Temple, and S. of the Temple on the same hill "above Gihon" lay the old Jebusite stronghold (David's City). The ancient altar of burnt offering was almost surely at es-Sakhra. The evidence has not been conclusive as to the line of the second wall, so that the site of Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre cannot certainlv



      be determined (see George Adam Smith's exhaust- ive work, Jerus, 2 vols, 1907; Sir Charles Wilson, Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre, 1906; and ct Selah Merrill, Ancient Jerus, 1908; C. R. Conder, City of Jerus, 1909; P. H. Vincent, Underground Jerus, 1911).

      (3) Excavations in the Shephelah (Palestine Ex- ploration Fund) .—During 1898-1900 important work was done by Bliss and Macalister at 4 sites on the border land between Philistia and Judaea, while five other small mounds were tunneled, but without important results. The four chief sites were Tell Zakariya, lying about midway between Jerus and Tell el-Hesy; Tell e.j Safi, 5 miles W. of Tell Zakariya, and Tell Sandahannah, about 10 miles S.; while Tell ej-Judeideh \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ay between Tell Zakariya and Tell Sandahannah. As Tell ej- Judeideh was only half-excavated and merely con- firmed other results, not being remarkable except for the large quantity of jar inscriptions found (37), we omit further mention of it. (a) Tell Zakariya: From this height, 1,214 ft. above the sea, almost all Philistia could be seen. A pre-Israelitish town was found under some 20 ft. of debris, containing pre-Israelitish, Jewish and Seleueidan pottery. Many vaulted cisterns, partly hewn from the rock, were found in the lowest level. In later levels Jewish pit ovens were found and inscribed jar- handles with winged Egyp symbols, implements of bronze, iron, bone and stone, and Egyp images of Bes and the Horus eye, etc, besides a strange bronze figure of a woman with a fish's tail which seems to represent Atargatis of Ashkelon. The ancient rampart was strengthened, perhaps in Rehoboam's time, and towers were added in the Seleueidan era. Only half of this site was excavated. (6) Tell es- Safi: The camp was pitched near here in the Vale of Elah. From a depth of 21 ft. to the rock, was found the characteristic pre-Israelitish pottery and much imported pottery of the Mycenaean type. A high place was also found here, containing bones of camels, sheep, cows, etc, and several monoliths of soft limestone in situ, and near by a jar-burial. In an ancient rubbish heap many fragments of the goddess of fertility were found. Many old Egyp and later Or relics were also found, and four Bab seals and the usual pottery from Jewish and later periods. With strong probability this site was identified as Gath. (c) Tell Sandahannah: This was situated c 1,100 ft. above sea-level. The town covered about 6 acres and was protected by an inner and outer wall and occasional towers. The strongest wall averaged 30 ft. thick. The work done here "was unique in the history of Palestinian excavation" (Bhss). At Tell el-Hesy only one- third of each stratum was excavated; at Tell Zakariya only one-half; at Jerus the work was confined to the enclosures of the temple, a few city walls and a few churches, pools, streets, etc, but at Tell Sandahannah "we recovered almost an entire town, probably the ancient Mareshah [Josh 15 44], with its inner and outer walls, its gateSj streets, lanes, open places, houses, reservoirs, etc' (Bliss). Nearly 400 vessels absolutely intact and unbroken were found. It was a Seleueidan town of the 3d and 2rl cent. BC, with no pre-Israelitish remains. The town was built with thin brick, like blocks of soft limestone, set with wide joints and laid in mud with occasionally larger, harder stones chisel- picked. The town was roughly divided into blocks of streets, some of the streets being paved. The houses were lighted from the street and an open court. Very few rooms were perfectly rectangular, while many were of awkward shape. Many closets were found and pit ovens and vaulted cisterns, reached by staircases, as also portions of the old drainage system. The cisterns had plastered floors,

      and sometimes two heavy coats of plaster on the walls; the houses occasionally had vaulted roofs but usually the ordinary roof of today, made of boards and rushes covered with clay. No religious building was found and no trace of a colonnade, except perhaps a few fragments of ornament. An

      Stamped Jar-Handles, Lamp and Iron Implements from Tombs at Beit JibHn.

      enormous columbarium was uncovered (1906 niches) . No less than 328 Gr inscriptions were found on the handles of imported wine jars. Under the Seleuei- dan town was a Jewish town built of rubble, the pottery of the usual kind including stamped jar- handles. An Astarte was found in the Jewish or Gr stratum, as also various animal forms. The Astarte was very curious, about 11 in. high, hollow, wear- ing a long cloak, but with breasts, body and part of right leg bare, having for headdress a closely fitting sunbonnet with a circular serrated top ornament in front and with seven stars in relief. A most striking find dating from about the 2d cent. AD was that of 16 little human figures bound in fetters of lead, iron, etc, undoubtedly representing "revenge dolls" through which the owners hoped to work magic on enemies, and 49 fragments of magical tablets in- scribed in Gr on white limestone, with exorcisms, incantations and imprecations. It ought to be added that the four towns as a whole supplement each other, and positively confirm former results. No royal stamps were found at Tell el-Hesy, but 77 were found in these 4 sites, in connection with 2- or 4-winged symbols (Egyp scarabaeus or winged sun- disk). Writing-materials (styli) were found in all strata, their use being "continuous from the earliest times into the Seleueidan period" (BUss). From the four towns the evolution of the lamp could be traced from the pre-Israelite, through the Jewish to the Gr period. Some 150 of the labyrinthine rock- cut caves of the district were also examined, some of which must be pre-Christian, as in one of these a million cubic feet of material had been excavated, yet so long ago that all signs of the rubbish had been washed away.

      (4) Painted "Tombs of Marissa."—ln 1902 John P. Peters and Hermann Thiersc^h discovered at Beit Jibrin (adjoining Tell Sandahannah) an example of sepulchral art totally different from any other ever found in Pal. It was a tomb containing several chambers built by a Sidonian, the walls being brilliantly painted, showing a bull, panther, serpent, ibex, crocodile with ibis (?) on its back, hunter on horseback, etc, with dated inscriptions, the earliest being 196 BC (see John P. Peters, Painted Tombs in Necropolis of Marissa, 1905). The writer (April 18, 1913) found another tomb here of similar character, decorated with grapes, birds, two cocks (life size), etc. Perhaps most conspicuous was a wreath of beautiful flowers with a cross ® in its center. Nothing shows the interrelations of that



      age more tlmii this Phoon rolony, living in Pal, using the Gr language but employing Egyp and Libyan charaeteristics freely in their funeral art.

      (1) Tell Ta^aniu'k (Austrian government and Vienna Academy). — During short seasons of three

      years (1902-4) Professor Ernst SelUn 2. Northern of Vienna made a rapid examination Palestine of this tovn\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ (Bib. Taanach), situated

      in the plain of Esdraelon in Northern Pal, on the ancient road between Egypt and

      Interior of Tomb at Marissa.

      Babylon. Over 100 laborers were employed and digging was carried on simultaneously at several different points on the mound, the record being kept in an unusually systematic way and the official reports being minute and exhaustive. Only a general statement of results can be given, with an indication of the directions in which the "findings" were peculiar. The absence of Phoen and Myce- naean influence upon the pottery in the earliest levels (1000-1600 BC) is just as marked as at other sites, the kind of pottery and the presence of Sem magi;e- bholh (see Images) in the Jewdsh periods are just as in previous sites, and the development in mason w-ork and in pottery is identically the same in this first city to be excavated in Northern Pal as in Southern Pal. "The buildings and antiques might be interchanged bodily without any serious confusion of the archaeological history of Pal. .... Civilization over all Western Pal is thus shown to have had the same course of development, whether we study it N. or S." (Macalister). This is by far the most important result of this excava- tion, showing that, notwithstanding divergences in many directions, an equivalent civilization, proving a unity in the douiinating race, can be seen over all parts of Pal so far examined. Iron is introduced at the same time (c 1000 BC), and even the toys and pottery decorations are similar, and this continues through all the periods, including the Jewish. Yet foreign intercourse is common, and the idols, even from the earliest period, "show religious syncretism" (Sellin). From almost the oldest layer comes a curious seal cylinder containing both Egyp and Bab features. On one pre-Israelite tablet are pictures of Hadad and Baal. The Astarte cult is not quite as prominent here as in Southern Pal. No figures of the goddess come from the earliest strata, but from 1600 BC to c 900-800 BC they are common; after this they cease. The ordinary type of Astarte found in Babylonia and Cyprus as well as in Pal — with crown, neck- lace, girdle, anklets, and hands clasped on breasts — is found most frequently; but from the 12th to the 9th cent, other forms appear representing her as naked, with hips abnormally enlarged, to show her power of fecundity. One figure is of a

      peculiarly foreign type, wearing excessively large earrings, and this is in close connection with one of the most unique discoveries ever made in Pal — a hollow terra cotta Can. or Israehte (2 K 16 10) altar (800-600 BC), having no bottom but with holes in its walls which admitted air and insured draft when fire was kindled below; in its ornamen- tation showdng a mixture of Bab and Egyp motives, having on its right side winged animals with human heads by the side of which is a man (or boy) struggling with a serpent the jaws of which are widely distended in anger; at its top two ram's (?) horns, and between them a sacrificial bowd in which to receive the "drink offering"; on its front a tree (of hfe), and on each side of it a rampant ibex. A bronze serpent was found near this altar, as also near the high place at Gezer. Continuous evidence of the gruesome practice of foundation sacrifices, mostly of little children, but in one case of an adult, was found between the 13th and 9th cents. BC, after which they seem to cease. In one house the skeletons of a lady and five children w-ere found, the former with her rings and necklace of gold, five pearls, two scaral^s, etc. Many jar-burials of new-born infants, 16 in one place, were found, and, close to this deposit, a rock-hewn altar with a jar of yellow incense (?). Egyp and Bab images were found of different eras and curious little human-looking amulets (as were also found at Lachish) in which the parental parts are prominent, which Sellin and Bliss believe to be "teraphim" (Gen 31 19.34; but see Driver, Modern Research, 57, etc), such as Rachel, being pregnant, took with her to protect her on the hard journey from Haran to Pal (Macalister).

      The high place, with one or more steps leading up to it, suggesting "elevation, isolation and mystery" (Vincent), is represented here as in so many other Palestinian ruins, and the evidence shows that it continued long after the entrance of Israel into Canaan. When Israel entered Pal, no break occurred in the civilization, the art develop- ment continuing at about the same level; so prob- ably the two races were at about the same culture- level, or else the Hebrew occupation of the land was very gradual. In the 8th cent, there seems to be an indication of the entrance of a different race, which doubtless is due to the Assyr exile. A most interesting discovery was that of the dozen cunei- form tablets found in a terra cotta chest or jar (cf Jer 32 14) from the pre-Israelite city.

      These few letters cannot accurately be called ' ' the first library found in Pal"; but they do prove that libraries were there, since the personal and comparatively unim- portant character of some of these notes and their easy and flowing style prove that legal, business and literary documents must have existed. These show that letter- writing was used not only in great questions of state between foreign countries, but in local matters between little contiguous towns, and that while Pal at this period (c 1400 BC) was politically dependent on Egypt, yet Babylonia had maintained its old literary supremacy. One of these letters mentions "the finger of Ashirat," this deity recalling the 'dsherdh or sacred post of the OT (see Images); another note is written by Ahi-Yawi, a name which corresponds to Heb Ahijah ("Jeh is Brother"), thus indicating that the form of the Divine name was then known in Canaan, though its meaning (i.e. the es- sential name; cf Ex 6 3; 34 0; Neh 1 9; Jer 44 20), may not have been known. Ahi-Yawi invokes upon Ishtar-washur the blessing of the " Lord of the Gods."

      On the same level with these letters were found two subterranean cells with a rock-hewn chamber in front and a rock-hewn altar above, and even the ancient drain which is supjiosed to have con- veyed the blood from the altar into tlie "chamber of the dead" below. It may be added that Dr. Sellin thinks the condition of the various walls of the city is entirely harmonious with the Bible accounts of its history (Josh 12 21; 17 11; Jgs 1 27; 5 19-21; 1 K 4 12; 9 1.5; 1 Ch 7 29). So far as the ruins testify, there was no settled city life



      between c 600 BC and 900 AD, i.e. it became a desolation about the time of the Bab captivity. An Arab castle dates from about the 10th cent. AD.

      (2) Tell el-Mutesellim (Megiddo, Josh 12 21; Jgs 5 19; 2 K 9 27). — This great commercial and mili- tary center of Northern Pal was opened to the world in 1903-5 by Dr. Schumacher and his efficient staff, the diggings being conducted under the auspices of His Majesty the Kaiser and the Ger. Pal Society. The mound, about 5 miles N.W. from Ta'anach, stood prominently 120 ft. above the plain, the ruins being on a plateau 1,020X750 ft. in area. An average of 70 diggers were employed for the entire time. The dcSbris was over 33 ft. deep, covering some eight tnutually excluding populations. The surrounding wall, 30X35 ft. thick, conformed itself to the contour of the town . The excavations reached the virgin rock only at one point; but the oldest stratum uncovered showed a people living in houses, having fire, cooking food and making sacrifices; the next city marked an advance, but the third city, proved by its Egyp remains to go back as far as the 20th cent. BC, showed a splendid and in some di- rections a surprising civilization, building magnifi- cent city gates (57X36 ft.), large houses and tombs with vaulted roofs, and adorning their persons with fine scarabs of white and green steatite and other jewelry of stone and bronze. It was very rich in colored pottery and little objects such as tools, seals, terra cotta figures and animals, including a bridled horse, and some worked iron is also said to have been found. In one pile of bodies were two children wearing beautiful bronze anklets. The city lying above this begins as early as the 15th cent. BC, as is proved by a scarab of Thothmes III and by other signs, although the scarabs, while Egyp in form, are often foreign in design and execution. Anubis, Bes, Horus and other Egyp figures appear, also 32 scarabs in one pot, much jewelry, including gold ornaments, and some very long, sharp bronze knives. One tomb contained 42 vessels, and one skeleton held 4 gold-mounted scarabs in its hand. One remarkable fragment of pottery contained a colored picture of pre-Israelite warriors with great black beards, carrying shields ( ?) . A most interest- ing discovery was that of the little copper (bronze ?) tripods supporting lamps, on one of which is the figure of a flute-player, being strikingly similar to pictures of Delphic oracles and to representations lately found in Crete (MNDPV, 1906, 46). This city was destroyed by a fearful conflagration, and is separated from the next by a heavy stratum of cinders and ashes. The fifth'city is remarkable for a splenclid palace with walls of stone from 3-5 ft. thick. This city, which probably begins as early as Solomon's time, shows the best masonry. An oval, highly polished seal of jasper on which is engraved a Heb name in script closely resembling the M S, sug- gests a date for the city, and casts an unexpected light upon the Heb culture of Pal in the days of the monarchy. The seal is equal to the best Egyp or Assyr work, clearly and beautifully engraved, a,nd showing a climax of art. In the center is the Lion (of Judah), mouth wide open, tail erect, body tense. Upon the seal is carved: "To Shema, servant of Jeroboam." This name may possibly not refer to either of the Bib. kings (10th or 8th cent. BC), but the stratum favors this dating. The seal was evi- dently owned by some Hebrew noble at a prosperous period when some Jeroboam was in power, and so everything is in favor of this being a relic from the court of one of these kings, probably the latter (Kautzsch, Mu. N, 1904, 81). We have here, in any case, one of the oldest Heb inscriptions known, and one of the most elegant ever engraved (see MNDPV, 1906, 33). After seeing it the Sultan took it from the museum into his own private col-

      lection. A second seal of lapis lazuli, which Schu- macher and Kautzsch date from about the 7th cent. BC, also contains in Old Heb the name "Asaph" (dMu. N, 1906, 334; MNDPV, 1904, 147). There are several other remarkable works of art, as e.g. a woman playing the tambourine, wearing an Egyp headdress; several other figures of women besides several Astartes, and esp. a series of six terra cotta heads, one with a prominent Sem nose, another with Egyp characteristics, another quite un-Egyp, with regular features, vivacious eyes, curls falling to her shoulders and garlanded with flowers.

      The sixth stratum might well be called the temple- city, for here were found the ruins of a sanctuary built of massive blocks in which remained much of the cere- monial furniture — sacrificial dishes, a beautiful basalt pot with three feet, a plate having a handle in the form of a flower, etc. Seemingly connected with the former town, three religious stones were found covered by a fourth, and one with a pyramidal top; so here several monoliths were found which would naturally be thought of as religious monuments — though, since they have been touched witii tools, this is perhaps doubtful (Ex 20 25). One incense altar, carved out of gray stone, is so beautiful as to be worthy of a modern Gr cathedral. The upper dish rests on a support of carved ornamental leaves painted red, yellow and cobalt blue, in exquisite taste, the colors still as fresh as when first applied. A black- smith's shop was found in this stratum, containing many tools, including iron plowshares, larger than the bronze ones in the 3d and 4th layers. Allegorical figures were found, which may possibly belong to the former town, representing a man before an altar with liis hands raised in adoration, seemingly to a scorpion, above which are a 6-pointed star, crescent moon, etc. Another most wonderful seal of white hard stone is engraved with three lines of symbols, in the first a vulture chasing a rabbit; in the second a conventional palm tree, with winged creatures on each side; in the third a lion springing on an ibex ( ? ) under the crescent moon. Near by was found a cylinder of black jasper, containing hieroglyphs, and much crushed pottery. The 7th city, which was previous to the Gr or Rom eras, shows only a complex of destroyed buildings. After this the place remains un- occupied till the 11th cent. AD, when a poor Arab tower was erected, evidently to protect the passing caravans.

      These excavations were specially important in proving the archaeological richness of Pal and the elegance of the native works of art. They were reported with an unexampled minuteness — various drawings of an original design showing the exact place and altitude where every little fragment was found.

      (3) Tell HUm (Capernaum), etc. — In April and May, 1905, the German Oriental Society excavated a Heb synagogue of the Rom era at Tell H-dm. It was 78 ft. long by 59 ft. wide, was built of beautiful white limestone, almost equal to marble, and was in every way more magnificent than any other yet found in Pal, that in Chorazin being the next finest. Its roof was gable-shaped and it was surprisingly ornamented with fine carvings representing ani- mals, birds, fruits, flowers, etc, though in some cases these ornamentations had been intentionally mu- tilated. In January, 1907, Macalister and Master- man proved that Khan Minyeh was not the ancient Capernaum, as it contained no pottery older than Arab time, thus showing Tell HiXm to be the ancient site, so that the synagogue just excavated may be the one referred to in Lk 7 5. At Samieh, 6 hours N. of Jerus, two important Can. cemeteries were discovered by the fellahin in 1906, consisting of circular or oval tomb chambers, with roofs roughly dome-shaped, as at Gezer (see below). A large quantity of pottery and bronze objects, much of excellent quality, was found ( Harvard Theol. Rev., I, 70-96; Masterman, Studies in Galilee; Henson, Researches in Palestine).

      Jericho (German Oriental Soci,ety). — During 1908-9, Dr. E. Sellin, assisted by a specialist in pottery, (Watzinger) and a professional archi- tect (Langenegger), with the help of over 200 work- men, opened to view this famous Bib. city (.Josh 6 1-24). Jericho was most strategicaUy situated



      at the eastern gateway of Palj with an unhmited water-supply in the 'Ain es-Sultan, having complete

      control of the great commercial high- 3. Eastern way across the Jordan and possessing Palestine natural provisions in its palm forest

      (Smith, HGHL). It was also set prominently on a hill rising some 40 ft. above

      Excavations at Jericho.

      the plain. The excavations proved that from the earliest historic time these natural advantages had been increased by every possible artifice known to ancient engineers, until it had become a veritable Gibraltar. The oldest city, w'hich was in the form of an irregular ellipse, somewhat egg-shaped, with the point at the S.W., was first surrounded with a rampart following the contour of the hill, a rampart so powerful that it commands the admiration of all military experts who have examined it.

      The walls even in their ruins are some 28 ft. high. They were built in three sections: (a) a substratum of clay, gravel and small stones, making a deposit upon the rock about 3 or 4 ft. deep, some- what analogous to modern concrete; (6) a rubble wall, 6 to 8 ft. thick, of large stones laid up to a height of 16 ft. upon this conglomerate, the lowest layers of the stone being enormously large ; (c) upon all this a brick wall over 6 ft. thick, still remaining, in places, 8 ft. high. Not even Megiddo, famous as a military center throughout all the ancient world, shows such workmanship (cf Josh 2 1; Nu 13 28). "These were masters in stonework and masonry" (The Builder): "Taken as a whole it may justly be regarded as a triumph of engineering skill which a modern builder, under the same conditions, could scarcely excel" (Langenegger) ; "It is as well done as a brilliant mihtary engineer with the same ma- terials and tools could do today" (Vincent). All the centuries were not able to produce a natural crevice in this fortification. At the N., which was the chief point of danger, and perhaps along other sections also, a second wall was built about 100 ft. inside the first, and almost as strong, while still another defence ("the citadel"), with 265 ft. of frontage, w-as protected not only by another mighty wall but by a well-constructed glacis. The old pre-Israelite culture in Jericho was exactly similar to that seen in the southern and northern cities, and the idolatry also. In its natural elements Can. civilization was probably superior to that of the Hebrews, but the repugnant and ever-present polytheism and fear of magic led naturally to brutal and impure manifestations. It cannot be doubted that, at least in some cases, the infants buried in jars under the floors represent foundation sacrifices. Some of the pottery is of great excellence, comparing favorably with almost the best examples from Egypt; a number of decorative figures of animals in relief are specially fine; the bronze utensils are

      also good; esp. notable are the 22 writing-tablets, all ready to be used but not inscribed. Somewhere near the 15th cent, the old fortifications were seriously damaged, but equally powerful ones replaced them. The German experts all believed that a break in the city's history was clearly shown about the time when, according to the pottery, Israel ought to have captured the city, and it was confidently said that the distinctively Can. pot- tery ceased completely and permanently at this point ; but further research has shown that at least a portion of the old town had a practically contin- uous existence (so Josh 16 7; Jgs 1 16; 3 13; 2 S 10 5). No complete Israeli tish house was preserved, but the Israelitish quarter was located close to the spring and no little furniture of the usual kind was found, including dishes, pots, corn- mills, lamps, etc, many iron instruments and terra cotta heads of men and animals. The pottery is quite unlike the old Canaanite, being closely allied to the Gr-Phoen ware of Cyprus. It is noticeable that, as in other Palestinian towns, in the Jewish era, little Bab influence is discernible; the Aegean and Egyp influence is not as marked as in the cities dug up near the Mediterranean coast. One large edifice (60 by 80 ft.) is so like the dwellings of the 7th cent. BC at Sendjirli that "they seem to have been copied from Syrian plans" (Vincent). Abso- lutely unique was the series of 12 Rhodian jar- handles stamped in Aram., "To Jehovah" [Yah, Yahu). Vincent has suggested that as during the monarchy (7th to 6th cent.) "To the King" meant probably "For His Majesty's Service," so in post- exilio time the Divine name meant "For the Temple" {Rev .hMique) . After the exile the city had about 3 centuries of prosperity; but disappears permanently in the Maccabean era {MNDPV, 1907; MDOG, 1908-9; PEFS, 1910; Rev. biblique, 1907-9).

      (1) Jerusalem. — See above. III, 1, (2).

      (2) Samaria (Harvard Expedition). — Although the ancient capital of the Northern Kingdom, yet

      Samaria was centrally located, being 4. Central 20 miles from the Mediterranean Palestine coast and only about 30 miles N. of

      Jerus. Ancient Samaria was very famous in Israel for its frivolity and wealth, special mention being made of its ointments, instruments of music, luxurious couches, and its "ivory palace" (Am 6 4-6; 1 K 16 24). Its history is known so fully that the chronological sequences of the ruins can be determined easily. The citadel and town originated with Omri, c 900 BC (1 K 16 24) ; the Temple of Baal and palace were constructions of Ahab (1 K 16 32; 22 39); it continued pros- perous down to the Assyr exile, 722 BC (1 K 22 to 2 K 17); Sargon and Esarhaddon established a Bab colony and presumably fortified the town (720-670 BC) ; Alexander the Great captured it in 331 BC, and established there a Syrio-Maccabean colony; it was destroyed by John Hyrcanus in 109 BC, but rebuilt by Pompey in 60 BC, and again by Herod (30-1 BC). All of these periods are identi- fied in the excavations, Herod's work being easily recognized, and Josephus' description of the town being found correct; the Gr work is equally well defined, so that the lower layers of masom-y which contained the characteristic Jewish pottery, and which in every part of the ruin lay immediately under the Bab and Gr buildings, must necessarily be Heb, the relative order of underlying structures thus being "beyond dispute" (Reisner). During 1908-9 George A. Reisner with a staff of specialists, including David G. Lyon of the Harvard Semitic Museum, G. Schumacher, and an expert architect, undertook systematically and thoroughly to exca- vate this large detached "teU" lying 350 ft. above



      the valley and 1,450 ft. aljove sea-level, its location as the only possible strategic stronghold proving it to be the ancient Samaria. This was a "gigantic enterprise" because of the large village of 800 population (Sebastii/eh) , and the valuable crops which covered the hill. Some $65,000 were spent during the two seasons, and the work finally ceased before the site was fully excavated. The following statement is an abridgment, in so far as possible in their words, of the official reports of Drs. Reisner and Lyon to the Harvard Theol. Review: An average of 285 diggers were employed the first season and from 230-60 the second. Hundreds of Arabian lamps, etc, were found close to the surface, and then nothing more until the Rom ruins. Many fine Rom columns still remained upright, upon the surface of the hill. The road of columns leading to the Forum and ornamental gate (oriented unlike the older gates), the great outer wall "20 stadii in circuit" (Jos), the hippodrome, etc, were all found with inscriptions or coins and pottery of the early Roman Empire. Even the old Rom chariot road leading into the Forum was identified. Adjoining the Forum and connected with it by a wide doorway was a basilica, consisting of a large open stone-paved court surrounded by a colonnade with mosaic floor. An inscription in Greek on an architrave in the courtyard dates this to 12-15 AD. The plan of the Herodian temple consisted of a stairway, a portico, a vestibule and a cella with a corridor on each side. The staircase was about SO ft. wide, composed of 17 steps beautifully constructed, the steps being quite modern in style, each tread overlapping the next lower by several inches. The roof was arched and the walls very massive and covered with a heavy coat of plaster still retaining traces of color. A few Gr graffiti were found near here, and 1.50 "Rhodian" stamped amphora handles and many fragments of Lat in- scriptions. A complete inscription on a large stele proved to be a dedication from some Pannonian soldiers (probably 2d or 3d cent. AD) to "Jupiter Optimus Maximus." Near this was found a torso of heroic size carved in white marble, which is much finer than any ever before discovered in Pal, the work "bringing to mind the Vatican Augustus" (Vincent), though not equal to it. Close to the statue was a Rom altar (presumably Herodian) c 13 by 7 ft., rising in six courses of stone to a height of 6 ft. Beneath the Rom city was a Seleu- cid to\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\TQ (c 300-108 BC), with its fortifications, gateway, temples, streets, and great public build- ings and a complex of private houses, in connection with which was a large bath house, with mosaic floor, hot and cold baths, water closet, etc, which was heated by a furnace. Underneath the Gr walls, which were connected with the well-known red-figured Gr ware of c 400 BC, were brick struc- tures and very thick fortress walls built in receding courses of small stones in the Bab style. In the filling of the construction trench of this Bab wall were found Israelite potsherds and a Heb seal with seemingly Bab pecuUarities, and one fragment of a cuneiform tablet. Below these Bab constructions "there is a series of massive walls beautifully built of large limestone blocks founded on rock and form- ing a part of one great building, which can be no other than the Jewish palace." It consisted of "great open courts surrounded by small rooms, comparable in plan and even in size with the Bab palaces and is certainly royal in size and archi- tecture." Its massive outUnes which for the first time reveal to the modern world the masonry of an Israelite palace show that unexpected material resources and technical skill were at the command of the kings of Israel. An even greater discovery was made when on the palace' hill was found an

      alabaster vase inscribed with the cartouche of Osorkon II of Egypt (874-853 BC), Ahab's con- temporary; and at the same level, about 75 frag- ments of pottery, not jar-handles but oslraca, inscribed with records or memorials in ancient Plebrcw. The script is Phoen, and according to such experts as Lyon and Driver, practically iden- tical with that of the Siloam Inscription (c 700 BC) and M S (c 850 BC). "The inscriptions are written in ink with a reed pen in an easy flowing hand and show a pleasing contrast to the stiff forms of Phoen inscriptions cut in stone. The graceful curves give evidence of a skill which comes only with long practice" (Lyon). The ink is well preserved, the writing is distinct, the words are divided by dots or strokes, and with two exceptions aU the ostraca are dated, the reigning king probably being Ahab. The following samples represent the ordinary memoranda: "In the 11th year. From 'Abi'ezer. For 'Asa, 'Akhemelek (and) Ba'ali. From 'Elnathan

      (?) InOthyr. FromYasat. For 'Abino'am.

      A jar of old wine In 11th yr. For Badyo.

      The vineyard of the Tell." Baal and El form a part of several of the proper names, as also the Heb Divine name, the latter occurring naturally not in its full form, YHWH, but as ordinarily in compounds YW (Lyon, Harvard Theol. Rev., 1911, 136-43; cf Driver, PEFS, 1911, 79-83). In a list of 30 proper names all but three have Bib. equivalents. "They are the earliest specimens of Heb writing which have been found, and in amount they exceed by far all known ancient Heb inscrip- tions; moreover, they are the first Palestinian records of this natmre to be found" (see esp. Lyon, op. cit., I, 70-96; II, 102-13; III, 136-38; IV, 136-43; Reisner, ib, 111,248-63; also Theol. Liiera- turblatt, 1911, III, 4; Driver, as above; MNOP,

      1911, 23-27; Rev. Ublique, VI, 435-45).

      (3) 'Ain Shems (Beth-shemesh, 1 S 6 1-21; 2 K 14 11). — In a short but important campaign, during 1911-12, in which from 36 to 167 workmen were employed, Dr. D. Mackenzie uncovered a massive double gate and primitive walls 12-15 ft. high, with mighty bastions, and found in later de- posits Egyp images, Syrian Astartes, imported Aegean vases and a remarkable series of inscribed royal jar-handles "dating from the Israelite mon- archy" (Vincent), as also what seemed to be an ancient Sem tomb with fagade entrance. The proved Cretan relations here are esp. important. The town was suddenly destroyed, probably in the era of Sennacherib {PEFS, 1911, LXIX, 172; 1912, XII, 145).

      (4) Gezer (Palestine Exploration Fund). — Tell ej-Jezer occupies a conspicuous position, over 250 ft. above the plain, and 750 ft. above the sea, on a ridge of hills some 20 miles N.W. of Jerus, over- looking the plain toward Jaffa, which is 17 miles distant. It is in plain sight of the two chief trade caravan roads of Southern Pal which it controlled. The ancient Gezer was well known from many refer- ences to it on the Egyp records, the names of several governors of Gezer being given in letters dating from c 1400 BC and Menephtah (c 1200 BC) caUing himself "Binder of Gezer," etc. The discovery of the boundary stones of Gezer (see above) positively identified it. It was thoroughly excavated by R. A. Stewart Macalister in 1902-5, 1907-9, during which time 10,000 photographs were made of ob- jects found. No explorations have been so long continued on one spot or have brought more unique discoveries or thrown more light upon the develop- ment of Palestinian culture and religion, and none have been reported as fully {Excavations of Gezer,

      1912, 3 vols; Hist of Civilization in Pal, 1912). Ten periods are recognized as being distinctly marked in the history of the mound — which broadly



      speaking represents the development in all parts of Pal: (a) pre-Sem period (c 3000-2500 BC), to the entrance of the first Semites; (6) first Sem city (c 2500-1800 BC), to the end of the Xllth Egyp Dynasty; (c) second Sem city (c lSOO-1400 BC), to the end of the XVIIIth Egyp Dynasty; (d) third Sem city (o 1400-1000 BC), to the beginning of the Heb monarchy; (e) fourth Sem city (c 1000- 550 BC), to the destruction of the monarchy and the Bab exile; (/) Pers and Hel period (550-100 BC), to the beginning of the Rom do- minion; (g) Rom (100 BC-350 AD); (/i) Byzantine (350-6C)0 AD); (i) and (j) early and modern Arabian (350 AD to the present). The last four periods have left few important memorials and may be omitted from review.

      (a) The aboriginal non-Sem inhabitants of Gezer were troglodytes (cf Gen 14 6) living in the caves which honeycomb this district (cl ZDPV, 1909, VI, 12), modi- fying these only slightly for home purposes. They were a small race 5 ft. 4 in. to 5 ft. 7 in. in height, slender in form, with rather broad heads and thicli sliulls, who hunted, kept domestic animals (cows, sheep, goats); had lire and cooked food; possessed no metals ; made by hand a porous and gritty soft-baked pottery which they decorated with red lines; and were capable of a rude art — the oldest in Pal — in which drawings of various animals are given. They prized certain bars of stone (possibly phallic); they probably offered sacrifices; they certainly cremated their dead, depositing with the ashes a few food vessels. The crematory found was 31 ft. long by 24 wide, and in it the bodies were burned whole, without regard to orientation. Many cup marks in the rocks suggest possible religious rites ; in close con- nection with these marldngs were certain remains, in- cluding bones of swine (cf Lev 11 7).

      (b) The Semites who displaced this population were more advanced in civilization, having bronze tools and potter's wheels, with finer and more varied pottery; they were a heavier race, being 5 ft. 7 in. to 5 ft. 11 iri. tall, larger-boned, thicker-skulled, and with longer faces. They did not burn but buried their dead care- lessly upon the floor of the natural caves. The grave deposits are the same as before; occasionally some beads are found with the body. The former race had surround- ed their settlement with a wall 6 ft. high and 8 ft. thick, mostly earth, though faced with selected stones; but this race built a wall of hammered stones, though irregu- larly cut and laid, the wall being 10 ft. thick, and one gateway being 42 ft. wide, flanked by two towers. While huts were always the common residences (as in later eras), yet some buildings of stone were erected toward the close of this period and one large palace was found, built of stone and ha\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ing a row of columns down the center, and containing a complex of rooms, including one rectangular hall, 40 ft. long by 25 ft. wide. IMost remarkable of all were their works of engineering. They hewed enormous constructions, square, rectangular and circular, out of the soft chalk and limestone rocks, one of which contained 60 chambers, one chamber being 400 by 80 ft. The supreme work, however, was a tunnel which was made c 2000 BC, passing out of use c 1450- 1250 BC, and which shows the power of these early Palestinians. It was 200-250 ft. long and consisted of a roadway cut through the hill of rock some 47^ ft. to an imposing archway 2:3 ft. high and 12 ft. 10 in. broad, which led to a long sloping passage of equal dimensions, with the arch having a vaiilted roof and the sides well plumb. This led into a bed of much harder rock, where dimensions were reduced and the workmanship was poorer, but ultimately reached, aV)out 130 ft. below the present surface of the ground, an enormous living spring of such depth that the excavators could not empty it of the soft mud with which it was filled. A well-cut but well-worn and battered stone staircase, over 12 ft. broad, connected the spring with the upper section of the tunnel 94 ft. above. Beyond the spring was a natural cave 80 by 25 ft. Dr. Macalister asks, "Did a Canaan- ite governor plan and Canaanite workmen execute this vast work ? How did the ancient engineers discover the spring?" No one can answer; but certainly the tunnel was designed to bring the entrance of the water passage within the courtyard protected by the palace walls.

      Another great reservoir, 57 by 46 ft., at another part of the city was quarried in the rock to a depth of 291 ft., and below this another one of equal depth but not so large, and narrowing toward the bottom. These wore covered with two coats of cement and surrounded by a wall; they would hold 60,000 gals.

      (c) The second Sem city, built on the ruins of the first, was smaller, but more luxurious. There were fewer buildings but larger rooms. The potter's wheel was worked by the foot. Pottery becomes much finer, the styles and decoration reaching a climax of grace and refinement. Foreign trade begins in this period and

      almost or quite reaches its culmination. The Hyksos scarabs found here prove that under their rule (XVIth and XVIIth Dynasties) there was close intercourse with Pal, and the multitudes of Egyp articles show that this was also true before and after the Hyksos. The Cretan and the Aegean trade, esp. through Cyprus, introduced new art ideas which soon brought local attempts at imitation. Scribes' implements for writing in wax and clay begin here and are found in all strata hereafter.

      Interments in the Second Burial Cave at Gezer.

      "While the pottery is elaborately painted, it is but little molded. The older "combed" ornament practically disappears, while burnished ornament reaches high-water marli. Animal figures are common, the eyes often being elaborately modeled and stuck on; but it is infantile art. Burials still occur in natural caves, but also in those hewn artificially; the bodies are carelessly depos- ited on the floor without coffins, generally in a crouching position, and stones are laid around and over them without system. Drink offerings always and food offer- ings generally are placed with the dead. Scarabs are found with the skeletons, and ornaments of bronze and silver, occasionally gold and beads, and sometimes weapons. Lamps also begin to be deposited, but in small numbers.

      (d) During this period Menephtah "spoiled Gezer," and Israel established itself in Canaan. The excavations have given no hint of Menephtah's raid, unless it be found in an ivory pectoral bearing his cartouche. About 1400 BC a great wall, 4 ft. thick, was built of large and well-shaped stones and protected later by particularly fine towers, perhaps, as Macalister suggests, by the Pharaoh who captured Gezer and gave it as a dowry to his daughter, wife of King Solomon. A curious fact, which seemingly illustrates Josh 16 10, is the large increase of the town shortly after the Heb invasion. "The houses are smaller and more crowded and the sacred area of the high place is built over." "There is no indication of an exclusively Israelite population around the city outside" (Macalister, V. Driver, Modern Research, 69). That land was taken for building purposes from the old sacred enclosure, and that new ideas in building plans and more heavily fortified buildings were now intro- duced have been thought to suggest the entrance among the ancient population of another element with different ideas. The finest palace of this period with very thick walls (3-9 ft.) carefully laid out at right angles, and certainly built near "the time of the Heb invasion," was perhaps the residence of Horam (Josh 10 33). At this period seals begin (10 being found here, as against 28 in the next period, and 31 in the Hellenistic) and also iron tools; the use of the carpenter's compass is proved, the bow drill was probably in use, bronze and iron nails appear (wrought iron being fairly com- mon from c 1000 BC) ; a cooking-pot of bronze was found, and spoons of shell and bronze ; modern meth- ods of making buttons and button holes are finest from this period, pottery buttons being introduced in the next city. One incidental Bible reference to the alliance between Gezer and Lachish (Josh 10 33) finds unexpected illustration from the fact that a Ivind of pottery pecuhar to Lachish, not having



      been found in any other of the Southern Palestinian towns, was found at Gezer. The pottery here in general shows the same method of construction as in the 3d stratum, but the decoration and shapes deteriorate, while there is practically no molding. It shows much the same foreign influence as before, the styles being affected from Egypt, Crete, the Aegean, and esp. Cyprus. From this period come 218 scarabs, 68 from the period previous and 93 from the period following. Ornamental colored specimens of imported Egyp glass also occur, clear glass not being found till the next period. Little intercourse is proved with Babylon at this era: as against 16 Bab cylinders found in the previous period, only 4 were found in this and 15 in the next period. There is no marked change in the method of disposing of the dead, but the food vessels are of smaller size and are placed in the graves in great numbers, most of these being broken either through the use of poor vessels because of economy or with the idea of liberating the spirit of the object that it might serve the deceased in the spirit world. Lamps are common now in every tomb but there is a marked decrease in the quantity and value of ornamental objects. Religious em- blems occur but rarely. The worship of Astarte (see Ashtoheth), the female consort of Baal, is most popular at this era, terra cotta figures and plaques of this goddess being found in many types and in large numbers. It is suggestive that these grow notably less in the next stratum. It is also notable that primitive idols are certainly often intentionally ugly (Vincent). So to this day Arabs ward off the evil eye.

      (e) This period, during which almost the entire prophetic lit. was produced, is of peculiar interest. Gezer at this time as at every other period was in general appearance like a modern Arab village, a huge mass of crooked, narrow, airless streets, shut inside a thick wall, with no trace of sanitary con- veniences, with huge cisterns in which dead men could lie undetected for centuries, and with no sewers. Even in the Maccabean time the only sewer found ran, not into a cesspool, but into the ground, close to the governor's palace. The mor- tality was excessively high, few old men being found in the cemeteries, while curvature of the spine, syphilis, brain disease, and esp. broken, unset bones were common. Tweezers, pins and needles, kohl bottles, mirrors, combs, perfume boxes, scrapers (for baths) were common in this stratum and in all that follow it, while we have also here silver earrings, bracelets and other beautiful orna- ments with the first sign of clear glass objects; tools also of many kinds of stone, bronze and iron, an iron hoe just like the modern one, and the first known pulley of bronze. The multitude of Heb weights found here have thrown much new light on the weight-standards of Pal (see esp. Macahster, Gezer, II, 287-92; E. J. Pilcher, PEFS, 1912; A. R. S. Kennedy, Expos T, XXIV).

      The pottery was poor in quality, clumsy and coarse in shape and ornament, excepting as it was imported, the local Aegean imitations bemg un- worthy. Combed ornament was not common, and the burnished as a rule was limited to random scratches. Multiple lamps became common, and a large variety of styles in small jugs was intro- duced The motives of the last period survive, but in a degenerate form. The bird friezes so characteristic of the 3d Sem period disappear. The scarab stamp goes out of use, but the impres- sions of other seals "now become fairly common as potter's marks." These consist either of simple devices (stars, pentacles, etc) or of names in Old Heb script. These Heb-mscribed stamps were found at many sites and consist of two classes.

      (i) those containing personal names, such as Azariah, Haggai, Menahem, Shebaniah, etc, (ii) those which are confined to four names, often re- peated — Hebron, Socoh, Ziph, Mamshith — in con- nection with a reference to the king, e.g. "For [or Of] the king of Hebron." These latter date, accord- ing to Dr. Macalister's final judgment, from the

      Stamped Jar-Handles Excavated at Gezer.

      Pers period. He still thinks they represent the names of various potters or potters' guilds in Pal (of 1 Ch 2, 4, 5, and see esp. Bible Side-Lights from Gezer, 150, etc), but others suppose these narnes to represent the local measures of capacity, which differed in these various districts; others that these represented different tax-districts where wine jars would be used and bought. At any rate, we cer- tainly have here the work of the king's potters referred to in 1 Ch 4 23. Another very curious Heb tablet inscription is the so-called Zodiacal Tablet, on which the signs of the Zodiac are figured with certain other symbols which were at first supposed to express some esoteric magical or reli- gious meaning, but which seem only to represent the ancient agricultural year with the proper months indicated for sowing and reaping — being the same as the modern seasons and crops except- ing that flax was cultivated anciently. An even more important hterary memorial from this period consists of two cuneiform tablets written about three- quarters of a century after the Ten Tribes had been carried to Assyria and foreign colonies had been thrown into Israelite territory. This collapse of the Northern Kingdom was not marked by any local catastrophe, so far as the ruins indicate, any more than the collapse of the Can. kingdom when Israel entered Pal ; but soon afterward we find an Assyr colony settled in Gezer "using the Assyr language and letters .... and carrying on busi- ness with Assyr methods." In one tablet (649 BC), which is a bill of sale for certain property, contain- ing description of the same, appeared the narne of the buyer, seals of seller and signature of 12 witnesses, one of whom is the Egyp governor of the new town, another an Assyr noble whose name precedesthat of the governor, and still another a Western Asiatic, the others being Assyrian. It is a Hebrew "Netha- niah," who the next year, as the other tablet shows, sells his field, his seal bearing upon it a lunar stellar emblem. Notwithstanding the acknowledged lit- erary work of high quality produced in Pal during this period, no other hint of this is found clear down to the Gr period except in one neo-Bab tablet.

      The burials in this period were much as pre- viously, excepting that the caves were smaller and toward the end of the period shelves around the walls received the bodies. In one Sem tomb as many as 150 vessels were found. Quite the most astonishing discovery at this level was that of several tombs which scholars generally agree to be "Philistine." They were not native Canaanite, but certainly Aegean intruders with relations with Crete and Cyprus, such as we would expect the Philis to have (see Philistines). The tombs were

      Pal (Exploration) Palm Tree



      oblong or rectangular, covered with large hori- zontal slabs, each tomb containing but a single body, stretched out with the head to the E. or W. One tomb was that of a girl of 18 with articles of alabaster and silver about her, and wearing a Cretan silver mouth plate; another was a man of

      ■^ ^ — -


      High Place of the Cave-Dwellers at Gczer.

      40 with agate seal of Assyr design, a two-handled glass vessel, etc; another was a woman surrounded by handsome ornaments of bronze, lead, silver and gold, with a basalt scarab between her knees. The richest tomb was that of a girl whose head had been severed from the body; with her was a hemispher- ical bowl, ornamented with rosette and lotus pat- tern, and a horde of beautiful things. The iron in these tombs was noticeable (cf 1 S 17 7), and in one tomb were found two ingots of gold, one of these being of the same weight almost to a fraction as that of Achan (Josh 7 21). The most impressive dis- covery was the high place. This began as early as 2.500-2000 BC, and grew by the addition of monoliths and surrounding buildings up to this era. The eight huge uncut pillars which were founil standing in a row, with two others fallen (yet cf Benzinger, Heh Archaeology, 320), show us the actual appearance of this ancient worshipping-place so famous in the Bible (Dt 16 22; 2 K 17 9.11; 23 8). The top of one of these monoliths had been worn smooth by kisses; another was an im- portation, being possibly, as has been Buggested, a captured "Aril"; another stone, near by, had a large cavity in its top, nearly 3 ft. long and 2 ft. broad and 1 ft. 2 in. deep, which is differently inter- preted as being the block upon which the 'dsherah, so often mentioned in connection with the magQc- bholh, may have been erected, or as an altar, or per- haps a laver for ritual ablutions. Inside the sacred enclosure was found a small bronze cobra (2 K 18 4), and also the entrance to an ancient cave, where probably oracles were given, the excavators finding that this cave was connected with another by a small, secret passage — through which pre- sumably the message was delivered. In the stratum underlying the high place was a cemetery of infants buried in large jars. "That the sacri- ficed infants were the firstborn, devoted in the temple, is indicated by the fact that none were over a week old" (Macalistcr). In all the Sem strata bones of children were also found in corners of the houses, the deposits being identical with infant burials in the high place; and examination showed that these were not stillborn children. At least some of the burials under the house thresholds and under the foundation of walls carry with them the mute proofs of this most gruesome practice. In one place the skeleton of an old woman was found in a corner where a hole had been left just large enough for this purpose. A youth of about IS had Ijeen cut in two at the waist and only tlie

      upper part of his body deposited. Before the coming into Pal of the Israelites, a lamp began to be placed under the walls and foundations, probably sym- bolically to take the place of human sacrifice. A lamp and bowl deposit under the threshold, etc, begins in the 3d Sem period, but is rare till the middle of that period. In the 4th Sem period it is common, though not universal; in the Hellenic it almost disappears. Macalister suspects that these bowls held blood or grape juice. In one striking case a bronze figure was found in place of a body. Baskets full of phalli were carried away from the high place. Various types of the Astarte were found at Gezer. When we see the strength and popularity of this religion against which the prophets contended in Canaan, "we are amazed at the survival of this world-religion," and we now see "why Ezra and Nehemiah were forced to raise the 'fence of the law' against this heathenism, which did in fact overthrow all other Sem religions" (George Adam Smith, PEFS, 1906, 288).

      (/) During the Maccabean epoch the people of Gezer built reservoirs (one having a capacity of 4,000,000 gals.), used well-paved rooms, favored complex house plans with pillars, the courtyard be- coming less important as compared with the rooms, though domestic fowls were now for the first time introduced. The architectural decorations have

      Lamp and Bowls Discovered at Gezer.

      all been annihilated (as elsewhere in Pal) excepting a few molded stones and an Ionic volute from a palace, supposed to be that of Simon Maccabaeus because of the references in Jos and because of a scribbled imprecation found in the courtyard: "May fire overtake [?] Simon's palace." This is the only inscription from all these post-exilic cen- turies, to which so much of the beautiful Bible lit. is ascribed, excepting one grotesque animal figure on which is scrawled a name which looks a little like "Antiochus." Only a few scraps of Gr bowls, some Rhodian jar-handles, a few bronze and iron arrow heads, a few animal figures and a fragment of an Astarte, of doubtful chronology, remain from these four centuries. The potsherds prove that foreign imports continued and that the local potters followed classic models and did excellent work. The ware was always burnt hard; combed orna- ment and burnishing were out of style; molded ornament was usually confined to the lojje design; painted decorations were rare; potter's marks were generally in Gr, though some were in Heb, the letters being of late form, and no names appearing similar to those found in Scripture. The tombs were well- cut square chambers, with shafts hewn in the rock for the bodies, usually nine to each tonjb, which were run into them head foremost. The doorways were well cut, the covers almost alwa3's being mov-



      Pal (Exploration) Palm Tree

      able flat slabs, though in one case a swinging stone door was found — circular rolUng stones or the ''false doors" so often found in the Jerus tombs being unknown here. Little shrines were erected above the forecourt or vestibule. When the body decayed, the bones in tombs having these kukhin, shafts, were collected into ossuaries, the inscrip- tions on these ossuaries showing clearly the transi- tion from Old Heb to the square character. After the Maccabean time the town was deserted, though a small Christian community lived here in the 4th cent. AD. Sec also Gezer.

      LiTERATtiHE. — Most important recent monographs: Publications of Palestine Exploration Fund, esp. Survey of Western Pal (9 vols, 1884); Survey of Eastern Pal (2 vols, 1889); "Pal Pilgrim's Text Society's Library" (13 vols) and the books of W. M. Flinders Petrie, F. J. Bliss and R. A. S. MacaUster; also Bliss, Development of Pal Exploration (1906), and Macalister, Bible Side-Lights from the Mound of Gezer (1906); Ernst Sellin, Tell Ta'an- nek (1904); Erne Nachlese auf dem Tell Ta'annek (1905); C. Steuernagel, Tell el-Mutesellim (1908); Mommert, Topog. des alien Jerus (1902-7); H. Guthe, Bibelatlas

      Most important periodicals: PEFS; ZDPV: Mittei- lungen und Nachrichten des deutschen Paldstina-Vereins- Patastina-Jahrbuch (MNDPV); Revue Biblique.

      Mostimportant general -works : L. B.Paton, Early His- tory of Syria and Pal (1902); Cuinet, Syrie, Liban el Pal (1896-1900); H. V. Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands during the 1.9th Cent. (190:3); P. H. 'Vincent, Canaan, d'apris V exploration recente (1907); G. A. Smith, Jerus (1908); S. R. Driver, Modern Research as Illustrating the Bible (1909).

      Camden M. Cobern PALLU, pal'il, PALLUITES, pal'a-Its (X'lJS, palla', "distinguished"): A son of Reuben (Gen 46 9 ["Phallu"]; Ex 6 14; Nu 26 5.8; 1 Ch 6 3). Perhaps Peleth of Nu 16 1 is the same. Palluites, the patronymic, occurs in Nu 26 5.

      PALM, pam (OF THE HAND) (DS , kaph) : The Heb word which is used in a variety of senses (see Hand; Paw) is usually tr'^ "hand" in EV, but the tr "palm" is found in 5 passages of the OT, in 3 of which the Heb text adds the word T' , yadh ("hand," 1 S 5 4; 2 K 9 35; Dnl 10 10). ' It would prop- erly mean the "hollow hand" (root kaphaph, "to bend," "to curve"), which receives or grasps things. It is therefore used in reference to filling the priest's hands with sacrificial portions (Lev 14 15.26). The palms of the hands of Dagon are mentioned as cut off, when the idol was found mutilated in the presence of the ark of .Jch (1 S 5 4), from which may be inferred that this idol probably was repre- sented with hands spread out in blessing, as we find in numerous Bab representations of divinities.

      In a beautiful metaphor God answers the repent- ant people of Jerus, who thought Jeh had forgotten and forsaken them: "Behold, I have graven thee upon the palms of my hands" (Isa 49 16; see also Ecclus 18 3). Daniel is touched upon the palms of his hands to wake him from sleep (Dnl 10 10).

      In the NT we find the phrase, "to smite with the palms of the hands," as a tr of the Gr vb. /iaTrifw, rhapizo (Mt 26 67; see also 5 39 and LXX Hos 11 4; 1 Esd 4 30), and, derived from the same vb., p&irta-fiaj rhdpisma, a blow of the palm on the cheek, etc (Mk 14 65; Jn 18 22; 19 3, where, however, in EV the word "palm" has not been given). The marginal tr "to smite or strike with rods" (Mt 26 67; Jn 18 22; 19 3) and "strokes of rods" (Mk 14 65 m) does not seem to be applicable to the Gr text of the OT and NT, while it is a frequent mean- ing of the words in classical language. It would therefore be better to eliminate these marginal additions. H. L. E. Luehing

      PALM TREE, pilm'tre (TOW, idmdr, same as the Aram, and Ethiopic, but in Arab. = "date" ; 4>o£vi.|, phoinix [Ex 15 27; Lev 23 40; Nu 33 9;

      Dt 34 3; Jgs 1 16; 3 13; 2 Ch 28 15; Neh 8 15; Ps 92 12; Cant 7 7 f ; Joel 1 12]; Ta'P ,

      tomer, Deborah "dwelt under the palm- 1. Palm tree" [Jgs 4 5]; "They are like a palm- Trees tree [m "pillar"], of turned work" [Jer

      10 5]; rribri, tlmomh [only in pi.], the palm tree as an architectural feature [1 K 6

      ' ''% 1




      ■ ^M



      »3 :)?^-^'V^;*.^ ■

      • ^f^' " \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\yM^.

      :„,,y,,%>f'^'*> m


      '•-•■ w

      Date Palm with Fruit (at Jaffa).

      29.32.35; 7 30; 2 Ch 3 5; Ezk 40 16]; Gr only Ecclus 50 12; Jn 12 13; Rev 7 9): The palm, Phoenix daclylifera (N.O. Palmeae), Arab, nakhl, ia a tree which from the earliest times has been associated with the Sem peoples. In Arabia the very existence of man depends largely upon its presence, and many authorities consider this to have been its original habitat. It is only natural that such a tree should have been sacred both there and in Assyria in the earliest ages. In Pal the palm leaf appears as an ornament upon pottery as far back as 1800 BC (cf PEF, Gezer Mem., II, 172). In Egypt the tall palm stem forms a constant fea- ture in early architecture, and among the Hebrews it was extensively used as a decoration of the temple (1 K 6 29.32.35; 7 36; 2 Ch 3 5). It is a sym- bol of beauty (Cant 7 7) and of the righteous man:

      "The righteous shall flourish like the palm-tree: He shall grow like a cedar in Lebanon. They are planted in the house of Jehovah ; 'They shall flourish in the courts of our God. They sliall still bring forth fruit in old age ; They shall be full of sap and green" (Ps 92 12-14).

      The palm tree or branch is used extensively on Jewish coinage and most noticeably appears as a symbol of the land upon the celebrated Judaea Capla coins of Vespasian. A couple of centuries or so later it forms a prominent architectural feature in the ornamentation of the Galilean synagogues, e.g. at Tell li-Am (Capernaum). The method of arti- ficial fertilization of the pistillate (female) flowers by means of the staminate (male) flowers appears to have been known in the earhest historic times. Winged figures are depicted on some of the early Assyr sculptures shaking a bunch of the male flowers over the female for the same purpose as the people of modern Gaza ascend the tall trunks of the fruit-bearing palms and tie among the female flowers a bunch of the pollen-bearing male flowers.

      Palmer-Worm Paphos



      Coin of Vespasian Repre- sentl ng Juclaea Mourning lor Her Captivity.

      In Pal today the palm is much neglected; there

      are few groves except along the coast, e.g. at the

      bay of Akka, Juffa and Gaza; solitary

      2. Their palms occur all over the land in the Ancient courtyards of mosques (cf Ps 92 13) Abundance and houses even in the mountains. in Palestine Once palms

      flourished upon the Mount of Olives (Neh 8 15), and Jericho was long known as the "city of palm-trees" (Dt 34 3; Jgs 1 16; 3 13; 2 Ch 28 15; Jos, BJ, IV, viii, 2-3), but today the only palms are scarce and small; under its name Hazazon-tamar (2 Ch 20 2), En-gedi would appear to have been as much a place of palms in ancient days as we know it was in later history. A city, too, called Tamar ("date palm") appears to have been some- where near the southwestern corner of the Dead Sea (Ezk 47 19; 48 28). Today the numerous salt- encrusted stumps of wild palm trees washed up all along the shores of the Dead Sea witness to the existence of these trees within recent times in some of the deep valleys around.

      Branches of palms have been symbohcally asso- ciated with several different ideas. A palm branch

      is used in Isa 9 14; 19 15 to signify

      3. Palm the "head," the highest of the people. Branches as contrasted with the rush, the "tail,"

      or humblest of the people. Palm branches appear from early times to have been associated with rejoicing. On the first day of the Feast of Tabernacles the Hebrews were commanded to take branches of palms, with other trees, and rejoice before God (Lev 23 40; cf Neh 8 15; 2 Mace 10 7). The palm branch still forms the chief feature of the luldbh carried daily by every pious Jew to the synagogue, during the feast. Later it was connected with the idea of triumph and vic- tory. Simon Maccabaeus entered the Akra at Jerus after its capture, "with thanksgiving, and branches of palm trees, and with harps, and cymbals, and with viols, and hymns, and songs: because there was destroyed a great enemy out of Israel" (1 Mace 13 51 AV; cf 2 Maco 10 7). The.sameidea comes out in the use of palm branches by the multitudes who escorted Jesus to Jerus (Jn 12 13) and also in the vision of the "great multitude, which no man could number .... standing before the .... Lamb, arrayed in white robes, and palms in their hands" (Rev 7 9). Today palms are carried in every Moslem funeral procession and are laid on the new-made grave.

      See also Tamab as a proper name.

      E. W. G. Mastebman

      PALMER-WORM, piim'er-wtlrm (013, gazam.; LXX KdiiiirT], kdmye [Am 4 9; Joel 14; 2 25]): "Palmer-worm" means "caterpillar," but the in- sect meant is probably a kind of locust. See In- sect; Locu.ST.

      PALSY, pol'zi, PARALYSIS, pa-ral'i-sis (irapi- X\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\j

      lutikos or of the part, of the vb. paraluomai. The disease is one characterized by extreme loss of the power of motion dependent on some affection either of the motor centers of the brain or of the spinal cord. It is always serious, usually intractable, and generally sudden in onset (1 Mace 9 55 f). Miracu- lous cures by Our Lord are related in general terms, as in Mt 4 24; Acts 8 7. Aeneas (Acts 9 33) was probably a paralytic eight years bedridden. Though the Lord addressed the paralytic let down through the roof (Mt 9 6; Mk 2 3; Lk 5 18) as "son," it was not necessarily a proof that he was young, and though He prefaces the cure by declaring the forgiveness of sin, we need not infer that the disease was the result of an evil life, although it may have been. Bennett conjectures that the cen- turion's palsied servant grievously tormented was suffering from progressive paralysis with respiratory spasms (see Pain). The subst. paralusis is only once used in the LXX in Ezk 21 10, but here it refers to the loosing of the sword, not to the disease. Alex. Macalister

      PALTI, pal'tl C^'pS, paltl, "Jeh delivers"):

      (1) One of the "searchers" of Canaan sent by Moses (Nu 13 9), representing Benjamin in the expedition (ver 9).

      (2) The man to whom Saul gave Michal, David's wife, after the estrangement (1 S 25 44). He is "the captain of the people" of 2 Esd 5 16 ("Phal- tiel," m "Psaltiel"). In 2 S 3 15, he is named "Phaltiel" (AV), "Paltiel" (RV), and is there men- tioned in connection with David's recovery of Michal.

      PALTIEL, pal'ti-el (bxiybs , paltl' el, "God's deliverance");

      (1) A prince of Issachar (Nu 34 26).

      (2) SameasPALTi, (2) (q.v.).

      PALTITE, pal 'tit CP^S, paltl [as Paltl]; LXX B, Ke\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\w9e(, Keloihel, A, 'ieX-XwveC, Phelldnei): The description occurs but once in this form and is then applied to Helez, one of David's 30 valiant men (2 S 23 26). Helez' name, however, occurs in 1 Ch 11 27 and 27 10 as the "Pelonite." Doubt- less there is some confusion of words. The word may be given as a patronymic of Palti, or it may designate a native of the village of Beth-pelet mentioned in Josh 15 27 and Neh 11 26 as being in Lower Judah. Helez, however, is described as "of the children of Ephraim" in 1 Ch 27 10.

      PAMPHYLIA, pam-fil'i-a (na(i.<}>vX[a, Pamphu- lla) : A country lying along the southern coast of

      Asia Minor, bounded on the N. by 1. Physical Pisidia, on the E. by Isauria, on the Features S. by the Mediterranean Sea, and on

      the W. by Lycia (Acts 2 10; 27 5). In the earliest time Pamphylia was but a narrow strip of low-lying land between the base of the mountains and the sea, scarcely more than 20 miles long and half as wide. A high and imposing range of the Taurus Mountains practically surrounds it upon three sides, and, jutting out into the sea, isolates it from the rest of Asia Minor. Its two rivers, the Cestrus and the Cataractes, are said by ancient writers to have been navigable for several miles inland, but now the greater part of their water is diverted to the fields for irrigating purposes, and the general surface of the country has been con- stantly changed by the many rapid mountain streams. The level fertile coast land is therefore well watered, and the moist air, which is excessively hot and enervating, has always been laden with fever. Several roads leading from the coast up the steep mountain to the interior existed in ancient



      Palmer-Worm Paphos

      times; one of them, called the Kimax or the Ladder, with its broad stair-like steps 2,000 ft. high, may still be seen. Beyond the steps is the high land which was once called "Pisidia," but which the Romans, in 70 AD, made a part of Pamphylia.

      Pamphylia, unless in pre-historic times, was never an independent kingdom; it was subject suc- cessively to Lydia, Persia, Macedonia,

      2. Im- Pergamos and Rome. Because of its portance comparatively isolated position, civi- lization there was less developed than

      in the neighboring countries, and the Asiatic in- fluence was at most times stronger than the Gr. As early as the 5th cent. BC a Gr colony settled there, but the Gr language which was spoken in some of its cities soon became corrupt; the Gr in- scriptions, appearing upon the coins of that age, were written in a peculiar character, and before the time of Alexander the Great, Gr ceased to be spoken. Perga then became an important city and the center of the Asiatic religion, of which the Artemis of Perga, locally known as Leto, was the goddess. Coins were struck also in that city. Somewhat later the Gr city of Attalia, which was founded by Attains III Philadelphus (159-138 BC), rose to importance, and until recent years has been the chief port of entry on the southern coast of Asia Minor. About the beginning of our era, Side became the chief city, and issued a long and beauti- ful series of coins, possibly to facilitate trade with the pirates who found there a favorable market for their booty. Pamphylia is mentioned as one of the recipients of the "letters" of 1 Mace 15 23.

      Christianity was first introduced to Pamphylia

      by Paul and Barnabas (Acts 13 13; 14 24), but

      because their stay in the country was

      3. Intro- brief, or because of the difficulty^ of duction of communication with the neighboring Christianity countries, or because of the Asiatic

      character of the population, it was slow in being established. See also Attalia; Pbbga; Side, the chief cities of Pamphyha.

      E. J. Banks PAN: Name of a utensil used in the preparation or the serving of food, and representing several words in the original. Passing over the use of the word in connections like 1 Ch 9 31, "things baked in pans," where the Heb word hdbhittlm refers, not to the pan itself, but to the cakes baked in the flat pan or griddle which was called mahdbhaih (see below), and the "firepans" (jnahtah) (Ex 27 3; 1 K 7 50, etc) which seem to have been used to carry burnmg coals, we note the follo^\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\dng words:

      (1) ninTa, maMhhath, "pan" AV, "baking-pan" RV a dish of uncertain shape and size which was used in the preparation of the minhah, or vegetable offering S^ee Lev 2 5; 6 21; 7 9; 1 Ch 23 29 On the basis of Ezk 4 3 it might be assumed that the pan was rectangular in shape and of good size.

      (2) "I'l"?, kiyyor, rendered "pan" in 1 S 2 14. The same word is used in the phrase, "pan of fire" RV "hearth of fire" AV (Zee 12 6); and it is also tr

      (3) niifl'a , TOasra/i (2 S 13 9). The connection gives no ciue as to shape or size except that it must have been small enough to serve food m, and of the proper shape to hold a substance which could be Doured out. Some authorities suggest a connec- tion with the root ISTp , s"or, "leaven," and thmk that this pan was like the kneading-trough m shape.

      (4) nip, sir, rendered "pan m Ex 27 3 AV, "pot" RV (see Pot).

      (5) nilS, parilr, "pan" in Nu 11 8 AV, "pot" RV (see Pot).

      (6) nnbs, ^elahah (2 Ch 35 13). Some kind of dish or pot. Slightly different forms of the same root are rendered "cruse" (2 K 2 20 [('■lohith]), "dish" (2 K 21 13 [gallahalh]); and also in RV in Prov 19 24; 26 15, instead of the probably in- correct "bosom" of AV.

      (7) X^(37,s, Lebes, tr-^ "pan" in 1 Esd 1 12 AV (RV "cauldron").

      (8) Triyavop, teganon, 2 Mace 7 3.5, with the vb. T-qyavl'(w, teganizo, ver 5, is the usual Gr word for "frying-pan," but here a large sheet of metal must be meant (cf 4 Mace 8 13; 12 10.20).

      LiTEBATUBE. — WhitehousG, Primer of Hebrew Antiqui- ties, 76, 77; Benzinger, Hehrdische Archdologie, 70, 71; Nowack. Hebrdische Archdologie, I, 144.

      Walter R. Betteridge PANNAG, pan'ag (533 , pannagh; Kao-Ca, kasia; Ezk 27 17 m, "Perhaps a kind of confection"): One of the articles of commerce of Judah and Israel. The kasia of the LXX is said to be a shrub similar to the laurel. Nothing is known of the nature of pannag. Cheyne {EB, 3555) thinks the Heb letters have got misplaced and should be IDS , gephen, "vine," and he would join to it the ICQI , d'bhash, "honey," which follows in the verse, giving a tr "grape honey," the ordinai-y dibbs of Pal — an extremely likely article of commerce. See Honey.

      PANOPLY, pan'o-pli: 1 Mace 13 29RVm. See Armor.

      PAP ("11? , shadh, 1125 , .shodh, "breast" [Ezk 23 21]; [iao-Tos, masWs, "the breast" [Lk 11 27; 23 29; Rev 1 13]): The Eng. word, which goes back to Middle Eng. "pappe" (see Skeat, Concise Ety- mological Diet, of the Eng. Language, 327) and is now obsolete, has been replaced in RV by "breast." The Heb word signifies the "female breast"; the Gr word has a wider signification, including the male chest.

      PAPER, pa'per. See Crafts, II, 13; Papyrus; Reed; Writing.

      PAPER REEDS, redz: In Isa 19 7 AV (RV "meadows").

      PAPHOS, pa'fos: The name of two towns, Old

      (IlaAaid Ild^os, Palaid Pdphos, or Ila\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\alTa

      Palaipaphos) and New Paphos (N&

      1. Site 'niipos, Nea Pdphos), situated at the

      southwestern extremity of Cyprus. Considerable confusion is caused by the use of the single name Paphos in ancient writers to denote now one, now the other, of these cities. That re- ferred to in Acts 13 6.13 is strictly called New Paphos (modern Baffa), and lay on the coast about a mile S. of the modern Klima and some 10 miles N.W. of the old city. The latter (modern Kouklia) is situated on an eminence more than a mile from the sea, on the left bank of the Didrrizo, probably the ancient Bocarus.

      It was founded by Cinyras, the father of Adonis,

      or, according to another legend, by Aerias, and

      formed the capital of the most impor-

      2. History tant kingdom in Cyprus except that of Old of Salamis. Its territory embraced Paphos a considerable portion of Western

      Cyprus, extending northward to that of SoH, southward to that of Curium and eastward to the range of Troodus. Among its last kings was Nicocles, who ruled shortly after the death of Alex- ander the Great. In 310 BC Nicocreon of Salamis, who had been set over the whole of Cyprus by

      Paphos Papyrus



      Ptolemy I of Egypt, was forced to put an end to his life at Paphos for plotting with Antigonus (Dio- dorus XX. 21, who wrongly gives the name as Nicocles; see Athenische Milteilungen, XXII, 203 ff), and from that time Paphos remained under Egyp rule until the Rom annexation of Cyprus in 58 BC. The growth of New Paphos brought with it the decKne of the old city, which was also ruined by successive earthquakes. Yet its temple still re- tained much of its old fame, and in 69 AD Titus, the future emperor of Rome, turned aside on his journey to Jerus, which he was to capture in the following year, to visit the sacred shrine and to inquire of the priests into the fortune which awaited him (Tacitus Hist, ii.2-4; Suetonius Titus 5).

      New Paphos, originally the seaport of the old

      town, was founded, according to tradition, by

      Agapenor of Arcadia {Iliad ii.609;

      3. History Pausan. viii.5, 2). Its possession of a of New good harbor secured its prosperity, and Paphos it had several rich temples. Accord- ing to Dio Cassius (liv.23) it was

      restored by Augustus in 15 BC after a destructive earthquake and received the name Augusta (Gr Sebaste). Under the Rom Empire it was the ad- ministrative capital of the island and the seat of the governor. The extant remains all date from this period and include those of public buildings, private houses, city walls and the moles of the harbor.

      But the chief glory of Paphos and the source of

      its fame was the local cult, of which the kings and

      their descendants remained hereditary

      4. The priests down to the Rom seizure of Temple Cyprus. The goddess, identified with and Cult the Gr Aphrodite, who was said to

      have risen from the sea at Paphos, was in reality a Nature-goddess, closely resembling the Bab Ishtar and the Phoen Astarte, a native deity of Asia Minor and the Aegean Islands. Her cult can be traced back at Paphos to Homeric times (Odyssey viii.362) and was repeatedly celebrated by Gr and Lat poets (Aeschylus Suppl. 555; Aristoph. Lys. 833; Virgil Aen. i.415; Horace Odes i.l9 and 30; iii.26; Statius Silvae i.2, 101, etc). The goddess was represented, not by a statue in human form, but by a white conical stone (Max. Tyr. viii.8; Tacitus Hist, ii.3; Servius Ad Aen. i.724), of which models were on sale for the benefit of pilgrims (Athenaeus xv.l8); her worship was sensuous in character and she is referred to by Athanasius as the deification of lust {Contra Gentes 9) . Excavation has brought to light at Old Paphos a complex of buildings belonging to Rom times and consisting of an open court with chambers or colon- nades on three sides and an entrance on the E. only, the whole forming a quadrilateral enclosure with sides about 210 ft. long. In this court may have stood the altar, or altars, of incense (Homer speaks of a single altar, Virgil of "a hundred altars warm with Sabaean frankincense"); no blood might be shed thereon, and although it stood in the open it was "wet by no rain" (Tacitus, I.e.; Phny, NH, ii.210). On the south side are the ruins of another building, possibly an earlier temple, now almost destroyed save for the western wall {Journal of Hellenic Studies, IX, 193-224). But the fact that no remains or inscriptions have been found here earher than the Rom occupation of Cyprus mihtates against the view that the sanctuary stood at this spot from prehistoric times. Its site may be sought at Xylino, a short distance to the N. of Kouklia (D. G. Hogarth, Times, August 5, 1910), or possibly on the plateau of Rhantidi, some 3 miles S.E. of the village, where numerous inscriptions in the old Cyprian syllabic script were found in the summer of 1910 (M. Ohnefalsch-Richtcr, Times, July 29, 1910).

      After visiting Salamis and passing through the whole island, about 100 miles in length, Barnabas, Paul and Mark reached Paphos, the 5. The residence of the Rom proconsul.

      Apostles' Sergius Paulus (for the title see Visit Cyprus). Here too they would doubt-

      less begin by preaching in the syna- gogue, but the governor — who is probably the same Paulus whose name appears as proconsul in an in- scription of Soh (D. G. Hogarth, Devia Cypria, 114) — hearing of their mission, sent for them and questioned them on the subject of their preaching. A Jew named Bar-Jesus or Elymas, who, as a Magian or soothsayer, "was with the proconsul," presumably as a member of his suite, used all his powers of persuasion to prevent his patron from giving his adherence to the new faith, and was met by Paul (it is at this point that the name is first introduced) with a scathing denunciation and a sentence of temporary loss of sight. The blindness which at once fell on him produced a deep impres- sion on the mhid of the proconsul, who professed his faith in the apostohc teaching. From Paphos, Paul and his companions sailed in a northwesterly direction to Perga in Pamphylia (Acts 13 6-13).

      Paul did not revisit Paphos, but we may feel confident that Barnabas and Mark would return there on their 2d missionary journey (Acts 15 39). Of the later history of the Paphian church we know little. Tychicus, Paul's companion, is said to have been martyred there, and Jerome tells us that Hilarion sought in the neighborhood of the decayed and almost deserted town the quiet and retirement which he craved {Vita Hilar. 42). The Acta Barnabae speak of a certain Rhodon, who was attached to the temple service at Old Paphos, as having accepted the Christian faith.

      Literature. — Besides the works already referred to, see Journal of Hellenic Studies. IX, 17.5-92 {citation of passages from ancient authors relating to Old Paphos, together with a list of mediaeval and modern authorities), 22.5-71 (inscriptions and tombs), and the bibliography appended to art. Cyprus.

      Marcus N. Tod

      PAPYRUS, pa-pl'rus {Cyperus papyrus; pipXos, bublos, pcp\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\os, biblos, whence p^pxiov, biblion, "a roll," Ta pi,pX.Ca, td biblia, "the Books" = the Bible):

      1. Papyrus Paper

      2. Egyptian Papyri

      3. Aramaic Papyri

      4. Greek Papyri

      5. Their Discovery

      6. Classical Papyri

      7. Septuagint Papyri

      8. NT Papyri

      9. Theological Papyri

      10. Documentary Papyri

      11. Contribution to NT Study

      12. Chief Collections

      13. Coptic, Arabic and Other Papyri

      A marsh or water plant, abundant in Egypt in ancient times, serving many purposes in antiquity. The papyrus tuft was the emblem of the Northern Ivingdom in Egypt. Like the lotus, it suggested one of the favorite capitals of Egyp architecture. Ropes, sandals, and mats were made from its fibers (see Odyssey xxi.391; Herod, ii.37, 69), and bundles of the long, light stalks were bound together into light boats (Isa 18 2; Breasted, Hist Egyp- tians, 91).

      Most importantly, from it was made the tough and inexpensive paper which was used from very ancient times in Egypt and which 1. Papyrus became the common writing-material Paper of the ancient world. The white

      cellular pith of the long triangular papyrus stalk was stripped of its bark or rind and sliced into thin strips. Two layers of these strips were laid at right angles to each other, pasted to- gether (Pliny ,says with the aid of Nile water), dried and smoothed. The sheets thus formed were









      >t^/^**9^~rss I


      i ON PAPYRUS



      Paphos Papyrus

      pasted one to another to form a roll of any length desired. The process and the product are described by Pliny the Elder {NH, xiii. 11-13).

      Egyp papyrus rolls are in existence dating from the 27th cent. EC, and no doubt the manufacture of

      papyrus had been practised for cen- 2- Egyptian turies before. The Egyp rolls were Papyri sometimes of great length and were

      often beautifully decorated with colored vignettes (Book of the Dead). Egyp docu-

      Papyrus Antiquorum.

      ments of great historical value have been preserved on these fragile rolls. The Papyrus Ebers of the 16th cent. BC sums up the medical lore of the Egyptians of the time of Amenhotep I. The Papyrus Harris, 133 ft. long, in 117 columns, dates from the middle of the 12th cent. BC and records the benefactions and achievements of Ramses III. For the XlXth, XXth and XXIst dynasties, in- deed, papyri are relatively numerous, and their contribution important for Egyp history, life and religion. By the year 1000 BC, papyrus had doubt- less come to be used for writing far beyond the limits of Egypt. The Wenamon Papyrus (11th cent ) relates that 500 rolls of papyrus were among the gifts sent from the Delta to the Prince of Biblus, but except in the rarest instances papyri have escaped destruction only in Upper Egypt, where climatic conditions esp. favored their preservation In very recent years (1898, 1904, 1907) several Aram, papyri have been found on the Island ot

      Elephantine, just below the First Cat- 3. Aramaic aract, dating from 494 to 400 BC Papyri They show that between 470 and 408

      BC a flourishing colony of Jews existed there, doing business under Pers sway, and wor- shipping their god Yahu, not in a synagogue, but in a temple, in which they offered meal offerings.

      incense and burnt offerings. In 408, the Egyptians had destroyed their temple at Yeb, and the Jews appealed for redress to the Pers governor. It is well known that some Jews had taken refuge in Egypt in 586 BC, taking the prophet Jeremiah with them, and with some such band of refugees the Yeb colony may have originated, although it may have been much older (cf Jer 44 1.15; BW, XXIX, 1907, 305 ff; XXXI, 448 ff; chief pubhcations by Euting, Sayce and Cowley, and esp. Saohau, Drei aramaische Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine, 2d ed, 1908; Aramaische Papyms und Oslraka, 1911). With Alexander's conquest of Egypt (332 BC), and the subsequent Ptolemaic dynasty, Greeks came more than ever before into

      4. Greek Egypt, and from Gr centers like Papyri Alexandria and Arsinoe in the FayAm

      the Gr language began to spread. Through the Ptolemaic (323-30 BC), Rom (30 BC-292/93 AD), and Byzantine periods (292/ 93-640 AD), that is, from the death of Alexander to the Arab conquest, Gr was much used in Upper and Lower Egypt, and Gr papyri from these times are now abundant. The 300 Aphrodito Gr and Coptic papyri published by Bell and Crum (1910) date from 698-722 AD, and show how Gr persisted in the Arab period.

      The first important discovery of Gr papyri made in modern times was among the ruins of Hercu-

      laneum, near Naples, where in 1752

      5. Their in the ruins of the house of a phi- Discovery losopher which had been destroyed

      and buried by volcanic ashes from Vesuvius (79 AD) a whole library of papyrus rolls was found, quite charred by the heat. With the utmost pains many of these have been unrolled and deciphered, and the first part of them was published in 1793. They consist almost wholly of works of Epicurean philosophy. In 1778 the first discovery of Gr papyri in Egypt was made. In that year some Arabs found 40 or 50 papyrus rolls in an earthen pot, probably in the FayAm, where Phila- delphus settled his Gr veterans. One was pur- chased by a dealer and found its way into the hands of Cardinal Stefano Borgia; the others were de- stroyed as of no worth. The Borgia Papyrus was published 10 years later. It was a document of little value, recording the forced labor of certain peasants upon the Nile embankment of a given year.

      In 1820 another body of papyri was found by natives, buried, it was said, in an earthen pot, on the site of the Serapeum at Memphis, just above Cairo. These came for the most part from the 2d cent. BC. They fell into various hands, and are now in the museums of London, Paris, Leyden, Rome and Dresden. With them the stream of papyri began to flow steadily into the British and Continental museums. In 1821 an EngUshman, Mr. W. J. Bankes, bought an Elephantine roll of the xxivth book of the Iliad, the first Gr literary papyrus to be derived from Egypt. The efforts of Mr. Harris and others in 1847-50 brought to England con- siderable parts of lost orations of Hyperides, new papyri of the xviith book of the Iliad, and parts of Iliad ii, iii, ix. In 1855 Mariette purchased a frag- ment of Alcman for the Louvre, and in 1856 Mr. Stobart obtained the funeral oration of Hyperides.

      The present period of papyrus recovery dates from 1877, when an immense mass of Gr and other papyri, for the most part documentary, not literary, was found in the Fayum, on the site of the ancient Arsinoe. The bulk of this collection passed into the hands of Archduke Rainer at Vienna, minor portions of it being secured by the museums of Paris, London, Oxford and Beriin. These belong largely to the Byzantine period. Another great find was made in 1892 in the Fayflm; most of these




      went to Berlin, some few to the British Museum, Vienna and Geneva. These were mostly of the Rom period.

      It will be seen that most of these discoveries were the work of natives, digging about indiscriminately in the hope of finding antiquities to sell to tourists or dealers. By this time, however, the Egypt Ex- ploration Fund had begun its operations in Egypt, and Professor Flinders Petrie was at work there. Digging among Ptolemaic tombs at Gurob in 1889- 90, Professor Petrie found many mummies, or mummy-casings, adorned with breast-pieces and sandals made of papyri pasted together. The sep- aration of these was naturally a tedious and deUcate

      fell, the first of many important works in this field from his pen.

      With Arthur S. Hunt, of Oxford, Mr. Grenfell excavated in 1896-97, at Behnesa, the Rom Oxy- rhynchus, and unearthed the greatest mass of Gr papyri of the Rom period thus far found. In 9 large quarto volumes, aggregating 3,000 pages, only a beginning has been made of publishing these Oxyrhynchus texts, which number thousands and are in many cases of great importance. The story of papyrus digging in Egypt since the great find of 1896-97 is largely the record of the work of Grenfell and Hunt. At Tebtunis, in the Fayflm, in 1900, they found a great mass of Ptolemaic papyri, com-


      MH^Frf7^A..rrr£TrHtrrMmTrr^^^^ ^

      TiMOTHEue Papyrus.

      task, and the papyri when extricated were often badly damaged or mutilated ; but the Petrie papyri, as they were called, were hailed by scholars as the most important found up to that time, for they came for the most part from the 3d cent. BC. Startling acquisitions were made about this time by representatives of the British Museum and the Louvre. The British Museum secured papyri of the lost work of Aristotle on the Constilution of Athens, the lost Mimes of Herodas, a fragment of an oration of Hyperides, and extensive literary papyri of works already extant; while the Louvre secured the larger part of the Oration against Athenogenes, the masterpiece of Hyperides. In 1894 Bernard P. Grenfell, of Oxford, appeared in Egypt, working with Professor Petrie in his exca- vations, and securing papyri with Mr. Hogarth for England. In that year Petrie and Grenfell obtained from native dealers papyrus rolls, one more than 40 ft. in length, preserving revenue laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, dated in 2.59-258 BC. These were published in 1896 by Mr. Gren-

      parable in importance with their great discovery at Oxyrhynchus. One of the most productive sources of papyri at Tebtunis was the crocodile cemetery, in which many mummies of the sacred crocodiles were found rolled in papyrus. Important Ptole- maic texts were found in 1902 at Hibeh, and a later visit to Oxyrhynchus in 1903 produced results almost as astonishing and quite as valuable as those of the first excavations there. The work of Rubensohn at Abusir in 1908 has exceptional interest, as it developed the first considerable body of Alexandrian papyri that has been found. The soil and climate of Alexandria are destructive to papyri, and only to the fact that these had anciently been carried off into the interior as rubbish is their preservation due. Hogarth, Jouguet, Wilcken and other Con- tinental scholars have excavated in Egypt for papyri with varying degrees of success. The papyri are found in graves a few feet below the surface, in house ruins over which sand has drifted, or occasionally in earthen pots buried in the ground. Despite government efforts to stop indiscriminate




      native digging, papyri in considerable quantities liave continued to find their way into the hands of native dealers, and thence into English, Continental, and even American collections.

      Thus far upward of 650 literary papyri, great and small, of works other than Bib. have been pub- lished. The fact that about one-third 6. Classical of these are Homeric attests the great Papyri popularity enjoyed by the Homeric

      poems in Gr-Rom times. These are now so abundant and extensive as to make an im-

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      (jreek Papyrus Containing Mt 1 1-

      portant contribution to the Homeric text. Rather less than one-third preserve works of other ancient writers which were aheady known to us through later copies, mediaeval or modern. Among these are works of Plato, Demosthenes, Isocrates, Thucyd- ides Euripides, Sophocles, Aeschmes, Herodotus and' others. Rather more than one-third preserve works or fragments of works, which have been either quite unknowTi or, oftener, regarded as lost. Such are portions of Alcman and Sappho, fragments of the comedies of Menander and the iambi of Callim- achus, Mimes of Herodas, poems of Bacchylides, parts of the lost Anliove and Hypsipyle of Euripides, Aristotle On the Constitution of Athens th& Persae of Timotheus (in a papyrus of the 4th cent. BU, probably the oldest Gr book m the world) and six orations, one of them complete, of Hyperides. In 1906 Grenfell and Hunt discovered at Oxyrhynchus the unique papyrus of the lost Paeans of Pmdar, m 380 fragments besides the Hellenica of Theopom- pus (or Cratippus?), whose works were believed to have perished. , „„ ■ ■,

      Of the Gr OT (LXX) more than 20 papyri have heen discovered. Perhaps the most important of been discoverea^^ .^ the Berlin Genesis (3d or 4th

      cent ) (1) in a cursive hand, purchased at Akhmtm in 1906. Other papyri preserving parts of Gen among the Amherst (2), British Museum (3), and Oxyrhynchus (4), papyri d^te froni f e 3d or 4th cent A Bodleian papyrus leaf (5) (7th or btn cento'preservesCant 1 6-9 A" f-herst papyru (•6-1 fVth cent.) contains Job 1 21t, ^ d. inert ire several papyri of parts of the Pss, An Amherst

      7. Septua-



      papyrus (7) (5th or 6th cent.) has Ps 5 6-12. ]3rit. Mus. 37 (Fragmenta Londinensia, 6th or 7th cent.) (8), of thirty leaves, contains Ps 10 2 — 18 6 and 20 14 — 34 6. This was purchased in 1836 and is one of the longest of Bib. papyri. Brit. Mus. 230 (9) (3d cent.) preserves Ps 12 7—15 4. A Berlin papyrus (10) contains Ps 40 26 — 41 4. Oxyrhynchus papyrus 845 (11) (4th or 5th cent.) contains parts of Pss 68, 70. Another Amherst papyrus (12) (7th cent.) shows parts of Pss 108, 118, 135, 138-140. There is also a papyrus at Leipzig (13) which contains part of the Pss. Of the Prophets the chief papyrus is the Heidelberg codex (14) (7th cent.), which contains Zee 4 6— Mai 4 5. Oxyrhynchus 846 (15) (6th cent.) contains Am 2. A Rainer papyrus (16) (3d cent.) preserves Isa 38

      ^foffH'-: •< • -!■•• '*7'P

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      New Sayings of Jesus.

