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Comprehensive Bible Encyclopedia

All Entries for LETTER "T"



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    Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

    Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

    Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

    Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

    . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

    No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

    Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

    This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

    TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

    The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

Quick Example:

In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
      "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

    This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

    This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

    Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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    Consider the Hebrew Language:

    Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

      >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

      >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

      >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

      >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

      >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

    The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

      >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

      >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

      >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

    God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

      > NEVER 2 letters;

      > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

      > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

      > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


    Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

    The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

    The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

    This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

    Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

    All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

      > NEVER 2 letters;

      > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

      > ALWAYS 3 letters!

      > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

    Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

    Why is "GOD" in English significant?

    For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

    Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

      >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

      >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

      >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

      >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

      >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

      >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

      >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

      ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

      ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

      ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

      ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

      FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

      FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

      FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

      FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

    So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

    In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


    . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

    Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

    Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

    "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

    The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

Letter "T"


Letter "T"

TAANACH, ta'a-nak

    tn'anakh, with many variants):

    A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was slain by Joshua 12:21). It was within the boundaries of the portion of Issachar, but was one of the cities reckoned to Manasseh (Joshua 17:11; 1 Chronicles 7:29), and assigned to the Kohathite Levites (Joshua 21:2).

    The Canaanites were not driven out; only at a later time they were set to taskwork (Joshua 17:12 ->; Judges 1:27 ->). Here the great battle was fought when the defeat, of Sisera broke the power of the oppressor Jabin (Judges 5:19). It was in the administrative district of Baana ben Ahilud (1 Kings 4:12).

    The name appears in the list of Thothmes at Karnak; and Shishak records his plundering of Taanach when he invaded Philestina-Canaan Land under Jeroboam I (cf 1 Kings 14:25 ->). Onom says it is a very large village, 3 miles from Legio. It is represented by the modern Tiinnck, which stands on a hill at the southwestern edge of the plain of Esdraelon.

    Megiddo (Tell el-MuexeUit) lies 5 miles to the NorthWest. These two places are almost invariably named together. The great highway for traffic, commercial and military, from Babylon and Egypt, ran between them. They were therefore of high strategic importance.

    Excavations were recently conducted on the site by Professor Sellin, and a scribes of valuable and deeply interesting discoveries were made, shedding light upon the social and religious life and practices of the inhabitants down to the 1st century BC, through a period of nearly 2,000 years.

    The Canaanites were the earliest occupants. In accordance with Bible history, "there is no evidence of a break or abrupt change in the civilization between the Canaanite and the Israelite occupation of Taanach;

    The excavations show rather gradual development.

    The Canaanites will have gradually assimilated the Israelites drawn to them from the villages in the plain" (Driver, Schweich Led, 1908, 84). In the work just cited, Driver gives an admirable summary of the results obtained by Professor Sellin.

    In his book on the 'Religion of Ancient Philestina-Canaan Land', Professor Stanley A. Cook has shown, in short compass, what excellent use may be made of the results thus furnished. West. EWING

TAANATH-SHILOH, ta'a-nath-shl'ld;

    A town on the border of the territory of Ephraim named between Michmethath and Janoah (Joshua 16:1-16). According to Onom (s.v. "Thena") it lay about 10 Romans miles East. of Neapolis, on the road to t he Jordan. Ptolemy speaks of Thena, probably the same place, as a town in Samaria.

    It may be identified with 7-V, a village about 7 miles South.East. of Xablus. Yanun, the ancient Janoah, lies 2 miles to the South. A Roman road from Neapolis to the Jordan valley passed this way.

    At 7V/m there are "foundations, caves, cisterns and rockcut tombs" (I'KFM, II, 245). This identification being quite satisfactory, the Talmudic notion that Taanath-shiloh was the same place as Shiloh may be dismissed (Talm Jerusalem,).

    West. EWING

TABAOTH, TABBAOTH, ta-ba'oth, tab'a-dth

    Name of a family of temple-servants (1 Esdras 5:29), "Tabbaoth" (Hebrew tabbtfdth) of Ezra 2:43; Nehemiah 7:46; perhaps called after the name of a place; cf TABBATH.

TABBATH, tab'ath

    A place named after Abel-meholah in the account of the Midianite flight before Gideon (Judges 7:23). It must therefore have been a place in the Ionian valley to the East of Beth-shan. No trace of the name has yet been recovered.

TABEEL, ta' beel:

    A name meaning "good is God," borne by two persons in the OT (Isaiah 7:1-6, AV "Tabeal").

    (1) The father of the man whom the kings of Israel and Damascus planned to place upon the throne of Judah (Isaiah 7:1-6). The form of the name Tabeel, suggests that he was a Syrian; his son evidently was a tool of Rezin, king of Damascus.

    The name is vocalized so as to read Tabenl, which might be "good for nothing," though some explain it as a pausal form, with the ordinary meaning. The; change, probably due to a desire to express contempt, is very slight in Hebrew.

    (2) A Persian official in Samaria ( (Ezra 4:7). All that is known of him is that he joined with other officials in sending a letter to Artaxerxes for the purpose of hindering the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem. 1 ( EISKLEN

TABELLIUS, ta-bel'i-us

    (Tape'XXios, Tabellios): One of the Persian officials in Samaria who wrote a letter to Artaxerxes which caused the rebuilding of Jerusalem to be stopped for a time (1 Esdras 2:10) = "Tabeel" of Ezra 4:7.

TABER, ta'ber

    (Septuagint, taphnph; "to strike a timbrel" [Psalm 68:25]): The word is used only once in AV, in the exceedingly graphic account of the capture of Nineveh given in Nahum 2:7.

    The queen - that is the city of Nineveh personified - is dishonored and led into ignominious captivity, followed by a mourning retinue of "maids of honour" who taber upon, that is, beat violently, their breasts.

    Such drumming on the breasts was a gesture indicative of great grief (Luke 18:3).

TABERAH, ta-be'ra;

    "burning": A wilderness of the Israelites, the site of which is unidentified. Here, it is recorded, the people murmured against JAH, who destroyed many of them by fire. This is the origin of the" name (Numbers 11:3; Deuteronomy 9:22).

TABERNACLE, tab'er-na-k'l

PART-I. "Tent of Meeting,"

A temporary dwelling, a "booth" or in modern understanding of the old revivals: a "brush arbor".

    [1] Earlier "Tent of Meeting"

    [2] Also the Heavenly tabernacle in Revelation 13:6, Revelation 15:5, Revelation 21:3,

The Tabernacle Proper

    [3] The Enclosure or Court

    [4] Structure, Divisions and Furniture of the Tabernacle

    [5] Coverings of the Tabernacle

      (a) Tabernacle Covering Proper

      (b) Tent Covering

      (c) Protective Covering

    PART-II. Framework and Divisions of the Tabernacle Arrangement of Coverings:

    Furniture of the Tabernacle',

      (d) The Table of Shewbread

      (e) The Candlestick

      (f) The Altar of Incense



    Letter "T"


      1. Removal from Sinai

      2. Sojourn at Kadesh

      3. Settlement in Canaan

      4. Destruction of Shiloh

      5. De-localization of Worship

      6. Nob

      7. Restoration of the Ark

    X. The Two Tabernacles


    1. NT References

    2. (Lord's Dwelling with Man Symbolism of Furniture


[1] Introductory;

    Altars sacred to The LORD-GOD were earlier than sacred buildings.

Abraham built such detached altars at the Terebinth of Moreh (Genesis 12:7-15), and again between Beth-el and Ai (Genesis 12:15-35 ). Though he built altars in more places than one, his conception of (God was already monotheistic.

The "Judge of all the earth" (Genesis 18:22-12) was no tribal deity. This monotheistic ideal was embodied and proclaimed in the tabernacle and in the subsequent, temples of which the tabernacle was the prototype.

Instincts and surroundings were by no means monotheistic. It was necessary that their education should begin with some sort of concession to existing ideas.

[2] A Stage of Ideas.

    They were not yet, nor for long afterward, capable of the conception of a God who dwelleth not in temples made with hands.

    So an altar and a tent were given them; but in the fact that this habitation of God was not fixed to one spot, but was removed from place to place in the nomad lift of the Israelites, they had a persistent education leading them away from the idea of local and tribal deities.

    The tabernacle proper is that of which an account is given in Exodus 25:1-2 ->, Exodus 26:1-2 ->, Exodus 27:1-2 -> and Exodus Chapters 30-31 and 35-40, with additional details in Numbers 3:2-20:

[3] The True Tabernacle.

    The central idea of the true Tabernacle lure is given in the words, "Make Proper me a sanctuary, that I may dwell among them" (Exodus 25 8).

    It was the dwelling-place of the holy LORD-GOD in the midst of His people; also the place of His "meeting" with them (ver 22). The first of these ideas is expressed in the name 'inixhkan'; the, second in the name 'uhel tiirfcdh' (it is a puzzling fact for the critics);

1. Earlier "Tent of Meeting"

    The first step toward a habitation for the Deity worshipped at the altar was taken at Sinai, when Moses builded not only "an altar under the mount," but "12 pillars, according to the 12 tribes of Israel" (Exodus 24:4).

    There is no recorded command to this effect, and there was as yet no separated priesthood, and sacrifices were offered by "young men of the children of Israel" (Exodus 24:4-6 ->); but already the need of a separated structure was becoming evident.

    Later, but still at Sinai, after the sin of the golden calf, Moses is stated to have pitched "the tent" (as if well known: the tense, is frequently "used to take the tent and to pitch it") "without the camp, afar off" - and to have called it, "the tent of meeting," a term often met with afterward (Exodus 33:7 ->).

    This "tent" was not yet the tabernacle proper, but served an interim purpose.

    The ark was not yet made; a priesthood was not yet appointed; it was "without the camp";

    Joshua was the sole minister (Exodus 33:11).

    It was a simple place of revelation and of the meeting of the people with Jah (Exodus 33:7, 9-11).

    Critics, on the other hand, identifying this "tent" with that in Numbers 11:16 through Num 12:4 ->; Deuteronomy 31:14 ->. (ascribed to source East), regard it as the primitive tent of the wanderings, and on the ground of these differences from the tabernacle, described later (in 1 Chr) deny the historicity of the latter. On this see below under B, 4, (5).

    No doubt this localization of the shrine of Jah afforded occasion for a possible misconception of Jah as a tribal Deity. We must remember that here, and throughout, we have to deal with the education of a people whoso most cannot read and write.

    Exodus Chapters 25:1 -> 27:19 only 'mixhkan' is used; in chs 28- 31 only 'dhel mo*c ; cf Acts 7:44; Hebrews 8:2).

    The modern critical school regards this whole description of the tabernacle as an "ideal" construction a projection, looking backward by post-exilian imagination of the ideas and dimensions of the Temple of Solomon, the measurement a of the latter being throughout halved.

    Against this violent assumption, however, many things speak.

    See below under B.

Structure of the Tabernacle.

    The ground plan of the Mosaic tabernacle (with its divisions, courts, furniture, etc) can be made out with reasonable certainty. As respects the actual construction, knotty problems remain, in regard to which the most diverse opinions prevail.

    Doubt rests also on the precise measurement by cubits (see Crurr; for a special theory, see West. South. Caldecott, The Tabernacle; Us History and Structure). For simplification the cubit is taken in this art as roughly equivalent to 18 in.

    A first weighty question relates to the shape of the tabernacle. The conventional and still customary conception (Keil, Biihr, A. R. South. Kennedy in HDB, etc) represents it as an oblong, flat-roofed structure, the rich coverings, over the top, hanging down on either side and at the back not unlike, to use a figure sometimes employed, a huge coffin with a pall thrown over it.



Letter "T"

    Nothing could be less like a "tent," and the difficulty at, once presents itself of how, in such a structure, "sagging of the roof was to be prevented. Mr. J. Fergusson, in his art.

    "Temple" in Smith's Dictionary, accordingly, advanced the other conception that the structure was essentially that of a tent, with ridge-pole, sloping roof, and other appurtenances of such an erection.

    He plausibly, though not with entire success, sought to show how this construction answered accurately to the measurements and other requirements of the text (e.g. the mention of "pins of the tabernacle," Exodus 35:18). With slight modification this view here commends itself as having most in its favor.

    To avoid the difficulty of the ordinary view, that the coverings, hanging down from the framework, are unseen from within, except on the roof, it has sometimes been argued that the tapestry covering hung down, not outside, but inside, the tabernacle (Keil, Hiilir, etc).

    It is generally felt that this arrangement is inadmissible.

    A newer and more ingenious theory is that propounded by A. R. South. Kennedy in his art. "Tabernacle" in // l)H. It is that the "boards" constituting the framework of the tabernacle were, not solid planks, but really open "frames," through which the finely wrought covering could be seen from within.

    There is much that is fascinating in this theory, if the initial assumption of the flat roof is granted, but it cannot be regarded as being yet satisfactorily made out. Professor Kennedy argues from the 1excessive weight of the solid "boards."

    It might be replied: In a purely "ideal" structure such as he supposes this to be, what does the weight matter? The "boards," however, need not have been so thick or heavy as he represents.

    In the minuter details of construction yet greater diversity of opinion obtains, and imagination is often allowed a freedom of exercise incompatible with the sober descriptions of the text.

1. Inclosure

    The attempt at reconstruction of the tabernacle begins naturally with the "court" (hager] or outer inclosure in which the tabernacle stood (see COURT OF SANCTUARY). The description is given in Exodus 27:1-18; 38:9-20. The court is to be conceived of as an inclosed space of 100 cubits (150 ft.) in length, and 50 cubits (75 ft.) in breadth,

    its sides formed (with special arrangement for the entrance) by "hangings" or curtains of "fine twined linen," 5 cubits (7.5 ft.) in height, supported by pillars of brass (bronze) 5 cubits apart, to which the hangings were attached by "hooks" and "fillets" of silver.

    It thus consisted of two squares of 50 cubits each, in the anterior of which (the easterly) stood the "altar of burnt-offering" (see ALTAR), and the "laver" (see LAVER), and in the posterior (the westerly) the tabernacle itself. From Exodus 30 17-21 we learn that the laver a large (bronze) vessel for the ablutions of the priests stood between the altar and the tabernacle (ver I5).

    The pillars were GO in number, 20 being reckoned to the longer sides (X. and South), and 10 each to the shorter (East and ).

    The pillars were set in "sockets" or bases ('edheri) of brass (bronze), and had "capitals" (AV and ERV "chapiters") overlaid with silver (38 17). The "fillets" are here, as usually, regarded as silver rods connecting the pillars; some, however, as Ewald, Dillmann, Kennedy, take the "fillet" to be an orna- mental band round the base of the capital.

    On the eastern side was the "gate" of entrance. This was formed by a "screen" (masakh) 20 cubits (30 ft.) in breadth, likewise of fine twined linen, but distinguished from the other (white) hangings by being embroidered in "blue, and purple, and scarlet" (see EAST GATE). The hangings on either side of the "gate" were 15 cubits in breadth.

    The 10 pillars of the east side are distributed 4 to the en- trance screen, 3 on either side to the hangings. The enumeration creates some difficulty till it is remembered that in the reckoning round the court no pillar is counted twice, and that the corner pillars and those on either .side of the entrance

    Ground Plan, according to Keil.

      A, The dwelling place:

        pillars ..f the entrance;

        the holy place;

        the table of showbread;

        the candlestick;

        the altar of incense;

        the veil and pillars;

        the Holy of Holies;

        the ark and mercy-seat;

      Tho Court

        A, the pillars of thoe..urt:

        the entrance curtain and pillars;

        the altar of burnt offering; n,

        the laver.

        had each to do a double duty.

      The reckoning is really by the 5-cubit spaces between the pillars. Mention is made (27 19; 38 20) of the "pins" of the court, as well as of the tabernacle, by means of which, in the former case, the pillars were held in place. These also were of brass (bronze).

      In the inner of the two squares of the court was reared the tabernacle a rectangular oblong structure, 30 cubits (45 ft.)

    2. Structure long and 10 cubits (15 ft.) broad, ture, Di- divided into two parts, a holy and a visions and most holy (26 33). Attention has to Furniture be given here (1) to the coverings of

    the tabernacle, (2) to its framework

    and divisions, and (3) to its furniture.

    (1) Coverings of the tabernacle, (Exodus 26 1-1 4; 36 8-19). The wooden framework of the tabernacle to be afterward described had 3 coverings one, the immediate covering of the tabernacle or "dwelling," called by the same name, mishkan (26 1.0); a second, the "tent" covering of goats' hair; and a third, a protective covering of rams' and seal- (or porpoise-) skins, cast over the whole.



Letter "T"

    (a) The covering of the tabernacle proper (26 1-G) consisted of 10 curtains (lit. "breadth") of fine twined linen, beautifully woven with blue;, and purple, and scarlet, and with figures of cherubim.

    The 10 curtains, each 28 cubits long and 4 cubits broad, were; joined together in sets of 5 to form 2 large curtains, which again were fastened by 50 loops and clasps (AV "ladies") of gold, so as to make a single great curtain -10 cubits ((>() ft.) long, and 28 cubits (42 ft.) broad,

    (b) The "tent" covering (vs 7-13) was formed by 11 curtains of goats' hair, the length in this case being 30 cubits, and the breadth 4 cubits. These were joined in sets of 5 and ti curtains, and as before the two divisions were coupled by 50 loops and clasps (this time of bronze),

    into one great curtain of 44 cubits (62 ft.) in length and 30 cubits (45 ft.) in breadth an excess of 4 cubits in length and 2 in breadth over the fine tabernacle curtain. Finally, for purposes of protection, coverings were ordered to be made (ver 14) for the "tent" of rams' skins dyed red, and of seal- or porpoise-skins (KV "badgers' skins"). The arrangement of the coverings is considered below.

    (2) The. framework of the tabernacle (Exodus 26 15- 37; 36 20-38) was, as ordinarily understood, composed of upright "boards" of acacia wood, forming 3 sides of the oblong structure, the front being closed by an embroidered "screen," depend- ing from 5 pillars (26 30.37; see below).

    These boards, 48 in number (20 each for the north and south sides, and 8 for the west side), were 10 cubits (15 ft.) in height, and 1 cubit s (2 ft. 3 in.) in breadth (the thickness is not given), and were overlaid with gold.

    They were set by means of "tenons" (lit. "hands"), or projections tit the foot, 2 for each board, in 90 silver "sockets," or bases ("a talent for a socket," 38 27). In the boards were "rings" of gold, through which were passed 3 horizontal "bars," to hold the parts together the middle bar, apparently, on the long sides, extending from end to end (26 28), the upper and lower bars being divided in the center (5 bars in all on each side).

    The bars, like the boards, wen; overlaid with gold. Some obscurity rests on the arrangement at the back: of the boards were of the usual breadth (= <) cubits), but the 2 corner boards appear to have made up only a cubit between them (vs 22-24). Notice has already been taken of the theory (Ken- nedy, art. "Tabernacle," 111)11} that the so-called ''boards" were not really such, but were open "frames," the 2 uprights of which, joined by cross- pieces, are the "tenons" of the text.

    It seems unlikely, if this was meant, that it _ should not be more distinctly explained. The inclosurce thus constructed was next divided into 2 apartments, separated by a "veil," which hung from 4 pillars overlaid with gold and resting in silver sockets. Like the tabernacle-covering, the veil was beautifully woven with blue, purple, and scarlet, and with figures of cherubim (vs 31.32; see VKIL).

    The outer of these chambers, or "holy place," was, as usually computed, 20 cubits long by 10 broad; the inner, or "most holy place," was 10 cubits square. The "door of the tent" (ver 36) was formed, as already stated, by a "screen," embroidered with the above colors, and depending from 5 pillars in bronze sockets. Here also the hooks were of gold, and the pillars and their capitals overlaid with gold (36 38).

    Preference has already been expressed for Mr. Fergus- son's idea that the tabernacle was not flat-roofed, the curtains being cast over it like drapery, but was tent- like in shape, with ridge-pole, and a sloping roof, raising the total height to 15 cubits. Passing over the ridge pole, and descending at an angle, 14 cubits on either side, the inner curtain would extend 5 cubits beyond the walls of the tabernacle, making an awning of that

    width North and South, while the goats'-hair covering above it, 2 cubits wider, would hang below it a cubit on either side. The whole would be held in position by ropes secured by bronze tent-pins to the ground (27 1!); 38 31). The scheme has obvious advantages in that it preserves the idea of a "tent," conforms to the principal measurements, removes the difficulty of "sagging" on the (flat) roof, and permits of the golden boards, bars and rings, oil

    Construction of Tabernacle, according to Fergusson.

    the outside, and of the finely wrought tapestry, on tho inside, being seen (Professor Kennedy provides for the latter by his "frames," through which the curtain would be visible). On the other hand, it is not to bo concealed that tho construction proposed presents several serious difficulties.

    The silence of the text about a ridge-pole, supporting pillars, and other requisites of Mr. Fergusson's scheme (his suggestion that "the middle liar" of 26 2S may be the ridge-pole is quite untenable), may be got over by assuming that these; parts are taken for granted as understood in tent-construction.

    But this does not apply to other adjustments, esp. those connected with tho, back and front of the tabernacle;. It was seen above t hat the inner covering was 40 cubits in length, while, the tabernacle-structure was 30 cubits. I low is this excess of 10 cubits iii the tapestry-covering dealt with? Mr. Fergusson, dividing equally, supposes a porch of 5 cubits at the front, and a space of 5 cubits also behind, with hypothetical pillars.

    The text, however, is explicit that the veil dividing the holy from the most holy place was hung "under the clasps" (26 33), i.e. on this hypothesis, midway in the structure, or 15 cubits from either end. Either, then,

    (1) the idea must be abandoned that the holy place was twice tho length of tho Holy of Holies (20X10; it is to be observed that tho text does not state the proportions, which are inferred from those of Solomon's Temple), or

    (2) Mr. Fergusson's arrangement must be given up, and the division of the curtain moved back 5 cubits, depriving him of his curtain for the porch, and leaving 10 cubits to be disposed of in tho rear-. Another difficulty is connected with the porch itself. No clear indication of such a porch is given in the text, while the 5 pillars "for the screen" (ver 37) are most naturally taken to bo, like the latter, at tho immediate entrance; of tho tabernacle. Mr. Fergusson, on the other hand, finds it necessary to separate pillars and screen, and to place the pillars 5 cubits farther in front.

    He is right, however, in saying that the 5th pillar naturally suggests a ridge-pole; in his favor also is tho fact that the extra breadth of tho overlying tent- covering was to hang down, 2 cubits at the front, and 2 cubits at tho back of the tabernacle (Exodus 26:9-12). It is possible that there was a special disposition of the inner curtain that belonging peculiarly to tho " dwelling "- according to which its "clasps" lay above tho "veil" of the Holy of Holies (20 cubits from the entrance),

    and its hinder folds closed the aperture at the rear which otherwise would have admitted light into the secrecy of the shrine. But constructions of this kind must ever remain more or less conjectural.

    The measurements in the above reckoning are internal. Dr. Kennedy disputes this, but the analogy of the temple is against his view.

    (3) The fur nil ure of (he sanctuary is described in Exodus 25:10-40 (ark, table of shewbread, candle- stick); Exodus 30:1-10 (altar of incense); compare Exodus 37:1 -> for making. In the innermost shrine, the Holy of Holies, the sole object was the ark of the covenant,

    overlaid within and without with pure gold, with its molding and rings of gold, its staves overlaid with gold passed through the rings, and its lid or covering of solid gold the propitiatory or mercy- seat at either end of which, of one piece with it (25 19; 37 8), stood cherubim, with wings out-



Letter "T"

    stretched over the mercy-seat and with faces turned toward it (for details see AUK OF COVENANT; MKKCY-SKAT; CIIHHUIUM).

    This was the meeting-place of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), and His people through Moses (25 22). The ark contained only the two tables of stone, hence its name, "the ark of the testimony" (25 1C). 22). It is not always realized how small an object the ark was only 2 cubits (3 ft. 9 in.) long, I', cubits (2 ft. 3 in.) broad, and the same (1J- cubits) high.

    The furniture of the outer chamber of the tabernacle consisted of (a) the table of shewbread; (h) the golden candlestick: (c) the altar of incense, or golden altar. These were placed, the table of shewbread on the north side (40 22), the candle- stick on the south side (40 24), and the altar of incense in front of the veil, in the holy place.

    (a) The table of shewbread was a small table of acacia wood, overlaid with gold, with a golden rim round the top, gold rings at the corners of its 4 feet, staves for the rings, and a "border" (at middle?) joining the legs, holding them together. Its dimensions were 2 cubits (3 ft.) long, 1 cubit (18 in.) broad, and l-J- cubits (2 ft. 3 in.) high. On it wen 1 placed 12 cakes, renewed each week, in 2 piles (cf Leviticus 24 5-9), together with dishes (for the bread), spoons (incense cups), flagons and bowls (for drink offerings), all of pure gold (see SHEWBREAD, TABLE OF).

    (It) The candlestick or lampstands, was the article on which most adornment was lavished. It was of pure gold, and consisted of a central stem (in 25 32-35 this specially receives the name "candlestick"), with 3 curved branches on either side, all elegantly wrought with cups of almond blossom, knops, and flowers (lilies?) 3 of this series to each branch and 4 to the central stem.

    1'pon the G brandies and the central stem were 7 lamps from which the light issued. Connected with the candlestick were snuffers and snuff-dishes for the wicks all of gold. The candlestick was formed from a talent of pure gold (ver 38). See CANDLE- STICK.

    (c.) The description of the altar of incense occurs (30 1-10) for some unexplained reason or dis- placement out of the place where it might be ex- pected, but this is no reason for throwing doubt (with some) upon its existence. It was a small altar, overlaid with gold, a cubit (IS in.) square, and 2 cubits (3 ft.) high, with 4 horns. On it was burned sweet-smelling incense. It had the usual golden rim, golden rings, and gold-covered staves. See


    History. We may fix 1500 BC as the approximate date of the introduction of the tabernacle. It was set up at Sinai on the 1. Removal 1st day of the 1st month of the 2d from Sinai year (Exodus 40 2.17), i.e. 14 days before the celebration of the Passover on the first anniversary of the exodus (see CHRONOLOGY OF THE OT, VII, VIII). When the people re- sumed their journey, the ark was wrapped in the veil which had served to isolate the most holy place (Numbers 4 5).

    This and the two altars were carried upon the shoulders of the children of Kohath, a descendant of Levi, and were removed under the personal supervision of the high priest (Numbers 3 31.32; 4 15). The rest of the "dismem- bered structure was carried in six covered wagons, offered by the prince, each drawn by two oxen (Numbers 7). Doubtless others were provided for the heavier materials (cf Keil).

    Before leaving Sinai the brazen altar had been dedicated, and utensils of gold and silver had been presented for use at the services. The tabernacle had been standing at Sinai during 50 days (Numbers 10 11).

    The journey lay along the "great and terrible wilderness" between Iloreb in the heart of Arabia and Kadesh-barnea in the Negeb.

    2. Sojourn Jlidah; of the 40 years occupied at Kadesh in the journey to Canaan, nearly 38 years were spent at Kadesh, a fact not always clearly recogni/ed. The tabernacle stood here during 37 years (one year being occupied in a punitive journey southward to the shore of the Red Sea).

    During this whole time the ordinary sacrifices were not offered (Amos 5:25), though it is possible that the appropriate seasons wen; nevertheless marked in more than merely chronological fashion. Few incidents are recorded as to these years, and little mention is made of the. tabernacle throughout the whole; journey except, that the ark of the covenant, preceded the host, when on the march (Numbers 10 33-30). It, is the unusual that, is recorded; the daily aspect of the tabernacle and the part it played in the life of the people were among the things recurrent and familiar.

    When, at last, the Jordan was crossed, the first consideration, presumably, was to find a place on

    which to pitch the sacred tent, a place

    3. Settle- hitherto uninhabited and free from ment in possible defilement by human graves. Canaan Such a place was found in the neigh- borhood of Jericho, and came to be

    known as Ciilgal (Joshua 4 19; 5 10; 9 G; 10 6.43). Gilgal, however, was always regarded as a temporary site. The tabernacle is not directly mentioned in connection with it.

    The question of a permanent location was the occasion of mutual jealousy among the tribes, and was at last settled by the removal of the tabernacle to Shiloh, in the territory of Ephraim, a place conveniently central for attendance of all adult males at the three yearly festivals, without the zone of war, and also of some strategic importance.

    During the lifetime of Joshua, there- fore, the tabernacle was removed over the 20 miles, or less, which separated Shiloh among the hills from Gilgal in the lowlands (Joshua 18:1, 19:51). While at Shiloh it seems to have acquired some accessories of a more permanent kind (1 Samuel 1:9, etc), which obtained for it the name "temple" (1 Samuel: 9; 33).

    During the period of the Judges the nation lost the fervor of its earlier years and was in imminent danger of apostasy. The daily service

    4. Destruction of the tabernacle was doubtless observed after a perfunctory manner, Shiloh but they seem to have had little effect upon the people, either to soften their manners or raise their morals. In the early days of Samuel war broke out afresh with the Philistines.

    At a council of war the unprecedented proposal was made to fetch the ark of the covenant from Shiloh (1 Samuel 4 Iff). Accompanied by the two sons of Eli Hophni and Phinehas it arrived in the camp and was welcomed by a shout which was heard in the hostile camp.

    It was no longer LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), but the material ark that was the hope of Israel, so low had the people fallen. Eli himself, at that time high priest, must at least have acquiesced in this superstition. It ended in disaster. The ark was taken by the Philis, its two guardians were slain, and Israel was helpless before its enemies.

    Though the Ileb historians are silent about what followed, it is certain that Shiloh itself fell into the hands of the Philis. The very destruction of it accounts for the silence of the historians, for it would have been at the central sanctuary there,

    the center and home of what literary culture then; was in Israel during this stormy period, that chronicles of events would be keep Psalm 78:60 -> no doubt has reference to this overthrow, and it is referred to in Jeremiah 7:12. The tabernacle itself does not seem to have been taken by the Philis, as it is met with later at Nob.



Letter "T"

    For lack of a high priest of character, Samuel himself seems ow to have? become ho head of worship It is possible that the tabernacle ma.have R nplnrali- I'een again removed to (Gilgal, as it was 5. Uelocall- there Samuel appointed Saul to nice zation of him , u -( to offer burnt offerings and

    Worship peace offerings. The ark, however returned by the Philistines, remained at Iviriath-jearim

    lutionarv, but it is partly explained by the fact that even in the, tabernacle there was now no ark before which burn incense. Of the half-dozen places bearing the name Ran ah this, which was Samuel's home, was the one near to Hebron where to this day the foundations of what may have been Samuel's sacred inclosure may be seen near the tabernacle at Nob, with Ahimelech,

    4 miles to the North. of Jerusalem, and was more- over a high place, higher than ion. It does not follow that the tabernacle was placed at the top of the lull. Hence it remained a few years, till after the war by Saul of all the priests at Nob save one, Abiathar (I South 22 1 1 IT).

    Subsequently, possibly by Saul himself, it was removed t. (T I - o. I' Chronicles 16 30; 21 2!)). Gibeon was from Jerusalem, and' 7 from Beth-el, and may have been chosen for its strategic advantage as well as for the fact that it was already inhabited by priests, and was Saul's ancestral city.

    This removal by Saul, if he was the author of it, was recognized afterward by David as a thing done, with which he did not think it wise 7 Restora- to interfere (cf 1 Chronicles 16 40). On his tionof the capturing the fortress of Jebus (later A r k Jerusalem), and building himselt a house

    there, David prepared a place for the ark of God, and pitched a tent on /ion in imitation of the tabernacle at Gibeon 1,2 Samuel 6 17ft; 16 1) He must also have provided an altar, tor we read of burnt offerings and peace offerings being made there. Meanwhile the ark had been brought from Iviriath-jearim, where it had lain so long; it was restored in the presence ot a concourse oi people representing the whole nation, the soldiery and civilians delivering it to the priests.

    On this journey l'z/ah was smitten for touching the irk Arrived 'near Jerusalem, the ark was carried into the house of Obed-edom, a Levite, and remained there for 3 months. At the end of this time it was carried into David's tabernacle with all fitting solemnity and honor.

    Hence it was that there were now two tabernacles, the original one with its altar at Gibeon, and the new one with tin 1 original ark m Jems, 8. The Two both under the protection of the king. Tabernacles Both, however, were soon to be superseded by the building of a temple. The altar at Gibeon continued in use till the time of Solomon. Of all the; actual material of the tabernacle, the ark alone remained unchanged in the temple.

    The tabernacle itself, with its sacre.t vessels, was brought up to Jerusalem, and was pre- served, apparently, as a sacred relic m the temple (1 Kings 8 4). Thus, after a history of more than 2( vears the tabernacle ceases to appear in history. " IV. Symbolism. Though the tabernacle was historically the predecessor of the later temples, as a matter of fact, the veil was the only item actu- ally retained throughout the series of temples.

    Nevertheless it is the tabernacle rather than t temple which has provided a substructure for much NT teaching. All the well-known allusions of the writer to the He, e.g. in chs 9 and 10, are to the tabernacle, rather than to any later temple.

    In general the tabernacle is the symbol of God's dwelling with His people (Kx 25 8; cf 1 Kings 8 2, ), an idea in process of realization m more and more perfect forms till it reaches its completion in the incarnation of the Word ("The Word became flesh,

    and dwelt [Gr "tabernacled among us,"] In 1 1:1; cf 2 Corinthians 5:1 , in the church collectively (2 Corinthians 6 Hi) and in the individual believer 1. NT (1 Corinthians 6:1) and finally in the eternal glory

    References ( Heb :13 ff). In the Kp. to the He, the locus classicus of the tabernacle in Christian thought, the idea is more cosmical - the tabernacle in its holy and most holy divisions representing the earthly and the heavenly spheres of Christ's activity. The OT was but a shadow of the eternal substance, an indication of the true ideal (He 8 f>; 10 1).

    The tabernacle m which Christ ministered was a tabernacle which the Lord pitched, and not man (8 2). He is the high priest of "the greater and more perfect tabernacle (9 in "Christ entered not into a holy place made with hands, like in pattern to the true; but into heaven itself, now to appear before the face of God for us" (9 2-1 i. The symbolical significance of the tabernacle and its worship is not, however, confined to the Kp. to the He.

    It must be admitted that Paul does not give prominence to the tabernacle symbolism, and further, that his refer- ences are to things common to the tabernacle and the temple. Hut Paul speaks of "the laver of regeneration" (Tit 3 5 RVm), and of Christ, who "gave himself up for us, an offering and a sacrifice to Cod, for an odor of a sweet, smell" (Eph 6:2).

    The significance which the synoptic, writers give to the rending of the veil of the temple (Matthew, 27:51; Mark 15:35; Luke 23:4.) shows how this symbolism entered deeply into their thought and was felt by them to have Divine attestation in this suiter- natural fact. The way into the holiest of all, as the writer to the He says, was now made manifest.

    The suggestion which underlies all such NT references is not only that Christ, in His human manifesto

    was both tabernacle and priest, altar and 9 Tnrl'c sacrifice, but also, and still more, that (iod ever has His dwelling among men Dwelling veiled no doubt from the unbelieving and with Man insincere, but always manifest, and accessible to the faithful and devout.

    As we have a great high priest who is now passed into the iuavens, there to appear in our behalf m the true tabernacle so we ourselves have permission and encourage- ment 'to enter into the holiest place of all on earth by the blood Of the everlasting covenant.

    Of the hopes embodied in these two planes of thought, the earthly her ac e was the symbol and contained the prospect and foretaste of the higher communion. It is this w cl as given the tabernacle such an abiding hold on the imagination and veneration of the Christian church in all lands and languages.

    The symbolism of the various parts of the tabernacle furniture is tolerably obvious, and is considered under the different headings.

    3 Symbol- The ark of the covenant with its ism of propitiatory was the symbol of God s

    Furniture gracious meeting with His people on the ground of atonement (cf Romans 3:23 [see ARK OF THE COVENANT]. The twelve cakes of shewbread denote the twelve tribes of Israel and their presentation is at once an act of gratitude- for that which is the support of lite, and symbolically, a dedication of the life thus supported; the candlestick speaks to the calling of Israel to be a people of light (cf Jesus m Matthew 5 14-10); the rising incense symbolizes the act praver (cf HeB 6:8; 8:3).


    See the arts, on "Tabernacle" and -TempFe' 7 in Smith's DU, HDB, EB The Temple BD etc; also the comms. on Exodus (the Speaker's PufrMComm., Keil's, l.ange's, etc); Bahr, . s,,,..'.,/./- H

    and Structure See arts, in this Encyclopaedia on the special parts of the tabernacle; and see also 1 EMPLE.




Letter "T"


    1. Not, Static That the Temple Was Constructed after the Pattern of the Tabernacle

    2. o Trace of the Tabernacle in Pre-Solomonic Times

    3. The. Tabernacle Could Not Have 15een Built as Exodus Describes

    4. Biblical Account Contains Marks of Us I'lihis- torical Character

    5. Pivexilic Prophets Knew Nothing of Levitical System of Which the Tabernacle Was Said to Be the, Center.


    Conservative and Critical Views.

    The conservative view of Scripture finds

    (1) that the tabernacle was constructed by Moses in the wilderness of Sinai;

    (2) that it was fashioned according to a pattern shown to him in the Mount;

    (3) that it was designed to be and was the center of sacrificial worship for the tribes in the wilderness; and

    (4) that centuries later the Solomonic Temple was con- structed after it as a model.

    The critical (higher) view of Scripture says,

    (1) that the tabernacle never existed except on paper;

    (2) that it was a pure creation of priestly imagination sketched after or during the exile;

    (3) that it was meant to be a miniature sanctuary on the model of Solomon's Temple;

    (4) that it was represented as having been built in the wilderness for the purpose of legitimating the newly published PC or Levitical ritual still preserved in the middle books of the Pent; and (">) that the description of the tabernacle furnished in P (Exodus 25-31; 36-40; Numbers 2:2-17; 5:1-4; Numbers 5:14-44) conflicts with that given in (Exodus 33:7-11), both as to its character and its location.

    The principal grounds on which it is proposed to set aside the conservative and put in its place the critical theory are these;

    Arguments in Support of the Critical Theory Examined. (1) It is nowhere stated that Solomon's Temple was constructed after the pattern of the Mosaic tabernacle; hence it is reasonable to infer that the Mosaic tabernacle had no existence when or before the Solomonic Temple was built.

    (2) No trace of the Mosaic tabernacle can be found in the pre-Solomonic period, whence it is clear that no such tabernacle existed.

    (3) The Mosaic tabernacle could not have been produced as Exodus describes, and accordingly the story must be relegated to the limbo of romance.

    (4) The Bib. account of the Mosaic tabernacle bears internal marks of its completely unhistorical character.

    (f>) The preexilic prophets knew nothing of the Levitical system of which the Mosaic tabernacle was the center, and hence the whole story must be set down as a sacred legend.

    These assertions demand examination.

    It is urged that noirhere is it stated that Solomon's Temple was fashioned after the pattern of the, Mosaic tabernacle. "Wellhausen thinks (GI, 1. First ch i, 3, p. 44) that, had it been so, the Alleged narrators in K and Chronicles would have

    Ground said so. "At least," he writes, "one would have expected that in the report concerning the building of the new sanctuary, casual mention would have been made of the old." And so there was in 1 Kings 8 4 and 2 Chronicles 5:5.

    Of course, it is contended that "the tent of meeting" referred to in these passages was not the Mosaic tabernacle of Exodus 26, but simply a provisional shelter for the ark though in P the Mosaic taber- nacle bears the same designation (Exodus 27 21).

    Conceding, however, for the sake of argument, that the tent of the historical books was not the Alosaic tabernacle of Exodus, and that this is nowhere spoken of as the model on which Solomon's Temple was constructed, does it, necessarily follow that because the narrators in K and Chronicles did not expressly state that Solomon's Temple was built after the pattern of the Mosaic tabernacle, therefore the Mosaic tabernacle had no existence!

    when the narrators wrote? If it does, then the same logic, will demonstrate the non-existence of Solomon's Temple before; the exile, because; when the writer of 1' was describing the Mosaic tabernacle IK; made no mention whatever about its being a miniature- copy e>f Solomon's Temple. A like this disposes e>f the- first of the five pillars upem which the ne'West the'ory rests.

    It is allege-d that no trace of the Mosaic, tabernacle, can be found, in. pre-Solomonic times. On the;

    principle that sile-ne-e; about a persem, 2. Second thing or event does not prove the non- Alleged existe-nce e>f the> person or thing e>r the Ground non-oe-e-urrence e>f the event, this 2d

    argument might fairly be laid aside- as irre-levant. Yet it will be; more 1 sat isfae-tory to ask, if the; assertion be true, why ne> trace of the tabernacle can be> detected in the histe>rical books in pre Solomonic time's.

    The answer is, that of course it is true;, if the; historical Imoks be; first, "doctored," i.e. gone over and dressed 1e> suit, the theory, by removing from them every passage, sentence, clause and word that seems to indie-ate-, presuppose and imply the existence- of the tabernacle', and sue-h passage, sentence 1 , clause and wetrd assigned te a late R who insert e'd it into the; original text to give color to his theory, and support to his fie-tiem that the Mosaic tabernae-Ic and its se'rvie-es originated in the wilderness.

    Cemld this th<-e>ry be established em independent grounds, i.e by e-vidence derived from e>ther historical eloe-uments, without tampering with the sacreel narrative, semiething might be said fe>r its plausibility. But eve'ry scholar knows that not a particle of evidence has ever be-en, or is likely ever to be, adeluevd in its support be'yonel what crit ie-s themselves manufacture in the 1 way described.

    That they de> find traces of the Alosaie- tabernacle in the historical be>oks, they unconsciously and unintentionally allow by their efforts te> explain such traces away, which more-over they can only do by denouncing these traces as spuriems and subjecting them to a sort of surgie-al operation in order to excise them from the bexly of the text.

    But these so-called spurious trace-s are either true or they are not true. If they are true, whoever inserted them, then they attest the existence of the tabernacle 1 , first at Shiloh, and afterward at Nob, later at Gibeem, anel finally at Jerusalem; if they are not true, then some other things in the narrative must be written! down as imagination, as, e.g. the Highest of the land, anel its division among the tribes, the- story of the altar em the East. of Jordan, the ministry of the youthful Samuel at, Shiloh, and of Ahimelech at Nob.

    (1) The Mosaic tabernacle at Shiloh. That the structure at Shiloh (1 Samuel 1 3.9.1'.).21; 2 11.12; 3 3) was the Alosaic tabernacle everything recemleel about it shows. It contained the- ark of (!e>el, calleel also the ark of the covenant e>f God anel the ark ef the covenant erf LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), er more fully the ark of the covenant of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), of Hosts, name's, e-sp.

    the; last, which for the ark associateel with the taber- nacle we're not unkimwn in the- perioel of the 1 wandering. It had likewise a priesthood and a sacrificial worship of three parts offering sacrifice (in the forecourt), burning incense (in the holy place), and wearing an ephod (in the; Holy of He>lie>s) which at least bore a close resemblance te the cultus of the tabernacle, anel in point of fact claimed te) have been haneled elenvn from Aarem. Then Elkanah's pious custemi of going up yearly from



Letter "T"

    Ramathaim-zophim io Shiloh to worship and t sacrifice unto LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), of Hosts sugge-sts that in his day Shiloh was regarded as the central high place and that the law of the throe; yearly feasts (Exodus 23:1-2; Leviticus 23:1-2; Deuteronomy 16:16) was not unknown, thougl perhaps only partiall}" observed;

    while the state- ment about, "the women who did service at the door of the tent of meeting" as clearly points back to the similar female institution in connection with the tabernacle (Exodus 38 South). To these considerations it is objected (a) that the Shiloh sanctuary was not the Mosaic tabernacle, which was a portable tent, but a solid structure with posts and doors, and (/>) that even if it was not a solid structure;

    but a tent, it could be left at any moment without the ark, in which case it could not have been the Mosaic tabernacle of which the ark was an "inseparable companion"; while (c) if it was the ancient "dwell- ing" _of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, it could not have been made the dormitory of Samuel.

    But (a) while it need not be denied that the Shiloh sanctuary possessed posts and doors Jeremiah 7 12 seems to admit that it was a structure which might, be laid in ruins yet this does not warrant, the conclusion that the Mosaic; tabernacle had no existence in Shiloh.

    It is surely not impossible or even improbable that, when the tabernacle had obtained a permanent, location at Shiloh, and that for nearly 400 years (of above under A, III, 1, 8 and see CHRONOLOGY OF TIIH OT, VII, VIII), (luring the course of these centuries a porch with posts and doors may have been erected before the curtain that formed the entrance to the holy place,

    or that strong buildings may have boon put up around it as houses for the priests and Levites, as treasure- chambers, and such like thus causing it to pre- sent the appearance of a palace or house with the tabernacle proper in its interior.

    Then (b) as to the impossibility of the ark being taken from the tabernacle, as was done when it was captured by the Philis, there is no doubt that there were occa- sions when it was not only legitimate, but expressly commanded to separate the ark from the taber- nacle, though the war with the Philis was not one. In Numbers 10 :,

    it is distinctly stated that the ark, by itself, went before the people when they marched through the wilderness; and there is ground for thinking that, during the Benjamite war the ark was with Divine sanction temporarily removed from Shiloh to Beth-el (Judges 20 20.27) and, when the campaign closed, brought, back again to Shiloh (21 12). (c)

    As for the notion that, the Shiloh sanctuary could not have been the Mosaic tabernacle because Samuel is said to have slept in it, beside the ark of (lod, it, should be enough to reply thai the narrative; does not, say or imply that Samuel had converted either the holy place e>r the most holy into a private beel- ehamber, but merely that he; lay down te> sleep "in the temple of the Lord where the ark of God was," doubtless "in the; court where ce;lls were: built for the priests and Levites te> live in whe-n serving at the sanctuary" (Keil).

    But even if it did mean that the; youthful Samuel actually slept in the Holy of Holies, one fails to see how an abuse; like that may not have occurred in a time so degenerate as that of Eli, or how, if it elid, it would necessarily prove that the Shiloh shrine was not the Mosaic tabcrnae.'le.

    (2) The Moanic tabernacle at A~oh. That the sanctuary at Nob (1 Samuel 21 1-6) was the Mosaic tabernacle may be inferred from the following circumstances: (a) that it had a high priest with 85 ordinary priests, a priest's ephod, and a table of shewbread; (6)

    that the eating of tlie shewbread was conditioned by the same law of ceremonial purity as prevailed in connection with the Mosaic tabernacle (Leviticus 15:18); and (c) that the Trim was employed there by the priest to ascertain the Divine will all of which circumstances pertained to the Mosaic

    tabernacle and to no other institution known among the Hebrews. If the statement (L eMi 13 :{) that the ark was not inquired at in the days of Said calls for explana- tion. that explanation is obviously this, that during Saul's reign the ark was dissociated from the tabernacle, being lodged in the house of Abinadab at Kiriath-jearim, and was accordingly in large measure forgotten.

    The slatement (1 Samuel 14:15) that Saul in his war with the Philis commanded Ahijah, Kli's great-grandson, who was "the priest of the Lord in Shiloh, wearing an ephod" (ver 3) to fetch up the ark -if ver IS should not rather be read according to the LXX. " Bring hither the ephod" can only sigiiify that on this particular occasion it was fetched from Kiriath-jearim at the enei of 20 years and afterward returned thither.

    This, however, is not a likely supposition; and for the LXX reading it can be said that the phrase "Bring hither" was never used in con- nection with the ark; that the ark was never employed for ascertaining the Divine will, hut the ephod was; and that the Hebrew text in ver IS seems corrupt,, the last, clause reading " for the ark of ( Joel as at that day and the sons of Israel," which is not extre-mely intelligible.

    (3) The, Afowic tabernacle at Cihcon. The last mention of the Mosaic, tabernacle: oce-urs in connection with the building e>f Solomon's Temple (1 Kings 8 4; 2 Chronicles 1 3; 5 3), whe-n it is state-el that the ark of the e-ovenant and the 1 tent e>f mee-ting, and all the holy vessels that we-re- in the tent we-re solemnly foleheel up into the house which Solomon had built.

    That what is here; calleel the tabernacle of the congregation, or the tent of meeting, was nmet the Mosaic tabernacle; has been maintained in the following grounds: (a) that had it, be-on so, David, wlu-n he fetche'd up the ark from Obed-edom's hemse, would not have pilehe>d for it a te-nt in the city of David, but would have; loelged it, in Gibe-em; (!>} that hael the; (Jibeon shrine be-e-n the Mosaie; tabernacle it wemld ne>t have; be-e-n calleel as it is in K, "a gre-at high place"; (c.)

    that had the Gibeon shrine been the Mosaic tabernacle, Solomon wemlel not have rexmired to cast new vessels for his Temple, as he is report exl te> have: deme; anel (

    But (a) if it was foolish and wrong for David not to lexlge- the- ark in Gibe-em, that, would neit make' it certain that the Mosaie: tabernacle was not at Gibe-em. That it was e;ithor foolish or wremg, how- ever, is not clear. Daviel may have reckone;el that if the- house of Obod-e-dom had de-rive-d special bless- ing from the pre-senee; of the ark in it for three months, possibly it would be; fe>r the be-nefit of his (David's) house- and kingdom to have the ark permanently in his capital.

    Anel in additiem, David may have remembered that Ge>d had de-ter- mine-el to clmoso eiut a place for His ark, and in answer to praye-r Daviel may have bee-n elire-e-te-d to fetch the ark to Je-rus. As gexxl a suppe>sitiem this, at any rate-, as that of the crit ics.

    (b) That the Gibe i on shrine; shoulel have been style-el "the great high plae-e" (1 Kings 3 4) is hardly astonishing, whe-n erne calls te> mind that it was the central sane-tuary, as being the- seat of the;

    Mosaic tabernacle with its brazen altar. Anel may not the de-signatiem "high place," e>r biimdh, have: been aflixed to it just because, through want e>f its altar, it had dwindleel elown into a me-re shaelow of the true sanctuary and beeemie similar to the other "high places" or bamoth?

    (c) The casting of new vessels for Solomon's Temple needs no other explanation than this, that the new hemse was at least twice as spacious as the old, anel that in any case it was fitting that the new house shoulel have new furniture.

    (d) That the brazen altar wemlel not have been left behind at Gibeon when the Meisaic tabernacle was removed, may be met by the demand for proof that it was actually left behinel. That it was left behind is a pure conjecture. That it was transplanted to Jerusalem and alemg with the other



Letter "T"

    tabernacle utensils laid up in a side chamber of the temple is as likely an assumption as any other (see 1 Kings 8 1).

    It is maintained that the. Mosaic tabernacle could not have been produced ax Exodus describes: (1) that the

    time was too short, (2) that the 3. Third Israelites were too little qualified, Alleged and (3) that the materials at their Ground disposal were too scanty for the

    construction of so splendid a building as the Mosaic tabernacle. Hut, (1) does any intelli- gent person believe that 9 months was too short a time for 600,000 able-bodied men, to say nothing of their women and children, to build a wooden house 30 cubits long, 10 high and 10 broad, with not as many article's in it as a well-to-do artisan's kitchen oftentimes contains? (2)

    Is it at all likely that they were so ill-qualified for the work as the objection asserts? The notion that the Israelites were a horde of savages or simply a tribe of wandering nomads docs not accord with fact. They had been bond- men, it is true, in the land of Ham; but they and their fathers had lived there for 400 years; and it, is simply incredible, as even Knobel puts it, "that they should not have learnt something of the mechanical arts." One would rather be disposed to hold that they must have had among them at the date of the Exodus a considerable number of skilled artisans.

    At least, archaeology has shown that if the escaped bondmen knew nothing of the arts and sciences, it was not because their quon- dam masters had not been able to instruct them. The monuments offer silent witness that every art required by the manufacturers existed at the moment, in Egypt, as e.g. the arts of metal-working, wood-carving, leather-making, weaving and spin- ning. And surely no one will contend that the magnificent works of art, the temples and tombs, palaces and pyramids, that are the world's wonder today, were the production always and exclusively of native Egyp, and never of Ileb thought and labor!

    Nor (3) is the reasoning good, that what- ever the Israelites might have been able to do in Egypt where; abundant materials lay to hand, they were little likely to excel in handicrafts of any sort in a wilderness where such materials were wanting. Even Knobel could reply to this, that as the Israelites when they escaped from Egypt were not a horde of savages, so neither were they a tribe of beggars;

    that they had not entered on their expedition in the wilderness without preparation, or without taking with them their most valuable articles; that the quantities of gold, silver and precious stones employed in the building of the tabernacle were; but trifles in comparison with other quantities of the same that have been found in possession of ancient oriental peoples; that a large portion of what was contributed had prob- ably been obtained by despoiling the Egyptians before escaping from their toils and plundering the Amalekites

    whom they soon after defeated at Rephidim, and who, in all likelihood, at least if one may judge from the subsequent example of the Midianites, had come to the field of war be- decked with jewels and gold; and that the acacia wood, the linen, the blue, the purple and the scarlet, with the goats', rams', and seal-skins might all have been found and prepared in the wilderness (cf Kurtz, GcKchichte dc8 alien Bundes, II, 53).

    In short, so decisively has this argument, derived from the supposed deficiency of culture and re- sources on the part of the Israelites, been disposed of by writers of by no means too conservative pro- clivit ies, that one feels surprised to find it called up again by Benzinger in EB to do duty in support of the unhistorical character of the tabernacle narrative in Exodus.

    The Bible account of the Mosaic tabernacle, it is further contended, bears internal mark* of its

    completely unhistorical character, as e.g. 4. Fourth (1) that it represents the tabernacle Alleged as having been constructed on a

    Ground model which had been supernaturally

    shown to Moses; (2) that it habitually speaks of the south, north, and west, sides of the tabernacle although no preceding order had been issued that the tent should be so placed; (3) that the brazen altar is described as made of timber overlaid with brass, upon which a huge fire con- stantly burned; (4)

    that, the tabernacle is depicted, not as a mere provisional shelter for the ark upon the march, but "as the only legitimate sanctuary for the church of the twelve tribes before Solomon"; and (5)

    that the description of the tabernacle furnished in P (Exodus 25-31; 36:40; Numbers 2:2-17; 5:1-4; 5:14-44) conflicts with that given in East (Exodus 33:7-11), both as to its character and its location. But (1) why should the story of the tabernacle be a fiction, because Moses is reported to have made it according to a pattern showed to him in the Mount (Exodus 25 40 [Heb 8:5])?

    No person says that the Temple of Solomon was a fiction, because David claimed that the pattern of it given to Solo- mon had been communicated to him (David) by Divine inspiration (1 Chronicles 28:19). Every critic also knows that Ezekiel wrote the book that goes by his name. Yet Ezekiel asserts that the temple described by him was beheld by him in a vision.

    I'nless therefore the supernatural is ruled out of history altogether, it is open to reply that God could just as easily have revealed to Moses the pattern of the tabernacle as lie afterward exhibited to Ezekiel the model of his temple. And even if God showed nothing to either one prophet or the other, the fact that Moses says he saw the pattern of the tabernacle no more proves that he did not write the account of it, than Ezekiel's stating that he beheld the model of his temple attests that Ezekiel never penned the description of it. The same argument that proves Moses did not write about the tabernacle also proves that Ezekiel could not have written about the vision-temple.

    Should it be urged that as Ezekiel's temple was purely visionary so also was Moses' tabernacle, the argu- ment comes with small consistency and less force from those who say that Ezekiel's vision-temple was the model of a real temple that should afterward be built; since if Ezekiel's vision-temple was (or should have been, according to the critics) converted into a material sanctuary, no valid reason can be adduced why Moses' vision-tabernacle should not also have been translated into an actual building.

    (2) How the fact that the tabernacle had threo sides, south, north and west, shows it could not have been fashioned by Moses, is one of those mysteries which it, takes a critical mind to understand. One naturally pre- sumes that the tabernacle must have been located some- where and oriented somehow; and, if it, had four sides, it would assuredly suit as well to set them toward the four quarters of heaven as in any other way.

    But in so depict- ing the tabernacle, say the critics, the fiction writers who invented the story were actuated by a deep-laid design to make the Mosaic tabernacle look like the Temple of Solomon. Quite a harmless design, if it was really enter- tained! But the Books of 1C and Chronicles will be searched in vain for any indication that the Temple foundations were set to the four quarters of heaven.

    It is true that the 12 oxen who supported the molten sea in Solomon's Temple were so placed 4 looking to the North., 4 to the South., 4 to the East., and 4 to the West. (1 Kings 7:25); but this does not necessarily warrant the inference that the sides of the Temple were so placed.

    Hence on the well-known principle of modern criticism, that when a thing is not mentioned by a writer the thing does not exist, seeing that nothing is recorded about how the temple was placed, ought it not to be concluded that the whole story about the Temple is a myth '.'

    (3) As to the absurdity of representing a large fire as constantly burning upon a wooden altar



Letter "T"

    overlaid with a thin plate of brass, this would certainly have boon all that the critics say a fatal objection to receiving the story of the taber- nacle as true. But if the story was invented, surely the inventor might have given Moses and his two skilled artisans, Be/alol and Oholiab, sonic credit for common sense, and not have made them do, or propose to do, anything so stupid as to try to keep a large fire burning upon an altar of wood.

    This certainly they did not do. An examination of Exodus 27 1-South'; 38 1-7 makes it clear that the altar proper upon which "the strong fire" burned was the earth or stone-filled (Exodus 20 21 f) hollow which the wooden and brass frame inclosed.

    (4) The fourth note of fancy what Wollhausen calls "the chief matter" that the tabernacle was designed for a central sanctuary to the church of the Twelve Tribes before the days of Solomon, but never really served in this capacity is partly true and partly untrue.

    That it was meant to be a central sanctuary, until Jch should select for Himself a place of permanent habitation, which He did in the days of Solomon, is exactly the impression a candid reader derives from Exodus, and it is gratifying to learn from so competent a critic as Wcllhauson that this impression is correct.

    But that it really never served as a central sanctuary, it is impossible to admit, after having traced its existence from the days of Joshua onward to those of Solomon. That occasionally altars were erected and sacrifices offered at other places than the tabernacle as by (Jideon at Ophrah (Judges 6:24-27) and by Samuel at Raman (1ST 17) is no proof that the tabernacle was not the central sanctuary.

    If it is, then by parity of reasoning the altar in Alt. Ebal (Deuteronomy 27:5) should prove that Jerusalem was not intended as a central sanctuary. But, if along- side of the Temple in Jerusalem, an altar in Ebal could be commanded, then also alongside of the tabernacle it might be legitimate to erect an altar and offer sacrifice for special needs.

    And exactly this is what was done. While the tabernacle was ap- pointed for a central sanctuary the earlier legisla- tion was not revoked: "An altar of earth thou shalt make unto me, and shalt sacrifice thereon thy burnt-offerings, and thy peace-offerings, thy sheep, and thine oxen: in every place where I record my name I will comeunto thee and I will bless thee" (Exodus 20:20

    It was still legitimate to offer sacrifice in any spot where LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), was pleased to manifest Himself to His people. And even though it had not been, the existence of local shrines along- side of the tabernacle would no more warrant the conclusion that the tabernacle was never built than the failure of the Christian church to keep the Golden Rule would certify that the Sermon on the Mount was never preached.

    (5) With regard to the supposed want of harmony between the two descriptions of the tabernacle in P and East, much depends on whether the structures referred to in these documents were the same or different, (a)

    If dif- ferent, i.e. if the tent in K (Exodus 33 7-11) was Moses' tent (Kurtz, Keil, Kalisch, Ewald and others), or a preliminary tent erected by Moses (Havernick, Lange, Kennedy, and A [I. 1], above), or possessed by the people from their fore- fathers (von Gerlach, Bonssinger in EB), no reason can bo found why the two descriptions should not have varied as to both the character of the tent and its location.

    Tho tent in East, which according to the supposition was purely provisional, a temporary sanctuary, may well have been a simple structure and pitched outside the camp; while tho tent in P could just as easily have been an elaborate fabric with an ark, a priesthood and a complex sacrificial ritual and located in the midst of the camp.

    In this case no ground can arise for suggesting that they were contradictory of one another, or that P's tent was a fiction, a paper-tabernacle, while East's tent was a reality and the only tabernacle that ever existed in Israel. But (b) if on the other hand the tent in East was the same as tho tent in P (Calvin, Mead in Lange, Konig, Eerdmans, Valeton and others), then the question may arise whether

    or not any contradiction existed between (hem. arid, if such contradiction did exist, whether this justifies tho inference that P's tent was unliistorical, i.e. never took shape except in tho writer's imagination.

    That the tent in East was not P's Mosaic tabernacle has boon argued on the following grounds: () that the Mosaic tabernacle (assuming it to have; been a reality and not a fiction) was not yet made; so that East's tent must have been either the tent of Moses or a provisional tent : (li)

    that nothing is said about a body of priests and Levites with an ark and a sacrificial ritual in connection with East's tent, but only of a non-Levitical attendant .Joshua, and (<) that it was situated outside the camp, whereas P's tabernacle is always represented as in the midst of the camp.

    The first of these grounds largely disappears when Exodus 33 7 is read as in KV: " -Vow Moses used to take the tent and to pitch it without tho cam])." The verbs, being in the imperfect, point to Moses' practice (Driver, Intro and II i- It 7Y/i.xr,s; cf Ewald, Si/ntnx, 34S), which again may refer either to the past or to tho future, either to what Moses was in the habit of doing with his own or the preliminary tent, or what he was to do with the tent about to bo constructed. Which interpretation is tho right one must be determined by t he prior question which tent is intended.

    Against the idea of East's tent being Moses' private domicile stands tho difficulty of seeing why it was not called /n'.s tent instead of the tent , and why Moses should bo represented as never going into it except to hold communion with Jch. If it was a pro- visional tent, struck up by Moses, why was no mention of its construction made? And if it was a sort of national heirloom come down from the forefathers of Israel, why does the narrative contain not the slightest intimation of any such thing?

    On tho other hand if East's tent was the same as P's, the narrative does not require to bo broken up; and Exodus 33 7-11 Quito naturally falls into its place as an explana- tion of how the promises of vs 3 and 5 were carried out (see infra).

    The second supposed proof that East's tent was not P's but an earlier one, viz. that P's had a body of priests and Levites, an ark and a complex ritual, while East's had only .Joshua as attendant and made no mention of ark. priests or sacrifices, loses force, unless it can be shown that there was absolute necessity that in this paragraph a full description of tho tabernacle should bo pi ven. But obviously no such necessity existed, the object of the writer having been as above explained.

    Driver, after Wellhauson, conjectures that in East's origi- nal document Exodus 33 7-11 may have been preceded "by an account of the construction of the Tent of Meeting and of the ark," and that "when the narrative was com- bined with that of P this part of it (being superfluous by the side of chs 25-35) was probably omitted."

    As this however is only a conjecture, it is of no moro (probably of less) value than tho opinion that chs 25-35 including 33 7-11 proceeded from the same pen. Tho important contribution to the interpretation of tlu passage is that tho absence from the paragraph relating to East's tent of the ark, priests and sacrifices is no valid proof that East's tent was not the Mosaic tabernacle.

    Tho third argument against their identity is their different location East's outside; and P's inside the camp. But it may be argued (a) that the tr in KV distinctly relieves this difficulty. Eor if Moses uxrd to take and pitch the tabernacle outside the cam]), the natural impli- cation is that the tabernacle was often, perhaps usually, inside the camp, as in P, and only from time to time pitched outside the camp, when LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), was displeased with the people (Eerdmans, Valeton),

    Or (2) that "outside the cam])" may signify away, at an equal distance from all the four camps ("over against the tent of meeting" in AV "far off," after Joshua 3 4 were the various tribes with their standards, i.e. the four camps, to be pitched ; North'u 2 2) ; so that the tabernacle might easily be in tho midst of all the camps and yet "outside" and "far off" from each camp separately, thus requiring every individual who sought the Lord to go out from his camp unto the tabernacle.

    Numbers 11 26-30 may perhaps shed light upon the question. There it is stated that "there remained two men in tho camp [who] had not gone out with Moses unto the Tent," and that Moses and the elders after leaving the tent, "gat [them] into the earn])." Either the tent at this time was in the center of the square, around which tho four camps were stationed, or it was outside. If it was outside, then the first of the foregoing explanations will hold good; if it was inside the camp, then the second suggestion must be adopted, viz. that while the camps were round about the taber- nacle, the tabernacle was outside each camp.

    "Al- though the tabernaclo stood in tho midst of the camp, yet it was practically separated from tho tents of the tribes by an open space and by the encampment of the Levites" (Pulpit Comm., in loc.; cf Keil, in loc.). When one calls to mind that the tabernacle was separated from each side of the square probably, as in Joshua 3:4, by 2,000 cubits (at 19-25 in. each =about J of a mile), one has small difficulty in understanding how the tabernacle could be both outside the several camps and inside them all; how the two promises in Exodus 33 (AV) " I will not go up in the midst of thee " (ver 3) and "I will come up into



Letter "T"

    tilt- midst of thee" (ver. r i)- -might be fulfilled ; how Moses and the ciders could go out from the camp (i.e. their several ramps) to the tabernacle and after leaving the tabernacle return to the ramp (i.e. their several camps); and how no insuperable dilllcult y in t he shape of an insol- uble contradiction exists between East's account and P's.

    That Ike preexilic prophets knew nothing about the Levitical system of which the tabernacle was the

    center is regarded as perhaps the 6. Fifth strongest proof that the tabernacle

    Alleged had no existence in the wilderness and

    Ground indeed never existed at all except on

    paper. The assertion about the ignorance of the preexilic prophets as to the sacrificial system of the PC has been so often made that it has come to be a "commonplace" and "stock- phrase" of modern criticism. In particular, Amos in the Sth cent. BC (5 2.1. 20) and Jeremiah in the 7th cent. BC (7 21-23) are quoted as having publicly taught that no such sacrificial ritual as the tabernacle implied had been promulgated in the wilderness.

    But, if these prophets were aware that the Levitical Law had not been given by Moses, one would like to know,

    (1) how this interpretation of their language had been so long in being dis- covered;

    (2) how the critics themselves are not unanimous in accepting this interpretation which they are not;

    (3) how Amos could represent LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), as saying "I hate, I despise your feasts, and I will take no delight in your solemn assemblies. Yea, though ye offer me your burnt-offerings and meal-offerings, I will not accept them; neither will 1 regard the peace-offerings of your fat beasts" (Amos 5:21.22), if LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), had never accepted and never enjoined them;

    (4) how Jeremiah could have been a party to putting forward Deuteronomy as a work of Moses if he knew that LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), had never commanded sacrifices to be offered, which Deuteronomy does; and

    (5) how Jeremiah could have blamed Judah for committing spiritual adultery if LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), had never ordered the people to offer sacrifice.

    In reply to

    (1) it will scarcely do to answer that all previous interpreters of Am and Jeremiah had failed to read the prophets' words as they stand (Am 5:25. 20; Jeremiah 7 22), because the question would then arise why the middle books of the Pent should not also be re:id as they stand, as e.g. when they say, "The Lord spake unto Moses," and again "These [the legislative contents of the middle books] are the commandments, which LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), commanded Moses for the children of Israel in mount Sinai" (Leviticus 27 34).

    As for (2) it is conveniently forgotten that Bohlen (Intro to Genesis, I, 277) admitted that some of the Pent "might possibly have originated in the time of Moses," and when quoting Jeremiah 7 22 never dreamt of putting forward an explanation different from the orthodox rendering of the same, and cer- tainly did not cite it as a proof that the Law had no existence prior to the exile; that De Wette in his Einlcilnng (261, 262, Sth ed) stated that "the holy laws and institutions of the theocratic people had for their author Moses, who in giving them stood under Divine guidance"; that Knobel (Die Biirher Exodus und Leviticus, xxii) explicitly declared that Moses must be regarded not only as the liberator and founder of his people, but also the originator of the peculiar Israeli) ish constitution and lawgiving, at least in its fundamental (dements; that Ewald (Die Prophelen, II, 123) regarded Jeremiah 7 22 as making no announcement about the origin of the sacrificial cultus; and that Bleek (Intro to the OT) forgot to read the modern critical interpretation into the words of Amos and Jeremiah for the simple reason that to have done so would have stultified his well- known view that many of the laws of the middle books of the Pent are of Mosaic origin. Nor is the difficulty (3) removed by holding that, if prior to the days of Amos LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), did accept the burnt offerings

    and meal offerings of Israel, these, were not sacri- fices that had been appointed in the wilderness, because LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), Himself appears to intimate (Am 6 2"). 20) that no such sacrifices or offerings had been made; during the whole 40 years' wandering. Had this been the case, it is not easy to see why the post- exilic authors of the PC should have asserted the contrary, should have represented sacrifices as having been offered in the wilderness, as they have done (see Xu 16, 18). The obvious import of Jell's language is either that the sacrificial worship which lie had commanded had been largely neg- lected by the people, or that it, had been so heart less and formal that it was no true worship at all - their real worship being given to their idols and that as certainly as the idolaters in the wilderness were excluded from Canaan, so the idolaters in Amos' day, unless they repented, would be carried away into exile. As to (4) Jeremiah's action in putting forward or helping to put forward Deuteronomy as a work of Moses when he knew that it represented LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), as having commanded sacrifices to be offered both in the wilderness and in Canaan (Deuteronomy 12 6.11. 13), and must have been aware as well that JE had ^represented LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), as commanding sacrifice at Sinai (Exodus 20 21.25), no explanation can be of- fered that will clear the prophet from the charge of duplicity and insincerity, or prevent his classi- fication with the very men who were a grief of mind to him and against whom a large part of his life was spent in contending, viz. the prophets that prophesied lies in the name of Clod. Nor does it mend matters to suggest (Cheyne) that when Jeremiah perceived that Deuteronomy, though floated into publicity under high patronage, did not take hold, he changed his mind, because in the first place if Jeremiah did so, he should, like an honest man, have washed his hands clear of Deuteronomy, which he did not; and in the second place, because had he done so he could not have been "the iron pillar and brazen wall" which LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), had intended him to be and indeed had promised to make him against the princes, priests and people of the land (1 IS). And, still further, (5) it passes comprehension how, if LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), never commanded His people to offer sacrifice to Him, Jeremiah could have represented LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), as en- joining him to pronounce a curse upon the inhab- itants of Jerusalem because they transgressed the words of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s covenant, which He had made with their fathers in the day when He brought them out of the land of Egypt, by running after other gods to serve them, setting up altars and burning incense unto Baal and even working lewdness in LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s house (Jeremiah 11 1-15). It is urged in answer to this, that the offence complained of was not that the men of Judah did not offer sacrifices to LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, but that they offered them to Baal and polluted His temple with heathen rites -that what LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), demanded from His worshippers was not the offering of sacrifice, but obedience to the moral law conjoined with absti- nence from idolatry. But in that case, what was the use of a temple at all? And why should LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), speak of it as "mine house," if sacrifices were not required to be offered in it (cf on this Kittel, The Scientific Study of the OT, 218)? Why idolatrous sacrifices were denounced was not merely because they were wrong in themselves, but also because they had supplanted the true sacrificial worship of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),. As already stated, it is not easy to perceive how Jeremiah could have said that LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), had never com- manded sacrifices to be offered to Him, when he (Jeremiah) must have known that the Book of the Covenant in JE (Exodus 20 24.25) represented LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), as expressly enjoining them. Had Jeremiah not read the Book of the Covenant with sufficient care? This is hardly likely in so earnest a prophet. Or will it be lawful to suggest that Jeremiah knew the



Letter "T"

    Book of the Covenant to be a fiction and the assump- tion of Divine authority for its enactments to be merely a rhetorical device? In this case his words might be true; only one cannot help regretting that he did not distinctly state that in his judgment the Book of the Covenant was a fraud.

    It may now ho added in confirmation of the preceding, that the various references to u tabernacle in the NT appear at least to imply that in the 1st Christian cent. the historicity of the Mosaic tabernacle was generally accepted. These references are Peter's exclamation on the Mount of Transfiguration (Matthew 17 4; Mark 9 . r >; Luke 9 :5:5); Stephen's statement in the council (Acts 7 44); the affirmations in He (chs 8, 9); and the voice which John heard out of heaven (The Revelation 21 *) It may 1)0 admitted that taken separately or unitedly these utterances do not amount to a conclusive demonstration that the tabernacle actually existed in the wilderness; but read in the light of ()T declarations that such a tabernacle did exist , they have the force of a confirmation. If the language of Peter and that of John may fairly enough bo regarded as figurative, even then their symbol- ism suggests, as its basis, what Stephen and the writer to the lie affirm to have been a fact, viz. that their "fathers had the tabernacle . . . . in the wilderness." and that, under the first covenant, " there was a tabernacle prepared."

    LITERATURE. I, critical: De Wetto, Bfitrft nesis; (ioorg, J it/lixclif Feate; Keuss, Citxrhichte der hriliijtm Srhriflcn

    and KB, arts. "Tabernacle." II, conservative : Breden-

    kamp, (Sixi'tz und J'ro plicten; Kurt/, Grxchirhtr dix altcn Bandix; lliivernick, h'inli it u ni/; Hengstenberg. East,n/pt und tin- B,,,,k.i ,,f Moses; Uiehm, rinndtrdrtcrhurh, and Her/of?, RE (ed 1; ed :i is "critical"), arts. "Stifts- hiitto"; Baxter, Sanctuary and Sacrifice; Hissoll. The I'tntateuch: Itx Origin and Xtmrturi'; Orr, The 1'roblvm of the OT; Whitelaw, OT Critics.


    TABERNACLE OF TESTIMONY (WITNESS) (Numbers 9 L r >; 2 Chronicles 24 (i, HV "the lent of the testi- mony"). See TABKKXACI.K.


    TABITHA, tab'i-tha Done AS.

    Tabeithd}. See

    TABLE: "Table" is derived from the Lat tabuln, meaning primarily "a board," but with a great variety of other significances, of which "writing- tablet" is the most important for the Bib. use of "table." So in Eng. "table" meant at first "any surface" and, in particular, "a surface for writing," and further specialization was needed before "table" became the name of the familiar article of furniture ("object with a horizontal surface"), a meaning not possessed by lulntla in Lat. After this specializa- tion "table" in the sense of "a surface for writing" was replaced iti later Eng. by the diminutive form "tablet." But "surface for writing" was still a common meaning of "table," and in this sense it represents HP,b , lu"h (Exodus 24 12, etc), a word of uncertain origin, 7rXd, plti.r, "something flat" (2 Corinthians 3 3; He 9 4), SAros, delloK, "a writing tablet" (I Mace 8 22; 14 18.27.4S), or Triva.K[8iov, pinakl- dion, "writing tablet" (Luke 1 03 a rather unusual word). ARV has kept the word in the familiar combination "tables of stone" (Exodus 24 12, etc), but elsewhere (Prov 33; 73; Isaiah 30 8; Jeremiah 17 1; Ilab 2 2; Luke 1 63) has replaced "table" by "tablet," a change made by ERV only in Isaiah 30 8; Luke 1 G3. See TAHLKT.

    The table as an article of furniture is 'JH-'Tp, shulhdn, in the Hebrew and Tpcurefa, tnipczd, in the Gr. The only exceptions are Cant 1 12, SDTQ , mcsabh, "something round," perhaps a "round table," per- haps a "cushion," perhaps a "festal procession," and Mark 7 4, AV K\\\\\\\\lvi), Mine, "couch" (so RV), while .In 13 28 and .In 12 2, AV "at the table," and Tob 7 8, AV "on the table," represent only the general sense of the original. Of the two regu-

    lar words, shulhdn is properly "a piece of hide," and so "a leather mat," placed on the ground at meal time, but the word came to mean any "table," however elaborate (e.g. Exodus 25 23-30). Trapeza means "having four feet."

    2 Kings 4 10 seems to indicate that a table was a necessary article in even the simpler rooms. Curi- ously enough, however, apart from the table of shewbread there is no reference in the Bible to the form or construction of tables, but the simpler tables in Philestina-Canaan Land of the present day are very much lower than ours. The modern "tables of the money changers" (Mark 11 15 and ji's) are small square trays on stands, and they doubtless had the same form in NT times. See SHEWBREAD, TABLE OF; MONEY-CHANGERS.

    To eat at a king's table (2 Samuel 9 7, etc) is naturally to enjoy a position of great honor, and the privilege is made by Christ typical of the highest reward (Luke 22 30). Usually "to eat at one's table" is meant quite literally, but in 1 Kings 18 19; Nehemiah 5 17 fcf 1 Kings 10 5) it, probably means "bo fed at one's expense." On the other hand, the misery of eating the leavings of a table (Judges 1 7; Mark 7 28; Luke 16 21) needs no comment. The phrase "table of the Lord [LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),]" in Mai 1 7.12 AV (23). This would explain St. Paul's "table of demons" a phrase familiar to the Corinthians and he wrote "table _of the Lord" to correspond (of, however, Pirkc 'Ablioth, iii.4). "Table at which the Lord is Host," at any rate, is the meaning of the phrase. On the whole passage see the comms., esp. that of Lietzmann (fullest references). Probably Luke 22 30 has no bearing on 1 Corinthians 10 21. The meaning of Psalm 69 22 (quoted in Romans 11 9), "Let their table before them become a snare," is very obscure ("let them be attacked while deadened in revelings" ?), and perhaps was left intentionally vague.



    1. The Table and Its Object

    2. What It Includes and Kxcludes :*. Order of the Three Kaccs

    4. Extent of Kaon f>. Sons of .lapheth 0. Sons and Descendants of 11am

    7. Further Descendants of Ham

    8. Sons of Shorn

    9. Further Descendants of Sliem

    10. Value of Table and Its Historical Notes

    1 1. Further Arguments for Early Date of Table

    This is the expression frequently used to indicate "the generations of the sons of Noah" contained in

    Genesis 10. These occupy the whole 1. The chapter, and are supplemented by the

    Table and first 9 verses of ch 11, which explain Its Object how it came about that there were so

    many languages in the world as known to the Hebrews. The remainder of ch 11 traces the descent of Abram, and repeats a portion of the information contained in ch 10 on that account only. The whole is seemingly intended to lead up to the patriarch's birth.

    Noah and his family being the only persons left alive after the Flood, the Table naturally begins with them, and it is from his three sons, Shem, Ham and Japheth, that the inhabitants of the earth,



Letter "T"

    us known to the Hebrews, wore descended. All

    others the Mongolians of the Far East and Japan,

    the American Indians, both North

    2. What It and South, the natives of Australia Includes and New Zealand were naturally and omitted from the list. It may, of Excludes course, be argued that all the nations

    not regarded as descended from Shein and Japheth might be included among the de- scendants of Ham; but apart from the fact that this would give to Ham far more than his due share of the human race, it would class the Egyptians and Canaanites with the Mongolians, Indians, etc, which seems improbable. "The Table of Nations," in fact , excludes t he races of which t he Sern East was in ignorance, and which could not, therefore, be given according to their lands, tongues, families, and nations (('Jen 10 5.20.31).

    Notwithstanding that the sons of Noah are here (ver 1)

    and elsewhere mentioned in the order Shorn, Ham and

    Japheth (5 :52; 6 10), and Ham was

    3. Order of apparently the youngest (see HAM), the th^Throo Table begins (ver 2) with Japheth, enu- merates then the descendants of Ham

    Races (ver (>), and finishes with those of Shorn

    (ver 21). This order in all probability indicates the importance of each race in the eyes of tho Hebrews, who as Semites were naturally interested most in the descendant's of Shorn with whom the list ends. This enabled the compiler to continue the enumeration of shem's descendants in 11 12 immediately after the verses dealing with t lie building of the Tower of Babel and the Confusion of Tongues.

    The numbers of the descendants of each son of Noah, however, probably bear witness to the compiler's knowl- edge, rather than their individual impor- 4 'Fytpnt of tanoo in his eyes. Thus the more remote; *. ,AI JL ;ind k>ss kn()West - n racc ()f japheth j s credited

    r/acri with 14 descendants only (7 sons and 7

    grandsons), while Ham has no less than 29 descendants (4 sons, 23 grandsons, and 2 great-grand- sons), and Shorn the same (5 sons, 5 grandsons, 1 great- grandson, and 20 remoter descendants to tho (it h genera- tion). Many of the descendants of Shorn and Ham, however, are just as obscure as the descendants of Ja- pheth. How far the relationship to the individual sons of Noah is to be taken literally is uncertain. The earlier names are undoubtedly those of nations, while afterward we have, possibly, merely tribes, and in ch 11 the list develops into a genealogical list of individuals.

    It is difficult, to trace a clear system in the enu- meration of the names in the Table. In the immediate descendants of Japheth (10

    5. Sons of 2), (Joiner, Magog, Tubal and Mesech, Japheth we have the principal nations of Asia

    Minor, but Madai stands for the Medes on the extreme East., and Javan (the lonians) for the Greeks (? and Romans) on the extreme West. (unless the Greeks of Asia Minor were meant). Gomer's descendants apparently located themselves northward of this tract, while the sons of Javan extended themselves along the Mediterranean coast- lands westward, Tarshish standing, apparently, for Spain, Kittim being the Cyprians, and Rodanim the Rhodians.

    Coming to tho immediate descendants of Ham (10 6), the writer begins with those on the South. and

    then goes northward in the following

    6. Sons and order: Gush or Ethiopia, Mizraim or Descend- Egypt, Phut (better Put, RV) by the ants of Red Sea, and lastly Canaan the Holy Ham Land afterward occupied by the Is- raelites. The sons of Cush, which fol- low (10 7), are apparently nationalities of the Arabian coast, where. Egyp influence was predomi- nant. These, with the sons of Raamah, embrace the interior of Africa as known to the Hebrews, and the Arabian tract as far as Canaan, its ex- treme northern boundary. The reference to Baby- lonia (Nimrod) may be regarded as following not unnaturally here, and prominence is given to the district on account of its importance and romantic history from exceedingly early times. Nevertheless, this portion (10 8-12) reads like an

    interpolation, as it not only records the foundation of the cities of Babylonia, but those of Assyria as well the country mentioned lower down (ver 22) among the children of Shcm.

    The text then goes back to the West. again, and

    enumerates the sons of Mizraim or Egypt. (10 l.'ij,

    mostly located on the southeastern

    7. Further and eastern shores of tho M editor- Descend- ranean. These; include; the "Libyans ants of in the narrowest sense" (Lehabim), Ham two districts regarded as Egyp (Naph-

    tuhirn and Pathrusim), the Casluhim from whom came; t he Philist ines, and t he Capht orim, probably not, the Cappadocians of the Tgs, but the island of Crete, "because such a large island ought not to be wanting" (Dilhnann). The more impor- tant settlements in the Canaanitish sphere of influ- ence are referred to as the sons of Canaan (10 1">) Sidon, Ileth (the Hittitcs), the Jebusites (\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\lio wen; in occupation of Jerusalem when the Israelites took it), tho Amorites (whom Abraham found in Canaan), and others. Among tho sons of Canaan are, like- wise, the Girgashitos, the Arkites and Sinites near Lebanon, the Arvadites of the coast, and the Harna- thites, in whose capital, Hamath, many hieroglyphic inscriptions regarded as records of the Hittites or people of Heth have boon found. It is possibly to this occupation of more or less outlying positions that the "spreading abroad" of the families of the Canaanites (10 IS) refers. In 10 19 the writer has been careful to indicate "the border of the Canaan- ites," that being of importance in view of the his- torical narrative which was to follow; and here he was evidently on familiar ground.

    In his final section the nations descended from Shorn (10 21) the compiler again begins with

    the farthest situated the Elamites

    8. Sons of after which wo have Asshtir (Assyria), Shem to the North.West.; Arpachshad (? the Chal-

    daeans), to the West.; Lud (Lydia), North.West. of Assyria; and Aram (the Aramaean states), South. of Lud and West. of Assyria. The tribes or states mentioned as the sons of Aram (Fz, Hul, Get her and Mash), however, do not give the names with which we are familiar in the OT (Aram Naharaim, Aram Zobah, etc), and have evidently to be sought in different positions, indicating that they represent an earlier stage of their migrations. With regard to their positions, it has been suggested that Fz lay ia the neighborhood of the Hauran and Damascus; IIul near the Sea of Galilee; and that Mash stands for Mons Masius. This last, however, may have been the land of Mas, West. of Babylonia.

    Only one son is attributed to Arpachshad, namely,

    Shelah (shalah, shelah, 10 24), unidentified as a

    nationality. This name should, how-

    9. Further ever, indicate some part of Babylonia, Descend- esp. if his son, Eber, was the ancestor ants of of the Hebrews, who wore apparently Shem migrants from Fr (Mugheir) (see

    ABRAHAM; UR OF THE CHALDEES). Though Peleg, ''in whose days the land was divided," may not have been an important link in the chain, the explanatory phrase needs notice. It may refer to the period when the fertilizing watercourses of Babylonia the "rivers of Babylon" (Psalm 137 1) were first constructed (one of their names was pclcgli), or to the time when Babylonia was divided into a number of small states, though this latter seems to bo less likely. Alternative renderings for Solah, Eber and Peleg are "sending forth" (Bohlen), "crossing" (the Euphrates), and "separation" (of the Joktanites) (Bohlen), respectively.

    The Bab geographical fragment 80-0-17, 504 has a group explained as 1'ulukku, perhaps a modifu d form of Peleg, followed by (1'ulukku) Ha (birti. "Pulukku of the crossing," the last word being from the same root as



Letter "T"

    Ebor. Tills probably indicates a city on one side of the river (? Euphrates), at a fordable point, and a later foundation bearing the same name on the other side.

    Ron, Strug, and Xahor, however, arc regarded generally as place-names, and Tenth as a personal name (the father of Abram, Xahor and Haran). From this point on \\\\\\\\vard the text (11 27) becomes the history of the Israelitish nation, beginning with these patriarchs.

    Arguments for it* early dale. There is hardly

    any doubt that we have in this ethnographical

    section of (Ion one of the most valuable;

    10. Value records of its kind. Concerning the of Table critic-isms upon it which have been and Its made, such things are unavoidable, Historical and must, be regarded as quite legit i- Notes mate, in view of the importance of the

    subject. The interpolated sections concerning Nimrod and t he Tower of Babel are such as would be expected in a record in which the com- piler aimed at giving all the information which ho could, and which lie thought desirable for the com- plete understanding of his record. It may be re- garded as possible that this information was given in view of the connection of Abraham with Baby- lonia. In his time there wen; probably larger cities than Babylon, and this would suggest that the building of the Bab capital may have boon arrested. At the time of the captivity on the other hand, Babylon was the largest capital in the then known world, and the reference to its early abandon- ment would then have convoyed no lesson seeing the extent of the city, the reader realized that it was only a short setback from which it had suffered, and its effects had long since ceased to be felt.

    Limits af its information. For the early date of the Table also speaks the limited geographi- cal knowledge displayed. Sargon of

    11. Further Agade warred both on the East. and Arguments the \\\\\\\\V. of Babylonia, but he seems to for Early have made no expeditions to the X., Date of and certainly did not touch either Table Egypt or Ethiopia. This suggests

    not only that the information available was later than his time, but also that it was obtained from merchants, travelers, envoys and ambassadors. The scantiness of the information about the Xorth of Europe and Asia, and t he absence of any reference to the Middle or UK; Far East, imply that com- munications were easiest on the West., the limit of trade in that direction being apparently Spain. If it could be proved that the Phoenicians came as far westward as Britain for their tin, that might fix the latest date of the compilation of the Table, as it must have been written before it became known tint their ships went so far; but in that case, the date of t heir earliest journeys thither would need to be fixed. Noteworthy is the absence of any reference to the Iranians (Aryan Persians) on the 10. These, however, may have; boon included with the Modes (Madai), or one of the unidentified names of the descendants of Japhoth in Clou 10 2..'}. SooSiiK.M; HAM; JAI>HKTH, and the other special articles in this Encyclopaedia; also, for a great mass of information and theories by many scholars and specialists, Dillmann, KiirzycfaNstes cxeoef inches Ifamlbiich zum AT, "Die Genesis," Leipzig, 18S2; \\\\\\\\V. Max M filler, Asien uiul Euro pa, Leipzig, 1X93; and F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie utul Geschielite (lex alien Orients, Munich, 1904.

    T. (!. PlNTHKS

    TABLET, tab'let: A rigid flat sheet, (plate, pad or slab) used to receive writing. Stone, clay, wood and perhaps bronze, gold and lead tablets, at least, are mentioned in the Bible. In the Old Eng. sense of "locket," the word is incorrectly used in AV also

    of what RV translates as ''armlets," m "necklaces" (Exodus 35 22; Numbers 31 50) and "perfume boxes" (Isaiah 3 20).

    The technical Hebrew word for tablet, FH5 , lu"h, is generally tr (i in both AV and RV as "table." This is used for stone, wood or metal plates or tab- lots with or without writing. In Isaiah (30 X) where RV translates "tablet," it is contrasted with the "roll" and probably means the wood or waxed tablet. In Ilab (2 2, ARV "tablet," AV and ERV "table") it perhaps refers to a metal tablet to be erected on a wall, but more likely it refers to the wooden tablet. It is also used in Prov (3 3; 7 3, ARV "tablet," AVand ERV "table"; and in Jor (17 1) figuratively of the writing upon the tablets of the heart, the word being rendered in LXX by the same word (pldx) used by St. Paul (2 Corinthians 3 3', "tables" in AV and RV) in the same figure. In other eases (Exodus 24 12, etc) it is used of the tablets of stone containing the Decalogue.

    The; word "P" 1 ^ , (/illd.j/dn, (Isaiah 8 1), which is tr' 1 in RV "tablet" and in AV "roll," is elsewhere (3 23) tr' 1 "mirror," and is thought to moan a blank polished surface for writing, particularly because in later use it means t he blank margin of a roll. But see ROLL.

    The clay tablet is referred to in Ezekiel (4 1, EV "tile"), and its use there for a map of the city has boon strikingly illustrated in modern excavation by a tablet map discovered at Nippur (Ililprecht, Exodus- plorations, T)1S). Jeremiah (32 14, RV "deeds," AV "evidences") may also refer to clay tablets, but not surely, since; roll deeds wore also kept in earthen jars. Job (19 24) is thought by some to refer to the writing on leaden tablets, such as were in very common use in antiquity and in the Middle Ages for the writing of charms and osp. curses, but more hold that inscriptions filled with lead are meant hero. The plate of pure gold (Exodus 28 30; Leviticus 8 9), engraved like the gravings of a signet, which was on Aaron's miter, may also be properly described as a tablet, recalling the silver treaty be- tween the Hit tit os and Egyptians and the gold plate on which Queen Helena of Adiabene (Yon/a? 37a ; .// ir Enc, VI, 334) had engraved a passage from the Pont (Numbers 5 19-22). Bronze tablets (5 Arcs, deltas) are several times referred to in 1 Mace (8 22; 14 1S.27.4S).