      3-5.13-16, and a Bodleian (17) (3d cent.) shows Ezk 5 12—6 3. The Rylands papyri include Dt 2, 3 (18) (4th cent.); Job 1,5,6 (19) (6th or 7th cent.); Ps 90 (20) (5th or 6th cent.). Recent Oxyrhynchus volumes supply parts of Ex 21, 22, 40 (21, 22) (3d cent., O.P. 1074, 1075); and of Gen 16 (23) (3d cent., OP. 1166), and 31 (24) (4th cent., O.P. 1167). The great antiquity of some of

      Papyrus Parable



      these documents gives especial interest to their readings.

      Twenty-three papyri containing parts of the Gr

      NT have thus far been published, nearly half of

      them coming from Oxyrhynchus (O.P.

      8. NT 2, 208, 209, 402, 657, 1008, 1009, 1078, Papyri 1079, 1170, 1171). The pieces range

      in date from the 3d to the 6th cent. Their locations, dates and contents are:

      1. Philadelphia. Pa. 3d or 4th cent. Mt 1 1-9.12. 13.14-20 (O.P. 2).

      2. Florence. .5th or 6th cent. Jn 12 12-15.

      3. Vienna. 6th cent. Lk 7 36-45; 10 38-42.

      4. Paris. 4th cent. Lk 1 74-80; 5 3-8; 5 30—6 4.

      5. London. 3d or 4th cent. Jn 1 23-31.3:3-41; 20 11-17.19-25 (O.P. 208).

      6. Strassburg. ? cent. Jn 11 45.

      7. Kiew. ? cent. Lk 4 1.2.

      8. Berlin. 4th cent. Acts 4 31-37; 6 2-9; 6 1-6. 8-15.

      9. Cambridge, Mass. 4th or 5th cent. 1 Jn 4 Il- ls. 15-17 (O.P 402).

      10. Cambridge, Mass. 4th cent. Rom 1 X-7 (O.P. 209).

      11. St. Petersburg. 5th cent. 1 Cor 1 17-20; 6 13. 18; 7 3.4.10-14.

      12. Didlington Hall. 3d or 4th cent. He 1 1.

      13. London. 4th cent. He 2 14—5 5; 10 8—11 13; 11 28 — 12 17 (O.P. 657). This is the most con- siderable papyrus of the NT, and doubly important because Codex Vaticanus breaks off with He 9 14.

      14. Sinai. 5th cent. 1 Cor 1 25-27; 2 6-8; 3 8-10.20.

      15. Oxford. 4th cent. 1 Cor 7 18 — 8 4 (O.P. 1008). Phil 3 9-17; 4 2-8 (O.P. 1009).

      16. Manchester (Rylands). 6th or 7th cent. Rom 12 3-8.

      17. Manchester (Rylands). 3d cent. Tit 1 11-15; 2 3—8

      18. Oxford. 4th cent. He 9 12-19 (O.P. 1078).

      19. Oxford. 3d or 4th cent. Rev 1 4-7 (O.P. 1079).

      20. O.xford. 5th cent. Mt 10 32—11 5 (O.P. 1170).

      21. O.xford. 3d cent. Jas 2 19—3 2.4-9 (O.P. 1171).

      22. Florence. 7th cent. Mt 25 12-15.20-23.

      23. Florence. ? cent. Jn 3 14-18.31.32.

      Berlin Pap. 13,269 (7th cent.) is a liturgical paraphrase of Lk 2 8-14.

      Further details as to nos. 1-14 may be found in Gregory, Teztkritik, 1084-92, and for nos. 1-23 in Kenyon, Handbook to Text. CHI.'', or Milligan, NT Documents, 249-54.

      Among other theological papyri, the Oxyrhynchus

      Sayings of Jesus (O.P. 1,654), dating from the 2d

      and 3d cents., are probably the most

      9. Theo- widely known (see Logia). Other logical Oxyrhynchus pieces preserve parts of Papyri the Apocalypse of Baruch (chs 12-

      14; 4th or 5th cent.; O.P. 403); the Gospel according to the Hebrews (? in its later form, if at all; 3d cent.; O.P. 655); the Acts of John (4th cent.; O.P. 850, cf 851); the Shepherd of Hermas (3d or 4th cent.; O.P. 404); Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., iii.9 (3d cent.; O.P. 405). Other small fragments of the Shepherd and Ignatius are among the Amherst and Berlin papyri. Early Christian hymns, prayers and letters of interest have also been found.

      We have spoken thus far only of literary papyri, classical and theological. The overwhelming ma- jority of the papyri found have of course

      10. Docu- been documentary — private letters, mentary accounts, wills, receipts, contracts. Papyri leases, deeds, complaints, petitions,

      notices, invitations, etc. The value of these contemporary and original documents for the illumination of ancient life can hardly be over- estimated. The life of Upper Egypt in Ptolemaic and Rom times is now probably better known to us than that of any other period of history down to recent times. Many papyrus collections have no literary pap3nri at all, but are rich in documents. Each year brings more of these to light and new volumes of them into print. All this vast and growing body of material contributes to our knowl- edge of Ptolemaic and imperial times, often in the most intimate ways. Among the most important

      of these documentary papyri from Ptolemaic times are the revenue laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus (259 BC) and the decrees of Ptolemy Euergetes II, 47 in number (118 BC, 140-139 BC). Very recently (1910) a Hamburg papyrus has supplied the Con- stituUo Antoniniana, by which Rom citizenship was conferred upon the peregrini of the empire. The private documents in ways even more important illustrate the life of the common people under Ptolemaic and Rom rule.

      It is not necessary to point out the value of all this for Bib. and esp. NT study. The papyri have already made a valuable contribution to 11. Contri- textual materials of both OT and NT. bution to For other early Christian lit. their NT Study testimony has been of surprising inter- est (the Oxyrhynchus Logia and Gospel fragments). The discovery of a series of uncial MSS running through six centuries back of the Codex Vaticanus bridges the gap between what were our earliest uncials and the hand of the in- scriptions, and puts us in a better position than ever before to fix the dates of uncial MSS. Minuscule or cursive hands, too, so common in NT MSS of the 10th and later cents., appear in a new light when it is seen that such writing was not a late invention arising out of the uncial, but had existed side by side with it from at least the 4th cent. BC, as the ordinary, as distinguished from the literary, or book, hand. See Writing. The lexical contri- bution of these documentary papyri, too, is already considerable, and is likely to be very great. Like the NT writings, they reflect the common as dis- tinguished from the literary language of the times, and words which had appeared exceptional or un- known in Gr lit. are now shown to have been in common use. The problems of NT syntax are similarly illuminated. Specific historical notices sometimes light up dark points in the NT, as in a British Museum decree of Gains Vibius Maximus, prefect of Egypt (104 AD), ordering all who are out of their districts to return to their own homes in view of the approaching census (cf Lk 2 1-5). Most important of all is the contribution of the papyri to a sympathetic knowledge of ancient life. They constitute a veritable gallery of NT characters. A strong light is sometimes thrown upon the social evils of the time, of which Paul and Juvenal wrote so sternly. The child, the prodigal, the thief, the host with his invitations, the steward with his accounts, the thrifty householder, the soldier on service receiving his viaticum, or retired as a veteran upon his farm, the Jewish money-lender, the hus- bandman, and the pubhcan, besides people in every domestic relation, we meet at first hand in the papyri which they themselves in many cases have written. The worth of this for the historical inter- pretation of the NT is very great.

      The principal collections of Gr papyri with their editors are Schow, Herculaneum Papyri; Peyron, Turin Papyri; Leemans, Leyden Papyri; Wes- 12. Chief sely, Rainer and Paris Papyri; Kenyon rn11prtion= ?^^ ^*'"' British Museum Papyri; Ma- COllectlons haffy and Smyly, Petrie Papyri; Grenfell XT,,- , X, -*°'i Hunt, Oxyrhynchus, Amherst and Hibeh PapjTi (with Hogarth), FayOm Papyri, and (with Smyly and Goodspeed) Tebtunis Papyri; Hunt, Rylands Papyri ; Nicole, Geneva Papyri ; Krebs, Wilcken, Viereck, Schubart and others, Berlm Papyri; Meyer, Hamburg and Giessen Papyri; Deissmann. Heidelberg Papyri; Vi- telli and Comparetti, Florence Papyri; Mitteis, Leipzig Papyri; Preisigke, Strassburg Papyri; Reinach, Paris Papyri; Jouguet and Lesquier, Lille Papyri; Rubensohn, aiephantme Papyri; Maspero, Cairo Papyri ; Goodspeed, Cairo and Chicago Papyri. The Munich papyri liave been described by Wilcken. Milligan's Gr Papyri, Ken- yon s Palaeography of Gr Papyri, and Deissmann's Light from the Ancient East are useful introductions to the general subject. Mayser has prepared a Grammatik der PtolemdiHchen Papyri.

      Coptic, Arab., Heb and Demotic papyri are



      Papyrus Parable

      numerous; even Lat papyri are found. The Coptic have already made important contributions to early Christian literature. A considerable 13. Coptic, Coptic fragment of the Acts of Paul, Arabic and _ and a Coptic (Akhmtmic) codex of 1 Other Papyri Clement, almost complete, have re- cently been published by Carl Schmidt. Another much mutilated papyrus of 1 Clement, with James, complete, is at Strassburg. A Coptic text of Prov has been brought to Berlin from the same source which supplied the Clement codex (the White Convent, near Akhmtm); indeed, Bib. papyri in Coptic are fairly numerous, and patristic lit. is being rapidly enriched by such discoveries of Coptic papyri, e.g. the Dt, Jon, Acts papyrus, 1912 (cf Sahidic NT, Oxford, 1911).

      Arab, papyri first began to appear from Egypt in 1825, when three Arab, pieces were brought to Paris and published by Silvestre de Sacy. Two others, from the 7th cent., were published by him in 1827. It was not until the great papyrus finds of 1877-78, however, that any consideraljle number of Arab, papyri found their way into Europe. The chief collections thus far formed are at Vienna (Rainer Collection), Berlin and Cairo. Becker has published the Schott-Reinhardt Arab, papyri at Heidelberg, and Karabacek has worked upon those at Vienna. They belong of course to the period after the Arab, conquest, 640 AD.

      Edgar J. Goodspbed PAPYRUS, VESSELS OF. See Ships and Boats, II, 2, (1).

      PARABLE, par'a-b'l:

      1. Name

      2. Historical Data

      3. Clirist's Use of Parables

      4. Purpose of Ctirist in Using Parables

      5. Interpretation of the Parables

      6. Doctrinal Value of the Parables

      Etymologically the word "parable" [Tvapa^iWu , parabdllo) signifies a placing of two or more objects

      together, usually for the purpose of 1. Name a comparison. In this widest sense

      of the term there is practically no difference between parable and simile (see Thayer, Did. of NT Or,s.v.). This is also what substan- tially some of Christ's parables amount to, which consist of only one comparison and in a single verse (cf Mt 13 33.44-46). In the more usual and technical sense of the word, "parable" ordi- narily signifies an imaginary story, yet one that in its details could have actually transpired, the pur- pose of the story being to illustrate and inculcate some higher spiritual truth. These features differ- entiate it from other and similar figurative narra- tives as also from actual history. The similarity between the last-mentioned and a parable is some- times so small that exegetes have differed in the interpretation of certain pericopes. A character- istic example of this uncertainty is the story of Dives and Lazarus in Lk 16 19-31. The problem is of a serious nature, as those who regard this as actual history are compelled to interpret each and every statement, including too the close proximity of heaven and hell and the possibility of speaking from one place to the other, while those who regard it as a parable can restrict their interpretation to the features that constitute the substance of the story. It differs again from the fable, in so far as the latter is a story that could not actually have occurred (e.g. Jgs 9 8ff; 2 K 14 9; Ezk 17 2f). The parable is often described as an extended meta- phor. The etymological features of the word, as well as the relation of parables to other and kmdred devices of style, are discussed more fully by Ed. Koenig, in HDB, III, 660 ff . Although Christ emploved the parable as a means

      of inculcating His message more extensively and

      more effectively than any other teacher. He did not

      invent the parable. It was His custom

      2. Histor- in general to take over from the re- ical Data ligious and linguistic world of thought

      in His own day the materials that He employed to convey the higher and deeper truths of His gospels, giving them a world of mean- ing they had never before possessed. Thus e.g. every petition of the Lord's Prayer can be dupli- cated in the Jewish liturgies of the times, yet on Christ's lips these petitions have a significance they never had or could have for the Jews. The term "Word" for the second person in the Godhead is an adaptation from the Logos-idea in contemporaneous religious thought, though not specifically of Philo's. Baptism, regeneration, and kindred expressions of fundamental thoughts in the Christian system, are terms not absolutely new (cf Deutsch, art. "Tal- mud," Literary Remains). The parable was em- ployed both in the OT and in contemporaneous Jewish literature (cf e.g. 2 S 12 1-4; Isa 6 1-6; 28 24-28, and for details see Koenig's art.. I.e.). Jewish and other non-Bib. parables are discussed and illustrated by examples in Trench's Notes on the Parables of Our Lord, introd. essay, ch iv: "On Other Parables besides Those in the Scriptures."

      The one and only teacher of parables in the NT is Christ Himself. The Epp., although they often em- ploy rhetorical allegories and similes,

      3. Christ's make absolutely no use of the parable. Use of so common in Christ's pedagogical Parables methods. The distribution of these

      in the Canonical Gospels is unequal, and they are strictly confined to the three Synoptic Gospels. Mark again has only one peculiar to this book, namely, the Seed Growing in Secret (Mk 4 26), and he gives only three others that are found also in Mt and Lk, namely the Sower, the Mustard Seed, and the Wicked Husbandman, so that the bulk of the parables are found in the First and the Third Gospels. Two are common to Mt and Lk, namely the Leaven (Mt 13 33; Lk 13 21) and the Lost Sheep (Mt 18 12; Lk 15 3ff). Of the remaining parables, 18 are found only in Lk and 10 only in Mt. Lk's 18 include some of the finest, viz. the Two Debtors, the Good Samaritan, the Friend at Midnight, the Rich Fool, the Watchful Servants, the Barren Fig Tree, the Chief Seats, the Great Supper, the Rash Builder, the Rash King, the Lost Coin, the Lost Son, the Unrighteous Steward, the Rich Man and Lazarus, the Unprofitable Servants, the Unrighteous Judge, the Pharisee and Publican, and the Pounds. The 10 peculiar to Mt are the Tares, the Hidden Treasure, the Pearl of Great Price, the Draw Net, the Unmerciful Servant, the Laborers in the Vineyard, the Two Sons, the Mar- riage of the King's Son, the Ten Virgins, and the Talents. There is some uncertainty as to the exact number of parables we have from Christ, as the Marriage of the King's Son is sometimes regarded as a different recension of the Great Supper, and the Talents of the Pounds. Other numberings are sug- gested by Trench, Jiihcher and others.

      It is evident from such passages as Mt 13 10 ff (cf Mk 4 10- Lk 8 9) that Christ did not in the

      beginning of His career employ the

      4. Purpose parable as a method of teaching, but of Christ introduced it later. This took place in Using evidently during the 2d year of His Parables public ministry, and is closely con- nected with the changes which about

      that time He made in His attitude toward the people in general. It evidently was Christ's purpose at the outset to win over, if possible, the nation as a whole to His cause and to the gospel; when it appeared that the leaders and the great bulk of the people

      Parable Paraclete



      would not accept Him for what He wanted to be and clung tenaciously to their carnal Messianic ideas and ideals, Christ ceased largely to appeal to the masses, and, by confining His instructions chiefly to His disciples and special friends, saw the necessity of organizing an ecclesiola in ecclesia, which was eventually to develop into the world-conquering church. One part of this general withdrawal of Christ from a proclamation of His gospel to the whole nation was this change in His method of teaching and the adoption of the parable. On that subject He leaves no doubt, according to Mt 13 11 ff; Mk 4 12; Lk 8 10. The purpose of the parable is both to reveal and to conceal the truth. It was to serve the first purpose in the case of the disciples, the second in the case of the undeserving Jews. Psychologically this difference, notwith- standing the acknowledged inferiority in the train- ing and education of the disciples, esp. as compared with the scribes and lawyers, is not hard to under- stand. A simple-minded Christian, who has some understanding of the truth, can readily understand figurative illustrations of this truth, which would be absolute enigmas even to an educated Hindu or Chinaman. The theological problem involved is more difficult. Yet it is evident that we are not dealing with those who have committed the sin against the Holy Ghost, for whom there is no possi- bility of a return to grace, according to He 6 4-10; 10 26 (cf Mt 12 31.32; Mk 3 28-30), and who accordingly could no longer be influenced by an appeal of the gospel, and we have rather before us those from whom Christ has determined to with- draw the offer of redemption — whether temporarily or definitely and finally, remaining an open ques- tion — according to His policy of not casting pearls before the swine. The proper sense of these pas- sages can be ascertained only when we remember that in Mk 4 13 and Lk 8 10, the im, Una, need not express pui']50se, but that this particle is used here to express mere result only, as is clear too from the passage in Mt 13 13, where the Sti, hdti, is found. The word is to be withheld from these people, so that this preaching would not bring about the ordinary results of conversion and forgiveness of sins. Hence Christ now adopts a method of teaching that will hide the truth from all those who have not yet been imbued by it, and this new method is that of the parable.

      The principles for the interpretation of the para- bles, which are all intended primarily and in the

      first place for the disciples, are fur- 5. Inter- nished by the nature of the parable pretation itself and by Christ's own method of of the interpreting some of them. The first

      Parables and foremost thing to be discovered is

      the scope or the particular spiritual truth which the parable is intended to convey. Just what this scope is may be stated in so many words, as is done, e.g., by the introductory words to that of the Pharisee and the Publican. Again the scope may be learned from the occasion of the parable, as the question of Peter in Mt 18 21 gives the scope of the following parable, and the real pur- pose of the Prodigal Son parable in Lk 15 11 ff is not the story of this young man himself, but is set over against the murmuring of the Pharisees be- cause Christ received publicans and sinners, in vs 1 and 2, to exemplify the all-forgiving love of the Father. Not the Son but the Father is in the fore- ground in this parable, which fact is also the con- necting link between the two parts. _ Sometimes the scope can be learned only from an examination of the details of the parable itself and then may be all the more uncertain.

      A second principle of the interpretation of the parables is that a sharp distinction must be made

      between what the older interpreters called the body (corpus) and the soul (imima) of the story; or, to use other expressions, between the shell or bark (cortex) and the marrow (medulla). Whatever serves only the purpose of the story is the "orna- mentation" of the parable, and does not belong to the substance. The former does not call for inter- pretation or higher spiritual lesson; the latter does. This distinction between those parts of the parable that are intended to convey spiritual meanings and those which are to be ignored in the interpretation is based on Christ's own interpretation of the so- called parabolae perfectae. Christ Himself, in Mt 13 18 fi', interprets the parable of the Sower, yet a number of data, such as the fact that there are four, and not more or fewer kinds of land, and others, are discarded in this explanation as without meaning. Again in His interpretation of the Tares among the Wheat in Mt 13 36 ff, a number of details of the original parable are discarded as meaningless.

      Just which details are significant and which are meaningless in a parable is often hard, sometimes impossible to determine, as the liistory of their exegesis amply shows. In general it can be laid down as a rule, that those features which illustrate the scope of the parable belong to its substance, and those which do not, belong to the ornamentation. But even with this rule there remain many exe- getical cTuces or difficulties. Certain, too, it is that not all of the details are capable of interpretation. Some are added of a nature that indeed illustrate the story as a story, but, from the standpoint of Christian morals, are more than objectionable. The Unjust Steward in using his authority to make the bills of the debtors of his master smaller may be a model, in the shrewd use of this world's goods for his purpose, that the Christian may follow in making use of his goods for his purposes, but the action of the steward itself is incapable of defence. Again, the man v/ho finds in somebody else's prop- erty a pearl of great price but conceals this fact from the owner of the land and quietly buys this ground may serve as an example to show how much the kingdom of God is worth, but from an ethical standpoint his action cannot be sanctioned. In general, the parable, like all other forms of figura- tive expression, has a meaning only as far as the terlium comqiarationis goes, that is, the third thing which is common to the two things compared. But all this still leaves a large debatable ground in many parables. In the Laborers in the Vineyard does the "penny" mean anything, or is it an ornament? The history of the debate on this subject is long. In the Prodigal Son do all the details of his sufi'er- ings, such as eating the husks intended for swine, have a spiritual meaning?

      The interpreters of former generations laid down the rule, theologia parabolica non est argumentativa, i.e. the parables, very rich in mission 6. Doctrinal thoughts, do not furnish a basis for Value of the doctrinal argument. Like all figura- Parables five expressions and forms of thought, the parables too contain elements of doubt as far as their interpretation is concerned. They illustrate truth but they do not prove or demonstrate truth. Omnia similia daudicunt, "all comparisons limp," is applicable here also. No point of doctrine can be established on figurative passages of Scripture, as then all elements of doubt would not be eliminated, this doubt being based on the nature of language itself. The argumentative or doctrmal value of parables is found in this, that they may, in accordance with the analogy of Scrip- ture, illustrate truth already clearly expressed else- where. Cf esp. Trench, introd. essay, in Notes on the Parables of Oar Lord, ch iii, 30-43; and Terry,



      Parable Paraclete

      Biblical Hermeneulics, Part II, ch vi: "Interpre- tation of Parables," 188-213, in which work a full bibliography is given. Cf also art. "Parabel" in

      RE. G. H. SCHODDE

      PARACLETE, par'a-klet:

      This word occurs 5 t in the NT, all in the writings

      of John. Four instances are in the Gospel and one

      in the First Ep. In the Gospel the

      1. Where passages are 14 16.26; 15 26; 16 7; Used in the Ep., 2 1. "Paraclete" is simply

      the Gr word transferred into Eng. The tr of the word in EV is "Comforter" in the Gospel, and "Advocate" in the Ep. The Gr word is irapdKXTjTos, pardkUtos, from the vb. trapaKoKiui, parakaleo. The word for "Paraclete" is passive in form, and etymologically signifies "called to one's side." The active form of the word is wapaKX-riToip, paraklitor, not found in the NT but found in LXX in Job 16 2 in the pi., and means "comforters," in the saying of Job regarding the "miserable comforters" who came to him in his distress.

      In general the word sigTiifies (1) a legal advocate, or counsel for defence, (2) an intercessor, (3) a

      helper, generally. The first, or tech-

      2. General nical, judicial meaning is that which Meaning predomiBates in classical usage, corre- sponding to our word "advocate,"

      "counsel," or "attorney." The corresponding Lat word is advocatus, "advocate," the word applied to Christ in EV in the tr of the Gr word parakletos, in 1 Jn 2 1. There is some question whether the tr "Comforter" in the passages of John's Gos- pel in AV and RV is warranted by the meaning of the word. It is certain that the meaning "com- forter" is not the primary signification, as we have seen. It is very probably, however, a secondary meaning of the word, and some of its cognates clearly convey the idea of comfort in certain connections, both in LXX and in the NT (Gen 37 35; Zee 1 13; Mt 5 4; 2 Cor 1 3.4). In the passage in 2 Cor the word in one form or another is used 5 t and in each means "comfort." In none of these in- tances, however, do we find the noun "Paraclete," which we are now considering.

      Among Jewish writers the word "Paraclete"

      came to have a number of meanings. A good deed

      was called a paraclete or advocate, and

      3. In the a transgression was an accuser. Re- Tahnud and pentance and good works were called Targiuns paracletes: "The works of benevo- lence and mercy done by the people

      of Israel in this world become agents of peace and intercessors [paracletes] between them and their Father in heaven." The sin offering is a paraclete; the paraclete created by each good deed is called an angel {Jew Enc, IX, 514-15, art. "Paraclete").

      Philo employs the word in several Instances. Usually he does not use it in the legal, technical sense. Joseph is represented as bestowing forgiveness 4 As Em- on Ills brethren who had wronged him and ■ , . declaring that they needed "no one else

      ployea Dy ^^ paraclete." or intercessor (De Joseph PhilO c. 40). In his ii/e o/ Moses, iii. 14. is a re-

      markable passage which indicates Philo's spiritualizing methods of interpreting Scripture as well as reflects his philosophic tendency. At the close of a somewhat elaborate account of the emblematic signifl- cance of the vestments of the high priest and their jeweled decorations, his words are: " The twelve stones arranged on the breast in four rows of three stones each, namely, the logeum, being also an emblem of that reason which holds together and regulates the universe. For it was indispensable [ , anagkaion] that the man who was consecrated to the Father of the world should have, as a paraclete, his son, the being most perfect in all virtue to procure the forgiveness of sins, and a supply of unlimited blessings." This is rather a striking verbal or formal parallel to the statement in 1 Jn 2 1 where Christ is our Advocate with the Father, although of course Philo's conceptions of the Divine "reason" and "son" are by no means the Christian conceptions.

      If now we raise th? question what is the best tr

      of the term "Paraclete" in the NT, we have a choice

      of several words. Lot us glance at

      5. The Best them in order. The tr "Comforter" Translation contains an element of the meaning of

      the word as employed in the Gospels, and harmonizes with the usage in connection with its cognates, but it is too narrow in meaning to be an adequate tr. Dr. J. Hastings in an otherwise excellent article on the Paraclete in HDB says the Paraclete was not sent to comfort the disciples, since prior to His actual coming and after Christ's promise the disciples' sorrow was turned into joy. Dr. Hastings thinks the Paraclete was sent to cure the unbelief or half-belief of the disciples. But this conceives the idea of comfort in too limited a way. No doubt in the mind of Jesus the comforting aspect of the Spirit's work applied to all their future sor- rows and trials, and not merely to comfort for their personal loss in the going of Christ to the Father. Nevertheless there was more in the work of the Para- clete than comfort in sorrow. "Intercessor" comes nearer the root idea of the term and contains an essential part of the meaning. "Advocate" is a closely related word, and is also suggestive of the work of the Spirit. Perhaps there is no Eng. word broad enough to cover all the significance of the word "Paraclete" except the word "Helper."^ The Spirit helps the disciples in all the above-indicated ways. Of course the objection to this tr is that it is too indefinite. The specific Christian conception is lost in the comprehensiveness of the term. Our conclusion, therefore, is that the term "Paraclete" itself would perhaps be the best designation of the Spirit in the passage in John's Gospel. ^ It would thus become a proper name for the Spirit and the various elements of meaning would come to be asso- ciated with the words which are found in the context of the Gospel.

      Christianity introduced many new ideas into the world for which current terms were inadequate media of expression. In some cases it is best to adopt the Christian term itself, in our translations, and let the word slowly acquire its own proper sig- nificance in our thought and life. If, however, instead of translating we simply transfer the word "Paraclete" as a designation of the Holy Spirit in the Gospel passages, we would need then to translate it in the passage in the Ep. where it refers to Christ. But this would offer no serious difficulty. For fortunately in the Ep. the word may very clearly be tr'' "Advocate" or "Intercessor."

      We look next at the contents of the word as em- ployed by Jesus in reference to the Holy Spirit. In Jn 14 16 the Paraclete is promised

      6. Christ's as one who is to take the place of Jesus. Use of the It is declared elsewhere by Jesus that Word it is expedient that He go away, for

      unless He go away the Paraclete will not come (Jn 16 7). Is the Paraclete, then, the successor or the substitute for Christ as He is some- times called? The answer is that He is both and neither. He is the successor of Christ historically, but not in the sense that Christ ceases to act in the church. He is the substitute for Christ's physical presence, but only in order that He may make vital and actual Christ's spiritual presence. As we have seen, the Paraclete moves only in the range of truths conveyed in and through Christ as the historical manifestation of God. A "Kingdom of the Spirit," therefore, is impossible in the Christian sense, save as the historical Jesus is made the basis of the Spirit's action in history. The promise of Jesus in 14 18, "I come unto," is parallel and equivalent in meaning with the preceding promise of the Para- clete. The following are given as the specific forms of activity of the Holy Spirit : (1) to show them the

      Paradise Parchment



      things of Christ, (2) to teach them things to como, (3) to teach them all things, (4) to quicken their memories for past teaching, (5) to bear witness to Christ, (6) to dwell in believers, (7) other things shown in the context such as "greater works" than those of Christ (see Jn 14 16.17), (8) to convict of sin, of righteousness and judgment. It is possible to range the shades of meaning outlined above under these various forms of the Spirit's activity. As Comforter His work would come under (1), (2), (3 ) and (6) ; as Advocate and Intercessor under (6) , (7), (S); as Helper and Teacher under (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), (6), (7), (8).

      The manner of the sending of the Paraclete is of interest. In Jn 14 16 the Paraclete comes in answer to Christ's prayer. The Father will give the Spirit whom the world cannot receive. In 14 26 the Father will send the Spirit in Christ's name. Yet in 15 26 Christ sa^'s, "I will send [him] unto you from the Father, even the Spirit of truth," and in 16 7, "If I go, I will send him unto you." See Holy Spirit.

      It remains to notice the passage in 1 Jn 2 1 where the term "Paraclete" is applied to Christ: "If any man sin, we have an Advocate 7. As with the Father, Jesus Christ the

      Applied righteous"; ver 2 reads: "and he is

      to Christ the propitiation for our sins; and not for ours only, but also for the whole world." Here the meaning is quite clear and spe- cific. Jesus Christ the righteous is represented as our Advocate or Intercessor with the Father. His righteousness is set over against our sin. Here the Paraclete, Christ, is He who, on the basis of His propitiatory offering for the sins of men, inter- cedes for them with God and thus averts from them the penal consequences of their transgressions. ■The sense in which Paraclete is here applied to Christ is found nowhere in the passages we have cited from the Gospel. The Holy Spirit as Paraclete is Intercessor or Advocate, but not in the sense here indicated. The Spirit as Paraclete convicts the world of sin, of righteousness and judgment. Jesus Christ as Paraclete vindicates behevers before God.

      LiTBRATUHE. — Grimm-Thayer, Gr-Eng. Lexicon of the NT: Cremer, Biblico-Theol. Lexicon; HDB. art. "Paraclete"; DCG. art. "Paraclete"; EB, art. "Para- clete"; Jew Enc, art. "Paraclete"; Hare, Mission of the Comforter; Pearson, On the Creed; Taylor. Sayings of the Jewish Fathers; various comms., Westcott, Godet and others. See list of books appended to art. on Holt Spirit.

      E. Y. MULLINS PARADISE, par'a-dis (D'I'IS , pardes; irapcuSti- o-os, parddeisos) : A word probably of Pers origin

      meaning a royal park. See Garden. 1. Origin The word occurs in the Heb Scriptures and but 3 t: Cant 4 13, where it is tr"^

      Meaning "an orchard"; Neh 2 8, where it is

      tr'i"a forest" (RVm "park")- Ecol 2 5, where it is in the pi. number (AV "orchards," RV "parks"). But it was early introduced into the Gr language, being made specially familiar by Xenophon upon his return from the expedition of Cyrus the Younger to Babylonia (see Anab. i.2, § 7; 4, §9; Cyrop. i.3, §14). In LXX the word is of frequent use in translating other terms of kindred significance. The Garden of Eden became "the paradise of pleasure or luxury" (Gen 2 IS; 3 23; Joel 2 3). The valley of the Jordan became 'the paradise of God' (Gen 13 10). In Ezk 31 8.9, according to LXX, there is no tree in the 'paradise of God' equal to that which in the prophet's vision symbolizes the glory of Assyria. The figures in the first 9 verses of this chapter may well have been suggested by what the prophet had himself seen of parks in the Pers empire.

      In the apocryphal and pseudepigraphical lit. the

      word is extensively used in a spiritual and symbol; c.

      sense, signalizing the place of happi-

      2. Use in ness to be inherited by the righteous Jewish Lit- in contrast to Gehenna, the place of erature punishment to which the wicked were

      to be assigned. In the later Jewish lit. "Sheol" is represented as a place where preliminary rewards and pimishments are bestowed previous to the final judgment (see Apocalyptic Literature; EscHATOLOGT OF THE OT; and of 2 Esd 2 19; 8 52). But the representations in this lit. are often vague and conflicting, some holding that there were 4 divisions in Sheol, one for those who were martyred for righteousness' sake, one for sinners who on earth had paid the penalty for their sins, one for the just who had not suffered martyrdom, and one for sin- ners who had not been punished on earth (En 102 15). But among the Alexandrian Jews the view prevailed that the separation of the righteous from the wicked took place immediately after death (see Wisd 3 14; 4 10; 5 5.17; Jos, Ant, XVIII, i, 3; BJ, II, viii, 14). This would seem to be the idea underlying the use of the word in the NT where it occurs only 3 t, and then in a sense remarkably free from sensuous suggestions.

      Christ uses the word but once (Lk 23 43), when

      He said to the penitent thief, "To-day shalt thou be

      with me in Paradise" (see Abra-

      3. Used by ham's Bosom [cf Hades]). This was Christ no time to choose words with dialectical

      precision. The consolation needed by the penitent thief suffering from thirst and agony and shame was such as was symbolized by the pop- ular conception of paradise, which, as held by the Essenes, consisted of "habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain, or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breath- ing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean" (Jos, BJ, II, viii, 11). See Eschatol-

      OGY OF THE NT.

      Nowhere in His public teaching did Christ use the word "Paradise." He does indeed, when speak- ing in parables, employ the figure of the

      4. Other marriage supper, and of new wine, and Forms and elsewhere of Abraham's bosom, and of Uses houses not made by hands, eternal in

      the heavens; but all these references are in striking contrast to the prevailing sensuous representations of the times (see 2 Esd 2 19; 8 52), and such as have been introduced into Mo- hammedan lit. Likewise St. Paul (2 Cor 12 4) speaks of having been "caught up into Paradise" where he "heard unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter." See Eschatology OF THE NT. But in ver 2 this is referred to more vaguely as "the third heaven." In Rev 2 7 it is said to the members of the church at Ephesua who should overcome, "I [will] give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the Paradise of God," where the Eden of Gen 2 8 is made the symbol of the abode of the righteous, more fully described without the words in the last chapter of the book. The reticence of the sacred writers respect- ing this subject is in striking contrast to the pro- fuseness and crudity both of rabbinical writers before Christ and of apocryphal writers and Christian commentators at a later time. "Where the true Gospels are most reticent, the mythical are most exuberant" (Perowne). This is esp. noticeable in the Gospel of Nicodemus, the Ada Philippi, the writings of TertuUian (De Idol. c. 13; De Anim. c. 55; Tertulhan's treatise De Paradiso is lost), Clement of Alexandria (Frag. 51), and John of Damascus {De Orthod. Fid., ii, 11). In modem lit. the conception of Paradise ia



      effectually sublimated and spiritualized in Faber's familiar hymn:

      "O Paradise, O Paradise, I greatly long to seo The special place my dearest Lord

      Is destining for me; Where loyal hearts and true

      Stand ever in the light. All rapture thro' and thro', In God's most holy sight." Literature. — The articles in the great Diets., esp. Herzog, RE; IIDB; Alger, Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future Life; Schodde, Book of En: Light- foot, Hor. Heb. on Lk 23 4:i; Salmond, The Christian Doctrine of Immortality. 340 It. For a good account of Jewish and patristic speculation on Paradise, see Pro- fessor Plumptre's art. in Smith's DB, II, 704 ft.

      G. F. Wright PARAH, pa'ra, par'a (iTlBn , ha-pardh; B, ^ap6., Phard, A, 'Acfxip, Aphdr) : A city named as in the territory of Benjamin between Avvim and Ophrah (Josh 18 23). It may with some confidence be identified with Fdrah on Wddy Fdrah, which runs into Wddy Suweinit, about 3 miles N.E. of 'Andta.

      PARALYSIS, pa-ral'i-sis, PARALYTIC, par-a- lit'ik. See Palsy.-

      PARAMOUR, par'a-mobr (in53S , pilleghesh, "a concubine," masc. or fern.): A term apphed in Ezk 23 20 to the male lover, but elsewhere tr'' "concu- bine."

      PARAN, pa'ran, EL-PARAN (TJXS , pd'rdn, ■■^^?^ b''N, 'el-pdWan; "i>apdv, Phardn):

      (1) El-paran (Gen 14 G) was the point farthest S. reached by the kings. LXX renders b^'X by Tepi^tvdos, terehinthos, and reads, "unto the tere- binth of Paran." The evidence is slender, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that this is the place elsewhere (Dt 2 8; 1 K 9 26, etc) called Elath or Eloth (b^X with fem. termination), a seaport town which gave its name to the Aelanitio Gulf (modern Gulf of 'Akaba), not far from the wilderness of Paran (2).

      (2) Many places named in the narrative of the wanderings lay within the Wilderness of Paran (Nu 10 12; 13 21; 27 14; cf 13 3.26, etc). It is identified with the high limestone plateau of Et- Tih, stretching from the S.W. of the Dead Sea to Sinai along the west side of the Arabah. This wilderness offered hospitality to Ishmael when driven from his father's tent (Gen 21 21). Hither also came David when bereaved of Samuel's pro- tection (1 S 25 1).

      (3) Mount Paran (Dt 33 2; Hab 3 3) may be either Jehel Makrah, 29 miles S. of 'Ain Kadis (Kadesh-bamea), and 130 miles N. of Sinai (Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 510) ; or the higher and more imposing range of mountains W. of the Gulf of 'Akaha. This is the more probable if El-paran is rightly identified with Elath.

      (4) Some place named Paran would seem to be referred to in Dt 1 1; but no trace of such a city has yet been found. Paran in 1 K 11 18 doubtless refers to the district W. of the Arabah.

      W. EwiNG PARBAR, par'bar ("I3")S , parhar [1 Ch 26 18], and D'^II'lS, parwdrlm, iv^ "precincts" [AV "sub- urbs" in 2 K 23 11]; LXX <|>apoDpe(|i, p/iaroMreiTO) : In 1 Ch 26 18 reference is made to the position of the gatekeepers, "for Parbar westward, four at the causeway, and two at Parbar." The word is supposed to be of Pera origin, connected with Par- wAr, meaning "possessing light," and hence the meaning has been suggested of "colonnade" or "portico," some place open to the light. In the pi. form (2 K 23 11) the situation of the house of

      "Nathan-mclech" is described, and the tr, "in the colonnades," .should, if the above origin is accepted, be more correct than EV. It is difficult to under- stand the occurrence of a Pers word at this time, and it has been suggested {EB, col 3.585) that the word is a description of the office of Nathan-melech, ba-parwdrim being a misreading for ha-p'rddhim, meaning "who was over the mules."

      E. W. G. Masterman PARCEL, piir'sel: Properly "a little part," in Elizabethan Eng. being u.sed in almost any In AV of Cien 33 19; Josh 24 32; Ruth 4 3; 1 Ch 11 13.14 it is the tr of Hpbn , helkah; Jn 4 5 of xuplov, chorion — both the Gr and Heb words mean- ing a "piece of land." RV writes "plot" in 1 Ch 11 13.14, but if the change was needed at all, it should have been made throughout.

      PARCHED, parcht: Four different root words have been tr'^ "parched" in EV:

      (1) nbjP, J;aZa/i, "roasted." This word is applied to com or pulse. It is a common practice in Pal and Syria to roast the nearly ripe wheat for eating as a delicacy. A handful of heads of fully developed grain, with the stalks still attached, are gathered and bound together and then, holding the bunch by the lower ends of the stalks, the heads are toasted over a fire of straw or thorn bush. By the time moat of the sheaths are blackened the grain is toasted, and, after rubbing off the husks between the hands, is ready to eat (Lev 2 14). A form of pulse ia toasted in the same way and is more sought after than the grain. In the larger towns and cities, venders go about the streets selling bunches of toasted chick-peas. The Bible references, how- ever, are probably to another form of roasted grain. The threshed wheat or pulse is roasted over a fire on an iron pan or on a flat stone, being kept in constant motion with a stirrer until the operation is finished. The grain thus prepared is a marketable article. Parched grain is not now so commonly met with as the pulse, which either roasted or un- roasted is called hommo^ (from Arab, "to roast" or "parch"). Parched pulse is eaten not only plain, but is often made into confection by coating the seeds with sugar. In Bible times parched wheat or pulse was a common food, even taking the place of bread (Lev 23 14; Josh 5 11; Ruth 2 14). It was a useful food supply for armies, as it re- quired no further cooking (1 S 17 17). It was frequently included in gifts or hostages (1 S 25 18; 2 S 17 28).

      (2) Tin, harer, "burned" or "parched" (cf Arab. harik, "burned"), is used in the sense of dried up or arid in Jer 17 6.

      (3) nn2, Qiheh, is used in Isa 5 13, AV "dried up," RV' "parched"; nninS , fo/iT/ia/i, in Ps 68 6, AV "dry," RV "parched."

      (4) 'yy^ , shdrabh, rendered "parched" in AV, is "glowing" in RV. The word implies the peculiar wavy effect of the air above parched ground, usually accompanied by mirages (cf Arab, serab, "mirage") (Isa 35 7; 49 10). In predicting a happy future for Zion the prophet could have chosen no greater contrast than that the hot glowing sands which produce illusive water effects should be changed into real pools. See Mirage. James A. Patch

      PARCHED, parcht, CORN. See Food.

      PARCHMENT, parch'ment (litiippava, niembrdna [2 Tim 4 13]) : Theword "parchment," which occurs only once (2 Tim 4 13), is derived from Lat per- gamena (Gr nepyapepr/, Pergament), i.e. pertaining to Pergamum, the name of an ancient city in Asia

      Parchments Parousia



      Minor where, it ia believed, parchment was first used. Parchment is made from the slvins of sheep, goats or young calves. The hair and fleshy portions of the skin are removed as in tanning by first soaking in lime and then dehairing, scraping and washing. The skin is then stretched on a frame and treated with powdered chalk, or other absorptive agent, to remove the fatty substances, and is then dried. It is finally given a smooth surface by rubbing with powdered pumice. Parchment was extensively used at the time of the early Christians for scrolls, legal documents, etc, having replaced papyrus for that purpose. It was no doubt used at even a much earlier time. The roll mentional in Jer 36 may have been of parchment. Scrolls were later re- placed by codices of the same material. After the Arabs introduced paper, parchment was still used for centuries for the book bindings. Diplomas printed on "sheepskins," still issued by many uni- versities, represent the survival of an ancient use of parchment. See following article.

      James A. Patch PARCHMENTS, parch'ments ((ifiippAvai, mem- brdnai, "membranes," "parchments," "vellum"): The skins, chiefly of sheep, lambs, goats and calves, prepared so as to be used for writing on (2 Tim 4 13).

      In Gr and Rom times parchment was much employed as a writing material. "At Rome, in the 1st cent. BC, and the 1st and 2d cents. AD, there is evidence of the use of vellum, but only for noteboolis and for rough drafts or

      inferior copies of literary works A fragment of a

      vellum MS, wliich may belong to this period, is preserved in Brit. Mus. Add. MS 34,473, consisting of two leaves of Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg., in a small hand, which ap- pears to bo of the 2d cent." (F. G. Kenyon in HDB, IV, 947).

      Paul directs Timothy that, when he comes from Ephesus to Rome, he is to bring "the books, esp. the parchments." These, as well as the "cloak," which is also mentioned, had evidently been "left at Troas with Carpus." What were these parch- ments? They are distinguished from "the books," which were probably a few choice volumes or rolls, some portions of the Scriptures of the OT, some volumes of the Law of Moses or of the Prophets or of the Pss. Among "the books" there might also be Jewish exegetical works, or heathen writings, with which, as is made evident by references in his Epp., Paul was well acquainted.

      The parchments were different from these, and were perhaps notebooks, in which the apostle had, from time to time, written what he had observed and wished to preserve as specially worthy of remembrance, facts which he had gathered in his study of the OT or of other books. These notes may have been the result of many years' reading and study, and he wished Timothy to bring them to him.

      Various conjectures have been made in regard to the contents of "the parchments." It has been suggested by Kenyon {HDB, III, 673) that they contained the OT in Gr; by Farrar, that the parch- ments were a diploma of Paul's Rom citizenship; by Bull, that they were his commonplace books; by Latham, that the parchments were a copy of the Orundschrift of the Gospels, a volume containing the all-important narrative of the Saviour's life and cross and resurrection. Workman (Perse- cution in the Early Church, 39) writes: "By tan membranas I understand the proofs of his citizen- ship."

      Whatever their contents may have been, they were of such value that Paul wished to have them with him in his prison at Rome, so that, if life were spared for even a few weeks or months, the books and parchments might be at hand for reference. Perhaps in the fact that the books and the parchments and the cloak had been loft at Troas with Carpus, there may be a hint that hi.s final arrest by

      the Rom authorities took place at that city, and that it was tile suddenness of his arrest that caused hira to be unable to carry his books and parchments and the cloak with liim. "The police had not even allowed him time to find his overcoat or necessary documents" (Workman, op.cit., 39:sce p. 1S86, 14).

      Be this as it may, he desired to have them now. His well-disciplined mind, even in the near prospect of death by public execution, could And the most joyous labor in the work of the gospel, wherever his influence reached, and could also find relaxation among "the books, esp. tlie parchments."

      John Rutherfdrd

      PARDON, par'd'n, par'dun. See Forgiveness.

      PARE, par (THE NAILS) (nto? , ^asah, "to fix," "manipulate"): The word, which in Heb has a very wide range of application, and which is of very frequent occurrence in the Heb Bible, is found in the above meaning in but one passage of EV (Dt 21 12; see Nail). In a similar sense it is found in 2 S 19 24, where it is used to express the dressing of the feet and the trimming of the beard.

      PARENT, p4r'ent. See Children; Crimes; Education; Family; Punishments.

      PARK, park (CI"]? , parde?; LXX irapdStKros,

      parddeisos; cf Arab. qu.OvJ , firdaus): "I made

      me gardens and parks," AV "orchards" (Eccl 2 5); "Asaph the keeper of the king's forest," RVm "park" (Neh 2 8). The same word occurs in Cant 4 13, "Thy shoots are an orchard [RVm "paradise"] of pomegranates." According to Lid- dell and Scott, paradeisos occurs first in Xenophon, who always uses it of the parks of Pers kings and noblemen. Like many other quadriliterals the word is undoubtedly of eastern origin. It seems to connote an inclosure. It is used in LXX of the Garden of Eden. Cf Lk 23 43; 2 Cor 12 4; Rev 2 7. See Paradise. Alfred Ely Day

      PARLOR, par'ler: This word in AV, occurring in Jgs 3 20-25; 1 S 9 22; 1 Ch 28 11, is in

      every instance changed in RV: in Jgs into "upper room," in 1 S into "guest-chamber," in 1 Ch into "chambers," representing as many Heb words. See House.

      PARMASHTA, par-mash'ta (Snipa-jB, par- 7nashta' ; LXX Mapixao-ijid, Marmasimd, or Map- (j.a

      PARMENAS, par'm5-nas (Hapiievas, Parmends): A Gr name, an abbreviated form of Parmenides. Parmenas was one of "the seven" chosen by the people and appointed by the apostles to super- intend the daily distribution to the Christian poor of Jerus (Acts 6 5). Tradition states that he was martyred at Philippi, in the reign of Trajan, but his name does not appear again in Scripture.

      PARNACH, par'nak (t;;-)? , parnakh, "gifted"): Father of Elizaphan, the prince of Zobulun (Nu 34 25).

      PAROSH, pa'rosh, par'osh (W'S , par'osh, "flea" [leap]) : A family that in part returned under Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 3; Neh 7 8); and in part under Ezra (Ezr 8 3; there spelt "Pharosh," AV). Some of the family had foreign wives (Ezr 10 25). One descendant, Pedaiah (see Pedaiah, [3]), helped to rebuild the city walls (Neh 3 25), and others were among those who "sealed" the covenant of Nehemiah (Neh 10 1.14). In 1 Eid 5 9; 8 30- 9 26, "Phoros."



      Parchments Parousia

      PAROUSIA, pa-roo'zhi-a:

      I. The Apostolic Doctrine

      1. Terms

      2. Data and Sources

      3. Consistency

      4. Meaning of ttie Symbolism II. The Tbachino of Jesus

      1. Critical Problems

      2. Summary

      3. Fall of Jerusalem

      4. Time

      III. St. John's Evaluation

      1. Solution of Problem

      2. The Church a Divine Quantity Literature

      /. The Apostolic Doctrins. — The Second Coming of Christ (a phrase not founi in the Bible) is ex- pressed by the apostles in the following 1. Terms special terms: (1) "Parousia" (ira- pova-la, parousia), a word fairly com- mon in Gr, with the meaning "presence" (2 Cor 10 10; Phil 2 12). More esp. it may mean "presence after absence," "arrival" (but not "re- turn," unless this is given by the context), as in 1 Cor 16 17; 2 Cor 7 6.7; Phil 1 26. And still more particularly it is applied to the Coming of Christ in 1 Cor 15 23; 1 Thess 2 19; 3 13;

      4 15; 5 23; 2 Thess 2 1.8; Jas 5 7.8; 2 Pet

      1 16; 3 4.12; 1 Jn 2 28— in all 13 t, besides

      2 Thess 2 9, where it denotes the coming of Anti- christ. This word for Christ's Second Coming passed into the early Patristic lit. (Diognetus, vii.6, e.g.), but its use in this sense ia not invariable. For instance the word in Ignatius, Philadelphians, ix.2, means the Incarnation. Or the Incarnation is called the first Parousia, as in Justin, Trypho, xiv. But in modern theology it means invariably the Second Coming. Recent archaeological discoveries have explained why the word received such general Christian use in the special sense. In Hellenistic Gr it was used for the arrival of a ruler at a place, as is evidenced by inscriptions in Eg3'pt, Asia Minor, etc. Indeed, in an Epidaurua inscription of the 3d cent. BC (Dittenberger, Syiloge^, No. 803, 34), "Parousia" is apphed to a manifestation of Aesculapius. Consequently, the adoption by the Gr-speaking Christians of a word that already con- tained full regal and even Divine concepts was per- fectly natural. (The evidence ia well summarized in Deissmann, Light from the Ancient Easl^, 372- 78, Ger. ed, 281-87.) (2) "Epiphany" (^7ri0dma, epiphdneia), "manifestation," used of the Incarna- tion in 2 Tim 1 10, but of the Second Coming in 2 Thess 2 8; 1 Tim 6 14; 2 Tim 4 1.8; Tit 2 13. The word was used like Parousia in Hellenistic Gr to denote the ceremonial arrival of rulers; cf Deiss- mann, as above. (3) "Apocalypse" (diroKdXufis, apokdlupsis), "revelation, denotes the Second Coming in 1 Cor 1 7; 2 Thess 17; 1 Pet 1 7. 13; 4 13. (4) "Day of the Lord," more or less modified, but referring to Christ in 1 Cor 1 8;

      5 5; 2 Cor 1 14; Phil 1 6.10; 2 16; 1 Thess 5 2; 2 Thess 2 2. The phxase is used of the Father in the strict OT sense in Acts 2 20; 2 Pet

      3 12; Rev 16 14, and probably in 2 Pet 3 10. Besides, as in the OT and the intermediate lit., "day of wrath," "last day," or simply "day" are used very frequently. See Day of the Lord.

      Of the first three of the above terms, only Parousia is found in the Gospels, 4 t, all in Mt 24 (vs, and in the last three of these all In the set phrase "so shall be the Parousia of the Son of Man." As Christ spoke in Aram., the use of "Parousia" here is of course due to Matthew's adoption of the current Gr word.

      The last of the 4 terms above brings the apostolic doctrine of the Parousia into connection with the

      eschatology (Messianic or otherwise) 2. Data and of the OT and of the intermediate Sources writings. But the connection is far

      closer than that supplied by this single term only, for nearly every feature in the apostolic

      doctrine can be paralleled directly from the Jewish sources. The following summary does not begin to give complete references to even such Jewish material as is extant, but enough is presented to show how closely allied are the esohatologiea of Judaism and of early Christianity.

      The end is not to be expected instantly. There are still signs to come to pass (2 Thess 2 3), and in especial the determined number of martyrs must be filled up (Rev 6 11; cf 2 Esd 4 3.5.36). There is need of patience (Jas 5 7, etc; cf 2 Esd 4 34; Bar 83 4). But it is at hand (1 Pet 4 7; Rev

      1 3; 22 10; cf 2 Esd 14 17). "Yet a little while" (He 10 37.25), "The night is far spent" (Rom 13 12), "The Lord is at hand" (Phil 4 5). "We that are alive" expect to see it (1 'Thess 4 15; 1 Cor 15 51; cf Bar 76 5); the time is shortened henceforth (1 Cor 7 29; cf Bar 20 1; 2 Esd 4 26, and the comms. on 1 Cor). Indeed, there is hardly time for repentance even (Rev 22 11, ironical), cer- tainly there is no time left for self-indulgence (1 Thess 5 3; 1 Pet 4 2; 2 Pet 3 11; Rev 3 3; cf Bar 83 5), and watchfulness ia urgently de- manded (1 Thess 5 6; Rev 3 3).

      An outpouring of the Spirit is a sign of the end (Acts

      2 17.18; cf XII P, Test. Levi 18 11; Sib Or 4 46, always after the consummation in the Jewish sources) . But the world is growing steadily worse, for the godly and intense trials are coming (passim), although those esp. favored may be spared suffering (Rev

      3 10; cf Bar 29 2). This is the beginning of Judgment (1 Pet 4 17; cf En 99 10). Iniquity increases and false teachers are multiplied (Jude ver 18; 2 Pet 3 3; 2 Tim 3, esp. ver 13; cf En 80 7; Bar 70 5; 2 Esd 5 9.10). Above all there is to be an outburst of diabolic malevolence in the Antichrist (1 Jn 2 18.22; 4 3; 2 Jn ver 7; 2 Thess 2 8-10; Rev 19 19; cf Bar 36 8-10; Sib Or 3 63-70, and see Antichrist), who will gather all nations to his ensign (Rev 19 19; 2 Thess 2 10 cf 2 Esd 13 5; En 56). Plagues fall upon men (Rev, passim; cf esp. Philo, Execr.), and natural portents occur (Acts 2 19.20; Rev, passim; cf 2 Esd 5 4.5; En 80 5-8). But the conversion of the Jews (Rom 11 26) is brought about by these plagues (Rev 11 13; in the Jewish sources, naturally, conversion of Gentiles, as in Sib Or 3 616-623; En 10 21). Then Christ is manifested and Anti- christ is slain or captured (2 Thess 2 8; Rev 19 20; cf 2 Esd 13 10.11). In Rev 20 3 the Mil- lennium follows (cf 2 Esd 7 28; 12 34; Bar .40 3, and often in rabbinical lit.; the "millennium" in Slavic En, ch 33, is of very dubious existence), but other traces of millennial doctrine in the NT are of the vaguest (cf the comms. to 1 Cor 15 24, for instance, esp. Schmiedel, J. Weiss, and Lietzmann, and see Millennium). The general resurrection follows (see Resurrection for details).

      The Father holds the Judgment in He 10 30; 12 23; 13 4; Jas 4 11.12; 1 Pet 1 17; Rev 14 7; 20 11, and probably in Jude vs 14.15. Christ is Judge in Acts 10 42; 2 Cor 5 10; 2 Tim 4 1. The two concepts are interwoven in Rom 14 9.10. God mediates judgment through Christ in Acts 17 31; Rom 2 16, and probably in Rom 2 2-6; 3 6. In 2 Thess Christ appears as the executor of pun- ishment. For similar uncertainties in the Jewish schemes, cf, for instance, 2 Esd 7 33 and En 45 3. For the fate of the wicked see EecHATOLOGY; Hell; St. Paul, rather curiously, has very little to say about this (Rom 2 3; 1 Cor 3 17; 2 Thess 1 8.9). Then all Nature is renewed (Rom 8 21; En 45 4.5) or completely destroyed (1 Cor 7 31; He 12 27; Rev 21 1; cf En 1 6; 2 Esd 7 30); by fire in 2 Pet 3 10 (cf Sib Or 4 172-77), so as to leave only the eternal verities (He 12 27; cf 2 Esd 7 30[?]), or to be replaced with a new heaven and

      Parousia Parthians



      a new. earth (Rev 21 1; cfSlavicEn 33 1-2). And the righteous receive the New Jerus (Gal 4 26; He 12 22; Rev 3 12; 21 2.10; of Bar 4 2-6; 2 Esd 7 26).

      It is of course possible, as in the older works on

      dogmatics, to reconcile the slight divergences of

      the above details and to fit them all

      3. Con- into a single scheme. But the pro- sistency priety of such an undertaking is more

      than dubious, for the traditional nature of these details is abundantly clear — a tradi- tion that is not due solely to the fact that the Chris- tian and the Je^\\\\\\\'ish schemes have a common OT basis. That the Jewish writers realized that the eschatological details were merely symbolic is made obvious by the contradictions that every apocalypse contains — the contradictions that are the despair of the beginner in apooalyptics. No writer seems to have thought it worth while to reconcile his details, for they were purely figures of dimly com- prehended forces. And the Christian symbolism must be interpreted on the same principle. No greater injustice, for instance, could be done St. Paul's thought than to suppose he would have been in the least disturbed by St. John's interpretation of the Antichrist as many persons and all of them ordinary human beings (1 Jn 2 18.19).

      The symbolism, then, in which the Parousia is described was simply that held by the apostles in

      their pre-Christian days. This sym-

      4. Meaning bohsm, to be sure, has been thoroughly of the purified from such puerilities as the Symbolism feast on Leviathan and Behemoth of

      Bar 29, or the "thousand children" of En 10 17, a fact all the more remarkable as 2d- cent. Christianity has enough of this and to spare (e.g. Irenaeus, v. 33). What is more important is that the symbolism of the Parousia is simply in the Jewish sources the symbolism of the coming of the Messiah (or of God in such schemes as have no Messiah). Now it is to be observed that among the apostles the Kingdom of God is almost uniformly regarded as a future quantity (1 Cor 6 9.10; 15 50; Gal 5 21; Eph 5 5; 2 Tim 4 1.18; 2 Pet 1 11; Rev 11 15; 12 10), with a definitely present idea only in Col 1 13. Remembering again that the term "Messiah" means simply "the Bringer of the Kingdom," the case becomes entirely clear. No apostle, of course, ever thought of Christ as any- thing but the Messiah. But neither did they think of His Messianic work as completed, or, if the most exact terminology be pressed, of the strict Messianic work as done at all. Even the Atonement belonged to the preliminary acts, viewed perhaps somewhat as En 39 6 views the preexistent Messiah's resi- dence among the "church expectant." This could come to pass more readily as the traditions generally were silent as to what the Messiah was to do before He brought the Kingdom, while they all agreed that He was not to be created only at that moment. Into this blank, esp. with the aid of Isa 53, etc. Our Lord's earthly life and Passion fitted naturally, leaving the fact of His Second Coming to be identi- fied with the coming of the Messiah as originally conceived.

      //. The Teaching of Jesus. — It mil be found help- ful, in studying the bitter controversies that have

      raged around Christ's teaching about 1. Critical the future, to remember that the apos- Problems folic idea of the word "Messiah" is the

      only definition that the word has; that, for instance, "Messiah" and "Saviour of the world" are not quite convertible terms, or that a redefini- tion of the Messiah as a moral teacher or an ex- pounder of the will of God does not rest on a "spiritualizing" of the term, but on a destruction of itin favor of "prophet." Now the three expressions.

      "Messianic work," "coming of the Kingdom," and "Parousia" are only three titles for one and the same thing, while the addition of "Son of Man" to them merely involves their being taken in the most transcendental form possible. In fact, this is the state of affairs found in the Synoptists. ^ Christ predicts the coming of the Kingdom. He claims the title of its king (or Regent under the Father). The realization of this expectation He placed on the other side of the grave, i.e. in a glorified state. And in connection with this evidence we find His use of the title Son of Man. From all this the doctrine of the Parousia follows immediately, even apart from the passages in which the regular apocalyptic symbohsm is used. The contention may be made that this symbolism in the Gospels has been drawn out of other sources by the evan- gelists (the so-called "Little Apocalypse" of Mk 13 7-9.14-20.24-27.30-31 is the usual point of attack), but, even if the contention could be made out (and agreement in this regard is anything but attained), no really vital part of the case would be touched. Of course, it is possible to begin with the a priori assumption that "no sane man could con- ceive of himself as an apocalyptic being walking the earth incognito," and to refer to later tradition everything in the Gospels that contraclicts this assumption. But then there are difficulties. The various concepts involved are mentioned directly so often that the number of passages to be removed grows alarmingly large. Then the concepts inter- lock in such a way as to present a remarkably firm resistance to the critical knife; the picture is much too consistent for an artificial product. Thus there are a number of indirect references (the title on the Cross, the "Pahn-Sunday" procession, etc) that contradict all we know of later growths. And, finally, the most undeterred critic finds himself confronted with a last stubborn difficulty, the un- wavering conviction of the earliest church that Christ made the eschatological claims. It is con- ceivable that the apostles may have misunderstood Christ in other matters, but an error in this central point of all (as the apostles appraised things) is hardly in the realms of critical possibility. On the whole, such an attempt to force a way through the evidence of the documents would seem something surprisingly like the violence done to history by the most perverse of the older dogmatists.

      The number of relevant passages involved is so

      large and the critical problems so intricate that any

      detailed discussion is prohibited here.

      2. Summary Moreover, the symbohsm presents

      nothing novel to the student familiar with the usual schemes. Forces of evil increase in the world, the state of the righteous grows harder, distress and natural portents follow, at the climax Christ appears suddenly with His angels, bringing the Kingdom of God, gathers the elect into the Kingdom, and dismisses the wicked into outer darkness (or fire). The Father is the Judge in Mt 10 32.33, but the Son in the |1 Lk 12 8.9, and in Mt 13 41; 16 27; 25 32; probably in Mt 24 50 jl Lk 12 46; Mk 8 38 and its || Lk 9 26 are un- certain. At all events, the eternal destiny of each man depends on Christ's attitude, possibly with the Father's (invariable) ratification considered.

      How far Christ connected the Parousia and the fall

      of Jerus, it is not easy to say. Various sayings of

      Christ about the future were certainly

      3. Fall of grouped by the evangelists; cf Mt Jerusalem 24 with Mk 13 and Lk 17 20-37;

      or Lk 17 31 with Mk 13 15.16 (not- ing the inappropriateness of Lk 17 31 in its present context). The critical discussions of Mk 13 are familiar and those of Lk 21 (a still more complex problem) only less so. Remembering what the



      Parousia Parthians

      fall of Jerus or its immediate prospect would have meant to the apostles, the tendency to group the statements of Christ will be realized. Conse- quently, not too much stress should be laid on the connection of this with the Parousia, and in no case can the fall of Jerus be considered to exhaust the meaning of the Parousia.

      The most debated question is that of the time of the Parousia. Here Mk 13 30 [] Lk 21 32 |1 Mt 24

      34 place it within Christ's generation, 4. Time Mk 9 1 11 Lk 9 27 |1 Mt 16 28 within

      the lifetime of some of His hearers, Mt 10 23 before all the cities of Judaea are closed to Christ's apostles. (Only the first of these contains any reference to the fall of Jerus.) Then there is "ye shall see" of Mk 14 62; Lk 13 35 |! Mt 23 39. Agreeing with this are the exhortations to watchfulness (Mk 13 33-37; Lk 12 40 I Mt 24 44, etc, with many parables, such as the Ten Virgins). Now Mk 13 32 1| Mt 24 36 do not quite contradict this, for knowledge of the genera- tion is quite consistent with ignorance of the day and hour; "It will be within your generation, but nothing more can be told you, so watch!" The real difficulty lies in Mk 13 10 || Mt 24 14, the necessity of all Gentiles hearing the gospel (Lk 21 24 is hardly relevant). To leave the question here, as most conservative scholars do, is unsatisfactory, for Mk 13 10 is of no deep value for apologetic service and this value is far outweighed by the real contradiction with the other passages. The key, probably, lies in Mt 10 18, from which Mk 13 10 differs only in insisting on all Gentiles, perhaps Tsath the apostles' thought that "world" and "Rom Empire" were practically coextensive. With this assumption the data yield a uniform result.

      ///. St. John's Evaluation. — It appears, then, that Christ predicted that shortly after His death an

      event would occur of so transcendental 1. Solution a nature that it could be expressed of Problem only in the terms of the fullest escha-

      tological symbolism. St. John has a clear interpretation of this. In place of the long Parousia discourses in the Synoptists, we have, in the corresponding part of the Fourth Gospel, chs 13-17, dealing not only with the future in general but concretely with Christ's coming and the Judg- ment. Christ indeed came to His own (Jn 14 18), and not He only but the Spirit also (14 16), and even the Father (14 23). When the disciples are so equipped, their presence in the world subjects the world to a continual sifting process of judgment (16 11). The fate of men by this process is to be etemallyfixed (3 18), while the disciples newly made are assured that they have already entered into their eternal condition of blessedness (11 25.26; 5 24;

      10 28; 17 2.3). Equally directly the presence of Christ is conceived in Rev 3 20. So in St. Paul, the glorified Christ has returned to His own to dwell in them (Rom 8 9.10, etc), uniting them into a body vitally connected with Him (Col 1 18), so supernatural that it is the teacher of 'angels'^ (Eph 3 10), a body whose members are already in the Kingdom (Col 1 13), who even sit already in heavenly places (Eph 2 6). The same thought is found in such synoptic passages (Lk 7 28 || Mt

      11 11; Lk 17 21[?]; see Kingdom of God) as represent the Kingdom as -present. Already the eschatological promises were realized in a small group of men, even though they still lacked the transforming influence of the Spirit. Compare the continuous coming of Mt 26 64 (Lk 22 69).

      It is on these lines of the church as a supernatural quantity (of course not to be confused with any particular denomination) that the immediate realiza- tion of the Parousia promises is to be sought. Into human history has been "injected" a supernatural

      quantity, through which a Divine Head works, whose reaction on men settles their eternal destiny, and within which the life of heaven is 2. The begun definitely. The force in this

      Church a body is felt at the crises of human his- Divine tory, perhaps esp. after the catastrophe

      Quantity that destroyed Jerus and set Chris- tianity free from the swaddling clothes of the primitive community. This conception of the church as a Divine quantity, as, so to speak, a part of heaven extended into earth, is faithful to the essentials of the predictions. Nor is it a rationalization of them, if the idea of the church itself be not rationalized. With this conception all realms of Christian activity take on a tran- scendental significance, both in Ufe and (esp.) death, giving to the individual the confidence that he is building better than he knows, for even the apostles could not realize the full significance of what they were doing. Generally speaking, the details in the symbolism must not be pressed. The purpose of revelation is to minister to life, not to curi- osity, and, in teaching of the future, Christ simply taught with the formal language of the schools of the day, with the one change that in the supernatural process He Himself was to be the central figure. Still, the end is not yet. "The hour cometh, in which all that are in the tombs shall hear his voice" (Jn 5 28; cf 6 40; 21 23; 1 Jn 2 28). In Christ human destiny is drawing to a climax that can be expressed only in spiritual terms that transcend our conceptions. See, further, Eschatology of THE NT.

      Literature. — This is overwhelming. For the pre- suppositions, GJV^ {HJP is antiquated); Volz, Ju- dische Eschatologie; Bousset, Religion des Judentums^. General discussions: Mathews. The Messianic Hope in the NT (best in Eng.); Sanday, The Life of Christ in Recent Research; Holtznaann, Das messianische BewussC- sein Jesu (a classic); von Dobschiitz, The Eschaloloov of the Gospels (popular, but very sound). Eschatological extreme: Schweitzer, The Quest of the Historical Jesus {Von Reimarus zu PTrede) , is quite indispensable; Tyrrell, Christianitu at the Cross Roads (perverse, but valuable in parts); Loisy, Gospel and the Church (cf his Evangiles synopliques). Anti-eschatological: Sharman, The Teach- ing of Jesus about the Future (minute criticism, inadequate preniises, some astounding exegesis) ; Bacon, The Begin- nings of Gospel Story (based on Wellhausen). For the older literature see Schweitzer, Sanday, Holtzmann, as above, and cf Fairweather. The Background of the Gospels, and Brown, "Parousia," in HDB. III.

      Burton Scott Easton PARSHANDATHA, par-shan-da'tha, par-shan'- da-tha (SH'IIIIJ'IS , parshandatha' ; LXX ^opo-dv, Pharsdn, or "l>ap

      PART, part: As a vb. is no longer in good use (except in a few special phrases, cf Ruth 1 17), but is obscure only in Prov 18 18, where the meaning is "break up their quarrel" (cf 2 S 14 6). RV has not changed AV's usage, except (strangely) in 1 S 30 24, where "share" is written. For the noun see Portion.

      PARTHIANS, par'thi-anz (Iliipeoi,, Pdrthoi): A people mentioned in Acts 2 9 only, in connection with other strangers present at Jerus 1. Country at Pentecost, from which we infer that and Early they were Jews or proselytes from the History regions included in the Parthian em-

      pire. This empire stretched from the Euphrates to the confines of India and the Oxus, and for centuries was the rival of Rome, and more than once proved her match on the battlefield. The Parthians are not mentioned in the OT, but are frequently in Jos, and they had an important con- nection with the history of the Jews, on account of the large colonies of the latter in Mesopotamia, and

      Parthians Partition



      the interference of the Parthians in the affairs of Judaea, once making it a vassal state.

      Parthia proper was a small territory to the S.E. of the Caspian Sea, about 300 miles long by 120 wide, a fertile though mountainous region, border- ing on the desert tract of Eastern Persia. The

      Parthian Horsemen.

      (From the Triumphal Arch of yeptiinius Soverus, Rome.)

      origin of the Partliians is rather uncertain, though the prevailing opinion is that they were of Scythic stock or of the great Tartar race. We have no reference to them earlier than the time of Darius the Great, but they were doubtless among the tribes subdued by Cyrus, as they are mentioned by Darius as being in revolt. They seem to have remained faithful to the Persians after that, and submitted to Alexander without resistance.

      They next came under the rule of the Seleucid kings of Syria, but revolted about 250 BC, in the reign of Antiochus II (Theos), and 2. The gained their independence under the

      Seleucid lead of Arsaces I who established the Kings dynasty of the Arsacidae, which con-

      tinued for nearly 5 centuries. His capital was Hecatompylos, but his reign continued only about 3 years, and his brother Tridates suc- ceeded him as Arsaces II and he consolidated the kingdom. The war between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies freed him from interference from that quarter until 237 BC, when Seleucus II (Callinicus) marched against him, but was completely defeated, and Parthian independence was secured. Artabanus I, who followed him, extended his dominions west- ward to the Zagros Mountains, but Antiochus III would not permit such an encroachment with impu- nity, and led an expedition against him, driving him back and even invading his ancestral dominion. But after a struggle of some years the Parthians remained still unsubdued, and the difficulties of the contest led Antiochus to conclude peace with him in which he acknowledged the independence of Parthia. For about a quarter of a century the king of Parthia remained quiet, but Phraates I (181-174 BC) re- commenced aggressions on the Seleucid empire which were continued by Mithridates I (174-137), who added to his dominions a part of Bactria, on the E., and Media, Persia and Babylonia on the W. This was a challenge to Demetrius II, of Syria, to whose empire the provinces belonged, and he marched against him with a large force, but was defeated and taken prisoner. He remained in Parthia some years, well treated by Phraates II, whose sister he married, and, when Phraates wished to create a diversion against Antiochus Sidetes, he set Demetrius at hberty and sent him back to Syria. Antiochus was at first successful, as his force of 300,000 men far outnumbered the Par- thians, but he was at last defeated and slain in 129 BC and his army destroyed. This was the last

      attempt of the Seleucid kings to subdue Parthia, and it was acknowledged as the dominant power in Western Asia. But Phraates fell in conflict with the Scyths, whom he called in to aid him in his war with Sidetes, and his successor likewise, and it was only on the accession of Mithridates in 124 BC that these barbarians were checked. The king then turned his attention toward Armenia, which he probably tjrought under his control, but its king Tigranes recovered its independence and even at- tacked the Parthians, and took from them two provinces in Mesopotamia.

      Not long after, the power of Rome came into con- tact with Armenia and Parthia. In 66 BC when, after subduing Mithridates of Pontus, 3. In Con- Pompey came into Syria, Phraates III tact with made an alliance with him against Rome Armenia, but was offended by the way

      in which he was treated and thought of turning against his ally, but refrained for the time being. It was only a question of time when the two powers would come to blows, for Parthia had become an empire and could ill brook the in- trusion of Rome into Western Asia. It was the ambition and greed of Crassus that brought about the clash of Rome and Parthia. When he took the East as his share of the Rom world as apportioned among the triumvirs, he determined to rival Caesar in fame and wealth by subduing Parthia, and ad- vanced across the Euphrates on his ill-fated expe- dition in S3 BC. The story of his defeat and death and the destruction of the army and loss of the Rom eagles is familiar to all readers of Rom history. It revealed Parthia to the world as the formidable rival of Rome, which she continued to be for nearly 3 centuries. After the death of Crassus, the Parthians crossed the Euphrates and ravaged Northern Syria, but retired the following year with- out securing any portion of the country, and thus ended the first war with Rome. In 40 BC, after the battle of Philippi, Pacorus, who was then king, in- vaded Syria a second time and took possession of it together with all Pal, Tyre alone escaping subjec- tion. He set Antigonus on the throne of Judaea, deposing Hyrcanus for the purpose. Syria and Pal remained in the hands of Parthia for 3 years, but the coming of Ventidius gave a new turn to affairs. He drove the Parthians out of Syria, and when they returned the following year, he defeated them again and Pacorus was slain. Parthia had to retire within her own borders and remain on the defensive. Antony's attempt to subdue them proved abortive, and his struggle with Octavian compelled him to relinquish the project. The Parthians were unable to take advantage of the strife in the Rom empire on account of troubles at home. An insurrection led by Tiridates drove the king Phraates IV from the throne, but he recovered it by the aid of the Scyths, and Tiridates took refuge in Syria with the youngest son of the king. Augustus afterward restored him without ransom, and obtained the lost standards of Crassus, and thus peace was established between the rival empires. Each had learned to respect the power of the other, and, although contention arose regarding the suzerainty of Armenia, peace was not seriously dis- turbed between them for about 130 years, or until the reign of Trajan. Parthia was not at peace with herself, however. Dynastic troubles were frequent, and the reigns of the kings short. Artabanus III, who reigned 16-42 AD, was twice expelled from his kmgdom and twice recovered his throne. In his days occurred a terrible massacre of Jewish colonists in Mesopotamia, as narrated by Jos (Ant, XVIII, ix). The contest with Rome over Armenia was settled in the days of Nero in a manner satisfactory to both parties, so that peace was not broken for



      Parthians Partition

      50 years. The ambition of Trajan led him to dis- regard the policy inaugurated by Augustus, adhered to, for the most part, by succeeding emperors, not to extend the limits of the empire. After the con- quest of Dacia he turned his attention to the East and resolved on the invasion of Parthia. The Parthian king, Chosroes, endeavored to placate Trajan by an embassy bearing presents and pro- posals of peace, but Trajan rejected them and carried out his purpose. He subdued Ai-menia, took_ LTpper Mesopotamia, Adiabene (Assyria), Ctesiphon, the capital, and reached the Pcrs Gulf, but was obliged to turn back by revolts in his rear and failed to reduce the fortress of Hatra. The conquered provinces were restored, however, by Hadrian, and the Parthians did not retaliate until the reign of Aurelius, when they overran Syria, and in 162 AD Lucius Verus was sent to punish them. In the following year he drove them back and ad- vanced into the heart of the Parthian empire, in- flicting the severest blow it had yet received. It was evident that the empire was on the decline, and the Romans did not meet with the resistance they had experienced in former times. Severus and Caracalla both made expeditions into the country, and the latter took the capital and massacred the inhabitants, but after his assassination his successor, Macrinus, fought a three days' battle with the Parthians at Nisibis in which he was worsted and was glad to conclude a peace by paying an indem- nity of some £1,500,000 (217 AD).

      But this was the last achievement of the Parthians.

      It is evident that Artabanus had suffered severely

      in his conflict with the Romans, and

      4. Fall of was unable to put down the revolt of the Empire the Persians under the lead of Artaxer-

      xes, who overthrew the Parthian em- pire and established the dynasty of the Sassanidae in its place (226 AD).

      The Parthians were not a cultured people, but displayed a rude magnificence, making use, to some

      extent, of remains of Gr culture which

      5. Culture they found within the regions they

      seized from the empire of Alexander. They had no native lit., as far as known, but made use of Gr in writing and on their coins. They were famiUar with Heb or Syro-Chaldaic,_ and the later kings had Sem legends on their coins. Jos is said to have written his history of the Jewish War in his native tongue for Parthian readers. In their method of government they seem to have left the different provinces pretty much to themselves, so long as they paid tribute and furnished the neces- sary contingents. H. Porter

      PARTICULAR, par-tik'fl-lar, par-tik'a-lar, PAR- TICULARLY: The adverbial phrase "in particular" occurs twice in AV (1 Cor 12 27, iK /x^povs, ek merous, RV "severally," RVm "each in his part"; and Eph 6 33, o! KaB' iva, hoi kath' hena, RV "sever- ally"); in both cases it has the obsolete meaning of "severally," "individually." The advb. "par- ticularly" occurs in the same sense in Acts 21 19 AV, raS' iv iKaiTTov, kath' hen hekasion, RV "one by one," and He 9 6 AV, KaTo. nipos, katd meros, RV "severally." We have the pi. noun in the sense of "details" in 2 Mace 2 30: "to be curious in particu- lars"; 11 20 (AV "Of the particulars I have given order," RV "I have given order in detail") ; and the adj. "particular" in the sense of "special" in the first Prologue to Sirach (AV, ' Vulg peculiares; the whole section omitted in RV).

      D. MiALL Edwards

      PARTITION, par-tish'un, par-tish'un, THE MIDDLE WALL OF (t6 (j.£0-6toixov toS

      peace of both Jewish and gentile believers. He has made them both to be one in Himself, and has broken down the middle wall of parti- 1. The tion which divided them from one

      Barrier in another. Then the apostle regards Jew the Temple and Gentile as two, who by a fresh act of creation in Christ are made into one new man. In the former of these similes he refers to an actual wall in the temple at Jerus, beyond which no one was allowed to pass unless he were a Jew, the balustrade or barrier which marked the limit up to which a Gentile might advance but no farther. Curiously, this middle wall of partition had a great deal to do with Paul's arrest and imprison- ment, for the multitude of the Jews became infuri- ated, not merely because of their general hostility to him as an apostle of Christ and a preacher of the gos- pel for the world, but specially because it was errone- ously supposed that he had brought Trophimus the Ephesian past this barrier into the temple (Acts 21 29), and that he had in this manner profaned the temple (24 6), or, as it is put in 21 28, he had 'brought Greeks into the temple and polluted this holy place.' In the assault which they thereupon made on Paul they violently seized and dragged him out of the temple — dragged him outside the balus- trade. The Levites at once shut the gates, to prevent the possibility of any further profanation, and Paul would have been torn in pieces, had not the Rom commander and his soldiers forcibly prevented.

      In building tlie temple Herod the Great had Inclosed a large area to form the various courts. The temple itself consisted of the two divisions, the 9 l^arnA'e Holy Place, entered by the priests every j4. neroQ s ^j^y^ ^-^^ ^^^ jj^jy ^j Holies into which 1 ample; Its the high priest entered alone once every Divisions; year. Immediately outside the temple tVio PmirtQ there was the Court of the Priests, and in LUC v^uui !,!> j^ ^3^ placed the great altar of burnt otter- ing. Outside of this again was the Court of the Sons of Israel, and beyond this the Court of the Women. The site of the temple itself and the space occupied by the various courts already mentioned formed a raised plateau or platform. "From it you descended at various points down 5 steps and through gates in a lofty wall, to find yourself overlooking another large court — the outer court to which Gentiles, who desired to see something of the glories of the temple and to offer gifts and sacrifices to the God of the Jews, were freely admitted. Farther in than this court they were for- bidden, on pain of death, to go. The actual boundary line was not the high wall with its gates, but a low stone barrier about 5 ft, in height, which ran round at the iDOttom of 14 more steps" (J. Armltage Robinson, D.D,, St. Paul's Ep. to the Eph, 59; see also Edersheim, The Temple, Its Ministry and Services as They Were at the Time of Jesus Christ, 46).

      The middle wall of partition was called foregh, and was built of marble beautifully ornamented.

      The Court ol the Gentiles formed the lowest and the outermost inclosure of all the com-ts of the sanctuary. It was paved with the finest variegated 3. The marble. Its name signified that it was

      Pmir+nf thp open to all, Jews or Gentiles alike. It uoury or lats ^jjg very large, and is said by Jewish tra- Gentlles dition to have formed a square of 750 ft.

      It was in this court that the oxen and sheep and the doves for the sacrifices were sold as in a market. It was in this court too that there were the tables of the money-changers, which Christ Himself overthrew when He drove out the sheep and oxen and them that bought and sold in His Father's house. The multitudes assem- bling in this court must have been very great, esp. on occasions such as the Passover and Pentecost and at the other great feasts, and the din of voices must oftentimes have been most disturbing. As already seen, beyond this court no Gentile might go. See Temple.

      In the year 1871, while excavations were being made on the site of the temple by the Palestine Exploration Fund, M. Clermont-Ganncau discovered one of tlie pillars which Jos describes as having been erected upon the very barrier or middle wall of partition, to wliich Paul refers. This pillar is now^ preserved in tlie Museum at Constantinople and is inscribed with a Gr inscription in capital or uncial letters, which is translated as follows:


      Partridge Passion, Passions



      While Paul was writing the Ep. to the Eph at Rome, this barrier in the temple at Jerus was still standing, yet the chained prisoner of Jesus Christ was not afraid to write that Christ had broken down the middle wall of partition, and had thus admitted Gentiles who were far off, strangers and foreigners, to all the privileges of access to God anciently possessed by Israel alone; that separation between Jew and Gentile was done away with forever in Christ.

      If Paul wrote the Ep. to the Eph in 60 or 61 AD, then the actual barrier of stone remained in its position in the Court of the 4. The Gentiles not more than some 10 j^ears,

      Throwing for it was thrown down in the burning Down of of the temple by the Rom army. And the Barrier out of those ruins a fragment has been excavated in our own day, containing the very inscription threatening death to the gentile

      The first reference to it is found in 1 S 26 20: "Now therefore, let not my blood fall to the earth away from the presence of Jeh: for the king of Israel is come out to seek a flea, as when one doth hunt a partridge in the mountains." David in this dialogue with Saul clearly indicates that if he did not hunt the partridge himself, he knew how it was done. The birds were commonly chased up the mountains and stunned or killed with "throw sticks." David knew how deft these birds were at hiding beside logs and under dry leaves colored so like them as to afford splendid protection; how swiftly they could run; what expert dodgers they were; so he compared taking them with catching a fiea. The other reference is found in Jer 17 11: "As the partridge that sitteth on eggs which she hath not laid, so is he that getteth riches, and not by right; in the midst of his days they shall leave him, and at his end he shall be a fool." If this reference is

      Warning Tablet of Herod's Temple.

      intruder, and reminding us that it is only in Christ Jesus that we now draw nigh unto God, and that we are thus one body in Christ, one new man. Christ has broken down the middle wall of parti- tion, for He, in His own person, is our peace.

      John Rutherfurd PARTRIDGE, par'trij (X^p, /core'; Lat per- dix; LXX, 1 S 26 20, vuKTii«5pa|, nuktikdrax, "owl," Jer 17 11, ir^pSi,?, perdix): A bird of the family Tetraonidae. The Heb word for this bird, kore' , means "a caller," and the Lat perdix is sup- posed to be an imitation of its cry, and as all other nations base their name for the bird on the Lat, it becomes quite evident that it was originally named in imitation of its call. The commonest partridge of Pal, very numerous in the wilderness and hill country, was a bird almost as large as a pheasant. It had a clear, exquisite cry that attracted atten- tion, esp. in the mating season. The partridge of the wilderness was smaller and of beautifully marked plumage. It made its home around the Dead Sea, in the Wilderness of Judaea and in rocky caverns. Its eggs were creamy white; its cry very similar to its relatives'. The partridge and its eggs were used for food from time immemorial.

      supposed to indicate that partridges are in the habit of brooding on the nest of their kind or of different birds, it fails wholly to take into consideration the history of the bird. Partridges select a location, carefully deposit an egg a day for from 10 to 15 days, sometimes 20, and then brood, so that all the young emerge at one time. But each bird knows and returns to its nest with unfailing regularity. It would require the proverbial "Philadelphia lawyer" to explain this reference to a "partridge sitting on eggs she had not laid." No ornithologist ever could reconcile it to the habits or characteristics of the birds. AV ir'^ these lines, "As the partridge sitteth on eggs, and hatcheth them not." This was easy to explain clearly. The eggs of the partridge were delicious food, and any brooding bird whose nest was discovered after only a few days of incu- bation did not hatch, because .she lost her eggs. Also the eggs frequently fall prey to other birds or small animals. Again, they are at the mercy of the elements, sometimes being spoiled by extremely wet cold weather. Poultry fanciers assert that a heavy thunder storm will spoil chicken eggs when hatching- time is close; the same might be true with eggs of the wild. And almost any wild bird will desert its



      Partridge Passion, Passions

      nest and make its former brooding useless, if the location is visited too frequently by man or beast.

      There is also a partridge reference in the Book of Eoclus (11 29 ff RV): "Bring not every man into thine house ; for many are the plots of the deceitful man. As a decoy partridge in a cage, so is the heart


      of a proud man ; and as one that is a spy, he looketh upon thy falling. For he lieth in wait to turn things that are good into evil; and in things that are praiseworthy he will lay blame." The reference is to confining a tame partridge in a hidden cage so that its calls would lure many of its family wathin range of arrows or "throw sticks" used by concealed hunters. Gene Stratton-Porteh

      PARUAH, pa-roo'a (n^lS, paru'h, "blooming"): Father of Jehoshaphat, who was one of Solomon's twelve victualers or providers, and had charge in Issachar of this function (I K 4 17).

      PARVAIM, par-va'im (D^I'IB, parwayim; LXX i^opouai|i., Pharouaim) : The word occurs only in 2 Ch 3 6, as the place from which Solomon ob- tained gold for the decoration of his Temple. A derivation is given from the Sanskrit purva, "east- em," so that the name might be a vague term for the East (Gesenius, Thesaurus, 1125). Whether there was such a place in Arabia is doubtful. Farwa in Yemen has been suggested, and also Sak el Farwain in Yemamah. Some have considered the name a shortened form of S'pharvayim which occurs in the Syr and Tg Jonathan for the "Sephar" of Gen 10 30. A. S. Fulton

      PASACH, pa'sak (^PS , pa^akh, "divider"): Son of Japhlet, descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7 33).

      PAS-DAMMIM, pas-dam'im. See Ephes-


      PASEAH, pa-se'a, pas'6-a (nOD, pai^e^h, "limp- ing"):

      (1) A son of Eshton, descendant of Judah (1 Ch

      4 12).

      (2) The eponym of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2 49; Neh 7 51, AV "Phaseah" = "Phinoe" (1 Esd

      5 31).

      (3) Father of Joiada, who helped to repair the old gate (Neh 3 6).

      PASHHUR, pash'hur, PASHUR, pash'ur (TinfflS, pashhur, "splitter," "cleaver"): The name of several persons difficult to individuate:

      (1) A priest, son of Immer, and "chief governor in the house of the Lord" (Jer 20 1), who perse- cuted Jeremiah, putting him in "the stocks" hard

      by the "house of Jeh" in the "gate of Benjamin" (Jer 20 2). When released, Jeremiah pronounced Divine judgment on him and the people. Future captivity and an exile's death are promised to Pashur whose name he changed from its masterful significance to a cowering one. "Terror on every side" (mdghor mi.'j.^ahhibh) is to take the place of "stable strength" (Jer 20 3ff).

      (2) Son of Melchiah, a prince of Judah, and one of the delegation sent by Zedekiah, the Icing, to con- sult Jeremiah (Jer 21 1). It looks like a larger and later deputation, similarly sent, to which this Pashur belongs, whose record is given in Jer 38 1-13. Accompanying them was one, Gedaliah, who was a son of (3).

      (3) Another Pashur (Jer 38 1), who may be the person mentioned in 1 Ch 9 12; Neh 11 12.

      (4) A priest, of those who ".sealed" Nehemiah's covenant (Neh 10 1.3), who may, however, be the same as (5).

      (5) The chief of a priestly family called "sons of Pashur" (Ezr 2 38; 10 22; Neh 7 41; 1 Esd 5 25 ["Phassurus," m "Pashhur"]; 9 22 ["Phaisur," m "Pashhur"]). Doubtless it is this Pashur, some of whose sons had "strange wives" (Ezr 10 22).

      Henry Wallace PASS, pas, PASSAGE, pas'aj, PASSENGER, pas'en-jer: "To pass" bears different meanings and corresponds to various words in Heb and Gr. It occurs frequently in the phrase "and it came to pass" (lit. and it was). This is simply a Heb idiom link- ing together the different paragraphs of a contin- uous narrative. As a rule "pass" renders the Heb word "15^, 'Ohhar. This vb. has various meanings, e.g. "to pass over" a stream (Gen 31 21); "to cross" a boundary (Nu 20 17); "to pass through," or "traverse," a country (Nu 21 22); "to pass on" (Gen 18 5); "to pass away," "cease to exist" (Job 30 15). The word is used metaphorically, "to pass over," "overstep," "transgress" (Nu 14 41). In the causative form the vb. is used in the phrase "to cause to pass through fire" (Dt 18 10; 2 K 16 3). In AV "pass" sometimes has the force of "surpass," "exceed," e.g. 2 Ch 9 22, "King Solomon passed all the kings of the earth in riches and wisdom"; cf also Eph 3 19, "the love of Christ which passeth knowledge," and Phil 4 7, "the peace of God, which passeth all understanding."

      Passage in AV renders "13?1Q, ma'abhar, or rriSy^ , ma'dbharak. The former word denotes (ij'tiie ford of a river (Gen 32 23 AVm); (2) the pass of a mountain range (1 S 13 23). In the only other instance of the use of the shorter form (Isa 30 32 m), AV renders "where the grounded staff shall pass." A more correct tr would be, "and every sweep [or stroke] of the appointed staff." The longer form bears both meanings, viz. "ford" (e.g. Josh 2 7; Jgs 3 28, etc) and "pass" (1 S 14 4; Isa 10 29). In Josh 22 11, the rendering 'towards the region opposite the children of Israel' would be more correct than AV, "at the passage of the children of Israel." In EV of Nu 20 21 "pas- sage" seems to mean "right of way," and renders the infinitive of the Heb vb. In Jer 22 20 AV the word rendered "passage" should be tr"^ "from Abarim" (as in RV), a mountain range in Moab, N.E. of the Dead Sea.

      Passenger in AV means a "passer-by." In Ezk 39 11.14.15 where the word occurs 4 t in AV, RV translates "them that pass through." T. Lewis

      PASSING OF MARY, THE. See Apocryphal Gospels.

      PASSION, pash'un, PASSIONS, pash'unz: "Passion" is derived from Lat passio, which in turn



      is derived from the vb. potior, with the V pat. The Lat words are connected with the Gr V 'r"*, path, which appears in a large number of derivatives. And in Gr, Lat, and Eng. (with other languages in addition) words connected with this V pat, path, are often susceptible of a great variety of meanings, for which the diets, must be consulted. For "pas- sion," however, as it appears in EV, only three of these meanings need be considered. (1) Close to what seema to be the primary force of the root is the meaning "suffer," and in this sense "passion" is used in Acts 1 3, "to whom he also showed him- self alive after his passion." This tr is a paraphrase (Gr "after he had suffered"), due to the Vulg {post passionem suam), and in Eng. is as old as Wycliff, whom the subsequent EV has followed. This is the only case in AV and RV where "passion" has this meaning, and it can be so used in modern Eng. only when referring (as here) to the sufferings of Christ (cf "Passion play"). (2) "Suffering," when apphed to the mind, came to denote the state that is con- trolled by some emotion, and so "passion" was applied to the emotion itself. This is the meaning of the word in Acts 14 15, "men of hke passions," and Jas 5 17, "a man of like passions," Gr dfxoiowa- 9fi^, homoiopathts; RVm "of like nature" gives the meaning exactly: "men with the same emo- tions as we." (3) From "emotion" a transition took place to "strong emotion," and this is the normal force of "passion" in modem Eng. AV does not use this meaning, but in RV "passion" in this sense is the tr of TrdBos, pathos, in its three occurrences: Rom 1 26 (AV "affection"); Col 3 5 (AV "inordinate affection"); 1 Thess 4 5 (AV "lust"). It is used also for two occurrences of T!-dSi}fia, pdthema (closely allied to pathos) in Rom 7 5 (AV "motions," AVm "passions") and in Gal 5 24 (AV "affection"). The fixing of the exact force in any of these cases is a delicate problem fully discussed in the comms. In Col 3 5 only does "passion" stand as an isolated term. The context here perhaps gives the word a slight sexual refer- ence, but this must not be overstressed ; the warning probably includes any violent over-emotion that robs a man of his self-contrbl. See Affection; Motion. Burton Scott Easton

      PASSION, GOSPEL OF THE. See Apocry- phal Gospels.

      PASSOVER, pas'o-ver (HOS , pesah, from pa^ah, "to pass" or "spring over" or "to spare" [Ex 12 13.23.27; cf Isa 31 5]. Other conjectures connect the word with the "passing over" into a new year, with As,syr pasdhu, meaning "to placate," with Heb pasjah, meaning "to dance," and even with the skipping motions of a young lamb; Aram. XFIOE , pa§ha', whence Gr Ildo-xa, Pdscha; whence Eng. "paschal." In early Christian centuries folk- etymology connected pdscha with Gr pdscho, "to suffer" [see Passion], and the word was taken to refer to Good Friday rather than the Passover) :

      1. Pesah and Mati:6th

      2. Pesah miqrayim

      3. Pesah doroth

      4. MaQqoih .5. The 'Omer

      6. Non-traditional Theories

      7. The Higher Criticism

      8. Historical Celebrations : OT Times

      9. Historical Celebrations: NT Times 10. The Jewish Passover

      The Passover was the annual Heb festival_on the evening of the 14th day of the month of 'Abhibh or Ni^an, as it was called in later times. It was followed by, and closely connected with, a 7 days' festival of ma^^oth, or unleavened bread, to which the name Passover was also applied by extension

      (Lev 23 5). Both were distinctly connected with

      the Exodus, which, according to tradition, they

      commemorate; the Passover being in

      1. Pesah imitation of the last meal in Egypt, and eaten in preparation for the journey, Maccoth while Jeh, passing over the houses of

      the Hebrews, was slaying the firstborn of Egypt (Ex 12 12 f; 13 2.12 ff); the via^Qoth festival being in memory of the first daj'S of the journey during which this bread of haste was eaten (Ex 12 14-20).

      The ordinance of pesah migrayim, the last meal

      in Egypt, included the following provisions: (1)

      the taking of a lamb, or kid without

      2. Pesah blemish, for each household on the micrayim 10th of the month; (2) the killing of

      the lamb on the 14th at even; (3) the sprinkling of the blood on doorposts and lintels of the houses in which it was to be eaten; (4) the roasting of the lamb with fire, its head with its legs and inwards — the lamb was not to be eaten raw nor sodden {hdshal) with water; (5) the eating of unleavened bread and bitter herbs; (6) eating in haste, with loins girded, shoes on the feet, and staff in hand; (7) and remaining in the house until the morning; (8) the burning of all that remained; the Passover could be eaten only during the night (Ex 12 1-23).

      This service was to be observed as an ordinance

      forever (Ex 12 14.24), and the night was to be lei

      shimmurlm, "a night of vigils," or, at

      3. Pesah least, "to be much observeci" of all the doroth children of Israel throughout their

      generations (Ex 12 42). The details, however, of the pesah doroth, or later observances of the Passover, seem to have differed slightly from those of the Egyp Passover (Mish, P'sdhlm, ix.5). Thus it is probable that the victim could be taken from the flock or from the herd (Dt 16 2; cf Ezk 45 22). (3), (6) and (7) disappeared entirely, and judging from Dt 16 7, the prohibition against seething (Heb bashal) was not understood to apply (unless, indeed, the omission of the expression "with water" gives a more general sense to the Heb word bashal, making it include roasting). New details were also added: for example, that the Passover could be sacrificed only at the central sanctuary (Dt 16 5) ; that no alien or uncircumcised person, or unclean person could partake thereof, and that one prevented by uncleanness or other cause from celebrating the Passover in season could do so a month later (Nu 9 9 ff). The singing of the Hallel (Pss 113-118), both while the Passover was being slaughtered and at the meal, and other details were no doubt added from time to time.

      Unleavened bread was eaten with the Passover

      meal, just as with all sacrificial meals of later times

      (Ex 23 IS; 34 25; Lev 7 12), in-

      4. Maccoth dependently perhaps of the fact that

      the Passover came in such close prox- imity with the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Ex 12 8). Jewish tradition distinguishes, at any rate, between the first night and the rest of the festival in that the eating of maffof/i is an obligation on the first night and optional during the rest of the week (P'^ahim 120a), although the eating of unleavened bread is commanded in general terms (Ex 12 15 18; 13 6.7; 23 15; 34 18; Lev 23 6; Nu 28 17). The eating of leavened bread is strictly prohibited, however, during the entire week under the penalty of kareth, "excision" (Ex 12 15.19 f; 13 3; Dt 16 3), and this prohibition has been observed tra- ditionally -n-ith great care. The 1st and 7th days are holy convocations, days on which no labor could be done except such as was necessary in the preparation of food. The festival of macgoth ia" reckoned as one of the three pilgrimage festivals.



      Passion, Gos. of Passover

      though strictly the pilgrimage was connected with the Passover portion and the first day of the festival.

      During the entire week additional sacrifices were oflered In the temple: an offering made by Are and a burnt offering, 2 young bullocks, 1 ram, 7 lambs of the first year without blemish, together with meal offerings and drink offerings and a goat lor a sin offering.

      During the week of the ma^Qoth festival comes the beginning of the barley harvest in Pal (M'nahdth

      656) which lasts from the end of March 5._The in the low Jordan valley to the begin-

      'Omer ning of May in the elevated portions.

      The time of the putting-in of the sickle to the standing corn (Dt 16 9) and of bringing the sheaf of the peace offering is spoken of as the morrow after the Sabbath (Lev 23 15), that is, according to the Jewish tradition, the day after the first day, or rest-day, of the Passover {M'na. 656; M'g Ta^an. 1; Jos, Ayit, III, x, 5), and according to Samaritan and Bocthusian traditions and the modern Karites the Sunday after the Passover. At this time a wave offering is made of a sheaf, followed by an offering of a lamb with a meal and drink offering, and only thereafter might the new corn be eaten. From this day 7 weeks are counted to fix the date of Pentecost, the celebration connected with the wheat harvest. It is of course perfectly natural for an agricultural people to celebrate the turning-points of the agricultural year in connection with their traditional festivals. Indeed, the Jewish liturgy of today retains in the Passover service the Prayer of Dew (tal) which grew up in Pal on the basis of the needs of an agricultural people.

      Many writers, however, eager to explain the entire

      festival as originally an agricultural feast (presumably

      a Canaanitic one, though there is not a

      6. Non- shred of evidence that the Canaanites trarlitinTial ^^'^ such a festival), have seized upon the uduiuuudi 'omer, or sheaf offering, as the basis of the Tneories haoh (festival), and have attempted to

      explain the mat:<:6ih as bread hastily baked in the busy harvest times, or as bread quickly baked from the freshly exempted first-fruits. Wherein these theories are superior to the traditional explanation so consistently adhered to throughout the Pent it Is diffi- cult to see. In a similar vein, it has been attempted to connect the Passover with the sacrifice or redemption of the firstborn of man and beast (both institutions being traditionally traced to the judgment on the firstborn of Egypt, as in Ex 13 11-13; 22 29.30; 23 19; 34 19.20), so as to characterize the Passover as a festival of pastoral origin. Excepting for the multiplication of highly ingenious guesses, very little that is positive has been added to our knowledge of the Passover by this theory.

      The Pent speaks of the Passover in many contexts and

      naturally with constantly varying emphasis. Thus in

      the story of the Exodus it is natural to

      7. The expect fewer ritual details than in a manual XT- L of temple services; again, according to nigner jj^g view here taken, we must distinguish CntlClsm Detween the pesah mi<;rayim and the pesah

      doroth. Nevertheless, great stress is laid on the variations in the several accounts, by certain groups of critics, on the basis of which they seek to sup- port their several theories of the composition of the Pent or Hex. Without entering into this controversy, it will be sufficient here to enumerate and classify all the discrepancies said to exist in the several Passover passages, together with such explanations as have been suggested. These discrepancies, so called, are of three kinds: (1) mere omissions, (2) differences of emphasis, and (3) conflicting statements. The letters, .T, E, D, P and H will here be used to designate passages assigned to the various sources by the higher criticism of today merely for the sake of comparison. (1) There is nothing remarkable about the omission of the daily sacrifices from all pas- sages except Lev 23 8 (H) and Nu 28 19 (P), nor in the omission of a specific reference to the holy convo- cation on the first day in the contexts of Dt 16 8 and Ex 13 6, nor even In the omission of reference to a cen- tral sanctuary in passages other than Dt 16. Neither can any significance be attached to the fact that the precise day is not specified in Ex 23 (E) where the ap- pointed day is spoken of, and in Lev 23 15 (H) where the date can be figured out from the date of Pentecost there given. (2) As to emphasis, it is said that the so- called Elohist Covenant (E) (Ex 23) has no reference to the Passover, as it speaks only of mactoth in ver 15, in which this festival is spoken of together with the other

      T'lghalim or pilgrimage festivals. The so-called Jeho- vistic source (.J) (Ex 34 18-21.26) is said to subordinate the Passover to mactolh, tlie great feast of the .Jehovistic history (.IE) (Ex 12 21-27.29-36.38.39; 13 3-16); in Dt (D) the Passover is said to predominate over mactolh, while in Lev (P and H) it is said to be of first importance. JE and P emphasize the historical importance of the day. Whether these differences in emphasis mean much more than that the relative amount of attention paid to the paschal sacrifice, as compared with mactalh, de- pends on the context, is of course the fundamental ques- tion of the higher criticism; it is not answered by point- ing out that the differences of emphasis e.xist. (3) Of the actual conflicts, we have already seen that the use of the words "flock" and "herd" in Dt and Heb bdshal are open to explanation, and also that the use of the masiolh at the original Passover is not inconsistent with the historical reason for the feast of ma<:(ulh — it is not necessary to suppose that mai^Qoth were invented through the necessity of the Hebrews on their journey. There is, however, one apparent discrepancy in the Bib. narra- tive that seems to weaken rather than help the position of those critics who would ascribe very late dates to the pas.sages which we have cited: Why does Ezekiel's ideal scheme provide sacrifices for the Passover different from those prescribed in the so-called P ascribed to the same period (Ezk 45 21) 7

      The children of Israel began the keeping of the Passover in its due season according to all its ordi- nances in the wilderness of Sinai (Nu

      8. Histor- 9 5). In the very beginning of their ical Cele- national life in Pal we find them cele- brations: brating the Passover under the leader- OT Times ship of Joshua in the plains of Jericho

      (Josh 5 10). History records but few later celebrations in Pal, but there are enough intimations to indicate that it was frequently if not regularly observed. Thus Solomon offered sacrifices three times a year upon the altar which he had built to Jeh, at the appointed seasons, including the Feast of Unleavened Bread (1 K 9 25 = 2 Ch 8 13). The later prophets speak of appointed seasons for pilgrimages and sacrifices (cf Isa 1 12- 14), and occasionally perhaps refer to a Passover celebration (cf Isa 30 29, bearing in mind that the Passover is the only night-feast of which we have any record). In Hezekiah's time the Passover had fallen into such a state of desuetude that neither the priests nor the people were prepared for the king's urgent appeal to observe it. Nevertheless, he was able to bring together a large concourse in Jerus during the 2d month and institute a more joyful observance than any other recorded since the days of Solomon. In the 18th year of King Josiah, however, there was celebrated the most memorable Passover, presumably in the matter of conformity to rule, since the days of the Judges (2 K 23 21; 2 Ch 35 Iff). The continued ob- servance of the feast to the days of the exile is attested by Ezekiel's interest in it (Ezk 45 18). In post-exilic times it was probably observed more scrupulously than ever before (Ezr 6 19 ff).

      Further evidence, if any were needed, of the

      importance of the Passover in the life of the Jews

      of the second temple is found in the

      9. Histor- Talm, which devotes to this subject ical Cele- an entire tractate, P'^ahlm, on which brations: we have both Bab and Pal g'mdra' . NT Times These are devoted to the sacrificial

      side and to the minutiae of searching out and destroying leaven, what constitutes leaven, and similar questions, instruction in which the children of Israel sought for 30 days before the Passover. Jos speaks of the festival often (Ant, II, xiv, 6; III, X, 5; IX, iv, 8; XIV, ii, 2; XVII, ix, 3; BJ, II, i, 3; V,iii, 1; VI,ix, 3). Besides repeat- ing the details already explained in the Bible, he tells of the innumerable multitudes that came for the Passover to Jerus out of the country and even from beyond its limits. He estimates that in one year in the days of Cestius, 256,500 lambs were slaughtered and that at least 10 men were counted to each. (This estimate of course includes the regular

      Passover Pastoral Epistles



      population of Jerus. But even then it is doubtless exaggerated.) The NT bears testimony, likewise, to the coming of great multitudes to Jerus (Jn 11 55; cf also 2 13; 6 4). At this great festival even the Rom officers released prisoners in recognition of the people's celebration. Travel and other ordinary pursuits were no doubt suspended (cf Acts 12 3; 20 6). Naturally the details were impressed on the minds of the people and lent themselves to symbolic and homiletio purposes (cf 1 Cor 5 7; Jn 19 34-36, where the paschal lamb is made to typify Jesus; and He 11 28). The best-known instance of such symbolic use is the institution of the Eucharist on the basis of the paschal meal. Some doubt exists as to whether the Last Supper was the paschal meal or not. According to the Synoptic Gospels, it was (Lk 22 7; Mt 26 17; Mk 14 12) ; while according to John, the Passover was to be eaten some time following the Last Supper (Jn 18 28). Various harmonizations of these passages have been suggested, the most in- genious, probably, being on the theory that when the Passover fell on Friday night, the Pharisees ate the meal on Thursday and the Sadducees on Friday, and that Jesus followed the custom of the Pharisees (Chwolson, Das letzte Passahtnal Jesu, 2d ed, St. Petersburg, 1904). Up to the Nicene Council in the year 325, the church observed Easter on the Jewish Passover. Thereafter it took pre- cautions to separate the two, condemning their confusion as Arianism.

      After the destruction of the temple the Passover became a home service. The paschal lamb was no longer included. Only the Samaritans 10. The have continued this rite to this day. Jewish In the Jewish home a roasted bone is

      Passover placed on the table in memory of the rite, and other articles symbolic of the Passover are placed beside it: such as a roasted egg, said to be in memory of the free-will offering; a sauce called haroseth, said to resemble the mortar of Egypt; salt water, for the symbolic dipping (cf Mt 26 23); the bitter herbs and the j/ioffo^/i. The sedher (program) is as follows: sanctification; wash- ing of the hands; dipping and dividing the parsley; breaking and setting aside a piece of moffa/i to be distributed and eaten at the end of the supper; reading of the haggddhdh shel pesah, a poetic narra- tive of the Exodus, in answer to four questions asked by the youngest child in compliance with the Bib. command found 3 t in Ex and once in Dt, "Thou shaft tell thy son on that day"; wash- ing the hands for eating; grace before eating; tast- ing the maggdh; tasting the bitter herbs; eating of them together; the meal; partaking of the maggah that had been set aside as 'dphikmnen or dessert; grace after meat; Hallel; request that the service be accepted. Thereafter folk-songs are sung to traditional melodies, and poems recited, many of which have allegorical meanings. A cup of wine is used at the sanctification and another at grace, in addition to which two other cups have been added, the 4 according to the Mish (P'sahim x.l) symbolizing the 4 words employed in Ex 6 6.7 for the delivery of Israel from Egypt. Instead of eating in haste, as in the Egyp Passover, it is cus- tomary to rechne or lean at this meal in token of Israel's freedom.

      The prohibition against leaven is strictly ob- served. The searching for hidden leaven on the evening before the Passover and its destruction in the morning have become formal ceremonies for which appropriate blessings and declarations have been included in the litiu-gy since the days when Aram, was the vernacular of the Jews. As in the case of other festivals, the Jews have doubled the days of holy convocation, and have added a

      semi-holiday after the last day, the so-called Hs^ur hagh, in token of their love for the ordained cele- bration and their loathness to depart from it.

      Nathan Isaacs PASTOR, pas'ter (Hyi , ro'eh; -n-oiiiifiv, ■poimtn; lit. a helper, or feeder of the sheep [AV Jer 2 8; 3 15; 10 21; 12 10; 17 16; 22 22; 23 1.2, and inEph 4 11, AV and RV]): Besides the literal sense the word has now a figurative meaning and refers to the minister appointed over a congregation. This latter meaning is recognized in the tr of AV. See Ministry.

      PASTORAL, pas'tor-al, EPISTLES, THE:

      I. Genuineness

      1. External Evidence

      2. Genuineness Questioned

      II. Alleged Difficulties against Pauline Author- _


      1. Relative to Paul's Experiences

      (1) Data in 1 Tim

      (2) Data in 2 Tim

      (3) Data in Tit

      2. Subject-Matter Post-Pauline

      (1) Difficulty Regarding Church Organization

      (2) The Doctrinal Difficulty

      3. Difficulty Relative to Language

      4. Tlie Christianity ol the Epistles Not Paul's III. Date and Order

      1. Date of the Epistles

      2. Their Order Literature

      The First and Second Epp. to Tim, and the Ep. to Tit form a distinct group among the letters written by Paul, and are now known as the Pastoral Epp. because they were addressed to two Christian ministers. When Timothy and Titus received these epp. they were not acting, as they had previously done, as missionaries or itinerant evangelists, but had been left by Paul in charge of churches; the former having the oversight of the church in Ephesus, and the latter having the care of the churches in the island of Crete. The Pastoral Epp. were written to guide them in the discharge of the duties devolving upon them as Christian pastors. Such is a general description of these epp. In each of them, however, there is a great deal more than is covered or implied by the designation, "Pas- toral" — much that is personal, and much also that is concerned with Christian faith and doctrine and practice generally.

      /. Genuineness. — In regard to the genuineness of the epp. there is abundant external attestation. Allusions to them are found in the 1. External writings of Clement and Polycarp. In Evidence the middle of the 2d cent, the epp. were recognized as Pauline in authorship, and were freely quoted.

      "Marcion indeed rejected them, and Tatian is sup- posed to have rejected those to Timothy. But. as Jerome states in the preface to his Comm. on Tit, these heretics rejected the epp.. not on critical grounds, l3ut merely because they disliked their teaching. He says they used no argument, but merely asserted, This is Paul's, This is not Paul's. It is obvious that men holding such opinions as Marcion and Tatian held, would not willingly ascribe authority to epp. which condemned asceticism. So far, then, as the early church can guarantee to us the authenticity of writings ascribed to Paul, the Pastoral Epp. are guaranteed " (Marcus Dods, Inlro lo the NT, 167).

      The external evidence is all in favor of the recep- tion of these epp., which were known not only to Clement and Polycarp, but also to Irenaeus, Ter- tullian, the author of the Ep. to the churches of Vienne and Lyons, and Theophilus of Antioch. The evidence of Polycarp, who died in 167 AD, is remarkably strong. He says, "The love of money is the beginning of all trouble, knowing .... that we brought nothing into the world, neither can carry anything out" (cf 1 Tim 6 7.10). It would be difficult to overthrow testimony of this nature.

      The decision of certain critics to reject the Pastoral Epp. as documents not from the hand of Paul, "is not



      Passover Pastoral Epistles

      reached on the external evidence, which is perliaps as early an attestation as can be reasonably expected. They

      are included in the Muratorian Canon, and 2. Genuine- quoted by Irenaeus and later writers as

      Paul's" (A. S. Peake, A Critical Intro to uei5> _ (;,g ^y_ gO). This admission is satis-

      Questioneu factory. In recent times, however, the

      authenticity of these epp. has been called in question by Schmidt, Schleiermacher, Baur, Renan, and many others. Baur asserted that they were written for the purpose of combating the Gnosticism of the 2d cent., and of defending the church from it by means of ecclesiastical organization, and that the date of their composition was about the year 150 AD.

      //. Alleged Difficulties against Pauline Author- ship. — Various difficulties have been alleged against the reception of tlae Pastoral Epp, as PauUne. The chief of these are: (1) the difficulty of finding any place for these letters in the life of Paul, as that is recorded in the Acts and in the Pauline Epp. written before the Pastorals; (2) the fact that there are said to be in them indications of an eccle- siastical organization, and of a development of doc- trine, both orthodox and heretical, considerably in advance of the Pauline age; (3) that the language of the epp. is, to a large extent, different from that in the accepted epp.; (4) the "most decisive" of all the arguments against the Pauline authorship — so writes Dr. A. C. McGiffert (A History of Chris- tianity in the Apostolic Age, 402) — is that "the Christianity of the Pastoral Epp. is not the Chris- tianity of Paul."

      Where can a place be found for these epp., in the life of Paul? The indications of the date of their composition given in the epp. them- 1. Relative selves are these.

      to Paul's (1) Data in 1 Tim.— In 1 Tim 1 3

      Experiences Paul had gone from Ephesus to Mace- donia, and had left Timothy in Ephesus in charge of the church there. In the Acts and in the previously written Pauline epp., it is impossible to find such events or such a state of matters as will satisfy these requirements. Paul had previously been in Ephesus, on several occasions. His 1st visit to that city is recorded in Acts 18 19-2L On that occasion he went from Ephesus, not into Mace- donia, but into Syria. His 2d visit was his 3 years' residence in Ephesus, as narrated in Acts 19; and when he left the city, he had, previous to his own departure from it, already sent Timothy into Macedonia (19 22)— a state of matters exactly the reverse of that described in 1 Tim 1 3. Tim- othy soon rejoined Paul, and so far was he from being left in Ephesus then, that he was in Paul's company on the remainder of his journey toward Jerus (Acts 20 4; 2 Cor 1 1). , ^.^

      No place therefore in Paul's life, previous to his arrest in Jerus, and his first Rom imprisonment, can be found, which satisfies the requirements of the situation described in 1 Tim 1 3. "It is impossible, unless we assume a second Rom imprisoninent, to reconcile the various historical notices which the ep. [2 Tim] contains" (McGiffert, op. cit,, 407).

      In addition to this, the language used by the apostle at Miletus, when he addressed the elders of the Ephesian church (Acts 20 30) about the men speaking perverse things, who should arise among them, showed that these false teachers had not made their appearance at that time. There is, for this reason alone, no place for the Pastoral Epp. in Paul's life, previous to his arrest in Jerus. But Paul's life did not end at the termination of his first Rom imprisonment; and this one fact gives ample room to satisfy all the conditions, as these are found in the three Pastorals.

      Those who deny the Pauline authorship of these epp also deny that he was released from what, in this article, is termed his 1st Rom imprisonment. But a denial of this latter statement is an assumption quite unwarranted and unproved. It assumes that

      Paul was not set free, simply because there is no record of this in the Acts. But the Acts is, on the very face of it, an incomplete or unfinished record; that is, it brings the narrative to a certain point, and then breaks off, evidently for the reason which Sir W. M. Ramsay demonstrates, that Luke meant to write a sequel to that book — a purpose, however, which he was unable, owing to some cause now un- known, to carry into execution. The purpose of the Acts, as Ramsay shows {St. Paul the Traveller and the Rom Citizen, 23, 308), is to lead up to the release of Paul, and to show that the Christian faith was not a forbidden or illegal religion, but that the formal impeachment of the apostle before the su- preme court of the empire ended in his being set at liberty, and thus there was established the fact that the faith of Jesus Christ was not, at that time, con- trary to Rom law. "The Pauline authorship . . . . can be maintained only on the basis of a hypothetical reconstruction, either of an entire period subsequent to the Rom imprisonment, or of the events within some period known to us' (Mc- Giffert, op. cit., 410). 'The one fact that Paul was set free after his 1st Rom imprisonment gives the environment which fits exactly all the requirements of the Pastoral Epp.

      Attention should be directed to the facts and to the conclusion stated in the art. Praetorium (q.v.), Mommsen having shown that the words, "My bonds became manifest in Christ throughout the whole praetorian guard" (Phil 1 13), mean that at the time when Paul wrote the Ep. to the Phil, the case against him had already come before the supreme court of appeal in Rome, that it had been partly heard, and that the impression made by the pris- oner upon his judges was so favorable, that he expected soon to be set free.

      The indications to be drawn from other expres- sions in three of the epp. of the Rom captivity — Phil, Col and Philem — are to the same effect. Thus, writing to the Philippians, he says that he hopes to send Timothy to them, so soon as he sees how matters go with him, and that he trusts in the Lord that he himself will visit them shortly. And again, writing to his friend Philemon in the city of Colossae, he asks him to prepare him a lodging, for he trusts that through the prayers of the Colossians, he will be granted to them.

      These anticipations of acquittal and of departure from Rome are remarkable, and do not in any degree coincide with the idea that Paul was not set free but was condemned and put to death at that time. "It is obvious that the importance of the trial is intelligible only if Paul was acquitted. That he was acquitted follows from the Pastoral Epp. with certainty for all who admit their genuineness; while even they who deny their Pauline origin must allow that they imply an early belief in historical details which are not consistent with Paul's journeys before his trial, and must either be pure inventions or

      events that occurred on later journeys If

      he was acquitted, the issue of the trial was a formal decision by the supreme court of the empire that it was permissible to preach Christianity; the trial, therefore, was really a charter of religious liberty, and therein lies its immense importance. It was indeed overturned by later decisions of the supreme court; but its existence was a highly important fact for the Christians" (Ramsay, op. cit., 308). "That he was acquitted is demanded both by the plan evident in Acts and by other reasons well stated by others" (ib, 360).

      It should also be observed that there is the direct and corroborative evidence of Paul's release, afforded by such writers as Cjrril of Jerus, Ephrem Syr., Chrysostom and Theodoret, all of whom speak of Paul's going to Spain. Jerome {Vir. III., 5) gives it as



      a matter of prrsonal knowledge that Paul traveled as far as Spain. But there is more important evi- dence still. In the Muratorian Canon, 1. 37, there are the words, "profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam profieiscentis" ("the journey of Paul as he journeyed from Rome to Spain"). Clement also in the ep. from the church in Rome to the church in Corinth, which was written not later than the year 96 AD, says in reference to Paul, "Having taught righteousness to the whole world, and having gone to the extremity of the west [epl 16 terma its dilseos elthon] and having borne witness before the rulers, so was he released from the world and went to the holy place, being the greatest example of endurance." The words, "having gone to the extremity of the west," should be specially noticed. Clement was in Rome when he wrote this, and, accordingly, the natural import of the words is that Paul went to the limit of the western half of the then known world, or in other words, to the western boundary of the lands bordering the Mediterranean, that is, to Spain .

      Now Paul never had been in Spain previous to his arrest in Jerus, but in Rom 15 24.28 he had twice expressed his intention to go there. These independent testimonies, of Clement and of the Muratorian Canon, of the fact that after Paul's arrest in Jerus he did carry into execution his pur- pose to visit Spain, are entitled to great weight. They involve, of course, the fact that he was ac- quitted after his 1st Rom imprisonment.

      Having been set free, Paul could not do other- wise than send Timothy to Phihppi, and himself also go there, as he had already promised when he wrote to the Philippian church (Phil 2 19.24). As a matter of course he would also resume his apostolic journeys for the purpose of proclaiming the gospel. There is now ample room in his lifo for the Pastoral Epp., and they give most interest- ing details of his further labors. The historical and geographical requirements in 1 Tim are, in this way, easily satisfied. It was no great distance to Ephe- sus from Philippi and Colossae, where he had prom- ised that he would "come shortly."

      (2) Data in 3 Tim. — The requirements in 2 Tim are (a) that Paul had recently been at Troas, at Corinth, and at Miletus, each of which he men- tions (2 Tim 4 1.3.20); (b) that when he wrote the epp. he was in Rome (1 17); (c) that he was a prisoner for the cause of the gospel (18; 2 9), and had once already appeared before the emperor's supreme court (4 16.17); (d) that he had then escaped condemnation, but that he had reason to believe that on the next hearing of his case the verdict would be given against him, and that he expected it could not be long till execution took place (4 6); (e) that he hoped that Timothy would be able to come from Ephesus to see him at Rome before the end (4 9.21). These require- ments cannot be made to agree or coincide with the first Rom captivity, but they do agree per- fectly with the facts of the apostle's release and his subsequent second imprisonment in that city.

      (3) Data in Tit. — The data given in the Ep. to Tit are (a) that Paul had been in Crete, and that Titus had been with him there, ancl had been left behind in that island, when Paul sailed from its shores, Titus being charged with the oversight of the churches there (Tit 1 5); and (6) that Paul meant to .spend the next winter at Nicopolis (3 12). It is simply impossible to locate these events in the recorded life of Paul, as that is found in the other epp., and in the Acts. But they agree perfectly with his liberation after his first Rom imprisonment. "As there is then no historical evidence that Paul did not survive the year 64, and as these Pastoral Epp. were recognized as Pauline in the immediately

      succeeding age, we may legitimately accept them as evidence that Paul did survive the year 64 — that he was acquitted, resumed his missionary labors, was again arrested and brought to Rome, and from this second imprisonment wrote the Second Ep. to Tim — his last extant writing" (Dods, Intro to the NT, 172).

      The second difficulty alleged against the accept- ance of these epp. as Pauline is that there are said to exist in them indications of an 2. Subject- ecclesiastical organization and of a Matter doctrinal development, both orthodox

      Post- and heretical, considerably later than

      Pauline those of the Pauline age.

      (1) The first statement, that the epp. imply an ecclesiastical organization in advance of the time when Paul lived, is one which cannot be maintained in view of the facts disclosed in the epp. themselves. For directions are given to Timothy and to Titus in regard to the moral and other char- acteristics necessary in those who are to be ordained as bishops, elders, and deacons. In the 2d cent, the outstanding feature of ecclesiastical organiza- tion was the development of monarchical episco- pacy, but the Pastoral Epp. show a presbyterial ad- ministration. The office held by Timothy in Ephesus and by Titus in Crete was, as the epp. themselves show, of a temporary character. The directions which Paul gives to Timothy and Titus in regard to the ordaining of presbyters in every church are in agreement with similar notices found elsewhere in the NT, and do not coincide with the state of church organization as that existed in the 2d cent., the period when, objectors to the genuine- ness of the epp. assert, they were composed. "Everyone acquainted with ancient literature, particularly the literature of the ancient church, knows that a forger or fabricator of those times could not possibly have avoided anachronisms" (Zahn, Intro to the NT, II, 93). But the ecclesi- astical arrangements in the Pastoral Epp. coincide in all points with the state of matters as it is found in the church in the time of the apostles, as that is described in the Acts and elsewhere in the NT.

      It seems an error to suppose, as has often been done, that these epp. contain the germ of monarchi- cal episcopacy ; for the Christian church had already, from the day of Pentecost, existed as a society with special officers for the functions of extension, dis- cipline and administration. The church in the Pastoral Epp. is a visible society, as it always was. Its organization therefore had come to be of the greatest importance, and esp. so in the matter of maintaining and handing down the true faith ; the church accordingly is described as "the pillar and stay of the truth" (1 Tim 3 15 m), that is, the immovable depository of the Divine revelation.

      (2) The other statement, that the epp. show a doctrinal development out of harmony with the Pauline age is best viewed by an examination of what the epp. actually say.

      In 1 Tim 6 20, Paul speaks of profane and vain babblings and oppositions of gnosis (RV "knowl- edge," AV "science") falsely so called. In Tit 3 9, he tells Titus to avoid foolish questions and gene- alogies and contentions and strivings about the law. These phrases have been held to be allusions to the tenets of Marcion, and to those of some of the gnostic sects. There are also other expressions, such as fables and endless genealogies (1 Tim 1 3.4; 6 3), words to no profit but the subverting of the hearer (2 Tim 2 14), foolish and unlearned questions which do gender strifes (2 Tim 2 23), questions and strifes of words (1 Tim 6 4.5), dis- cussions which lead to nothing but word-battles and profane babbling. Such are the expressions which Paul uses. These, taken with what is even more



      clearly stated in the Ep. to the Col, certainly point to an incipient Gnosticism. But had the writer of the Pastoral Epp. been combating the Gnosticism of the 2d cent., it would not have been phrases like these that he would have employed, but others much more definite. Godet, quoted by Dods {Intro, 175), writes, "The danger here is of substi- tuting intellectualism in religion for piety of heart and life. Had the writer been a Christian of the 2d cent., trying, under the name of Paul, to stigmatize the gnostic systems, he would certainly have used much stronger expressions to describe their character and influence."

      It should be observed that the false teachers described in 2 Tim 3 6-9.13, as well as in other places in these epp., were persons V/'ho taught that the Mosaic Law was binding upon all Christians. They laid stress upon rabbinic myth.?, upon inves- tigations and disputations about genealogies and specific legal requirements of the OT. What they taught was a form of piously sounding doctrine assuming to be Christian, but which was really rabbinism.

      "For a pseudo-Paul in the post-apostolic age — when Christians of Jewish birth had become more and more exceptions in the gentile Christian church — to have in- vented a description of and \\\\\\\'igorously to have opposed the heterodiddakaloi, who did not exist in his own age. and who were without parallel in the earlier epp. of Paul, would have been to e.xpose himself to ridicule without apparent purpose or meaning" (Zahn, Intro, II, 117). "A comparison of the statements in these epp. about various kinds of false doctrine, and of those portions of the same that deal with the organization and officers of the church, with conditions actually existing in the church, esp. the church of Asia Minor, at the beginning and during the course of the 2d cent., proves, just as clearly as does the external evidence, that they must have been written at latest before the year 100. But they could not have been written during the first two decades after Paul's death, because of the character of the references to persons, facts and conditions in Paul's lifetime and his own personal history, and because of the impossibility on this assumption of discovering a plausi- ble motive for their forgery. Consequently the claim that they are post-Pauline, and contain matter which Is un-Pauline, is to be treated with the greatest sus- picion" (Zahn, op. cit., II, 118).

      The third difficulty alleged against the Pauline author- ship of the Pastoral Epp. is connected with the language employed, which is said to be, to a large n Tuffipiiifry extent, different from that in the accepted o. JJUncuiLy epp. The facts in regard to this matter Connected are that in 1 Tim there are 82 words not with the found elsewhere in the NT ; in 2 Tim there

      f are 53 such words, and in Tit there are

      l^anguage 33 g^^ while the total of such words in the three epp. is 168, this number, large though it appears, may be compared with the words used only once in the other Epp. of Paul. In Rom, 1 Cor, 2 Cor, Gal, Eph, Phil, Col. 1 Thess, 2 Thess and Philem, the words of this description are 627 in number. So nothing can be built upon the fact of the 168 peculiar words in the Pastoral Epp., that can safely be alleged as proof against their Pauline authorship. The special subjects treated In these epp. required adequate language, a re- quirement and a claim which would not be refused in the case of any ordinary author.

      The objections to the Pauline authorship of the Pas- torals, based upon the dissimilarity of diction in them and in Eph, Phil and Col, cease to exist when the theory is no longer persisted in, that the nucleus of the Pastoral Epp. was composed during the Rom imprisonment, which, according to this theory ended, not in the apostle's release, but in his execution. The fact that he was writing to intimate and beloved friends, both on personal matters and on the subject of church organization, and on that of incipient Gnosticism, which was troubling the churches of Asia Minor, made it essential that he should, to a large extent, use a different vocabulary.

      The "most decisive" of all the arguments against the Pauline authorship is that "the Christianity of

      the Pastoral Epp. is not the Chris- 4. Is There tianity of Paul" (McGiffert, A History "Another of Christianity, 402). "For the most Gospel" in part," Dr. McGiffert writes, "there the Pas- is no trace whatever of the great torals? fundamental truth of Paul's gospel —

      death unto the flesh and life in the Spirit." Now this is not so, for the passages which

      Dr. McGiffert himself gives in a footnote (2 Tim

      1 9-11; 2 11 ff; Tit 3 4-7), as well as other references, do most certainly refer to this very aspect of the gospel. For example, the passage in

      2 Tim 2 contains these words, "If we died with him [Christ], we shall also live with him." What is this but the great truth of the union of the Christian believer with Christ? The believer is one with Christ in His death, one with Him now as He lives and reigns. The objection, therefore, which is "most decisive of all," is one which is not true in point of fact. Dr. McGifTert also charges the author of the Pastoral Epp. as being "one who understood by resurrection nothing else than the resurrection of the fleshly body" (p. 430). The body of Our Lord was raised from the dead, but how very unjust this accusation is, is evident from such a passage as 1 Tim 3 16, "And without controversy great is the mystery of godliness;

      He who was manifested in the flesh.

      Justified in the Spirit,

      Seen of angels,

      Preached among the nations,

      Believed on in the world,

      Received up in glory."

      Charges of this nature are unsupported by evi- dence, and are of the kind on which Dr. A. S. Peake {A Critical Intro to the NT, 71) bases his rejection of the Pauline authorship — except for a Pauline nucleus — that he "feels clear." More than an ipse dixit of this sort is needed.

      The theory that the Pastoral Epp. are based upon genuine letters or notes of Paul to Timothy and Titus is thus advocated by Peake, McGiffert, Moffatt and many others. It bears very hard upon 1 Tim. "In 1 Tim not a single verse can be indi- cated which clearly bears the stamp of Pauline origin" (Peake, op. cit., 70). "We may fairly con- clude then in agreement with many modern scholars that we have here, in the Pastoral Epp., authentic letters of Paul to Timothy and Titus, worked over and enlarged by another hand" (McGiffert, op. cit., 405). In regard to 1 Tim he writes, "It is very likely that there are scattered fragments of the origi- nal ep. in 1 Tim, as for instance in ver 23. But it is difficult to find anything which we can be con- fident was written by Paul" (p. 407).

      Dr. McGiffert also alleges that in the Pastoral Epp., the word "faith" "is not employed in its pro- found Pauline sense, but is used to signify one of the cardinal virtues, along with love, peace, purity, righteousness, sanctifioation, patience and meek- ness." One of the Pauline epp., with which he contrasts the Pastorals, is the Ep. to the Gal; and the groundlessness of this charge is evident from Gal 5 22, where "faith" is included in the list there given of the fruit of the Spirit, along with love, joy, peace, Jongsuffering, gentleness, goodness, meek- ness and self-control.

      If the Pastoral Epp. are the work of Paul, then. Dr. McGiffert concludes, PaiU had given up that form of the gospel which he had held and taught throughout his life, anci descended from the lofty religious plane upon which he had always moved, to the level of mere piety and morality (op. cit., 404). But this charge is not just or reasonable, in view of the fact that the apostle is in- structing "Timothy and Titus how to combat the views and practices of immoral teachers. Or again, in such a passage as 1 Tim 1 12-17 AV, the author of the ep. has not descended from the lofty plane of faith to that of mere piety and morality, when he writes, "The grace of our Lord was exceeding abundant with faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners; of whom I am chief."

      If such be the "most decisive" objection against the Pauline authorship, the other difficulties, as already seen, need not cause alarm, for they resolve themselves into the equally groundless charges that the historical require- ments of the epp. cannot be fitted into any part of Paul's life, and that the doctrine and ecclesiasticaf organization

      Pastoral Epistles Patmos



      do not suit ttie Apostolic age. Thiese objections liave been already referred to.

      Tlie real difflculty, writes Dr. Peake (.4. Critical Intro, 68), is that "tlie old energy of ttiought and expression is gone, and tlie greater smoothness and continuity in the grammar is a poor compensation for the lack of grip and of continuity in the thought." Dr. Peake well and triily says that this statement does not admit of detailed proof. Lack of grip and lack of continuity of thought are not the characteristics of such passages as 1 Tim 1 9-17, a passage which wlU bear comparison with anything in the acknowledged Pauline Epp. ; and there are many other similar passages, e.g. Tit 2 11 — 3 7.

      What must be said of the dulness of the intelli- gence of Christian men and of the Christian church as a whole, if they could thus let themselves be im- posed upon by epp. which purported to be Paul's, but which were not written by him at all, but were the enlargement of a Pauline nucleus? Can it be be- heved that the church of the 2d cent., the church of the martyrs, was in such a state of mental decrepi- tude as to receive epp. which were spurious, so far as the greater portion of their contents is concerned? And can it be believed that this idea, so recently originated and so destitute of proof, is an adequate explanation of epp. which have been received as PauUne from the earliest times?

      When placed side by side Tsdth sub-apostolic writings like the Didache, Clem. Rom., Polycarp and Ignatius, "it is difficult to resist the idea which returns upon one ■ndth almost every sentence that .... the Pastorals are astonishingly superior" (Moffatt, The Historical NT, 556). Godet, quoted by R. D. Shaw (The Pauline Epp., 441), writes, "When one has had enough of the pious amplifica- tions of Clement of Rome, of the ridiculous inanities of Barnabas, of the general oddities of Ignatius, of the well-meant commonplaces of Polycarp, of the intolerable verbiage of Hermae, and of the nameless platitudes of the Didache, and, after this promenade in the first decade of the 2d cent., reverts to our Pastoral Epp., one will measure the distance that separates the least striking products of the apostolic literature from what has been preserved to us as most eminent in the ancient patristic literature."

      In the case of some modern critics, the interpo- lation hypothesis "is their first and last appeal, the easy solution of any difficulty that presents itself to their imaginations. Each ■pTiter feels free to give the kaleidoscope a fresh turn, and then records with blissful confidence what are called the latest

      results The whole method postulates that

      a writer must always preserve the same dull mono- tone or always co nfin e himself to the same transcen- dental heights He must see and say every- thing at once ; having had his vision and his dream, he must henceforth be like a star and dwell apart. .... To be stercoty]ied is his only salvation. .... On such principles there is not a WTiter of note, and there never has been a man in public life, or a student in the stream of a progressive science, large parts of whose sayings and doings could not be proved to be by some one else" (Shaw, The Paul- ine Epp., 483).

      ///. Date and Order. — In regard to the date of these epp., external and internal evidence alike go to show that they belong to practically 1. Date of the same period. The dates of their the Epistles composition are separated from each other by not more than three or four years; and the dates of each and all of them must he close to the Neronic persecution (64 AD). If Paul was executed 67 AD (see Ramsay, St. Paul, 396), there is only a short interval of time between his release in 61 or 62, and his death in 67, that is a period of some 5 or 6 years, during which his later travels took place, and when the Pastoral Epp. were written. "Between the three letters there is an affinity of language, a similarity of thought, and a likeness of errors combtitcd, which prevents our

      referring any of them to a period much earher than the others" (Zahn, Intro, II, 37).

      The order in which they were written must have been 1 Tim, Tit, 2 Tim. It is universally acknowl- edged that 2 Tim is the very last of 2. Their Paul's extant epp., and the internal Order evidence of the other two seems to

      point out 1 Tim as earlier than Tit.

      To sum up, the evidence of the early reception of the Pastoral Epp. as Pauline is very strong. "The confident denial of the genuineness of these letters — which has been made now for several generations more positively than in the case of any other Paul- ine epp. — has no support from tradition

      Traces of their circulation in the church before Mar- cion's time are clearer than those which can be found for Rom and 2 Cor" (Zahn, op. cit., II, 85). The internal evidence shows that all three are from the hand of one and the same writer, a writer who makes many personal allusions of a nature which it would be impossible for a forger to invent. It is generally allowed that the personal passages in 2 Tim 1 IS- IS; 4 9-22 are genuine. But ii this is so, then it is not possible to cut and carve the epp. into frag- ments of this kind. Objections dating only a cen- tury back are all too feeble to overturn the consistent marks of Pauline authorship found in all three epp., corroborated as this is by their reception in the church, dating from the very earliest period. The Pastoral Epp. may be used with the utmost con- fidence, as having genuinely come from the hand of Paul.

      LiTEBATuRE. — R. D. Shaw, The Pauline Epp.; A. S. Peake, A Critical Intro to the NT; A. C. McGiffert, A History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age; Theodor Zahn, An Intro to the NT; Marcus Dods, Intro to the NT; Weiss, Einleitung in das NT (ET); C. J. EUicOtt, A Critical and Grammatical Comm. on the Pastoral Epp.; Patrick Falrbairn, The Pastoral Epp.; John Ed. Huther, Critical and Exegetical Handbook of the Epp. of St. Paul to Timothy and Titus; George Salmon, A Historical Intro to the Study of the Books of the NT; James Moffatt, The Historical NT; Intro to the Lit. of the NT; Adolf Jiilicher, An Intro to the NT; Caspar Rene Gregory, Canon and Text of the NT.

      The "lives" of Paul may also be consulted, as they contain much that refers to these epp., i.e. those by Cony- beare and Howson, Lewin, Farrar and others. See also Ramsay's St. Paul the Traveller and the Rom Citizen.

      John Rdtherfded PASTURAGE, pas'tar-sj, PASTURE, pas'tlir. See Sheep-tending.

      PATARA, pat'a-ra (rd IldTapa, td Pdtara): A coast city of ancient Lycia, from which, according to Acts 21 1, Paul took a ship for Phoenicia. Because of its excellent harbor, many of the coast trading ships stopped at Patara, which therefore became an important and wealthy port of entry to the towns of the interior. As early as 440 BC auton- omous coins were struck there; during the 4th and the 3d cents, the coinage was interrupted, but was again resumed in 168 BC when Patara joined the Lycian league. Ptolemy Philadelphus enlarged the city, and changed its name to Arsinoe in honor of his wife. The city was celebrated not only as a trading center, but esp. for its celebrated oracle of Apollo which is said to have spoken only during the six winter months of the year. Among the ruins there is still to be seen a deep pit with circular steps leading to a seat at the bottom; it is supposed that the pit is the place of the oracle. In the history of early Christianity, Patara took but little part, but it was the home of a bishop, and the birthplace of St. Nicholas, the patron saint of the sailors of the E. Though born at Patara, St. Nicholas was a bishop and saint of Myra, a neighboring Lycian city, and there he is said to have been buried. Gelemish is the modem name of the ruin. The walls of the ancient city may still be traced, and the foundations of the temple and castle and other



      Pastoral Epistles Patmos

      public buildings are visible. The most imposing of the ruins is a triumphal arch bearing the in- scription: "Patara the Metropolis of the Lycian Nation." Outside the city walls many sarcophagi may be seen, but the harbor, long ago choked by sand, has been converted into a useless swamp. See also Myra. E. J. Banks

      PATE, pat Opip, , kodhlfodh) : The word usually tr'i "crown," "crown of the head" (Gen 49 26; Dt 28 35; 33 16.20; 2 S 14 25; Job 2 7; Isa 3 17; Jer 2 16; 48 45) and "scalp" (Ps 68 21) is rendered "pate" in Ps 7 16 in agreement with earlier Eng. translators since Coverdale: "His mis- chief shall return upon his own head, and his violence shall come down upon his own pate." The reason for the choice of the word lies evidently in the desire to make the Heb parallelism with "head" (ro'sh) apparent. The same object has, however, been achieved differently in another poetical passage (Gen 49 26 || Dt 33 16), viz. by the juxtaposition of "head" and "crown of the head."

      H. L. E. LUERING

      PATH, path, PATHWAY, path'wa (nnS< , 'orah, nSTip, n'lhlbhdh, etc; rpcpos, tribos, rpoxiii, trochid) :

      (1) In the OT. — In addition to its obvious literal sense (e.g. Gen 49 17), it has very frequently a figurative meaning, (a) As applied to man, a course or manner of hfe: (i) man's outward lot in life, his career or destiny, whether of the just man (Isa 28 7) or of the ungodly (Job 8 13) ; (ii) frequently in an ethical sense, of men's conduct or inward life- purpose, whether it be good or evil (e.g. Prov 2 15), generally accompanied by a term defining the moral quality of the conduct, either an abstract noun (e.g.

      the paths of uprightness," Prov 2 13; 4 11; "the paths of justice," Prov 2 8; Isa 40 14; "the paths of life," Ps 16 11; Prov 2 19), or a concrete adj. or noun (e.g. "crooked paths," Isa 59 8; "the paths of the righteous," Prov 2 20; 4 18). (6) The term is also appHedto God either (i) of the methods of the Divine Providence, God's dealings with men (Ps 25 10; 65 11), or (ii) of the principles and maxims of religion and morality Divinely revealed to man ("Show me thy ways, O Jeh, teach me thy paths," Ps 25 4; cflsa 2 3).

      (2) In the Apoc we have the "paths" of Wisdom (tribos, Bar 3 21.31); the "path" shown to men by the Law (semila, 2 Esd 14 22); and a man's "paths" (tribos, Tob 4 10).

      (3) In the NT the word occurs only in Mt 3 3 and II passages Mk 13; Lk 3 4 (of the forerunner's work), and in He 12 13 (in the OT ethical sense).

      Pathway occurs in Prov 12 28 (derekh n'thlbhah) and Wisd 5 10 (airapds). See Way.

      D. MiALL Edwards

      PATHEUS, pa-the'us (Haeatos, Pathaios, *tt- 9atos, Phathaios): One of the Levites who had married a foreign wife (1 Esd 9 23)= "Pethahiah" of Ezr 10 23.

      PATHROS, path'ros (OiirB, -pathroij; Egyp Pata resii, the "South land"; LXX yf\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ HaBoupfis, g^ Pathourts) : The Heb form of the Egyp name for Upper Egypt (Isa 11 11; Jer 44 1.15; Ezk 29 14; 30 14).

      PATHRUSIM.path-roo'sim, path-ru'sim CP-inE) , pathru^i, "an inhabitant of Pathros"; LXX ol IIaTpoo-<6viEi|ji, hoi Patrosonieim) : The branch of the Egyptians who came from Pathros (q.v.). They are represented as begotten of Mizraim, "Mizraim begat Zudim .... and Pathrusim" (Gen 10 13 f; 1 Ch 1 11 f).

      PATIENCE, pa'shens (vitoy.ovi\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\, hupomont, |j.aK- poBuixCo, makrothumia) : "Patience" imphes suffer- ing, enduring or waiting, as a determination of the will and not simply under necessity. As such it is an essential Christian virtue to the exorcise of which there are many exhortations. We need to "wait patiently" for God, to endure uncomplainingly the various forms of sufferings, wrongs and evils that we meet with, and to bear patiently injustices which we cannot remedy and provocations we cannot remove.

      The word "patience" does not occur in the OT, but we have "patiently" in Ps 40 1 as the tr of kawah, "to wait," "to expect," which word fre- quently expresses the idea, esp. that of waiting on God; in Ps 37 7, "patiently" ("wait patiently") is the tr of hul, one of the meanings of which is "to wait" or "to hope for" or "to expect" (cf Job 35 14); "patient" occurs (Eccl 7 8) as the tr of 'erekh rWh, "long of spirit," and (Job 6 11) "that I should be patient" (ha'drlkh nephesh). Cf "impatient" (Job 21 4).

      "Patience" occurs frequently in the Apoc, esp. in Ecclus, e.g. 2 14; 16 13; 17 24; 41 2 (hupomone); 5 11 (makrothumia); 29 8 (makrothumeo, RV "long suffering"); in Wisd 2 19, the Gr word is anexi- kakla.

      In the NT hupomone carries in it the ideas of endurance, continuance (Lk 8 15; 21 19; Rom 5 3.4, ARV "stedfastness"; 8 25, etc).

      In all places ARVm has "stedfastness," except Jas 5 11, where it has "endurance"; makrothumia is trd "patience" (He 6 12; Jas 5 10); makrothumeo, "to bear long" (Mt 18 26.29; Jas 5 7; seeLoNasuFFERiNG) ; the same vb. is tr'' "be patient" (1 Thess 5 14, RV " iongsuftering " ; Jas 6 7.8, AV and RV "patient"); makrothumos, "patiently" (Acts 26 3); hupomSno (1 Pet 2 20); anexikakos Is tr^ "patient" (2 Tim 2 24, RV, AVm, "forbearing"); epieikis, "gentle" (1 Tim 3 3, RV "gentle"); hupomeno (Rom 12 12, "pa- tient in tribiilation"). For "the patient waiting for Christ" (2 Thess 3 5), RV has "the patience of Christ."

      Patience is often hard to gain and to maintain, but, in Rom 15 5, God is called "the God of pa- tience" (ARVm "stedfastness") as being able to grant that grace to those who look to Him and de- pend on Him for it. It is in reliance on God and acceptance of His will, with trust in His goodness, wisdom and faithfulness, that we are enabled to endure and to hope stedfastly. See also God.

      W. L. Walker

      PATMOS, pat'mos (ndT|ios, Pdtmos; Ital. San Giovanni di Patino) : A Turkish island of the group Sporades, S.W. of Samos, mentioned once in the Bible, Rev 1 9, "I, John .... was in the isle that is called Patmos, for the word of God and the testi- mony of Jesus" (5ta rbp "Kbyov rod deoO Kal ttjv ixap- Tvplay 'Ii)(roO, did tdn Idgon tou theou kai tin marturian lesou). The island is 10 miles long, and about 6 broad along the northern coast. It is for the most part rocky. The highest part is Mt. St. Elias, which rises to a height of over 800 ft. As in Greece, and in the adjacent mainland of Asia Minor, the land is treeless. Near the city of Patmos there is a good harbor. A famous monastery, St. Christodulos, was founded on the island in 1088. Near this is a thriv- ing school, attended by students from all parts of the Archipelago. The population of the island numbers 3,000, almost entirely Gr. The ancient capital was on an isthmus between the inlets of La Scala and Mcrika. Many ruins can still be seen. The huge walls of Cyclopean masonry, similar to those at Tiryns, attest their great age. In Rom times Patmos was one of the many places to which Rome banished her exiles. In 95 AD, according to a tra- dition preserved by Irenaeus, Eusebius, Jerome and others, St. John was exiled here — in the 14th year of the reign of Domitian — whence he returned to Ephesus under Nerva (96 AD). The cave in


      Paul, the Apostle



      which he is said to have seen his visions is still pointed out to the traveler. Only a small part of the once vahiable library in the monastery of St. Christodulos is left. Just 100 years ago (1814) Mr. E. D. Clark purchased here the manuscript of Plato which is now in the Bodleian Library, the cele- brated Clarkianus, a parchment written in the year 895, and admittedly the best of all for the 1st of the 2 vols into which the works of Plato were divided for convenience. Patmos is mentioned by Thucydides (iii.33), by Pliny (NH, iv.23), and by Strabo (x.5). See also John the Apostle; Revelation of John.

      LlTER.^TURE. — Tozer. The Ixlnnds of the Aegean (1800). 178-95; Walpole. Turkey (London, 1820), II. 43; E. D. Clark, Travels (London, 1818), VI, 2; Ross, Reisen (Stuttgart, 1840), II; Guerin, Deseription de Vile de PalmOS (Paris, 1856).

      J. E. Harry PATRIARCH, pa'tri-iirk, PATRIARCHS (ira- TpidpxTis, patridrches) : The word occurs in the NT in appUcation to Abraham (He 7 4), to the sons of Jacobs (Acts 7 8.9), and to David (Acts 2 29). In LXX it is used as the equivalent of the head of the fathers' house, or of a tribe (1 Ch 24 31; 27 32; 2 Ch 26 12). Commonly now the term is used of the persons whose names appear in the genealogies and covenant-histories in the periods preceding Moses (Gen 5, 11, histories of Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, etc; of "patriarchal dispensation"). The problems connected with the longevity ascribed to the patriarchs in the genealogies and narratives in Gen are dealt with in special articles. See Ante- diluvian Patriarchs; Antediluvians; Gene- alogy. James Orr

      PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE. See Apocalyptic Literature, IV, 1.

      PATRIMONY, pat'ri-m6-ni (nllSn, ha-'dbhoth, "the fathers"): A word occurring once in EV (Dt 18 8), meaning lit. "the fathers," which, however, is obscure, probably by reason of abbreviation for some phrase, e.g. "house of the fathers." It may indicate "some private source of income possessed by the Levite [who has come up from a country district to the central sanctuary] distinct from what he receives as a priest officiating at the central sanctuary" (Driver, "Dt," ICC, in loc). Beyond this one occurrence of the word the same idea is conveyed often by other words or phrases: "He divided unto them his hving" (Lk 15 13); "Teach- er, bid my brother divide the inheritance with me" (Lk 12 13). Full and specific directions were given in the Law for the division of the patrimony (Nu 27; Dt 21, etc) and for its redemption (Ruth 4 1-12). The idea was frequently used with figura- tive and spiritual application: the land of Canaan was Israel's patrimony, being inherited from Jeh (Ps 105 11); salvation because of its origin in grace was the believer's patrimony (Gal 3 26 — 4 7). Contrariwise Israel was Jeh's inheritance (Isa 19 25; 63 14; cf Ps 33 12); and the whole earth is the Messiah's patrimony, inherited from His Eter- nal Father (Ps 2 8). See Birthright; Family; Inheritance; Property. Edward Mack

      PATROBAS, pat'ro-bas (IXarpapas, Patrobas): The name of a member of the Christian community at Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16 14). The name is an abbreviated form of "Patrobius." There was a wealthy freedman of Nero of the same name who was put to death by Galba (Tac. Hist. i.49; ii.95). The Patrobas of St. Paul may have been a dependent of his.

      PATROCLUS, pa-tro'klus (HAtpokKos, Pdtro- klos) : The father of the Syrian general Nicanor (2 Mace 8 9).

      PATTERN, pat'ern (rii:3ri, lahhnUh, "model," riS"]^ , niar'eh, "a vision" or "view"): The OT words tr"* "pattern" do not necessarily indicate a drawing such as a modern constructor begins with, or the patterns made from these drawings for the guidance of workmen. In Ex 25 9.40 the word "idea" or "suggestion" would possibly indicate more distinctly than "pattern" what Moses received in regard to the building of the tabernacle, etc. It ia doubtful if any architect's drawing was ever made of the temple. It is not the custom in Pal and Syria today to work from any pattern more con- crete than an idea. A man who wants a house calls the builder and says he wants to build so many rooms of such and such dimensions with, for ex- ample, a court 10 drahs (arm's lengths) wide and 15 drahs long, made of sandstone and plastered inside and out. With these meager instructions the builder starts. The details are worked out as the building proceeds. When a piece of iron or brass work is to be made, the customer by gestures with his hands outlines the form the piece should take. "I want it haik wa haik" ("thus and thus"), he says, and leaves the metal worker to conceive the exact form. It is probable that directions similar to these were given by David to Solomon. "Then David gave Solomon his son the pattern [his con- ception] of the porch of the temple," etc (1 Ch 28 11). The above does not apply to Gr and Rom work in Syria. Their workmen, probably mostly native, were trained to work from models. Wil- liams in the Architect, January, 1913, says of the works at Baalbek and Palmyra, ' 'There is a machine- like resemblance betokening slavish copying." At the present time native workmen coming under the influence of foreigners are beginning to work from models and plans, but they show little tend- ency to create models of their own.

      Three Gr words have been tr"* in the NT: ti/ttos, tiipos, "type," occurs in Tit 2 7 and He 8 5. In the first instance RV reads "ensample." inroTi- TTiocrii, hupotuposis, "outline," has been similarly tr'i in 1 Tim 1 16, but "pattern" in 2 Tim 1 13. In He 9 24 ARV avTlrvwos, antitupos, is rendered "like in pattern." inrbSeiyiia, hupodeigma, AV "pattern," is tr'^ in ARV "copy" (He 8 5)j "copies" (He 9 23). At the time of the tr of AV the word "pattern" meant either the thing to be copied or the copy. James A. Patch

      PAU, pa'n. See Pai.

      PAUL, pol, THE APOSTLE:

      I. Sources 1 Th6 Acts 2.' The Thirteen Epistles

      (1) Pauline Authorship

      (2) Lightfoot's Grouping

      (a) First Group (1 and 2 Thess)

      (b) Second Group (1 and 2 Cor, Gal, Rom)

      (c) Third Group (Phil, Philem, Col. Eph)

      (d) Fourth Group (1 Tim, Tit, 2 Tim)

      (3) Paul's Conception of His Epistles

      (4) Development in Paul's Epistles II. Modern Theories about Paul

      1. Criticism Not Inlallible

      2. The Tubingen Theory

      3. Protest against Baur's View

      4. Successors to Baur

      5. Appeal to Comparative Religion

      6. The Eschatological Interpretation

      III. Chronology of Paul's Career

      1. Schemes

      2. Crucial Points

      (1) The Death ot Stephen

      (2) The Flight from Damascus

      (3) The Death ot Herod Agrippa I

      (4) The First Mission Tour

      (5) The First Visit to Corinth

      (6) Paul at Troas according to Acts 20 f

      (7) Festus Succeeding Felix

      IV. Equipment

      1. The City of Tarsus

      2. Roman Citizenship




      Paul, the Apostle


      3. Hellenism

      4. The Mystery-Religions

      5. Judaism

      6. Personal Characteristics

      (1) Personal Appearance

      (2) Natural Endowments

      (3) Supernatural Gifts

      7. Conversion

      (1) Preparation

      (2) Experience

      (3) Effect on Paul Work





      The First Great Mission Campaign

      The Conflict at Jerusalem

      The Second Mission Campaign

      The Third Mission Campaign

      Five Years a Prisoner

      Further Travels

      Last Imprisonment and Death












      "VI. Gospel


      /. Sources. — For discussion of the historical value of the Acts of the Apostles see the art. on that sub- ject. It is only necessary to say here

      1. The Acts that the view of Sir W. M. Ramsay

      in general is accepted as to the trust- worthiness of Luke, whose authorship of the Acts is accepted and proved by Harnack {Die Apostel- geschichte, 1908; The Acts of the Apostles, tr by Wilkinson, 1909; Neue Untersuch. zur Ap., 1911; The Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, tr by Wilkinson, 1911). The proof need not be given again. The same hand appears in the "we"- seetions and the rest of the book. Even Moffatt (Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 311) admits the Lukan authorship though dating it in 100 AD instead of 60-62 AD, against Harnack. The Acts is written independently of the Epp. of Paul, whether early or late, and supplements in a wonderful way the inci- dental references in the epp., though not without lacunae and difficulties.

      (1) Pauline authorship. — See the articles on each ep. for detailed criticism. It is here assumed that

      the Ep. to the He was not written by

      2. The Paul, though Pauline in point of view. Thirteen One cannot stop to prove every state- Epistles ment in an article like this, else a large

      book would be needed. Criticism is not an infallible science. One can turn easily from the Hatch- Van Manen art. on "Paul" in EB (1902) to the Maclean art. on "Paul the Apostle" in the 1-vol HDB (1909). Van Manen's part of the one denies all the thirteen, while Maclean says: "We shall, in what follows, without hesitation use the thirteen epp. as genuine." It is certain that Paul wrote more epp., or "letters," as Deissmann (Light from the Ancient East, 225) insists on calling all of Paul's epp. Certainly Philem is a mere "letter," but it is difBcult to say as much about Rom. Deissmann (St. Paul, 22) admits that portions of Rom are like "an epistolary letter." At any rate, when Moffatt (Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 64-82) carefully justifies the Pauline authorship of both 1 and 2 Thess, it is clear that the case against them cannot be very strong, esp. as Moffatt stands out against the genu- ineness of Eph (op. cit., 393) and the Pastoral Epp. (p. 414).

      Bartlet, who was once at a loss to know what to do with the Pastorals on the theory that Paul was not released from the Rom imprisonment (Apostolic Age, 1899 200), is now quite willing to face the new facts set forth by Ramsay (Expos, VII. viii-ix. VIII. i), even if it means the admission of a second Rom imprisonment, a view that Bartlet had opposed. He now pleads for "the fresh approach from the side of experience, by men who are in touch with the realities of human nature in all its variety, as weU as at home in the historical background of society in the early Rom empire, that has renovated the study of them and taken it out of the old ruts of criticism in which it has moved for the most part in modern times" (Expos, January, 1913, 29). Here Bartlet, again, now eloquently presents the view of

      common-sense criticism as seen by the practical mission- ary better than by a life "spent amid the academic asso- ciations of a professor's chair," though he pauses to note as an exception Professor P. Gardner's The Rdioious Experience of St. Paul (1912). We may quote Bartlet once more (£^xpo3, January, 1913,30): " In the recovery of a true point of view a vital element has been the newer conception of Paul himself and so of Paulinism. Paul the doctrinaire theologian, or at least the prophet of a one-sided gospel repeated with fanatical uniformity of emphasis under all conditions, has largely given place to Paul the missionary, full indeed of inspired insight on the basis of a unique experience, but also of practical instinct, the offspring of sympathy with living men of other types of training. When the Pastorals are viewed anew in the light of this idea, half their difficulties dis- appear." One need not adopt Deissmann's rather ar- tificial insistence on ' ' letters ' ' rather than " epistles, ' ' and his undue depreciation of Paul's intellectual caliber and culture as being more like Amos than Origen (,S(. Paul, 1912, 6), in order to see the force of this contention for proper understanding of the social environment of Paul. Against Van Manen's "historical Paul" who wrote nothing, he places "the historic Paul " who possibly wrote all thirteen. "There is really no trouble except wdth the letters to Timothy and Titus, and even there the diffi- culties are perhaps not quite so great as many of our specialists assume" {.St. Paul, 15). See Pastoral Epistles. Deissmann denies sharply that Paul was an "obscurantist" who corrupted the gospel of Jesus, "the dregs of doctrinaire study of St. Paul, mostly in the tired brains of gifted amateurs" (p. 4). But A. Schweitzer boldly proclaims that he alone has the key to Paul and Jesus. It is the "exclusively Jewish eschatologicai " (Paul and His Interpreters, 1912, ix) conception of Christ's gospel that furnishes Schweitzer's spring-board (The Quest of the Historical Jesus). Thus he will be able to explain "the Heiienization of the gospel" as mediated tlirough Paul. To do that Schweitzer plows his weary way from Grotius to Holtzmann, and finds that they have all wandered into the wilderness. He is positive that his eschatologicai discovery will rescue Paul and some of his epp. from the ruin wrought by Steck and Van Manen, to whose arguments modern criticism has notliing solid to offer, and the meager negative crumbs offered by Schweitzer ougiit to be thankfully received (ib, 249).

      (2) Lightfoot's grouping (cf Bib. Essays, 224). — There is doubt as to the position of Gal. Some advocates of the South-Galatian theory make it the very earliest of Paul's Epp., even before the Jerus Conference in Acts 15. So Emmet, Coram, on Gal (1912),-ix, who notes (Preface) that his comm. is the first to take this position. But the North- Galatian view still has the weight of authority in spite of Ramsay's powerful advocacy in his various books (see Hist. Comm. on Gal), as is shown by Moffatt, Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 90 ff. Hence Lightfoot's grouping is still the best to use.

      (a) First Group: 1 and 2 Thess, from Corinth, 52-53 AD. Harnaok's view that 2 Thess is ad- dressed to a Jewish Christian church in Thessalonica while 1 "Thess is addressed to a gentile church is accepted by Lake (Earlier Epp. of St. Paul, 1911, 83 ff), but Frame (ICC, 1912, 54) sees no need for this hypothesis. Milligan is clear that 1 Thess precedes 2 Thess (Comm., 1908, xxxix) and is the earliest of Paul's Epp. (p. xxxvi). The accent on eschatology is in accord with the position of the early disciples in the opening chapters of Acts. They belong to Paul's stay in Corinth recorded in Acts 18.

      (h) Second Group: 1 Cor, 2 Cor, Gal, Rom, 55-58 AD. This is the great doctrinal group, the four chief epp. of Baur. They turn about the Judaizing controversy which furnishes the occasion for the expansion of the doctrine of justification by faith in opposition to the legahstic contention of the Judaizing Christians from Jerus (Acts 15 1-3; Gal 2 1-10). The dates of these epp. are not per- fectly clear. 1 Cor was written shortly before the close of Paul's 3 years' stay at Ephesus (Acts 20 31; 1 Cor 16 8; Acts 20 If). 2 Cor was written a few months later while he was in Macedonia (2 13 ; 7 5.13; 8 16-24). Rom was written from Corinth (16 23; Acts 20 2 f ) and sent by Phoebe of Ccn- chreae (Rom 16 1). The integrity of Rom is challenged by some who deny in particular that ch 16 belongs to the ep. Moffatt (Intro, 134-38)



      gives an able, but unconvincing, presentation of the arguments for tiie addition of the chapter by a later hand. Deissmann (St. Paul, 19) calls Rom 16 "a little letter" addressed to the Christians at Ephesus. Von Soden (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 78) easily justifies the presence of Rom 16 in the Ep. to the Rom: "These greetings, moreover, were cer- tainly intended by St. Paul to create bonds of fellowship between the Pauline Christians and the Rom community, and to show that he had not written to them quite exclusively in his own name." A common-sense explanation of Paul's personal ties in Rome is the fact that as the center of the world's life the city drew people thither from all parts of the earth. So today many a man has friends in New York or London who has never been to either city. A much more serious controversy rages as to the integrity of 2 Cor. Semler took 2 Cor 10- 13 to be a separate and later ep., because of its difference in tone from 2 Cor 1-9, but Hausrath put it earlier than chs 1-9, and made it the letter referred to in 2 4. He has been followed by many scholars like Schmiedel, Cone, McGiffert, Bacon, Moffatt, Kennedy, Rendall, Peake, Plummer. Von Soden (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 50) accepts the partition-theory of 2 Cor heartily: "It may be shown with the highest degree of probability that this letter has come down to us in 2 Cor 10 1 — 13 10." But the unity of the ep. on the theory that the change in tone is a climax to the disobe- dient element of the church is still maintained with force and justice by Klopper, Zahn, Bachmann, Denney, Bernard, A. Robertson, Weiss, Menzies. The place of the writing of Gal turns on its date. Lightfoot (in loc.) argues for Corinth, since it was probably written shortly before Rom. But Moffatt (Intro, 102) holds tentatively to Ephesus, soon after Paul's arrival there from Galatia. So he gives the order: Gal, 1 and 2 Cor, Rom. In so much doubt it is well to follow Lightfoot's logical argument. Gal leads naturally to Rom, the one hot and passion- ate, the other calm and contemplative, but both on the same general theme.

      (c) Third group: Phil, Philem, Col, Eph. Date 61-6.3, unless Paul reached Rome several years earlier. This matter depends on the date of the coming of Festus to succeed Felix (Acts 24 27). It was once thought to be 60 AD beyond any doubt, but the whole matter is now uncertain. See "Chronology," III, 2, (2), below. At any rate these four epp. were written during the first Rom impris- onment, assuming that he was set free.

      But it must be noted that quite a respectable group of scholars hold that one or all of those epp. were written from Caesarca (Schultz, Thiersch, Meyer, Hausrath, Sabatier, Reuss, Weiss, Haupt, Spitta, McPherson, Hicks). But the arguments are more specious than convincing. See Hort, Rom and Eph, 101-10. There is a growing opinion that Philem, Col and Eph were written from Ephesus during a possible imprisonment in Paul's stay of 3 years there. So Deissmann (Light from the Ancient East, 229; iS(. Paul, 16): St. Lisco (Vincula Sanctorum, 1900); M. Albertz {Theol. Studien undKritiken, 1910, 551 fl); B. W. Bacon (Journal of Bib. Li^, 1910, ISlfl). The strongest argument for this posi- tion is that Patil apparently did not know personally the readers of Eph (1 15); of also Col 1 4. But this ob- jection need not apply if the so-called EphesianEp. was a circular letter and if Paul did not visit Colossae and Laodicea during his .3 years at Ephesus. The theory is more attractive at lirst than on reflection. It throws this group before Bom — a difBcult view to concede.

      But even so, the order of these epp. is by no means certain. It is clear that Philem, Col and Eph were sent together. Tychicus was the bearer of^Col (4 7f) and Eph (6 21 f). Onesimus bore Philem (vs 10.13) and was also the companion of Tychicus to Colossae (Col 4 9). So these three epp. went together from Rome. It is commonly assumed that Phil was the last of the group of four, and hence later than the other three, because Paul is

      balancing life and death (Phil 1 21 ff) and is ex- pecting to be set free (1 25), but he has the same expectation of freedom when he writes Philem (ver 22). The absence of Luke (Phil 2 20) has to be explained on either hypothesis. Moffatt (Intro, 159) is dogmatic, "as Phil was certainly the last letter that he wrote," ruling out of court Eph, not to say the later Pastoral Epp. But this conclusion gives Moffatt trouble with the Ep. to the Laodi- ceans (Col 4 16) which he can only call "the enig- matic reference" and cannot follow Rutherford (St. Paul's Epp. to Colossae and Laodicea, 1908) in identifying the Laodicean Ep. with Eph, as indeed Marcion seems to have done. But the notion that Eph was a circular letter designed for more than one church (hence without personalities) still holds the bulk of modern opinion.

      Von Soden (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 294) is as dog- matic as Wrede or Van Manen: "All which has hitherto been said concerning this ep., its form, its content, its ideas, its presuppositions, absolutely excludes the possi- bility of a Pauline authorship." He admits "verbal echoes of Pauline epp."

      Lightfoot puts Phil before the other three be- cause of its doctrinal affinity with the second group in ch 3 as a reminiscence, and because of its anti- cipation of the Christological controversy with incip- ient Gnosticism in ch 2. This great discussion is central in Col and Eph. At any rate, we have thus a consistent and coherent interpretation of the group. Philem, though purely personal, is won- drously vital as a sociological document. Paul is in this group at the height of his powers in his grasp of the Person of Christ.

      (d) Fourth group: 1 Tim, Tit, 2 Tim. The Pastoral Epp^. are still hotly disputed, but there is a growing willingness in Britain and Germany to make a place for them in Paul's life. Von Soden bluntly says: "It is impossible that these epp. as they stand can have been written by St. Paul" (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 310). He finds no room for the heresy here combated, or for the details in Paul's hfe, or for the linguistic peculiarities in Paul's style. But he sees a "literary nicety" — this group that binds them together and separates them from Paul. Thus tersely he puts the case against the Pauline authorship. So Aloffatt argues for the "sub-Pauline environment" and "sub-PauHne at- mosphere" of these epp. with the advanced ecclesi- asticism (Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 410 ff). Wrede thrusts aside the personal details and argues that the epp. give merely the tendency of early Chris- tianity (Ueber Aufgabe und Methode der Sogen. NT Theologie, 1897, 357). The Hatch- Van Manen art. in EB admits only that "the Pastoral Epp. occupy themselves chiefly with the various affairs of the churches within 'Pauhne circles.' "

      MoflEatt has a vigorous attack on these letters in EB ,';, '^u "J'liiost entirely ignores the external evidence! while he has nothmg to say to the remarkable internal evidence which immediately demands our attention" (Knowhng, Testimony of St. Paul to Christ, 3d ed 1911 129). Moffatt (Intro to the Lit. of the NT 414) holds that the Pastoral Epp. came from one pen, but the per- sonality and motives are very vague to him The oer- so.nal details in 2 Tim 1 14-18; 4 9-22 are not on a par with tho,se in The Acts of Paul and Thekla in the 2d cent Many critics who reject the Pauline authorship of the Pastoral Epp. admit the personal details in 2 Tim but It IS just in such matters that forgeries are recognizable To admit these fragments is logically to admit the whole (Maclean in 1-vol HDB), as Moffatt sees (Intro 414) however much he seeks to tone down the use of Paul's name as a Christian form of suasoriae,'' and "a further and inoffensive development of the principle which sought to claim apostolic sanction for the expanding institutions and doctrines of the early church " (ib 415) 1 he objection against these epp. from differences in diction has ijeen grievously overdone. As a matter of fact, each of the four groups has words peculiar to it, and naturally so Style is a function of the subject as well SLwT T°t' *''° Ti^'l; Besides, style changes with one's growth. It would have been remarkable if aU lour



      groups had shown no change in vocabulary and style. The case of Shakespeare is quite pertinent, tor the vari- ous groups of plays stand more or less apart. The Pastoral Epp. belong to Paul's old age and deal with personal and ecclesiastical matters in a more or less remi- niscential way, with less of vehement energy than we get in the earlier epp., but this situation is what one would reasonably expect. The "ecclesiastical organization" argument has been greatly overdone. As a matter of (act, "the organization in the Pastoral Epp. is not appar- ently advanced one step beyond that of the church in Philippi in 61 AD" (Ramsay, Expos, VII, viii, 17). The "gnosis" met by these epp. (1 Tim 6 20; Tit 1 14) is not the highly developed type seen in the Ignatian Epp. of the 2d cent. Indeed, Bartlet (" Historic Setting of the Pastoral Epp., "Expos, January, 1913,29) pointedly says that, as a result of Hort's " Judaistic Christianity" and "Christian Ecclesia" and Ramsay's "Historical Comm. on the Epp. of Timothy" (.Expos, 'VII, vii, ix, VIII, i), "one feels the subject has been lifted to a new level of reality and that much criticism between Baur and JUlicher is out of date and irrelevant." It is now shown that the Pastoral Epp. are not directed against Gnosticism of advanced type, but even of a more Jewish type (Tit 1 14) than that In Col. Kamsay (Expos, VIII, 1, 263) sweeps this stock criticism aside as "from the wrong point of view." It falls to the ground. Lightf oot (" Note on the Heresy Combated in the Pastoral Epp.," Bib, Essays, 413) had insisted on the Jewish char- acter of the Gnosticism attacked here. As a matter of fact, the main objection to these epp. is that they do not fit into the story in Acts, which breaks oft abruptly with Paul in Rome. But it is a false premise to assume that the Pastoral Epp. have to fit into the events in Acts. Harnack turns the objection that Paul in Acts 20 26 predicted that he would never see the Ephesian elders again into a strong argument for the date of Luke's Gospel before 2 Tim 4 21 (The Dale of Acts and Synoptic Gospeis, 103). Indeed, he may not have revisited Ephe- sus after all. but may have seen Timothy at Miletus also (1 Tim 1 3). Harnack frankly admits the acquittal and release of Paul and thus free play for the Pastoral Epp. Blass \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\(Acta Apostolorum, 24) acknowledges the Pastoral Epp. as genuine. So also Findlay, art. " Paul," in HDB; Maclean in 1-vol HDB; Denney in Standard BD. Sanday (Inspiration, 364) comments on the strength of the external evidence for the Pastoral Epp. Even Holtzmann (EinP, 291) appears to admit echoes of the Pastoral Epp. in the Ignatian Epp. Lightfoot (Bib. Essays. "Date of the Pastoral Epp.." 399-437) justifies completely the acceptance of the Pauline authorship. Deissmann (St. Paul, 15) has a needed word: "The delusion is still ciurent in certain circles that the scien- tific distinction of a Bible scholar may be estimated in the form of a percentage according to the proportion of

      his verdicts of spuriousness The extant letters of

      St. Paul have been innocently obliged to endure again a fair share of the martyrdom suffered by the historic St. Paul." See further Pastobal Epistles.