    "Daleth" (daleth or delcth), the Sem (Phoon) original from which the generic (Ir word for tablet (ileltos) is derived (Clardthausen, p. 124, n. 1), is perhaps not found strictly in this meaning in the ( )T. The word is used, however, of two kinds of written documents and in such a way as to suggest that one is the original of, and the other derived from, the "daloth"-tablot. In Deuteronomy 6 9 and 11 20 it is enjoined that the laws of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), shall be written upon the gates of the houses, and in each case the "daloths" or doors are meant, since the door-posts are also mentioned, and in 1 Samuel 21 13, where; David "scrabbles," it is expressly said to be upon the "doors" ("daleths") of the gate. This practice of writing upon house doors and city gates corre- sponds to the modern posting of notices on church doors and scoring of tallies on a door by the rural innkeeper; and the name seems to have passed from this great door tablet to the portable tablet. On the other hand Jeremiah (36 23) uses "daleths" (EV '"leaves") for the columns of a roll, obviously trans- ferring the term from the panel form of the folding tablets.

    IltfaKt'y, pinakis, or irii>a.Kt.otoi>, pinakidion, is found in Ezekiel 9 2.11 in the version of Symmachus in place of the "writer's inkhorn," and pinakidion, in Luke 1 03, of the (wooden) tablet on which Zacharias wrote the name of John. Puxion is used several



Letter "T"

    times by LXX as (he tr for lu"h, and once (Cant, 6 14) for ivory tablets. *SV;?.s is used as the tr of "daleth" or ln"h 2 or 3 t in LXX and still oft oner in the other VSS. The commonest (Ir term both in the NT (2 Corinthians 3 3; He 9 4) and in the. (ir OT is 7rAd, pld.r, oftenest used of the tables of stone. This, like pldlon, which is also used for lu' l h in LXX, is not recognized in the modern textbooks (Thompson, Gardthauscn, Birt).

    LlTKHATUHE. GardthaUSCIl , Grii-rhixrlx- P/l/ilCili/., Leip- zig. I (1<)11), 123-32; cf pp. 24-15. Sec also literature, under WHITINC;.


    TABOR, ta'ber, ta'bor O n 2n , tabhtlr; B, 0axxi, Thnchclu'id, A, 0a(3up, Tlidbdr): One of the towns in the territory of Zebulun, given to the Alerarite Levites (1 Chronicles' 6 77). The , list in Joshua 21 24 f contains no name like this. There is no indication of its position. Some have thought that it ni;iy correspond to Daborath in the territory of Issachar (ver 2S), now represented by Dcbiiriyck on the weslern slope of Alt. Tabor; others that it may be the mountain itself; and yet others that it may be a city on the mountain, which probably was occupied from very early times. There is a Tabor mentioned as on the border of Issachar (Joshua 19 22); but that is almost certainly the mountain. It lias been suggested that Tabor in 1 Chronicles 6 17 may be a con- tract ion of Chisloth-tabor (Joshua 19 12), the modern /A'.sa/, 3 miles \\\\\\\\V. of the mountain. No certainty impossible. West. EWING

    TABOR, MOUNT (linn , mbhor. -HUP nn ,

    Jitrr tdbhor; opos 0a(3o>p, dros Tluibor, TO 'Irafivpiov, to Itnbi'trinn) '. This mountain seems to be named as on the border of Issachar (Joshua 19 22). It is possibly identical with the mountain to which Zebulun and Issachar were to call the peoples (Deuteronomy 33 19). Standing on the boundary between the tribes, they would claim equal rights in the sanctuary on the fop. The passage seems to indicate that it was a place of pilgrimage. The worshippers, bring- ing with them the "abundance of the sea" and the "treasures of the sand," would be a source of profit to the local authorities. The mountain can bo no other than Jvbcl ct-Tur, an isolated and shapely height, rising at the northeast corner of the Plain of Esdraelon, about 5 miles West. of Nazareth. The mountain has retained its sacred character, and is si ill a place of pilgrimage, only the rites being cliiinged. The present writer has mingled with great interest among the crowds that assemble there from all parts at the Feast of the Trans- figuration.

    It was on the summit and slopes of this mountain that Deborah and Barak gathered their forces; and heace they swept down to battle with Sisera in the groat plain (Judges 4 ti.12.14'). Here probably the brothers of Gideon were murdered by Zoba and Zalnmnna (8 IS). Moore ("Judges," /("<", ;i ,l loo.) thinks the scene of the slaughter must have been much farther South. lie does not see what the brothers of Gideon wore doing so far North. of their home in Abie/or. Then; is, however, no reason for placing Ophruh so far to the South. as he does; and in any case the men were probably captured and taken to Tabor as prisoners. Jos (Ant, VII, ii, 3) says it was in one of Solomon's administrative dis- tricts (cf 1 Kings 4 17). Such a prominent and com- manding position must always have invited forti- fication. In the lime of Antiochus the Groat, 21S BC, we find a fortress hero, which that king took by stratagem, Atabyrion by name (Polyb. v. 70, C>). It was recovered by the Jews, and was field by them under Jannaous, 105-70 BC (Ant, XIII, xv, 4). The place fell to the Romans at the conquest under Pompey ; and not far from the mountain Alexander,

    son of Aristobulus II, suffered defeat at the hands of Gabinius, proconsul of Syria, 53 BC (Ant, XIV, iv, 3; BJ , I, viii, 7). Jos, who commanded in Galileo at the outbreak of the Jewish war, recog- nized the importance of the position, and built a wall round the summit. After the disaster to Jewish arms at Jotapata, where Jos himself was taken prisoner, many fugitives took refuge here. Placidus the Romans general did not attempt an assault upon the fortress. Its defenders were by a feint drawn into the plain, where they wore defeated, and the city surrendered.

    A tradition which can be traced to the -1th cent. AD places the scene of the Transfiguration on this mountain. Allusion has been made above to the sacred character of the place. To this, and to 1 he striking appearance of the mountain, the rise of tin tradition may have been due. Passing centuries have seen a succession of churches and monasteries erected on the mountain. The scene of the Transfiguration was laid at the southeastern end of the summit, and here a church was built, probably by Tancred. Hard by was also shown the place Where Melchizedek mot, Abraham returning from the pursuit of Chedorlaomer. The mountain shared to the full the vicissitudes of the country's stormy history. lull K! AD the Arabs from Damascus plundered the monasteries and murdered the monks. An unsuccessful attack was made by Saladin in 1 1X3. but 4 years later, after the rout of the Crusaders at Hattin, he devastated the place. Twenty-five years after that it was fortified by el-Melek el-'Adel, brother of Saladin. and the Crusaders failed in an attempt to take it in 1217. In 121S, however, the .Saracens threw down the defences. Sultan Bibars in 1263 ordered the destruction of the Church of the Trans- figuration, and for a time the mountain was deserted. The Feast of the, Transfiguration, however, continued to be celebrated by the monks from Xa/areth. During the last quarter of the HHhoont. much building was done by the Lat and (ir churches, who have now largo and substantial monasteries and churches. They have also excavated the ruins of many of the old ecclesiastical buildings. The remains now to be seen present feat tires of every period, from Jewish times to our own.

    Alt. Tabor rises to a height of 1,843 ft. above the sea, and forms the most striking feature of the landscape. Seen from the South. it presents the shape of a hemisphere; from the West. that of a sugar loaf. Its rounded top and steep side's are covered with thick brushwood. It is about half a century since the oak forest disappeared; but solitary

    Alt. Tabor.

    survivors here and there show what the trees must have boon. A low neck connects the mountain with the uplands to the North. It is cut off from Jchel I'.d-Dithij on the South. by a fertile vale, which breaks down into Wudy el-Birch, and thence to the Jordan. A /igzag path on the North.\\\\\\\\V. leads to the top, whence most interesting and comprehensive views are obtained. Southward, over Little ller- nion, with Endor and Nain on its side, and Shunem at its western base, we catch a glimpse of Alt. Gilboa. A\\\\\\\\Vay across the plain the eye runs along the hills on the northern boundary of Samaria, past Taanach and Alegiddo to Carmel by the sea,



Letter "T"

    and the o;ik forest that runs northward from the gorge of the Kishon. A little to the North. of West., 5 miles of broken upland, we can see. the higher houses of Nazareth gleaming white in the sun. Eastward lies the hollow of the Jordan, and beyond it the wall of C.ilead and the steep cliffs East. of the Sea of Galilee, broken by glens and watercourses, .and esp. by the great chasm of the Y

    The present writer spent some weeks on Ml. Tabor, and as the result of careful observation and consideration concluded that the scene of the Trans- figuration cannot be laid here. The place woidd appear to have been occupied at that time; and the remoteness and quiet which Jesus evidently sought could hardly have been found here. See^TnAXs- FIGURATION, MOUNT OF. West. East\\\\\\\\V1N<;


    clou Idlilidr; TJ 5pvs Qap

    West. EWING

    TABRET, tab 'ret, TIMBREL, tim'brel. See Mrsir, III, 3, (1).

    TABRIMMON, tab-rim'on, tab'ri-mon (ITE" 1 .^? , tabhrimmon, "Rimmon is good"; H, To^pc^d, Taherenta, A, Tapevpcnuid, T dbenraemd) '. The son of Hezion and father of MKN-HADAD (q.v.) (1 Kings 15 IS, AV "Tabrimon").

    TACHES, tach'iz. See CLASPS.


    TACKLING, tak'ling. See SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 2, (2).

    TADMOR, tad'mor, tad'mor ("I'C'P , tadhmdr): A city built by Solomon in the wilderness (2 Chronicles 8 4), the Romans Palmyra. Tadmor is the native name and is found on inscriptions. It occurs also in the K e re of 1 Kings 9 18, where the K e thibh or conso- nants read "Tamar" (cf Ezekiel 47 19; 48 28). It is famous in Arabian as well as in Ileb lit., and enters Romans history in connection with Zenobia and Longinus. The inscriptions, which belong for the most part to the latter period (260-73 AD), have been published by Dawkins and Wood and also by M. Waddington and the Due de Luynes. Popular works on the subject are An Account of Pnlmyra and Zcnolna by West. Wright, and The. Last Days and Fall of Palmyra by West. Ware. See TAMAH.


    TAHAN, ta'han, TAHANITES, tfi'han-its (inn, tahan, "'IjnP , tahani) : The name of two Ephraim- ites who lived toward the end of the exodus of the Israelites (c 1415 BC).

    (1) The head of one of the families of the tribe of Ephraim (Nn 26 3f>).

    (2) The son of Telah and father of Ladan, also of the tribe of Ephraim (1 Chronicles 7 25 f).

    TAHAPANES, ta-hap'a-nez (Cn;nP , tnhpan- /ic.s-). See TAHI-ANHKS.

    TAHASH, ta'hash (TTnn , tnhmli; T6 X os, Tw-hos; AV Thahash): A son of Nahor by his concubine Reumah (den 22 24). The word TLTIP means a kind of leather or skin, and ])erha]>s the animal yielding it, probably the "dugong"' (cf Brown, Briggs, and Driver), Tahnsft has been identified by Winckler with Tihis (Egypt), located on the OronteSj North. of Kadesh.

    TAHATH, ta'hath (PHP, , tahath, "below"): A wilderness station of the Israelites (Numbers 33 20.27), between Makheloth and Terah. See WANDKKIN<;South



    (1) A Kohathite Levitc (1 Chronicles 6 21).

    (2) The name is mentioned twice among the sons of Ephraim (1 Chronicles. 7 20); two families may be meant, or perhaps the name has been accidentally repeated.

    TAHCHEMONITE, ta-ke'mo-nit, ta'k?-mon-It pl'CinP , tnhk' indn 7) : Name of a family to which Jashobeam, the chief captain in David's army, belonged (2 Samuel 23 South; 1 Chronicles 11 11). In 1 Chronicles it is "Hachmonite."

    TAHPANHES, ta'pan-hez, ta-pan'hez (usually in the OT CnZCnP , tahi>anhe>$; LXX Ta4>vds, Tai>hn(ix; Coptic, Taphnc-x): The various spellings of the Ileb text are fairly well indicated in AV by Tahapanes (Jeremiah 2 10); ~Tahpanhes (Jeremiah 43 7-9; 44 1; 46 14); Tehaphnehes (Ezekiel 30 IS), while an Egyp queen (XXIst Dynasty) is named Tah- penes(l K 11 19.20). T. was a city on the eastern frontier of Lower Egypt, represented today by Till I)< fcniith, a desert mound lying some 20 miles South.West. from Pelusium (Bib. "Sin") and a little North. of the modern Al-Kantarah ("the bridge"), marking the old caravan route from Egypt to Philestina-Canaan Land, Mesopo- tamia and Assyria. Its Egyp name is unknown, but it was called Aa0faJ, Daphnal, by the Creeks, and by the modern Arabs Dcf'nch. The site is now desolate, but it was a fertile district when watered by the Pelusiac branch of the Nile (cf Isaiah 19 (5.7). T. was so powerful that Jeremiah can say that it, with Memphis, has "broken the crown" of Israel's head (2 10), and Ezckiel can speak of its "daughters" (colonies or suburban towns), and names it with Heliopolis and Bubastis when the "yokes [LXX "sceptres"] of Egypt" shall be broken by LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), (30 IS). In a later passage Jere- miah describes the flight of the Jews from their ruined capital to T. after the death of Gedaliah (43 1-7) and prophesies that Nebuchadnezzar shall invade Egypt and punish it, establishing his throne upon the brick pavement (AV "kiln") which is at the entry of Pharaoh's royal palace at T. (43 8-11). He calls T. as a witness to the desola- tion of the cities of Judah (44 1), but prophesies an equal destruction of T. and other Egyp cities (probably occupied by fugitive Jews) when Nebu- chadnezzar shall smite them (46 14).

    This invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar was for a IOIIK time strenuously denied (e.g. as late as 1889 by Kuencn, Historisch-critisch Onderzock, 205 318); but since the discovery and publication (1878) of fragments of Nebuchadnezzar's annals in which he affirms his invasion



Letter "T"

    of Kgypt in his :{7th year (r><;South-5<>7 BT), most scholars have agreed tliat the predict ions of Jeremiah (43 !)-i:J; 44 :West) uttered shortly after 5S(i Br and of Kzekiel (29 Ml) uttered in 570 11C! were fulfilled, " at least in tlieir general sense" (Driver, .1 nthoritu and ArchucolufHl, llfi). Three cuneiform inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar were found by Arabs probably on or near this site. The excavation of T. in ls,South(> by West. M. Flinders I'etrie made it "highly probable that the large oblong platform of brickwork close to the palace fort built at this spot by Psarnmetichus I, c 4 B(\\\\\\\\ and now called Knur Hint cl- Yi-hitili, 'the castle of the Jew's daughter,' is identical with the quadrangle 'which is at the entry of Pharaoh's house in T.' in which Jeremiah was commanded to bury the stones as a token that Nebuchadnezzar would spread his pavilion over them when lie led his army into lOgypt" (ib, 117). Jos explicitly mentions that Nebuchadnezzar, when he captured T., carried off a. Jewish contingent from that city (Ant, IX, vii). Dr. Petrie found that while a small fort, had existed here since the Kameside era (cf Herod, ii.17), yet the town was practically founded by Psammctichus I, continued prosperous for a century or more, but dwindled to a small village in Ptolemaic times. Many sealing* of wine jars stumped with the cartouches of Psammeticlms 1 and Aniosis wen? found in situ. T. being the nearest Kgyp town to Philestina-Canaan Land, Jeremiah and the other Jewish refugees would naturally flee there (43 ") It is not at all unlikely that Nebuchadnezzar's invasion of Kgypt was partly due to Egypt's favorable reception of these refugees.

    The pottery found at T. "shows on the whole more evidence of Greeks than Egyptians in the

    place Esp. between 607-587 BC a constant

    intercourse with (he Gr settlers must have been going on and a wider intercourse than even a Gr

    colony in Philestina-Canaan Land would have produced The whole

    circumstances were such as to give the best possible opportunity for (he permeation of Gr words and Gr ideas among the upper classes of the Jewish exiles" (Petrie, Xtlx^luli ami I),-fc./ntcfi, 1SSS, 50). This was, however, only one of many places where the Greeks and Hebrews met freely in this century (see e.g. Duruv, Hist of (Ircccc, II, 12(5-80; Cobern, Diuu'cl, 301-7). A large foreign traffic is shown at T. in which no doubt the Jews took part. Dis- coveries from the 15 th cent. BC included some very finely painted pottery, "full of archaic spirit and beauty," many amulets and much rich jewelry and bron/c and iron weapons, a piece of scale armor, thousands of arrow heads, and three seals of a Syrian type. One of (he few inscriptions prays the blessing of Neit upon "all beautiful souls." There was also dug up a vast number of minute weights evidently used for weighing precious metals, showing that the manufacture of jewelry was carried on here on a large scale. One of the most pathetic and sugges- tive "finds" from this century, which witnessed the Bab captivity, consisted of certain curious figures of captives, carved in limestone, with their legs bent backward from their knees and their ankles and elbows bound together (Petrie, op. cit., chs ix-xii). CAMDKNT M. COBERN

    TAHPENES, tii'pe-nez, ta-pe'nez (D^EHH , tahi>''ni'x; LXX 0eK6|A[e|iva, Thekem[e]lna) : Queen of Egypt, the sister of Hadad's wife and the foster- mother of his sou Genubath (1 Kings 11 19 f). See PHARAOH.

    TAHREA, tii'rfi-a, ta-re'a (?nnr\\\\\\\\ , lahre^) : Son of Micah, a descendant of Gibeon (1 Chronicles 9 41;

    in 8 35 "Tarca").

    TAHTIM-HODSHI, ta-tim-hod'shl. See KA- DESH ON ORONTES.

    TAIL, tal (mbS, 'alyah; 3:T , zanabh; oipd, ourn}: The broad tail of the Syrian sheep, wrongly rendered "rum])" (q.v.) in AV, is mentioned as one of the portions of sacrifice which was burned on the altar as a sweet savor to God (Exodus 29 22). The 2d Hebrew word is tised of the tails of serpents (Exodus 4 4), of foxes, which Samson tied together in his cruel sport, in order to destroy the cornfields of the Philis by means of attached firebrands (Judges 15 4,

    etc). The following seems to be an allusion to this incident: "Fear not, neither let thy heart be faint, because of these two tails of smoking firebrands, for the fierce anger of Re/in and Syria, and of the son of Remaliah" (Isaiah 7 4).

    Figurative: "Tail" = inferiority, as opposed to "head" = superiority, leadership. "LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), will make thee (he head, and not the tail; and thou shall be above only, and thou shall, not be beneath; if thou shalt hearken unto the commandments of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," (Deuteronomy 28 13; cf also ver 44).

    In the XT we find onrn used of the apocalyptic animals, scorpions, horses, and the dragon ( The Revelation 9 10.19; 12 4j. H. L. I-:. LUERING

    TAKE, tak: Most of the very numerous examples of this word are still in good use and only a few call for special attention. "To take" in the sense of "capture" is still common, but when a person or living animal is in point, modern Eng. usually adds '"prisoner" or "captive." KV not infre- quently has t his addition (Genesis 14 14, etc), but more commonly "take" is used without it (Joshua 10 39; Job 5 13; Sir 23 21; John 7 30, etc). An occa- sional obscurity is thus caused, as in Genesis 27 3, "take me venison" for "hunt venison for me." "To take advice" (2 Chronicles 25 17; AV Judges 19 30, RV "counsel") is "to reflect," not "to consult others" (cf 1 Kings 12 2H; but contrast 2 Kings 6 South, etc). "To take knowledge of" is "to learn thor- oughly," "investigate" (1 Samuel 23 23, etc), as is "to take notice of" (2 Samuel 3 3(5). "To take an oath of" (Genesis 50 25, etc) is "to exact an oath of." "To be taken with a disease" in AV Matthew 4 24; Luke 4 38 is "to suffer with" (RV "be holden with"), but in

    1 Mace 9 55; 2 Mace 9 21 (AV and RV), the con- text gives the force "be attacked by," as in modern Eng. Cf AV Luke 8 37 (RV "holden") ; Mic 4 9 (RV "take hold of"). "Take" occurs in the sense "over- take" in AV Genesis 19 19 (RV "overtake"); Sir 36 2(5. "Take away" has sometimes a more forcible sig- nificance than in modern Eng., as in AV Leviticus 6 2, "a thing taken away by violence" (RV "robbery"); Dnl 11 12, AV" He hath taken away the mult it tide," where the meaning is "swept away" (cf RVrn "car- ried away"; RV "shall be lifted up" is inappropri- ate here). So in "lest he take thee away with his stroke" (AV Job 36 18), "take away" means simply "slay." (The text here is intensely obscure, and RV has followed a different interpretation.) So "to be taken away" may mean simply "to die," as in Ezekiel 33 (1; Wisd 14 15; Sir 16 9; 19 3; Mark 2 20, although in 1 Corinthians 5 2 it means "to be expelled." "To take away judgment" or "right" (Job 27 2; 34 5; Acts 8 33) is "to refuse it," but in Zeph 3 15 EV means "the sentence against thee is canceled" (Hebrew text dubious). Nehemiah 5 2 AV has "take up" for "get" (so RV), perhaps with the con- notation "on credit." "Take up" is also used fre- quently for "utter solemnly" (Nil 23 7; Isaiah 14 4, etc), a use due to the Hebrew "lift up," "exalt" (STC: , ndsd'). For "take up" in the sense of "lift" (physically), cf Isaiah 40 15; Acts 7 43; AV 21 15. "Take care" in Tob 5 20; 1 Corinthians 9 9 AV (RV "to care") means "be anxious about," "have in mind." And the very obscure "scurrility in the matter of giving and taking" (Sir 41 19) is ex- plained by the Hebrew to mean "refusing the gift for which thou art besought." The following phrases are archaic, but hardly need explanation: "Take indignation" (Xeh 41); "take wrong" (1 Corinthians 6 7); "take up in the lips" (Ezekiel 36 3; AV Psalm 16 4, "take .... into my lips," RV "take .... upon my lips"); and in AV "take to record" (Acts 20 2(5, RV "testify unto"); "take shame" (Mic




Letter "T"

    TALE, tfd (~2T\\\\\\\\. tukhen, n:2ITa , mithkoneth, "ISy 1 ? , mis par; X^pos, IProx): In AV of the OT (with one exception, Psalm 90 0) "tale" (in the sing.) means number. "Tell'' often has the same mean- ing, e.g. "I may tell [i.e. reckon] all my bones" (Psalm 22 17). When Moses requested permission to go three days' journey into the wilderness to sacrifice to Jeli, Pharaoh replied by demanding the full "tale" of bricks from the Israelites although they were compelled to provide themselves with straw (Exodus 5 South.lS; sec also 1 Samuel 18 27; 1 Chronicles 9 2S). In Psalm 90 0, "as a tale that is told" is a doubtful rendering (see GAMKS). The LXX and Vulg render "as a spider's web." The literal and perhaps accurate' 1r is "as a sigh" (Driver, in the Parallel Psalter, gives "as a murmur"). The word used in this ps means "to whisper," or "speak xotto rocc," as a devout believer repeats to himself the words of a favorite hymn or passage (Psalm 1 2).

    The disciples considered the account given by the women ii regard to the resurrection as "idle tales" (AV, RV "idle talk"), lit. "nonsensical talk" (Luke 24 11).

    In talebearer the word has another meaning, viz. "slanderous talk or gossip. 1 ' The word occurs 5 t in Prov (11 13; 18 South AV; 20 11); 26 20.22 AV) and once in Leviticus (19 l(>i. The word used in Leviticus and also in Prov 20 19 means a person who gads about from house to house; hawking malicious gossip (cf 1 Tim 5 13). From the same root comes the Hebrew word for "merchant." In East/-k 22 9 for AV "men that, carry tales" RV itives "slanderous men," as Doeg (1 Samuel 22 9.22); Ziba (.2 Samuel 16 3; 19 27); and a certain maid-servant (2 Samuel 17 17). See SI,AN*DKU.

    T. LKWIS

    TALENT, tal'ent (122 , kikkar; rdXavTov, tdlantiiu^: A weight composed of (>0 manehs (EV "pounds") equal to about 120 pounds troy and 96 pounds avoirdupois, or t>72.500 grains, of the Phoen standard. When used in the monetary sense the talent might be either of silver or gold, and the value varied ac- cording to the standard, but is probably to In- taken on the Phoen, which would give about 410, or $2,050, for the silver talent and 0,150, or $30,750, for the gold. See MOXKY.

    Figurative: "Talent," like "pound," is used metaphorically in the XT' for mental and spiritual attainments or gifts (Ml 25 15-2S).


    TALITHA CUMI, ta-le'tha koTi'me (To.Xi.ed KOVUI, tnlilhd kouiHi): Derived from the Aram. (XrP'w "^P , hi! /ft ha' kilnn, "da.msel, arise"), which in the NT MSS is transliterated variously (WH, TaXetfli KOV/JL. Tfilcithti koiun, otherwise Ta\\\\\\\\i#a KOV/J.I, Tulithi'i kouini). We have no data for determining how far Jesus employed the Aram, language, but Mark (5 41) notes its use in this tender incident, and there is strong probability thai Aram, was used normally, if not. exclusively, by Christ. There is, however, no ground for attributing any magical significance to the use of the Aram, words in connection with this miracle.

    TALMAI, tal'ml, tul'mii-I H?'*P , taltnay):

    (1) A clan, possibly of Aramaean origin, gener- ally reputed to be of gigantic height; resident in Hebron at the time of the Hebrew conquest and driven thence by Caleb (Xu 13 22; Joshua 15 14; Judges 1 10).

    (2) A son of Ammihur (or Ammihud), king of Geshur, a small Aramaean kingdom, and a contem- porary of David, to whom he gave his daughter Maacah in marriage. When Absalom fled from David after Hie assassination of Amnon he took refuge with Talmai at Geshur (2 Samuel 3 3; 13 37; 1 Chronicles 3 2).

    II. III.





    TALMON, tal'mon ("fvcfcv , talmon): One of the porters in connection with the temple-service (1 Chronicles 9 17; Ezra 2 42; Nehemiah 7 45; 11 19; 12 25).

    TALMUD, tal'rnud (TVabn, talmudh):





    1. X''r

    2. Mfifdli, "Feasts" .'i. \\\\\\\\

    4. \'; i kin, "Damages"

    5. Ko



    1. Treatises after the 4th n,~,llier

    2. Seven Littler Treatises ' LITERATURE

    The present writer is, for brevity's sake, under neces- sity to refer to his Ei/ihitunu in

    There are very few books which are mentioned so often and yet are so little known as the- Talmud. It is perhaps true thai nobody can now be found, who, as did the Capuchin monk Henricus Seynen- sis, thinks that "Talmud" is the name of a rabbi. Yet a great deal of ignorance on this subject still prevails in many circles. Many are afraid to inform themselves, as this may be too difficult or too tedious; others (the anti-Semites) do not want correct information to be spread on this subject, because this would interfere seriously with their use of the Talm as a means for their agitation against the Jews.

    /. Preliminary Remarks and Verbal Explana- tions. (1) n.Tl?)2 , Mishndh, "the oral doctrine and the study of it" (from slidndh, "to repeat," "to learn," "to teach"), esp. (a) the whole of the oral law which had come into existence up to the end of the 2d cent. AD; (b) the, whole of the teaching of one of the rabbis living during the first two cen- turies AD (taund', pi. tannti'int); (c) a single tenet; (tl) a collection of such tenets; (c) above all, the col- lection made by Rabbi Jehudah (or Judah) ha-XasI'.

    (2) ^"1^23 , G e mara', "the matter that is learned" (from (finar, "to accomplish," "to learn"), denotes since the 9th cent, the collection of the discussions of the Amoraim, i.e. of the rabbis teaching from about 200 to 500 AD.

    (3) "P^bn, Tnlmiidh, "the studying" or "the teaching," was in older times used for the discussions of the Amoraim; now it means the Mish with the discussions thereupon.

    (4) nD5n, Ildldklidti (from hdlakh, "to go"): (a) the life as far as it is ruled by the Law; (b) a statutory precept.

    (5) rn3n . Ilayyddhdh (from higyldh, "to tell"), the non-halakhic exegesis.

    //. Importance of the Talmud. Commonly the Talm is declared to be the Jewish code of Law. But this is not the case, even for the traditional or "orthodox" Jews. Really the Talm is the source whence the Jewish Law is to be derived. Who- soever wants to show what the Jewish Law says about a certain case (point, question) has to com- pare at first the tihulhdn \\\\\\\\lrukh with its comm., then the other codices (Maimonides, Alphasi, etc) and the Rcsponsa, and finally the Talmudic discus- sions; but he is not allowed to give a decisive sen- tence on the authority of the Talm alone (see Intro, 116, 117; David Hoffmann, Der Schulchan-Aruch, 2d ed, Berlin, 1894, 38, 39). On the other hand, no decision is valid if it is against the yield of the Tal-



Letter "T"

    mudic discussion. The liberal (Reformed) Jews say (hat, the Tahn, though it is interesting and, as a .Jewish work of antiquity, ever venerable, has in itself no authority for faith and life.

    For both Christians and Jews the Talm is of value for the following reasons: (1) on account of the language, Ileb being used in many parts of the Talm (esp. in Haggadic pieces), Palestinian Aram, in the Palestinian Talm, Eastern Aram, in the Hal) Talm (cf ''Literature,'' [7], below). The Talm also contains words of Bab anil Pers origin; (2) for folklore, history, geography, natural and medical science, jurisprudence, archaeology and the under- standing of (lie OT (see "Literature," [(>], be- low, and Intro, 159-75). For Christians esp. (he Talm contains very much which may help the understanding of the NT (see "Literature," [12], below).

    ///. The Traditional Law until the Composition of t he Mishna. The Law found in the Torah of Moses was the only written law which the Jews possessed after their return from the Bab exile. This law was neither complete; nor suflicient for all times. On account of the ever-changing conditions of life new ordinances became necessary. Who made these we do not know. An authority to do this must have existed; but the claim made by many that after the days of Ezra there existed a college of 120 men called the "Great Synagogue" cannot be proved. Entirely untenable also is the claim of the traditionally orthodox Jews, that ever since the days of Moses there had been in existence, side by side with the written Law, also an oral Law, with all necessary explanations and supplements to the written Law.

    What was added to the Pentateuchal Torah was for a long time handed down orally, as can be plainly seen from Jos and Philo. The increase of such material made it, necessary to arrange it. An arrangement according to subject-matter can be traced back to the 1st cent. AD; very old, perhaps even older, is also the formal adjustment of this material to the Pentateuchal Law, the form of Exegesis (Midr). CUiitro, 19-21.

    A comprehensive collection of traditional laws was made by Rabbi Akiba c 110-3.") AD, if not by an earlier scholar. His work formed the basis of that of Rabbi Me'ir, and this again was the basis of the ed of the Mish by Rabbi Jehudah ha-Nasi'. In this Mish, the Mish par r.m'/7

    The predecessors of Rabbi (as R. Jehfidah ha-XasI', the "prince" or the "saint," is usually called), as far as we know, did not put into written form then- collections; indeed it has been denied by many, esp. by German and French rabbis of the Middle Ages, that Rabbi put into written form the Mish which he edited. Probably the fact of the matter is that 1 lie traditional Law was not allowed to be used in written form for the purposes of instruction and in decisions on matters of the Law, but that written collections of a private character, collections of notes, to use a modern term, existed already at an early period (see Intro, lOf'f).

    IV. Division and Contents of the Mishna (and the Talmud). The Mish (as also the Talm) is divided into six "orders" (.fdtiarlni) or chief parts, the names of which indicate their chief contents, viz. Z''ra'7//(, Agriculture; Md'cdlt, Feasts; .\\\\\\\\uxli nn, Women; h'''zlkltt, Civil and Criminal Law; K<~/- tUiashlm, Sacrifices; T'hdnlth, Unclean Things and Their Purification.

    The "orders" arc divided into tracts (mnxsckhctlt. pi. massikhtoth), now (3, and these again into chapters (l>erek, pi. pcrdklm), and those again into paragraphs *(mishnayuth). It is customary to cite the Mish accord-

    ing to tract, chapter and paragraph, e.g. Sanh. (Sa/thrilh- 7- i/o x.l. Tins Bab Tahn is cited according to tract and page. e.g. (Huh) Hlmhhdtk :{<)/,. in citing the Pales- tinian Talm the number of the chapter is also usually given, e.g. (Philestina-Canaan Land) Hhahhnth vi.South,/ (in most of the edd of the 1 aleslinian I aim each j)age has two columns, the sheet accordingly has four).

    (1; H'-rdkliiith, "Benedictions": "Hear. () Israel" (IK 6 4, shema'); the l.s benedictions, grace at meals

    and other prayers. 1. Z e ra'fm, ( 'j > !''i" ! '' 9 A ( ' ( <)ri "' r " ()f l <' 'i'ld (Leviticus

    ^ eec * s 05) D'miVi, " Doubtful " fruits (corn

    etc) of which it is uncertain whether tin- duty for the priests and, in the fixed years, the 2d tithe nave been paid.

    (4) KU'nuim. "Heterogeneous." two kinds, forbidden mixtures (Leviticus 19 1!>; Deuteronomy 22 ( .)ff).

    (5) Sh'-hlnlth, "Seventh Year," Sabbalieal year (Exodus

    23 11; Leviticus 25 Iff): Sh'mittfih (Deuteronomy, 15 i i\\\\\\\\>.

    ic/'V T T '' r '~ tm '~' lh - "Heave Offerings" for the priests (Xu 18

    (7) Ma'&siTiJth or Ma'uKi'r rTnhOn, "First Tithe" (Xu 18 21 ff ) .

    (South) Ma'iiKcr sfif-nl, "Second Tithe" (Deuteronomy 14 22 ff).

    (!) IJallali, (offering of a part of the; "Dough" (Xu 15 l.s ff).

    (10) 'Orlah, "Foreskin" of fruit trees during the first three years (Ley 19 23).

    (11) Bikkurlm, "First-Fruits" (Deuteronomy 26 1 ff; Exodus 23

    (1) Khabbath (Exodus 20 10; 23 12; Deuteronomy 5 14).

    (2) 'Erubhln, "Mixtures," i.e. ideal combination of

    localities with the purpose of facilitating

    2. Mb'edh, tne observance of the Sabbatical laws

    "Feasts" 2 3 5 ff ;* jfulja'Sflrf^lSt 16 * ^ 2; oh '''

    the Second Passover (Xu 9 10 ff)'

    33! 4) Exodus ; 3o'l2 fn: ShekelS fOF tht> Templ6 (cf ' Xt ' h 10

    (.->) Kmd', "The Day" of Atonement CL<>v 16^ *4. ff- 'ST^'OQ' "Bt:h-" Feast of Tabernacles (

    ,-/7 ) .^ f '' /l : ,',' East " K " , (firsl word of the treatise) or Yfnn tobh, Feast, on the difference between the Sabbath and festivals (cf Exodus 12 10).

    (South) AV.South/J Ita-xhdnillt. " Xew Year," first day of the month Tishri (Leviticus 23 24 f; Xu 29 1 ff)

    (< Ta'dnlth, "Fasting."

    UO) Meghillah, "The Roll" of Esther, Purim (Est

    (11) Mo'edh kilt fin, " Minor Feast," or .If n.v/i kin " They irrigate" (first word of the treatise), t he days between the

    irst day and the last day of the feast of 'Passover and likewise of Tabernacles.

    (12) Ifdghighah, " Feast Offering," statutes relating to the three feasts of pilgrimage (Passover, Weeks Taber- nacles : cf Deuteronomy 16 1(> f.

    (1) Yebhamoth, " Sisters-in-Law " (perhaps better V 'M'i"22 9 4) CVlrate marriage; m 25 f)ir ; cf Ruth 4 (2) Kfthubhoth, "Marriage Deeds."

    3. Nashlm, ( ;i ) -^dhi'irlm, "Vows," and their annul-

    "Wnmon" ment (^ u 30).

    (4) Nazir, " X"a/irite" (Xu 6)

    24 l: cf Mt5 31? Gi '' 1 "" " LetterS f Divorcc " ( Deuteronomy (fi) $r>tah, "The Sus])ected Woman" (Xu 5 11 ff) (7) Kiddushln, "Betrothals."

    'a', Bdbha


    (c) right of possession.

    (4) and (5) Sanhedhrln, "Court of Jus- tice, and Makkmh, "Stripes" (Deuteronomy 25 1 If; cf 1 Corinthians 11 24) In ancient times only one treatise; criminal

    law and criminal proceedings.

    ((i) Sh'bhu'oth, "Oaths" (Leviticus 5 1 ff).

    (7) \\\\\\\\Kdhuymh. "Attestations" of later teachers as to the opinions of former authorities.

    (South) 'Ablwdlulh zdrtih, "Idolatry," commerce and inter- course with idolaters.

    (!)) '^Abhdth, (sayings of the) "Fathers"; sayings of the

    Tun nil' im.

    (10) llornuoth. (erroneous) "Decisions." and the sin Offering to be brought in such a case (Leviticus 4 13 ff)

    (1) Zrbhahlm, "Sacrifices" (Leviticus Iff)

    (2) Menahoth. "Meal Offerings" (Leviticus 2 ~> 11 ff- 6

    7 ff: Xu 5 1"> If. etc). 5. Kodha- (:5) f . 1 ""'"' ,"< 'ommon Things." things

    non-sacred: slaughtering of animals and shim, birds for ordinary use.

    "Sacred <'' B'khuroth, "The Firstborn" (Exodus

    Things" Jfc) 2 - 1 l^y 27 2if.32; Numbers 8 6 ff,

    (5) 'Ardkhin, "Estimates," "Valua- tions of persons and things dedicated to God (Leviticus



Letter "T"

    "Clean Things"

    North p gha'lm, " Leprosy " (Leviticus 13, 14). Parah, "Red Heifer"; its ashes

    (()) T'miirah, "Substitution" of a common (non- sacred) thing for a sacred one (cf Leviticus 27 10. 33).

    (7) K'T'ithutfi, "Excisions," the punishment of being cut off from Israel ((Jen 17 M; Exodus 12 15. etc).

    (8) M'-"tliih, "Unfaithfulness," as to sacred things, embezzlement (Numbers 5 <> If: Leviticus 5 15 f>.

    (9) Ttimidh, "The Daily Morning and Evening Sac- rifice" (Kx 29 38 If; Numbers 38 3 If).

    (10) Middoth, "Measurements" of the Temple.

    (11) Kin aim, "Nests," tlie offering of two turtle- doves or two young pigeons (Ley 1 !4(f; 5 I if; 12 8).

    Tliis title is used euphemistically for "unclean things":

    (I) K<--lim, "Vessels" (Leviticus 6 20 f; 11 32 If; Numbers 19 14 If; 31 20 if).

    ('21 '(ilioloth. "Tents," the impurity 6 Teharolh originating with a corpse or a part of it ' (cf Numbers 19 14 (3) (I)

    used for the purpose of purification (Numbers 19 2 ft"). See II BIFKK, KKI>.

    (5) T'hnroth, "Clean Things," euphemistically for defilements.

    ((>) Mikwii'fith, "Diving-Baths" (Leviticus 15 12; Xu 31 33; Leviticus 14 South; 15 5 if; cf Mark 7 -1).

    (7) Xiddah, "The Menstruous" (Leviticus 15 19 ff; 12).

    (8) ^f<^k>lt!hlrn^, " Pre|)arers," or Miishkiii, "Fluids" (first word of the treatise). Seven liquids (wine, honey, oil, milk, dew, blood, water) which tend to cause; corn, etc, to become defiled (cf Leviticus 11 34.37H.

    (9) Zabliim, "Persons Having an Issue," flux (Leviticus 15).

    (10) T f bhiil yom, "A Person Who Has Taken the Ritual Bath during the Day," and is unclean until sun- set (Leviticus 15 5; 22 (> f).

    (II) Yridhtu/im, "Hands," the ritual impurity of hands and their purification (cf Matthew 15 2.20; Mark 7 22 If).

    (12) 'Ukfin, "Stalks," the conveyance of ritual im- purity by means of the, stalks and hulls of plants.

    V. The Palestinian Talmud. Another name, Tahnildh Y'nlx/ittliiil (".Torus Tulm"), is also old, but not accurate. The Palestinian Talm gives tlie dis- cussions of the Palestinian Amoraiin, teaching from the 3d cent. AD until the beginning of the 5th, esp. in the schools or academies of Tiberias, Caesarea and Sepphoris. The odd and the Leyden MS (in the oilier MSS there are but few treatises) contain only the four .fiUidrun i-iv and a part of Nidi I ah. \\\\\\\\Ve do not know whether the other treal ises had at any time a Palestinian Gemara. "The Mish on which the Palestinian Talm rests" is said to bo found in the MS Add. 470.1 of the University Library, Cam- bridge, England (ed West. H. Lowe, 1SS3). The treatises! ^Edlnn/dth and 'Abhoth have no Gemara in the Palestinian Talm or in the Bab.

    Some of the most famous Palestinian Amoraim may be mentioned here (cf Intro, 99fT): 1st generation: llTuiiiia bar Kama, Jannai, Jonathan, Osha'ya, the Haggadist Joshua ben Levi; 2d generation: Johanan bar Nappaha, Simeon ben Lakish; 3d_ generation: Samuel bar Nahman, Levi, Eliezer'ben Pedath, Abbahu, Ze'ira (i) ; 4th' generation: Jeremiah, Aha', Abin (i), Jiidah, Huna; 5th generation: Jonah, Phinehas, Bere- chiali, Jose bar Abin, Maul (ii), Tanhuma'.

    VI. The Babylonian Talmud. The Bab Talm is later and more; voluminous than the Palestinian Talm, and is a higher authority for the Jews. In the first scdhcr only BTakhoth has a Gemara; Slfkallm in the 2d scdher has in the MSS and in the edd the Palestinian Gemara; Middoth and Kin- nim in the 5th scdher have no Bab Gemara. The greatest Jewish academies in Babylonia were in Nehardea, Sura, Pnmbeditha and Mahuza.

    Among the greatest Bab Amoraim are the following (cf Intro 99 ff): 1st generation: Abba Arlkha or, shortly, Rab in Sura (d. 247 AD). Mar Samuel in Nehardea (d. 254 AD). 2d generation: Rab Huna, Rab_Judah (bar Ezekiel). 3d generation: Rab Hisda, RabShesheth, Rab Naliman (bar Jacob), Rabbah '(rG~l) bar Hana, the story-teller, Rabbah bar Nahmani,_ Rab Joseph (d. 323 AD). 4th general ion: Abaye, Kaba (^3"1) (bar Joseph).

    5th generation: Rab Papa. Oth generation: Amemar, Rab Ashl.

    VII. The Non- canonical Little Treatises and the Tosephta'. In the edd of the Bab Talm after

    2. Seven



    the -11 h sedhcr we find some treatises which, as

    they are not without some interest, we shall not pass over in silence, though they do

    1. Treatises not belong to the Talm itself (cf inlro,

    after the 09 ff ) .

    4th sedher (1) 'Abhoth d r Rabbl Nathan, an ex- pansion of the treatise 'Abhoth, ed South.

    Schechter, Vienna, 1SS7.

    (2) tfoi>h r rlm, ed Joel M tiller, Leipzig, 1S7S.

    (3) ' Ebhd Jtdhhathl, "Mourning," or, euphemisti- cally, Wniahdth, "Joys."

    (4) Kalldh, "Bride."

    (5) Dcrekh 'ori;, "Way of the World," i.e. De- portment; Rabba' and Ztita', "Large" and "Small."

    X<'l>tem Libri Talmudici purri Hierolymitani, ed R. Kirchheim, Frankfurt a. Main, 1S51: tif'/>h

    Torah, M e zuzah, T e phillln, QlglLh t

    *AbhaiUnm, Kidhlm (Samaritans),

    dcrim (Proselytes).

    Tlie Tosephtd', a work parallel to

    Rabbi's Mish, is said to represent the views of R. Nehemiah, disciple of R. Akiba, ed M. South. Zuckennandel, Posewalk, 1S80. Zuckermandel t ries to show t hat 1 he Toxcphta' contains the remains of the old Palestinian Mish, and that the work commonly called Mish is tlie product of a new revision in Babylonia (cf his Toscpfdti, Mischna und Boraitha in ihrcm Verbatim's zu cinander, 2 vols, Frankfurt a. Main, 1

    LTTEUATURE. (1) Introa: Hermann L. Strack, Kin- It-itutia in d. Talm, 4th ed, Leip/ig, 190S, in which other books on this subject art; mentioned, pp. 139-44.

    (2) Manuscripts (Intro, 72-70): There are MSS of the whole Mish in Parma, in Budapest, and in Cambridge, Kngland (the latter is published by \\\\\\\\V. II. Lowe, 1SS3). The only codex of the Palestinian Talm is in Leydcn; Louis Ginsberg, Yrruxluilmi Frm.imf.nts from the (lenizah, vol I, text with various readings from the cdilio princ.cpx, Xew York, 1909 (372 pp., 4to). The only codex of the Bab Talm was published whole in 1912 by the present writer: Talmud Hub codicis II eb Monacensis 95 pkoto- tyiricr. drjuctum, Leyden (1140 plates, royal folio). On the MSS in the Vatican see South. Denser, ZDMG, 1909, :50.">-'.)3.0l>0, S22f .

    (3) Editions (Intro, 70-S1): (a) Mish, editio princeps, Naples, 1492, folio, with thecomm. of Moses Maimonides; Rira di Tri'iito, 1559, folio, contains also the comm. of Obadiah di Bertinoro. The new ed printed in Wilna contains a great number of comms. (b) Palestinian Talm, ciiilio princeps, Venice, 1523 f, folio; Cracow, 1009, folio. Of a new ed begun by A. M. Luncz, Jerusalem, 190S If, two books, B''rnkhf>tli and Pi-' ah, are already iiublished. Anot her new critical ed. with Ger. tr and notes, was begun in 1912 by G. Beer and O. Holtzmann (Die Mischna, Giessen). Cf also B. Ratner, Ahabath Qijjon Wirushala- yim, Variantrn und Enj/itizungen des Jerusalem Talmuds, Wilna, 1901 If. (r) Bab Talm, editio princeps, Venice,, 1520-23. The ed, Bale, 1578-81, is badly disfigured by the censorship of Marcus Marinus, Amsterdam, 1044- 48. Berlin 1 802-6(5. Of R. Rabbinowicz, Variac Lrc- tiones in Mink el in Talm Habi/lonicum, Munich, 1 80S- 80, Przemysl, 1897 (tlie s>'dharlm 3, and 5 in part are missing).

    tains also a trof Maimonides and Obadiah di Bertinoro); Ger J. .1. Rabe, Onolzbach, 1700 If; A. Sammter, D. Hoffmann and others, Berlin, 1887 IT (not yet complete) ; Eng.: De Sola and Raphall, 18 Treatises from the Mi*h, London, 1843; Jos. Barclay, The Talm, a Tr of 18 Tr,a- tises, London, 1878 (but 7 treatises also in De Sola and Raphall- Fiebig, AuxgewithUe Mischnatractate, Tubin- gen, 1905 fl" (annotated Ger. tr). (6) Palestinian Talm, Lat: 20 treatises in B. Ugolini, Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum, vols XVII-XXX, Venice, 1755 ff. French: M. Schwab, Paris, 1878-89 (in 1890 appeared a 2d ed of vol I) (c) Bab Talm, Ger.: L. Goldschmiclt, Berlin (Leipzig), 1897 ff; gives also the text of the 1st Venetian cd and some variant readings (fdharim 1, 2, and 4 are complete) ; A. Wiinsche, Der Bafi Talm in seinen haggadi- schen Bestandteilen iibersetzt, Leipzig, 1880-89. Eng.: M. L. Rodkinson, New Ed of the Bab Talm .... Tr

    (5) Comms. (Intro, 140-51): (a) Mish: Moses Mai- monides (1135-1204), Obadiah di Bertinoro (d. 1510), Yom-Tobh Lipmann Heller (1579-1054), Israel Lip- schtitz'. (b) Bab Talm: Rashi or Solomon Yichaki (d. 1105); The Tosilphdth (see L. Zunz, Zur Geschichte und Literatur, Berlin, 1845, 29-00); Menahem ben Solomon



Letter "T"

    or Me'Iri (1249-1300); Solomon Luria (d. 1573), com- monly culled Maharshal; Bezaleel Ashkena/.i (10th (cut,.), author of the Shift, ih Afkubbcceth; Samuel ICdels (1559- 1031) or Mahar's'ha'; Meir Lublin (d. Kilti); Elijah Wilna (d. 1797); Akiba Kger (d. 1837).

    (0) Single treatises (Ct Intro, 151-55): (a) Mish: The present writer is publishing: Ausi/ewahlte lifiinatraktate, nnch Handschriften und alien Drucken (Text vokalisiert, \\\\\\\\ okabular) , uberselzt und mil Beriicksichtigung des North cue 11 Testaments erldutert, Leipzig (J. C. Hinrichs) ; Yfimii', 3d ed, 1912, ' Abhodhah ZCirah, 2d ed, 1909, J'irke 'Abhoth, 4th ed, 1914, Shabtxith, 2d ed, 1914, $anhedhrin, Makkoth. 1910, P'sdhim, 1911, H'rdkhoth, 1914. This series is to be continued (II. Laible, e.g., is writing North< l dhd- r'un); (Ml. Taylor, Sm/ini/a "/ the. Jewish Fut/iers, in lie!) and Kng., 2d ed, Cambridge, 1897; \\\\\\\\V. A. L. Klmslie, The Mish on Idolatry, with Tr, Cambridge, 1911. (I,) (iemara. li'rdkhoth, Ger.: East. M. Pinner, Berlin, 1S42, fol; I'e'fih (Palestinian Talm), Ger.: J. J. Rabe, Ansbacli, 1781 ; Sukkdh, Lat: F. B. Dachs, Utn>cht, 172fi,4to; ]{,-,' sh ha-shdndh, (Jeremiah.: M. Rawicz, Frankfurt a. Main, 1SSO; Ta'dnlth.Ger.: Straschun, Halle, 1SS3; Hdghighah,'Eng.: A. West. Streane, Cambridge, 1891; K e thubhoth, Ger.: M. Rawiez, 1S91; $dtah, Lat: J. Chr. Wagenseil, Altdorf, 1074-7H; HdbhCi' M e f I'd', Ger.: A. Sammter, Berlin, 1870, fol; $anhedhrin, Lat: Ugolini, Thesaurus, volXXV, Ger. : M. Rawiez, 1S92; 'Abhodhah ZCirah, Ger.: F. Chr. Kwald, Nurnberg, 1850; Z' ! bhdhln and M e ndhdth, Lat: Ugolini, Thesaurus, volXTX; If ullln,GeT.: M. Rawicz, Orenburg, 1908; Tamidh.'Lat,: tlgolini, Thesaurus, vol XIX.

    (7) Helps for the Grammatical Uiiderstandimj (Intro, 155-58): (a) Mish: M. H. Segal, "Mi.siiaic Hebrew," J(JI{, 1908, 647-737; K. Albrecht, Grammatik des Ncu- hebrdischen (Sprache der Minima), Munich, 1913; (b) Talmud: J. Levy, Neuhebr. und chuld. Wiirterbuch, Leipzig. 1870-89; M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the .... Talmud Hub and Yerushalmi, New York, 1880-1903; West. Bather, Die Terminologie der jii

    (H) The flaij'jadah (Intro, 159-62): The Haggadic ele- ments of the Palestinian Talm are collected by Samuel JalFc in Y' pheh Mar' eh, Constantinople, 1587, etc, those of the Bab by Jacob ibn Ilabib in 'En Ya'akdbh, Saloniki, about 1510, etc; West. Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten, 2 vols, Strassburg, 1884, 1890 (1st vol. 2d ed, 1903) ; Die A. der babylon. A murder, 1878; Die A. der palastinensi- schen Amoraer, 1892-99, 3 vols; P. T. Horshoil, A Tal- mudic Miscellany or 1001 Extracts, London, 1880; Treas- ures of the Talm, London, 1882.

    (!)) Theology (Intro, 102-65): F. Weber, Judische Theologie, 2d ed, Leipzig, 1897; J. Klausner, Die mes- sianischen Vorstellungen des jud. Volkes im Zeitaller der Tannaiten, Berlin, 1904; R. T. Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash, London, 1903; H. L. Strack, Jesus, die Hdretikcr und die Christen nach den dltistin jud. Angaben (texts, tr, comm.), Leipzig, 1910; L. Blau, Das altjudische Zauberwesen, Budapest, 1898; M. Lazarus, Die Ethik des Judentums, 2 vols, Frankfurt a. Main, 1898, 1911.

    (10) The Talm and the OT (Intro. 107 f) : G. Aicher, Das AT in der Misrhna, Freiburg i. Baden, 1900; V. Aptowit- zer. Dux Schriftirort in der rabbin. Literatur, 4 parts, Wieil, 190011 (to be continued; various readings in the ((nota- tions); P. T. Hershon, Genesis, with a Talmudical Comm., London, 1883.

    .(11) The Talm and the NT (Intro, 105-67): .Toll. Lightfoot, Horae hebraicae et talmudicae, ed Leusden, 2 vols, fol T, Franeker, 1699; Chr. Schottgen, Horae hebraicae et talmudicae in universum Novum Test., 2 vols, 4to, Dresden, 1733; Franz Delitzsch, "Horae hebraicae et talmudicae," in Zeiischrift fur die genammte lather. Theologie u. Kirche, 1876-78; Aug. Wunsche, Neue lit'itratje zur Erlduterung der Evangelien aus Talm und Midr, Goettingen, 1878; Th. liobinsoii. The Evangelists and the Mish, London, 1859; West. H. Bennett, The Mish as Illustrating the Gospels, Cambridge, 1884; Erich Bischoff, Jesus itnd die Rabbinen, Jesu Bergpredigt und " II immelreich" in ihrer Unabhdngigkeit vom Rabbinismus, Leipzig, 1905.

    (12) Jurisprudence (Intro, 169-71): J. L. Saalschiitz, Das Mosaische Recht, 2d ed, Berlin, 1853; Jos. Kohler, " Darstellung des talmudischen Rechts," in Zcitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechts wissenschaft, 1908, 101-2ti4; 7j. Frankel, Der gcrirhtliche Beireis nach mosais/-h-talmud Reehte. Berlin, 1846; P. B. Benny, The Criminal Code of the Jeu-s, London, 1880; South. Mendelsohn, The Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews, Baltimore, 1891; H. B. Fassel, Das mosaisch-rabbinische Cirilrecht, Gross- Kanischa, 2 vols, 1852-54; Das mos.-rabb. Gerichtsver- fahren in civilrcchtl. Sachen, 1859; M. Mielziner, The Jewish Law of Marriage and Divorce, Cincinnati, 1884; D. West. Amram, The Jewish Law of Divorce, Philadelphia, 1890; M. Rapaport, Der Talmud und sein Recht, Berlin 1912.

    (13) History (Intro, 171 f): J. Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine depuis Cyrus jusqu'a Adrien, Paris, 1867;

    L. Herzfeld, Handelsgexrhirhtc der Jnden des Altertums,

    2<1 ed, Braunschweig, 1894; A. Uiichler, The Political and the Social Leaders of tlte Jewish Commiiniti/ of ,SYp- ptioris, London, 1909; South. Funk, Die J mien in Babylonien 200-r,00, 2 vols, Berlin, 1902, 190S.

    (14) Medical Science (Intro, 173): Jul. Preuss, Bi- blisch-talmudische Mxlizin, Berlin, 1911 (735pp.); L. Kotelmann, Die Ophthalmologie bei den alien, Hamburg, 1910 (430 ]>p .).

    (15) Arrhaeologi/: Sam. Ivrauss, Talmudische Archdo- logie, 3 vols, Leipzig, 1910-12.


    TALSAS, t;il'sas (A, SaXoas,

    TAMAH, ta'ma. Sec TEMAH.

    TAMAR, ta'mar (^^P, , (attiur, "palm"; B, Qr\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\>.a.p, Tliemdr, A, 0a(idp, Thainnr [so B in Genesis]):

    (1) The wife of Er, the old en t son of Judah (Genesis 38 Off). On her husband's death under the displeasure of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, his brother Onan ought to have performed the husband's part, but he evaded his duty in this respect., and likewise perished. Shelah, the next brother, was promised to her, but not given. This led Tamar to the extraordinary course narrated in Genesis 38 13 ff, on which see JroAir. By her father-in-law she became the mother of Perez and Zerah (AV "Pharez and Zarah"). Judah, who at first condemned her to be burned (ver 24), was compelled to vindicate her (vs 25.26). Through Perez she became an ances- tress of Jesus (Qafj.dp, Thamdr, Matthew 1 3).

    (2) A daughter of David and sister of Absalom (2 Samuel 13 1 ff). Pier beauty inflamed her half- brother Amnon with passion, and by stratagem he forcibly violated her. This brought upon Amnon the terrible revenge; of Absalom. See ABSALOM; AMNON.

    (3) A daughter of Absalom (2 Samuel 14 27). See MAACAH. JAMES ORR

    TAMAR ("T^n, tamur, "palm tree"; Gaijidv, Thai-man) :

    (1) This name occurs in Ezekiel's ideal delimita- tion of the territory to be occupied by Israel (47 19; 48 28). The Dead Sea is the eastern border; and the southern boundary runs from Tamar as far as the waters of Meriboth-kadesh to the Brook of Egypt and the Great Sea. The place therefore lay somewhere to the South.West. of the Dead Sea. "Ha- zazon-tarnar (the same is En-gedi)" (2 Chronicles 20 2) is of course out of the question, being much too far to theN. Onom mentions Asasonthamar, with which Thamara was identified. This place was a village with fortress and Romans garrison, a day's journey from Mampsis on the way from Hebron to Elath. It is the Thamaro mentioned by Ptolemy (v.16, 8), as a military station on the road from Hebron to Petra. It is named also in the Peutinger Tables. Neither Mampsis nor Thamaro has been identified.

    (2) Among the towns "built" or fortified by Solomon, named in 1 Kings 9 18, is Tamar (RV fol- lowing Kthibh), or Tadmor (AV following K c re; cf 2 Chronicles 8 4). Gezer, Beth-horon and Baalath, named along with it, are all in Southern Philestina-Canaan Land, while Tamar is described as in the wilderness in the land, pointing to the Negeb or to the Wilderness of Judah. It was probably intended to protect the road for trade from Ezion-gober to Jerusalem. We may with some confidence identify it with (1) above. It is interesting to note that the; Chronicler (2 Chronicles 8 4) takes it out of connection with the other cities (ver 5), and brings its building into relation with Solomon's conquest of Hamath-zobah. Clearly in his mind it denoted the great and beautiful city of Palmyra, which has so long been known as "Tad- mor in the Wilderness." West. EWING

    Tamarisk Taralah


    TAMARISK, lam'a-risk: (1) brx , 'cshd (Genesis 21 .'{:'), A' "grove," in "tree"; 1 Samuel 22 0, AV "tree," in "grove"; 1 Samuel 31 i:i, AY" "tree"). The KV

    tr is due to the similarity of 'r.s/ic/ to the Anil). 'dt/il, "the" (2) "I>"1" , West/- (Jeremiah 17 (> in fcf 48 6], EV "heath" [q.v!]). The tamarisk (TiniHirix, with various species in Philestina-Canaan Land, chiefly T. Xt/riam) is a very characteristic tree of Philestina-Canaan Land, esp. in the Maritime Plain, near the sea itself, and in the Jordan valley. Eight species are described. They an; characterized by their brittle, feathery branches and by their tiny scale-like leaves. Some varieties flourish not infrequently in salty soil unsuited to any ordinary vegetation.

    East. \\\\\\\\V. G. MASTERMAN

    TAMMTJZ, tam'uz, tam'mooz (P^P , t/numtlz; 0o.|Afj.ox>, Thiun/nouz):

    (\\\\\\\\) The name of a Phoen deity, the Adonis of the: Greeks. He \\\\\\\\vus originally a Sumerian or Bab sun-god, called Dumuzii, the husband of Ishtar, who corresponds to Aphrodite of the Greeks. The worship of these deities was introduced into Syria, in very early t hues under the designation of Tammu/ and Astarte, and appears among the Greeks in the; myth of Adonis and Aphrodite, who are identified with Osiris and Isis of the Egyp pantheon, showing how widespread the cult became. The Bab myth represents Dumu/u, or Tammuz, as a beautiful shepherd slain by a wild boar, the symbol of winter. Ishtar long mourned for him and descended into the underworld to deliver him from the embrace of death (1'Yazer, A'lonin, Attix ami O.v/Y/V). This mourning for Tammu/ was celebrated in Babylonia by women on the 2d day of the 4th month, which thus acquired the name of Tammuz (see CALKXDAK). This custom of weeping for Tammu/ is referred to in the Bible in the only passage where the name occurs (East/k 8 14). The cl ief seat of the cult in Syria was Gebal (modern Urbuil, Gr /{iiblox) in Phoenicia, to the South. of which the river Adonis (.V//r Ibrahim) has its mouth, and its source is the magnificent- fountain of Apheca (modern M//.V/I, where was the celebrated tempi* 1 of Venus or Aphro- dite, the ruins of which still exist. The women of Gebal used to repair to this temple in midsummer to celebrate; the; death of Adonis or Tammuz, and there arose in connection with this celebration those licentious rites which rendered the cult so infamous that it was suppressed by Constantino the Great.

    The name Adonis, by which this deity was known to the Greeks, is none; other than the Phoen ]1~S5 , 'A/Uion, which is the same in Hebrew. His death is supposed to typify the long, dry summer of Syria and Philestina-Canaan Land, when vegetation perishes, ami his return to life the rainy season when the parched earth is revivified and is covered with luxuriant vegetation, or his death symbolizes the cold, rough winter, the boar of the myth, and his return the verdant spring.

    Considering the disgraceful and licentious rites with which the cult was celebrated, it is no wonder that Ezekiel should have taken the vision of the women weeping for Tammuz in the temple as OIK; of the greatest abominations that could defile the Holy House. See ADOMS.

    (2) The fourth month of the Jewish year, cor- responding to July. The name is derived from that of a Syrian god, identified with Adonis (Ezekiel 8 14). See above, and CALENDAR. H. PORTER

    TANACH, tfi'nak Oj:?P, lofnakh, tJ^P , tcf&nakh}. See TAANACH.

    Nebuchadnezzar under (he governorship of Ged- aliah (2 Kings 25 2:5; Jeremiah 40 8).

    TANIS, ta'nis iTdvis, Tani* [Jth 1 10 ]). See


    TANNER, tan'er ((3i)piirxti, "a hide"): The onlv references to a tanner are in Acts 9 4.'}; 10 (>.:52. " The Jews looked upon tanning as an undesirable occupation and well they

    TANHUMETH, tan-hu'meth meth): One of those who were

    (ron:n , tmihi- left in Judah by

    Dipping Skins in Vats of Sumach.

    might, for at best it was accompanied with un- pleasant odors and unattractive sights, if not even ceremonially unclean. We can imagine that Simon the tanner found among the disciples of Jesus a fellowship which had been denied him before. Peter made the way still easier for Simon by choos- ing his house as his abode while staying in Joppa. Simon's house was bv tin; seashores as is true of the tanneries along the Syrian coast today, so that the foul-smelling liquors from the vats can be drawn off with the least nuisance, and so that the salt water may be easily accessible for washing the skins dining the tanning process. These; tanneries are very unpretentious affairs, usually consisting of erne e>r two small rooms and a courtyard. Within are the vats made- e-ither of stone: masonrv, plastered within and without, or cut out e>f the solid rock. The sheep or goat skins are smeared on the hVsh side with a paste e>f slaked lime- and then folded up and allowe-d to stand until the hair loosens. The hair and fleshy matter are ivnioved, the skins are plumped in lime, bated in a cemcoctiem first of elog dung and afterward in one of fermenting bran, in much the- same way as in a moelern tannery. The'

    U y **>

    summak), which is the commem tanning material in Syria and Philestina-Canaan Land. After drying, the leather is blackened em erne: side; by rubbing em a solutiem made- by boiling vinegar with e>ld nails e>r pieces of e-opper, and the 1 skin is finally give>n a elre>ssing e>f olive' oil. In the more modern tanneries rA'f/ra.s is being importeel fe>r the currying pmcesse's. For dyeing the 1 ranis' skins reel (Exodus 25 IT) they rub on a solution e>f kermes (similar te> coe-hineal; see: DYE- IXC), dry, oil, and polish with a smooth stone.

    Pine bark is sometimes use'd for tanning in Leba- non. Ae'cording to Wilkinson (Ancient. Egypt, II, 1X6), the Arabs use the juice e>f a desert plant for dehairing and tanning skins. The: skins for pouches are either tawed, i.e. tanned with a mineral salt like' alum, e>r treat eel like parchment (see PARCHMENT). About Ilebrem oak branches, chopped into small chips, are: use'd fe>r tanning the leather bottle's or water skins. In this case the hair is not removed. The tanning is accomplished, after removing the fleshy matter, by filling the skin with oak chips ami water, tying up all openings in the skins, and allow- ing them to lie in the open on their "backs," with "legs" upright, for weeks. The field near Hebron



Letter "T"

    where they arrange (he bulging skins in orderly rows during the tanning process presents ;i weird sight. These tin; the hollies referred to in \\\\\\\\Y (RV "skins") (Joshua 9 4.13; Hosea 7 5; Matthew 9 17; Mark 2 22; Luke 5 37).

    Leather was probably used more extensively than any records show. We know that the Egyptians used leather for ornamental work. They under- stood the art of making stamped leather. The sculptures give us an idea of the methods used for making the leather into sandals, trimmings for chariots, coverings of chairs, decorations for harps, sarcophagi, etc. There are two Bib. references to leather, where leathern girdles arc mentioned (2 Kings 1 Samuel; Matthew 3 4). See also CHAFTS, II, 17.


    North.\\\\\\\\V. of the ^territory of .lud.-ih. gested identification with 'Arlfif, South.Iv of Zorali. (!. A. Smith place \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\franj, possibly identifying it with Tuffnk, fully 4 miles West. of Hebron. This position, however, is not in Hie Shephelah. The place probably repre- sents "Beth-tappuah" of Joshua 15 f>3. No quite satisfactory identification has yet been suggested. (3) A place on the border between Ephrairn and Manassch (Joshua 16 8). "The land of Tappuuh," i.e. the land adjoining the town, belonged to Man.-is- seli, but the town itself belonged toEphraim (17 8). En-tappuah was probably a neighboring spring. Tappuuh was to the South. of Michmethath, and the border ran from here westward to the brook Kanah. Some would place it at Kfiirhct \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\lilf, about 1 1 miles


    TAPESTRY, tap'cs-tri (D^a^tt , marbhaddlm, from "5^ , rabhadh, "to spread") : "Carpets of tapestry" are mentioned in Prov 7 1(1; 31 22. We have no means of knowing just what form of weaving is here referred to. See WEAVING.

    TAPHATH, ta'fath (HEE , taphath): Daughter of Solomon and wife of Ben-abinadab (1 Kings 4 11).

    TAPHON, to/fan. See TKPHON.

    TAPPUAH, tap'u-a, ta-pu'a (ITIER, tappu a h, "apple"):

    (1) A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was slain by Joshua (12 17). It is named between Beth-el and Hepher, and may possibly be identical with the city named in Jos"h 16 8; see (3) below. There is nothing to guide us to a decision.

    (2) (Omitted by LXX.) A city in the Shephelah of Judah (Joshua 15 34). It is named between En- gannim and Enam in a group of cities that lay in the

    North. East. ofNablus. More probably it should be sought to the South.West. of the plain of Makhneh (Michmethath). It may be identical with Tephon, which, along with Timnath, Pharathon, and other cities, Bacchides fortified "with high walls and gates and bars" (1 Mace 9 ;">()). No identification is possible.

    West. EWIXG

    TAPPUAH (05^, l<|)ov, Thaphphoti, Luc., &eQpo\\\\\\\\>9, I'/icl/in>uth): A "son" of Hebron (1 Chronicles 2 43).

    tar'a (Numbers 33 27 f AY). See

    TARAH, ta'ra, TBRAH.

    TARALAH, tar'a-lii (Hbxin, tar'tilah; B, 0apT)\\\\\\\\a, Tharcela, A, OapaXd, Tharala) : A town in the territory of Benjamin named between Irpeel and Zelah (Joshua 18 27). Onm (s.v. "Therama") simply says it was in the tribe of Benjamin. In the times of Eusebius and Jerome, therefore, the site was already lost, and lias not since been re- covered.

    Tarea Targum



    TAREA, ta're--a, ta-re'a (>"^P , taarc"\\\\\\\\ a copyist's mistake [1 Chronicles 8 3;")] for SHHI? , inhiin'"\\\\\\\\ "the shrewd one," in 1 Chronicles 9 41; H, Qtpe'e, T/icrce, A, 0ap, Tlxircc, Luc., Qapda, Tlxirda; in 1 Chronicles 9 11, 15, apdx, Tlxinicfi, A, 0apd, Thard, Luc., Oapda, Tlxm'ui; see TAIIHKA): A descendant of Saul mentioned in a genealogy of Benjamin (1 Chronicles 9 41).

    TARES, tarz (trivia, zizdnia [Mf 13 2.~> ff], in "darnel"): Zizanlu is equivalent to Arab. zuwdn, the name given In several variet ies of darnel of which Lolinin tcinulrntinn, tlie "bearded darnel,"

    Bearded Darnel (Lolium tcmulentum).

    is the one most resembling wheat, and has been supposed to be degenerated wheat. On the near approach of harvest it is carefully weeded out from among the wheat by (he women and children. Zmrdn is commonly used as chickens' food; it is not poisonous to human beings unless infected with the mold ergot .

    TARGET, Uir'get. See MARK.

    TARGUM, tar'gum (East^"".!? , (

    1. Meaning and Etymology of the Term

    2. Origin of the Targums

    3. Language of the Targums

    4. Mode in Which the Targums Wen; Given

    5. Date of the Targums

    G. Characteristics of the Different Targums

    (1) Onkelos the Man Characteristics of His Targum

    (2) Jonathan ben Uzziel the Mail Characteristics of His Targum Earlier Prophets; Later Prophets

    (3) Hagiographa: Psalms, Job and Proverbs (a) The .\\\\\\\\{<';,h,llotk

    (ft) Chronicles

    (4) The Non-official Targums Jonathan ben Uzzlel and the Pentateuch

    7. Use of the Targums LITERATURE

    The Targums were explanations of the Hebrew

    Scriptures in Chaldaic (Western Aram.) for the benefit of those Jews who had partially or com- pletely ceased to understand the sacred tongue.

    2. Origin of the Targums

    By C.esenius the word m''thurgam, which occurs in Ezra 4 7, is interpreted as derived from rdyham, "to

    pile up stones," "to throw," hence "to 1. Meaning stone," and then "to translate," though and Ety- no example is given. Jastrow derives mology of it from the Assyr r-g-m, "to speak the Term aloud," an etymology which suits the

    origin of the Tgs. It is unfortunate that he gives no reference to any Assyr document.

    The word tunjamnnn is found, e.g., in the Am Tab (Berlin ed, 21, 1. '2 it, Knudtzon, 154), with the meaning "interpreter." It- may. none the less, be of Aram, origin. See Mnss-Arnolt, Conrixe Diet. Axxyr Luinjaiu.i'', ll'.ilf, and the references there given.

    The word is used as the Aram, interpretation of shi(/(/dy<~i. (Psalm 7 Ij, a term the precise force of which is yet unfixed. From this rdytxun comes m e turgh e - indn, "an interpreter," and our modern "dragoman." Whatever the original meaning of the root, the word came to mean "to translate," "to explain." At the time when Nebuchadnezzar carried the inhabitants of Jeru.s and Judah captive to the banks of the Tigris and the Euphrates, the language; of everyday life; in Assyria and Babylonia had ceased to be that which has come down to us in the cuneiform inscriptions, and had become Aram., the limjun fnn/cd of Southwestern Asia. It was the language of diplomacy, of business and of social intercourse, and had long been so. Dwell- ing in the midst, of those who used Aram, alone, the Jews soon adopted it for every occasion save worship. In the family they might, retain their mother tongue for a time, but this would yield at length to continuous pressure from without. In Philestina-Canaan Land a similar process had been going on in the absence of the captives. Intruders from various neighbor- ing peoples had pressed in to occupy the blanks left by the removal of the Jewish captives to Babylon. Although it is not recorded, it is not impossible that following the example of the Assyrians, Nebuchad- nezzar may have; sent into Judaea compulsory colo- nists from other parts of his empire. The language common to all these, in addition _1o their native dialect, was Aramaic. The Jewish inhabitants that had been left in the land would, like their rela- tives in Babylonia, have become accustomed to the use of Aram., to the exclusion, more or less com- plete, of Hebrew. Another process had begun among the captives. Away from the site of their destroyed temple, the exiles did not, like those in t'pper Egypt, erect another temple in which to offer sacri- fices. Their worship began to consist in the study of the Law in common, in chanting of the Psalms and united prayers. This study of the Law implied that it should be understood. Though some form of synagogue worship was known in the times pre- ceding the captivity under the direction probably of the prophets (2'K 4 23), it must have become weak and ineffective. With the arrival of Ezra there was a revival of the study of the Law, and with that the necessity for the interpretation of it in language which the people could understand.

    From the facts above narrated, this language was of necessity Aramaic. There were, however, forces at work to modify the language. A 3. Lan- tr is liable to be assimilated so far, to guage of the t he language from which it is made. Targums Thus there is a difference, subtle but observable, between the Eng. of our AV of the Bible and that of Shakespeare, Bacon, or even Hooker. Or, to take an example more cognat e, if less accessible to the general reader, the difference may be seen if one compares the Svr of the NT Pesh with that of the Pesh of the OT. The Aram, of the Tgs is Western Aram., but it is Western Aram, tinctured with Hebrew. The fact that the returned



Letter "T"

    captives originally had spoken Ileb would doubt - less have its effect on their Aramaic, Germ; in Jewish lips becomes Yiddish. One very marked feature is the; presence of yath, (he sign of the accusa- tive translating (he Hebrew 'ctli, whereas in ordinary Aram., Eastern and Western, this is unused, except, as supporting (he oblique case; of pronouns. Fur- ther, the intensive construction of infinitive with finite sense, so frequent in Ileb, t hough lit t le used in ordinary Aram., appears in the; Tgs wherever it occurs in the Ileb (ext. As a negative character- istic (here is to be noted the comparative rarity with which the emphatic repetition of the personal pronoun, so frequent in ordinary Aram., occurs in (he Targumic.

    The account, given in Nehemiah (8 8) of the reading of the Law tot he people not only mentions 1 hat Ezra's helpers read "distinctly" (rn e phdrdsh} , 4. Mode in but "gave the sense" (.so///, tick/id) "and Which the caused (hem to understand (he read- Targums ing," AV (wayyabhmuba-miJfra"). This Were Given threefold process implies more than merely distinct enunciation. If this passage is compared with Ezra 4 IS it would seem that in' [tliuruxk ought to mean "interpreted." The most natural explanation is (hat alongside of (he readers of the Law (hen; were interpreters, tu'liir- }nm seem to have been written from the beginning and read in pri- vate.

    We have assumed that the action of Ezra nar- rated in Nehemiah 8 8 implied not only the reading of the Law, but also the interpretation of 5. Date its language its tr in fact from Ileb of the to Aram., and that, fur! her, (his prac-

    Targums (ice was ere long followed in all the synagogues in Judaea. This view is maintained by Friedmann (Onkclos u. AkyldN, 1SOO) and was (hat assumed to be correct by the Talm. Dr. Dalrnan assures his readers that this is a mis- take, but without assigning any reasons for his assertion. Dr. Dalman is a very great authority, but authority is not science, so we venture to maintain the older opinion. The fact is undeniable that, during the Pers domination all over South- western Asia, Aram, was the lingua franca, so much so that we see by the Assouan and Elephantine papyri the Jewish garrison at Assouan in Egypt wrote to (heir co-religionists in Judaea, and to the Pers governors, in Aramaic. Moreover, there is no

    Tarea Targum

    trace (hat. they used any other tongue f:>r marriage contracts or deeds of sale.

    Wo may assume that in Judaea t he language commonly used in the , r >th cent. BC was Aramaic. We may neglect then the position of Mr. Stenning (Km- Hnl [llth ed] -\\\\\\\\.\\\\\\\\VI, 4 IS/*) Unit "probably as earlv as the L'd cent' Be; the people had adopted Aramaic." By that time Aram, was giving place to (ireek. His reason for rejecting the position above maintained is that the dales assigned by criticism to certain prophetic writings conflict with it a mode of reasoning that seems to derive facts from theories, not theories from facts.

    The fact that the necessity for tr into Aram, existed in the Pers period implies the existence of (he m e lurgh e man and (he t

    The Tgs that require most to be considered are the official Tgs, those (hat are given in the rabbinic Bibles in columns parallel with the 6. Char- columns of Hebrew. In addition, (here acteristics is for the Law the Tun/inn Y'nln/inlttil, of the another recension of which is called

    Different Turgnm Yd/tdtlidn. />< n Uzziel. The Targums Book of Est has two Tgs. Besides these, Tgs of doubtful value have been written by private individuals. Certain books have no official Tgs: Dnl, East/r, Nehemiah and Chronicles. The reason for this is supposed to be that in both Dnl and Ezra there are port ions writ ( en in A ramaic. Nehemiah and Chronicles were regarded as forming one book with Ezra. A late Tg on Chronicles has been found and published separately. Some of the apocryphal additions to Est appear in a late Tg to that book. The official Tgs of (he Law and (he Prophe(s approach more nearly the character of (r s , (hough even in (hem verses are at times explained rather than tr' 1 . The others are paraphrastic to a greater or less degree.

    (1) Onkdos. This is the name given to the official Tg of the Pent. The legend is (hat it was written by one Onkelos, a proselyte son of Kalony- mus or Kaloniktis, sister's son of Titus, lie was associated with the second Gamaliel and is repre- sented as being even more minutely punctilious in his piety than his friend. The legend goes on (o say that, when he became a proselyte, his uncle sent company after company of soldiers to arrest him, but he converted (hem, one after another. It is at the same time extremely doubtful \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\hether there ever was such a person, a view (hat is confirmed by the fact that legends almost, ident ical are related of Aquila, the translator of the Ileb Scriptures into Greek. The names arc; similar, and it may be are identical, ^liile there; may have been a per- son so named, the admission of this does not imply that he had any connection with the Tg of the Pent named after him. Another explanation is that as the Gr version of Aquila was much praised by the Jews for its fastidious accuracy, and this Tg of the Law was credited with equally careful accuracy, so all that is meant is that it was regarded as a version which as accurately represented in Aram, (he Hebrew of the Law as did Aquila's Greek. The proba- bility is that whoever i( was who (ommitted the Tg to writing did little or no actual (ransla(ing. I( might not be (he work of one unassisted author; the reference (o the guidance Onkelos is alleged to lave received from the rabbis Eliezer and Joshua suggests (his. Owing to the fact (hat (he Law was read through in the course of a year in Bab (once in



Letter "T"

    three years in Philestina-Canaan Land) and every portion interpreted verse by verse in Aram., as it was read, the very words of the traditional rendering would he remembered. This gives the language of the Tg an antique flavor which may be seen when it is compared with that of the Palestinian lectionary discovered by Mrs. Gibson and Mrs. Lewis. Esp. is this observed when the renderings of 1 ho same passage are put in comparison. Both in vocabulary and grammar there is a difference; thus mar occurs for ,s//a//cf, and ytitfi as the sign of the accusative has disappeared in the lectionary. An analogy may be seen in the antique flavor of the language of our Eng. Bible, even in RV. If any credence were to be given to 1 lie traditional account of the alleged authors, the date of this Tg would be the end of the 1st cent. AD. But we have seen that it has been named Aquila and that the title means "as accurate as Aquila.'' He, however, lived in the beginning of the2d cent. His (!r version must have already gained a reputation before the Aram. Tg appeared. We cannot therefore date the actual committing of this Tg to writing earlier than late in the 2d cent., not improbably, as suggested above, contemporary with the writing down of the Mish by Jehndah ha-Nasi'.

    The characteristics of this Tg are in general close adherence t><> the original, sometimes even to the extent of doing violence to the genius of the language into which it has been t-r 1 . One prominent example of this is the presence of i/nth as the sign of the accusatives and there is also the intensive construction of infinitive with flnito tense. There is a tendency to insert something be- tween Clod and ITis worshipper, as "mirn'ra" LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," instead of simply "Jeli." Where anthropomorphisms occur, an exact tr is not attempted, but the sense is represented in an abstract, way, as in Genesis 11 5, where instead of "The Lord [YIIWH"] came down" there is "The Lord [.'/i.'/'i'l was revealed." At the same time there is not a total avoidance of paraphrase. In (Jen 4 7 the Tg renders, " If thou doest thy work well, is it not remitted unto thee? if thou doest not thy work well, thy sin is reserved unto the day of judgment when it will bo required of thee if thou do not repent, but if thou repent it shall be remitted to thee." It will be observed that the last clause of the ITeb is omitted. So in Genesis 3 22, instead of "Man has become as one of us," Onkelos writes "Man has become alone in the world by himself to know good and evil." A more singular instance occurs in Genesis 27 13, where Rebekah answers Jacob, " Upon me be thy curse, my son"; in the Tg it is, " Unto me it, hath been said in prophecy, there, shall be no curse upon thee my son." Sometimes then? is a mere explan- atory expansion, as in Kx 3 1. where instead of "the mount of Cod," Onkelos has "the mountain on which the glory of the Lord' was revealed." In the mysterious passage, Kx 4 24-2i>, later Jewish usage is brought in to make an easy sense: "And it was on the way in the inn [house of res't] that the angel of the Lord met him and sought to slay him. And Xipporali took a flint knife and cut olf the foreskin of her son and came near before! him and said ' In the blood of this circumcision is the bride- groom given back to us,' and when therefore he had desisted she said, 'Had it not been for the blood of this circumcision the bridegroom would have been condemned to die. ' " Here hitthtln (" bridegroom") is used according to later custom of the child to lie circumcised. Sometimes reasons of propriety come in, as when the sin of Onaii is described "corrupting his way on the earth." It is, however, in the poetical passages that the writer gives loose rein to paraphrase. As an example the blessing of Judah in Jacob's blessing of his sons may be given: " Judah, thou art praise and not shame; thee thy brethren shall praise. Thy hands shall be strong upon thine enemies, those that hate thee shall be scattered; they shall be turned back before thee; the sons of thy father shall come before thee with salutations. [Thy] rule shall be in the beginning, and in the end the kingdom shall bo increased from the house of Judah, because from the judgment of death, my son, thy soul hast thou removed. He shall rest, he shall abide in strength, as a lion and as a lioness there is nothing may trouble him. The ruler shall not depart from the house of Judah nor the scribe from his son's sons for ever till the Messiah come whoso is the kingdom and whom the heatheii shall obey. Israel shall trade in his cities, the people shall build his temple, the saints shall be going about to him and shall be doers of the Law through his instruction. His raiment shall bo goodly crimson; his clothing covering him, of wool dyed bright with colours. His mountains shall be red with his vineyards, his hills shall flow down with wine, and his valleys shall bo wliito with corn and with flocks of sheep."

    Committed to writing in Philestina-Canaan Land, the Tg of Onkelos

    was sent to Babylon to get the imprimatur of the famous rabbis residing there. There are said to be traces in the language of a revision by the Bab teachers, but as this lies in the prevalence of certain words that are regarded as more naturally belonging to Eastern than Western Aram., it is too restrict edly technical to be discussed here. The result, of the Bab sanction was the reception of this Tg as the official interpretation of the books of the Law. It seems probable that the mistake which led to its being attributed to Onkelos was made in Babylon where Aquila's Gr version was not known save by vague reputation.

    (2) The Tg of JoixttJian ben Uzzicl on the Proph- ets. This Jonathan, to whom the Tg on the Prophets is attributed, is declared to be one of the most distinguished pupils of Hillel. The prophetic section of the Bible according to the Jews contains, besides what we ordinarily reckon prophetic books, also all the earlier historical books except Ruth, which is placed among the Hagiographa. During the persecution of the Jews by Epiphanes, when the Law was forbidden to be read in the synagogue, portions of the Prophets w r ere read instead. There was no attempt to read the whole of the Prophets thus, but very considerable portions were used in worship. This necessitated the presence of the m e turgh e man. If one might believe the Talmudio traditions, Jonathan's Tg was committed to writing before that of Onkelos. Jonathan is regarded as the contemporary of the first Gamaliel, whereas Onkelos is the friend of Aklba, the contemporary of Hadrian. The tradition is that when he published his Tg of the Prophets, all Philestina-Canaan Land was shaken, and a voice from heaven was heard demanding, "Who is this who revealeth my secrets to the sons of men?" As an example of the vagueness of Talmudic chronology, it may be mentioned that Jonathan was said to have made his Tg under the guidance of Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi. He is said to have desired to write a Tg of the K'lhuhhlin, but was forbidden by a voice from heaven. The Tg of Job was said to have been already written, but was buried by Gamaliel. It is said to have been exhumed and that the present Tg on that book is from Jonathan's hand. The tomb of Jonathan ben Uz/icl is shown on the face of a hill to the North. of Safcd, Palestine.

    In the former Prophets the historical books the style does not differ much from that of Onkelos. Occa- sionally there are readings followed which a'rc not in the MT, as Joshua 8 12, where the Tg has "the west side of Ai" instead of as in the MT. " the west side; of the city." Sometimes two readings are combined, as in 8 10, where the MT has "all the people which were in the city," the Tg adds "in Ai." Again, the Tg translates proper names, as, in Joshua 7 5, "Shebarim" (sh'bharim) is rendered "till they were scattered." Such are the variations to be seen in the narrative portion of the Tg of the earlier Prophets. When, however, a poetical piece occurs, the writer at times gives rein to his imagina- tion. Sometimes one verse is exceedingly paraphrastic and the next an accurate rendering without any addi- tion. In the song of Deborah (Judges 5) the 1st verse has only a little of paraphrase: "Then sang praises Deborah and Barak the son of Abiiioam on account of the lifting up and deliverance which had been wrought in that day, saying . . . . " The verse which follows is very paraphrastic; instead of the 7 words of the verse in the MT the Tg has 55. It is too long to quote in full, but it begins, "Because the house of Israel rebelled against His Law, the Gentiles came up upon them and disturbed their assemblies, and because they refused to obey the Law, their enemies prevailed against them and drove them from the borders of the land of Israel," and so on, Sisera and all his host being introduced. Ver 3 reads thus, "Hear O kings who are with him, with Sisera for war, who obey the officers of Jabin the king of Canaan; with your might and your valour ye shall not prevail nor go up against Israel, said I Deborah in prophecy before the Lord. I will sing praise and bless before Jen the God of Israel. ' '

    The later prophets are more paraphrastic as a whole than the earlier, as having more passages




    with poet ic metaphors in (hem a fact (hat is made plain (o anyone by tin; greater space occupied in the rabbinic Bibles by the Tgs of the Prophets. A marked example of this tendency to amplify is to be found in Jeremiah 10 11: "Thus shall ye say unto them, The gods that have not made the heavens and the earth, these shall perish from the earth, and from under the heavens." As this verso is in Aram, it might have been thought that it would have been transferred to the Tg unchanged, but the Targumist has made of (he 10 words of (he original text 57. Sometimes these expansions may be much shorter than the above example, but are illuminative, showing Hie views held by the Jewish teachers. In Isaiah 29 1, "Ilo Ariel, Ariel, the city where David encamped!" the Tg has "\\\\\\\\Voe to the altar, the altar which David built in the city in which he dwelt." In this rendering we see the Jewish opinion that "Ariel," which means "lion of God," in this connection stood for the "altar" which David erected in Jems. It seems unlikely that this whole Tg was the work of one writer, but the style gives little indication of difference. The paraphrase of the synagogal haphtaroth being traditional, the style of the person who committed it to writing had little scope. The language represents naturally an older stage of development than we find in the eon- temporary Christian lectionaries. As only portions of the Prophets were used in synagogue worship, only those portions would have a traditional render- ing; but these fixed the style. In the RV of the Apoc the 70 verses which had been missing from 2 Esdras 7 are tr d in the style adopted by the trans- lators under King James. It is impossible to fix (he date at which the Tg of any of the prophetic books was written down. It is probable that it was little if at all after that of Onkelos. The com- plet ion of the paraphrases of (ho prophetic writings, of which only portions were used in the synagogue, seems to imply that there were readers of the Aram, for whose benefit those Tgs were made.

    (3) The Tgs of the third division of the Hebrew sacred writings, the K'tk&bhlm (the Hagiographa), are ascribed to_ Joseph Caecus, but this is merely a name. There is no official Tg of any of the Hagi- ographa, and several of them, Dnl, Nehand Ezra, as above no ted , have no Tg at all. Those of the longer books of this class, Pss, Prov and Job, are very much closer to the text than are the Tgs of the M''glulldth. In the Pss, the paraphrase is explana- tory rather than simply expansive. Thus in Psalm 29 1, "ye sons of the mighty" is rendered "ye companies of angels, ye sons of the mighty." Psalm 23 is further from _ the text, but it also is exegetic; instead of "LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), is my shepherd, I shall not want," the Tg reads, "The Lord nourished His people in the wilderness so that they lacked nothing." So the last clause of the last verse of this ps is, "I shall indeed dwell in the house of the holiness of the Lord for the length of days." Another example of exegesis is Psalm 46 4, in which the "river whose streams make glad the city of our God" is explained as "the nations as rivers making glad the city of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),." Much the same may be said of Job, so examples need not be given.

    The Tg of Prov has been very much influenced by the Pcsh; it may be regarded as a Jewish recension of it. Those of the five M'ghilloth, as they are called, Song of Songs, Ruth, Lam, Eccl, and Est, are excessively paraphrastic;. If one compare the space occupied by the text of Cant and Prov, it will be found that the former occupies about one-sixth of the latter; if the Tgs of the two books are com- pared in Lagarde's text, the Cant is two-thirds of Prov. So Lam occupies in the MT less than a quarter the space which Prov occupies; but the Tg of Lam is two-fifths the size of the Tg of Prov.