      (3) Paul's conixplion of his Epp. — Assuming, there- fore, the Pauline authorship of the thirteen epp., ■we may note that they reveal in a remarkable way the growth in Paul's apprehension of Christ and Christianity, his adaptation to varied situations, his grasp of world-problems and the eternal values of hfe. Paul wrote other epp., as we know. In

      1 Cor 5 9 there is a clear reference to a letter not now known to us otherwise, earUer than 1 Cor. The use of "every epistle" in 2 Thess 3 17 naturally imphes that Paul had written more than two al- ready. It is not certain to what letter Paul refers in 2 Cor 2 4 — most probably to one between 1 and

      2 Cor, though, as already shown, some scholars find that letter in 2 Cor 10-13. Once more Paul (Col 4 16) mentions an ep. addressed to the church at Laodicea. This ep. is almost certainly that which we know as Eph. If not, here is another lost ep. Indeed, at least two apocryphal Epp. to the Laodiceans were written to supply this deficiency. As early as 2 Thess 2 2 forgers were at work to palm off epp. in Paul's name, "or by ep. as from us," to attack and pervert Paul's real -vriews, whom^ Paul denounces. It was entirely possible that this "nefa- rious work" would be continued (Gregory, Canon and Text of the NT, 1907, 191), though, as Gregory argues, Paul's exposure here would have a tendency to put a stop to it and to put Christiana on their guard and to watch for Paul's signature to the epp. as a mark of genuineness (2 Thess 3 17; 1 Cor 16 21; Gal 6 11; Col 4 18). This was all the more important since Paul e-ndently dictated

      his letters to amanuenses, as to Tertius in the case of Rom (16 22). In the case of Philem (ver 19), Paul probably wrote the whole letter. We may be sure therefore that, if we had the other genuine letters of Paul, they would occupy the same general standpoint as the thirteen now in our possession. The point to note here is that the four groups of Paul's Epp. fit into the historical background of the Acts as recorded by Luke, barring the fourth group which is later than the events in Acts. Each group % meets a specific situation in a definite region or re- j gions, with problems of vital interest. Paul attacks / these various problems (theological, ecclesiastical, practical) with marvelous 'vigor, and applies the eternal principles of the gospel of Christ in such fashion as to furnish a norm for future workers for Christ. It is not necessary to say that he was conscious of that use. Deissmann (St. Paul, 12 f) is confident on this point: "That a portion of these confidential letters should be Btill extant after centuries, St. Paul can- not have intended, nor did it ever occur to him that they would be." Be that as it may, and granted that Paul's Epp. are "survivals, in the sense of the technical language employed by the historical method" (ib, 12), still we must not forget that Paul attached a great deal of importance to his letters and urged obedience to the teachings which they contained: "I adjure you by the Lord that this ep. be read unto all the brethren" (1 Thess 6 27). This command we find in the very first one preserved to us. Once more note 2 Thess 3 14: "And if any man obeyeth not our word by this ep., note that man, that ye have no company with him." Evi- dently therefore Paul does not conceive his epp. as mere incidents in personal correspondence, but authoritative instructions for the Christians to whom they are addressed. In 1 Cor 7 17, "And so ordain I in all the churches," he puts his episto- lary commands on a par with the words of Jesus quoted in the same chapter. Some indeed at Corinth (2 Cor 10 9 f ) took his "letters" as an effort to "terrify" them, a thing that he was afraid to do in person. Paul (ver 11) does not deny the authority of his letters, but claims equal courage when he comes in person (cf 2 Cor 13 2.10). That Paul expected his letters to be used by more than the one church to which they were addressed is clear from Col 4 16: "And when this ep. hath been read among you, cause that it be read also in the church of the Laodiceans; and that ye also read the ep. from Laodicea." If the letter to La- odicea is our Eph and a sort of circular letter (cf Gal), that is clear. But it must be noted that Col, undoubtedly a specific letter to Colossae, is likewise to be passed on to Laodicea. It is not always ob- served that in 1 Cor 1 2, though the ep. is ad- dressed "unto the church of God which is at Cor- inth," Paul adds, "with all that call upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ in every place, their Lord and ours." Philem is, of course, a personal letter, though it deals with a sociological problem of uni- versal interest. The Pastoral Epp. are addressed to two young ministers and have many personal de- tails, as is natural, but the epp. deal far more with the social aspects of church life and the heresies and ■vices that were threatening the very existence of Christianity in the Rom empire. Paul is eager that Timothy shall follow his teaching (2 Tim 3 10 ff), and "the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also" (2 2). It ia this larger view of the future of Christianity that con- cerns Paul very keenly. The very conception of his ministry to the Gentiles (Rom 15 16; Eph 3 7 ff) led Paul to feel that he had a right to speak to all, "both to Greeks and to Barbarians" (Rom 1 14), and hence even to Rome (1 15 f). It is a mis-



      take to limit Paul's Epp. to the local and temporary sphere given them by Deissmann.

      (4) Development in Paul's Epp. — For Paul's gospel or theology see later. Here we must stress the fact that all four groups of Paul's Epp. are legiti- mate developments from his fundamental experience of grace as conditioned by his previous training and later work. He met each new problem with the same basal truth that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, revealed to Paul on the way to Damascus. The reality of this great experience must here be assumed (see discussion later) . It may be admitted that the Acts does not stand upon the same plane as the Pauline Epp. as a witness concerning Paul's conversion (Fletcher, The Conversion of St. Paul, 1910, 5). But even so, the Epp. amply confirm Luke's report of the essential fact that Jesus ap- peared to Paul in the same sense that He did to the apostles and 500 Christians (1 Cor 15 4-9). The revelation of Christ to Paul and in Paul {i" ifj-ol, en emoi, Gal 1 16) and the specific call connected therewith to preach to the Gentiles gave Paul a place independent of and on a par with the other apostles (1 16 f; 2 1-10). Paul's first preaching (Acts 9 20) "proclaimed Jesus, that he is the Son of God." This "primitive Paulinism" (Sabatier, The Apostle Paul, 1893, 113) lay at the heart of Paul's message in his sermons and speeches in Acts. Professor P. Gardner regards Luke as a "careless" historian ("The Speeches of St. Paul in Acts," Cambridge Bib. Essays, 1909, 386), but he quite admits the central place of Paul's conversion, both in the Acts and the Epp. (ib; cf also The Religious Experience of St. Paul).

      We cannot here trace in detail the growth of Paulinism. Let Wernle speak {Beginnings of Chris- tianity, 1903, I, 224) for us: "The decisive factor in the genius of St. Paul's theology was his personal experience, his conversion on the road to Damas- cus." This fact reappears in each of the groups of the Epp. It is the necessary implication in the apostolic authority claimed in 1 Thess 2 4-6; 2 Thess 2 15; 3 6.14. "We might have claimed authority as apostles of Christ" (1 Thess 2 6). For the second group we need only refer to 1 Cor 9 If and 15 1-11, where Paul justifies his gospel by the fact of having seen the risen Jesus. His self- depreciation in ver 9 is amply balanced by the claims in ver 10. See also 2 Cor 10-13 and Gal 1 and 2 for Paul's formal defence of his apostolic authority. The pleasantry in Rom 15 14 does not displace the claim in 15 16.23 f. In the third group note the great passage in Phil 3 12-14, where Paul pointedly alludes to his conversion: "I was laid hold of by Jesus Christ," as giving him the goal of his ambition, "that I may lay hold"; "I count not myself yet to have laid hold." This con- centration of effort to come up to Christ's purpose in him is the key to Paul's life and letters, "I press on toward the goal." So the golden cord reappears in Eph 3 2-13: "How that by revelation was made known unto me the mystery, as I wrote before in few words, whereby, when ye read, ye can perceive my understanding in the mystery of Christ." In the fourth group he still recalls how Christ Jesus took pity on him, the blasphemer, the persecutor, the chief of sinners, and put him into the ministry, "that in me as chief might Jesus Christ show forth all his longsuffering, for an ensample of them that should thereafter believe on him unto eternal life" (1 Tim 1 16). He kept up the fight to the end (2 Tira 4 6 f), for the Lord Jesus stood by him (4 17), as on the road to Damascus. So the personal note of experience links all the epp. together. They reveal Paul's growing conception of Christ. Paul at the very start perceived that men are redeemed by faith in Jesus as the Saviour from sin through

      His atoning death, not by works of the Law (Acts 13 38 f). In the first group there are allusions to the "work of faith and labor of love and patience of hope in our Lord Jesus Christ" (1 Thess 1 3). He speaks of "election" (1 4) and "our gospel" (1 5) and the resurrection of Jesus (1 10). The Father, Son and Spirit cooperate in the work of salvation (2 Thess 2 13 f), which includes election, belief, sanctification, glorification. It is not necessary to press the argument for the conception of salvation by faith in Christ, grace as opposed to works, in the second group. It is obviously present in the third and the fourth. We seem forced to the view therefore that Paul's experience was revolutionary, not evolutionary. "If we consider the whole his- tory of Paul as it is disclosed to us in his letters, are we not forced to the conclusion that his was a catastrophic or explosive, rather than a slowly pro- gressive personality?" (Garvie, Studies of Paul and His Oospel, 1911, 32). "His gospel was included in his conversion, and it was meditation that made explicit what was thus implicit in his experience" (ib). This is not to say that there was no "spiritual development of St. Paul" (Matheson, 1890). There was, and of the richest kind, but it was a growth of expression in the successive application of the funda- mental Christian conception. The accent upon this or that phase of truth at different stages in Paul's career does not necessarily mean that the truth is a new one to him. It may simply be that the occasion has arisen for emphasis and elabora- tion.

      In a broad generalization the first group of the epp. is eschatological, the second soteriological, the third Christological, and the fourth pastoral (Gar- vie, Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 22). But one must not get the notion that Paul did not have a full gospel of salvation in the first group, and did not come to the true motive of the person of Christ as Lord till the second, or understand the pastoral office till the fourth. See emphasis on Paul's work as pastor and preacher in 1 Thess 2 (first group), and the Lordship of Christ also (1 Thess 1 1.3; 2 Thess 1 1; 2 13 f), on a par with the Father.

      There was a change of accent in each group on questions of eschatology, but in each one Paul cherishes the hope of the second coming of Christ up to the very end when he speaks of his own death (2 Tim 4 8.18). Paul has a whole gospel of grace in all his epp., but he presses home the special phase of truth needed at the moment, always with proper balance and modification, though not in the form of a system of doctrine. In the first group he relieves the minds of the Thessalonian Christians from the misapprehension into which they had fallen concerning his position on the immediate coming of Christ. In the second group Paul vindi- cates the gospel of grace from the legalistic addition of the Judaizers who sought to rob the Gentiles of their freedom by insisting that they become Jews as well as Christians. This ringing battle is echoed in Acts 15 and is the mightiest conflict of Paul's career. We hear echoes of it in Phil 3, but he had won his contention. In the third group the battle with error has shifted to the province of Asia, esp. the Lycus Valley, where a mystic mixture of Juda- ism (Essenism) and heathen mystery-religions and philosophies (incipient Gnosticism) was so rife in the 2d cent, (the various forms of Gnosticism which combined with some aspects of Christianity). It is possible also that Mithraism was already a foe of Christianity. The central position and essential deity of Jesus Christ was challenged by these new and world-old heresies, and Paul attacks them with marvelous skill in Col and Eph and works out in detail his teaching concerning the person of Christ



      with due emphasis on the soteriological aspects of Christ's work and on Christian life. Bruce (

      II. Modern Theories about Paul. — Findlay

      [HDB, "Paul") utters a needed warning when he

      reminds us that the modern historical

      1. Criticism and psychological method of study is Not In- just as liable to prepossession and fallible prejudice as the older categories of

      scholastic and dogmatic theology. "The focus of the picture may be displaced and its colors falsified by philosophical no less than by ecclesiastical spectacles" (ib). Deissmann (St. Paid, 4 f ) sympathizes with this protest against the infallibility of modern subjective criticism: "That really and properly is the task of the modem stu- dent of St. Paul: to come back from the paper St. Paul of our western libraries, Germanized, dogma- tised, modernized, to the historic St. Paul; to pene- trate through the 'Paulinism' of our NT theologies to the St. Paul of ancient reality." He admits the thoroughness and the magnitude of the work accomplished in the 19th cent, concerning the liter- ary questions connected with Paul's letters, but it is a "doctrinaire interest" that "has gone farther and farther astray." Deissmann conceives of Paul as a "hero of piety first and foremost," not as a theologian. "As a religious genius St. Paul's out- look is forward into a future of universal history." In this position of Deissmann we see a return to the pre-Baur time. Deissmann would like to get past all the schools of criticism, back to Paul himself.

      Baur started the modern critical attitude by his Pastoralbriefe (1835, p. 79), in which he remarked

      that there were only four epp. of Paul

      2. The (Gay and 2 Cor, Rom) which could be Tubingen accepted as genuine. In his Paulas Theory (1845) he expounded this thesis. He

      also rejected the Acts. From the four great epp. and from the pseudo-Clementine lit- erature of the 2d cent., Baur argued that Paul and Peter were bitter antagonists. Peter and the other apostles were held fast in the grip of the legalistic conception of Christianity, a sort of Christianized Pharisaism. Paul, when converted, had reacted violently against this view, and became the exponent of gentile freedom. Christianity was divided into

      two factions, Jewish Christians (Petrinists) and gentile Christians (Pauhnists). With this "key" Baur ruled out the other Pauline epp. and Acts as spurious, because they did not show the bitterness of this controversy. He called them "tendency" writings, designed to cover up the strife and to show that peace reigned in the camp. This arbi- trary theory cut a wide swath for 50 years, and be- came a fetich with many scholars, but it is now dead. "It has been seen that it is bad criticism to make a theory on insecure grounds, and then to reject all the Uterature which contradicts it" (Mac- lean in 1-vol HDB). Ramsay (The First Chris- tian Cent., 1911, 195) contends that the perpetuation of the Baur standpoint in Moffatt's Intro to the Lit. of the NT is an anachronism: "We are no longer in the 19th cent, with its negations, but in the 20th cent, with its growing power of insight and the power of beUef that springs therefrom." Van Manen (EB) calls the Baur view that of the "old guard" of liberal theology in Germany, Switzer- land, France, Holland, and, to some extent, in Britain.

      But even in Germany the older conservative view of Paul has always had champions. The most con- sistent of the recent opponents of Baur'S

      3. Protest views in Germany is Th. Zahn (cf his against Einlin das NT, 2 vols, 1897-99; Intro Baur's View to the NT, 3 vols, 1910). In Britain

      the true successor of Lightfoot as the chief antagonist of the Tiibingen School is Sir W. M. Ramsay, whose numerous volumes {Church in the Rom Empire, 1893; Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 1895; St. Paul the Traveller, 1896; Paul- ine and Other Studies, 1906; Cities of Si. Paul, 1908; Luke the Physician and Other Studies, 1908; Pictures of the Apostolic Church, 1910; The First Christian Century, 1911) have given the finishing touches to the overthrow of Baur's contention.

      But even so, already the Baur school had split

      into two parts. The ablest representatives, like

      H. J. Holtzmann, Pfleiderer, Harnack,

      4. Succes- Jiilicher, Lipsius, von Soden, were sorstoBaur compelled to admit more of Paul's

      Epp. as genuine than the four principal ones, till there are left practically none to fight over but Eph and the Pastoral Epp. This progress elimi- nated completely Baur's thesis and approached very nearly to the position of Lightfoot, Ramsay and Zahn. Von Soden {Early Christian Lit., 324) still stands out against 2 Thess, but Harnack has de- serted him on that point. But the old narrow view of Baur is gone, and von Soden is eloquent in his enthusiasm for Paul (ib, 119) : "As we gaze upon the great literary memorials of the Greeks we may well question whether these Pauline letters are not equal to them — indeed, do not surpass them — in spiritual significance, in psychological depths and loftiness of ideal, above all in the art of complete and forcible expression." The other wing of Baur's school Findlay {HDB) calls "ultra-Baurians." It is mainly a Dutch school with Loman and Van Manen as its main exponents, though it has sup- port in Germany from Steck and Volter, and in America from W. B. Smith. These writers do not say that Paul is a myth, but that our sources (Acts and the 13 epp.) are all legendary. It is a relentless carrying of Baur's thesis to a reductio ad absurdum. Van Manen {EB) says of "the historical Paul" as distinct from "the legendary Paul" : "It does not appear that Paul's ideas differed widely from those of the other disciples, or that he had emancipated himself from Judaism or had out- grown the law more than they." When one has disposed of all the evidence he is entirely free to reconstruct the pictures to suit himself. Quite arbitrarily. Van Manen accepts the "we"-sectiona



      in Acts as authoritative. But these give glimpses of the historical Jesus quite as truly as the Pauline Epp., and should therefore be rejected by advocates of the mythical Jesus. So the pendulum swings back and forth. One school destroys the other, but the fact of Paul's personality remains. "The new start is one of such importance that we must distinguish the pre-Pauline from the post-Pauline Christianity, or, what amounts to the same thing, the Palestinian sect and the world-religion" (Wernle, Begmnings of Christianity, I, 159).

      In his Paulus (1904), Wrede finds the explana- tion of Paul's theology in late Jewish apocalyptic views and in the oriental mystery-

      5. Appeal religions. Bousset (Die Religion des to Com- Jvdenthums im NT Zeitalter, 1903) parative seeks to find in the "late Jewish apoc- Religion alyptic" "conceptions from the Bab

      and the Irano-Zarathustriau religions" (Schweitzer, Paul and His Interpreters, 173). Ac- cording to Wrede's view, Paul is one of the creators of "Christ" as distinct from the Jesus of history (cf "Jesus or Christ," HJ, suppl., January, 1909). "Wrede's object is to overthrow the view predomi- nant in modern theology, that Paul loyally and con- sistently expounded and developed the theology of Jesus" (J. Weiss, Paul and Jesus, 1909, 2). J. Weiss in this book makes a careful reply to Wrede as others have done; cf A. Meyer, Jesus or Paul (1909), who concludes (p. 134) dramatically: "Paul — just one who points the way to Jesus and to God!" See also Jillicher, Paulus und Jesus (1907) ; Kaftan, Jesus und Paulus (1906); Kolbing, Die geistige Einwirkung der Person Jesu und Paulus (1906). The best reply to Wrede's arguments about the mystery-religion is found in articles in the Expos for 1912-13 (now in book form) by H. A. A. Kennedy on "St. Paul and the Mystery-Religions." The position of Wrede is carried to its logical conclusion by Drews (Die Christus-Mythe, 1909), who makes Paul the creator of Christianity. W. B. Smith (Der vorchristliche Jesus, 1906) tries to show that "Jesus" was a pre-Christian myth or god. Schweitzer (Paul and His Interpreters, 235) sums the matter up thus: "Drews's thesis is not merely a curiosity; it indicates the natural limit at which the hypothe- sis advanced by the advocates of comparative re- ligion, when left to its own momentum, finally comes to rest."

      Schweitzer himself may be accepted as the best exponent of the rigid application of this view to

      Paul (Paul and His Interpreters, 1912)

      6. The that he had made to Jesus (The Quest Eschatologi- of the Historical Jesus, 1910). He cal later- glories in the ability to answer the pretation absurdities of Steck, Loman and Van

      Manen and Drews by showing that the eschatological conceptions of Paul in his epp. are primitive, not late, and belong to the 1st cent., not to the 2d (Paul and His Interpreters, 249). He thus claims to be the true pupil of Baur, though reaching conclusions utterly different. There is

      undoubtedly an element of truth in this contention of Schweitzer, but he loses his case, when he insists that nothing but eschatology must be allowed to figure. "The edifice constructed by Baur has fallen," he proclaims (p. viii), but he demands that in its place we allow the "exclusively Jewish- eschatological" (p. ix) interpretation. There he slips, and his theory will go the way of that of Baur. C. Anderson Scott ("Jesus and Paul," Cambridge Bib. Essays, 365) admits that Paul has the same eschatological outlook as Jesus, but also the same ethical interest. It is not "either .... or," but both in each case. See a complete bibliography of the "Jesus and Paul" controversy in J. G. Machens' paper on "Jesus and Paul" in Bib. and Theol. Studies (1912, 547 f). As Ramsay insists, we are now in the 20th cent, of insight and sanity, and Paul has come to his own. Even Wernle (Beginnings of Christianity, I, 163) sees that Paul is not the creator of the facts: "He merely trans- mits historical facts. God — Christ — Paul, such is the order." Saintsbury (History of Criticism, 152) says: "It has been the mission of the 19th cent, to prove that everybody's work was written by somebody else, and it will not be the most useless task of the 20th to betake itself to more profitable inquiries."

      ///. Chronology of Paul's Career. — There is not a single date in the life of Paul that is beyond

      dispute, though several are narrowed 1. Schemes to a fine point, and the general course

      and relative proportion of events are clear enough. Luke gave careful data for the time of the birth of Jesus (Lk 2 1 f), for the en- trance of the Baptist on his ministry (3 1 f), and the age of Jesus when He began His work (3 23), but he takes no such pains in the Acts with chro- nology. But we are left with a number of inci- dental allusions and notes of time which call for some discussion. For fuller treatment see Chro- nology OP THE NT. Garvie (Life and Teaching of Paul, 1910, 181) gives a comparative table of the views of Harnack, Turner, Ramsay and Lightfoot for the events from the crucifixion of Christ to the close of Acts. The general scheme is nearly the same, differing from one to four years here and there. Shaw (The Pauline Epp., xi) gives a good chronological scheme. Moffatt (Irdro to the Lit. of the NT, 62 f) gives the theories of 23 scholars:

      Turner, "Chronology," in HDB; Neteler, Unter- suchuno NT Zeiiverhaltni&se, 1S94; O. Holtzraann, NT Zeitgesehichte, 189.5, changed in 2d ed, 1906; Bartlet, Apostolic Age, xiiif; Comely (cf Laurent), NT Studien; Harnack, Chron. d. altchristl. Lit. bis Eusebius, 233— :39; McGiffert, Apo.^tolic Age, 164, 172; Zahn, Intro, III, 450 f; Ramsay, "The Pauline Chronology," Pauline and Other Studies, 345 1; Lighttoot, Bib. Essays, 213-33; Wendt, Ads, 53-60, Meyer, Comm.; Renan, St. Paul: Bomemann, Thess, 17 f, Meyer, Comm.; Clemen, Paulus, 1,411; Giffert, Student's Life of Paul, 242-59; Weiss, Intro. I, 1541; Sabatier, Paui, 13 t; Jiilicher, Einl'.Slt; Findlay, "Paul" in HDB: Farrar, Paul, Appendix; Belser, Theol. Quartalschrift: Steinmann. Abfassungszeitd. Gal, 169; Hoennicke, Die Chronologie des Paulus.

      Let us look at the dates given by ten of this list :



      Har- nack


































      Light- toot



















      before 45










































      Hoen- nicke


      First visit to ,Jerusalem. . . Second visit to Jerusalem First missionary tour . . . Conference at Jerusalem. . Second missionary tour . . Third missionary tour . . .

      Arrest in Jerusalem

      Arrival in Rome

      Death of Paul

      33-35 36-38 45-46 49? 50-52




      This table shows very well the present diversity of opinion on the main points in Paul's life. Before expressing an opinion on the points at issue it is best to examine a few details. Paul himself gives some notes of time. He gives "after 3 years" (Gal 1 18) as the period between his conversion and first visit to Jerus, though he does not necessarily mean 3 full years. In Gal 2 1, Paul speaks of another visit to Jerus "after the space of 14 years." Then again Luke quotes him as saying to the Ephe- sian elders at Miletus that he had spent "3 years" at Ephesus (Acts 20 31). These periods of time all come before Paul's last visit and arrest in Jerus, and they do not embrace all the time between his conversion and arrest. There is also another note of time in 2 Cor 12 2, where he speaks in an enig- matic way of experiences of his "14 years" ago from the writing of this ep. from Macedonia on the third tour. This will take him back to Tarsus before coming to Antioch at the request of Barnabas, and so overlaps a bit the other "14" above, and in- cludes the "3 years" at Ephesus. We cannot, there- fore, add these figures together for the total. But some light may be obtained from further details from Acts and the Epp.

      (1) The death of Stephen. — Saul is "a young man" (Acts 7 58) when this event occurs. Like other

      young Jews he entered upon his life 2. Crucial as a rabbi at the age of thirty. He Points had probably been thus active several

      years, esp. as he was now in a position of leadership and may even have been a member of the Sanhedrin (Acts 26 10). Pontius Pilate was not deposed from his procuratorship till 36 AD, but was in a state of uneasiness for a couple of years. It is more probable, therefore, that the stoning of Stephen would take place after his deposition in the interregnum, or not many years before, when he would be afraid to protest against the lawlessness of the Jewish leaders. He had shown timidity at the death of Jesus, 29 or 30 AD, but some of the forms of law were observed. So nothing decisive is here obtained, though 35 AD seems more prob- able than 32 or 33.

      (2) The flight from Damascus. — Paul locates this humiliating experience (2 Cor 11 32 f) when "the governor under Aretas the king guarded the city of the Damascenes." Aretas the Arabian, and not the Roman, has now control when Paul is writing. The likelihood is that Aretas did not get possession of Damascus till 37 AD, when Tiberius died and was succeeded by Caligula. It is argued by some that the expression "the city of the Damascenes" shows that the city was not under the control of Aretas, but was attacked by a Bedouin chieftain who lay in wait for Paul before the city. That to me seems forced. Jos {Ant, XVIII, v, 3; vi, 3) at any rate is silent concerning the authority of Aretas over Damascus from 35-37 AD, but no coins or inscriptions show Rom rule over the city between 35 and 62 AD. Ramsay, however ("The Pauline Chronology," Pauline and Other Studies, 364), accepts the view of Marquardt (Romische Staats- alterth., I, 404 f) that it was passible for Aretas to have had po.ssession of Damascus before 37 AD. The flight from Damascus 'S the same year as the visit to Jerus, Paul's first after his conversion (Acts 9 26; Gal 1 18). If we knew the precise year of this event, we could subtract two or three years and reach the date of his conversion. Lightfoot in his Comm. on Gal gives 38 as the date of this first visit to Jerus, and 36 as the date of the conversion, taking "after 3 years" in a free way, but in his Bib. Essays, 221, he puts the visit in 37 and the conver- sion in 34, and says "'after 3 years' must mean three whole years, or substantially so." Thus we miss a sure date again.

      (3) The death of Herod Agrippa I. — Here the point of contact between the Acts (12 1-4.19-23) and Jos (Ant, XIX, viii) is beyond dispute, since both record and describe in somewhat similar vein the death of this king. Jos says that at the time of his death he had already completed the 3d year of his reign over the whole of Judaea (Ant, XIX, viii, 2). He received this dignity soon after Claudius began to reign in 41 AD, so that makes the date 44 AD. He died after the Passover in that year (44), for Peter was imprisoned by him during that feast (Acts 12 3). But unfortunately Luke sandwiches the narrative about Herod Agrippa in between the visit of Barnabas and Saul to Jerus from Antioch (Acts 11 29 f) and their return to Antioch (12 25). He does not say that the events here recorded were exactly synchronous with this visit, for he says merely "about that time." We are allowed therefore to place this visit before 44 AD or after, just as the facts require. The mention of "elders" in Acts 11 30 instead of apostles (cf both in 15 4) may mean that the apostles are absent when the visit is made. After the death of James (12 1 f ) and release of Peter we note that Peter "went to another place" (12 17). But the apostles are back again in Jerus in 15 4 ff. Lightfoot (Bib. Essays, 216) therefore places the visit "at the end of 44, or in 45." Once more we slip the connection and fail to fix a firm date for Paul. It is disputed also whether this 2d visit to Jerus according to Acts (9 26; 11 29 f) is the same as the "again" in Gal 2 1. Ramsay (St. Paul the Traveller, 59) identifies the visit in Gal 2 1 with that in Acts 11 29 f, but Lightfoot (Bib. Essays, 221) holds that it "must be identified with the third of the Acts" (15 4 ff). In Gal 1 and 2 Paul is not recording his visits to Jerus, but showing his inde- pendence of the apostles when he met them in Jerus. There is no proof that he saw the apostles on the occasion of the visit in Acts 11 29 f. The point of Lightfoot is well taken, but we have no point of contact with the outside history for locating more precisely the date of the visit of Gal 2 1 and Acts 15 4 ff, except that it was after the first missionary tour of Acts 13 and 14.

      (4) The first missionary tour. — Sergius Paulus is proconsul of Cyprus when Barnabas and Saul visit the island (Acts 13 7). The proconsul Paulus is men- tioned in a Gr inscription of Soloi (Hogarth, Devia Cypria, 1889, 114) and Lucius Sergius Paulus in CIL, VI, 31, 545, but, as no mention of his being proconsul is here made, it is probably earlier than that time. The Soloi inscription bears the date 53 AD, but Sergius Paulus was not proconsul in 51 or 52. Hence he may have been proconsul in 50 or the early part of 51 AD. It could not be later and may have been earlier.

      (5) The first visit to Corinth. — The point to note here is that Gallio becomes proconsul of Achaia (Acts 18 12). Paul has been apparently in Corinth a year and six months when Gallio appears on the scene (Acts 18 11). Aquila and Priscilla had "lately come from Italy" (18 2) when Paul arrived there. They had been expelled from Rome by the emperor Claudius (18 2). On the arrival of Gallio the Jews at once accuse Paul before him; he refuses to interfere, and Paul stays on for a while and then leaves for Syria with Aquila and Priscilla (18 18). Deissmann (St. Paul, Appendix, I, "The Procon- sulate of L. Junius Gallio") has shown beyond reasonable doubt that Gallio, the brother of Seneca, became proconsul of Achaia about July, 51 AD (or possibly 52). On a stone found at Delphi, Gallio is mentioned as proconsul of Achaia according to the probable restoration of part of the text. But the stone mentions the fact that Claudius had been acclaimed imperator 26 times. By means of an- other inscription we get the 27th proclamation as



      imperator in connection with the dedication of an aqueduct on August 1, 52 AD. So thus the 26th time is before this date, some time in the earlier part of the year. We need not follow in detail the turns of the argument (see Deissmann, op. cit.). Once more we do not get a certain date as to the year. It is either the summer of 51 or 52 AD, when Gallio comes. And Paul has already been in Corinth a year and a half. But the terminus ad quern for the close of Paul's two years' stay in Corinth would be the early autumn of 52 AD, and more probably 51 AD. Hence the 2 Thessalonian Epp. cannot be later than this date. Before the close of 52 AD, and probably 51, therefore must come the 2d mis- sionary tour, the conference at Jerus, the first mis- sionary tour, etc. Deissmann is justified in his enthusiasm on this point. He is positive that 51 AD is the date of the arrival of Gallio.

      (6) Paul at Troas according to Acts 20 6 f. — On this occasion Luke gives the days and the time of year (Passover). Ramsay figures (St. Paul the Traveller, 289 f) that Paul had his closing service at Troas on Sunday evening and the party left early Monday morning. Hence he argues back to the Passover at Philippi and concludes that the days as given by Luke will not fit into 56, 58, or 59 AD, but will suit 57. If he is correct in this matter, then we should have a definite year for the last trip to Jerus. Lewin [Fasti Sacri, nos. 1856, 1857) reaches the same conclusion. The conclusion is logical if Luke is exact in his use of days in this passage. Yet Lightfoot insists on 58 AD, but Ramsay has the advantage on this point. See Pauline and Other Studies, 352 f.

      (7) Festus succeeding Felix. — When was Felix recalled? He was appointed procurator in 52 AD (Schiirer, Jeutish People in the Time of Christ, I, ii, 174). He was already ruler "many years" (Acts 24 10) when Paul appears before him in Caesarea. He holds on "two years" when he is succeeded by Festus (Acts 24 27). But in the Chronicle of Eusebius (Armenian text) it is stated that the recall of Felix took place in the last year of Claudius, or 54 AD. But this is clearly an error, in spite of the support given to it by Harnack {Chronologic d. Paulus), since Jos puts most of the rule of Felix in the reign of Nero (Ant, XX, viii, 1-9; BJ, II, xii, 8-14), not to mention the "many years" of Paul in Acts 24 10. But the error of Eusebius has now been explained by Erbes in his Todestage Pauli und Petri, and is made perfectly clear by Ramsay in Pauline and Other Studies, 349 ff. Eusebius over- looked the interregnum of 6 years between the death of Herod Agrippa I in 44 AD and the first year of Herod Agrippa II in 50 AD. Eusebius learned that Festus came in the 10th year of Herod Agrippa II. Counting from 50 AD, that gives us 59 AD as the date of the recall of Felix. This date harmo- nizes with all the known facts. "The great majority of scholars accept the date 60 for Festus; but they confess that it is only an approximate date, and there is no decisive argument for it" (Ramsay, Pauline and Other Studies, 351). For minute dis- cussion of the old arguments see Nash, art. "Paul" in new Sch- Herz Ejic; Schiirer, Hist of the Jewish People, I, ii, 182 ff . But if Erbes and Ramsay are correct, we have at last a date that will stand. So then Paul sails for Rome in the late summer of 59 AD and arrives at his destination in the early spring ("had wintered," Acts 28 11) of 60 AD. He had been "two whole years in his own hired dwelling" (28 30) when Luke closes the Acts. On the basis of his release in 63 or early 64 and the journeyings of the Pastoral Epp., Paul's death would come by early summer of 68 before Nero's death, and possibly in 67. On this point see later. Wo can now count back from 59 AD with reasonable clearness to 57 as

      the date of Paul's arrest in Jerus. Paul spent at least a year and three months (Acta 19 8.10) in Ephesus (called in round numbers three years in Acts 20 31) . It took a year for him to reach Jerus, from Pentecost (1 Cor 16 8) to Pentecost (Acts 20 16). From the spring of 57 AD we thus get back to the end of 53 as the time of his arrival in Ephesus (Acts 19 1). We have seen that Gallio came to Corinth in the summer of 51 AD (or 52), after Paul had been there a year and a half (Acts 18 11), leaving ample time in either case for the journeys from Corinth to Ephesus, to Caesarea, to Jerus apparently (Acts 18 21 f), and to Ephesus (19 1) from the summer of 51 (or 52) we go back two years to the beginning of the 2d missionary tour (Acts 16 1-6) as 49 (or 50). The Jerus Con- ference was probably in the same year, and the first missionary tour would come in the two (or three) preceding years 47 and 48 (48-49). The stay at An- tioch (Acts 14 28) may have been of some length. So we come back to the end of 44 or beginning of 45 for the visit to Jerus in Acts 11 29 f. Before that comes the year in Antioch with Barnabas (11 26), the years in Tarsus in Cilicia, the "three years" after the conversion spent mostly in Arabia (Gal 1 17 f), Paul's first appearance at the death of Stephen (Acts 7 58). These early dates are more conjectural, but even so the facts seem to indicate 35 AD as the probable year of Saul's conversion. The year of his birth would then be between 1 and 5 AD, probably nearer 1. If so, and if his death was in 67 or 68 AD his age is well indicated. He was "Paul the Aged (Philem ver 9) when he wrote to Philemon from Rome in 61-63 AD.

      IV. His Equipment. — Ramsay chooses as the title of ch ii, in his St. Paul the Traveller, the words "The Origin of St. Paul." It is not possible to explain the work and teaching of Paul without a just con- ception of the forces that entered into his life. Paul himself is still woefully misunderstood by some. Thus A. Meyer (Jesus or Paxil, 1909, 119) says: "In spite of all that has been said, there is no doubt that St. Paul, with his peculiar personality, with his tendency to recondite gnostic speculation and rabbinic argument, has heavily encumbered the cause of Christianity. For many simple souls, and for many natures that are otherwise constituted than himself, he has barred the way to the simple Christianity of Jesus." That is a serious charge against the man who claimed to have done more than all the other apostles, and rightly, so far as we can tell (1 Cor 15 10), and who claimed that his interpretation of Jesus was the only true one (Gal 1 7-9). Moffatt (Paul and Paulinism, 1910, 70) minimizes the effect of Paulinism: "The majority of Paul's distinctive conceptions were either mis- understood, or dropped, or modified, as the case might be, in the course of a few decades." "Paul- inism as a whole stood almost as far apart from the Christianity that followed it as from that which preceded it" (ib, 73). "The aim of some scholars seems to be to rob every great thinker of his origi- nality" (Garvie, Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 1). Ramsay (Pauline and Other Studies, 3 ff) boldly challenges the modern prejudice of some scholars against Paul by asking, "Shall we hear evi- dence or not?" Every successive age must study afresh the life and work of Paul (ib, 27) if it would understand him. Deissmann (St. Paul, 3 f) rightly sees that "St. Paul is spiritually the great power of the apostolic age." Hence "the historian, surveying the beginnings of Christianity, sees St. Paul as first after Jesus." Peine (Jesus Christus und Paidus, 1902, 298) claims that Paul grasped the essence of the ministry of Christ "auf das tiefsto." I own myself a victim to "the charm of Paul," to use Ramsay's phrase (Pauline and Other Studies,



      27). In seeking to study "the shaping influences" in Paul's career (Alexander, The Ethics of Si. Paul, 1910, 27), we shall be in error if we seek to explain everything by heredity and environment and if we deny any influence from these sources. He is what he is because of original endowments, the world of his day, and his experience of Christ Jesus. He had both essential and accidental factors in his equipment (Fairbairn, Studies in Religion and Theology, 1910, 469 f ) . Let us note the chief factors in his religious development.

      Geography plays an important part in any life. John the Baptist spent his boyhood in the hill

      country of Judaea in a small town 1. The City (Lk 1 39) and then in the wilderness. of Tarsus Jesus spent His boyhood in the town

      of Nazareth and the country round. Both John and Jesus show fondness for Nature in all its forms. Paul grew up in a great city and spent his life in the great cities of the Rom empire. He makes little use of the beauties of Nature, but he has a keen knowledge of men (cf Robertson, Epochs in the Life of Paul, 12). Paul was proud of his great city (Acts 21 39). He was not merely a resident, but a "citizen" of this distinguished city. This fact shows that Paul's family had not just emigrated from Judaea to Tarsus a few years before his birth, but had been planted in Tarsus as part of a colony with full municipal rights (Ramsay, St. Paul the Tramller, 31 f). Tarsus was the capital of Cilicia, then a part of the province of Syria, but it had the title of metropolis and was a free city, urhs libera (Pliny, NH, v. 27). To the ancient Gr the city was his "fatherland" (Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 1908, 90). Tarsus was situated on the river Cydnus, and in a wide plain with the hill country behind and the snow-covered Taurus Mountains in the distance. It was subject to ma- laria. Ramsay (ib, 117 ff) from Gen 10 4 f holds that the early inhabitants were Greeks mingled with Orientals. East and West flowed together here. It was a Rom town also with a Jewish colony (ib, 169 ff), constituting a city tribe to which Paul's family belonged. So then Tarsus was a typical city of the Gr-Rom civihzation.

      The religions of the times all met there in this great mart of business. But it was one of the great seats of culture also. Strabo (xiv.6.73) even says that "Tarsus surpassed all other universities, such as Alexandria and Athens, in the study of philosophy and educational lit- erature in general. " "Its great preeminence," he adds, "consists in this, that the men of learning here are aU natives." Accordingly, he and others have made up a long list of distinguished men who flourished at Tarsus in the late autumn of Gr learning : philosophers — of the Academy, of the Epicurean and Stoic schools — poets, grammarians, physicians. At Tarsus, one might say, "you breathed the atmosphere of learning" (Lightfoot. Bib. Essaua, 205). But Kamsay (CthVs o/ S(. Paul, 231 f) cautions us not to misunderstand .Strabo. It was not even one of the three great universities of the world in point of equipment, fame, students from abroad, or general standing. It was not on a par with Athens and Alexandria, except that "it was rich in what constitutes the true excellence and strength of a university, intense enthusiasm and desire for knowledge among the students and great ability and experience among some at least of the teachers" (ib, 233). Strabo was very fond of Athenodorus, for instance. No students from abroad came to Tarsus, but they went from Tarsus elsewhere. But Philostratus represents Apollonius of Tyana as disgusted with the university and the town, and Dio Chrysostom describes Tarsus as an oriental and non- Hellenic town.

      Ramsay speaks of Tarsus in the reign of Augustus as "the one example known in history of a state ruled by a university acting through its successive prin- cipals." "It is characteristic of the general tend- ency of university life in a prosperous and peaceful empire, that the rule of the Tarsian University was marked by a strong reaction toward oligarchy and a curtailment of democracy; that also belongs to the oriental spirit, which was so strong in the city. But

      the crowning glory of Tarsus, the reason for its undying interest to the whole world, is that it produced the apostle Paul; that it was the one city which was suited by its equipoise between the Asiatic and the Western spirit to mold the char- acter of the great Hellenist Jew; and that it nourished in him a strong source of loyalty and patriotism as the citizen of no mean city" (Ram- say, op. cit., 23.5). The city gave him a schooling in his social, political, intellectual, moral, and reli- gious life, but in varying degrees, as we shall see. It was because Tarsus was a cosmopolitan city with "an amalgamated society" that it possessed the peculiar suitability "to educate and mold the mind of him who would in due time make the religion of the Jewish race intelligible to the Gr-Rom world" (ib, 88). As a citizen of Tarsus Paul was a citizen of the whole world.

      It was no idle boast with Paul when he said, "But I am a Roman bom" (Acts 22 28). The chief

      captain might well be "afraid when he 2. Roman knew that he was a Roman, and be- Citizenship cause he had bound him" (22 29).

      Likewise the magistrates at Philippi "feared when they heard that they were Romans" (Acts 16 39), and promptly released Paul and Silas and "asked them to go away from the city." "To the Roman his citizenship was his passport in dis- tant lands, his talisman in seasons of difficulties and danger. It shielded him alike from the caprice of municipal law and the injustice of local magis- trates" (Lightfoot, Bib. Essays, 203). As a citizen of Rome, therefore, Paul stood above the common herd. He ranked with the aristocracy in any pro- vincial town (Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 31). He would naturally have a kindly feeling for the Rom government in return for this high privilege and protection. In its pessimism the Rom empire had come to be the world's hope, as seen in the Fourth Eclogue of Virgil (Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 49). Paul would seize upon the Rom empire as a fit symbol of the kingdom of heaven. "Our citizenship is in heaven" (Phil 3 20); "Ye are no more strangers and sojourners, but ye are fellow- citizens with the saints" (Eph 2 19). So he inter- prets the church in terms of the body politic as well as in terms of the Israelite theocracy (Col 2 19). "All this shows the deep impression which the Rom institutions made on St. Paul" (Lightfoot, Bib. Essays, 205). Ramsay draws a striking parallel under the heading, "Paulinism in the Rom Empire" (Cities of St. Paul, 70 ff). "A universal Paulinism and a universal Empire must either coalesce, or the one must destroy the other." It was Paul's knowledge of the Rom empire that gave him his imperialism and statesmanlike grasp of the problems of Christianity in relation to the Rom empire. Paul was a statesman of the highest type, as Ram- say has conclusively shown (Pauline and Other Studies, 49-100). Moffatt (Paul and Paulinism, 66) does say: "His perspective was not imperial- istic," but he shows thereby a curious inability to understand Paul. The vision of Paul saw that the regeneration of the empire could come only through Christianity. Ramsay strikingly shows how the emperor dreaded the spiritual upheaval in Paulin- ism and fought it steadily till the time of Constan- tine, when "an official Christianity was victorious, but Pauline Christianity had perished, and Paul was now a mere saint, no longer Paul but St. Paul, for- gotten as a man or a teacher, but remembered as a sort of revivification of the old pagan gods" (Cities of St. Paul, 78). But, as Ramsay says, "it was not dead; it was only waiting its opportunity; it revived when freedom of thought and freedom of life began to stir in Europe; and it guided^ and stimulated the Protestants of the Reformation."



      Suffer Ramsay once more {Pauline and Other Studies, 100); "Barbarism proved too powerful for the Gr-Rom civilization unaided by the new reli- gious bond; and every channel through which that civilization was preserved or interest in it main- tained, either is now or has been in some essential part of its course Christian after the Pauline form." Paul would show the Rom genius for organ- izing the churches established by him. Many of his churches would be in Rom colonies (Antioch in Pisidia, Philippi, Corinth, etc). He would address his most studied ep. to the church in Rome, and Rome would be the goal of his ministry for many years (Findlay, HDB). He would show his conver- sance with Rom law, not merely in knowing how to take advantage of his rights as a citizen, but also in the use of legal terms like "adoption" (Gal 4 5 f), where the adopted heir becomes son, and heir and son are interchangeable. This was the obsolete Rom law and the Gr law left in force in the prov- inces (cf Gal 3 15). But in Rom 8 16 f the actual revocable Rom law is referred to by which "heirship is now deduced from sonship, whereas in Gal son- ship is deduced from heirship; for at Rome a son must be an heir, but an heir need not be a son (cf He 9 15 ff which presupposes Rom law and the revocabihty of a will)" (Maclean in 1-vol HDB). So in Gal 3 24 the tutor or pedagogue presents a Gr custom preserved by the Romans. This per- sonal guardian of the child (often a slave) led him to school, and was not the guardian of the child's property in Gal 4 2. See Ramsay, Gal, 337-93; Ball, St. Paul and the Rom Law, 1901, for further discussion. As a Roman, Paul would have "nomen and praenomen, probably taken from the Rom officer who gave his family citntas; but Luke, a Greek, had no interest in Rom names. Paulus, his cognomen, was not determined by his nomen; there is no reason to think he was an Jimilius" (Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 31). It is probable, though not certain, that Paul spoke Latin (see Souter, Ex- pos, April, 1911). He was at any rate a "Roman gentleman" (Findlay, HDB), as is shown by the dignity of his bearing before governors and kings and the respect accorded him by the proconsul Sergius Paulus, the procurator Porcius Festus, and the centurion Julius, whose prisoner he was in the voyage to Rome. His father, as a Rom citizen, probably had some means which may have come to Paul before the appeal to Rome, which was ex- pensive (Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 310 ff). Though a prisoner in Rome, he made Rome "his best vantage ground and his adoptive home," and it was here that he rose to "his loftiest conceptions of the nation and destiny of the universal church" (Findlay, HDB) as "an ambassador in chains" (Eph 6 20). As a Rom citizen, according to tra- dition, he was beheaded with the sword and not subjected to crucifixion, the traditional fate of Simon Peter. He saw the true pax Romana to be the peace that passeth all understanding (Phil 4 7; cf Rostron, The Christology of St. Paul, 1912, 19).

      It is not possible "to specify all the influences that worked on Paul in his youth" (Ramsay, Cities of

      St. Paul, 79). We do not know all 3. Hellen- the life of the times. But he was ism subject to all that life in so far as any

      other Jewish youth was. "He was master of all the education and the opportunities of his time. He turned to his profit and to the ad- vancement of his great purpose all the resources of civilization" (Ramsay, Pauline and Other Studies, 285) . I heartily agree with this conception of Paul's ability to assimilate the life of his time, but one must not be led astray so far as Schramm who, in 1710, wrote De stupenda eruditione Pauli ("On the

      Stupendous Erudition of Paul"). This is, of course, absurd, as Lightfoot shows [Bih. Essays, 206). But we must not forget Paul lived in a Gr city and possessed Gr citizenship also (Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 33) . Certainly the Gr traits of adapt- ability, curiosity, alertness, the love of investi- gation were marked features of his character, and Tarsus afforded wide opportunity for the acquiring of these qualities {The Ethics of St. Paul, 39). He learned to speak the vernacular koine like a native and with the ease and swing displayed by no other NT writer save Luke and the author of He. He has a "poet's mastery of language," though with the passion of a soul on fire, rather than with the arti- ficial rules of the rhetoricians of the day (Deiss- mann, Light from the Ancient East, 239 f). Blass {Die Rhythmen der asianischen und romischen Kunst- prosa, 1905) holds that Paul wrote "rhythmically elaborated artistic prose — a singular instance of the great scholar's having gone astray" (Deissmann, Light, etc, 64). But there is evidence that Paul was familiar with the use of the diatribe and other com- mon rhetorical devices, though he was very far from being tinged with Atticism or Asianism. It is cer- tain that Paul did not attend any of the schools of rhetoric and oratory. Heinrici (Vorrede to 1 Cor in Meyer's Krit. exeget. Komm.) argues that Paul's methods and expressions conform more nearly to the cynic and Stoic diatribe than to the rabbinical dialectic; cf also Wendland und Kern, Philo u. d. kynisch-stoische Diatribe, and Hicks, "St. Paul and Hellenism" in Stud. Bib., IV. How extensive was his acquaintance with Gr lit. is in doubt. Light- foot says: "There is no ground for saying that St. Paul was a very erudite or highly-cultivated man. An obvious maxim of practical life from Menander (1 Cor 15 33), a religious sentiment of Cleanthes repeated by Aratus, himself a native of Tarsus (Acts 17 28), a pungent satire of Epimenides (Tit 1 12), with possibly a passage here and there which dimly reflects some classical writer, these are very slender grounds on which to build the supposition of vast learning" {Bib. Essays, 206); but Lightfoot admits that he obtained directly or indirectly from contact with Gr thought and learning lessons far wider and more useful for his work than a perfect style or a familiar acquaintance with the classical writers of antiquity. Even so, there is no reason to say that he made his few quotations from hear- say and read no Gr books (cf Zahn, Intro to the NT, 52). Certainly he knew the Gr OT and the Jewish Apoo and apocalypses in Gr. Garvie is only willing to admit that Paul had such knowledge of Gr lit. and philosophy as any Jew, living among Greeks, might pick up {Life and Teaching of Paul, 2), and charges Ramsay with "overstating the influence of the gentile environment on Paul's development" {Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 8). Ramsay holds that it is quite "possible that the philosophical school at Tarsus had exercised more influence on Paul than is commonly allowed" {St. Paul the Traveller, 354). Tarsus was the home of Atheno- dorus. It was a stronghold of Stoic thought. "At least five of the most eminent teachers of that phi- losophy were in the university" (Alexander, Ethics of St. Paul, 47). It is not possible to say whether Paul attended these or any lectures at the university, though it is hard to conceive that a brilliant youth like Saul could grow up in Tarsus with no mental stimulus from such a university. Garvie (ib, 6) asks when Paul could have studied at the univer- sity of Tarsus. He was probably too young before he went to Jerus to study under Gamaliel. But it ia not probable that he remained in Jerus continuously after completing his studies till we see him at the death of Stephen (Acts 7 58). He may have returned to Tarsus meanwhile and taken such



      studies. Another possibility is that he took advan- tage of the years in Tarsus after his conversion (Acts 9 30; Gal 1 21) to equip himself better for his mission to the Gentiles to which he had been called. There is no real difficulty on the score of time. The world was saturated with Gr ideas, and Paul could not escape them. He could not escape it unless he was innocent of all culture. Ramsay sees in Paul a love of truth and reality "wholly incon- ceivable in a more narrow Hebrew, and wholly inexplicable without an education in Gr philosophy" ("St. Paul and Hellenism," Cities of St. Paul, 34). Paul exhibited a freedom and universalism that he found in the Gr thought of the time which was not so decayed as some think. For the discussion be- tween Garvie and Ramsay see Expos, April and December, 1911. Pfleiderer {Urchrislenihum, Vor- wort, 174-78) finds a "double root" of Paulinism, a Christianized Hellenism and a Christianized Phari- saism. Harnack is more nearly correct in saying that "notwithstanding Paul's Gr culture, his con- ception of Christianity is, in its deepest ground, in- dependent of Hellenism." The Hellenistic influence on Paul was relative and subordinate (Wendland, Die hel.-rom. Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zu Juden- thum und Christenthum, 3te Aufl, 1912, 245), but it was real, as Kohler shows {Zum Verstdndnis des Apostels Paulus, 9). He had a "Gr inheritance" beyond a doubt, and it was not all unconscious or subliminal as Rostrou argues {Christology of St. Paul, 17). It is true that in Athens the Stoics and Epi- cureans ridiculed Paul as a "picker up of learning's crumbs" — Browning's rendering (An Epistle) of a-irepfw\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\6yos, spermoUgos. Paul shows a fine scorn of the sophistries and verbal refinements of the mere philosophers and orators in 1 Cor 1 and 2, but all the same he reveals a real apprehension of the true significance of knowledge and life. Dr. James Adam ( The Religious Teachers of Greece, 360) shows instances of "the real kinship of thought between Plato and St. Paul." He does not undertake to say how it came about. He has a Platonic expression, tA Sih ToO aiifiaTos, td did tou somatos, in 2 Cor 5 10, and uses a Stoic and cynic word in 2 Cor 9 8, airdpKei.a.i', autdrkeian. Indeed, there are so many similarities between Paul and Seneca in language and thought that some scholars actually predicate an acquaintance or dependence of the one on the other. It is far more likely that Paul and Seneca drew upon the common phrases of current Stoicism- than that Seneca had seen Paul's Epp. or knew him personally. Lightfoot has a classic discussion of the matter in his essay on "St. Paul and Seneca" in the Coram, on Phil (see also Carr, "St. Paul's Attitude to Gr Philosophy," Expos, V, ix). Alex- ander finds four Stoic ideas (Divine Immanence, Wisdom, Freedom, Brotherhood) taken and glori- fied by Paul to do service for Christ [Ethics of St. Paul, 49-55). Often Paul uses a Stoic phrase with a Christian content. Lightfoot boldly argues (Bib. Essays, 207) that the later Gr lit. was a fitter hand- maid for the diffusion of the gospel than the earlier. Paul as the apostle to the Gr-Rom world had to "understand the bearings of the moral and religious life of Greece as expressed in her literature, and this lesson he could learn more impartially and more fully at Tarsus in the days of her decline than at Athens in the freshness of her glory" (ib). Ramsay waxes bold enough to discuss "the Pauline philosophy of history" (Cities of St. Paul, 10-13).^ I confess to sympathy with this notion and find it in all the Paul- ine epp., esp. in Rom. Moffatt (Paul and Paulin- ism, 66) finds "a religious philosophy of history" in Rom 9-11, throbbing with strong personal emotiori. Paul rose to the height of the true Christian phi- losopher, though not a technical philosopher of the schools. Deissmann (St. Paul, 53) admits his lan-

      guage assigns him "to an elevated class," and yet he insists that he wrote "large letters" (Gal 6 11) because he had "the clumsy, awkward writing of a workman's hand deformed by toil" (p. 51). I can- not agree that here Deissmann understands Paul. He makes "the world of St. Paul" on too narrow a scale.

      Was Paul influenced by Mithraism? H. A. A. Kennedy has given the subject very careful and

      thorough treatment in a series of pa- 4. The pers in Expos for 1912-13, already

      Mystery- mentioned (see II, 5, above). His Religions arguments are conclusive on the whole

      against the wild notions of W. B. Smith, Der vorchristliche Jesus; J. M. Robertson, Pagan Christs; A. Drews, Die Christus-Mylhe; and Lublinski, Die Entsiehung des Chrislenlums aus der antiken Kultur. A magic papyrus about 300 AD has "I adjure thee by the god of the Hebrew Jesu" (11. 3019 f), but Deissmann (Light from the Ancient East, 256) refuses to believe this line genu- ine: "No Christian, still less a Jew, would have called Jesus 'the god of the Hebrews.' " Clemen (Primitive Christianity and Its non- Jewish Sources, 1912, 336) indorses this view of Deissmann and says that in the 1st cent. AD "one cannot speak of non- Jewish influences on Christology." One may dis- miss at once the notion that Paul "deified" Jesus into a god and made Him Christ under the influence of pagan myths. Certainly pagan idolatry was forced upon Paul's attention at every turn. It stirred his spirit at Athens to see the city full of idols (Acts 17 16), and he caught eagerly at the altar to an unknown god to give him an easy intro- duction to the true God (17 23); but no one can read Rom 1 and 2 and believe that Paul was carried away by the philosophy of vain deceit of his time. He does use the words "wisdom" and "mystery" often in 1 Cor, Col, and Eph, and in Phil 4 12, "I [have] learned the secret," he uses a word employed in the mystic cults of the time. It is quite possible that Paul took up some of the phrases of these mystery- religions and gave them a richer content for his own purposes, as he did with some of the gnostic phrase- ology (Pleroma, "fulness," for instance). But Schweitzer (Paul and His Interpreters, 191 f) deals a fatal blow against the notion that the mystery- religions had a formative influence on Paul. He urges, with point, that it is only in the 2d cent, that these cults became widely extended in the Rom empire. The dates and development are obscure, but it "is certain that Paul cannot have known the mystery-religions in the form in which they are known to us, because in this fully developed form they did not exist." Cumont (Les religions orientates dans le paganisme romain, 2d ed, 1909 [ET]) insists repeatedly on the difficulties in the way of assuming without proof that Mithraism had any influence on Paul. But in particular it is urged that Paul drew on the "mysteries" for his notions of baptism and the Lord's Supper as having magical effects. Ap- peal is made to the magical use of the name of Jesus by the strolling Jewish exorcists in Ephesus (Acts 18 13 ff). Kirsopp Lake (Earlier Epp. of St. Paul, 233) holds that at Corinth they all accepted Christianity as a mystery-religion and Jesus as "the Redeemer-God, who had passed through death to life, and offered participation in this new life to those who shared in the mysteries which He offered," viz. baptism and the Lord's Supper. But Kennedy (Expos, December, 1912, 548) easily shows how with Paul baptism and the Lord's Supper are not magi- cal sacraments producing new life, but symbolic pictures of death to sin and new life in Christ which the believer has already experienced. The battle is still raging on the subject of the mystery-religions, but it is safe to say that so far nothing more than



      illustrative material has been shown to be true of Paul's teaching from this source.

      There is nothing incongruous in the notion that Paul knew as much about the mystery-religions as he did about incipient Gnosticism. Indeed the two things may have been to some extent combined in some places. A passage in Col 2 18 has long bothered commentators: "dwelling in the tilings which heliath seen. ' ' or (m) "taking his stand upon the things , ' ' etc. Westcott and Hort even suspected an early error in the text, but the same word, e^^areutit, embateuo, has been found by Sir W. M. Ramsay as a result of investigations by Makridi Bey, of the Turk- ish Imperial Museum , in the sanctuary of Apollo at Claros, a town on the Ionian coast. Some of the initiates here record the fact and say that being "enquirers, having been initiated, they entered" (emhateuo) . The word is thus used of one who, having been initiated, enters into the life of the initiate (cf Independent, 1913, 376). Clearly, then, Paul uses the word in that sense in Col 2 18.

      For further discussion see Jacoby, Die antiken Mys~ terienreligionen und das Christentum; Glover, Conflict of Religions in the Early Rom Empire; Reitzenstein, Die hell. Mysterienreligionen; Friedlander, Rom Life and Manners under the Early Empire, III; Thorburn, Jesus Christ, Historical or Mythical.

      M. Brtickner (Der slerbende und auferstehende Gottheiland in den orientalischen Religionen und ihr Verhdltnis zum Christentum, 1908) says: "As in Christianity, so in many oriental religions, a belief in the death and resurrection of a Redeemer-God (sometimes as His Son) occupied a central place in the worship and cultus." To this Schweitzer (Paul and His Interpreters, 193) replies: "What manipula- tions the myths and rites of the cults in question must have undergone before this general statement could become possible! Where is there anything about dying and resurrection in Mithra?" There we may leave the matter.

      Paul was Gr and Rom, but not "pan-Bab," though he was keenly alive to all the winds of doc- trine that blew about him, as we see 5. Judaism in Col, Eph, and the Pastoral Epp. But he was most of all the Jew, that is, before his conversion. He remained a Jew, even though he learned how to be all things to all men (1 Cor 9 22). Even though glorying in his mission as apostle to the Gentiles (Eph 3 8), he yet always put the Jew first in opportunity and peril (Rom 2 9 f ) . He loved the Jews almost to the point of death (Rom 9 3). He was proud of his Jewish lineage and boasted of it (2 Cor 11 16-22; Acts 22 3 ff; 26 4ff; Phil 3 4-6). "His religious patriotism flickered up within his Chris- tianity" (Moffatt, Paul and Paulinism, 66). Had he not been a Rom citizen with some Gr culture and his rich endowments of mind, he would prob- ably not have been the "chosen vessel" for the work of Christ among the Gentiles (Garvie, Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 15). Had he not been the thorough Jew, he could not have mediated Christianity from Jew to Greek. "In the mind of Paul a universalized Hellenism coalesced with a uni- versalized Hebraism" (Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 43). Ramsay strongly opposes the notion of Har- nack and others that Paul can be understood "as purely a Hebrew." So in Paul both Hebraism and Hellenism meet, though Hebraism is the main stock. He is a Jew in the Gr-Rom world and a part of it, not a mere spectator. He is the Hellenistic Jew, not the Aram. Jew of Pal (cf Simon Peter's vision on the house-top at Joppa, for instance). But Paul is not a Hellenizing Jew after the fashion of Jason and Menelaus in the beginning of the Maccabean conflict. Findlay (HDB) tersely says: "The Jew in him was the foundation of everything that Paul became." But it was not the narrowest type of Judaism in spite of his persecution of the Christians. He belonged to the Judaism of the Dispersion. As a Rom citizen in a Gr city he had departed from the narrowest lines of his people (Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, 47). His Judaism was pure, in fact, as he gives it to us in Phil 3 5. He

      was a Jew of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Ben- jamin. He was a Hebrew, of the seed of Abraham (2 Cor 11 22). He shared in full all the covenant blessings and privileges of his people (Rom 9 1-5), whose crowning glory was, that of them came Jesus the Messiah. He was proud of the piety of his an- cestors (2 Tim 1 3), and made progress as a student of Judaism ahead of his fellows (Gal 1 14). His ancestry was pure, Hebrew of the Hebrews (Phil 3 5), and so his family preserved the native Pales- tinian traditions in Tarsus. His name Saul was a proof of loyalty to the tribe of Benjamin as his cognomen Paul was evidence of his Rom citizen- ship. In his home he would be taught the law by his mother (cf Gal 1 14), as was true of Timothy's mother and grandmother (2 Tim 15). In Tarsus he would go to the synagogue also. We know little of his father, save that he w^as a Rom citizen and so a man of position in Tarsus and possibly of some wealth; that he was a tent-maker and taught his son the same trade, as all Jewish fathers did, what- ever their rank in life; that he was a Pharisee and brought up his son as a Pharisee (Acts 23 6), and that he sent the young Saul to Jerus to study at the feet of Gamaliel (Acts 22 3). Paul always con- sidered himself a Pharisee as distinct from the Sad- ducaic scepticism (23 6). Many of the Pharisaic doctrines were identical with those of Christianity. That Paul did not consider himself a Pharisee in all respects is shown later by his conflict with the Juda- izers (Gal 2; Acts 15; 2 Cor 10-13). Paul says that he was reared as a strict Pharisee (Acts 26 5), though the school of Gamaliel (grandson of Hillel) was not so hard and narrow as that of Shammai. But all Pharisees were stricter than the Sadducees. So Jerus played an important part in the training of Saul (Acts 22 3), as Paul recognized. He was known in Jerus as a student. He knew Aram, as well as Gr (and Lat), and could speak in it so as to attract the attention of a Jewish audience (Acts 22 2). Paul was fortunate in his great teacher Gama- liel, who was liberal enough to encourage the study of Gr lit. But his liberality in defending the apos- tles against the Sadducees in Acts 5 34-39 must not be misinterpreted in comparison with the perse- cuting zeal of his brilliant pupil against Stephen (7 68). Stephen had opened war on the Pharisees themselves, and there is no evidence that Gamaliel made a defence of Stephen against the lawless rage of the Sanhedrin. It is common for pupils to go farther than their teachers, but Gamaliel did not come to the rescue. Still Gamaliel helped Saul, who was undoubtedly his most brilliant pupil and prob- ably the hope of his heart for the future of Judaism. Harnack (History of Dogma, I, 94) says: "Pharisa- ism had fulfilled its mission in the world when it produced^ this man." Unfortunately, Pharisaism did not die; in truth has never died, not even from Christianity. But young Saul was the crowning glory of Pharisaism. An effort has recently been made to restore Pharisaism to its former dignity. Herford {Pharisaism, Its Aim and Method, 1912) undertakes to show that the Gospels have slandered Pharisaism, that it was the one hope of the ancient world, etc. He has a chapter on "Pharisaism and Paul," in which he claims that Paul has not attacked the real Pharisaism, but has aimed his blows at an unreal creation of his own brain (p. 222). But, if Paul did not understand Pharisaism, he did not understand anything. He knew not merely the OT in the Heb and the LXX tr, for he quotes from both, though usually from the LXX, but he also knew the Jewish Apoc and apocalypses, as is shown in various ways in his writings (see arts, on these subjects). Schweitzer (Paul and His Interpreters) carries too far his idea that Paul and Jesus merely moved in the circle of Jewish eschatology. He



      makes it explain everything, and that it cannot do. But Paul does show acquaintance with some of these books. See Kennedy, St. Paul's Conception of the Last Things (1904), for a sane and adequate discussion of this phase of the subject. Pfleiderer pursues the subject in his Paulinism, as does Ka- bisch in his Eschatologie. So Sanday and Headlam use this source in their Comm. on Rom. Paul knew Wisd, also, a book from the Jewish-Alexandrian theology with a tinge of Gr philosophy (see Good- rick, Book of Wisd, 398-403; cf also Jowett's essay on "St. Paul and Philo" in his Epp. of St. Paul). Paul knew how to use allegory (Gal 4 24) in accord with the method of Philo. So then he knew how to use the Stoic diatribe, the rabbinical diatribe and the Alexandrian allegory. "In his cosmology, angelology, and demonology, as well as eschatology, he remains essentially Jewish" (Garvie, Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 17). When he becomes a Christian he will change many of his views, for Christ must become central in his thinking, but his method learned in the rabbinical schools remains with him (Kohler, Zum Verstandnis, etc, 7). Here, then, is a man with a wonderfully rounded culture. What of his mental gifts?

      Much as we can learn about the times of Paul (cf Selden, In the Time of Paul, 1900, for a brief sketch of Paul's world) , we know some- 6. Personal thing of the political structure of the Character- Rom world, the social life of the 1st istics cent. AD, the religious condition of the

      age, the moral standards of the time, the intellectual tendencies of the period. New discoveries continue to throw fresh light on the life of the middle and lower classes among whom Paul chiefly labored. And, if Deissmann in his brilliant study {St. Paul, A Study in Social and Religious History) has pressed too far the notion that Paul the tent-maker ranks not with Origen, but with Amos the herdman (p. 6, on p. 52 he calls it a mis- take "to speak of St. Paul the artisan as a proleta- rian in the sense which the word usually bears with us"), yet he is right in insisting that Paul is "a reli- gious genius" and "a hero of piety" (p. 6). It is not possible to explain the personality and work of a man like Paul by his past and to refer with precision this or that trait to his Jewish or Gr training (Alex- ander, Ethics of St. Paul, 58).^ "We must allow something to his native originality" (ib). We are all in a sense the children of the past, but some men have much more the power of initiative than others. Paul is not mere "eclectic patchwork" (Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christ, 218). Even if Paul was acquainted with Philo, which is not certain, that fact by no means explains his use of PhUo, the repre- sentative Jew of the Hellenistic age. "Both are Jews of the Dispersion, city-dwellers, with rnarked cosmopolitan traits. Both live and move in the LXX Bible. Both are capable of ecstatic and mystical experiences, and have many points of con- tact in detail. And yet they stand in very strong contrast to one another, a contrast which reminds us

      of the opposition between Seneca and St. Paul

      Philo is a philosopher, St. Paul the fool pours out the vials of his irony upon the wisdom of the world" (Deissmann, St. Paul, 110). Deissmann, indeed, cares most for "the living man, Paul, whom we hear speaking and see gesticulating, here playful, gentle as a father, and tenderly coaxing, so as to win the hearts of the infatuated children— there thundermg and lightning with the passionate wrath of a Luther, with cutting irony and bitter sarcasm on his lips" (ib, 16 f).

      (1) Personal appearance. — We have no rehable description of Paul's stature and looks. The Acts of Paul and Thecla (§3) have a protraiture thus: "Baldheaded, bowlegged, strongly built, a man

      small in size, with meeting eyebrows, with a rather large nose, full of grace, for at times he looked like a man and at times he had the face of an angel," and Ramsay (Church in the Rom Empire, 32) adds: "This plain and unflattering account of the apostle's personal appearance seems to embody a very early tradition,' and in ch xvi he argues that this story goes back to a document of the 1st cent. We may not agree with all the details, but in some respects it harmonizes with what we gather from Paul's Epp. Findlay (HDB) notes that this description is con- firmed by "the lifelike and unconventional figure of the Rom ivory diptych, 'supposed to date not later than the 4th cent.'" (Lewin's Life and Epp. of St. Paul, Frontispiece, and II, 211). At Lystra the natives took Barnabas for Jupiter and Paul for Hermes, "because he was the chief speaker" (Acts 14 12), showing that Barnabas had the more im- pressive appearance, while Paul was his spokesman. In Malta the natives changed their minds in the opposite direction, first thinking Paul a murderer and then a god because he did not die from the bite of the serpent (Acts 28 4-6). His enemies at Corinth sneered at the weakness of his bodily pres- ence in contrast to the strength of his letters (2 Cor 10 9f). The attack was really on the courage of Paul, and he claimed equal boldness when present (vs 11 f), but there was probably also a reflection on the insignificance of his physique. The terrible bodily sufferings which he underwent (2 Cor 11 23-26) left physical marks (a-Tly/juiTa, stigmata. Gal 6 17) that may have disfigured him to some extent. Once his illness made him a trial to the Galatians to whom he preached, but they did not scorn him (Gal 4 14). He felt the frailty of his body as an earthen vessel (2 Cor 4 7) and as a tabernacle in which he groaned (5 4). But the effect of all this weakness was to give him a fresh sense of depend- ence on Christ and a new influx of Divine power (2 Cor 11 30; 12 9). But even if Paul was un- prepossessing m appearance and weakened by illness, whether ophthalmia, which is so common in the East (Gal 4 15), or malaria, or recurrent head- ache, or epilepsy, he must have had a tough con- stitution to have endured such hardship to a good old age. He had one infirmity in particular that came upon him at Tarsus (2 Cor 12 1-9) in con- nection with the visions and revelations of the Lord then granted him. The affliction seems to have been physical (



      nor struggle with lust (Roman Catholic, stimulus carnis) . Garvie (Studies of Paul and His Oospel, 65, 80) thinks it not unlikely that "it was the recurrence of an old violent temptation," rather than mere bodily disease. "Can there be any doubt that this form of temptation is more likely to assail the man of intense emotion and intense affection, as Paul was?" But enough of what can never be settled. "St. Paul's own scanty hints admonish to caution" (Deissmann, St. Paul, 63). It is a blessing for us not to know, since we can all cherish a close bond with Paul. Ramsay (St. Paul the Traveller, 37 ff) calls special attention to the look of Paul. He "fastened his eyes on" the man (Acts 13 9; 14 9). He argues that Paul had a pene- trating, powerful gaze, and hence no eye trouble. He calls attention also to gestures of Paul (Acts 20 24; 26 2). There were artists in marble and color at the court of Caesar, but no one of them cared to preserve a likeness of the poor itinerant preacher who turned out to be the chief man of the age (Deissmann, St. Paul, 58). "We are like the Christians of Colossae and Laodioea, who had not seen his face in the flesh" (Col 2 1).

      (2) His natural endowments. — In respect to his natural endowments we can do much better, for his epp. reveal the mind and soul of the man. He is difficult to comprehend, not because he conceals himself, but because he reveals so much of himself in his epp. He seems to some a man of contra- dictions. He had a many-sided nature, and his very humanness is in one sense the greatest thing about him. There are "great polar contradictions" in his nature. Deissmann (St. Paul, 62 if) notes his ailing body and his tremendous powers for work, his humility and his self-confidence, his periods of depression and of intoxication with victory, his tenderness and his sternness; he was ardently loved and furiously hated; he was an ancient man of his time, but he is cosmopolitan and modern enough for today. Findlay (HBD) adds that he was a man possessed of dialectical power and religious inspira- tion. He was keenly intellectual and profoundly mystical (cf Campbell, Paul the Mystic, 1907). He was a theologian and a man of affairs. He was a man of vision with a supreme task to which he held himself. He was a scholar, a sage, a statesman, a seer, a saint (Garvie, Studies in Paul and His Gospel, 68-84) . He was a man of heart, of passion, of imagination, of sensibility, of will, of courage, of sincerity, of vivacity, of subtlety, of humor, of adroit- ness, of tact, of genius for organization, of power for command, of gift of expression, of leadership — "All these qualities and powers went to the making of Jesus Christ's apostle to the nations, the master- builder of the universal church and of Christian theology" (Findlay, HDB; see Lock, St. Paul the Master Builder, 1905; and M. Jones, St. Paul the Orator, 1910).

      I cannot agree with Garvie's charge of cowardice {Life and Teaching of Paul, 173) in the matter of the purifying rites (Acts 21 23) and the dividing of the Sanhedrin (23 6). The one was a mere matter of pru- dence in a nonessential detail, the other was justifiable sliill in resisting the attaclc of unscrupulous enemies. One does not understand Paul who does not understand his emotional nature. He was "quick, impetuous, stren- uous, impassioned" (Bevan, St. Paul in the Light of To- day, 1912, 26). His heart tlirobs through his epp., and he loves his converts like a mother or a lover (Findlay, HDB) rather than a pastor. We feel the surging emo- tion of his great spirit m 1 Thess, 1 Cor, 2 Cor, Gal, Rom, PhU, 2 Tim in particular. He had the spiritual temper- ament and reaches his highest flights in his moments of rhapsody. He has elasticity and rebound of spirit, and comes up with the joy of victory in Christ out of the severest trials and disappointments. His ambition is great, but it is to serve Christ liis Lord. He is a man of faith and a man of prayer. For him to live is Christ. He has a genius for friendship and binds men to him with hooks of steel — men like Barnabas, Silas, Timothy. Luke, Titus (Speer, The Man Paul, 1900, lllfl). He is

      not afraid to oppose his friends when it is necessary for the sake of truth, as with Peter (Gal 2 11 fl^) and with Bar- nabas (Acts 15 35fl). "While God made Paul like the other apostles out of the clay whereof ordinary men are fashioned, yet we may say that He took extraordinary pains with his education" (Fairbairn, Studies in Religion and Theology, 471). If ever a man, full-blooded and open-eyed, walked the earth, it was Paul. It is a de- batable question whether Paul was married or not. He certainly was not when he wrote (1 Cor 7 7; 9 5). But, If he was a member of the Sanhedrin when he cast his vote against the disciples (Acts 26 10), as his language naturaUj; means, then he had been married.

      There is in Paul the gift of leadership in a marked degree. He, though young, is already at the head of the opposition to Stephen (Acts 7 58) , and soon drives the disciples out of Jerus.

      (3) His supernatural gifts. — He had his share of them. He had all the gifts that others could boast of at Corinth, and which he lightly esteemed except that of prophecy (1 Cor 14 18-29; . He had his visions and revelations, but would not tell what he had seen (2 Cor 12 1-9). He did the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12 12-14). He had the power to work miracles (1 Cor 4 19-21) and to exercise dis- cipline (1 Cor 5 4 f ; 2 Cor 13 1-3). But what he cared for most of all was the fact that Jesus had appeared to him on the road to Damascus and had called him to the work of preaching to the Gentiles (1 Cor 15 8).

      No other element in the equipment of Paul is comparable in importance to his conversion.

      (1) Preparation. — It was sudden, 7_. Conver- and yet God had led Saul to the state sion of mind when it could more easily

      happen. True, Saul was engaged in the very act of persecuting the believers in Jerus. His mind was flushed with the sense of victory. He was not conscious of any lingering doubts about the truth of his position and the justice of his conduct till Jesus abruptly told him that it was hard for him to kick against the goad (Acts 26 14). Thus suddenly brought to bay, the real truth would flash upon his mind. In later years he tells how he had struggled in vain against the curse of the Law (Rom 7 7f). It is probable, though not certain, that Paul here has in mind his experience before his conversion, though the latter part of the chapter may refer to a period later. There is difRculty in either view as to the "body of this death" that made him so wretched (Rom 7 24). The Christian keeps up the fight against sin in spite of defeat (7 23), but he does not feel that he is "carnal, sold under sin" (7 14). But when before his conversion did Paul have such intensity of conviction? We can only leave the problem unanswered. His reference to it at least harmonizes with what Jesus said about the goad. The words and death of Stephen and the other disciples may have left a deeper mark than he knew. The question might arise whether after all the Nazarenes were right. His plea for his conduct made in later years was that he was conscientious (Acts 26 9) and that he did it igno- rantly in unbelief (1 Tim 1 13). He was not wil- fully smnmg against the full light as he saw it. It will not do to say with Holsten that Saul was half- convmced to jom the disciples, and only needed a jolt to turn him over. He was "yet breathing threatening and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord" (Acts 9 1), and went to the high priest and asked for letters to Damascus demanding the arrest of the disciples there. His temper on the whole IS distinctly hostile to Christ, and the struggle against his course was in the subconscious mind. There a volcano had gathered ready to burst out.

      • ^U^ S™P®'',.*° ^^'^ whether Paul had known Jesus in tne flesh but it is not easy to give a categori- cal reply. It is possible, though hardly likely, that Paul had come to Jerus to study when Jesus as a boy of 12 visited the temple, and so heard Jesus and the doctors. That could be true only in case Paul was born 5 or 6 BC, which is quite unlikely. It is pes-



      sible again that Paul may have remained in Jerus after his graduation at the school of Gamaliel and so was present in Jerus at the trial and death of Jesus. Some of the ablest of modern scholars hold that Paul knew Jesus in the flesh. It will at once seem strange that we have no express statement to this effect in the let- ters of Paul, when he shows undoubted knowledge of various events in the life of Christ (cf Wynne, Frag- mentary Records of Jesus of Nazareth, 1887). It is almost certain, as J. Weiss admits (.Paul and Jesus, 41), that in 1 Cor 9 1 Paul refers to the Risen Jesus. The passage in 2 Cor 5 16 is argued both ways: "Wherefore we henceforth know no man after the flesh : even though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now we know him so no more." J. Weiss (ib, 41-55) argues strongly for the view that he knew Jesus in the flesh. But in the first clause of the sentence above Paul means by " after the flesh," not acquaintance, but standpoint. It is nat- ural to take it in the same way as applied to Christ. He has changed his viewpoint of Christ and so of all men. Weiss pleads gb, p. 40) , at any rate, that we have no word saying that " Paul had not seen Jesus In person." It may be said in reply that the fact that Jesus has to tell Paul who He is (Acts 9 5) shows that Paul did not have per- sonal acquaintance with Him. But the question may be left in abeyance as not vitally important. He certainly had not understood Jesus, It he knew Him.

      (2) Experience. — Space does not permit a dis- cussion of this great event of Paul's conversion at all commensurate with its significance. A literature of importance has grown up around it besides the lengthy discussions in the lives and theologies of Paul (see e.g. Lord Lyttleton's famous Observa- tions on Saul's Conversion, 1774; Fletcher's A Study of the Conversion of St. Paul, 1910; Gardner, The Religious Experience of St. Paul, 1911; Maggs, The Spiritual Experience of St. Paul). All sorts of theories have been advanced to explain on natural- istic grounds this great experience of Christ in the life of Paul. It has been urged that Paul had an epileptic fit, that he had a sunstroke, that he fell off his horse to the ground, that he had a nightmare, that he was blinded by a flash of lightning, that he imagined that he saw Jesus as a result of his highly wrought nervous state, that he deliberately re- nounced Judaism because of the growing conviction that the disciples were right. But none of these explanations explains. Mere prejudice against the supernatural, such as is shown by Weinel in his Paulus, and by Holsten in his able book (Zum Evangelium d. Paulus und Petrus), cannot solve this problem. One must be willing to hear the . evidence. There were witnesses of the bright light (Acts 26 13) and of the sound (9 7) which only Paul understood . (22 9), as he alone beheld Jesus. It is claimed by some that Paul had a trance or subjective vision, and did not see Jesus with his eyes. Denney {Standard Bible Diet.) replies that it is not a pertinent objection. Jesus (Jn 21 1) "manifested'' Himself , and Paul says that he "saw" Jesus (1 Cor 9 1), that Jesus "appeared" _ (1 Cor 15 8) to him. Hence it was both subjective and objective. But the reality of the event was as clear to Paul as his own existence. The account is given 3 t in Acts (chs 9, 22, 26) in substantial agreement, with a few varying details. In ch 9 the historical narrative occurs, in ch 22 Paul's defence before the mob in Jerus is given, and in ch 26 we have the apology before Agrippa. There are no contradictions of moment, save that in ch 26 Jesus Himself is represented as giving directly to Paul the call to the Gentiles while in chs 9 and 22 it is con- veyed through Ananias (the fuller and more accurate account). There is no need to notice the apparent contradiction between 9 7 and 22 9, for the differ- ence in case in the Gr gives a difference in sense, hearing the sound, with the genitive, and not under- standing the sense, with the accusative. Findlay (HBD) remarks that the conversion of Paul is a psychological and ethical problem which cannot be accounted for save by Paul's own interpretation of the change wrought in him. He saw Jesus and surrendered to Him.

      (3) Effect on Paul. — His surrender to Jesus was instantaneous and complete: "What shall I do, Lord?" (Acts 22 10). He could not see for the glory of that light (22 11), but he had already seen "the light of the knowledge of the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ" (2 Cor 4 6). The god of this world could blind him no longer. He had seen Jesus, and all else had lost charm for Paul. There is infinite pathos in the picture of the blind Saul led by the hand (Acts 9 8) into Damascus. All the pride of power is gone, all the lust for vengeance. The fierceness of the name of Saul is well shown in the dread that Ananias has and the protest that he makes to the Lord concerning him (9 10-14). Ananias doubtless thought that the Lord had made a strange choice of a vessel to bear the message of Christ to the Gentiles, kings, and the children of Israel (9 15), but there was hope in the promise of chastisement to him (9 16). So he went, and calls him "Brother Saul." Saul was filled with the Ploly Spirit, the scales fell from his eyes, he was baptized. And now what next? What did the world hold in store for the proud scion of Judaism who had re- nounced power, place, pride for the lowly Naza- rene? He dared not go back to Jerus. The Jews in Damascus would have none of him now. Would the disciples receive him? They did. "And he was certain days with the disciples that were at Damascus" (9 19). Ananias vouched for him by his vision. Then Saul took his courage in his hands and went boldly into the synagogues and "pro- claimed Jesus, that he is the Son of God" (9 20). This was a public committal and a proclamation of his new creed. There was tremendous pith and point in this statement from Saul. The Jews were amazed (Acts 9 21). This is the core of Paul's message as we see in his later ministry (Acts 13; 17 3). It rests at bottom on Paul's own experience of grace. "His whole theology is nothing but the explanation of his own conversion" (Stalker, Life of St. Paul, 45). We need not argue (Garvie, Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 51) that Paul under- stood at once the full content of the new message, but he had the heart of it right.

      V. Work. — There was evidently a tumult in Paul's soul. He had undergone a revolution, both intellectual and spiritual. Before he 1. Adjust- proceeded farther it was wise to think ment through the most important implica-

      tions of the new standpoint. Luke gives no account of this personal phase of Paul's career, but he allows room for it between Acts 9 21 and 22. It is Paul who tells of his retirement to Arabia (Gal 1 17 f) to prove his independence of the apostles in Jerus. He did not go to them for instruction or for ecclesiastical authority. He did not adopt the merely traditional view of Jesus as the Messiah. He knew, of course, the Christian contention well enough, for he had answered it often enough. But now his old arguments were gone and he must work his way round to the other side, and be able to put his new gospel with clearness and force. He was done with call- ing Jesus anathema (1 Cor 12 3). Henceforth to him Jesus is Lord. We know nothing of Paul's life in Arabia nor in what part of Arabia he was. He may have gone to Mt. Sinai and thought out grace in the atmosphere of law, but that is not necessary. But it is clear that Paul grew in apprehension of the things of Christ during these years, as indeed he grew to the very end. I3ut he did not grow away from the first clear vision of Christ. He claimed that God had revealed His Son in him that he might preach to the Gentiles (Gal 1 16). He claimed that from the first and to the very last. The undoubted development in Paul's Epp. (see Matheson, Spiritual Development



      of St. Paul, and Sabatier, The Apostle Paul) is, howevpr, not a changing view of Christ that nulli- fies Paul's "original Christian inheritance" (Kohler, Zu?n Verstandnis des Apostels Pauliis, 13). Pfleitl- erer (Influence of the Apostle Paul on the Develop- ment of Christianity, 3d ed, 1897, 217) rejects Col because of the advanced Christology here found. But the Christology of Col is implicit in Paul's first sermon at Damascus. "It is impossible to escape the conclusion that the significance and value of the Cross became clear to him almost simultaneously with the certainty of the resurrec- tion and of the Messiahship of Jesus" (Garvie, Studies, etc, 57). The narrow Jew has surrendered to Christ who died for the sins of the world. The universal gospel has taken hold of his mind and heart, and it will work out its logical consequences in Paul. The time in Arabia is not wasted. When he reappears in Damascus (Acts 9 22) he has "devel- oped faith" (Findlay, HDB) and energy that bear instant fruit. He is now the slave of Christ. For him henceforth to live is Christ. He is crucified with Christ. He is in Christ. The union of Paul with Christ is the real key to his life. It is far more than a doctrine about Christ. It is real fellowship with Christ (Deissmann, St. Paul, 123). Thus it is that the man who probably never saw Christ in the flesh understands him best (Wernle, Beginnings of Christianity, I, 159).

      Saul had "increased the more in strength, and confounded the Jews that dwelt in Damascus, proving that this is the Christ" (Acts 2. Opposi- 9 22). Now he not merely "pro- tion claims" as before (9 20); he "proves."

      He does it with such marvelous skill that the Jews are first confounded, then enraged to the point of murder. Their former hero was now their foe. The disciples had learned to run from Saul. They now let him down in a basket through the wall bynight and he is gone (Acts 9 23 fl). This then is the beginning of the active ministry of the man who was called to be a chosen vessel to Gentiles, kings, and Jews. There was no need to go back to the wilderness. He had gotten his bearings clearly now. He had his message and it had his whole heart. He had not avoided Jerus because he de- spised flesh and blood, but because he had no need of light from the apostles since "the Divine reve- lation so completely absorbed his interest and attention" (Garvie, Life and Teaching of Paul, 33). No door was open as yet among the Gentiles. Sooner or later he must go to Jerus and confer with the leaders there if he was to cooperate with them in the evangelization of the world. Saul knew that he would be an object of suspicion to the disciples in Jerus. That was inevitable in view of the past. It was best to go, but he did not wish to ask any favors of the apostles. Indeed he went in particu- lar "to visit Cephas" (m to "become acquainted with," Gal 1 18). They knew each other, of course, as opponents. But Saul comes now with the olive branch to his old enemy. He expressly explains (Gal 1 19) that he saw no other apostle. He did see James, the Lord's brother, who was not one of the Twelve. It seems that at first Peter and James were both afraid of Saul (Acts 9 26), "not believing that he was a disciple." If a report came 3 years before of the doings at Damascus, they had discounted it. All had been quiet, and now Saul suddenly appears in Jerus in a new role. It was, they feared, just a ruse to complete his work of old. But for Barnabas, Saul might not have had that visit of 15 days with Peter. Barnabas was a Hellen- ist of Cyprus and believed Saul's story and stood by him. Thus he had his opportunity to preach the gospel in Jerus, perhaps in the very synagogues in which he had heard Stephen, and now he is

      taking Stephen's place and is disputing against the Grecian .Jews (Acts 9 29). He had days of blessed fellowship (9 28) with the disciples, till the Grecian Jews sought to kill him as Saul had helped to do to Stephen (9 29). It was a repetition of Damascus, but Saul did not wish to run again so soon. He protested to the Lord Jesus, who spoke in a vision to him, and recalls the fate of Stephen, but Jesus bids him go: "For I will send thee forth far hence unto the Gentiles" (Acts 22 17-21). One martyr like Stephen is enough. So the breth- ren took him down to Caesarea (Acts 9 30). It was an ominous beginning for a ministry with so clear a call. Where can he go now?