    Ruth has not suffered such a dilatation ; in the text, it is a fifth, in the Tg a fourth, the si/.e of Prov. The expansion mainly occurs in the first verse; in which ten different famines are described. Eccl in the MT uses about three-eighths of the space occupied by Prov. This is increased to five-sixths in the Tg. There are two Tgs of Est, the first about five-sixths the size of Prov, the second, nearly double. The text is under one-half . We sub- join the Tg of Lam 1 1 from Mr. Greenup's tr: Jeremiah the prophet and high priest said: "How is it decreed against Jems and against her people that they should be condemned to exile and that lamentation should be made for them? How? Just as Adam and Eve were condemned who were ejected from the garden of Eden and over whom the Lord of the universe lamented. How? God the judge answers and speaks thus: 'Because of the multitude of the sins which were in the midst of her, therefore she will dwell alone as the man in whose flesh is the plague of leprosy dwells alone! And the city that was full of crowds and many people hath been deserted by them and become like a widow. And she that was exalted among the peoples and powerful among the provinces, to whom they paid tribute, hath been scattered abroad so as to be op- pressed and to give tribute to them after this.'" This gives a sufficient example of the extent to which expansion can go. Ver 1 of Est in the first Tg informs us that the cessation of the work of building the Temple was due to the advice of Vashti, and that she was the daughter of Evil-merodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar, and a number of equally accurate pieces of information. Yet more extrava- gant is the 2d Tg; it begins by asserting that there are ten great monarchs of whom Aehhashverosh waa the Gth, the Gr and Romans were; the 7th and the 8th, Messiah the king the 9th, and the Almighty Himself the 10th. It evidently has no connect ion with the first Tg. The Tg of Chronicles, although late, is modeled on the Tgs of Jonathan ben Uzziel. In cases where the narrative of Chronicles runs parallel with that of South the resemblance is very great, even to verbal identity at times. The differences some- times are worthy of note, as where; in 1 Chronicles 21 2, instead of "Daniel" the Tg has "Pameas" (Paneas), which affords an evidence of the lateness of this Tg. In the rabbinic Bible, Chronicles appear, as do Ezra, Nehemiah and Dnl, without a parallel Tg.

    (4) There is a Tg on the Pent attributed to Jonathan ben Uzziel which is very paraphrastic. Fragments of another closely related Tg have been preserved, known as the Jems Tg. In fact the two may really be regarded as different recensions of the same Tg. It is supposed that some MS was denominated simply "the targum of J," which, really being the initial representing "Jerusa- lem," was taken as representing "Jonathan." At the end of each of the books of the Pent it is stated that this Tg is the "targum Vrushalmi." Of the two the Y e ru- shalmi is the longer. Both assert that five signs accom- panied Jacob in his stay in Haran: the time; was short- ened; the distance; was shortened; the four stone's fe>r his pillow became one; his strength was increased se> that with his own arm he move-el the stone covering the well which it took all the shepherds to move; the water gushed from the; we'll all the days he; dwelt in Haran. But the narrative of ben Uzziel is expanded to nearly twice the length in the Y e rushalmi. This Tg maybe re- garded as to some extent semi-official.

    As the Tgs appear to have been committed to writing after the MT was fixed, textual differences

    are few and unimportant. Kohn 7. Use mentions that in a few cases Onkelos

    of the agrees with the Sam against the MT;

    Targums they are, however, few, and possibly

    may be explained by differences of idiom, though from the slavish way in which Onkelos follows the Hebrew text this is improbable. The Philestina-Canaan Land Tg agrees with the Sam and the VSS in adding "Let us go into the field" in Genesis 4 8. The main benefit received from the Tgs is (he knowledge



Letter "T"

    (if (he views of the .Jewish rabbis ;is to the mean- ing of certain passages. Thus in ('.en 49 10 there is no doubt, in the mind of the Targurnist that "Sliiloh'' refers to the Messiah. Some other cases have been noted above. The frequency with which Ihe word of the Lord (mlin'ra y'!/a) is used in Onkelos as equivalent to Y II WH, as C.en^South South, "They heard the voice of the word of the Lord God," mlin'ra d/i i/' i/a 'Kldlilin, requires to be noted from its bearing on Christian theology. There is a peculiar usage in (Jen 15 1: Y II West 11 says to Abraham, "Fear not, Abrum, my word [mlm e ra'] shall help thee." Pharaoh is represented as_using this periplirasis: "The word of the Lord [nnni'r occurrences of the phrase in Onkelos and 321 in that of the; pseudo-Jonathan and in the fragments of (he Y'rilxtiul/nl 99. This is made the more striking by the fact that it rarely occurs in the rest of Scripture. In Am 1 2, instead of "LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), .... will utter his voice from Jerusalem" we have "From Jems will He lift, up His word'' (im~>n''rl/t). The usual equivalent for the prophet 's formula "the word of the Lord" is pithqam Y IIWII. An example of the usage before us may be found in Psalm 56 4.10: "In the righteousness of the judgment of (Jod will I praise his word" (nn'in'rlli). There was thus a preparation for the Christian doctrine of the Trinity imbedded in the most venerated Tg, that of the Law.

    LITEKATTRE. Tho text of the official Tgs is to he found in every rabbinic Bible. Berliner lias published a careful, vocalized edition of Onkelos. The Prophets and the Hagiographa have been edited by Lagarde, but unvoeali/,i'd. For the language Petermann's grammar in the I'orla Linr/unntm Orientalium is useful. Levy's C/itil'ltiixr/ir* Wdrterbuch is very good. Jastrow's Dirt. <>f tin- Tnrnit mint, is invaluable. Brcxtorf's Lrfiron Talmudicum supplies information not easily available elsewhere. The Tgs on the Pent have been tr< by Kther- idge. There is an extensive lit. on this subject, in ( h-r- nian In Kng. the different Bible Diets, may be con- sulted. esp. McClintOCk, DH. II DH. EH, etc. The art. in Km- lirit. is worthy of study, as also naturally that in the Jew Ear.

    .]. East. IT. THOMSON'

    TARPELITES, tiir'pel-Its ( [East/r 4 9]): Various theories have been advanced as to the identity of the Tarpelites. Rawlinson suggested the Tuplai, which name appears in the inscriptions as equivalent to the (Jr Ti/3apijw), Ti-htircHo'i, a tribe; on the coast of Pontus. Hitzig located them in Tripolis in Northern Phoenicia. The latest theory emends the text to i^lySt: , tiph e rayd', "tablet-writers" (from the Assyr dup su/r/0; ef Schrader, COT, on Jeremiah 51 27.

    TARSHISH, (ar'shish (t^TT^P, , iarshish):

    (1) Eponym of a Benjamite family (1 Chronicles 7 10); B, '

    (2) One of the "seven princes" Jit the court of Alrisuerus (Est, 1 14 AIT).

    (3) The Hebrew name of a precious stone (Ezekiel 10 9m, EV "beryl"; Exodus 28 20; 39 13; Ezekiel 1 16;

    28 13; Cant 5 14; Dnl 10 tii. See STONKS, PKK-



    TARSUS, tiir'sus (Tapo-os, 7\\\\\\\\/r.w.s, ethnic, Tapcrtvs,

    7\\\\\\\\;/,s) :

    1. Situation

    2. Foundation Legends

    :5. Tarsus under Oriental Tower

    4. Tarsus under (rreek Sway

    f>. Tarsus in the Koman Kmpire

    (i. The University

    7. The Tarsian Constitution

    5. Paul of Tarsus !(. Later History LITERATURE

    The chief city of Cilicia, the southeastern portion of Asia Minor. It lay on both banks of the river

    Cydnus, in the midst of a fertile 1. Situation alluvial plain, some 10 miles from the

    seacoast. About 6 miles below the city tlie river broadened out into a considerable lake called Rhegma (Strabo xiv.672), which afforded a safe anchorage and was in great part fringed with quays and dockyards. The river itself, which flowed southward from the Taurus Mountains with a clear and swift stream, was navigable to light craft, and Cleopatra, when she visi(ed Antony at Tarsus in 3S BC, was able to sail in her richly decorated barge into the very heart of the city (Pint. Ant. 26). The; silting-up of the river's mouth seems to have resulted in frequent floods, against which the emperor Justinian (o27-6/) AD) attempted to pro- vide by cutting a new channel, starting a short distance North. of the city, to divert the surplus water into a watercourse; which lay to the 10. of Tarsus. Gradually, however, the original bed was allowed to become choked, and now the Cydnus flows wholly through Justinian's channel and passes to the East. of the modern town. Two miles North. of Tarsus the plain gives way to low, undulating hills, which extend to (he foothills of Taurus, the great mountain chain lying some 30 miles North. of the city, which divides Cilicia from Lycaonia and Cappadocia. The actual frontier-line seems to have varied at different, periods, but the natural boundary lies at the Cilician Gates, a narrow gorge which Tarsian enterprise and engineering skill had widened so as to make it a wagon road, the chief highway of com- munication and trade; between Cilicia and (he interior of Asia Minor and OIK; of the most decisive factors in Anatolian history. Eastward from Tarsus ran an important road crossing the Sarus at Adana and the Pyramus at Mopsuestia; there it divided, one branch running southeastward by way of Issus to Antioch on (he Orontes, while another turned slightly northward to Castabala, and (hence ran due East. (o the passage of the Euphrates at Zeugma. Thus the fertility of its soil, the safety and con- venience of its harbor and the command of the main line of communication between Anatolia and Syria or Mesopotamia combined to promote the greatness of Tarsus, though its position was neither a healthful or a strong one and the town had no acropolis.

    Of the foundation of the city various traditions were current in antiquity, and it is impossible to arrive at

    any certain conclusion, for such foundation 2 Founda- legends often reflected the sympathies

    and wishes of a city's later population

    rather than the historic facts of its origin. Legends At Anchiale, about 12 miles South.East. of Tarsus,

    was a monument commonly known as the tomb of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, bearing an in- scription "in Assyr letters" stating that that monarch "built Anchiale and Tarsus in a single day" (Strabo xiv. 672; Arrian A nab. ii.5). The statement of Alexander Tolyhistor. preserved by Eusebius (Chronicles. i, p. 27, ed Schoene), that Sennacherib, king of Nineveh (705-681 BC), founded the city, also ascribes to it an Assyr origin.



Letter "T"

    On the other hand, the Greeks had their own traditions, claiming Tarsus as a Gr or semi-Gr foundation. Strabo says that it owed its rise to the Arrives who with Tri- ptolemus wandered in search of lo (xiv.(i7H), while others spoke of Heracles or Perseus as the founder. It must be admitted that these tales, taken by themselves, give us little aid.

    Ramsay believes that Tarsus existed from time immemorial as a native Cilician settlement, to which was added, at some early date 3. Tarsus unknown to us, a body of lonians, under which migrated from the western coast

    Oriental of Asia Minor under the auspices and Power direct ion of the oracle of Clarian Apollo

    near Colophon. The earliest, historical record of the town is found on the Black Obelisk of Shalrnaneser, about 850 BC, where it figures among the places captured by that king. It is thus proved that Tarsus already existed at that remote date. For many centuries it remained an oriental rather than a 'Hellenic city, and its his- tory is almost a blank. After the fall of the Assyr empire, Cilicia may have regained its in- dependence, at _ least partially, but it subsequently became a province of the Pers empire, paying to the Great King an annual tribute of 3(>6 white horses and 500 talents of silver (Herod, hi. 90) and contributing considerable fleets, when required, to the Pers navy. From time to time we hear of rulers named Syennesis, who appear to have been vassal princes in a greater or less degree of dependence upon the oriental empires. Two clear glimpses of the city _ are afforded us, thanks to the passage through it of Hellenic troops engaged upon eastern expeditions. Xenophon (A nab. i.2, 21 if) tells how, in 401 BC, Cyrus the Younger entered Cilicia on his famous march against his brother Artaxerxes, and how some of his Gr mercenaries plundered Tarsus, which is described as a great and prosperous city, in which was the palace of King Syennesis. The king made an agreement with Cyrus, who, after a delay of 20 days, caused by the refusal of his troops to march farther, set out from Tarsus for the Euphrates. Again, in 333 BC, Alexander the Great passed through the Cilician Gates on his way to Issus, where he met and routed the Pers army under Darius III. Arsames, the satrap of Cilicia, failed to post a sufficient force at the pass, the garrison fled without resistance and Alexander thus entered the province without striking a blow. The Persians thereupon set fire to Tarsus, but the timely arrival of the Macedonian advance guard under Parmenio saved the city from destruction. A bath in the cold waters of the Cydnus which Alexander took while heated with his rapid ad- vance brought on a fever which all but cost him his life (Arrian A nab. ii.l; Q. Curtius Hist. Alex, iii.4 f) . For two centuries Tarsus had been the capital of a Pers satrapy, subject to oriental rather than to Hellenic influence, though there was probably a Hellenic element in its population, and its trade brought it into touch with the Greeks. The Cilician coins struck at Tarsus con- firm this view. Down to Alexander's conquest, they ordinarily bear Aram, legends, and many of them show the effigy of Baal Tar/, the Lord of Tarsus; yet these coins are clearly influenced by Gr types and workmanship.

    Alexander's overthrow of the Pers power brought

    about a strong Hellenic reaction in Southeastern

    Asia Minor and must have strength-

    4. Tarsus ened the Gr element in Tarsus, but

    under more than a century and a half were

    Greek to elapse before the city attained that

    Sway civic autonomy which was the ideal

    and the boast of the Gr p6lin. After

    Alexander's death in 323 BC his vast empire; was

    soon dismembered by the rivalries and wars e>f his

    powerful generals. Cilicia ultimately fell under the rule of the Seleucid kings of Syria,' whose capital was Antioch on the Orontes. Though Greeks, they inherited certain features of the old Pers policy and methods of rule; Cilicia was probably governed by a satrap, and there was no development within

    Coin of Tarsus.

    it of free city life. Early in the 2d cent., however, came a change. Antiochus III, defeated by the Romans in the battle of Magnesia (190 BC)', was forced to evacuate most of his possessions in' Asia Minor. Cilicia thus became a frontier province and gamed greatly in importance. The outcome was the reorganization of Tarsus as an autonomous city with a coinage; of its own, which took place under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (17r>-l(>4>, probably in 171 BC. It is at this time that Tarsus is first mentioned, in the Bible, unless we are to accept the disputed identification with TAKSIIISH (q.v.). In 2 Mace 4 30 f we read that, about 171 BC, "it came to pass that they of Tarsus and Mallus made insurrection, because; they were to be given as a present to Antiochis, the king's concubine. The king therefore came lo Cilicia in all haste to settle matters." That this settlement took the form of a compromise and the grant to Tarsus of at least a municipal independence we may infer from the fact that Tarsus struck its own coins from this reign onward. At first they bear the name of Antioch on the Cydnus, but from the death of Antiochus this new appellation falls into disuse and the old name reasserts itself. But it is almost certain that, in accordance with Seleucid policy, this reorganization was accompanied by the enlarge- ment of the citizen body, the new citizens in this case consisting probably of Jews and Argive Greeks. From this time Tarsus is a city of Hellenic consti- tution, and its coins no longer bear Aram, but Gr legends. Yet it must bo remembered that there was still a large, perhaps a preponderating, native and oriental element in the population, while the coin types in many cases point to the continued popularity of non-Hellenic cults.

    About 104 BC part of Cilicia became a Romans province, and after the Mithridatic Wars, during which Tarsus fell temporarily into the 5. Tarsus hands of Tigranes of Armenia, Pompey in the the Great reorganized the eastern

    Roman portion of the Romans Empire (04-G3

    Empire BC),and Tarsus became the capital of

    a new and enlarged province, admin- istered by Romans governors who usually held office for a single year. Thus we find Cicero 'in command of Cilicia from the summer of ~>1 BC to the summer of the following year, and though he expressly mentions Tarsus only rarely in his extant letters of this period (e.g. Ad Att.v.20.3; A



Letter "T"

    rarily overawed if and imposed on it a crushing fine, hut, after the overthrow of the republican cause at, Philippi and the assignment of the East to An- tony's administration, Tarsus received the position of an independent and duty-free state (ciritas lihcra ct iinmnnia) and became for some time Antony's place of residence. This privileged status was confirmed by Augustus after the victory of Acts him had made him sole master of the Romans Empire (31 BC). It, did not, by itself bestow Romans citizenship on the Tarsians, but, doubtless there were many natives of the city to whom Pornpey, Caesar, Antony and Augustus granted that honor for themselves and, as a consequence, for their descendants.

    It is under the rule of Augustus that our knowl- edge of Tarsus first, becomes fairly full and precise. Strabo, writing about 1!) AD, tells us 6. The (xiv.(>73ff) of the enthusiasm of its

    University inhabitants for learning, and esp for philosophy. In this respect, he says, Tarsus surpasses Athens and Alexandria and every other university town. It was character- ized by the fact that the student body was composed almost, entirely of natives, who, after finishing their course, usually went abroad to complete their education and in most cases did not return home, whereas in most, universities the students were to a large extent foreigners, and the natives showed no great love of learning. Alexandria, however, formed an exception, attracting a large; number of foreign students and also sending out many of its younger citizens to other centers. In fact, adds Strabo, Rome is full of Tarsians and Alexandrians. Among the famous men who learned or taught at Tarsus, we hear of the Stoics Antipater, Archedemus, Nestor, Athenodorus surnamed Cordylion, the friend and companion of the younger Marcus Cato, and his more famous namesake (called Cananites after the village of his birth), who was the tutor and confidant of Augustus, and who subsequently reformed the Tarsian constitution. Other philoso- phers of Tarsus were Nestor, a representative of the Academy, and tutor of Marcellus, Augustus' nephew and destined successor, and of Tiberius, Plutiadcs and Diogenes; the latter was also famous as an improvisatore, and indeed the Tarsians in general were famed for their ease and fluency in impromptu speaking. Artemidorus and Diodorus the grammarians and Dionysides the tragic poet, a member of the group of seven writers known as "the Pleiad," complete; Strabo's list of eminent Tarsians. A less attractive view of the life in Tarsus is given by Philostratus in his biography of Apollo- nian of Tyana, who went there to study in the early part of Tiberius' reign (14-37 AD). So disgusted was he by the insolence of the citizens, their love of pleasure and their extravagance! in dress, that he shook the dust of Tarsus e>f'f his fe>e-t and went to Aegae to pursue his studies in a more congenial atmosphere (ViL Apollon. i.7). But Strabo's testi- mony is that of a contemporary ami an accurate historian anel must, outweigh that of Philostratus, whose work is largely tinged with romance and be^lemgs to the early years of the 3d cent. AD.

    Strabo also tells us something of an important constitutional reform carried out, in Tarsus under the Emperor Augustus, probably about 7. The 15-10 BC. Athene>dorus Cananites,

    Tarsian the Stoic, returned to his city as an

    Constitution e>ld man, after some 30 years spent at Rome, armed with authority from the emperor to reform abuse's in its civic life. He founel the constitution a democracy, swayed and preyed upon by a corrupt clique headed by a certain Boethus, "bad poet anel bad citizen," who owed his position partly to his ready and persuasive

    tongue, partly to the favor of Antony, whom he had pleased by a poem composeel to celebrate the victory of Philippi. Athenodorus sought at first to mend matters by argument and persuasion, but, finding Boethus anel his party obdurate, he at length exercised his extraordinary powers, banished the offenders and remodeled the constitution, pre>b- ably in _a timocratic molel, restricting the full citizenship to those; possesses! e>f a considerable property qualification. On his death, his place as head e>f the state was taken feir a while; by the academic philosopher Ne>stor (Strabo xiv.074f). Next to Strabo's account our most valuable source of information regarding Tarsus is to be found in the two orations of Dio Chrysostom addressed to the Tarsians about 110 AI) (Oral, xxxiii, xxxiv; see Jour. II dl. AWrns, XXIV, 5S IT). Though ad- mitting that the city was an Argive colony, he emphasized its non-Hellenic character, anel, "while criticizing much in its institutions and manners, founel but a single feature to commend, the strict- ness with which the Tarsian women were veiled whenever they appeared in public.

    Such was Tarsus, in which Paul was born (Acts 22 3) and of which he was a citizen (Acts 9 11; 21 3!)). Its ancient traditions and 8. Paul of its present greatness explain anel Tarsus justify the pride with which he claimed

    to be "a e'itize-n e>f no mean city" (Acts 21 39). It is probable that his forefathers had been among the; Jews settled at Tarsus by Antiochus Epiphanes, who, without sacrificing nationality e>r religiem, became citizens e>f a com- munity organizeel after the (Ir model. On what occasion and for what service Romans ciritas had been conferrcel on one of Paul's ancestors we cannot say; this only we know, that before his birth his father had possessed the coveted privilege (Acts 22 2S). It is a fascinating, but an elusive, quest to trace in Paul's life and writings the influence of his Tarsian ancestry, birth and early life. Jerome, it is true, claims that many Pauline words anel phrases were characteristic of Cilicia, and some modern scholars profess 1 ofind 1 races, in t he apost le's rhetoric and in his attitude toward pagan religion and secular learning, erf Tarsian influence. But such speculations are likely to be misleading, and it is perhaps best to admit that, save in the trade learned by Paul, which was characteristic of his birthplace, we cannot with any pircision gauge; the efTee-ts of his early surroundings. At the same time it is certain that the character e>f his native; e-ity, its strong oriental element, its Gr constitution anel speech, its position in the Romans Empire 1 , its devotion te> learning, must have made an impression upon e>ne who, uniting Jewish nationality with membership of a Gr state and Re>m citizenship, was te) be; the great interpreter te> the Graeco-Romans world of a religion which sprang from the 1 soil of Judaism. How long Paul remained at Tarsus before beginning his studies in Jerusalem we cannot say. His own declaration that he was "born in Tarsus of Cilicia, but brought up in this city" (Acts 22 3) seems to show that his training at Jerusalem began at an early age, and is inconsistent with the supposition that lie; was e>ne of those Tarsian students who, after studying at their native university, ce>mple'te>el the-ir 3elucation abroad. During his first visit te> Jerusalem after his conversion, plots were formed against his life, and he was induced to return to Tarsus (Acts ) 30), where, according to Ramsay's chronology, le remained fe>r some 8 years. Thither Barnabas vent to seek him when he felt the need of a helper in lealing with the new problems involved in the growth of the Antiochene church anel the admission nto it of Gentiles in considerable numbers (Acts LI 25). Tarsus is not again mentioned in the NT,



Letter "T"

    hut Paul doubtless revisited it on his second mis- sionary journey, when he "went through Syria and Cilicia" (Acts 16 41), and traveled thence by way of the Cilician Gates into Lycaonia, and again at the beginning of his third journey when, after some time spent at Antioch, "he departed, and went through the region of Galatia, and Phrygia, in order" (Acts 18 23).

    This is not tho place to discuss in detail the later history of Tarsus, many passages of which are obscure arid diffi- cult. It remained a focus of imperial loy- 9 Later "-hy, as is indicated by the names Hadriane,

    Commodiane, Severiane and others, which .History appear, isolated or conjoined, upon its

    coins, together with the title of metropolis and such epithets as "first," "greatest," "fairest." Indeed it was chiefly in the matter of such distinctions that it carried on a keen, and sometimes bitter, rivalry, first with Mallus and Adana, its neighbors in the western plain, and later with Anazarbus, the chief town of Eastern Cilicia. But Tarsus remained the capital of the district, which during the 1st cent, of the; empire! was united with Syria in a single imperial province, and when (Mlicia was made a separate province Tarsus, as a matter of course, became its metropolis and the center of the provincial Caesar-worship, and, at a later date, the capital of "the three eparchiae," Oilicia, Isauria and Lycaonia. Toward the close of the 4th cent. Oilieia was divided into two, and Tarsus became the capital of Cilicia Prima only. Soon after the middle of the 7th cent, it was captured by the Arabs, and for the next three centuries was occupied by them as their northwestern capital and base of operations against the Anatolian plateau and the Byzantine empire. In 905 it was recaptured, together with t he rest of Oilieia, by the emperor Xicephorus Phocas, but toward the close of the following century it fell into the hands of the Turks and afterward of the Crusaders. It was subsequently ruled by Armenian princes as part of the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, and then by the Mernluk sultans of Egypt, from whom it was finally wrested by the Ottoman Turks early in the 16th cent. The modern town, which still bears the ancient name in the slightly modified form Tersous, has a very mixed population, numbering about 25,000, and considerable trade, but suffers from its unhealthful situation and the proximity of large marshy tracts. Few traces of its ancient greatness survive, tho most considerable of them being the vast substructure of a Graeeo-Hom temple, known locally as the tomb of Sardanapalus (K. Koldewey in O. Robert, A us der Anomia, 178ff).

    LIT i: NATURE. The best account of Tarsus will be found in VV. M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), 85-244; the same writer's arts, on "Cilicia, Tarsus and the Great Taurus Pass" in the Geographical Journal, 1903, 357 If, and on "Tarsus" in I/DH should also be consulted, as well as H. Bohlig, Die Geisteskultur von Tnr.ioH im augusteischen Zeit alter (Gottillgen, 1913). For inscriptions see LeBas-Waddington, Voyaye arrhcolouigue, III, nos. 1470 ff; Inscr. Grace, ad res Romans. pertinentes, III, K70 fT. For coins, B. V. Head, Historia Numorum*, 7'2 ( .) ff; G. F. Hill, liritish Museum Cntdlnijue of Coins: Lyctiunia, Isauria and Cilicia, Ixxvi If, 102 If.

    M. North. TOD

    TARTAK, tiir'tak (pi-HP , iartak): In 2 Kings 17 31 mentioned as the name of an idol of the Avvites, one of the peoples sent by Shalmaneser to the cities of Samaria. It is otherwise unknown.

    TARTAN, tar'tan ("t-nn , tartan): For a long time, the word was interpreted as a proper name;, but the Assyr inscriptions have shown it to be the title of a high official. From the eponym lists it would seem that it was the title of the highest official next to the king, which in a military empire like Assyria would be the "commander-in-chief." The Assyr form of the name is tartanu or turtanu. In both OT passages the reference is to a military officer. In Isaiah 20 1 it is used of the officer scut by Sargon, king of Assyria, against Ashdod; ac- cording to 2 Iv 18 17, Sennacherib sent Tartan and RABSARIS (cj.v.) and RABSHAKIOH (q.v.) with a great host against Jerusalem. The names of the two officials are not known. F. C. EISELEN

    TASKMASTER, task'mas-ter (DE nil) , sar ma?, "chief of the burden" or "levy" [Exodus 1 11]; to?" , noghcs, "distress," "driver," "oppressor," "raiser of taxes," "taskmaster" [Exodus 3 7; 5 G. 10.13. 14]): Officials of this class seem to have been officially

    appointed by Pharaoh for the purpose of oppressing the Israelites and subduing their spirits, lest they seek complete independence or organize a rebellion against the government (Exodus 1 11). The condition of the Israelites at this lime became one of complete vassalage or slavery, probably owing to the fact that the Hyksos were driven out and a new dynasty was established, which knew nothing of Joseph and his people. FRANK. East. Hmsni

    TASSEL, tas"l (niTS , with) : This word occurs only in Numbers 15 3

    It is probable that the dress of the Palestinian peasant has undergone little change in the centuries since the occupation of the land by the Hebrews. His outer garment, worn for protection against cold and rain, is the simldh of Exodus 22 2(5, now known as 'abdyah by the Arabs. It is a square cloak, with unsewn spaces for arrnholes, and is composed of either three or four widths of woven stuff. The outer strips of the stuff, folded back and sewn at the upper edges, form shoulder-straps. It was to such a garment as this that UK; injunctions of Numbers 15 37-41 and of Deuteronomy 22 12 applied. See FRINGES. West. SHAW CAI.DECOTT

    TASTE, tast (Hebrew D?t2 , ta*am, "the sense of taste," "perception," from C37I2 , ta~tim, "to taste," "to perceive"; Aram. C1TI2 , t'*cm, "flavor," "taste" [of a thing]; Hebrew ^JH , hcUt, "palate," "roof of the mouth" = "taste" ; y* 1 " H lcu > flcuonidi; noun -yevo-is, geusis; in 2 Mace 7 1 the vb. is,, cpfidj)- tomai) :

    (1) Literal: () Gustation, to try by Iho tongue: "The taste [ta'am] of it [manna] was like wafers made with honey" (Exodus 16 31); "Doth not the ear try words, even as the palate [hckh] tasteth [to? am] its food ?" (Job 12 11); "Belshazzar, while he tasted [lit. "at the taste of," t^em] the wine, commanded to bring the golden and silver vessels which Nebu- chadnezzar his father had taken out of the temple which was in Jerusalem; that the king and his lords, his wives and his concubines, might drink there- from" (Dnl 5 2). (b) "To sample," "to eat but a small morsel": "I did certainly taste [to? a in] a little honey with the end of the rod that was in my hand; and, lo, I must die" (1 Samuel 14 43).

    (2) Figurative: "To experience," "to perceive": "Oh taste and see that LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), is good" (Psalm 34 8; cf 1 Pet 2 3); "How sweet are thy words unto my taste!" (m "palate," hckh) (Psalm 119 103); "That by the grace of God he should taste of death for every man" (He 2 9); "For as touching those who were once enlightened and tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Spirit, and tasted the good word of God, and the powers of the age to come . . . ." (6 4.5).

    II. L. East. LUERING

    TATTENAI, tat'e-ni pIPW , tat f nay, various forms in LXX; AV Tatnai, tat'nl, tat'nil-I): A Pers governor, who was the successor of Rehum in Sama- ria and some other provinces belonging to Judah, bordering on Samaria. He governed the provinces during the reign of Darius Hystaspis and Zerubbabel (Ezra 5 3.6; 6 6.13). He was friendly to the Jews, and when he heard adverse reports from Jerusalem he suspended judgment till he had investigated the matter on the ground, and then reported to the Pers government in a very moderate manner. In 1 Esdras 6 3.7.27; 7 1 he is called "Sisinnes."

    South. L. UMHACII

    TATTLER, tat'ler: Only in 1 Tim 5 13 for vapos, phluaros. A "silly talker," rather than a "revealer of secrets," is meant.



Letter "T"

    TAV, tiiv. Sec TAW.

    TAVERNS, tav'ernz, THREE:

    Three Taverns (Lai, 7'/rx Tnbcrnac, Or trans- literates trt ! 'is tal>('rtini; Cicero Ail Alt. i.13; ii.12, 13) was ;i statioi on t lie .Appian Road at the 33d milestone (30',- East::g. miles from Rome;, according to the Itineraries of the Romans Empire (I tin. Ant. vii; Tnh. l\\\\\\\\ nt.; (Icixjr. l\\\\\\\\

    Parties of the Christian brethren in Rome went out to greet the apostle Paul when news was brought that he had arrived at Puteoli, one group proceeding as far as Appii Forum, while another awaited his coming at Three Taverns (Acts 28 15). GEOKC;!-; II. ALLKX

    TAW, tau (Pi, /, n, tin: The '22d letter of the Hob alphabet; transliterated in tin's Encyclopaedia wil h the dag he sh as /, and as /// without. Jt came also to be used for the number 101). For name, etc, see ALIMIAHICT; see also EOKKHKAD; M.VKK.

    TAX, taks, TAXING, taks'ing:


    1. (icucral Considerations

    '2. Limits of the Discussion

    II. TAXF.South i\\\\\\\\ ISUAKL UNDRU SELF-GOVERNMENT 1. In the Earliest Period 2. I" rider t lie Theocracy; in the Period of the Judges

    3. Under (he Kings


    1. ruder t he Assyrians and Babylonians

    2. rndcr the Persians

    3. Under the Ptolemies and Selcucid Kings

    4. I'lider the Konians

    /. Introduction. Taxation, in the sense of regu- lar, graduated imposts levied by authority upon wealth, whether in the form of flocks 1. General and herds, tilled lands or accumulated Consider- treasure, is a comparatively late product ations of social evolut ion. The beginnings of

    this trouble-breeding institution are, of course, very ancient. If in the beginning all wealth was common wealth, all property vested in the family or tribe, making any kind oi' levies un- necessary, with the rise of individualism, the pro- rat a, setting aside, for common uses, of certain pos- sessions held as private property by individuals, which is the essence of taxation, is inevitable. AVith the advent of more advanced civilization, by which is meant fixed residence, systematic use and cultivation of defined and limited territory, estab- lished political organization centering in rulers of one kind or another, regular taxation must neces- sarily have begun. Throughout history the burden of taxation has kept pace, with the elaboration of the machinery of government; kings, courts, cere- monials, legislative and judicial administration, wars, diplomacy all these institutions spell ex- pense and, consequently, taxation. In a very real sense, the history of taxation is the history of civili- zat i:m.

    In following the history of taxation in the Bible, two lines of development are to be noted: Israel's

    internal history when left to herself, 2. Limits and her experiences as tributary to of the successive conquerors. These "two

    Discussion lines of experience form the main

    divisions of this article. AVe shall con- fine ourselves so far as possible to the civil aspects of the subject, leaving for others those interesting problems of taxation connected with the origin and


    development of the priestly legislation. TITIIK, etc.

    //. Taxes in Israel under Self- Government. In

    the first glimpses of the ancestors of the Hebrew people given us in the Bible, no such institution as taxation appears.

    Like all primitive communities, the nomadic- Hebrews had no regular system of taxation uor use for any. Vol- untary presents were; given by the less to 1. In the the more powerful in return for protection Earliest or ()t ' 1(> r advantages. These are really

    ominous words, for even sis late as the feriOQ United Kingdom, when, of a certainty, the

    voluntary element hud long since gone out, the royal income was spoken of, with perhaps uncon- scious irony, as "presents" (1 Samuel 10 27; l' K 4 21; 10 2f>). One great taproot of the whole sifter-develop- ment of systematic taxation is to be found in this primi- tive custom of giving presents ((Jen 32 l-'i-21; 33 10; 43 11). The transition is so fatally easy from presents voluntarily given to those which are expected and finally to those which are demanded (2 Kings 16 s; cf 17 4, where AV has "presents").

    The first evidence of what, corresponds to com- pulsory taxation discoverable in the Bible; is in connection with the conquered Canaanites who were compelled to serve under tribute, that is, to render forced labor (Joshua 16 10; 17 13; Judges 1 2.South 3f>). In the early custom of making presents to the powerful and in the exactions laid upon con- quered peoples, with the necessary public expense of community life as the natural basis, we have the main sources of what grew to be institutional tax- ation.

    The only fixed impost under (lie theocracy which has a semi-civil character was the so-called "atone- ment money" (Exodus 30 11-1(5), really a 2. Under poll-tax amounting to a half-shekel the Theoc- for each enrolled male member of flu; racy and community above 20 years of age. Judges The proceeds of this tax were to bo

    used for the service; of the Tent, of Meeting (see TABKIJXACLK). It seems to have been levied by the authorities and accepted by the people whenever faithfulness to the ordinances of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), was the order of the day (2 Chronicles 24 4-14; Nehemiah 10 32; note here the emphasis laid upon the offer- ing as voluntary, and the variation in amount from one-half to one-third shekel). In later times this tax was devoted to the service of the temple, and was paid by Jews at a distance during the Disper- sion. Jos speaks of the large amounts accruing to the temple-treasury from this source (Ant, XIV, vii, 2). It was still collected as the distinctive temple-tax levied upon the citizen as such (Alt 17 24). It. is interesting to note that Jesus paid it under protest and with one of the most distinctive of His miracles, on the ground of His being the founder and head of a new temple, and hence not subject to the impost which was the badge of citizenship in the old order.

    The period of the Judges was too disorganized and chaotic to exhibit many of the characteristics of a settled mode of procedure. As far as we know the onlv source of public moneys was the giving of presents. If the action of Gideon (Judges 8 24) is to be taken as indicating the ordinary policy of the period, the. judges received nothing more than a share of the spoil taken in battle. The account emphasizes, evidently with purpose, the fact that (Jideon proffers a request (ver 24), and that the people respond freely and gladly.

    As was to be expected, taxation assumes far greater prominence the moment we cross the thresh- old of the kingdom. 1 Samuel 8 10-18 is 3. Under equally significant for our purpose the Kings whether it was, as appears on the face of the narrative, the actual words of warning uttered by Samuel in view of the well- known attitude of kings in general, or a later recen- sion from the viewpoint of experience. In either case, the passage gives us a fairly exhaustive list of royal prerogatives. Aside from various forms



Letter "T"

    of public and private service, the king would take, (note the word) the best of the vineyards, etc, together with a tenth of the SIMM! and of" the (locks. The underlying principle, suggested by Samuel's summary and fully exemplified in the actions of Israel's kings, is that the king would take what he needed for his public and private needs from the strength and substance of his people. Constitu- tional laws regulating the expenditure of public funds and the amount of exactions from the people in taxation seem never to have been contemplated in these early monarchies. The king took what he could get; the people gave what they could not hold back. The long battle for constitutional rights has centered from the beginning about the matter of taxation.

    In 1 Samuel 10 27 (of 2 Oil 17 5) the case cited of worth- less fellows who brought Saul no present clearly shows that fealty to the new king was expressed in the giving of presents. The. refusal to make these so-called presents was ivn act of constructive treason, so interpreted by tin- writer, who mentions Saul's silence in the premises as something notable. It is evident that the word "pres- ent" has become euphemistic. In 1 Samuel 17 25 exemp- tion from taxation is specifically mentioned, together with wealth and marriage into the royal family, as one element in the reward to be obtained' for ridding Israel of the menace of Goliath.

    In David's time an unbroken series of victories in war so enriched the public treasury (see 2 Samuel 8 2.7.X) that we hear little of complaints of excessive taxation If David's census was for fiscal purposes (24 2), \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ecaii understand why he was so severely dealt with for it but the matter is still obscure. David's habit of dedicating spoil to LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), (8 10-12) kept the sacred treasury well supplied. Solomon undoubtedly inherited David's scale of public expense (1 rii 27 25-31) and added to it through his well-developed love of luxury and power At the same time the cessation of war made' the develop- ment of internal resources for carrying on his ambitious schemes imperative. The boundaries of his kingdom are specified (1 Kings 4 21 [Hebrew 5 1]) together witli the amount of his income (i K 1Q 14.28; cf 2 Kings 3 4) It is also stated that other kingdoms paid tribute to him. His system of fiscal administration was very thoroughly organized. Ho put the whole country under twelve officers (to specify one feature) whose; business it was to provide, by months, provisions for the court (1 Kings 4 7-19). Under Solomon also, for the first time, so far as we know, Israelites wen; compelled to render forced labor (1 Kings 5 13-17). By the end of his reign the burden of taxation had become so seven; that in the public address made to Rehoboam the people demanded a lightening of the "grievous service" of Solomon as the condition of their fealty to his successor. Uehn- boam's foolish answer of defiance precipitated the sepa- ration of the tribes which proved in the end so dis- astrous. During the period of prophetic activity which follows, one recurring specification in the denunciations uttered by the prophets against the kinw was the ex- cessive burden of taxation imposed upon the people Amos speaks of "exactions of wheat taken from the poor" (5 11; cf 2 0-8). In 7 1 he incidentally refers to a custom which has grown up of rendering to the king the first mowings of grass. Isaiah speaks of eating up the vineyards and taking the spoil of tin; poor (3 14) Micah, with even greater severity, denounces rulers "who eat the flesh of my people" (3 1-4). These citations are sufficient to show that all through the later monarchy the Israelites suffered more or less from official rapacity and injustice.

    ///. Israel under Conquerors. During the reign of Menahem, who succeeded Jeroboam II as king

    of Israel, the Assyr invasion under 1. Assyria Tiglath-pileser III (Bib. 'Tul," 2 Kings and 15 19) began. The one act of Mena-

    Babylonia hem (aside from his general sinfulness)

    which is specified in 2 Kings 15 17-22, the remainder of his unedifving career being left to the Chronicles of the kings of Israel, is that he bought olT the Assyr conqueror by a tribute of a thousand talents which he obtained by mulcting men of wealth in his kingdom to the extent of fifty talents each. A little later, Ahaz of Judah sent a present to the same ruler. He took the novel method of robbing the temple-treasury and adding the sum thus gained to the accumulations at hand in the royal treasury. Both these kings were some- what original in their methods. Iloshea of Israel, a contemporary of Aha/, was reduced to tribute;

    later, upon his neglect to pay, he was put in prison (2 Kings 17 4). A little later still, Jehoahaz, the son of Josiah, was deposed by Pharaoh-necoh, who placed a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of silver and one of gold (2 Kings 23 31 -33). Je- hoiakim, the puppet king, raised this tribute by a special tax upon the people (vs 3 l.3f>). This latter passage is especially interesting because it seems to indicate (vs 3/> f) a graduated system of taxation supposedly honored more often in the breach than in the observance. This same unfortunate Je- hoiakim came under the heavy hand of Nebuchad- nezzar (2 Kings 24 1-7). This latter ruler seems not to have levied a special tribute, at least it is not mentioned; but reimbursed himself for (lie expenses of conquest by carrying away to Babylon the ves- sels of the temple (2 Chronicles 36 7).

    In Ezra 4 13, a part of a letter addressed to Ar- taxerxes by officials "west of the river" (see whole passage vs 7 21) who were hostile to 2. Under the Jews, it is charged that in the the Persians event of rebuilding the city the in- habitants would not pay "tribute, custom, or toll." These three; words,' which are evidently combined in a formula and indicate three distinct classes of taxes, are interesting as being characteristic of the Pers period.

    The three words are: (1) ppT^ , midddh = " tribute" (Ezra 4 13.20; cf Xeh > 5 4, where the expression is "king's tribute"); (2) ^3, h''l,i =according to (iesenius s.v.: "tax oil articles consumed" or "excise" (HDIi "im- post") (Ezra 4 13. 20; 7 24); (3) rjbn, f,iil>U- h =" road- toll" or "custom tax" (Ezra 4 IM'L'O; 7 24). These Assyr words are to be contrasted with the words used elsewhere: (1) , mns = " forced labor" (1 Kings 5 13 [Hebrew 5 27]; cf ut sup. Joshua 16 10; 17 13; Judges 1 28. 30.33.35; Deuteronomy 20 11; Est 10 1); (2) $&, massa' = "burden" (2 Chronicles 17 11); (3) CZ'Q - mckhcs ="" measure," used of tribute exacted for LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, taken from people, cattle, and spoil, etc (Xu 31 25-31). Krom this enumeration and comparison it will be seen that the Hebrew had no gen- eral word corresponding to the Eng. word "tax."

    To return to the situation in the Pers period, it is evident that the Pers riders exacted practically the same classified tributes, direct and indirect, tha"t are found elsewhere. It is recorded 1 hat Artaxerxes, in response to the letter of his officers in Philestina-Canaan Land (Kzr 421), stopped the work of the rebuilding of Jems in anticipation of the refusal of the Jewish leaders to pay taxes. The work was resumed in the 2d year of Darius under the protection of a royal decree which gave to the Jewish authorities a sufficient amount from the ''tribute! beyond the river" to finish without delay.

    Artaxerxes, in addition to his generous gifts, exempted the priests and temple-servants from all taxation (Ezra 7 24). In the days of Nehemiah a serious condition arose. The king's tribute was so heavy that the Jewish common people were com- pelled to borrow money upon mortgages, and in so doing fell into the hands of usurers of their own people, by whom they were so impoverished as to be compelled to sell their sons and daughters into slavery (Xeh 5 1-13). In addition to the royal tribute, they were forced to support the governors who were entitled to bread, wine and forty shekels of silver annually (vs 14.15). In the prayer of- fered on the fast day (Nch 9) it was asserted that their burdens of taxation were so heavy that they were servants in their own land (vs 3b'.37).

    The Ptolemies, who practically controlled Philestina-Canaan Land from 301 to 218 BC, do not appear to have been excessive in their demands for tribute (twenty talents for Jews [A/it, XII, iv, 1] seems no great amount), but the custom which they introduced, or at least established, of farming the taxes to the highest bidder, introduced a principle which pre-



Letter "T"

    vailed through all tin; subsequent history and was

    the cause of much popular suffering and discontent.

    The story of Joseph, the Jewish tax-

    3. Under collector (Ant, XII, iv, l-o), who was the Ptole- for 23 years farmer-general of taxes mies and for Philestina-Canaan Land under Ptolemy Euergetes, Seleucid and the cause of "a long train of Kings disasters," is peculiarly significant for

    the student of the NT.

    The conquest of Philestina-Canaan Land by Antiochus the Great (202 BC) brought a certain amount of relief to the ".storm-tossed" (Jos) Jews of Philestina-Canaan Land, as of old the buffer state between contending powers. Accord- ing to Jos (Ant, XII, iii, 3), Antiochus gave the Jews generous gifts in money, remitted their taxes for three years, and permanently reduced them one- third (see Kent's discussion of the credibility of these statements, Historical Series for Bible Stu- dents, Bab, Pers, Or Periods, 29(5).

    That the Seleucid kings were particularly severe in their exactions is clearly shown in the letter of Demetrius to the Jews, whose favor he was seeking in rivalry with Alexander Balas of Smyrna, the pre- tender to tin; Seleucid throne (see 1 Marc 10 26- 30; 11 34.35; 13 39; cf 11 28).

    In this quoted letter Demetrius promises the following exemptions: from (1) "tributes" (6poi, phdroi =" poll- taxes"); (2) tax on salt; (3) crown taxes (a>'oi, stiphtmoi =" crowns of gold " or their equivalents); (4) the tribute of one-third of the seed; (5) another of one-half of the fruit of the trees (10 20.30). This seems almost incredibly severe, but evidence is not lacking of its probability (Lance's Comm. Apnc, ed I'JOl, 525). With Seleucus IV (187-170 BO the Jews felt for the first time, indirectly but powerfully, the pressure of Rome. This disreputable ruler had to pay tribute to Home as well as to (hid means whereby to gratify his own passion for luxury, and was correspondingly rapa- cious in the treatment of his subjects (2 Mace 3).

    During the early part of the Herodian epoch, taxes were paid to the king and collected by offi- cers appointed by him. This method

    4. Under which worked fairly well, at least the Romans under Herod the Great, had passed

    away before any books of the NT were written. After the deposition of Archelaus ((5 AD), at the request of the Jews themselves, Judaea was incorporated into the Romans empire and put under procurators who were in charge of all financial ad- ministration, although the tetrarchs still collected the internal taxes. This fact conditions all that is to be said about "tribute" and "publicans" in connection with the NT. It is to be noted first of all (a fact that is often overlooked by the student) that in the imperial era the direct taxes were not farmed out, but collected by regular im- perial officers in the regular routine of official duty. The customs or tolls levied upon exports and im- ports, and upon goods in the hands of merchants passing through the country, were sold to the highest bidders, who were called "publicans."

    With this distinction clearly In mind we may dismiss the subject of general taxation with the following remarks- First, that the taxes in Judaea went to the imperial treasury (Matthew 22 17; Mark 12 14; Luke 20 22); second, that these taxes were very heavy. These two facts explain why the question of paying tribute to Caesar, which Our Lord was obliged to meet;, was so burning an issue. It touched at once religious and financial interest a powerful combination. In 7 AI), immediately after the appointment of Coponius as proc- urator, Quirinius (see Quirinius, NT Chronology, etc) was sent to Judaea to take a census (aTro-ypa^rj, apoyrapM) for the purpose of a poll-tax (xiji-cros, k&nsus, opo?, phtros. Or iiriKe4>d\\\\\\\\aiiov, epike phtilaion [Matthew 22 17; Mark 12 13.14; Luke 20 201T1). This census was the, occasion for the bloody uprising of Judas of (Jamala (or (lalilee) (Acts 5 37; cf Ant, XVIII, i, 1, 6). As a matter of historical fact this same census was the occasion of the final destruction of the Jewish commonwealth, for the fierce antagonism to Rome which was aroused at that time never died out until it was extinguished in blood, 70 AD.

    We are now free to discuss those matters which

    center in a general way about the term "publican." According to Stapfer (PTC, 215) this term (reXaii'Tjs, tcloncs) is commonly used to cover several grades of minor officials engaged in the customs service. The word was extended in meaning from the publicanus, properly so called, the farmer- general of a province, to his subordinate local offi- cials. The publicans of the NT "examined the goods and collected tolls on roads and bridges" (Stapfer, op. eit,, 21(5; ef Matthew 9 9). These tolls (Lat portoria; Gr T^\\\\\\\\TJ, tele) were collected in Philestina-Canaan Land at Caesarea, Capernaum and Jericho (Jos, BJ, II, xiv, 4). Those collected at Capernaum went into the treasury of Herod Antipas. At Jericho there was a chief publican (apx' 7 "^^^*, architeldncs), but most of the publicans mentioned in the NT were probably subordinate to men higher in authority.

    Sufficient cause for the unpopularity of publicans in NT times is not far to seek. Hatred of paying duties seems to be ingrained in human nature. Customs officials are always unpopular. The method is necessarily inquisitorial. The man who opens one's boxes and bundles to appraise the value of what one has, is at best a tolerated evil. In Judaea, under the Romans system, all circumstances combined to make the publican the object of bitter hatred. He represented and exercised in immediate contact, at a sore spot with individuals, the hated power of Rome. The tax itself was looked upon as an inherent religious wrong, as well as civil impo- sition, and by many the payment of it was consid- ered a sinful act of disloyalty to God. The tax- gatherer, if a Jew, was a renegade in the eyes of his patriot ic fellows. He paid a fixed sum for the taxes, and received for himself what he could over and above that amount. The ancient and widespread curse of arbitrariness was in the system. The tariff rates were vague and indefinite (We Schiirer, //,//', I, ii, (>7 f). The collector was thus always under the suspicion of being an extortioner and probably im.s in most instances. The name was apt to realize itself. The usual combination in a publican of petty tyrant, renegade and extortioner, made by circumstances almost inevitable, was not conducive to popularity. In the score of instances in the NT where publicans are mentioned, their common status, their place in the thought and action of Jesus, their new hope in the gospel are clearly set forth. The instances in which Our Lord speaks of them are especially illuminating: (1) lie uses them on the basis of the popular esti- mate which the disciples undoubtedly shared, to point in genial irony a reproach addressed to His hearers for their low standard of love and forgive- ness (Matthew 6 46.47). (2) He uses the term in the current combination in giving directions about excommunicating a persistently unrepentant mem- ber of the church (Matthew 18 17). (3) He uses the term in the popular sense in describing the current condemnation of His attitude of social fellowship with them, and constructively accepts the title of "friend of publicans and sinners" (Matthew 11 19; Luke 7 34). (4) Most significant of all, Jesus uses the publican, as He did the Samaritan, in a parable in which the despised outcast shows to advantage in an attitude acceptable to God (Luke 18 Off).

    This parable is reinforced by the statement, made more than once by Our Lord, that the readiness to repent shown by the publicans and other outcasts usually found with them was more promising of salvation than the spiritual pride shown by some who were satisfied with themselves (Luke 3 12; cf 7 29; Matthew 21 31.32; Luke 15 1). The choice of Levi as a disciple (Matthew 10 3, etc) and the conversion of Zacehaeus (Luke 19 8f), of whom Jesus speaks so beautifully as a son of Abraham (vcr 9), justi- fied the characteristic attitude which Our Lord adopted toward this despised class, about equally guilty and unfortunate. He did not condone their faults or crimes; neither did He accept the popular verdict that pro- nounced them unfit for companionship with the good



Letter "T"

    and without hope in the world. According to the teaching and accordant action of Jesus, no man or woman is without hope until the messenger of hope has been definitely rejected.

    It, is fitting, if somewhat dramatic, that a study of taxation that historic root of bitterness periodi- cally springing up through the ages should end in contemplation of Him who spoke to an outcast and guilty tax-collector (Luke 19 10) the wonderful words: "The Son of man came to seek and to save that which was lost." Louis MATTHEWS SWEET

    TEACH, tech, TEACHER, tech'er, TEACHING, tech'ing:

    I. OT TERMS 5. Exposition

    1. Discipline (>. Authority

    2. Law 7. ('an;

    :?. Discernment X. Supervision

    4. Wisdom III. OT HI.STOHY

    5. Knowledge 1. [n the Homo (5. Illumination 2. In Public;

    7. Vision IV. EXTRA-BIBLICAL

    8. Inspiration TE ACHI NO

    0. Nourishment \\\\\\\\. NT HISTORY II. XT TERMS 1. Christ's Life

    1. Instruction 2. Apostolic Labors

    2. Acquisition 3. General Consider-

    3. Presentation ations

    4. Elucidation

    A rich variety of words is employed in the Bible to describe the teaching process. The terms do not so much indicate an office and an official as a function and a service, although both ideas are often ex- pressed or implied.

    /. OT Terms. Tab, lamarlh, "to beat": A

    very common word for "to teach"; it may have

    meant "to beat with a rod," "to chas-

    1. Dis- tise," and may have originally referred cipline to the striking and goading of beasts

    by which they were curbed and trained. By a noble evolution the term came to describe the process of disciplining and training men in war, religion and life (Isaiah 2 3; Hosea 10 11; Mic 4 2). As teaching is both a condition and an accompani- ment of disciplining, the word often means simply "to teach," "to inform" (2 Chronicles 17 7; Psalm 71 17; Prov 6 13). The glory of teaching was its har- mony with the will of God, its source in God's authority, and its purpose to secure spiritual obedience (Deuteronomy 4 5.14; 31 12.13).

    !"TP , yardh, "to cast": The teaching idea from which the law was derived is expressed by a vb.

    which means "to throw," "to cast as

    2. Law an arrow or lot." It is also used of

    thrusting the hand forth to point out or show clearly (Genesis 46 28; Exodus 16 25). The original idea is easily changed into an educational conception, since the teacher puts forth new ideas and facts as a sower casts seed into the ground. But the process of teaching was not considered external and mechanical but internal and vital (Exodus 35 34.35; 2 Chronicles 6 27). The nominal form is the usual word for law, human and Divine, general and specific (Deuteronomy 4 8; Psalm 19 8; Prov 1 8). The following are suggestive phrases: "the book of the law" (Deuteronomy 28 61; 2 Kings 22 8); "the book of the law of Moses" (Joshua 8 31; 2 Kings 14 6); "the book of the law of God" (Joshua 24 26); "the book of the law of Jch" (2 Chronicles 17 9). Thus even in the days of Joshua there was in the possession of the religious teachers a book of the Law of the Lord as given by Moses. This recorded revelation and legislation continued to be the Divine norm and ultimate authority for priest, king and people (2 Chronicles 23 11; Nehemiah 8 1-3).

    "PS , bin, "to separate": The word meaning "to separate," "to distinguish," is often used in a causative sense to signify "to teach." The idea of teaching was not an aggregation of facts bodily transferred like merchandise. Real learning

    followed genuine teaching. This word suggests

    a sound psychological basis for a good pedagogy.

    The function of teaching might be

    3. Discern- exercised with reference; to the solu- ment tion of difficult problems, the inter- pretation of God's will, or the manner

    of a godly life (Dnl 8 16. 26: Nehemiah 8 7-!); Psalm 119 34).

    b?i&, sdkhal, "to be wise": The vb. from which

    the various nominal forms for "wisdom" are

    derived means "to look at," "to

    4. Wisdom behold," "to view," and in the causa-

    tive stern describes the process by which one is enabled to sec for himself what had never before entered his physical or intellectual field of consciousness. The noun indicates a wise person or sage whose mission is to instruct others in the ways of the Lord (Prov 16 23; 21 1 1 ; and often in the Wisdom literature). In Dnl 12 3 we read: "They that are wise [in "the teachers"] shall shine as the brightness of the firmament." _ 77; , yadha\\\\\\\\ "to see" (cf otda, oida}: This vb. lit. means "to see" and consequently "to perceive," "to know," "to come to know," and 6. Knowl- "cause to know or teach." It de- edge scribes the act of knowing as both progressive and completed. The caus- ative conception signifies achievement in the sphere of instruction. It is used of the interpretation and application by Moses of the principles of the law of God (Exodus 18 16.20), of the elucidation of life's problems by the sages (Prov 9 9; 22 19), and of constant Providential guidance in the way of life (Psalm 16 11).

    "1HT , zuhar, "to shine": This verbal root sig- nifies "to shine," and when applied to the intellec- tual sphere indicates the function of

    6. Illumi- teaching to be one of illumination. nation Ignorance is darkness, knowledge is

    light. Moses was to teach the people statutes and laws, or to enlighten them on the principles and precepts of God's revelation (Exodus 18 20). The service rendered by the teachers priests, Levites and fathers sent forth by Jehoshaphat, was one of illumination in the twofold sense of instruction and admonition (2 Chronicles 19 8-10).

    nS?"l , rd'ah, "to see": The literal meaning of this vb. is "to see," and the nominal form is the

    ancient name for prophet or authori-

    7. Vision tative teacher who was expected to

    have a clear vision of spiritual realities,

    the will of God, the need of man and the way of life

    (1 Samuel 9 9; 1 Chronicles 9 22; 2 Chronicles 16 7 f ; Isaiah 30 10).

    &O: , nabha', "to boil up": The most significant

    word for "prophet" is derived from the vb. which

    means "to boil up or forth like a foun-

    8. Inspi- tain," and consequently to pour ration forth words under the impelling power

    of the Spirit of God. The Hebrews used the passive forms of the vb. because they considered the thoughts and words of the prophets due not to personal ability but to Divine influence. The utterances of the prophets were characterized by instruction, admonition, persuasion and predic- tion (Deuteronomy 18 15-22; Kzk 33 1-20).

    n7"1 , ra*ah, "to feed a flock": The name "shep- herd," so precious in both the OT and the NT,

    comes from a vb. meaning "to feed,"

    9. Nourish- hence to protect and care for out of a ment sense of devotion, ownership and

    responsibility. It is employed with reference to civil rulers in their positions of trust (2 Samuel 5 2; Jeremiah 23 2); with reference to teachers of virtue and wisdom (Prov 10 21; Eccl 12 11); and preeminently with reference to God as the great Shepherd of His chosen people (Psalm 23 1;



Letter "T"

    Hosea 4 1(5). East/k 34 presents an arraignment of the unfaithful shepherds or civil rulers; 1's 23 reveals ,Ieh as the Shepherd of true believers, and Ju 10 shows how religious teachers are shepherds under Jesus the Good Shepherd.

    II. NT Terms. Further light is thrown upon religious teaching in Bible, times by a brief view of the leading educational terms found in the NT.

    SiodcTKw, (li'luxko, "to teach": The usual word for "teach" in the. NT signifies either to hold a dis- course with others in order to instruct

    1. Instruc- them, or to deliver a didactic dis- tion course where there may not be direct

    personal and verbal participation. In the former sense it describes the interlocutory method, the interplay of the ideas and words be- tween pupils and teachers, and in the latter use it refers to the more formal monologues designed osp. to give information (Alt 4 23; chs 5-7; 13 36 f; .In 6 59; 1 (\\\\\\\\>r 4 17; 1 Tim 2 12). A teacher is one who performs the function or fills the office of instruction. Ability and fitness for the, work are, required (Romans 2 20; He 5 12). The title refers to Jewish teachers (John 1 38), to, John the Baptist (Luke 3 12), to Jesus (.In 3 2; 8 4, and often), to Paul (1 Tim 2 7; 2 Tim 1 11), and to instructors in the early church (Acts 13 1; Pom 12 7; 1 Corinthians 12 2S). Teaching, like preaching, was an integral part of the work of an apostle (Matthew 28 19; Mark 16 15; Eph 41).

    p.avOdvw. manthdno, "to learn": The central thought of teaching is causing one to learn. Teach- ing and learning are not scholastic

    2. Acqui- but dynamic, and imply personal sition relationship and activity in the ac- quisition of knowledge (Alt 11 29;

    28 19; Acts 14 21). There were three concentric, circles of disciples in the t hue of ( )ur Lord: learners, pupils, superficial followers, the multitude (Ju 6 (if)); the body of believers who accepted Jesus as their Master (Matthew 10 42); and the Twelve Dis- ciples whom Jesus also called apostles (Alt 10 2). waparWrifjiL^ paratUhemi, "to place beside": The present at ive idea involved in the teaching process is intimately associated with theprin-

    3. Presen- ciple of adaptation. When it is stated tation that Christ put forth parables unto the

    people, the sacred writer employs the figure of placing alongside! of, or near one, hence before him in an accessible position. The food or teaching should be sound, or hygienic, and adapted to the capacit v and development, of the. recipient, (Alt 13 24; Mark 8 6; Acts 16 34; 1 Corinthians 10 27; 2 Tim 4 3; He 5 12-14).


    4. Eluci- in reference to Himself. The work dation of interpreter is to make truth clear

    and to effect the edification of the hearer (Luke 24 27; 1 Corinthians 12 30; 14 5.13.27).

    tKTiOri/ju., cklitti('mi; "to place out": The vb.

    lit. means "to set or place out," and signifies to

    bring out. the latent and secret ideas

    5. Expo- of a literary passage or a system of sition thought and life. Thus Peter inter- preted his vision, Aquila and Priscilla

    unfolded truth to Apollos, and Paul expounded the gospel in Rome (Acts 11 4; 18/20; 28 23). True teaching is an educational exposition.

    Tt-por)TTjs, proclitics, "One who speaks for": A

    prophet was a man who spoke forth a message from

    God to the people. He might deal

    6. Author- with past failures and achievements, ity present, privileges and responsibilities,

    or fut ure doom and glory. He received his message and authority from God (Deuteronomy 18 15-22;

    Isaiah 6). The word refers to OT teachers (Matthew 5 12), to John the Baptist (Alt 21 2(5), to Jesus the Mes- siah (Acts 3 25), and to special speakers in the Apos- tolic age (Alt 10 41; Acts 13 1; 1 Corinthians 14 29.37)., pohnf'ii; "a shepherd": The word for "shepherd" signifies one who tends a flock, and by analogy a person who gives mental and

    7. Care spiritual nourishment, and guards and

    supports those under his care (Alt 9 36; John 10 2.1(5; I Pet 2 25; Eph 4 11). Love is a fundamental prerequisite to the exercise of the shepherding function (John 21 15-18). The duties arc; to be discharged with great, diligence and in humble recognition of the gifts and appointment of the Holy Spirit (Acts 20 28).

    eTTt'crKOTTos, ejAskopos, "an overseer" : The bishop or overseer was to feed and protect the blood- bought church of God (Acts 20 28).

    8. Super- Among the various qualifications of vision the religious overseers was an aptitude

    for teaching (1 Tim 3 2; Tit 1 9). The Lord is preeminently shepherd and bishop (1 Pet 2 25).

    ///. OT History. In the Jewish home the teach- ing of the law of the Lord was primarily incumbent

    upon the parents. The teaching was

    1. In the to be diligent, the conversation reli- Home gious, and the atmosphere wholesome

    (Deuteronomy 6 7-9).

    Provision was also made for public, instruction in

    the law of God (Deuteronomy 31 12.13). This is a compact

    summary of early Hebrew teaching in

    2. In Public regard to the extent of patronage, the

    substance of instruction, and the purpose of the process. Samuel the judge and prophet recognized that his duty was fundamentally to pray to God for his people and to teach the nation "the good and 1 he right way" (1 Samuel 12 23). The glory and prosperity of Judah under Jehosha- phat were due in large measure to the emphasis he laid upon religious instruction as the basis of na- tional character and stability. His peripatetic Bible school faculty consisted of five princes, nine Levites and two priests who effected a moral and religious transformation, for "they taught in Judah, having the book of the, law of Jell with them" (2 Chronicles 17 7-9). The most striking illustration we, have of public religious instruction in the OT is found in Nehemiah 8. Ezra the priest and scribe was superintendent, and had an ample corps of teachers to instruct the multitude of men, women and children eager to hear. Prayer created a devotional atmosphere. The reading was distinct, the inter- pretation correct and intelligible. There was real teaching because; the people were made to under- stand and obey the law. In Nehemiah 9 and 10 we have recorded the spiritual, ceremonial, social and civic effects of ancient religious instruction.

    IV. Extra-Biblical History. The captivity gave a mighty impulse to teaching. In far-away Babylon the Jews, 'deprived of the privilege; and inspiration of the temple, established the synagogue as an institutional renter of worship and instruction. During the latter part of the inter-Bib, period, religious teaching was carried on In the synagogue and attendance was com- pulsory, education in the Law being considered the funda- ment al element of national security (Deutseh, Literary Ri mains, 23; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, I, 230). The Bible text alone was taught those from 5 to 10 years of age, the first lessons being taken from Leviticus (Taylor, Sai/ini/s of the Jewish Fathers, 111). From 10 to lo years of age the pupil was taught the substance of the Mish or unwritten tradition, and accorded the privilege of entering into the discussions of the Mish. which constitute the Gemara (Edersheim, op. cit., I, 232). Selections of Scriptures like the sh e ma' (Deuteronomy 6 4-0) were made for study, and lesson helps were adapted to the capacity of the pupils (Ginsburg, art. "Education" in (':/< <>}" Mil*. Lit.). The significance of the teaching idea among the Jews is indicated by numer- ous expressions for school (art. "Education, ('//<. of Uib. Lit.) and the prevalence of the synagogues, there



Letter "T"

    "i-iiiK perhaps -ISO in Jems in (he limr (if Christ, (II nr. llfh. I, 7S). The pupil was not, expected to he a passive hearer hut an active participant (.!'<., vi.ii; Taylor Sni/ inf). (Ireat emphasis was laid upon audible repetition and exaet, memory, yet, the teacher was culpable, if the pupil failed to under- stand the prescribed lesson (Hamburger, UK, II, (172, (>74). The pupil was regarded as the child of his teacher (Nr/ nlu-ilhri n 19), which is a familiar idea in the NT. Tim faithful teacher was considered destined to occupy a hiKh seat amoiiK the ancients (l)nl 12 :i). The scribes wen; secretaries or copyists of the sacred Law, and would thus acquire at least an accurate; verbal knowledge of its contents, ^guite naturally they would become religious teachers (Xeh 8 -1). Hence also their prominence in the

    LiTuiiATi-KK. Art. "Torah," ./

    V. NT History. In the XT wo find that Jesus is preeminently the teacher, though He wa.s also ])reaeher and healer (Matthew 4 23). His 1. Christ's Sermon on the Mount \\\\\\\\vas match- Life less teaching. He opened His mouth and "taught" (Alt 5 2). The titles "teacher," "master," "rabbi" all indicate the most prominent function of His active ministry. Even at the age _ of 12 years He revealed His wisdom and affinity in the midst of the rabbis or Jewish teachers of the Law in the temple (Luke 2 41 f). In the power of the Spirit He taught so that all recognized His authority (Luke 4 14.15; Alt 7 2!)). He ex- plained to the disciples in private what He taught the people in public (Alt 13 36). His principles and methods of teaching constitute the standard by which all true pedagogy is measured, and the ideal toward which all subsequent teachers have toiled with only partial success (Alt 7 2S.29; John 1 40; 3 2; 6 4G). In the Commission as recorded in Matthew 28 18.19.20 we have the work of Christianity presented in educational terms. We find the supreme authority (ver 18), the comprehensive content the evangelistic, the ceremonial, the educational, the practical (vs 19 and 20a), and the inspiring promise (ver 206).

    The emphasis laid upon teaching in the Apostolic age is a natural consequence of the need of the people and the commands of Jesus. 2. Apostolic The practice of the apostles is quite Labors uniform. They preached or pro-

    claimed, but they also expounded. In Jems the converts continued in the apostles' teaching (Acts 2 42j; and daily in the temple and in the homes of the people the teaching was cor- related with preaching (Acts 5 42). In Antioch, i he center of foreign missionary operations, Paul, Silas, Barnabas and many others taught the word of the Lord (Acts 15 35). In Thessalonica, Paul and Silas for three weeks reasoned with the people out of the Scriptures, opening up the sacred secrets and proving to all candid minds that Jesus was the Alessiah (Acts 17 1-3). In Beroea, instruction in the synagogue was followed by private study, and as a result many believed in the Lord (Acts 17 10- 15). In Athens, Paul discussed and explained the things of the kingdom of God, both in the synagogue 3 t a week and in the market daily (Acts 17 16 f). In Corinth, Paul having been denied the use of the synagogue taught the word of the Lord for a year and a half in the house of Justus, and thus laid the foundation for a great church (Acts 18 1-11). In Ephesus, Paul taught for 2 years in the school of Tyrannus, disputing and persuading the people concerning the kingdom of God (Acts 19 8-10). In Home, Paul expounded the word, testified to its truth, and persuaded men to accept the gospel (Acts 28 23). His method of work in Rome under trying limitations is described as cordially receiving the people and preaching the kingdom of God, and "teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ" (Acts 28 30.31).

    The office of teacher is fundamentally related to the creation of a missionary atmosphere (Acts

    13 1). Religious teaching is necessary 3. General to the development of Christian Considera- character and the highest efficiency in tions service (1 Corinthians 12 4 11.2S.2!); Eph 4

    11.12). The qualificat ion of the pastor is vitally connected with the teaching fund ion of the church. lie is to hold the truth, or to be orthodox (Tit 1 9), to apply the truth, or to be practical (Tit 1 9), to study the truth, or to be informed (1 Tim 4 13.15), to teach the truth, or to be equipped or able and tactful (2 Tim 2 2; 1 Tim 3 2), to live the truth, or to be faithful in all things (2 Tim 2 2; 1 Tim 4 16). The teaching function of Chris- tianity in the 2d cent, became strictly official, there- by losing much of its elasticity. A popular manual for the guidance of religious teachers was styled the "Teaching of tlrj Twelve" (see DIDACHK). The writings of the Apostolic; Fathers give valuable information in regard to the exercise; of the gifts of teaching in the early centuries (Did., xiii.2; xv.l, 2; Barn 18; Ign. Eph 31). See CATKCHIST; EDUCA- TION; Si'i RITUAL GIFTS. BYUO.V H. DuAIioxT

    TEAR BOTTLE. See next article.

    TEARS, terz (H"^" , diirfah; SdiKpua, tMlcnia): In the instances recorded in Scripture weeping is more; frequently associated with mental distress than with physical pain. Eastern peoples show none of the restraint of emotion in lament at JOTI which is characteristic; of modern Occidentals, and there are many records of this manifestation of woe, even among men accustomed to hardships and warfare, such as David and his soldiers. The flow of tears is the evidence of sorrow in prospect of approaching death in Psalm 39 12; 2 Kings 20 5; Isaiah 38 5, and of the suffering consequent on oppression (EccI 4 1), or defeat in battle (Isaiah 16 9), or hope- less remorse, as with Esau (He 12 17, probably referring to Genesis 27 34). The Psalmist, describes his condition of distress metaphorically as feeding on the bread of tears and having tears to drink (Psalm 80 5; 42 3). Tears in the figurative sense of anxiety for the future are referred to in Psalm 126 5; Alk 9 24 AV, and the tears accompanying penitence in Luke 7 38 (44 RVm). Jeremiah is sometimes called the "weeping prophet" on account of his expressive hyperbole in Jeremiah 9 1.1S (see also 14 7; 31 16; Lam 1 2; 2 11.18 and ten other passages). Conversely the deliverance from grief or anxiety is described as the wiping away of tears (Psalm 116 8' Isaiah 25 8; The Revelation 7 17; 21 4).

    The expression in Psalm 56 8 in which the Psalmist desires that God should remember his wanderings and his tears has given rise to a curious mistake. There is a paronomasia in the passage as he pleads that God should record his wanderings (Hebrew nodh} and that his tears should be put into God's no'dh (receptacle or bottle). No'dh lit. means a leathern or skin bottle, as is evident from Psalm 119 83 and Joshua 9 4-13. The request is obviously figurative, as there is no evidence that then; was even a sym- bolical collect ion of tears into a bottle in any Sem funeral ritual, and there is no foundation whatever for the modern identification of the long, narrow perfume jars so frequently found in late Jewish and Gr-Jewish graves, as "lachrymatories" or tear bottles. See BOTTLE. AI.KX. AIACALISTKH

    TEAT, tet ("IT , Klutdh [Isaiah 32 12], "H , dailh [Ezekiel 23 3.21]): In all these passages the HV has re- placed the word by "breast" or "bosom," both of which occasionally stand in poetical parallelism. The above passages in Ezekiel are to be understood figuratively of the inclination of Israel to connive



Letter "T"

    at, and take part in, (ho idolatry of their neighbors. To "smite upon the breasts" (Isaiah 32 12, where the AV translates wrongly "lament for the teats") means "to mourn and grieve in the ostentatious way of oriental women." .See PAP.

    TEBAH, te'ba (rntp , tcbhah): A son of Nahor, the brother of Abraham (On 22 24).

    TEBALIAH, teb-a-li'a, te-bal'ya prPtniJ , t'- bhalt/dhil, "Yahwch hath dipped,'' i.e. "purified"; B, TapXcu, Tdl>lal, A, TapeXias, Tnhdias, Luc., Ta^X, TitlH-tl): A Merarite gatekeeper (1 Chronicles 26 11). The name should perhaps read irP3"ILD , tubfuydhu, "Yah- weh is good" (possibly from "lt"P!TYC2 , misread ~52I3 "in" 1 , tbhalydhii). See TOHIJAH.

    TEBETH, te-beth', te'beth (TOt: , U'bhclh): The tenth month of the Jewish year, corresponding to January (Est 2 1(5). See CALKNDAK.


    TEHINNAH, te-hin'a (H2nP , fhinnah, ''suppli- cation"; B, 0ai(j.av, Thdinidn, A, Oavci, That id, Luc., eevvd, Tln'cnnn): "The father of the city Nahash" (1 Chronicles 4 12). Tin; verse seems to refer- to some post -exilic Jewish settlement, but is utterly obscure.

    TEIL, tel, TREE: AV Isaiah 6 13 = RV TEHEIUNTH (q.v.).

    TEKEL, te'kel (b^P , fkcl). See MK\\\\\\\\K, MKXF., TEKKI., ('I'HAKSIN.

    TEKOA, te-kd'a ("pP , l r kd"-\\\\\\\\ or V kef ah; KU), Tin-hoc ; AV Tekoah; one of David's mighty men, "Ira the son of Ikkesh," 1. Scripture is called a Tekoite, t^-kd'lt pTipR , References t'ko'l; 2 Samuel 23 2(5; 1 Chronicles 11 28; 27 <)]; the "woman of Tekoa" [2 Samuel 14 2] is in Ileb n-'JHpP,, f'-ko'llh; in Nehemiah 3 5 mention is made of certain Tekoites, te"-kd'Its [D'Tlpfl , I'krflm], who repaired part of the walls of Jerusalem): From here came the "wise woman" brought by Joab to try and make a reconciliation between David and Absalom (2 8 14 2 f) ; it was one of the cities fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chronicles 11 (5; Jos, Ant, VIII, ix, 1). The wilderness of Tekoa is mentioned (2 Chronicles 20 20) as the extreme edge of the inhabited area; here Jehoshaphat took counsel before advancing into the wilderness of Judaea to confront the Ammonites and Moabites. In Jeremiah 6 1, we read, "Blow the trumpet in Tekoa and raise a signal in Beth-haccherim" because of the enemy advancing from the North. Amos (1 1), one of the "herdsmen of Tekoa," was born here.

    In Joshua 15 59 (addition to verse in LXX only) Tekoa occurs at the beginning of the list of 11 addi- tional cities of Judah a list which includes Beth- lehem, Ain Kairem and Bettir which are omitted in the Hebrew. A Tekoa is mentioned as a son of Ashhur (I Chronicles 2 24; 45).

    Jonathan Maccabaeus and his brother Rimon fled from the vengeance of Bacchides "into the wilder- ness of Thecoe [RV "Tekoah"] and pitched their tents [RV "encamped"] by the water of the pool Asphar" (1 Mace 9 33).

    Jos calls Tekoa a village in his day (Vita, 75), as does Jerome who describes it as 12 miles from Jerusalem and visible from Bethlehem; he says the tomb of the prophet Amos was there (Conini. on Jeremiah, VI, 1). "There was," he says, "no village

    beyond Tekoa in the direction of the wilderness."

    The good quality of its oil and honey is praised

    by other writers. In the 6th cent, a

    2. Later monastery, Laura Nova, was founded History there by St. Saba. In the crusading

    times Tekoa was visited by pious pilgrims wishing to see the tomb of Amos, and some of the Christian inhabitants assisted the Crusaders in the first siege of Jerusalem. In 1138 the place was pillaged by a party of Turks from the 10. of the Jor- dan, and since that time the site appears to have lain desolate and ruined, although even in the 14th cent . the tomb of Amos was still shown.

    The site is without doubt the Kh. Tekii*a, a very extensive ruin, covering 4 or 5 acres, about

    ti miles South. of Bethlehem and 10 miles

    3. The from Jerusalem, near the Frank Mountain Site Tehtfa and on the road to Mm Jidi/. The

    remains on the surface are chiefly of large cut stone and are all, apparently, mediaeval. Fragments of pillars and bases of good hard lime- stone occur on the top of the hill, and there is an octagonal font of rose-red limestone; it is clear that, the church once stood there. There are many tombs and cisterns in the neighborhood of a much earlier period. A spring is said to exist somewhere on the site, but if so it is buried out of sight. There is a reference in the "Life of Saladin" (Bahaoddenus), to the "river of Tekoa," from which Richard Coeur de Lion and his army drank, 3 miles from Jerusalem: this may refer to the *Arub extension of the "low- level aqueduct" which passes through a long tunnel under the tiatd Tek.u*a and may have been thought by some to rise there.

    The open fields around Tcku*a arc attractive and well suited for olive trees (which have now dis- appeared), and there are extensive grazing-lands. The neighborhood, even the "wilderness" to the East., is full of the flocks of wandering Bedouin. From the site, Bethlehem, the Mount of Olives and Xd>i Xamuel (Mi/pah) are all visible; to the North.East. is a peep of the Jordan valley near Jericho and of the mountains of (iilead, but most of the eastern out- look is cut off by rising ground (I'EF, III, 314, 368, Sh XXI). East. West. G. MASTERMAN

    TEL-ABIB, tel-i!'bib (T>2X *n , tcl 'abhlbh; Vulg

    ad accrvum novarum frugum): As written in Ileb,

    Tel-abib means "hill of barley-ears"

    1. The and is mentioned in Ezekiel 3 15 as the Name and place to which the prophet went, Its Meaning and where he found Jewish captives

    "that dwelt by the river Chebar." That Tel-abib is written, as Fried. Delitzseh sug- gests, for Til Abubi, "Mound of the Flood" (which may have been a not uncommon village-name in Babylonia) is uncertain. Moreover, if the cap- tives themselves were the authors of the name, it is more likely to have been in the Ileb language. LXX, which has mctedros, "passing on high," referring to the manner in which the prophet reached Tel-abib, must have had a different Hebrew reading.

    If the Chebar be the nar Kabari, as suggested by

    Hilprecht, Tel-abib must have been situated some-

    where in the neighborhood of Niffer,

    2. The the city identified with the Calneh of Position Genesis 10 10. The tablet mentioning the of the river Kabaru refers to grain (barley?) Settlement seemingly sent by boat from Niffer in

    Nisan of the 21st year of Artaxerxes I. Being a navigable waterway, this was probably a good trading-center.

    LITERATURE. See Hilprecht and Clay, Business Docu- ments af .\\\\\\\\furashu Sons ("Pennsylvania Exp.," Vol IX, 28); Clay, Liyht on the OT from Babel, 405.



    TEL-HARSHA, tel-har'sha (XflnrTSn, tel-har- sha): In Ezra 2 .59; Nehemiah 7 til (AV in hitler, "Tel- haresha," tel-ha-re'sha, -har'South-sha), ;i Bab town or village from which Jews who could not show their lineage returned with Zerubbabel. The site is un- known. In 1 Esdras 6 36 it is called "Thelersas."

    TELAH, te'la (Plbn , t<-1

    TELAIM, 1e--la'im (^xblpn, ha-t f lalm, "the young laml)s"; v FaX-yaXois, en (lalyuloix): The place where Saul "summoned the people, and numbered them" (1 Samuel 15 4) before his attack on Agag, king <>f the Amalekites. Some authorities read "Telam" for "Havilah" in ver 7 and also find this name in 1 Samuel 27 8 instead of Dbiyx? , inc'dla/n. In LXX and Jos (Ant, VI, vii, 2) Gilgal occurs instead of Telaim, on what ground is not known. Probably Telaim is identical with TKLKM (q.v.), though the former may have been the name of a Bedouin tribe inhabiting the latter- district. Cf Dhalldm Arabs now found South. of Tell d-Milh. East. West. G. MASTKUMAN

    TELASSAR, tft-las'ar pEXn , Pln'mar [2 Kings

    19 12], "ITSbP, rlaxsdr [Isaiah 37 12]; A, OaXacrcrdp,

    Thalassdr, B, 0aeo-0ev, Tliacslhen;

    1. The Vulg Thclassar, Thalassar): This city, Name and which is referred to by Sennacherib's Its Meaning messengers to Hezekiah, is stated by

    them to have been inhabited by the "children of Eden." It had been captured by the Assyr king's forefathers, from whose hands its gods had been unable to save it. Notwithstanding the vocalization, the name is generally rendered "Hill of Asshur," the chief god of the Assyrians, but "Hill of Assar," or A sari (a name of the Bab Merodach), would probably be better.

    As Telassar was inhabited by the "children of Eden," and is mentioned with Gozan, Haran, and

    Rezeph, in Western Mesopotamia, it

    2. Sugges- has been suggested that it lay in Bit- tions as to Adini, "the House of Adinu," or Bet li- the Geo- cden, in the same direction, between graphical the Euphrates and the Belikh. A place Position named Til-Assuri, however, is twice

    mentioned by Tiglath-pileser IV (Ann., 176; Slab-Inscr., II, 23), and from these passages it would seem to have lain near enough to the Assyr border to be annexed. The king states that he made there holy sacrifices to Merodach, whose; seat it was. It was inhabited by Babylonians (whose; home was the Edinu or "plain"; see EDEN). Esar- haddon, Sennacherib's son, who likewise conquered the place, writes the name Til-Asurri, and states that the people of Mihranu called it Pitdnu. Its inhabitants, he says, were people of Barnaku. If this be Bit Burnaki in Elam, extending from the boundary of Rdsu (see ROSH), which was ravaged by Sennacherib (Bab Chronicles., Ill, 10 ff), Til-Assuri probably lay near the western border of Elam. Should this identification be the true one, the Hebrew form t'lassar would seem to be more correct than the Assyr Til-Assuri (-Asitrri), which latter may have been due to the popular idea that the second element was the name of the national god Assur. See Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 264. T. G. PINCHES



Letter "T"

    the same place and also to be identical with the Telaim and Telam of Saul (see TKLAIM). It is probably the same as the Talmia of the Talrn (Neubauer, (,'eog. du Talm, 121). The site has not been recovered.

    TELEM ^=bt2 , M ( . nt; LXX B, TiXr,^, Telem, A,TV\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\T)fj., Tclleni): One of three "porters" who had married foreign wives (Ezra 10 21), his name appear- ing as "Tolbanes" in 1 Esdras 9 2. r >; perhaps the same as TALMON (q.v.).

    TELL. See TALI;.

    TELL EL-AMARNA, tel-el-a-miir'na, TABLETS:


    1. Name

    2. Discovery

    :5. Physical Character II. EPIGRAPHICAL VALUE

    1. Peculiar Cuneiform Script !. Method of Writing Proper Names III. PHILOLOGICAL VALUK

    1. Knowledge of Amorite, Ilittite and Mitannian Tongues

    2. Persistence of Canaanite Names to the Present Time

    3. Verification of Biblical Statements eoncernin" "the Language of Canaan"

    1\\\\\\\\ . GEOGRAPHICAL VALUK

    1. Political and Ethnological Lines and Locutions

    2. Verification of Biblical and Egyptian Geo- graphical Notices

    3. Confirmation of General Evidential Value of Ancient Geographical Notes of Bible Lands


    1. Revolutionary Change of Opinion concerning Canaanite Civilization in Patriarchal Times

    2. Anomalous Historical Situation Revealed bv Use of Cuneiform Script

    3. Extensive Diplomatic Correspondence of the Age

    4. Unsolved Problem of the llubiri LITERATURE

    A collection of about 3/50 inscribe! clay tablets from Egypt, but written in the cuneiform writing, being part of the royal archives of Amenophis III and Amenophis IV, kings of the XVIlIth Egvp Dynasty about 1480 to 1400 BC. Some of the tablets are broken and there is a little uncertainty concerning the exact number of separate letters. 81 are in the British Museum = BM; 100 in the New Babylonian and Assyrian Museum, Berlin = B; 60 in the Cairo Museum = C; 20 at Oxford = (); the remainder, 20 or more, are in other museums or in private collections.

    /. Introduction. The name, Tell d-Amarna, "the hill Arnarna," is the modern name of ancient ruins about midway between Mem-

    1. Name phis and Luxor in Egypt. The ruins

    mark the site of the ancient city Khut Aten, which Amenophis IV built in order to escape the predominant influence of the old religion of Egypt represented by the priesthood at Thebes, and to establish a new cult, the worship of Aten, the sun's disk.

    In 1887 a peasant woman, digging in the ruins of Tell el-Amarna for the dust of ancient buildings with which to fertilize her garden,

    2. Dis- found tablets, a portion of the royal covery archives. She filled her basket with

    tablets and went home. How many she had already pulverized and grown into leek's and cucumbers and melons will never be known. This time someone's curiosity was aroused, and a native dealer secured the tablets. Knowledge of the "find" reached The Revelation. Chauncey Murch, D.D., an American missionary stationed at Luxor, who, suspecting the importance of the tablets, called the attention of cuneiform scholars to them. Then began a short but intense and bitter contest between representatives of various museums on the one hand, eager for scientific material, and native deal-

    TELEM, te'lem (OVa , telem; T&e|i, Telem): A city in the Negeb "toward the border of Edom," belonging to Judah (Joshua 15 24). In LXX of 2 Samuel 3 12 Abner is said to send messengers to David at Thelam (GcuAd/x, Thaildm); this would seem to be



Letter "T"

    ITS, on the other hand, rapacious at the prospect of the fabulous price the curious tablets might bring. The contest resulted in the destruction of some of the tablets by ignorant, natives and the final dis- tribution of the remainder and of the broken frag- ments, as noted at the beginning of this art. (see also Budge, Hist- of Ki/ypt, IV, ISO). After the dis- covery of the tablets the site of the ancient city was excavated by Professor Petrio in 1S91-92 (Tdl d-A>ntint(i; cf also Baedeker, Eyy/rt).

    The physical character of the tablets is worthy of somo notice. They are clay tablets. Nearly all are

    brick' tablets, i.e. rectangular, flat tablets 3 Phvsical varying in si/e from '2X2$ in. to Hi X9 T,' J in., inscribed on both sides and sometimes

    Character U[)(m the edges. One tablet is of a convex

    form (B 1(501). The clay used in the tab- lets also varies much. The tablets of the royal corre- spondence! from Babylonia and one; tablet fre>m Mitanni (B 15:?) are- of tine' Bab clay. The Syrian and Pales- tinian correspondence is in one or twei instances e>f clay which was probably imported from Babylonia for cor- respondence, but for the most part these' table-Is are' upon the clay of the country and they show decided differences among themselves in color and texture: in some 1 instances the clay is sanely and decidedly inferior. A number e>f tablets have reel points, a kind ef punctuation for mark- ing the, separation into words, probably inserted by the Egyp translator of the' letters at the- court e>f the Pharaoh. These points were fe>r the purpose e>f assisting in the reading. They do now -assist the reading very much. Se>me; tablets also show the; hieroglyphic marks which the Egyp scribe put em them when tiling them among the archives. The writing also is varied. Some e>f the) tablets from Philestina-Canaan Land (B H2S, 330, :1) are- crudely written. Others e>f the letters, as in the; royal correspondence from Babylonia, are beautifully written. These latter (B 149-52) seem to have be'e'ii written in a totally elilrewnt way from the others; those; from Western Asia appear to have been written with the; stylus lielel as we- ce>m- monly hold a pen, but the royal letters from Babylonia were written by turning the point. e>f the stylus to the; left, and the other end to the right over the second joint of the first finger.

    The results of the discovery of the Am Tab have been far-reaching, and there are indications of still other benefits which may yet accrue from them. The discovery of them shares with the discovery of the- (Ml the distinction of the first place among Bib. discoveries of the past half-century.

    //. Epigraphical Value. The peculiar use of

    the cuneiform method of writing in these tablets

    in order to adapt it to the require-

    1. Peculiar mentsof a strange land having a native Cuneiform tongue, and the demands made' upon it Script for the representation of proper names

    of a foreign tongue, have already furnished the basis for the opinion that the same cuneiform method of writing was employed origi- nally in other documents, esp. some portions of the Bible and much material feir Egyp governmental reports. It is not, improbable that by means of such data furnished by the tablets definite clues may be obtained te> the method of writing, and by that, also approximately the time of the compo- sition, of the literary sources that were drawn upon in the composition of the Pent, and even of the Pent itself (cf esp. Naville, Archaeology of the Bible). Most of the letters were probably written by Egyp officers or, more frequently, by scribes in the

    employ of native appointees of the

    2. Proper Egyp government. The writing of so Names many proper names by these scribes

    in the cuneiform script has thrown a flood of light upon the spelling of Canaanite names by Egyp scribes in the hieroglyphic inscriptions of Egypt. It is evident now that certainly some, perhaps most, of these scribes worked from cunei- form lists (Muller, Egyptolixjical Researches, 190ti, 40). As the system of representation of Palestinian names by Egyp scribes becomes thus better under- stood, the identification of more and more of the places in Philestina-Canaan Land named in the Egyp inscriptions be- comes possible. Every such identification makes

    more nearly perfect the identification of Bib. places, the first and most important item in historical evidence.

    ///. Philological Value. Xo other literary dis- covery, indeed, not all the others together, have afforded so much light upon philologi-

    1. Amorite, cal problems in patriarchal Philestina-Canaan Land as the Hittite and Am Tab. Something is now really Mitannian definitely known of "the language of Tongues Canaan," the speech of the people of

    patriarchal days in Philestina-Canaan Land. The remark- able persistence of old Canaanite words and names and forms of speech of these tablets down to the present time makes it plain that the peasant speech of today is the lineal descendant of that of Abra- ham's day. The letters are in the Bab tongue modified by contact with the speech of the country, a kind of early Aram. (Conder, The, Tdl Ainarnn Tnhlrls, X; Dhorme, ''La languc de Canaan," Revue ];il>li

    The facts evinced by the persistence of the early

    Canaanite speech (cf 1, above) down through all the

    centuries to the peasant speech of Philestina-Canaan Land

    2. Persist- of today furnishes a verification of the ence of Bib. reference to the "language of Canaanite Canaan" (Isaiah 19 IS). That peasant Names speech is, as it manifestly has always

    been since, patriarchal times, a Sem tongue. Now, even so adventurous a work as a grammar of the ancient Canaanite language has been attempted, based almost entirely upon the material furnished by the Am Tab (Dhorme, op. cit.), in which the speech of Philestina-Canaan Land in patriarchal days is de- scribed as "ancient Canaanite or Hebrew."