      They "sent him forth to Tarsus" (Acts 9 30). Who would welcome him there? At Jerus he ap- parently avoided Gamaliel and the 3. Waiting Sanhedrin. He was with the Chris- tians and preached to the Hellenistic Jews. The Jews regarded him as a turncoat, a renegade Jew. There were apparently no Christians' in Tarsus, unless some of the disciples driven from Jerus by Saul himself went that far, as they did go to Antioch (Acts 11 19 f). But Saul was not idle, for he speaks himself of his activity in the regions of Syria and Cilicia during this "period of obscurity" (Denney, Standard Bible Did.) as a thing known to the churches of Judaea (Gal 1 21 f). He was not idle then. The way was not yet opened for formal entrance upon the missionary enterprise, but Saul was not the man to do nothing at home because of that. If they would not hear him at Damascus and Jerus, they would in the regions of Syria and Cilicia, his home province. We are left in doubt at first whether Paul preached only to Jews or to Gentiles also. He had the specific call to preach to the Gentiles, and there is no reason why he should not have done so in this province, preaching to the Jews first as he did afterward. He did not have the scruples of Simon Peter to overcome. When he appears at Antioch with Barnabas, he seems to take hold like an old hand at the business. It is quite probable, therefore, that this obscure ministry of some 8 or 10 years may have had more results than we know. Paul apparently felt that he had done his work in that region, for outside of Antioch he gives no time to it except that in starting out on the second torn- from Antioch "he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches" (Acts 15 41), churches probably the fruit of this early ministry and apparently containing Gentiles also. The let- ter from the Jerus conference was addressed to "the brethren who are of the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia" (Acts 15 23). Cilicia was now part of the Rom province of Syria. So then we conclude that Saul had a gentile ministry in this region. "Independently, under no human master, he learned his business as a missionary to the heathen" (Findlay, HDB). One can but wonder whether Saul was kindly received at home by his father and mother. They had looked upon him with pride as the possible successor of Gamaliel and now he is a follower of the despised Nazarene and a preacher of the Cross. It is possible that his own exhortations to fathers not to provoke their children to wrath (Eph 6 4) may imply that his own father had cast him out at this time. Findlay (HDB) argues that Saul would not have remained in this region so long if his home relations had been altogether hostile. It is a severe test of character when the doors close against one. But Saul turned defeat to glorious gain.

      Most scholars hold that the ecstatic experience told by Paul in 2 Cor 12 1-9 took place before he came to Antioch. If we count the years strictly 14 from 56 AD would bring us to 42 AD. Paul had spent a year in Antioch before going up to Jerus



      (Acts 11 29 f). Findlay (FIDB) thinks that Paul had the visions before he received the call to come

      to Antioch. Garvie {Life and Teach- 4. Oppor- ing of Paul, 41) holds he received the tunity call first. "Such a mood of exaltation

      would account for the vision to which he refers in 2 Cor 12 1-4." At any rate he had the vision with its exaltation and the thorn in the flesh with its humiliation before he came to Antioch in response to the invitation of Barnabas. He had undoubtedly had a measure of success in his work in Cilicia and Syria. He had the seal of the Divine blessing on his work among the Gentiles. But there was a pang of disappointment over the attitude of the Jerus church toward his work. He was apparently left alone to his own resources. "Only such a feeling of disappointment can explain the tone of his references to his relations to the apostles (Gal 1 11-24)" (Garvie, L?/e and Teaching of Paul, 41). There is no bitterness in this tone — but puz- zled surprise. It seems that the 12 apostles are more or less absent from Jerus during this period with James the brother of the Lord Jesus as chief elder. A narrow Pharisaic element in the church was active and sought to shape the policy of the church in its attitude toward the Gentiles. This is clear in the treatment of Peter, when he returned to Jerus after the experience at Caesarea with Cornelius (Acts 11 1-18). There was acquies- cence, but with the notion that this was an excep- tional case of the Lord's doing. Hence they show concern over the spread of the gospel to the Greeks at Antioch, and send Barnabas to investigate and report (Acts 11 19-22). Barnabas was a Hellenist, and evidently did not share the narrow views of the Pharisaic party in the church at Jerus (11 2), for he was glad (11 23 f) of the work in Antioch. Probably mindful of the discipline attempted on Simon Peter, he refrained from going back at once to Jerus. Moreover, he believed in Saul and his work, and thus he gave him his great opportunity at Antioch. They had there a year's blessed work together (11 25 ff). So great was the outcorne that the disciples received a new name to distinguish them from the Gentiles and the Jews. But the term "Christian" did not become general for a longtime. There was then a great Gr church at Antioch, possibly equal in size to the Jewish church in Jerus. The prophecy by Agabus of a famine gave Barnabas and Saul a good excuse for a visit to Jerus with a gen- eral collection — "every man according to his ability" — from the Gr church for the relief of the poverty in the Jerus church. Barnabas had assisted generously in a similar strain in the beginning of the work there (Acts 4 36 f), unless it was a different Barnabas, which is unlikely. This con- tribution would help the Jerus saints to understand now that the Greeks were really converted. It was apparently successful according to the record in Acts. The apostles seem to have been absent, since only "elders" are mentioned in 11 30.

      The incidents in ch 12, as already noted, are probably not contemporaneous with this visit, but either prior or subsequent to it. However, it is urged by some scholars that this visit is the same as that of Gal 2 1-10. since Paul would not have omitted it in his list of visits to Jerus. But then Paul is not giving a list of visits, but is only showing his independence of the apostles. If they were absent from Jerus at that time, there would be no occasion to mention it. Besides, Luke in Acts 15 does recount the struggle in Jerus over the problem of gentile liberty. If that question was an issue at ttie visit in Acts 11 30, it is quite remarkable that he should have passed it by, esp. if the matter caused as much heat as is manifest in Gal 2, both in Jerus and Antioch. It is much simpler to understand that in Acts 15 and Gal 2 1-10 we have the public and the private aspects of the same issue, than to suppose that Luke has slurred the whole matter over in Acts 11 30. The identification of the visit of Gal 2 with that in Acts 11 30 makes it possible to place Gal before the conference in Jerus in Acts 15 and implies the correctness of the Soutn-

      Galatian theory of the destination of the ep. and of the work of Paul, a theory with strong advocates and argu- ments, but which is by no means established (see below for discussion at more length). So far as we can gather from Luke, Barnabas and Saul returned from Jerus with John Mark (Acts 12 2.5), "when they had fulfilled their ministration" with satisfaction. The Pharisaic element was apparently quiescent, and the outlook for the future work among the Gentiles seemed hopeful. Ramsay (,S(. Paul the Traveller, 62 ff) argues strongly for identifying the revelation mentioned in Paul's speech in Acts 22 20 f with this visit in 11 30 (12 2.5), rather than with the one in Acts 9 29 f . There is a textual problem in 12 25, but I cannot concur in the solution of Ramsay.

      Paul had already preached to the Gentiles in Cilicia and Syria for some 10 years. The work was

      not new to him. He had had his spe- 5. The cific call from Jerus long ago and had

      First Great answered it. But now an entirely new Mission situation arises. His work had been Campaign: individual in Cilicia. Now the Spirit Acts 13 and specifically directs the separation of 14, 47 and Barnabas and Saul to this work (Acts 48 AD 13 2). They were to go together, and

      they had the sympathy and prayers of a great church. The endorsement was prob- ably not "ordination" in the technical sense, but a farewell service of blessing and goo4 will as the missionaries went forth on the world-campaign (13 3). No such unanimous endorsement could have been obtained in Jerus to this great enterprise. It was momentous in its possibilities for Christianity. Hitherto work among the Gentiles had been spo- radic and incidental. Now a determined effort was to be made to evangelize a large section of the Rom empire. There is no suggestion that the church at Antioch provided funds for this or for the two later campaigns, as the church at Philippi came to do. How that was managed this time we do not know. Some individuals may have helped. Paul had his trade to fall back on, and often had resort to it later. The presence of John Mark "as their attend- ant" (13 5) was probably due to Barnabas, his cousin (Col 4 10). The visit to Cyprus, the home of Barnabas, was natural. There were alread}' some Christians there (Acts 11 20), and it was near. They preach first in the synagogues of the Jews at Salamis (13 5). We are left to conjecture as to results there and through the whole island till Paphos is reached. There they meet a man of great prominence and intelligence, Sergius Paulus, the Rom proconsul, who had been under the spell of a sorcerer with a Jewish name — Elymas Bar-jesus (cf Peter's encounter with Simon Magus in Samaria) . In order to win and hold Sergius Paulus, who had become interested in Christianity, Paul has to punish Bar-jesus with blindness (13 10 ff) in the exercise of that apostolic power which he afterward claimed with such vigor (1 Cor 6 4f; 2 Cor 13 10). He won Sergius Paulus, and this gave him cheer for his work. From now on it is Paul, not Saul, in the record of Luke, perhaps because of this incident, though both names probably belonged to him from the first. Now also Paul steps to the fore ahead of Barnabas, and it is "Paul's company" (13 13) that sets sail from Paphos for Pamphylia. ■rhere is no evidence here of resentment on the part of Barnabas at the leadership of Paul. The whole campaign may have been planned from the start by the Holy Spirit as the course now taken may have been due to Paul's leadership. John Mark deserts at Perga and returns to Jerus (his home), not to Antioch (13 13). Paul and Barnabas push on to the tablelands of Pisidia. Ramsay {Si. Paul the Traveller, 93) thinks that Paul had malaria down at Perga and hence desired to get up into higher land. That is possible. The places mentioned in the rest of the tour are Antioch in Pisidia (13 14), and Iconiiun (13 51), Lystra (14 8), and Derbe (14 20), cities of Lycaonia. These terms are



      ethnographic descriptions of the southern divisions of the Rom province of Galatia, the northern por- tion being Galatia proper or North Galatia. So then Paul and Barnabas are now at work in South Galatia, though Luke does not mention that name, using here only the popular designations. The work is wonderfully successful. In these cities, on one of the great Rom roads east and west, Paul is reach- ing the centers of provincial life as will be his custom. At Antioch Paul is invited to repeat his sermon on the next Sabbath (13 42), and Luke records at length the report of this discourse which has the character- istic notes of Paul's gospel as we see it in his epp. Paul may have kept notes of the discourse. There were devout Gentiles at these services. These were the first to be won, and thus a wider circle of Gentiles could be reached. Paul and Barnabas were too successful at Antioch in Pisidia. The jealous Jews opposed, and Paul and Barnabas dramatically turned to the Gentiles (13 45 ff). But the Jews reached the city magistrate through the influential women, and Paul and Barnabas were ordered to leave (13 50 f). Similar success brings like results in Iconium. At Lystra, before the hostile Jews come, Paul and Barnabas have great success and, because of the healing of the impotent man, are taken as Mercury and Jupiter respectively, and worship is offered them. Paul's address in refusal is a fine plea on the grounds of natural theology (14 15-18). The attempt on Paul's life after the Jews came seemed successful. In the band of disciples that "stood round about him," there may have been Timothy, Paul's son in the gospel. From Derbe they retrace their steps to Perga, in order to strengthen the churches with officers, and then sail for Seleucia and Antioch. They make their report to the church at Antioch. It is a wonderful story. The door of faith is now wide open for the Gentiles who have entered in great numbers (14 27). _ No report was sent to Jerus. What will the Pharisaic party do now?

      The early date of Gal, addressed to these churches of Pisidia and Lycaonia before the Conference in

      Jerus does not allow time for a second 6. The visit there (Gal 4 13), and requires that

      Conflict at the Judaizers from Jerus followed close Jerusalem upon the heels of Paul and Barna- Acts 15; bas (Gal 16; 3 1) in South Galatia. Gal 2, 49 AD Besides, there is the less likelihood

      that the matter would have been taken a second time to Jerus (Acts 15 2 f) if already the question had been settled in Paul's favor (Acts 11 30) . It is strange also that no reference to this pre- vious conference on the same subject is made in Acts 15, since Peter does refer to his experience at Caesarea (15 9) and since James in Acts 21 25 spe- cifically ("we wrote") mentions the letter of Acts 15 in which full liberty was granted to the Gentiles. Once more, the attack on the position of Paul and Barnabas in Acts 15 1 is given as a new experience, and hence the sharp dissension and tense feeling. The occasion for the sudden outbreak at Antioch on the part of the self-appointed (Acts 15 24) regulators of Paul and Barnabas lay in the reports that came to Jerus about the results of this cam- paign on a large scale among the Gentiles. There was peril to the supremacy of the Jewish element. They had assumed at first, as even Peter did who was not a Judaizer (Acts 10), that the Gentiles who became disciples would also become Jews. The party of the circumcision had made protest against the conduct of Peter at Caesarea (11 1 f) and had reluctantly acquiesced in the plain work of God (11 18). They had likewise yielded in the matter of the Greeks at Antioch (11 19 ff) by the help of the contribution (11 29 f). But they had not agreed to a campaign to Hellcnize Christianity.

      The matter had to stop. So the Judaizers came up to Antioch and laid down the law to Paul and Barnabas. They did not wait for them to come to Jerus. They might not come till it was too late (cf Barnabas in Acts 11). Paul and Barnabas had not sought the controversy. They had both received specific instructions from the Holy Sphit to make this great campaign among the Gentiles. They would not stultify themselves and destroy the lib- erty of the Gentiles in Christ by going back and having the Mosaic Law imposed on them by the ceremony of circumcision. They saw at once the gravity of the issue. The very essence of the gospel of grace was involved. Paul had turned away from this yoke of bondage. He would not go back to it nor would he impose it on his converts. The church at Antioch stood by Paul and Barnabas. Paul (Gal 2 2) says that he had a revelation to go to Jerus with the problem. Luke (Acts 15 3) says that the church sent them. Surely there is no in- consistency here. It is not difficult to combine the personal narrative in Gal 2 with the public meetings recorded in Acts 15. We have first the general report by Paul and Barnabas to the church in Jerus (Acts 15 4 f) to which instant exception was made by the Judaizing element. There seems to have come an adjournment to prepare for the conflict, since in ver 6 Luke says again that "the apostles and the elders were gathered together to consider of this matter." Between these two public meetings we may place the private conference of Paul and Barnabas with Peter, John and James and other teachers (Gal 2 1-10). In this private conference some of the timid brethren wished to persuade Paul to have Titus, a Gr Christian whom Paul had brought down from Antioch (a live specimen!), offered as a sacrifice to the Judaizers ("false breth- ren") and circumcised. But Paul stood his ground for the truth of the gospel and was supported by Peter, John and James. They agreed all around for Paul and Barnabas to go on with their work to the Gentiles, and Peter, John and James would push the work among the Jews (a division in sphere of work, like home and foreign missions, not a denom- inational cleavage). Here, then, for the first time, Paul has had an opportunity to talk the matter over with the apostolic teachers, and they agree. The Judaizers will have no support from the apostles. The battle was really won in their private confer- ence. In the second public meeting (Acts 15 6-29) all goes smoothly enough. Ample opportunity for free discussion is offered. Then Peter shows how God had used him to preach to the Romans, and how the Jews themselves had to believe on Christ in order to be saved. He opposed putting a yoke on the Gentiles that the Jews could not bear. There was a pause, and then Barnabas and Paul (note the order here: courtesy to Barnabas) spoke again. After another pause, James, the president of the conference, the brother of the Lord Jesus, and a stedfast Jew, spoke. He cited Am 9 llfto show that God had long ago promised a blessing to the Gentiles. He suggests liberty to the Gentiles with the prohibition of pollution of idols, of forni- cation, things strangled, and blood. His ideas are embodied in a unanimous decree which strongly commends "our beloved Barnabas and Paul," and disclaims responsibility for the visit of the Judaizers to Antioch. The Western text omits "things strangled" from the decree. If this is correct, the decree prohibits idolatry, fornication and murder (Wilson, Origin and Aim of the Acts of the Apostles, 1912, 55). At any rate, the decision is a tremendous victory for Paul and Barnabas. If the other read- ing is correct, Jewish feelings about things strangled and blood are to be respected. The decision was received with great joy in Antioch (i^cts 15 30-35).



      Some time later Peter appears at Antioch in the fullest fellowship with Paul and Barnabas in their work, and joins them in free social intercourse with the Gentiles, as he had timidly done in the home of Cornelius, till "certain came from James" (Gal 2 11 f), and probably threatened to have Peter up before the church again (Acts 11 2) on this matter, claiming that James agreed with them on the sub- ject. This I do not believe was true in the light of Acts 15 24, where a similar false claim is discred- ited, since James had agreed with Paul in Jerus (Acts 15 19 ff; Gal 2 9f). The new ground for complaint was that they had not settled the ques- tion of social relations with the Gentiles in the Jerus conference and that Peter had exceeded the agreement there reached. Peter quailed before the accusation, "fearing them that were of the cir- cumcision" (Gal 2 12). To make it worse, "even Barnabas was carried away with their dissimulation" (2 1.3). Under this specious plea Paul was about to lose the fruit of the victory already won, and charged Peter to his face with Judaizing hypocrisy (2 1 1-14) . It was a serious crisis. Peter had not changed his convictions, but had once more cowered in an hour of peril. Paul won both Barnabas and Peter to his side and took occasion to show how useless the death of Christ was if men could be saved by mere legalism (2 21). But the Judaizers had renewed the war, and they would keep it up and harry the work of Paul all over the world. Paul had the fight of his life upon his hands.

      The impulse to go out again came from Paul. Despite the difference in Gal 2 13, he wished to go

      again with Barnabas (Acts 15 36), 7. The but Barnabas insisted on taking along

      Second John Mark, which Paul was not willing

      Mission to do because of his failure to stick to Campaign the work at Perga. So they agreed Acts 15 : 36 to disagree after "sharp contention" — 18:22; 1 (15 39f). Barnabas went with Mark and2Thess, to Cyprus, while Paul took Silas, 49-51 (or "being commended by the brethren 52) AD to the grace of the Lord." Luke

      follows the career of Paul, and so Bar- nabas drops out of view (cf later 1 Cor 9 6). Paul and Silas go "through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches" (Acts 15 41). They pass through the Cilician gates to Derbe, the end of the first tour, and go to Lystra. Here they pick up Timothy, who more than takes Mark's place in Paul's life. Timothy's mother was a Jewess and his father a Greek. Paul decided therefore to have him circum- cised since, as a half-Jew, he would be esp. obnox- ious to the Jews. This case differed wholly from that of Titus, a Greek, where principle was involved. Here it was a matter merely of expediency. Paul had taken the precaution to bring along the decrees of the Conference at Jerus in case there was need of them. He delivered them to the churches. It has to be noted that in 1 Cor 8-10 and in Rom 14 and 15, when discussing the question of eating meats offered to idols, Paul docs not refer to these decrees, but argues the matter purely from the standpoint of the principles involved. The Judaizers anyhow had not lived up to the agreement, but Paul is here doing his part by the decision. The result of the work was good for the churches (Acts 16 4).

      When we come to Acts 16 6, we touch a crucial passage in the South-Galatian controversy. Ramsay (Christianity in the Rom Empire, chs iii-vi; Hist and Geofjrapky of Asia Minor; St. Paul the Travtdler, chs V, vi, viii, ix; Expos, IV, viii, ix, "replies to Chase"; "Gala- tia," HDB; Coram, on Gal; The Cities of St. Paul; Expos T, 1912, 1913) has become by his 'able advocacy the chief champion of the view that Paul never went to Galatia proper or North Galatia, and that he addressed his ep. to South Galatia, the churches visited in the first tour. For a careful history of the whole controversy in detaU, see Moflatt, Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 90-100, who strongly supports the view of Lightfoot, H. J. Holtz-

      mann, Blass, Schiirer, Denney, Chase, Mommsen, Steinmann, etc. There are powerful names with* Ram- say, lilte Hausrath, Zahn. Bartiet, Garvie. Weizsiicker, etc. The arguments are too varied and minute for com- plete presentation here. The present writer sees some very attractive features in the South-Galatian hypothe- sis, but as a student of language flnds himself unable to overcome the syntax of Acts 16 6. The minor difficulty is the dropping of Kai, kal, between "Plirygia" and "Galatic region" by Ramsay. It is by no means cer- tain that tliis is the idea of Lul^e. It is more natural to take the terms as distinct and coordinated by kai. In St. Paul the Traveller, 212, Ramsay pleads for the aorist of subsequent time, but Moulton {Proltuompiia, 1.3.3) will have none of it. With that I agree. The aorist participle must give something synchronous with or antecedent to the principal verb. In Expos T for February, 1913, 220 f, Ramsay comes back to the "construction of 16 0." He admits that the weight of authority is against tlie TR and in favor of 6iijA0oi/ .... KujK\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\>eivrt<;, diHthon . . , , koluthSntfis. He now interprets the language thus: " Paul, having in mind at Lystra his plan of going on to Asia from Galatia, was ordered by the Spirit not to preach in Asia. He therefore made a tour through the Phrygio-Galatic region, which lie had already influenced so profoundly from end to end (13 49)." But there is grave difficulty in accepting this interpretation as a solution of tlie problem, Ramsay here makes the narra- tive in ver 6 resumptive and takes us back to the stand- point of ver 1 at Lystra. The proper place for such a forecast was in ver 1, or at most before ver 4, which already seems to mark an advance beyond Lystra to Iconium and Antioch in Pisidia: "and as they went on their way through the cities."

      Besides, "the Phrygio-Galatic region" lay between Lystra and Asia, and, according to Ramsay, after the prohibition in Lystra, he went straight on toward Asia. This is certainly very artificial and unlike the usual pro- cedure. According to the other view, Paul had already visited the churches in Lycaonia and Pisidia on his former visit. He wished to go on west into Asia, prob- ably to Ephesus, but was forbidden by the Holy Spirit, and as a result turned northward through Phrygia and the regions of Galatia, using both terms in the ethno- graphic sense. Paul was already in the province of Ga- latia at Derbe and Lystra. The matter has many "ins and outs" and cannot be argued further here. It is still in debate, but the present interpretation is in harmony with tlie narrative in Acts. See also Galatia; Gala- TiANS, Epistle to the.

      By this view Paul had not meant to stop in Galatia proper and did so only because of an attack of illness (Gal 4 13). It is possible that Luke may have come to his rescue here. At any rate, he finally pushes on opposite Mysia and Bithynia in the extreme north and was forbidden by the Spirit from going on into Bithynia. So they came down to Troas (Acts 16 7 f) when Luke ("we," 16 10) appears on the scene and the Macedonian call comes to Paul. Thus Paul is led out of Asia into Europe and carries the gospel successively to Philippi, Thessalonica, Beroea, Athens, and Corinth. The gospel is finally planted in the great provinces of Macedonia and Achaia. In Philippi, a Rom colony and military outpost, Paul finds few Jews and has to go out to a prayer-place to find a few Jewish women to whom he can tell the story of Jesus. But he gains a start with Lydia and her household, and soon arouses the hostility of a company of men who were making money out of a poor girl's powers of divination. But before Paul and Silas leave the jail, the jailer is himself converted, and a good church is established. At Thessalonica Paul has great success and arouses the jealousy of the Jews who gather a rabble and raise a disturbance and charge it up to Paul. At Philippi appeal was made to prejudice against Jews. At Thessalonica the charge is made that Paul preaches Jesus as a rival king to Caesar. In Beroea Paul and Silas have even more success till the Jews come from Thessa- lonica and drive Paul out again. Timothy, who has come out from Philippi where Luke has re- mained, and Silas stay in IJeroea while Paul hurries on to Athens with some of the brethren, who return with the request for Timothy and Silas "to come to him with all speed." Apparently Timothy did come (1 Thess 3 1 f), but Paul soon sent him back to Thessalonica because of his anxiety about con- ditions there. Left alone in Athens, Paul's spirit



      was stirred over the idolatry before his eyes. He preaches in the synagogues and argues with the Stoics and Epicureans in the Agora who make light of his pretensions to philosophy as a "babbler" (Acts 17 18). But curiosity leads them to invite him to speak on the Areopagus, This notable address, all alive to his surroundings, was rather rudely cut short by their indifference and mockery, and Paul left Athens with small results for his work. He goes over to Corinth, the great commercial city of the province, rich and with bizarre notions of cul- ture. Paul determined (1 Cor 2 1-5) to be true to the cross, even after his experience in Athens. He gave them, not the flashy philosophy of the sophists, but the true wisdom of God in simple words, the philosophy of the cross of Christ (1 Cor

      I 17 — 3 4). In Corinth Paul found fellow-helpers in Aquila and Priscilla, just expelled from Rome by Claudius. They have the same trade of tent- makers and live together (Acts 18 1-4), and Paul preached in the synagogues. Paul is cheered by the coming of Timothy and Silas from Thessalonica (18 5) with supplies from Philippi, as they had done while in Thessalonica (Phil 4 15 f). This very success led to opposition, and Paul has to preach in the house of Titus Justus. But the work goes on till Gallio comes and a renewed effort is made to have it stopped, but Gallio declines to interfere and thus practically makes Christianity a religio licita, since he treats it as a variety of Juda- ism. While here, after the arrival of Timothy and Silas, Paul writes the two letters to Thessalonica, the first of his 1.3 epp. They are probably not very far apart in time, and deal chiefly with a grievous misunderstanding on their part concerning the emphasis placed by him on the Man of Sin and the Second Coming. Paul had felt the power of the empire, and his attention is sharply drawn to the coming conflict between the Rom empire and the kingdom of God. He treats it in terms of apocalyp- tic eschatology. When he leaves Corinth, it is to go by Ephesus, with Aquila and Priscilla whom he leaves there with the promise to return. He goes down to Caesarea and "went up and saluted the church" (Acts 18 22), probably at Jerus (fourth visit), and "went down to Antioch." If he went to Jerus, it was probably incidental, and nothing of importance happened. He is back once again in Antioch after an absence of some 3 or 4 years.

      The stay of Paul at Antioch ia described as "some time" (Acts 18 23). Denney (Standard Bible Diet.) conjectures that Paul's brief 8. The stay at Jerus (see above) was due to

      Third Mis- the fact that he found that the Juda- sion Cam- izers had organized opposition there paign, Acts against him in the absence of the 18: 23 — 21: apostles, and it was so unpleasant that 14; 1 and 2 he did not stay. He suggests also that Cor; Gal; the Judaizers had secured letters of Rom, 52 (or commendation from the church for 53)-57 (or their emissaries (2 Cor 3 1) to Corinth 58) AD and Galatia, who were preaching "an-

      other Jesus" of nationalism and nar- rowness, whom Paul did not preach (Gal 1 6; 2 Cor

      II 4). Both Denney and Findlay follow Neander, Wieseler, and Sabatier in placing here, before Paul starts out again from Antioch, the visit of certain "from James" (Gal 2 12), who overpowered Peter for the moment. But I have put this incident as mere probably before the disagreement with Bar- nabas over Mark, and as probably contributing to that breach at the beginning of the second tour. It is not necessary to suppose that the Judaizers remained acquiescent so long.

      Paul seems to have set out on the third tour alone — unless Timothy came back with him, of which there

      is no evidence save that he is with Paul again in Ephesus (Acts 19 22). What became of Silas? Paul "went through the region of Galatia, and Phrygia, in order, establishing all the disciples" (Acts 18 23), the opposite order to 16 6, "through the region of Phrygia and Galatia." According to the North-Galatian view, here followed, he went through the northern part of the province, passing through Galatia proper and Phrygia on his way west to Ephesus. Luke adds, "Paul having passed through the upper country came to Ephesus" (19 1). The ministry of ApoUos in Ephesus (18 24-28) had taken place before Paul arrived, though Aquila and Priscilla were still on hand. Apollos passed over to Corinth and innocently became the occasion of such strife there (1 Cor 1-4) that he left and refused to return at Paul's request (1 Cor 16 12). Paul has a ministry of 3 years, in round numbers, in Ephesus, which is full of excitement and anxiety from the work there and in Corinth. He finds on his arrival some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist who are ignorant of the chief elements of John's teaching about repentance, Jesus, and the Holy Spirit (Acts 19 2-7), matters of which Apollos had knowledge, though he learned more from Priscilla and AquOa, but there is no evi- dence that he was rebaptized as was true of the 12 disciples of John (Robertson, John the Loyal, 290- 303). The boldness of Paul in Ephesus led in 3 months to his departure from the synagogue to the schoolhouse of Tyrannus, where he preached for 2 years (Acts 19 8-10) with such power that "all they that dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord." It is not strange later to find churches at Colossae and Hierapolis in the Lycus Valley (cf also Rev 1 11). Paul has a sharp collision with the strolling Jewish exorcists that led to the burning of books of magic by the wholesale (19 11-20), another proof of the hold that magic and the mysteries had upon the Orient. Ephesus was the seat of the worship of Diana whose wonderful temple was their pride. A great business in the manufacture of shrines of Diana was carried on here by Demetrius, and "this Paul" had hurt his trade so much that he raised an insur- rection under the guise of piety and patriotism and might have killed Paul with the mob, if he could have got hold of him (19 23-41). It was with great difficulty that Paul was kept from going to the amphitheater, as it was. But here, as at Corinth, the Rom officer (the town clerk) defended Paul from the rage of his enemies (there the jealous Jews, here the tradesmen whose business suffered). He was apparently very ill anyhow, and came near death (2 Cor 1 9). All this seems to have hastened his departure from Ephesus sooner than Pentecost, as he had written to the Corinthians (1 Cor 16 8). His heart was in Corinth because of the discussions there over him and Apollos and Peter, Ijy reason of the agitation of the Judaizers (1 Cor 1 10-17). The household of Chloe had brought word of this situation to Paul. He had written the church a letter now lost (1 Cor 5 9). They had written him a letter (1 Cor 7 1). They sent messengers to Paul (1 Cor 16 17). He had sent Timothy to them (1 Cor 4 17; 16 10), who seems not to have succeeded in quieting the trouble. Paul wrote 1 Cor (spring of 56), and then sent Titus, who was to meet him at Troas and report results (2 Cor 2 12 f). He may also have written another letter and sent it by Titus (2 Cor 2 3 f). The sudden departure from Corinth brought Paul to Troas ahead of time, but he could not wait for Titus, and so pushed on with a heavy heart into Macedonia, where he met him, and he had good and bad news to tell (2 Cor 2 12 ff; 7 5-13). The effect on Paul was instantaneous. He rebounded to hope and joy (2 Cor 2 14 ff) in a glorious defence of the



      ministry of Jesus (of Robertson, The Glory of the Ministry; Paul's Exultation in Preaching), with a message of cheer to the majority of the cliurch that had sustained Paul and with instructions (chs 8 and 9) about the collection for the poor saints in Jerus, which must be pushed to a completion by Titus and two other brethren (possibly also Luke, brother of Titus, and Erastus). Timothy and Erastus had been sent on ahead to Macedonia from Ephesus (Acts 19 22), and Timothy sends greetings with Paul to the Corinthians in a letter (2 Cor) which Paul now forwards, possibly by Titus. The latter part of the ep. (chs 10-13) deals with the stubborn minority who still resist the authority of Paul as an apostle. On the proposed treatment of these chapters as a separate ep. see the earlier part of this art. Paul seems to wait a while before going on to Corinth. He wishes the opposition to have time to repent. During this period he probably went round about to lUyricum (Rom 15 19). He spent three months in Greece (Acts 20 2 f), prob- ably the winter of 56 and 57.

      We have placed Gal in the early part of this stay in Corinth, though it could have been written while at Ephesus. Rom was certainly written while here, and they both treat the same general theme of justification by faith. Ramsay (Bjpo.5, February, 1913, 127-45) has at last come to the conclusion that Gal belongs to the date of Acts 15 1 f. He bases this conclusion chiefly on the "absolute independence" of his apostleship claimed in Gal 1 and 2, which, he holds, he would not have done after the conference in Acts 15, wiiich was " a sacrifice of complete independence." This is a curious interpretation, for in Gal 2 1-10 Paul himself tells of his recognition on terms of equality by Peter, John and James, and of his going to Jerus by "revelation," which was just as much "a sacrifice of complete in- dependence" as w^e find in Acts 15. Besides, in 2 Cor 11 5 and 12 11 Paul expressly asserts his equality (with all humility) witli the very chiefest apostles, and in 1 Cor 15 10 he claims in so many words to have wrought more than all the apostles. Perhaps messengers from Galatia with the contributions from that region report the havoc wrought there by the Judaizers. Gal is a tremendous plea for the spiritual nature of Christianity as opposed to Jewish ceremonial legalism.

      Paul had long had it in mind to go to Rome. It was his plan to do so while at Ephesus (Acts 19 21) after he had gone to Jerus with the great collection from the churches of Asia, Galatia, Achaia, and Macedonia. He hoped that this collection would have a mollifying effect on the Jerus saints aa that from Antioch had (Acts 11 29 f). He had changed some details in his plans, but not the purpose to go to Jerus and then to Rome. Meanwhile, he writes the longest and most important letter of all to the Romans, in which he gives a fuller statement of his gospel, because they had not heard him preach, save his various personal friends who had gone there from the east (ch 16). But already the shadow of Jerus is on his heart, and he asks their prayers in his behalf, as he faces his enemies in Jerus (Rom 15 30-32). He hopes to go on to Spain (15 24), so as to carry the gospel to the farther west also. The statesmanship of Paul comes out now in great clearness. He has in his heart always anxiety for the churches that consumes him (2 Cor 11 28 f). He was careful to have a committee of the churches go with him to report the collection (2 Cor 8 19 f). Paul had planned to sail direct for Syria, but a plot on his life in Corinth led him to go by land via Macedonia with his companions (Acts 20 2-4). He tarried at Philippi while the rest went on to Troas. At Philippi Paul is joined again by Luke, who stays with him till Rome is reached. They celebrate the Passover (probably the spring of 57) in Philippi (Acts 20 6). We cannot follow the details in Acts at Troas, the voyage through the beautiful Archipelago, to Miletus. There Paul took advantage of the stop to send for the elders of Ephesus to whom he gave a wonderful address (Acts 20 17-38). They change ships at Patara for

      Phoenicia and pass to the right of Cyprus with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus and stop at Tyre, where Paul is warned not to go on to Jerus. The hostility of the Judaizers to Paul is now com- mon talk everywhere. There is grave peril of a schism in Christianity over the question of gentile liberty, once settled in Jerus, but unsettled by the Judaizers. At Caesarea Paul is greeted by Philip the evangelist and his four daughters (prophetesses). At Caesarea Paul is warned in dramatic fashion by Agabus (cf Acts 11 28) not to go on to Jerus (21 9 ff), but Paul is more determined than ever to go, even if he die (20 13). He had had three pre- monitions for long (20 22 ff), but he will finish his course, cost what it may. He finds a friend at Caesarea in Mnason of Cyprus, an early disciple, who was to be the host of Paul in Jerus (21 16).

      Paul had hoped to reach Jerus by Pentecost (Acts 20 16). He seems to have done so. Luke gives the story of Paul in Jerus, Caes- 9. Five area, and the voyage to Rome in

      Years a much detail. He was with him and

      Prisoner, considered this period of his ministry Acts 21:17 very important. The welcome from — 28:31; the brethren in Jerus was surprisingly Phil; Phi- cordial (Acts 21 17). On the very lem; Col; next day Paul and his party made a Eph, formal call on James and all the elders

      57-62 (or (21 18 f), who gave a sympathetic 63) AD hearing to the narrative of God's deal-

      ings with Paul and the Gentiles. He presented the alms (collection) in due form (24 17), though some critics have actually suggested that Paul used it to defray the expenses of the appeal to Caesar. Ramsay's notion that he may have fallen heir by now to his portion of his father's estate is quite probable. But the brethren wish to help Paul set himself right before the rank and file of the church in Jerus, who have been imposed upon by the Judaizers who have misrepresented Paul's real position by saying that he urged the Jewish Chris- tians to give up the Mosaic customs (21 21). The elders understand Paul and recall the decision of the conference at which freedom was guaranteed to the Gentiles, and they have no wish to disturb that (21 25) . They only wish Paul to show that he does not object to the Jewish Christians keeping up the Mosaic regulations. They propose that Paul offer sacrifice publicly in the temple and pay the vows of four men, and then all will know the truth (21 23 f). Paul does not hesitate to do that (21 26 ff). He had kept the Jewish feasts (cf 20 6) as Jesus had done, and the early disciples in Jerus. He was a Jew. He may have had a vow at Corinth (18 18). He saw no inconsistency in a Jew doing thus after becoming a Christian, provided he did not make it obligatory on Gentiles. The real efficacy of the sacrifices lay in the death of Jesus for sin. Garvie (Life and Teaching of Paul, 173) calls this act of Paul "scarcely worthy of his courage as a man or his faith in God." I cannot see it in that light. It is a matter of practical wisdom, not of principle. To have refused would have been to say that the charge was true, and it was not. So far as the record goes, this act of Paul accomplished its purpose in setting Paul in a right light before the church in Jerus. It took away this argument from the Judaizers. The trouble that now comes to Paul does not come from the Judaizers, but from "the Jews from Asia" (21 27). If it be objected that the Jerus Christians seem to have done nothing to help Paul during his years of imprisonment, it can be said that there was little to be done in a legal way, as the matter was before the Rom courts very soon. The attack on Paul in the temple was while he was doing honor to the temple, engaged in actual worship offering sac- rifices. But then Jews from Ephesus hated him



      so that they imagined that he had Greeks with him in the Jewish court, because they had seen him one day with Trophimus in the city (21 27 ff). It is a splendid illustration of the blindness of prejudice and hate. It was absolutely untrue, and the men who raised the hue and cry in the temple against Paul as the desecrator of the holy place and the Law and the people disappear, and are never heard of more (24 18 f ). But it will take Paul five years or more of the prime of his life to get himself out of the tangled web that will be woven about his head. Peril follows peril. He was almost mobbed, as often before, by the crowd that dragged him out of the temple (21 30 f). It would remind Paul of Stephen's fate. When the Rom captain rescued him and had him bound with two chains as a danger- ous bandit, and had him carried by the soldiers to save his life, the mob yelled "Away with him" (21 36 f ) , as they had done to Jesus. After the captain, astonished that "Paul the Egyp assassin" can speak Gr, grants him permission to stand on the steps of the tower of Antonia to speak to the mob that clamored for his blood, he held their rapt attention by an address in Aram. (22 2) in which he gave a defence of his whole career. This they heard eagerly till he spoke the word "Gentiles," at which they raged more violently than ever (22 21 ff ) . At this the captain has Paul tied with thongs, not understanding his Aram, speech, and is about to scourge him when Paul pleads his Rom citizenship, to the amazement of the centurion (22 24: S). Almost in despair, the captain, wishing to know the charge of the Jews against Paul, brings him before the Sanhedrin. It is a familiar scene to Paul, and it is now their chance for settling old scores. Paul makes a sharp retort in anger to the high priest Ananias, for which he apologizes as if he was so angry that he had not noticed, but he soon divides the Sanhedrin hopelessly on the subject of the resur- rection (cf the immunity of the disciples on that issue when Gamaliel scored the Sadducees in Acts 5). This was turning the tables on his enemies, and was justifiable as war. He claimed to be a Pharisee on this point, as he was still, as opposed to the Sadducees. The result was that Paul had to be rescued from the contending factions, and the captain knew no more than he did before (23 1-10) . That night "the Lord stood by him" and promised that he would go to Rome (23 11). That was a blessed hope. But the troubles of Paul are by no means over. By the skill of his nephew he escaped the murderous plot of 40 Jews who had taken a vow not to eat till they had killed Paul (23 12-24). They almost succeeded, but Claudius Lysias sent Paul in haste with a band of soldiers to Caesarea to Felix, the procurator, with a letter in which he claimed to have rescued Paul from the mob, "having learned that he was a Roman" (23 26-30). At any rate he was no longer in the clutches of the Jews. Would Rom provincial justice be any better? Felix follows a perfunctory course with Paul and shows some curiosity about Christianity, till Paul makes him tremble with terror, a complete reversal of situations (cf Pilate's meanness before Jesus). But love of money from Paul or the Jews leads Fehx to keep Paul a prisoner for two years, though con- vinced of his innocence, and to hand him over to Festus, his successor, because the Jews might make things worse for him if he released him (ch 24). The case of the Sanhedrin, who have now made it their own (or at least the Sadducean section), though pleaded by the Rom orator TertuUus, had fallen through as Paul calmly riddled their charges. Festus is at first at a loss how to proceed, but he soon follows the steps of Felix by offering to play into the hands of the Jewish leaders by sending Paul back to Jerus, whereupon Paul abruptly exercises

      his right of Rom citizenship by appealing to Caesar (25 1-12). This way, though a long one, offered the only ray of hope. The appearance of Paul before Agrippa and Bernice was simply by way of entertainment arranged by Festus to relieve his guests of ennui, but Paul seized the opportunity to make a powerful appeal to Agrippa that put him in a corner logically, though he wriggled out a,nd declined to endorse Christianity, though confirming Paul's innocence, which Festus also had admitted (25 13—26 32). Paul was fortunate in the centu- rion Julius who took him to Rome, for he was kindly disposed to him at the start, and so it was all the way through the most remarkable voyage on record. Luke has surpassed his own record in ch 2'7, in which he traces the voyage, stage by stage, with change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens, Crete, and shipwreck on the island of Malta. More is learned about ancient seafaring from this chapter than from any other source (see art. Phoenix, and Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 1866). _ In it all Paul is the hero, both on the ships and in Malta. In the early spring of 60 another ship takes Paul and the other prisoners to Puteoli. Thence they go on to Rome, and enter by the Appian Way. News of Paul's coming had gone on before (his ep. had come 3 years ago), and he had a hearty welcome. But he is now an imperial prisoner in the hands of Nero. He has more liberty in his own hired house (28 16.30), but he is chained always to a Rom soldier, though granted freedom to see his friends and to preach to the soldiers. Paul is anxious to remove any misapprehensions that the Jews in Rome may have about him, and tries to win them to Christ, and with partial success (28 17-28). And here Luke leaves him a prisoner for 2 years more, probably because at this point he finishes the Book of Acts. But, as we have seen, during these years in Rome, Paul wrote Phil, Philem, Col, and Eph. He still has the churches on his heart. They send messengers to him, and he writes back to them. The incipient Gnosticism of the East has pressed upon the churches at Colossae and Laodicea, and a new peril confronts Christianity. The Judaizing controversy has died away with these years (cf Phil 3 1 ff for an echo of it), but the dignity and glory of Jesus are challenged. In the presence of the power of Rome Paul rises to a higher conception than even that of the person of Christ and the glory of the church universal. In due time Paul's case was disposed of and he was once more set free. The Romans were proverbially dilatory. It is doubtful if his enemies ever appeared against him with formal charges.

      The genuineness of the Pastoral Epp. is here assumed. But for them we should know nothing further, save from a few fragments 10. Further in the early Christian writings. As it Travels is, some few who accept the Pastoral

      Epp. seek to place them before 64 AD, so as to allow for Paul's death in that year from the Neronian persecution. In that case, he was not released. There is no space here to argue the ques- tion in detail. We can piece together the probable course of events. He had expected when in Corinth last to go on to Spain (Rom 15 28), but now in Rome his heart turns back to the east again. He longs to see the Philippians (1 23 S) and hopes to see Philemon in Colossae (Philem ver 22). But he may have gone to Spain also, as Clement of Rome seems to imply (Clement ad Cor 5) , and as is stated in the Canon of Muratori. He may have been in Spain when Rome was burned July 19, 64 AD. There is no evidence that Paul went as far as Britain. On his return east he left Titus in Crete (Tit 16). He touched at Miletus when he left Trophimus sick (2 Tim 4 20) and when he may have met Timothy,



      if he did not go on to Ephesus (1 Tim 13). He stopped at Troas and apparently expected to come back here, as he left his cloak and books with Carpus (2 Tim 4 13). He was on his way to Macedonia (1 Tim 1 3), whence he writes Timothy in 65-67 a letter full of love and counsel for the future. Paul is apprehensive of the grave perils now confronting Christianity. Besides the Judaizers, the Gnostics, the Jews and the Romans, he may have had dim visions of the conflict with the mystery-religions. It was a syncretistic age, and men had itching ears. But Paul is full of sympathy and tender solicitude for Timothy, who must push on the work and get ready for it. Paul expects to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Tit 3 12), but is apparently still in Macedonia when he writes to Titus a letter on lines similar to those in 1 Tim, only the note ia sharper against Judaism of a certain type. We catch another glimpse of Apollos in 3 13. Paul hits off the Cretans in 1 10 with a quotation from Epimenides, one of their own poetic prophets.

      When Paul WTites again to Timothy he has had a winter in prison, and has suffered greatly from the

      cold and does not wish to spend another 11. Last winter in the Mamertine (probably) Imprison- prison (2 Tim 4 13.21). We do not ment and know what the charges now are. They Death in may have been connected with the Rome, 68 burning of Rome. There were plenty (or 67) AD of informers eager to win favor with

      Nero. Proof was not now necessary. Christianity is no longer a religio licita under the shelter of Judaism. It is now a crime to be a Chris- tian. It is dangerous to be seen with Paul now, and he feels the desertion keenly (2 Tim 1 15ff; 4 10). Only Luke, the beloved physician, is with Paul (4 11), and such faithful ones as live in Rome still in hiding (4 21). Paul hopes that Timothy may come and bring Mark also (4 11). Apparently Timothy did come and was put into prison (He 13 23). Paul is not afraid. He knows that he will die. He has escaped the mouth of the lion (2 Tim 4 17), but he will die (4 18). The Lord Jesus stood by him, perhaps in visible presence (4 17). The tra- dition is, for now Paul fails us, that Paul, as a Rom citizen, was beheaded on the Ostian Road just out- side of Rome. Nero died June, 68 AD, so that Paul was executed before that date, perhaps in the late spring of that year (or 67). Perhaps Luke and Timothy were with him. It is fitting, as Findlay suggests, to let Paul's words in 2 Tim 4 6-8 serve for his own epitaph. He was ready to go to be with Jesus, as he had long wished to be (Phil 1 23). VI. Gospel. — I had purposed to save adequate space for the discussion of Paul's theology, but that is not now possible. A bare sketch must suffice. Something was said (see above on his epp. and equip- ment) about the development in Paul's conception of Clirist and his message about Him. Paul had a gospel which he called his own (Rom 2 16). I cannot agree with the words of Deissmann (St. Paul, 6): "St. Paul the theologian looks backward toward rabbinism. As a religious genius St. Paul's outlook is forward into a future of universal history." He did continue to use some rabbinical methods of argument, but his theology was not rabbinical. And he had a theology. He was the great apostle and missionary to the heathen. He was a Christian statesman with far-seeing vision. He was the loving pastor with the shepherd heart. He was the great martyr for Christ. He was the wonderful preacher of Jesus. But he was also "Paul the theologian" (Garvie, Life and Teaching of Paul, ch v) . There are two ways of studying his teaching. One is to take it by groups of the epp., the purely historical method, and that has some advantages (cf Sabatier, The Apostle Paul). But at bottom Paul

      has the same message in each group, though with varying emphasis due to special exigencies. The same essential notes occur all through. The more common method, therefore, is to study his gospel topically, using all the epp. for each topic. A measure of historical development may still be ob- served. Only the chief notes in Paul's gospel can be mentioned here. Even so, one must not turn to his epp. for a complete system of doctrine. The epp. are "occasional letters, pihces de circonstance" (Findlay, HDB), and they do not profess, not even Rom, to give a full summary of Christian doctrine. They are vital documents that throb with life. There is no theological manual in them. But Paul's gospel is adequately stated repeatedly. Paul's message is Christocentric. Jesus as Messiah he preached at once on his conversion (Acts 9 20.22). He knew already the current Jewish Messianism to which Jesus did not correspond. The accept- ance of Jesus as He was (the facts about Him and teachings) revolutionized his Messianic conceptions, his view of God, and his view of man. "When he takes and uses the Messianic phraseology of his day, he fills it with a meaning new and rich" (Ros- tron, Christology of St. Paul, 31). Paul was not merely a new creature himself, but he had a new outlook: "Wherefore we henceforth know no man after the flesh : even though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now we know him so no more. Wherefore if any man is in Christ, he is a new creature: the old things are passed away; behold, they are become new. But all things are of God, who reconciled us to himself through Christ, and gave unto us the ministry of reconciliation; to wit, that God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not reckoning unto them their trespasses, and having committed unto us the word of recon- ciliation" (2 Cor 5 16-19). Perhaps no single passage in Paul's Epp. tells us more than this one of the change in Paul's theological conceptions wrought by his conversion. His view of Christ as the revealer of God (God in Christ) and the mani- festation of love for men (of God, who reconciled us to Himself, reconciling the world to Himself) and the means (through Christ) by whom God is able to forgive our sins ("not reckoning unto them their trespasses") on the basis of the atoning death of Christ ("wherefore"; for this see vs 14 f just before ver 16) with whom the believer has vital union ("in Christ") and who transforms the nature and views of the believer, is here thoroughly characteristic. Paul's passion is Christ (2 Cor 6 14; Phil 1 21). To gain Christ (3 8), to know Christ (3 10), to be found in Christ (3 9), to know Christ as the mystery of God (Col 2 2 f), to be hid with Christ ui God (3 3) — this with the new Paul is worth while. Thus Paul interprets God and man, by his doctrine of Christ. To him Jesus is Christ and Christ is Jesus. He has no patience with the incipient Cerinthian Gnosticism, nor with the docetic Gnos- ticism that denied the true humanity of Jesus. 'The real mystery of God is Christ, not the so-called mystery-reUgions. Christ has set us free from the bondage of ceremonial legahsm. We are free from the curse of the law (Gal 3 13). Grace is the dis- tinctive word for the gospel (Rom 3-5), but it must lead to sanctification (Rom 6-8), not hcense (Col 3). Paul's Christology is both theocentric and anthropocentric, but it is theocentric first. _ His notion of redemption is the love of God seeking a world lost in sin and finding love's way, the only way consonant with justice, in the atoning sacrifice of Jesus Christ His Son (Roni 3 21^31). The sinner comes into union with God in Christ by faith in Christ as Redeemer and Lord. Henceforth he lives to God in Christ by the help of the Holy Spirit (Rom 8; Gal 5). Paul presents God as

      Paul, the Apostle Pauline Theology



      Father of all in one sense (Eph 4 6), but in a special senseof the believers in Christ (Rom 8 15 f). Jesus Christ is the Incarnation of the Pre-incarnate Son of God (2 Cor 8 9; PhH 2 5-10), who is both God and man (Rom 1 3f). With Paul the agent of creation is Jesus (Col 1 15 f ), who is also the head of the church universal (Col 1 18; Eph 1 22 f). In the work of Christ Paul gives the central place to the cross (1 Cor 1 17f; 2 2; Col 2 20; Eph 2 13-18). Sin is universal in humanity (Rom 1 18 — 3 20), but the vicarious death of Christ makes redemption possible to all who believe (Rom 3 21 ff; Gal 3 6-11). The redeemed constitute the kingdom of God or church universal, with Christ as head. Local bodies (churches) are the chief means for pushing the work of the kingdom. Paul knows two ordinances, both of which present in symbohc form the death of Christ for sin and the pledge of the behever to newness of life in Christ. These ordinances are baptism (Rom 6 1-11) and the Lord's Supper (1 Cor 11 17-34). If he knew the mystery-religions, they may have helped him by way of illustration to present his conception of the mystic union with Christ. Paul is animated by the hope of the second coming of Christ, which will be sudden (1 Thess 6 1-11) and not probably at once (2 Thess 2), but was to be considered as always imminent (1 Thess 5 2S). Meanwhile, death brings us to Christ, which is a glorious hope to Paul (2 Cor 5 1-10; Phil 1 21 ff; 2 Tim 4 18). But, while Paul was a theologian in the highest and best sense of the term, the best interpreter of Christ to men, he was also an ethical teacher. He did not divorce ethics from religion. He insisted strongly on the spiritual experience of Christ as the beginning and the end of it all, as opposed to mere ritualistic ceremonies which had destroyed the life of Judaism. But all the more Paul demanded the proof of hfe as opposed to mere profession. See Rom 6-8 in particular. In most of the epp. the doctrinal sec- tion is followed by practical e.xhortations to holy living. Mystic aa Paul was, the greatest of all mystics, he was the sanest of moralists and had no patience with hypocrites or licentious pietists or ideaHsts who allowed sentimentalism and emo- tionalism to take the place of righteousness. His notion of the righteousness demanded by God and given by God included both sanctification and justi- fication. In the end, the sinner who for Christ's sake is treated as righteous must be righteous. Thus the image of God is restored in man by the regenerating work of the Spirit of God (2 Cor 3 18). Paul sees God in the face of Christ (2 Cor 4 6), and the vision of Christ brings God to all who see.

      Literature. — Out of the vast Pauline lit. the follow- ing selections may be mentioned:

      (1) General Works : Addis, Christianity and the Rom Empire, 189.3; Bartlet. The Apostolic Age, 1899; Bohlig, Die GeisteskuUur von Torsos, 1913; Clemen, Primitive Christianity and lis Non~ Jewish Sources, 1912; Cumont, Oriental Religions in Rom Paganism, 1911; Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 1910; Dewick, Primitive Christian Eschaiology, 1912; Dollinger, Gentile and Jew in the Courts of the Temple of Christ, tr, 1862; Farrar, Early Days of Christianity, 1882, Darkness and Dawn, 1893; Ferrero, Greatness and Decline of Rome, 1908; Friedlander, Rom Life and Manners under the Early Empire; Glover, Conflict of Religions in the Early Rom Empire, 1910; Gunkel, Zum religionsgeschichtlichen Verst. d. NT, 1903; Hausrath, Time of the Apostles, tr; Neander, Planting and Training of the Christian Church, tr; McGiflert, A Hist of Christianity in the Apostolic Age, 1897; Karasay, The Church in the Rom Empire, 1803, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 1895, The First Christian Cent., 1911; Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen. 1910; Ropes, The Apostolic Age, 1906; Schtirer, 11 J P; Weizsacker, The Apostolic Age in the Chris- tian Church, 1894^95.

      (2) Introductions: E. Burton, Chron of St. Paul's Epp.; Clemen, Die Chron der Paulinischen Briefe, 1893, Die Einheitlichkeit der Paulinischen Briefe, 1894; Findlay, Epp. of Paul the Apostle, 1893; Gloag, Jntro to the Pauline Epp., 1876; Gregory, Canon and Text of

      the NT, 1900; Hort, Prolegomena to Rom and Eph, 1895; Harnack, The Acts of the Apostles. 1909. Dale of the Acts andthe Synoptic Gospels, 1911, History of Early Christian Lit. until Eusebius, 1897; Holtzmann, Einleitung^, 1892; James, Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epp., 1906; Julicher, Intro to the NT, 1903; Lake, Earlier Epp. of St. Paul, 1911; Moflatt, Jntro to the Lit. of the NT, 1911; Peake, Critical Intro to the NT, 1909; Salmon, /7i(ro to the NT, 1892; R. Scott, Epp. of Paul, 1909; Shaw, The Pauline Epp., 1903; von Soden, History of Early Christian Lit., 1906; B. Weiss, Present State of the Inquiry Concerning the Genuineness of Paul' s Epp., 1897; Zahn, Intro to the NT, 1909.

      (3) Commentaries: For exegetical comms. on special epp. see special arts. For the ancients see Chrysostom for the Greeks, and Pelagius for the Latins. For the Middle Ages see Thomas Aquinas. For the later time see Beza, Calvin, Colet, Estius, Grotius, Cornelius a Lapide, Wettstein, Bengel. Among the moderns note Alford, Beet {Rom-Col), Boise, Bible for Home and School, Cambridge Bible for Schools, Cambridge Gr Tes~ lament, New Cent. 5i6^»3; Drummond, Epp. of Paul, Ellicott (aU but Rom and 2 Cor), Expositor's Bible, Expositor's Gr Testament; Holtzmann, Hand-Conim. zum NT; Jowett (1 and 2 Thess, Rom, Gal), Lightfoot (Gal, Phil, Col, Philem and Notes), Lietzmann, Handbuch zum NT; Meyer (tr, revised Ger. edd), Zahn, Kommentar zum NT.

      (4) Lives and Monographs: Albrecht, Paulus der Apostel Jesu C'hristi, 1903: BaCOn, The Story of Paul, 1904; Bartlet, art. in Enc Brit, 11th ed; Baring-Gould, A Study of St. Paul, 1897; Baur, The Apostle PauP, 1845; Beva,n, St. Paul in the Light of Today, 1912;Bird, Paul of Tarsus, 1900; Campbell, Paul the Mystic, 1907; Chrysostom, Homiliae in Laude S. Pauli, Opera, vol II, ed Montf. (more critically in Field's ed); Clemen, Pau- lus, 1904; Cone, Paul the Man, the Missionary, 1898; Cohu, ,S^ Paul in the Light of Recent Research, 1910; Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epp. of St. Paul (many edd); Deissmann, St. Paul, 1912; Drescher, Das Leben Jesu bei Paulus, 1900; Drury, The Prison Ministry of St. Paul, 1910; 'Eadie, Paul the Preacher, 18.59; Farrar, Life and Work of St. Paul (various edd); Erbes, Die Todestage der Apostel Paulus und Petrus, 1899; Fletcher, A Study of the Conversion of St. Paul, 1911; Forbes, Footsteps of St. Paul in Rome, 1899; Fouard, St. Paul and His Mission, 1894, Last Years of St. Paul, 1897; Gard- ner, Religious Experience of St. Paul, 1911; Garvie, Life and Teaching of St. Paul, 1909, Studies of St. Paul and His Gospel, 1911; Gilbert, Student's Life of Paul, 1899; Helm, Paulus, 1905; Honnicke, Chronologic des Lebens Pauli, 1904; Iverach, St. Paul, His Life and Time, 1890; Johnston, The Mission of St. Paul to the Rom Empire, 1909; M. Jones, St. Paul the Orator, 1910; Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery-Religions, 1913; Kohler, Zum Verstdndnis d. Apostels Paulus, 1908; Lewin, Life and Epp. of St. Paul, 1875; Lock, St. Paul the Master Builder, 1905; Lyttleton, Observations on Saul's Con- version, 1774; Myers, Saint Paul (various edd); Mathe- son. Spiritual Development of St. Paul, 1891; Means, St. Paul and the Ante-Nicene Church, 1903; Noesgen' Paulus der Apostel der Heiden, 1908; Paley, H ora'e Paulinae, 1790; Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1896, Pauline and Other Studies, 1906, Cities of St. Paul, 1908[ Luke the Physician and Other Studies, 1908, Pictures of the Apostolic Church, 1910; Renan, St. Paul, 1869- A. T. Robertson, Epochs in the Life of Paul, 1909, -The Glory of the Ministry or Paul's Exultation in Preaching 1911; Sabatier, The Apostle Paul, 1896; Selden, In the Time of Paul, 1900; Schweitzer, St. Paul and His In- terpreters, 1912; Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul>, 1880; Speer, The Man Paul, 1900; Stalker Life of St. Paul, 1889; Taylor, Paul the Missionary, 1882- UnderhiU, Divine Legation of St. Paul, 1889; Weinel Paul (tr, 1906): Whyte, The Apostle Paul, 1903; Wilkin- son, Epic of Saul, 1891, Epic of Paul, 1897; Wrede Paulus", 1907 (tr); Wright, Cities of Paul, 1907; Wynne' Fragmentary Records of Jesus of Nazareth by a Contem- porary, 1887.

      (5) Teaching: A. B. D. Alexander, The Ethics of St. Paul, 1910; S. A. Alexander, Christianity of St. Paul 1899; Anonymous, The Fifth Gospel, 1906; R. Allen' Christology of St. Paul, 1912; M. Arnold, St. Paul and Protestantism, 1897; Ball, St. Paul and the Rom Law 1901; Breitenstein, Jesus et Paul, 1908; Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity, 1898; Briickner, Die Ent- stehung der Paulinischen Chrislologie, 1903; Bultmann Der Stil der Paulin. Predigt und die kyn. Diatribe, A91o'- Chadwick, Socio! Teaching of St. Paul. 1907, Pastoral Teaching of St. Paul, 1907; M. Dibelius, Die Geislerwelt im Glauben des Paulus, 1909; Dickie, Culture of the Spir- itual Life, 1905; Dickson, St. Paul's Use of the Terms Flesh and Spirit, 1883; Du Bose, Gospel according to St Paul, 1907; Dykes, Gospel according to St. Paul, 1888' Everett, Gospel of Paul, 1893; Feine, Paul as Theologian (tr, 1908); Greenough, Mind of Christ in St. Paul; Goguel L'Apdtre Paul el Jesus Christ, 1904; Harford, The Gospel according to St. Paul, 1912; Hicks, "St. Paul and Hel- lenism," Stud. Bibl, IV; Holsten, Das Evangelium des Paulus, 1S9H; Jiilicher, Paulus und Jesus, 1907; Kaftan, Jesus und Paulus, 1906; Kennedy, St. Paul's Conceptions of Last Things, 1904; Knowling, Testimony of St. Paul to Christ (3d ed, 1911); A. Meyer, Jesus or Paul f 1909;



      Paul, the Apostle Pauline Theology

      Mofifatt, Paul and Paulinism, 1910; Montet, Es^ai sur la chrislologip. de Saint Paul, 1906; Niigeli, Der Wurl- Kfhatz des Apontels Paulas, 1905; Oehler, Paulus und Jesus, 1908; Paterson, The Pauline Theology, 190:3; Pflelderer, Paulinismus, 1873, Influence of the Aposlle Paul on the Development of Christianity, 1885; Prat, La thiologie de Saint Paul, 1907; Ramsay, The Teaching of St. Paul in Terms of the Present Day, 1913; Resch, Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu, 1904; Rostron, The Christolaay of St. Paul, 1912; Simon, Die Psychologie des Apostels Paulus, 1897; Somerville, St. Paul's Conception of Christ, 1897; Stevens, The Pauline Theology, 1894; Thackeray, Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thought, 1900; J. Weiss, Paul and Jesus, 1909; Paul and Justification, 1913; Williams, A Plea for a Reconstruction of St. Paul's Doctrine of Justification, 1912; Wustraann, Jesus und Paulus, 1907; Zahn, Das Gesetz Gotles nach der Lehre des Apostels Paulus^, 1892.

      A. T. Robertson PAUL, VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF. See

      Paul the Apostle, V, 9; Phoenix.

      PAULINE, pol'in, -in, THEOLOGY:

      I. The Preparation

      1. The Pharisee

      2. Saul and Sin

      3. Primitive Christianity II. The Conversion

      1. Christ

      2. The Spirit

      3. The Unio Mystica

      4. Salvation

      5. Justification

      III. Further De\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ elopments

      1. Abolition of the Law

      2. Cientiles

      3. Redemption

      4. Atonement

      5. jNloral E.^ample

      6. Function of the Law

      IV. Special Topics

      1. The Church

      2, The Sacraments

      /. The Preparation. — In order to understand the development of St. Paul's theological system, it is necessary to begin with his beUefs as a Pharisee. The full extent of these beliefs, to be sure, is not now ascertainable, for Pharisaism was a rule of conduct rather than a system of dogmas, and great diversity of opinions existed among Pharisees. Yet there was general concurrence in certain broad principles, while some of St. Paul's own state- ments enable us to specify his beliefs still more closely.

      Saul the Pharisee believed that God was One, the Creator of all things. In His relation to His world He was transcendent, and governed 1. The it normally through His angels. Cer-

      Pharisee tain of these angelic governors had been unfaithful to their trust and had wrought evil, although God still permitted them to bear rule for a time (Col 2 1.5; cf En 89 6.5). And evil had come into humanity through the trans- gression of the first man (Rom 5 12; cf 2 Esd 7 118). To lead men away from this evil God gave His Law, which was a perfect revelation of duty (Rom 7 12), and this Law was illumined by the traditions of the Fathers, which the Pharisees felt to be an integral part of the Law itself. God was merciful and would pardon the offender against the Law, if he completely amended his ways. But im- perfect reformation brought no certain hope of pardon. To a few specially favored individuals God had given the help of His Spirit, but this was not for the ordinary individual. The great majority of mankind (cf 2 Esd 7 49-57), including all Gentiles, had no hope of salvation. In a very short time the course of the world would be closed. With God, from before the beginning of creation, there was existing a heavenly being, the Son of man of Dnl 7 13, and He was about to be made manifest. (That Saul held the transcendental Messianic doc- trine is not to be doubted.) As the world was irredeemably bad, this Messiah would soon appear, cause the dead to rise, hold the Last Judgment and

      bring from heaven the ".lerus that is above" (Gal 4 26), in which the righteous would spend a blessed eternity. See Pharisees; Messiah; Parousia.

      Rom 7 7-2.5 throws a further light on Saul's

      personal beliefs. The OT promised pardon to the

      sinner who amended his ways, but the

      2. Saul acute moral sense of Saul taught him and Sin that he could never expect perfectly

      to amend his ways. The 10th Com- mandment was the stumbling-block. Sins of deed and of word might perhaps be overcome, but sins of evil desires stayed with him, despite his full knowl- edge of the Law that branded them as sinful. Indeed, they seemed stimulated rather than sup- pressed by the Divine precepts against them. With the best will in the world, Saul's efforts toward perfect righteousness failed continually and gave no promise of ever succeeding. He found himself thwarted by something that he came to realize was ingrained in his very nature and from which he could never free himself. Human nature as it is, the flesh (not "the material of the body"), contains a taint that makes perfect reformation impossible (7 18; cf 8 3, etc). Therefore, as the Law knows no pardon for the imperfectly reformed, Saul felt his future to be absolutely black. What he longed for was a promise of pardon despite continued sin, and that the Law precluded. (Any feeling that the temple sacrifices would bring forgiveness had long since been obsolete in educated Judaism.)

      There is every reason to suppose that Saul's experience was not unique at this period. Much has been written in recent years about the Jews' confidence in God's mercy, and abundant quotations are brought from the Talra in support of this. But the surviving portions of the literature of the Daniel-Akiba period (165 BC-135 AD) give a different impressio'n, for it is predominantly a literature of penitential prayers and confessions of sin, of pessimism regarding the world, the nation and one's self. In 2 Esd, inparticular, Saul's experience is closely paralleled, and 2 Esd 7 (of course not in AV) is one of the best comms. ever written on Rom 7-

      Saul must have come in contact with Christianity

      very soon after Pentecost, at the latest. Some

      personal acquaintance with Christ is

      3. Primitive in no way impossible, irrespective of Christianity the meaning of 2 Cor 5 16. But no

      one in Jerus, least of all a man like Saul, could have failed to learn very early that there was a new "party" in Judaism. To his eyes this "party" would have about the following appear- ance: Here was a band of men proclaiming that the Messiah, whom all expected, would be the Jesus who had recently been crucified. Him the disciples were preaching as risen, ascended and sitting on God's right hand. They claimed that He had sent on all His followers the coveted gift of the Spirit, and they produced miracles in proof of their claim. A closer investigation would show that the death of Jesus was being interpreted in terms of Isa 53, as a ransom for the nation. The inquirer would learn also that Jesus had given teaching that found con- stant and relentless fault with the Pharisees. Moreover, He had swept aside the tradition of the Fathers as worthless and had given the Law a drastic reinterpretation on the basis of eternal spir- itual facts.

      This inwardness must have appealed to Saul and he must have envied the joyous enthusiasm of the disciples. But to him Pharisaism was Divine, and he was in a spiritual condition that admitted of no compromises. Moreover, the Law (Gal 3 13; cf Dt 21 23) cursed anyone who had been hanged on a tree, and the new party was claiming celestial Messiahship for a man who had met this fate. The system aroused Saul's burning hatred; he appointed himself (perhaps stimulated by his moral despera- tion) to exterminate the new religion, and in pursuit of his mission he started for Damascus.



      Saul must have gained a reasonable knowledge of Christ's teachings in this period of antagonism. He certainty could not have begun to persecute the faith without learning what it was, and in the inevitable dis- cussions with his victims he must have learned still more, even against his will. This fact is often overlooked.

      //. The Conversion. — The immediate content of

      St. Paul's conversion was the reahzation that the

      celestial Messiah was truly Jesus of

      1. Christ Nazareth. This was simply the belief

      of the primitive church and was the truth for which Christ had died (Mk 14 62). But it involved much. It made Christ the Son of God (Rom 8 32; Gal 4 4, etc), "firstborn of [i.e. "earher than"] all creation" (Col 1 15), "existing in the form of God" (Phil 2 6) and "rich" (2 Cor 8 9). In the Messiah are "all the treasures of wis- dom and knowledge hidden" (Col 2 3), to be mani- fested at the end of time when the Messiah shall appear as the Judge of all (2 Cor 5 10, etc), caus- ing the resurrection of the dead (1 Cor 15 45, etc). All this was given by St. Paul's former beliefs and had been claimed by Christ for Himself. That this Messiah had become man was a fact of the immedi- ate past (the reaUty of the manhood was no problem at this period). As Messiah His sinlessness was unquestioned, while the facts of His life proved this sinlessness also. His teaching was wholly binding (1 Cor 7 10.11; that the writer of these words could have spared any effort to learn the teaching fully is out of the question). The conversion ex- perience was proof sufficient of the resurrection, although for missionary purposes St. Paul used other evidence as well (1 Cor 15 1-11).

      Faith in this Messiah brought the unmistakable experience of the Holy Spirit (Rom 8 2; Gal 3 2, etc; cf Acts 9 17), demonstrating Chi'ist's Lordship (1 Cor 12 3; cf Acts 2 33). So "the head of every man is Christ" (1 Cor 11 3; cf Col 1 18; Eph 1 22; 4 15), with complete control of the future (1 Cor 15 25), and all righteous men are His servants ("slaves," Rom 1 1, etc). To Him men may address their prayers (2 Cor 12 8; 1 Cor 1 2, etc; cf Acts 14 23).

      Further reflection added to the concepts. As the Lordship of Christ was absolute, the power of all hostile beings must have been broken also (Rom 8 38; Phil 2 9-11; Col 2 15; Eph 1 21-23, etc). The Being who had such significance for the present and the future could not have been without sig- nificance for the past. "In all things" He must have had "the preeminence" (Col 1 18). It was He who ministered to the Israelites at the Exodus (1 Cor 10 4.9). In fact He was not only "before all things" (Col 1 17), but "all things have been created through him" (ver 16). Wisdom and Logos concepts may have helped St. Paul in reach- ing these conclusions, which in explicit statement are an advance on Christ's own words. But the conclusions were inevitable.

      Fitting these data of religious fact into the meta- physical doctrine of God was a problem that occu- pied the church for the four following centuries. After endless experimenting the only conclusion was shown to be that already reached by St. Paul in Rom 9 5 (cf Tit 2 13, ERV, ARVm), that Christ is God. To be sure, St. Paul's terminology, carried over from his pre-Christian days, elsewhere reserves "God" for the Father (and cf 1 Cor 15 28). But the fact of this theology admits only of the conclusion that was duly drawn.

      A second fact given directly by the conversion

      was the presence of the Spirit, where the actual

      experience transcended anything that

      2. The had been dreamed of. Primarily the Spirit operation of the Spirit was recognized

      in vividly supernatural effects (Rom 15 19; 1 Cor 12 5-11, etc; cf 2 Cor 12 12; Acts

      2 4), but St. Paul must at first have known the presence of the Spirit through the assurance of salvation given him, a concept that he never wearies of expressing (Rom 8 16.23; Gal 4 6, etc). The work of the Spirit in producing holiness in the soul needs no comment (see Holt Spirit; Sanctifi- cation), but it is characteristic of St. Paul that it is on this part of the Spirit's activity, rather than on the miraculous effects, that he lays the emphasis. "The fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace," etc (Gal 5 22) ; the greatest miracles without love are more than useless (1 Cor 13 1-3) ; in such sayings St. Paul touched the depths of the purest teaching of Christ. To be sure, in the Synoptic Gospels the word "Spirit" is not often on Christ's lips, but there is the same conception of a life proceeding from a pure center (Mt 6 22; 7 17, etc) in entire depend- ence on God.

      Further reflection and observation taught St. Paul something of the greatest importance for Christian theology. In prayer the Spirit appeared distinguished from the Father as well as from the Son (Rom 8 26f; cf 1 Cor 2 10 f), giving three terms that together express the plenitude of the Deity (2 Cor 13 14; Eph 1 3.6.13, etc), with no fourth term ever similarly associated. See Trinity.

      The indwelling of the Divine produced by the

      Spirit is spoken of indifferently as the indwelling

      of the Spirit, or of the Spirit of Christ,

      3. The or of Christ Himself (all three terms in Unio Rom 8 9-11; cf 1 Cor 2 12; Gal Mystica 4 6; Eph 3 17, etc). The variations

      are in part due to the inadequacy of the old terminology (so 2 Cor 3 17), in part to the nature of the subject. Distinctions made between the operations of the persons of the Trinity on the soul can never be much more than verbal, and the terms are freely interchangeable. At all events, tlu-ough the Spirit Christ is in the beUever (Rom 8 10; Gal 2 20; 4 19; Eph 3 17) or, what is the same thing, the behever is in Christ (Rom 6 11; 8 1; 16 7, etc). "We have become united with him" (Rom 6 5, SMmptetos, "grown together with") in a union once and for all effected (Gal 3 27) and yet always to be made more intimate (Rom 13 14). The union so accomplished makes the man "a new creature" (2 Cor 5 17).

      St. Paul now saw within himself a dual per- sonality. His former nature, the old man, still

      persisted, with its impulses, liability

      4. Salvation to temptation, and inertnesses. The

      "flesh" still existed (Gal 6 17; Rom 8 12; 13 14; Eph 4 22; Phil 3 12, etc). On the other hand there was fighting in him against this forrner nature nothing less than the whole power of Christ, and its final victory could not be uncertain for a moment (Rom 6 12; 8 2.10; Gal 6 16, etc). Indeed, it is possible to speak of the behever as entirely spiritual (Rom 6 11.22; 8 9, etc), as already in the Idngdom (Col 1 13), as ah-eady sitting in heavenly places (Eph 2 6). Of course St. Paul had too keen an appreciation of reality to regard believers as utterly sinless (Phil 3 12, etc), and his pages abound in reproofs and exhortations. But the present existence of remnants of sin had no final terrors, for the ultimate victory over sin was certain, even if it was not to be complete until the last day when the power of God would redeem even the present physical frame (Rom 8 11; Phil

      3 21, etc).

      As the first man to belong to the higher order, and as the point from which the race could take a fresh start, Christ could justly be termed a new Adam {1 Cor 15 4.5-49; cf Rom 5 12-21). If Cor 15 48 has anv rela- tion to the Philonic doctrine of the two Adams, it is a polemic against it. Such a polemic would not be unlikely.



      A most extraordinary fact, to the former Pharisee, was that this experience had been gained without conscious effort and even against con- 5. Justifi- scious effort (Phil 3 7 f ) . After years cation of fruitless striving a single act of self-

      surrender had brought him an assur- ance that he had despaired of ever attaining. And this act of self-surrender is what St. Paul means by "faith," "faith without works." This faith is naturally almost anything in the world rather than a mere intellectual acknowledgment of a fact (Jas

      2 19), and is an act of the whole man, too complex for simple analysis. It finds, however, its perfect statement in Christ's reference to 'receiving the kingdom of God as a Uttle child' (Mk 10 15). By an act of simple yielding St. Paul found himself no longer in dread of his sins; he was at peace with God, and confident as to his future; in a word, "justified." In one sense, to be sure, "works" were still involved, for without the past struggles the result would never have been attained. A desire, however imperfect, to do right is a necessary prepa- ration for justification, and the word has no mean- ing to a man satisfied to be sunk in complete selfish- ness (Rom 6 2; 3 8, etc). This desire to do right, which St. Paul always presupposes, and the content given "faith" are sufficient safeguards against antinomianism. But the grace given is in no way commensurate with past efforts, nor does it grow out of them. It is a simple gift of God (Rom 6 23).

      ///. Farther Developments. — The adoption by St. Paul of the facts given by his conversion (and the immediate conclusions that followed from them) involved, naturally, a readjustment and a reforma- tion of the other parts of his beUef. The process must have occupied some time, if it was ever com- plete during his life, and must have been affected materially by his controversies with his former core- ligionists and with very many Christians.

      Fundamental was the problem of the Law. The

      Law was perfectly clear that he — and only he —

      who performed it would live. But

      1. AboUtion life was found through faith in Christ, of the Law while the Law was not fulfilled.

      There could be no question of compro- mise between the two positions; they were simply incompatible (Rom 10 5f; Gal 2 16; 3 11 f; Phil

      3 7). One conclusion only was possible: "Christ is the end of the law unto righteousness to every one that beheveth" (Rom 10 4). As far as con- cerned the behever, the Law was gone. Two tremendous results followed. One was the im- mense simplification of what we call "Christian ethics," which were now to be determined by the broadest general principles of right and wrong and no longer by an elaborate legalistic construing of God's commands (Rom 13 8-10; Gal 5 22 f, etc; of Mk 12 29-31). To be sure, the commandments might be quoted as convenient expressions of moral duty (Eph 6 2; 1 Cor 9 9, etc; cf Mk 10 19), but they are binding because they are right, not because they are commandments (Col 2 16). So, in St. Paul's moral directions, he tries to bring out always the principle involved, and Rom 14 and 1 Cor 8 are masterpieces of the treatment of con- crete problems by this method.

      The second result of the abohtion of the Law was

      overwhehning. Gentiles had as much right to

      Christ as had the Jews, barring per-

      2. Gentiles haps the priority of honor (Rom 3 2,

      etc) possessed by the latter. It is altogether conceivable, as Acts 22 21 imphes, that St. Paul's active acceptance of this result was long delayed and reached only after severe struggles. The fact was utterly revolutionary, and although it was prophesied in the OT (Rom 9 25 f), yet 'the Messiah among you Gentiles' remained the hidden

      mystery that God had revealed only in the last days (Col 1 26f; Eph 3 3-6, etc). The struggles of the apostle in defence of this principle are the most familiar part of his career.

      This consciousness of dehverance from the Law

      came to St. Paul in another way. The Law was

      meant for men in this world, but the

      3. Redemp- union with Christ had raised him out tion of this world and so taken him away

      from the Law's control. In the Epp. this fact finds expression in an elaborately reasoned form. As Christ's nature is now a vital part of our nature. His death and resurrection are facts of our past as well. "Ye died, and your fife is hid with Christ in God" (Col 3 3). But "the law hath dominion over a man" only "for so long time as he liveth" (Rom 7 1). "Wherefore, my brethren, ye also were made dead to the law through the body of Christ" (ver 4). Cf Col 2 11-13.20, where the same argument is used to show that ritual observ- ance is no longer necessary. In Rom 6 1-14 this argument is made to issue in a practical exhortation. Through the death of Christ, which is our death (ver 4), we, like Him, are placed in a higher world (ver 5) where sin has lost its power (ver 7), a world in which we are no longer under Law (ver 14). Hence the intensest moral effort becomes our duty (ver 13; cf 2 Cor 5 14 f).

      This release from the Law, however, does not

      solve the whole problem. Evil, present and past,

      is a fact. Law or no Law (on Rom 4

      4. Atone- 15b," 5 136; see the comms.), and a ment forbearance of God that simply "passes

      over" sins is disastrous for man as well as contrary to the righteous nature of God (Rom 3 25 f) . However inadequate the OT sac- rifices were felt to have been (and hence, perhaps, St. Paul's avoidance of the Levitical terms except in Eph 6 2), yet they offered the only help possible for the treatment of this most complex of problems. The guilt of our sins is "covered" by the death of Christ (1 Cor 15 3, where this truth is among those which were delivered to converts "first of all" ; Rom 3 25; 4 25; 6 6, etc). This part of his theology St. Paul leaves in an incomplete form. He was ac- customed, like any other man of his day, whether Jew or Gentile, to think naturally in sacrificial terms, and neither he nor his converts were conscious of any difficulty involved. Nor has theology since his time been able to contribute much toward advan- cing the solution of the problem. The fatal results of unchecked evil, its involving of the innocent with the guilty, and the value of vicarious suffering, are simple facts of our experience that defy our attempts to reduce them to intellectual formulas. In St. Paul's case it is to be noted that he views the in- centive as coming from God (Rom 3 25; 5 8; 8 32, etc), because of His love toward man, so that a "gift-propitiation" of an angry deity is a theory the precise opposite of the Pauline. Moreover, Christ's . death is not a mere fact of the past, but through the "mystical union" is incorporated into the life of every believer.

      Further developments of this doctrine about Christ's death And in it the complete destruction of whatever remained of the Law (Col 2 14), esp. as the barrier between Jew and Gentile (Eph 2 l.") f). The extension of the effects of the death to the unseen world (Col 2 15; cf Clal 4 9; Eph 4 8) was of course natural.

      The death of Christ as producing a subjective moral power in the believer is appealed to fre- quently (cf Rom 8 3; Gal 2 20; Eph

      5. Moral 5 2.25; Phil 2 5, etc), while the idea Example is perhaps present to some degree even

      in Rom 3 26. From a different point of view, the Cross as teaching the vanity of worldly things is a favorite subject with St. Paul (1 Cor 1

      Pauline Theology Peacemaker



      22-25; 2 Cor 13 4; Gal 5 11; 6 14, etc). These aspects require no explanation.

      There are. accordingly, in St. Paul's view of the death of Christ at least three distinct hnes, the "mystical," the "juristic," and the "ethical." But this distinction is largely only genetic and logical, and the lines tend to blend in all sorts of combinations. Consequently, it is frequently an impossible exegetical problem to determine which is most prominent in any given passage (e.g. 2 Cor 5 14 f).

      Regarding the Law a further question remained, which had great importance in St. Paul's contro- versies. If the Law was useless for 6. Function salvation, why was it given at all? of the Law St. Paul replies that it still had its purpose. To gain righteousness one must desire it and this desire the Law taught (Rom 7 12.16; 2 IS), even though it had no power to help toward fulfilment. So the Law gave knowledge of sin (Rom 3 20; 7 7). But St. Paul did not hesi- tate to go beyond this. Familiar in his own expe- rience with the psychological truth that a prohibi- tion may actually stimulate the desire to transgress it, he showed that the Law actually had the purpose of bringing out all the dormant evil within us, that grace might deal with it effectually (Rom 5 20f; 7 8.2.5; cf 1 Cor 16 56). Thus the Law became our paidagogos "to bring us unto Christ" (Gal 3 24; see Schoolmaster), and came in "besides" (Rom

      5 20), i.e. as something not a primary part of God's plan. Indeed, this could be shown from the Law itself, which proved that faith was the primary method of salvation (Rom 4; cf Gal 3 17) and which actually prophesied its own repeal (Gal i. 21-31). With this conclusion, which must have required much time to work out, St. Paul's reversal of his former Pharisaic position was complete.

      IV. Special Topics. — As Christ is the central element in the life of the believer, all believers have this element

      in common and are so united with each 1 The other (Rom 12 5). This is the basis of

      p\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ , the Pauline doctrine of the church. The

      i^nurcn ^ge of the word "church" to denote the

      whole body of believers is not attained until the later Epp. (Col 1 18; Phil 3 6; Eph 1 22, etc) — before that time the word is in the pi. when describing more than a local congregation (2 Thess 14; 1 Cor

      7 17; Rom 16 16, etc) — but the idea is present from the first. Indeed, the only terms in Judaism that were at all adequate were "the nation" or "Israel." St. Paul uses the latter term (Gal 6 16) and quite constantly e.xpresses himself in a manner that suggests the OT figures for the nation (e.g. cf Eph 5 25 with Hos 2 19 f) , and time was needed in order to give ekklesia (properly "assembly") the new content.

      The church is composed of all who have professed faith in Christ and the salvation of its members St. Paul takes generally for granted (1 Thess 1 4; Kom 1 7;

      1 Cor 1 8, etc), even in the case of the incestuous per- son of 1 Cor 5 5 (cf 3 15; 11 .32). To be sure. 1 Cor

      6 11-13 makes it clear that the excommunication of grave sinners had been found necessary, and one may doubt if ,St. Paul had much hope for the "false brethren" of 2 Cor 11 26; Gal 2 4 (cf 1 Cor 3 17, etc). But on the whole St. Paul's optimism has little doubt that every member of the church is in right relations with God. These members, throuf^h their union with Christ, form a corporate, social organism of the greatest possible solidarity (1 Cor 12 26. etc) and have the maximum of responsibility toward one another (Rom 14 15; 1 Cor

      8 11; 2 Cor 8 13-15; Gal 6 2; Eph 4 25; Col 1 24, etc). They are utterly distinct from the world around them (2 Cor 6 14-18; 1 Cor 6 12, etc), although in constant intercourse with it (1 Cor 5 10; 10 27, etc). It was even desirable, in the conditions of the times, that the church should have her own courts like Jews in gentile cities (1 Cor 6 5f). The right of the church to discipline her members is taken for granted (1 Cor 5:

      2 Cor 2 5-11). According to Acts 14 23 St. Paul made his own appointments of church officers, but the Epp. as a whole would suggest that this practice did not ex- tend beyond Asia Minor. For further details see CHUErH Government; Ministry. A general obedience to St. Paul's own authority is presupposed throughout.

      The church is, of course, the object of Christ's sancti- fying power (Eph 5 25-30) and is so intimately united with Him as to be spoken of as His "body" (1 Cor 12 27; Col 1 18; Eph 1 23, etc), or as the "complement" of Christ, the extension of His personality into the world (Eph 1 22 f). As such, its members have not only their duty toward one another, but also the responsibility of

      carrying Christ's message into the world (Pliil 2 15 f, and presupposed everywhere). And to God shall "be the glory in the church and in Christ Jesus unto all gen- erations for ever and ever" (Eph 3 21).

      As the union with Christ's death is something more

      than a subjective impression made on the mind by the

      fact of that death, the references to tlie

      9 Tlio union with the death accomplished in c •^"'^ . baptism in Rom 6 1-7 and Col 2 11 f sacraments are not explained by supposing them to

      describe a mere dramatic ceremony. That St. Paul was really influenced by the mystery-reUgion concepts has not been made out. But his readers cer- tainly were so influenced and tended to conceive very materialistic views of the Christian sacraments (1 Cor

      10 S; 15 29). And historic exegesis is bound to construe St. Paul's language in the way in which he knew his readers would be certain to understand it, and no ordi- nary gentile reader of St. Paul's day would have seen a purely "symbolic" meaning in either of the baptismal passages. Philo would have done so, but not the class of men with whom St. Paul had to deal. Similarly, with regard to the Lord's Supper, in 1 Cor 10 20 St. Paul teaches that through participation in a sacral meal it is possible to be brought into objective relations with demons of whom one is wholly ignorant. In this light it is hard to avoid the conclusion that through participa- tion in the Lord's Supper the believer is objectively brought into communion with the Lord (1 Cor 10 16), a communion that will react for evil on the believer if he approach it in an unworthy manner (11 29-32): i.e. the union with Christ that is the center of St. Paul's theology he teaches to be established normalhj through baptism. And in the Lord's Supper this union is further strengthened. That faith on the part of the believer is an indispensable prerequisite for the efllcacy of the sacra- ments need not be said.

      See, further, God; P.\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\rousia; Pr.^yer; Predestina- tion; Propiti.ation, etc.

      Literature. — See under Paul.

      Burton Scott Easton

      PAULUS, po'lus, SERGIUS, sur'ji-us (Sep^ios IlaiiXos, Sergios Paulos): The Rom "proconsul" (RV) or "deputy" (AV) of Cyprus when Paul, along with Barnabas, visited that island on his first mis- sionary journey (Acts 13 4.7). The official title of Sergius is accurately given in Acts. Cyprus was originally an imperial province, but in 22 BC it was transferred by Augustus to the Senate, and was therefore placed under the administration of pro- consuls, as is attested by extant Cyprian coins of the period. When the two missionaries arrived at Paphos, Sergius, who was a "prudent man" (AV) or "man of understanding" (RV), i.e. a man of prac- tical understanding, "sought to hear the word of God" (Acts 13 7). Bar-Jesus, or Elymas, a sor- cerer at the court of Sergius, fearing the influence of the apostles, sought, however, "to turn aside the proconsul from the faith," but was struck with blind- ness (vs 8-11); and the deputy, "when he saw what was done, believed, being astonished at the teaching of the Lord" (ver 12). 'The narrative indicates that not only the miracle but also the attention with which Sergius hstened to the teaching of Paul (cf ver 7) conduced to his conversion (Bengel). At- tempts have been made to trace some connection between the name Sergius Paulus and the fact that Saul is first called Paul in ver 9, but the joint occur- rence of the two names is probably to be set down as only a coincidence. C. M. Kerr

      PAVEMENT, pav'ment: In the OT, with the exception of 2 K 16 17, the Heb word is HESn, ripah (2 Ch 7 3; Est 1 6; Ezk 40 17, etc)';' in Sir 20 18 and Bel ver 19 the word is eSa^os, edaphos; in Jn 19 i:3_, the name "The Pavement" (XMarpu- Tos, lithSslrotos, "paved with stone") is given to the place outside the Praetorium on which Pilate sat to give judgment upon Jesus. Its Heb (Aram.) equivalent is declared to be Gabbatha (q.v.). The identification of the place is uncertain.

      PAVILION, pa-vil'yun: A covered place, booth, tent, in which a person may be kept hid or secret (tfO , .jo/cA, Ps 27 5; nSD, .ju/cfca/t— the usual term— Ps 31 20), or otherwise be withdrawn from view.



      Pauline Theology Peacemaker

      The term is used with reference to God (2 S 22 12; Ps 18 11); to kines drinking in privacy (1 K 20 12.16); RV gives pavilion" for AV "tabernacle" in Job 36 29; Isa 4 6; while in Nu 25 8 it substi- tutes this word, with m "alcove," for AV "tent" (kubbah), and Jer 43 10, for "royal pavilion" (shaphrur), reads in m "glittering pavilion."

      James Obr PAW, p6 (53, kaph, lit. "pahn," n;i, yadh, lit. "hand"): The former (kaph) is applied to the soft paws of animals in contradistinction to the hoofs (Lev 11 27); the latter is thrice used in 1 S 17 37: "Jeh that delivered me out of the paw [yadh] of the lion, and out of the paw [yadh] of the bear, he will deliver me out of the hand [yadh] of this Philistine." The vb. "to paw" ("iSn, haphar) is found in the description of the horse: "He paweth [m "they paw"] in the valley, and rejoiceth in his strength: he goethoutto meet the armed men [m "the weapons"]" (Job 39 21). The word is usually tr"* "to delve into," "to pry into," "to explore."

      H. L. E. LUERING

      PE, pa (D, S, D): The 17th letter of the Heb alphabet; transhterated in this Encyclopaedia as p with daghesh and ph (=/) without. It came also to be used for the number 80. For name, etc, see Alphabet.

      PEACE, pes (D131B, shalom; elpV'H) eirtne): Is a condition of freedom from disturbance, whether outwardly, as of a nation from war 1. In the or enemies, or inwardly, within the OT soul. The Heb word is shalom (both

      adj. and subst.), meaning, primarily, "soundness," "health," but coming also to signify "prosperity," well-being in general, all good in relation to both man and God. In early times, to a people harassed by foes, peace was the primary blessing. In Ps 122 7, we have "peace" and "prosperity," and in 35 27; 73 3, shalom is tr"^ "prosperity." In 2 S 11 7 AV, David asked of Uriah "how Joab did" (m "of the peace of Joab"), "and how the people did [RV "fared," lit. "of the peace of the people"], and how the war prospered" (lit. "and of the peace [welfare] of the war").

      (1) Shalom, was the common friendly greeting, used in asking after the health of anyone; also in farewells (Gen 29 6, "Is it well with him?" ["Is there peace to him?"]; 43 23, "Peace be to you"; ver 27, "He asked them of their welfare [of their peace]"; Jgs 6 23, "Jeh said unto him. Peace be unto thee"; 18 15 [AV "saluted him," m "Heb asked him of peace," RV "of his welfare"]; 19 20, etc). See also Greeting. (2) Peace from enemies (im- plying prosperity) was the great desire of the nation and was the gift of God to the people if they walked in His ways (Lev 26 6; Nu 6 26, "Jeh hft up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace"; Ps 29 11; Isa 26 12, etc). To "die in peace" was greatly to be desired (Gen 15 15; 1 K 2 6; 2 Ch 34 28, etc). (3) Inward peace was the portion of the righteous who trusted in God (Job 22 21, "Acquaint now thyself with him, and be at peace [shdlamY'; Ps 4 8; 85 8, "He will speak peace unto his people, and to his saints"; 119 165; Prov 3 2. 17; Isa 26 3, "Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace [Heb "peace, peace"], whose mind is stayed on thee; because he trusteth in thee"; IMal 2 5); also out- ward peace (Job 5 23.24; Prov 16 7, etc). _ (4) Peace was to be sought and followed by the right- eous (Ps 34 14, "Seek peace, and pursue it"; Zee 8 16.19, "Love truth and peace"). (5) Peace should be a prominent feature of the Messianic times (Isa 2 4; 9 6, "Prince of Peace"; 11 6; Ezk 34 25; Mic 4 2-4; Zee 9 10).

      In the NT, where eirene has much the same mean- ing and usage as shalom (for which it is employed

      in the LXX; cf Lk 19 42, RV "If thou hadst known .... the things which belong unto peace"),

      we have still the expectation of "peace" 2. In the through the coming of the Christ (Lk NT 1 74,79; 12 51) and also its fulfilment

      in the higher spiritual sense. (1) The gospel in Christ is a message of peace from God to men (Lk 2 14; Acts 10 36, "preach- ing .... peace by Jesus Christ"). It is "peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ," in Rom 5 1; AV 10 15; peace between Jew and Gentile (Eph 2 14.15); an essential element in the spiritual kingdom of God (Rom 14 17). (2) It is to be cherished and followed by ChristiaiiS. Jesus ex- horted His disciples, "Have salt in yourselves, and be at peace one with another" (Mk 9 60); Paul ex- horts, "Live in peace: and the God of love and peace shall be with you" (2 Cor 13 11; cf Rom 12 18; 1 Cor 7 15). (3) God is therefore "the God of peace," the Author and Giver of all good ("peace" including every blessing) veryfrequently (e.g. Rom 15 33; 16 20; 2 Thess 3 16, etc, "the Lord of peace"). "Peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ" is a common apostolic wish or salutation (cf 1 Cor 1 3; 2 Cor 1 2, etc). (4) We have also "peace" as a greeting (Mt 10 13; Lk 10 5); "a son of peace" (10 6) is one worthy of it, in sympathy with it; the Lord's own greeting to His disciples was "Peace be unto you" (Lk 24 36; Jn 20 19.21. 26), and ere He left them He gave them specially His blessing of "Peace" (Jn 14 27); we have also frequently "Go in peace" (Mk 6 34; Lk 7 50). In Lk 19 38, we have "peace in heaven" (in the ac- clamation of Jesus on His Messianic entry of Jerus) . (5) The peace that Christ brought is primarily spiritual peace from and with God, peace in the heart, peace as the disposition or spirit. He said that He did not come ' to send peace on the earth, but a sword," referring to the searching nature of His call and the divisions and clearances it would create. But, of course, the spirit of the gospel and of the Christian is one of peace, and it is a Christian duty to seek to bring war and strife ever3Tvhere to an end. This is represented as the ultimate result of the gospel and Spirit of Christ; universal and permanent peace can come only as that Spirit rules in men's hearts.

      "Peace" In the sense ol silence, to hold one's peace, etc, is in the OT generally the tr ol hdrash, "to be still, or silent" (Gen 24 21; 34 5; Job 11 3); also ol ha- shdh, "to hush," "to be silent" (2 K 2 3.5; Ps 39 '2), and of other words. InJob 29 10 ("The nobles held their peace," AV), it is kdl, "voice."

      In the NT we have siopdo, "to be silent," "to cease speaking" (Mt 20 31; 26 63; Acts 18 9, etc); sigdo, "to be silent," "not to speak" (Lk 20 26; Acts 12 17); hesuchdzo, "to be quiet" (Lk 14 4; Acts ll 18); phimdo, "to muzzle or gag" (Mk 1 25; Lk 4 35).

      In Apoc eirene is frequent, mostly in the sense of peace from war or strife (Tob 13 14; Jth 3 1; Ecclus 13 18; 1 Mace 6 54; 6 49; 2 Mace 14 6, ejis(ci(/ieia = "tranquil- Uty").

      RV has "peace" for "tongue" (Est 7 4; Job 6 24; Am 6 10; Hab 1 13); "at peace with me" for "per- fect" (Isa 42 19, m" made perfect" or "recompensed"); "security" instead of "peaceably" and "peace" (Dnl 8 25; 1121.24); "came in peace to the city," for "came to Shalem, acity" (Gen 33 18); "it was for my peace" instead of "for peace" (Isa 38 17); "when they are in peace," lor "and that which should have been for their welfare" (Ps 69 22).

      W. L. Walker

      PEACE OFFERING. See Sacrifice.

      PEACEMAKER, pes'mak-er: Occurs only in the pi. (Mt 5 9, "Blessed are the peacemakers [eireno- poioi]: for they shall be called sons of God" [who is "the God of peace"]). We have also what seems to be a reflection of this saying in Jas 3 18, "The fruit of righteousness is sown in peace for [RVm "by"] them that make peace" {tois poiousin eiri- nen) . In classical Gr a ' 'peacemaker" was an ambas-

      Peacock Pekah



      sador sent to treat of peace. The word in Mt 5 9 would, perhaps, be better rendered "peace- workers," implying not merely making peace between those who are at variance, but working peace as that which is the wiU of the God of peace for men.

      W. L. Walkeb

      PEACOCK, pe'kok (□"'^SPl, tukklylm [pi,]; Lat Pavo crislatus) : A bird of the genus Pavo. Japan is the native home of the plainer peafowl; Siam, Ceylon and India produce the commonest and most gorgeous. The peacock has a bill of moderate size with an arched tip, its cheeks are bare, the eyes not large, but very luminous, a crest of 24 feathers 2 in. long, with naked shafts and broad tips of blue, glancing to green. The neck is not long but proudly arched, the breast full, prominent and of bright blue green, blue predominant. The wings are short and ineffectual, the feathers on them made up of a surprising array of colors. The tail consists of 18 short, stiff, grayish-brown feathers. Next is the lining of the train, of the same color. The glory of this glorious bird lies in its train. It begins on the back between the wings in tiny feathers not over 6 in. in length, and extends backward. The quills have thick shafts of purple and green shades, the eye at the tip of each feather from one-half to 2 in. across, of a deep pecuHar blue, surrounded at the lower part by two half-moon-shaped crescents of green. Whether the train lies naturally, or is spread in full glory, each eye shows encircled by a marvel of glancing shades of green, gold, purple, blue and bronze. _ When this train is spread, it opens like a fan behind the head with its sparkling crest, and above the wondrous blue of the breast. The bird has the power to contract the muscles at the base of the quills and play a peculiar sort of music with them. It loves high places and cries before a storm in notes that are startling to one not famiUar with them. The bird can be domesticated and will be- come friendly enough to take food from the hand. The peahen is smaller than the cock, her neck green, her wings gray, tan and broi\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\Ti — but she has not the gorgeous train. She nests on earth and breeds with difficulty when imported, the young being delicate and tender. The grown birds are hardy when acclimated, and live to old age. By some freak of nature, pure white peacocks are at times produced. Aristophanes mentioned peafowl in his Birds, 11. 102, 269. Alexander claimed that he brought them into Greece from the east, but failed to prove his contention. Pliny wrote that Hortensius was the first to serve the birds for food, and that Auiidius Lurco first fattened and sold them in the markets. It was the custom to skin the bird, roast and re- cover it and send it to the table, the gaudy feathers showing.

      The first appearance of the bird in the Bible occurs in a summing-up of the wealth and majesty of Solomon (1 K 10 22: "For the king had at sea a navy of Tarshish with the navy of Hiram : once every three years came the navy of Tarshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and pea- cocks"). (Here LXX translates TreXe/cijroi [s.c. 'kldoi], peleketol [lUhoi] = "[stones] carved with an ax.") The same statement is made in 2 Ch 9 21 : "For the king had ships that went to Tarshish with the servants of Huram; once every three years came the ships of TarshLsh, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks" (LXX omits). There is no question among scholars and scientists but that these statements are true, as the ships of Solomon are known to have visited the coasts of India and Ceylon, and Tarshish was on the Malabar coast of India, where the native name of the peacock was tokei, from which tukkiyim un- doubtedly was derived (see Gold, and Expos T, IX, 472). The historian Tennant says that the Heb

      names for "ivory" and "apes" were also the same as the Tamil. The reference to the small, ineffectual wing of the peacock which scarcely will lift the weight of the body and train, that used to be found in Job, is now applied to the ostrich, and is no doubt correct :

      *'The wings of the ostrich wave proudly; But are they the pinions and plumage of love ?"

      (Job 39 13).

      While the peacock wing seems out of proportion to the size of the bird, it will sustain flight and bear the body to the treetops. The wing of the ostrich is useless for flight. Gene Stratton-Porteb

      PEARL, purl. See Stones, Pkeciotjs.

      PECULIAR, pf-kQl'yar: The Lat peculium means "private property," so that "peculiar" properly = "pertaining to the individual." In modern Eng. the word has usually degenerated into a half- colloquial form for "extraordinary," but in Bib. Eng. it is a thoroughly dignified term for "esp. one's own"; cf the "peculiar treasiu-e" of the king in Eccl 2 8 (AV). Hence "peculiar people" (AV Dt 14 2, etc) means a people esp. possessed by God and particularly prized by Him. The word in the OT (AV Ex 19 5; Dt 14 2; 26 18; Ps 135 4; Eccl

      2 8) invariably represents nsJO' s'ghuUah, "prop- erty," an obscure word which LXX usually rendered by the equally obscure irepiovaios, periousioa (apparently meaning "superabundant"), which in turn is quoted in Tit 2 14. In Mai 3 17, how- ever, LXX has TreptTTofTjiris, peripolesis, quoted in 1 Pet 2 9. ERV in the NT substituted "own pos- session" in the two occurrences, but in the OT kept "peculiar" and even extended its use (Dt 7 6; Mai

      3 17) to cover every occurrence of ^'ghullah except in 1 Ch 29 3 ("treasure"). ARV, on the contrary, has dropped "peculiar" altogether, using "treasure" in 1 Ch 29 3- Eccl 2 8, and "own possession" elsewhere. AV also has "peculiar commandments" (ISios, idios, "particular," RV "several") in Wisd 19 6, and RV has "peculiar" where AV has "special" in Wisd 3 14 for iK\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\€KTij, eklektt, "chosen out."

      Burton Scott Easton PEDAHEL, ped'a-hel, p5-da'el (bXn-iS, p'- dhah'el, "whom God redeems"): A prince of ISTaph- tali; one of the tribal chiefs who apportioned the land of Canaan (Nu 34 28; cf ver 17).

      PEDAHZUR, pg-da'zur ("lianns, p'dhah^ur): Mentioned in Nu 1 10; 2 20; 7 54.59; 10 23 as the fatherof Gamaliel, head of the tribe of Manasseh, at the time of the exodus. See Expos T, VIII, 555ff.

      PEDAIAH, pg-da'ya, pe-dl'a (^H^nS , p'dha- yahu, "Jeh redeems") :

      (1) Father of Joel, who was ruler of Western Manasseh in David's reign (1 Ch 27 20). Form iTn^ , p'dhayah (see above) .

      (2) Pedaiah of Rumah (2 K 23 36), father of Zebudah, Jehoiakim's mother.

      (3) A son of Jeconiah (1 Ch 3 18); in ver 19 the father of Zerubbabel. Pedaiah's brother, Shealtiel, is also called father of Zerubbabel (Ezr 3 2; but in 1 Ch 3 17 AV spelled "Salathiel"). There may have been two cousins, or even different individuals may be referred to under Shealtiel and Salathiel respectively.

      (4) Another who helped to repair the city wall (Neh 3 25), of the family of Parosh (q.v.). Per- haps this is the man who stood by Ezra at the read- ing of the Law (Neh 8 4; 1 Esd 9 44, called "Phal- deus").

      (5) A "Levite," appointed one of the treasurers



      Peacock Pekah

      over the "trcasiiries" of the Lord's house (Neh 13 13).

      (6) A Benjamite, one of the rulers residing in Jerus under the "return" arrangements (Neh 11 7).

      Henry Wallace

      PEDESTAL, ped'es-tal ( i? , ken) : In two places (1 K 7 29.31) RV gives this word for AV "base" (in Solomon's "Sea").

      PEDIAS, ped'i-as, pe-dl'as (HeStas, Pedias, A, UaiStCas, Paideias; AV by mistake Pelias): One of those who had taken "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 34) = "Bedeiah" of Ezr 10 35.

      PEDIGREE, ped'i-gre (nbtirn , kithyalledh, "to show one'.s birth") : TheEng. word "pedigree" occurs only once in the Bible, according to the concordance. In Nu 1 18, it is said: "They declared their pedi- grees"; that is, they enrolled or registered them- selves according to their family connections. The same idea is e.xpressed frequently, employing a different term in the Heb, by the common phrase of Ch, Ezr and Neh, "to reckon by genealogy," "to give genealogy," etc (cf 1 Ch 7 5.9; Ezr 2 62 ff; Neh 7 64). These last passages indicate the im- portance of the registered pedigree or genealogy, esp. of the priests in the post-exilic community, for the absence of the list of their pedigrees, or their genea- logical records, was sufficient to cause the exclu- sion from the priesthood of certain enrolled priests. Walter R. Betteridge

      PEEL, pel, PILL, pil: "Pill" (Gen 30 37.38; Tob 11 13 [RV "scaled"]) and "peel" (Isa 18 2.7 [AV and RVm]; Ezk 29 18 [AV and ERVJ) are properly two different words, meaning "to remove the hair" (pilus) and "to remove the skin" (pellis), but in Elizabethan Eng. the two were confused. In Isa 18 2.7, the former meaning is implied, as the Heb word here (13^13, maraO is rendered "pluck off the hair" in Ezr 9 3; Neh 13 25; Isa 50 6. The word, however, may also mean "make smooth" (so RVm) or "bronzed." This last, referring to the dark skins of the Ethiopians, is best here, but in any case AV and RVm are impossible. In the other cases, however, "remove the skin" (cf "scaled," Tob 11 13 RV) is meant. So in Gen 30 37.38, Jacob "peels" (so RV) off portions of the bark of his rods, so as to give alternating colors (cf ver 39). And in Ezk 29 18, the point is Nebuchadrezzar's total failure in his siege of Tyre, although the sol- diers had carried burdens until the skin was peeled from their shoulders (cf ARV "worn").

      Burton Scott Easton

      PEEP, pep (ass, gaphaph; AV Isa 8 19; 10 14 [RV "chirp"]): In 10 14, the word describes the sound made by a nestling bird; in 8 19, the changed (ventriloquistic?) voice of necromancers uttering sounds that purported to come from the feeble dead. The modern use of "peep" = "look" is found in Sir 21 23, as the tr of irapaKiirTui^ parakupto: "A foohsh man peepeth in from the door of another man's house."

      PEKAH, pe'ka (n]5S , pekah, "opening" [of the eyas] [2 K 15 25-31];' ^dKce' Phdkee): Son of Remaliah, and 18th king of Israel. 1. Accession Pekah murdered his predecessor, Peka- hiah, and seized the reins of power (ver 25). His usurpation of the throne is said to have taken place in the 52d year of Uzziah, and his reign to have lasted for 20 years (ver 27). His accession, therefore, may be placed in 748 BC (other chronologies place it later, and make the reign last only a few years).

      Pekah came to the throne with the resolution of assisting in forming a league to resist the westward

      advance of Assyria. The memory of defeat by

      Assyria at the battle of Karkar in 753, more than

      100 years before, had never died out.

      2. Attitude Tiglath-pileser III was now ruler of of Assyria Assyria, and in successive can}paigns

      since 745 had proved himself a resist- less conqueror. His lust for battle was not yet sati.s- fied, and the turn of Philistiaand Syria was about to come. In 735, a coalition, of which Pekah was a prominent member, was being formed to check his further advance. It comprised the princes of Comagene, Gebal, Hamath, Arvad, Ammon, Moab, Edom, Gaza, Samaria, Syria, and some minor po- tentates, the list being taken from a roll of the sub- ject-princes who attended a court and paid tribute after the fall of Damascus. Ahaz likewise attended as a voluntary tributary to do homage to Tiglath- pileser (2 K 16 10).

      While the plans of the allies were in course of formation, an obstacle was met with which proved

      insurmountable by the arts of diplo-

      3. Judah macy. This was the refusal of Ahaz, Recalcitrant then on the throne of David, to join the

      confederacy. Arguments and threats having failed to move him, resort was had to force, and the troops of Samaria and Damascus moved on Jerus (2 K 16 5). Great alarm was felt at the news of their approach, as seen in the 7th and 8th chapters of Isa. _ The allies had in view to di.s- possess Ahaz of his crown, and give it to one of their own number, a son of Tabeel. Isaiah himself was the mainstay of the opposition to their projects. The policy he advocated, by Divine direction, was thatof complete neutrality. This he urged with passionate earnestness, but with only partial suc- cess. Isaiah (probably) had kept back Ahaz from joining the coalition, but could not prevent him from sending an embassy, laden with gifts to Tiglath- pileser, to secure his intervention. On the news arriving that the Assyrian was on the march, a hasty retreat was made from Jerus, and the blow soon thereafter fell, where Isaiah had predicted, on Rezin and Pekah, and their kingdoms.

      The severely concise manner in which the writer of K deals with the later sovereigns of the Northern

      Kingdom is, in the case of Pekah,

      4. Chron- supplemented in Ch by further facts icles Ancil- as to this campaign of the allies. The lary to Chronicler states that "a great multi- Kings tude of captives" were taken to Da- mascus and many others to Samaria.

      These would be countrymen and women from the outlying districts of Judah, which were ravaged. Those taken to Samaria were, however, returned, unhurt, to Jericho by the advice of the prophet Oded (2 Ch 28 5-15).

      The messengers sent from Jerus to Nineveh appear to have arrived when the army of Tiglath- pileser was already prepared to march.

      5. Fall of The movements of the Assyrians being Damascus; expedited, they fell upon Damascus Northern before the junction of the allies was and Eastern accomplished. Rezin was defeated Palestine in a decisive battle, and took refuge Overrun in his capital, which was closely in- vested. Another part of the invading

      army descended on the upper districts of Syria and Samaria. Serious resistance to tlie veteran troops of the East could hardly be made, and city after city fell. A list of districts antl cities that were overrun is given in 2 K 15 29. It comprises Gilead beyond Jordan — already partly depopulated (1 Ch 5 26) ; the tribal division of Naphtali, lying to the W. of the lakes of Galilee and Merom, and all Galilee, as far S. as the plain of Esdraelon and the Valley of Jezreel. Cities particularly mentioned are Ijon (now 'Ayun), Abel-beth-maacah (now ^Ahi),

      Pekahiah Pen



      Janoah (now Yamln), Kedesh (now Kados) and Hazor (now Hadtreh).

      These places and territories were not merely at- tacked and plundered. _ Their inhabitants were removed, with indescribable loss and

      6. Deporta- suffering, to certain districts in Assyria, tion of the given as Halah, Habor, Hara, and both Inhabitants sides of the river Gozan, an affluent

      of the Euphrates. The transplanta- tion of these tribes to a home beyond the great river was a new experiment in political geography, de- vised with the object of welding the whole of Western Asia into a single empire. It was work of immense difficulty and must have taxed the resources of even so great an organizer as Tiglath-pileser. The soldiers who had conquered in the field were, of course, employed to escort the many thousands of prisoners to their new locations. About two-thirds of the Sam kingdom, comprising the districts of Samaria, the two Galilees, and the trans-Jordanic region, was thus denuded of its inhabitants.

      Left with but a third of his kingdom — humbled

      but still defiant — Pekah was necessarily unpopular

      with his subjects. In this extremity

      7. Death of — the wave of invasion from the N. Pekah having spent itself — the usual solution

      occurred, and a plot was formed by which the assassination of Pekah should be secured, and the assassin should take his place as a satrap of Assyria. A tool was found in the person of Hoshea, whom Tiglath-pileser claims to have appointed to the throne. The Bib. narrative does not do more than record the fact that "Hoshea the son of Elah made a conspiracy against Pekah the son of Rema- liah, and smote him, and slew him, and reigned in his stead" (2 K 15 30). The date given to this act is the 20th year of Jotham. As Jotham's reign lasted but 16 years, this number is evidently an error.

      For the first time, the historian makes no refer- ence to the reUgious conduct of a king of Israel.

      The subject was beneath notice. The

      8. Refer- second section of Isaiah's prophecies ences in (7 1 — 10 4) belongs to the reign of Isaiah Ahaz and thus to the time of Pekah,

      both of whom are named in it. Pekah is named in 7 1, and is often, in this and the next chapter, referred to as "the son of Remaliah." His loss of the territorial divisions of Zebulun and Naphtali is referred to in 9 1, and is followed by a prophecy of their future glory as the earthly home of the Son of Man. The wording of Isa 9 14 shows that it was written before the fall of Samaria, and that of Isa 10 9-11 that Damascus and Samaria had both fallen and Jerus was expected to follow. This section of Isaiah may thus be included in the Uterature of the time of Pekah.

      W. Shaw Caldbcott PEKAHIAH, pek-a-hi'a, pe-ka'ya (H^npS, p'kahydh, "Jeh hath opened" [the eyes] [2 K 15 2.3-26]; aK£o-£as, Phakesias, A, *aK€t-

      1. Accession o-s, Phakeias) : Son of Menahem,

      and 17th king of Israel. He is said to have succeeded his father in the "50th year of Azariah" (or Uzziah), a synchronism not free from difficulty if his accession is placed in 750-749 (see Menahem; Uzziah). Most date lower, after 738, when an Assyr inscription makes Menahem pay tribute to Tiglath-pileser (cf 2 K 15 19-21).

      I'ekahiah came to the throne enveloped in the

      danger which always accompanies the successor of

      an exceptionally strong ruler, in a

      2. Regicide country where there is not a settled in Israel law of succession. Within two years

      of his accession he was foully murdered — the 7th king of Israel who had met his death by violence (the others wore Nadab, Elah, Tibni,

      Jehoram, Zechariah and Shallum). The chief conspirator was Pekah, son of Remahah, one of his captains, with whom, as agejit in the crime, were associated 50 Gileadites. These penetrated into the palace (RV "castle") of the king's house, and put Pekahiah to deiith, his bodyguards, Argob and Arieh, dying with him. The record, in its close adherence to fact, gives no reason for the king's removal, but it may reasonably be surmised that it was connected with a league which was at this time forming for opposing resistance to the power of Assyria. This league, Pekahiah, preferring his father's policy of tributary vassalage, may have refused to join. If so, the decision cost him his life. The act of treachery and violence is in accordance with all that Hosea tells us of the internal condition of Israel at this time: "They .... devour their judges; all their kings are fallen" (Hos 7 7).

      The narrative of Pekahiah's short reign contains but a brief notice of his personal character. Like

      his predecessors, Pekahiah did not 3. Peka- depart from the system of worship hiah's introduced by Jeroboam, the son of

      Character Nebat, "who made Israel to sin."

      Despite the denunciations of the prophets of the Northern Kingdom (Am 5 21-27; Hos 8 1-6), the worship of the calves remained, till the whole was swept away, a few years later, by the fall of the kingdom.

      After Pekahiah's murder, the throne was seized by the regicide Pekah. W. Shaw Caldecott

      PEKOD, pe'kod 0^p$, p'kodh): A name ap- phedinJer 50 21andEzk 23 23 to the Chaldaeans. EVm in the former passage gives the meaning as "visitation."

      PELAIAH, pE-la'ya, pG-h'a (H^Xbs, -p'la' yah) :

      (1) A son of Elioenai, of the royal house of Judah (1 Ch 3 24).

      (2) A Levite who assisted Ezra by expounding the Law (Neh 8 7), and was one of those who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (10 10). He is called "Phahas" in 1 Esd 9 48 (RV).

      PELALIAH, pel-a-h'a (H^'^bS, p'lalyah, "Jeh judges") : A priest, father of Jeroham, one of the "workers" in the Lord's house (Neh 11 12).

      PELATIAH, pel-a-ti'a (H^ybg, p^latyah, "Jeh delivers"):

      (1) One who "sealed" the covenant (Neh 10 22).

      (2) A descendant of Solomon, grandson of Zerubbabel (1 Ch 3 21).

      (3) A Simeonite, one of the captains who cleared out the Amalekites and dwelt on the captured land (1 Ch 4 42.43).

      (4) A prince of the people whom Ezekiel (in Babylon) pictures as 'devising mischief and giving 'wicked counsel' in Jerus. He is represented as falhng dead while Ezekiel prophesies (Ezk 11 1.13). His name has the 1 , u, ending.

      PELEG, pe'leg (jbs, pelegh, "watercourse," "division") : A son of Eber, and brother of Joktan. The derivation of the name is given: "for in his days was the earth divided" (niphl'ghah) (Gen 10 25; cf Lk 3 35, AV "Phalec"). This probably refers to the scattering of the world's population and the oonfoundmg of its language recorded in Gen 11 1-9. _ In Aram, p'lagh and Arab, plialaj mean ■division"; in Heb pelegh means "watercourse." The name may really be due to the occupation by this people of some well-watered (furrowed), district (e.g in Babylonia), for these patronymics represent races, and the derivation in Gen 10 25 is a later editor's remark. S. F. Hunter



      Pekahiah Pen

      PELET, pe'let (tabs, -pelet, "deliverance"):

      (1) Sonof lahdai (i Ch 2 47).

      (2) Son of Azmavoth, one of those who resorted to David at Ziklag while he was hiding from Saul (1 Ch 12 3).

      PELETH, pe'leth (nbsi, pelelh, "swiftness"):

      (1) Father of On, one of the rebels against Moses and Aaron (Nu 16 1); probably same as Pallu (q.v.).

      (2) A descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Ch 2 :33).

      PELETHITES, pel'5-thlts, pe'leth-its pnbg, p'lethi) : A company of David's bodyguard, like the Chebethites (q.v.) (2 S 8 18; 15 IS); probably a corrupt form of "PhiUstines."

      PELIAS, pS-li'as: AV = RV "Pedias."

      PELICAN, pel'i-kan (nXf; , ka'ath; Lat Pelecanus onocrotalus [LXX reads irtXeKav, pelekdn, in Lev and Pss, but has 3 other readings, that are rather confusing, in the other places)): Any bird of the genus Pelecanus. The Heb ki' means "to vomit." The name was applied to the bird because

      Pelican (Pelecanus oiiocTOlalus) .

      it swallowed large quantities of fish and then dis- gorged them to its nestlings. In the performance of this act it pressed the large beak, in the white species, tipped with red, against the crop and slightly lifted the wings. In ancient times, people, seeing this, believed that the bird was puncturing its breast and feeding it.s young with its blood. From this idea arose the custom of using a pelican with lifted wings in heraldry or as a symbol of Christ and of charity. (See Fictitious Creatures in Art, 182-86, London, Chapman and Hall, 1906.) Pal knew a white and a brownish-gray bird, both close to 6 ft. long and having over a 12 ft. sweep of wing. They lived around the Dead Sea, fished beside the Jordan and abounded in greatest numbers in the wildernesses of the Mediterranean shore. The brown pelicans were larger than the white. Each of them had a long beak, peculiar throat pouch and webbed feet. They built large nests, 5 and 6 ft. across, from dead twigs of bushes, and laid two or three eggs. The brown birds deposited a creamy- white egg with a rosy flush; the white, a white egg with bluish tints. The young were naked at first, then covered with down, and remained in the nest until full feathered and able to fly. This compelled the parent birds to feed them for a long time, and they carried such quantities of fish to a nest that the young could not consume all of them and many

      were dropped on the ground. The tropical sun soon made the location unbearable to mortals. Perching pelicans were the ugliest birds imaginable, but when their brown or white bodies swept in a 12 ft. spread across the land and over sea, they made an impressive picture. They are included, with good reason, in the list of abomina- tions (see Lev 11 18; Dt 14 17). They are next mentioned in Ps 102 6 :

      "I am like a pelican of the wilderness; I am become as an owl of the waste places."

      Here David from the depths of affliction likened himself to a pelican as it appears when it perches in the wilderness. See Isa 34 11: "But the peUcan and the porcupine shall possess it; and the owl and the raven shall dwell therein: and he will stretch over it the line of confu.sion, and the plummet of" Here the bird is used to complete the picture of desolation that was to prevail after the destruction of Edom. The other reference concerns the destruction of Nineveh and is found in Zeph 2 14: "And herds shall lie down in the midst of her, all the beasts of the nations: both the pelican and the_ porcupine shall lodge in the capitals thereof; their voice shall sing in the windows; desolation shall be in the thresholds: for he hath laid bare the cedar-work." Gene Stratton-Pobtbr

      PELISHTIM, pel'ish-tim, pe-Ush'tIm (Dinipbs? , p'lishtlm [RVm of Gen 10 14]). See Philistines.

      PELONITE, pel'C-nlt, pe'l5-nlt, p5-lo'nit (^iibs? , p'iuni, a place-name): Two of David's heroes are thus described: (1) "Helez the Pelonite" (1 Ch 11 27) (see Paltite); and (2) "Ahijah the Pelonite" (1 Ch 11 36).

      PEN, (t:?, 'ci, Unn, heret; Kd\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\a|ios, kdlamos): The first writing was done on clay, wax, lead or stone tablets by scratching into the material with some hard pointed instrument. For this purpose bodkins of bronze, iron, bone or ivory were used (Job 19 24; Isa 8 1; Jer 17 1). In Jer 17 1 a diamond is also mentioned as being used for the same purpose. In Jer 36 Baruch, the son of Neriah, declares that he recorded the words of the prophet with ink in the book. In ver 23 it says that the king cut the roll with the penknife (lit. the scribe's knife). This whole scene can best be explained if we consider that Baruch and the king's scribes were in the habit of using reed pens. These pens are made from the hollow jointed stalks of a coarse grass growing in marshy places. The dried reed is cut diagonally with the penknife and the point thus formed is carefully shaved thin to make it flexible and the nib spUt as in the modern pen. The last operation is the clipping off of the very point so that it becomes a stub pen. The Arab scribe does this by resting the nib on his thumb nail while cutting, so that the cut will be clean and the pen will not scratch. The whole procedure requires consider- able skill. The pupil in Heb or Arab, writing learns to make a pen as his first lesson. A scribe carries a sharp knife around with him for keeping his pen in good condition, hence the name penknife. The word used in 3 Jn ver 13 is kalamos, "reed," indicating that the pen described above was used in John's time (cf kalam, the common Arab, name for pen). See Ink; Ink-Horn; Writing.

      Figurative: "Written with a pen of iron," i.e. indelibly (Jer 17 1). "My tongue is the pen of a ready writer" (Ps 45 1; cf Jer 36 IS). As the trained writer records a speech, so the Psalmist's tongue impresses or engraves on his hearers' minds what he has conceived.

      James A. Patch

      Pence, Penny Pentateuch



      PENCE, pens, PENNY. See Money.

      PENCIL, pen'sil (Isa 44 13, m "red ochre," AV "line"). See Line; Ochre, Red.

      PENDANT, pen'dant (from Fr. from Lat pendeo, "to hang"): Not in AV. Twice in RV. (1) nlD"'!?: , n'-tlphoth (AV "collars"), ornaments of the Midianites captured by Gideon (Jgs 8 26). (2) msyp, n'tiphoth (AV "chains"), an article of femi- nine apparel (Isa 3 19). The reference seems to be (Cheyne, "Isaiah" Polychrome Bible [HDB, III, 739]) to ear-drops, pearl or gold ornaments resembling a drop of water, fastened, probably, to the lobe of the ear.

      PENIEL, pe-nl'el, pen'i-el, pe'ni-el (bsi:JB , p'nVel, "face of God"; EtSos BeoB, Eidos theou): This is the form of the name in Gen 32 30. In the next verse and elsewhere it appears as "Penuel." The name is said to have been given to the place by Jacob after his night of wrestling by the Jabbok, because, as he said, "I have seen God face to face, and my life is preserved." It was a height e'S'idently close by the stream over which Jacob passed in the morning. Some have thought it might be a promi- nent cliff, the contour of which resembled a human face. Such a cliff on the seashore to the S. of Trip- oli was called theou prosopon, "face of God" (Strabo xvi.2.15f). In later times a city with a strong tower stood upon it. This lay in the line of Gideon's pursuit of the Midianites. When he returned victorious, he beat dowm the place because of the churlishness of the inhabitants (Jgs 8 8.9.17). It was one of the towns "built" or fortified by Jero- boam (1 K 12 25). Merrill would identify it with Telul edh-Dhahah, "hills of gold," two hills with ruins that betoken great anticjuity, and that speak of great strength, on the S. of the Jabbok, about 10 miles E. of Jordan (for description see Merrill, East of the Jordan, 390 ff). A difficulty that seems fatal to this identification is that here the banks of the Jabbok are so precipitous as to be impassable. Conder suggests Jebel 'Osha. The site was clearly not far from Succoth; but no certainty is yet pos- sible. W. EwiNG

      PENINNAH, pf-nin'a (ns?? , p'ninnah, "coral," "pearl") : Second wife of Elkanah, father of Samuel (1 S 1 2.4).

      PENKNIFE, pen'nif (Jer 36 23). See Pen.

      PENNY, pcn'i (iiyvdpiov, dendrion; Lat de- narius [q.v.]): ARV (Mt 18 28; 20, etc) renders it by "shiUing" except in Mt 22 19; Mk 12 15 and Lk 20 24, where it retains the original term as it refers to a particular coin. See Denarius; Money.

      PENSION, pen'shun (1 Esd 4 56, AV "and he commanded to givf^ to all that kept the city pensions and wages"; kXtjpos, kleros, "allotted portion," usually [here certainly] of lands [RV "lands"]) : Literally means simply "payment," and AV seems to have used the word in order to avoid any special- ization of kleros. There is no reference to payment for past services. Sec Lot.

      PENTATEUCH, pen'ta-tuk:

      I, Title, Division, Contents II. Authorship, Composition, Date

      1. The Current Critical Scheme:

      2. The Evidence for the Current Critical Scheme

      (1) Astruc's Clue

      (2) Signs ol Post-Mosaic Date

      (3) Narrative Discrepancies

      (4) Doublets

      (5) The Laws

      (6) The Argument from Style

      (7) Props of the Development Hypothesis

      3. The Answer to the Critical Analysis

      (1) The Veto of Textual Criticism

      (2) Astruc's Clue Tested

      (3) The Narrative Discrepancies and Signs of Post-Mosaic Date Examined

      (4) The Argument from the Doublets Exam- ined

      (5) The Critical Argument from the Laws

      (6) The Argument from Style

      (7) Perplexities of the Theory

      (8) Signs of Unity

      (9) The Supposed Props of the Development Hypothesis

      4. The Evidence of Date

      (1) The Narrative of Genesis

      (2) Archaeology and Genesis

      (3) The Legal Evidence of Genesis

      (4) The Professedly Mosaic Character of the Legislation

      (.5) The Historical Situation Required by P

      (6) The Hierarchical Organization in P

      (7) The Legal Evidence of P

      (8) The Evidence of D

      (9) Later Allusions (10) Other Evidence

      5. The Fundamental Improbabilities of the Criti-

      cal Case

      (1) The Moral and Psychological Issues

      (2) The Historical Improbability

      (3) The Divergence between the Laws and Post-exilic Practice

      (4) The Testimony of Tradition

      6. The Origin and Transmission of the Pentateuch

      III. Some Liter.^ry Points

      1. Style of Legislation

      2. The Narrative

      3. The Covenant

      4. Order and Rhythm

      IV. The Pentateuch as History

      1. Textual Criticism and History

      2. Hebrew Methods of Expression

      3. Personification and Genealogies

      4. Literary Form

      5. The Sacred Numbers

      6. Habits of Thought

      7. National Coloring

      8. How Far the Pentateuch Is Trustworthy

      (1) Contemporaneous Information

      (2) Character of Our Informants

      (3) Historical Genius of the People

      (4) Good Faith of Deuteronomy (.5) Nature of the Events Recorded (6) External Corroborations

      9. The Pentateuch as Reasoned History V. The Character of the Pentateuch

      1. Hindu Law Books

      2. Differences

      3. Holiness

      4. The Universal Aspect

      5. The National Aspect Literature

      /. Title, Division, Contents (TTIiri , torah, "law" or "teaching"). — It has recently been argued that the Heb word is really the Bab tertu, "divinely revealed law" (e.g. Sayce, Chitrchman, 1909, 728 ff j, but such passages as Lev 14 54-57; Dt 17 11 show that the legislator connected it with iTlln, hordh (from yardh), "to teach." Also called by the

      Jews nnin •'timn niBan, Mmishshah Mm'shi

      torah, "the five-fifths of the law" : 6 cA^os, /lo nomos, "the Law." The word "Pentateuch" comes from TrevTaTevxos, peiitdteuchos, lit. ".5-volumed [sc. book]." The Pent consists of the first five books of the Bible, and forms the fu'st division of the Jewish Canon, and the whole of the Sam Canon. The 5-fold division is certainly old, since it is earlier than the LXX or the Sam Pent. How much older it may be is unknown. It has been thought that the 5-fold division of the Psalter is based on it.

      The five books into which the Pent is divided are respectively Gen, Ex, Lev, Nu, and Dt, and the separate arts, should be consulted for information as to their nomenclature.

      The work opens with an account of the Creation, and passes to the story of the first human couple. The narrative is carried on partly by genealogies and partly by fuller accounts to Abraham. Then



      Pence, Penny Pentateuch

      comes a history of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, the collateral lines of descendants being rapidly dis- missed. The story of Joseph is told in detaO, and Gen closes with his death. The rest of the Pent covers the oppression of the Israelites in Egypt, their exodus and wanderings, the conquest of the trans- Jordanic lands and the fortunes of the people to the death of Moses. The four concluding books con- tain masses of legislation mingled with the narrative (for special contents, see arts, on the several books). //. Authorship, Composition, Date. — The view that Moses was the author of the Pent, with the

      exception of the concluding vs of Dt, 1. The was once held universally. It is still

      Current believed by the great mass of Jews Critical and Christians, but in most univer-

      Scheme sities of Northern Europe and North

      America other theories prevail. An application of what is called "higher" or "docu- mentary criticism" (to distinguish it from lower or textual criticism) has led to the formation of a num- ber of hypotheses. Some of these are very widely held, but unanimity has not been attained, and recent investigations have challenged even the con- clusions that are most generally accepted. In the Eng.-speaking countries the vast majority of the critics would regard Driver's LOT and Carpenter and Harford-Battersby's Hexateuch as fairly repre- sentative of their position, but on the Continent of Europe the numerous school that holds some such position is dwindling alike in numbers and influence, while even in Great Britain and America some of the ablest critics are beginning to show signs of being shaken in their allegiance to cardinal points of the higher-critical case. However, at the time of writ- ing, these latter critics have not put forward any fresh formulation of their views, and accordingly the general positions of the works named may be taken as representing with certain qualifications the general critical theory. Some of the chief stadia in the development of this may be mentioned.

      After attention had been drawn by earlier -writers to various signs of post-Mosaic date and extraordinary perplexities in the Pent, the first real step toward what Its advocates have, till witliin the last few years, called "the modern position" was taken by J. Astruc (1753). He propounded what Carpenter terms "the clue to the documents," i.e. the difference of the Divine appellations In Gen as a test of authorship. On this view the word 'Elohim (" God") is characteristic of one principal source and the Tetragrammaton, i.e. the Divine name YII WH represented by the "Lobd" or "God" of AV and BV, shows the presence of another. Despite occasional warnings, this clue was followed in the main for 150 years. It forms the starting-point of the whole current critical development, but the most recent investigations have successfully proved that it is unreliable (see below, 3, [2]). Astruc was followed by Eichhorn (1780), who made a more thorough examination of Gen, indicating numerous differences of style, representation, etc.

      Geddes (1792) and Vater (1802-5) extended the method applied to Gen to the other books of the Pent.

      In 1798 Ilgen distinguished two Elohists in Gen, but this view did not find followers for some time. The next step of fundamental importance was the assignment of the bulk of Dt to the 7th cent. BC. This was due to De Wette (1806). Hupfeld (1853) again distinguished a, second Elohist, and this has been accepted by most critics. Thus there are four main documents at least: D (the bulk of Dt), two ElShists (P and E) and one docu- ment (J) that uses the Tetragrammaton in Gen. From 1822 (Bleek) a series of writers maintained that the Book of Josh was compounded from the same documents as the Pent (see Hexateuch). . „,,,

      Two other developments call for notice: (1) there has been a tendency to subdivide these documents further, regarding them as the work of schools rather than of indi- viduals, and resolving them into different strata (P,, P„ P, etc J,, Jj, etc, or in the notation of other writers Jj Je etc) ; (2) a particular scheme of dating has found wide acceptance. In the first period of the critical develop- ment it was assumed that the principal Elohist (P) was the earliest document. A succession of writers of whom Reuss, Graf, Kuenen and Wellhausen are the most promi- nent have, however, maintained that this is not the first but the last in point of time and should be referred to the exile or later. On this view the theory is in outhne as follows- J and E (so called from their respective Divine

      appellations) — on the relative dates of which opinions dill'er — were composed probably during the early mon- archy and sui)seQuently coml>ined by a redactor (RJe) into a single document JE. In the 7th cent. D, the bulk of Dt, was composed. It was published in the 18th year of Josiah's reign. Later it was combined witli JE into JED by a redactor (RJeti). p or PO, the last of all (originally the first Elohist, now the PC) incorporated an earlier code of uncertain date which consists in the main of most of Lev 17-26 and is known as the Law of Holiness (H or Ph). p itself is largely post- exilic. Ultimately it was joined with JED by a priestly redactor (Rp) into substantially our present Pent. As already stated, the theory is subject to many minor variations. Moreover, it is admitted that not all its portions are equally well supported. The division of JE into J and E is regarded as less certain than the separation of P. Again, there are variations in the analysis, differences of opinion as to the exact dating of the documents, and so forth. Yet the view just sketched has been held by a very numerous and influential school during recent years, nor is it altogether fair to lay stress on minor divergences of opinion. It is in the abstract conceivable that the main positions might be true, and that yet the data were inadequate to enable all the minor details to be determined with certainty (see Criticism OF THE Bible).

      This theory will hereafter be discussed at length for two reasons: (1) while it is now constantly losing ground, it is still more widely held than any other; and (2) so much of the modern lit. on the OT hag been written from this standpoint that no intelli- gent use can be made of the most ordinary books of reference without some acquaintance with it.

      Before 1908 the conservative opposition to the dominant theory had exhibited two separate tend- encies. One school of conservatives rejected the scheme in toto; the other accepted the analysis with certain modifications, but sought to throw back the dating of the documents. In both these respects it had points of contact with dissentient critics (e.g. Delitzsch, Dillmann, Baudissin, Kittel, Strack, Van Hoonacker), who sought to save for conserva- tism any spars they could from the general wreck- age. The former school of thought was most prominently represented by the late W. H. Green, and J. II. Raven's OT Intro may be regarded as a typical modern presentation of their view; the latter esp. by Robertson and Orr. The scheme put forward by the last named has found many adher- ents. He refuses to regard J and E as two separate documents, holding that we should rather think (as in the case of the || Pss) of two recensions of one document marked by the use of different Divine appellations. The critical P he treats as the work of a supplementer, and thinks it never had an inde- pendent existence, while he considers the whole Pent as early. He holds that the work was done by "original composers, working with a common aim, and toward a common end, in contrast with the idea of late irresponsible redactors, combining, alter- ing, manipulating, enlarging at pleasure" {POT, 37.5).

      While these were the views held among OT critics, a separate opposition had been growing up among archaeologists. This was of course utilized to the utmost by the conservatives of both wings. In some ways archaeology undoubtedly has confirmed the traditional view as against the critical (see Archaeology and Criticism); but a candid sur- vey leads to the belief that it has not yet dealt a mortal blow, and here again it must be remembered that the critics may justly plead that they must not be judged on mistakes that they made m their earlier investigations or on refutations of the more uncertain portions of their theory, but rather on the main completed result. It may indeed be said with confidence that there are certain topics to which archaeology can never supply any conclusive answer. // it be the case that the Pent contains hopelessly contradictory laws, no archaeological dis- covery can make them anything else ; if the num- bers of the Israelites are original and impossible.




      archaeology cannot make them possible. It is fair and right to lay stress on the instances in which archaeology has confirmed the Bible as against the critics; it is neither fair nor right to speak as if archaeology had done what it never purported to do and never could effect.

      The year 1908 saw the beginning of a new critical development which makes it very difficult to speak positively of modern critical views. Kuenen has been mentioned as one of the ablest and most emi- nent of those who brought the Graf-Wellhausen theory into prominence. In that year B. D. Eerd- mans, his pupil and successor at Leyden, began the publication of a series of OT studies in which he renounces his allegiance to the line of critics that had extended from Astruc to the publications of our own day, and entered on a series of investigations that were intended to set forth a new critical view. As his labors are not yet complete, it is impossible to present any account of his scheme; but the vol- umes already published .iustify certain remarks. Eerdmans has perhaps not converted any member of the Wellhauseu school, but he has made many realize that their own scheme is not the only one possible. Thus while a few years ago we were con- stantly assured that the "main results" of OT criticism were unalterably settled, recent writers adopt a very different tone: e.g. Sellin (1910) says, "We stand in a time of fermentation and transition, and in what follows we present our own opinion merely as the hypothesis which appears to us to be the best founded" (Einleilung, 18). By general consent Eerdmans' work contains a number of isolated shrewd remarks to which criticism will have to attend in the future; but it also contains many observations that are demonstrably unsound (for examples see BS, 1909, 744-18; 1910, 549-51). His own reconstruction is in many respects so faulty and blurred that it does not seem likely that it will ever secure a large following in its present form. On the other hand he appears to have succeeded in inducing a large number of students in various parts of the world to think along new lines and in this way may exercise a very potent influence on the future course of OT study. His arguments show increasingly numerous signs of his having been in- fluenced by the publications of conservative writers, and it seems certain that criticism will ultimately be driven to recognize the essential soundness of the conservative position. In 1912 Dahse (TMH, I) began the publication of a series of volumes attack- ing the Wellhausen school on textual grounds and propounding a new pericope hypothesis. In his view many phenomena are due to the influence of the pericopes of the synagogue service or the form of the text and not to the causes generally assigned.

      The examination of the Graf-Wellhausen theory must now be undertaken, and attention must first be directed to the evidence which is 2. Evidence adduced in its support. Why should for the it be held that the Pent is composed

      Current mainly of excerpts from certain docu-

      Critical ments designated as J and E and P

      Scheme and D? Why is it believed that these

      documents are of very late date, in one case subsequent to the exile?

      (1) A^iirucs due. — It has been said above that Astruc propounded the use of the Divine appeliations in Gen as a clue to the dissection of that book. This is based on Ex 6 3, 'And I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, as 'El Shadday [God Almighty]; but by my name YUWH I was not known to them.' In numerous passages of Gen this name is represented as known, e.g. 4 26, where we road of men beginning to call on it in the days of Enosh. The discrepancy here is very obvious, and in the view of the Astruc school can be sat- isfactorily removed by postulating different sources. This clue, of course, fails after Ex 6 3, but other diffi-

      culties are found, and moreover the sources already dis- tinguished in Gen are, it is claimed, marked by separate styles and other characteristics which enable them to be identified when they occur in the narrative of the later books (see Criticism op the Bible).

      (2) Signs of post-Mosaic date. — Close inspection of the Pent shows that It contains a number ot passages which, it is alleged, could not have proceeded from the pen of Moses in their present form. Probably the most familiar instance is the account ol the death of Moses (Dt 34). Other examples are to be found in seeming allusions to post-Mosaic events, e.g. in Gen 22 we hear of the Mount of the Lord in the land of Moriah ; this apparently refers to the Temple Hill, which, however, would not have been so designated before Solomon. So too the list of kings who reigned over Edom "before there reigned any king over the children of Israel" (36 31) presumes the existence of the monarchy. The Canaanites who are referred to as being "then in the land" (Gen 12 6: 13 7) did notdisappear till the timeof Solomon, and, accord- ingly, if this expression means "then still" it cannot antedate his reign. Dt 3 11 (Og's bedstead) comes unnaturally from one who had vanquished Og but a few weeks previously, wliile Nu 21 14 (AV) contains a refer- ence to ' ' the book of the Wars of the Lord ' ' which would hardly have been quoted in this way by a contemporary. Ex 16 35 refers to the cessation of the manna after the death of Moses. These passages, and more like them, are cited to disprove Mosaic authorship; but the main weight of the critical argument does not rest on them,

      (3) Narrative discrepancies. — While the Divine appellations form the starting-point, they do not even in Gen constitute the sole test of different documents. On the contrary, there are other nar- rative discrepancies, antinomies, differences of style, duplicate narratives, etc, adduced to support the critical theory. We must now glance at some of these.

      _ In Gen 21 14 f Ishmael is a boy who can be car- ried on his mother's shoulder, but from a comparison of 16 3.16; 17, it appears that he must have been 14 when Isaac was born, and, since weaning some- times occurs at the age of 3 in the East, may have been even as old as 17 when this incident happened. Again, "We all remember the scene (Gen 27) in which Isaac in extreme old age blesses his sons; we picture him as lying on his deathbed. Do we, however, all realize that according to the chronol- ogy of the Book of Gen he must have been thus lying on his deathbed for eighty years (cf 25 26; 26 34; 35 28)? Yet we can only diminish this period by extending proportionately the interval between Esau marrying hia Hittite wives (26 34) and Rebekah's suggestion to Isaac to send Jacob away, lest he should follow his brother's example (27 46) ; which, from the nature of the case, will not admit of any but slight extension. Keil, however, does so extend it, reducing the period of Isaac's final illness by 43 years, and is conscious of no in- congruity in supposing that Rebekah, 30 years after Esau had taken his Hittite wives, should express her fear that Jacob, then aged 77, will do the same" (Driver, Contemporary Review, LVII, 221).

      An important instance occurs in Nu. According to 33 38, Aaron died on the 1st day of the 5th month. From Dt 1 3 it appears that 6 months later Moses delivered his speech in the plains of Moab. Into those 6 months are compressed one month's mourn- ing for Aaron, the Arad campaign, the wandering round by the Red Sea, the campaigns against Sihon and Og, the missions to Balaam and the whole epi- sode of his prophecies, the painful occurrences of Nu 25, the second census, the appointment of Joshua, the expedition against Midian, besides other events. It is clearly impossible to fit all these into the time.

      Other discrepancies are of the most formidable character. Aaron dies now at Mt. Hor (Nu 20 28; 33 38), now at Moserah (Dt 10 6). According to pt 1; 2 1.14, the children of Israel left Kadesh- barnea in the 3d year and never subsequently returned to it, while in Nu they apparently remain there till the journey to Mt. Hor, where Aaron dies in the 40th year. The Tent of Meeting per-




      hapa provides some of the most perplexing of the discrepancies, for while according to the well-known scheme of Ex 26 S and many other passages, it was a large and heavy erection standing in the midst of the camp. Ex 33 7-11 provides us with another Tent of Meeting that stood outside the camp at a distance and could be carried by Moses alone. The vbs. used are frequentative, denoting a regular practice, and it is impossible to suppose that after receiving the commands for the Tent of Meeting Moses could have instituted a quite differ- ent tent of the same name. Joseph again is sold, now by Ishmaelites (Gen 37 27.28b; 39 1), anon by Midianites (37 28a. 36). Sometimes he is impris- oned in one place, sometimes apparently in another. The story of Korah, Dathan and Abiram in Nu 16 is equally full of difficulty. The enormous numbers of the Israelites given in Nu 1-4, etc, are in conflict with passages that regard them as very few.

      (4) Doublets. — Another portion of the critical argument is provided by doublets or duplicate narratives of the same event, e.g. Gen 16 and 21. These are particularly numerous in Gen, but are not confined to that book. "Twice do quails appear in connection with the daily manna (Nu 11 4-6.31 ff; Ex 16 13). Twice does Moses draw water from the rock, when the strife of Israel begets the name Meribah ('strife') (Ex 17 1-7; Nu 20 1-13)" (Carpenter, Hexateuch, I, 30).

      (5) The laws. — Most stress is laid on the argument from the laws and their supposed historical setting. By far the most important portions of this are ex- amined in Sanctuary and Priests (q.v.). These subjects form the two main pillars of the Graf- Wellhausen theory, and accordingly the arts, in question must be read as supplementing the present article. An illustration may be taken from the slavery laws. It is claimed that Ex 21 1-6; Dt 15 12 ff permit a Hebrew to contract for life slavery after 6 years' service, but that Lev 25 39-42 takes no notice of this law and enacts the totally different provision that Hebrews may remain in slavery only till the Year of Jubilee. While these different enactments might proceed from the same hand if properly coordinated, it is contended that this is not the case and that the legislator in Lev ignores the legislator in Ex and is in turn ignored by the legislator in Dt, who only knows the law of Ex.

      (6) The argument from style. — The argument from style is less easy to exemplify shortly, since it de- pends so largely on an immense mass of details. It is said that each of the sources has certain char- acteristic phrases which either occur nowhere else or only with very much less frequency. For in- stance in Gen 1, where 'Elohim is used throughout, we find the word "create," but this is not employed in 2 46 ff, where the Tetragrammaton occurs. Hence it is argued that this word is peculiarly characteristic of P as contrasted with the other documents, and may be used to prove his presence in e.g. 5 1 f.

      (7) Props of the development hypothesis. — While the main supports of the Graf-Wellhausen theory must be sought in the arts, to which reference has been made, it is necessary to mention briefly some other phenomena to which some weight is attached. Jer displays many close resemblances to Dt, and the framework of K is written in a style that has marked similarities to the same book. Ezk again has notable points of contact with P and esp. with H; either he was acquainted with these portions of the Pent or else he must have exercised considerable influence on those who composed them. Lastly the Chronicler is obviously acquainted with the completed Pent. Accordingly, it is claimed that the literature provides a sort of external standard that confirms the historical stages which the differ-

      ent Pentateuchal sources are said to mark. Dt influences Jer and the subsequent literature. It is argued that it would equally have influenced the earlier books, had it then existed. So too the com- pleted Pent should have influenced K as it did Ch, if it had been in existence when the earlier history was composed.

      (1) The veto of textual criticism. — The first great objection that may be made to the higher criticism

      is that it starts from the Massoretio 3. Answer text (MT) without investigation. This to the is not the only text that has come down

      Critical to us, and in some instances it can be

      Analysis shomi that alternative readings that

      have been preserved are superior to those of the MT. A convincing example occurs in Ex 18. According to the Heb, Jethro comes to Moses and says "I, thy father-in-law .... am come," and subsequently Moses goes out to meet his father-in-law. The critics here postulate different sources, but some of the best authorities have pre- served a reading which (allowing for ancient differ- ences of orthography) supposes an alteration of a single letter. According to this reading the text told how one (or they) came to Moses and said "Behold thy father-in-law .... is come." As the result of this Moses went out and met Jethro. The vast improvement in the sense is self-evident. But in weighing the change other considerations must be borne in mind. Since this is the reading of some of the most ancient authorities, only two views are possible. Either the MT has undergone a cor- ruption of a single letter, or else a redactor made a most improbable cento of two documents which gave a narrative of the most doubtful sense, (fortunately this was followed by textual corruption of so happy a character as to remove the difficulty by the change of a single letter; and this corruption was so wide- spread that it was accepted as the genuine text by some of our best authorities. There can be little doubt which of these two cases is the more credible, and with the recognition of the textual solution the particular bit of the analysis that depends on this corruption falls to the ground. This instance illus- trates one branch of textual criticism; there are others. Sometimes the narrative shows with cer- tainty that in the transmission of the text trans- positions have taken place; e.g. the identification of Kadesh shows that it was S. of Hormah. Con- sequently a march to compass Edom by way of the Red Sea would not bring the Israelites to Hormah. Here there is no reason to doubt that the events narrated are historically true, but there is grave reason to doubt that they happened in the present order of the narrative. Further, Dt gives an ac- count that is parallel to certain passages of Nu; and it confirms those passages, but places the events in a different order. Such diflSculties may often be solved by simple transpositions, and when trans- positions in the text of Nu are made under the guid- ance of Dt they have a very different probability from guesses that enjoy no such sanction.^ Another department of textual criticism deals with the re- moval of glosses, i.e. notes that have crept into the text. Here the ancient VSS often help us, one or other omitting some words which may be proved from other sources to be a later addition. _ Thus in Ex 17 7 the Vulg did not know the expression, "and Meribah" (one word in Heb), and calls the place "Massah" simply. This is confirmed by the fact that Dt habitually calls the place Massah (6 16; 9 22; 33 8). The true Meribah was Kadesh (Nu 20) and a glossator has here added this by mistake (see further [4] below). Thus we can say that a scientific textual criticism often opposes a real veto to the higher critical analysis by showing that the arguments rest on late corruptions and by explain-




      ing the true origin of the difficulties on which the critics rely.

      (2) Astruc's clue tested. — Astruc's clue must next be examined. The critical case breaks down with extraordinary frequency. No clean division can be effected, i.e. there are cases where the MT of Gen makes P or E use the Tetragrammaton or J 'Elohlm. In some of these cases the critics can suggest no reason; in others they are compelled to assume that the MT is corrupt for no better reason than that it is in conflict with their theory. Again the exigencies of the theory frequently force the analyst to sunder verses or phrases that cannot be understood apart from their present contexts, e.g. in Gen 28 21 Carpenter assigns the words "and Jeh will be my God" to J while giving the begin- ning and end of the verse to E; in ch 31, ver 3 goes to a redactor, though E actually refers to the state- ment of ver 3 in ver 5; in ch 32, ver 30 is torn from a J-context and given to E, thus leaving ver 31 (.J) unintelligible. When textual criticism is applied, startling facts that entirely shatter the higher critical argument are suddenly revealed. The variants to the Divine appellations in Gen are very numerous, and in some instances the new readings are clearly superior to the MT, even when they substitute 'Elohlm for the Tetragrammaton. Thus, in 16 11, the explanation of the name IshmaeZ requires the word 'Elohlm, as the name would other- wise have been Ishmayah, and one Heb MS, a re- cension of the LXX and the Old Lat do in fact pre- serve the reading 'Elohlm. The full facts and ar- guments cannot be given here, but Professor Schlogl has made an exhaustive examination of the various texts from Gen 1 1 to Ex 3 12. Out of a total of 347 occurrences of one or both words in the MT of that passage, there are variants in 196 in- stances. A very important and detailed discussion, too long to be summarized here, will now be found in TMH, I. Wellhausen himself has admitted that the textual evidence constitutes a sore point of the documentary theory {Expos T, XX, 563). Again in Ex 6 3, many of the best authorities read "I was not made known" instead of "I was not known" — a difference of a single letter in Heb. But if this be right, there is comparative evidence to suggest that to the early mind a revelation of his name by a deity meant a great deal more than a mere knowdedge of the name, and involved rather a pledge of his power. Lastly the analj'sia may be tested in yet another way by inquiring whether it fits in with the other data, and when it is discovered (see below 4, [1]) that it involves ascribing, e.g. a passage that cannot be later than the time of Abraham to the period of the kingdom, it becomes certain that the clue and the method are alike misleading (see further EPC, ch i; Expos T, XX, 378 f, 473-7.5, 563; TMH, I; PS, 49-142; BS, 1913, 14.5-74; A. Troelstra, The Name of God, NKZ, XXIV [1913], 119-48; Expos, 1913). (3) Narrative discrepancies and signs of post- Mosaic date. — Septuagintal MSS are providing very illuminating material for dealing with the chrono- logical difficulties. It is well known that the LXX became corrupt and passed through various recen- sions (see Septuagint). The original text has not yet been reconstructed, but as the result of the great variety of recensions it happens that our various MSS present a wealth of alternative readings. Some of these show an intrinsic superiority to the corresponding readings of the MT. Take the case of Ishmael's age. We have seen (above, 2, [3]) that although in Gen 21 14 f he is a boy who can be carried by his mother even after the weaning of Isaac, his father, according to 16 3.16, was 86 years old at the time of his birth, and, according to ch

      17, 100 years old when Isaac was born. In 17 25 we find that Ishmael is already 13 a year before Isaac's birth. Now we are familiar with marginal notes that set forth a system of chronology in many printed Eng. Bibles. In this case the Septuagintal variants suggest that something similar is respon- sible for the difficulty of our Heb. Two MSS, apparently representing a recension, omit the words, "after Abram had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan" in 16 3, and again, ver 16, while in 17 25 there is a variant making Ishmael only 3 years old. If these readings are correct it is easy to see how the difficulty arose. The narrative originally contained mere round numbers, like 100 years old, and these were not intended to be taken literally. A com- mentator constructed a scheme of chronology which was embodied in marginal notes. Then these crept into the text and such numbers as were in conflict with them were thought to be corrupt and under- went alteration. Thus the 3-year-old Ishmael became 13.

      The same MSS that present us with the variants in Gen 16 have also preserved a suggestive reading in 35 28, one of the passages that are responsible for the inference that according to the text of Gen Isaac lay on his deathbed for 80 years (see above, 2, [3]). According to this Isaac was not 180, but 150 years old when he died. It is easy to see that this is a round number, not to be taken literally, but this is not the only source of the difficulty. In 27 41, Esau, according to EV, states "The days of mourning for my father are at hand; then will I slay my brother Jacob." This is a perfectly possible rendering of the Heb, but the LXX tr'^ the text differently, and its rendering, while grammatically correct, has the double advantage of avoiding Isaac's long lingering on a deathbed and of presenting Esau's hatred and ferocity far more vividly. It renders, "May the days of mourning for my father approach that I may slay my brother Jacob." Subsequent translators preferred the milder version, but doubtless the LXX has truly apprehended the real sense of the narrative. If we read the ch with this rnodification, we see Isaac as an old man, not knowing when he may die, performing the equiva- lent of making his will. It puts no strain on our credulity to suppose that he may have lived 20 or 30 years longer. Such episodes occur constantly in everyday experience. As to the calculations based on 25 26 and 26 34, the numbers used are 60 and 40, which, as is well known, were frequently employed by the ancient Hebrews, not as mathe- matical expressions, but simply to denote unknown or unspecified periods. See Numbeb.

      The other chronological difficulty cited above (viz. that there is not room between the date of Aaron's death and the address by Moses in the plains of Moab for all the events assigned to this period by Nu) is met partly by a reading preserved by the Pesh and partly by a series of transpositions. In Nu 33 38 Pesh reads "fii-st" for "fifth" as the month of Aaron's death, thus recognizing a longer period for the subsequent events. The transposi- tions, however, which are largely due to the evidence of Dt, solve the most formidable and varied diffi- culties; e.g. a southerly march from Kadesh no longer conducts the Israelites to Arad in the north, the name Hormah is no longer used (Nu 14 45) before it is explained (21 3), there is no longer an account directly contradicting Dt and making the Israelites spend 38 years at Kadesh immediately after receiving a Divine command to turn "to- morrow" (Nu 14 25). A full discussion is impos- sible here and will be found in EPC, 114-38. The order of the narrative that emerges as probably original is as follows: Nu 12; 20 1.14-21; 21 1-3; 13; 14; 16-18; 20 2-13.22(,; 21 46-1), then some




      missing vs, bringing tlie Israelites to the head of the Gulf of Akabah and narrating the turn north- ward from Elath and Ezion-geber, then 20 226-29; 21 4a, and some lost words telling of the arrival at the station before Oboth. In Nu 33, ver 40 is a gloss that is missing in Lagarde's LXX, and vs 36b-37a should probably come earlier in the chapter than they do at present.

      Another example of transposition is afforded by Ex 33 7-11, the passage relating to the Tent of Meeting which is at present out of place (see above 2, [3]). It is supposed that this is E's idea of the Tabernacle, but that, unlUve P, he places it outside the camp and makes Joshua its priest. This latter view is discussed and refuted in Priests, 3, where it is shown that Ex 33 7 should be rendered "And Moses used to take a [or, the] tent and pitch it for himself," etc. As to the theory that this is E's account of the Tabernacle, Ex 18 has been over- looked. This chapter belongs to the same E but refers to the end of the period spent at Horeb, i.e. it is later than 33 7-11. In vs 13-16 we find Moses sitting with all the people standing about him be- cause they came to inquire of God; i.e. the business which according to ch 33 was transacted in solitude outside the camp was performed within the camp in the midst of the people at a later period. This agrees with P, e.g. Nu 27. If now we look at the other available clues, it appears that 33 11 seems to introduce Joshua for the first time. The passage should therefore precede 17 8-15; 24 13; 32 17, where he is already known. Again, if Ex 18 refers to the closing scenes at Horeb (as it clearly does), Ex 24 14 providing for the temporary transaction of judicial business reads very strangely. It ought to be preceded by some statement of the ordinary course in normal times when Moses was not absent from the camp. Ex 33 7 ff provides such a state- ment. The only earlier place to which it can be assigned is after 13 22, but there it fits the context marvelously, for the statements as to the pillar of cloud in 33 9 f attach naturally to those in 13 21 f. With this change all the difficulties disappear. Immediately after leaving Egypt Moses began the practice of carrying a tent outside the camp and try- ing cases there. This lasted till the construction of the Tabernacle. "And there I will meet with thee, and I will commune with thee" (Ex 25 22). After its erection the earlier tent was disused, and the court sat at the door of the Tabernacle in the center of the camp (see, further, EPC, 93-102, 106 f).

      Some other points must be indicated more briefly. In Nu 16 important Scptuagintal variants remove the main difficulties by substituting "company of Korah" for "dwelling of Korah, Dathan, and Abu-am" in two vs (see EPC, 143-46). Similarly in the Joseph-story the perplexities have arisen through corruptions of verses which may still be corrected by the versional evidence (PS, 29-48). There is evidence to show that the numbers of the Israelites are probably due to textual corruption {EPC, 1.55-69). Further, there are numerous pas- sages where careful examination has led critics themselves to hold that particular verses are later notes. In this way they dispose of Dt 10 6 f (Aaron's death, etc), the references to the Israel- itish kingdom (Gen 36 31) and the Canaanites as being "then" in the land (12 6; 13 7), the bedstead of Og (Dt 3 11) and other passages. In Gen 22, "the land of Moriah" is unknown to the VSS which present the most diverse readings, of which "the land of the Amorite" is perhaps the most probable; while in ver 14 the LXX, reading the same Heb con- sonants as MT, translates "In the Mount the Lord was seen." This probably refers to a view that God manifesl-ed Himself esp. in the mountains (cf 1 K 20 23. 2S) and has no reference whatever to th('

      Temple Hill. The Massoretic pointing is presum- ably due to a desire to avoid what seemed to be an anthropomorphism (see further P/S, 19-21). Again, in Nu 21 14, the LXX knows nothing of "a book of the Wars of Jeh" (see Field, Hexapla, ad loc). It is difficult to tell what the original reading was, esp. as the succeeding words are corrupt in the Heb, but it appears that no genitive followed "wars" and it is doubtful if there was any reference to a "book of wars."

      (4) 7'/ie argument from the doublets examined. — The foregoing sections show that the documentary theory often depends on phenomena that were ab- sent from the original Pent. We are now to exam- ine arguments that rest on other foundations. The doublets have been cited, but when we examine the instances more carefully, some curious facts emerge. Gen 16 and 21 are, to all appearance, narratives of different events; so are Ex 17 1-7 and Nu 20 1-13 (the drawing of water from rocks). In the latter case the critics after rejecting this divide the pas- sages into 5 different stories, two going to J, two to E and one to P. If the latter also had a Rephidim- narrative (cf Nu 33 14 P), there were 6 tales. In any case both J and E tell two stories each. It is impossible to assign any cogency to the argument that the author of the Pent could not have told two such narratives, if not merely the redactor of the Pent but also J and E could do so. The facts as to the manna stories are similar. As to the flights of quails, it is known that these do in fact occur every year, and the Pent places them at almost exactly a year's interval (see EPC, 104 f, 109 f).

      (5) The critical argument from the laws. — The legal arguments are due to a variety of miscon- ceptions, the washing out of the historical back- ground and the state of the text. Reference must be made to the separate articles (esp. Sanctuaby; Pbie.sts). As the slave laws were cited, it may be explained that in ancient Israel as in other com- munities slavery could arise or slaves be acquired in many ways: e.g. birth, purchase (Gen 14 14; 17 12 etc), gift (20 14), capture in war (14 21; 34 29), kidnapping (Joseph). The law of Ex and Dt applies ordy to Heb slaves acquired by purchase, not to slaves acquired in any other way, and least of all to those who in the eye of the law were not true slaves. Lev 25 has nothing to do with Heb slaves. It is concerned merely with free Israelites who become insolvent. "If thy brother be waxed poor with thee, and sell himself" it begins (ver 39). Nobody who was already a slave could wax poor and sell himself. The law then provides that these insolvent freemen were not to be treated as slaves. In fact, they were a class of free bondmen, i.e. they were full citizens who were compelled to perform certain duties. A similar class of free bondmen existed in ancient Rome and were called nexi. The Egyptians who sold themselves to Pharaoh and became serfs afford another though less apt parallel. In all ancient societies insolvency led to some limi- tations of freedom, but while in some full slavery ensued, in others a sharp distinction was drawn between the slave and the insolvent freeman (see further, SSL, .5-11).

      (6) The argument from style. — Just as this argu- ment is too detailed to be set out in a work like the present, so the answer cannot be given with any degree of fulness. It may be said generally that the argument too frequently neglects differences of subject-matter and other sufficient reasons (such as considerations of euphony and slight variations of meaning) which often provide far more natural rea.sons for the phenomena observed. Again, the VSS suggest that the Bib. text has been heavily glossed. Thus in many passages where the fre- q\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ient recurrence of certain words and phrases is




      supposed to attest the presence of P, versional evi- dence seems to show that the expressions in ques- tion have been introduced by glossators, and when they are removed the narrative remains unaffected in meaning, but terser and more vigorous and greatly improved as a vehicle of expression. To take a simple instance in Gen 23 1, "And the life of Sarah was a hundred and seven and twenty years : . ... the years of the life of Sarah," the italicized words were missing in the LXX. When they are removed the meaning is unaltered, but the form of expression is far superior. They are obviously a mere marginal note. Again the critical method is perpetually breaking down. It constantly occurs that redactors have to be called in to remove from a passage attributed to some source expressions that are supposed to be characteristic of another source, and this is habitually done on no other ground than that the theory requires it. One instance must be given. It is claimed that the word "create" is a P-word. It occurs several times in Gen 1 1 — 2 4a and 3 t in Gen 5 1.2, but in 6 7 it is found in a J-passage, and some critics therefore assign it to a redactor. Yet J undoubtedly uses the word in Nu 16 30 and D in Dt 4 32. On the other hand, P does not use the word exclusively, even in Gen 1 1 — 2 4, the word "make" being employed in 1 7. 25.26.31; 2 2, while in 2 3 both words are coni- bined. Yet all these passages are given unhesi- tatingly to P.

      (7) Perplexities of the theory. — The perplexities of the critical hypothesis are very striking, but a detailed discussion is impossible here. Much ma- terial will, however, be found in POT and Eerd. St. A few general statements may be made. The criti- cal analysis repeatedly divides a straightforward narrative into two sets of fragments, neither of which will make sense without the other. A man will go to sleep in one document and wake in an- other, or a subject will belong to one source and the predicate to another. No intelligible account can be given of the proceedings of the redactors who at one moment slavishly preserve their sources and at another cut them about without any necessity, who now rewrite their material and now leave it un- touched. Even in the ranks of the Wetlhausen critics chapters will be assigned by one writer to the post-exilic period and by another to the earliest sources (e.g. Gen 14, pre-Mosaic in the main ac- cording to Sellin [1910], post-exilic according to others), and the advent of Eerdmans and Dahse has greatly increased the perplexity. Clue after clue, both stylistic and material, is put forward, to be abandoned silently at some later stage. Circular arguments are extremely common: it is first alleged that some phenomenon is characteristic of a par- ticular source; then passages are referred to that source for no other reason than the presence of that phenomenon; lastly these passages are cited to prove that the phenomenon in question distinguishes the source. Again the theory is compelled to feed on itself; for J, E, P, etc, we have schools of J's, E's, etc, subsisting side by side for centuries, using the same material, employing the same ideas, yet re- maining separate in minute stylistic points. This becomes impossible when viewed in the light of the evidences of pre-Mosaic date in parts of Gen (see below 4, [1] to [3]).

      (8) Signs of unity. — It is often possible to pro- duce very convincing internal evidence of the unity of what the critics sunder. A strong instance of this is to be found when one considers the characters portrayed. The character of Abraham or Laban, Jacob or Moses is essentially unitary. There is but one Abraham, and this would not be so if we really had a cento of different documents repre- senting the results of the labor of various schools

      during different centuries. Again, there are some- times literary marks of unity, e.g. in Nu 16, the effect of rising anger is given to the dialogue by the repetition of "Ye take too much upon you" (vs 3.7), followed by the repetition of "Is it a small thing that" (vs 9.13). This must be the work of a single literary artist (see further SBL, 37 i).

      (9) Su-pvosed -props of the development hypothesis. — When we turn to the supposed props of the devel- opment hypothesis we see that there is nothing conclusive in the critical argument. Jer and the subsequent lit. certainly exliibit the influence of Dt, but a Book of the Law was admittedly found in Josiah's reign and had lain unread for at any rate some considerable time. Some of its requirements had been in actual operation, e.g. in Naboth's case, while others had become a dead letter. _ The cir- cumstances of its discovery, the belief in its un- doubted Mosaic authenticity and the subsequent course of history led to its greatly influencing con- temporary and later writers, but that really proves nothing. Ezk again was steeped in priestly ideas, but it is shown in Priests, 5b, how this may be explained. Lastly, Ch certainly knows the whole Pent, but as certainly misinterprets it (see Priests). On the other hand the Pent itself always repre- sents portions of the legislation as being intended to reach the people only through the priestly teach- ing, and this fully accounts for P's lack of influ- ence on the earlier literature. As to the differences of style within the Pent itself, something is said in III, Ijelow. Hence this branch of the critical argu- ment really proves nothing, for the phenomena are susceptible of more than one explanation.

      (1) The narrative of Genesis. — Entirely different lines of argument are provided by the abundant internal evidences of date. In Gen 4. Evidence 10 19, we read the phrase "as thou of Date goest toward Sodom and Gomorrah,

      and Admah and Zeboiim" in a defi- nition of boundary. Such language could only have originated when the places named actually existed. One does not define boundaries by refer- ence to towns that are purely mythical or have been overthrown many centuries previously. The consistent tradition is that these to'mis were de- stroyed in the lifetime of Abraham, and the pas- sage therefore cannot be later than his age. But the critics assign it to a late stratum of J, i.e. to a period at least 1,000 years too late. This sug- gests several comments. First, it may reasonably be asked whether much reliance can be placed on a method which after a century and a half of the closest investigation does not permit its exponents to arrive at results that are correct to within 1,000 years. Secondly, it shows clearly that in the com- position of the Pent very old materials were incor- porated in their original language. Of the historical importance of this fact more will be said in IV; in this connection we must observe that it throws fresh light on expressions that point to the presence in Gen of sources composed in Pal, e.g. "the sea" for "the West" indicates the probability of a Pal- estinian source, but once it is proved that we have materials as old as the time of Abraham such ex- pressions do not argue post-Mosaic, but rather pre- Mosaic authorship. Thirdly, the passage demol- ishes the theory of schools of J's, etc. It cannot seriously be maintained that there was a school of J's writing a particular style marked by the most delicate and subjective criteria subsisting continuoasly for some 10 or 12 centuries from the time of Abraham onward, side by side with other writers with whom its members never exchanged terms of even such common occurrence as "hand- maid."

      Gen 10 19 is not the only passage of this kind.




      In 2 14 we read of the Hiddekel (Tigris) as flowing E. of Assur, though there is an alternative reading "in front of." If the tr "east" be correct, the pas- sage must antedate the 13th cent. BC, for As.sur, the ancient capital, which was on the west bank of the Tigris, was abandoned at about that date for Kalkhi on the E.

      (2) Archaeology and Genesis. — Closely connected with the foregoing are cases where Gen has pre- served information that is true of a very early time only. Thus in 10 22 Elam figures as a son of Shem. The historical Elam was, however, an Aryan people. Recently inscriptions have been discovered which show that in very early times Elam really was in- habited by Semites. "The fact," writes Driver, ad loc, "is not one which the writer of this verse is likely to have knowni." This contention falls to the ground when we find that only three verses off we have material that goes back at least as far as the time of Abraham. After all, the presumption is that the writer stated the fact because he knew it, not in spite of his not knowing it; and that knowl- edge must be due to the same cause as the note- worthy language of ver 19, i.e. to early date.

      This is merely one example of the confirmations of little touches in Gen that are constantly being provided by archaeology. For the detailed facts see the separate arts., e.g. Amraphel; Jerusalem, and cf IV, below.

      From the point of view of the critical question we note (a) that such accuracy is a natural mark of authentic early documents, and (6) that in view of the arguments already adduced and of the legal evidence to be considered, the most reasonable ex- planation is to be found in a theory of contemporary authorship.

      (3) The legal evidence of Genesis. — The legal evi- dence is perhaps more convincing, for here no theory of late authorship can be devised to evade the natural inference. Correct information as to early names, geography, etc, might be the result of researches by an exilic writer in a Bab library; but early customs that are confirmed by the universal experience of primitive societies, and that point to a stage of development which had long been passed in the Babylonia even of Abraham's day, can be due to but one cause — genuine early sources. The narratives of Gen are certainly not the work of com- parative sociologists. Two instances may be cited. The law of homicide shows us two stages that are known to be earlier than the stage attested by Ex 21 12 ff. In the story of Cain we have one stage; in Gen 9 6, which docs not yet recognize any dis- tinction between murder and other forms of homi- cide, we have the other.

      Our other example shall be the unlimited power of life and death possessed by the head of the family (38 24; 42 37, etc), which has not yet been limited in any way by the jurisdiction of the courts as in Ex-Dt. In both cases comparative historical juris- prudence confirms the Bible account against the critical, which would make e.g. Gen 9 6 post-exilic, while assigning Ex 21 to a much earlier period. (On the whole subject see further OP, 13.5 ff.)

      (4) The professedly Mosaic character of the legis- lation. — Coming now to the four concluding books of the Pent, we must first observe that the legisla- tion everywhere professes to be Mosaic. ^ Perhaps this is not always fully realized. In critical edi- tions of the text the rubrics and an occasional phrase are sometimes assigned to redactors, but the repre- sentation of Mosaic date is far too closely inter- woven with the matter to be removed by such devices. If e.g. we take such a section as Dt 12, we shall find it full of such phrases as "for ye are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance," etc; "when ye go over Jordan," "the place which the

      Lord shall choose" (AV), etc. It is important to bear this in mind throughout the succeeding dis- cussion.

      (5) The historical situation required hy P. — What do we find if we ignore the Mosaic dress and seek to fit P into any other set of conditions, particularly those of the post-exilic period? The general his- torical situation gives a clear answer. The Israel- ites are represented as being so closely concentrated that they will always be able to keep the three pil- grimage festivals. One exception only is con- templated, viz. that ritual uncleanness or a journey may prevent an Israelite from keeping the Pass- over. Note that in that case he is most certainly to keep it one month later (Nu 9 10 f). How could this law have been enacted when the great majority of the people were in Babylonia, Egypt, etc, so that attendance at the temple was impossible for them on any occasion whatever? With this exception the entire PC always supposes that the whole people are at all times dwelling within easy reach of the religious center. How strongly this view is embedded in the code may be seen esp. from Lev 17, which provides that all domestic animals to be slaughtered for food must be brought to the door of the Tent of Meeting. Are we to suppose that somebody deliberately intended such legislation to apply when the Jews were scattered all over the civilized world, or even all over Canaan? If so, it means a total prohibition of animal food for all save the inhabitants of the capital.

      In post-exilic days there was no more pressing danger for the religious leaders to combat than intermarriage, but this code, which is supposed to have been written for the express purpose of bring- ing about their action, goes out of its way to give a fictitious account of a war and incidentally to legalize some such unions (Nu 31 18). And this chapter also contains a law of booty. What could be more unsuitable? How and where were the Jews to make conquests and capture booty in the days of Ezra?