    Some more specific knowledge is also supplied by the Am Tab concerning the Amorite language

    through the many Amorite names and

    3. Verifica- the occasional explanations given in tion of Amorite words (cf esp. the 50 letters Biblical of Ribadda), and some knowledge of Statements Hittite (Letter of Tarkhundara; Con- der, The Tdl Amorna Tablets, 22/5 f),

    concerning the Mitannian tongue (B li]',i, 190, 191, 2M). One other tablet (B 342) is in an unknown tongue.

    IV. Geographical Value. There was a very wide international horizon in the days of the cor- respondence contained in the Am Tab,

    1. Interna- a horizon that inclosed Egypt, Baby- tional Ionia, Canaan, Mitanni and the land Horizon of the Ilittites; but the more definite

    geographical information supplied by the tablets is limited almost entirely to the great Hvrian and Canaanite coast land. There is differ- ence of opinion concerning the identification of a few of the places mentioned, but about 90 have been identified with reasonable certainty.

    It is possible now to trace the course of the mili- tary operations mentioned in the Am Tab with

    almost as much satisfaction as the

    2. Biblical course of a modern military campaign, Verification and there is much verification also of

    Bib. and Egyp geographical notices. The identification of such a large number of places and the ability thus given to trace the course of historical movements in that remote

    3. Geo- age are a remarkable testimony to the graphical historical value of ancient records of Confirma- that part of the_ world, for accuracy tion concerning place is of first importance

    in historical records.

    V. Historical Value. The Am Tab furnish an amount of historical material about equal in bulk to one-half of the Pent. While much of this bears more particularly upon general history of the an-



    Tell el-Amarna

    cienf Orient, there is scarcely ;inv parl of it which docs not, direct iy or indirectly supply information which ])arallcls some phase of Bil>. liistory. It is not certain thai any individual mentioned in the Bible is men) ioned in these tablets, yet it is possible, many think it well established, tliat, many of the persons and events of the conquest period are men- tioned (cf 4 []|, below). There is also much tha reflects the civilization of times still imperfect I' understood, reveals historical events hitherto un known, or but, little known, and gives manv side lights upon the, movements of nations and people: of whom t hen; is something said in the Bible.

    _ A revolutionary change of opinion concerning tin civilization of patriarchal Philestina-Canaan Land has taken place. .It was formerly the view of all classes ol 1. Canaan- scholars, from (he most conservat i . , ite Civili- on the one hand, to the most radical, zation on the other, that there was a ver\\\\\\\\

    crude state of civili/aiion in Philestina-Canaan Land in the patriarchal age, and this entirely independent of, and indeed prior to, any demand made by the evo- lutionary theory of Israel's liistory. Abraham was pictured as a pioneer from a land of culture, to a dis- tant dark place in the world, and his descendants down to the descent into Egypt were thought to have battled with semi-barbarous conditions, and to have returned to conquer such a land and bring civili/.at ion into it . All this opinion is now changed, primarily by the information contained in the Am Tab and secondarily by incidental hints from EgyP and Bab inscriptions now seen to support the high stage of civilization revealed in the Am Tab (see ARCHAEOLOGY AND CRITICISM). The tablets make mention of " 'capital cities,' 'provincial cities,' 'fortresses/ Mowns,' and 'villages' with 'camps' and Ila/ors (or inclosures); while irrigation of gardens is also noticed, and the papyrus grown at (iebal, as well as copper, tin, gold, silver, agate, money (not, of course, coins) and precious objects of many kinds, mulberries, olives, corn, ships and chariots'' (fon- der, op. cit., 4).

    The account of a bride's marriage portion from Mitan- ni reveals conditions farther north : "Two horses and a chariot plated with gold and silver, and adorned with precious stones. The harness of the horses was adorned in like manner. Two camel litters appear to he next noticed, and apparently variegated garments worked with gold, and embroidered zones and shawls. These are followed by lists of precious stones, and a horse's saddle adorned with gold eagles. A necklace of solid gold and gems, a bracelet of iron gilt, an anklet .if solid gold, and other gold objects follow; and apparently cloths, and silver objects, and vases of copper or bronze. An object of jade or jasper and leaves of gold . live gems of 'stone of the great light' (probably dia- monds) follow, with ornaments for the head and feet and a number of bronze objects and harness for chariots" (ib, 188-89). The record of Thot limes HI concernin- booty brought from Philestina-Canaan Land fully confirms this representa- tion of the tablets (Birch, Jt,'rnr>ln of tin: J'nut, 1st ser II. .'!.-> -52; cf Sayce, Archaeology of the Curuiform In- scnptions, 150-57).

    The Bab inscriptions show that Abraham was a part of an emigration movement from the homeland to a frontier province, having the same laws and much of the same culture (Lyon, American Ori- ental Society Journal, XXV, 254; Barton, American Philosophical Proceedings, LII,no. 20!), April, ]<)1H, 1U7; Kyle, Deciding Voice of I lie ]\\\\\\\\f ointments in 11 ib. Criticism, eh xv). The Egyp sculptured pictures make clear that the civilization of Philestina-Canaan Land in patriarchal times was fully equal to that of Egypt (cf Petrie, Dexhasht !/, pi. IV j.

    That these things of elegance and skill are not merely the trappings of ''barbaric splendor'' is manifest from the revelation which the Am Tab make of ethnic movements and of influences at work from t he great nat ions on eit her side of Canaan, making it impossible that the land could have been, at that period, other than a place of advanced civi-

    lization. Nearly all the tablets furnish most un- equivocal evidence that Egypt had imperial rule over the land through a provincial government Which was at the time falling into decay, while the cuneiform method of writing used in i| l( . tablets by such a /variety of persons, in such hi-h and low estate, implying thus long-established literary cul- ture and a general diffusion of the knowledge of a most difficult system of writing, makes it clear that the civilization of Babylonia had been \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\cll estab- lished before the political power of Egvpt came to displace that of Babylonia,

    The displacement of Bab political power in Philestina-Canaan Land just mentioned (1, above) points at once to a most remarkable historical situation 2. Anoma- revealed by the Am Tab, i.e. oflicial lous His- Egyp correspondence between the out- toncal lying province of Canaan and the im-

    Mtuation perial government at home, carried on, not in the language and script, of Kgypt, but m the script of Babylonia and in a lan- guage that is a modified Babylonian. This marks one step in the great, age-long conflict between the East and the West, between Babylonia and Egypt' with Canaan as the football of empires. It reveals what the Bab inscriptions confirm the lon"-pre- cedmg occupation of Canaan bv Babylonia, con- tinuing down to the beginning of patriarchal times which had so given Canaan a Bab si amp that the subsequent political occupation of the land bv Egypt under Thothmes III had not yet been able to efface the old stamp or give a new impression.

    The extensive diplomatic correspondence between nations so widHy separated as Kgypt on the West. and Q n;~i~ Babylonia on the K., Mitatmi on the North., 6. Dlplo- and the ITittite eountrv on the V \\\\\\\\V is matic also shown by the Am Tab. In addition

    Corresnond- 5? e lar e number <>f letters between Canaan and Egypt, then- are (,uite a num- ence ber of these royal tablets: letters from Ka-

    dashman Bell, or Kallima-Siri (BM 297X4) and Burna-burias of Babylonia (B M9 51') \\\\\\\\.ssur-uballidh of Assyria and Dusratta of Mitanni (II 150 191-!)'' >}$') etc. _ There seems at first sight a little pettiness 'about this international correspondence that is almost childish since so much of it is occupied with the; marriage 'of princesses and the payment of dowers, and the exchange of international I gifts , and privileges (Budge, Hist o/ Egypt, I\\\\\\\\ , 1S9-90). But one might be surprised at the amount Of such things in the private, correspondence of kings of the present day, if access to it could be gained The grasping selfishness also revealed in these tablets by the constant cry for gold is, after all, but a less diplo- matic and more frank expression of the commercial ha>'- glmg between nations of today for advantages and con-

    The subject of greatest historical interest in Bib. matters presented by the Am Tab is the great, un- solved problem of the IJabiri. l"n- 4. Problem solved it is, for while every writer on of the the subject has a very decided opinion

    Habiri of his own, all must admit that a prob-

    lem is not solved upon which there is men wide and radical difference of opinion among Capable scholars, and that not running along easy mes of cleavage, but dividing indiscriminately all Masses of scholars.

    (1) One view very early advanced and still

    Wrongly held by some (Conder, op. cit., 138-44) is

    hat HaUri is to be read \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\biri, and means the

    Ifebrews. It is pointed out that the letters refer-

    ing to these people are from Central and Southern

    :'al, that the Uabiri had some relation with Matthew.

    Seir, that they are represented as contemporaneous

    vith Japhia king of Ce/er, .Jabin king of llaxor, and

    irobably Adoni/edek king of Jems, contemporaries

    f Joshua, and that certain incidental movements of

    srael and of the people of Philestina-Canaan Land mentioned in the

    iible are also mentioned or assumed in the tablets

    X'onder, op. cit., i:> ( ,)-f>l). In reply to these argu-

    nents for the identification of jabiri with the

    Hebrews under Joshua, it may bo noted that,



Letter "T"

    although the letters which speak of the IJabiri are all from Central or Southern 1'al, they belong to very nearly tin; same time as the very numerous letters concerning the extensive wars in the X. The (list inct separut ion of the one set of letters from the other is rather arbitrary and so creates an ap- pearance which haw little or no existence in fact. Probably these southern letters refer to the same disturbances spreading from the X. toward the South., which is fatal to the theory that the IJahiri are'the Hebrews under Joshua, for these latter came in from the South.East. The reference to Seir is obscure and seems rather to locate that place in the direction of Carmel (Conder. op. oil., 14")). The mention of Japhia king of Gezer, and Jabin king of Ha/or, does not signify much, for these names may be titles, or there may have been many kings, in sequence, of the' same name. Concerning Adonizedek, it isdifli- cult to believe that this reading of the name of the king of Jems would ever have been thought of, ex- cept for the desire to identify the IJahiri with the Hebrews under Joshua. This name Adonizedek is only made out, with much uncertainty, by the un- usual method of translating the king's name instead of transliterating it. If the name was Adonizedek, why did not the scribe write it so, instead of trans- lating it for the Pharaoh into an entirely different name because of its meaning? The 1 seeming cor- respondences between the letters and the account of the conquest in the Bible lose much of their sig- nificance when the greater probabilities raised in the names and the course of the wars are taken away.

    (2) Against the view that the IJahiri were the Hebrews of the Bible may be cited not only these discrepancies in the evidence presented for that view (cf [1], above), but also the very strong evidence from Egypt that the Exodus took place in the Ram- esside dynasties, thus not earlier than the XlXth Dynasty and probably under Merenptah, the suc- cessor of Rameses II. The name Rameses for one of the store cities could hardly have occurred before the Ramesside kings. The positive declaration of Rameses II: "I built Pit horn,'' against which there is no evidence whatever, and the coincidence be- tween the Israel tablet of Merenptah (Petrie, North/.r Temple* at Tin hex, 2X, pis. XI II -XIV) and the Bib. record of the Exodus, which makes the ">th year under Merenptah to be the ">th year of Moses' leadership (see Mosics), make it very difficult, in- deed seemingly impossible, to accept the IJahiri as the Hebrews of the conquest.

    (3) Another view concerning the IJabiri, strongly urged by some (Sayce, The Hitjlnr Critieixm ami the Ve-nlict of the Mini HUH >ttx, 17")f'f), is that they are Ifahiri , not \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\biri, and that the name means "con- federates," and was not a personal or tribal name at all. The certainty that there was, just a little before this time, an alliance in conspiracy among the Amorites and others, as revealed in the tablets for the region farther north, gives much color to this view. This opinion also relieves the chronological difficulties which beset the view that the IJahiri were the Bib. Hebrews (cf [21, above), but it is con- tended that this reading does violence 1 to the text.

    (4) Another most ingenious view is advanced by Jeremias (The ()T in the Lit/hi of the Ancient East, 341), that the name is IJahiri, that "the name answers to the sounds of 'Hebrews,' ami that the names are ident ical," but that this name in the Am Tab is not a proper name at all, but a descriptive word, as when we read of "Abraham the Hebrew," i.e. the "stranger" or "immigrant." Thus Habiri would be "Hebrews," i.e. "strangers" or "immi- grants" (see HKKKIUTKS; HKHKKW), but the later question of the identification of these with the Hebrews of the Bible is still an open question.

    () It may be that the final solution of the problem presented by the Habiri will be found in the direction indicated by combining the view that sees in them only "strangers" with the view that sees them to be "confederates." There were un- doubtedly "confederates" in conspiracy against Egypt in the time of the Am 'fab. The govern- ment of Egypt did not come successfully to the relief of the beleaguered province, but weakly yielded. During the time between the writing of the tablets and the days of Merenptah and the building of Pit horn no great strong government from either Egypt or Babylonia or the X. was estab- lished in Philestina-Canaan Land. At the time of the conquest there is constant reference made to "the Hittites and the Amorites and the Perizzites," etc. Why are they so constantly mentioned as a group, unless they were iii some sense "confederates"? It is not im- possible, indeed it is probable, that these Hiitites and Amorites and Perizzites, etc, Palestinian tribes having some kind of loose confederacy in the days of the conquest, represent the last state of the "confederates," the conspirators, who began operations in the Amorite war against the imperial Egyp government recorded in the Am Tab, and, in the correspondence from the South., were called in those days IJahiri, i.e. "strangers" or "immigrants." For the final decision on the problem of the IJahiri and the full elucidation of many things in the Am Tab we must await further study of the tablets by expert cuneiform scholars, and esp. further dis- covery in contemporary history.

    The Jerusalem letters of the southern correspondence present something of much importance which does not bear at all upon the problem of the IJabiri. The frequently recurring title of the king of Jerusalem, "It was not mv father, it was not my mother, who established me in this position" (Budge, Ilixt of Eastt, IV, 231-3;)), seems to throw light, upon the strange description given of MELCHIZEDEK (q.v.), the king of Jerusalem in the days of Abraham. The meaning here clearly is that the crown was not hereditary, but went by appointment, the Pharaoh of Egypt having the appointing power. Thus the king as such had no ancestor and no descendant, thus furnishing the peculiar characteristics made use of to describe the character of the Messiah's priesthood in the Ep. to the He (7 3).

    LiTKK\\\\\\\\TrnE. fonder, The Tiil A mama Tablets; Knudt/.on, I>i> Kl- A mnrnn-Tnfi'ln, in Heinrich's Vor- deraitiatische Bibliothek, II; Petrie, Tell < 7 Amarna Tal>- lit*; idem. ,South//rm and East(/iji>t from the Till

    M. G. KYLE

    TEL-MELAH, tel-me'Ia (nbtt'bn , tel-melah, "hill of salt"): A Bab town mentioned in Ezra 2 ">'.); Xeh 7 01 with Tel-harsha and Cherub (see TKL-H.VHSIIA). It possibly lay on the low salt tract near the Pers Gulf . In 1 Esdras 5 30 it is called "Thermeleth."

    TEMA, te'ma (X'2' 1 P , tema', "south country"; Oaufidv, Thaimdn): The* name of a son of Ishmael (Genesis 25 15; 1 Chronicles 1 30), of the tribe descended from him (Jeremiah 25 23), and of the place where they dwelt (Job 6 19; Isaiah 21 14). This last was a locality in Arabia which probably corresponds to the modern Teimd' (or Taytnu' [see Doughty, Arabia Dcxerta, I, 2S ">!'), an oasis which lies about 200 miles X. of el-Meilina, and some 40 miles South. of Duinal el-.Ianilal (Dumah), now known as cl-Jnuf. It is on the ancient caravan road connecting the Pers Gulf with the Gulf of Akaba; and doubtless the people took a share in the carrying trade (Job 6 19). The wells of the oasis still at tract the wanderers from the parched wastes (Isaiah 21 14). Doughty (loc. cit.) describes the ruins of the old city wall, some 3 miles in circuit. An Aram, stele recently



Letter "T"

    discovered, belonging to the Oth cent. BC, .shows the influence of Assyr ;irt . The place is mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions (Schrader, KA T 2 , 149).

    West. EWINK

    TEMAH, te'ma (PrCP , temnh; A B, 0e>a, Thema, Luc., 0nad, Thctnnn; Nehemiah 7 55, B, T H(ia6, //r- inatfi, A, 0T|(i a ) Thenin, Luc.,, The mad; AV Thamah) : The family name of a company of Nethinim (Ezra 2 53).

    TEMAN, te'man Cp2T, , It'man, "on the right," i.e. "souih"; aifjidv, Thaimdn): The name of a district and town in the land of Edom, named after Teman the grandson of Esau, the son of his first- born, Eliphaz (Genesis 36 11; 1 Chronicles 1 3(5). A duke Teman is named among the chiefs or clans of Edom ((Jen 36 42; 1 Chronicles 1 53). He does not however appear first, in the place of the firstborn. Husham of the land of the Temanites was one of the ancient kings of Edom (Genesis 36 34; 1 Chronicles 1 45). From Ob ver 9 we gather that Teman was in the land of Esau (Edom). In Am 1 12 it is named along with Bozrah, the capital of Edom. In Ezekiel 25 13 desola- tion is denounced upon Edom: "From Teman even unto Dedan shall they fall by the sword." Dedan being in the South., Teman must be sought in the North. Onom knows a district in the Gebalcne region called Tlieman, and also a town with the same name, occupied by a Romans garrison, 15 miles from Petra. Unfortunately no indication of direction is given. No trace of the name; has yet been found. It may have been on the road from Elath to Bozrah.

    The inhabitants of Teman seem to have been famous for their wisdom (Jeremiah 49 7; Ob vs 8 f). Eliphaz the Temanite was chief of the comforters of Job (2 11, etc). The manner in which the city is mentioned by the prophets, now by itself, and again as standing for Edom, shows how important it must have been in their time. West. EWING

    TEMENI, tem'G-ni, te'me-n! pJ'EPn , tem'nl, Baer, ^^P , tlm'nl; BA, 0cu|Aav, Thaimdn, Luc., aifiaveC, Thaimanei): The word "^"Tl means a southerner, i.e. of Southern Judah; cf TEMAX (patronymic ^P" 1 ?? , temanl), the name of Edom (Genesis 36 11, etc), the "son" of Ashhur (1 Chronicles 4 6).

    TEMPER, tem'per: The word is used in AV to render different Hebrew words. In Ezekiel 46 14 for "temper" (CD"} , rasas) RV substitutes "moisten." In Cant (5 2) a noun from the same stem means "dewdrops." In Exodus 29 2 AV we read "cakes un- leavened, tempered [b*2 , balal, lit. "mixed"] with oil," RV "mingled." The word denotes "rough- and-ready mixing." In the recipe for the making of incense given in Exodus (30 35) occur the words "tempered together," n~)2 , malah (lit. "salted"; hence RV "seasoned with salt"). The word occurs in two interesting connections in Wisd 15 7 (RV "knead") and 16 21. In 1 Corinthians 12 24 it occurs in EV as a rendering of the Gr word a-vyi

    Tell el-Amarna Tempest

    TEMPERANCE, tem'pcr-ans f^Kpc^ia, egkrd- te.iu), TEMPERATE, tem'per-iit (t-yKpa-Hjs,' <d\\\\\\\\tos, nephdliox, o-pa>v, so/iliro7i): AHA' departs from AV and ERV by translating egkrateia "self-control" (Acts 24 25; Galatians 5 23; 2 Pet 1 0; 1 Corinthians 9 25), following ERVm in .sev- eral of these passages. This meaning is in ac- cordance with classical usage, Plato applying it to "mastery" not only of self, but of any object denoted by a _genitive following. LXX applies it to the possession "of strongholds" (2 Mace 8 30; 10 15), "of a position" (10 17), "of the city" (13 13), "of wisdom" (Sir 6 27). The reflexive mean- ing of "self-mastery," "self-restraint," is equ.-illy well established in the classics and LXX. Thus, in the verbal form, it is found in (Jen 43 31, for the self-restraint exercised by Joseph in the presence of his brethren, when they appeared before him as suppliants, and in IS 13 12, where Saul professes that he "forced" himself to do what was contrary to his desire. For patristic use of the term, see illustrations in Suicer's Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus, I, 1000 i'f. Clement of Alexandria: "Not abstaining from all things, but using continently such things as one has judged should be used"; "such things as do not seem beyond right reason." Basil: "To avoid excess on both skies, so as neither by luxury to be confused, nor, by becoming sickly, to be disabled from doing what has been commanded." Chrysostom (on 1 Tim 1 8) applies it to "one mastering passion of tongue, hand and unbridled eyes." Ellicott and Eadie (on Galatians 5 23) quote Diogenes Laertius to the effect that the word refers to "control over the stronger passions." In 1 Corinthians 9 25, Paul illustrates it by the training of an athlete, whose regimen is not only described in the Ars Poetica of Horace (412 ff), and in Epictetus (quoted in Alford on this passage), but can be learned of the many devotees and admirers of similar pursuits today.

    The principle involved is that of the concentra- tion of all man's powers and capabilities upon the one end of doing God's will, in and through what ever calling God appoints, and the renunciation of every- thing either wholly or to whatever degree necessary, however innocent or useful it may be in its proper place, that interferes with one's highest efficiency in this calling (1 Corinthians 10 31). Not limited to absti- nence, it is rather the power and decision to abstain with reference to some fixed end, and the use of the impulses of physical, as servants for the moral, life. It does not refer to any one class of objects that meets us, but to all; to what concerns speech and judgment, as well as to what appeals to sense. It is properly an inner spiritual virtue, working into the outward life, incapable of being counterfeited or replaced by any abstinence limited to that which is external (Augsburg Confession, Arts. XXVI, XXVII). When its absence, however, is referred to as sin, the negative is generally more prominent than the positive side of temperance. The refer- ence in Acts 24 25 is to chastity, and in 1 Corinthians 7 9, as the context shows, to the inner side of chastity In 1 Tim 3 2.11; Tit 2 2, the word nephalios has its original meaning as the opposite to "drunken" (see SOBRIETY; Dm .vie, STRONG)- See also the treatises on ethics by Luthardt (both the Cot- peinliinn _ and the I/istori/), Martensen, Koestlin and Haring on temperance, asceticism, continence.

    H. East. JACOKS

    TEMPEST, tem'pest (^70, ^arali, or ST^East , s r Vtra/i, "a whirlwind," D"1T , zcron, "overflowing rain"; X l l juiv > chein/on, 0veX.\\\\\\\\a, thuclla): Heavy storms of wind and rain are common in Philestina-Canaan Land and the Mediterranean. The storms particularly men- tioned in the Bible are: (1) the 40 days'' rain of




    ll, ( . m-eat linn,! of Noah (Genesis 7 4); (2) hail and niinasaplagueinl<;gyp! (Exodus 9 IS); (3) the great nin after (lie drought :uul (lie contest of Elijah on Carmel (I K 18 45); (4) the tempest on the sea in the story of Jonah (1 4); (. r >) the storm on the Lake of Galilee when Jesus was awakened to calm the waves (Matthew 8 24; Mark 4 37; Luke 8 23); (6) the storm causing the shipwreck of Paul at Melita (Vets 27 IS). Frequent references are iouna God's power over storm and use of the tempest in His anger: "He maketh Ihe storm a calm 107 ><)) He sends the "tempest of hail, a destroy- ing storm'' (Isaiah 28 2). See also Job 9 17; 21 18; ls-i 30 MO LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), overwhelms His enemies as wil i a stornr "She shall bo visited of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), of hosts with thunder, and with earthquake, and great noise, with whirlwind and tempest" (Isaiah 29 6). LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), is a refuge from the storm" (Isaiah 25 4 ; 4 (>).


    TEMPLE, tem'p'l P?Tt , hvkhnl, "palace"; sometimes, as in 1 Kings 6 3.5, etc; K/.k 41 1 15 ff, used for "the holy place" only; IT 1 ?, bayith, "liouse," thus always in RV; Upov, fii,r

    n(i('>x} '



    1 David's Project 2 Plans and Preparations :;. Character of the Building -l! Site of the Temple . r >. Phoenician Assistance II. TH n TEMPLE Hi [LDJ tta i. In General

    _'. Dimensions, Divisions and Adornments ii'. The Side-Chambers 1. The Porch and Pillars


    1 . The Inner Court

    (1) Walls

    (_') (lutes

    > The < ireut Court :?. The Royal Buildings


    1. The Sanctuary

    (1) Tho d'bhlr (-2) The hckhnl

    _'. The Court (Inner) (1 ) The Altar

    (2) The Molten (Bronze) Sea

    (3) The havers and Their Bases V HISTOHY OF Tin-; TEMPLE

    1. Building and Dedication ' Repeated Plundering, etc :5. Attempts at Reform 4. Final Overthrow

    II. EZEKIEL'South ruopiiKTir SKETCH


    1 Relation to History of I emple 2 Tho Conception Unique and Ideal :{. Its Symmetrical Measurements II. Pi. AM OF THE TEMPLE i. The Outer Court _> The Inner Court :<. The Temple Building and Adjuncts


    1. The Decree' of Cyrus

    2. Founding of the Temple :{. Opposition and Completion of the \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ork II. THE TEMPLE STUUCTUHE ! . Tho House

    2. It-s Divisions and Furniture :i. Its Courts, Altai-, etc

    4. Later Fortunes


    1. Initiation of the Work

    2. Its Grandeur

    :{. Authorities

    4. Measurements II. THE TEMPLE AND ITS COTRTS

    1. Temple Area Court of Gentiles

    2. Inner Sanctuary Enclosure

    (1) Wall, hf:l, yon'nh. Gates

    (2) Court of tiie Women

    (3) Inner Courts: Court of Israel; Court of the Priests

    (4) The Altar, etc

    I*. The Tempi-- Building

    (1) House and Porch

    (2) Hrkhfil and if'lihir (:5) The Side-Chambers


    1. Earlier Incidents

    2. Jesus in the Temple

    3. The Passion-Week

    4. Apostolic Church

    The Temple in Christian Thought




    /. Introductory. The tabernacle having lasted from the exodus till the commencement of the

    monarchy, it appeared to David to be 1 David's no longer fit ting that the ark of God Project should dwell within curtains (it was

    then in a tent David had made for it on Zion: 2 Samuel 6 17), while he himself dwelt in a cedar-lined house. The unsettled and unorgan- ized state of the nation, which had hitherto necessi- tated a portable structure, had now given place to an established kingdom. The dwelling of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), should therefore be henceforth a permanent build- ing, situated at the center of the nation's life, and "exceeding magnificent" (1 Chronicles 22 5), as befitted the glory of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, and the prospects of the state. David, however, while honored for his purpose,

    was not

    permitted, because he had been a man of war (2 Samuel 7; 1 Chronicles 22 8; cf 1 Kings 5 3), 2. Plans to execute the work, and the building and Prepa- of the house was reserved for his son, rations Solomon. According to the Chronicler,

    David busied himself in making exten- sive and costly preparations of wood, stone, gold, silver, etc, for' the future sanctuary and its vessels, even leaving behind him full and minute plans of the whole scheme of the building and its contents, divinely communicated (1 Chronicles 22 2 ff; 28 11 ff; 29). the general fact of lengthened preparation, and even of designs, for a structure which so deeply occupied his thoughts, is extremely probable (cf 1 Kings 7 51).

    The general outline of the structure was based on that of the tabernacle (on the modern critical reversal of this relation, see under U, 3. Charac- below). The dimensions are in the ter of the main twice those of the tabernacle, Building though it will be seen below that there are important exceptions to this rule, on which the critics found so much. The old ques- tion (see TABERNACLE) as to the shape of the building flat or gable-roofed here again arises. Not a few modern writers (Fcrgusson, Schick, Caldecott, etc), with some older, favor the tent- like shape, with sloping roof. It does not follow, however, even if this form is, with these writers, admitted for the tabernacle a "tent" that it is applicable, or likely, for a stone "house," and the measurements of the Temple, and mention of a "ceiling" (1 Kings 6 15), point in the opposite direc- tion. It must st ill be granted that, with the scanty data at command, all reconstructions of the Solo- monic Temple leave much to be filled in from con- jecture. The Revelation. Joseph Hammond has justly said: "It is certain that, were a true restoration of the Temple ever to be placed in our hands, we should find that it differed widely from all attempted 'restorations' of the edifice, based on the scanty and imperfect notices of our historian and Ezekiel" (Comm. on 1 Kings 6, "Pulpit Comm.").

    The site of the Temple was on the eastern of the

    two hills on which Jerusalem was built that known m

    Scripture as Matthew. Moriah (2 Chronicles 3 1)

    4. Site of or Matthew. Zion (the traditional view which

    the Temple locates Zion on the western hill, on

    the other side of the Tyropceon,

    though defended by some, seems untenable; see



Letter "T"

    "Zion," in HDK; "Jerusalem," in DK, etc). The place is more precisely defined as that where Araunah (Oman) liad his threshing-floor, and David built his altar after the plague (1 Chronicles 21 22; 2 Chronicles

    3 1). This spot, in turn, is now all hut universally held to be marked by the sacred rock, e$-$akhra (wit hin what, is called the I I arum area on the eastern summit; see JKIU'SALKM), above which the "Dome of the Rock," or so-called "Mosque of Omar," now stands. Here, according to traditional belief, was reared the altar of burnt offering, and to the West. of it was built the Temple. This location is indeed challenged by Fergusson, West. R. Smith, and others, who transfer the Temple-site to the southwestern angle of the Ilarnm area, but the great majority of scholars take the above view. To prepare a suitable surface for the Temple and connected buildings (the area may have been some 600 ft East. to West., and 300 to 400 ft. North. to South.), the summit of the hill hud to be leveled, and its lower parts heightened by immense substructures (Jos, Ant VIII, iii, 9; XV, xi, 8; BJ , V, v, 1), the remains of which modern excavations have brought to light (cf Warren's Underground Jcrus; G. A. Smith's Jerusalem, etc).

    For aid in his undertaking, Solomon invited the cooperation of Hiram, king of Tyre, who willingly lent his assistance, as he had before 5. Phoeni- helped David, granting Solomon per- cian Assist- mission to send his servants to cut ance down timber in Lebanon, aiding in

    transport, and in the (marrying and hewing of stones, and sending a skilful Tyrian artist, another Hiram, to superintend the designing and graving of objects made of the precious metals, etc. For this assistance Solomon made a suitable recompense (1 Kings 5; 2 Chronicles 2). Excavations seem to show that a large part of the limestone of which the temple was built came from quarries in the immediate neighborhood of Jerusalem (Warren, Under- ground Jc.rus, GO). The stones were cut, hewn and polished at the places whence they were taken, so that ''there was neither hammer nor axe nor any tool of iron heard in the house, while it was in building" (1 Kings 5 17. IS; 6 7). Opinions differ as to the style of architecture of the building. It was probably unique, but Phoen art also must have left its impress upon it (see ARCHITECTURE).

    II. The Temple Building. In contrast with the tabernacle, which was a portable "tent," con- sisting of a framework of acacia wood, 1- In with rich coverings hung over it, and

    General standing in a "court" inclosed by curtains (see TAHKRXACLK), the Temple was a substantial "house" built of stone (probably the hard white limestone of the district), with chambers in three stories, half the height of the building (1 Kings 6 5.6), round the sides and back, and, in front, a stately porch (1 Kings 6 3), before which stood two lofty bronze pillars Jachin and Boaz (1 Kings 7 21; 2 Chronicles 3 4.15-17). Within, the house was lined with cedar, overlaid with gold, graven with figures of cherubim, palms, and open flowers (1 Kings 6, and a partition of cedar or stone divided the interior into two apart- ments one the holy place (the hekhal), the other the most holy place, or "oracle" (tl f hlnr) (1 Kings 6 16-18). The floor was of stone, covered with fir (or cypress), likewise overlaid with gold (1 Kings 6 15.30). The platform on which the whole building stood was probably raised above the level of the court in front, and the building may have been approached by steps. Details are not given. The more particular description follows.

    The Temple, like the tabernacle, stood facing East., environed by "courts" ("inner" and "greater"), which are dealt with below. Internally, the di-

    mensions of the structure were, in length and width, double those of the tabernacle, vi/. length 60

    cubits, width 20 cubits. The height, 2. Dimen- however, was 30 cubits, thrice that of sions, Di- the tabernacle (1 Kings 6 2; cf vs IX. 20). visions and The precise length of the cubit is un- Adornments certain (see Cnuri ; here, as in the

    art. TABIOK.VACLK, it, is taken as ap- proximately IS inches. In internal measurement, therefore, the Temple was approximately 90 ft. long, 30ft. broad, and 45 ft. high. This allows nothing

    Plan of Solomon's Temple.

    for the thickness of the partition between the two chambers. For the external measurement, the thickness of the walls and t he widt h of the surround- ing chambers and their walls require to be added. It cannot positively be affirmed that the dimensions of the Temple, including the porch, coincided pre- cisely with those of Ezekiel's temple (cf Keil on

    1 Kings 6 9.10); still, the proportions must have closely approximated, and mat/ have been in agree- ment.

    The walls of the building, as stated, were lined within with cedar; the holy place was ceiled with fir or cypress (2 Chronicles 3 5;" the "oracle" perhaps with cedar); the flooring likewise was of fir ( 1 Kings 6 15). All was overlaid with gold, and walls and doors (see below) were adorned with gravings of cheru- bim, palm trees, and open flowers (1 Kings 6 19-35;

    2 Chronicles 3 6 adds "precious stories"). Of the two chambers into which the house was divided, the outermost (or hekhal) was 40 cubits (60 ft.) long, and 20 cubits (30 ft.) wide (ver 17); the inner- most (or d e bhlr) was 20 cubits in length, breadth and height a cube (ver 20). As the height of the Temple internally was 30 cubits, it is obvious that above the most holy place there was a vacant space 20 cubits long and 10 high. This apparently was utilized as a chamber or chambers for storage or other purposes. It has been held by some (Kurtz, Fergusson, etc) that the ceiling along the entire Temple was at the height of 20 cubits, with cham- bers above (cf the allusion to "upper chambers" in 1 Chronicles 28 11; 2 Chronicles 3 9); this, 'however, seems unwarranted (cf Bahr on 1 Kings 6 14-19; the "upper chambers" were "overlaid with gold," 2 Chronicles 3 9, which points to something nobler in character). The inner chamber was a place of "thick dark- ness" (1 Kings 8 12).

    The thickness of the Temple walls is not given, but the analogy of Ezekiel's temple (East/k 41) and what is told of the side-chambers render it probable that the thickness was not less than 6 cubits (9 ft.). Around the Temple, on its two



Letter "T"

    sides and ;ii the buck, were built chambers (f/a'o.'/i,

    lit. "ribs"), the construction of which is summarily

    described. They were built in three

    3. The stories, each story 5 cubits in height Side- (allowance must also be made for floor- Chambers ing and roofing), the lowest being 5

    cubits in breadth, the next C> cubits, and the highest 7 cubits. This is explained by the fact that, the chambers were not to be built into the wall of the Temple, but were to rest on ledges or rebatements in the wall, each rebate :i cubit in breadth, so that the wall became thinner, and the chambers broader, by a cubit, each stage in the ascent (1 Kings 6 5-10). The door admitting into these chambers was apparently in the middle of the right side of the house, and winding stairs led up to the second and third stories (ver South). It is not stated how many chambers there were; Jos (Ant, VIII, iii, 2) gives the number as 30, which is the number in Ezekiel's temple (K/k 41 0). The outer wall of the chambers, which in Ezekiel is 5 cubits thick (41 9), may have been the same here, though some make it less. It is a question whether the rebatements were in the Temple wall only, or were divided between it and the outer wall; the former seems the more prob- able opinion, as nothing is said of rebatements in the outer wall. Above the chambers on either side were "windows of fixed lattice-work" (ver 4), i.e. openings which could not be closed ("windows broad within and narrow without"). The pur- poses for which the chambers were constructed are Tiot mentioned. They may have been used partly for storage, partly for the accommodation of those engaged in the service of the Temple (rf 1 Chronicles 9 27).

    A conspicuous feature of the Temple was the

    porch in front of the building, with its twin pillars,

    Jachin and Boa/,. Of the porch itself

    4. The a very brief description is given. It, Porch and is stated to have been 20 cubits broad Pillars the width of the house and 10 cubits

    dee]> (I K 6 3). Its height is not given in 1 Kings, but it is said in 2 Chronicles 3 4 to have been 120 cubits, or approximately ISO ft. Some accept this enormous height (Kwald, Stanley, etc), but the majority more reasonably infer that there has been a corruption of the number. It may have been the same height as the Temple 30 cubits. It was apparently open in front, and, from what is said of its being "overlaid within with pure gold" (2 Chronicles 3 4), it may be concluded that it shared in the splendor of the main building, and had archi- tectural features of its own which are not recorded. Some find here, in the wings, treasury chambers, and above, "upper chambers," but such restorations are wholly conjectural. It is otherwise with the monumental brass (bronze) pillars Jachin and Boaz of which a tolerably full description is pre- served (1 Kings 7 15-22; 2 Chronicles 3 15-17; 4 11-13; cf Jeremiah 52 20-23), still, however, leaving many points doubtful. The pillars which stood in front of the porch, detached from it, were hollow bronze castings, each IS cubits (27 ft.) in height (35 cubits in 2 Chronicles 3 15 is an error), and 12 cubits (18 ft.) in circumference, and were surmounted by capitals 5 cubits (7| ft.) high, richly ornamented on their lower, bowl-shaped (1 Kings 7 20.41.42) parts, with two rows of pomegranates, inclosing festoons of chain-work, and, in their upper parts, rising to the height of 4 cubits (6 ft.) in graceful lily-work (see JACHIN AND BOAZ).

    It was seen that the holy place (hekkal) was divided from the most holy (d c bhlr) by a partit ion, probably of cedar wood, though some think of a stone wall, one or even two cubits thick. In this partition were folding doors, made of olive wood, with their lintels 4 cubits wide (1 Kings 6 31; some

    interpret differently, and understand the upper part of the doorway to be a pentagon). The doors, like the walls, had carvings of cherubim, palm trees, and flowers, and the whole was gold-plated (ver 32). Behind the partition hung the sanc- tuary veil (2 Chronicles 3 14). At the entrance of the Temple, similarly, were folding doors, with their lintels 5 cubits in width, only this time the posts only were of olive, while the doors, divided into two leaves, were of fir (or cypress) wood (1 Kings 6 33- 35). The carving and gold-plating were as on the inner doors, and all the doors had hinges of gold (1 Kings 7 50).

    ///. Courts, Gates and Royal Buildings. The Temple was inclosed in "courts" an "inner" (1 Kings 6 30; 7 12; 2 Chronicles 4 9, "court of the priests";

    Great Court including Royal Building*.

    1 Cr.-nt C.mrt '2. The "Oth.-r" ..r Mi.l.llr Cmirt. :i. The 1 nnrr lor TVmplr) (,,;! 4 H..UM! of l.,.l);in,,ii. :. I'.irch nf Pillars. (i. I'.>rrh. 7. K.iy;il l':il.i. .-. 8. llurem. . T^niiilr. Id. Altar.

    Jeremiah 36 10, "the upper court"; Ezekiel 8 3.10; 10 3), and an outer or "greater court" (1 Kings 7 9.12; 2 Chronicles 4 9) regarding the situation, dimensions and relations of which, alike to one another and to the royal buildings described in 1 Kings 7, the scanty notices in the history leave room for great diversity of opinion (see Corirr OF THE SANCTUARY).

    The "inner court" (finder ha-p'nlmlth) is repeat- edly referred to (see above)- Its dimensions are not

    given, but they may be presumed 1. The to be twice those of the tabernacle

    Inner Court court, viz. 200 cubits (300 ft.) in

    length and 100 cubits (150 ft.) in breadth. The name in Jeremiah 36 10, "the upper court," indicates that it was on a higher level than the "great court," and as the Temple was probably on a platform higher still, the whole would present a striking terraced aspect.

    ( 1 ) The walls of the court were built of three rows of hewn stone, with a coping of cedar beams (1 Kings 6 30). Their height is not stated; it is doubtful if it would admit of the colonnades which some have supposed; but "chambers" are mentioned (Jeremiah 35 4; 36 10 if, indeed, all belong to the



Letter "T"

    "inner" court ), which imply ;i subsf ant ial si ruct arc. Lt was distinctively "the priests' court" (2 Chronicles 4 9); probably, in part, was reserved for tliem; to a certain decree, however, the laity had evidently free access into it (.Jeremiah 36 10; 38 1 1 ; Ezekiel 8 JO, etc). The mention of "the new court" (2 Chronicles 20 .5, time of Jehoshaphat), and of "the two courts of the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," (2 Kings 21 ;5; 2 Chronicles 33 .5, time of Manasseh), suggests subsequent enlargement and division.

    (2) Though flairs are not mentioned in tlie narratives of the construction, later allusions show that (here were several, though not all were of the time of Solomon. The principal entrance would, of course, be that toward the JiL (see EAST GATE). In Jeremiah 26 10 there is allusion to "the entry of the new gate of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'.s house." This doubtless was "the upper gale" built by .lot ham (2 Kings 15 of)) and may reasonably be identified with the "gate that looketh toward the North." and the "gate of the altar" (i.e. through which the sacrifices were brought) in East/k 8 3.;5, and with "the upper gate of Benjamin" in .Jeremiah 20 o. Men! ion is also made of a "gate of the guard" which descended to the king's house (2 Kings 11 19; see below). Jeremiah speaks of a "third entry that is in the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," (38 11), and of "three keepers of the threshold" (52 24), but it is not clear which court is intended.

    The outer or "great court" of the Temple (hilrrr

    ha-g e dholah) opens up more difficult problems.

    Some regard this court as extending

    2. The to the East. in front of the "inner court"; Great others, as Keil, think of it as a great, Court inclosure surrounding the "inner court"

    and stretching perhaps 150 cubits K. of the latter (of his Bib. Archaeology, I, 170-71). These writers remove the court from all connection with the royal buildings of 1 Kings 7, and distinguish it from "the great court of 7 0.12." A quite differ- ent construction is that advocated by Stade and Benzinger, and adopted by most recent authorities (of arts, on "Temple" in HDB, IV, in Eli, IV, in one-vol HDB, in J)B [Dahnan]; G. A. Smith, Jcriix, II, .59 ff, etc). The great court, on this view, not only surrounds the Temple, with its (inner) court, but, extending to the South., incloses the whole com- plex of the royal buildings of 1 Kings 7. This lias the advantage of bringing together the references to the "great court" in 1 Kings 7 0.12 and the other references to the outer court. The court, thus conceived, must have been very large. The ex- tensive part occupied by the royal buildings being on a lower level than the "inner court," entrance to it is thought to have been by "the gate of the guard unto the king's house" mentioned in 2 Kings 11 19- Its wall, like that of the inner court, was built in three courses of hewn stone, and one course of cedar (1 Kings7 J2). Its gates overlaid with brass (2 Chronicles 4 9, i.e., "bronze") show that the masonry must, have been both high and substantial. On the "other court" of 1 Kings 7 8, see next paragraph.

    The group of buildings which, on the thoory now

    stated, were inclosed by the southern part of the great

    court, are those described in 1 Kings 7 1-12.

    3. The They were of hewn stone and cedar wood Roval ( vs 9 ~ u )- and embraced: (1) The kind's 'f. house, or royal palace (ver 8), in close con- iJUlldingS tiguity with the Temple-court (i> K H

    19). (2) Behind this to the West., the house of Pharaoh's daughter (ver 9) the apartments of the women. Hoth of these were inclosed in a "court " of their own, styled in ver South "the other court," and iti 2 Kings 20 4 in "the middle court." (;5) South. of this stood tin; throne-room, and porch or hall of judgment, paneled in cedar "from floor to floor," i.e. from floor to ceiling (ver 7) The throne, we read later (1 Kings 10 1S-20), was of ivory, overlaid with gold, and on cither side of the throne, as well as of the six steps that led up to it, were lions. The hall served as an audience chamber, and for the adminis- tration of justice. (4) Yet farther South. stood the; porch or hall of pillars, 50 cubits (75 ft.) long and 30 cubits (45 ft )

    broad, with a sub-porch of its own (ver r. It is best regarded as a place of prom -nade and vestibule to the hall of judgment. (5) Lastly, then: was the imposing and elaborate building known as " t he house of the forest of Lebanon" (ys 2-5), which appears to have received this name from its multitude of cedar pillars. The scanty hints as to its internal arrangements have bullied the Ingenuity of the commentators. The I muse was 100 cubits (150 ft.) in length, 50 cubits (75 ft.) in breadth, and 30 cubits (45 ft.) in height. Coing round the sides and back then; were apparently four rows of pillars (I,XX has three, rows), on which, supported by cedar beams, rested three tiers or stories of side-chambers Hit. "ribs," as in 6 5; cf KYni). In ver :$ it is disputed whether the number "forty and five; fifteen in a row" (as the Ileb may be read) refers to the pillars or to t he chambers; if to the former, the I. XX reading of "three rows" is prefer- able. The windows of the tiers faced each other on the opposite sides (vs 4.5). Hut the whole construction is obscure and doubtful. The spacious house was used partly as an armory; here Solomon put his 300 shields of beaten gold (10 17).

    IV. Furniture of the Temple. We treat here, first, of the sanctuary in its two divisions, then of the (inner) court.

    (1) The "

    Mosaic ark of the covenant, with its 1. The two golden cherubim above tin; mercy-

    Sanctuary seat (sec; AKK OK Tin: COVENANT;

    TABEKXACLK). Xow, however, the symbolic element was increased by the ark being placed between two other figures of cherubim, made of olive wood, overlaid with gold, 10 cubits (1.5 ft.) high, their wings, each .5 cubits (7} ft.) long, outstretched so that they reached from wall to wall of the oracle; (20 cubits), the inner wings meeting in the center (1 Kings 6 2:J-2S; 2 Chronicles 3 10- 13). See CuiciirniM.

    (2) The "hekfial."In the holy place, or hckfial, the changes were greater, (a] Before the oracle, mentioned as belonging to it (1 Kings 6 22), stood the altar of incense, covered with cedar, and over- laid with gold (1 Kings 6 20.22; 7 -IS; 2 Chronicles 4 19; see ALTAR OP INCE.VSK). it is an arbitrary pro- cedure of criticism to attempt to identify this altar with the table of shewbread. (b) Instead of one golden candlestick, as in the tabernacle, there were now 10, 5 placed on one side and .5 on the other, in front of the oracle. All, with their utensils, were of pure gold (1 Kings 7 49; 2 Chronicles 4 7). (r) Likewise. for one table of shewbread, there were now 10, 5 on one side, 5 on the other, also with their utensils made of gold (1 Kings 7 4S, where, however, only one table is mentioned; 2 Chronicles 4 South, "100 basins of gold"). As these objects, only enlarged in number and dimensions, are fashioned after the model of those of the tabernacle, further particulars regarding them are not given here.

    (1) The altar. The most prominent object in the Temple-court was the altar of burnt offering,

    or brazen altar (see UKAZK.V ALTAH). 2. The The site of the altar, as already seen,

    Court was the rock cs sakhrd, where Araunah

    (Inner) had his threshing-floor. The notion

    of some moderns that the rock itself was the altar, and that the brazen (bronze) altar was introduced later, is devoid of plausibility. An altar is always something reared or built (cf 2 Samuel 24 18.2.5). The dimensions of the altar, which are not mentioned in 1 Kings, arc given in 2 Chronicles 4 1 as 20 cubits (30 ft.) long, 20 cubits (30 ft.) broad, and 10 cubits (1.5 ft.) high. As utensils connected with it an incidental confirmation of its historicity are pots, shovels, basins and fleshhooks (1 Kings 7 "40. 4.5; 2 Chronicles 4 11.1(1). It will be observed that the assumed halving proportions of the tabernacle are here quite departed from (cf Exodus 27 1).

    (2) The molten (bronze) sect. A new feature in the sanctuary court taking the place of the "laver" in the tabernacle was the "molten sea," the name being given to it for its great size. It was



Letter "T"

    an immense basin of bronze, 5 cubits (7} ft.) high, 10 cubits (If) ft.) in diameter at the brim, and 30 cubits (45 ft.) in circumference, resting on 12 bronze oxen, and placed bet ween t IK; altar and the Temple porch, toward the South. (I K 7 2:5-2(1. 3!); 2 Chronicles 4 2~f>.lO). The bronze was a hanelbreadth in thick- ness. The brim was shaped like the flower of a lily, and encompassing the basin were ornamental knops. Its capacity is given as 2,000 baths (1 Kings 7 20; by error in 2 Chronicles 4 5, 3,000 baths). The oxen on which it rested faced the four cardinal points three looking each way. The "sea,'' like the laver, doubt less supplied the water for the wash- ing of the priests' hands and feet (cf Exodus 30 IS; 38 South). The view of certain scholars (Kosters, (Junkel, etc) that the "sea" is connected with Hal) mythical ideas of the great dee]") is quite fanciful; no hint appears of such significance in any part of the narrative. The same applies to the lavers in the next paragraph.

    (3) 77?o hirer* an (I, their haws. The tabernacle laver had its place taken by the "MVI" just described, but the Temple was also provided with 10 lavers or basins, set on "bases" of elaborate design and mov- ing upon wheels the whole made of bronze (I K 7 27-37). Their use; seems to have been for the washing of sacrifices (2 Chronicles 4 6). for which pur- pose; they were placed, 5 on the north side, and 5 on the south side, of the Temple-court. The liases were 4 cubits (6 ft.) long, 4 cubits broad, and 3 cubits (4 ft.) high. These bases were of the nature of square paneled boxes, their sides being ornamented \\\\\\\\vith figures of lions, oxen and cherubim, with wreathed work beneath. They had four feet, to which wheels were attached. The basin rested on a rounded pedestal, a cubit high, with an opening lj cubits in diameter to receive the laver (1 Kings 7 31). Mythological ideas, as just said, are here out of place.

    V. History of the Temple. The Temple was

    founded in the 4th year of Solomon's reign (1 Kings 6

    1), and occupied 7^ years in building

    1. Building (6 3S); the royal buildings occupied and Dedi- 13 years (7 1) -20 years in all (the cation two periods, however, may in part svn-

    chronizei. On the completion of the Temple, the ark was brought up, in the presence of a vast assemblage, from Xion, and, with innumerable sacrifices and thanksgiving, was solemnly deposited in the Holy of Holies (1 Kings 8 1-21; 2 Chronicles 5; 6 1-11). The Temple itself was then dedicated by Solomon in the noble prayer recorded in 1 Kings 8 22- 61; 2 Chronicles 6 12-42, followed by lavish sacrifices, and a 14 days' feast. At its inauguration tin; house was filled with the "glory" of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), (1 Kings 8 10. 11; 2 Chronicles 5 13.14).

    The religions declension of the later days of Solomon (1 Kings 11 1-X) brought in its train dis- asters for the nation and the Temple.

    2. Repeated On Solomon's death the kingdom was Plunderings disrupted, and the Temple ceased to

    be the one national sanctuary. It had its rivals in the calf-shrines set up by Jeroboam at Beth-el and Daniel (1 Kings 12 25-33). In the 5th year of Rehoboam an expedition was made against Judah by Shishak, king of Egypt, who, coming to Jerusalem, carried away the treasures of the Temple, together with those of the king's house, including the 300 shields of gold which Solomon had made (1 Kings 14 25-28; 2 Chronicles 12 2-9). Rehoboarn's wife, Maacah, was an idolatress, and during the reign of Abijam, her son, introduced many abominations into the worship of the Temple (1 Kings 15 2.12.13). Asa cleared these away, but himself further depleted the Temple and royal treasuries by sending all that was left of their silver and gold to Ben-hadad, king of Syria, to buy his help against Baasha, king

    of Israel (1 Kings 15 18.19). Again the Temple was foully desecrated by Athaliah (2 Chronicles 24 7), necessitating the repairs of Jehoash (2 Kings 12 4 ff; 2 Chronicles 24 4 if); and a new plundering took place in the reign of Ahaziah, when Jehoash of Israel carried off all the gold and silver in the Temple and palace (2 Kings 14 14). Czziah was smitten with leprosy for presuming to enter the holy place to offer incense (2 Chronicles 26 10-20). Jehoshaphat, earlier, is thought to have enlarged the court (2 Chronicles 20 5), and Jot ham built a new gate (2 Kings 15 35; 2 Chronicles 27 3). The ungodly Aha/ went farther than any of his predecessors in sacrilege, for, besides robbing the Temple and palace of their treasures to secure the aid of the king of Assyria (2 Kings 16 South), he re- moved the brazen altar from its time-honored site, and set up a heathen altar in its place, removing likewise the bases and ornaments of the lavers, and the oxen from under the brazen (bronze) sea (2 Kings 16 10-17).

    An earnest attempt at reform of religion was made by Hezekiah (2 Kings 18 1-0; 2 Chronicles 29 31), but even

    he was driven to take all the gold and 3. Attempts silver in the Temple and king's house at Reform to meet the tribute; impeded on him by

    Sennacherib, stripping from the doors and pillars the gold with which he himself hail over- laid them (2 Kings 18 14-10; 2 Chronicles 32 31). Things became worse than ever under Manasseh, who reared idolatrous altars in the Temple-courts, made an Asherah, introduced the worship of the host of heaven, had horses dedicaleel to the sun in the Temple-court, and connived at the worst pollutions * heathenism in the sanctuary (2 Kings 21 3-7; 23 7.11). Then came the more energetic re-forms of the reign e>f Josiah, when, during the repairs of the Temple, the discovery was made of the; Book of the Law, which led to a new covenant with LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, a suppression of the high places, and the themmgh cleansing-out of abuses from the Temple (2 Kings 22; 23 1-25; 2 Chronicles 34; 35). Still, the heart of the people was not changed, and, as seen in the history, and in the; pages of the Prophets, after Josiah's death, the old evils were soon back in full force (cf e.g. Ezekiel 8 7-1 Samuel).

    The end, however, was now at hand. Nebuchad- nezzar made Jehoiakim his tributary; then, on

    his rebelling, came, in the reign of 4. Final Jehoiachin, took Jerusalem, carried off Overthrow the treasures of the Temple and palnce,

    with the golel of the Temple vessels

    (part had already been taken on his first approach, 2 Chronicles 36 7), and led into captivity the king, his 1 ousehold and the chief part of the population (2 C 24 1-17). Eleven years later (580 BC), after

    h K

    a siege of 18 months, conseeruent on Zed'ekiah's rebellion (2 Kings 25 1), the; Bab army completed the elestruction of Jerusalem and the Temple. Only a few lesser ute>nsils of value, and the brazen (bronze) pillars, bases and sea remained; these were now taken away, the larger e>bjee'ts being bre)ken up (2 Kings 25 13-10). The Temple itself, with its connected buildings, and the houses in Jerusalem gener- ally, were set on fire (ver 9). The ark doubtless perished in the conflagration, anel is no me>re hearel of. The residue of the; population all but the poorest were carried away captive (vs 11.12; see CAI>- TIVITY). Thus ended the first Temple, after about 400 years of chequered existence.


    /. Introductory. Wellhausen has saiel that chs 40-48 of Ezekiel ''are the me>st important in his book, and have been, not incorrectly, called the key to the OT" (Prolegomena, ET, 107). lie means that Ezekiel's legislation represents the first draft, or iketch, of a priestly code, and that subsequently,



Letter "T"

    on its basis, men of the priestly school formulated

    the PC us we have it,. Without accepting this view,

    dealt with elsewhere, it, is to be ad-

    1. Relation initted that East/ekiel's sketch of a re- to History stored temple in chs 40-43 has impor- of Temple tant bearings on UK; history of (lie

    Temple, alike in the fact that it presup- poses and sheds back light upon the st ruct ure and ar- rangements of the first Temple (Solomon's), and that in important respects it, forecasts the plans of the second (Zerubbabel's) and of Herod's temples

    While, however, there is this historical relation, it is to be observed that Ezckiel's temple-sketch is

    unique, presenting features not found

    2. Concep- in any of the actually built temples. tion Unique The temple is, in truth, an ideal con- and Ideal struct ion never intended to be literally

    realized by ret urned exiles, or any ot her body of people. Visionary in origin, the ideas em- bodied, and not the actual construction, are the main things to the prophet's mind. It gives East/ekiel's conception of what a perfectly restored temple and the service of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), would be under conditions which could scarcely be thought of as ever likely literally to arise. A literal construction, OIK; inay say, was impossible. The site of the temple is not the old '/Ann, but "a very high mountain" (40 2), occupying indeed the place of Zion, but entirely altered in elevation, configuration and general character. The temple is part of a scheme of a transformed land, partitioned in parallel tracts among the re-stored 12 tribes (47 1348 7.23-29), with a large urea in the center, likewise stretching across the whole country, hallowed to LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), and His service (48 8-22). Supernatural features, as that of the flowing stream from the temple in eh 47, abound. It is unreasonable to suppose that the prophet, looked for such changes some of them quite obviously symbolical as actually impending. The visionary character of the temple has the effect of securing that its measurements a' re perfect ly

    symnietrical. The cubit used is de- 3. Its Sym- fined as "a cubit and a handbreadth" metrical (40 5), the contrast being with one or Measure- more smaller cubits (see CCBIT). In ments the diversity of opinion as to t he precise

    length of the cubit, it may be assumed here that, it was the same sacred cubit employed in the; tabernacle and first Temple, and may be treated, as before, as approximately equivalent to IS inches.

    //. Plan of the Temple. Despite obscurities and corruption in the text of Ezekiel, the main outlines of the ideal temple can be made out without much difficulty (for details the comms. must be consulted; A. B. Davidson's "East/ekiel" in the Cambridge Bible series may be recommended; cf also Keil; a very lucid description is given in Skinner's "Book of Ezekiel," in the Expositor's Bible, 406-13; for a different view, see Caldecott, The Second Temple in J eras').

    The temple was inclosed in two courts an outer and an inner quite different, however, in character and arrangement from those of the first 1. Outer Temple. The outer court, as shown bv Tmirt the separate measurements (ef Keil oh

    40 27), was a large square of 500 cubits (..>() ft.), bounded by a wall (i cubits (9 ft.) thick and cubits high (40 5). The wall was pierced in the middle of its north, east and south sides by massive gateways, extending into the court to a distance of 50 cubits (75 ft ) with a width of 25 cubits (37' ft.). On either side of the passage in these gateways were three guardrooms, each (i cubits square (ver 7 m), and each gateway terminated in a "porch," 8 cubits (12 ft.) long (ver 9), and apparently (thus LXX, ver 14; the Hebrew text si-ems corrupt) 20 cubits across. The ascent to the gateways was by seven steps (ver (South; cf vs 22.2(5), showing that the level of the court was to this extent, higher than the ground outside Round the court, on the three sides named its edge

    Ezekiel's Temple Plan.

    The inner court was a square of 100 cubits (150 ft )

    situated exactly in the center of the larger court (40 47)!

    It, too. was surrounded bv a wall, and had

    2. Inner gateways, with guardrooms, etc, similar Tmirt to tnosc I the outer court, saving that

    the gateways projected outward (50 cubits), not inward. The gates of outer and inner courts were opposite to each other on the North East., and South., a hundred cubits apart (vs I9.23.i>7; the whole space, therefore, from wall to wall was 50 and 100 and 50=200 cubits). The ascent to the gales in this case was by eight steps (ver 37), indicating another rise in level for the inner court. There were two chambers at the sides of the north and south gates respectivelv one for Levites, the other for priests (vs 44-4(5; cf m)- at the gates also (perhaps only at the north gate) were stone tables for slaughtering (vs 39 415). In the center of this inner court, was the great, altar of burnt offering (43 14-17) a structure IS cubits (27 ft.) square at, the base, and rising in four stages (1,2, 4, and 4 cubits high respectively, vs 14.15). till it formed a square of 12 cubits (18ft.) at the top or hearth, with four horns at the corners (vs 15.16) Steps led up to it on the K. (ver 17). See ALTAR OF BURNT OFFERING.

    The inner court was extended westward by a second square of 100 cubits, within which, on a platform elevated o T> i another (5 cubits (!) ft.), stood the temple

    3. Temple proper and its connected buildings (41 Samuel). Building Tais P'atform or basement is shown by the

    . measurements to be (50 cubits broad (X.

    and South.) and 105 cubits long (K. and West.) Adjuncts 5 cubits projecting into the eastern square.

    The ascent to the temple-porch was bv 10 steps (40 49; LXX, KVm). The temple itself was a building consisting, like Solomon's, of three parts a porch at, the entrance, 20 cubits (30 ft.) broad by 12 cubits (18 ft.) deep (so most, following LXX, as required bv tin- other measurements); the holv place; or hfkhal 40 cubits (00 ft.) long by 20 cubits '(30 ft.) broad; anil the most holy place, 20 cubits by 20 (40 4S.49; 41 1-4)- the measurements are internal. At the sides of the porch stood two pillars (40 49), corresponding to the Jachin and Boaz of the older Temple. The holy and the most



Letter "T"

    holy places were separated by a partition 2 cubits in thickness (41 3; so most interpret). The most holy place was empty; of the furniture of the holy place men- lion is made only (if an altar of wood (ver 22; see AI.TAH A, 111,7; 15. Lli, 3). Walls and doors -were ornamented with cherubim and palm trees ), and on the north, south, and west sides, as in Solo- mon's Temple, there were side-chambers in t hree stories, :) in number (41 o; in each story ?), wit h an outer wall 5 cubits 1,7'. ft.) in thickness (ver .)). These chambers were, on the basement, -1 cubits broad; in the 2d and :!d stories, owing, as in the older Temple, to rebaternents in the wall. perhaps 5 and <> cubits broad respectively (vs (i.7; in Solomon's Temple the side-chambers were 5, 0, and 7 cubits, 1 Kings 6 <>K These dimensions give a total external breadth to the house of 50 cubits (with a length of 1OO cubits i, leaving 5 cubits on either side and in the front, as a passage round the edge of the plat- form on which the, building stood (described as "that which was left") (vs

    Such, in general, was the sanctuary of the prophet's vision, the outer and inner courts _ of which, and, crowning all, the temple, itself, rising in successive terraces, presented to his inner eye an imposing spectacle which, in labored description, he seeks to enable his readers likewise to visuali/e.


    /. Introductory. Forty-eight years al'ier Nebu-

    cliadne//ar's destruction of the first Temple, the

    Bab empire came to an end (5:>South BC \\\\\\\\

    1. The and Persia became dominant under Decree of Cyrus. In the year following, Cyrus Cyrus made a decree sanctioning the return

    of the Jews, and ordering the rebuild- ing of the Temple at .lerus (2 Chronicles 36 23; East/r 1 14). lie not only caused the sacred vessels of the old Temple to be restored, but levied a tax upon his western provinces to provide materials for the build- ing, besides what was offered willingly (East/r 1 6-11; 6 3 if). The relatively small number of exiles \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\-\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\o chose to return for this work (40.000) were led by Shoshhazzar, "the prince of -ludah" (East/r 1 11), whom some identify with Zerubbabel, likewise named ''governor of Judah" (Hag 1 1). With these, if they were distinct, was associated Joshua the high priest (in East/r and Nehemiah called ".leshua"). The first work of Joshua and Zerubbabel was the building of the altar on its old site in the 7th month

    of the return (East/r 3 3 ff). Masons

    2. Founding and carpenters were engaged for the of the building of the house, and the Phoeni- Temple cians were requisitioned for cedar

    wood from Lebanon (ver 7). In the 2d year the foundations of the temple were laid with dignified ceremonial, amid rejoicing, and the weeping of the older men, who remembered the former house (vs 8-13).

    The work soon met with opposition from the

    mixed population of Samaria, whose offer to join

    it had been refused; host ile representa-

    3. Opposi- tions, which proved successful, were tion and made to the Pers king; from which Completion causes the building was suspended of the Work about 15 years, till the 2d year of

    Darius Hystaspis (520 BC; Ear 4). On the other hand, the prophets Haggai'and Zecha- riah stimulated the flagging zeal of the builders, and, new permission being obtained, the work was re-

    sumed, and proceeded so rapidly that in 516 BC the temple was completed, anil was dedicated with joy (East/r 5, 6).

    //. The Temple Structure. Few details are

    available regarding this temple of Zerubbabel. It

    stood on the ancient site, and may

    1. The have been influenced in parts of its House plan by the desciiptions of the temple

    in East/k. The inferiority to the first Temple, alluded to in East/r 3 12 and Hag 2 3, plainly cannot refer to its size, for its dimensions as spec- ified in the decree of Cyrus, viz. GO cubits in height, and 60 cubits in breadth (Ezra 6 3; there is no warrant for confining the, 60 cubits of height to the po:-ch only; cf Jos, Anl, XI, i), exceed considerably those of the Temple of Solomon (side- chambers are no doubt- included in the breadth). The greater glory of the former Temple can only refer to adornment, and to the presence in it of objects wanting in the second. The Mish declares that the second temple lacked five things present in the first the ark, the sacred fire, the nli

    The temple was divided, like its predecessor,

    into a holy and a most holy place, doubtless in

    similar proportions. In 1 Mace 1 22

    2. Its Di- mention is made of the "veil" between visions and the two places. The most holy place, Furniture as just said, was empty, save; for a

    stone on which the high priest, on the prorit Day of Atonement, placed his censer (Yrnn\\\\\\\\ v.2j. The holy place had its old furniture, but on the' simpler scale of the tabernacle a golden altar of incense, a single table of shewbroad, one 7- branched candlestick. These were taken away by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace 1 21.22V At the cleansing of the sanctuary after its profanation by this prince, they were renewed by Judas Macca- baeus (1 Mace. 4 41 ft'). Judas pulled down also the old desecrated altar, and built a new one (vs 44 ff).

    The second temple had two courts an outer and an inner (1 Mace 4 US. 48; 9 5-1; Jos, Ant. XIV,xvi,2)

    planned apparently on the model of 3^ Jtg those in Kzk. A. K. South. Kennedy infers

    * from the measure-iients in the Ilnnnn

    L/OUrts, that "the area of the great court of tho

    Altar, etc second temple, before it was enlarged by

    Herod on tho South. and East., followed that of Ezekiel's outer court that is, it measured , r >00 cubits each wav with the sacred rock precisely in tho center" (/.'.( /'"< V'. XX, 1S1>). The altar on this old snkhrd site

    - the first, thing of all to be "set on its base"'(Ezra 3 '>>}

    - is shown by 1 Mace 4 47 and a passage quoted by Jos from Hecataeus (<'.\\\\\\\\i>, I, xxii) to have been built of unhewn stones. Hecataeus gives its dimensions as a square of L'O cubits and 10 cubits in height. There seems to have been free access to this inner court till the time of Alexander Jannaeus (10-1-78 HO, who, pelted by tho crowd as he sacrificed, fenced off the part of the court in front of the altar, so that no layman could come farther (Jos Ant XIII, xiii, 5). The courts were colonnaded ( \\\\\\\\>it XI iv 7- XIV, xvi, 2), and, with the house, had numerous chambers (cf Nehemiah 12 44; 13 4 if, etc).

    A brief contemporary description of this Temple and its worship is given in An'. it run, s:{-104. This writer's interest, however, was absorbed chiefly by the devices for carrying away the sacrificial blood and by the technique of tiie otlieiating priests.

    The vicissitudes of this temple in its later history are vividly recorded in 1 Mace, and in Jos. In

    Ecclus 50 is given a glimpse of a cer- 4. Later tain Simon, son of Onias, who repaired Fortunes the temple, and a striking picture is

    furnished of the magnificence of the worship in his time. The desecration and pil- laging of the sanctuary by Antiochus, and its cleansing and restoration under Judas are alluded to above (see HASMOXEANS; MACCABEANS). At length Judaea became an integral part of the Romans empire. In 6(i BC Potnpey, having taken the temple-hill, entered the most holy place, but kept



Letter "T"

    his hands oil the temple-treasures (Ant, XIV, iv, 4). $01110 years later Crassus carried away every- thing of value lie could iind (Ant, XIV, vii, 1). The people revolted, hut Home remained victorious. This brings us to the lime of Herod, who was nomi- nated king of .Judaea by Rome in 39 BC, but did not attain actual power until two years later.


    /. Introductory. He rod became king de, facto by the capture- of .Jems in 37 BC. $ome years

    later lie built, Hie fortress Antonia 1. Initiation to the North. of the temple (before 31 BC). of the Work Midway in his reign, assigning a

    religious motive for his purpose, he formed the project, of rebuilding the temple itself on a grander wale (Jos gives conflicting dates; in Anl, XV, xi, 1, he says "in his 18th year"; in BJ ,

    1, xxi, 1, he names his 15th year; the hitter date, as Sehuror suggests [CJV\\\\\\\\ 1, 309], may _ refer to the extensive preparations). To allay the (list rust of his subjects, he undertook that, the materials for the now building should bo collected before the old was taken down; he likewise trained 1,000 priests to be masons and carpenters for work upon the sanctuary; 10,000 skilled workmen altogether were employed upon the task. The building was com- menced in 20-19 BC. The nans, or temple proper, was finished in a year and a half, but it took 8 years to complete the courts and cloisters. The total erection occupied a much longer time (cf John 2 20, "Forty and six years," etc); indeed the work was not entirely completed till 04 AD 6 years before its destruction by the Romans.

    Built of white marble, covered with heavy plates of gold in front and rising high above its marble- cloistered courts themselves a sueeos-

    2. Its sion of terraces the temple, compared Grandeur by Jos to a snow-covered mountain

    (BJ, V, v, 0), was a conspicuous and dazzling object from every side. The general struc- ture is succinctly described by (1. A. Smith : "Herod's temple consisted of a house divided like its prede- cessor into the Holy of Holies, and the Holy Place; a porch; an immediate fore-court with an altar of burnt offering; a Court of Israel; in front of this a Court of Women; and round the whole of the preceding, a Court of the Gentiles" (Jems, II, 502). On the "four courts," cf Jos, CAp, II, viii.

    The original authorities on Herod's temple are chiefly the descriptions in .Jos (.1 >,t, XV, xi, :*, 5; 1U , V, v, etc),

    and the tractate Middoth in tho Mish. o An+Vmri The data in those authorities, however,

    do not always ajiree. The most helpful ties modern descriptions, with plans, will bo

    found, with dill'crcncos in details, in Keil, Bib \\\\\\\\rcliaco1oiiu, I, lS7tf; in FerKusson, Temples of the Jews; in the arts. "Temple" in 11DH (T. Wittpn navies) and Eli ((!. II. Box); in tho important series of papers by A. 11. South. Kennedy in Kjpos T (vol XX), "Some Problems of Herod's Temple" (cf his art. 'Temple" in one-vol l)Ii); in Sanday's Sacn-il Kite* of the Gospels (VVaterhouse) ; latterly in G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 4!)<)fT.

    Differences of opinion continue as to the sacred cubit. A. R. South. Kennedy thinks the cubit can bo definitely

    fixed at 17.C) in. (Expos T, XX, 24 tt ) ; A. TVTpac <-' A. Smith reckons it at 20. (57 in. (Jerusalem,

    * lvlectb ' n f,04); T. Wilton Davies estimates urements it at about 18 in. (IIDB, IV, 71U), etc.

    West. South. Caldeoott takes the cubit of Jos and the MidJoth to be 11 ft. It will suffice in this sketch to treat the cubit, as before, as approximately equivalent to IS in.

    //. The Temple and Its Courts. Jos states that tho area of Herod's temple was double that of its

    predecessor (BJ, I, xxi, 1). The 1. Temple Mish (Mid., ii.2j gives the area as f>00 Area cubits (roughly _ 750 ft.);_Jos (Ant,

    Court of XV, xi, 3) gives it as a stadium (about Gentiles 000 (!r ft.); but neither measure is

    cmite exact. It is generally agreed that on its east, west and south skies Herod's

    area corresponded pretty nearly with the limits of the present, Hard/// area (see JKKCSALKM), but that it did not extend as far X. as the latter (Kennedy states the difference! at about 20 as compared with 35 acres, and makes the whole perimeter to be about 1,420 yards, ut supra, 00). The shape was an irregular oblong, broader at, the North. than at, the $. The whole was surrounded by a .strong wall, with several gates, the number and position of some of which are still matters of dispute. Jos mentions four gates on the \\\\\\\\V. (Ant, XV, xi, 5), the principal of which, named in M id., i.3, "the gate of Kiponos," was connected by a "bridge across the Tyropot'on with the city (when; no\\\\\\\\v is Wilson's Arch). The same authority speaks of two gales on the South. These, are identified with the "Iluldah" (mole) gates of tin; Mish --the present Double and Triple dates which, opening low down in the wall, slope up in tunnel fashion into the interior of tin; court. The Mish puts a gate also on the north and one on the east, side. The latter may be represented by the modern dolden Gate a Byzantine structure, now built up. This great court known later as the "Court of the dentiles," because open to every- one was adorned with splendid porticos or clois- ters. The colonnade on the south side known as the Royal Porch was specially magnificent. It consisted of four rows of monolit hie marble columns 102 in all with Corinthian capitals, forming three aisles, of which the middle was broader and double the height of the other two. The roofing was of carved cedar. The north, west, and east sides had only double colonnades. That on the cast side was the "Solomon's Porch" of the NT (John 10 23; Acts 3 11; 5 19). There were also chambers for officials, and perhaps a place of meeting for the Sanhedrin (beth din) (Jos places this elsewhere). In the wide spaces of this court took place the buying and sell- ing described in the Gospels (Matthew 21 12 and j.'s; John 2 13 ff).

    (1) Wall, "licl," "sorc(/h," gates. In the upper or northerly part of this large area, on a much higher level, bounded likewise; by a 2. Inner wall, was a second or inner inclosure Sanctuary the "sanctuary" in the stricter sense Inclosure (Jos, BJ, V, v, 2) comprising the court of the women, the court of Israel and the priests' court, with the temple itself (Jos, Ant, XV, xi, 5). The surrounding wall, according to Jos (BJ, V, v, 2), was 40 cubits high on the out- side, and 25 on the inside a difference of 15 cubits; its thickness was 5 cubits. Since, however, the inner courts wore considerably higher than the court of the women, the difference in height may have been some cubits less in the latter than in the former (cf the different measurements in Kennedy, ut supra, 182), a fact which may explain the difficulty felt as to the number of the steps in the ascent (see below). Round the wall without, at least on three sides (some except the West.), at a height of 12 (Mid.) or 14 (Jos) stops, was an embankment or terrace, known as the hel (fortification), 10 cubits broad (Mid. says cubits high), and inclosing the whole was a low balustrade or stone parapet (Jos says 3 cubits high) called the soregli, to which were attached at intervals tablets with notices in Gr and hat, prohibiting entry to foreigners on pain of death (see PARTITION, WALL OF). From within the sorcyh ascent was made to the level of the hcl by the stops aforesaid, and five steps more led up to the gates (the reckoning is probably to the lower level of the women's court ). Xine gates, with two-storied gatehouses "like towers" (Jos, BJ , V, v, 3), are men- tioned, four on the X., four on the South., and one on the East. the last probably to be identified, though this is still disputed (Waterhouse, etc), with the "Gate of Xicanor" (Mid.), or "Corinthian Gate" (Jos),



Letter "T"

    which is undoubtedly "the Beautiful (late" of Acts 3 2.10 (see for' identification, Kennedy, tit supra,, 270). This principal gate received its names from being the gift of a wealthy Alexandrian Jew, Xicanor, and from its being made of Corinthian brass. It was of great size 50 cubits high and 40 cubits wide and was richly adorned, its brass glit- tering like gold (Mill., ii.3). See BKArriFri, GATK. The other gates were covered with gold and silver (Jos, B.I, V, V, 3).

    (2) Court of the, u'omcn. The eastern gate, approached from the outside by 12 Meps (Mill., ii.3; Maimonides), admitted into the court of the women, so called because it was accessible to women as well as to men. Above its single colonnades were galleries reserved for the use of women. Its di- mensions are given in the Mish as 135 cubits square (Mid., ii.5>.but this need not be precise. At its four corners were large roofless rooms for storage and other purposes. Near the pillars of the colonnades were 13 trumpet-shaped boxes for receiving the money-offerings of the people (cf the incident of the widow's mite. Mark 12 41 fi; Luke 21 1 ffj; forwhich reason, and because this court seems to have been the place of deposit, of the temple-treasures gen- erally, it bore the name ''treasury" (gazophukildon, John 8 20). See TRKASTKY.

    (3) The inner court. --From the women's court, the ascent- was made by 15 semicircular steps (M id., ii..~>; on these steps the Levites chanted, and beneath them their instruments were kept) to the inner court, comprising, at different levels, the court of Israel and the court of the priests. Here, again, at the entrance, was a lofty, richly ornamented gate, which some, as said, prefer to regard as the (late of Xicanor or Heautil'ul (late. Probably, however, the view above taken, which places this gate at the outer entrance, is correct. The Mish gives the total dimensions of the inner court as ]S7 cubits long (East. to \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ .') and 135 cubits wide (Mid., ii.G; v.l). Originally the court was one, but dis- turbances in the time of Alexander Jannaeus (104-7S BC) led, as formerly told, to the greater part being railed off for the exclusive use of the priests (Jos, Ant, XIII, xiii, 5). John the Mish the name "court of the priests" is used in a restricted sense to denote tin* space 11 cubits between the altar and "the court- of Israel" (sec the detailed measurements in Mid., v.l). The latter -"the court of Israel" 2.1 cubits lower than "the court of the priests," and separated from it by a pointed fence, was likewise a narrow strip of only 11 cubits (Mid., ii.G; v.l). Jos, with more probability, car- ries the 11 cubits of the "court of Israel" round the whole of the temple-court (BJ, V, vi). \\\\\\\\Vater- house (Surr<-il North//r.s, 112) thinks 11 cubits too small for a court of male Israelites, and supposes a much larger inclosure, but without warrant in the authori- ties (cf Kennedy, ut supra, 183; G. A. Smith, Jems, II, 508 ff).

    (4) The altar, etc. In the priests' court the principal object was the great altar of burnt offering, situated on the old site the snkhra immediately in front of the porch of the temple (at 22 cubits distance the space "between the temple and the altar" of Matthew 23 35). The altar, according to the Mish (Mid., iii.l), was 82 cubits square, and, like Ezekiel's, rose in stages, each diminishing by a cubit: one of 1 cubit in height, three of 5 cubits, which, with deduction of another cubit for the priests to walk on, left a. square of 24 cubits at the top. It had four horns. Jos, on the other hand, gives .50 cubits for the length and breadth, and 15 cubits for the height of the altar (BJ, V, v, G) his reckon- ing perhaps including a platform (a cubit high?) from which the height is taken (see ALTAR). The altar was built of unhewn stones, and had on the

    South. a sloping ascent of like material, 32 cubits in length and l(i in width. Between temple and altar, toward theS., stood the "laver" for the priests. In the court, on the north side, were rings, hooks, and tables, for the slaughtering, flaying and sus- pending of the sacrificial victims.

    (1) HOHNC, and porch. Yet another flight of 12 steps, occupying most of the space between the

    temple-porch and the altar, led up to 3. The the platform (G cubits high) on which

    Temple stood the temple itself. This mag-

    Building nificent structure, built, as said before,

    of blocks of white marble, richly orna- mented with gold on front and sides, exceeded in dimensions and splendor all previous temples.

    Front Elevation of Temple.

    The numbers in the Mish and in Jos arc in parts discrepant, but the general proportions can readily be made out. The building with its platform rose to the height of 100 cubits (150 ft.; the 120 cubits in Jos, Aid, XV. xi, 3, is a mistake), and was GO cubits (00 ft.) wide. It was fronted by a porch of like height, but with wings extending 20 cubits (30 ft.) on each side of the temple, making the total breadth of the vestibule 100 cubits (150_ft.) also. The depth of the porch was 10 or 11 cubits; prob- ably at the wings 20 cubits (Jos). The entrance, without doors, was 70 cubits high and 25 cubits wide (Mid. makes 40 cubits high and 20 wide). Above it Herod placed a golden eagle, which the Jews afterward pulled down (Ant, XVII, vi, 3). The porch was adorned with gold.

    (2) " Ilekhar ami ''d'hlilr." Internally, the temple was divided, as before, into a holy place (//r/,7/<7/) and a most holy (d'1h7r) the former measuring, as in Solomon's Temple, 40 cubits (GO ft.) in length, and 20 cubits (30 ft.) in breadth; the height, however, was double that of the older Temple GO cubits (00 ft.; thus Keil, etc, follow- ing Jos, B.I, V, v, 5). Mid., iv.G, makes the height only 40 cubits; A. R. South. Kennedy and G. A. Smith make the (H>/nr a cube 20 cubits in height only. In the space that remained above the holy places, upper rooms (40 cubits) were erected. The holy place was separated from the holiest by a partition one cubit in thickness, before which hung an em- broidered curtain or "veil" that which was rent at the death of Jesus (Matthew 27 51 and ||'s; Mid,, iv.7, makes two veils, with a space of a cubit between them). The Holy of Holies was empty; only a stone stood, as in the temple of Zerubbabel, on which the high priest placed his censer on the Day



Letter "T"

    of Atonement (Mish, Yoina, '2). In the lioly place were the altar of incense, the table of shew- bread (North.), and the seven-branched golden candle- stick (South.). Representations of I lie two lat ter are seen in (lie carvings on the Arch of Titus (see SHKW- URKAD, TAHIJO OF; CAMMJ:STICK, ( IOLDK.North). The spaci(jus entrance! to the holy place had folding doors, before which hung a richly variegated Bab curtain. Above the entrance was a golden vine with clusters as large as a man (Jos, Ant, XV, xi, 3; BJ, V, v, 4).

    (3) The siilc-clunitbcrx. The walls of the temple appear to have been f> cubits thick, and against these, on the North., \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ ., and South., were built, as in Solo- mon's Temple, side-chambers in three stories, (it) cubits in height, and ]() cubits in widt h (the figures, however, are uncertain), which, with the outer walls, made the entire breadth of the house o() or 70 cubits. Mid., iv. 3, gives the number of the chambers as 3S in all. The roof, which Keil speaks of as "sloping" (liib. Archaeology, I, 199). had gilded spikes to keep off the birds. A balustrade; surrounded it 3 cubits high. Windows are not mentioned, but there would doubtless be openings for light into the holy place from above the side- chambers.

    ///. NT Associations of Herod's Temple.

    Herod's temple figures so prominently in NT history

    that it is not necessary to do more

    1. Earlier than refer to some of the events of Incidents which it was the scene. It was here,

    before the incense altar, that the aged Zacharias had the vision which assured him that he should not die childless (Luke 1 11 ff). Here, in the women's court, or treasury, on the presenta- tion by Marv, the infant Jesus was greeted by Simeon and Anna (Luke 2 27 ff). In His 12th year the boy Jesus amazed the temple rabbis by His understanding and answers (Luke 2 40 ff).

    The chronological sequence of the Fourth Gospel

    depends very much upon the visits of Jesus to the

    temple at the great festivals (see

    2. Jesus in JESUS CHRIST). At the first of these the Temple occurred the cleansing of the temple- court the court of the (Jentiles from

    the dealers that profaned it (John 2 13 ff), an inci- dent repeated at the close of the ministry (Matthew 21 12 ff and |'s). When the Jews, on the first occasion, demanded a sign, Jesus spoke of the temple of His body as being destroyed and raised up in three days (John 2 I'.)), eliciting their retort, "Forty and six years was this temple in building," etc (ver 20). This may date the' occurrence about 27 AD. At the second cleansing lie not only drove out the buyers and sellers, but would not allow anyone to carry anything through this part of the temple (Mark 11 lf)~17). In John His zeal flamed out because it was His Father's house; in Mark, because it was a house of prayer for all nations (cf Isaiah 56 7). With this non-exclusiveness agrees the word of Jesus to the woman of Samaria: ''The hour comet h, when neither in this mountain [in Samaria], nor in Jerusalem, shall ye worship the Fat her" (John 4 21). During the two years following His first visit, Jesus repeatedly, at festival times, walked in the temple-courts, and taught and disputed with the Jews. We find Him in John 5 at "a feast" (Passover or Purim?); in John 7, 8, at, "the feast of tabernacles," where the temple-police were sent to apprehend Him (7 .'52. 4f>ff), and where He taught "in the treasury" (8 20); in John 10 22 ff, at "the feast of the dedica- tion" in winter, walking in "Solomon's Porch." His teaching on these occasions often started from some familiar temple scene the libations of water carried by the priests to be poured upon the altar (John 7 37 ff), the proselytes ((Ireeks even) in the great portico (John 12 20 ff), etc. Of course Jesus,

    not being of the priestly order, never entered the s.-inct uarv; 1 1 is teaching took pl:ice in the several courts open to laymen, generally m the "treasury" (see John 8 20).

    The first, days of the closing week of the life of

    Jesus the week commencing with the Triumphal

    Kntr;\\\\\\\\ were .spent largely' in the

    3. The temple. Here He spoke many parables Passion- (Matthew 21, 22 and ||'s); here He delivered Week His tremendous arraignment of the

    Pharisees (Matthew 23 and ||'s); here, as He "sat down over against the treasury," He beheld the people casting in their gifts, and praised the poor widow who cast in her two mites above all who cast in of their abundance (Mark 12 41 ff and ,'s). It was on the evening of His last day in the temple that His disciples drew His at tent ion to "the goodly stones and offerings" (gifts for adornment) of the building (Luke 21 5 and ! 'sj and heard from His lips the astonishing announcement that the days wore coming even in that generation in which there should not be left one stone upon another (ver 6 and Vs). The prediction was fulfilled to the hitter in the, destruction of the temple by the Romans in 70 AD.

    Seven weeks after the crucifixion the Pentecost of Acts 2 was observed. The only place that fulfils

    the topographical conditions of the

    4. Apostolic great gatherings is Solomon's Porch. Church The healing of the lame man (Acts

    3 1 ff) took place at the "door .... called Beautiful" of the temple, and the multitude after the healing ran together into "Solomon's Porch" or portico (ver 11). Whore also were: the words of Luke 24 53, they "were continually in the temple, blessing God," and after Pentecost (Acts 2 46), "day by day, continuing sledfastly .... in the temple," etc, so likely to be fulfilled? For long the apostles continued the methods of their Master in daily teaching in the temple (Acts 4 Iff). Many years later, when Paul visited Jerusalem for the last 1 imo, he was put in danger of his life from the myriads of Jewish converts "all zealous for the law" (Acts 21 20), who accused him of profaning the temple by bringing Greeks into its precincts, i.e. within the surct/h (vs 28-30). But Christianity had now begun to look farther afield than the temple. Stephen, and after him Saul, who became Paul, preached that "the Most High dwolleth not in houses made with hands" (Acts 7 4S; 17 21), though Paul himself attended the temple for ceremonial and other purposes (Acts 21 20).

    From the time that the temple ceased to exist,

    the Talin took its place in Jewish estimation; but

    it is in Christianity rather than in

    5. The Judaism that the temple has a per- Temple in petual existence. The NT writers Christian make no distinct ion between one temple Thought and anot her. It is the idea rat her than

    the building which is perpetuated in Christian teaching. The interweaving of temple associations with Christian thought and life runs through the whole NT. Jesus Himself supplied the germ for this development in the word He spoke concerning the temple of His body (John 2 19.21). Paul, notwithstanding all he had suffered from Jews and Jewish Christians, remained saturated with Jewish ideas and modes of thought. In one of his earliest Kpp. he recognizes the "Jerusalem that is above" as "the mother of us all" (Galatians 4 20 AY). In an- other, the "man of sin" is sitting "in the temple of God" (2 Thess 2 4). The collective church (1 Corinthians 3 10.17), but also the individual believer (1 Corinthians 6 19), is a temple. One notable passage shows how deep was the impression made upon Paul's mind by the incident connected with Troph- imus the Ephcsian (Acts 21 29). That "middle



Letter "T"

    wall of partition" which so nearly proved fatal to him then was no longer to he looked for in the Chris- t ian church (Kph 2 14), which was "a holy temple in the Lord (ver 21). It is naturally in the Lp. to the lie that we have the fullest exposition of ideas connected with the temple, although here the form of allusion is to the tabernacle rather than the temple (see TAHKHV.u'U':; of West cot t on Hebrews, 233 ff). The sanctuary and all it included were but represen- tations of heavenly things. Finally, in Hoy, the vision is that of the heavenly temple itsel (11 19). But the church professing Christendom? is a temple measured by God's command (11 l.Jtt). The climax is reached in 21 22- 23: "I saw no temple therein [i.e. in the holy city]: for the Lord God the Almi-'htv, and the Lamb, are the temple thereof .... and the lamp thereof is the Lamb." Special ordinances are altogether superseded.

    LITERATURE In general on thn temples see Keil, Jiih \\\\\\\\reh,ieiil: Middoth, from Barclay's Tnlm. may l)e seen in App. 1 of Fergus- son work above named). The (lor. lit. is very fully given in SchUror, HJP, \\\\\\\\ \\\\\\\\, ns n (<;.f \\\\\\\\ '. I--^f)- See also the arts, of A. K. South. Kennedy in Expos T, XX, referred to above, and T. Water-house, in Sandav. .Sacred SV/rs' of the (!<>* i><-lx, IOC) If. < )n symbolism . cf \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\estcott, Hebrews >v If See also arts, in this Encyclopaedia on parts, furniture, and utensils of the temple, under their several headings.



    I \\\\\\\\I,I.EC,ED WANT OF HARMONY BETWEEN EAHLIEU (K) \\\\\\\\NI> L\\\\\\\\TEK (Tit) VKHSIONS OP TEMPLE BTTILDINQ 1 Samuelecond Version Not a Facsimile of First > The Two Versions Differ as to the Builder :T The Karlier Version Silent about Things Re- corded in Later Version II. DETAILED OBJECTIONS AGAINST CHKONICU3B B

    1. Reason for Interdicting David's Purpose to

    o Impossibility^ David in His Old Ae Collecting Materials Enumerated by the Chronicler

    3 Supernat urally Received Pattern of the lemple Said to Have Been (liven by David to Solomon

    4. Alleged Organization of the Temple-Service by

    5 Assertion by Solomon That the Temple Would 15e L'sed as a Central Sanctuary



    Modern criticism does not challenge the existence of a Solomonic Temple on Matthew. Moriah, as it does that of a Mosaic tabernacle in the wilderness. Only it maintains that historic value belongs exclu- sively to the narrative in K, while the statements in Chronicles are pure ornamentation or ecclesiastical^ trim- ming dating from post-exilic times. All that is true about the Temple, Bays criticism, is (1) that David originally, i.e. on coming to the throne of all Israel, contemplated erecting such a structure upon Arau- nah's threshing-floor, but was prohibited from doing so by Nathan, who at first approved of his design but was afterward directed by LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), to stay the king's hand, and to inform the king that the work of build- ing a house for LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), to dwell in was not to be his (the king's) task and privilege but his son's, and that as a solatium for his disappoint- ment LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), would build him a house, by establishing the throne of his kingdom forever .(2 Samuel 7 4-17); (2) that after David's deatli Solomon called to mind the pious purpose of his father of which he had been informed and the express promise of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), that David's successor on the throne should execute that purpose, and accordingly resolved to "build a house for the name of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), his God" (1 Kings 5 3-5) ; and

    (3) that 7\\\\\\\\ years were employed in the work of con- struct ion, after which the finished Temple was dedi- cated in the presence of the congregation of Israel, with their princes, priests and Levites, in a speech which rehearsed the fact that David had intended to build the house but, was prevented, and with a prayer which once more connected the Temple with the pious intention of David (1 Kings 8 1S-20).

    All the rest is simply embellishment (Wellhausen, (77, IS 1-92; art, "Temple" inEB): (I) that David's purpose to build the Temple was interdict ed because he had been a man of war and had shed blood (1 Chronicles 28 3), which in Wellhausen's judgment should rather have been a qualification for the business; (2) that David in his old and feeble age made elaborate prep- arations for the construction of the house he was not to see which, again writes Wellhausen, was like "making the bread so far ready that his son only required to shove it into the oven"; (3) that David gave to his son Solomon the pattern of the house in all its details as the Lord had caused ^him to understand in writing ("black upon white," as Wellhausen expresses it) by His (the Lord's) hand upon him which was different from the way in which Moses received instruction about the taber- nacle, vi/. by a pattern shown to him in the Mount, and carried in his recollect ion; (4) that David before his death arranged all the musical service for the Temple, invented musical instruments, appointed all the officers to be associated, with the Temple priests, Levites, porters and singers, distributing them in classes and assigning them their duties by lot (1 Chronicles 23 2-2(1; 2 Chronicles 8 12-KV) exactly as these things were afterward arranged in the second or post-exilic temple and were now carried back to David as the legislation of the PC was assigned to Moses; and (5) that David's son Solomon assures Hiram (UV "Huram") that the Temple will be used as a central sanctuary "to burn before him [LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),] incense of sweet spices, and for the continual show- bread, and for the burnt-offerings morning and even- ing on the sabbaths, and on the new moons, and on the set feasts of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), our God" (2 Chronicles 2 3*ff), i.e. for Divine service, which, according to criticism, was of post -exilic origin.

    The questions that now fall to be considered are: (1) whether the statements of the Chronicler are inconsistent with those in the Books of South and K; and (2) if not, whether they are in themselves such as to be incredible 1 .

    /. As to the Want of Harmony between the Earlier and Later Versions of the Temple Build- ing. It does not seem reasonable to hold that this hasbeen established. The circumstance that the second account is not a facsimile of the first does not warrant, the conclusion that the first alone is fact and the; second fiction. It is quite conceivable that both might be true. David might have had it in his mind, as the first account states and the second acknowledges, to build a house for LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, and yet not have been able to carry his purpose into effect, and have been obliged to hand over its execution to his son. David, moreover, might have been hindered by LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), (through 1 1 is prophet Nathan) from building the Temple for more reasons than one because the proposal was premature, God having it in His mind to build a house for David, i.e. to establish his dynasty, before requiring a permanent habitation for Himself; and also because the time was unpropit ions, David having still much to do in the subjugation of his country's enemies; and because it was more fitting that a temple for the God of Peace should not be erected by one who had been a man of war from his youth. The first of these reasons is stated in South, the second and third are recorded in Chronicles.

    1. The Versions Not the Same



Letter "T"

    The curlier version does not say Iliat David

    built, the house', but (hat his son was to do it, and

    this the later version does not contra-

    2. Supposed diet ; the later version does not, claim Contra- that (he idea originated with Solomon, diction but ascribes it to David, precisely as

    (he earlier version does. In this there is no disharmony, but rather underlying harmony. Both versions assert (hat David purposed and that Solomon performed, in which surely (here is perfect agreement .

    The silence of the earlier version about the things

    recorded in the later version, such as I he preparation

    of material and the organization of the

    3. Omis- Temple-service, does not prove that Sions in these tilings were not, known to the author T-, , of the earlier version, or had not taken

    place when he wrote. No writer is Versions obliged to cram into his pages all he knows,

    but only to insert as much of his informa- tion as will subserve his aim in writing. Nor does his omission to set down in his narrative this or that par- ticular fact or incident amount to a demonstration that the unrecorded fact or incident had not then occurred or was not within his cognizance. Least of all is it expected that a writer of civil history shall fill his pages with details that, are purely or chiefly ecclesiastical. In short, if the omission from K of David's preparations and arrangements for the Temple, testifies that no such preparations or arrangements were; made, the omission from Chronicles of David's sin with Bath-shcba and of Nathan's parable of the Kwe Lamb should certify that either these things never happened or they were not known after the exile. It is usual to say they were purposely left out because it was the Chronicler's inten- tion to encircle David with a nimbus of glory (\\\\\\\\Yell- hausen), but this is simply critical hypothesis, the truth of which is disputed. On critical principles either these incidents in David's life were not true or the Chronicler was not aware of them. But the Chronicler had as pno main source for his composition "the earlier historical hooks from Genesis to K " (Driver), and "the tradition of the older source only has historical value" (\\\\\\\\Vell- hausen).

    //. Detailed Objections against the Chronicler's Account. Examining no\\\\\\\\v in detail the above- stated objections, we readily sec that they are by no means so formidable as at first sight they look, and certainly do not prove the Chronicler's account to be incredible.

    That David's purpose to build a temple should have been interdicted because he had been a man of war and had shed blood appears 1. Inter- to Wellhausen to be a watermark of diction of non-historicity. Benzingcr in EH (art. David "Temple") goes beyond (his and says:

    "There is no historical probability 1 hat David had thoughts of building a temple." But if David never thought of building a temple, then not only was the Chronicler mistaken in making Solomon say (2 Chronicles 6 7) that it was in the heart of his father so to do, but he was chargeable with something worse in making the Lord say to David, "Whereas it was in thy heart to build a house for my name, thou didst well in that it was in thy heart" (2 Chronicles 6 8), unless he was absolutely certain that (he statement, was true which it was not if Benzinger may be relied on.

    Nor is it merely the Chronicler whose character for intelligence; and piety suffers, if David never thought of building a temple; the reputation of the author or author's of South and Iv must also go, since they both declare that David did entertain the purpose which JJen/inger denies (2 H 7 2; 1 Iv 5 X] [', and an impartial reasoncr will hesitate before he sacrifices the good name even of two unknown ancient writers at the -ipse dixit of any modern scholar.

    We may therefore limit our remarks to Well- hausen's objection and reply ( hat (he reason assigned by Chronicles for prohibiting David from carrying out his purpose, viz. that he had been a man of war, might, have been an argument for permitting him to do so, or at least for his seeking to do so, had his object been to erect a monument to his own glory or a thank offering to God for the victories he had won; but not if the Temple was designed to be a habitation

    wherein flod might dwell among His people to re- ceive their worship and bless (hem with His grace. Strange as it may seem (Winer) that David should have been debarred from carrying out hi.s purpose for (he reason assigned, yet (here was reason in the interdict., for not, only was it tilting that peace- ful works should be carried out by peaceful hands (Mor/5 in I' UK-), but David's vocation was not temple-building but empire-building (to use a modern phrase); and many campaigns lay before him ere the leisure could be" found or (he land could be ready for the execut ion of hi.s sacred design.

    That David in his old and feeble age could not

    possibly have collected all the materials enumerated

    by 1 Chronicles 29 might possibly have been

    2. Quantity (rue, had David been an impecunious of Materials chieftain and had he only in the last

    years of his life commenced to amass treasure. But David was a powerful and wealthy eastern potentate and a valiant warrior besides, who had conquered numerous tribes, 1'hilis, Moabites, Syrians, Edom it es and Ammonites, and had acquired from his victories large spoil, which from an early stage; in his career he had been accustomed to dedi- cate (o the Lord (2 Samuel 8 11). Hence it is little better than trifling to put forward as an inherent mark of incredibility the statement, that David in his old age could not have made extensive and costly prep- arations for the building of the; Temple all the more that according to (he narrative he was assisted by "the princes of the fat hers' houses, and the princes of the tribes of Israel, and the captains of thousands and of hundreds, with the rulers over the king's work," and "the people" generally, who all "offered willingly for the service of the house of God."

    No doubt the value in sterling money of these prepara- tions is enormous the gold and silver alone being vari- ously reckoned at 8 (Iveil), 1(1 (Bertheau), si (Michaelis) 450 (Kautzsch), 1,400 (Kawlinson) millions of pounds- arid might reasonably suggest either that the text has become corrupt, or the numbers were originally used loosely to express the idea of an extraordinary amount or were of set purpose exaggerated. The first of these explanations is adopted by Rawlinson; the second by Bertheau; the third by Wellhausen, who sees in the whole section (1 (Mi 22-29) "a frightful example of the statistical phantasy of the .lews, which delights itself in immense sums of gold upon paper." But even conceding that in each of these explanations a measure of truth may lie, it does not seem justifiable to wipe out as unhistorical and imaginary the main statement of the Chronicler, that David's preparations were both extensive and costly, all the less that 1 Kings 10 14 15 bears witness to the extraordinary wealth of Solomon Whose income is stated to have been (i(i(i talents of gold' or about 3 millions sterling, a year, besides that he had of the merchantmen, and of the traffic of the spice merchants, and of all the kings of Arabia and of the governors of the country. If I )avid's annual income was anything like this, and if he had command of all the treas- ures accumulated in previous years, it does not look so impossible as criticism would make out that David could have prepared for the future Temple as the Chronicler reports.

    That David gave to Solomon the pattern of the

    Temple in a \\\\\\\\yriting which had been prepared by

    him under direct supernatural guid-

    3. Plan of ance can be objected to only by those the Temple who deny the possibility of such Divine

    communications being made by God to man. _ If criticism admits, as it sometimes does, the possibility of both revelation and inspiration, the objection under consideration must fall to the ground. That the method of making David acquainted with the pattern of the Temple was not in all respects the same as that adopted for showing Moses the model of the tabernacle, only proves that the resources of infinite wisdom are not usually exhausted by one effort, and that God is not neces- sarily tied down to one particular way of uttering His thoughts.

    But criticism mostly rejects the idea of the super- natural and accordingly dismisses this statement



Letter "T"

    about the God-given pat fern as altogether fanciful pointing (1) to flu; fact, that similar temples already existed among the Canaanites, as e.g. at Shechem (Judges 9 40) and at (iaza (Judges 16 29), which showed there was no special need for a Divinely prepared plan; and (2) to the circumstance that Solomon fetched Hiram, a Tynan worker in brass, to assist, in the erection of the Temple, which again, it is urged, renders probable the conclusion that at least Phoen ideas entered into its structure (Duncker, Ben/dnger). Suppose, however, it, wen- true that the Temple was fashioned on a I'lioen, Can. or Egyp mode!, that would not disprove the statement, that 1 >avid was guided by Divine inspira- tion in drawing up the outline of the building.

    That David's organization of the Temple-service, both as to oflicers and instruments, as to ritual and

    music, corresponded exactly (or nearly so) 4 The -\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\M\\\\\\\\ what afterward existed in the second

    , temple can hardly be adduced as a proof

    of non-historicity, except on the supposi- Service tion that oh deliberately "transformed the

    old history into church history" by ascrib- ing to David "the holy music and the arrangement of the Temple personals" which belonged to the post-exilic age, precisely as the author or authors of the PC, which dated from the same age (according to criticism), attributed this to Moses (Wellhausen, South 22 D, and to have been designated " the sweet psalmist of Israel." No doubt on the critical hypothesis this might explain why the thought occurred to the Chronicler to credit David with the organization of the Temple-service; but without the critical hypothesis it equally accounts for the interest David took in preparing "the music and the personals" for the Temple which his son was to build. "The tradition that David intended to build a temple and that he tvorgani/ed public worship, not forgetting the musical side- thereof (cf 2 Samuel 6 5 with Am 6 . r ," says Kittel (Tin- Scientific Xtuil.t/ <>f th<> OT, 1:56, ET), "is not al- together without foundation."

    That the Temple-service was carried out in accordance with the regulations of the PC does not prove that the Chronicles account is unre- 5. The liable, unless it is certain that the post-

    Temple a exilic PC was an entirely new ritual Central which had never existed before, which

    Sanctuary some modern critics do not admit. But, if it was merely, as some main- tain, a codification of a ctiltus that existed before, then no sufficient reason exists for holding that Solo- mon's Temple was designed to be a private chapel for the king (Benzinger), erected partly out of piety but partly also out of love of splendor and statecraft (Heuss), rather than a central sanctuary for the people. A study of Solomon's letter to Hiram (2 Chronicles 2 4) shows that the Temple was intended for the concentration of the nation's sacri- ficial worship which had up till then been fre- quently offered at local shrines, though originally meant for celebration at the Mosaic tabernacle for the burning of sweet incense (Exodus 30 1), the offering day by day continually of the burnt offering (Exodus 29 39). And though, it is admitted, the letter to Hiram as reported in 1 Kings makes no mention of this intention, yet it is clear from 1 Kings 8 62-65, that Solomon, after dedicating the Temple by prayer, used it for this purpose. Wherefore, if Chronicles simply transferred to the consecration of the Temple a ritual that had no existence till after the

    exile, the author of K did the same, which again would destroy Wellhausen's admission that his- torical validity attaches to the earlier source. A much more likely supposition is that the ritual reported by both historians was not that of a PC manufactured for the second temple, but that which had been published by Moses for the tabernacle, in place of which it had come. That local shrines for many years existed alongside of the Temple only proves that Solomon's original idea wan not per- fectly carried out either by himself or his people.

    LITERATI-RE. The Oomms. of Bertheau and Keil on Oh; Heuss, (iexchirhtf tier hrUitjfn Pichrift<-n drx Allen Testa- mi-titx; arts, on "Temple" in Sch-IIerz ; Kiehm, Ilnnd- irorterhurh; lIDB; EH; VVellhauseil, J'rolegumcna zur Ge- xchichte Israels.


    TEMPLE KEEPERS (SERVANTS): After the conquest of Midian, "Moses took one drawn out of every fifty, both of man and of beast, and gave them unto the Levites, that kept the charge of the taber- nacle of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," (Numbers 31 47; cf ver 30). Similarly, after the deception of Joshua by the Gibeonites, ''Joshua made them that day hewers of wood and drawers of water for the congregation, and for the altar of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, unto this day" (Joshua 9 27). The object of these notices, evidently, is to explain how a non-Israelitish class of sanctuary servants had taken their origin. Their existence at the time of East/ekiel, however, is the object of one of the latter's severest denunciations: "Ye have brought in for- eigners, uncircnmcisod in heart and uncircumcised

    in flesh, to be in my sanctuary, to profane it

    And ye have not kept the charge of my holy things; but ye have set keepers of my charge in my sanctu- ary for yourselves" (East/k 44 7f). In place of these servants or "keepers" East/ekiel directs that such Levites are to be employed as have been degraded from priestly privileges for participating in idola- trous worship. On them shall devolve all the various duties of the temple except the actual offering of sacrifices, which is reserved for "the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok" (44 10-1 ">). For the use of this deposed class, "the priests, the keepers of the charge of the house," is reserved a special room in the inner court, of the temple (40 441'). See, further, NETHINI.M. BURTON SCOTT EASTON

    TEMPLES, tem'p'lz (HjjH , rakkclh, "thinness," "upper cheeks"): The original signifies the thinnest part of the skull (Judges 4 21.22; 5 2ti). In Cant 4 3; 67, the bride's cheeks are likened to pome- granates because of the rich coloring of a slice of this fruit.

    TEMPLES, ROBBERS OF (UpoervXoi, hierd- snloi; AV "robhcrs of churches," Acts 19 37): To explain this as "sacrilegious persons" is irrecon- cilable with the contrast in Romans 2 22. In Deuteronomy 7 2f>, the Jews were commanded entirely to destroy the gold and silver idols, ornaments of the heathen temples. The sin reproved is that of making that a matter of gain which, without regard to its value, they should have destroyed. "Dost thou, who regardest the mere touch of an idol as a horrible defilement, presume to rob their temples?" There is abundant evidence to show that this crime was not unusual. When the town-clerk of Ephesus declares the companions of Paul innocent of such charge, his words imply that the fact that they were Jews rendered them liable to such suspicion. So Jos goes out of his way (Ant, IV, viii, 10) to deny that Jews ever committed the crime.

    II. East. JACOBS

    TEMPT, temt, TEMPTATION, tem-ta'shun (HC; , nusah, "to prove," "try," "tempt," HD^ , , "a trial," "temptation"; ircipd^w, pcirdzo,



Letter "T"

    "to try," "prove." impao-(i6s, peirasmds, "a trial," "proof"): Tho words have a sinister connotation in present-day usage which has not always attached to 1 lieni. Originally the words were of neutral content, with the sense of "putting to the proof," the testing of character or quality. Thus God is "tempted" by Israel's distrust of Him, as if the people were actually challenging Him to show His perfections (Exodus 17 2; Psalm 78 IS; Acts 15 10; He 3 9, and often); Abraham is "tempted," being called upon to offer up Isaac ((Jen 22 1); and Jesus is "tempted" to a spectacular Messiahship (Matthew 4 and || passages [see TEMPTATION OF CHRIST]) . No evil is implied in the subject of these tempta- tions. Temptation therefore in the Scripture sense has possibilities of holiness as well as of sin. For as all experience witnesses, it is one thing to be tempted, another thing to fall. To be tempted one may rejoice in that (.las 1 2), since in tempta- tion, by conquering it, one may achieve a higher and nobler manhood.

    "Why comos temptation but for man to meet And masti-r and make crouch beneath his foot. And KO be pedestalled in triumph?"

    Holiness in its best estate is possible only under conditions which make it necessary to meet, resist and triumph over temptation. Thus Jesus Him- self became our Great High Priest in that, being tempted in all points like as we are, He never once yielded, but fought and triumphed (He 4 15).

    One must not deceive one's self, however, in thinking that, because by the grace of God one may have profit of virtue through temptation as an in- strument, all temptation is equally innocent and virt nous. It is noticeable in the case of Jesus that His temptation was under the direction of the Spirit (Mark 1 12) ; He Himself did not seek it, nor did He fear it. Temptations encountered in this way, the way of duty, the way of the Spirit, alone constitute the true challenge of sairitship (Jas 1 12) ; but it is the mark of an ignoble nature to be perpetually the (tenter of vicious fancies and tempers which are not of God but of the devil (Jas 1 13-15). One may not escape entirely such bufferings of faith, but by any sound nature they are easily disposed of. Not so easily disposed of are the trials (temptations) to faith through adversity, affliction, trouble (Luke 22 2S; Acts 20 19; Jas 1 2; 1 Pet 1 6); and yet there is no lack of evidence to the consoling fact that God does not suffer His own to be tempted above what they are able to bear (I Corinthians 10 13) and that for every crisis His grace will be sufficient (2 Corinthians 12 8.9). CHARLES M. STUART

    TEMPTATION OF CHRIST: The sources for

    this event are Mark 1 12.13; Matthew 4 1-11; Luke 4 1-

    13; cf He 2 IS; 4 15.10, and see

    1. The GETHSEMAXE. Mark is probably a con- Sources dcnsation; Matthew and Luke have the same

    source, probably the discourses of Jesus. Matthew is usually regarded as nearest the original, and its order is here followed.

    The Temptation is put immediately after the Baptism by all the synoptists, and this is psycho- logically necessary, as we shall see.

    2. Time The place was the wilderness; it was and Place "up" from the Jordan valley (Matthew),

    and was on the way back to Galilee (Luke). The traditional site, Matthew. Quarantana, is probably a good guess.

    At His baptism, Jesus received from heaven the final confirmation of His thought that He was the

    Messiah. It was the greatest con-

    3. Signifi- ception which ever entered a human cance mind and left it sane. Under the

    irresistible influence of the Spirit, He turned aside to seek out in silence and alone the

    principles which should govern Him in His Messianic work. This was absolutely necessary to any wise prosecution of it. Without, the slightest precedent Jesus must determine what a Messiah would do, how He would net. Radical critics agree that, if such a period of meditation and conflict were not recorded, it would have to be assumed. By this conflict, Jesus came to that clearness and decision which characterized His ministry throughout. It is easy _ to see how this determination of guiding principles involved the severest temptation, and it is noteworthy that all the temptation is repre- sented as coming from without, and none from within. Here too He must take His stand with reference to all the current ideas about the Messiah and His work.

    Jesus alone can be the original reporter. To this

    Holtzmann and J. Weiss agree. The report was

    given for the sake of the disciples, for

    4. The the principles wrought out in this Reporter conflict are the guiding principles in

    the whole work of the kingdom of God on earth.

    (1) Fasting. Jesus was so intensely absorbed that He forgot to cat. There was nothing ascetic

    or ritualistic about it, and so this is

    5. Expo- no example for ascetic fasting for us. sition It is doubtful whether the text demands

    absolute abstinence from food; rather, long periods of fasting, and insufficient food when He had it. At the end of the forty days, He woke to the realization that He was a starving man.

    (2) The first temptation is not a temptation to doubt His Messiahship, nor is the second either. "If thou art the Son of God," i.e. "the Messiah," means, simply, "since thou art the Son of God" (see Burton, Moods and Tenses, sees. 244, 245; Robertson, Short Grammar, 1(51). There was not the slightest doubt on this point in Jesus' mind after the baptism, and Satan knew it. There is no temptation to prove Himself the Messiah, nor any hint of such a thing in Jesus' replies. The very point of it all is, How are you going to act, since you are Messiah? (Matthew 4 3 I Luke 4 3).

    The temptation has these elements: (a) The per- fectly innocent craving for food is imperious in the starving man. (b) Why should He not satisfy His hunger, since He is the Son of God and has the power? Jesus replies from Deuteronomy 8 3, that God can and will provide Him bread in His own way and in His own time. He is not referring to spiritual food, which is not in question either here or in Deuteronomy (see Broadus' just and severe remark here). He does not understand how God will provide, but He will wait and trust. Divinely assured of Messiah- ship, He knows that God will not let Him perish. Here emerges the principle of His ministry; He will never use His supernatural power to help Himself. Objections based on Luke 4 30 and John 10 39 are worthless, as nothing miraculous is there implied. The walking on the water was to help the apostles' faith. But why would it have been wrong to have used His supernatural power for Himself? Because by so doing He would have refused to share the human lot, and virtually have denied His incarnation. If He is to save others, Himself He cannot save (Matthew 27 42). In passing, it is well to notice that "the temptations all turn on the conflict which arises, when one, who is con- scious of supernatural power, feels that there are occasions, when it would not be right to exercise it." So the miraculous is here most deeply im- bedded in the first principles of Messianic action.

    (3) The second temptation. The pinnacle of the temple was probably the southeast corner of the roof of the Royal Cloister, 32(5 ft. above the bottom of the Kidron valley. The proposition was not to



Letter "T"

    leap from this height into the crowd below in the temple courts, as is usually said, for (a) there is no hint of the people in the narrative; (b) Jesus reply does not fit such an idea; it meets another temptation entirely; (c) this explanation confuses the narrative, making the second temptation a short road to glory like the third; (d) it seems a fantastic temptation, when it is seriously visualized. Rather Satan bids Jesus leap into the abyss outside the temple. Why then the temple at all, and not some mountain precipice? asks Meyer. Because it was the sheerest, depth well known to the Jews, who had all shuddered as they had looked down into it (Matthew 4 5-7 ,| Luke 4 5-8).

    The first temptation proved Jesus a man of faith andtho second is address,,! to Him as such, askiiiK Him to prove His faith by putting God's P^*? the test. It Is the temptation to fanaticism, which has been t destruction of many a useful servant of God. Jesus refuses to yield, for yielding would have been sin. It would have been (a) wicked PPt|. as th OUK h Cod must vield to every unreasonable whim or the 111.111 of fai and so would have been a real "tempting .of God West it would have denied His incarnation in prm- < , le like the tirst temptation; (c) such fanaticism would

    ^KffSSw&!a. 1 s. I sss: EH 1 Samueli

    will be led by Him in paths of holy wisdom. Jesus waited on God.

    (4) The third temptation. The former tests have proved Jesus a man of faith and of common sense. Surely such a man will take the short and easy road to that universal dominion which right- fully belongs to the Messiah. Satan offers it, as the prince of this world. The lure here is the desire for power, in itself a right instinct, and the natural and proper wish to avoid difficulty and pain. 1 hat the final object is to set up a universal kingdom ol God in righteousness adds to the subtlety ot the temptation. But as a condition Satan demands that Jesus shall worship him. This must be sym- bolically interpreted. Such worship as is offered God cannot be meant, for every pious soul would shrink from that in horror, and for Jesus it could constitute no temptation at all. Rather a com- promise with Satan must be meant such a com- promise as would essentially be a submission to him Recalling the views of the tunes and the course of Jesus' ministry, we can think this com- promise nothing else than the adoption by Jesus of the program of political Messiahship, with its worldly means of war, intrigue, etc. Jesus repudiates the offer He sees in it only evil, for (a) war, esp. aggressive war, is to His mind a vast crime against love (fo) it changes the basis of His kingdom from the spiritual to the external, (c) the means would defeat the end, and involve Him in disaster. He will serve God only, and God is served in righteous- ness Only means which God approves can be used (Matthew'4 8-11 II Luke 4 9-13). Here then is the third great principle of the kingdom: Only moral and spiritual means to moral and spiritual ends, lie turns away from worldly methods to the slow and difficult way of truth-preaching, which can end only with the cross. Jesus must have come from His temptation with the conviction that His ministry meant a life-and-death struggle with all the forces of darkness.

    As we should expect of Jesus, He throws the story of the inner conflict of His soul into story form.

    So only could it be understood by all 6 The classes" of men in all ages. It was a

    Character real struggle, but pictorially, sym- of the bolically described. This seems to be

    Narrative proved by various elements in the

    story, viz. the devil can hardly be conceived as literally taking Jesus from place to place. There is no mountain from which all the


    kingdoms of the world can be seen. This view of the matter relieves all the difficult ies.

    The difficulty is that there can be no drawing toward an object unless the object seems desirable.

    But the very fact that a sinful object 7. How seems desirable is itself sin. How then Could a can a sinless person really be tempted Sinless at all? Possibly an analysis of each

    Christ be temptation will furnish the answer. Tempted? In each case the appeal was a real

    appeal to a perfectly innocent natural instinct or appetite. In the first temptation, it was to hunger; in the second, to faith; in the third, to power as a means of establishing righteousness. In each case, Jesus felt the tug and pull of the natural instinct; how insistent is the demand of hunger, for instance! Yet, when He perceived that the satisfaction of these desires was sinful under the conditions, He immediately refused their clamorous appeal. It was a glorious moral victory. It was not that He was metaphysically not able to sin, but that He was so pure that He was able not to sin. He did not prove in the wilderness that, I le could not be tempted, but that He could overcome the tempter. If it is then said that Jesus, never having sinned, can have no real sympathy with sinners, the answer is twofold: (1 ) Not he who falls at the first assault feels the full force of temptation, but he who, like Jesus, resists it through long years to the end. (2) Only the victor can help the van- quished; only he, who has felt the most dreadful assaults and yet has stood firm, can give the help needed by the fallen.

    LITERATURE. Broadus on Matthew, in loc. ; Rhees, Life of Jesus of Xn:nri'tli, sees. 91-9(1; Sanday, Outlines of the Life of Christ, sec. i:i; Holtzmann, Hand-Commentar, I, 07 f- J Weiss, Die Schrifti-n. des .\\\\\\\\ T , I, 227 f; Weiss, I.ije of Christ 1 :W7-f>4; Dods, art. "Temptation," in DCC,; Garvie, Expos T, X (1898-99).

    F. L. ANDERSON TEN niEy , Vser; South^KO., deka). See NI'MBKH.







    1. Flow Numbered

    2. How Grouped

    3. Original Form

    4. Brief Exegetical Notes



    In the OT the Decalogue is uniformly referred to as "the ten words" (Exodus 34 28 m; Deuteronomy 4 13m; 10 4m), or simply as "the words" spoken by LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), (Kx 20 1; 34 27; Deuteronomy 5 22; 10 2), or as "the words of the covenant" (Exodus 34 28). In the North I they are called "commandments" (Matthew 19 17; Eph 6 2), as with us in most Christian lands.

    /. The Ten Commandments an Israelitish Code. The "ten words" were spoken by LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), to the people whom He had but recently delivered from Egyp bondage, and then led out into the wilderness, that He might teach them His laws. It was to Israel that the Decalogue was primarily addressed, and not to all mankind. Thus the reason assigned for keeping the 5th commandment applies to the people who were on their way to the land which had been given to Abraham and his descendants (Exodus 20 12); and the 4th commandment is enforced by reference to the servitude in Egypt, (Deuteronomy 5 15). It is possible, then, that even in the Ten Commandments there are elements peculiar to the Mosaic system and which Our Lord and His apostles may not make a part of faith and duty for Christians. See SAB- BATH.

    Of the "ten words," seven were perhaps binding on the consciences of enlightened men prior to the days of Moses: murder, adultery, theft and false



Letter "T"

    witness wore already treated as crimes among flic Babylonians and the Egyptians; and intelligent men knew that it was wrong to dishonor ( iod by improper use of His name, or to show lack of respect to parents, or to covet the property of another. No doubt the sharp, ringing words in which these evils are forbidden in t ho Ten Commandments gave to Israel a clearer apprehension of the sins referred to than they had ever had before; ami flu; manner in which they were grouped by the Divine speaker brought into bold relief the chief elements of the moral law. But the first two prohibitions were novelties in the religious life of the world; for men worshipped many gods, and bowed down to images of every conceivable kind. The 2d commandment was too high even for Israel to grasp at that early day; a few weeks later the people were dancing about the golden calf at the foot of Sinai. The observance of the Sabbath was probably unknown to other nations, though it may have been already known in the family of Abraham.

    II. The Promulgation of the Decalogue. The "ten words" were spoken by LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), Himself from the top of the mount under circumstances the most awe-inspiring. In the early morning there were thunders and lightnings and a thick cloud upon the mount, and the voice of a trumpet exceeding loud. It is no wonder that the people trembled as they faced the smoking and quaking mount, and listened to the high demands of a holy God. Their request that all future revelations should be made through Moses as the prophet mediator was quite natural. The promulgation of the Ten Commandments stands out as the most notable event in all the wilderness sojourn of Israel. There was no greater day in history before the coming of the Son of God into the world.

    After a sojourn of 40 days in the mount, Moses came down with "the two tables of the testimony, tables of stone, written with the finger of God'." At the foot of the mount, when Moses saw the golden calf and the dancing throng about it, he cast the tables out of his hands and broke them in pieces (Exodus 31 IS; 32 15-20). Through the intercession of Moses, the wrath of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), was averted from Israel; and LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), invited Moses to ascend the mount with two new tablets, on which He would write the words that were on the first tables, which were broken. Moses was commanded to write the special precepts given by God during this interview; but the Ten Commandments were written on the stone tablets by .LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), Himself (Exodus 34 1-4.27-29; Deuteronomy 10 1-5). These precious tablets were later deposited in the ark of the covenant (Exodus 40 20). Thus in every way possible the Ten Commandments are exalted as the most precious and directly Divine of all the precepts of the Mosaic revelation.

    ///. Analysis of the Decalogue with Brief Exegetical Notes. 1 nat there were "ten words " is expressly stated (Kx 34 as; Deuteronomy 4 13; 10 4); but just 1. How how to delimit them one from another is

    NnmhpfPrl ^ task whk;h has not been found easy. For a full discussion of the various theories see Dillmann, Exodus, 201-5, to whom we are indebted for much that is hero set forth.

    ( 1 ) Jos is the first witness for the division now common among Protestants (except Lutherans), viz. (a) foreign gods, (b) images, (

    (-J Augustino combined foreign gods and images (Kx 20 2-6) into one commandment, and followin" the order of Deuteronomy 5 21 (Hebrew IS) made the 9th command- ment a prohibition of the coveting of a neighbor's wife while the lOtn prohibits the coveting of his house and other property. Roman Catholics and Lutherans accept Augustine's mode of reckoning, except that they follow the order iu Exodus 20 17, so that the 9th command-

    Temptation of C. Ten Com'andm'ts

    t' T h' n fo 1 ! ( r hid | i ','"' r" V '' (m " " f a 'K'^l'l'or's house, while tnc 10th includes his wife and all oilier property.

    (3) A third mode of counting is that adopted by the Jews in the early Christian centuries, which became uni- versal among them in the Middle Ages and so down to the present time. According to this scheme, the openin" statement in Exodus 20 2 is the "first, word," Kx 20 3 ti

    ie second (combining foreign gods with images), while, tno following eight commandments are as in the com- mon Protestant arrangement.

    The division of the prohibition of coveting into two commandments is fatal to the Augustinian scheme; and the reckoning of the initial statement- in Kx 20 2 as one or the ten words" seems equally fatal to the modern Jewish method of counting. The prohibition of images which is introduced by tin; solemn formula, "Thou shalt not, is surely a different "word" from the command to worship no god other than LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),. Moreover, if nine of the ten words" are commandments, it would seem reasonable to make the remaining "word" a command- ment, if this can be; done without violence to the subject- mat ter. Seo Eerdmans, AV/w.s-, July, 1909, 21 If.

    (1) The Jews, from Philo to the" present, divide the

    :n words into two groups of five each. As there were

    two tables, it, would be natural to suppose

    2. How tnat nve commandments were recorded

    than four times as long as the second.

    (2) Augustine supposed that there were three com- mandments on the first table and seven on the second According to his method of numbering the command- ments, this would put the command to honor parents at the head of the second table, as in the third method of grouping the ten words.

    (3) Calvin and many moderns assign four command- ments to the first table and six to the second. This has the advantage of assigning all duties to God to the first table and all duties to men to t he second. It also accords )\\\\\\\\i ir Ij rd ' s reduction of the commandments to two CMt 22 34-40).

    _ A comparison of the text of the Decalogue in Deuteronomy 5 with that in Exodus 20 reveals a goodly number of differences, esp. in the reasons assigned 3. Original for the observance of the 4th and 5th Form commandments, and in the text of the

    10th commandment. A natural ex- planation of these differences is the fact that Deuteronomy employs the free-and-easy style of public discourse. The Ten Commandments are substantially the same in the two passages.

    From the days of Ewald to the present, some of the leading OT scholars have held that originally all the commandments were brief and without the addition of any special reasons for their observance According to this hypothesis, the 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, and the 10th commandments were probably as follows: "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image"; "Thou shalt not take the name of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), thy God in vain"; "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy"; "Honor thy father and thy mother"; "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house." This early critical theory would account for the differences in the two recensions by sup- posing that the motives for keeping the 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th commandments, as well as the expansion of the 10th, were additions made through the in- fluence of the prophetic teaching. If accompanied by a full recognition of the Divine origin of the ten words in the Mosaic era, this hypothesis might be acceptable to a thorough believer in revelation. Before acquiescing in the more radical theories of some recent scholars, such a believer will demand more cogent arguments than the critics have been able to bring forward. Thus when we are told that the Decalogue contains prohibitions that could not have been incorporated into a code before the days of Manasseh, we demand better proofs than the failure of Israel to live up to the high demands of the 2d and the 10th commandments, or a certain theory of the evolution of the history that may commend itself to the mind of naturalistic critics. LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), was at work in the early history of Israel; and the great prophets of the 8th cent., far from creating

    Ten Com'andm'ts Tent



Letter "T"

    ethical monotheism, were reformers. sent to demand that Israel should embody in daily life the teachmi of the Torah. in 9Q

    Goethe advanced the view that Exodus 34 U originally contained a second decalogue.

    Wellhausen (CH, 331 f) reconstructs this so-called Hccnlo"ue as follows:

    m Thou shalt worship no other god (ver 1 . 2 Thou shalt make thee no molten gods (ver 17).

    (3) The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou ki i , (ver ISa). North

    ( t) Everv firstling is mine (ver 19a). 5 Thou slnilt observe the feast of ^eeks (ver 22a)

    (6) And the feast of ingathering at the years

    (V( (7) 2 Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with lca (8^ n T^io fat of Imy feast shall not remain all night until th V

    ^Vddis'aRrees with Wcllhausen that even this simpler decalogue mu^t be put long after the time of Moses (KH, 1051).

    Now it is evident that the narrative in Exodus 34 27 f in'its present form, means to affirm that Moses was' commanded to write the precepts contained in the section immediately preceding 1 he 1 on Commandments, MS the foundation of the covenant were written hv LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), Himself on the .two tablets of .tone (31 18; 32 15 f; 34 28). It is only by free or it ical handling of the narrat ive that it can be made to appear that Moses wrote on the two tables the supposed decalogue of 34 14-26 . Moreover, the law of the Sabbath (3421), winch is certainly appropriate amid the ritual ordinances ot Exodus 34, must be omit t CM! altogether, in order to reduce the precepts to ton; also the command m ver 23 has to be deleted. It is interesting to observe that the prohibition of molten gods (34 17), even according to radical critics, is found in the earliest body ot [sraelitish laws. Then; is no sufficient reason for denying that the 2d commandment was promul- gated in the days of Moses. LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s requirements have always been in advance of the practice ot His

    Pe ?l) The 1st commandment prohibits the worship of any god other than .Teh. If it be said that this

    precept inculcates monolatry and not 4 Brief monotheism, the reply is ready to Exeeetical hand that a consistent worship of only Notes one God is, for a people surrounded

    by idolaters, the best possible approach to the conclusion that there is only one true Cod. The organs of revelation, whatever may have been the notions and practices of the mass of the Israel- itish people, always speak in words that harmonize with a strict monotheism.

    (2) The 2d commandment forbids the use ot images in worship; even an image of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), is not to be tolerated (ef Exodus 32 5). LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s mercy is greater than His wrath; while the iniquity of the fathers descends to the third and the fourth generation for those who hate Jch, His mercy overflows to thou- sands who love Him. It is doubtful whether the rendering 'showing mercy to the thousandth gen- eration' (Exodus 20 0) can be successfully defended.

    (3) LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s name is sacred, as standing for His per- son; therefore it must be employed in no vain or false way The commandment, no doubt, includes more than false swearing. Cursing, blasphemy and every profane use of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s name are forbidden.

    (4) As the 1st commandment inculcates the unity of God and the 2d His spirituality, so also the 3d commandment guards His name against irreverent use and the 4th sets apart the seventh day as pecul- iarly His day, reserved for a Sabbath &*West 11 emphasizes the religious aspect of the babbatb, while Deuteronomy 5 14 lays stress on its humane aspect, an<

    Deuteronomy 6 IT) links it with the deliverance from bondage

    (5) The transition from duties to God to duties to men is made naturally in the 5th commandment, which inculcates reverence for parents, to whom their children should look up with gratitude, as all men should toward the Divine Father.

    (6) Human life is so precious and sacred that no man should dare to take it away by violence

    (7) The family life is safeguarded by the

    (8) The 8th commandment forbids tnett

    its forms. It recognizes the right of personal owner- ship of property.

    (9) The 9th commandment safeguards honor and good name among men. Slander, defamation, false testimony in court and kindred sins are included.

    (10) The 10th commandment is the most search- ing of them all, for it forbids the inward longing, the covetous desire for what belongs to another The presence of such a deeply spiritual command among the "ten words" shows that we have before us no mere code of laws denning crimes, but a body of ethical and spiritual precepts for the moral education of the people of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),.

    IV. Jesus and the Ten Commandments. Lord' in the interview with the rich young ruler, gave a recapitulation of the commandments treating ( duties to men (Mark 10 19; Matthew 19 ISf; Luke 18 20) He (motes the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th command- ments The minor variations in the reports in the three Synoptic Gospels remind the student of the similar variations in Exodus 20 and Deuteronomy 5. Already m the Sermon on the Mount Jesus had quoted the bt ti and 7th commandments, and then had gone on to show that anger is incipient murder, and that lust is adultery in the heart (Matthew 5 27-32) He takes the words of the Decalogue and extends them into the realm of thought and feeling. He may have had in mind the 3d commandment in His sharp prohibition of the Jewish habit of swearing by va- rious things (Matthew 6 33-37). As to the Sabbath, His teaching and example tended to lighten the onerous restrictions of the rabbis (Mark 2 23-28) Duty to parents He elevated above all supposed claims of vows and offerings (Matthew 15 4-(i). In further ex- tension of the 8th commandment, Jesus said, iJo not defraud" (Mark 10 19); and in treating of the ethics of speech, Jesus not only condemns false witness, but also includes railing, blasphemy, and even an idle word (Matthew 15 19; 12 31.36 f). In His affirmation that God is spirit (.In 4 24), Jesus made the manufacture of images nothing but folly. All his ethical teaching might bo said to be founded on the 10th commandment, which tracks sin to its lair in the mind and soul of man. .

    Our Lord embraced the whole range of human obligation in two, or at most three, commands:

    (1) "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind ;

    (2) "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself 2237-40; cf Deuteronomy, 6 5; Leviticus 19 18). \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ith love such as is here described in the heart, man cannot trespass against God or his fellow-men. At the close of His ministry, on the night of the betrayal, Jesus gave to His followers a third commandment, not different from the two on which the whole Law hangs, but an extension of the second great commandment upward into a higher realm ot self- sacrifice (John 13 34 f; 15 12U7; cf Eph 52; Galatians 6 10; 1 John 3 14-18). "Thou shalt love" is the first word and the last in the teaching of Our Lord His teaching is positive rather than negative, and so simple that a child can understand it. For the Christian, the Decalogue is no longer the highest summary of human duty. He must ever read it with sincere respect as one of the great monuments



Letter "T"

    of the love of God in the moral and religious educa- tion of mankind ; but it has given place to the higher teaching of the Son of God, all that was permanently valuable in the Ten Commandments having been taken up into the teaching of Our Lord and His apostles.

    LITERATURE. Oehler, OT Theology, I, 267 fT; Dili- maim, Exodus-Leviticus, 200-219; Kuenen, Origin and Compoxi- tion of the llexateuch, 244; Wellhausen, (,'//, 33 1 f; Rothstein, Das Bundrxbuch; Baenstch, Das Bundesbuch; Meissner, Di'r Di'kuloi/; Driver, " Deuteronomy," ICC; Addis, Documents of the Hcxatcuch, I, 13611; K. \\\\\\\\V. Dak:, The Ten Commandments; (Jr. D. Boardman, University Lec- tures on the Ten Commandments (Philadelphia, 1889).


    TENDER, ten'der: The usual (11 out of 16 t).tr of !JH ; rakh, "soft," "delicate," with the noun ff'"l , rdkh, in Deuteronomy 28 56 and the vb. tfD"} , rdkhakh, in 2 Kings 22 19 || 2 Chronicles 34 27. Attention need be called only to the following cases: In Genesis 29 17, "Leah's eyes were tender," a physical defect is described ("weak-eyed"; see BLINDNESS). "Tender- hearted" in 2 Chronicles 13 7 means "faint-hearted," while in 2 Kings 22 19 j| 2 Chronicles 34 27 ("because thy heart was tender"), it means "penitent." Contrast the modern use in Eph 4 32.

    Throughout Pss (10 t) and Prov (12 10), but not elsewhere (AV has "tender love" in Dnl 1 9, RV "compassion"), EV translates D^'Dn'l, rahd- mlm, "bowels," by "tender mercies," and this tr has been carried into the NT as "tender mercy" (RVm "heart of mercy") for the corresponding Gr phrase spldgchna eleous ("bowels of mercy") in Luke 1 78; cf "tenderhearted" for eusplagchnos ("right boweled") in Eph 4 32, based upon the idea of psychology widely spread among Sem people, which considers the "bowels" (kerebh) as the seat of all tender emotions of kindness and mercy. See BOWELS. AV also has "of tender mercy" in Jas 511 without justification in the Gr (oiktirmon, RV "merciful").

    Other special phrases: "tender grape" in AV, Cant 2 13.15; 7 12, for "\\\\\\\\~T2D. fmadhar. The meaning of the word is not quite certain, but RV's "blossom" (except 7 12m) is probably right. "Tender grass" in 2 Samuel 23 4; Prov 27 25; RV Deuteronomy 32 2 (AV "tender herb"); Job 38 27 (AV "tender herb"); Isaiah 15 6; 66 14 for XTin, deshc'," grass" (Aram. tffTl, dethe' , Dnl 15.23).

    The context in these passages and the meaning of the cognates of tleshe' in other Sem languages make this tr probable, but KV's usage is not consistent (cf (Jen 1 11.12; Job 6.5; Psalm 23 2, etc). Isaiah 53 2 has "tender plant" for p;^" 1 , ydnek, "a sapling," while Job 14 7 has "tender branch" for the allied word Z"lT3j'V\\\\\\\\ yoneketh,

    usually rendered "shoot" (Job 8 16, etc). Finally "tender" in Mark 13 28 lj Matthew 24 32 is for oTraAo?, hapalox, "soft.'! The running sap of springtime softens the branches that were stiff during the winter.

    The vb. "tender" occurs in 2 Mace 4 2, AV "[he had] tendered his own nation," in the modern sense of "tend." The tr is a paraphrase of the noun Krjde/jiuv, kedemon, "a protector," RV "the guardian of his fellow-countrymen."


    TENON, ten'un (T 1 , yadh): This word, occurring in Exodus 26 and 36, is used in the account of the tabernacle to describe the "hand" or yddh by \\\\\\\\vhich its 48 boards were kept in place. Each board had two tenons which were mortised into it (Exodus 36 22m). These tenons would be made of harder wood than the acacia, so as better to stand the strain of wind and weather. When in use the tenons were sunk into the "sockets" (q.v.), and allowed of a speedy reerection of the tabernacle at its every remove.

    Sockets are also mentioned as in use for the stand-

    ards of the tabernacle court (Exodus 27 10 ff), but there is no mention of tenons. It may be that the base of each standard was let into its socket, without the use of any tenon. This would give it sufficient stability, as the height of each standard was but 5 cubits (7J- ft.) (Exodus 27 18).

    For Professor A. R. South. Kennedy's different the- ory of "tenons," sec TABERNACLE, and his own art. on the "Tabernacle" in HDB, IV.


    TENT, tent pHtf , 'ohd;

    There seems to be lit tie doubt about the antiq- uity of the Arab tent, and one can rightly believe that the dwelling-places of Abraham, Sarah, Jacob, and their descendants were made on the same pat- tern and of the same materials (Genesis 4 20; 9 27; 12 8; 13 3; 18 6; 31 25.33; Psalm 78 55; He 11 9, etc). Long after the children of Israel had given up their tents for houses they continued to worship in tents (2 Samuel 7 1-6; 2 Chronicles 1 3.4) (for the use of tents in connection with religious observances see TABERNACLE).

    The Arab tents (called bail sha*r, "house of hair") are made of strips of black goats' hair cloth, sewed together into one large piece (see GOATS' HAIR; WEAVING). Poles are placed under this covering at intervals to hold it from the ground, and it is stretched over these poles by ropes of goats' hair or hemp (cf Job 4 21; Isaiah 54 2; Jeremiah 10 20), fast- ened to hard-wood pins driven into the ground (Isaiah 64 2; Judges 4 21; 6 26). A large wooden mallet for driving the pegs is part of the regular camp equipment (Judges 4 21; 526). The sides (curtains) of the tent (Isaiah 54 2) are made of strips of goats' hair cloth, or from mats woven from split cane or rushes (see_ illustration, p. 2948). Where more than one family occupies the same tent or the animals are provided with shelter under the same roof (cf 2 Chronicles 14 15), curtains of the same materials mentioned above form the dividing walls. A corner of the mat- ting where two ends meet is turned back to form the door of the tent (Genesis 18 1). In the summer time the walls are mostly removed. New tents are not water-proof, and the condition of the interior after a heavy rain is not far from squalid. The tent material becomes matted by use, esp. if wool has been woven into the fabric, and is then a better protection against the rain. It is the women's duty to pitch the tents.

    The poorer Arabs have no mats to cover the ground under their tents. Straw mats, goats' hair or woolen rugs (cf Judges 4 18), more or less elaborate as the taste and means of the family allow, are the usual coverings for the tent floor. The food sup- plies are usually kept in goats' hair bags, the liquids, as oil or milk products, in skins. One or two tinned copper cooking-vessels, a shallow tray of the same material, a coffee set consisting of roasting pan, mortar and pestle, boiling-pot and cups, make up the usual (-amp f urnit ure. The more thrifty include bedding in their equipment, but this increases the difficulties of moving, since it might require more than the one animal, sometimes only a donkey, which carries all the earthly belongings of the family. A sheikh or chief has several tents, one for himself and



Letter "T"

    guests, separate ones for liis wives and female serv- ants, and still others for his animals (cf (!en 31 3:5).

    Other Hebrew words tr' 1 "tent" are forms of H:n ; hanah (Xu 13 1!); IS 17 r>3; 2 Kings 7 U>; 2 Cli 31 2; Zee 14 lf>); HZC , .s,,A'A-/i (2 Samuel 11 11; 22 12); rfi:2T2T2, miNhk f ndth (Cant 1 8).

    Figurative: "Neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there" typified utter desolation (Isaiah. 13 20). "Enlarge the place of thy tent .... stretch forth the curtains .... lengthen thy cords . . . . strengthen thy stakes" prophesied an increase in numbers and prosperity of ( Jod's people (Isaiah 54 2; cf 33 20; Luke 16 9; 2 Corinthians 5 4). Tent cords plucked up denoted death (Job 4 21). Jeremiah 10 20

    Paul dwelt with Aquila and Priscilla, and worked with them at tent-making (cf Acts 20 34). See also CRAFTS, II, 18.

    TEPHON, te'fon (f| Te

    probably the "Beth-tappuah" of Joshua 15 fv5, near Hebron. Jos (Ant, XII, i, 3) calls it "Tochoa."

    TERAH, te'ra (H" iH , lerah; LXX dppa, Tfuirra, or [with XT] 0dpa, Tltnrtr, on the name see esp. IIDB, s.v.): The son of Xahor and father of Abra- ham, Xahor and Ha, ran (On 11 2 If). At Abra- ham's birth Terah was 70 years old (11 20),^ and after Abraham's marriage, Terah, Abraham, Sarah


    is a picture of a destroyed household as applied to Judah. Ilex.ekiah in his sickness bewails that his dwelling (life) had been carried away as easily as u shepherd's tent is plucked up (Isaiah 38 12). Isaiah compared the heavens to a tent spread out, (Isaiah 40 22). "They shall pitch their Lents against, her" i.e. they shall make war (Jeremiah 6 3).


    TENTH DEAL, del Cji"^? , i? , *issaron): The tenth part of an ephah, and so rendered in RV (Numbers 28, 29). It was used in connection with the sacrifices for measuring flour.

    TENT-MAKER, tent'mak-er (O-KTIVOTTOIOS, skc- nopoios): Mentioned only once (Acts 18 3). Paul's native province of Cilicia was noted for its goats' hair cloth which was exported under the name of cilicium- and was used largely for tent- making. We are told in the passage mentioned that

    and Lot emigrated from l"r of the Chaldees on the road into the land of Canaan, but stopped in Haran (11 31). When Abraham was 7o years old he and his nephew resumed their journey, leaving Terah in Haran, where 60 years later he died (11 32). St. Stephen, however, states (Acts 7 4) that Terah was dead when Abraham left Haran, an impression that is easily gained from On 11-12 if the dates are not computed. As there is no reason to suppose that St. Stephen was granted inspiration that would pre- serve him from such a purely formal error, the con- tradiction is of no significance and attempts at "reconciliation" are needless. In particular, the attempt of Blass (Mud. u. Kril., 189G, 460 ff) to alter the text of Acts is quite without foundation. For further discussion see esp. Knowiing, Expos Gr Test., ad loc. It is worth noting that Philo makes the same error (Migr. Ahr. Ill [32]), perhaps indi- cating some special Jewish tradition of NT times. In Joshua 24 2 Terah is said to have been an idolater. In Jub 12 this is softened into explaining that



Letter "T"

    through four of his life Torah was forced to yield outward conformity to the idolatrous worship of his neighbors. On the other hand certain Jewish legends (e.g. B'r. R

    TERAH (B, TdpaO, Tdrath, A, dpae, Thdrath): A wilderness camp of the Israelites between Tahath and Mithkah (Numbers 33 27.28). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.


    TION; LMA<;ES.

    TEREBINTH, terebinth: (1) nbx , 'clah (Isaiah 6 13, AV "toil tree"; Hosea 4 13, 'AV "elms"); in Genesis 35 4 (AV "oak"); Judges 6 11.19; 9 (j (AV "plain"); 2 Samuel 18 9.10.14; IK 13 14; 1 Chronicles 10 12; Isaiah 1 30; Ezekiel 6 13, tr fi "oak," and in m "terebinth"; "vale of Elah," m "the terebinth" in 1 Samuel 17 2.19; 21 9. (2) CTbx, 'slim (Isaiah 1 29, "oaks," m "terebinths"). (3) H5X , 'aHah (Joshua 24 26, EV "oak," but LXX repc^floj, tcrebinlhos) . (4) "pb$ , 'elon, "oak [m "terebinth"] of Zaanannim" (Joshua 19 33; Judges 4 11); "oak [RVm "terebinth," AV "plain"] of Tabor" (1 Samuel 10 3); also Genesis 12 6; 13 IS; 14 13; 1 Samuel 10 3; Deuteronomy 11 30; Judges 6 19 all tr (i "oak" or "oaks," with m "terebinth" or "tere- binths." (.5) In Genesis 14 6 LXX has TeptfcvOos, tere- binthns, as the tr of the el of El-paran. (6) In Eeclus 24 1(5 re/>4(/3)iJ'0oy, tercm(b~)inthos, AV "tur- pentine tree," RV "terebinth."

    It is clear that the translators are uncertain which tr is correct, and it would seem not improbable that then there was no clear distinction between oak and terebinth in the minds of the OT writers; yet the l\\\\\\\\vo are very different trees to any but the most superficial observation.

    The terebinth Pistacia terebinthus (North.O. Ana- crinlinceae), _Arab. Butm is a tree allied to the P. vcra, which produces the pistachio nut, and to the familiar "pepper tree" (Schinus mollc) so exten- sively cultivated in modern Philestina-Canaan Land. Like the latter the terebinth has red berries, like small immature grapes. The leaves are pinnate, four to six pairs, and they change color and fall in autumn, leaving the trunk bare (cf Isaiah 1 30). The terebinth is liable to be in- fected by many showy galls, some varieties looking like pieces of red coral. In Philestina-Canaan Land, this tree assumes noble proportions, csp. in situations when, from its association with some sacred tomb, it is allowed to flourish undisturbed. It is in such situations not infrequently as much as 40 ft. high and spreads its branches, with their thick, dark-green foliage, over a wide area (cf 2 Samuel 18 9 f.14; Ecclus 24 16). Dwarfed trees occur among the brushwood all over the land.

    From this tree a kind of turpentine is obtained, hence the alternative name "turpentine tree" (Ecclus 24 16 AV, RV "terebinth").

    East. West. G. MASTERMAN

    TERESH, te'resh (ttnn , tc-rcsh [Est 2 21; 6 2]; B A South omit, X in, dpas, T/tdnis, and dippas, Thdr- ra.s): A chamberlain of King Ahasuerus. Oppert compares the name with Tiri-dates, the name of the governor of Persepolia in the time of Alexander. Another explanation identifies it with the Pers word turn, "firm"; Schcft links it with the Pers tarsha, "desire."

    TERRACE, ter'as (rDtt , m e $illah): Solomon is said, in 2 Chronicles 9 11, to have made of the algum trees brought him from Ophir "terraces," or raised

    walks, for the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),. In the || 1 Kings 10 12. the word used is rendered "pillars," in " 'a railing'; Hebrew 'a prop.' "

    TERRIBLE, ter'i-b'l, TERROR, ter'er ydrc', "to be feared," "reverenced," "powerful," "tyrannical," C'X , inspiring," rTP.n , hiltKfi, "terror," nnb2 , balldftdfi, "a worn-out or wasted thing, 'TP2X ,'<~mdfi, "fright"; 4>opep6s, phoberos, "dreadful," 4>6pos, pliobos, "fear") : The above terms, and many others which are employed, denote whatever, by horrible aspect, or by great ness, power, or cruelty, affrights men (Deuteronomy 1 19; 26

    2 11; He 12 21). The term is also applied to the enemies of God and of His people (Isaiah 13 1 1 ; 25 3fT; 49 2f>; Dnl 7 7; 1 Pet 3 14). "The terror [RV"fear"] of the Lord" (2 Corinthians 5 11) denotes the reverence or fear inspired by the thought that Christ is judge (ver 10). M. O. EVANS

    TERTIUS, tur'shi-us (T^p-rios, T6rtios): The amanuensis of Paul who wrote at his dictation the Ep. to the Romans. In the midst of Paul's greetings to the Christians in Rome he interpolated his own, "I Tertius, who write the epistle, salute you in the Lord" (Romans 16 22). "It is as a Christian, not in virtue of any other relation he has to the Romans, that Tertius salutes them" (Denney). Some iden- tify him with Silas, owing to the fact that shtillsh is the Hebrew for "third [officer]," as tertius is the Lat. Others think _he was a Romans Christian residing in Corinth. This is, however, merely conjecture. Paul seems to have dictated his letters to an amanu- ensis, adding by his own hand merely the concluding sentences as "the token in every epistle" (2 Thcss

    3 17; Col 4 18; 1 Corinthians 16 21). How far this may have influenced the style of hig letters is dis- cussed in Sanday-Headlam, Romans, Intro, Ix.

    South. F. HUNTER

    TERTULLUS, ter-tul'us, ter-(T^mXXos, Tcrtullos, diminutive of Lat tertius, "third"): An orator who descended with Ananias the high priest and elders from Jerusalem to Caesarea to accuse Paul before Felix the Romans governor (Acts 24 1). Tertullus was a hired pleader whose services were necessary that the case for the Jews might be stated in proper form. Although he bore a Romans name, he was not necessarily a Roman; Romans names were common both among Greeks and Jews, and most orators were at this time of eastern extraction. Nor is it definitely to be concluded from the manner of his speech (Acts 24 2-South) that he was a Jew; it has always been customary for lawyers to identify them- selves in their pleading with their clients. His speech before Felix is marked by considerable ingenuity. _ It begins with an adulation of the governorship of Felix that was little in accord with history (see FELIX); and the subsequent argument is an example of how a strong case may apparently be made out by the skilful manipulation of half-truths. Thus the riot at Jerusalem was ascribed to the sedition-mongering of Paul, who thereby proved himself an enemy of Romans rule and Jewish religion, both of which Felix was pledged to uphold. Again, the arrest of Paul was not an act of mob violence, but was legally carried out by the high priests and elders in the interests of peace; and but for the unwarranted interference of Lysias (see LYSIAS), they would have dealt with the prisoner in their own courts and thus have avoided tres-



Letter "T"

    passing on the time of Felix. They were, however, perfectly willing to submit the whole case to his jurisdiction. It is interesting to compare this speech of Tertullus with the true account, as given in Acts 21 27-3."), and also with the letter of Lysias (Acts 23 26-30). C. M. KERB

    TESTAMENT, tes'ta-ment: The word 5ia0i^, diathc.kc, almost, invariably rendered "covenant," was rendered in AV "testament" in He 9 1(5.17, in the sense of a will to dispose of property after the maker's death. It is not easy to find justification for the re- tention of this tr in RV, "osp. in a book which is so impregnated with the language of the LXX as the Ep. to the He" (Hatch). See COVENANT IN THE NT.











    TESTIMONY, tes'ti-mo-ni, ARK OF THE (Exodus

    25 21 fj. See ARK OF THE COVENANT.

    TETA, t e' t a. See ATETA.

    TETH, teth (IS): The 9th letter of the IIeb alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopaedia as /(intense/)- It cam^also to be used for the number 9; and with iimw for 15, with zaijin for It) (i.e. 9+1) um l 9+7) to avoid forming regular series with the abbreviation for Jch. For name, etc, see ALPHABET.

    TETRARCH, te'tnirk, tefriirk (Tc tr.lrdrchcs): As the name indicates it signifies a prince, who governs one-fourth of a domain or kingdom. The Creeks first used the word. Thus Philip of Macedon divided Thessaly into four "tetrarchies." Later on the Romans adopted the term and applied it to any ruler of a small princi- pality. It is not synonymous with "ethnarch," at least the Romans made a distinction between Herod "tetrarch" of Galilee, Philip "tetrarch" of Trachonitis, Lysanias "tetrarch" of Abilene, and Archelaus "ethnarch" of Judaea (BJ, II, vi, 3; Ant, XVII, xi, 4). The title was often conferred onllerodian princes by the Romans, and sometimes it was used courteously as a synonym for king (Matthew 14 9; Mark 6 14). In the same way a "tetrarchy" was sometimes called a kingdom.


    TETTER, tet'er (pH2 , bohak; aX<|>os, alphas): The term "freckled spot" in AV is thus rendered in RV. The eruption referred to in Leviticus 13 39 is a pale white spot on the skin. This is described by Gor- raeus as an eruption arising from a diseased state of the system without roughness of skin, scales or liberation. It did not render the sufferer unclean, although it is difficult of cure. The disease is com- monly known by its Lat name vitiligo. Pliny rec-

    ommended the use of capers and lupins to remove it. See FRECKLED SPOT; LEPRO.SY.



    1. \\\\\\\\utoKraphs of the NT Writers

    2. Papyrus Fragments of the Creek NT 3 Greek Copies or MSS of the NT Text

    4. List of MSS of the Greek NT

    (1) Uncials

    (2) Minuscules

    5. Vernacular Versions

    6. Patristic Quotations

    7. Lectionaries and Service-Books




    The literary evidence to the text of the XT is vastly more abundant than that to any other series of writings of like compass in the entire range of ancient letters. Of the sacred books of the Hebrew Bible there is no known copy antedating the l()th cent. AD. Of Homer there is no complete copy earlier than the 13th cent. Of Herodotus there is no MS earlier than the 10th cent. Of Vergil but one copy is earlier than the 4th cent., and but, a fragment of all Cicero's writings is even as old as this. Of the NT, however, we have two splendid MSS of the 4th cent., at least ten of the f>th, twenty- five of the (>th and in all a total of more than four thousand copies in whole or in part of the Gr NT. To these copies of the text itself may be added the very import ant and even more ancient evidence of the VSS of the NT in the Lat, Syr, and Egyp tongues, and the quotations and clear references to the NT readings found in the works of the early Church Fathers, as well as the inscriptions and monumental data in Syria, Asia Minor, Africa, Italy, and Greece, dating from the very age of the apostles and their immediate successors. It thus appears that the documents of the Christian faith are both so many and so widely scattered that these very facts more than any others have embarrassed the final deter- mination of the text. Now, however, the science of textual criticism has so far advanced and the textual problems of the Gr Testament have been so well traversed that one may read the Christian writings with an assurance approximating certainty. Professor Eberhard Nestle speaks of the Gr text of the NT issued by Wcstcott and Ilort as the "nearest in its approach to the goal." Professor Alexander Sout er's st udent 's edit ion of the Revisers Gr NT, Oxford, 1910, no doubt attains even a higher watermark. It, is the purpose of the present article to trace, as far as it can be done in a clear and untechnical manner, the process of connection between the original writings and this, one of the latest of the editions of the Gr NT.

    7. Sources of Evidence for the Text of the NT. Until very recent times it has not been cus- tomary to take up with any degree of 1. The confidence, if at all, the subject of NT

    Autographs autographs, but since the researches of the NT in part icular of Dalman, Deissrnann, Writers Moulton(West. F.) and Milligan (George), the task is not only appropriate but incumbent upon the careful student. The whole tendency of recent investigation is to give less place to the oral tradition of Christ's life and teach- ing and to press back the date of the writing of the Synoptic Gospels into the period falling be- tween Pentecost and the destruction of Jerusalem. Sir William M. Ramsay goes so far as to claim that "antecedent probability founded on the general character of personal and contemporary Greek of Gr-Asiatic society" would indicate "that the first Christian account of the circumstances connected



Letter "T"

    with the death of Jesus must- be presumed to have been written in the year when Jesus (lied" (Letters to the Seven Churches, 7). West. M. Flinders Petrie argues to tin; same end and says: "Some generally accepted CJospels must, have been in circulation before (>0 AD. Tlie mass of briefer records and Login, which the; habits and culture of that age would produce must have been welded together within 10 or 20 years by the external necessities" (The drowlh of the, Gospels, 7).

    The autographs of the NT writers have long been

    sometimes with a sentence; or two at the end. The method of personal research was pursued, as well as compilation of diverse data including folk- lore and genealogies, together with the grouping of cognate matters in artistic forms and abundant quotation in writings held in high esteem by the readers, as in the First and Third Gospels and the Book of Acts. The presentation copy of one's works must have been written with unusual pains in case of their dedication to a patrician patron, as Luke to "most excellent Theophilus." For specula-

    lost, but the discovery during the last few years of contemporary documents enables us to form fairly clear notions as to their general literary character and condition.

    In the first place papyrus was prob- ably the material employed by all the NT writers, even the original Gospel of Matthew and the general Ep. of Jas, the only books written within Philestina-Canaan Land, not being excepted, for the reason that they were not origi- nally written with a view to their liturgical use, in which case vellum might possibly have been employed.

    Again the evidence of the writings them- selves witnesses to the various literary processes followed during the 1st cent. Dictation was largely followed by St. Paul, the names of at least four of his secretaries, Tertius, Sosthencs, Timothy, and Sylvanus, being given, while the master himself, as in many of the Egyp papyri, appended hisownsignature,

    tion as to the probable dimensions of the original papyrus rolls of NT books, one will find Professor J. Itendel Harris and Sir F. (1. Kenyon extremely suggestive, and from opposite viewpoints; cf Kenyon, Handbook of the Textual Criticism of the NT; Harris, NT Autographs.

    Comparatively few papyrus fragments of the NT are now known to be extant, and no complete book of the NT has as yet been found, though the successes in the field of contemporary C.r writings inspire confidence that ere long the rubbish heaps of Egypt will reward the diligent explorer. Of the LXX (Cr OT) somewhat more has come to light than the NT, while the papyrus copies and frag- ments of Homer are almost daily increasing.

    The list below is condensed from that of Sir Frederick G. Kcnyoil's Handbook of the Textual Criticism of the



Letter "T"

    NT, 2d ed, 1912, 41 ff, using Dr. Gregory's method of notation.

    331 Matthew 1 1-9.12.14-20. 3d cent. Found at Oxyrhyn- chus in 1896, now in the University of Pennsylvania. See illustration under PAPYRUS. John 12 12-15 in (!r on the verso, with Luke 7 18 ff in Sahidic on the recto. 51 h or tith cent. In book form, at the Museo Archeologico, Florence. Luke 7 36-43; 10 38-42. 6th cent. In book form. In the Rainer Collection, Vienna.

    . 5 3-8.30 6 4. 4th cent.

    In book form. Found in Kgypt joined to a MS of Philo; now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. John 1 23-31.33-41; 20 11-17. 19-25. 3d cent. An outer sheet of a single-quire book. Found at Oxvrhynchus and now in the British Museum. John 11 45. University of Strassburg. Luke 412 Archaeological Museum at Kierr. Acts 4 31-37; 5 2-9; 6 1-6.8-15. 4th cent. In the Berlin Museum. 3D 9 1 John 4 11-13.15-17. 4th or 5th cent. In book form. Found at Oxyrhynchus; now in Harvard University Library. Jjjio Horn 1 1-7. 4th cent. Found at Oxyrhynchus;

    now in Harvard University Library. 33ii 1 Corinthians 1 17-20; 6 13-18; 7 3.4.10-14. 5th cent.

    In the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg. 31'2 He 1 1. 3d or 4th cent. In the Amherst Library. He 2 145 5; 10 811 13; 11 28-12 17. 3d or 4th cent. Found at Oxyrhynchus; now in the British Museum.

    1 Corinthians 1 25-27; 2 3-8; 3 8-10.20. 5th cent, In book form; at St. Catherine's Monastery, Matthew.

    nis l"c l or 7 IS 8 4; Phil 3 9-17; 4 2-8. 4th cent.

    Found at Oxyrhynchus. J3i Horn 12 3-8. tith or 7th cent, Kyland s Library,

    Manchester. J_3" Tit 1 11-15; 2 3 8. 3d cent. Rylands Library,


    South's He 9 12-19. 4th cent. Found at Oxyrhynchus. is The Revelation 1 4-7. 3d or 4th cent. Found at Oxyrhyn- chus.

    Gr copies or MSS of the NT text, have hitherto

    been and probably will continue to be the chief

    source of data in this great field. For

    3. Greek determining the existence of the text Copies or in its most ancient, form the auto- MSS of the graphs are of supreme value. For NT Text determining the content or extent of

    the text the VSS are of highest worth. For estimating the meaning and at the same time for gaining additional data, both as to existence and extent of usage of the NT, the quotations of its text by the Church Fathers, whether as apologists, preachers, or historians, in Assyria, Greece, Africa, Italy or Gaul, are of exceeding importance.

    But for determining the readings of the text itself the Gr MSS or copies of the original autographs are still the principal evidence of criticism. About 4,000 MSS, in whole or in part, of the Gr NT are now known.

    These MSS furnish abundant evidence for determining the reading of practically the entire; NT, while for the Gospels and most important Epp. the evidence is unprecedented for quantity and for clearness. They are usually divided into two classes: I'ncial, or large hand, and Minuscule, or small hand, often called Cursive.

    The term "cursive" is not, satisfactory, since it does not coordinate with the term "uncial," nor arc so-called cursive feat ures such as ligatures and oval forms con- fined to minuscule MSS. The uncials comprise about 140 copies extending from the 4th to the 10th cents.

    The minuscules include the remaining MSS and fall between the 9th cent, and the invention of printing. Herewith is given a brief description of a few of the chief MSS, both uncial and minuscule, of the NT. (1) Uncials. South. Cod. Sinaiticus found by Tisch- endorf at St. Catherine's Monastery on Matthew. Sinai and now in the Imperial Library at

    4. List of St. Petersburg; 4th cent. This is the MSS of the only uncial which contains the NT Greek NT entire. It also has the Ep. of Barnabas

    and part of the Shepherd of Hernias and possibly originally the Didache. The marks of many correctors are found in the text. It, is written on 147^ leaves of very thin vellum in four narrow col- umns of 48 lines each. The pages measure 15Xl3j in., and the leaves are arranged in quaternions of four sheets. The open sheet exposing eight columns re- sembles greatly an open papyrus roll.

    There is but rudimentary punctuation and no use of accent or initial letters, but the Eusebian. section numbers are found on the margin of the Gospels. Fig. 1 is from the photographic facsimile of K , published by the Oxford University Press in 1911.

    A. Cod. Alexandrinus, so named since it was sup- posed to have come from Alexandria, being the gift of Cyril Lucar, at one time Patriarch of that Prov- ince, though later of Constantinople, to Charles I, through the English ambassador at the Turkish court in 1627, and in 1757 presented to the Royal Library and now in the British Museum.

    It doubt- less belongs to the 5th cent., and contained the entire NT, lacking now only portions of Matthew, John, and 1 Corinthians, as well as the two Epp. of Clement of Rome and the Psalm Sol.

    It is written on thin vellum in two columns of 4 1 lines to the page, which is 12 jj X lOf in.; employs frequent initial capitals, and is divided into paragraphs, but has no marginal signs except in the Gospels. Several different hands are discovered in the present state of the MS.

    B. Cod. Vaticanus, since 1481, at least, the chief treasure of the Vatican Library, and universally esteemed to be the oldest and best MS of the Gr NT; 4th cent. Written on very fine vellum, the leaves nearly square in shape, 10X 10 in., with three narrow columns of 40-44 lines per column and five sheets making the quire.

    A part of the Ep. to the He and the Pastorals, Philem and The Revelation are lacking. It is without accents, breathings or punctua- tion, though corrected and retraced by later hands. In the Gospels the divisions are of an earlier date than in Cod. North. The theory of Tischcndorf that Codd. X and B were in part prepared by the same hand and that they were both among the 50 MSS made under the direction of Eusebius at Caesarea in 331 for use in the emperor Constantino's new capital, is not now generally accepted.

    C. Cod. Ephraemi Rescriptus. This is the great palimpsest (twice written) MS of the uncial group, and originally contained _ the whole NT. Now, however, a part approximately half of every book is lacking, and 2 Thess and 2 John are entirely gone.

    It belongs to the 5th cent., is written on good vellum 9X12| in. to the page of 41 lines, and of one column in the original text, though the superimposed writings of St. Ephraem are in two. Enlarged initials and the Eusebian marginal sections are used and several hands have corrected the MS.

    See Fig. 2. Brought to Italy from the East in the Ib'th cent., it came to France with Catherine de' Medici and is now in the Biblio- theque Nationale, Paris.

    D. Cod. Bezae. This is the early known MS which Theodore Beza obtained in 1562 from the monastery of St. Irenacus at Lyons and which he gave in 1581 to the University of Cambridge, where it now is. It is a Gr-Lat text, the Gr holding the chief place on the left-hand page, measuring 8X10 in., and dates probably from the end of the 5th cent.

    Both Gr and Lat are written in large uncials and divided into short clauses, corresponding line for line. The hands of no less than nine correctors have been traced, and the critical questions arising from the character of the readings are among the most interesting in the whole range of Bib. criticism and are still unsettled. It contains only the Gospels and Acts with a fragment of 3 John.

    West. Cod. Washingtoniensis. The United States has now in the National Library (Smithsonian) at the capital one of the foremost uncial MSS of the




Letter "T"

    Gr NT. It is ;i complete codex of the Gospels, in u slightly sloping but very ancient hand, written upon good vellum, in one column of 30 lines to the page, and 6X9 in. in size. By all the tests ordi-

    Mr. C. L. Freer of Detroit, who obtained the MS in Egypt in 1906, and is edited by Professor II. A. Sanders for the I'niversity of Michigan Press, 191 1. See accompanying page insert.

    narily given, it, belongs to the period of the earliest codices, possibly of the 4th cent. Like Cod. D, it has the order of the Gospels: Matthew, John, Luke, Mark, and contains an apocryphal interpolation within the longer ending of Mark for which no ot her Gr authority is known, though it is probably referred to by St. Jerome. It has been published in facsimile by

    (2) Minuscules. Out of the thousands of minus- cule MSS now known only the four used by Erasmus, together with one now found in the United States, will bo enumerated.

    1. This is an llth-cent. codex at Basel. It must have been copied from a good uncial, as its text often agrees with Codd. X and B.



Letter "T"

    l r . Of the 12th cent., and now at Mayhingen, Bavaria. This is the only MS Erasmus luul for The Revelation in his cdilio prince i^, and being defective at the end, 22 16-21, lie supplied the Gr text by retrans- lating from the Lat ; cf TR and AV. Generally speaking, this MS is of high quality.

    2. This is a loth-cent. MS at Basel, and was that on which Erasmus most depended for his 1st ed, 15 1C). It reflects a good quality of text.

    2 :ip . Some have assigned this MS to the 12th cent., though it was probably later. It is at Basel, and was the principal text used by Erasmus in the Acts ;md Epp.

    667. As illustrating a good type of minuscule of the Gospels, set- Eig. 3, taken from Evangelistaria 667, which came from an island of the Sea of Mar- mora; purchased in Constantinople by Dr. Albert L Long in ]s<)2 and now in the Drew Semi- nary Library at Madison, North.,1.

    Vernacular VSS, or translations of the Scrip- tures into the tongues of western Christendom, were, some of them, made as early 6. Vernacu- as the 2d cent ., and thus antedate lar Versions by several generations our best- known Greek text.

    It is considered by many as providential that the Bible was early tr d into different tongues, so that its corruption to any large extent became almost if not altogether an impossibility, since the VSS of necessity belonged to parts of the church widely removed from one another and with very diverse doctrinal and institutional tendencies.

    The testimony of tr s to the exact form of words used either in an autograph or a Gr copy of an author is at best not beyond dis- pute, but as evidence for the presence or absence of whole sections or clauses of the original, their standing is of prime importance.

    Such extreme literalness frequently prevails that the vernacular idiom is entirely set aside and the order and construction of words in the original sources are slavishly followed and even transliterated, so that their bearing on many questions at issue is direct and convincing. Although the Gr NT has now been tr d into all the principal tongues of the earth, compara- tive criticism is confined to those VSS made during the first eight centuries.

    Patristic (mot at ions afford a unique basis of evidence for determining readings of the NT. So able and energetic, were the 6. Patristic Church Fathers of the early century Quotations ries that it is entirely probable that the whole text of the Gr NT could be recovered from this source alone, if the writings of apologists, homilists and commentators were care- fully collated.

    It is also true that the earliest heretics as well as the defenders of the faith recognized the importance of accurately determin- ing the original text, so that their remains also comprise no mean source for critical research.

    It is evident that the value of patristic quota- tions will vary according to such factors as the reliability of the reading, as quoted, the personal equation or habit of accuracy or looseness of the particular writer, and the purity or corruption of the text he employs.

    One of the marked advantages of this sort of evidence arises from the fact that it affords additional ground for localizing and dating the various classes of texts found both in original copies and in VSS. For general study the more prominent Church Fathers of the 2d, 3d and 4th cents, are sufficient, though profitable investi- gation may be made of a much wider period.

    By the beginning of the 5th cent., however, the type of text quoted almost universally was closely akin to that now known as the TR.

    Lectionaries and service-books of the early Christian period afford a source of considerable

    value in determining the general type 7. Lection- of texts, together with the order and aries and contents and distribution of the several Service- books of the Canon. As the lection- Books ary systems both of the eastern and

    western churches reach back to post- apostolic times and all are marked by great verbal conservatism, they present data of real worth for determining certain problems of textual criticism. From the very nature of the case, being compiled for a liturgical use, the readings are often introduced and ended by set formulas, but these arc easily separated from the text itself, which generally fol- lows copy faithfully. Even the systems of chapter headings and divisions furnish clues for classifying

    and comparing texts, for there is high probability that texts with the same chapter divisions come from the same country. Probably the earliest system of chapter divisions is preserved in Cod.

    Vat., coming down to us from Alexandria probably by way of Caesarea. That it antedates the codex in which it appears is seen from the fact that the Pauline Epp. are numbered as comprising a con- tinuous book with a break between Galatians and Eph and the dislocated section numbers attached to lie which follows 2 Thess here, though the numbers indicate its earlier position after Galatians. Another system of chapter divisions, at least as old as the 5th cent., found in Cod. Alex., cuts the text into much larger sections, known as Cephalia Majora.

    In all cases the enumeration begins with the 2d section, the 1st being considered introductory. Bishop Eusebius developed a system of text division of the Gospels based upon an earlier method attrib- uted to Ammonius, adding a series of tables or Canons.

    The first table contained sections giving events common to all four evangelists, and its number was written beneath the section number on the margin in each Gospel, so that their parallels could readily be found. The 2d, 3d and 4th Canons con-



Letter "T"

    tain lists of sections in which throe of the Gospels have passages in common (the combination Mark, Luke, John, does not occur). The 5th, 6th, 7th, Sth and 9th contain lists in which two combine (the combination Mark, John, does not occur). Canon 10 contains those peculiar to some one of the Gospels.

    Necessity of Sifting and Criticizing the Evi- e/ence. Criticism from its very nature concerns itself entirely with the problems suggested by the errors of various kinds which it brings to light. In the writings of the NT the resources of textual evidence arc so vast, exceeding, as we have seen, those of any other ancient literature, sacred or secular, that the area of actual error is relatively cmite appreciable, though it must be remembered that this very abundance of textual variety ulti- mately makes for the integrity and doctrinal unity of the teaching of the NT books. Conjectural emendation which has played so large a part in the restoration of other writings has but slight place in tin 1 textual criticism of the NT, whose materials are so abundant that the difficulty is rather to select right renderings than to invent them. We have catalogued the principal sources of right readings, but on the most casual investigation of them dis- cover large numbers of wrong readings mingled wit h the true, and must proceed to consider the sources of error or various readings, as they are called, of which approximately some 200, 000 are known to exist in the various MSS, VSS, patristic citations and other data for the text.

    "Xot." as Dr. Warfleld says, "that thcro are 200,000 places in the NT where various readings occur, but that there are nearly 200.000 readings all told, and in many cases the documents so differ among themselves that many various readings are counted on a single word, for each document is compared in turn with one standard and the number of its divergences ascertained, then these sums are themselves added together and the result given as the number of actually observed variations." Dr. Ezra Abbott was accustomed to remark that "about nineteen-twcntieths of the variations have so little sup- port that, although there are various readings, no one would think of them as rival readings, and nineteen- twcntieths of the remainder are of so little importance that their adoption or rejection would cause no appreci- able difference in the sense of the passages in which they occur." Dr. Hort's view was that "upon about one word in eight, various readings exist supported by suf- ficient evidence to bid us pause and look at it; about one word in sixty has various readings upon it supported by such evidence as to render our decision nice and difficult, but that so many variations are trivial that only about one word in every thousand has upon it substantial variation supported by such evidence as to call out the efforts of the critic in deciding between the readings." The oft-repeated dictum of Bentley is still valid that "the real text of the sacred writings is com- petently exact, nor is one article of faith or moral pre- cept either perverted or lost, choose as awkwardly as you will, choose the worst by design, out of the whole lump of readings." Despite all this, the true scholar must be furnished rightly to discriminate in the matter of diverse readings.

    From the very nature of the case it is probable that errors should be frequent in the NT; indeed, even printed works are not free from them, as is seen in the most carefully edited editions of the Eng. Bible, but in MSS the difficulty is increased in direct proportion to the number of various copies still extant. There are two classes of errors giving rise to various readings, unconscious or uninten- tional and conscious or intentional.

    Of the first class, that of unconscious errors, there are five sorts:

    (1) Errors of the ei/<-. where the sight of the copyist confuses letters or endings that are similar, writing e.g. 6 for C; for 0; A for A or A ; TT for Tl; TTAN for TIAN; M for A A. Here should be named homoeoteleuton, which arises when two successive lines in a copy end in the same word or syllable and the eye catches the second line instead of the first and the copyist omits the intervening words as in Cod. C of John 6 39.

    (2) Errors of the pen. Here is classed all that body of variation due to the miswriting by the penman of

    what is correctly enough in his mind but through careless- ness he fails rightly to transfer to the new copy. Trans- position of similar letters has evidently occurred in Oodd. East, M, and H of Mark 14 05, also in 11,L, of Acts 13 23.

    _ (3) Error* of speech. Here are included those varia- tions which have sprung from the habit ual forms of speech to which the scribe; in the particular case was accustomed and which he therefore! was inclined to write. I'nder this head comes "itacism," arising from the confusion of vowels and diphthongs, esp. in dictation. Thus i is constantly written ei and vice versa; at for t ; rj and i for n; i) and ot for \\\\\\\\>; o for and t for i). It is observed that in Cod. X we have scribal preference for t alone, while in U ei is preferred.

    (4) Errors of m'-mor//. Tlies" are explained as havin" arisen from the "copyist, holding a clause or sequence of letters in his somewhat treacherous memory between the glance at the MS to be copied and his writing down what he saw there." He-re am classed (he numerous putty changes in the; order e>f words and I lie substitution of synonyms, as eln-e^ for e"4j, i* fe>r i, and vice versa

    _ (o) Errors of j u'/>/ ment. Under this class Dr. \\\\\\\\Varficld cites "many rnisreadings of abbreviations, as also the adoption e>f marginal glejsses into the text by which much e>f the most striking corruption which has entered the te-xt has been produced." .Xe>table instances of this tvpe of error are found in John 5 1-4, explaining how it hap- pened that the waters of Bethesda were healing; and in .John? - r >3 8 12, the passage concerning the adulteress, ana the last twelve verses e>f Mark.

    Turning to the second class, that of conscious e>r inten- tional e'rrors, wo may tabulate::

    (1) lAruiuistic or rhrtorii-,,1 corrections, ne> doubt eifte-n made in entire good faith under the impression that an error had previously crept into the te-xt and needed correcting. Thus second aorist terminations in a are changed t;> o and tlr> like.

    (2) Historical corrections. Fnde-r this he;id is placed all that group e>f changes similar to the case- in Mark 1 2 where the phrase "Isaiah the prophet" is change-el into " the prophets."

    (3) liar monistic corrections. The-se; are quite- frequent in the Gospels, e.g. the attempte-el assimilation of the Lord's Prayer in Luke to the fuller form in Matthew, and quite possibly the addition of the words "e>f sin" to the phrase in John 8 34, "Every one that doeth sin is a slave." A certain group of harmemistic corrupt ions where scribes allew the memory, perhaps unconsciously, to affect the writing may rightly be classed under (4) above.

    (4) Doctrinal corrections. Of these it is difficult to assert any unquestioned cases unless it be the celebrated Trinitarian passage (AV 1 John 5 7.8<;) or the several passages in which fasting is coupled with prayer as in Matthew^l? 21; Mark 9 29; Acts 10 30; 1 Corinthians ? 5.

    (5) Liturgical corrections. These are very common, esp. in the lectionaries, as in the beginning of lessons and are even found in early uncials, e.g. Luke 8 31; 10 23 etc.

    ///. Methods of Critical Procedure. Here as in other human discipline's necessity is the mother of invention, anel the principles of critical pro- cedure rest almost entirely on the data connected with the errors and discrepancies which have con- sciously or unconsciously crept into the text. The elictum of Dr. Ge-eirge Salmon that "God has at no time given His church a text absolutely free from ambiguity" is true warrant for a free and continued inquiry into this attractive field of study. The process of textual criticism has gradually evolved certain rules based upon judgments formed after patiently classifying and taking into account all the documentary evidence available, both internal and external.

    (1) An _ older reaeling is preferable to one later, since it is presumed to be nearer the original. However, mere age is no sure proe>f of purity, as it is now clear that very many of the corruptions of the text became current at an early date, so that in some cases it is found that later copies really represent a more ancient reading.

    (2) A more difficult reading, if well supported, is preferable to one that is easier, since it is the tend- ency of copyists to substitute an easy, well-known and smooth reading for one that is harsh, unusual and ungrammat ical. This was commonly done wit h the best of intentions, the scribe supposing he was rendering a real service to truth.

    (3) A shorter is preferable to a longer reaeling, since here again the common tendency of scribes is toward additions and insertions rather than omis-



Letter "T"

    sions. Hence arose, in the first place, the marginal glosses and insertions between the lines which later

    transcribers incorporated into the text. Although this rule has been widely accepted, it must be applied with discrimination, a longer reading being in some cases clearly more in harmony with the style of the original, or" the shorter having arisen from a case of homoeoteleuton.

    (4) A reading is preferable, other things being equal, from which the origin of all alternative read- ings can most clearly be derived. This principle is lit once of the utmost importance and at the same time demands the most careful application. It is a sharp two-edged sword, dangerous alike to the user and to his opponents.

    (5) A reading is preferable, says Scrivener, 'which best suits the peculiar style, manner and habits of thought of an author, it being the tendency of copyists to overlook the idiosyncrasies of the writer. Vet habit or the love of critical correction may some- times lead the scribe to change the text to his author's more usual style as well as to depart from it through inadvertence, so that we may securely apply the rule only where the external evidence is not unequally balanced."

    ((i) A reading is preferable which reflects no doctrinal bias, whether orthodox on the one side or heretical on the other. This principle, is so obvious that it is accepted on all sides, but in practice wide divergence arises, owing to the doctrinal bias of the critic himself.

    These are the main Canons of internal evidence. On the side of external evidence may be summarized what has already been implied:

    (1) A more ancient reading is usually one that is supported by the most ancient MSS.

    (2) A reading which has the undoubted support of the earliest MSS, VSS and patristic writers is unquest ionably original.

    (3) A disagreement of early authorities usually indicates the existence of corruption prior to them all.

    (4) Mere numerical preponderance of witnesses (to a reading) of any one class, locality or time, is of comparal ive insignificance.

    (")) Great significance must be granted to the testimony of witnesses from localities or times widely apart, and it can only be satisfactorily met. by a balancing agreement of witnesses also from different times and localities.

    These rules, though they are all excellent and each has been employed by different critics with good results, are now somewhat displaced, or rather supplemented, by the application of a principle very widely used, though not discovered, by Y\\\\\\\\ est- cott and Hort, known as the principle of the genealogy of MSS. The inspection of a very broad range of "witnesses to the IsT text has led to their classification into groups and families according to their prevailing errors, it being obvious that the greater the community of errors the closer the relationship of witnesses. Although some of the terms used by \\\\\\\\YH, as well as their content, have given rise to well-placed criticism, yet their grouping of MSS is so self-convincing that it bids fair, with but slight modification, to hold, as it has thus far done, first place in the field. Sir Frederick G. Kenyon has so admirably stated the method that the gist of his account will be given, largely using his identical words (Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the NT, 2d ed, London, 1912). As in all scientific criticism, four steps are followed by WII : 0) The individual readings and the authori- ties for them are studied; (b) an estimate is formed of the character of the several authorities; (c) an effort is made to group these authorities as_ de- scendants of a common ancestor, and (

    provisional estimate of their comparative! proba- bility revised in the light of the knowledge gained as to the value and interrelation of the several authorit ies.

    Applying these methods, four groups of texts emerge from the mass of early witnesses: (a) The Antiochian or Syrian, the most, popular of all and at the base of the (ireek T R and the English AY; in the Gospels the great uncials A and C support it as well as North, South and *, most of the later uncials and almost all minuscules, the Pesh-Syr version and the bulk of the Church Fathers from Chrysos- tom; (h) the Neutral, a term giving rise to criticism on all sides and by some displaced by the term Egyptian; this group is small but of high antiquity, including XBLT/,A and C, save in the Gospels, the Coptic YSS (esj). the Bohairic) and some of the minuscules, notably 33 and 81; (c) the Alex- andrian, closely akin to the Neutral group, not found wholly in any one MS but traceable in such MSS as X C L X, 33, and the Bohairic version, when they differ from the other members headed by B; 0/)"the Western, another term considered ambigu- ous, since it includes some important MSS and Fathers very ancient and very Eastern; here belong DD 2 East-F 2 G' a among the uncials, 28, 235, 3S3, f>r>;>, til 4, TOO, and 876 among the minuscules, the Old Syr and Old Lat and sometimes the Sahidic YSS.

    '()f these groups by far the most superior is the Neutral, though WII have made it so exclusively to coincide with C'od. B that they appear at times to have broken one of the great commandments of a philologist, as quoted by Dr. Nestle from a German professor, "Thou shalt worship no codices." Now, the only serious dispute centers on the apparent slight which this system may have put upon the so-called Western type of text in group four. The variants of this family are extensive and important and appear due to an extremely free handling of the text at some early date when scribes felt themselves at liberty to vary the language of the sacred books and even to insert additional passages of consider- able length.