      "Or again, pass to the last chapter of Nu and con- sider the historical setting. What is the complaint urged by the deputation that waits upon Moses? It is this : If heiresses 'be married to any of the sons of the other tribes of the children of Israel, then shall their inheritance be taken away from the inheritance of our fathers, and shall be added to the inheritance of the tribe whereunto they shall belong.' ^ What a pressing grievance for a legislator to consider and redress when tribes and tribal lots had long since ceased to exist for ever!" (OP, 121 f).

      Perhaps the most informing of all the discrepan- cies between P and the post-exilic age is one that explains the freedom of the earlier prophets from its literary influence. According to the constant testimony of the Pent, including P, portions of the law were to reach the people only through priestly teaching (Lev 10 11; Dt 24 8; 33 10, etc). Ezra on the other hand read portions of P to the whole people.

      (6) The hierarchical organization in P. — Much of what falls under this head is treated in Priests, 2, (a), (6), and need not be repeated here. The follow- ing may be added: "Urim and Thummim were not used after the Exile. In lieu of the simple condi- tions — a small number of priests and a body of Levites — we find a developed hierarchy, priests, Levites, singers, porters, Ncthinim, sons of Solo- mon's servants. The code that ex hypothesi was forged to deal with this state of affairs has no ac- quaintance with them. The musical services of the temple are as much beyond its line of vision as the worship of the synagogue. Even such an organi- zation as that betrayed by the reference in 1 S 2 36 to the appointment by the high priest to positions




      oarrying pecuniary emoluments is far beyond the primitive simplicity of P" {OP, 122).

      (7) The legal evidence of P. — As this subject is technical we can only indicate the line of reason- ing. Legal rules may be such as to enable the his- torical inquirer to say definitely that they belong to an early stage of society. Thus if we find ele- mentary rules relating to the inheritance of a farmer who dies without leaving sons, we know that they cannot be long subsequent to the introduction of individual property in land, unless of course the law has been deliberately altered. It is an every- day occurrence for men to die without leaving sons, and the question what is to happen to their land in such cases must from the nature of the case be raised and settled before very long. When there- fore we find such rules in Nu 27, etc, we know that they are either very old or else represent a deliberate change in the law. The latter is really out of the question, and we are driven back to their antiquity (see further OP, 124 ff). Again in Nu 35 we find an elaborate struggle to express a general principle which shall distinguish between two kinds of homi- cide. The earlier law had regarded all homicide as on the same level (Gen 9). Now, the human mind only reaches general principles through concrete cases, and other ancient legislations (e.g. the Ice- landic) bear witness to the primitive character of the rules of Nu. Thus an expert like Dareste can say confidently that such rules as these are ex- tremely archaic (see further SBL and OP, passim).

      (8) The evidence of D. — The following may be quoted: "Laws are never issued to regulate a state of things which has passed away ages before, and can by no possibility be revived. What are we to think, then, of a hypothesis which assigns the code of Dt to the reign of Josiah, or shortly before it, when its injunctions to exterminate the Canaanites (20 16-lS) and the Amalekites (25 17-19), who had long since disappeared, would be as utterly out of date as a law in New Jersey at the present time offering a bounty for killing wolves and bears, or a royal proclamation in Great Britain ordering the expulsion of the Danes? A law contemplating foreign conquests (20 10-15) would have been absurd when the urgent question was whether Judah could maintain its own existence against the en- croachments of Babj'lon and Egypt. A law dis- criminating against Ammon and Moab (23 3.4), in favor of Edom (vs 7.8), had its warrant in the Mosaic period, but not in the time of the later kings. Jeremiah discriminates precisely the other way, promising a future restoration to Moab (48 47) and Ammon (49 6), which he denies to Edom (49 17.18), who is also to Joel (3 19), Ob, and Isa (63 1-6), the representative foe of the people of God. .... The allusions to Egypt imjily familiarity with

      and recent residence in that land And how

      can a code belong to the time of Josiah, which, while it contemplates the possible selection of a king in the future (Dt 17 14 ff), nowhere implies an actual regal government, but vests the supreme central authority in a judge and the priesthood (17 8-12; 19 17); which lays special stress on the require- ments that the king must be a native and not a for- eigner (17 15), when the undisputed line of suc- cession had for ages been fixed in the family of David, and that he must not 'cause the people to return to Egypt' (ver 16), as they seemed ready to do on every grievance in the days of Moses (Nu 14 4), but which no one ever dreamed of doing after they were fairly established in Canaan?" (Green, Moses and the Prophds, 63 f). This too may be supple- mented by legal evidence (e.g. 22 26 testifies to the undeveloped intellectual condition of the people). Of JE it is unnecessary to speak, for Ex 21 f are now widely regarded as Mosaic in critical circles.

      Wellhausen {Prolegomena'', 392, n.) now regards their main elements as pre-Mosaic Canaanitish law.

      (9) Laler allusions. — These are of two kinds. Sometimes we have references to the laws, in other cases we find evidence that they were in operation, (a) By postulating redactors evidence can be ban- ished from the Bib. text. Accordingly, reference will only be made to some passages where this procedure is not followed. Ezk 22 26 clearly knows of a law that dealt with the subjects of P, used its very language (cf Lev 10 10 f), and like P was to be taught to the people by the priests. Hos 4 6 also knows of some priestly teaching, which, however, is moral and may therefore be Lev 19; but in 8 11-13 he speaks of 10,000 written precepts, and here the context points to ritual. The number and the subject-matter of these precepts alike make it cer- tain that he knew a bulky written law which was not merely identical with Ex 21-23, and this passage cannot be met by Wellhausen who resorts to the device of translating it with the omission of the im- portant word "write." {h) Again, in dealing with institutions the references can often be evaded. It is possible to say, "Yes, this passage knows such and such a law, but this law does not really come into existence with D or P, but was an older law incor- porated in these documents." That argument would apply, e.g. to the necessity for two witnesses in the ease of Naboth. That is a law of D, but those who assign Dt to the reign of Josiah would assert that it is here merely incorporating older material. Again the allusions sometimes show something that differs in some way from the Pent, and it is often impossible to prove that this was a development. The critics in such cases claim that it represents an earlier stage, and it frequently happens that the data are insufficient either to support or refute this view. "But fortunately there are in P certain institutions of which the critics defi- nitely assert that they are late. Accordingly, ref- erences that prove the earlier existence of such in- stitutions have a very different probative value. Thus it is alleged that before the exile there was but one national burnt offering and one national meal offering each day: whereas Nu 28 demands two. Now in 1 K 18 29,36, we find references to the offering of the evening oblation, but 2 K 3 20 speaks of 'the time of offering the oblation' in connection with the morning. Therefore these two oblations were actually in existence centuries before the date assigned to P — who, on the critical theory, first introduced them. So 2 K 16 15 speaks of 'the morning burnt-offering, and the evening meal- offering .... with the burnt-offering of all the people of the land, and their meal-offering.' This again gives us the two burnt offerings, though, on the hypothesis, they were unknown to preexilic custom. Similarly in other cases: Jer 32 shows us the land laws in actual operation; Ezekiel is familiar with the Jubilee laws — though, on the critical hypothesis, these did not yet exist. Jero- boam was acquainted with P's date for Tabernacles, though the critics allege that the date was first fixed in the Exile" {OP, 132 f).

      (10) Other evidence. — We can only mention certain other branches of evidence. There is stylistic evi- dence of early date (see e.g. Lias, BS, 1910, 20-46, 299-334). Further, the minute accuracy of the narrative of Ex-Nu to local conditions, etc (noticed below, IV, 8, [6]), affords valuable testimony. It may be said generally that the whole work — laws and narrative — mirrors early conditions, whether we regard intellectual, economic or purely legal development (see further below, IV, and OP, passim).

      (1) Moral and psychological issues. — The great fundamental improbabilities of the critical view




      have hitherto been kept out of sight in order that the arguments for and against the detailed case

      might not be prejudiced by other con- 5. Funda- siderations. We must now glance at mentallin- some of the broader issues. The first probabilities that occurs is the moral and psycho- of the logical incredibility. On theory two

      Critical great frauds were perpetrated — in each

      Case case by men of the loftiest ethical

      principles. Dt was deliberately written in the form of Mosaic speeches by some person or persons who _ well knew that their work was not Mosaic. P is a make-up — nothing more. All its references to the wilderness, the camp, the Tent of Meeting, the approaching occupation of Canaan, etc, are so many touches introduced for the purpose of deceiving. There can be no talk of lit- erary convention, for no such convention existed in Israel. The prophets all spoke in their own names, not in the dross of Moses. David introduced a new law of booty in his own name; the Chronicler re- peatedly refers temple ordinances to David and Solomon; Samuel introduced a law of the kingdom in his own name. Yet we are asked to believe that these gigantic forgeries were perpetrated without reason or precedent. Is it credible? Consider the principles inculcated, e.g. the Dcuteronomic denun- ciations of false prophets, the prohibition of adding aught to the law, the passionate injunctions to teach children. Can it be believed that men of such principles would have been guilty of such conduct? Nemo repente fit turpissimus, says the old maxim; can we suppose that the denunciations of those who prophesy falsely in the name of the Lord proceed from the pen of one who was himself forging in that name? Or can it be that the great majority of Bible readers know so little of truth when they meet it that they cannot detect the ring of unquestion- able sincerity in the references of the Deuterono- mist to the historical situation? Or can we really believe that documents that originated in such a fashion could have exercised the enormous force for righteousness in the world that these documents have exercised? Ex nihilo nihil. Are literary forgeries a suitable parentage for Gen 1 or Lev or Dt? Are the great monotheistic ethical religions of the world, with all they have meant, really rooted in nothing better than folly and fraud?

      (2) The historical improhabilily . — A second fun- damental consideration is the extraordinary his- torical improbability that these frauds could have been successfully perpetrated. The narrative in K undoubtedly relates the finding of what was re- garded as an authentic work. King and people, priests and prophets must have been entirely de- ceived if the critical theory be true. It is surely possible that Huldah and Jeremiah were better judges than modern critics. Similarly in the case of P, if e.g. there had been no Levitical cities or no such laws as to tithes and firstlings as were here contemplated, but entirely different provisions on the subjects, how came the people to accept those forgeries so readily? (See further POT, 257 f, 294-97.) It is of course quite easy to carry this argument too far. It cannot be doubted that the exile had meant a considerable break in the his- torical continuity of the national development; but yet once the two views are understood the choice cannot be difficult. On the critical theory elaborate literary forgeries were accepted as genuine ancient laws; on the conservative theory laws were accepted because they were in fact genuine, and interpreted as far as possible to meet the entirely different re- quirements of the period. This explains both the action of the people and the divergence between preexilic and post-exilio practice. The laws were the same but the interpretation was different.

      (3) Divergence between the laws and post-exilic practice. — Thirdly, the entire perversion of the true meaning of the laws in post-exilic times makes the critical theory incredible. Examples have been given (see above, 4, [.5], [6], and Prie.sts, passim). It must now suffice to take just one instance to make the argument clear. We must suppose that the author of P deliberately provided that if Levites approached the altar both they and the priests should die (Nu 18 3), because he really desired that they should approach the altar and perform certain services there. We must further suppose that Ezra and the people on reading these pro- visions at once understood that the legislator meant the exact opposite of what he had said, and pro- ceeded to act accordingly (1 Ch 23 31). This is only one little example. It is so throughout P. Everybody understands that the Tabernacle is really the second Temple and wilderness conditions post-exilic, and everybody acts accordingly. Can it be contended that this view is credible?

      (4) The testimony of tradition. — Lastly the uni- form testimony of tradition is in favor of Mosaic authenticity — the tradition of Jews, Samaritans and Christians alike. The national consciousness of a people, the convergent belief of Christendom for 18 centuries are not lightly to be put aside. And what is pitted against them? Theories that vary with each fresh exponent, and that take their start from textual corruption, develop through a con- fusion between an altar and a house, and end in misdating narratives and laws by 8 or 10 centuries! (see above 3 and 4; Sanctuary; Prie.sts).

      If anything at all emerges from the foregoing discussion, it is the impossibility of performing any

      such analytical feat as the critics 6. Origin attempt. No critical microscope can and Trans- possibly detect with any reasonable mission of degree of certainty the joins of vari- the Penta- ous sources, even if such sources really teuch exist, and when we find that laws

      and narratives are constantly mis- dated by 8 or 10 centuries, we can only admit that no progress at all is possible along the lines that have been followed. On the other hand, certain reasonable results do appear to have been secured, and there are indications of the direction in which we must look for further light.

      First, then, the Pent contains various notes by later hands. Sometimes the VSS enable us to detect and remove those notes, but many are pre-versional. Ac- cordingly, it is often impossible to get beyond probable conjectures on which different minds may differ.

      Secondly, Gen contains pre-Mosaic elements, but we cannot determine the scope of these or the number and character of the sources employed, or the extent of the author's work.

      Thirdly, the whole body of the legislation is (subject only to textual criticism) Mosaic. But the laws of Dt carry with them their framework, the speeches which cannot be severed from them (see SBL, II). The speeches of Dt in turn carry with them large portions of tile narrative of Ex-Nu wiiich they presuppose. They do not necessarily carry witli them such passages as Ex 35-39 or Nu 1-4, 7, 26, but Nu 1-4 contains internal evidence of Mosaic date.

      At this point we turn to examine certain textual

      Ehenomena that throw light on our problem. It may e said that roughly there are two great classes of tex- tual corruption — that which is due to the ordinary proc- esses of copying, perishing, annotating, etc, and that which is due to a conscious and systematic effort to fix or edit a text. In the case of ancient authors, there comes a time sooner or later when scholarship, realizing the corruption that has taken place, makes a systematic attempt to produce, so far as possible, a correct stand- ard tc-xt. Instances that will occur to many are to be found in the work of the Massoretes on the Heb text, that of Origen and others on the LXX, and that of the commission of Peisistratos and subsequently of the Alexandrian critics on Homer. There is evidence that such revisions took place in the case of the Pent. A very important instance is to be found in the chronology of certain portions of Gen of which three different VSS survive, the Massoretic, Sam and Septuagintal. Another instance of even greater consequence for the




      matter in hand is to be found in Ex 35-39. It is well known tliat the LXX preserves an entirely different edi- tion from that of MT (supported in the main by the Sam and other VSS). Some other examples have been noticed incidentally in the preceding discussion; one other that may be proved by further research to possess enormous importance may be mentioned. It appears that in the law of the kingdom (Dt 17) and some other passages where the Massoretic and Sam texts speak of a hereditary king, the LXX knew nothing of such a person (see further PS, 157-68). The superiority of the LXX text in this instance appears to be attested by 1 S, which is unacquainted with any law of the kingdom. Thus we know of at least three recensions, the M, the Sam and the Sept. While there are many minor read- ings (in cases of variation through accidental corruption) in which the two last-named agree, it is nevertheless true that in a general way the Sam belongs to the same family as the M, while the LXX in the crucial matters represents a different textual tradition from the other two (see Expos. September 1911. 200-219). How is this to be explained ? According to the worthless story preserved in the letter of Aristeas the LXX was trJ from MSS brought from Jerus at a date long subse- quent to the Sam schism. The fact that the LXX pre- serves a recension so different from both Sam and MT (i.e. from the most authoritative Palestinian tradition of the 5th cent. BO and its lineal descendants) suggests that this part of the story must be rejected. If so. the LXX doubtless represents the text of the Pent prevalent in Egypt and descends from a Heb that separated from the ancestor of the M before the Sam schism. At this point we must recall the fact that in Jer the LXX differs from MT more widely than in any other Bib. book, and the current explanation is that the divergence goes back to the times of Jeremiah, his work having been preserved in two editions, an Egyp and a Bab. We may be sure that if the Jews of Egypt had an edition of Jer, they also had an edition of that law to which Jer refers, and it is probable that the main differences between LXX and MT (with its allies) are due to the two streams of tra- dition separating from the time of the exile — the Egyp and the Bab. The narrative of the finding of the Book of the Law in the days of Jo-siah (2 K 22). which prob- ably refers to Dt only, suggests that its text at that time depended on the single MS found. The phenomena presented by Gen-Nu certainly suggest that they too were at one time dependent on a single damaged MS , and that conscious efforts were made to restore the original order — in some cases at any rate on a wrong principle (see esp. EPC, 114-38; BS. 191.3, 270-90). In view of the great divergences of the LXX in Ex 35-39, it may be taken as certain that in some instances the editing went to considerable lengths.

      Thus the history of the Pent, so far as it can be traced, is briefly as follows: The backbone of the book consists of pre-Mosaio sources in Gen, and Mosaic narratives, speeches and legislation in Ex- Dt. To this, notes, archaeological, historical, ex- planatory, etc, were added by successive readers. The text at one time depended on a single MS which was damaged, and one or more attempts were made to repair this damage by rearrangement of the ma- terial. It may be that some of the narrative chap- ters, such as Nu 1-4, 7, 26, were added from a separate source and amplified or rewritten in the course of some such redaction, but on this head nothing certain can be said. Within a period that is attested by the materials that survive, Ex 35-39 underwent one or more such redactions. Slighter redactions attested by Sam and LXX have affected the chronological data, the numbers of the Israel- ites and some references to post-Mosaic historical events. Further than this it is impossible to go on our present materials.

      ///. Some Literary Points. — No general estimate of the Pent as literature can or need be attempted. Probably most readers are fully sensible to its lit- erary beauties. Anybody who is not would do well to compare the chapter on Joseph in the Koran (12) with the Bib. narrative. A few words must be said of some of the less obvious matters that would naturally fall into a literary discussion, the aim being rather to draw the reader's attention to points that he might overlook.

      Of the style of the legislation no sufficient estimate can now be formed, for the first requisite of legal style is that it should be clear and unambiguous to contemporaries, and today no judgment can be offered on that head. There is, however, one fea-

      ture that is of great interest even now, viz. the

      prevalence in the main of three different styles,

      each marked by its special adaptation

      1. Style of to the end in view. These styles are Legislation (1) mnemonic, (2) oratorical, and (3)

      procedural. The first is familiar in other early legislations. It is lapidary, terse in the extreme, pregnant, and from time to time marked by a rhythm that must have assisted the retention in the memory. Occasionally we meet with paral- lelism. This is the style of Ex 21 ff and occasional later passages, such as the judgment in the case of Shelomith's son (Lev 24 10 if). No doubt these laws were memorized by the elders.

      Secondly, the legislation of Dt forms part of a speech and was intended for public reading. Ac- cordingly, the laws here take on a distinctly oratori- cal style. Thirdly, the bulk of the rest of the legis- lation was intended to remain primarily in the custody of the priests who could certainly write (Nu 6 23). This was taken into account, and the style is not terse or oratorical, but reasonably full. It was probably very clear to those for whom the laws were meant. There are minor varieties of style but these are the most important. (On the whole subject see esp. PS, 170-224.)

      What holds good of the laws is also true with

      certain modifications of the narrative. The style

      varies with the nature of the subject,

      2. The occasion and purpose. Thus the itin- Narrative erary in Nu 33 is intentionally com- posed in a style which undoubtedly

      possesses peculiar qualities when chanted to an appropriate tune. The census lists, etc, appear to be written in a formal official manner, and something similar is true of the lists of the spies in Nu 13. There is no ground for surprise in this. In the an- cient world style varied according to the genre of the composition to a far greater extent than it does today.

      A literary form that is peculiar to the Pent de- serves special notice, viz. the covenant document as a form of literature. Many peoples

      3. The have had laws that were attributed Covenant to some deity, but it is only here that

      laws are presented in the form of sworn agreements entered into with certain formalities between the nation and God. The literary result is that certain portions of the Pent are in the form of a sort of deed with properly articulated parts. This deed would have been ratified by oath if made between men, as was the covenant between Jacob and Laban, but in a covenant with God this is inapplicable, and the place of the jurat is in each case taken by a discourse setting forth the rewards and penalties attached by God to observance and breach of the covenant respectively. The cove- nant conception and the idea that the laws acquire force because they are terms in an agreement be- tween God and people, and not merely because they were commanded by God, is one of extraordinary importance in the history of thought and in theology, but we must not through absorption in these aspects of the question fail to notice that the conception found expression in a literary form that is unknown elsewhere and that it provides the key to the com- prehension of large sections of the Pent, including almost the whole of Dt (see in detail SBL, ch ii).

      Insufficient attention has been paid to order and rhythm generally. Two great principles must be borne

      in mind: (1) in really good ancient prose

      4 Order ^^^ artist appeals to the ear in many subtle

      ' . T>L tVim ways, and (2) in all such prose, emphasis'

      ana Knymm and meaning as well as beauty are given

      to a great extent by the order of the words. The figures of the old Gr rhetoricians play a considerable part. Thus the figure called kuklos, "the circle," is sometimes used with great skill. In this the clause or sentence begins and ends with the same word, which de- notes alike the sound and the thought. Probably the




      most effective instance — heightened by the meaning, the shortness and the heavy boom of the word — is to be found in Ut 4 12, where tliere is an impressive "circle" with 51p , kol, " voice" — the emphasis conveyed by the sound being at least as marked as that conveyed by the sense. This is no isolated instance of the figure; cf e.g. in Nu 32 1. the "circle" with "cattle"; 14 2 that with ' ' would that we had died . " Chiasmus is a favorite figure , and assonances, plays on words, etc, are not uncommon. Such traits often add force as well as beauty to the narra tive, as may be seen from instances like Gen 1 2 ^nDI ^nn. toha wa-bhoha, "waste and void"; 4 12 HjI l?]f na' toa-nod/i," a fugitive and a wanderer"; 9 6 rjD'i£n''',TaT D~X3 Dnsn D1 ^SiC, shoplnkh dam ha-

      ' ddhdm, bd-ddhdm ddind, yifihshaphekh, lit. "shedding blood-of man, by-man his-blood shall-be-shed"; Nu 14 *5: DinS^T D'lS^T, viayyakkum wayyakkHhum, "and smote them and beat them down."

      The prose of the Pent, except in its more formal and ofHcial parts. Is closely allied to poetry (cf e.g. the Aes- chylean "Sin coucheth at the door" [Gen 4 7]; "The fountains of the great deep [were] broken up, and the windows of heaven were opened" [7 111; "how I bare you on eagles' wings" [Ex 19 4]). In the oratorical prose of Dt we find an imagery and a poetical imagi- nation that are not common among great orators. Its rhythm is marked and the arrangement of the words is extraordinarily forcible, esp. in such a chapter as ch 28. It is diaicult to convey any idea of how much the book loses in EV from the changes of order. Occasionally the rendering does observe the point of the original, e.g. in Dt 4 36; "Out of heaven he made thee to hear his voice," and if we consider how strikingly this contrasts with the flat "He made thee to hear his voice out of heaven," some notion may perhaps be formed of the im-

      gortance of retaining the order. More frequently, owever, the Eng. Is false to the emphasis and spirit of the Heb. Sometimes, but not always, this is due to the exigencies of Eng. Idiom. This is the cardinal fault of AV, which otherwise excels so greatly.

      IV. The Pentateuch as History. — Beyond all doubt, the first duty of any who would use the Pent

      for historical purposes is to consider 1. Textual the light that textual criticism throws Criticism upon it. So many of the impossi- as History bilities that are relied upon by those

      who seek to prove that the book is historically worthless may be removed by the simplest operations of scientific textual criticism, that a neglect of this primary precaution must lead to disastrous consequences. After all, it is common experience that a man who sets out to produce a history — whether by original composition or com- pilation — does not intentionally make, e.g., a south- ward march lead to a point northward of the start- ing-place, or a woman carry an able-bodied lad of 16 or 17 on her shoulder, or a patriarch linger some 80 years on a deathbed. When such episodes are found, the rudiments of historical judgment require that we should first ask whether the text is in order, and if the evidence points to any, natural and well-supported solutions of the difficulties, we are not justified in rejecting them without inquiry and denying to the Pent all historical value. It is a priori far more probable that narratives which have come down to us from a date some 3,000 years back may have suffered slightly in transmission than that the Pent was in the first instance the story of a his- torical wonderland. It is far more reasonable, e.g., to suppose that in a couple of verses of Ex a cor- ruption of two letters (attested by Aquila) has taken place in the MT than that the Pent contains two absolutely inconsistent accounts of the origin of the priesthood (see Priests). Accordingly, the first principle of any scientific use of the Pent for historical purposes must be to take account of textual criticism.

      Having discovered as nearly as may be what the author wrote, the next step must be to consider what he

      meant by it. Here, unfortunately, the 2 Hebrew modern inquirer is apt to neglect many ■\\\\\\\'ir ix. A ( most necessary precautions. It would MetnoQS or j,g ^ truism, but for the fact that it is so Expression often disregarded, to say that the whole of

      a narrative must be carefully read in order to ascertain the author's meaning; e.g. how often we

      hear that Gen 14 represents Abram as having inflicted adefeaton the enemy with only 318 men (vor 14), whereas from ver 24 (cf ver 13) it appears that in addition to these his allies Aner, Bshcol and Mamre (i.e. as we shall see, the inhabitants of certain localities) had accompanied him I Sometimes the clue to the precise meaning of a story is to be found near the end: e.g. in 22 we do not see clearly what kind of an altar the trans-Jordanic tribes had erected (and consequently why their conduct was open to objection) till ver 28, when we learn that this was an altar of the pattern of the altar of burnt offering, and so bore not the slightest resemblance to such lawful altars as those of Moses and Joshua (see Altar; Sanctuary). Nor is this the only instance In which the methods of expression adopted cause trouble to some modern readers; e.g. the word "all" is some- times used in a way that apparently presents difBcultles to some minds. Thus in Ex 9 Oit is possible to interpret "all" in the most sweeping sense and then see a contra- diction in vs 19.22, etc, wlilch recognize that some cattle still existed. Or again the term may be regarded as limited by ver 3 to all the cattle in the field (see All).

      At this point two further idiosyncrasies of the Sem genius must be noted — the habits of personi- fication and the genealogical tendency; 3. Personi- e.g. in Nu 20 12-21, Edom and Israel fication and are personified: "thy brother Israel," Genealogies "Edom came out against him," etc. Nobody here mistakes the meaning. Similarly with genealogical methods of expression. The Semites spoke of many relationships in a way that is foreign to occidental methods. Thus the Heb for "30 years old" is "son of 30 years." Again we read "He was the father of such as dwell in tents" (Gen 4 20). These habits (of personi- fication and genealogical expression of relation- ships) are greatly extended, e.g. "And Canaan begat Zidon his first-born" (10 1.5). Often this leads to no trouble, yet strangely enough men who will grasp these methods when dealing with ch 10 will claim that ch 14 cannot be historical because locali- ties are there personified and grouped in relation- ships. Yet if we are to estimate the historical value of the narrative, we must surely be willing to apply the same methods to one chapter as to an- other if the sense appears to demand this. See, further, Genealogies.

      A further consideration that is not always heeded is the exigency of literary form; e.g. in Gen 24 there

      occurs a dialogue. Strangely enough, an 4 Literary ^-ttack has been made on the historical Itnrm Character of Gen on this ground. It can-

      r orm ^q^ i^q supposed — so runs the argument —

      that we have here a literal report of what was said. This entirely ignores the practice of all literary artists. Such passages are to be read as giving a literary presentation of what occurred ; they convey a far truer and more vivid idea of what passed than could an actual literal report of the mere words, divorced from the ges- tures, glances and modulations of the voice that play such an important part in conversation.

      Another matter is the influence of the sacred numbers on the text; e.g. in Nu 33 the journeys

      seem designed to present 40 stations 6. The and must not be held to exclude camp-

      Sacred ing at other stations not mentioned;

      Numbers Gen 10 probably contained 70 names

      in the original text. This is a technical consideration which must be borne in mind, and so, too, must the Heb habit of using certain round num- bers to express an unspecified time. When, for instance, we read that somebody was 40 or 60 years old, we are not to take these words literally. "Forty years old" often seems to correspond to "after he had reached man's estate" (see Number).

      Still more important is it to endeavor to appre- ciate the habits of thought of those for whom the

      Pent was first intended, and to seek 6. Habits of to read it in the light of archaic ideas. ■Thought One instance must suffice. Of the

      many explanations of names few are philologically correct. It is certain that Noah is not connected with the Heb for "to comfort" or Moses with "draw out" — even if Egyp princesses




      spoke Heb. The etymological key will not fit. Yet we must ask ourselves whether the narrator ever thought that it did. In times when names were supposed to have some mystic relation to their bearers they might be conceived as standing also in some mj'stio relation to events either present or future; it is not clear that the true original meaning of the narratives was not to suggest this in literary form. How far the ancient Hebrews were from regarding names in the same light as we do may be seen from such passages as Ex 23 20 f; Isa 30 27; see further EPC, 47 ff; see also Names, Proper.

      The Pent is beyond all doubt an intensely national

      work. Its outlook is so essentially Israelitish that

      no reader could fail to notice the fact,

      7. National and it is therefore unnecessary to cite Coloring proofs. Doubtless this has in many

      instances led to its presenting a view of history with which the contemporary peoples would not have agreed. It is not to be supposed that the exodus was an event of much significance in the Egypt of Moses, however important it may appear to the Egyptians of today; and this sug- gests two points. On the one hand we must admit that to most contemporaries the Pentateuohal nar- ratives must have seemed out of all perspective; on the other the course of subsequent history has shown that the Mosaic sense of perspective was in reality the true one, however absurd it may have seemed to the nations of his own day. Conse- quently in using the Pent for historical purposes we must always apply two standards — the con- temporary and the historical. In the days of Moses the narrative might often have looked to the out- sider like the attempt of the frog in the fable to attain to the size of an ox; for us, with the light of history upon it, the values are very different. The national coloring, the medium through which the events are seen, has proved to be true, and the seem- ingly insignificant doings of unimportant people have turned out to be events of prime historical importance.

      There is another aspect of the national coloring of the Pent to be borne in mind. If ever there was a book which revealed the inmost soul of a people, that book is the Pent. This will be considered in V, below, but for the present we are concerned with its historical significance. In estimating actions, motives, laws, policy — all that goes to make his- tory — character is necessarily a factor of the utmost consequence. Now here we have a book that at every point reveals and at the same time grips the national character. Alike in cont nts and in form the legislation is adapted with the utmost nicety to the nature of the people for which it was pro- mulgated.

      When due allowance has been made for all the

      various matters enumerated above, what can be

      said as to the trustworthiness of the

      8. How Far Pentateuchal history? The answer the Penta- is entirely favorable.

      teuch Is (1) Conteynporaneous information. —

      Trustworthy In the first place the discussion as to the dating of the Pent (above, II, 4) has shown that we have in it documents that are in many cases certainly contemporaneous with the matters to which they relate and have been pre- served in a form that is substantially original. Thus we have seen that the wording of Gen 10 19 cannot be later than the age of Abraham and that the legislation of the last four- books is Mosaic. Now contemporaneousness is the first essential of credibility.

      (2) Character of our informants. — Given the fact (guaranteed by the contemporaneousness of the sources) that our informants had the means of providing accurate information if they so desired.

      we have to ask whether they were truthful and able. As to the ability no doubt is possible; genius is stamped on every page of the Pent. Similarly as to truthfulness. The conscience of the narrators is essentially ethical. This appears of course most strongly in the case of the legislation (cf Lev 19 11) and the attribution of truthful- ness to God (Ex 34 6), but it may readily be de- tected throughout; e.g. in Gen 20 12 the narrative clearly shows that truthfulness was esteemed as a virtue by the ancient Hebrews. Throughout, the faults of the dramatis personae are never minimized even when the narrator's sympathy is with them. Nor is there any attempt to belittle the opponents of Israel's heroes. Consider on the one hand the magnanimity of Esau's character and on the other the very glaring light that is thrown on the weak- nesses of Jacob, Judah, Aaron. If we are taught to know the Moses who prays, "And if not, blot me, I pray thee, out of thy book which thou hast writ- ten" (Ex 32 32), we are also shown his frequent complaints, and we make acquaintance with the hot-tempered manslayer and the lawgiver who dis- obeyed his God.

      (3) The historical genius of the people. — Strangely enough, those who desire to discuss the trust- worthiness of the Pent often go far afield to note the habits of other nations and, selecting according to their bias peoples that have a good or a bad reputa- tion in the matter of historical tradition, proceed to argue for or against the Pentateuchal narrative on this basis. Such procedure is alike unjust and un- scientific. It is unscientific because the object of the inquirer is to obtain knowledge as to the habits of this people, and in view of the great divergences that may be observed among different races the comparative method is clearly inapplicable; it is unjust because this people is entitled to be judged on its own merits or defects, not on the merits or defects of others. Now it is a bare statement of fact that the Jews possess the historical sense to a preeminent degree. Nobody who surveys their long history and examines their customs and prac- tices to this day can fairly doubt that fact. ^ This is no recent development; it is most convincingly attested by the Pent itself, which here, as elsewhere, faithfully mirrors the spirit of the race. What is the highest guaranty of truth, a guaranty to which unquestioning appeal may be made in the firm as- surance that it will carry conviction to all who hear? "Remember the days of old. Consider the years of many generations: Ask thy father and he will show thee; Thine elders, and they will tell thee" (Dt 32 7). "For ask now of the days that are past, which were before thee, since the day that God created man upon the earth," etc (Dt 4 32). Conversely, the due handing down of tradition is a religious duty: "And it shall come to pass, when your chil- dren shall say unto you, What mean ye by this serv- ice? that ye shall say,*' etc (Ex 12 26 f). ^ "Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things which thine eyes saw, and lest they depart from thy heart all the days of thy life; but make them known unto thy children, and thy children's children" (Dt 4 9). It is need- less to multiply quotations. Enough has been said to show clearly the attitude of this people toward history.

      (4) The good faith of Deuteronoyny . — Closely con- nected with the preceding is the argument from the very obvious good faith of the speeches in Dt. It is not possible to read the references to events in such a chapter as ch 4 without realizing that the speaker most fully believed the truth of his state- ments. The most unquestionable sincerity is im- pressed upon the chapter. The speaker is referring to what he believes with all the faith of which he is



      capable. Even for those who doubt the Rlosaio authenticity of these speeches there can be no doubt, as to the writer's unquestioning acceptance of the historical consciousness of the people. But once the Mosaic authenticity is established the argu- ment becomes overwhelming. How could Moses have spoken to people of an event so impressive and unparalleled aa having happened within their own recollection if it had not really occurred?

      (5) Nature of the events recorded. — Another very important consideration arises from the nature of the events recorded. No nation, it has often been remarked, would gratuitously invent a story of its enslavenient to another. The extreme sobriety of the patriarchal narratives, the absence of miracle, the lack of any tendency to display the ancestors of the people as conquerors or great personages, are marks of credibility. Many of the episodes in the Mosaic age are extraordinarily probable. Take the_ stories of the rebelliousness of the people, of their complaints of the water, the food, and so on: what could be more in accordance with likelihood? On the other hand there is another group of nar- ratives to which the converse argument applies. A Sinai cannot be made part of a nation's con- sciousness by a clever story-teller or a literary forger. The unparalleled nature of the events narrated was recognized quite as clearly by the ancient Hebrews as it is today (see Dt 4 .32 ff). It is incredible that such a story could have been made up and successfully palmed off on the whole nation. A further point that may be mentioned in this con- nection is the witness of subsequent history to the truth of the narrative. Such a unique history as that of the Jews, such tremendous consequences as their religion has had on the fortunes of mankind, require for their explanation causal events of suffi- cient magnitude.

      (6) External corroborations. — All investigation of evidence depends on a single principle: "The coincidences of the truth are infinite." In other words, a false story will sooner or later become involved in conflict with ascertained facts. The Bib. narrative has been subjected to the most rigor- ous cross-examination from every point of view for more than a century. Time after time confi- dent assertions have been made that its falsehood has been definitely proved, and in each case the Pent has come out from the test triumphant. The de- tails will for the most part be found enumerated or referred to under the separate articles. Here it must suffice just to refer to a few matters. It was said that the whole local coloring of the Egyp scenes was entirely false, e.g. that the vine did not grow in Egypt. Egyptology has in every instance vindi- cated the minute accuracy of the Pent, down to even the non-mention of earthenware (in which the dis- colored Nile waters can be kept clean) in Ex 7 19 and the very food of the lower classes in Nu 11 5. It was said that writing was unknown in the days of Moses, but Egyptology and Assyriology have utterly demolished this. The historical character of many of the names has been strengthened by recent discoveries (see e.g. Jerusalem; Amra- phel). From another point of view modern ob- servation of the habits of the quails has shown that the narrative of Nu is minutely accurate and must be the work of an eyewitness. From the ends of the earth there comes confirmation of the details of the evolution of law as depicted in the Pent. Finally it is worth noting that even the details of some of the covenants in Gen are confirmed by his- torical parallels (Churchmayi, 1908, 17 f).

      It is often said that history in the true sense was invented by the Greeks and that the Heb genius was so intent on the Divine guidance that it neg- lected secondary causes altogether. There is a large

      measure of truth in this view; but so far as the Pent is concerned it can be greatly overstated. One great criticism that falls to be 9. The made is entirely in favor of the

      Pentateuch Hebrew as against some Greeks, viz. as Reason- the superior art with which the causes ed History are given. A Thucydides would have stated the reasons that induced Pha- raoh to persecute the Israelites, or Abraham and Lot to separate, or Korah, Dathan and Abiram and their followers to rebel; but every reader would have known precisely what he was doing and many who can read the material passages of the Pent with delight would have been totally unable to grapple with his presentation of the narrative. The audi- ence is here more unsophisticated and the material presented in more artistic form. In truth, any historian who sat down to compose a philosoph- ical history of the period covered by the Pent would in many instances be surprised at the lavish material it offered to him. A second criticism is more obvious. The writer clearly had no knowl- edge of the other side of the case. For example, the secondary causes for the defeat near Hormah are plain enough so far as they are internal to the Israelites — lack of morale, discipline and leader- ship, division of opinion, discouragement produced by the Divine disapproval testified by the absence from the army of Moses and the Ark, and the warnings of the former — but the secondary causes on the side of the Amalekites and Canaauites are entirely omitted. Thus it generally happens that we do not get the same kind of view of the events as might be possible if we could have both sides. Naturally this is largely the case with the work of every historian who tells the story from one side only and is not peculiar to the Pent. Thirdly, the object of the Pent is not merely to inform, but to persuade. It is primarily statesmanship, not literature, and its form is influenced by this fact. Seeking to sway conduct, not to provide a mere philosophical exposition of history, it belongs to a different (and higher) category from the latter, and where it has occasion to use the same material puts it in a different way, e.g. by assigning as motives for obeying laws reasons that the philosophic his- torian would have advanced as causes for their en- actment. To some extent, therefore, an attempt to criticize the Pent from the standpoint of philo- sophic history is an attempt to express it in terms of something that is incommensurable with it.

      V. Character of the Pentateuch. — The following sentences from Maine's Early Law and Custom form a suggestive introduction to any consideration of the character of the Pent:

      " The theory upon which these schools of learned men worked, from the ancient, perhaps very ancient, Apas-

      tamtaa and Gautama to the late Manu 1. Hindu ^"'^ f^s ^'"1 later Narada, is perhaps still t' r-„i-„ held by some persons ot earnest religious jjdw DUUKS convictions, but in time now buried it

      affected every walk ot thought. The fundamental assumption is that a sacred or inspired lit. being once believed to e.\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\lst, all knowledge is contained in it. The Hindu way of putting it was. and is, not .simply that the Scripture is true, but that everything

      which is true is contained in the Scripture It is

      to be observed that such a theory, firmly held during the infancy of systematic thought, tends to work itself into fact. As the human mind advances, accumulating ol^servation and accumulating reflection, nascent phi- losophy and dawning science are read into the sacred literature, while they are at the .same time limited by the ruling ideas of its priestly authors. But as the mass of this literature grows through the additions made to it by successive expositors, it gradually specializes itself, and subjects, at first mixed together under vague gen- eral conceptions, become separated from one another and isolated. In the history of law the most important early specialization is that which separates what a man ought to do from what he ought to know. A great part of the religious literature, including the Creation of the Universe, the structure of Heaven, Hell, and the World

      Pentateuch Pent, Samaritan



      or Worlds, and the nature of the Gods, falls under the last head, what a man ought to know. Law-books first appear as a subdivision of the first branch, what a man should do. Thus the most ancient books of this class are short manuals of conduct for an Aryan Hindu who would lead a perfect life. They contain much more ritual than law, a great deal more about the impm'ity caused by touching impure things than about crime, a great deal more about penances than about punishments (pp. 16-18).

      It is impossible not to see the resemblances to the Pent that these sentences suggest. Particularly interesting is the commentary they provide on the attitude of Moses toward knowledge: "The secret things belong unto Jeh our God; but the things that are revealed belong unto us and to our children for ever, that we maj' do all the words of this law" (Dt 29 29).

      But if the Pent has significant resemblances to other old law books, there are differences that are even more significant.

      "By an act that is unparalleled in liistory a God took to Himself a people by means of a sworn agreement.

      Some words that are fundamental for our 2 Differ- purpose must be quoted from the offer;

      'Now. therefore, if ye will obey my voice ences indeed, and keep my covenant, then ye

      shall be mine own possession from among all peoples: for all the earth is mine: and ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.' The views here expressed dominate the legis- lation. Holiness — the correlative holiness to which the Israelites must attain because the Lord their God is holy — embraces much that is not germane to our subject, but it also covers the whole field of national and individual righteousness. The duty to God that is laid upon the Israelites in these words is a duty that has practical consequences in every phase of social life. I have already quoted a sentence from Sir Henry Maine in which he speaks of the uniformity with which religion and law are implicated in archaic legislation. There is a stage in human development where life is generally seen whole, and it is to this stage that the Pent belongs. But no other legislation so takes up one department of man's life after another and impresses on them all the relationship of God and people. Perhaps nothing will so clearly bring out my meaning as a statement of some of the more fundamental dilferences between the Pentateuchal legislation and the old Indian law-books which often provide excellent par- allels to it. Tliosc to which I desire to draw particular attention are as follows: The Indian law-books have no idea of national (as distinct from individual) righteous- ness — a conception that entered the world with the Mosaic legislation and has perhaps not made very much progress there since. There is no personal God: hence His per- sonal interest in righteousness is lacking: hence, too, there can be no relationship between God and people: and while there is a supernatural element in the contem- plated results of human actions, there is nothing that can in the slightest degree compare with the Personal Divine intervention that is so often promised in the Penta- teuchal laws. The caste system, like Hammurabi's class system, leads to distinctions that are always in- equitable. The conception of loving one's neighbour and one's sojourner as oneself are alike lacking. The systematic provisions for poor relief are absent, and the legislation is generally on a lower ethical and moral level, while some of the penalties are distinguished by the most perverted and barbarous cruelty. All these points are embraced in the special relationship of the One God and the peculiar treasure with its resulting need for national and individual holiness" (PS, 330 f).

      These sentences indicate some of the most inter- esting of the distinguishing features of the Pent —

      its national character, its catholic view 3. Holiness of life, its attitude toward the Divine,

      and some at any rate of its most pe- culiar teachings. It is worth noting that Judaism, the oldest of the religions which it has influenced, attaches particular importance to one chapter, Lev 19. The keynote of that chapter is the com- mand: 'Holy shall ye be, for holy am I the Lord your God' — to preserve the order and emphasis of the original words. This has been called the Jew's imitalio Dei, though a few moments' reflection shows that the use of the word "imitation" is here inac- curate. Now this book with this teaching has exercised a unique influence on the world's history, for it must be remembered that Judaism, Chris- tianity and Islam spring ultimately from its teach-

      ings, and it is impossible to sever it from the history of the "people of the book"— as Mohammed called them. It appears then that it possesses in some unique way both an intensely national and an in- tensely universal character and a few words must be said as to this.

      The great literary qualities of the work have un- doubtedly been an important factor. All readers have felt the fascination of the stories 4. The of Gen. The Jewish character has

      Universal also counted for much ; so again have Aspect the moral and ethical doctrines, and

      the miraculous and unprecedented nature of the events narrated. And yet there is much that might have been thought to militate against the book's obtaining any wide influence Apart from some phrases about all the families of the earth being blessed (or blessing themselves) m the seed of Abraham, there is very little in its direct teaching to suggest that it was ever intended to be of universal application. Possibly these phrases only mean that other nations will use Israel as a typical example of greatness and happiness and pray that they may attain an equal degree of glory and prosperity. Moreover, the Pent provides for a sacrificial system that has long ceased to exist, and a corpus of jural law that has not been adopted by other peoples. Of its most characteristic require- ment — holiness — large elements are rejected by all save its own people. Wherein then lies its universal element? How came this the most in- tensely national of books to exercise a world-wide and ever-growing influence? The reason lies in the very first sentence: "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth." This doctrine of the unity of an Almighty God is the answer to our question. Teach that there is a God and One Only All-powerful God, and the book that tells of Him acquires a message to all His creatirres.

      Of the national character of the work something has already been said. It is remarkable that for its own people it has in very truth con- 6. The tained life and length of days, for it

      National has been in and through that book Aspect that the Jews have maintained them-

      selves throughout their unique his- tory. If it be asked wherein the secret of this strength lies, the answer is in the combination of the national and the religious. The course of history must have been entirely different if the Pent had not been the book of the people long before the Jews became the people of the book.

      Literature. — The current critical view is set forth in vast numbers of books. The following may be men- tioned: LOT; CorniU's Intro to the Canonical Books of the OT; Carpenter and Harford-Battersby's Hexateuch (a 2d ed of the Intro without the text has been pub- lished as The Coin-position of the Hexateuch)', the vols of the ICC, Westminster Covims. and Century Bible, Slightly less thoroughgoing views are put forward in the Ger. Intros of Konig (1893), Baudissin (1901), Selliu (1910); and Geden, Outlines of Intro to the Heb Bible (1909); Kittel, Scientific Study of the OT (ET, 1910); Eerdm. St. has entirely divergent critical views; POT; TMH. I, and W. Moller, Are the Critics Bight? and Wider den Bonn der Quellenscheidung; Robertson. Early Religion of Israel; Van Hoonacker, Lieu du culte, and Sacerdoce Uvitique are all much more conserv- ative and valuable. J. H. Raven, OT Intro, gives a good presentation of the most conservative case. The views taken in this article are represented bv SBL, EPC, OP, PS. Troelstra, The Name of God, and 'in some matters, TMH, I.

      Harold M. Wiener

      PENTATEUCH, THE SAMARITAN, sa-mar'i- tan:

      I. Knowledge of Samaritan Pentateuch

      1. In Older Times

      2. Revived Knowledge II. Codices and Script

      1. NablOs Roll

      2. The Script

      3. Peculiarities of Writing



      Pentateuch Pent, Samaritan

      4. The Tarikh

      5. Pronunciation

      6. Age of the NablQs Roll

      III. Relation of the Samaritan Recension to the


      1. Relation to MT: Classification of DifTerences (1) Accidental Variations

      (a) Due to Sight

      (b) Hearing

      (c) Deficient Attention (■2) Intentional

      (a) Grammatical (6) Logical (c) Doctrinal

      2. Relation to LXX

      (1) Statement of Hypotheses

      (2) Review of Hypotheses

      IV. On Pentateuchal Criticism V. Targums and Chronicle


      The existence of a Sam community in Nablus is generally knowTi, and the fact that they have a recension of the Pent which differs in some respects from the Massoretic has been long recognized as important.

      /. Knowledge of the Samaritan Pentateuch. — Of the Gr Fathers Origen knew of it and notes two insertions which do not appear in 1. In Older the MT— Nu 13 1 and 21 12, drawn Times from Dt 1 2 and 2 18. Eusebius of

      Caesarea in his Chronicon compares the ages of the patriarchs before Abraham in the


      ;1 m




      Samaritan High Priest with Scroll.

      LXX with those in the Sam Pent and the MT. Epiphanius is aware that the Samaritans acknowl- edged the Pent alone as canonical. Cyril of Jerus notes agreement of LXX and Sam in Gen 4 8. These are the principal evidences of knowledge of this recension among the Gr Fathers. Jerome notes some omissions in the MT and suppUes them from Sam. The Talm shows that the Jews retained a knowledge of the Sam Pent longer, and speaks contemptuously of the points in which it differs from the MT. Since the differences observed by the Fathers and the Talmudists are to be seen in

      the Sam Pent before us, they afford evidence of its authenticity.

      After nearly a millennium of obUvion the Sam Pent was restored to the knowledge of Christendom by Pietro de la Valle who in 1616 pur- 2. Revived chased a copy from the Sam com- Knowledge munity which then existed in Damas- cus. This copy was presented in 1623 to the Paris Oratory and shortly after published in the Paris Polyglot under the editorship of Morinus, a priest of the Oratory who had been a Protestant. He emphasized the difference between the MT and Sam Pent for argumentative rea.sons, in order to prove the necessity for the intervention of the church to settle which was Scripture. A fierce controversy resulted, in which various divines, Protestant and Catholic, took part. Since then copies of this recension have multiplied in Europe and America. All of them may be regarded as copies ultimately of the Nabltls roll. These copies are in the form, not of rolls, but of codices or bound volumes. They are usually written in two columns to the page, one being the Tg or interpretation and this is sometimes in Aramaic and sometimes in Arabic. Some codices show three columns with both Tgs. There are probably nearly 100 of these codices in various Ubraries in Europe and America. These are all written in the Sam script and differ only by scribal blunders.

      //. Codices and Script. — The visitor to the Sa- maritans is usually shown an ancient roll, but only rarely is the most ancient exhibited,

      1. The and when so exhibited still more rarely Nablfls Roll is it in circumstances in which it may

      be examined. Dr. Mills, who spent three months in the Sam community, was able to make a careful though interrupted study of it. His description (Ndbl'ds and the Modern Samaritans, 312) is that "the roU is of parchment, written in columns, 13 in. deep, and 7 1 in. wide. The writing is in a fair hand, rather small; each column contains from 70 to 72 Unes, and the whole roll contains 110 columns. The name of the scribe is written in a kind of acrostic, running through these columns, and is found in the Book of Dt. The roll has the ap- pearance of very great antiquity, but is wonder- fully well preserved, considering its venerable age. It is worn out and torn in many places and patched with re-written parchment; in many other places, where not torn, the writing is unreadable. It seemed to me that about two-thirds of the original is still readable. The skins of which the roll is composed are of equal size and measure each 2.5 in. long by 15 in. wide." Dr. Rosen's account on the authority of Kraus (Zeitschr. der deutsch- morgenl. Gesellsch., XVIII, 582) agrees with this, adding that the "breadth of the writing is a hne and the space between is similar." Both observers have noted that the parchment has been written only on the "hair" side. It is preserved in a silk covering inclosed in a silver case embossed with arabesque ornaments.

      The reader on opening one of the codices of the

      Sam Pent recognizes at once the difference of the

      writing from the characters in an ordi-

      2. The nary Heb Bible. The Jews admit Script that the character in which the Sam

      Pent is written is older than their square character. It is said in the Talm (Sanhe- dhrln 216): "The law at first was given to Israel in 'ibhri letters and in the holy tongue and again by Ezra in the square ['dshurith] character and the Aram, tongue. Israel chose for themselves the 'dshurith character and the holy tongue: they left to the hedhyototh ["uncultured"] the Hbhri character and the Arani. tongue — 'the Cuthaeans are the hedh- yototh,' said Rabbi Hasda." When Jewish hatred of



      the Samaritans, and the contempt of the Pharisees for them are remembered, this admission amounts to a demonstration. The Sam script resembles that on the Maccabean coins, but is not identical with it. It may be regarded as between the square character and the angular, the latter as is seen in the M S and the Siloam inscription. Another intermediate form, that found on the Assouan papyri, owes the differences it presents to having been written with a reed on papyrus. As the chronology of these scripts is of importance we subjoin those principally in question.






















      .3 1






























      1 T
















      7 ;








      J /




















      A A i








      7 7;j




































      V V y







































      K) \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\U












      Table Showing Script of Semitic Languages.

      The study of these alphabets will confirm the statement above made that the Sam alphabet is, in evolution, between the square character and the angular, nearer the latter than the former, while the characters of the Assouan papyri are nearer the former than the latter. Another point to be ob- served is that the letters which resemble each other in one alphabet do not always resemble in another. We can thus, from comparison of the letters liable to be confused, form a guess as to the script in which the document containing the confusion was written.

      ities in Writing

      each other.

      In inscriptions the lapidary had no hesitation, irre- spective of syllables, in completing in the next line any word for which he had not suiBcient room. 3 Peculiar- Thus the beginnings and endings of lines were directly under each other, as on the MS. In the papyri the words are not divided, but the scribe was not particular to have the ends of lines directly under The scribe of the square character by use of liUrae dilalabiles secured this without dividing the words. The Samaritan secured this end by wider spacing. The flrst letter or couple of letters of each line are placed directly under the flrst letter or letters of the preceding line. — so with the last letters — two or three — of the line, while the other words are spread out to fill up the space. The only e.xception to this is a paragraph ending. "Words are separated from each other by dots; sentences by a sign like our colon. The Torah is divided into 966 kisam or paragraphs. The termination of these is shown by the colon having a dot added to it. thus :. Sometimes this is reinforced by a line and an angle — <. These kisam are often enumerated on the margin; sometimes, in later MSS in Arab, numerals. A blank space some- times separates one of these kisam from the next.

      When the scribe wished to inform the reader of his personahty and the place where he had written the MS he made use of a peculiar device. In 4. Tlip copying he left a space vacant in the middle

      % LL Of a column. The space thus left is every

      Jarlkn now and then bridged by a single letter.

      These letters read down the column form words and sentences which convey the information. In the case of the Nablfls roll this tarlkh occurs in Dt and occupies three columns. In this it is said, "I Abishua, son of Pinhas (Phinehas], son of Eleazar, son of Aharun [Aaron] the priest, have written this holy book in the door of the tabernacle of the congregation in Mt. Geri- zim in the 13th year of the rule of the children of Israel in the land of Canaan." Most of the codices in the libraries of Europe and America have like information given in a similar manner. This tarikh is usually Heb, but sometimes it is in Sam Aramaic. Falsification of the date merely is practically impossible; the forgery must be the work of the first scribe.

      Not onlv has the difference of script to be considered, but also the different values assigned to the letters. The names given to the letters differ consid- erably from the Heb, as may be seen above. There are no vowel points or signs of reduplication. Only B and P of the BoGaDH-K-PHaTH letters are as- pirated. The most singular peculiarity is that none of the gutturals is pronounced at all — a peculiarity which explains some of the names given to the letters. This characteristic appears all the more strildng when it is remembered how prominent gutturals are in Arab., the everyday language of the Samaritans. The flrst 5 verses of Gen are sub- joined according to the Sam pronunciation, as taken down by Petermann {Versiu^h einer hebr. Furmenlehre, 161), from the reading of Amram the high priest; Ba- rashet bara Eluwem it ashshamem wit aareg. Waarei; ayata-te' ti ube'u waashek at fani .... turn uru Eluwem amra, efet at fani ammem vmija' mcr Eluwem ya'i or way' ai or wayere Eluwem it a' or ki tov wayabdel Eluwem, bill a or ubin aashek uyikra Eluwem la' or yom ula ' ashek kara Ula. Uyai ' erev uyai hekar yom a'ad.

      6. The Mode of Prontin- ciation

      There is no doubt that if the inscription given above is really in the MS it is a forgery written on

      the skin at the first. Of its falsity 6. The Age also there is no doubt. The Am Tab of the Na- sent from Canaan and nearly con- bliis Roll temporary with the Israelite conquest

      of the land were impressed with cunei- form characters and the language was Bab. Neg- lecting the tarikh, we may examine the matter inde- pendently and come to certain conclusions. If it is the original from which the other MSS have been copied we are forced to assume a date earlier at least than the 10th cent. AD, which is the date of the earhest Heb MS. The script dates from the Hasmoneans. The reason of this mode of writing being perpetuated in copying the Law must be found in some special sanctity in the document from which the copies were made originally. Dr. Mills seems almost inclined to beheve the authen- ticity of the lar'ikh. His reasons, however, have been rendered valueless by recent discoveries. Dr. Cowley, on the other hand, would date it somewhere about the 12th cent. AD, or from that to the 14th. With all the respect due to such a scholar we venture to think his view untenable. His hypothesis is that an old MS was found and the larlkh now seen



      in it was afterward added. That, however, is im- possible unless a new skin — the newness of which would be obvious — had been written over and in- serted. Even the comparatively slight change implied in turning Ishmael into Israel in the larlkh in the NablAs roll necessitates a great adjustment of lines, as the letters of the tartkh must read hori- zontally as well as perpendicularly. If that change were made, the date would then be approximately 6.50 AD, much older than Cowley's 12th cent. There is, however, nothing in this to explain the sanctity given to this MS. There is a tradition that the roll was saved from fire, that it leaped out of the fire in the presence of Nebuchadnezzar. If it were found unconsumed when the temple on Mt. Gerizim was burned by John Hyrcanus I, this would account for the veneration in which it ia held. It would account also for the stereotyping of the script. The angular script prevailed until near the tirne of Alexander the Great. In it or in a script akin to it the copy of the Law must have been written which Manasseh,_ the son-in-law of Sanballat, brought to Samaria. The preservation of such a copy would be ascribed to miracle and the script consecrated.

      ///. Relation of the Samaritan Recension to the MT and LA-X— While the reader of the Sam

      Pent will not fail to observe its prac- 1. Relation tical identity with the MT, closer study to MT: reveals numerous, if minor, differ-

      Classifi- ences. These differences were classi- cation of fied by Gesenius. Besides being illogi- Differences cal, his classification is faulty, as

      founded on the assumption that the Sam Pent text is the later. The same may be said of Kohn'a. We would venture on another classi- fication of these variations, deriving the principle of division from their origin. These variations were due either to (1) accident or (2) intention. (1) The first of these classes arose from the way in which books were multiplied in ancient days. Most commonly one read and a score of scribes, probably slaves, wrote to this dictation. Hence errors might arise (a) when from similarity of letters the reader mistook one word for another, (h) If the reader's pronunciation was not distinct the scribes might mis-hear and therefore 'm-ite the word amiss, (c) Further, if the reader began a sentence which opened in a way that generally was followed by certain words or phrases, he might inadvertently conclude it, not in the way it was written before him, but in the customary phrase. In the same way the scribe through defective attention might also blunder. Thus the accidental variations may be regarded as due to mistakes of sight, hearing and attention. (2) Variations due to intention are either (a) gram- matical, the removal of peculiarities and conforming them to usage, or (b) logical, as when a command having been given, the fulfilment is felt to follow as a logical necessity and so is narrated, or, if narrated, is omitted according to the ideas of the scribe; (c) doctrinal changes introduced into the text to suit the doctrinal position of one side or other. Ques- tions of propriety also lead to alterations — these may be regarded as quasi-doctrinal.

      (1) Examples of accidental variations. — (a) Due to mistakes of sight: The cause of mistakes of sight is the likeness of differing letters. These, however, differ in different scripts, as may be proved by con- sideration of the table of alphabets. Some of these mistakes found in connection with the Sam Pent appear to be mistakes due to the resemblance of letters in the Sam script. Most of these are obvious blunders; thus in Gen 19 32, we have the mean- ingless tahhinu instead of 'abhinU, "our father," from the likeness oi X , t, to ^ , a. In Gen 25

      29 we have gdzedh instead of ydzedh, "to seethe," because of the likeness of "fYl , f, to /yy , y or i. These, while in Blayney's transcription of Walton's text, are not in Petermann or the Sam Tg. The above examples are mistakes in Sam MSS, but there are mistakes also in the MT. In Gen 27 40 the RV rendering is "When thou shalt break loose, thou shalt shake his yoke from off thy neck." This rendering does violence to the sense of both vbs. and results in a tautology. In the Hiphil the first vb. rUdh ought to mean "to cause to wander," not "to break loose," and the second vb. parak means "to break," not "to shake off." The Sam has "When thou shalt be mighty, thou shalt break his yoke from off thy neck." 'The MT mistake may be due to the confounding of /"^ , a, with >^ , t, and the transposition of ^ , d, and ^ , 6. The vb. 'ddhar, "to be strong," is rare and poetic, and so unlikely to suggest itself to reader or scribe. The renderings of the LXX and Pesh indicate confusion. There are numerous cases, however, where the resembling letters are not in the Sam script, but sometimes in the square char- acter and sometimes in the angular. Some char- acters resemble each other in both, but not in the Samaritan. The cases in which the resemblance is only in letters in the square script may all be ascribed to variation in the MT. Cases involving the confusion of waw and yodh are instances in point. It may be said that every one of the in- stances of variation which depends on confusion of these letters is due to a blunder of a Jewish scribe, e.g. Gen 25 13, where the Jewish scribe has written n'bhUh instead of n'bhayoth {Nebaioth) as usual; 36 5, where the Jewish scribe has y'Hsh instead of y'ush (Jeush), as in the K're. In Gen 46 30, by writing r*'oiAi instead of ra'tthi, the Jewish scribe in regard to the same letters has made a blunder which the Sam scribe has avoided. When d and r are confused, it must not be ascribed to the likeness in the square script, for those letters are alike in the angular also. As the square is admitted to be later than the date of the Sam script, these confusions point to a MS in angular. There are, however, confusions which apply only to letters alike in angu- lar. Thus binydmim, invariably in the Sam Pent Benjamin, binydmln, is written Benjamin; also in Ex 1 11 pithon instead of pithom, but m and n are alike only in the script of the Siloam inscription. In Dt 12 21, the Sam has I?!?'?, I'shakkcn, as the MT has in 12 11, whereas theMT has CWb , Idsum. A study of the alphabets on p. 2314 will show the close resemblance between waw and hdph in the Siloam script, as well as the likeness above mentioned between m and n. This points to the fact that the MSS from which the JMT and the Sam were transcribed in some period of their history were written in angular of the type of the Siloam inscription, that is to say of the age of Hezekiah.

      ih) Variations due to mistakes of hearing: Thie great mass of tiiese are due to one of two sources, eitlier on the one hand the insertion or omission of ivdw and yodh, so that the vowel is written plenum or the reverse, or, on the other hand, to the mistal



      from Assyria might not unlikely be imable to pronounce the gutturals.

      (c) Changes due to deficient attention; Another cause of variation is to be found in reader or scribe not attend- ing sufficiently to the actual word or sentence seen or heard. This is manifested in putting for a word its equivalent. In Gen 26 31 the Sam has Vre'ehu, "to his friend." instead of as the MT^-'d/iiui, "to his brother," and in Ex 2 10 Sam has na ar for yeledh in MT. In such cases it is impossible to determine which represents the original text. We may remarii that the assumption of Gesenius and of such Jewish writers as Kohn that the MT is always correct is due to mere prejudice. More important is the occasional interchange of YH WH and 'JSlohlm, as in Gen 28 4, where Sam has YHWH and the MT ' Elohlm, and Gen 7 1 where it has 'Eldhi?n against YHWH in the MT. This last instance is the more singular, in that in the 9th verse of the same chap- ter the MT has 'Elshl m and the Sam YHWH. Another class of instances which may be due to the same cause is the completion of a sentence by adding a clause or, it mav be, dropping it from failure to observe it to be in- complete, as Gen 24 4.5. If the MT be the original text, the Sam adds the clause "a little water from thy pitcher"; if the Sam. then the MT has dropped it.

      (2) Changes due to intention. — (a) Grammatical: Tlie variations from the MT most frequently met with in reading the Sam Pent are those necessary to conform the language to the rules of ordinary grammar. In this the Sam frequently coincides with the K-'re of the MT. The Knhibh of the MT has no distinction in gender between hu' in the 3d personal pronoun sing. — in both masc. and fem. it is hu' . The Sam with the K^re corrects this to hi' . So with na'ar, "a youth" — this is common in the KHhibh, but in the K're when a young woman is in question the fem. termination is added, and so the Sam writers also. It is a possible supposition that this characteristic of the Torah is late and due to blundering peculiar to the MS from which the Massoretes copied the K^thibh. That it is sys- tematic is against its being due to blunder, and as the latest Heb books maintain distinction of gender, we must regard this as an evidence of antiquity. This is confirmed by another set of variations be- tween the Sam and the MT. There are, in the latter, traces of case-endings which have dis- appeared in later Heb. These are removed in the Sam. That case terminations have a tendency to disappear is to be seen in Eng. and Fr. The sign of the accusative, 'eth, frequently omitted in the AIT, is generally supplied in Sam. A short form of the demonstrative pronoun pi. ('eZ instead of 'ellah) is restricted to the Pent and 1 Ch 20 8. The syntax of the cohortative is different in Sam from that in the Massoretic Heb. It is not to be assumed that the Jewish was the only correct or primitive use. There are cases where, with colloquial inexactitude, the MT has joined a pi. noun to a singular vb., and vice versa; these are corrected in Sam. Conju- gations which in later Heb have a definite meaning in relation to the root, but are used in the MT of the Torah in quite other senses, are brought in the Sam Pent into harmony with later use. It ought in passing to be noted that these pentateuchal forms do not occur in the Prophets; even in Josh 2 15 we have the fem. 3d personal pronoun; in Jgs 19 3 we have na^drdh.

      (b) Logical; Sometimes the context or the circum- stances implied have led to a change on one side or another. This may involve only the change of a word, as in Gen 2 2, where the Sam has "sixth" instead of "seventh" (MT), in this agreeing with the LXX and Pesh, the ■lewish scribe thinking the "sixth day" could only be reckoned ended when the "seventh' had begun. In Gen 4 S, after the clause, "And Cain talked with [said to] Abel his brother," the Sam, LXX and Pesh add, "Let us go into the field." From the evidence of the VSS, from the natural meaning of the vb. 'amar, "to say," not "to speak," from the natural meaning also of the preposition 'el, "to," not "mth" (see Gesenius), it is clear that the MT has dropped the clause and that the Sam represents the true text. If this is not the case, it is a case of logical completion on the part of the Sam. Another instance is the addition to each name in the genealogy in Gen 11 10-24 of the sum of the years of his life. la the case of

      the narrative of the plagues of Egypt a whole paragraph is added frequently. What has been commanded Moses and Aaron is repeated as history when they obey.

      (c) Doctrinal: There are cases in which the text so suits the special views of the Samaritans concerning the sanctity of Gerizim that alteration of the original in that direction may be supposed to be the likeliest explanation. Thus there is inserted at Gen 20 67 a passage from Dt 27 2 slightly modified: Gerizim being put for Ebal, the object of the addition being to give the consecration of Gerizim the sanction of the Torah. Kennicott, however, defends the authenticity of this passage as against the MT. Insertion or omission appears to be the result of doctrinal predilection. In Nu 25 4.5 the Sam har- monizes the command of Jeh with the action of Moses, The passage removed has a bloodthirsty Moloch-like look that might seem difficult to defend. On the other hand, the Jewish hatred of idolatry might express itself in the command to "take all the heads of the people and hang them up before the Lord against the sun," and so might be inserted. There are cases also where the language is altered for reasons of propriety. In these cases the Sam agrees with the IJore of the MT.

      These variations are of unequal value as evi- dences of the relative date of the Sam recension of the Pent. The intentional are for this purpose of little value; they are evidence of the views prevalent in the northern and southern districts of Pal respectively. Only visual blunders are of real importance, and they point to a date about the days of Hezekiah as the time at which the two re- censions began to diverge. One thing is obvious, that the Sam, at least as often as the MT, repre- sents the primitive text.

      (1) Statement of hypotheses. — The frequency with which the points in which the Sam Pent differs from the MT agree with those in which the 2. Relation LXX also differs has exercised scholars. of Samari- Castelli asserts that there are a thou- tan Recen- sand such instances. It may be noted sion to LXX that in one instance, at any rate, a pas- sage in which the Sam and the LXX agree against the MT has the support of the NT. In Gal 3 17, the apostle Paul, following the Sam and LXX against the MT, makes the "430.years" which terminated with the exodus begin with Abraham. As a rule the attention of Bib. scholars has been so directed to the resemblances between the Sam and the LXX that they have neglected the more numerous points of difference. So impressed have scholars been, esp. when Jews, by these resem- blances that they have assumed that the one was dependent on the other. Frankcl has maintained that the Sam was tr'' from the LXX. Against this is the fact that in all their insulting remarks against them the Talmudists never assert that the "Cu- thaeans" (Samaritans) got their Torah from the Greeks. Further, even if they only got the Law through Manasseh, the son-in-law of Sanballat, and even if he lived in the time of Alexander the Great, yet this was nearly half a century before the earliest date of the LXX. Again, while there are many evidences in the LXX that it has been tr'' from Heb, there are none in the Sam that it has been tr"" from Gr. The converse hypothesis is maintained by Dr. Kohn with all the emphasis of extended type. His hypothesis is that before the LXX was thought of a Gr tr was made from a Sam copy of the Law for the benefit of Samaritans resident in Egypt. The Jews made use of this at first, but when they found it wrong in many points, they purposed a new tr, but were so much influ- enced by that to which they were accustomed that it was only an improved edition of the Sam which resulted. But it is improbable that the Samaritans, who were few and who had comparatively httle intercourse with Egypt, should precede the more numerous Jews with their huge colonies in Egypt, in making a Gr tr. It is further against the Jewish tradition as preserved to us by Jos. It is against the Sam tradition as learned by the present writer from the Sam high priest. According to him, the



      Samaritans had no independent tr, beyond the fact that five of the LXX were Samaritan. Had there been any excuse for asserting that the Samaritans were the first translators, that would not have dis- appeared from their traditions.

      (2) Review of these hypotheses. — The above un- satisfactory explanations result from deficient ob- servation and unwarranted assumption. That there are many cases where the Sam variations from the MT are identical with those of the LXX is indubitable. It has, however, not been observed by those Jewish scholars that the cases in which the Sam alone or LXX alone, one or other, agrees with the MT against the other, are equally numer- ous. Besides, there are not a few cases in which all throe differ. It ought to be observed that the cases in which the LXX differs from the MT are much more numerous than those in which the Sam differs from it. One has only to compare the Sam, LXX and MT of any half a dozen consecutive chap- ters in the Pent to prove this. Thus neither is dependent on the others. Further, there is the un- warranted assumption that the MT represents the primitive text of th^ Law. If the MT is compared with the VSS, it is found that the LXX, despite the misdirected efforts of Origen to harmonize it to the Palestinian text, differs in very many cases from the MT. Theodotion is nearer, but still differs in not a few cases. Jerome is nearer still, though even the text behind the Vulg is not identical with the MT. It follows that the MT is the result of a process which stopped somewhere about the end of the 5th cent. AD. The origin of the MT appears to have been somewhat the result of accident. A MS which had acquired a special sanctity as belonging to a famous rabbi is copied with fastidious accuracy, so that even its blunders are perpetuated. This supplies the K^thibh. Corrections are made from other MSS, and these form the K^re. If our hy- pothesis as to the age of the Nablfts roll is correct, it is older than the MT by more than half a millen- nium, and the MS from which the LXX was tr"" was nearly a couple of centuries older still. So far then from its being a reasonable assumption that the LXX and Sam differ from the MT only by blundering or wilful corruption on the part of the former, the converse is at least as probable. The conclusion then to which we are led is that of Ken- nicott {Slate of Heb Text Diss., II, 1G4) that the Sam and LXX being independent, "each copy is invaluable — each copy demands our pious vener- ation and attentive study." It further ought to be observed that though Dr. Kohn points to certain cases where the difference between the MT and the LXX is due to confusion of letters only possible in Sam character, this does not prove the LXX to have been tr^^ from a Sam MS, but that the MSS of the MT used by the LXX were written in that script. Kohn also exhibits the relation of the Sam to the Pesh. While the Pesh sometimes agrees with the Sam where it differs from the MT, more frequently it supports the MT against the Sam.

      IV. Bearing on the Pentateachal Question. — Jos {Ant, XI, viii, 2) makes Sanballat contemporary with Alexander the Great, and states that his son- in-law Manasseh came to Samaria and became the high priest. Although it is not said by Jos, it is assumed by critics that he brought the completed Torah with him. This Manasseh is according to Jos the grandson of EUashib the high priest, the contemporary of Ezra and Nehemiah, and there- fore contemporary with Artaxerxes Longimanus. Nehemiah (13 28) mentions, without naming him, a grandson of Ehashib, who was son-in-law of San- ballat, whom he chased from him. It is clear that Jos had dropped a century out of his history, and that the migration of Manasseh is to be placed not

      c 335 BC, but c 435 BC. Ezra is reputed to be, if not the author of the PC in the Pent, at all events its introducer to the Palestinians, and to have edited the whole, so that it assumed the form in which we now have it. But he was the contemporary of Manasseh, and had been, by his denunciation of foreign marriages, the cause of the banishment of Manas.sch and his friends. Is it probable that he, Manasseh, would receive as Mosaic the enactments of Ezra, or convey them to Samaria? The date of the introduction of P, the latest portion of the Law, must accordingly be put considerably earlier than it is placed at present. We have seen that there are visual blunders that can be explained only on the assumption that the MS from which the mother Sam roll was copied was written in some variety of angular script. We have seen, further, that the peculiarities suit those of the Siloam inscription executed in the reign of Hezekiah, therefore ap- proximately contemporary with the priest sent by Esarhaddon to Samaria to teach the people "the manner of the God of the land." As Amos and Hosea manifest a knowledge of the whole Pent before the captivity, it would seem that this "Book of the Law" that was "read [Am 4 5 LXX] with- out," which would be the source from which the priest sent from Assyria taught as above "the manner of the God of the land," would contain all the portions — J, E, D, and P — of the Law. If so, it did not contain the Book of Josh; notwith- standing the honor they give the conqueror of Ca- naan, the Samaritans have not retained the book which relates his exploits. This is confirmed by the fact that the archaisms in the MT of the Pont are not found in Josh. It is singular, if the Prophets were before the Law, that in the Law there should be archaisms which are not found in the Prophets. From the way the Divine names are interchanged, as we saw, sometimes 'Elohlm in the Sam represents YHWH in the MT, sometimes vice versa, it becomes obviously impossible to lay any stress on this. This conclusion is confirmed by the yet greater frequency with which this inter- change occurs in the LXX. The result of investi- gation of the Sam Pent is to throw very consider- able doubt on the validity of the critical opinions as to the date, origin and structure of the Pent.

      V. Targums and Chronicle. — As above noted, there are two Tgs or interpretations of the Sara Pent, an Ara- maic and an Arabic. The Aram, is a dialect related to the Western Aram., in which the Jewish Tgs were written, sometimes called Chaldee. It has in it many strange words, some ol which may be due to the language of the Assyr colonists, but many are the result of blunders of copyists ignorant of the language. It is pretty close to the original and is little given to paraphrase. Much the same may be said of the Arab. Tg. It is usually attrib- uted to Abu Said of the 13th cent., but according to Dr. Cowley only revised by him from the Tg of Abulhassan of the nth cent. There is reference occasionally in the Fathers to a Samaritikon which has been taken to mean a Gr version. No indubitable quotations from it sur- vive — what seem to be so being really tr^ of the text of the Sam recension. There is in Arab, a wordy chronicle called "The Book of Joshua." It has been edited by Juynboll. It may be dated in the 1.3th cent. More recently a "Book of Joshua" in Heb and written in Sam characters was alleged to be discovered. It is, however, a manifest forgery; the characters in which it is written are very late. It is partly borrowed from the canonical Josh, and partly from the older Sam Book of Joshua with fabulous additions. The Chronicle of Abulfatah is a tolerably accurate account of the history of the Samaritans after Alexander the Great to the 4th cent. AD.

      Literature. — The text in the Sam script is found in the polyglots — Paris and London. Walton's text in the London Polijglot is transcribed in square characters by Blayney, Oxford, 1790. The Eng. works of importance of recent times are Mills, Nablus and the Samaritans, London, 1864; Nutt, Fragments of a Sam Tg, Lon- don, 1S74; Montgomery, The Samaritans, Philadelphia, 1907 (this has a very full bibliography which in- cludes articles in periodicals) ; Iverach Munro, The Sam Pent and Modern Criticism, 1911, London. In Germany, Gesenius' dissertation, De Pcntateuchi Samari-

      Pentecost Peraea



      tani orioine, etc, Jena, 1815, has not quite lost its value; Kohn, be Pentateucho Samaritano, Leipzig, 1865; Peter- mann, Versuch einer hebr. Formenlehre nach der Aussprache der heutigen Samaritaner, Leipzig, 1868. Tliere are be- sides arts, on this in the various Bib. Diets, and Encs. In the numerous religious and theological periodicals there have been arts, on the Sam Pent of varying worth. The Aram. Tg has been transcribed in square characters and edited by Brull (Frankfort, 187.5).

      J. E. H. Thomson

      PENTECOST, pen'ts-kost: As the name indi- cates {irei'T-qKoaTri, pentekoste) , this second of the great Jewish national festivals was 1. In the observed on the 50th day, or 7 weeks, OT from the Paschal Feast, and therefore

      in the OT it was called "the feast of weeks." It is but once mentioned in the his- torical books of the OT (2 Ch 8 12.13), from which reference it is plain, however, that the people of Israel, in Solomon's day, were perfectly familiar with it: "offering according to the com- mandment of Moses, on the sabbaths, and on the new moons, and on the set feasts, three times in the year, even in the feast of unleavened bread, and in the feast of weeks, and in the feast of tabernacles." The requirements of the three great festivals were then well understood at this time, and their authority was founded in the Mosaic Law and unquestioned. The festival and its ritual were minutely described in this Law. Every male in Israel was on that day required to appear before the Lord at the sanctuary (Ex 34 22.23). It was the first of the two agrarian festivals of Israel and signified the completion of the barley-harvest (Lev 23 1.5.16; Dt 16 9.10), which had begun at the time of the waving of the first ripe sheaf of the first-fruits (Lev 23 11). Pentecost, or the Feast of Weeks, therefore fell on the 50th day after this occurrence. The wheat was then also nearly every- where harvested (Ex 23 16; 34 22; Nu 28 26), and the general character of the festival was that of a harvest-home celebration. The day was ob- served as a Sabbath day, all labor was suspended, and the people appeared before Jeh to express their gratitude (Lev 23 21; Nu 28 26). The central feature of the day was the presentation of two loaves of leavened, salted bread unto the Lord (Lev 23 17.20; Ex 34 22; Nu 28 26; Dt 16 10). The size of each loaf was fixed by law. It must contain the tenth of an ephah, about three quarts and a half, of the finest wheat flour of the new harvest (Lev 23 17). Later Jewish WTiters are very minute in their description of the preparation of these two loaves (Jos, Ant, III, x, 6). According to the Mish (M'nahoth, xi.4), the length of the loaf was 7 handbreadths, its width 4, its depth 7 fingers. Lev 23 18 describes the additional sacrifices re- quired on this occasion. It was a festival of good cheer, a day of joy. Free-will offerings were to be made to the Lord (Dt 16 10), and it was to be marked by a liberal spirit toward the Levite, the stranger, and orphans and widows (Dt 16 11.14). Perhaps the command against gleaning harvest- fields has a bearing on this custom (Lev 23 22).

      The OT does not give it the historical significance which later Jewish writers have ascribed to it. The Israelites were admonished to remember their bondage on that day and to reconsecrate themselves to the Lord (Dt 16 12), but it does not yet com- memorate the giving of the Law at Sinai or the birth of the national existence, in the OT conception (Ex 19). Philo, Jos, and the earlier Talm are all ignorant of this new meaning which was given to the day in later Jewish history. It originated with the great Jewish rabbi Maimonides and has been copied by Christian writers. And thus a view of the Jewish Pentecost has been originated, which is wholly foreign to the scope of the ancient institution.

      The old Jewish festival obtained a new signifi- cance, for the Christian church, by the promised

      outpouring of the Holy Spirit (Jn 16 2. In the 7.13). The incidents of that memor- NT able day, in the history of Christianity,

      are told in a marvelously vivid and dra- matic way in the Acts of the Apostles. The old ren- dering of sumpleroiisthai (Acts 2 1) by "was fully come" was taken by Lightfoot (Hor. Heb.) to signify that the Christian Pentecost did not coincide with the Jewish, just as Christ's last meal with His dis- ciples was considered not to have coincided with the Jewish Passover, on Nisan 14. The bearing of the one on the other is obvious; they stand and fall together. RV translates the obnoxious word simply "was now come." Meyer, in his commentary on the Acts, treats this question at length. The tradition of the ancient church placed the first Christian Pentecost on a Sunday. According to John, the Passover that year occurred on Friday, Nisan 14 (18 28). But according to Mt, Mk and Lk, the Passover that year occurred on Thursday, Nisan 14, and hence Pentecost fell on Saturday. The Karaites explained the shabbdth of Lev 23 15 as pointing to the Sabbath of the paschal week and therefore always celebrated Pentecost on Sunday. But it is very uncertain whether the custom existed in Christ's day, and moreover it would be impossible to prove that the disciples followed this custom, if it could be proved to have existed. Meyer follows the Johannic reckoning and openly states that the other evangelists made a mistake in their reckoning. No offhand decision is possible, and it is but candid to admit that here we are confronted with one of the knottiest problems in the harmonizing of the Gos- pels. See Chronology of the NT.

      The occurrences of the first pentecostal day after the resurrection of Christ set it apart as a Christian festival and invested it, together with the com- memoration of the resurrection, with a new mean- ing. We will not enter here upon a discussion of the significance of the events of the pentecostal day described in Acts 2. That is discussed in the article under Tongues (q.v.). The Lutherans, in their endeavor to prove the inherent power of the Word, claim that "the effects then exhibited were due to the Divine power inherent in the words of Christ; and that they had resisted that power up to the day of Pentecost and then yielded to its in- fluence." This is well described as "an incredible hypothesis" (Hodge, Systematic Theol., Ill, 484). The Holy Spirit descended in answer to the explicit promise of the glorified Lord, and the disciples had been prayerfully waiting for its fulfilment (Acts 1 4. 14) . The Spirit came upon them as "a power from on high." God the Holy Spirit proved on Pente- cost His personal existence, and the intellects, the hearts, the lives of the apostles were on that day miraculously changed. By that day they were fitted for the arduous work that lay before them. There is some difference of opinion as to what is the significance of Pentecost for the church as an institution. The almost universal opinion among theologians and exegetes is this: that Pentecost marks the founding of the Christian church as an institution. This day is said to mark the dividing line between the ministry of the Lord and the min- istry of the Spirit. The later Dutch theologians have advanced the idea that the origm of the church, as an institution, is to be found in the establish- ment of the apostolate, in the selection of the Twelve. Dr. A. Kuyper holds that the church as an institution was founded when the Master se- lected the Twelve, and that these men were "quali- fied for their calling by the power of the Holy Spirit." He distinguishes between the institution and the constitution of the church. Dr. H. Bavinck



      Pentecost Peraea

      says: "Christ gathers a church about Himself, rules it directly so long as He is on the earth, and appoints twelve apostles who later on wUl be His witnesses. The institution of the apostolate is an esp. strong proof of the institutionary character which Christ gave to His church on the earth" {Geref. Doom., IV, 64).

      Whatever we may think of this matter, the fact remains that Pentecost completely changed the apostles, and that the enduement with the Holy Spirit enabled them to become witnesses of the resurrection of Christ as the fundamental fact in historic Christianity, and to extend the church according to Christ's commandment. Jerome has an esp. elegant passage in which Pentecost is com- pared with the beginning of the Jewish national life on Mt. Sinai (Ad Tabiol, § 7): "There is Sinai, here Sion; there the trembling mountain, here the trembling house; there the flaming mountain, here the flaming tongues; there the noisy thuuderings, here the sounds of many tongues; there the clangor of the ramshorn, here the notes of the gospel- trumpet." This vivid passage shows the close analogy between the Jewish and Christian Pentecost. In the post-apostolic Christian church Pentecost belonged to the so-called "Semestre Domini," as

      distinct from the "Semestre Ecclesiae," 3. Later the church festivals properly so called. Christian As yet there was no trace of Christmas, Observance which began to appear about 360 AD.

      Easter, the beginning of the Pente- costal period, closed the "Quadragesima," or "Lent," the entire period of which had been marked by self-denial and humiliation. On the contrary, the entire pentecostal period, the so-called "Quin- quagesima," was marked by joyfulness, daily com- munion, absence of fasts, standing in prayer, etc. Ascension Day, the 40th day of the period, ushered in the climax of this joyfulness, which burst forth in its fullest volume on Pentecost. It was highly esteemed by the Fathers. Chrysostom calls it "the metropolis of the festivals" (Z)e Pentec, Hom. ii); Gregory of Nazianzen calls it "the day of the Spirit" {De Pentec, Orat. 44). All the Fathers sound its praises. For they fully understood, with the church of the ages, that on that day the dis- pensation of the Spirit was begun, a dispensation of greater privileges and of a broader horizon and of greater power than had hitherto been vouchsafed to the church of the living God. The festival "Octaves," which, in accordance with the Jewish custom, devoted a whole week to the celebration of the festival, from the 8th cent., gave place to a two days' festival, a custom still preserved by the Roman church and such Protestant bodies as follow the ecclesiastical year. The habit of dressing in white and of seeking baptism on Pentecost gave it the name "Whitsunday," by which it is popularly known all over the world. Henry E. Doskee

      PENTTEL, p5-nu'el, pen'u-el. See Peniel.

      PENURY, pen'o-ri (lion'O , mahsor) : In Prov 14 23, with sense of "poverty," "want": "The talk of the lips tendeth only to penury." In the NT the word in Lk 21 4 {ixTTip-mxa, hustermna) is in RV tr'' "want" (of the widow's mites).

      PEOPLE, pe'p'l: In EV represents something over a dozen Heb and Gr words. Of these, in the OT, U? , ''am, is overwhelmingly the most common (some 2,000 t), with O'lXb, l^'om, and "'ij, goy, next in order; but the various Heb words are used with very little or no difference in force (e.g. Prov 14 28; but, on the other hand, in Ps 44 contrast vs 12 and 14). Of the changes introduced by RV the

      only one of significance (cited explicitly in the Pref- ace to ERV) is the frequent use of the pi. "peoples" (strangely avoided in AV except Rev 10 11; 17 15), where other nations than Israel are in question. So, for instance, in Ps 67 4; Isa 55 4; 60 2, with the contrast marked in Ps 33 10 and 12; Ps 77 14 and 15, etc. In the NT, Xdos, Idos, is the most common word, with &x^os, ochlos, used almost as often in AV. But in RV the latter word is almost always rendered "multitude," "people" being retained only in Lk 7 12; Acts 11 24.26; 19 26, and in the fixed phrase "the common people" (i TToXis 6x'>^os, ho polus dchlos) in Mk 12 37; Jn 12 9.12 m (the retention of "people" would have been better in Jn 11 42, also), with "crowd" (Mt 9 23. 25; Acts 21 35). The only special use of "people" that calls for attention is the phrase "people of the land." This may mean simply "inhabitants," as Ezk 12 19; 33 2; 39 13; but in 2 K 11 14, etc, and the parallel in 2 Ch, it means the people as contrasted with the king, while in Jer 1 18, etc, and in Ezk 7 27; 22 29; 46 3.9, it means the com- mon people as distinguished from the priests and the aristocracy. A different usage is that for the hea- then (Gen 23 7.12.13; Nu 14 9) or half-heathen (Ezr 9 1.2; 10 2.11; Neh 10 28-31) inhabitants of Pal. From this last use, the phrase came to be applied by some rabbis to even pure-blooded Jews, if they neglected the observance of the rabbinic traditions (cf Jn 7 49 AV). For "people of the East" see Children of the East.

      Burton Scott Easton PEOR, pe'or ("liySH, ha-p''or; *o-y(Sp, Pkogor):

      (1) A mountain in the land of Moab, the last of the three heights to which Balaam was guided by Balak in order that he might curse Israel (Nu 23 28). It is placed by Onom on the way between Livias and Heshbon, 7 Rom miles from the latter. Buhl would identify it with Jebel el-Mashakkar, on which are the ruins of an old town, between Wddy A^yun Musa and Wddy Hesban.

      (2) A town in the Judaean uplands added by LXX {<^ayu>p, Phagor) to the list in Josh 15 9. It may be identical with Khirbet Faghur to the S. of Bethlehem.

      (3) Peor, in Nu 25 18; 31 16; Josh 22 17, is a Divine name standing for "Baal-peor."

      (4) In Gen 36 39, LXX reads Phogor for "Pau" (MT), which in 1 Ch 1 50 appears as "Pai."

      W. EWING PERAEA, p5-re'a (ij HepaCa, he Persia, Iltpaios, Peraios, UtpatTtis, Peraltes): This is not a Scrip- tural name, but the term used by Jos 1. The to denote the district to which the

      Country rabbis habitually refer as "the land beyond Jordan." This corresponds to the NT phrase peran tou lorddnou (Mt 4 15; 19 1, etc). The boundaries of the province are given by Jos (BJ, III, iii, 3). In length it reached from Pella in the N. to Machaerus in the S., and in breadth from the Jordan on the W. to the desert on the E. We may take it that the southern boundary was the Arnon. The natural boundary on the N. would be the great gorge of the Yarmuk. Gadara, Jos tells us (BJ, IV, vii, 3, 6), was capital of the Peraea. But the famous city on the YarmUk was a member of the Decapolis, and so could hardly take that position. More probably Jos referred to a city the ruins of which are found at Jedilr — a reminiscence of the ancient name — not far from es-Salt. The northern Gadara then holding the land on the southern bank of the Yarmuk, the northern boundary of the Peraea would run, as Jos says, from Pella eastward. For the description of the country thus indicated see Gilead, 2.

      In the time of the Maccabees the province was mainly gentile, and Judas found it necessary to

      Perazim Perfume



      remove to Judaea the scattered handful of Jews to secure their safety (1 Mace 5 45). Possibly under Hyrcanus Jewish influence began to 2. History prevail; and before the death of Jan- naeus the whole country owned his sway {HJP, I, i, 297, 306). At the death of Herod the Great it became part of the tetrarchy of An- tipas (Ant, XVII, vii, 1). The tetrarch built a city on the site of the ancient Beth-haram (Josh 13 27) and called it Julias in honor of the emperor's wife (Ant, XVIII, ii, 1; BJ, II, ix, 1). Here Simon made his abortive rising [Ant, XVII, x, 6; BJ, II, iv, 2). Claudius placed it under the gov- ernment of Felix (BJ, II, xii, 8). It was finally added to the Rom dominions by Placidus (BJ, IV, vii, 3-6). Under the Moslems it became part of the province of Damascus.

      Peraea, "the land beyond Jordan," ranked along with Judaea and Galilee as a province of the land of Israel. The people were under the same laws as regarded tithes, marriage and property.

      Peraea lay between two gentile provinces on the E., as Samaria between two Jewish provinces on the W. of the Jordan. The fords below Beisan and opposite Jericho afforded communication with Galilee and Judaea respectively. Peraea thus formed a link connecting the Jewish provinces, so that the pilgrims from any part might go to Jerus and return without setting foot on gentile soil. And, what was at least of equal importance, they could avoid peril of hurt or indignity which the Samaritans loved to inflict on Jews passing through Samaria (Lk 9 52f; Ant, XX, vi, 1; Vita, 52).

      It seems probable that Jesus was baptized within the boundaries of the Peraea; and hither He came from the turmoil of Jerus at the Feast of the Dedi- cation (Jn 10 40). It was the scene of much quiet and profitable intercourse with His disciples (Mt 19; Mk 10 1-31; Lk 18 15-30). These passages are by many thought to refer to the period after His retirement to Ephraim (Jn 11 54). It was from Peraea that Lie was summoned by the sisters at Bethany (ver 3) .

      Peraea furnished in Niger one of the bravest men who fought against the Romans (BJ, II, xx, 4; IV, vi, 1). From Bethezob, a village of Peraea, came Mary, whose story is one of the most appall- ing among the terrible tales of the siege of Jenis (BJ, VI, iii, 4). Jos mentions Peraea for the last time (BJ, VI, v, 1), as echoing back the doleful groans and outcries that accompanied the destruc- tion of Jerus. W. Ewing

      PERAZIM, per'a-zim, pO-ra'zim, MOUNT ("in D''?nS , har-p'rafim) : "Jeh will rise up as in mount Perazim" (Isa 28 21). It is usually considered to be identical with Baal-pehazim (q.v.), where David obtained a victory over the Philis (2 S 5 20; 1 Ch 14 11).

      PERDITION, per-dish'un (dir<5\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\eia, apdleia, "ruin" or "loss," physical or eternal): The word ''perdition" occurs in the Eng. Bible 8 t (Jn 17 12; Phil 1 28; 2 Thess 2 3; 1 Tim 6 9; He 10 39; 2 Pet 3 7; Rev 17 11.18). In each of these cases it denotes the final state of ruin and punishment which forms the opposite to salvation. The vb. apolluein, from which the word is derived, has two meanings: (1) to lose; (2) to destroy. Both of these pass over to the noun, so that apdleia comes to signify: (1) loss; (2) ruin, destruction. The former occurs in Mt 26 8; Mk 14 4, the latter in the passages cited above. Both meanings had been adopted into the religious terminology of the Scriptures as early as the LXX. "To be lost" in the religious sense may mean "to be missing" and "to be ruined." The former meaning attaches to

      it in the teaching of Jesus, who compares the lost sinner to the missing coin, the missing sheep, and makes him the object of a seeking activity (Mt 10 6; 15 24; 18 11; Lk 15; 19 10). "To be lost" here signifies to have become estranged from God, to miss realizing the relations which man normally sustains toward Him. It is equivalent to what is theologically called "spiritual death." This conception of "loss" enters also into the de- scription of the esohatological fate of the sinner as assigned in the judgment (Lk 9 24; 17 33), which is a loss of life. The other meaning of "ruin" and "destruction" describes the same thing from a different point of view. Apoleia being the oppo- site of soteria, and soteria in its technical usage de- noting the reclaiming from death unto life, apoleia also acquires the specific sense of such ruin and destruction as involves an eternal loss of life (Phil 1 28; He 10 39). Perdition in this latter sense is equivalent to what theology calls "eternal death." When in Rev 17 8.11 it is predicated of "the beast," one of the forms of the world-power, this must be understood on the basis of the OT pro- phetic representation according to which the com- ing judgment deals with powers rather than persons.

      The Son of Perdition is a name given to Judas (Jn 17 12) and to the Antichrist (2 Thess 2 3). This is the well-known Heb idiom by which a person typically embodying a certain trait or character or destiny is called the son of that thing. The name therefore represents Judas and the Antichrist (see Man of Sin) as most irrecoverably and completely devoted to the final opoZeJa. Gberhardus Vos

      PERES, pe'rez. See Mene.

      PERESH, pe'resh (UJnB , peresh, "dung"): Son of Machir, grandson of Manasseh through his Aramitish concubine (1 Ch 7 14.16).

      PEREZ, pe'rez, PHAREZ, fa'rez (f)3, pereg, "breach"): One of the twins born to Judah by Tamar, Zerah's brother (Gen 38 29.30). In AV Mt 1 3 and Lk 3 33, he is called "Phares," the name in 1 Esd 5 5. He is "Pharez" in AV Gen 46 12; Nu 26 20.21; Ruth 4 12.18; 1 Ch 2 4.5; 4 1; 9 4. In AV and RV 1 Ch 27 3; Neh 11 4.6, he is "Perez." He is important through the fact that by way of Ruth and Boaz and so through Jesse and David his genealogy comes upward to the Saviour. The patronymic "Pharzite" occurs in Nu 28 20 AV.

      Perezites (Nu 26 20, AV "Pharzites"). The patronymic of the name Perez.

      Henry Wallace

      PEREZ-UZZA, pe-rez-uz'za. See Uzza.

      PERFECT, piir'fekt, PERFECTION, per-fek'- shun (C!5'ttJ, shalem, D''12P., tamim; ractos, ieleios,

      Tt\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\(i6Tr]i, teleiotcs): "Perfect" in the 1. In the OT is the tr of shalem, "finished," OT "whole," "complete," used (except

      in Dt 25 15, "perfect weight") , of persons, e.g. a "perfect heart," i.e. wholly or com- pletely devoted to Jeh (1 K 8 61, etc; 1 Ch 12 38; Isa 38 3. etc); tamim, "complete," "perfect," "sound or unblemished," is also used of persons and of God, His way, and law ("Noah was a just man and perfect," RVm "blameless" [Gen 6 9]; "As for God, his way is perfect" [Ps 18 30]; "The law of Jeh IS perfect" [Ps 19 7], etc) ; tarn, with the same meanmg, occurs only in Job, except twice in Pss (Job 1 1.8; 2 3, etc; Ps 37 37; 64 4); kalll, 'complete," and various other words are tr"^ "ner- fect,"



      Perazim Perfume

      Perfection is the tr of various words so tr^ once only: kdlll (Lam 2 15); mikhldl, " completcntiss " (Ps 50 2); minleh, "possession" (Job 15 29. AV "neither sliall he prolong the perfection thereof upon the earth," ARV "neither shall their possessions be extended on the earth," m "their produce bend to the earth"; ERV reverses this text and m); tikhlah. "completeness," or "perfection" (Ps 119 96); takhluh (twice), "end," "completeness" (Job 11 7, "Canst thou find out the Almighty unto perfection?" 28 3, "searcheth out all perfection," AV, RV "to the furthest bound"; cf 26 10, RV "unto the confines of light and darkness"); iom, "perfect," "completeness" (Isa 47 9, AV "They shall come upon thee m their perfection," RV "in their full measure"). RVm gives the meaning of "the Urim and the Thummim" (Ex 28 30, etc) as "the Lights and the Perfections."

      In the NT "perfect" is usually the tr of

      primarily, "having reached the end," "term,"

      "limit," hence "complete," "full,"

      2. In the "perfect" (Mt 6 48, "Ye therefore NT shall be perfect, as your heavenly

      Father is perfect"; Mt 19 21, "if thou wouldst be perfect^'; Eph 4 13, AV "till we all come .... unto a perfect man," RV "full- grown"; Phil 3 15, "as many as are perfect," ARVm "full-grown"; 1 Cor 2 6; Col 1 28, "per- fect in Christ"; 4 12; Jas 3 2 m, etc).

      Other words are teleiud. "to perfect," "to end," "com- plete" (Lk 13 32, "The third day I am perfected," RVm "end my course"; Jn 17 23, "perfected into one"; 2 Cor 12 9; Phil 3 12, RV "made perfect"; He 2 10, etc) ; also epiteUo, "to bring through to an end" (2 Cor

      7 1, "perfecting holiness in the fear of God"; Gal 3 3. "Are ye now made perfect by the flesh ?" AV, RV "per- fected in the flesh," m "Do ye now make an end in the flesh?"): katartizo, "to make quite ready," "to make complete," is tr<' "perfect," "to perfect" (Mt 21 16, "perfected praise"; Lk 6 40, "Every one when he is per- fected shall be as his teacher"; 1 Cor 1 10; 2 Cor 13 11, "be perfected"; 1 Thess 3 10; 1 Pet 5 10, RVm "restore"); akribds, "accurately," "diligently," is tr

      Perfection is the tr of katdrtisis. "thorough adjustment," "fitness" (2 Cor 13 9, RV "perfecting"); of telelosis (He 7 11); of teleidtes (He 6 1, RVm "full growth"); it is trd " perf ectness " (Col 3 14); "perfection" in Lk

      8 14 is the tr of teUsphorio, "to bear on to completion or perfection." In Apoc "perfect," "perfection," etc, are for the most part the tr of words from tidos, "the end." e.g. Wisd 4 13; Ecclus 34 8; 44 17; 45 8, sunttieia, "full end"; 24 28; 50 11.

      RV has "perfect" for "upright" (2 S 22 24,26 his); for "sound (Ps 119 80); for "perform" (Phil 1 6); for "undeflled" (Ps 119 1, m "upright in way"); for "perfect peace, and at such a time" (Ezr 7 12), "perfect and so forth"; for "He maketh my way per- fect" (2 S 22 33), "He guideth the perfect in his way," m "or, 'setteth free.' According to another reading, 'guideth my way in perfectness' ' ' ; "shall himself perfect, ' ' m "restore," for "make you perfect" (1 Pet 5 10); "perfecter" for "finisher" (He 13 2); "perfectly" Is omitted in RV (Mt 14 36); "set your hope perfectly on " for AV " hope to the end for " (1 Pet 1 13).

      Perfection is the Christian ideal and aim, but

      inasmuch as that which God has set before us is

      infinite — "Ye therefore shall be per-

      3. The feet, as your heavenly Father is per- Christian feet" (Mt 5 48) — absolute perfection Ideal must be forever beyond, not only any

      human, but any finite, being; it is a Divine ideal forever shining before us, calling us upward, and making endless progression possible. As noted above, the perfect man, in the OT phrase, was the man whose heart was truly or wholly de- voted to God. Christian perfection must also have its seat in such a heart, but it implies the whole conduct and the whole man, conforrned thereto as knowledge grows and opportunity arises, or might be found. There may be, of course, a relative per- fection, e.g. of the child as a child compared with that of the man. The Christian ought to be con- tinually moving onward toward perfection, looking

      to Him who is able to "make you perfect in every good thing [or work] to do his will, working in us that which is well-pleasing in his sight, through Jesus Christ; to whom be the glory for ever and ever. Amen" (He 13 21). W. L. Walker

      PERFORM, per-form' (Fr. parfourrdr, "to furnish completely," "to complete," "finish entirely"): In modern Eng., through a mistaken connection with "form," "perform" usually suggests an act in its continuity, while the word properly should em- phasize only the completion of the act. AV seems to have used the word in order to convey the proper sense (cf Rom 15 28; 2 Cor 8 11; Phil 1 6, where RV has respectively "accomplish," "com- plete," "perfect"), but usually with ,so little justi- fication in the Heb or Gr that "do" would have represented the original even better. RV has rarely changed the word in the OT, and such changes as have been made (Dt 23 23; Est 1 15, etc) seem based on no particular principle. In the NT the word has been kept only in Mt 5 33 and Rom 4 21, but in neither verse does the Gr accent the completion of the act, in the former case apodidomi, lit. "to give back," in the latter poieo, "to make," "to do," being used.

      Performance is found in AV Sir 19 20 (RV "do- ing"); 2 Mace 11 17 (inserted needlessly and omitted by RV); Lk 1 45 (RV "fulfilment"); 2 Cor 8 11 (RV "completion").

      Burton Scott Easton

      PERFUME, pdr'fum, per-fum', PERFUMER (nnbl? , fc'«ore

      Perfumes were mixed by persons skilled in the art. In AV these are called "apothecaries" (Hp^'l, rakkah). The RV "perfumer" is probably a more correct rendering, as the one who ditl the com- pounding was not an apothecary in the same sense as is the per,son now so designated (E.x 30 25.35; 37 29; Eccl 10 1).

      Today incense is used in connection with all religious services of the oriental Christian churches. Although there is no direct mention of the uses of incense in the NT, such allusions as Paul's "a sac-

      Perfume-Making Persecution



      rifice to God for an odor of a sweet smell" (Eph 5 2 ; Phil 4 18) would seem to indicate that it was used by the early Christians.

      The delight of the people of Syria in pleasant odors is recorded in their literature. The attar of roses (from Arab, 'itr, "a sweet odor") was a well- known product of Damascus. The guest in a modern Syrian home is not literally anointed with oil, but he is often given, soon after he enters, a bunch of aromatic herbs or a sweet-smelling flower to hold and smell. During a considerable portion of the year the country air is laden with the odor of aromatic herbs, such as mint and sage. The Arab, phrase for taking a walk is shemm el-hawa', lit. "smell the air." See Incense; Oil; Ointment.

      James A. Patch

      PERFUME-MAKING. See Cbafts, II, 14.

      PERGA, plor'ga (IlepYTi, Perge): An important

      city of the ancient province of Pamphylia, situated

      on the river Cestris, 12 miles N.E. of

      1. Location Attalia. According to Acts 13 13, and History Paul, Barnabas and John Mark visited

      the place on their first missionary journey, and 2 years later, according to Acts 14 24.25, they may have preached there. Though the water of the river Cestris has now been diverted to the fields for irrigating purposes, in ancient times the stream was navigable, and small boats from the sea might reach the city. It is uncertain how an- cient Perga is; its walls, still standing, seem to come from the Seleucidan period or from the 3d cent. BC. It remained in the possession of the Seleucid kings until 189 BC, when Rom influence became strong in Asia Minor. A long series of coins, beginning in the 2d cent. BC, continued until 286 AD, and upon them Perga is mentioned as a metropolis. Though the city was never a stronghold of Christianity, it was the bishopric of Western Pamphylia, and several of the early Christians were martyred there. Dur- ing the 8th cent, under Byzantine rule the city de- clined; in 1084 AttaHa became the metropolis, and Perga rapidly fell to decay. While Attalia was the chief Gr and Christian city of Pamphylia, Perga was the seat of the local Asiatic goddess, who cor- responded to Artemis or Diana of the Ephesians, and was locally known as Leto, or the queen of Perga. She is frequently represented on the coins as a huntress, with a bow in her hand, and with sphinxes or stags at her side.

      The ruins of Perga are now called Murtana. The

      walls, which are flanked with towers, show the city

      to have been quadrangular in shape.

      2. The Very broad streets, running through Ruins the town, and intersecting each other,

      divided the city into quarters. The sides of the streets were covered with porticos, and along their centers were water channels in which a stream was always flowing. They were covered at short intervals by bridges. Upon the higher ground was the acropolis, where the earliest city was built, but in later times the city extended to the S. of the hill, where one may see the greater part of the ruins. On the acropolis is the platform of a large structure with fragments of several granite columns, probably representing the temple of the goddess Leto ; others regard it as the ruin of an early church. At the base of the acropolis are the ruins of an im- mense theater which seated 13,000 people, the agora, the baths and the stadium. Without the walls many tombs are to be seen. E. J. Banks

      PERGAMOS, pflr'ga-mos, or PERGAMUM, pAr'ga-mum (r\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ II^p-ya|jios, he Pergamos, or to II^p- ■ya|iov, t6 Pergamon): Pergamos, to which the ancient writers also gave the neuter form of the name, was a city of Mysia of the ancient Rom

      province of Asia, in the Caicus valley, 3 miles from the river, and about 15 miles from the sea. The Caicus was navigable for small native 1. History craft. Two of the tributaries of the Caicus were the Selinus and the Kteios. The former of these rivers flowed through the city; the latter ran along its walls. On the hill between these two streams the first city stood, and there also stood the acropolis, the chief temples, and the theaters of the later city. The early people of the town were descendants of Gr colonists, and as early as 420 BC they struck coins of their own. Lysimachus, who possessed the town, deposited there 9,000 talents of gold. Upon his death, Philetaerus (283-263 BC) used this wealth to found the independent Gr dynasty of the Attalid kings. The first of this dynasty to bear the title of king was Attains I (241-197 BC), a nephew of Philetaerus, and not only did he adorn the city with beautiful buildings until it became the most wonderful city of the East, but he added to his kingdom the countries of Mysia, Lydia, Caria, Pamphylia and Phrygia. Eumenes II (197- 159 BC) was the most illustrious king of the dynasty, and during his reign the city reached its greatest height. Art and literature were en- couraged, and in the city was a library of 200,000 volumes which later Antony gave to Cleopatra. The books were of parchment which was here first used; hence the word "parchment," which is derived from the name of the town P. Of the structures which adorned the city, the most re- nowned was the altar of Zeus, which was 40 ft. in height, and also one of the wonders of the ancierit world. When in 133 BC Attalus III, the last king of the dynasty, died, he gave his kingdom to the Rom government. His son, Aristonicus, however, attempted to seize it for himself, but in 129 he was defeated, and the Rom province of Asia was formed, and P. was made its capital. The term Asia, as here employed, should not be confused with the continent of Asia, nor with Asia Minor. It applied simply to that part of Asia Minor which was then in the possession of the Romans, and formed into the province of which P. was the capi- tal. Upon the establishment of the province of Asia there began a new series of coins struck at P., which continued into the 3d cent. AD. The mag- nificence of the city continued.

      There were beautiful temples to the four great gods Zeus, Dionysus, Athena and Asklepios. To the temple of the latter, invalids from 2. Religions all parts of Asia flocked, and there, while they were sleeping m the court, the god revealed to the priests and physicians by means of dreams the remedies which were necessary to heal their maladies. Thus opportunities of de- ception were numerous. There was a school of medicine in connection with the temple. P. was chiefly a religious center of the province. A title which It bore was "Thrice Neokoros," meaning that m the city 3 temples had been built to the Rom emperors, in which the emperors were worshipped as gods. Smyrna, a rival city, was a commercial center, and as it increased in wealth, it gradually became the political center. Later, when it became the capital, P. remained the religious center. As in many of the towns of Asia Minor, there were at P. many Jews, and in 1.30 BC the people of the city passed a decree in their favor. Many of the Jews were more or less assimilated with the Greeks, even to the extent of bearing Gr names.

      Christianity reached P. early, for there one of the Seven Churches of the Book of Rev stood, and there, according to Rev 2 13, Antipas was mar- tyred; he was the first Christian to be put to death by the Rom state. The same passage speaks



      Perfume-Making Persecution

      of P. as t,he plane "where Sal,an'n throne is," probably referring to the temples in which the Rom

      emperors were worshipped. During 3. Chris- the Byzantine times P. still continued tianity as a religious center, for there a bishop

      lived. However, the town fell into the hands of the Seljuks in 1304, and in 13.36 it was taken by Suleiman, the son of Orkhan, and became Turkish.

      The modern name of the town, which is of con- siderable size, possessing 15 mosques, is Bergatna, the Turkish corruption of the ancient name. One of its mosques is the early Byzantine church of St. Sophia. The modern town is built among the ruins of the ancient city, but is far less in extent. From 1879 to 1886 excavations among the ruins were conducted by Herr Humann at the expense of the German government. Among them are still to be seen the base of the altar of Zeus, the friezes of which are now in the Pergamon Museum, Berlin; the theater, the agora, the gymnasium and several temples. In ancient times the city was noted for its ointments, pottery and parchment; at present the chief articles of trade are cotton, wool, opium, valonia, and leather. E. J. Banks

      PERIDA, p?-rl'da (NT""? . P'ridM', "recluse"): A family of "Solomon's servants" (Neh 7 57). In Ezr 2 55, a difference in the Heb spelling gives "Peruda" tor the same person, who is also the "Pharida" of 1 Esd 5 33.

      PERIZZITE, per'i-zit, pe-riz'it C^'IIS, p'rizzi; ^epe^atos, Pherezaios): Signifies "a villager," and so corresponds with the Egyp fellah. Hence the Perizzite is not included among the sons of Canaan in Gen 10, and is also coupled with the Canaanite (Gen 13 7; 34 30; Jgs 1 4). _ We hear, accord- ingly, of Canaanites and Perizzites at Shechem (Gen 34 30), at Bezek in Judah (Jgs 1 4) and, according to the reading of LXX, at Gezer (Josh

      16 10). In Dt 3 5 and 1 S 6 18, where AV has "unwalled towns" and "country villages," LXX has "Perizzite," the lit. tr of the Heb being "cities of the Perizzite" or "villager" and "village of the Perizzite." The same expression occurs in Est 9 19, where it is used of the Jews in Elam. In Josh

      17 15.18, where the Manassites are instructed to take possession of the forest land of Carmel, "Periz- zites and Rephaim" are given as the equivalent of "Canaanite." A. H. Saycb

      PERJURY, pftr'ja-ri. See Crimes; Oath; Pun- ishments.

      PERPETUAL, per-pet'fl-al, PERPETUALLY,

      per-pet'a-al-i, PERPETUITY, pdr-pS-tu'i-ti (DbW , 'olam, n?; , negah, "^'Ori , tamldh) :

      Perpetual is usually the tr of 'dlam, properly, "a wrapping up" or "hiding," used often of time indefi- nitely long, and of eternity when applied to God; hence we have, "for perpetual generations" (Gen 9 12); "the priesthood by a perpetual statute" (Ex 29 9; cf 31 16; Lev 3 17; 24 9, etc); "placed the sand for the bound of the sea, by a perpetual decree, that it cannot pass it" (Jer 5 22, RVm "an everlasting ordinance which it cannot pass"); "sleep a perpetual sleep" (Jer 51 39.57); "Moab shall be ... . a perpetual desolation" (Zeph 2 9), etc; negah, "preeminence," "perpetuity," "eternity" (often tr'd "for ever," Ps 9 6), is tr"' "perpetual" (Ps 74 3; Jer 15 18); nagah (part.) (Jer 8 5); tamldh, "continuance," generally rendered "con- tinually," but sometimes "perpetual" or "perpetu- ally" (Ex 30 8; Lev 6 20).

      Perpetually i.s tho rendering of 'adh, properly "prog- ri!,ss," "tluraoion," henco long or indefinite time, eter- nity (u.sually in AV rendered "for over"), in Am 1 11. "His anger did tear perpetually" ; and ot kot ha-ydmim, "all the days" (1 K 9 -'J; 2 Vh 7 16, "my heart shall be there perpetually"; cf Mt 28 20, pdsas Ida hemeraa, lit. "all the days").

      Perpetuity occurs in RV of Lev 25 23. .30, "The land shall not be sold in perpetuity," "The house .... shall be made sure in perpetuity."

      Perpetual is frequent in Apoc, most often as the tr of aidnios and kindred words, e.g. .Jth 13 20, "a perpetual praise"; Wisd 10 14, "perpetual glorv," RV "eternal"; Ecclus 11 33, "a perpetual blot," RV "blame for ever"; 1 Mace 6 44, "a perpetual name," RV "everlasting"; aenaos, "ever-flowing," occurs in Wisd 11 (so RV); eiidelecMs, "constant" (Ecclus 41 6, "perpetual re- proach").

      For "perpetual" (,Ier 50 5; Hab 3 6) RV has "ever- lasting"; for " the old hatred " (Ezk 25 1.5), "perpetual enmity"; for "perpetual desolation" (Jer 25 12), "deso- late for ever," m "Heb 'everlasting desolations.' "

      W. L. Walker

      PERSECUTION, pllr-sE-ku'shun (8i»y(j.6s, diog- mos [Mt 13 21; Mk 4 17; 10 30; Acts 8 1; 13 .50; Rom 8 35; 2 Cor 12 10; 2 Thess 1 4; 2 Tim 3 11]):

      1. Persecution in OT Times

      2. Between the Testaments

      3. Foretold by Christ

      4. A Test of Discipleship

      5. A Means of Blessing

      6. Various Forms

      7. In the Case of Jesus

      8. Instigated by the Jews

      9. Stephen

      10. The Apostles James and Peter

      11. Gentile Persecution

      Christianity at First Not a Forbidden Religion

      12. The Neronic Persecution

      (1) Testimony oi Tacitus

      (2) Reference in 1 Pet

      (3) Tacitus' Narrative

      (4) NT References

      13. Persecution in Asia

      14. Rome as Persecutor

      15. Testimony of Pliny. 112 AD

      16. 2d and 3d Centuries

      17. Best Emperors the Most Cruel Persecutors

      18. Causes of Persecution

      19. 200 Years of Persecution

      20. Persecution in the Army

      21. Tertuliian's Apology

      22. "The Third Race"

      23. Hatred against Christians

      24. The Decian Persecution

      25. Libdli

      26. The Edict of Milan

      27. Results of Persecution

      The importance of this subject may be indicated by the fact of the frequency of its occurrence, both in the OT and NT, where in AV the words "per- secute," "persecuted," "persecuting" are found no fewer than 53 t, "persecution" 14 t, and "per- secutor" 9 t.

      It must not be thought that persecution existed

      only in NT times. In the days of the OT it existed

      too. In what Jesus said to the Phari-

      1. Perse- sees, He specially referred to the inno- cution in cent blood which had been shed in OT Times those times, and told them that they

      were showing themselves heirs — to use a legal phrase — to their fathers who had persecuted the righteous, "from the blood of Abel the righteous unto the blood of Zachariah" (Mt 23 35).

      In the period between the close of the OT and the coming of Christ, there was much and protracted

      suffering endured by the Jews, because

      2. Between of their refusal to embrace idolatry, the Testa- and of their fidelity to the Mosaic Law ments and the worship of God. During that

      time there were many patriots who were true martyrs, and those heroes of faith, the Maccabees, were among those who "know their God .... and do exploits" (Dnl 11 32). 'We have no need of human help,' said Jonathan the Jewish high priest, 'having for our comfort the sacred Scriptures which are in our hands' (1 Mace 12 9).

      In the Ep. to the He, persecution in the days of the OT is summed up in these words: "Others had




      trial of mockings and scourgings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment: they were stoned, they were sawn asunder, they were tempted, they were slain with the sword: they went about in sheep- skins, in goatskins; being destitute, afflicted, ill- treated (of whom the world was not worthy)" (He 11 36-38).

      Coming now to NT times, persecution was

      frequently foretold by Christ, as certain to come to

      those who were His true disciples and

      3. Foretold followers. He forewarned them again by Christ and again that it was inevitable. He

      said that He Himself must suffer it (Mt 16 21; 17 22.23; Mk 8 31).

      It would be a test of true discipleship. In the parable of the Sower, He mentions this as one of the

      causes of defection among those who

      4. A Test are Christians in outward appearance of Disciple- only. WTien affliction or persecution ship ariseth for the word's sake, immedi- ately the stony-ground hearers are

      offended (Mk 4 17).

      It would be a sure means of gaining a blessing,

      whenever it came to His loyal followers when they

      were in the way of well-doing; and He

      5. A Means thus speaks of it in two of the Beati- of Blessing tudes, "Blessed are they that have been

      persecuted for righteousness' sake: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven"; "Blessed are ye when men shall reproach you, and persecute you .... for my sake" (Mt 5 10.11; see also ver 12). It would take different forms, ranging through every possible variety, from false accusation to the infliction of death, beyond which. He

      6. Various pointed out (Mt 10 28; Lk 12 4), Forms persecutors are unable to go. The

      methods of persecution which were employed by the Jews, and also by the heathen against the followers of Christ, were such as these: (1) Men would revile them and would say all man- ner of evil against them falsely, for Christ's sake (Mt 5 11). (2) Contempt and disparagement: "Say we not well that thou art a Samaritan, and hast a demon?" (Jn 8 48); "If they have called the master of the house Beelzebub, how much more them of his household!" (Mt 10 2.5). (3) Being, solely on account of their loyalty to Christ, forcibly separated from the company and the society of others, and expelled from the sjmagogues or other assemblies for the worship of God: "Blessed are ye, when men shall hate you, and when they shall separate you from their company, and reproach you, and cast out your name as evil, for the Son of man's sake" (Lk 6 22); "They shall put you out of the synagogues" (Jn 16 2). (4) Illegal arrest and spoliation of goods, and death itself.

      All these various methods, used by the perse- cutor, were foretold, and all came to pass. It was the fear of apprehension and death that led the eleven disciples to forsake Jesus in Gcthsemane and to flee for their lives. Jesus often forewarned them of the severity of the persecution which they would need to encounter if they were loyal to Him: "The hour cometh, that whosoever killeth you shall think that he offereth service unto God" (Jn 16 2); "I send unto you prophets .... some of them shall ye kill and crucify; and some of them shall ye scourge in your synagogues, and persecute from city to city" (Mt 23 34).

      In the case of Christ Himself, persecution took the form of attempts to entrap Him in His speech (Mt 22 1.5); the questiou- 7. In the ing of His authority (Mk 11 28) ; Case of illegal arrest; the heaping of every

      Jesus insult upon Him as a prisoner; false

      accusation; and a violent and most cruel death.

      After Our Lord's resurrection the first attacks

      against His disciples came from the high priest and

      his party. The high-priesthood was

      8. Insti- then in the hands of the Sadducees, gated by and one reason which moved them to the Jews take action of this kind was their 'sore

      trouble,' because the apostles "pro- claimed in Jesus the resurrection from the dead" (Acts 4 2; 5 17). The gospel based upon the resurrection of Christ was evidence of the untruth of the chief doctrines held by the Sadducees, for they held that there is no resurrection. But instead of yielding to the evidence of the fact that the resur- rection had taken place, they opposed and denied it, and persecuted His disciples. ^ For a time the Pharisees were more moderate in their attitude toward the Christian faith, as is shown in the case of Gamaliel (Acts 5 34) ; and on one occasion they were willing even to defend the apostle Paul (Acts 23 9) on the doctrine of the resurrection. But gradually the whole of the Jewish people became bitter persecutors of the Christians. Thus in the earliest of the Pauline Epp., it is said, "Ye also suffered the same things of your own countrymen, even as they [in Judaea] did of the Jews; who both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and drove out us, and please not God, and are contrary to all men" (1 Thess 2 14.15).

      Serious persecution of the Christian church began

      with the case of Stephen (Acts 7 1^60); and hia

      lawless execution was followed by "a

      9. Stephen great persecution" directed against

      the Christians in Jerus. This "great persecution" (Acts 8 1) scattered the members of the church, who fled in order to avoid bonds and imprisonment and death. At this time Saul sig- nalized himself by his great activity, persecuting "this Way unto the death, binding and delivering into prisons both men and women" (Acts 22 4).

      By and by one of the apostles was put to death —

      the first to suffer of "the glorious company of the

      apostles" — James the brother of John,

      10. The who was slain with the sword by Herod Apostles Agrippa (Acts 12 2). Peter also was James and imprisoned, and was delivered only Peter by an angel (12 7-11).

      During the period covered by the Acts there was not much purely gentile persecution: at that time the persecution suffered by the Chris- tian church was chiefly Jewish. There

      11. Gentile were, however, great dangers and risks Persecution encountered by the apostles and by

      all who proclaimed the gospel then. Thus, at Philippi, Paul and Silas were most cruelly persecuted (Acts 16 19-40) ; and, even before that time, Paul and Barnabas had suffered much at Iconium and at Lystra (Acts 14 5.19). On the whole the Rom authorities were not actively hostile during the greater part of Paul's lifetime. Gallio, for instance, the deputy of Achaia, declined to go into the charge brought by the Jews at Corinth against Paul (Acts 18 14.15.16). And when Paul had pleaded in his own defence before King Herod Agrippa and the Rom governor Festus, these two judges were agreed in the opinion, "This man doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds" (Acts 26 31). Indeed it is evident (see Ramsay, Si. Paul the Traveller and the Rom Citizen, 308) that the purpose of Paul's trial being recorded at length in the Acts is to establish the fact that the preaching of the gospel was not forbidden by the laws of the Rom empire, but that Christianity was a religio licita, a lawful religion.

      Christianity, at first, not a forbidden religion. — This legality of the Christian faith was illustrated and en- forced by the fact that whon Pavil's case was heard and decided by the supreme court of appeal at Rome he was




      set free and resumed his missionary labors, as these are recorded or referred to in the Pastoral Epp. "One thing, however, is clear from a comparison of IPhil with 2 Tim. There had been in the interval a complete change in the policy toward Christianity of the Rom government. This change was due to the great Are of Rome (July, 64). As part of the persecution which then broke out, orders were given for the imprisonment of the Christian leaders. Poppaea, Tigellinus and their Jewish friends were not likely to forget the prisoner of two years before. At the time St. Paul was away from Rome, but steps were instantly taken for his arrest. The apostle was brought back to the city In the autumn

      or winter of 64 That he had a trial at all, instead

      of the summary punishment of his brethren, witnesses to the importance attached by the government to a show of legality in the persecution of the leader" (Workman, Persecution in the Early Church, 38). See Pastoral Epistles; Paul the Apostle.

      The legal decisions which were favorable to the Christian faith were soon overturned on the occa- sion of the great fire in Rome, which 12. The occurred in July, 64. The public Neronic feeling of resentment broke out against

      Persecution the emperor to such a degree that, to avoid the stigma, just or unjust, of being himself guilty of setting the city on fire, he made the Christians the scapegoats which he thought he needed. Tacitus {Annals xv.44) relates all that occurred at that time, and what he says is most interesting, as being one of the very earliest notices found in any profane author, both of the Christian faith, and of Christ Himself.

      (1) Testimony of Tacitus. — What Tacitus says is that nothing that Nero could do, either in the way of gifts to the populace or in that of sacrifice to the Rom deities, could make the people beUeve that he was innocent of causing the great fire which had consumed their dwelhngs. Hence to relieve himself of this infamy he falsely accused the Christians of being guilty of the crime of setting the city on fire. Tacitus uses the strange expression "the persons commonly called Christians who were hated for their enormities." This is an instance of the saying of all manner of evil against them falsely, for Christ's sake. The Cfcuistians, whose lives were pure and virtuous and beneficent, were spoken of as being the olTscouring of the

      (2) References in 1 Pet. — The First Bp. of Peter Is one of the parts of the NT which seem to make direct refer- ence to the Neronic persecution, and he uses words (1 Pet 4 12 fl!) which may be compared with the narrative of Tacitus: "Beloved, think it not strange concerning the fiery trial among you, which Cometh upon you to prove you, as though a strange thing happened unto you: but insomuch as ye are partakers of Christ's suffer- ings, rejoice If ye are reproached for the name of

      Christ, blessed are ye; because the Spirit of glory and the Spirit of God resteth upon you. For let none of you suffer as a murderer, or a thief, or an evil-doer, or as a meddler in other men's matters : but If a man suffer as a Christian, let him not be ashamed ; but let him glorify God in this name. For the time is come for judgment

      to begin at the house of God Wherefore let them

      also that suffer according to the will of God commit their souls in well-doing unto a faithful Creator."

      (3) Tacitus' narrative. — How altogether apposite and suitable was this comforting exhortation to the case of those who suffered in the Neronic persecution. The description which 'Tacitus gives is as follows; " Christus, the founder of that name, was put to death as a criminal hy Pontius Pilate, procurator in the reign of Tiberius. But the pernicious superstition, repressed for a time, broke out again not only through Judaea, where the mischief originated, but through the city of Rome also, whither all things horrible and disgraceful flow from aU quarters as to a common sink, and where they are en- couraged. Accordingly, first, those were seized who con- fessed they were Christians; next, on their information, a vast miiltitude were convicted, not so much on the charge of setting the city on fire, as of hating the human race. And in their deaths they were made the subject of sport, for they were covered with the skins of wild beasts and were worried to death by dogs, or nailed to crosses, or set fire to, and when day declined were burned to serve for nocturnal lights. Nero offered his own gardens for that spectacle, and exhibited circus games , indiscriminately rmngling with the common people dressed as a charioteer, or else standing in his chariot. Whence a feeling of compassion arose toward the sufferers, though guilty and deserving to be made examples of by capital punishment, because they seemed not to be cut off for the public good, but to be victims to the ferocity of one man." See Nero.

      (4) AT references. — Three of the books of the NT bear the marks of thttt most cruel persecution

      under Nero, the Second Ep. to Timothy, the Fii'st Ep. of Peter — already referred to — and the Rev of John. In 2 Tim, Paul speaks of his impending condemnation to death, and the terror inspired by the persecution causes "all" to forsake him when he is brought to public trial (2 Tim 4 16).

      The "fiery trial" is spoken of in 1 Pet, and Chris- tians are exhorted to maintain their faith with pa- tience; they are pleaded with to have their "conver- sation honest" (1 Pet 2 12 AVJ, so that all accu- sations directed against them may be seen to be untrue, and their sufferings sliall then be, not for Hi-doing, but only for the name of Christ (3 14.16). "This important ep. proves a general persecution (1 6; 4 12.16) in Asia Minor N. of the Taurus (1 1; note esp. Bithynia) and elsewhere (5 9). The Christians suffer 'for the name,' but not the name alone (4 14). They are the objects of vile slanders (2 12.15; 3 14-16; 4 4.15), as well as of consider- able zeal on the part of officials (5 8 [Gr 3 15]). As regards the slanders, the Christians should be circumspect (2 15.16; 3 16.17; 4 15). The per- secution will be short, for the end of all things is at hand (4 7.13; 5 4)" (Workman, Persecution in the Early Church, 354).

      In Rev the apostle John is in "Patmos, for the

      word of God and the testimony of Jesus" (Rev 1

      9) . Persecution has broken out among

      13. Perse- the Christians in the province of Asia. cution in At Smyrna, there is suffering, imprison- Asia ment and prolonged tribulation; but

      the sufferers are cheered when they are told that if they are faithful unto death, Christ will give them the crown of life (Rev 2 10) . At Perga- mum, persecution has already resulted in Antipas, Christ's faithful martyr, being slain (2 13). At Ephesus and at Thyatira the Christians are com- mended for their patience, evidently indicating that there had been persecution (2 2.19). At Philadelphia there has been the attempt made to cause the members of the church to deny Christ's name (3 8) ; their patience is also commended, and the hour of temptation is spoken of, which comes to try all the world, but from which Christ promised to keep the faithful Christians in Philadelphia. Strangely enough, there is no distinct mention of persecution having taken place in Sardis or in Lao- dicea.

      As the book proceeds, evidences of persecution are multiplied. In 6 9, the apostle sees under the

      altar the souls of them that were slain

      14. Rome as for the word of God and for the testi- Persecutor mony which they held; and those

      souls are bidden to rest yet for a little season "until their fellow-servants also and their brethren, who should be killed even as they were, should have fulfilled their course" (6 11). The meaning is that there is not yet to be an end of suffering for Christ's sake; persecution may con- tinue to be as severe as ever. Cf 20 4, "I saw the souls of them that had been beheaded for the testimony of Jesus, and for the word of God, and such as worshipped not the beast," for the perse- cution had raged against all classes indiscriminately, and Rom citizens who were true to Christ had suf- fered unto death. It is to these that reference is made in the words "had been beheaded," decapi- tation being reserved as the most honorable form of execution, for Rom citizens only. So terrible does the persecution of Christians by the imperial authorities become, that Rome is "drunken with the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus" (17 6; 16 6; see also 18 24; 19 2).

      Paul's mart5Tdom is implied in 2 Tim, through- out the whole ep., and esp. in 4 6.7.8. The martyr- dom of Peter is also implied in Jn 21 18.19, and in




      2 Pet 1 14. The abiding impression made by these times of persecution upon the mind of the apostle John is also seen in the defiance of the world found throughout his First Ep. (2 17; 5 19), and in the rejoicing over the fall of Babylon, the great persecuting power, as that fall is described in such passages as Rev 14 8; 15 2.3; 17 14; 18 24.

      Following immediately upon the close of the NT, there is another remarkable witness to the continu- ance of the Rom persecution against the Christian church. This is Pliny, proconsul of Bithynia.

      In 111 or 112 AD, he writes to the emperor Trajan

      a letter in which he describes tlie growth of the Cliristian

      faith. He goes on to say that "many of

      Ifi Tp<;ti ^^^ ages and of all ranks and even of both

      ■ >'='"" sexes are being called into danger, and will mony of continue to be so. In fact the contagion

      Pliny, of this superstition is not confined to the

      112 AT) cities only, but has spread to the villages

      iiJJ amj country districts." He proceeds to

      narrate how the heathen temples had been deserted and the religious rites had been abandoned for so long a time: even the sacrificial food — that is, the flesh of the sacrificial victims — could scarcely find a purchaser.

      But Pliny had endeavored to stem the tide of the ad- vancing Christian faith, and he tells the emperor how he had succeeded in bringing back to the heathen worship many professing Christians. That is to say, he had used persecuting measures, and had succeeded in forcing some of the Cliristians to abandon their faith. He tells the methods he had used. "The method I have observed toward those who have been brought before me as Chris- tians is this. I asked them whether they were Chris- tians. If they admitted it, I repeated the question a second and a third time, and threatened them with pun- ishment. If they persisted I ordered them to be pun- ished. For I did not doubt, whatever the nature of that which they confessed might be, that a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy ought to be punished. There were others also, possessed with the same infatuation, whom, because they were Rom citizens, I ordered to be sent to Rome. But this crime spreading, as is usually the case, while it was actually under legal prosecution, several cases occurred. An anonymous information was laid before me, containing tlie names of many persons. Those who denied that they were Christians, or that they had ever been so, repeated after me an invocation of the gods, and offered prayer, with wine and incense, to your statue, which I had ordered to be brought in for this very purpose, along with the statues of the gods, and they even reviled the name of Chi'ist; whereas there is no forcing, it is said, those who are realljr Christians into any of these compliances; I thought it proper to dis- charge them. Otliers who were accused by a witness at first confessed themselves Christians, but afterward denied it. Some owned indeed that they had been Chris- tians formerly, but had now, some for several years, and a few above 20 years ago, renounced it. They all wor- shipped your statue and the images of the gods

      I forbade the meeting of any assemblies, and therefore I judged it to be so much the more necessary to endeavor to extort the real truth by putting to the torture two female slaves, who were called deaconesses, yet I found nothing but an absurd and extravagant superstition."

      In Trajan's reply to Pliny he writes, "They [the Christians] ought not to be searched for. If they are brought before you and convicted, they should be pun- ished, but this should be done in such a way, that he who denies that he is a Christian, and when his state- ment is proved by his invoking our deities, such a person, although suspected for past conduct, must nevertheless be forgiven, because of his repentance."

      These letters of Pliny and Trajan treat state- persecution as the standing procedure — and this not a generation after the death of the apostle John. The sufTerings and tribulation predicted in Rev 2 10, and in many other passages, had indeed come to pass. Some of the Christians had denied the name of Christ and had worshipped the images of the em- peror and of the idols, but multitudes of them had been faithful unto death, and had received the martyr's crown of life.

      Speaking generally, persecution of greater or less severity was the normal method employed by the Rom empire against the Christian 16. 2d and church during the 2d and the 3d 3d Cen- cents. It may be said to have come turies to an end only about the end of the

      3d or the beginning of the 4th cent., when the empire became nominally Christian.

      "\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\^Tien the apostolic period is left, persecution be- comes almost the normal state in which the church is found. And persecution, instead of abolishing the name of Christ, as the persecutors vainly im- agined they had succeeded in doing, became the means of the growth of the Christian church and of its purity. Both of these important ends, and others too, were secured by the severity of the means employed by the persecuting power of the Rom empire.

      Under Trajan's successor, the emperor Hadrian, the lot of the Christians was full of uncertainty : per- secution might break out at any moment. At the best Hadrian's regime was only that of unauthorized toleration.

      With the exception of such instances as those of

      Nero and Domitian, there is the surprising fact to

      notice, that it was not the worst em-

      17. Best perors, but the best, who became the Emperors most violent persecutors. One reason the Most probably was that the ability of those Cruel emperors led them to see that the Persecutors religion of Christ is really a divisive

      factor in any kingdom in which civil government and pagan religion are indissolubly bound up together. The more that such a ruler was intent on preserving the unity of the empire, the more would he persecute the Christian faith. Hence among the rulers who were persecutors, there are the names of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius the philosopher-emperor, and Septimius Severus (diedat York, 211 AD).

      Persecution was no accident, which chanced to happen, but which might not have occurred at all.

      It was the necessary consequence of

      18. Causes the principles embodied in the heathen of Per- Rom government, when these came secution into contact and into conflict with the

      essential principles of the Christian faith. The reasons for the persecution of the Chris- tian church by the Rom empire were (1) political; (2) on account of the claim which the Christian faith makes, and which it cannot help making, to the exclusive allegiance of the heart and of the life. That loyalty to Christ which the martyrs dis- played was believed by the authorities in the state to be incompatible with the duties of a Rom citizen. Patriotism demanded that every citizen should unite in the worship of the emperor, but Christians refused to take part in this worship on any terms, and so they continually lived under the shadow of a great hatred, which always slumbered, and might break out at any time. The claim which the Chris- tian faith made to the absolute and exclusive loyalty of all who obeyed Christ was such that it admitted of no compromise with heathenism. To receive Christ into the pantheon as another divinity, as one of several — this was not the Christian faith. To every loyal follower of Christ compromise with other faiths was an impossibility. An accommodated Christianity would itself have been false to the only true God and Jesus Christ whom He had sent, and would never have conquered the world. To the heathen there were lords many and gods many, but to the Christians there was but one God the Father and one Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world (1 Cor 8 5.6). The essential absoluteness of the Christian faith was its strength, but this was also the cause of its being hated.

      "By a correct instinct paganisms of all sorts dis- cerned in the infant church their only rival. So, while the new Hercules was yet in the cradle, they sent their snakes to kill him. But Hercules lived to cleanse out the Augean stables" (Workman, op. cit., 88).

      "For 200 years, to become a Christian meant the great renunciation, the joining a despised and persecuted sect, the swimming against the tide of popular prejudice, the coming under the ban of the Empire, the possibility at any moment of imprisonment and death under its




      most fearful forms. For 200 years he that would follow

      Christ must count the cost, and be prepared to pay the

      same with his liberty and life, lor 200

      19. 200 years the mere profession of Christianity Ypflr

      Service in the Rom army involved, for a Christian,

      increasing danger in the midst of an organized and

      aggressive heathenism. Hence arose

      20. Perse- the persecution of the Christian soldier cution in who refused compliance with the idola- the Army trous ceremonies in which the army

      engaged, whether those ceremonies were concerned with the worship of the Rom deities or with that of Mithraism. "The invincible sav- iour," as Mithra was called, had become, at the time when Tertullian and Origen wrote, the special deity of soldiers. Shrines in honor of Mithra were erected through the entire breadth of the Rom empire, from Dacia and Pannonia to the Cheviot Hills in Britain. And woe to the soldier who re- fused compliance with the religious sacrifices to which the legions gave their adhesion! The Chris- tians in the Rom legions formed no inconsiderable proportion of "the noble army of martjrrs," it being easier for the persecuting authorities to detect a Christian in the ranks of the army than else- where.

      In the 2d and 3d cents. Christians were to be found

      everywhere, for TertuUian, in an oftentimes quoted

      passage in his Apology, writes, "We live

      21. Tertul- beside you in the world, making use of the I'qti'o same forum, market, bath, shop, inn, and "^^ ^ all other places of trade. We sail with Apology you, fight shoulder to shoulder, till the

      soil, and traffic with you"; yet the very existence of Christian faith, and its profession, continued to bring the greatest risks. "With the best will in the world, they remained a peculiar people, who must be pre- pared at any moment to meet the storm of hatred" (Workman, 189). For them it remained true that in one way or another, hatred on the part of the world inevi- tably fell to the lot of those who walked in the footsteps of the Master; "All that would Uve godly in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution " (2 Tim 3 12).

      The strange title, "the third race," probably Invented by the heathen, but willingly accepted by the Christians

      without demur, showed with what a bitter

      99 "TVip spirit the heathen regarded the faith of

      !.■• jtT ..Christ. " The first race " was indifferently

      Third Race" called the Roman, Greek, or Gentile.

      "The second race" was the Jews; while "the third race" was the Christian. The cry in the circus of Carthage was Usque quo genus tertiumf "How long must we endure this third race ? "

      But one of the most powerful causes of the hatred entertained by the heathen against the Christians was, that though there were no citizens 23. Hatred so loyal as they, yet in every case in against which the laws and customs of the

      Christians empire came into conflict with the will of God, their supreme rule was loy- alty to Christ, they must obey God rather than man. To worship Caesar, to offer even one grain of incense on the shrine of Diana, no Christian would ever consent, not even when this minimum of compliance would save life itself.

      The Rom empire claimed to be a kingdom of universal sway, not only over the bodies and the property of all its subjects, but over their consciences and their souls. It demanded absolute obedience to its supreme lord, that is, to Caesar. This obe- dience the Christian could not render, for unlimited obedience of body, soul and spirit is due to God alone, the only Lord of the conscience. Hence it was that there arose the antagonism of the govern-

      ment to Christianity, with persecution as the inevi- table result.

      These results, hatred and persecution, were, in such circumstances, inevitable; they were " the outcome of the fundamental tenet of primitive Christianity, tiiat the Christian ceased to be his own master, ceased to have his old environment, ceased to hold his old connections with the state ; in everything he became the bond-servant of Jesus Clirist, in everything owing supreme allegiance and fealty to the new empire and the Crucified Head. 'We engage in these confiicts,' said Tertullian, 'as men whose very lives are not our own. We have no master but God' (Workman, 195).

      The persecution inaugurated by the emperor Decius in 250 AD was particularly severe. There was hardly a province in the empire 24. The where there were no martsTs; but Decian there were also many who abandoned

      Persecution their faith and rushed to the magis- trates to obtain their libelli, or certifi- cates that they had offered heathen sacrifice. When the days of persecution were over, these per- sons usually came with eagerness to seek readmission to the church. It was in the Decian persecution that the great theologian Origen, who was then in his 68th year, suffered the cruel torture of the rack; and from the effects of what he then suffered he died at Tyre in 254.

      Many libelli have been discovered in recent exca- vations in Egypt. In the Expos T for January, 1909, p. 185, Dr. George Milligan gives an ex- 9R / *A 77; ample, and prints the Gr text of one of ^o. L.ioeui these recently discovered Egyp libelli. These libelli are most interesting, illus- trating as they do the account which Cyprian gives of the way in which some faint-hearted Christians during the Decian persecution obtained certificates — some of these certificates being true to fact, and others false — to the effect that they had sacrificed in the heathen manner. The one which Dr. Milligan gives Is as follows : "To those chosen to superintend the sacrifices at the village of Alexander Island, from Aurelius Diogenes, the son of Satabus, of the village of Alexander Island, being about 72 years old, a scar on the right eyebrow. Not only have I always continued sacrificing to the gods, but now also in your presence. In accordance with the decrees, I have sacrificed and poured libations and tasted the offerings, and I request you to countersign my statement. May good fortune attend you. I, AureUus Diogenes, have made this request."

      (2d Hand) "I, Aurelius Syrus, as a participant, have certified Diogenes as sacrificing along with us."

      (1st Hand) "The first year of the Emperor Caesar Gains Messius Quintus Trajan Decius Pius Felix Augus- tus, Epiph. 2" (= June 25, 250 AD).

      Under Valerian the persecution was again very severe, but his successor, Gallienus, issued an edict of toleration, in which he guaranteed freedom of worship to the Christians. Thus Christianity definitely became a religio licita, a lawful religion. This freedom from persecution continued until the reign of Diocletian.

      The persecution of the Christian church by the empire of Rome came to an end in March, 313 AD, when Constantine issued the document 26. The known as the "Edict of Milan," which Edict of assured to each individual freedom of Milan religious belief. This document marks

      an era of the utmost importance in the history of the world. Official Rom persecution had done its worst, and had failed; it was ended now; the Galilean had conquered.

      The results of persecution were: (1) It raised up wit- nesses, true witnesses, for the Christian faith. Men and women and even children were among the 27 Results martyrs whom no cruelties, however re- f'-D fined and protracted, could terrify into

      or rel- denial of their Lord. It is to a large ex-

      secution tent owing to persecution that the Chris- tian church possesses the testimony of men like Quadratus and TertulUan and Origen and Cyprian and many others. While those who had adopted the Christian faith in an external and formal manner only generally went back from their profession, the true Christian, as even the Rom proconsul Pliny testifies, could not be made to do this. The same stroke which crushed the straw — such is a saying of Augustine's — separated the pure grain which the Lord had chosen.

      Persecution Persian Language



      (2) Persecution showed that the Christian faith is im- mortal even in this world. Of Christ's kingdom there shah be no end. "Hammer away, ye hostile bands, your hammers break, CJod's altar stands." Pagan Rome, Babylon the Great, as it is called by the apostle John in the Apocalypse, tried hard to destroy the church of Christ; Babylon was drunk with tire blood of the saints. God allowed this tyranny to exist for 300 years, and the blood of His cliildren was shed like water. Why was it necessary tliat the church should have so terrible and so prolonged an experience of suffering ? It was in order to convince the world that though the kings of the earth gather themselves against the Lord and against His Christ, yet all that they can do is vain. God is in the midst of Zion; He shaU help her, and that right early. The Christian church, as if suspended between heaven and earth, had no need of other help than that of the un- seen but Divine hand, which at every moment held it up and kept it from falling. Never was the church more free, never stronger, never more flourishing, never more extensive in its growtli, than in the days of persecution.

      And wliat became of the great persecuting power, the Rom empire ? It fell before the barbarians. Rome is fallen in its ruins, and its idols are utterly abolished, while the barbarians who overwhelmed the empire have become the nominally Christian nations of modern Europe, and their descendants have carried the Christian faith to America and Austraha and Africa and all over the world.

      (3) Persecution became, to a large extent, an important means of preserving the true doctrines of the person and of the work of Christ. It was in the ages of persecution that Gnosticism died, though it died slowly. It was in the ages of persecution that Arianism was overthrown. At the Council of Nicea in 32.5 AD, among those who were present and took part in the discussion and in the decision of the council, there were those who "bore in their bodies the branding-marks of Jesus," who had suffered pain and loss for Chi'ist's sake.

      Persecution was followed by these important results, for God in His wisdom had seen fit to permit these evils to happen, in order to change them into permanent good; and thus the wrath of man was overruled to praise God, and to effect more ultimate good, than if the persecutions had not taken place at all. What, in a word, could be more Divine than to curb and restrain and overrule evil itself and change it into good ? God lets iniquity do what it pleases, according to its own designs: but in per- mitting it to move on one side, rather tlian on another. He overrules it and makes it enter into the order of His providence. So He lets this fury against the Cliristian faith be kindled in the hearts of persecutors, so that they afflict the saints of the Most High, But the church remains safe, for persecution can work nothing but ul- timate good in the hand of God, "The blood of the mar- tyrs is the seed of the chiu'ch." So said TertuUian, and what he said is true.

      Persecution has permanently enriched the history of the church. It has given us the noble heritage of the testimony and the suffering of those whose lives would otherwise have been unrecorded. Their very names as well as their careers would have been unknown had not persecution "dragged them into fame and chased them up to heaven."

      Persecution made Christ very near and very pre- cious to those who suffered. Many of the martyrs bore witness, even when in the midst of the most cruel torments, that they felt no pain, but that Christ was with them. Instances to this effect could be multiplied. Persecution made them feel how true Christ's words were, that even as He was not of the world, so they also were not of it. If they had been of the world, the world would love its own, but because Christ had chosen them out of the world, therefore the world hated them. They were not greater than their Lord. If men had per- secuted Jesus, they would also persecute His true disciples. But though they were persecuted, they were of good cheer, Christ had overcome the world; He was with them ; He enabled them to be faithful unto death. He had promised them the crown of life.

      Browning's beautiful lines describe what was a com- mon experience of tlie martyrs, how Christ "in them" and "with them," "quenched the power of fire," and made them more than conquerors ;

      "I was some time in being burned. But at the close a Hand came through The fire above my head, and drew My soul to Christ, whom now I see, Sergius, a brother, writes for me This testimony on the wall — For me, I have forgot it all,"

      John Ruthebfued

      PERSEPOLIS, per-scp'6-lis (3 Mace 9 2; Uepa-i-

      . TToX.i.s, Persepolis, n€, Persaipolis, in

      Ptolemy Ilepo-diroXis, Persopolis; orig-

      1. Location inal Pers name unknown; Pahlavi

      Stakhr, now Islakhr and Chihil Minar, "Forty Turrets") : The ruins of Persepolis lie about 3.5 miles N.E. of Shiraz and some 40 miles S. of the ruins of Pasargadae.

      The magnificent palace of which such striking remains are still visible (Takht i Jamshid) was built

      by Darius and Xerxes of white marble

      2. History and black stone. The city was cap-

      tured, pillaged and burnt by Alex- ander in 324 BC, most of the inhabitants being massacred or enslaved. Much of the treasure of the Pers kings was found there. Curtius says the palace was never rebuilt. Antiochua Epiphanes (166 BC) tried but failed to plunder the temple (of Anaitis, Anahita?) there (2 Mace 9 2; per- haps this is the incident referred to in 1 Maco 6 Iff, and Polyb. xxxi.ll). At Persepolis were the sepulchers of the Achaemenian kings (except Cyrus) . Long and important inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes are found at Persepolis and the neigh- boring Naqsh i Rustam, in cuneiform characters and m the Achaemenian Pers, Assyr andneo- Susian tongues (published by Spiegel, Rawlinson and Weisbach). Clitarchus first among Europeans mentions the city. The writer of this article visited it in 1892. Not now inhabited.

      LiTBR.\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\TUEE. — Inscriptions (as above), Arrian, Curtius, Polybius, Pliny, Diod. Siculus, mediaeval and modern travelers.

      W. St. Clair Tisdall

      PERSEUS, pftr'siis, pur's5-us (Ilcpa-tvis, Perseus) : In 1 Mace 8 5 the conquest of "Perseus, king of the Citims" (RV "king of Chittim") was part of the "fame of the Romans" which reached the ears of Judas. This Perseus, the son and successor of Philip III of Macedonia, came to the throne in 178 BC and was the last king of Macedonia. In 171 BC began the war with Rome which ended in his disastrous defeat and capture at Pydna, 168 BC (to which 1 Maco 8 5 refers), by L. Aemilius Pau- lus. Macedonia soon became a Rom province. Perseus was led to Rome to grace the triumph of his conqueror, by whose clemency he was spared, and died in captivity at Rome (Polyb. xxix.l7; Livyxliv.40ff).

      Kittim or Chittim, properly of the people of the town of Citium in Cyprus, then signifying Cyprians, and ex- tended by Jewish writers (Gen 10 4; Nu 24 24; Isa 23 1; Jer 2 10; Ezk 27 6; Dnl 11 30; Jos, Anl, I, vi) to include the coasts of Greece generally, is here applied to Macedonia. In 1 Mace 1 1 Macedonia (or Greece) is called "the land of Chittim."

      S. Angus

      PERSEVERANCE, pur-s5-ver'ans: The word occurs only once in AV (Eph 6 18), where it refers quite simply to persistence in prayer. In theology (esp. in the phrase "final perseverance") the word has come to denote a special persistency, the undying continuance of the new life (manifested in faith and holiness) given by the Spirit of God to man. It ia questioned whether such imparted life is (by its nature, or by the law of its impartation) necessarily permanent, indestructible, so that the once regen- erate and believing man has the prospect of final glory infallibly assured. This is not the place to trace the history of a great and complex debate. It is more fitting here to point to the problem as connected with that supreme class of truths in which, because of our necessary mental limits, the entire truth can only be apprehended as the unrevealed but certain harmony of seeming contradictions. Scrip- ture on the one hand abounds with assurances of "perseverance" as a fact, and largely intimates that an exulting anticipation of it is the intended ex- perience of the believer (see Jn 10 28 above all,



      Persecution Persian Language

      and cf among other passages Rom 8 31-37; 1 Pet 1 8.9). On the other hand, we find frequent and urgent warnings and cautions (see e.g. 1 Cor 8 11; 9 27). The teacher dealing with actual cases, as in pastoral work, should be ready to adopt both classes of utterances, each with its proper appli- cation; applying the first, e.g., to the true but timid disciple, the latter to the self-confident. Mean- while Scriptm-e on the whole, by the manner and weight of its positive statements, favors a humble belief of the permanence, in the plan of God, of the once-given new life. It is as if it laid down "perse- verance" as the Divine rule for the Christian, while the negative passages came in to caution the man not to deceive himself with appearances, nor to let any belief whatever palliate the guilt and minimize the danger of sin. In the biog- raphies of Scripture, it is noteworthy that no person appears who, at one time certainly a saint, was later certainly a castaway. The awful words of He 6 4-6; 10 26.27 appear to deal with cases (such as Balaam's) of much light but no loving life, and so are not precisely in point. Upon the whole sub- ject, it is important to make "the Perseverance of the Saviour" our watchword rather than "the Per- severance of the saint." Handley Dtjnelm

      PERSIA, pur'sha, -zha (D'^S , -paras; Ilepo-Cs, Pers'is; in Assjt Parsu, Parsua; in Achaemenian Pers Parsa, modern FCirs) : In the Bible (2 Ch 36 20.22.23; Ezr 1 1.8; Est 1 3.14.18; 10 2; Ezk 27 10; 38 5; Dnl 8 20; 10 1; 11 2) this name denotes properly the modern province of Ears, not the whole Pers empire. The lajter was by its people called Airyana, the present Iran (from the Skt. word Ctrya, "noble"); and even now the Persians never call their country anything but Iran, never "Persia." The province of Persis lay to the E. of Elam (Susi- ana), and stretched from the Pers Gulf to the Great Salt Desert, having Carmania on the S.E. Its chief cities were Persepolis and Pasargadae. Along the Pers Gulf the land is low, hot and unhealthy, Ijut it soon begins to ri^e as one travels inland. Most of the province consists of high and steep mountains and plateaus, with fertile valleys. The table-lands in which lie the modern city of Shiraz and the ruins of Persepolis and Pasargadae are well watered and productive. Nearer the desert, how- ever, cultivation grows scanty for want of water. Persis was douljtless in early times included in Elam, and its population was then either Semitic or allied to the Accadians, who founded more than one state in the Bab plain. The Aryan Persians seem to have occupied the coimtry in the 8th or 9th cent. BC. W. St. Clair Tisdall

      PERSIAN, pAr'shan, -zhan, LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE (ANCIENT) : I. Language (Introductory) Dialects II. Old Persian Inscriptions

      III. Medic Dialect

      1. Ordinary Avestic

      2. Gatliic

      IV. Zoroaster

      1. His Date, etc

      2. Date ot Avesta

      3. Divisions of tlie Present Avesta

      (1) Ttie Yasna

      (2) Tlie Vispered

      (3) Tlie Vendiddd

      (4) Tlie Yashts

      (5) The Khorda Avesta V. PahlavI

      1. Literature

      2. Comparison Literature

      /. Language (Introductory).— The Pers language, ancient and modern alike, is an Aryan tongue. In its ancient forms it is more closely connected with Vedic Sanskrit than with any other language except

      Armenian. Most of its roots are to be found also in Slavonic, Gr, Lat and other tongues of the same stock.

      There were two main dialects in the ancient lan- guage of Iran (Airyanem), (1) that of the Persians proper, and (2) that of the Medes. Dialects The former is known to us from the inscriptions of the Achaemenian kings, the latter from the Avesta, and a few Median words preserved for us by Herodotus and other Gr writers.

      //. Old Persian Inscriptions. — These fall between 5.50 and 330 BC, and contain about 1,000 lines and 400 words. They are carved upon the rocks in

      Part ot Rods of Behistan.

      a cuneiform character, simplified from that of the neo-Susian, which again comes from the neo- Bab syllabary. In Old Pers inscriptioris only 44 characters are employed, of which 7 are ideographs or contractions. The remaining 37 phonetic signs are syllabic, each consisting of an open syllable and not merely of a single letter, except in case of separate vowels. The syllabary, though much simpler than any other cuneiform system, does not quite attain therefore to being an alphabet. It was written from left to right, like the other cuneiform syllabaries. Of Cyrus the Great only one Pers sentence has been found: Adam Kurush Kkshayathiya Hakhamani- shiya, "1 am Cyrus the King, the Achaemenian." Darius I has left us long inscriptions, at Behistan (Besitiin), Mt. Alvand, Persepolis, Naqsh i Rustam, etc, and one at Suez, the latter mentioning his con- quest of Egypt and the construction of the first (?) Suez canal:

      Adam niyashtdyam imam yuviijam kahianaiy kacd Pirdva ndma rauta tya Mudrdyaiy danauvaiiy abiy daraya tya hacd Pdrsd aiti.

      (" I commanded to dig this canal from the river named the Nile, which flows through Egypt, to the sea which comes from Persia.")

      We have also inscriptions of Xerxes at Persepolis and many short ones of Artaxerxes I, Axtaxerxes Mnemon, and Artaxerxes Ochus. From them all taken together we learn much concerning the his- tory and the religion of the Achaemenian period.

      Persian Language Persian Religion



      It is from Achaemenian or Old Pers, and not from the Medic or Avestic, tliat modern Pers lias sprung through Pahlavi and Darl as intermediate stages. This is probably due to the political supremacy which the Persians under the Achaemenides gained over the Medes. The few words in the inscriptions which might otherwise be doubtful can be under- stood through comparison with Armenian and even with the modern Pers, e.g. yuviya in the above in- scription is the modern vulgar Pers jHh.

      III. Medic Dialect. — The Medio dialect is repre- sented in literature by the Avesta or sacred books of the Zoroastrians (Parsis). The 1. Ordi- word Avesta does not occur in the nary _ book itself and is of uncertain meaning

      Avestic and signification. It is probably the

      Ahashta of Beh. Inscr., IV, 64, and means either (1) an interview, meeting (Skt. avashta, "appearance before a judge"; Av. ava-sta, "to stand near"), or (2) a petition (Pahl. apastan, "petition"; Axm. apastan, "refuge," "asylum"), in either case deriving its name from Zoroaster's drawing near to Ahura Mazda in worship.

      Biw»-'"»v>i55iica"i-'^'!;^E-jij.»; ' _,'..;i.,ji — '^-vt"^-^-" ' ^!^"


      This dialect represents a much greater decadence In grammar and vocabiilary than does the Old Pers. Many of its consonants and most of its vowels are weak- ened. Its verbs have almost entirely lost the augment; its declensional system shows extreme confusion. It stands to Old Pers grammatically somewhat as Eng. does to Ger. Its alphabet, consisting of 43 letters, is derived from the Syr (probably the Estrangela), and is written from right to left. As a specimen of the language of most of the Avesta we give the following extract ( Yasna LXIV, 1.5[B11):

      Daidi moi, yk g3m tasho a-pasca urvarojsca Amereidtd, haitrvdtd. Spini^td Maint/u Mazda, Tivlshi, utayuiii, Manahhd Vohu, s6hhe. ("Give me, O thou who didst make the bull [earth], and the waters and the plants, immortalitv, health — 6 most Bountiful Spirit, Mazda — strength, might, through Vohu Mano, I say")

      There is a sub-dialect of Medic (Avestic) known as the Gatha-dialect, from the fact that the Gdthds. or " Hymns " (Yasna XXVIII-XXXIV, XLII-L; LII) 2 GathiC ^^'^ ^'^° "'^ prayers (Yathd Ahu Vairyo, Ashem Vohu, Airyamd Ishyo, and origi- nally Yehhe Hdidm. and a few scattered passages elsewhere) are composed in it. This represents speaking generally, an older form of the Avestic. It is probably the old language of Bactria or of Margiana. Gdthd I, 2, runs thus:

      Yi vp, Mazda Ahura, pairijasai Vohu Manahhd,

      Maibyo ddvdi ahvut (asivatasca hyatca manahhd)

      Ayaptd Ashdt hacd, ydig rapeiUo daidit hvdthre.

      ("To me, O Ahurji Mazda, who approach you two

      through Vohu Mano, grant the benefits from Asha

      [those] of both worlds, both of the material [world] and

      of that which is of the spirit, through which [benefits]

      may [Asha] place in glory those who please him.")

      The meter of the Gdthds, like that of the other Avestic poems, is based on the number of syllables in a line, with due regard to the caesura. But the condition of the text is such that there is great difficulty in recovering the original reading with sufficient accuracy to enable us to lay down rules on the subject with any certainty

      The first Gdthd is composed of strophes of 3 lines each (as above). Each line contains 16 syllables, with a caesura after the 7th foot.

      IV. Zoroaster. — Many of the Gathas are gener- ally ascribed to Zoroaster himself, the rest to his earliest disciples. They compose the 1. His most ancient part of the Avesta. It

      Date, etc is now becoming a matter of very great probability that Zoroaster lived at earliest in the middle of the 7th cent. BC, more probably a century later. The Arta Virdf Namak says that his religion remained pure for 300 years, and connects its corruption with the alleged de- struction of much of the Avesta in the palace burned by Alexander at Persepolis, 324 BC. This tradi- tional indication of date is confirmed by other evi- dence. Zoroaster's prince Vishtaspa (in Or Hus- tdspes) bears the same name as the father of Darius I, and was probably the same person. Vishtaspa's queen Hutaosa, who also protected and favored Zoroaster, bears the same name (in Gr Atossa) as Cambyses' sister who afterward married Darius, and probably belonged to the same family. Zoro- astrianism comes to the fore under Darius, whereas Cyrus in his inscriptions speaks as a decided poly- theist. Hence we conclude that the earliest part of the Avesta belongs to o 550 BC. Of Zoroaster himself we learn much from the Avesta, which traces his genealogy back for 10 generations. It mentions his wife's name (Hv5vi), and tells of his 3 sons and 3 daughters. His first disciple was Frashaostra, his wife's natural uncle. His own name means "Owner of the yellow camel," and has none of the higher meanings sometimes assigned to it by those who would deny his existence. Tradition says he was born at Ragha (Raga, Rai), about 5i miles S. of the present Tehran, though BOme_ think hia native place was Western Atropatene (A^arbaijan). Re- jected by his own tribe, the Magi, he went to Vish- taspa's court in Bactria. The faith which he taught spread to the Pera court (very naturally, if Vishtaspa was identical with Darius' father) and thence throughout the country. Tradition ( Yasht XIX, 2, etc) says that the Avesta was revealed to Zoroaster on Mt. Ushi-darena ("intellect-holding") in Sistan. But it is not the composition of one man or of one age.

      Herodotus makes no mention of Zoroaster, but speaks of the Magi (whom he calls a Median tribe [i.lOl]) as already performing priestly 2. Date of functions. His description of their Avesta repetition of charms and theological

      compositions (i.l32) would agree very well with recitation of the Gathas and Yasna. Mention of controversies with Gautama, Buddha's disciples (Yasht XIII, 16) who probably reached Persia in the 2d cent. BC, is another indication of date. The fact that in both the Yasna and the Vendl- dad heretics (zanda) are mentioned who preferred the comm. (zand) on the Avesta to the Avesta itself, is a sign of late date. Names of certain persons found in the Avesta (e.g. Atare-pata, a Dastur who lived under Hormuzd I, 273 AD, and RaStare-Yagheiiti, whom the Dlnkart identifies with the chief Mobed of Sapor II, 309-379 AD Aderpad Marespand, and who, accordmg to the Patet, §28, "purified'' the revelation made to Zoroaster, i.e. revised the text of the earlier parts of the Avesta) enable us to prove that certain portions of the work as we now have it were composed as late as near the end of the 4th cent, of our era. It is said that the text was in confusion in the time of Vologases I (51-78 [?] AD). A recension was then begun, and continued with much zeal by Ardashir Papakan, 226-40 AD. Accordmg to Geldner (Prolegomena, xlvi) the final recension took place some considerable time after Yezdigird III (overthrown 642 AD). In the times



      Persian Language Persian Religion

      of the Siisanides there were, it is said, 21 Naskas or volumes of the Avesta, and the names of these are given in the Dlnkart (Book IX). Of these we now possess only one entire Naska, the Vendidad, and portions of three others.

      The present Avesta is divided into 5 parts: (1) The Yasna (V yaz, Skt. yaj, "to invoke," "to praise") contains 72 chapters of hymns for use at sacrifices, etc, including the "Older Yasna" or Gathas. (2) The Vispered [vlspa, "every," "all," and

      3. Divi- sions of the Present Avesta

      radha, "a lord ) is divided into 24 chapters in Geldner's edition; it is supplementary to the Yasna. (3) The Vendlddd {va7i+daeva-\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\-ddta, "law for vanquishing the demons") contains 22 chapters. The first chapter contains the Iranian myth about the order in which the provinces of the Iranian world were created by Ahura Mazda. It tells how the Evil Spirit, Aiiro Mainyus, created plagues, sins and death, to de- stroy the good creatures of the Good Spirit. The greater part of the book contains ceremonial laws and formulae, some of them loathsome and all rather petty and superstitious in character. (4) The Yashts, 21 in all, are hymns, telling many mythological talcs about Mithra, Tishtriya, etc. (.5) The Khorda Avesta ("Little Avesta") consists of a number of short compositions, hymns, etc, compiled by the Aderpad Marespand (Adharpadh IMahraspand, Atarobat Mansarspendan) already mentioned, in Sapor II's reign.

      Much of the Avesta is said to have been de- stroyed by the Khalifah 'Umar's orders when Persia was conquered by the Arabs after the battle of Nahavand (642 AD). Certainly 'Umar ordered the destruction of Pers libraries, as we learn from the Kashfu'z Zunun (p. 341).

      V. Pahlavi. — Under ancient Pers literature may be classed the Pahlavi (a) inscriptions of Sapor at Hdjidhdd and elsewlicre, {b) legends on Sasanian 1 T itpTfl coins, (r) translations of certain parts of J.. jyiLcia- ^jjg Avesta, made under the Sasanidos ture for the most part, (d) such books as the

      Arid Virdf Ndmak, the Zdd Sparam, Din- kart. Ormazd Yasht. Palet, Bundihlshnih, etc. These are mostly of religious import. The ArtdVirdf Namakgivesz, description of the visitof the young da.siur Arta Viraf, to the Zoroastrian heaven. The Bundihlshnih ("creation") tells how Ormazd and Ahrlman came into being, and treats of the 9,000 years' struggle between them. Pah- lavi. as written (the so-called Huzvaresh), contains^ an immense number of Aram, words, but the Pers termina- tions attached to these show that they were read as Pers: thus yehahunl-ano is written, and ddt-ano ("to give") is read. Pahlavi works that are no longer extant are the sources of the Via o Rdmin, Zardtusht Ndmah, Shdhndmah, etc.

      In order to understand the relation in which the Pers dialects and stages in the history of the lan- guage stand to one another, it may be 2. Com- well to sub.ioin a list of words in Old parison Pers, Avestic, Pahlavi and modern

      Pers. It \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\vill be seen that Avestic is not the source of the Aryan part of the present tongue.



      Old Pers


      Mod. Pers

      Friend. . .





      Hand ....





      Bactria. . .





      Straight . .


      duru- vaiAta)



      Greatest .






      right . .





      Abode. . . .

      nmana (Gathic







      t Superlatives

      Literature. — Achaeraenian inscriptions, Korsowitz, Spiegel, Ra-wlinson: Geigerand Kuhn (editors), Grundrisa deriranischen Philologie; D&rmesteter, Eludes iraniennes;

      Spiegel, Eranitiche AUertumskunde; Noldcke. Aufsdtze zur persischen Genchichte; W. Geiger, Ostirnnische Kultur im Alterlum; Geldner's ed of Avesta; Professor Browne, Literary History of Persia; De Harlez, Manuel de la langue de I' Avesta, Manuel de la langue Pehlevie, and Intro to the Avesta; Haug, Book of Arid Virdf; Cook, Origins of Religion and Language.

      W. St. Clair Tisdall PERSIAN RELIGION (ANCIENT) :

      I. Before Zoroaster

      1. Early Aryan Religion

      2. Avesta and Rig- Veda

      3. The Creator


      1. Leading Principle

      2. Not Monotheistic

      (1) Darius and Xerxes

      (2) Ahura Mazda

      3. Objects of V^orship

      4. Ahro Mainyu.4 and His Creatures

      5. Production versu-i Destruction Fertility

      6. Contest between Ormazd and Ahrlman

      7. Ethics

      8. Sacred Thread

      9. Early Traditions

      10. The Earth

      11. Heaven and Hell

      12. Interment . '

      13. Worship

      14. The Magi

      15. Eschatology

      16. Hebrew and Christian Influence

      17. No Virgin Birth Literature

      /. Before Zoroaster. — There are clear indications

      in the Avesta that the religion of the Medes and

      Persians before Zoroaster's time agreed

      1. Early in most respects with that of the In- Aryan dian Aryans, and in_a less degree with Religion the beliefs of the Aryans in general.

      All the Aryan tribes in very ancient times showed great respect for the dead, though they carefully distinguished them from the gods (cf Rig-Veda X, 56, 4). The latter were principally the powers of Nature, the wind, fire, water^ the sky, the sun, the earth, and a hosli of personifications. The procreative powers in Nature, animate and inanimate, seeming to be the source of animal and vegetable life, received adoration, which ultimately led to unspeakable corruption. Herodotus tells ua that the Persians in his time worshipped the sun, moon, sky, earth, fire, wind and water (i.1.31). Offerings to the gods were laid on a mass of pome- granate twigs (baresman, Skt. harhis), and the flesh of victims was hailed, not burnt. Libations of haoma-]u\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\cei were poured out, just as in India the soma was the drink of both gods and their wor- shippers.

      A comparison between the spiritual beings men- tioned in the Avesta and those spoken of in the Rig-Veda is most instructive in two

      2. Avesta ways. It shows that the original re- and Rig- Hgion of the Iranians and of the Indian Veda Aryans agreed very closely; and it

      also enables us to realize the immensity of the reformation wrought by Zoroaster. Many of the names of supernatural beings are practically the same; e.g. Indra (Indra, Andra), Mitra (Mithra), Aryaman (Airyaman), Asura (Ahura), Apam Napat (Apam Napat), Tvashtri (? Tishtrya), Rama (Ra- man), Vayu (Vayu), Viita (Vata). So are many words of religious import, as Soma (Haoma), Mantra (Mathra), Hotra (Zaotar). The Yama of India is the Yima of Persia, and the father of the one is Vivasvat and that of the other Vivahhat, which is the same word with dialectic change. The Holy River of the Avesta, Aredhvl SQra, the Unstained (.A.nahita), is represented by the SarasvatI, the Ganga (Ganges) and other _sacred streams wor- shipped in India. In Persia Atar (or Fire) is a son of Ahura Mazda {Yasna LXIV, 46~.53), as Agni ( = Ignis) is of Tvashtri in the Rig- Veda. Armaiti is Ahura Mazda's daughter, aa Saranyu in the Rig-



      Veda is Aie daughter of Tvashtri, the "Creator," The use of gomez (bovis urina) for purification is common to both India and Persia. Though the so?na-plant is not now the same as the haoma, the words are the same, and no doubt they at one time denoted one and the same plant. Many of the myths of the Avesta have a great resemblance to those of the Rig- Veda. This comparison might be extended almost indefinitely.

      In another respect also there is an important agi-eement between the two. Though some 33 deities are adored in the Vedio Hymns, yet, in spite of polytheism and low ideas of the Divine, traces of something higher may be found. Varuna, for in- stance, represents a very lofty conception. In the closest connection with him stands Asura, who is a being of great_ eminence, and whose sons are the gods, esp. the Adityas.

      Tvashtri again is creator of heaven and earth and of all beings, though his worship was ultimately in Vedio times displaced by that of_Indra. 3. The It is clear then that the Indian Aryans

      Creator were worshippers of the Creator and

      that they knew something of Him long before they sank into polytheism. In the Avesta and in the Pers cuneiform inscriptions alike, Ahura Mazda occupies much the same position as Varuna, Asura (the same word as Ahura), or Tvashtri in the Rig- Veda, or rather in the ancient belief of which traces are retained in the latter work. Hence, as the Avesta teaches, Zoroaster was not for the first time preaching the existence of Ahura Mazda, but he was rather endeavoring to recall his people to the belief of their ancestors, the doctrine which Ahura Mazda had taught Yima in primeval time in his first revelation (Vendiddd II, 1-16,42). The great truth of the existence of the Creator, testified to by tradition, reason and conscience, undoubtedly contributed largely to Zoroaster's success, just as a similar proclamation of the God Most High (Allah Ta'ala'), worshipped by their ancestors, helped the thoughtful among the Arabs in later years to accept Muhammad's teaching. The consciousness in each case that the doctrine was not new but very ancient, materially helped men to believe it true.

      //. ZoToastrianism. — The reformation wrought

      by Zoroaster was a great one. He recognized — as

      Euripides in Greece did later — that

      1. Leading "if the gods do aught shameful, they Principle are not gods." Hence he perceived

      that many of the deities worshipped in Iran were unworthy of adoration, being evil in character, hostile to all good and therefore to the "All-Wise" Spirit (Ahura Mazda) and to men. Hence his system of dualism, dividing all beings, spiritual or material, into two classes, the creatures of Ahura Mazda and those of the "Destroying Mind" (Anro Mainyus). So many of the popular deities were evil that Zoroaster used the word daeva (the same as deva, deus, and Aram, di) to denote henceforth an evil spirit, just as Christianity turned the Gr daimones and daimonia (words used in a good sense in classical authors) into "demons." Instead of this now degraded word daeva, he em- ployed baga (Old Pers; Av. bagha, Vedic bhaga, "distribution," "patron," "lord") for "God."

      But it must be remembered that Zoroaster did

      not teach monotheism. Darius says that "Aura-

      mazda and the other gods that there

      2. Not are" brought him aid {Beh. Inscr., IV, Mono- 60-63), and both he and Xerxes speak theistic of Auramazda as "the greatest of the

      gods," So, even in the first Gdthd, Zoroaster himself invokes Asha, Vohu-Mano, Ar- maiti, Sraosha, and even Geus-urvan ("the Soul of the Bull"), as well as Ahura Mazda.

      (1) Darius and Xerxes. — Darius mentions the "clan-gods," but does not name any of them. He and Xerxes ascribe the creation of heaven and earth to Auramazda, and say that the latter, "Who made this earth, who made yon sky, who made man, who made happiness for man," has appointed each of them king. It is "by the grace of Auramazda" (vashna Auramazddha) that Darius conquers his enemies. _But both Ajtaxerxes Mnemon and Ar- taxerxes Ochus couple Mithra and Anahata (Ana- hita) with Auramazda (Ahura Mazda) in praying for the protection of the empire.

      ' ^?pi?li§


      Ahura Mazda.

      (2) Ahura Mazda. — In the Avesta, Ahura Mazda is one of the seven Amesh