    Although this type of text is of very early origin and though prevalent in the East was very early carried to the West, and being widely known there has been called Western, yet , because of the libert ies above referred to, its critical value is not high, save in the one field of omissions. In Egypt, however, and esp. Alexandria, just as in the case of the OT, the text of the NT was critically considered and conserved, and doubtless the family called Neutral, as well as the so-called Alexandrian, springs up here and through close association with Caesarea becomes prevalent in Philestina-Canaan Land and is destined to prevail every- where. The \\\\\\\\YII contention that the Antiochian text arose as a formal attempt at repeated revision of the original text in Antioch is not so convincing, but for want of a better theory still holds its place. Their objections, however, to its characteristic readings are well taken and everywhere accepted, even von Soden practically agreeing here, though naming it the koint text. It is also interesting to find that von Soden's Hesychian text so closely parallels the Neutral-Alexandrian above, and his Jerusalem family the Western. And thus we arrive at the present consensus of opinion as to the genea- logical source of the text of the NT.

    IV. History of the Process. Abundant evi- dence exists and is constantly growing to show that critical opinion and methods were known at least from the very days of the formation of the NT Canon, but in such "a sketch as the present the history can only be traced in modern times. The era of print ing necessarily marks a new epoch here. Among avail- able MSS choice must be made and a standard set, and in view of the material at hand it is remarkable



Letter "T"

    how ably tho work was done. It began in Spain under Cardinal Ximenes of Toledo, who printed at Alcala (Complutum) in 1514 the NT volume of his great Polyglot, though it was not actually issued until 1522. Meanwhile the great Erasmus, under patronage of Froben the printer of Basel, had been preparing a Or NT, and it was published early in 1516 in a single volume and at low cost, and had reached itn 3d ed by 1522. His 4th ed in 1537 contains Erasmus' definitive text, and, besides using Cardinal Ximenes', had the advantage of minuscule MSS already named. The next impor- tant step was taken by Robert Estienne (Stephanns), whose 3d ed, "Regia," a folio published in Paris in 1550, was a distinct advance, and, though based directly upon the work of Ximenes and Erasmus, had marginal readings from 15 new MSS, one of which was Cod. Bezae (I)). The learned Theodore Beza himself worked with Stephanus' son Henri, and brought out no less than nine editions of the NT, but no great critical advance was math; in them. The same may be said of the seven Elzevir editions brought out at Leyden and Amsterdam between 1024 and 1078, the second, that of 1033, in the preface of which occurs the phrase, "Text urn ergo habes nunc ab omnibus receptum," becoming the continental standard, as the 1550 edition of Stepha- nus has for England. Thus we arrive at the T R, and the period of preparation is closed.

    The second period, or that of discovery and research, was ushered in by the great London Poly- glot of 1057, edited by Brian Walton (later Bishop of Chester) with collations by Archbishop Ussher of 15 fresh MSS, including Cod. A and Cod. 59. But Dr. John Mill of Oxford was the Erasmus of this period, and in 1707 after 30 years of labor brought out the Gr TR with fresh collations of 78 MSS, many VSS and quotations from the early Fathers. His MSS included A B D East K, 28, 33, 59, 09, 71, the Peshito, Old Lat and Vulg, and his Prolegomena set a new standard for textual criti- cism. This apparatus was rightly appreciated by Richard Bent ley of Cambridge and a revised text of the Gr and of the Vulg NT was projected along lines which have prevailed to this day. The work and wide correspondence of Bent ley had stirred up continental scholars, and J. A. Bengel published in 1734 at Tubingen a Gr NT with the first sug- gestion as to genealogical classification of MSS. J. J. Wetstein of Basel and Amsterdam, though a very great collector of data and the author of the system of MS notation which has continued ever since, made little critical advance. J. South. Sender, taking Wet stein's material, began rightly to inter- pret it, and his pupil J. J. Griesbach carried the work still farther, clearly distinguishing for the first time a Western, an Alexandrian and a Constan- tinopolitan recension.

    With Carl Lachmann began the last epoch in NT criticism which has succeeded in going behind the TR and establishing an authentic text based on the most ancient sources. He applied the critical methods with which he was familiar in editing the classics, and with the help of P. Buttmann produced an edition in 1842-50 which led the way directly toward the goal; but they were limited in ma- terials and Tischendorf soon furnished these. Constantin Tischendorf, both as collector and editor, is the foremost man thus far in the field. His 8th ed, 1872, of the Gr NT, together with his Pro- legomena, completed and published, 1884-1894, by C. R. Gregory, set a new standard. Dr. Gregory's German edition of the Prolegomena, 1900-1909, supplemented by his Die griechischen Handschriften des NT, 1908, marks the further advance of the master through his master pupil. Meanwhile South. P. Tregelles was doing almost as prodigious ana

    valuable a work in England, and was thus preparing for the final advances at Cambridge. F. II. A. Scrivener also ranks high and did extremely valu- able, though somewhat conservative, work in the same direction. In 1881 ''the greatest edition ever published," according to Professor Souter, was brought out in England coincident with the RV of the Eng. NT. This, together with the introduc- tion, which the same writer characterizes as "an achievement never surpassed in the scholarship of any country," was tho joint product of B. F. West cot t and F. J. A. Hort, friends and co-workers for many years in the ('Diversity of Cambridge. Thus with the end of the 19th cent, the history of the process may be said to close, though both process and progress still advance with ever- increasing triumph.

    Von Soden's ed of the NT appeared during tho summer of 1913 and is of first importance. It differs from all others in tho extreme weight laid on Tatian's Diatessaron as the source of the bulk of the errors in the Gospels. This theory is not likely to command the assent of scholars and the text (which does not differ greatly from Tischendorf 's) is con- sequently of doubtful value. Nevertheless, for fulness of material, clearness of arrangement, and beauty of printing, von Soden's ed must inevitably supersede all others, even where the text is dissented from. Dr. Gregory promises a new ed at some day not too far in the future which, in turn, will proba- bly supersede von Soden's.

    LITERATURE. C. R. Gregory, Prolegomena to Tisrhcn- dorf's NT, Leipzig, 1884-94, Textkritik des NT, Leipzig. 1900-1909, Die griechischen Handschriften des NT Leipzig, 1908, Einleitung in dan NT, Leipzig, 1909, Vorschlage fur eine kritische Ausi/abe des griechixcln-n NT Leipzig, 1911; F. G. Kenyon, Palaeography of Gr Papyri Oxford, 1899, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the NT, London 2 , 1912; K. Lake, The Text of the NT, 4th eel, London, 1910; G. Milligan, Selections from the Gr Papyri, Cambridge, 1910, The, NT Documents, 1913; Eh. Nestle, Einfuhrung in das NT, Gottingen 3 , 1909; F. H. A. Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the NT, 4th ed, London, 1894; Souter, Text and Canon of the NT, 1913; East. M . Thompson. Handbook of Gr and Lat Palaeography, 2d ed, London, 1894; H. von Soden. Die Schriflen rfp.s- NT, I. Teil, Untersuelmngen, Berlin, 1902- 10; II. Teil, 1913; B. K. Westcot t, and F. J. A. Hort, The NT in (Ir with Introduction, Cambridge and London, 1S9G; Th. Zahii, Intro to the NT, ET, Edinburgh, 1910.



    1. Invention of Alphabet

    2. The Cuneiform

    3. References to Writing in the OT

    4. Inscriptions after Settlement in Canaan

    5. Orthography of the Period II. THE. Two HEBREW Snui-Ts

    1. The Old Hebrew Alphabet

    2. Aramaean Alphabets

    8. The New Hebrew Script

    4. New Hebrew Inscriptions

    5. Summary


    1. Various Theories

    2. The Change in the Law

    3. In the Other Books

    4. Evidence of the LXX

    "). Kvidence of the Text Itself (i. Conclusion


    1. Internal Conditions

    2. External Circumstances

    3. The LXX Version


    1. Word Separation

    2. Other Breaks in the Text

    3. Final Forms of Letters

    4. Their Origin

    5. Conclusion

    0. The Vowel-Letters

    7. Anomalous Forms

    8. The Dotted Words

    9. Their Antiquity

    10. The Invert, d HM//South

    11. Large and Small Letters

    12. Suspended Letters and Divided waw

    13. Abbreviations

    14. Conclusion



Letter "T"

    VI. Al.TEHATION < >F P It I North e 1 1> A L DoGTMKNTS

    i. Jehovah and Baal

    '2 Euphemistic Expressions

    ;{. TikkiiH dph e rim VII. SCRIBAL Billions IN THE TEXT

    1. Misunderstanding

    2. Errors of the Eye ;{. Errors of the Ear

    4. Errors of Memory

    5. Errors of Carelessness and Ignorance VIII HISTORY OF THE TEXT

    1. Changes Made in Reading

    2. Preservation of Text 15. Division into Verses

    4. Sections of the Law

    5. Sections of the Prophets (i. Poetical Passages

    7. Division into Books IX. VOCALIZATION OF- THE TEXT 1 Antiquity of the Points 2. Probable Date of Invention :{. Various Systems and Recensions X. THE PALESTINIAN SYSTEM

    1 . The Consonants

    2. The Vowels :{. The Accents

    4. Anomalous Pointings XI. THE MASOK.MI

    L. Meaning of the Term 2. The lyre and Ivthibh :<. Other Features X1L MSS AND PRINTED TEXTS

    1. Manuscripts

    2. Early Printed Texts X. Later Editions

    4. Chapters and Verses


    /. Earliest Form of Writing in /srae/. The art of writing is not referred to in the Book of den, even where we might expect a reference to it, eg. in Genesis 23, nor anywhere in the OT before the time of Moses (cf, however, Genesis 38 18.25; 41 44, which speak of "sealing" devices, and see .SEAL; WRITING).

    \\\\\\\\bout the year 1500 BC alphabetic writing was

    practised by the Phoenicians, but in Philestina-Canaan Land the

    syllabic Bab cuneiform was in use (see

    1. Invention ALPHABET). The Israelites probably of Alphabet did not employ any form of writing in

    their nomadic, state, and when they entered Canaan the only script they seem ever to have used was the Phoen. This is not disproved by the discovery there of two cuneiform contracts of the 7th cent., as these probably belonged to stran- gers. There is only one alphabet in the world, which has taken many forms to suit the languages for which it was employed. This original alphabet was the, invention of the Semites, for it has letters peculiar to the Semitic languages, and probably ot the Phoenicians (so Lucan, Pharsalia in. 220; cf Herod, v.58), who evolved it from the Egyp hiero- glyphics.

    'Of the lit. of Canaan before the Israelites entered

    it the remains consist of a number of cuneiform

    tablets found since 1892 at Lachish,

    2. The Ge/er, Taanach and Megiddo, but Cuneiform esp. of the famous Am Tab, discovered

    in Egypt in 1887. Although this non- alphabetic script was in use in Canaan when the Israelites entered it, they do not seem to have adopted it.

    The earliest reference to writing m the C. Exodus 17 14 The next is Exodus 24 7, mentioning the Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20-23).

    3. Refer- The Book of the Wars of .Teh is named ences to in Xu 21 14. Other early references Writing hi are Judges 5 14m; 8 14m. By the time the OT of the monarchy the king and nobles

    could write (2 Samuel 11 14; 8 17), but not the common people, until the time of Amos and Hosea, when writing seems to have been common.

    The Phoen script prevailed in Philestina-Canaan Land after the con- quest as well as in the countries bordering on it This is shown by the inscriptions which have beer discovered. The chief of these are: the Baa

    Lebanon inscription found in Cyprus (beginning of

    the 9th cent.) ; the MS of about the year 896 of the

    ordinary chronology; a Hebrew agricul-

    4. Inscrip- tviral calendar of the 8th cent.; fifteen tions after lion-weights from Nineveh of about Settlement the year 700; the Siloam Inscription in Canaan of the time of IIe/,ekiah; about a score

    of seals; and, in 1911, a large number of ostraca of the time of Ahab.

    In this oldest writing the vowels arc rarely expressed, not even final vowels being indicated.

    The only mark besides the letters is a

    5. Orthog- point separating the words. There raphy of the are no special forms for final letters. Period Words are often divided at the ends

    of lines. The writing is from right to left. The characters of the Siloam Inscription and the ostraca show some attempt at elegant writing.

    //. The Two Hebrew Scripts. 1 wo distinct scripts were used by the Hebrews, an earlier and a

    later. The Old Hebrew alphabet c.on-

    1. The tained 22 letters, all consonants. The Old Hebrew order of these letters is known from Alphabet that of the Gr, taken in order of tneir

    numerical values, and later by the alphabetic pss, etc, and by the figure called 'at-bash (see SHKSHACH). In the acrostic passages, how- ever, the order is not always the same; this may be due to corruption of the text. In the alpha- bet, letters standing together bear similar names. These are ancient, being the same in Gr as m North-ni. They were probably given from some fancied resemblance which the Phoenicians saw in the origi- nal Egvp sign to some object

    The development of the Phoen alphabet called Aram begins about the 7th rent. BC. It is found

    inscribed as dockets on the cuneiform

    2. Ara- day tablets of Nineveh, as the Phoen maean letters were upon the lion-weights; Alphabets on coins of the Pers satraps to the

    time of Alexander; on Egyp inscrip- tions and papyri; and on the Palmyrene inscrip- tions The features of this script are the following: The loops of the letters bclh, daleth, teth, fr/>/i and rcxfi which are closed in the Phoen and Old Hebrew, are open, the bars of the letters he waw,zaym, firth and taw are lost, and the tails of kaph, lamedh, in cm pc and yudhe, which are vertical in the old \\\\\\\\i-un begin in the Egyp Aram, to curve toward the left; words are divided, except m Palmyrene, by a space instead of a point; vowel-letters are freely used; arid the use of ligatures involves a dis- tinction of initial, medial and final forms. .There are of course no vowel-marks.

    After the Jews returned from the exile, the Aram.

    language was the lingua franca of the Seleucid

    empire, displacing Assyr, Old Hebrew and

    3 The Phoen. The Phoen script also had New He- given place to the Aram, in Mesopo- brew Script tamia, Syria and Egypt, In Syria it

    divided into two branches, a northern which grew into Syriac, and a southern, or Jew- ish, from which the New Hebrew character was pro- duced.

    What is believed to be the oldest inscription in the modern Ileb character is that in a cave at

    Mr/c (il-\\\\\\\\linir near Heshbon, which

    4 New was used as a place of retreat in the Hebrew In- year 176 BC (Ant, XII, iv, 11; CIH, scriptions no. 1). Others are: four boundary

    stones found at Gezer; the inscriptions over the "Tomb of St. James," really of the Bern Hc/ir (1 Chronicles 24 15; Nehemiah 10 20); that of Kefr Birim, assigned to the year 300 AD (CIH, no. 17), in which the transition to the New Hebrew script may be said to be accomplished; and others have been



Letter "T"

    found all over the Romans empire and beyond. See ARCHAEOLOGY.

    The inscriptions show that the familiar Hebrew char- acter is a branch of the Aramaic. In the 3d cent. BC the latter script was in general 6. Summary use in those countries when; Assyr-

    Bab, Old Hebrew and Phoen had been used before. The Jews, however, continued to employ the Old Pleb for religious purposes esp., and the Samaritans still retain a form of it in their Bible (the Pent).

    ///. The Change of Script. It is now almost universally agreed that the script in which the OT was written was at some time changed from the Phoenician to the Aramaic. But in the past many opinions have been held on the * subject.

    Rabbi Eleazar of Modin (d. 135 AD), from the mention of the hooks ((raws.) in Exodus 27 10

    and from Est 8 9, denied any i. i

    1. Various change at all. Rabbi Jeliuda Theories (d. c 210) maintained that the

    Law was given in the New Hebrew, which was later changed to the Old as a punish- ment, and then back to the New, on the people repenting in the time of Ezra. Texts bearing on the matter are 2 Kings 6 7; 18 26; Isaiah 8 1, from which various deductions have been drawn. There may have been two scripts in use at the same time, as in P'gypt (Herod, ii.36).

    In regard to the change in the Law, the oldest

    authority, Eleazar ben Jacob (latter part of the 1st

    cent. AD), declared that a Prophet

    2. Change at the time of the Return commanded in the Law to write the Torah in the new or

    square character. Next Rabbi Jose (a century later) states (after Ezra 4 7) that Ezra intro- duced a new script and language. But the locus classicus is a passage in the Talm (Sanhedhrln 216) : "Originally the Law was given to Israel in the Hebrew character and in the Holy Tongue; it was given again to them in the days of Ezra in the Assyr characters and in the Aram, tongue. Israel chose for herself the Assyr character and the Holy Tongue, and left the Hebrew character and the Aram, tongue to the hcdhyototh." Here Hebrew = Old Hebrew; Assyr = the new square character, and hcdhijototh is the Gr ididtai=the Hebrew *am hu-drcq, the illiterate multi- tude. From the 2d cent, on (but not before), the Talmudic tradition is unanimous in ascribing the change of script in the Law to Ezra. The testi- mony of Jos points to the Law at least being in the square character in his day (Ant, XII, ii, 1, 4). The Sam Pent was almost certain!}' drawn up in the lime of Nehemiah (cf 13 2

    In regard to the other books, the old script was

    used after Ezra's time. Est 8 9 and Dnl 6

    must refer to the unfamiliar Old Hebrew.

    3. Other So Matthew 5 18 implies the New, but only Books in the Law.

    The Gr tr known as the LXX was

    made in Alexandria, and is hardly evidence for Philestina-Canaan Land.

    The Law was probably tr' 1 under Ptolemy II (284-

    247 BC), and the other books by the

    4. Evidence end of the 2d cent. BC (cf Ecclus, of LXX Prologue) . The variations of the LXX

    from the MT point to an early form of the square character as being in use; but the Jews of Egypt had used Aram, for some centuries before that.

    The variations between parallel passages in the

    MT itself, such as Joshua 21 and 1 Chronicles 6; 2 Samuel 23 and 1 Chronicles 11, etc, show that the letters most frequently confused are d and /, which are similar in both the Old and New Hebrew; /; and




    New Hebrew Inscriptions.

    still in the old rhara limit of Oozer begi

    K-ace lie

    h .1 Hai unt

    id al Bin th


    . . .l.ilKU

    lintfl: in

    f Hez

    lj- IllfS

    , r. 1 th,



    Sf|,h . . .

    hiM-ri|ition ici-s of Isr

    i.l, of K el.

    st-ph i-fr Bir .losfh

    ind the

    arose from the use of the square character, and

    they arose subsequent to the LXX, for they are

    not, except rarely, found in it. The

    5. Evidence square character is, then, later than of the Text the LXX.

    Itself The square character was ascribed

    to Ezra as the last person who could

    have made so great a change, the text after his

    time being considered sacred. This is disproved

    by the fact of the coins of the Macca-

    6. Conclu- bees and of Bar Cochba being in the sion old character. The Talm permits

    Jews resident outside Philestina-Canaan Land to possess copies of the Law in Coptic, Median, Hebrew, etc. Here Hebrew can only mean the Old Hebrew script.

    IV. Preservation of the Text. Judaism has

    always been a book religion: it stands or falls with

    the OT, esp. with the Pent. Although

    1. Internal no MS of the Hebrew OT is older than the Conditions 10th cent. AD, save; for one minute

    papyrus, we know, from citations, tr 3 , etc, that the consonantal text of the OT was in the 1st cent. AD practically what it is today. The Jews transliterated as well as tr d their Bible. All the most important tr 3 the LXX, Aquila, Theodo- tion, Symmachus were made by Jews and aimed at a more literal rendering of the Hebrew that of Aquila being hardly Gr. The Syr (Peshitta) seems to be also by Jews or Jewish Christians. Great care was taken of the text itself, and the slightest variant readings of MSS were noted. One MS belonging to Rabbi Meir (2d cent.) is said to have omitted the references to "Admali and Zeboiim" in Deuteronomy 29 23 and to Bethlehem in Genesis 48 7, and to have had other lesser variations, some of which were found also in the MS which, among other treas- ures, decked the triumph of Vespasian (BJ ', VII, v, 7)._

    Religious persecution makes for the purity of the

    Scriptures by reducing the number of copies and

    increasing the care bestowed on those

    2. External saved. The chief moments in which Circum- the existence of the Jewish Scriptures stances was threatened were the destruction

    of Jerusalem and the Temple under Nebu- chadnezzar in 587 BC, in which the Book of Jashar and that of the Wars of the Lord may have been lost ; the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, during which the possession of the sacred books was a capital off ence (1 Mace 1 56.57; Ant, XII, v), in which the sources used by the Chronicler may have perished; and the capture of Jerusalem by Titus



Letter "T"

    V. The Text 1st Century AD. . .

    Numbers 11 15: 12 12: 1 Samuel 3 13: 2 Samuel 16 12: resets of" bis 5:uir a

    All such study was oral. During lliis period the text remained a purely consonantal text plus the puncla extraordinaria.

    The text was not always read, however, exactly as it was written. Soon after the return from Baby- lon changes were made. Perhaps the

    1. Changes earliest was that the proper name LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), Made in was read Adonai, whence the LXX, Reading and through, it the NT "Lord." The

    reason will be found in Leviticus 24 11, where render "pnmointci-d the name." Sometimes the change was due to motives of taste (Deuteronomy 28 30; 1 Samuel 6 11; 2 Kings 18 27); but the commonest ground was grammar or logic. Thus a word was frequently read which was not in the text at all (,I"-s 20 13; 2 Samuel 18 20); or a word was omit KM! in reading (2 Samuel 15 21; 2 Kings 5 IS); or the letters of a word were transposed, as in Joshua 6 13; _or one letter was put for another, csp. irate for yodh or yoilh for tmic; or words were divided in reading Otherwise than in the text (see above V, 1). The written text is called the Ktlnbh ("written"); what was read is called the K'Te ("read").

    The scribes during these centuries, besides fixing the reading, took means to preserve the text

    by counting the words and letters,

    2. Preser- and finding the middle verse (Judges 10 vation of X; Isaiah 33 21), and so forth. Tin- Text middle verse of the Law is Leviticus 8 7,

    and the middle of tl e words falls in 10 16. The middle verse of the Hebrew Bible is Jeremiah 6 7. Xote was made- of words written abnormally (Hosea 10 14; Mic 1 15; Isaiah 3 South) and lists were made up. All such lists were retained in the mind; nothing was written.

    When the public reading of the Law was accom- panied by an Aram, tr (Xeh 8 South), the division of

    the text into verses would arise spon-

    3. Division taneously. The Mish gives rules for into Verses the number of verses to be read at a

    time before translating. These verses were separated by a space only, as the words were. Hence VSS frequently divide differently for the Hebrew, as Hosea 4 11; Isaiah 1 12. In the Hebrew itself there are 2S old verse divisions no longer observed (see Baer on Hosea 1 2). The space is called pixka' and the verse pas ilk.

    About the same time the Law was divided into

    sections (paraxha/i) for the annual reading. In Philestina-Canaan Land

    tht- Law was read through once in 3J-

    4. Sections years; in Babylon once a year. of the Law Hence the Law is divided into 54

    sections (Genesis 69; 12 1, etc) for the annual reading. It is also divided into 379 "shut" sect ions, indicated by a space in t he middle of a line, and 290 ''open" sections, indicated by a space at the end of a line. In printed texts these sections are noted by the letters .sand p, but, if they coincide with one of the 54, by sss or ppp. The Palestinian division was into 154 pdharlm.

    From Maooaboan times 54 passages (haphtaroth]

    were selected from the Prophets for the purposes of

    the synagogue (Luke 4 17). The Proph-

    5. Sections ets were also divided into smaller sec- of the tions. As in the case of the Law (Exodus Prophets 6 2S), there are oases of false division

    (Isaiah 56 9; Hag 1 15).

    In the Hebrew Bible certain passages were early

    written in a peculiar way to resemble the bricks in

    the wall of a house, either in three

    6. Poetical columns, a half-brick upon a brick Passages and a brick upon a half-brick (Exodus 15;

    Judges 5; 2 Samuel 22), or in two columns, a half-brick upon a half-brick and a brick upon a brick (Deuteronomy 32; Joshua 12; Est 9). In the LXX, Pss, Prov, Eccl, Cant, Job are written in sticks; but that this was not done in Hebrew seems proved by

    the variations as to the number of lines (Psalm 65 8; 90 2.11).

    The number of books is 24, South, K, Chronicles each count ing as one, Ezra including Xeh, the twelve Minor Prophets

    counting one book (Mic 3 12 is the 7. Division middle). The Law counts 5 books, into Books Pss one, though the division of it into

    5 books is ancient (of Psalm 106 4S with 1 Chronicles 16 35. 3G). By joining Ruth to Judges and Lam to Jeremiah, the number 22 was obtained the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. When, probably about the 3d cent. AD, leather rolls gave place to parchment books, it would be possible to have the whole Bible in one volume and the question of the order of the books would arise. The order in the Talm is as follows: The Law (5), the Prophets (South), Joshua, Judges, South, K, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah, and the XII, the Hagiographaor K'thuhhlm (11), Ruth, Pss, Job, Prov, Eool, Cant, Lam, Dnl. Est, East/r, Chronicles. The Prophets are usually subdivided into Former: Joshua, Judges, South, K; and Latter: Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah and the XII. The tra- ditional or ''Mason-tie'' order places Isaiah before Jeremiah, and in the Hagiographa the order is: Chronicles, Pss, Job, Prov, Ruth, Cant, Eccl, Lam, Est, Dnl, Ezra, the middle verse being Psalm 130 3. The order found in printed texts is that of Gorman MSS. The books receive their names from a word near the beginning, from their contents, or from their supposed author.

    IX. The Vocalization of the Text. About the time of the Reformation it was the universal belief that the vowel-marks and other points were of equal antiquity with the consonants. The Jews believed Moses received them orally and Ezra reduced them to writing.

    The first to assign a late date to the points was

    Elias Levita (14GX-1">49). The battle was fought,

    out in the 17th cent. Ludovicus Cap-

    1. Antiquity pollus (d. 1G5S) argued for a date about of the 000 AD. The Buxtorfs defended the Points old view. The following are the


    When the LXX was made, the Hebrew text had not

    even as many vowel-letters as it has now, and still

    less points; nor when the Syr version

    2. Probable was made in the 2d cent., or Jerome's Date of Yulg between 393-405, or the earlier Invention Tgs. Lastly, the points were unknown

    to the Talm. They, therefore, did not exist before GOO AD. The earliest authority on the points is Aaron ben Asher of the school of Tiberias (d. about 9S9). He wrote a copy of the Hebrew Bible with all the points, which became the standard codex. The probable date is, therefore, taken to be about the year 700; and this agrees with what was taking place in regard to Gr, Syr and Arab. MSS. The Jews probably borrowed from the Syrians.

    *Xo doubt, at first, many systems of pointing existed. Of these, two survived, the Palestinian

    and Bab, or superlinear. The chief

    3. Various features of the latter are that tin- Systems signs are placed above the line; it and Re- has no sign for e (scghol), and has but censions one system of accents. The Pales- tinian, the one familiar to us, exists

    in two recensions, those of Ben Asher and of his contemporary, Ben Naphtali of Babylon; hence a Western and an Eastern.

    X. The Palestinian System. Since the vocaliza- tion of the text took place about 700 AD, it will be understood that it differs considerably from the living language. What t hat was may be found from the transliteration of proper names in the LXX, in Origen and Jerome, and from a comparison with modern Arabic.

    A comparison with Arab, indicates that the Hebrew heth, and it is certain from the LXX that the *ayin,



Letter "T"

    had cadi two distinct sounds. This difference is

    not shown in the pointing, though a point was used

    to distinguish the two sounds of /;, g,

    1. The Con-

    is indicated byrdphch. The same point marks the doubling of a consonant. The guttur- als and / an; not doubled, though they certainly were when the language was spoken (cf Genesis 43 20; East/k 16 4, etc).

    The system of vowel-marks attempts to repro- duce the sounds exactly. Thus the short -sound

    which must precede a guttural letter

    2. The is indicated, and before a guttural i Vowels and u are replaced by c and o. On the

    other hand // before i does not seem to have been sounded in some cases. Thus the LXX has Israel, but leremias. tfft''wd' is said by Hen Asher to sound i before y; before a guttural it took the sound of the guttural's vowel, as mo'ddh (m''o

    There is a special accentual system for the poetical books, I'rov, Pss, and Job (except the prose

    parts). The titles and such marks as

    3. The Kcldh are in the Pss accented as form- Accents ing part of the verse. The accents

    had three values, musical, inter- punctional, and strictly accentual. But these values have to do with the language, not as it was spoken, but as it was chanted in the public reading of the synagogue.

    The words were not always pointed in the usual way, but sometimes according to subjective con- siderations. Thus the phrase "to see

    4. Anoma- the face of God" is pointed "to appear lous Point- before God," on account of Exodus 33 20 ings (Psalm 42 3; Isaiah 1 12). Similarly in

    Eccl 3 21, "which goeth upward" is put for "whether it goeth upward." See also Jeremiah 34 18; Isaiah 7 11. Frequently the punctuation is inconsistent with itself. Thus, 'gathered to his peoples' (Genesis 35 29), but "gathered to my people" (sing., Genesis 49 29). _ So p'lishtim, "Philistines," re- ceives the article with prepositions, otherwise not. In many places two pointings are mixed, as if to give a choice of readings (Psalm 62 4; 68 3, and often).

    XL The Masorah. The Hebrew text as printed with all the points and accents is called the Maso-

    retic text. Masorah, or better, MCIKKO-

    1. Meaning rcth, is derived from a root meaning of the Term "to hand down" (Xu 31 5). This

    tradition began early. Rabbi Akiba (d. 135) called it a "hedge about the Law." It tells the number of times a particular expression occurs, and mentions synonymous expressions, and so forth. The remarks placed in the side margin of the codex, often merely a letter denoting the number of times the word occurs, are called the M. parra. The notes were afterward expanded and placed in the top and bottom margins and called the M. magnet. Notes too long for insertion in the margin were placed sometimes at the beginning, generally at the end of the codex, and called the .17. finalis. The Masorah differs with different MSS; and there is an Eastern and a Western Masorah.

    The oldest and most important part of the Maso- rah lies in the readings which differ from the writ t en text , called K''re. These may represent

    2. The K e re variant readings of MSS, esp. a class and K e thibh <>f them called .fiilnr. The most are

    mere errata and corrigenda of the text. Such are the four K. parpetua, 'adhondy (for Y II West II), Jerusalem, Issachar and hu', in the case of which the read form is not appended at the foot of the page. Sometimes the emendation is right, as in Am 88; cf 9 5; sometimes the lOthihh represents an archaic form (Judges 9 8.12; Isaiah 32 11).

    A K p re was inserted at 1 Samuel 17 34 to correct a mis- print in the Venice Bible of 1521.

    Other notes at the foot of the page draw attention to redundant or defective writing. Directions for

    the arrangement of the text are given 3. Other in Genesis 49 South; I)t 31 2S, and elsewhere. Features Each book concludes with a note giving

    the number of verses, sections, middle verse and other particulars about, the book. The second last verses of Isaiah, Mai, Lam, Eccl are repeated after the last, which is ill-omened.

    XII. MSS and Printed Text,. -The MSS of the Hebrew Bible are not nearly so old as those of the fir, oll Hebrew

    MSS being generally destroyed. By far 1. Manu- (no () l ( l ( ' stj MS <>f any purl of t lie Bible is

    the Papyrus Xasli of about 150 A I), con- scnpis taining the Decalogue and Sli''mn' (Dt6 4).

    Next conies the St. Petersburg codex of the latter Prophets of 910 AD, though (Mnsburg considers a MS of the Pent (Brit. M us. Orient. -1145) older. The pointing of the latter is Palestinian; of the former, super- linear. The oldest MS of the whole OT is dated 1010 AD.

    The following are the chief printed texts: The Psalter Of 1477, place unknown, with comm. of Kimhi. The

    2. Early



    first few pss are voweled; the Pent, 14S2, Bologna, with Rashi and TgOnkelos; per- haps the Five Rolls appeared at the same time; the Prophets, unpointed, 1485-80, at Soncino, with Kashi and Kinilil; the Hagiographa, 148(1-87, at Naples, with points, but not accents, and comms. (In the last two YHWH and 'ftldhlm are spelled YIIDII and 'Elo- dhim); the 2d ed of the Pent at Faro in Portugal, 14S7, first without comm.; the editio princept of the whole OT with points and accents, but no comm., finished at Son- cino, February 14, MSS, reprinted in 1491-9:5, and in the Brescia Bible of 1494. The last was the one used by Luther. Owing to persecution, the next edition was not till 1511-17.

    The first Christian edition of the Hebrew text is that con- tained in the Complutensian Polyglot, finished July 10, 1517. It has many peculiarities, and first 3 Later discarded the Masoretic sections for the Tj^UJftna Christian chapters, the Vulg being followed.

    Coitions The first rabbinic Bible that is, pointed

    and accented text, with Masorah, Tgs, and comms. was printed by Daniel Bomberg at Venice in 1510-17. The division of South, K, Chronicles, and Ezra into two books each is first marked here in a purely Hebrew text, and the consonants of the K>re first given in the margin. Previously the vowels were inserted in the text only. Thus in Isaiah 44 14, Luther did not observe the small nu'n, taking it for a zni/in. What is called, however, the editio princeps of the rabbinic Bible is Bomberg's second edition, ed by Jacob ben Hayylm (1524-25). This forms the standard edition of the MT. South and K are each treated as two books. $ e bhirim are noticed for the first time, and the K c res marked with k. The I'oli/glot of Arias Montanus (1507-71) used the dilatable letters ', h, I, t, m, broadened to fill up lines, and first numbered the chapters (in Hebrew letters). Buxtorf's rabbinic Bible appeared in 1018- 19: the Paris I'l>jt in 1029-44; the London I'ohj,/l,,t of Walton in 1054-57, which first gives the Kthiopie and Pers VSS; that of Athias in 10(51, which first inserted the numbers of Christian chapters in the clauses at the end of the books of the Law, the Mantua edition of 1744 inserting them for all the books. In the last is embodied the Masoretic comm. of Solomon de Norzi (1020). Recent editors are Baer and (Mnsburg. Special mention must be made of the edition of Kittel which inserts the variant readings of the VSS at the foot of the page.

    In modern editions of the Hebrew text the numbers of the Christian chapters are inserted. The chapters had their origin in the Vulg, and are 4. Chapters variously ascribed to Lanfranc (d. and Verses 10S9), Stephen Langton (d. 1228), but with most probability to Hugo de Sancto Caro (13th cent.). They mostly coincide with the Masoretic sections, and came in with the Polyglots from 1517 on, being used first in a purely Hebrew text in 1573-74. Some modern editions mark the verses in the margin, the 5's in Hebrew letters, except 15, which is denoted by , instead of ?/// = 10-r-5, because the latter would = Yah. After the Clautiida Masorctica at the end of Chronicles and else- where, there is an extended note taken from 1 Chronicles 19 13 (2 Samuel 10 12).

    LITERATURE. Benzinger, Hebrfiixrhr Archtiuliiyif. Leip- zig, 1894; Berger, Histoire de I'ccriture ilan,* Vantiquite, Paris, 1892; Blail, Masorvtischc Untersuchungen, South trass- burg, 1891; Einleituna in die heilige Schrift, Budapest,


    Thaddaeus Theocracy

    1S94- Studien znm iiltficbrfiixclicn Huchirexeii . Pt . I. Strass- burg,'l902; Buhl, Canon an, I T,'.rt (UTby .1. Macpherson), Edinburgh, ISOli; IHitin, The Ten Nequdoth of the Torah, Baliimore, 1900; lUixtorf (father), Tiberias site Commen- tarius Masorethicus, Basel, 10:_>0; Blixtorf fson). Tractatus ; Driver A'^.-s <> the Hebrew Te.rt ,,f Sam ue.l, Oxford , 19 1 .'. ; Edersheim, ///*//// o/ f/*c ./<,..;,, JVa*ii to the .... lleb Bible, London, IS!)/; I ho M*- sorah, London, 1SSO-85; Kennedy, The Kate-Line in the. lie), Scriptures, Edinburgh. 190:<; Kcnyon, Our Bible and the Ancient MfiS, London, IS98; King, The Pas in Three Collections ton the triennial cycle), ( arabrulRO. 1SDS; Konin, Einleitung in das AT, Bonn. ISOU; Loisy, /lixtoire critique du te.rtc et d f s versions de la Bible, \\\\\\\\ ans, 1S92-95; Nowack, Lchrbufh der hebraischen Arch&ologic, l-Yeiburg and Leipzig, 1X94; I)e Rouge, Afemotre ur J'oriffine tgyptienne de T alphabet pMniciVw. Paris, 1874; Schiirer (!e*ehiehie dfs iildinchen I oZfces im Zeitalter Jesii Chr^u (KT by John Macpherson and others), Edinburgh, 1SDO- Schwab, -/erus 7Vm (Kr. tr), J'aris, IS, 1-00; Strack, Prolegomena Critica in Vetus Testamentum, Leipzig, 1S7;5; Einleitung in den 1 almud, Leipzig, 1S9-1; Taylor, The Alphabet, London, ISM; T II. Weir, A Short History of the lleb Text of the OT London, 11)07; VVinckler, Die. Thontafeln eon /<-<'- Imarno, Berlin, 189G; The Tcll-tl-Amarna Letters Berlin, London and New York, isoii; Wolf. BihIiothecaHcbraea, Hamburg and Leipzig, 1715-HH; \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\iinsche, Bibhotheca Unbbinica, Leipzig, 1SSO.

    Encyclopaedias: Cheynoand Black, East B.London, 1 899- 190H- Fairl)airn, lt]>eri

    Hebrew texts: DikdukchaTe'amimdes Akron .... ben \\\\\\\\sher ed by Baer and Strack, Leipzig, IS/1); Massoretli ha- \\\\\\\\fassoreth of Klias Lenta, with JOT and notes by C. D. (Hnsburg, London, 1807; Midrash hag-Gadol: Genesu cd bv South. Schecliter, Cambridge, 11)02; l)n* line/,, Ochla \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\-rochla, ed by Frensdorir, Hanover, IsiVl; Mishnah, with Lattr by < Juil. Surenhusius, Amsterdam, 1698-1 , o.i; Sifru ed by Jacob Schlossberg, Vienna, IsiiL'; Si/re, ed by M Friedniann (first part), Vienna, 1864; Soferim, ed by .Joel Miiller, Vienna, 1878; Babylonian Talm, ed (with (Jeremiah tr) by Lazarus Uoldschmidt , Berlin, 1896 .

    Periodicals: Academy, XXXI, 4.",1, "The Moabite Stone"; Good Words, 1870, 673, "The Moabite Stone," J>v 1) H Weir; Jewish Quarterly /,' rii w: Dr. A. Btichler oh "the Triennial Cycle," V, 420, VI. 1; " K. (i. King on the Innuenee of the Triennial Cycle upon the Psalter, bv I. Abrahams, April, 1904; "Neue Masoretische Studien " by Blau, January, 1004; "On Hie Decalogue Papyrus," bv V. C. Burkitt, April, HKKi; Journal of Theological Studies, V, 1>0:{, "The Influence of the r \\\\\\\\ nen- nial Cycle upon the Psalter," by L. n/, no. 3; and by Benzmger, 1004, 65; Zeitschrift des deulschen Pnlnextina-Vereins: "On" the Siloam Inscription," by Socin, XXII, 61; Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlfindixchen Gescllxchaft: "Zur Gesrhichto der hebrilischen Accente," by I'. Kahle, 1901, 107.

    THOMAS HUNTER \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\EIR

    THADDAEUS, llia-de'us (OaSSatos, Tlnnl- daios): One of the Twelve Apostles (Alt 10 :$; Mark 3 IS). In Matthew 10 3 AV, the reading is^'Leb- b;ietis, whose surnaino \\\\\\\\v;is Thaddaeus." The name corresponds to Judas, the son (K V), or brother (AV), of James, given in the lists of J.k 6 Hi; Acts 1 13. See JUDAS NOT ISCARIOT; LEBBAETJS.


    The "Gospel of the Ebionites," or "Gospel of the Twelve Apostles," of the 2d cent, and men- tioned by Origen, narrates that Thaddaeus was also among those who received their call to follow Jesus at the Sea of Tiberias (cf Matthew 4 18-22; see also SIMO.V THE CA.VANAIOAX).

    According to the "Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles" (cf Budge, Contending* of the Apostles, II, 50), Thaddaeus was of the house of Joseph; ac- cording to the "Book of the Bee" lie was of the tribe of Judah. There is abundant testimony in apoc- ryphal lit. of the missionary activity of a certain Thaddaeus in Syria, but doubt exists as to whether this was the apostle. Thus (1) according to the "Acts of St. Peter" (cf Budge, II, 466 ff) Peter mpointed Thaddaeus over the island of Syria and Kdessa, (2) The "Preaching of the blessed Judas, the brother of Our Lord, who was sur- named Thaddaeus" (Budge, 357 ff), describes his mission in Syria and in Dacia, and indicates him as one of the Twelve. (:*) The "Aeta Thaddaci icf Tischend:>rf, Ada Apostoloriim Apocrypha, 1851, 261 ff) refers to this Thaddaeus in the text as one of the Twelve, but in the heading as one of the Seventy. (4) The Abgar legend, dealing with a supposed correspondence between Abgar, king of Syria and Christ, .stales in its Syr form, as tr' 1 by Eusebius (UK, I, xiii, 6-22) (cf THOMAS), that "after the ascension of Christ, Judas, who was also called Thomas, sent to Abgar the apostle Thad- daeus, one of the Seventy" (cf Ilennccke, Neutesta- mcntlic/ie. Apnl^ri/plicn, 76 ff). Jerome, however, identifies this same Thaddaeus with Lebbaeus and "Judas .... of James" of Luke (Luke 6 16). Hen- necke (op. cit ., 47)5, 474 ) surmises that in the original form of the Abgar legend Thomas was the central figure, but that through the influence of the later "Acts' of Thomas," which required room to be made for Thomas' activity in India, a later Syr recension was made, in which Thomas became merely the sender of Thaddaeus to Kdessa, and that this was the form which Eusebius made use of in his tr. According to Phillips (cf Phillips, The Doctrine of Addni the Apostle), who quotes Zahn in support, the confusion may bo due to the substitution of the Gr name Thaddaeus for the name Addai of the Syr MSS. See APOCRYPHAL ACTS.

    " The general consensus seems to indicate, however, that both Thomas and Thaddaeus the apostle had some connection with Edessa. Of the various identifications of Thaddaeus with other Bib. per- sonages which might be inferred from the foregoing, that with "Judas .... of James" is the only one that has received wide acceptance.

    The burial place of Thaddaeus is variously placed at Beirut and in Egypt. A "Gospel of Thaddaeus' is mentioned in the Decree of Gelasius.

    C. M. KEBR THAHASH, tha'hash. See TAHASII.

    THAMAH, tha'ma. See TF.MAH.

    THAMAR, tha'mar (ajxap, Tfidmnr): AV; Gr form of "Tarnar" (thus Matthew 1 3 KV). Mother of Pore/ and Zerah.

    THAMMUZ, tham'uz (PEP, tammuz). See TAMMUZ.

    THAMNATHA, tham'na-tha. See TIMXATH.

    THANK, thank, THANKS, thanks, THANKS- GIVING, thanks-giv'ing, thanks'giv-ing: Both the vb. and the nouns appear almost uniformly for n"T , yadhah, and evxapio-rtu, eucharisteo, and their cognates. Euchnristud is the usual Gr vb. for "to thank," but yadhah takes on this force only



Letter "T"

    through its context and is rather a synonym for "praise" or "bless" (q.v.). LXX renders yCidhdh usually by tofj.o\\\\\\\\oytw, cxomoloyed, "speak forth together," "praise" (<:f Tob 12 20; Sir 39 6, etc, and the use of "thank" in EV to correspond), and this vh. reappears in Matthew 11 25 || Luke 10 21, with Eng. "thank" (RVm "praise"). Cf the use of antho- mologcomai (Luke 2 3S) and ftomoloyed (lie 13 la, AV "giving thanks," RV "make confession"; AV is preferable). For chdris in the sense of "thanks" (note the singular "thank" in AV Sir 20 10; Luke 6 32-34), see GRACE. 1 Pet 2 19 AV has "thank- worthy" for charts, RV "acceptable," RVm "grace."



    THARA, thfi'ra, thar'a (0apd, Thara): AV; Gr form of "Terah" (thus Luke 3 34 RV).

    THARRA, thar'a (0appd, Thami): One of the 1\\\\\\\\vo eunuchs, "keepers of the court," \\\\\\\\vho with his companion Gabatha (Bigthan) formed a con- spiracy against King Artaxerxes which was detected by Mordecai (Ad Est 12 l = "Teresh" of Est 2 21 ; 6 2). Tharra and his companion were hanged. Jos (IU, II, vi, 4) calls him "Thcodestes."

    THARSHISH, thar'shish See TAUSHISH.

    THASSI, thas'I ( V, 0a

    Thaxsits): The surname of Simon, the brother of Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace 2 3; Syr "Tharsi"). It is uncertain what the name means, perhaps "director" or "guide," since Simon was "a man of counsel," or "the zealous."


    THEATRE, the'a-ter (Acts 19 29.31). See GAMES.

    THEBES, thebz. See XO-AMON.

    THEBEZ, the'bez (73P , tebhec., "brightness"; B, 0TiPt|s, Thebes, A, aipcus, Thaibais): A city in Matthew. Ephraim which refused submission to Abime- lech when he set up as king of Israel. After the reduction of Shechem he turned his arms against Thebez. There was a strong tower within the city the citadel into which all the inhabitants gathered for safety, climbing onto the roof of the tower. Abimelech incautiously venturing near the tower, a woman cast an upper millstone upon his head and broke his skull. Fearing the shame of perishing by the hand of a woman, he persuaded his armor-bearer to thrust him through (Judges 9 50 ff). The incident is alluded to in 2 Samuel 11 21. Onom places it 13 Romans miles from Neapolis (Ndbltis) on the road to Scythopolis (B&isan). There is no doubt that it is represented by Tubas. This is a village situated in a district of considerable fer- tility, about 10 miles from Ndblus. There are many olive trees. The rain is captured and led to rock- cut cisterns, whence the village draws its water- supply. According to the Samaritans the tomb of Ncby Toba marks the grave of the patriarch Asher.

    West. EwiNG

    THECOE, thfi-kr/e (1 Mace 9 33). See TE-


    THEE-WARD, the'werd. "To thee-ward" (1 Samuel 19 4) = toward thee. See WARD.


    THELASAR, thf--la'sar pEX?P, , Ha' war, n .TS53?, , l c laniifir'). See TELASSAR.

    THELERSAS, thn-lur'sas (tXtpo-ds, Thdersds [1 Esdras 6 30J). See TEL-HARSHA.

    THEOCANUS, thc-ok'a-nus: 1 Esdras 9 14 AV = RV "Thocanus."

    THEOCRACY, the-ok'ra-si (0OKpaT(a, theo- kralia, from 06s, theos, "a god," and Kparos, krdtos, "power"; after the analogy of the words "democ- racy," "aristocracy," and the like): "Theocracy" is not a Bib. word. The idea, however, is Bib., and in strictness of speech exclusively Bib. The reali- zation of the idea is not only confined to Israel, but in the preexilic history of Israel the realization of the idea was confined to the Southern Kingdom, and in post-exilic history to the period between the return under Ezra and the days of Malachi.

    For the word "theocracy" we are, by common consent, indebted to Jos. In his writings it seems to occur but once (CAp, II, xvi). The passage reads as follows: "Our lawgiver had an eye to none of these," that is, these different forms of government, such as monarchy, aristocracy, oligarchy, and others of which Jos had been speaking, "but, as one might say, using a strained expression, he set forth the national polity as a theocracy, referring the rule and might to God" (Stanton's tr). It is generally agreed that the language here used indi- cates that Jos knew himself to be coining a new word.

    If, now, we turn from the word to the OT idea to which it gives fitting and apt expression, that idea cannot be better slated than it has been by Kautzsch namely, "The notion of theocracy is that the constitution [of Israel] was so arranged that all the organs of government were without any independent power, and had simply to announce and execute the will of God as declared by priest and prophets, or reduced to writing as a code of laws" (IIDB, extra vol, 630, 1, init.). The same writer is entirely correct when he says that in what is known in certain circles as "the PC" though he might have said in the OT generally "everything, even civil and criminal law, is looked at from the religions standpoint" (ib, ut supra).

    If the foregoing be a correct account of the idea expressed by the word "theocracy," and particu- larly if the foregoing be a correct account of the OT representation of God's relation to, and rule in and over Israel, it follows as a matter of course that the realization of such an idea was only possible within the sphere of what is known as special revelation. Indeed, special revelation of the Divine will, through Divinely chosen organs, to Divinely appointed executive agents, is, itself, the very essence of the idea of a theocracy.

    That the foregoing is the OT idea of God's rela- tion to His people is admitted to be a natural and necessary implication from such passages as Judges 8 23; 1'South 8; cf 12 12; 2 Chronicles 13 8; 2 Samuel 7 1-17; Psalm 89 27; Deuteronomy 17 14-20.

    Upon any other view of the origin of the OT hooks than that which has heretofore prevailed, it is certainly a remarkable fact that whenever the hooks of the OT were written, and by whomsoever they may have been written, and whatever the kind or the number of the redactions to which they may have been subjected, the conception the confessedly unique conception of a government of God such as that described above by Kautzsch is evidenced by these writings in all their parts. This fact is all the more impressive, in view of the further fact that we do not encounter this sharply defined idea of a rule of (iod among men in any other literature, ancient or modern. For while the term "theocracy" occurs in modern literature, it is evidently used in a much lower sense. It is further worth remarking that this OT idea of the true nature of God's rule in Israel has only to be


    Theodotion Thess. 1st Ep. to

    fully apprehended for it to become obvious that many of the alleged analogies between the OT prophet and the modern preacher, reformer and statesman are wholly lacking in any really solid foundation.

    \\\\\\\\Y. M. McPHEETERS


    THEODOTUS, thn-od'o-tus (0oSoTos, Theod-

    o/o.s) :

    (1) One of the three ambassadors sent by the Syrian general Xicanor to Judas to make peace (2 Mace 14 19).

    (2) One who plotted to assassinate Ptolemy Philopator, but was prevented by a Jew, Dositheos (3 Mace 1 2f).


    THEOPHILUS, the-of'i-lus (0eo<{>i.Xos, Thanifii- los, "loved of Clod"): The one 1o whom St. Luke addressed his Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles (cf Luke 1 3; Acts 1 1). It has been suggested that Theophilus is merely a generic term for all Chris- tians, but. the epithet ''most excellent" implies it was applied by St. Luke to a definite person, prob- ably a Romans official, whom he held in high respect. Theophilus may have been the presbyter who took part in sending the letter from the Corinthians to St. Paul, given in the "Acts a Pauli" (cf Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apolcri/phcn, 37S). There is also a magistrate Theophilus mentioned in the "Acts of St. James" as being converted by St. James on his way to India (cf Budge, Tin- Con- tendings of the Apostles, II, 299 i, but these and other identifications, together with other attempts to trace out the further history of the original Theophilus, are without sufficient evidence for their establishment (cf also Knowling in East.r /><>.-< (ir 7Y.s7., II, 49-51). C. M. KERB

    THERAS, the'ras (t'pa, T-hera): The river by which the company assembled in preparation for the march to Jems under Ezra (1 Esdras 8 41.61). In East/r 8 21.31 the name of the river is Ahava. Possibly the place is represented by the modern ///'/ on the Euphrates; but no certain identification is possible.

    THERMELETH, thur'mc-leth (0 P( itX9, Thvr- melctti [1 Esdras 5 30]). See TEL-MELAH.





    1. Luke's Narrative in Acts

    2. Confirmation of Luke's Narrative in the Epistle



    1. Paul's Past and Present Relations with the Thessalonians and His Love for Them

    2. Exhortations against Vice, and Comfort and Warning in View of the Coming of Christ


    /. The Importance of the Epistle. The letter is esp. important as a witness to the content of the earliest Gospel, on account of its date and it a well-nigh unchallenged authenticity. According to Harnack it was written in the year 48 AD; accord- ing to Zahn, in the year 53. It is likely that^ these two dates represent the extreme limits. We are thus justified in saying with confidence that we have


    before us a document that could not have been written more than 24 years, and may very easily have been written but 19 years, after the ascension of Our Lord. This is a fact of great interest in view of the contention that the Jesus of the four Gospels is a product of the legend-making propensity of devout souls in the latter part of the 1st cent. When we remember that Paul was converted more than 14 years before the writing of the Epp., and that he tells us that his conversion was of such an overwhelming nature as to impel him in a straight course from which he never varied, and when we note that at the end of 14 years Peter and John, having fully heard the gospel which he preached, had no corrections to offer (Galatians 1 112 10, esp. 2 6-10), we see that the view of Christ and His message given in this Ep. traces itself back into the very presence of the most intimate friends of Jesus. It is not meant by this that the words of Paul or the forms of his teaching are reproductions of things Jesus said in the clays of His flesh, but rather that the conception which is embodied in the Ep. of the person of Christ and of His relation to the Father, and of His relation also to the church and to human destiny, is rooted in Christ's own self-revelation.

    //. Circumstances of the Founding of the Church. For the founding of the church we have

    two sources of information, the Book of I.Luke's Acts and the Ep. itself. Luke's narra- Narrative tive is found in Acts 17. Here we are in Acts told that Paul, after leaving Philippi,

    began his next siege against intrenched paganism in the great market center of Thessalonica. I le went first into t he synagogues of the Jews, and for three Sabbath days reasoned with them out of the Scriptures. Some of them, Luke tells us, "were per- suaded, and consorted with Paul and Silas; and of the devout- Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief women not a few." This very nat urally excited the jealousy of the Jews who found themselves losing the social prestige that came from having a large number of Greeks, including some of the nobility, resorting to them for instruction. Accordingly, they raised a mob of the worst men in town and brought the leading members of the church before the magistrate. These brethren, Jason and cer- tain others, who seem to have been men of some property, were compelled to give bond to preserve the peace, and the intense feeling against Paul made it necessary for him, for the sake of these brethren as well as for his personal safety, to flee from the

    The historicity of Luke's story of the founding of the church is strongly supported by the text

    of the Ep. Paul, for instance, notes 2. Con- that the work in Thessalonica began firmationof after they had been shamefully en- Luke's Nar- treated at Philippi (1 Thess 2 2). rative in He bears witness also in the same the Epistle verse to the conflict in the midst of

    which the Thessalonian church was founded (see also 2 14). Paul's exhortation to salute all the brethren with a holy kiss, his solemn ! adjuration that this letter be read unto all the brethren (5 26.27), and his exhortation to despise not prophesying (5 20) are harmonious with Luke's account of the very diverse social elements out of which the church was formed: diversities that would very easily give rise to a disposition on the part of the more aristocratic to neglect the cordial greetings to the poorer members, and to despise their uncouth testimonies to the grace of God that had come to them (Acts 17 4).

    Paul tells us that he was forced to labor for his daily bread at Thessalonica (1 Thess 2 9). Luke does not make mention of this, but he tells us of his work at tent-making in the next town where he



Letter "T"

    made a considerable stop (Acts 18 1-3), and thus each statement makes the other probable.

    Perhaps, however, the most marked corroboration of the Acts which we have in the letter is the general harmony of its revelation of the character of Paul with that of the Acts. The reminiscences of Paul's work among them (1 Thess 2 1-12) correspond, for instance, in a marked way, in essence though not in style and vocabulary, with Luke's report of Paul's account of the method and spirit of his work at Ephesus (Acts 20 17- 35). This, however, is only one of many correspondences which could be pointed out and which will at once be evident to anyone who will read the letter, and then go over Acts 13-28.

    It may seem irrelevant thus to emphasize the his- toricity of Acts in an art. on Thessalonians, but the Witness of the Kp. to the historicity of the Gospels and of Acts is for the present moment one of its most impor- tant functions.

    ///. Conditions in the Thessalonian Church as Indicated in the Letter. A NT ep. bears a close resemblance to a doctor's prescription. It relates itself to the immediate situation of the person to whom it is directed. If we study it we can infer with a great deal of accuracy the tendencies, good or bad, in the church. What revelation of the con- ditions at Thessalonica is made in the First Ep.? Plainly, affairs on the whole are in a very good state, esp. when one takes into account the fact that most, of the members had been out of heathenism but a few months. They were so notably devoted to God that they were known all over Macedonia as examples to the church (1 Thess 1 7). In particular the Christian grace of cordial good will toward all believers flourished among them : a grace which they doubtless had good opportunity to exercise in this great market town to which Christians from all parts would resort on business errands and where there would be constant demands on their hospi- tality (4 9-10).

    There were, however, shadows in the picture. Some persons were whispering dark suspicions against Paul. Perhaps, as Zahn suggests, they were the unbelieving husbands of the rich ladies who had become members of the church. It was in answer to these criticisms that he felt called upon to say that he was not a fanatic nor a moral leper, nor a deceiver (2 3). When he is so careful to remind them that he was not found at any time wearing a cloak of covetousness, but rather went to the extreme of laboring night and day that he might not be chargeable to any of them (2 9), we may be sure that the Christians were hearing constant jibes about their money-making teacher who had already worked his scheme with the Philip- pians so successfully that they had twice sent him a contribution (Phil 4 16). Paul's peculiar sensi- tiveness on this point at Corinth (1 Corinthians 9 14.15) was possibly in part the result of his immediately preceding experiences at Thessalonica.

    One wonders whether Greece was not peculiarly infested at this time with wandering philosophers and religious teachers who beat their way as best they could, living on the credulity of the unwary.

    Paul's anxiety to assure them of his intense desire to see them and his telling of his repeated attempts to come to them (1 Thess 2 17-20) show rather plainly also that his absence had given rise to the suspicion that he was afraid to come back, or indeed quite indifferent about revisiting them. "We would fain have come unto you," he says, "I Paul once and again; and Satan hindered us."

    Some also were saying that Paul was a flatterer (2 5), who was seeking by this means to carry out unworthy ends. This sneer indeed, after the read- ing of the letter, would come quite naturally to the superficial mind. Paul's amazing power to idealize his converts and see them in the light of their good intentions and of the general goal and

    Theodotion Thess, 1st Ep. to

    trend of their minds is quite beyond the apprecia- tion of a shallow and sardonic soul.

    More than this, we can see plain evidence that the church was in danger of the chronic heathen vice of unchastity (4 3-8). The humble members also, in particular, were in danger of being in- toxicated by the new intellectual and spiritual life into which they had been inducted by the gospel, and were spending their time in religious meetings to the neglect of their daily labor (4 10- 12). Moreover, some who had lost friends since their bapt ism were mourning lest at the second com- ing of Christ these who had fallen asleep would not share in the common glory (4 13-18). This is a quaint proof of the immaturity of their view of Christ, as though a physical accident could separate from His love and care. There was likewise, as suggested above, the ever-present danger of social cliques among the members (5 13. 15.20. 2(5.27). It is to_ this condition of things that Paul pours forth this amazingly vital and human Ep.

    IV. Analysis of the Epistle. The letter may be divided in several ways. Perhaps as simple a way as any is that which separates it into two main divisions.

    First, Paul's past and present relations with the Thessa- lonians, and his love for them (1 1 3 13):

    (1) Greeting and Thanksgiving (1 1-10).

    (2) Paul reminds them of the character of his life

    and ministry among them (2 1-12). Panl'q West The sufferings of the Thessalonians

    T,' . ,. the same as those endured by their

    Relations Jewish brethren (2 13-1(5).

    withThessa- (4) Paul's efforts to see them (2 17-20).

    Innianq (^) Paul's surrender of his beloved

    helper in order to learn the state of the Thessalonian church, and his joy over

    the good news which Timothy brought (3 1-13).

    Second, exhortations auainst vice, and comfort and

    warning in view of the coming of Christ (4 15.28) :

    (1) Against gross vice (4 1-8).

    (2) Against idleness (4 9-12).

    (3) Concerning those who have fallen asleep (4 13-18).

    (4) Concerning the true way to watch for the Coming (5 1-11).

    (5) Sundry exhortations (5 12-28).

    V. Doctrinal Implications of the Epistle. The Ep. to the Thess is not a doctrinal letter. Paul's great teaching concerning salvation by faith alone, apart from the works of the Law, is not sharply defined or baldly stated, and the doctrine of the cross of Christ as central in Christianity is here implied rather than enforced. Almost the only doctrinal statement is that which assures them that those of their number who had fallen asleep would not in any wise be shut out from the rewards and glories at Christ's second coming (1 Thess 4 13- 18). But while the main doctrinal positions of Paul are not elaborated or even stated in the letter, it may safely be said that the Ep. could scarcely have been written by one who denied those teachings. And the fact that we know that shortly before or shortly after Paul wrote the Ep. to the Galatians, and the fact that he so definitely describes his attitude at this very time toward the preaching of the cross of Christ, in his reminiscences in 1 Corinthians (see esp. 1 Corinthians 2 1-5), show how foolish it is to assume that an author has not yet come to a position because he does not constantly obtrude it in all that he writes.

    The Ep., however, bears abundant evidence to the fact that this contemporary of Jesus had seen in the life and character and resurrection of Jesus that which caused him to exalt Him to Divine honors, to mention Him in the same breath with God the Father, and to expect His second coming in glory as the event which would determine the destiny of all men and be the final goal of history. As such the letter, whose authenticity is now practically unquestioned, is a powerful proof that Jesus was a personality as extraordinary as the Jesus of the first three Gospels. And even the Christ of the Fourth Gospel is scarcely more exalted than He who now with God the Father constitutes the spiritual atmos- phere in which Christians exist (1 Thess 1 1), and who at the last day will descend from heaven with a shout and with the voice of an archangel and the trump of God, and cause the dead in Christ to rise from their tombs to dwell forever with Himself (4 10.17).

    VI. The Epistle's Revelations of Paul's Char- acteristics. We notice in the letter the extreme tactfulness of Paul. He has some plain and humili- ating warnings to give, but he precedes them in each case with affectionate recognition of the good qualities of the brethren. Before he warns against

    2. Exhortations, Comfort and Warning



Letter "T"

    gross vice he explains that he is simply urging them to continue in the good way they are in. Before he urges them to go to work he cordially recognizes the love that has made them linger so long and so frequently at the common meeting-places. And when in connection with his exhortations about the second coming he alludes to the vice of drunkenness, he first idealizes them as sons of the light and of the day to whom, of course, the drunken orgies of those who are ''of the night" would be unthinkable. Thus by a kind of spiritual suggestion he starts them in the right way.

    LTTKR ATI-HE. Bishop Alexander, the Speaker's Comm. (published in America under the title, The Hible Comm., and bound with most excellent comms. oil all of the Pauline Kpp.), New York, Seribners; Milligan, The. Epp. to tin- Thess (the C,r text with Intro and notes), London, Macmillan; MolFatt, The Expositor's Cr Test. (bound with comms. by various authors on the Pastoral Kpp., Philcrn, He and. I as). New York, Dodd, Mead & Co. ; Frame, ICC, \\\\\\\\e\\\\\\\\v York, Seribners; Stevens, An Amerienn Comm. o,, the \\\\\\\\ T . Philadelphia, American Bapt ist- Publi- cation Society; Adeney, The .Ynr Century Hible, "1 and 2 Thess" and "Cal," New York, Henry Krowde; Kindlay, "The Kpp. to the Thess." Cambridge Hible for ,SY/,m,/x (u ,d Colli'i/ex, .Yew York, Pulnains; James Denney, "Tho Epp. to the Tliess," Expositor's liilile. New York, Doran ; the two latter are esp. recommended as inexpensive, popular and yet scholarly comms. The Catnbriilt/e Itibleix a verse- by-verse comm., and Professor Denney on "Thess" in Expositor's Hible is one of the most vital and vigorous pieces of houiilctical exposition known to the present writer.




    ToiiKTII Kit


    1. Arguments against the Pauline Authorship

    2. Arguments for the Pauline Authorship III. TIIK MAN or SIN'

    1. Primary Reference

    2. Permanent Value of the Teaching concerning the Man of Sin


    I. Importance of Studying 1 Thess and 2 Thess Together. Those who hold to the Pauline author- ship of the Ep. unite in ascribing it to a time but little subsequent to the writing of the First Letter. It is simply a second prescription for the same case, made after discovering that SOUK; certain stubborn symptoms had not yielded to the first treatment. 2 Tliess should be studied in connection with 1 Thess because it is only from an understanding of the First Ep. and the situation that it revealed that one can fully grasp the significance of the Second. And more than that, the solution of the problem as to whether Paul wrote the Second Letter is likewise largely dependent on our knowledge of the First. It would, for instance, be much harder to believe that Paul had written 2 Thess if we did not know that before writing it he had used the tender and tactful methods of treatment which we find in the First Letter. It is as though one should enter a sick room where the physician is resorting to some rather strong measures with a patient. One is better prepared to judge the wisdom of the treat- ment if he knows the history of the case, and dis- covers that gentler methods have already been tried by the physician without success.

    //. Authenticity. The different treatment of the subject of the second coming of Christ, the different emotional tone, and the different 1. Argu- relationships between Paul and the ments church presupposed in the First and

    against Second Epp., have been among the

    Pauline causes which have led to repeated Authorship questionings of the Pauline author- ship of 2 Thess. Scholars argue, in the first place, that the doctrine concerning the coming of Christ which we find in the Second Letter is not only differently phrased but is contradictory to that

    in the First. We get the impression from the First Letter that the Day of the Lord is at hand. It will come as a thief in the night (1 Thess 5 2), and one of the main parts of Christian duty is to expect it (1 Thess 1 9.10). In the Second Letter, however, the writer urges strongly against any influence that will deceive them into believing that the Day of the Lord is at hand, because it will not be "except the falling away come first, and the man of sin be re- vealed, the son of perdition, he that opposeth and exalt eth himself against all that is called Clod or that is worshipped" (2 Thess 2 1-4).

    Again very plainly also, say the critics, a differ- ent relation exists between the writer and the church at Thessalonica. In the First Letter he coaxes; in the Second Letter he commands (1 Thess 4 1.2.9-12; 61-11; 2 Thess 2 1-4; 3 (5.12-14). Moreover, the whole emotional tone of the Second Let t er is different from that of the First. The First Ep. is a veritable geyser of joyous, grateful affection and tenderness. The Second Letter, while it also contains expressions of the warmest affection and appreciation, is quite plainly not written under the same pressure of tender emotion. Here, say the critics, is a lower plane of inspiration. Here arc Paul's words and phrases and plain imitations of Paul's manner, but here most emphatically is not the flood tide of Paul's inspiration. Moreover, the lurid vision of the battle between the man of sin and the returning Messiah in the Second Letter is different in form and coloring from anything which we find elsewhere in Paul. These, and other con- siderations have led many to assume that the letter was writ ten by a hand other than that of the Apostle to the (lent iles.

    The hypothesis, however, that Paul was not the author of the Ep., while it obviates certain diffi- culties, raises many more. Into a 2. Argu- statement of these difficulties we will ments for not go here, but refer the reader to a the Pauline brief and scholarly putting of them in Authorship Peake's Critical Intro to the NT, 12-16 (Xew York, Scribncrs, 1910).

    There is accordingly today a manifest tendency among all scholars, including those in the more radical camps, to return to the traditional position concerning the authorship. The following are some of the positive arguments for the authenticity:

    As for the opposing views of the coming of Christ in the two Epp., it is to be noted that precisely the same superficial contradiction occurs in Our Lord's own teaching on this same subject (Matthew 24 6.23.24. 25.26; Luke 12 35.40). Jesus exhorts Hia disciples to watch, for in such an hour as they think not the Son of man comet h, and yet at the same time and in the same connection warns them that when they see certain signs they should not be troubled, for the end is not yet. Paul, brooding over the sub- ject after writing the First Letter, might easily have come strongly to see the obverse side of the shield. The apostle built his theology upon the tradition which had come from Jesus as interpreted by its practical effects upon his converts, and his mind was quick to counteract any danger due to overemphasis or wrong inferences. He was not nearly as eager for a consistent ly stated doctrine as he was for a doctrine that made for spiritual life and efficiency. During the fierce persecutions at the beginning of the movement in Thessalonica, the comfort of the thought of the swift coining of Christ was in need of emphasis, but as soon as the doctrine was used as an excuse for unhealthful religious excitement the minds of the disciples must be fo- cused on more prosaic and less exciting aspects of reality.

    That Paul assumes a commanding and peremptory attitude in the Second Letter which we do not find so



    plainly asserted in the First is readily admitted. Why should not the First Letter have had its intended effect upon the Thessalonian church as a whole? And if Paul received word that his gracious and tactful message had carried with it the conviction of the dominant elements of the church, but that certain groups had continued to be fanatical and disorderly, we can easily see how, with the main current of the; 'church behind him, he would have dared to use more drastic methods with the offend- ing members.

    It is also readily admitted that tlio Second Letter- is not so delightful and heart-warming as the First. It was plainly not written in a mood of such high emotional elevation. But the question may be raised as to whether the coaxing, caressing lone of the First Ep. would have been appropriate in hand- ling the lazy and fanatical elements of the church after it had persisted in disregarding his tender and kindly admonitions. Jesus' stern words to the Pharisees in Matthew 23 are not so inspiring as John 14, but they were the words and the only words that were needed at the t irne. "Let not your heart be troubled" would not be inspired if delivered to hypocrites. Furthermore, we are not called upon to assume that Paul at all times lived in the same mood of emotional exaltation. Indeed his Epp. abound with assertions that this was not the case (2 Corinthians 1 8; 1 Thess 3 9), and it is unreasonable to expect him always to write in the same key. It must be added, however, that the suggestion that the Second Ep. is stern may easily be overdone. If 1 Thess were not before us, it would be the tender- ness of Paul's treatment of the church which would most impress us.

    Ilarnaok has recently added the weight of his author- ity to the argument for the Pauline authorship of the letter, lie thinks that then; were two distinct societies in Thessalonica, the one perhaps meeting in the Jewish quarter and composed chiefly of Jewish Christians, and the other composed of Greeks meeting in some other part of the city. In addition to the probability that this would bo true, which arises from the very diverse social classes out of which the church was formed (Acts 174), and the size of the city, ho points to the adjuration in the First Letter (1 Thess 5 27) that this Ep. be read unto all the brethren, as a proof that there was a coterie in the church that met separately a.nd that might, easily have been neglected by the rest, just as the Greeks in Jerusalem were neglected in the daily ministration (Acts 6 1). Ho thinks that the Second Letter was probably directed to the Jewish element of the church.

    It is to be noted also that Professor Moffatt (Intro to the Lit. of the .\\\\\\\\T, 70 ff), who calls in question the authen- ticity of nearly all of the books of the XT that any reputable scholars now attack, finds no sufHciont reason to question the Pauline authorship of 2 Thess.

    ///. The Man of Sin. The question as to whom or what Paul refers to in 2 1-12, when he speaks

    of the man of sin, whose revelation ig 1. Primary to precede the final manifestation of Reference Christ, has divided scholars during all

    the Christian centuries. (For a good discussion of the history of the interpretation of this difficult section, see Findlay, "I arid II Thess," Cambridge Bible, 170-SO.) The reason why each age has had its fresh interpretation identifying the man of sin with the blasphemous powers of evil then most active is the fact that the prophecy has never yet found its complete accomplishment. The man of sin has never been fully revealed, and the Christ lias never finally destroyed him.

    But Paul says that the mystery of iniquity already works (2 7), and he tells the church that the restraining influence which for the time being held it in check is something that ''ye know" (2 (i). Plainly, then, the evil power and that which held it in check were things quite familiar both to Paul and to his readers. \\\\\\\\Ye must therefore give the prophecy a 1st -cent, reference. The alternative! probably lies between making the mystery of iniquity the disposition of the Romans emperor to give himself out as an incarnation of deity and force all men to worship him, a tendency which was then

    being held in check by Claudius, but which soon broke out under Caligula (see Peake's Intro above cited); or, on the other hand, making the mystery of iniquity to be some; peculiar manifestation of diabolism which was to break out from the perse- cuting Jewish world, and which was then held in check by the restraining power of the Romans govern- ment.

    In favor of making a blasphemous Romans emperor the man of sin, may be urged the fact that it was this demand of the emperor for worship which brought matters to a crisis in the Horn world and turned the terrific enginery of the Rorn empire against Christianity. And 'it may be argued that it is hardly likely that the temporary protection which Paul received from the Romans government prevented him from seeing that its spirit, was such that it must ultimately be ranged against Chris- tianity. One may note also, in arguing for the Romans reference of the man of sin, the figurative and enig- matic way in which Paul refers to the opposing power, a restraint that would be rendered necessary for reasons of prudence (of Mark 13 14, and also the cryptograms used by the author of the Book of R -v in referring to Rome). Paul has none of this reserve in referring to the persecuting Jewish world who "please not God, and are contrary to all men" (1 Thess 2 _lo)._ And in view of the fact that the Jews were in disfavor in the Romans empire, as is proved by the then recently issued decree of Clau- dius commanding all Jews to depart from Rome (Acts 18 2), and by the fact that to proclaim a man a Jew helped at that time to lash a mob into fury against him (Acts 16 20; 19 34), it would seem hardly likely that Paul would expect the subtle and attractive deception that was to delude the world to come from Jerusalem; and particularly would this seem unlikely in view of the fact that Paul seems to be familiar with Our Lord's prophecy of the swift destruction of Jerusalem, as is shown by his assertion in 1 Thess 2 16, that wrath is come upon them to the uttermost.

    _ On the other hand, however, to make the man of sin a person or an influence coming from Judaism is supported by the fact that he is to sit in the temple of God, setting himself forth to be God (1 Thess 2 4), and by the fact that the natural punishment for the rejection of their Messiah was that the Jews should be led t o accept a false Messiah. Having opposed Him who came in the Father's name, they were doomed to accept one who came in his own name. Again, and far more important than this, is the fact that during nearly the whole of Paul's life it was the Romans empire that protected him, and the unbelieving Jews that formed the malicious, cunning and powerful opposition to his work and to the well-being and peace of his churches, and he could very well have felt that the final in- carnation of evil was to come from the source which had crucified the Christ and which had thus far been chiefly instrumental in opposing the gospel. Moreover, this expectation that a mysterious power of evil should arise out of the Jewish world seems to be in harmony with the rest of the NT (Matthew 24 5 23.24; The Revelation 11 3.7.8). It is the second alternative, therefore, that is, with misgivings, chosen by the present writer.

    It may be objected that this cannot be the tnie inter- pretation, as it was not fulfilled, but, on the contrary, it was Rome that became the gospel's most formidable foe. But this type of objection, if accepted as valid, prac- tically puts a stop to all attempts at a historical inter- pretation of prophecy. It would force us to deny that the prophecies of the OT, which are usually taken as referring to Christ, referred to Him at all, because plainly they were not literally fulfilled in the time and manner that the prophets expected them to bo fulfilled. It would almost force us to deny that John the Baptist re- ferred to Christ when he heralded the coming of the one



Letter "T"

    who would burn up tho chaff with unquenchable fire, because as the Gospels tell us Jesus did not fulfil this prophecy in the way John expected (Luke 7 19). See MAN or SIN.

    Although Paul's prediction concerning the man of sin was not literally fulfilled, nevertheless his teaching has a permanent significance. 2. Perma- It is always true in every battle for nent Value good that the Son of man does not of the come until the falling away conies

    Teaching and the man of sin is revealed. First, concerning there is the fresh tide of enthusiasm the Man and the promise of swift victory for of Sin the kingdom of heaven, but soon there

    is the reaction and the renascence of opposition in new and overwhelming power. The battle is to the death. And then above the smoke of the battle men see the sign of the coming of the Son of man with power and great glory; the conviction floods (hem that after all what Christ, stands for is at the center of the universe and must prevail, and men begin to recognize Christ's principles as though they were natural law. This action and reaction followed by final victory takes place in practically all religious and reforming move- ments which involve the social reconstruction of society according to the principles of the Kingdom. It is exceedingly important that men should be de- livered from shallow optimism. And this Ep. makes its contribution to that good end.

    IV. Paul's Exhortation to Quiet Industry. The exhortation that the brethren should work with quietness and earn their own bread (3 12) is full of interest to those who arc studying the psychological development of the early Christians under the in- fluence of the great mental stimulus that came to them from the gospel. Some were so excited by the new dignity that had come to them as mem- bers of the Christian society, and by the new hopes that had been inspired in their minds, that they considered themselves above the base necessity of manual labor. This is not an infrequent phenomenon among new converts to Christianity in heathen lands. Paul would have none of it. Fortunately he could point to his own example. He not only labored among them to earn his own livelihood, but he worked until muscles ached and body rebelled (2 Thess 3 8).

    Paul saw that the gospel was to be propagated chiefly by its splendid effects on the lives of all classes of society, and he realized that almost the first duty of the church was to be respected, and_so he not only exhorts the individual members to in- dependence, but he lays down the principle that no economic parasite is to be tolerated in the church. "If any man will not work, neither let him eat" (3 10). This forms an important complement to the teaching of Jesus (Matthew 6 42) : "Give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would borrow of thee turn not thou away."

    LITERATURE. See under 1 Thess.


    THESSALONICA, thes-a-16-nl'ka (0o-

    centrating there the population of a number of neighboring towns and villages, and renamed it after his wife Thessalonica, daughter of Philip II and step-sister of Alexander the Great. This name, usually shortened since mediaeval times into Salonica or Saloniki, it has retained down to the present. Pliny, however, speaks of Therma as still existing side by side with Thessalonica (A r //, iv.36), and it is possible that the latter was an altogether new foundation, which took from Therma a portion of its inhabitants and replaced it as the most impor- tant city on the Gulf.

    Thessalonica rapidly became populous and

    wealthy. In the war between Perseus and the

    Romans it appears as the headquarters

    2. History of the Macedonian navy (Livy xliv. 10)

    and when, after the battle of Pydna (168 BC), the Romans divided the conquered territory into four districts, it became the capital of the second of these (Livy xlv.29), while later, after the organization of the single Romans province of Macedonia in 1-10 BC, it was the seat of the gov- ernor and thus practically the capital of the whole province. In 58 BC Cicero spent the greater part of his exile there, at the house of the quaestor Plancius (I'ro Plancio 41, 99; Ep. Ad Alt. iii.8-21). In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, Thessalonica took the senatorial side and formed one of Pompey's chief bases (49-48 BC), but in the final struggle of the republic, six years later, it proved loyal to Antony and Octavian, and was rewarded by receiving the status and privileges of a "free city" (Pliny, A77, iv.36). ^Strabo, writing in the reign of Augustus, speaks of it as the most popu- lous town in Macedonia and the metropolis of the province (vii.323, 330), and about the same time the poet Antipater, himself a native of Thessalonica, refers to the city as ''mother of all Macedon" (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec., II, p. 98, no. 14); in the 2d cent, of our era Lucian mentions it as the greatest city of Macedonia (Aw'nns, 46). It was important, not only as a harbor with a large import and export trade, but also as the principal station on the great Via Egnatia, the highway from the Adriatic to the Hellespont.

    Paul visited the town, together with Silas and Timothy, on his 2d missionary journey. He had

    been at Philippi, and traveled thence

    3. Paul's by the Egnat ian Road, passing through Visit Amphipolis and Apollonia on the way

    (Acts 17 1). He found _ at Thessa- lonica a synagogue of the Jews, in which for three successive Sabbaths he preached the gospel, basing his message upon the types and prophecies of the OT Scriptures (vs 2.3). Some of the Jews became converts and a considerable number of proselytes and Greeks, together with many women of high social standing (ver 4). Among these converts were in all probability Aristarchus and Secundus, natives of Thessalonica, whom we afterward find accompanying Paul to Asia at the close of his 3d missionary journey (Acts 20 4). The former of them was, indeed, one of the apostle's most constant companions; we find him with Paul at Ephesus (Acts 19 29) and on his journey to Rome (Acts 27 2), while in two of his Epp., written during his cap- tivity, Paul refers to Aristarchus as still with him, his fellow-prisoner (Col 4 10; Philem ver 24). Gaius, too, who is mentioned in conjunction with Aristarchus, may have been a Thessalonian (Acts 19 29). How long Paul remained at Thessalonica on his 1st visit we cannot precisely determine; certainly we are not to regard his stay then; as con- fined to three weeks, and Ramsay suggests that it probably extended from December, 50 AD, to May, 51 AD (St. Paul the Traveller, 228). _ In any case, we learn that the Philippians sent him assist-



Letter "T"

    ance on two occasions during the < line which lie spent there (Phil 4 16), although lie was "working night and day" to maintain himself (1 Thess 2 !); 2 Thess 3 8). Paul, the great missionary strate- gist, must have seen that from no other center could Macedonia be permeated with the gospel so effect- ively as from Thessalonica (1 Thess 1 8).

    But his success roused the jealousy of the Jews, who raised a commotion among the dregs of the city populace (Acts 17 5). An attack was made on the house of Jason, with whom the evangelists were lodging, and when these were not found Jason himself and some of the other converts were dragged before the magistrates and accused of har- boring men who had caused tumult throughout the Romans world, who maintained the existence of another king, Jesus, and acted in defiance of the imperial decrees. The magistrates were duly alive to the seriousness of the accusation, but, since no evidence was forthcoming of illegal practices on the part of Jason or the other Christians, they released them on security (vs 5-9). Foreseeing further trouble if Paul should continue his work in the town, the con- verts sent Paul and Silas (and possibly Timothy also) by night to Beroea, which lay off the main road and is referred to by Cicero as an out-of-the- way town (oppidum devium: in Pisonem 36). The Beroean Jews showed a greater readiness to examine the new teaching than those of Thessalonica, and the work of the apostle was more fruitful there, both among Jews and among Greeks (vs 10-13). But the news of this success reached the Thessalonian Jews and inflamed their hostility afresh. Going to Beroea, they raised a tumult there also, and made it necessary for Paul to leave the town and go to Athens (vs 14.15).

    Several points in this account are noteworthy as illus- trating the strict accuracy of the narrative of the Acts. Philippi was a Romans town, military rather than com- mercial; hence we find but few Jews there and no synagogue; the magistrates bear the title of praetors (Acts 16 RVm) and are attended by lictors (Acts 16 35.38 RVm) ; Paul and Silas are charged with the introduction of customs which Romans may not observe (ver 21); they are beaten with rods (ver 22) and appeal to their privileges as Romans citizens (vs 37.38). At Thessalonica all is changed. We are hero in a Gr commercial city and a seaport, a "free city," moreover, enjoying a certain amount of autonomy and its o\\\\\\\\vn constitution. Here we find a large number of resident Jews and a synagogue. The charge against Paul is that of trying to replace Caesar by another king; the rioters wish to bring him before "the people," i.e. the popular assembly characteristic of Gr states, and the magistrates of the city bear the Gr name of politarehs (Acts 17 5-9). This title occurs nowhere in Gr lit., but its correctness is proved beyond possibility of (liiestion by its occurrence in a number of inscriptions of this period, which have come to light in Thessalonica and the neighborhood, and will be found collected in AJT (1898, 598) and in M. G. Dimitsas, Ma/ceSoi-ta (Makedonia), 422 ff. Among them the most famous is the inscription engraved on the arch which stood at the western end of the main street of Salonica and was called the Vardar Gate. The arch itself, which was per- haps erected to commemorate the victory of Philippi, though some authorities assign it to a later date, has been removed, and the inscription is now in the British Museum (CIO, 1967; Leake, Northern Greece, III, 236; Le Bas, Voyage archeologique, no. 1357; Vaux Trans. Royal Soc. Lit., VIII, 528). This proves that the politarehs were six in number, and it is a curious coinci- dence that in it occur the names Sosipater, Gains and Secundus, which are borne by three Macedonian con- verts, of whom the first two were probably Thessalonians the last certainly.

    The Thessalonian church w r as a strong and flourishing one, composed of Gentiles rather than

    of Jews, if we may judge from the 4. The tone of the two Epp. addressed to its

    Thessa- members, the absence of quotations Ionian from and allusions to the OT, and

    Church the phrase "Ye turned unto God

    from idols" (1 Thess 1 9; cf also 2 14). These, by common consent the earliest of Paul's Epp., show us that the apostle was eager

    to revisit Thessalonica very soon after his enforced departure: "once and again" the desire to return was strong in him, but "South ;i tan hindered" him (2 lcS)_ a reference probably to the danger and loss in which such a step would involve Jason and the other leading converts. But though himself pre- vented from continuing his work at Thessalonica, he sent Timothy from Athens to visit the church and confirm the faith of the Christians amid their hardships and persecutions (3 2-10). The favor- able report brought back by Timothy was a great comfort to Paul, and at the same time intensified his longing to see his converts again (3 10.11). This desire was to be fulfilled more than once. Almost certainly Paul returned there on his 3d missionary journey, both on his way to Greece (Acts 20 1) and again while he was going thence to Jerusalem (ver 3); it is on this latter occasion that we hear of Aristarchus and Secundus accompanying him (ver 4). Probably Paul was again in Thessa- lonica after his first imprisonment. From the Ep. to the Phil (1 26; 2 24), written during his captivity, we learn that his intention was to re- visit Philippi if possible, and 1 Tim 1 3 records a subsequent journey to Macedonia, in the course of which the apostle may well have made a longer or shorter stay at Thessalonica. The only other mention of the town in the NT occurs in 2 Tim 4 10, where Paul writes that Demas has forsaken him and has gone there. Whether Demas was a Thessalonian, as some have supposed, cannot be determined.

    For centuries the city remained one of the chief strongholds of Christianity, and it won for itself

    the title of "the Orthodox City," 5. Later not only by the tenacity and vigor History of its resistance to the successive

    attacks of various barbarous races, but also by being largely responsible for their conversion to Christianity.

    From the middle of the 3d cent. AD it was entitled "metropolis and colony," and when Diocletian (284-305) divided Macedonia into two provinces, Thessalonica was chosen as the capital of the first of these. It was also the scene in 390 AD of the famous massacre ordered by Theodosius the Great, for which Ambrose excluded that emperor for some months from the cathedral at Milan. In 253 the Goths had made a vain attempt to capture the city, and again in 47!) Theodorie, king of the Ostrogoths, found it so strong and well prepared that he did not venture to attack it. From the 6th to the 9th cent, it was engaged in repeated struggles against Avars Slavonians and Bulgarians, whose attacks it repelled with the utmost difficulty. Finally, in 904 AD it was captured by the Saracens, who, after slaughtering a great number of the inhabitants and burning a consider- able portion of the city, sailed away carrying with them 22,000 captives, young men, women and children. In 1185, when the famous scholar Eustathius was bishop, the Normans under Tancred stormed the city, and once more a general massacre took place. In 1204 Thessa- lonica became the center of a Latin kingdom under Boniface, marquis of Monferrat, and for over two centuries it passed from hand to hand, now ruled by Latins now by Greeks, until in 1430 it fell before the sultan Amurath II. After that time it remained in the possession of the Turks, and it was, indeed, the chief European city of their dominions, with the exception of Constantinople, until it was recaptured by the Greeks in the Balkan war of 1912. Its population includes some 32,000 Turks, 47,000 Jews (mostly the descendants of refugees from Spain) and 16,000 Greeks and other Europeans. The city is rich in examples of Byzantine ecclesiastical architecture and art, and possesses, in addition to a large number of mosques, 12 churches and 25 synagogues.

    LITERATURE. The fullest account of the topography Of Thessalonica and its history, esp. from the 5th to the 15th cent., is that of Tafel, De Thessalonica eiusque agro. Dissertatio geographica, Berlin, 1839; cf also the Histories of Gibbon and Finlay. A description of the town and its ancient remains is given by Leakc. Travels in Northern Greece, III, 235 ff; Cousinery, Voyage dans la Macedoitie, I, 23 fl; Heuzey. Mission archeol. de Maeedoine, 272 ff; and other travelers. The inscriptions, mostly in Gr, are collected in Dimitsas, MttKfSoi/ia (Makedonia), 421 fl.

    M. North. Too



Letter "T"

    THEUDAS, thu'das (QevSas, Theudas, a con- traction of Theodorus, "the gift of God"): Theudas is referred to by Gamaliel in his speech before the Sunhedrin, when he advised them us to the position they should adopt in regard to the apostles (Acts 6 36). The failure of the rebellion of Theudas was quoted by Gamaliel on this occasion as typical of the natural end of such movements us were inspired "not. of God, but of men." A rising under one Theudas is also described by Jos (.t///, XX, v, 1), but this occurred at a later date (according to Jos about, 44 or 45 AD) than the speech of Gamaliel (before 37 AD). Of the theories put forward in explanation of the apparent anachronism in Gama- liel's speech, the two most in favor are (1) that as there were many insurrections during the period in question, the two writers refer to different Theu- duses; (2) that the reference to Theudus in the narrative of Acts was inserted by a later reviser, whose historical knowledge was inaccurate (Weiss; cf also Knowling, Expos Clr Test., II, 157-59).

    C. M. KERB

    THICK TREES (fa? y? , Vf *al>hdtli [Leviticus 23 40; Nehemiah 8 15]): One of the varieties of trees which the Israelites were directed to use at the Feast of Taber- nacles; in the latter passage they are expressly directed to make booths with them. According to the Talmudic writings, the "thick trees" an; myrtles (Xtik. 12';; Jeremiah Suk. iii, 53d), and further tradition has prescribed certain special features as to the varieties of myrtle employed, without which they cannot be used in the ritual of the feast. In Sir 14 IS "thick tree" represents Stvdpov Sacrv, dcndron dasii, "leafy tree." See MYRTLE.

    THICKET, thik'et (-fll? , rbhakh [Genesis 22 13; Isaiah 9 18; 10 34], or -fib \\\\\\\\ sdbhckh [Jeremiah 47]; in 1 Samuel 13 G, rnn , h

    THIEF, thef: In the OT the uniform tr (17 t) of 333, fjanndbh, from f/anabh, "steal," but ganndh/i is rather broader than the Eng. "thief," and may even include a kidnapper (Deuteronomy 24 7). In Apoc and the NT, AV uses "thief" indifferently for K\\\\\\\\^TTT^, klepies, and A^trTifc, Irstfs, but RV always | renders the latter word by "robber" (a great im- provement). See CRIMES. The figurative use of thief" as "one coming without warning" (Matthew 24 43, etc) needs no explanation.

    The penitent thief ("robber," RV Mark 15 27; Matthew 27 38.44; "malefactor," Luke 23 32.39) was one of the two criminals crucified with Christ. According to Mark and Matthew, both of these joined in the crowd's mockery, but Luke tells that one of them reproached his fellow for the insults, acknowledged his own guilt, and begged Christ to remember him at the coming of the Kingdom. And Christ replied by promising more than was asked immediate ad- mission into Paradise. It should be noted that unusual moral courage was needed for the thief to make his request at such a time and under such circumstances, and that his case has little in common with certain sentimental "death-bed repentances."

    To explain the repentance and the acknowledg- ment of Christ as Messiah, some previous acquaint- ance of the thief with Christ must be supposed, but all guesses as to time and place are of course useless. Later tradition abundantly filled the blanks and gave the penitent thief the name Titus or Dysmus. See ASSASSINS; HAHABBAS.


    THIGH, (hi (tf-p , ydrekfi; Aram. [Dnl 2 32[; PIPSI meros [Jth 9 2; Sir 19 12; Ilev 19 It)]; as part of a sacrificial animal [Exodus 29 22, etc] plB, .vAo/,-, AV, RVm ''shoulder"; in addi- tion AV has "thigh" for xhdk in Isaiah 47 2 [RY "leg"]): The portion of the leg from the knee to i he hip, against which a weapon hangs when suspended from t he waist (Exodus 32 27; Judges 3 It). 21 : Psalm 45 3, etc). So the thigh of a rider on horse- back would be covered by a loose girdle, on which his name might be embroidered (The Revelation 19 It')). The "hollow of the thigh" (Genesis 32 25 IT) is the hip- socket or the groin. See also I In-.

    The thighs were thought to play a part in pro- creation (Genesis 46 2(5; Exodus 1 5, EV "loins"; Judges 8 30, EV "body"; cf Nil 5 21 ff), so that an oath taken with the hand under the thigh (Genesis 24 2.9; 47 29) was taken by (lie life-power (the rabbis interpreted "by the seal of circumcision"). It, is perhaps significant that this oath in both Genesis 24 and 47 is said to have been exacted by persons in danger of death. Doubtless this association of the thigh with life (aided perhaps by its excellence as food [1 South 9 24; East/.k 24 4]) determined its choice as a sacri- ficial portion (Exodus 29 22, etc; on the "heave thigh" see SACRIFICE). Consequently it is natural to iind the thigh classed as forbidden ("sacred") food among certain peoples, and, probably, this sacred character of the part is the real basis of Genesis 32 32: ''The children of Israel eat not the sinew of the hip which is upon the hollow of the thigh, unto this day." The origin of the prohibition, however, was unknown to the writer of the verse, and he sought, an explanation from a story in which special atten- tion was called to the thigh. Nothing else is heard about this precept in the OT, but it receives elab- orate attention in the Mish (llullln, vii), when 1 , for instance, all food cooked with meat containing the sinew (nerrus ischiadicus) is rendered unclean if t he sinew imparts a flavor to it, but not otherwise 1 . (For further details see the conuns., esp. Skinner [ICC] and 7?North 2 , 3SO.) One of the proofs of guilt in the jealousy trial (Nil 5 27) was the fulling-away of the "thigh" (a euphemism; see JEALOUSY). To smite upon the thigh was a token of contrition (Jeremiah 31 19) or of terror (K/r 21 12).


    THIMNATHAH, thim'na-tha, Ihim-nu'fhu (nr^F!, timnatkah): AV in Joshua 19 43. It is correctly "Timnah" with lie locale meaning "toward Timnah." See TIMNAII.

    THINK, think: The OT often translates n^X , 'dinar, "to say," meaning what one says to himself, and hence a definite and clearlv formulated decision or purpose (Genesis 20 11; Numbers 24 4; Ruth 4 4, etc), illustrated by the change made by RV in AV of Est 6 (5, where "thought in his heart" becomes "said in his heart." In other passages, for SttJn , hdshnbh, !~P2' : 1 , dumdh, or East'ET , zamam, indicating the result of mental activity, as in an intention or est imute formed after careful deliberation (cf Ecclus 18 25). In the NT, most frequently for 8o/!u, dokcO, "to be of the opinion," "suppose," lit. "seem" (Matthew 39; 67; Luke 10 36, etc). Sometimes, for \\\\\\\\oyio/, logizomai, "to compute," "reckon" (Romans 2 3, etc); sometimes, for vo/j.lfa, nomizo, lit. re- ferring to what attains the force of law (v6/j.os, n6mos), and then, "to be of the opinion"; or, for (j>pov<:u, phroneo, implying a thought That is cherished a mental habit, rather than an act (Romans 12 ;->; 1 Corinthians 13 11). The Gr yyto/j.a.1, hcgeomai, "to con- sider," implies logical deduction from premises (Acts 26 2; Phil 2 6), while in Matthew 1 20; 9 4, and Acts 10 19, Iviin/jLovnai, enthumoumai, refers



    Theudas Thomei

    to the mental process itself, the thinking-out of a project, the concentration of the faculties upon the formation of a plan. II. East. JACOBS

    THIRD, thurd pttFTj , sh'lisln; rpCros, Isaiah 19 24, "In that day shall Israel be the third with Egypt and with Assyria," etc, brings out very distinctly the universal and missionary character of Isaiah's prophecies and of Israel's destiny (cf Ezekiel 16 03; and see G. A. Smith, Isaiah, II, 275, 278; Watkinson, The Blind Xpol, 21 ff).

    For "third hour," "third month," "third year," see CALKNDAK; DAY; TIMK.

    THIRD DAY. See LORD'South DAY.

    THIRST, thurst (12 , gama 1 , vb. XKZ , Si4/dw, dipsdu, Styos, f/?/;.sv).s', 8\\\\\\\\|/a, d'tpsa): One of the most powerful natural appetites, the craving for water or other drink. Besides its natural sig- nificance, thirst is figuratively used of strong spirit- ual desire. The soul thirsts for God (Psalm 42 2; 63 1). Jesus meets the soul's thirst with water of life (John 4 13 ff; 6 35; 7 37). It is said of the heavenly bliss, "They shall hunger no more; neither thirst any more" (The Revelation 7 10.17; cf Isaiah 49 10).

    THIRTEEN, thur'ten,thur-ten', THIRTY.thur't i. See NUMBER.

    THISBE, thiz'be (B, Qla-fa, Thisbc, A, QLfa, Thibe): The home of Tobit whence he was carried into captivity to Babylon. It is said to be "on the right hand [i.e. South.] of Kedesh-naphtali in Galilee" (Tob 1 2). Some have thought that this was the native place of Elijah the Tishbite, but this is mere conjecture. The site has not been recovered. We need not expect strict geographical accuracy in the romance of Tobit, any more than in that of Judith.

    THISTLES, this"lz. See THORNS.

    THOCANUS, tho-ka'nus (OoKavos, TMkanos, uKavos, Thokanos; AV Theocanus) : The father of Ezekias, who with Jonathan "took the matter upon them" in the proceedings under Ezra against foreign wives (1 Esdras 9 14) = "Tikvah" in T Jzr 10 15.

    THOMAS, tom'as (w^, Thomas; DSW , la Dm, "a twin" (in j)l. only) : One of the Twelve

    Apostles. Thomas, who was also called 1. In the "Didymus" or "the Twin" (cf John 11 10- NT 20 24; 21 2), is referred to in detail

    by the Gospel of John alone. His elec- tion to the Twelve is nvorded in Matthew 10 3; Mark 3 IS; Luke 6 15; Acts 1 13. In John 11 1-54, when Jesus, despite imminent danger at the hands of hostile Jews, declared His intention of going to Bethany to heal Lazarus, Thomas alone opposed the other disciples who sought to dissuade Him, and protested, "Let us also go; that we maydie with him" (11 16). On the eve of the Passion, Thomas put the question, "Lord, we know not whither thou goest; how know we the way?" (14 5). After the crucifixion, Thomas apparently severed his con- nection with the rest of the apostles for a time, as he was not present when the risen Christ first ap- peared to them (cf 20 24). But his subsequent conversation with them, while not convincing him of the truth of the resurrection "except I shall see .... I will not believe" (20 25) at least induced him to be among their number eight days afterward (20 20) in the upper room. There, hav- ing received the proofs for which he sought, he made the confession, "My Lord and my God"

    (20 28), and was reproved by Jesus for his previous unbelief: "Because thou hast, seen me, tliou hast believed: blessed are they that have; not seen, and yet have believed" (20 29). He was one of the disciples to whom Jesus manifested Himself during the fishing expedition at the Sea of Tiberias (21 1-11).

    According to the " Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles " (Cf Budge, The Contendinus of the. Apostle*, H, f,0)

    Thomas was of the house of Asher. The 2. In ApOC- Oldest accounts are to the effect that he rvnhal di( ' (l il natura l death (cf Clement of Alex-

    andria iy.9, 71). Two fields are men- i^uerdture turned by apocryphal literature as the

    scene of Thomas' missionary labors. (1) According to Origon, he preached in Parthia, and accord- ing to a Syrian legend he died at Kdessa. The Agbar

    cent., tells how when the world was partitioned out as a mission field among the disciples. India fell to "Judas 1 homas, also called Didymus." and narrates his adven- tures on the way, his trials, missionary success, and death at the hands of Misdai, king of India (cf Budge II 404 ff; Hennecke, North eutestamentliche Apokryphen 473-544- Pick. The Apocryphal Aet, 22-1 it). The "Preaching of St. Thomas" (cf Budge, II, 31!)) relates still more fan- tastic adventures of Thomas in India, and the "Martyr- dom of St. Thomas in India" states that on his departure toward Macedonia he was put to death as a sorcerer.

    Of the two, the former is the more probable. An attempt at reconciliation has been made by supposing that the relics of Thomas were transported from India to Edessa, but this is based on inaccurate historical in- formation (cf Hennecke, op. cit., 474). The additional names .1 udas and ' ' Didymus ' ' have caused further con- fusion in apocryphal literature in regard to Thomas and have led to his identification with Judas of James 'and hence with Thaddaeus (see THADDAEUS), and also'with

    APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS, III, 2, [a]') was known to Irenaeus (cf Iren., Adv. Haer., i.20).

    Although _ little is recorded of Thomas in the Gospels, he is yet one of the most fascinating of the

    apostles. He is typical of that nature 3. Cnaractei a nature by no means rare which

    contains within it certain conflicting elements exceedingly difficult of reconciliation. Possessed of little natural buoyancy of spirit, and inclined to look upon life with the eyes of gloom or despondency, Thomas was yet a man of indomi- table courage and entire unselfishness. Thus with a perplexed faith in the teaching of Jesus was mingled a sincere love for Jesus the teacher. In the incident of Christ's departure for Bethany, his devotion to his Master proved stronger than his fear of death. Thus far, in a situation demanding immediate ^action, the faith of Thomas triumphed; but when it came into conflict with his standards of belief it was put to a harder test. For Thomas desired to test all truth by the evidence of his senses, and in this, coupled with a mind tenacious both of its beliefs and disbeliefs, lay the real source of his religious difficulties. It was his sincerity which made him to stand aloof from the rest of the disciples till he had attained to personal conviction regarding the resurrection; but his sincerity also drew from him the testimony to that conviction, "My Lord and my God," the greatest and fullest in all Christianity. C. M. KKKK


    THOMEI, thom'South-i (A, 0o|ic, Thonm, Fritzsche, 0o|io, Thomoi, B and Swete, 0o(i0e, Thomthd; AV Thomoi): A family name of temple-servants who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 6 32) = "Temah" in Ezra 2 , r >3; Nehemiah 7 55.

    Thorn in the Flesh Threshing-Floor



    THORN, thorn, IN THE FLESH (o-KoXovJ/ rfj

    It is probably only a coincidence that "pricks in your eyes" (LXX .sAv'^/x.s) are mentioned in Numbers 33 .")."). Any pedestrian in Philestina-Canaan Land must be familiar with the ubiquitous and troublesome thorny shrubs and thistles which abound there.


    THORNS, thorn/, THISTLES, ETC: There are very many references to various thorny plants in the Bible," and of the Hob words employed great uncertainty exists regarding their exact meaning. The alternative 1 r s given in the text of EV and in the margin show how divided are the views of the trans- lators. In the following list the suggestions given of p >ssible species indicated, usually by comparison with the Arab., are those of the late Professor Post, who spent the best years of his life in study of the botany of Philestina-Canaan Land. In the great majority of instances, however, it is quite impossible to make any reason- able suggestion as to any particular species being indicated.

    (1) TB55, 'tWulh (Judges 9 14, EV "bramble," AVm "thistle, " r RVm "thorn"; Psalm 58 9, EV "thorns"): Probably the buckthorn (lUi

    (2) D^p/IS, barlcdnlm (Judges 8 7.16, EV "briers"): Some thorny plant. The Egyp-Arab. htin/an. is, according to Moore (Connn. on, ./f/.s), the same as Centaurea .STO/K//-///X (North.O. Compositae), a common Palestinian thistle.

    (3) "I"~H, 'lardar (Genesis 3 IS; Hosea 10 8, EV "thistle"; LXX rpif3o\\\\\\\\os, (riholos): In Arab., shanket ed-dardar is a general name for the thistles known as Ccnlnnmic. or star-thistles (North.O. C

    (4) p"n, hcdhek (Prov 15 19, EV "thorns"; LXX &Ka.vBal dkanlha; Mic 7 4, EV "brier"): From former passages this should be some thorny plant suitable for making a hedge (of Arab, hadalf, "to inclose," "wall in"). Lane states that Arab. hndak is Solatium sanctum. Post suggests the oleaster, Eleagnus hortensis.

    (5) rnn , ho a h; LXX KvlSij, knide, and &Kavda, dkantha (2 Kings 14 9; Job 31 40, EV "thistle," in "thorn"; 2 Chronicles 25 IS, EV "thistle," AVm "furze

    bush," RVm "thorn"; IIos 9 G; Cant 2 2, EV "thorns"; Isaiah 34 13, AV "brambles," RV "thistles"; Prov 26 9, EV "a thorn"; 1 Samuel 13 G, "thickets";

    ET^n, hdirdlum, is, however, according to Driver and others a corruption for C^TH , horlm, "holes"; Job 41 2, AV "thorn," RV "hook"; 2 Chronicles 33 11, AV "thorns," RV "in chains," m "with hooks"): Clearly ho a h stands for some plant with very strong thorns, but it is quite impossible to say what species is intended; indeed, probably the word was used in a general way. See HOOK.

    ((')) nZ'C'C , )n''*ilk/iali, occurs only in Mic 7 4, where it means a "thorn hedge 1 ."

    (7) pi?:, na'd^ilg (Isaiah 7 19, AV "thorns," RV "thorn hedges"; Isaiah 55 13, EV "thorn") : The word is derived from V f": , /iV/o, "to prick," or "pierce," and probably applies to any prickly plant. The LXX tr ffroilBr), xloibe (Isaiah 55 13), suggests the thorny burnet, Poterium xpinosnm., so common in Philestina-Canaan Land (see BOTANY). Post says, "It may be one ot the thorny acacias" (IIl)H, lV, 752).

    (South) D^TP , V'-lm (Eeel 7 0, "the crackling of thorns [?Mm] under a pot" [sir] ; Isaiah 34 13, "Thorns shall come up in its palaces"; Hosea 2 0, "I will hedge up thy way with thorns"; Nah 1 10, En- tangled like thorns [AV "folden together as thorns"] they are consumed utterly as dry stubble") : The thorny burnet, I'/ilirimn xpittosmn, is today so extensively used for burning in ovens and lime- kilns in Philestina-Canaan Land that it is tempting to suppose this is the plant esp. indicated hero. In Am 4 2 riTC , lroth, is tr a "fish-hooks." See HOOK.

    (9) l ; i5P, silldn (Ezekiel 28 24, EV "brier"); :r: ; ,5D, villonlm (Ezekiel 2 G, FA' "thorns"): Arab. ^ Hlt lla = "thorn."

    (10) D"Q"}C , mrdbhlm (Ezekiel 2 G, EV "briers," AVm "rebels"): The tr as a plant name is very doubtful.

    (11) "SnD, Kirpailh (Isaiah 55 13, "Instead of the brier shall 'come up the myrtle-tree"): LXX has Kcwsa, knnuza, which is (Post) the elecampane, Itmla rixcoxa (North.O. Compositae), a ])lant 2 or_3 ft. high, growing on the bare hillsides of Philestina-Canaan Land, not infre- quently in close association with the myrtle.

    (12)' ""^i, C''"" 7/ " (J <)0 & ' r> ! ^ >rov 22 "'' ^ "thorns"); C" 1 !" 1 :^ , ftuxun (Numbers 33 55; Joshua 23 13, I'West "thorns")': The words apparently have a very general meaning.

    (13) f ip , koq; LXX &Kai>8a, dkanlha: A general name for thorny and T>riekly plants, the commonest in the OT (Genesis 3 IS, Exodus 22 G; Judges 8 7.1G; 2 Samuel 23 G; Psalm 118 12; Is;: 32 13; 33 12; Jeremiah 4 3; 12 13; Ezekiel 28 24; Hosea 10 South).

    (14) tTiTGp, kimuwsh (Prov 24 31, "thorns"; Isaiah 34 13; Hosea 9 G, "nettl-s"). See NETTLES.

    (15) ITS , sikknn, pi. of TfL' , wkli, same as Arab. ^0, skauh, "a thorn" (Numbers 33 55, "pricks").

    (16) rPTp, shayith: A word peculiar to Isaiah (5 G; 7 23 ff; 9 18; 10 17; 27 4) and always associated with shamir (see [17]), always tr' 1 "thorns."

    (17) "P'pip , s/iomtr: References as above (16), and in Isaiah 32 13 T , where it is with kd$ (sec [13]) always tr d "briers." The Arab, samwr is the thorny acacia A. wyyal and A. tortilis (Post).

    (18) &Kav6os, dkanthos: The equivalent of koq (see [13]) (Matthew 7 16; 13 7.22; 27 29, etc). Always tr' 1 "thorns." ;;

    (19) pd/jivos, rhdmnos (Bar 6 71, "white thorn ): The Rhamnus Palaestinu.

    (20) o-K6, skoloi>8 (2 Corinthians 12 7, EV "thorn,' m "stake"). Sec THORN IN THE FLESH.



Letter "T"

    (21) rpipoXos, Iribolos (Alt, 7 10, "thistle": II< 6 8, AV "briers," RV "thistles").

    The extraordinary plcntifulness of variou,' prickly plants in Philestina-Canaan Land in its present condition it evident to any traveler during the summer months. Many of the trees and shrubs are thorny and the ground is everywhere covered thick with thistles, many of which are very handsome and some of which attain a height of 6 or 8 ft. Before the peasant can plough, he must clear these away by burning (ef Isaiah 10 17). The early autumn winds often drive before them in revolving mass some of the star- thistles a sight so characteristic that it may be the "thistle down" (AVm, RV "whirling dust") of Isaiah 17 13. Thorns and thistles are described (Genesis 3 IS) as God's curse on the ground for sin. The Talm suggests that these must be edible and are therefore artichokes. The removal of them and the replacement by more useful plants is a sign of God's blessing (Isaiah 65 13; Ezekiel 28 24).

    Genesis 3 18 uses the words "pp and "iT^J for "thorns" and "thistles." Midhrash Rabba' to Genesis (Midr. Genesis. Rabba' 20 10) says that yip ("thorn") is the same as rPDSy Cakkabhlth), which means an edible thistle (cf Levy, Diet., 645), and that ^TH (dardar, "thistle") is the same as D^p (kinras; Gr Kwapa, kundra, "arti- choke") (cf Levy', Diet., 298). "But," adds the Midrash some reverse it, and say that Til. 1 ! (dardar) is

    . Cakkdbhith) and that 'pp (kos) is D"i:" 1 p (kinras)."

    The neglected vineyard of the sluggard "was all grown over with thorns, the face thereof was covered with nettles" (Prov 24 31), and in God's symbolic vineyard "there shall come up briers and thorns" (Isaiah 5 G); "They have sown wheat and have reaped thorns; they have put themselves to pain, and profit nothing" (Jeremiah 12 13).

    Jotham compares the usurper Abimelech to a bramble (Rhamnus Palaestina) (Judges 9 14 f), and Jehoash, king of Israel, taunted Amaziah, king of Judah, by comparing him slightingly to a thistle (m "thorn"), readily trodden down by a wild beast (2 Kings 14 9).

    Nevertheless thorns and thistles have their uses. On them the goats and camels browse; scarcely any thorns seem to be too sharp for their hardened palates. The thorny burnet (Poterium spinosum), Arab, ballan, which covers countless acres of bare hillside, is used all over Philestina-Canaan Land for ovens (Eccl 7 6) and lime-kilns. Before kindling one of these latter the fellahin gather enormous piles of this plant carried on their heads in masses much larger than the bearers around the kiln mouth.

    Thorny hedges around dwellings and fields are very common. The most characteristic plant for the purpose today is the "prickly pear" (Opunctia ficus Indica), but this is a comparatively late intro- duction. Hedges of brambles, oleasters, etc, are common, esp. where there is some water. In the Jordan valley masses of broken branches of the Zizyphus and other thorny trees are piled in a circle round tents or cultivated fields or flocks as a pro- tection against man and beast (Prov 15 19; Mic 7 4, etc).

    The Saviour's "crown of thorns" (Matthew 27 29) was according to Palestinian tradition constructed from the twisted branches of a species of Rham- naceae, either the Zizyphus lotus or the Z. spina.

    East. West. G. MASTERMAN

    THOUGHT, thot: The most frequent word in the OT (nznprra, mahdshebheth, from the vb. STZJn , hashabh, "to think") refers to a "device," or a purpose firmly fixed, as in the passage in Isaiah (55 7-9) where the "thoughts" of God and of man are contrasted (cf Psalm 40 5; 92 5; Jeremiah 29 11). In the NT 8ia\\\\\\\\o-yi(rfj.6s, dialogismos (Matthew 15 19; 1 Corinthians 3

    Thorn in the Flesh Threshing-Floor

    20), refers to the inner reasoning or deliberation of one with himself. See THINK.

    THOUSAND, thousand (rbx chilioi). See NUMBER.

    THRACIA, thra'shi-a, THRACIAN, Ihra'shan (QpaKia, Thrakia): The name given to the country lying between the rivers Strymon and Danube Mention is made of a Thracian horseman in 2 Mace 12 35. The cavalry of this fierce people were in demand as mercenaries in all countries. In 40 AD Thrace became the name of a Romans province. Some have sought a connection between Thraeia and the TIRAS (q.v.) of Genesis 10 2, but the identi- fication is conjectural.

    THRASAEUS, thra-se'us (A, Swete and Fritzsche, paeraios, Thrasaios, V, Oapo-iou, Tharsiou, \\\\\\\\", 0apo-ox>, Tharseou; Conjee. I fort, apo-e'a, Tharseu; AV Thraseas): The father of APOLLONIUS (q v j (2 Mace 3 5). RVm gives "Or 'Thraseas.'" The Gr text is probably corrupt. Perhaps the true reading is "Apollonius of Tarsus."



    T P C South)

    See NUM-



    THREESCORE, thre'skor. See NUMBER.

    THRESHING, thresh'ing (OTT , dash; d\\\\\\\\odo>, (dodo): Dush means, lit., "to trample out." In Jeremiah 51 33, :f"n , ddrakh, is used of threshing. Fitches and cummin were beaten off with a rod. The dis- tinction between beating and threshing is made in Isaiah 28 27. Gideon, in order to avoid being seen by the Midianites, beat out his wheat in a wine press instead of threshing it on the threshing-floor (Judges 6 11). For a general description of the thresh- ing operations see AGRICULTURE. _ Figurative: "Thou shalt thresh the mountains," i.e. thou wilt overcome great difficulties (Isaiah 41 1-5). Babylon's destruction was foretold poetically in the language of the threshing-floor (Isaiah 21 !() Jeremiah 51 33; Dnl 2 35); Zion's foes would be gathered as sheaves on the threshing-floor (Mic 4 12.13; cf 2 Kings 13 7; Am 1 3; Hub 3 12); thresh- ing unto the vintage, i.e. throughout the summer, indicated an extra abundant yield (Leviticus 26 5) .


    THRESHING-FLOOR, t.-flor (f$ , gdren; a\\\\\\\\o>v, hdlon; "Htf , 'iddar, occurs in Dnl 2 35) : The location and method of making threshing-floors have already been described under AGRICULTURE. These floors have come into prominence because of the Bib. events which occurred on or near them. Joseph with his kinsmen and Egyp followers halted For seven days at the threshing-floor of Atad to lament the death of Jacob (Genesis 50 10). Probably there was a group of floors furnishing a convenient spot for a caravan to stop. Travelers today wel- come the sight of a threshing-floor at their halting- place. The hard level spot is much preferable to the surrounding stony fields for their tents.

    David built an altar on Oman's (Araunah's) threshing-floor (2 Samuel 24 18-24; 1 Chronicles 21 18-27), which later became the site of the Temple (2 Cli 3 1). David probably chose this place for his altar because it was on an elevation and the ground was already level and prepared by rolling. Fzzah died near the threshing-floor of Nacon for touching the ark (2 Samuel 6 G). Ruth reveals herself to Boaz on his threshing-floor (Ruth 3 0-9).



Letter "T"

    Tliroshing-floors ;ire in clangor of being robbed (1 Samuel 23 1). For this reason someone always sleeps on the floor until the grain is removed (Ruth 3 7). In Syria at the threshing season it is customary for the family to move out to the vicinity of the threshing-floor. A booth is constructed for shade; the mother prepares the meals and takes her turn with the father and children at riding on the sledge.

    The instruments of the threshing-floor referred to in 2 Samuel 24 22 were probably: (1) the wooden drag or sledge, hdriif or moragh, Arab, lauh c

    bim" (1 Samuel 4 4 RYrn; cf 2 Samuel 6 2; 2 Kings 19 15); Solomon's throne is really Job's throne (1 Chronicles 29 23), and there shall come a time when Jerujs shall be called "the throne of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," (Jor 3 17) and the enemies of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), shall be judged by him ("1 will set my throne in Elam," Jeremiah 49 3

    (3) The rule of the promised theocratic king (the Messiah), its everlasting glory and righteousness. lie, too, is Jell's representative, inasmuch as He


    dims; (2) the fan (fork), mizreh, Arab, inidrd, for separating straw from wheat; (3) shovel, incghra- phdk, Arab, mlrfaslmt, for tossing the wheat into (ho air in winnowing; (4) broom, mat'dte', for sweeping the floor before threshing and for collect- ing the wheat after winnowing; (5) goad, malmcdh, Arab. me.nsds; (6) the yoke, *ol, Arab, tank; (7) sieve, k'bhdrdh, Arab, gharbal; (X) dung catcher, Arab, milkat. JAMKS A. PATCH

    THRESHOLD, thresh'old. See Horsi-:, II, 1, (7).

    THRONE, thron (55 ,', a "seat" in 2 Kings 4 10; a "royal seat" in Jon 3 o; Opovos, llimriox): Usually the symbol of kingly power and dignity. Solomon's throne was noted for its splendor and magnificence (1 Kings 10 18-20; cf 2 Chronicles 9 17-11)). It symbolizes:

    (1) The exalted position of earthly kings, rulers, judges, etc, their majesty and power (of kings: (ion 41 40; 1 Kings 2 19; Job 36 7, etc; denoting govern- ing or judicial power: 2 Samuel 14 9; Noh 37; Psalm 122 5, etc; often equivalent to kingdom or reign: 1 Samuel 2 Samuel; 1 Kings 1 37.47, etc; in this connection we note the expressions: "a man on the throne of Israel," 1X24, etc; "to sit upon a throne," 1 Kings 1 13.17, etc; Jeremiah 13 13, etc; "to set a person on a throne," 2 Kings 10 3; "the throne of Israel," 1 Kings 8 20, etc; "the throne of David," 2 Samuel 3 10, etc; of Solomon, 2 Samuel 7 13, etc; of Joash, 2 Chronicles 23 20, etc). In Jeremiah 17 12 it is equivalent to "temple" ("A glorious throne .... is the place of our sanc- tuary"); it symbolizes the power of the Gentiles being hostile to the people of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), (Psalm 94 20), and is used metaphorically in Isaiah 22 23 ("He [i.e. Eliakim] shall be for a throne of glory to his father's house").

    (2) The majesty and power of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), as the true king of Israel; He "is enthroned above the cheru-

    "shall rule upon his throne" (/oc 6 13). Thus (he permanence of the throne of David is warranted

    yptian Throne.

    (Isaiah 9 7); eternal peace (1 Kings 2 33), loving-kind- ness and justice (Isaiah 16 5) characterize his reign. The NT points to Jesus as this promised king (Luke



Letter "T"

    1 32; cf Acts 2 30; Ho 12 2); Christ Himself refers to His future st;ite of glory (Alt 25 31) ;ind guarantees His faithful disciples a similar dis- tinction (Matthew 19 2S; cf Luke 22 30; The Revelation 20 4).

    (4) The matchless glory, the transcendent power and absolute sovereignty of God (and Christ);


    Arm-Chair or Throne (Khorsabad).

    Micaiah "saw LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), sitting on his throne," etc (1 Kings 22 19; cf 2 Chronicles 18 18); Isaiah and Ezekiel had similar visions (Isaiah 6 1; Ezekiel 1 20); cf also Dnl 7 9 and The Revelation 4 2 (and often); in trying to depict the incomparable greatness of the King of kings, the Bible tells us that His throne is in heaven (Psalm 11 4, etc) and, moreover, that heaven itself is His throne (Isaiah 66 1; Matthew 5 34, etc); His reign is founded on righteousness and justice (Psalm 89 14; cf 97 2) and of eternal duration (Psalm 45 G; cf He 1 8; Lam 5 19); He acts justly and kindly (Psalm 9 4 and 89 14); He defends His glory (Jeremiah 14 21); He manifests His holiness (Psalm 47 8) and His grace (He 4 16), and yet His dealings with us are not always fully understood by us (Job 26 9).

    (5) Heavenly kingdoms or rulers (angels: Col 1 10). See KING, KINGDOM. WILLIAM BAUK

    THRUM, thrum: In Isaiah 38 12 RV reads "He will cut me off from the loom," in "thrum." "Thrum" is a technical term of weavers, denoting the threads of the warp hanging down in a loom, suiting nS 1 ! , dallah, "that which hangs down" (Cant 7 f), "hair"). A misinterpretation of "hang- ing down" is responsible for AV's "pining sickness."

    THUMMIM, thum'im. See URIM AND THUM-


    THUNDER, thun'der (DSH , raW [1 Samuel 2 10; Job 26 14; 39 19; 40 9; Psalm 77 18; 81 7; 104 7; Isaiah 29 0], Vlp, kol, "a voice" [Exodus 9 23; 1 Samuel 7 10; 12 17; Job 28 26; 382,5]): Thunder is the noise resulting from the lightning discharge. It is very common in the winter storms of Syria and Philestina-Canaan Land and occurs in the extra-season storms. Thunder accompanied the storm of hail in Egypt at the time of the plagues: "The Lord sent thunder and hail" (Exodus 9 23).

    Lightning and thunder are indications of the power of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), and His might. "The thunder of his power who can understand?" (Job 26 14); "The God of glory thundercth" (Psalm 29 3). LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), also con- fused the Philis with thunder (1 Samuel 7 10), and His foes were "visited of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), of hosts with thunder"

    (Isaiah 29 6). Thunder was regarded as (lie voice of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),: "God thundereth with the voice of his ex- cellency" (Job 37 4), and God spoke to Jesus in the thunder (Ppovr-r), brontt, John 12 29). See also LIGHTNING. ALFHKD II. JOY

    THYATIRA, thl-a-ti'ra (Ovdreipa, T/n/dteira'): Thyatira was a wealthy town in the northern part of Lydia of the Romans province of Asia, on the river Lycus. It stood so near to the borders of Mysia, that some of the early writers have; regarded it as belonging to that country. Its early history is not well known, for until it was refounded by Seleucus Nicator (301-281 BC) it was a small, insignificant town. It stood on none of the Gr trade routes, but upon the lesser road between Pergamos and Sardis, and derived its wealth from the Lycus valley in which it rapidly became a commercial center, but never a metropolis. The name "Thyatira" means "the castle of Thy a." Other names which it has borne are Pelopia and Semiramis. Before the time of Nicator the place was regarded as a holy city, for there stood the temple of the ancient Lydian sun-god, Tyrimnos; about it games were held in his honor. Upon the early coins of Thyatira this Asiatic god is represented as a horseman, bearing a double-headed battle-ax, similar to those repre- sented on the sculptures of the Hittites. A goddess associated with him was Boreatene, a deity of less importance. Another temple at Thyatira was dedicated to Sambethe, and at this shrine was a prophetess, by some supposed to represent the Jezebel of The Revelation 2 20, who uttered the sayings which this deity would impart to the worshippers.

    Thyatira was specially noted for the trade guilds which were probably more completely organized there than in any other ancient city. Every artisan belonged to a guild, and every guild, which was an incorporated organization, possessed property in its own name, made contracts for great con- structions, and wielded a wide influence. Power- ful among them was the guild of coppersmiths; another was the guild of the dyers, who, it is be- lieved, made use of the madder-root instead of shell-fish for making the purple dyestuffs. A member of this guild seems to have been Lydia of Thyatira, who, according to Acts 16 14, sold her dyes in Philippi. The color obtained by the use of this dye is now called Turkish red. The guilds were closely connected with the Asiatic religion of the place. Pagan feasts, with which immoral practices were associated, were held, and therefore the nature of the guilds was such that they were opposed to Christianity. According to Acts 19 10, Paul may have preached there while he was living at Ephesus, but this is uncertain; yet Christianity reached there at an early time. It was taught by many of the early church that no Christian might belong to one of the guilds, and thus the greatest opposition to Christianity was presented.

    Thyatira is now represented by the modern town of Ak-Hissar on a branch line of the Manisa-Soma Railroad, and on the old Romans road 9 hours from Sardis. Ak-Hissar is Turkish for "white castle," and near the modern town may be seen the ruins of the castle from which the name was derived. The village is of considerable size; most of the houses are of mud, but several of the buildings erected by Caracalla are still standing, yet none of them are perfect. In the higher part of the town are the ruins of one of the pagan temples, and in the walls of the houses are broken columns and sarcophagi and inscribed stones. The population of 20,000 is largely Gr and Armenian, yet a few Jews live among them. Before the town is a large marsh, fever- laden, and esp. unhealthful in the summer time, formed by the Lycus, which the Turks now call



Letter "T"

    (Icurdotk Chai. The chief modern industry is rug- making. j<: - > K-VNKS

    THYINE, tlil'in, WOOD (v\\\\\\\\ov 6vCvov, .niton thninon): An aromatic wood described as sold in "Babylon" (The Revelation 18 12, AVm "sweet wood"). It

    Thyine Wood (Callitri

    is tlie wood of (lie tliya (fan*, Ihn'i(i') tree, probably

    identical with Thuia articulata, an evergreen tree

    growing in North Africa,

    resembling the _ cypress,

    which in Romans times was

    employed for making

    valuable furniture.

    TIBERIAS, tl-be'ri-as (, VY/xr/V/.s, .In 6 2:}): About the middle of the western shore of the Sea of Galilee, the mount ains fall back from the coast, and leave a roughly crescent-shaped plain, about 2 miles in length. The modern city of Tiberias (fabanyeh') stands at the northern ex I remity, when; 1 he ground begins to rise; and the Hot Baths (Ham- inalh] at the south end. On the southern part of this plain Herod Antipas built a city (c 2(5 AD), calling it "Tiberias" in honor of the emperor who had befriended him. In clearing the ground and digging foundations cer- tain tombs were dis- turbed (Ant, XVIII, ii, 3). It may have been the graveyard of old Hammath. The palace, the famous "Golden House," was built on the top of a rocky hill which rises on the West. to a height of some 500 ft. The ruin is known today as Kasr

    hint cl-Mclfk, "Palace of the King's Daughter." The strong walls of the city can be traced in almost their entire length on the landward side. Parts are also to be seen ulong the shore, with towers at intervals which guarded against attack by sea. The ruins cover a considerable area. There is nothing above ground older than Herod's city. Only excavation can show whether or not the Talm ' is right, in saying that Tiberias was built, on the site of Rakkath and Chinnereth (Xcubauer, (Icog. (In Talin, 20S). The Jews were shy of settling in a city built over an old ceme- tery; and Herod had trouble in finding occupants for' it. A strange company it was that he ulti- mately gathered of the "poorer people," foreign- ers, and others ''not quite freemen"; and these were drawn by the prospect of good houses and land which he freely promised them. With its stadium, its palace "with figures of living things," and its senate, it may be properly described as a Gr city, although it also contained a proseucht-, or place of prayer, for the Jews (lij , II, xxi, (>; Vita, Nil, 54, etc). This accounts for it figuring so little in the Gospels. In his anxiety to win the favor of tin- Jews, Herod built for them "the finest synagogue in Galilee"; but many years were_ to elapse before it should become a really Jewish city.

    Superseding Sepphoris, Tiberias was the capital of Galilee under Agrippa I and the Romans procura- tors. It surrendered to Vespasian, and was given by Nero to Agrippa II, Sepphoris again becoming the capital. During the Jewish war its inhabitants were mainly Jewish, somewhat turbulent and diffi- cult to manage. In 100 AD, at Agrippa's death, the Romans assumed direct control. After the fall of Jems, the Sanhedrin retreated to Galilee, first to Sepphoris, and then to Tiberias. Here, some f ime before 220 A D, under supervision of 1 he famous Rabbi Jehuda ha-NasI', "Judah the Prince," or, as he is also called, horkadhosh, "the Holy," the


    civil and ritual laws, decrees, customs, etc, held to b;; of binding obligation, handed down by tradition, but not having Scriptural authority, were codified and written down, under the title of "Mishna." Here also later was compiled the Jerusalem Talm



Letter "T"

    (Y'rushalml) , as distinguished from (hat, compiled in Babylon (Babhll). The city thus became a great center of Jewish learning. Maimonides' tomb is shown near the town, and that of Akiba on the slope of the mountain, when; it, is said 24,000 of his disciples are buried wit h him.

    In Christian times Tiberias was the seal', of a bishop. It fell to the Moslems in (>.'$7. It changed hands several times as between the Crusaders and the Saracens. It was finally taken bv the Moslems in 1247.

    The inclosing walls of the modern city, and the castle, now swiftly going to ruin, were built bv Tancred and repaired by Daher el-'Omar in 1730. There are over 0,000 inhabitants, mostly Jews, in whose hands mainly is the trade of the place. The fishing in the lake, in which some 20 boats an; occu- pied, is carried on by Moslems and Christians. Tiberias is the chief inhabited place on the lake, to which jis in ancient days it gives its name, liahr Tabarlych, "Sea of Tiberias" (John 6 1; 21 ]). It, isthe market town for a wide district . The open ing of the Haifa-Damascus Railway has quickened the pulse of life considerably. A steamer and motor boat ply between the town and the station at Semach, bringing the place into easy touch with the outside world. The water of the lake is largely used for all purposes, although there are cisterns for rain water under some of the houses.

    After a residence of over five years in the city, the present, writer can say that it does not deserve the evil reputation which casual travelers have given it. In matters of cleanliness and health it stands com- parison very well with other oriental towns. Some- times, in east wind, it is very hot, the thermometer registering over 114 Fahr. in the shade. The worst time is just at the beginning of the rainy season, when the impurities that have gathered in the drought of summer are washed into the sea, contaminating the water.

    The Tinted Free Church of Scotland has here a well-equipped mission to the Jews. West. EWINCJ


    TIBERIUS, ti-be'ri-us (T^'pios, TiMrion}: The

    2d Jtom empjcror; full name Tiberius Claudius

    Nero, and official name as emperor

    1. Name Tiberius Caesar Augustus; born No- and Parent- vember 16, 42 BC. His father of age the same mime had been an officer

    under Julius Caesar and had later joined Antony against Octavian (Augustus). His mot her was Livia, who became the 3d wife of Augus- tus ; t hus T. was a stepson of Augustus.

    Much of his early life was spent in successful campaigning. Although the ablest of the possible

    heirs of Augustus, T. was subjected to

    2. Early many an indignity, Augustus accept - Life and ing him as his successor only when Relation to every other hope failed. When Julia, Augustus daughter of August us, became a widow

    for the second time (12 BC), T. was obliged to marry her (11 BC) in order to become protector of the future emperors. For this purpose; he was compelled to divorce his wife, Vipsania Agrippina, who had borne him a son, Drusus. Julia brought T. nothing but shame, and for her immoral- ity was banished by her father (2 BC). T. was consul in 12 BC, and received the proconsular authority, 9 BC. He carried on successful wars in Pannonia, Dalmatia, Armenia and Germany. He ret ired in disgust to voluntary exile at Rhodes where- he spent several years in study. In 2 AD, he re- turned to Rome, and lived there in retirement, 2-4 AD. On June 27, 4 AD, T. and Agrippa Post urn us were adopted by Augustus. From this date on T.

    Thyine Wood Tiberius

    came more and more into prominence, receiving the tribunician power for 10 years.

    In 13 AD (or according to Mommsen 11 AD) T.

    was by a special law raised to the co-regency

    August us died August, 1<), 14 AD, and

    3. Reign T. succeeded. A mutiny in the Rhine

    legions was suppressed by German icus. I he principal events of his reign (see also below; were the campaigns of (Jermanicus and Drusus, the withdrawal of the Romans to the Rhine, the settle- ment of the Armenian quest ion, the rise and fall of Sejanus, the submission of Parthia. In 2(5 AD, T. retired to Capreae, where rumor attributed to him every excess of debauchery. On March Hi, 37 AD, T. died at Misenum and was succeeded by Cains.

    On the whole, T. followed the conservative policy

    of Augustus and maintained the "diarchy." But

    he approached nearer to monarchy by

    4. Admin- receiving supreme power for an indefi- istration nite period. He went, beyond Augus- tus in practically excluding the people

    from government by transferring the right of elec- tion from the comitia of the people to the senate leaving to the people the right merely to acclaim the nominees of the senate, and further by imposing laws upon the people without their counsel or dis- cussion. He established a permanent praetorian camp at Rome a fact of great importance in later Romans history. The administration of T. was that of a wise, intelligent statesman with a strong sense of duty. The civil service was improved, and officers were kept longer at their posts to secure efficiency. Taxes were light on account of his economy. Pub- lic security increased. He paid attention to the administration of justice and humane laws were placed on the statute-book.

    Though T. was unpopular, he left the empire in

    a state of prosperity and peace. Of his character

    the most opposite views are held.

    5. Character His fame has suffered esp. from his

    suspecting nature, which extended the law of majestas to offences against his person and encouraged delation, which made the latter part of his reign one of terror. The tyranny of Sejanus, too, has been laid upon his shoulders, and lie has been accused of the wildest, excesses in his retreat at Capreae a charge which seems to be refuted by the fact that no interruption to his wise adminis- tration took place. His character has been black- ened most by Tacitus and Suetonius. But on nearer criticism T.'s character will appear in better light. No doubt, toward the close of his reign he degenerated, but his cruelties affected only the upper- classes^ He was called a tyrant, and was refused deification after death, and Augustus was said to have prophesied "Alas for the Romans people who shall be ground under such slow jaws." T. was stern and taciturn, critical with himself and, soured

    by his own disappointments, was suspicious of others. Pliny the Elder calls him "the gloomiest of men."' Much of his unpopularity was due to his inscruta- bility, to the fact that people could not understand him or penetrate into the mystery of his motives. He rarely took counsel with anyone. His life was frugal and modest a rebuke to the contemporary dissipation. He felt contempt for the inanities of court life, and was supremely indifferent to public opinion, but actuated by a strong sense of duty. The reign of T. is memorable as thai in which fell Our Lord's public ministry, death and resurrection. It also witnessed the preaching of 6. Tiberius John the Baptist (Luke 3 1), the conver- and the NT sion of Paul and perhaps his first preach- ing, the martyrdom of Stephen and the first Christian persecution (by the Jews). Ti- berius is mentioned by name only once in the NT (Luke 3 1): "the 15th year of the reign [r}ye/M>vla,



Letter "T"

    heycmonia] of Tiberius." The question is, From what (lute is this to be reckoned the date of T.'s co-regency, 13 (or 11) AD, or from his accession, 14 AD? lie is the "Caesar" mentioned in the Gos- pels in connection with Jesus' public ministry (Mkl2 14and||'s; John 19 12.1")). Herod Ant ipas built Tiberias in honor of T. (Jos, Ant, X\\\\\\\\1I1, ii-iii). It is unlikely that T. ever heard anything about, Christianity; it had not risen as yet into prominence. Early Christian writers wished to represent T., if not friendly to the new faith, at least as condemning the action of Pilate. Accord- ing to Justin (.(/>'>!., i.3").), Tertullian (Apol., 21) andEusebius (//#, II, ii), Pilate reported to T. about the trial and crucifixion of Jesus and some such report is not improbable. According to one apocry- phal tradition, T. actually summoned Pilate to Home to answer for crucifying Jesus. It is true that Pilate was sent to Rome by the governor of Syria to answer to a charge of unjustifiable cruelty, but T. died before Pilate reached Rome.

    TnderT., Philestina-Canaan Land was governed by Romans procurators. Toward the Jews in Italy, T. showed some intoler- ance. In 19 AD all the Jews were 7. Tiberius expelled from Rome according to Jos and the (Ant, XVIII, iii, /">), from Italy accord-

    Jews ing to Tacitus (Ann. ii.South">), and 4,000

    Jewish freedmen were deported to Sardinia to reduce bands of brigands. Pliilo at- tributes this severity to Sejanus, and says that after Sejanus' fall T., recognizing that the Jews had been persecuted without cause, gave orders that officials should not annoy them or disturb their rites. They were therefore probably allowed to return to Rome (see SchuriT, III, 60 f, 4th ed).

    LITER \\\\\\\\Trnr,. (a) Ancient lit., as modern. Is divided on its estimate of T.; Tac. Annul* i-vi; Dio Cassias Romans Hint, xlvi-xlviii, and Suetonius Til>. painting him in the darkest colors, while Velleius Paterculus II gives the other side. (l>) Of modern lit. it is enough to cite on opposite sides: .1. C\\\\\\\\ Tarver, Tibrriun the Tyrant, 1902; Ihne. Ziir EhrrnrHhuin tlf* K. Til,., 1S02, and tile moderate estimate of Merivale, Romans undiT the Empire.

    South. ANGUS

    TIBHATH, tib'hath (Piratf , tiWihnth; MerapTi- X!x't/t; Vulg T he- bath; Pesh Tcbkah): A city of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, from which David took much of the brass used later by Solomon in the construction of the temple-furnishings (1 Chronicles 18 8). In 2 Samuel 8 South we must for the/* 'tah of theMT read with the Syr Trbhah. It may be the same as the Tuhihi of the Am Tab; the Dibhit of the Karnak lists; and the Tuhihi men- tioned with Kadesh on the Orontes in the "Travels of an Egyptian" in the reign of Rameses II. The site is unknown, but it, must have been on the east- ern slopes of Anti-Lebanon, between which and the Euphrates we must locate Hadadezer's kingdom of Zobah. "Tebah" occurs also as an Aram, personal or tribal name in Genesis 22 24. West. M. CHKISTIK

    TIBNI, tib'nl 0^3P\\\\\\\\ , tibhnl; B, ajxveC, Thamnet, A, @a|ivl, Thamnl, Luc., 0a(3ewC, Thabcnncl): A rival of Omri for the throne of Israel after the death of Zimri (1 Kings 16 21 f). This is the only reference to Tibni that has come down to us; a comparison of this passage with the account of Zimri's death (esp. ver l. r >) shows that the length of the struggle was four years.

    TIDAL, ti'dal (>3Htt , tidh'al; aX-yd, Thalyd, aX^dX, Thalydl, East, ap^dX, Tharydl): Tidal is

    mentioned in Cien 14 1.9 in the ac- 1. The count of the expedition of Chedorlao-

    Name and mer of Elam, wit.h his allies, Arnraphel Its Forms of Shinar (Babylonia), Arioch of

    Ellasar, and Tidal, who is called "king of nations" (AV) (goi/im, Tg \\\\\\\\tmmm). Whether the

    last-named took part in this expedition as one^of Chedorlaomer's vassals or not is unknown. The Gr form possibly points to an earlier pronunciation Tad gal.

    The only name in the cuneiform inscriptions re- sembling Tidal is Tudhula, or, as it was probably later pronounced, Tudhul. This, from

    2. Its Baby- its form, might be Sumerian, meaning Ionian "evil progeny," or the like. In addi- Equivalent tion to the improbability of a name

    with such a signification, however, his title "king of

    The inscription in which the name Tudhula

    occurs is one of three of late date (4th to 3d cent.

    BC), all referring, apparently, to the

    3. The same historical period. The text in Babylonian question (>South/>. iii. 2) is of unbaked clay, Tudhula and is broken and defaced. After and His referring to a ruler who did not main- Time tain the temples, Durmah-ilfuii son of

    Eri-Aku (Arioch) is referred to, ap- parently as one who ravaged the country, and "waters [came] over Babylon and East-sagila," its great temple. The words which follow suggest that Durmah-ilani was slain by his son, after which a new invader appeared, who would seem to have been Twlhnla, son of Gazza(ni?). He likewise ravaged the land, and floods again invaded Baby- lon and East-sagila. To all appearance he met with the fate which overtook Durmah-ilani death at the hands of his son, who "smote his head." Then came the Elamite, apparently Chedorlaomer, who was likewise slain. This inscription, therefore, gave historical ((notations of the fate which overtook those who were regarded as enemies of the gods.

    Though we have here the long-sought name of

    Tidal, it may legitimately be doubted whether this

    personage was the ruler of that name

    4. Doubts mentioned in Genesis 14. The "nations" as to His (yf>!/im) which he ruled are regarded by Identity Sayce as having been wandering hordes

    (umtnan ma/nla), probably Modes. On the other hand, t he occurrence of the name Dud- halia, son of IJattusil (Khetasir), contemporary of Rameses II, in the inscriptions found at Hattu, the capital of the Ilittites, suggests that that extensive confederation may have been the "nations" referred to. In other words, Tidal or Tudhula (for Dud- halia) was an earlier ruler bearing the same name as HattuM's son. If he be, as is possible, the same

    personage as is mentioned in (Jen 14, 6. Probably he must have fought against Arioch's a Hittite son, conquered his domains and been

    killed, in his turn, by either the Bib. Chedorlaomer or another Elamite ruler bearing the same or a similar name. See AMRAPHEL; Aiuoeu; CHEUOKLAOMKK; Eui-AKu; NATIONS.


    TIGLATH-PILESER, tig-lath-pi-le'zer, -p!-le'zer pCX*South r,b:n , tiahlalh pil'cscr. as the name is read in "2 Kings, "Cr^East r,:n, UU f ghath pilnesir, in 2 Chronicles; LXX 'AXVaO^tXXao-dp, Algathphellasur; Assyr, Tukulti-abal-i-sarra): King of Assyria in the days of Menahem, Pekahiah, and Pekah, kings of Israel, and of Vzziah, Jothain and Ahaz, kings of Judah. The king of Assyria, whom the historian of 2 Kings knows as exacting tribute from Menahem, is Pul (2 Kings 15 19 f). In the days of Pekah who had usurped the throne of Menahem's son and successor, Pekahiah, the king of Assyria is known as Tiglath- pileser, who invaded Naphtali and carried the in- habitants captive to Assyria (2 Kings 16 29). This



Letter "T"

    Titflath-Pilescr I (from Rock Tablet near Korkhar).

    invasion is described by the Chronicler (1 Chronicles 5 25 f) rather differently, to the effect that "the God of Israel stirred up the spirit of Pul king of Assyria, and the spirit of Tilgat h-pilneser king of Assyria, and he carried them away, even the Reubenites, and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, and brought them unto Halah, and Habor, and Hara, and to the river of Gozan, unto this day." St ill later we find Pekah forming a coalition with Rezin, king of Damascus, into which they tried to force Ahaz, even going the length of besieging him in Jerusalem (2 Kings 16 5). The siege was unsuccessful. Ahaz called in the aid of Tiglath-pileser, sacrificing his independence to get rid of the in- vaders (2 Kings 16 7.8). He offered the Assyrian the silver and gold that were found in the house of the; Lord and in the royal treasury; and Tiglath-pileser, in return, invaded the territories of Damascus and Israel in the rear, compelling the allied forces to withdraw from Judah, while he captured Damascus, ami carried the people away to Kir and slew Rezin (2 Kings 16 9). It was on the occasion of his visit to Damascus to do homage to his suzerain Tiglath- pileser, that Ahaz fancied the idolatrous altar, a pattern of which he sent to Urijah, the priest, that he might erect an altar to take the place of the bra/en altar which was before the Lord in the temple at Jcrus. It is a significant comment which is made by the Chronicler (2 Chronicles 28 21) upon the abject submission of Ahaz to the Assyrian king: "It helped him not,"

    From the inscriptions we learn particulars which afford striking corroboration of the Bib. narrative and clear up some of the difficulties involved. It is now practically certain that Pul, who is mentioned as taking tribute from Mcnahcm, is identical with Tiglath-pileser (Schrader, COT, I, 230, 231). In all probability Pul, or Pulu, was a usurper, who as king of Assyria assumed the name of one of his predecessors, Tiglath-pileser I, and reigned as Tig- lath-pilcscr III. This king of Assyria, who reigned, as we learn from his annals, from 745 BC to 727 BC, was one of the greatest of Assyr monarchs. See ASSYRIA. From the fact that no fewer than five Hebrew kings are mentioned in his annals, the greatest interest attaches to his history as it has come down to us. These kings are Uzziah or Azariah, and Jehoahaz, that is Ahaz, of Judah; and Menahem, Pekah and Hoshea of Israel. Along with them are ment ioned their cont emporaries Rezin of Damascus, Hiram of Tyre, and two queens of Arabia, other- wise unknown, Zabibi and Samsi. When he died in 727 BC, he was succeeded by Shalmaneser IV, who had occasion to suspect the loyalty of his vas- sal Hoshea, king of Israel, and besieged him in Samaria.

    LITERATURE. Schrader, COT, I, 229-57; McCurdy, Hl'M, 279-341.

    TIGRIS, tl'gris (TCypis, Tigris, the Gr equivalent of the Hebrew ^jx."!! , hiddckcl) : One of the rivers of Eden going "eastward to Assyria" (Genesis 2 14m), called the Great River (Dnl 10 4), elsewhere men- tioned in the apocryphal books, as in Tob 6 1 ; Jth 1 6; Ecclus 24 25, called Diglath in Jos, and Diglit in Pliny, now called in Mesopotamia Dijlcfi, generally supposed to be a Sem corruption of Tigra, meaning originally an arrow, which from its rapid- ity of motion is symbolized. The Tigris rises in the mountains of Armenia, lat, 38 10', long. 39 20', only a few miles from the main branch of the

    Euphrates. After pursuing a tortuous south- easterly course for 150 miles, it is joined by the east branch at Osman Kieui, some distance below Diarbekr. Here the stream is 450 ft. wide and 3 or 4 ft. deep. Passing through numerous mountain gorges for another 150 miles, it emerges into the region of low hills about Nineveh, and a little below into the great alluvial plain of Mesopotamia. Thence in its course to Bagdad it is joined by the Great Zab, the Lesser Zab, the Adhem, and the Diyaleh rivers, bringing a large amount of water from the Zagros Mountains. At Bagdad the over- flows from the Euphrates in high water of ten increase the inundations. The flood season begins early in the month of March, reaching its climax about May

    I, declining to its natural level by midsummer. In October and November, the volume of water in- creases considerably, but not so much as to over- flow its banks. Below Bagdad, throughout the region of Babylonia proper, the Tigris joins with the Euphrates in furnishing 1he water for irrigation so successfully used in ancient times. English engineers are at present with great promise of suc- cess aiming to restore the irrigating systems of the region and the prosperity of ancient times. The total length of the river is 1,146 miles. It now joins the Euphrates about 40 miles North.West. of the Pers Gulf, the two streams there forming the Shat el Arab, but in early historical times they entered the Pers Gulf by separate mouths, the Gulf then extending a considerable distance above the present junction of the rivers, the sediment of the streams having silted up the head of the Gulf to that dis- tance. See also EDEN.

    GEORGE FREDERICK WRIGHT TIKVAH, tik'va, TIKVATH, tik'vath tikwah, "hope"):

    (1) The father-in-law of Huldah the prophetess (2 Kings 22 14) (B, QeKKovat, Thckkoiiau, A, QeKKovt, Thckkoue, Luc., 6e/West, Thekouv), called in 2 Chronicles 34 22 "Tokhath" (K"re T.npn , K-thibh nnplPl; B, KatfovdX, Kathoudl, A, QaKovdO, Thakoudth, Luc., QfKu/l, Thekoe). The reading of 2 Kings is to be pre- ferred.

    (2) The father of Jahzeiah (Ezra 10 15) (B, 'East\\\\\\\\Kd, Helkeid, A, 6e/cou

    TILE, til, TILING, til'ing (H^b , I'bhenah , "brick," Ezekiel 4 1 ; K6pap.os, ktmmox, "potter's clay," "a tile," Luke 6 19). See EZEKIEL, II, 1, (2); HOUSE,

    II, 1, (10).

    TILGATH-PILNESER, til'gath-pil-ne'zer, -ser. See TIULATH-PILE.SEK.


    TILON, ti'lon ( ]ln , tlldn; Kthibh K e re "pS^n ; B, 'Iviov, Jnon, A, QiXcSv, Thildn, Luc., 0o)\\\\\\\\C(i, Tholeim'): A son of Shimon (1 Chronicles 4 20).

    TIMAEUS, tl-me'us (Tijicuos, Timalos [Mark 10 46]; EV "Timaeus"). See BARTIMAEUS.

    TIMBREL, tim'brel. Sec Music, III, 3, (1).

    TIME, tlm: The basis of the Hebrew measurement of time w r as the day and the lunar month, as with the Semites generally. The division of the day into hours was late, probably not common until after the exile, although the sun-dial of Ahaz (2 Kings 20 9; Isaiah 38 8) would seem to indicate some division of the day into periods of some sort, as we know the night was divided. The word used for



Letter "T"

    "hour" is Aram. S7 TO , sh e *a' (XPl"tt) , sha'ta'), and docs not occur in the OT until the Book of Dnl (4 33; 6 5), and even there it stands for an indefi- nite period for which "time" would answer as well. The term "day" (2T , yom.) was in use from the earliest times, as is indicated in the story of the Creation (Genesis 1). It there doubt-

    1. The Day less demotes an indefinite period, but

    is marked off by "evening arid morn- ing" in accordance 1 with what we know w r as the method of reckoning the day of 24 hours, i.e. from sunset to sunset.

    The night was divided, during preexilic times, into three divisions called watches (rVTTCTCX , 'ashmurah,

    fn^TpX , ', making periods

    2. Night of varying length, as the night was

    longer or shorter (Judges 7 19). This division is referred to in various passages of the OT, but nowhere with indication of definite limits (see Psalm 90 4; 119 14S; Jeremiah 61 12; Ilab 2 1). In the XT we find the Romans division of the night in\\\\\\\\,o four watches (0uAaKiJ, phiilakf,) in use (Matthew 14 25; Mark 6 4S), but it is probable that the former division still persisted. The use of the term "day" for the period from sunrise to sunset, or for day as distinguished from night, was common, as at present (Joshua 10 13; Psalm 19 2; Prov 4 18; Isaiah 27 3; John 9 4, etc). But the use of the word in the in- definite sense, as in the expressions: "day of the Lord," "in that day," "the day of judgment," etc, is far more frequent (see DAY). Other more or less indefinite periods of the day and night arc: dawn, dawning of the day, morning, evening, noonday, midnight, cock-crowing or crowing of the cock, break of day, etc.

    The weekly division of time, or the seven-day period, was in use very early and must have been

    known to the Hebrews before the

    3. Week Mosaic Law, since it was in use in

    Babylonia before the davs of Abraham and is indicated in the story of the Creation. The Hebrew yiltJ , shdbhu a \\\\\\\\ used in the OT for "week," is derived from 5"5^ , shcbha*, the word for "seven." As the seventh day was a day of rest, or Sabbath (Hebrew ri3UJ , shabbdth], this word came to be used for "week," as appears in the NT (cra(3(3aT6v,-Td, sab- baton, -ta), indicating the period from Sabbath to Sabbath (Matthew 28 1). The same usage is implied in the OT_(Leviticus 23 15; 25 South). The days of the week were indicated by the numerals, first, second, etc, save the seventh, which was the Sabbath. In XT times Friday was called the day of preparation (irapaffKfvf/, paraskcu?) for the Sabbath (Luke 23 54). The monthly division of time was determined, of course, by the phases of the moon, the appearance

    of the new moon being the beginning

    4. Month of the month, TDn , hodhcsh. Another

    term for month was ycrah (H^), meaning "moon," which was older and derived from the Phoen usage, but which persisted to late times, since it is found in the Aram, inscriptions of the 3d cent. AD in Syria. The names of the months were Bab and of late origin among the Hebrews, prob- ably coming into use during and after the Captivity. But they had other names, of earlier use, derived from the Phoenicians, four of which have survived in "Abib," "Ziv," "Ethanim" and "Bui" (sec CALENDAR).

    The Hebrew year (HITE , sJidndh) was composed of 12 or 13 months, the latter being the year when an

    intercalary month was added to make 6. Year the lunar correspond with the solar

    year. As the difference between the two was from ten to eleven days, this required the


    addition of a month once in about three years, or seven in nineteen years. This month was added at the vernal equinox and was called after the month next preceding, w e -'ddhar, or the "second Adar." We do not know when this arrangement was first adopted, but it was current after the Captivity. There were two years in use, the civil and the ritual, or sacred year. The former began in the autumn, as would appear from Exodus 23 16; 34 22, where it is stated that the "feast of ingathering" should be at the end of the year, and the Sabbatic year began in the 7th month of the calendar or sacred year, which would correspond to September-October (Leviticus 25 9). Jos says (Ant, I, iii, 3) that Moses desig- nated Nisan (March-April) as the 1st month of the festivals, i.e. of the sacred year, but preserved the original order of the months for ordinary affairs, evidently referring to the civil year. This usage corresponds to that of the Turkish empire, where the sacred year is lunar and begins at different seasons, but the financial and political year begins in March O.South. The beginning of the year was called njlEH TUSH , ro'sh ha-shdndh, and was deter- mined by the priests, as was the beginning of the month. Originally this was done by observation of the moon, but, later, calculation was cm- ployed in connection with it, until finally a system based on accurate calculation was adopted, which was not until the 4th cent. AD. New-Year was regarded as a festival. See ASTRONOMY, I, 5; YEAR.

    The return of the seasons was designated by summer and winter, or seed-time and harvest; for they were practically the same. There 6. Seasons is, in Philestina-Canaan Land, a wet season, extending from October to March or April, and a dry season comprising the remainder of the year. The first is the winter (CHn , horcpli), and this is the seed-time (^jT, zcra'), csp. thefirst part of it called yorch ("HI" 1 ) , or the time of the early rain; the second is the summer (f 7|? , kayiQ, "fruit-harvest," or "V?j< , l'dir, "harvest").

    Seed-time begins as soon as the early rains have fallen in sufficient quantity to moisten the earth for plowing, and the harvest begins in some parts, as in the lower Jordan region, near the Dead Sea, about April, but on the high lands a month or two later. The fruit harvest comes in summer proper and continues until the rainy season. "The time when kings go out to war" (2 Samuel 11 1 ; 1 Kings 20 22) probably refers to the end of the rainy season in Nisan.

    We have no mention in the OT of any era for time reckoning, and wo do not find any such usage until the

    time of the Maccabees. There are occa- 7 No "Rra slonal references to certain events which I. 110 r-r

    generally adopted. Such was the Exodus in the account of the building of the temple (1 Kings 6 1) and the Captivity (Ezekiel 33 21; 40 1) and the Earth- quake (Am 1 1). Dates were usually fixed by tho regnal years of the kings, and of the Pcrs kings after tho Captiv- ity. When Simon tho Maccabee became independent of the Seleucid kings in 1415-142 or 139-138 BC, he seems to have established an era of his own, if we may attribute to him a series of coins dated by the years "of the inde- pendence of Israel" (see COINS: MONEY; also 1 Mace 13 41 and 15 6.10). The Jews doubtless were familiar with tho Seleucid era, which began In 312 BC, and with some of tho local eras of the Phoen cities, but we have no evidence that they made use of them. The era of the Creation was not adopted by them until after the time of Christ. This was fixed at 3,830 years before the destruction of the later temple, or 3760 BC. See ERA.


    TIME, TIMES AND A HALF (Dnl 12 7; cf 7 25; The Revelation 12 14): A luni-solar cycle. See AS- TRONOMY, I, 5.



Letter "T"


    TIMNA, tim'na (^'EP. , tinma* ; a^vd, Thatnnd): A concubine of Eliphaz, Esau's won, and (he mother of Amalek (Genesis 36 12). But in Con 36 22 and 1 Cli 1 39 Tiinna is the sister of Lolun, and in Con 36 40 and 1 Chronicles 1 51 a chief or clan of Edom (see TIMNAH, [I]}). Those variations are to be ex- pected when the origin of genealogies is recalled. (In Con EV reads, contrary to rule, "Tinmah.") Gunkel's theory is that Genesis 36 12 is a later inser- tion in P.

    TIMNAH, tim'na (n:rP,, limnah, nnrSP, , tim- nathah [Joshua 19 43; Judges 14 1.2.5], "allotted por- tion"; B, ajivdOa, Thamndtha, also several Cr variations; AV has Timnath in Con 38 12.13.14; Judges 14 1.2.5; and Thimnathah in Joshua 19 43):

    (1) A town in the southern part of the hill country of Judah (Joshua 15 57). Tibna proposed by Condor, a ruin 8 miles West. of Bethlehem, seems too far North (PEF, III, 53, Sh XVII). It is possible this may be the "Timnah" of Con 38 12.13.14.

    (2) A town on the northern border of Judah (Joshua 15 10), lying between Both-shemesh and Ekron. It is probably the same Timnah as Judah visited (Con 38 12-14), and certainly the scene of Samson's adventures (Judges 14 If); his "father-in- law" is called a "Timnite" (Judges 15 0). At this time the place is clearly Philistine (Judges 14 1), though in Joshua 19 43 it is reckoned to Daniel. Being on the frontier, it probably changed hands several times. In 2 Chronicles 28 18 it was captured from the Philis by Ahaz, and we learn from Assyr evidence (Prison Inscription) that Sennacherib captured a Tamna after the battle of Altoka before he besieged

    Ckron (Schrader, Die Keilinschriflcn und das AT, 170). The site is undoubted. It is now a deserted ruin called Tibneh on the southern slopes of the Kurdr (Valley of Sorek), about 2 miles West. of Both-shemesh. There is a spring, and there are evident signs of antiquity (PEF, II, 417, 441, Sh -XV I).

    (3) There was probably a Timna in Edom (Genesis 36 12.22.40; 1 Chronicles 1 39.51). Eusebius and Jerome (Onnm) recognized a Thamna in Edom at their time.

    (4) The "Thamnatha" of 1 Mace 9 50 (AV) is probably another Timnah, and identical with the Thamna of Jos (HJ, III, iii, 5; IV, viii, 1). This is probably the Tibneh, 10 miles North.\\\\\\\\V. of Bethel, an extensive ruin. East. West. G. MASTEKMAN

    TIMNATH, tim'nath. See TIMNAH.

    TIMNATH-HERES, tim-nath-he'rez, l.-he'roz (East^C 1 rQ'EP, timnath hens, "portion of the sun"; B, 0ajiva0dpes, Thamnatha res, A, afivaedp- ifws, Thamnathdr; hcos): This is the form of the name given to Joshua's property and place; of burial in J"-s 2 9. The name in Joshua 19 50; 24 30 is Timnath- serah. "Serah" simply reverses the order of the letters in "Heres." Scholars are divided in opinion as to which form is correct. It is possible that the change from Heres to Serah may have been delib- erate, in order to avoid a form which might savor of idolatry sun-worship. The Jews and Samari- tans hold that Heres is the original form.

    West. EWING

    TIMNATH-SERAH, tim-nath-se'ra (PHD nr^P, , timnath sirah; B, a^apxapTis, Thamarchdres, A, 0ap.a9

    Time Timothy

    mountain of Gaash unfortunately cannot be identi- fied. Jos says that Joshua was buried at Thamna a city of Ephraim (Ant, V, i, 29), which probably corresponds to Thamna, flu; head of a Jewish toparchy (ttj , III, iii, 5). Vespasian marched from Thamnatha to^ Lydda, which apparently was near (IV, viii, 1). The place was taken and reduced to slavery by Cassius (A til, XIV, xi, 2). It was put in charge of John the Essone at the beginning of the Jewish war (11.J , II, xx, 4). O,,om (s.v. "Thamna" and "Thamnathsara") identities it with "Timnath" of Genesis 38 12 AV, placing it in the mountain in the tribe of Daniel (or Judah), on the way from Diospolis (Lydda) to Jerusalem. The tomb of Joshua was still shown there. This points to Tibitch, in the uplands 12 miles North.East. of Lydda. South. of the village, in the face of a rock, are a series of rock-hewn tombs, the largest of which, containing 14 loculi, and a small chamber behind with one loculus, may be that asso- ciated with Joshua by Onnm. A giant oak grows hard by, perhaps the greatest tree in Philestina-Canaan Land. Kcfr Ishu'ci, "village of Joshua," lies about 3 miles to the East. ^ This identification is now generallv accepted.

    The Sam tradition points to the tomb of Joshua at Kcfr Haris, 9 miles South. of Nablus. Outside the village to the East. are two shrines. One is called Ncby Kifl, the other Ncby Kala\\\\\\\\i. The former, "prophet of division," or "of the portion." might apply to Joshua; the latter is identified with Caleb. This identification assumes that the first element of the name has fallen out, the second only sur- viving- West. Ewixu

    TIMNITE, tim'nlt C^P. , timnl; a^vaecuos, Thamnathaios): The father of Samson's wife, a native of Timnah (Judges 15 G) .

    TIMON, tl'mon (TC^wv, Tlmon): One of "the seven" chosen to relieve the apostles by attending to "the daily ministration" to the poor of the Chris- tian community in Jerusalem (Acts 6 5). The name is Greek, but as Nicolaiis is distinguished from the remaining six as a proselyte, Timon and the others were probably Jews by birth.


    TIMOTHEUS, ti-mo'the'-us ( theos) :

    (1) A leader of the children of Ammon who was on several occasions severely defeated by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace 5 6ff.34ff; 2 Mace 8 30- 9 3; 10 24; 12 2.18 ff) in 105-103 BC. Accord- ing to 2 Mace 10 37, he was slain at Gazara after having hidden in a cistern. But in 2 Mace 12 2 he is again at liberty as an opponent of the Jews, and in 12 24 f he falls into the hands of Dosithous and Sosipater, but by representing that many Jew- ish captives were at his mercy and likely to" suffer if he were put to death, he is again released. These discrepancies are so great though not unusual in 2 Mace that some suppose another Timotheus is referred to in 12 2 ff. He is most probably the same person, the careless author of 2 Mace making a slip in saying Timotheus was killed at Gazara. He probably escaped by hiding in the cistern. The 3r name for an Ammonite leader is striking: (a) tie may have been a genuine Ammonite with a Gr lame, or (b) a Syro-Maoedonian officer placed by Syrian authority over the Ammonites, or (r) a Gr soldier of fortune invited by the Ammonites to be ;heir commander. (2) See next article. South. Axcrs

    TIMOTHY, tim'6-thi (Ti^os, Timnthcos

    Acts 17 14; 18 5; 19 22; 20 4; Romans 16 21;

    1 Corinthians 4 17; 16 10; 2 Corinthians 1 1.19; Phil 11; 2

    19; Col 11; IThossll; 3 2.G; 2 Thess 1 1;

    1 Tim 1 2.18; 6 20; 2 Tim 1 2; Philem ver 1;



Letter "T"

    He 13 23; AV Timotheus): Timothy was one of the best known of Paul's companions and fellow- laborers. He was evidently one of

    1. One of Paul's own converts, as the apostle de- Paul's scribes him as his beloved and faithful Converts son in the Lord (1 Corinthians 4 17); and in

    1 Tim 1 2 he writes to "Timothy my true child in faith"; and in 2 Tim 1 2 he addresses him as "Timothy my beloved child."

    He was a resident , and apparently a native, either of Lystra or Derbe, cities which were visited and

    evangelized by Paul on his 1st mis-

    2. A Native sionary journey (Acts 14 (5). It is of Lystra probable that of these two cities, it

    was Lystra that was T.'s native place. For instance, in Acts 20 4 in a list of Paul's friends there are the names of "Cains of Derbe, and Timothy"; this evidently infers that T. was not "

    came to him at Antioch, at Iconium and

    3. Convert- at Lystra. These persecutions occurred ed at Lystra during the apostle's first visit to these

    towns; and T. seems to have been one of those who were converted at that time, as we find that on Paul's next visit, to Lystra and Derbe, T. was already one of the Christians there: "He came also to Derbe and to Lystra: and behold a certain disciple was there, named Timothy" (Acts 16 1).

    T. was now chosen by Paul to be one of his com- panions. This was at an early period in Paul's apostolic career, and it is pleasing to find that to the end of the apostle's life T. was faithful to him.

    T.'s father was a heathen Greek (Hcllctt, not

    Hellenistes, a Cr-speaking Jew); this fact is twice

    mentioned (Acts 16 1.3). His mother

    4. His was a Jewess, but he had not been Father and circumcised in infancy, probably ow- Mother ing to objections made by his father.

    T.'s mother was called Eunice, and his grandmother Lois. Paul mentions them by name in 2 Tim 1 5; he there speaks of the un- feigned faith which was in T., and which dwelt at the first in Eunice and Lois. It is evident that Eunice was converted to Christ on Paul's 1st mis- sionary journey to Derbe and Lystra, because, when he next, visited these cities, she is spoken of as "a, Jewess who believed" (Acts 16 1).

    On this 2d visit to Derbe and Lystra, Paul was

    strongly attracted to T., and seeing his unfeigned

    faith, and that from a child he had

    5. Becomes known the sacred Scriptures of the a Co-worker OT (2 Tim 3 If)), and seeing also his with Paul Christian character and deportment,

    and his entire suitability for the work of the ministry, he would have him "to go forth with him" (Acts 16 3). T. acquiesced in Paul's desire, and as preliminaries to his work as a Christian mis- sionary, both to Jew ami Gentile, two things were done. In order to conciliate the Jewish Christians, who would otherwise have caused trouble, which would have weakened T.'s position and his work as a preacher of the gospel, Paul took Timothy and

    circumcised him. Paul was willing to

    6. Circum- agree to this being done, on account of cised the fact that T.'s mother was a Jewess.

    It, was therefore quite a different case from that of Titus, where Paul refused to allow cir- cumcision to be performed (15 2) Titus being, un- like T., a Gentile by birth. See TITUS.

    The other act which was performed for T.'s benefit, before he set out with Paul, was that he was ordained by the presbytery or local council

    of presbyters in Derbe and Lystra. Showing the

    importance which Paul assigned to this act of

    ordination, he refers to it in a letter

    7. His Or- to T. written many years afterward: dination "Neglect not the gift that is in thee,

    which was given thee by prophecy, with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery" (1 Tim 4 14). In this ordination Paul himself took part, for he writes, "I put thee in remembrance, that thou stir up the gift of God, which is in thee through the laying on of my hands" (2 Tim 1 G).

    "2 Tim 1 b' should be viewed in the light of 1 Tim 4 14. Probably it was prophetic voices (through prophecy; cf 1 Tim 1 18, '(iccortiinr/ to the prophecies which went before in regard to thee') which suggested the choice of Timothy as assistant of Paul and Silvanus, and his consecration to this work with prayer and the laying on of hands (cf Acts 13 2 f). The laying on of hands by the pres- byters (1 Tim 4 14), and that by Paul (2 Tim 1 (>), are not mutually exclusive, esp. since the former is mentioned merely as an accompanying circum- stance of his endowment with special grace, the latter as the efficient cause of this endowment. The churches in the neighborhood of T.'s home, according to Acts 14 23, had been furnished with a body of presbyters soon after their founding" (Zahn,* Intro to the NT, 11, 23).

    Thus prepared for the work, T. went forth with

    Paul on the apostle's 2d missionary journey. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\u

    find T. with him at Beniea (Acts 17 14),

    8. Accom- having evidently accompanied him panics Paul to all places visited by him up to that

    point, viz. Phrygia, the region of Galatia, Mysia, Troas, Neapolis, Philippi, Amphip- olis, Apollonia, Thessalonica and Bercea. Paul next went and went alone, on account of the persecu- tion at Bercea to Athens (Acts 17 1")); and from that city he sent a message to Silas and T. _at Beroea, that they should come to him at Athens with all speed. They quickly came to him there, and were immediately sent on an errand to the church in Thessalonica; "When we could no longer forbear, we thought it good to be left behind at Athens alone; and sent T., our brother, and minister of God, and our fellow-labourer in the gospel of Christ, to establish you, and to comfort you concerning your faith: that no man should be moved by these afflic- tions" (1 Thess 3 1.2.3 AV). T. and Silas dis- charged this duty and returned to the apostle, bring- ing him tidings' of the faith of the Christians in Thessalonica, of their love and of their kind remem- brance of Paul, and of their ardent desire to see him; and Paul was comforted (vs. 5.6.7).

    Paul had left Athens before Silas and T. were able

    to rejoin him. He had proceeded to Corinth, and

    it was while the apost le was in that cit y ,

    9. At that "when Silas and Timothy came Corinth down from Macedonia, Paul was con- strained by the word, testifying to the

    Jews that Jesus was the Christ" (Acts 18 5). T. evidently remained with Paul during the year and six months of his residence in Corinth, and also throughout this missionary journey to its end. From Corinth Paul wrote the Ep. to the Romans, and he sent them a salutation from T., "Timothy my fellow- worker saluteth you" (Romans 16 21).

    In connection with this salutation from T., it should be noticed that it was Paul's custom to asso- ciate with his own name that of one

    10. Salu- or more of his companions, in the open- tations ing salutations in the Epp. T.'s name

    occurs in 2 Corinthians 1 1; Phil 1 1; Col 1 1; Philem ver 1. It is also found, along with that of Silvanus, in 1 Thess 1 1 and 2 _ Thess 1 1.

    On Paul's 3d missionary Journey, T. again accompanied him, though he is not mentioned till



Letter "T"

    Timothy Tiphsah

    Ephosus was reached. This journey involved much

    traveling, much work and much time. At Ephesus

    alone more than two years were spent.

    11. At And when Paul's residence there was Ephesus drawing to a close, he laid his plans

    to go to Jerusalem, after passing en route through Macedonia and Achaia. Accordingly he sent on before him "into Macedonia two of them that ministered unto him, Timothy and Krastus" (Acts 19 22). From Ephesus Paul wrote the First Ep. to the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 16 8), and in it he

    mentioned (ver 10) that T. was then

    12. To traveling to Corinth, apparently a Corinth prolongation of the journey into Mace- Again donia. After commending him to a

    kind reception from the Corinthians, Paul proceeded to say that T. was to return to him from Corinth; that is, T. was to bring with him a report on the state of matters in the Corinthian church.

    Soon thereafter the riot in Ephesus occurred; and when it was over, Paul left Ephesus ami went

    to Macedonia and Greece. In Mace-

    13. In donia he was rejoined by T., whose Greece name is associated with his own, in the

    opening salutation of the Second Ep., which he now wrote to Corinth. T. accompanied him into Greece, where they abode three months. From Greece the apostle once more set his face toward Jerusalem, T. and others accompanying him (Acts 20 4). "We that were of Paul's company" (Acts 21 8 AV), as Luke terms the friends who now traveled with Paul and T. was one of them touched at Troas and a number of other places, and

    eventually reached Jerusalem, where Paul

    14. In was apprehended. This of course ter- Jerusalem minated, for the time, his apostolic

    journeys, but not the cooperation of his friends, or of T. among them.

    The details of the manner in which T. was now em- ployed are not recorded, until he is found once more with Paul during his 1st imprisonment

    15 Tn'Rnmp m Rome - But, from that point onward,

    lc there are many notices of how he was

    occupied in the apostle's service. ' He is

    mentioned in three of the Epp. written by Paul at this

    time, viz. in Col 1 1, and Philem ver 1, in both of which his

    designation is "Timothy our brother," and in Phil 1 1,

    "Paul and Timothy, servants of Christ Jesus." In Phil

    219, there is the interesting notice that, at a time when

    Paul's hope was that ho would soon be liberated from his

    imprisonment, he trusted that he would be

    16 To Visit anl(! to scnrl T - to visit tne church at r,,'.,. Philippi: "I hope in the Lord Jesus to .fnillppi senc j Timothy shortly unto you, that I

    also may be of good comfort, when I know your state. For I have no man likeminded, who will

    care truly for your state But ye know the proof

    of him, that, as a child scrvoth a father, so he served with me in furtherance of the gospel. Him therefore I hope to send forthwith."

    Paul's hope was realized: he was set free; and once again T. was his companion in travel. Per- haps it was in Philippi that they re- 17. Ap- joined each other, for not only had pointed to Paul expressed his intention of sending Ephesus T. there, but he had also said that he hoped himself to visit the Philippian church (Phil 1 26; 2 24). From this point on- ward it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to trace the course of Paul's journeys, but he tells us that he had left T. as his delegate or representative in Ephesus (1 Tim 1 3); and soon thereafter he wrote the First Ep. to Tim, in which he gave full instruc- tions in regard to the manner in which he should conduct the affairs of the Ephesian church, until Paul himself should again revisit Ephesus: "These things write I unto thee, hoping to come unto thee shortly" (1 Tim 3 14).

    "The position which Timothy occupied in Ephesus, as it is described in 1 Tim, cannot without doing the

    greatest violence; to history bo called that of a bishop,

    for the office of bishop existed only where the one bishop,

    superior to the presbytery, represented the

    18. His highest expression of the common church Position in Iift! - Tne office was for life, and confined jrusiu u 111 to the local church. This was particularly r/pnesus the case in Asia Minor, whore, although as

    early as the time of The Revelation and the time of Ignatius, bishoprics were numerous and closely adja- cent, the office always retained its local character. On the other hand, T.'s position at the head of the churches of Asia was duo to the position which he occupied as Paul's helper in missionary work. It was his part in the apostolic calling, as this calling involved the oversight of existing churches. T. was acting as a temporary representative of Paul in his apostolic capacity at Ephe- sus, as he had done earlier in Corinth, and in Thessa- lonica and Philippi (1 Corinthians 4 17; 1 Thess 3 2 f ; Phil 2 19-23). His relation was not closer to one church than to the other churches of the province; its rise and dis- appearance did not affect at all the organization of the local congregations" (Zahn, Intro to the NT, II, 34).

    From the Second Ep. still further detail can be

    gathered. Paul was a second time imprisoned,

    and feeling that on this occasion his

    19. Paul trial would be followed by an adverse Summons judgment and by death, he wrote from Him to Rome to T. at Ephesus, affectionately Rome requesting him to come to him: "Give

    diligence to come shortly unto me" (2 Tim 4 9). The fact that at that time, when no Christian friend was with Paul except Luke (2 Tim 4 11), it was to T. he turned for sympathy and aid, closing with the request that his own eon in the faith should come to him, to be with him in his last hours, shows how true and tender was the affection which bound them together. Whether T. w r as able to reach Rome, so as to be with Paul before his exe- cution, is unknown.

    One other notice of him occurs in He 13 23: "Know ye

    that our brother Timothy hath been set at liberty; with

    whom, if ho come shortly, I will see you."

    20 Mention As tll alltllor of the Ep. to the He is not Vr 1 o Paul, it is problematical what the meaning in ie J.O O f these words really is, except that T. had

    been imprisoned, and unlike what took place in Paul's case he had escaped death and had been set free.

    Nothing further is known of him. Of all Paul's friends, with the exception, perhaps, of Luke, Paul's beloved

    friend, T. was regarded by him with the

    21 His tenderest affection; he was his dearly loved rv " , son, faithful and true. Various defects unaracier have been alleged to exist in T.'s char- acter. These defects are inferred from

    the directions and instructions addressed to him by Paul in the Pastoral Epp., but these inferences may be wrong, and it is a mistake to exaggerate them in view of his un- broken and unswerving loyalty and of the long and faithful service rendered by him to Paul, "as a child serveth a father " (Phil 2 22).



    TIN, tin (VH3, b e dhll): Tin is mentioned with brass, iron and lead in Numbers 31 22; Ezekiel 22 18.20. Ezekiel mentions tin along with silver, iron and lead as being imported into Tyre from Tarshish (see METALS; BRONZE). The tin must have been brought in the form of ore and smelted in Syria. The writer has some slag dug from a deposit near Beirut which yielded nearly pure tin. It was prob- ably the site of an ancient smelter's shop.


    TIPHSAH, tif'sa (HD^n , tiphsah, "ford"; 0av(/d, Thapsd) :

    (1) This marks the northern extremity of the dominions ruled by Solomon, Gaza being the limit on the South. (1 Kings 4 24). It can hardly be other than Thapsacus, on the right bank of the Euphrates, before its waters join those of the Balik. The great- caravan route between East. and West. crossed the river by the ford at this point. Here Cyrus the younger effected a somewhat perilous crossing (Xen. Anab. i.4, 2). The ford was also _ used by Darius; but Alexander the Great, in his pursuit, constructed



Letter "T"

    two bridges for tlio transport of his army (Arrian iii.7). Under the Seleucidae it was called Amphip- olis. The site is probably occupied by the modern KaPat Dibsc, where there is a ford still used by the caravans. It is about 8 miles below Meskene, where the river makes a bend to the East.

    (2) (B, Qepffd, Tticrxd, A, Qaipd, Thaira): The inhabitants of this town, which was apparently not far from Tirzah, did not favor the regicide Mena- hem, refusing to open to him. In his wrath he massacred the Tiphsites with circumstances of horrible cruelty (2 Kings 15 16). K/iirhct Tafsah, about (5 miles South.West. of Nahlux, corresponds in name, but is probably too far from Tirzah. West. EWING

    TIRAS, tl'ras (CTP , lira*; sipds, Theirds, Luc., ipds, Thirds): A son of Japheth (Genesis 10 2 [P]; 1 Chronicles 1 ">). Not mentioned elsewhere; this name was almost unanimously taken by the ancient commentators (so Jos, Ant, I, vi, 1) to be the same as that of the Thracians (Gpcu-es, Thrdkes)', but the removal of the nominative ending s does away with this surface resemblance. Tuch was the first to sug- gest the fvpcrr}i>wl, Turscuioi, a race of Pelasgian pirates, who left many traces of their ancient power in the islands and coasts of the Aegean, and who were doubtless identical with the Etruscans of Italy. This brilliant suggestion has since 1 been confirmed by the discovery of the name Turusa among the seafaring peoples who invaded Egypt in the reign of Merenptah (West. M. Mtiller, AE,3568). Tiras has also been regarded as the same as Tarshish.


    TIRATHITES, tl'rath-its (ZT^"in, tir* at him; B A, 'Ap-yo.6i.tin, Argalhieim, Luc.,, TJin- rutltci'): \\\\\\\\ family of scribes that dwelt at Jabez (1 Chronicles 2 5o). The three families mentioned in this verse (Tirathites, Shimathites and Sucathites) are taken by Jerome; to l)e three different classes of religious functionaries singers, scribes, recorders ("cinicntes alque rcHonaines ct in tabcrnaculis com- morantes"). The Tg takes the same view, save that the "Sucathites" are those "covered" with a spirit of prophecy. Bertheau sees the Tirathites as "gate-keepers" (Aram. rifl , / f ra' = IIeb "l7T|! , sha*(tr). Keil holds the three names to be those of the descendants of unknown men named Tira, Shemei and Sucah. The passage seems too obscure to admit of interpretation. HORACE J. WOLF

    TIRE, tir, HEADTIRE (2 Kings 9 30; Isaiah 3 20; Ezekiel 24 17.23; Jth 10 3; 16 8). See DHESS, V.


    TIRHAKAH, ter-ha'ka, tir-ha'ka (HpniP , tir-

    hakah; 15 in 2 Kings, apd, Thnrd, elsewhere and in

    A, apaKd, Tharaka; Jos, 0apo-CKT)s,

    1. Name Th(irsikcs'): The king of dish or and Ethiopia (/3aj AWi6iruv, has ileus Prenomen Aithidpon), who opposed Sennacherib

    in Philestina-Canaan Land (2 Kings 19 9; Isaiah 37 9). The name of this ruler of Egypt and his native realm appears in hieroglyphics as Taharqa, his prenomen being North efer-almu-Ra-hu, "Nefer-atmu-Ra protects." The Assyr form of Tirhakah is Tarqti or Tarqu'u (inscriptions of Assur-bani-pal).

    Tirhakah was one of the sons, and apparently the favorite, of Piankhy II. lie left his mother, and

    the city Xapata, at the age of 20; and

    2. Origin when she followed him northward, and Length she found him crowned as king of of Reign Egypt. As he died, after a reign of at

    least 26 years, in 667 BC, he must have mounted the throne about 693 BC.

    The engagement between Tirhakah's army and

    the Assyrians is regarded as having taken place in

    701 BC. Petrie explains this date by

    3. A Chronicles- supposing he acted at first for the ological reigning Pharaoh, his cousin Shaba- Difficulty toka, Tirhakah not having officially

    become Pharaoh until the former's death in 693 BC. There is a general opinion, how- ever, that the Assyr historians, like those of 2 Kings and Isaiah, have mingled two campaigns made by Sen- nacherib, one of them being after the accession of Tirhakah.

    According to the OT account, Sennacherib was besieging Libnah when Tirhakah's army appeared

    in Philestina-Canaan Land. In Sennacherib's inscriptions,

    4. First however, the battle with "the king[s] Conflict of Musuru [Egypt] and the bowmen, with the chariots, and cavalry of Meruhha" Assyrians (Meroe or Ethiopia), who had come

    to Hezekiah's help, took place in the neighborhood of Eltekeh. He claims to have cap- tured the sons of the king (variant, "kings") of Egypt and the charioteers of the king of Meruhha, and then, having taken Eltekeh, Timna, and Ekron, he brought out Padi from Jerusalem, and reseated him on the throne of Ekron. The name of Tirhakah does not occur in his account.

    It would seem to have been Egypt's interference

    in Palestinian affairs which caused the Assyr kings

    to desire the conquest of that distant

    5. Struggles country. According to the Bab Chronicles- with Esar- icle, the Assyr army fought in Egyp: haddon and in the 7th year of Esar-haddon ((57.") Assur-bani- BC), and the country was then ap- pal. His parent ly quiet until 672 BC, when Death Esar-haddon marched thither, and after

    fighting three battles, entered Mem- phis. "The king" (Tirhakah) fled, but his sons and nephews were made prisoners. In the latter campaign ((570 BC), Esar-haddon fell ill and died on the way out, so that the operations were, appar- ently, completed by his son, Assur-bani-pal (Osn.-ip- par). On hearing of the Assyr success at Kar- Baniti, Tirhakah, who was at Memphis, fled to Thebes. The 20 petty kings installed in Egypt by Esar-haddon were restored by Assur-bani-pal, but they feared the vengeance of Tirhakah after the Assyr army had retired, and therefore made an agreement with him. On this news reaching the Assyr king, he sent his army back to Egypt, and the petty rulers having been abolished, Necho king of Memphis and Sais was set on the throne, with his son, Nabii-sizbanni, as ruler in Athribes. On hearing of the success of the Assyr armies, Tirha- kah fled, and died in Cush (Ethiopia). He was succeeded by Tantamane (identified with Tanut- Amon), son of Sabaco, whom the Assyrians de- feated in the last expedition which they ever made to Egypt (see West. F. Petrie, Hist of Egypt, III, 294 ff). T. G. PINCHES

    TIRHANA, tilr'ha-na, ter-ha'na (i"i:rnft , tirha- nah; B, 0apd.ii, Thnrdm, A, 0a.px.vd, Tharchnd, Luc., apaavd, Tharaami) : A son of Caleb by his concu- bine, Maacah (1 Chronicles 2 48).

    TIRIA, tir'i-a, tl'ri-a (South?"pfi , tlr'ya', Baer tir i/a'; B omits, A, rjpid, Thcrid, Luc., *E0pid, Etlirid): A son of Jehallelel (1 Chronicles 4 16).

    TIRSHATHA, ter-sha'tha, tur'sha-tha tirshdtha; c A9tpo-a0d, Ilathermthd): A title which occurs 5 t in Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra 2 63; Nehemiah 7 60, ARVandERVm "governor"). In Nehemiah 8 9; 10 1, Nehemiah is called the tirshdtha'. In Ezra 2 (53; Nehemiah 7 65.70, it is the title of Sheshbazzar, or Zerub- babel. As in Nehemiah 12 26, Nehemiah is called a pchah,



    Tiras Tithe

    or governor, ;i title; which in Ezra 5 14 is given to Sheshbazzar also, it has been supposed that itchdli and tlrshdthd' were equivalent terms, the former being of Assyrio-Bab and the latter of Pers origin. According to Lagarde, it conies from the Bactrian antarekshatra, that is, "he who takes the place of the king." According to Meyer and Sclieftelenvitz it is a modified form of a hypothetical Old Pers word tarsala. According to (lesenius and Ewald, it is to be compared with the Pers torsti, "severe, ""austere," i.e. "stern lord." It seems more probable that it is derived from the. Bab V rasltu, "to take; possession of," from which we get the noun rasfiu, "creditor." In this case it may well have had the sense of a tax- collector. One of the principal duties of the Pers satrap, or governor, wasto assess and collect the taxes (see Rawlinson's I'crsia, ch viii). This would readily account for the fact that in Nehemiah 7 70 the tirslidtlid' gave to the treasure to be used in the building of the temple a thousand drachms of gold, etc, and that in Ezra 1 8 Cyrus numbered the vessels of the house of the Lord unto Sheshbazzar. This derivation would connect it with the Aram, rashi/a, "creditor," and the New Ileb rdshuth, "highest power," "magis- trate." R. DICK WILSON

    TIRZAH, tur'za (PlSnn , tir<;ah; epera, Thersd) :

    (1) A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was slain by Joshua (12 24). It superseded Shechem as capital of the Northern Kingdom (1 Kings 14 17, etc), and itself gave place in turn to Samaria. Here reigned Jeroboam, Naelab his son, Baaslia, Blah and Zimri (15 21.33; 16 Baaslia was buried in Tir/ah. Here Elah was assassinated while "drinking himself drunk" in the house of his steward; _here therefore probably he was buried. Zimri perished in the flames of his palace, rather than fall into Omri's hands. In Tirzah Menahem matured his rebellion against Shalluin (2 Kings 16 14). The place is mentioned in Cant 6 4 AV, where the Shulammite is said to be "beautiful .... as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem." The comparison may be due to the charm of its situation. The name may possibly be derived from rd^dh, "to delight." Several identi- fications have been suggested. Buhl (GAP, 203) favors et-Tlreh, on the \\\\\\\\Y. of the plain of Makhneh, 4 miles South. of \\\\\\\\dblas, which he identifies with the Tira- thana of Jos. He quotes Neubauer to the effect that the later Jews said Tir^an or Tar^ita instead of Tirzah, as weakening the claim of Telluzah, which others (e.g. Robinson, BR, III, 302) incline to. It is a partly ruined village with no spring, but with ancient cisterns, on a hill about 4 miles East. of North. from Ndblus. This was evidently the place intended by Brocardius Thersa, about 3 miles East. of Samaria (Descriptio. VII). A third claimant is Teiaslr, a fortress at the point where the road from Abel-meholah joins that from Shechem to Bethshan, fully 11 miles North.East. of Ndblus. It is impossible to decide with certainty. The heavy t in Telluzah is a difficulty. Teiaslr is perhaps too far from Shechem. Buhl's case for identification with et-Tlreh is subject to the same difficulty as Tdluzah.

    (2) One of the five daughters of Zelophehad (Numbers 26 33; 27 1; 36 11; Joshua 17 3). West. EWINO

    TISHBITE, tish'blt. See ELIJAH; Expos T XII, 383.

    TISHRI, tish're, TISRI, tiz're: The 7th month of the Jewish ecclesiastical, and 1st of the civil, year (September-October). The same as Ethanim. See CALENDAR.

    TITANS, ti'tanz: In Jth 16 7, "Neither did the sons of the Titans [viol TtTdvwv, huioi Titdnon] smite him." The name of an aboriginal Canaan-

    it ish race of reputed giants who inhabited Philestina-Canaan Land before the Hebrews, and so used in the sense; of "giant,s" in general. See UKIMIAIM. In 2 Samuel 6 IS. 22, (lie "valley of Rephaim" is tr' 1 by LXX as "the- valley of the Titans."

    TITHE, tit h pt?ria, Ma'asfr; The custom e>f giving a l()th part of the products of the land and e>f the spoils of war to priests and kings (1 Mace 10 31; 11 35; 1 Samuel 8 15.17) was a very ancient one among most nations. That the- Jews had this custom long before the institution of the Mosaic Law is shown by (ien 14 17-20 (cf He> 7 4) and On 28 22. Many critics hold that these two passages are late and only reflect the later pract ice- of the nation; but the payment of tithes is so an- cient and deeply mot eel in the history of the 1 human race that it seems much simpler and more natural to believe that among the Jews the practice was in existence long before the time of Moses.

    In the Pent we finel legislation as to tithes in t hre^e place's. (1) According to Leviticus 27 30-33, a tithe- had to be given of the se-e-el of the land, i.e. of t he- crops, of the fruit of the; tree, e.g. oil and wine', and of the herd or the flock (cf Deuteronomy 14 22.23; 2 Chronicles 31 5.6). As the herds and flocks passeel out to pasture they were counted (cf Jeremiah 33 13; Ezekiel 20 37), and every 10th animal that came out was reckoned holy to the Lord. The owner was not allowed te> search amemg them te> finel whether they we're bad or good, nen- coulel he change any of them; if he did, both the one chosen and the one for whie-h it was changed we're holy. Tithe's of the herds and floe-ks coulel not be redeemed fe>r money, but tithe's of the seeel of the land and of fruit coulel be, but a 5th part of the value of the tithe had to be added. (2) In Numbers 18 21-32 it is laid down that the tithe must be paid to the Levites. (It should be noted that ac- cording to He 7 5, 'they that are of the sons of Le'vi, who receive the offie'e of the priesthood .... take tithes of the people.' Westcott's explanation is that the priests, who received from the Levites a tithe of the tithe, thus symbolically received the whole tithe. _ In the time e>f the second temple the priests did actually receive the tithes. In the Talm [Y'-bhdntdth 86a ct passim] it is said that this alteration from the Mosaic Law was causeel by the sin of the Levites, who were not eager to return to Jerusalem, but had to be persuaded to do so by Ezra [Ezra 8 15].) The Levites were to receive the tithes offered by Israel to LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, because 1 they had no other inheritance, and in return for the'ir service of the tabernacle (Numbers 18 21.24). The tithe was to consist of corn of the threshing- floor and the fulness of the wine press (ver 27), which coincieles with see-d of the land and fruit of the trees in Leviticus 27. The Levites, who stood in the same relation to the priests as the people did to themselves, we're to oiTer from this their inhe'rit- ance a heave offering, a tithe of a tithe, to the prie'sts (cf Nehemiah 10 39), and for this tithe they were to choose of the best part of what they received (3) In Deuteronomy 12 (cf Am 4 4) it is said that the tithe is to be brought "unto the place whie-h Je-h your God shall choose out of all your tribes, to put his name there," i.e. to Jerusalem; and in vs 7.12.18, that the tithe shoulel be' used there as a sacred meal by the offerer _ and his household, including the 1 Levite within his gates. Nothing is said here abeiut tithing cattle, only corn, wine and oil being men- tioned _(cf Nehemiah 10 36-38; 135.12). In Deuteronomy 14 22-29 it is laid down that if the way was too long to carry the tithe to Jerusalem it could be exchanged fen- money, ami the money taken there instead, where 1 it was to be spent in anything the owner chose; and whatever was bought was to be eaten by him anel his household and the Levites at Jerusalem. In



Letter "T"

    the third year the tithe was to be reserved and eat (Mi at, home by the Levite, the stranger, the fatherless and the widow. In 26 12-15 it is laid down that in the 3d year, after this feast had been given, the landowner should go up himself before the Lord his God, i.e. to Jems, and ask God's _bless- ing on his deed. (According to the Mish, Sotdli 9 10; Ma'dscr Shenl 5 Go, the high priest Johanan abolished this custom. ) In this passage this 3d year is called "the year of tithing."

    There is thus an obvious apparent discrepancy between the legislation in Leviticus and Deuteronomy. It is har- monized in Jewish tradition, not only theoretically but in practice, by considering the tithes as three, different tithes, which are named the First Tithe, the Second Tithe, and the Poor Tithe, which_ is called also the Third Tithe (Pc'ah, Mcf&seroth, M(i*fixcr XJH'iil, D'ina'1, Roth ha-shdnah; cf Tob

    I 7.

    Tho explanation given by many critics, that the dis- crepancy between Deuteronomy and Leviticus is due to the fact that these aiv different layers of legislation, and that the Levitical tithe is a post-exilian creation of the IV, is not wholly satisfactory, for the following reasons: (1) The allusion in Deuteronomy 18 1.2 seems to refer to the Levitical tithe. (2) There is no relation between the law of Nil 18 and post-exilian conditions, when the priests wen; numerous and the Levites a handful. (:<) A community so poor and disaffected as that of Ezra's time would have refused to submit to a new and oppressive tithe burden. (4) The division into priests and Levites can- not have been of the recent origin that is alleged. See LEVITES.

    \\\\\\\\V. K. Smith and others suggest that the tithe is simply a later form of the first-fruits, but this is difficult to accept, since the first-fruits were given to the priest, while the tithes were not. The whole subject is involved in considerable obscurity, which with our present infor- mation cannot easily be cleared away.

    The Talmudic law of tithing extends the Mosaic Law, with most burdensome minuteness, even to the smallest products of the soil. Of these, according to some, not only the seeds, but, in certain cases, even the leaves and stalks had to be tithed (Ma- 'atieroth 4 5), "mint, anise, and cummin" (D e ma'l

    II 1; cf Matthew 23 23; Luke 11 42). The general principle was that "everything that is eaten, that is watched over, and that grows out of the earth" must be tithed (Ma^&seroth 1 !)._

    Considering the many taxes, religious and secular, that the Jews had to pay, esp. in post-exilian times, we cannot but admire the liberality and resource- fulness of the Jewish people. Only in the years just after the return from exile do wejiear that the taxes were only partially^ paid_ (Nehemiah 13 10; cf Mai 1 7 ff ; and for preexilian times cf 2 Chronicles 31 4ff). In later times such cases seldom occur (Sotdh 48o), which is the more surprising since the priests, who benefited so much by these laws of the scribes, were the adversaries of the latter. PAUL LKVKKTOFF

    TITIUS JUSTUS, tish'us jus'tus. See JUSTUS, (2) ; TITUS JUSTUS.

    TITLE, tl't'l: John 19 19.20 for TT\\\\\\\\OS, tiilos. The following arrangement of the title on the cross has been suggested:



    See Geikie, Life and Words of Christ, eh Ixiii, note; c; Seymour, Tlic Croxs in Tradition, History and Art (New York, 1898), pp. 115, 110, 130, 138.

    In 2 Kings 23 17, AV has "title" for VP , fiyyun. The word is connected with (dirdh, "to command," and AV seems to have understood $iyyun as "that giving directions," "sign-posts" (cf Ezekiel 39 15). The word, however, means "grave-stone," "monu- ment." See SUPERSCRIPTION.

    TITTLE, tit"l (Kepcua, kcraia [WH, kcreu], from Kt'pas, / v -m/.s, "a horn"): A small stroke or mark, specif, on a letter to denote accent, or as a diacritical mark; used only in Matthew 5 18 and Luke 16 17. In the first passage il is used in connection with iota, or jot, i.e. the very smallest thing, and in both it refers to the minutiae of the Law. It is well known that the scribes paid the greatest attention to such marks attached to the letters in the Ileb Scriptures, the MT of which abounds in them. See JOT; YoDH.

    TITUS, tl'tus (TCros, Tito* [2 Corinthians 2 13; 7 6.13 ff;

    8 0.10.23; 12 18; Galatians 2 1.3; 2 Tim 4 10; Tit 1 4]):

    A Gr Christian, one of Paul's intimate

    1. One of friends, his companion in some of his Paul's apostolic journeys, and one of his Converts assistant sin Christian work. His name

    does not occur in the Acts; and, else- where in the NT, it is found only in 2 Corinthians, Galatians, 2 Tim and Tit. As Paul calls him_"my true child after a common faith" (Tit 1 4), it is probable that he was one of the apostle's converts.

    The first notice of T. is in Acts 15 2, where we read that after the conclusion of Paul's 1st mission- ary journey, when he had returned to

    2. Paul Antioch, a discussion arose in the Refuses to church there, in regard to the question Have Him whether it was necessary that gentile Circumcised Christians should be circumcised and

    should keep the Jewish Law. It was decided that Paul and Barnabas, "and certain other of them," should go up to Jerusalem to the apostles and elders about this question. The "certain other of them" includes T., for in Galatians 2 3 it is recorded that T. was then with Paul. The Judaistic party in the church at Jerusalem desired to have T. circum- cised, but Paul gave no subjection to these persons and to their wishes, "no, not for an hour; that the truth of the gospel might continue with you" (Galatians 2 5). The matter in dispute was decided as re- corded in Acts 15 13-29. The decision was in favor of the free promulgation of the gospel, as preached by Paul, and unrestricted by Jewish ordi- nances. Paul's action therefore in regard to T. was justified. In fact T. was a representative or test case.

    It is difficult and perhaps impossible to give the true reason why Titus is not mentioned by name in the Acts, but he is certainly referred to in 15 2.

    There is no further notice of T. for some years afterward, when he is again mentioned in 2 Corinthians. In this Ep. his name occurs 8 t. From the notices in this Ep. it appears that T. had been sent by Paul, along with an unnamed "brother," to Corinth



Letter "T"

    as the apostle's delegate to the church there (2 Corinthians

    12 IcS). His chief business was evidently to deal

    with the cases of immorality which

    3. Sent to had occurred there. His mission was Corinth largely successful, so that he was able

    to return to Paul with joy, because his spirit was refreshed by the Corinthians (2 Corinthians 7 lli). His inward affection was largely drawn out to them, and "he remembereth the obedience of you all, how with fear and trembling ye received him" (7 _ If)). At Corinth T. seems also to have assisted in organizing the weekly collections for the poor saints in Jerusalem. See 1 Corinthians 16 1.2 compared with 2 Corinthians 8 (>: "We exhorted Titus, that, as he had made a beginning before, so he would also com- plete in you this grace also."

    After the departure of T. from Corinth, difficulty had again arisen in the church there, and T. seems to have been sent by Paul a second time to that city, as the apostle's messenger, carrying a letter froin him referred to in 2 Corinthians 2 3 If; 7

    The state of the Corinthian church had been

    causing much anxiety to Paul, so much so that

    when he had come to Troas to preach

    4. Paul Christ's gospel, and a door was opened Goes to to him of the Lord, he found no rest Meet Him in his spirit, because 'he found not T.,

    his brother; so he left Troas, and went thence into Macedonia, in order to meet T. the sooner, so as to ascertain from him how matters stood in Corinth. In Macedonia accordingly the apostle met T., who brought good news regarding the Corinthians. In the unrest and fightings and fears which the troubles at Corinth had caused Paul to experience, his spirit was refreshed when T. reached him. ''He that comfort oth the lowly, even God, comforted us by the coming of Titus .... while he told us your longing, your mourning, your zeal for me; so that I rejoiced yet more" (2 Corinthians 7 (i.7).

    Paul now wrote to the Corinthians again our Second Ep. to the Corinthians and dispatched it to its destination by the hand of T., into whose heart '(!od had put the same earnest care for them' (2 Corinthians 8 10-18). T. was also again intrusted with the work of overseeing the weekly collection in the Corinthian church (2 Corinthians 8 10.24).

    There is now a long interval in the history of T.,

    for nothing further is recorded of him till we come

    to the Pastoral Epp. From Paul's

    5. Travels Ep. to him these details are gathered: with Paul On Paul's liberation at the conclusion to Crete of his first Romans imprisonment he made

    a number of missionary journeys, and T. went with him, as his companion and assistant, on one of these to the island of Crete. From Crete, Paul proceeded onward but lie left T. to "set in order the things that were wanting, and appoint elders in every city" (Tit 1 5). Paul reminds him of the character of the people of Crete, and gives him various instructions for his guidance; charges him to maintain sound doctrine, and advises him how to deal with the various classes of persons met with in his pastoral capacity.

    T. is informed that Artcmas or Tychicus will be sent

    to Crete so that he will be free to leave the island and to

    rejoin the apostle at Nicopolis, where he

    6. Paul has determined to winter. Such were ^pnrlQ fnr Paul's plans; whether they were carried ocimaiui out is unknown But this at least ig

    certain, that T. did rejoin Paul, if not at Nicopolis, then at some other spot; and ho was with him in Rome on the occasion of his 2d im- prisonment there, for he is mentioned once again (2 Tim 4 10) as having gone to Dalmatia, evidently on an evangelistic errand, as the apostle was in the habit of sending his trusted friends to do such work, when ho himself was no longer able to do this, owing to his im- prisonment. "Paul regarded as his own the work done from centers whore ho labored, by helpers associated

    with him, considering Iho churches thus organized as under his jurisdiction. This throws light upon the; state- ment in 2 Tim 4 10, that T. at that time; had gone to Dalmatia, and a certain Cresoens to (Jaul. Then; is no indication that they, like Demas, had deserted the apostle and sought safety for themselves, or that, like Tychicus, they had been sent by the apostle upon some' special errand. In cither case it would bo a question why they wont to those particular countries, with which, 'so far as wo know, Paul, up to this time, had never had any- thing to do. The probability is that T., who had long boon associated with Paul (Cal 2 :*), who, as his com- missioner, had executed difficult ollicos in Corinth (2 Corinthians 7-9), and who, not very long before 2 Tim was written, had completed some missionary work in Crete that had been begun by others, had gone as a missionary and as Paul's representative and helper to Dalmatia. .... If by this means, beginnings of church organiza- tions had boon made .... in Spain by Paul himself, in (raul by Cresoens, in Dalmatia by T., then, in reality the missionary map had been very" much changed since Paul's first defence" (/aim, Intru to the NT, II, 11).

    T. was one of Paul's very dear and trusted friends; and the fact that he was chosen by the apostle to act as his delegate to Corinth, to trans- 7. His act difficult and delicate work in the

    Character church there, and that he did this oftener than once, and did it thor- oughly and successfully, shows that T. was not merely a good but a most capable man, tactful and resourceful and skilful in the handling of men and of affairs. "Whether any inquire about T., he is my partner and fellow-worker to you-ward" (2 Corinthians 8 23). JOHN RUTHERFURD


    TITUS or TITIUS JUSTUS (Tfros or Tinos 'lovo-Tos, Titos or Titios loiistos [Acts 18 7]): Titus or Titius for the MSS vary in regard to the spell- ingwas the prenomen of a certain Corinthian, a Jewish proselyte (xebomcnox (on Tkcon. See PROSE- LYTE). His narne_eeems also to indicate that he was a Roman by birth. He is altogether a different person from Titus, Paul's assistant and companion in some of his journeys, to whom also the Ep. to Tit is addressed.

    Titus or Titius Justus was not the "host of St Paul at Corinth" (HDB, art, "Justus," p. 511), for Luke has already narrated that, when Paul came to Corinth, "he abode with" Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18 3). What is said of Titius Justus is that when the Jews in Corinth opposed themselves to Paul and blasphemed when he testified that Jesus was the Christ, then Paul ceased to preach the gos- pel in the Jewish synagogue as he had formerly done, and "he departed thence, anil went into the house of a certain man named Titus Justus, one that worshipped God, whose house joined hard to the synagogue" (ver 7).

    "Titius Justus was evidently a Roman or a Latin, one of the roloni of the. colony Corinth. Like the centurion Cornelius, he had been attracted to the synagogue. His citizenship would afford Paul an opening to the more, educated class of the Corinthian, population" (Ramsay, St, Paul the Traveller and the Romans Citizen, 256).

    Paul's residence in Corinth continued for a year and a half, followed without a break by another period indicated in the words, he "tarried after this yet many days" (Acts 18 11.18), and during the whole of this time he evidently used the house of Titius Justus, for the purposes both of preaching the gospel and of gathering the church together for Christian worship and instruction, "teaching the word of God among them" (ver 11).

    Titiiis Justus, therefore, must have been a wealthy man, since ho possessed a house in which there was an apartment sufficiently largo to be used for both of these purposes; and he himself must have been a most enthu- siastic member of the church, when in a period of pro- tracted difficulty and persecution, he welcomed Paul to liis house, that he might use it as the meeting-place of the church in Corinth. Sue JUSTUS, (2).




Letter "T"


    TIZITE, tl'/it pjTnn, hd-lln; \'>, 6 'Iia,(rd, ho Icdxc'i, A, 6 Oucrati, Ini T/itlxdci , Luc., A9a>

    A gentilic attached to the name ",loha" (1 Cli 11 4.")), one of the soldiers of David; the origin is totally unknown.

    TOAH, to'a. See NAIIATH.

    TOB, fob, tob, THE LAND OF pTJ "pS , 'm-? tobh, "a good land"; -yfj Twp, ^ 7Y>/;): Hither jephthah escaped from his brethren after his father's death (Judges 11 3), and perfected himself in the art of war, making forays with ''the vain fellows" who joined him. Here the elders of C.ilead found him. when, reduced to dire straits by the children of Animon, they desired him to take command of their army (vs off). This country contributed 12.000 men to the forces of the allies, who with the Ammon- ites were defeated by Israel (2 Samuel 10 South). Inl Mace 5 13 wo read of the land of Tubias where the Jews, about 1,000 men, wore slain by the (ientiles, their wives and children being carried into captivity. The Tubieni, "men of Tob" of 2 Mace 12 17, wore probably from this place. Ptolemy (v.19) speaks of Thauba, a place to the South.West. of Zobah, which may possibly bo Tob. The Tahn (Noubauor, (icng. du Tdhn, 2:V.) identifies the land of Tob with the dis- trict of Ilippeno. Tob would then be represented by Hippos, modern South//.s7//r/i, to the South.\\\\\\\\V. of Fik on the plateau East. of the Sea of Galileo. Perhaps the most likely identification is that supported by G. A. Smith (HGHL, oS7), with ct-Taii/ih, h, 10 miles South. of I -mm Kcis (Gadara). The name is the same in meaning as Tob. A\\\\\\\\ . EWING

    TOB-ADONIJAH, tol)-ad-6-ni'ja, tub- pit: n^"nX, tobh ' ddhonlyah, ''good is tho Lord"; B, Tu)(3a5a)pid, Tohddobcid, A and Luc., TcdpaScovici, Tohdduidd): One of tho Levitessent by King Jehosh- aphat to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Chronicles 17 South). The name looks like a dittography arising from the two previous names, Adonijah and Tobijah.

    TOBIAH, to-bl'a (n^VJ , toWilyah; A, Twpfas, Tobias, omitted in B) :

    (1) An Ammonite slave (AV "servant"), prob- ably of Sanballat, the governor of Samaria (Nehemiah 2 10). He was grieved exceedingly when Nehe- miah came to seek the welfare of the children of Israel. In two ways ho was connected by marriage with the Jews, having himself married the daughter of Shocaniah, the son of Arah, and his son Jehohanan having married the daughter of Meshullam, the son of Borochiah (6 1

    (2) The eponym of a family which returned with

    Zcrubbabel, but could not trace its descent (Ezra 2 00; Nehemiah 7 02). R. DIC-K WILSON*

    TOBIAS, to-bl'as:

    (1) The son of Tobit. See TOBIT, BOOK OF.

    (2) Tw/it'as, Tdli'uiK, A, Tuj3iw, Tohio, the father (according to Jos, grandfather) of HYRCANUS (q.v.) (2 Mace 311).

    TOBIE, td'bi. See TUBIAS.

    TOBIEL, to-bl'ol, to'bi-ol (Topi^X, Tobt'V, A, Ta>pi^\\\\\\\\, Tohit'l): The father of Tobit (Tob 11); another form of "Tabeel," "God is good."

    TOBIJAH, to-bl'ja (rWt: , Idbhlyah, "Yahweh is good") :

    (1) A Levitc in the reign of Jehoshaphat whom the king sent to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Chronicles 17 8; VPlit:, tdbhnjalnl; LXX omits).

    (2) One of a party of Jews that came from Baby- lon to Jerusalem with gold and silver for a crown for Zerubbabel and Joshua, or for Zerubbabel alone (Zee 6 10.14). The crown was to be stored in the temple in remembrance of the donors (LXX in both passages translates rT^East by XP'V ffL / J - 0i > chrf'siiiiui, i.e. rPZlit:, tobhcyha).

    TOBIT, tf/bit, BOOK OF:

    1. Name

    2. Canonicity

    3. Contents

    4. Fact or Fiction ?

    5. Sonic Sources

    6. Date

    7. Place of Composition

    8. Versions

    0. Original Language LITERATURE

    The book is called by the name of its principal

    hero which in Gr is Tw/itr, Tdhit, Tw/3eir, Tdlic'it and

    (North) 'fwpeiO, Tobeith. The original Hob

    1. Name word thus transliterated (fTD'TE , tdbln-

    yuh) moans "Yahweh is good." The Gr name of the son is Tw/3fas, TtihldN, a variant of the same Hob word. In the Eng., Welsh, etc, U'% the father and son are called Tobit and Tobias respectively, but in the Vulg both are known by tho same name Tobias the cause of much confusion. In Syr the father is called Tobit, the son Tobiytt, following apparently the Gr; the former is not a transliteration of the Hob form given above and assumes a different etymology, but what?

    Though this book is excluded from Protestant Bibles (with but few exceptions), Tob 4 7-9 is read

    in the Anglican offertory, and at one

    2. Canon- time Tobias and Sarah occupied in icity the marriage service of the Anglican

    rubrics the position at present held by Abraham and Sarah. For the position of the book in the LXN, Vulg and EV, see JUDITH, 2.

    The Book of Tob differs in essential matters in its various VSS and even in different MSS of the

    same VSS (cf LXX). The analysis

    3. Contents of tho book which follows is based on

    the LXX MSS BA, which EV follows. The Vulg differs in many respects.

    The book tolls of two Jewish families, living, 0110 at Nineveh, tho other at Ecbataiia, both of which had fallen into great trouble, but at length recovered their fortunes and became united by tho marriage of the son of one to the daughter of tho other. Tobit had, with his brethren of the tribe of Naphtali, boon taken captive by Ene- niessar ( = Shalmaneser), remaining in exilo under his two successors, Sennacherib and Sarchcdonus (Esar- haddon). During his residence in tho Northern King- dom (Israel) and after his removal to Nineveh (Assyria), he continued faithful to the Jewish religion and supported the observances of that religion at Jorus. Moreover, ho fasted regularly, gave alms freely, and buried such of his fellow-countrymen as had been put to death with the approval or by the command of tho Assyr king. Not- withstanding this loyalty to the religion of his fathers and tho fact that ho buried Jewish corpses intended to be



Letter "T"

    disgraced by exposure, lie like other Jews (Daniel, etc) won favor at court by his upright demeanor and was made steward of the kind's estate. I'uder the next king (Sennacherib) all this was changed, for lie not only lost his high ollice but was deprived of his wealth, and came perilously near to losing his life. Through an accident (bird dung falling into his eyes) he lost his sight, and, to make bad worse, his wife, in the, manner of Job's, taunted him with the futility of his religious faith. Job- like he prayed that God might take him out of his dis- tress.

    Now it happened that at this time another Jewish family , equally loyal to the ancestral faith, had fallen into similar distress Kaguol, his wife Kdna and his daughter Sarah, who resided at Kobatana (Vulg " Hages " ; of 1 14) in Media. Now Sarah was an only daughter, comely of person and virtuous of character. She had been married to seven successive husbands, but each one of them had been slain on the bridal night by the demon Asmodcus, who seems to have been eaten up with jeal- ousy and wished no other to have the charming maid whom lie loved. The parents of Tobias at \\\\\\\\ine\\\\\\\\eh. like those of Sarah at Kcbatana, wished to see their only child married that they might have descendants, but the marriage must bo in each case to one belonging to the chosen race (.3 7-15; but see 7, below). The crux of the story is the bringing together of Tobias and Sarah and the frustration of the jealous murders of Asmodeus. In the deep poverty to which ho had been reduced Tobit bethought himself of the money (toil talents, i.e. about .0,500) which he had deposited with one Gabael of Rages (LXX A 15, lthai) in Media (see 1 14). This lie desired his son to fetch; but the journey is long and dangerous, and he must have a trustworthy guide which he finds in Raphael, an angel sent by God, but who ap- pears in the guise of an orthodox Jew. The old man is delighted with the guide, whom, however, ho first of all carefully examines, and dismisses his son with strict in- junctions to observe tho Law, to give alms and not to take to wife a non-Jewish (EV "strange") maiden (4 :i If). Proceeding on the journey they make a, halt on reaching the Tigris, and during a bath in tho river Tobias sees a fish that made as if it would devour him. The angel tells him to seize tho fish and to extract from it and carefully keep its heart, liver and gall. Keaehing Eobatana they are hospitably lodged in the homo of Kaguol.and at once Tobias falls madly in love with the beautiful daughter Sarah, and desires to have her for wife. This is approved by the girl's parents and by Raphael, and tho marriage takes place. Before going together for the night the angel instructs the bridegroom to burn the heart and liver of the fish he had caught in the Tigris. The smoke that resulted acted as a counter- charm, for it drove away tho evil spirit who nevermore returned (8 1 If). At the request of Tobias, Raphael leaves for Rages and brings from Gabael the ten talents left in his charge; by Tobit. Tobias and his bride led by tho angel now set out for Nineveh amid the prayers and blessings of Raguel and with half his wealth. They are warmly welcomed by the aged and anxious parents Tobit and Anna, and Tobias' clog which ho took with him (5 1(>) was so pleased upon getting back to the old home that, according to the Vulg rendering, he "ran on before as if bringing the news ..... showing his joy by fawning and by wagging his tail" (Vulg 11 9; cf East V 11 4). Upon reaching his father, acting upon Raphael's directions, Tobias heals Tobit's demon-caused blindness by applying to the old man's eyes the gall of the fish, whereupon sight returns and the family's cup of happi- ness is full. The angel is offered a handsome fee for the services he has rendered, but, refusing all, he declares who he is and why ho was sent by God, who deserves all the praise, ho none. Tobit, having a presentiment of tho coming doom of Nineveh, urges his son to leave the country and make his home in Media after the death of his parents. Tobias is commanded to write the; events which had happened to him in a book (12 20). We then have Tobit's hymn of praise and thanksgiving and a record of his death at the age of 158 years (chs 13, 14). Tobias and Sarah, in accordance with Tobit's advice, leave for Ecbatana. His parents-in-law follow his parents into the other world, and at the age of 127 he himself dies, though not before, hearing of the destruction of Nineveh by Nebuchadnezzar (14 13-15).

    Luther seems to have been the first to call in question the literal historicity of this book, regard- ing it rather in the light of a didactic 4. Factor romance. The large number of details Fiction? pervading the book, personal, local and chronological, give it the appear- ance of being throughout a historical record; but this is but part of the author's art. His aim is to interest, instruct and encourage his readers, who were apparently in exile and had fallen upon evil times. What the writer seeks to make clear is that if they are faithful to their religious duties, giving themselves to prayer and almsgiving, bury-

    Titus Manius Tobit, Book of

    ing their dead instead of exposing them on the "Tower of Silence," as did the Persians, then Cod would be faithful to them as He had been to Tobit.

    That the book was designed to be a book of religious instruction and not a history appears from the following considerations: (1) There are historical and geographical inaccuracies in the book. It was not Shalmaneser (Enemessar) who made the; tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun exiles in Assyria, but Tiglath-pileser (7:(4); see 2 Kings 15 29. Sennacherib was not the son of Shal- maneser (1 15), but of Sargon the Tsui-per. Moreover, the Tigris does not lie on the way from Xineveh to Kcba- tana, as chs 6f imply.

    (2) The prominence given to certain Jewish principles and practices makes it clear that the book was written on their account. See 1 ;i ff, Tobit's integrity, his sup- port of the Jerusalem sanctuary, his almsgiving, etc: () he buries the dead bodies of Jews; (/,) he and his wife pray; (c) he teaches Tobias to keep the Law, give alms, etc. Xote in particular the teaching of Raphael the angel (12 C> ff) and that contained in Tobit's song of praise (eh 13).

    (3) The writer has borrowed largely from other sources, Bib. and non-Bib., and he shows' no regard for correctness of facts so long as he succeeds in making the teaching clear and the tale interesting. Tho legend about the angel who pretended to be an orthodox Jew with a proper Jewish name and pedigree was taken from popular tradition and could hardly have boon accepted by the writer as literally true.

    For oral and written sources used by the author of Tob see the next section. A writer whose aim was to give an exact account of things which happened would hardly have gone to so many sources belonging to such different times, nor would he bring into one life, events which in the sources belong to many lives (Job, etc).

    The Book of Tob is dependent upon older sources, oral or written, more than is the case with most books in tho Apoc. The following is 5. Some a brief statement of some of these; Sources (1) The Hook of Job. Besides be-

    longing to the same general class of literature as Job, such as deals with the problem of suffering, Tob presents us with a man in whose career there are alternations of prosperity and ad- versity similar to those that meet tis in Job. When Anna reproaches her husband for continuing to believe in a religion which fails him at the critical moment (Tob 2 14), we have probably to see a reflection of the similar incident in Job ("renounce God and die" [Job 2 9]).

    (2) The Book of Sirarh. There are so many parallels between Sir and Tob that some kind of dependence seems quite clear. Take the following as typical: Both lay stress on the efficacv of alms- giving (4 11; 12 9; cf Sir 3 30; 29 12; 40 24). Both teach the same doctrine of Sheol as the abode of feelingless shades to which the good as well as the bad go (3 6.10; 13 2, cf Sir 46 19; 14 16; 17 _28). The importance of interring the dead is insisted upon in both books (1 17; 2 3.7; 4 3f; cf Sir 7 33; 30 18; 38 16). The same moral duties are emphasized: continued attention to Cod and the life He enjoins (4 JH.19; cf Sir 6 37; 8 8-14; 35 10; 37 2); chastity and the duty of marrying within one's own people (4 12 f ; 8 6; cf Sir 7 26; 36 24); proper treatment of servants (4 14; cf Sir 7 20 f); the sin of covetousness (5 18f; cf Sir 5); see more fully X/>e

    (3) The Ahikar legend. Wo now know that the story of Ahikar referred to in 14 10 existed in many forms and among many ancient nations. The sub- stance of the legend is briefly that Ahikar was prime minister in Assyria under Sennacherib. Being childless he adopted a boy Nad an (called "Aman" in 14 10) and spared no expense or pains to estab- lish him well in life. I'pon growing up the young man turns out badly and squanders, not only his own money, but that of Ahikar. When rebuked and punished by the latter, he intrigues against his adoptive father and by false letters persuades the king that his minister is a traitor. Ahikar is condemned to death, but the executioner saves the fallen minister's life and conceals him in a cellar



Letter "T"

    below his (Ahikar's) house. In :i great crisis which unexpectedly' arises the king; expresses the wish that he had still with him his old and (as he thought) now executed minister. He is delighted to find after all that he is alive, and he loses no time in restoring him to his lost position, handing over to him Nadan for such punishment as he thinks fit.

    There can bo no doubt that the " Aehiacharus " of

    believed that the story arose in tho Middle Ages under the influence of To)). Modem scholars, however, agree that the story is of heathen origin and of older date than Tob. Rondel Harris published a Syr VS of this legend together with an Intro and tr (Cambridge Press, 1898), but more important are the references to this tale m the

    iknr from tin- North.yr, .\\\\\\\\r

    Conybeare, J. Rondel Harris and A. South.^Lewis, 18!)s, 1 in" i)articular llistoire ct tiayusse d'Ahikar, par


    and in pa

    Francois Nace, 1U09.

    (4) The occurrence in 14 10 of "Aman" for "Nudan" may show dependence upon Est, in whicli book Hainan, prime minister and favorite of Ahas- uerus (Xerxes, 4Sf)-H>4 BC) exhibits treachery com- parable with that of Nadan. But Est seems to the present writer to have been written after and not before Tob (see Century Bible, "Esther," 299 ff). It is much more, likely that a copyist substituted, perhaps unconsciously through mental association, the name Hainan for that which stood originally in the text. Marshall (Hl)li, IV, 7SD) thinks that the author of Tob was acquainted with the Book of Jub, but he really proves no more than that both have many resemblances. In its angelology and demonology the Book of Jub is much more devel- oped and belongs to a later date (about 100 BC; see R. II. Charles, Book of Jubilee, Ivi ff, Iviii IT). But the two writings have; naturally much in common because both were written to express the sentiments of strict Jews living in the 2d cent. BC.

    This book seems to reflect the Maccabean age, an age in which faithful Jews suffered for their religion. It is probable that Jth and 6. Date Tob owe their origin to the same set of circumstances, the persecutions of the Jews by the Syrian party. The book belongs therefore to about 1GO BC. The evidence is ex- ternal and internal.

    (1) External. (a) 14 4-9 implies the existence of the Book of Jon and also the completion and recognition of the prophetic. Canon (about 200 BC). (b) Since Sir is used as a source, t hat book must have been written, i.e. Tob belongs to a later date than say ISO BC. (c) The Christian Father Polycarp in 112 AD quotes from Tob, but then; is no earlier allusion to the book. The external evidence proves no more than that Tob must have been written after ISO BC and before 112 AD.

    (2) Internal. (a) 14 5 f seems to show that Jon was written while the temple of Zerubbabel was in exist ence, but before t his st met lire had been replaced by the gorgeous temple erected under Herod the Great: i.e. Tob was written before 25 BC. (b) The stress laid upon the burial of the dead suits well the period of the Syrian persecution, when we know Antiochus Epiphanes allowed Jewish corpses to lie about unburied. (c) We have in Tob and Jth the same zeal for the Jewish Law and its observ- ance which in a special degree marked the Macca- bean age. Noldeke and Lohr (Kautzsch, Apok. des A T, 136) argue for a date about 175 BC, on the ground that in Tob there is an absence of that fer- vent zeal for Judaism and that hatred of men and

    things non-Jewish which one finds in books written during the Maeeabean wars. But we know for certain that when the Maeeabean enthusiasm was at its height there existed all degrees of fervor among the Jews, and it, would be a strange tiling if all the literature of the time represented but one phase of the national life.

    We have no means of ascertaining who wrote this book, for the ascription of the authorship to Tobit (1 1 i'f) is but a literary device. There 7. Place of are, however, data which help in fixing Composition the nationality of the writer and the country in which he lived. That the author was a Jew is admitted by all, for no other than a Jew could have shown such a deep interest in Jewish things and in the fortune's of the Jewish nation. Moreover, the fact that Tobit, though a member of the Northern Kingdom, is represented as worshipping at the Jems temple and observing the feasts there (1 4-7) makes it probable that the author was a member of the Southern Kingdom wishing to glorify the religion of his country.

    That ho did not live in Philestina-Canaan Land is suggested by several con- siderations: (1) The book describes the varying fortunes of .lews in exile, so completely and with such keen sym- pathy as to suggest that the writer was himself one of them. (2) The affectionate language in which he refers to .lerus and its religious associations (1 4 If) is such as a member of the Diaspora would use. (.'5) 'I he author nowhere reveals a close personal knowledge of Philestina-Canaan Land. 1 hat Tobit the ostensible author (1 1), should be set forth as a native of Galilee (1 1 f ) is duo to tho art of tho writer.

    Assuming that the book was written in a foreign land, opinions differ as to which. The evidence seems to favor either Persia or Egypt. In favor of Persia is the Pers background of the book. As- inodeus (3 8.17) is the Pers Aexma (larva. The duty of burying the dead is suggested to the Jewish writer by the Pers (Zoroastrian) habit of exposing dead bodies on the ''Tower of Silence" to be eaten by birds. Consanguineous marriages are forbid- den in the Pent (see Leviticus 18 tiff); but they are favored by Tob 1 .); 3 15; 4 12; 7 4. The latter seems to show that Tobias and Sarah whom he married were first cousins. Marriages between relatives were common among the Iranians and were defended by the magicians as a religious duty. One may say it was allowed in the particular case in question on account of the special circumstances, the fewness of Jews in the parts where the families of Tobit and Raguel lived; cf Numbers 36 4 ff for an- other special case. The fact that a dog is made to accompany Tobias on his journey to Ecbatana (5 17; if 4) favors a Pers origin, but is so repug- nant to Sem ideas that it is omitted from the Hebrew VSS of this story (see Doc;). l ( '"r an elaborate de- fence of a Pers origin of Tob see J. II. Moulton, Exodus- pos T, XI, 157 ff; cf II. Maldwyn Hughes, The Ethics of Jewish A i>ocri/i)hal Literature, 42 ff . The evidence is not decisive; for a knowledge of Iranian modes of thought and expression may be possessed by persons living far away from Iranian territory. And at some points Tob teaches things contrary to Zoroas- trianism. Noldeke and Lcihr hold that the book was composed in Egypt, referring to the facts that the demon Asmodeus on being overcome flees to Egypt (8 3) and that there were Jews in Egypt who remained loyal to their ancestral faith and were nevertheless promoted to high places in the state. The knowledge of Mesopotamia shown by the author is so defective (see 4, above) that a Mesopotamian origin for the book cannot be conceived of.

    Tob exists in an unusually large number of MSS and

    VSS showing that tho book was widely read and rogarded

    as important. But what is peculiar in the

    o TT case of this book is that its contents differ

    8. Versions largely and not seldom in quite essential

    matters in tho various MSS, texts and tr s

    (see 3, above).

    Tob has conio down to us in the following languages:



Letter "T"

    (1) Grerk. MSS of the Or text belong to throo classes: (a) that found in the uncials BA (which are almost identical) and most (Jr MSS; our Kng. and other modern tr are made from this; (l>) that of X which deviates from (a) often in important matters. The old Lat tallies with this very closely; (<) that of ("odd. -11, 10(1 and 107 (adopting the numbers of Holmes and Parsons), which largely coincides with (/<). From 7 10 onward this text forms the !>asis of the Syr (I'esh) VS. Opinions differ as to which of these three ( ir texts is the oldest. Fritzsche, Noldeko an 1 (irimiu defend the priority of BA. In favor of this arc the following: This text exists in the largest numb T of MSS and tr"; it is most frequently quoted, by the Fathers and other early writers; it is less diffuse and morn spontaneous, showing less editorial manipulation. "Owald, Keusch, Schiirer, Nestle and .J. Kondel Harris ho'd that X represents the oldest (eak< r'.s Comm., I, 168 f). X is much fuller than 14 \\\\\\\\. Condensation (cf B A) is much more likely. Fuller and Schiirer say, than expansion (SC); but this is questioned. In some cases X preserves an admittedly belter text, .vhich is of course true often of the LXX and even the minor \\\\\\\\"SS as against the MT.

    (2) Latin. (,;) The Old Lat based on X found in (a) the editions published in 1751 by Sabbatnier (liib. Sac. Lat VSS Antiq.); (ft) in the Book of Tob (A. Neubauer, 1878). This text exists in at ieast three recensions. (l>) The Vulg, which simply reproduces Jerome's careless tr made in a single night; see (3/. In .1th and Tob the Vulg is in every respect identical with its tr made by Jerome.

    (3) Aramaic (a term which stric'ly embraces Syr). (n) That from which Jerome's Jewish help made the He!) that formed the basis of Jerome's Lat VS. We have no copy of this (see next section), (G) That published by Neubauer (Hunk of Tob, a Chaldee Text) which was found by him imbedded iu a Jewish Mulr of the 15th cent. Neubauer was convinced and tried to prove that this is the VS which Jerome's teacher put intr> II eb and which therefore formed the basis of Jerome's own VS. In favor of this is the fact that in chs 1-36, and there- fore throughout the book, Tob is spoken of in the, third person alike in this Aram. (Chaldee) VS and in Jerome's Lat tr; whereas in all the other VSS (cf chs 1-36) Tob speaks in the first person (" I," etc). But the divergences between this Aram, and Jerome's Lat VSS are numerous and important, and Neubauer'a explanations are in- adequate (op. cit., vi ff). Besides, Dalman (Grammatik des jiid.-palrst. Aram,, 1894, 27-129) proves from the language that this V r South belongs to the 7th cent. AD or to a later time.

    (4) Ruriac. Tho text of this VS was first printed in the London Poli/glot (vol IV) and in a critically revised form in the Lib. A/>oc. Vet. Text. ,South .//;. of Lagarde. This text consists of parts of two different VSS. The Hex- aplar text based on the usual MSS (B A, etc) is used from 1 1 7 9. From 7 10 onward the text corresponds closely with the ( !r, South?, and p esp. in parts, with the MSS 44, 106, 107. See fully Schurer, GJ V, 244 If.

    (5) Jlcbrew. None of the Hebrew recensions are old. Two Hebrew texts of Tob have been known since the Kith cent., having been printed then and often afterward. Both are to be found in the London Polyijlnt. (a) That known as Hchraeas Munsteri (HM), from the fact that it was published at Basel in 1542 by Sebastian Minister, though it had also been printed in 1510 at Constanti- nople. (6) That known as Hebraeus Fa

    ((')) Ethiopic. Dillmaim has issued the ancient Ethi- opic VSS in his liildia Veteris Textamcnti Acts/iio pica, V, 1894.

    The majority of modern scholars, who have a

    better knowledge of Sem than the older scholars,

    hold that the original text of Tob was

    9. Original Sem (Aram, or Hebrew) ; so Ewald, Hilgen-

    Language feld, Graetz, Neubauer, Bickell, Fuller

    (Speaker's Apoc), Marshall (HDB). In

    favor of this are (ho following considerations: (1) The

    existence of an Aram, text in Jerome's day (see [3],

    above). (2) The proper names in the book, male

    and female, have a Sem character. (3) The style of

    the writer is Sem rather than Aryan, many of the expressions making bad (ir, but when turned into Sem yielding good Aram, or Hob. See the argu- ments as set out by Fuller (Speaker's Apoc, I, 1(54 ff). Marshall (HDB, 11 1, T.XSj gives his reasons for concluding (hat (lie original language was Aram., not Hebrew, in this opinion following Neubauer (op. cit.). draetx (MonatsNchriftfur d'cxchicfite and Wis- scnschaft i/ir Jiidtn, 1S71), 3S(i ff) gives his grounds for deciding for a Hebrew original. That the book was written in (!r is (ho view upheld by Frilzsohe, Noldeko, \\\\\\\\V. R. Smith, Schiirer and Lohr. The text of HA, says Lohr, contains Gr of the most idiomatic kind, and gives no suggestion of being a, translation. LITKRATUKK. Mucli of the best literature has been cited in the course of the preceding article. See also " Lit- eral lire" in art. APOCBYPHA, for text . comrns., etc. and the Bible Diets., Kit (\\\\\\\\V. Krbt) and III) It (J. T. Marshall). Note in addition the following: K. D. Ilgen, Din (je- schichteTobiax, narh den dr< t versfhiedtin-nOrialnalen.Grie- chitch, Lateinisch u. Si/r., etc, 1SOO; Ewald, (l>'ch.', IV, 209-74; Graetz, Gesch.z, IV, 4<>Glf; Noldeke, " Die Texte deaBuchsTo\\\\\\\\3," Monatsschriftder Berlin A cad., 1X79, 45 if; Bickell, "A Source of tin; Book of Tob," Athenaeum, 1890, 700 If; 1891, 123 If; I. Abrahams, " Tobit's Dog," Jewish Quarterly Review, I, 3, 288; East. Cosquin, "l.e livre de Tobie et 1'histoire du sage Aliikar," Her. Hib. Int., VIII, 1899, 50-82, 510-31, rejects K. Harris' views; Margarete Plath,"Zum T^uch Tob," Stud. und Krit., 1901, 377-414; 1. Levi, " La langue originate de To!)," ]{<


    TOCHEN, io'ken flDn , tokhen, "task," "meas- ure"; B, QOKKO., Thdkka, A, oxxav, Thdchchan): One of the cities of Simeon, mentioned with llim- mon and Ashan (1 Chronicles 4 32). The name does not appear in Joshua's list (19 7), but in that place; LXX gives Thokka, from which we may infer that the name has fallen out in the Hebrew. It is not identi- fied.

    TOGARMAH, tn-gar'ma (np^j , rTEn.Vin , to-

    gharnidh; op-yand, Thon/amd, tpYifid, Tficryamd,

    0vp-ya(id, Thurgamd, Qvp-yaficL, Thur-

    1. Its (jabd; \'ulg Thorgonia): Tho 3d son Forms: A of (Joiner, and grandson of Japheth, Suggested his brothers being Ashkonaz and Ri- Identifica- j)hath (don 10 3). The meaning of tion the name is doubtful, driimn (dcsch.

    de-iilsch. Sprache, II, 325) suggests Sanskr. toka, "tribe," and armo = Armenia. Ety- mological and other difficulties stand in the way of Fr. Delitzsch's identification of Togarmah with the Assyr Til-garimmu, "hill of Garimmu," or, possibly, "of (he bone-heap," a fortress of Melitone, on the borders of Tabal (Tubal).

    In l^zk 27 14 Togarmah is mentioned after Tubal,

    Javan and Mesech as supjjlying horses and mules

    to the Tyrians, and in 38 6 it is said

    2. Probably to have supplied soldiers to the army Armenia or of dog (dygos of Lydia). In the a Tract Assyr inscriptions horses came from Connected Kusu (neighborhood of Cappadocia), Therewith Andia and Mannu, to the North. of Assyria.

    Both Kiopert and Dillmann regard Togarmah as having been Southeastern Armenia, and this is at present the general opinion. The ancient identification of their eoundy with Togar- mah by the Armenians, though correct, is probably- due to the LXX transposition of g and r (Thorgamd for Togarmah), which has caused them to see therein the name of Thorgom, father of Haik, the founder of their race (Moses of Khor, I, 4, sees. 9-11). Ezekiel 27 14 (Swete) alone has g before r: Oarypa/xd, Thni- grnmd. The name "Armenia" dates from the 5th cent. BC. See AUMKNIA; TABLE OF NATIONS.

    T. d. I'I.VCHES TOHU, to'hu. See NAHATH.

    TOI, to'I, -i. See Tou.



Letter "T"

    TOKEN, to'k'n (r ; X , Ttth, usually rendered "sign" [on Deuteronomy 22 14 IT see (he comms.J): "Sign" and "token" are virtually synonymous words and in AY are used with little or no distinction (in Kx 13, cf vs 9 and H>). If there is any difference, ''token" is perhaps more concrete and palpable than "sign," hut this difference cannot he stressed. The modern use of "token," however, as a memo- rial of something past " is found in Xu 17 10; -Joshua 2 12. HV lias substituted "sign" in Kx 13 lt>; Psalm 135 9; Isaiah 44 2.1. and AKV has "evidence" in Job 21 29 (a needlessly prosaic change). The four XT examples, Mark 14 44; Phil 1 2s; 2 Thes.s 1 f>; 3 17 (.each for a different (if word) are self- explanatory. See SKIN.


    TOKHATH, tok'hath. See TIKVAII.


    , tdkV, "worm" or


    TOLA, to'la


    (1) One of the four sons of Tssachar ((ien 46 13; 1 (Mi 7 1), mentioned among (hose who journeyed to Egypt with .Jacob (den 46 8 f), anil in the census' taken by Moses and Elea/ar, as father of the Tolaites (Xu 26 23) whose descendants in the reign of David included 22,tiOO "mighty men of valor" (1 (Mi 7 2).

    (2) One of the .Judges, the son of Puah, a man of Issachar. He dwelt in the hill country of Kphraim in the village of Shamir, where 1 after judging Israel 23 years he was buried (Judges 10 1.2). In the order of succession he is placed between Abimelech and .lair. It is interesting to note that both Tola and Puah are names of colors, and that they occur together both in (hi- case of the judge and in that of the sons of Issachar. They may therefore be looked upon as popular typical or ancestral names of the Issachar tribe, although current critical theories seek an explanation in a confusion of texts.

    KI.LA DAVIS ISAACS TOLAD, to'lad. See Kl.Tol.AI).

    TOLAITES, td'la-Its. See TOLA.

    TOLBANES, fol'ba-ne/,, tol-ba'nez (ToXpdvT]?,

    'r<>ll>dii('x): One of (lie porter* who had taken for- eign wives (1 Esdras 9 2.V) - "M'elem" of Kzr 10 24; perhaps identical with the porter Talmon (Xeh 12 25).

    TOLL, tdl: (1) Aram. !~n^ , iniddali, "toll" or "tribute" paid bv a vassal nation to its conqueror (East/r 4 20; 6 South;' Xeh 54;; written also r\\\\\\\\~"^i2 , inindah (K/.r 4 13; 7 24;. More accurately for Tfbn, Mlakh, "toll," or "way tax" (4 13.20; 7 24). Ill XT limes the Romans had placed throughout Philestina-Canaan Land many toil stations (re\\\\\\\\wviov, t< Ion ion). Levi the publican was stationed at such a tax office (Matthew 9 9; Mark 2 14; Luke 5 27); cf reXci^s, tdfiiu'x, a "tax collector" or "publican." The tax which the Jews paid toward the support of the temple, a didrachma, is called rAo9, ielos, "loll" (Ml 17 2", the same as the word rendered "tribute" (Romans 13 7).

    TOMB, timm.


    South(-(- BURIAL.

    TOMORROW, too-mor'o. See MORROW.

    TONGS, tongz (DIHpb'Q , i/nlkahnt/un): This word is, where it- occurs in AY and ER.Y, with two exceptions, changed in ARY into "snuffers" (Exodus 25 3S; Numbers 4 9; 2Ch421; see SNUFFERS). The exceptions are 1 Kings 7 49, "tongs of gold," and Isaiah. 6 u, "taken with the tongs from off the altar."

    In Isaiah 44 12, where another word ("^""East, inn'ni-ailh) is used, "t he smit h wit h t he tongs" of AY is changed in RY into "the smith maketh an axe" v cf Jeremiah 10 3). See also AI.TAK; TOOLS.

    TONGUE, lung: Almost invariably for either "jTiL'p , laxhon, or 7\\\\\\\\<, 7Xcoo-<7u>5?)s, gldiwjdcs, "talk- ative." EY "full of tongue" (Sir 8 3; fi IS), y\\\\\\\\wt/ii('t~>, "to cut out i he tongue" (2 Mace 7 4), 5i~ ; Xco

    M'he various uses of "tongue" in Kng. are all ])ossil)U> also for Idxltdn and (/loxxtt, whether as the ])hysical organ ^Exodus 11 '7; Mark 7 33, etc) or as meaning "language" (('.en 10 .">; Acts 2 4, etc) or as descrJ)ing anything shaped like a tongue (Isaiah 11 1"-; Acts 2 3. etc). In addition, both words, ' sp. lashon. appear in a wider range of mean- ings than can be taken by "tongue" in modern Kng. So the tongue appears as the specific organ of speech when- we should prefer "mouth" or "lips" (Exodus 4 10; Psalm 71 24; 78 3(1; Prov 16 1; Phil 2 11, etc), and hence 'tongue" is used figuratively for the words uttered (.Job 6 30; Psalm 139 4; 1 .In 3 IS, etc). So the tongue can be said to have moral qualities (Psalm 109 2; Prov 15 4, etc) or to be "glad" (Acts 2 20); to "love with the tongue" (I .In 3 IS) is to love in word only, and to be "double-tongued" (Sir 6 9; 2813; 1 Tim 3 8) is to be a liar. A further expansion of this figura- tive use has produced expressions that sound slight ly l>i/arre in Kng., although their meaning is clear enough: e.g., "Who have whet their tongue like a sword" (Psalm 64 3); "His tongue is as a devouring fire" (Isaiah 30 27); "My tongue is the pen of a ready writer" ( Psalm 45 l"), and, esp., "Their tongue walketh through the earth" (Psalm 73 9).

    lu Job 20 12, "Though wickedness be sweet in his mouth, though he hide it under his tongue," the figure is that of an uncultured man rolling a choice morsel around in his mouth so as to extract Hu- nt most flavor. In Psalm 10 7; 66 17 (RYm), how- ever, "under the tongue" means "in readiness to utter," while in Cant 4 11, "Honey and milk are under thy tongue," the pleasure of a caress is de- scribed. 'To "divide their tongue" (Psalm 55 9) is to visit on offenders the punishment of Babel. See



    TONGUES, fungz, CONFUSION OF: Accord- ing to Genesis 11 1-9, at some time not, very long after

    the Flood, "the whole earth was of 1. The one language- and of one speech. And

    Narrative it came to pass, as they journeyed

    east" (the "they" is left vague) that they settled in the land of Shinar (Babylonia). There they undertook to build "a city, and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven," using the Bab burned brick and "slime" as building materials. The motive was to "make us a name; lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth. This seems to mean that the buildings would give them a reputation for impregnability that would



Letter "T"

    secure them against devastating invasions. "And LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), came down to see." And lie said, "Nothing will be withholden from them, which they purpose to do. Come, let us go down, and there confound their language." The persons spoken to are not named (cfden 1 2(i; 3 22), nor is it explained how LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, who in ver f> was on earth, is now in heaven. "So LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), scattered them abroad from thence," and the name of the city was "called Babel [hahhti}; because LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), did there confound [bdltil] the lan- guage of all (ho earth: and from thence did LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), scatter thorn abroad upon the face of all the earth." The purpose of this narrative is the explanation of the diversity of human languages. They origi- nated through an act of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, in order to destroy the presumpt uous designs of the first builders of Babylon.

    The section admit tedly belongs to J and it lias no con- nection with the matter (mostly P) in (Jen 10. .For ch 10 explains the origin of the nations "every 2 Context <)nt> aft>T his tongue, after their families' 1 Lie-x.1 (vs - ., ;U) as du( , to the orderly migration and gradual spreading of the sons and de- scendants of Isioah, and names Xinirod (ver 10) as the sole founder of Habylon. Xor does 11 1-9 logicallv continue the ,J matter in ch 9, as too many persons are involved for the time immediately following the Flood Still, it is quite possible that, some J matter was dropped when the J and P sources were united at this point Another possibility is to see in Genesis 11 1-9 the con- tinuation of (ien 4 K>-24, which it carries on smoothlv with the same distrust of human culture. The murderer Cam went to the K. of Kden (4 16), and his descendants brought in the knowledge of the various arts (4 20-2 1 ') I hese descendants journeyed still farther to the East (11 2). attempted to use their skill in building lie tower and were punished by the bnl

    This assumption of a special, early source within I probably best explains the facts. It is indicated bv the very primitive, naive theology, which is much less de- veloped than that of J as a whole. And the obscure relation of (ten 11 1-!) to the Flood narrative is ac- counted for, for two narratives were combined here one of which contained an account of the Deluge, while the other did not.

    By using the repeated "going down" of vs 5.7 as a clue the section can be resolved fairly easily into two narra- tives, e.g. (1) The men build a tower, "whose 3. Homo- t'"!' ma >" r( ' :w ' h UIlto heaven," in order to p-pnpitv I na . a ' il n!lm( ' for themselves as marvelous

    geiieuy builders. LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),, seeing the work beginning

    and "lest nothing be withholden from them, etc, goes down and confounds their language (2) The men build a rit.i/, as a defensive measure "lest we be scattered abroad on the face of the whole earth " LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), goes down to see and scatters them abroad For other analyses see the comms. But they are harcllv imperatiye. For C2> gives no motive for LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s action while city and "tower," "confusion of tongues" ami scattering," are complementary rather than parallel terms. The supposition that a few words describing LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),'s return to heaven have disappeared somewhere from ver 6 relieves the awkwardness.

    The "historicity" of the narrative will bo upheld by very few persons of the present day. Human languages began to diverge (if, indeed there ever was such a thing as a prirni- toricity tive language) tens, if not hundreds,

    of thousands of years before the build- ing of Babylon and long before human beings had attained enough skill to erect the most rudimentary structures, let alone such an elaborate affair as the brick-built city and tower of Babel. And what is true of languages as a whole is equally true of the languages spoken in the vi-inity of Philestina-Canaan Land. If Egyp, Hittite, arid the Sern group have any common point of origin, it lies vastly back of the time and cultural conditions presupposed in (ien 11 ]-<). It is needless to enlarge on this, but for the harm done by a persistent clinging to the letter of the narrative, White's History of the Warfare of Science with Theology may be consulted. It belonged to the genius of the Hebrews to seek religious explana- tions of the things around them. And such an explanation of the origin of languages is the content of Genesis 11 1-9.

    I his explanation seems, as yet, to bo without parallel, for the tr of the fragmentary British Museum Inscription K 36757 is cn- 5. Sources tirely uncertain. Indeed, legends as to how (lie differences of human speech began seem to bo extremely scanty everywhere, as if the question were not one that occupied the minds of primitive" people. Comparative; folklore still has much work to do as regards this special topic (for a few references see Enc Brit, llth od, art. "Babel," and Gunkel, (A;//c*i.s ;i , in loc.). The other features of the narrative, however, are without groat significance. Buildings that wen; unfinished because the builders offended the gods are fairly abundant, and it is quite possible that the writer of Genesis 11 1-9 had some particular Bab structure in mind (see BABEL, TOWER OF). Nor are at tempts of_ men to climb into heaven difficult to con- ceive, when the sky is thought of (as it nearly always was until comparatively modern times) as a material dome. So Gr Bar (3 (if) specifies that they "built the tower to the height of 403 cubits. And they took a gimlet, and sought to pierce (lie heaven, saying, Lot us see whether the heaven is made of clay, or of brass, or of iron." Closely parallel to the Babel story is the Gr legend of the giants, who piled Pelion on Ossa in their attempt to storm the dwelling of (ho gods, and, as a matter of fact, the two accounts seem to be combined in Sib Or 3 97-104.

    _ Whether aided by a tradition about some par- ticular Bab tower or not, the localization of the story in Babylonia was inevitable. The Baby- lonians, above all nations in the world, relied on their wisdom and their skill, and so nowhere but in Baby- lon would this supreme presumption have been possible. Babylon, the embodiment of pride, at the very beginning of her existence was guilty of an act of pride so overwhelming as to call out God's vengeance. The "folk-etymology" babhel-balal (in Aram, babhel-balbel) may have been suggested by this story, or (perhaps more probably) it may have originated separately, perhaps at first as a piece of deliberate irony. Certainly the many languages that could be hoard in Babylon wore "not without significance for the story.

    The religious value of the story is dimmed for the modern reader because of the very primitive concepts that it contains. The men 6. Religious are able to build up into heaven. In Value order to see what they are doing LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),

    is obliged to "come down." He is obliged to take action lost His dwelling-place be in- vaded (cf Genesis 3 22). And the "let us go down" of ver 7, while certainly not polytheistic, is equally certainly a polytheistic "remnant." On the other hand, it is to be noted that God's power is never in question and that there is no desperate and uncer- tain battle as in the Gr legend. Important, also (and often overlooked), is the realization that God's power is just as active in Babylon as it is in Philestina-Canaan Land. The primal moaning to the Israelite, however, was this: In Babylon was seen the greatest enemy of the people of God, possessing immeasurable re- sources. Humanly speaking, there were no limits o this power, and if it had boon uncontrolled at the beginning, all the world would have been over- whelmed with the rule of evil. This God had pre- vented.

    LITERATURE. Driver in llhli; Cheyne (art. "Babel Tower of") in KH; the comms. on Uen, esp. those of Skinner, Driver, Procksch, and Gunkcl.


    TONGUES, GIFT OF: A spiritual gift men- tioned in Acts 10 44-40; 11 15; 19 6; Mark 16 17, uid described in Acts 2 1-13 and at length in 1 oor 12-14, esj). oh 14. In fact, 1 Corinthians 14 contains



Letter "T"

    such !i full and clear account that this passage is basic The speaker in a tongue addressed Lrod (vs 2.2S) in prayer (ver 14), prmei- 1 Basic pally in the prayer of thanksgiving Character (vs 15-17). The words so uttered of 1 Corinthians 14 were incomprehensible to the congrega- tion (vs 2. :>.<), etc), and even to the sneaker himself (ver 14). Edification indeed, was Alined by the speaker (ver 4), but this was the edification of emotional experience only (ver 14). The, words were spoken "in the spirit (ver 2); IP. the ordinary faculties were suspended and the Divine, specifically Christian, element in the man took control, so that a condition of ecstasy was pro- duced This immediate (mystical) contact with the Divine enabled the utterance of "mysteries (ver 2) things hidden from the ordinary human understanding (see MYSTERY). In order to make the utterances comprehensible to the congrega- tion the services of an "interpreter" were needed. Such a man was one who had received from C.od a special gift as extraordinary as the gifts of miracles, healings, or the tongues themselves (12 1030); i.e. the ability to interpret did not rest at all on natural knowledge, and acquisition of it might be given in answer to prayer (14 IM). Those who had this gift were known, and St. Paul allowed the public exercise of "tongues" only when one of the interpreters was present (ver 2S). As the presence of an interpreter was determined before anyone spoke, and as there was to be only one interpreter for the "two or three" speakers (ver 28), any in- terpreter must have been competent to explain atni tongue. But different interpreters did not always agree (ver 20), whence the limitation to one. These characteristics of an interpreter make it clear that "speaking in a tongue" at Corinth was not normally felt to be speaking in a 2 Foreign foreign language. In ver 10 FA is Languages misleading with "there are, it may be. Barred Out so many kinds of voices in the world,

    which suggests that St. Paul is refer- ring directly to the tongues. But, toxinita there should be rendered "very many," "ever so many, and the verse is as purely illustrative as is ver 7. Hence foreign languages are to be barred out. (Still, this need not mean that foreign phrases may not occasionally have been employed by the speak- ers, or that at times individuals may not have made elaborate use of foreign languages. But such cases were not normative at Corinth.) Consequently, if "tongues" means "languages," entirely new lan- guages must be thought of. Such might have been of many kinds (12 2S), have been regarded as a fit creation for the conveyance of new truths, and may even at times have been thought to be celestial languages the "tongues of angels (13 1). On the other hand, the word for "tongue (gltesa) is of fairly common use in Or to designate obsolete or incomprehensible words, and, specifically, lor the obscure phrases uttered by an oracle. 1 Ins use is closely parallel to the use in Corinth and may he- its source, although then it would be more natural if the "ten thousand words in a tongue of 14 1' had read "ten thousand glossal:' In no case, how- ever can "tongue" mean simply the physical organ, for 14 18.19 speaks of articulated words and uses the pi. "tongues" for a single speaker (cf vs 5.6).

    A complete explanation of the tongues is given

    by the phenomena of ecstatic utterances, esp. when

    taken in connection with the history

    3 A State of NT times. In ecstasy the soul feels

    of Ecstasy itself so suffused with the Divine that

    the man is drawn above all natural

    modes of perception (the understanding becomes

    "unfruitful"), and the religious nature alone is felt

    to be active. Utterances at such times naturally

    become altogether abnormal. If the words remain coherent, the speaker may profess to be uttering revelations, or to be the mere organ of the Divine voice. Very frequently, however, what is said is quite incomprehensible, although the speaker seems to be endeavoring to convey something. In a still more extreme case the voice will be inarticulate, ntt (Ting only groans or outcries. At the termi- nation of the experience the subject is generally unconscious of all that has transpired.

    For the state, cf TMiilo. Q">'s rerum. rlirin.. li-liii. 249-66: "The best ecstasy] of all is a Divinely infused rapture and ' mania,' to Which the race of the prophets is sub- ject The wise man is a sounding instrument of God's voice, being struck and played upon in- visibly by -Him As long as our mind stil shines

    [is active! .... we. are not possessed , (by Goal . . . . but . when the Divine light shines, the human

    light sets The prophet . ... is passive;, ami

    another [Cod] makes use of his vocal organs. it, further, the descriptions of Celsus (Origen. Contra t els., vii '. who describes the Christian 'prophets of his day as 'preaching as if God or Christ -were speaking through them closing their words with '"stranire, fanatical, and quite' unintelligible words, of which no rational person can fmd the meaning." The Or papyri furnish us with an abundance of magical formulae couched in unintelli- gible terms (e.g. J'ap. Land., l-'l, i'lao, eloai, mar- mar achad a, menepho, mermai, ieor, aeio, erephie, phere- vhio," etc), which are not infrequently connected \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\_itli an ecstatic state (e.g. Reit/enstein, y\\\\\\\\mam/rrx o.5-;>South). Interpretation of the utterances in such a state would always be difficult and diversities of interpretation would be unavoidable. Still, with a fixed content, such as the Christian religion gave, and with the aid of ges- tures etc men who felt that they had an understanding of such conditions could undertake to explain them to the congregMion. It is to be noted, however, that St. J aul apparently docs not feel that the gift of interpretation is much to be relied on, for otherwise he would have appraised the utility of tongues more highly than he does. But the popularity of tongues in Corinth is easily under- stood The speaker was felt to be taken into the closest of unions with God and hence to bo an especial object of God's favor. Indeed, the occurrence of the phenomenon in a neo-convert was irrefragable proof that the conver- sion was approved by Cod (Acts 10 44-48; 11 l.>; 19 c,). So in Mark 16 17 the gift is treated as an excep- tional and miraculous Divine blessing (in this verse "new" is tcxtually uncertain, and the meaning or the word if read, is uncertain also). Moreover, for the more selfish, the gift was very showy (I Corinthians 13 1 suggests that it was vociferous), and its possession gratified any desire for personal prominence.

    The account in A'-ts 2 differs from that of 1 Corinthians 14 in making the tongues foreign languages, although

    the ability to use such languages is 4. The Ac- not said to have become a permanent count in apostolic endowment. (Nor is it said Acts 2 that the speech of Acts 2 14-36 was

    delivered in more than one language.) When the descent of the Spirit occurred, those who were assembled together were seized with ecstasy and uttered praises to (!od. A crowd gathered and various persons recognized words and phrases in their own tongues; nothing more than this is said. That the occasion was one where a miracle would have had unusual evidential value is evident, and those who see a pure miracle in the account have ample justification for their position. But no more than a providential control of natural forces need be postulated, for similar phenomena are abun- dantly evidenced in the history of religious expe- rience. At times of intense emotional stress the memory acquires abnormal power, and persons may repeat words and even long passages in a foreign language, although they may have heard them only once. Now the situation at Jems at the time of the Feast gave exactly the conditions needed, for then there were gathered pilgrims from all countries, who recited in public liturgical passages (esp. the Mi'moni'h ' Esrch) in their own languages. These;, in part, the apostles and the "brethren" simply reproduced. Incomprehensible words and phrases may well have been included also (Acts 2 13), but for the dignity of the apostles and for the impor- tance of Pentecost St. Ltike naturally cared to em-



Letter "T"

    phasize only (lie more unusual .side and that with the greatest evidential value. It is urged, to be sure, that this interpretation contradicts the ac- count in 1 Corinthians 14. But it does so only on the assumption that the tongues were always uniform in their manifestation and appraisement every- where and the statement of this assumption is its own refutation. If the modern history of ecstatic utterances has any hearing on the Apostolic, age, the speaking in foreign languages could not, have been limited only to Pentecost. (That, however, it was as common as the speaking in new "languages" would be altogether unlikely.) But both varieties Si . Luke may well have known in his own experience.

    St. Paul's treatment of the tongues in 1 Corinthians 12- 14 is a classic: 1 1 passage for the evaluation of reli- gious emotionalism. Tongues are a 5. Religious Divine gift, the exercise is not to be Emotion- forbidden (14 39), and Si. Paul him- alism self is grateful that he has the gift in

    an unevmmon degree (14 IS). In- deed, to those who treat them simply with scorn they become 1 a "sign" that hardening is taking place (14 21-23). Yet a love of them because- they an; showy is simply childish (14 20; 13 11), and the possessor of the gift is not to think that he has the only thing worth obtaining (ch 12). The only gift that is utterly indispensable is love (ch 13), and without it tongues are mere noise (13 1). The public evidential value of tongues, on which per- haps the Corinthians were inclined to lay stress, St. Paul rales very low (14 21-23;. Indeed, when exercised in public they tend to promote only the self-glorification of the speaker (14 4), and so are forbidden when there is not an interpreter, and they are limited for public use at all times (14 27. 2S). But the ideal place for their exercise is in private: "Let him speak to himself, and to God" (14 2S). The applicability of all this to modern conditions needs no commentary. Ultra-emotion- alistic outbreaks still cause the formation of eccen- tric; sects among us, and every evangelist knows well-meaning but slightly weak individuals who make themselves a nuisance. On the other hand, a purely intellectual and ethical religion is rather a dreary thing. A man who has never allowed his religious emotions to carry him away may well be in a high state of grace but he has missed some- thing, and something of very great value. See also SPIRITUAL GIFTS; TONGUES OF FIRE.

    LITERATURE. Plumptre in DB is still useful. Wright, Some AT Prohlxtnx (1S9X). and Walker, The Gift of Tongues and Other Essay* (1906), have collections of mate- rial. Of the comras. on 1 Corinthians those of Heinrici (latest eel 1S9G), Lietzmann (1907) and .1. Weiss (1910) are much the best, fur surpassing Robertson and Plummer in ICC (191 1). For the Gr material, see exo-rao-t? in the index of Rhode's Psyche. Gunkel, Die Wirkunoen des heiliiien Geixtes (1888, 2d reprint in 1909), was epoch-making. For the later period, see Weinel, Die Wirkunneti



    TONGUES OF FIRE ftXa>o-o-ai cbo-el -irvpos, gl&ssai hose'i pitros): The reference in this topic is to the marvelous gift of the Holy Spirit on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2 1-13). After His resur- rection the Lord bade His disciples to tarry in Jerusalem until He should fulfil to them the promise of the Father, and until they should be clothed with power from on high (Luke 24 49). Acts 1 8 re- peats the same gracious promise with additional Particulars: "But ye shall receive power, when the Iply Spirit is come upon you: and ye shall be my witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea and

    Samaria, and unto the ut tennost part of the earth."

    These; were; probably the- last words Our Lord spoke

    on earth before He ascended to the right hand of God.

    When the; Day e>f Pentevost was fully come and

    the disciples, no eloubl by previous arrange-rnent

    and with one ae-cord, wen- gathered

    1. Super- teige-ther in one; place', the' pnmiise was natural gloriously fulfilled. On that, day, the Manifesta- ~>()th after the: Passover, and so the; tions first, day of the week, the; Lord's day,

    the; Spirit of God ele-se-e'iideel upon them in marvelous ce>piousness and powe-r. The> gift ejf the Spirit was accompanied by exlraoreli- nary manifestations or phenomena. These we're three: and we're supernatural. His coming first, appealed to the car. The; elisriples hevml a "soiinel from he-aven," whie-h rushed with mighty force- into the house and fille>el it even as the storm rushes, but the're; was no wind. It was the sound that filled the hemse, ne>t a winel. It was an invisible cause prenlue-ing audible effects. Next, the < ye. was ar- rest eel by the appearance of tongues e>f fire which rest eel on each of the gathered company. Our AV "clove^n tongues" is some\\\\\\\\vhat misleading, for it, is likel ,- 1 o suggest that each fire-like t ongue was e'le>ve>n or forked, as one sometimes sees in the picture's representing the seem;. But this is m>t at all the meaning of Luke's expression; rathe'r, tongue's parting asunder, tongues distributeel among them, eae'h disciple sharing in the gift equally with the others. "Like as of fire 1 ," or, more; exactly, "un if of fire," indicates the; appearance of the tongues, not that the\\\\\\\\y we're ae-tually aflame 1 , but that they prefigured the marvelous gift with which the dis- ciple'.s we're ne>w endowed.

    Finally, there was the; impartatiem to them of a new strange power to speak in language's they hael ne'ver learnevl. It was because they were fillenl with the Holy Spirit that this extraordinary gift was exhibited by them. Not only elid the Spirit enable them thus to speak, but even the utterance of words dcpenelenl on His Divine- influence they spake "as the Spirit gave them utterance."

    Many attempts have be>e>n made by writers on the Acts to explain the phenomenon of Pentecost se> as to exclude in whole: or in part the: supernatural ele'inent which Luke unquestionably recognizes. Some try te> account for the gift of tongues by .saying that it was a new style of speaking, or new forms of expression, or new and elevated thoughts, but this is both unnatural and wholly inconsistent with the: narrative where a real difference of language is implied. Others imagine: that the miracle was wrought upon the ears of the hearers, each of whom supposes! what he heard to be uttered in his mother-tongue. But this view contradicts the dis- tinct statement in Acts 2 4: they "began to speak with other tongues," i.e. the disciples did. It contradicts what the multitude affirmed, viz. "How hear we, every man in our own language, wherein we were born ?" (ver 8). Furthermore, the view contains an element of falsehood, for in. this case the miracle was wrought to make men believe what was not actually the fact. The only reason- able explanation of the phenomena is that which the record bears on its face, and which Luke obviously meant his readers to believe, viz. that the Holy Spirit enabled the disciples te) speak in the: various languages repre- sented by the multitude gathered together at the time.

    The scenes witnessed at Pentecost were somewhat

    analogous to the events which occurred at the giving

    of the Law at Sinai, but the contrast

    2. Sinai between them is much more pro- and Pente- nounced. We are told in He 12 18. cost 19 that "tempest," "fire," and "the

    voice of worels" atteneleel the inaugu- ration of the Mosaic dispensation. Something similar was witnessed at Pentecost. But the dif- ferences between the two are very marked. At Sinai there were also the blackness and darkness, the quaking earth, the thunderings and lightnings, the voice of the trumpet exceeding loud, the terror of the people, and the fear of Moses (Exodus 19 Iti-lS; He 12 18.19). Nothing of this was seen at Pentecost.



Letter "T"

    The phenomena characterize the two dispensations. That of Sinai was legal. Its substance was: Do and live; disobey and die. 1-iaw knows no mercy, extends no grace. Exact justice is its rule, perfect righteousness its requirement, and death its penalty. Xo wonder ter- rible things accompanied its proclamation, and Moses trembled with fear. No wonder it was called "a fiery law" (l)t 33 2).

    With the advent of the Spirit came perfect grace, Divine power and complete pardon for the_ worst

    of men. At Sinai God spoke in one 3. Qualities language. At Pentecost the Spirit Imparted by through the disciples spoke in many the Spirit tongues, (15 in all are mentioned in

    Acts 2). The Law was for one people alone; the gospel is for the whole race. The sound that accompanied the outpouring of the Spirit filled all the house and all the disciples likewise token and pledge of the copiousness, the fulness of the gift. The tongues of flame signified the power of speech, boldness of utterance, and persuasiveness which from henceforth were to mark the testimony of t he disciples.

    The marvelous capabilities which the witnesses dis- play after Pentecost tire most noteworthy. It is common to admire their courage and zeal, to contrast' their fear- lessness in the presence of enemies and danger with their former timidity and cowardice. It is perhaps not so common to recognize in them the (nudities that lie at the foundation of all effective work, that which gives to wit ness -bearing for Christ its real energy and potency. These qualities are such as: knowledge and wisdom, zeal and prudence, confidence and devotion, boldness and love, skill and tact. These and the like gifts appear in their discourses, in their behavior when diffi- culties arise and dangers impend, and in their conduct before the angry rulers. It is altogether remarkable with what skill and tact they defend themselves before the Sanhedrin, and with what effectiveness they preach the gospel of the grace of C.od to the multitude, often a scolllng and hostile multitude. In Peter's address on the Day of Pentecost there are the marks of the highest art, the most skilful logic, and the most persuasive argument. Professor Stifler well says of it: "It is with- out a peer among the products of uninspired men. And yet it is the work of a Galilean fisherman, without culture or training, and his maiden effort." The like distin- guished traits are found in Peter's address recorded in Acts

    3, in that to Cornelius and his friends, and in his defence when arraigned by t lie strict believers at .Jems for having gone into the company of men uncircumcised and having eaten with them. Xo less must be said of the equally wonderful reply of Stephen to the charge brought against him as recorded in Acts 7- It is quite true that Stephen did not share in the (-(fusion of the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost, so far as we know, but he did share in the gift and power of the Spirit soon after, for we are told that he was full of faith and of the Holy Spirit, that he was also full of grace and power. Accordingly, it should be no surprise to read, as the effect of his discourse, that tho high priest and all the rest who heard him "were cut to the heart, and they gnashed on him with their teeth" (ver 54). Stephen spoke with a tongue of fire.

    In the management of the serious complaint made by the Grecian Jews against the Hebrews as to the neglect of their widows in the daily ministration (Acts 6 1), and in their conduct and defence when brought before the council, as they were once and again (chs 4, 5, 12'. they exhibited a wisdom and prudence far enough re- moved from shrewdness and cunning. The qualities they possessed and displayed are uncommon, are more than human, they are the gift of the Holy Spirit with whom they were baptized on Pentecost. So the Lord Jesus had promised (Mark 13 11; John 16 13; Acts 1 8).

    The tongues of fire which we have been eon-

    sidering appear to have differed in one important

    aspect from the like gift bestowed on

    4. Distin- the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 12, 14). At guished Pentecost the disciples spoke in the from 1 Corinthians languages of the various persons who 12, 14 heard them; there needed to be no

    interpreter, as was provided for at Corinth. Paul distinctly orders that if there be no one to explain or interpret the ecstatic, utterance of a speaker, he shall keep silent (1 Corinthians 14 28). At Pentecost many spoke at the same time, for the Spirit had perfect control of the entire company and used each as it pleased Him. At Corinth Paul directed that not more than two or at most three should speak in a tongue, and that by course (one

    at a time). At Pentecost each one of the lo na- tionalities there represented by the crowd heard in his own tongue wherein he was born the wonderful works of God. At Corinth no one understood the tongue, not even the speaker himself, for it seems to have been a rhapsody, an uncontrolled ecstatic outburst, and in case there was no one to interpret or explain it, the speaker was to hold his peace and speak to himself and to God, i.e. he must not dis- turb the worship by giving voice to his ecstasy unless the whole 1 assembly should be edified thereby. Paid sets prophecy, or preaching the word of God, far above this gift of tongues.

    It may not be out of place here to say that the so- called "gift of tongues," so loudly proclaimed by certain excitable persons in our day, has nothing in common with the mighty action of the Spirit of God on the day of Pentecost, and hardly anything with that which the Corinthian Christians' enjoyed, and which Paul regu- lated with a master-hand. See TONGUES, GIFT OF.

    LiTKRATnu-;. Stifler, Intro to thn Hunk of Art*; Alexander, dimm. on the Acts; Kuyper, Work of the lluly Spirit; Moorehead, Outline Studicx in Arts East ph. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\"M. G. MoOKEHKAD

    TOOLS, toolz: In the Bible, references to the handicrafts are almost entirely incidental, and not many tools are named. The following art. aims to give a list of those mentioned, together with those that must have existed also. Eor detailed descrip- tion and the II eb and Gr terms employed, see the separate art ides.

    (1) The percussion tool was the hammer, used for splitting or trimming stone, beating metals, and in wood-carving, as well as for driving nails, tent pins, etc. Several words are tr' 1 "hammer," but the distinction between them is very vague and in some cases the propriety of the tr is dubious. Cer- tainly no such distinction is made as that between "hammer" and "mallet," nor were separate names given to the different hammers used in the various crafts (of, e.g., Judges 4 21; 1 Kings 6 7; Isaiah 44 12; Jeremiah 10 4 all for niakkahfiah). See HAMMER.

    (2) Of cutting tools, the simplest was of course the knife. In Kx 20 2">, however, the knife ("sword," EV "tool") appears as a stone-cutter's implement and is without doubt a chisel. But the hatchet of Psalm 74 6 may be a knife. See HATCHET; KNIFE.

    For ax, again, various words arc employed in a way that is quite obscure to us and apparently with meanings that are not fixed. So garzcn in I)t 20 1!) is certainly an ax, but in the Siloam Inscription (11. 2,4) it is a pickax (see MATTOCK). The vari- ous words tr' 1 "ax" (HV "axe") must, also some- where include the word for adz, but the specific term, if there were any stich (wr;'frtf//j[?]), is un- known. But the ad/ is a very ancient tool and must certainly have existed in Philestina-Canaan Land. See Ax (AxE), Ax- HEAD.

    The saw was used both for wood and for stone (1 Kings 7 {)), in the latter case being employed in con- nection with water and sand. But sawing stone was a very laborious process, and this was one reason why the ancients preferred stone in large blocks. These were quarried by the use of heavy hammers and wedges. Sec 1 SamuelAW.

    The plane (majf$o*&h) of Isaiah 44 13 should be tr d chisel. Chisels, of course, are almost as old as humanity, and were used on both wood and stone and doubtless also on metals. In particular, with a broad chisel and an adz the surface of wood may be finished very smoothly, and these two implements took the place of the plane. For wood-carving the concave chisel (gouge) may have been invented.

    The pencil of Isaiah 44 13 is probably a stylus, for engraving as well as for marking out lines. For engraving on .gems (Exodus 28 !), etc) particularly delicate instruments of this kind must have been used. See LINE; PENCIL.



Letter "T"

    (3) Among the boring tools, only (he awl appears (Exodus 21 0; Deuteronomy 15 17), an instrument primarily for the use of workers in leather. Holes in wood or stone were made by a drill, often worked with the aid of a drawn bow, through the .string of which the drill was passed. See AWL.

    (1) Blunted tools were of course sharpened on stones, as everywhere. In 1 Samuel 13 21 EV speaks of sharpening with a file, but the text of the verso is hopelessly corrupt and the tr mere guesswork. But files of some sort (stone?) must of course have been used by metal-workers. See FII.K.

    (')) Measuring tools were the line and the rod (see RKKD), and the latter must, also have been used as a straight-edge. The compasses of Isaiah 44 13 were for drawing circles, but doubtless served for measuring also. See COMPASSES. Plumb-line ('ditukk in Am 7 7 f , a symbol of the searching moral investigation which would be followed by a precise and exact judgment ; cf mishkdlclh, ''plum- met," 2 Kings 21 13; Isaiah 28 17) and plummet ('chfini b r dln!, ''a stone of tin,'' Zee 4 10, used by Zerub- babel in testing the completed walls) were like- wise necessities and had existed from a very early period. Tools of some sort must have been used in addition by builders in drawing plans, but their nat ure is unknown. See Li \\\\\\\\ i: .

    (G) The tools for holding and handling work (vises, tongs, pincers, etc) are never alluded to (AV in Isaiah 44 12 is wrong; see TONGS). For moving larger objects no use was made of cranes, and lifting was done by the aid of inclined planes and rollers; but blocks of stone weighing hundreds of tons could be handled in this way.

    The material of the Ileb tools was either iron or bronze. The former was introduced at least by the time of David ('2 Samuel 12 31), but the mention of iron as a material is often made in such a way (Am 1 3, etc) as to show that it was not to be taken for granted. In fact, iron was hard to work and ex- pensive, and bronze probably persisted for a while as a cheaper material. Stone tools would be used only by the very poor or as occasional makeshifts or for sacred purposes (.Joshua 5 2).

    For the agricultural tools see AGIUCULTI-KK. See also CAKPKNTKU; GRAFTS; POTTKR; SMITH, etc. BriiTo.North* SCOTT EASTON

    TOPARCHY, to'pur-ki, top'iir-ki (ro toparchia): AV renders this Gr word by "govern- ment" in 1 Mace 11 28 (AVm and 11V "province"). It denotes a small administrative district corre- sponding to the modern Turkish \\\\\\\\aliich, admin- istered by a Mndir. Three such districts were detached from the country of Samaria and added to Judaea. Elsewhere (10 30; 11 34) the word used to describe them is nontax. Some idea of the size of these districts may be gathered from the fact that Judaea was divided into ten (Pliny v.14) or eleven (BJ, III, iii, 5) toparchies.

    TOPAZ, to'paz. See STOXKS, PRKCIOUS.

    TOPHEL, td'fel psft, tophel; Too\\\\\\\\, Tophol): This name is found in a passage with many difficul- ties (Deuteronomy 1 1). The verse ostensibly makes clearer the position occupied by the cam]) of Israel where Moses addressed the people, by reference to certain other places which might be presumed to be better known. Not one of them, however, has been .sat- isfactorily identified. Some think Tophel may be represented by the modern et-Tafeleh, 15 miles South.East. of the Dead Sea, on the caravan road from Petra to Kerak. Apart from the question of position, the change of i to t is not easily explained. ^ Meantime we oust suspend judgment, West. EWINO

    TOPHETH, to'feth (P.EP.n , hn-lnphrth, etymolouy uncertain; the most probable is its connection with a root meaning "burning" the "place of burning"; AV Tophet, except in 2 Kings 23 10): The references are to such a place: "They have built the high places of Tophet h, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters in the fire" (Jeremiah 7 31). On account of this abomi- nation Tophet h and the Valley of Hinnom should be called "The valley of Slaughter: for they shall bury in Topheth, till there be no place to bury," RVm "because \\\\\\\\ here shall be no place else" (ver 32); see also Jeremiah 19 Josiah is said to have "defiled Topheth" as part of his great religious reforms (2 Kings 23 10;. The site of this shameful place would seem to have been either at the lower end of the VAI.I.F.Y OF Hi. \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\o.\\\\\\\\i (q.v.), near where Akeldama is now pointed out , or in t he open ground where this valley joins the Kidron.


    TORAH, to'ra. See LAW IN TIII; OT; RKVKI.A-


    TORCH, torch (T 1 ?* , 1; John 18 3]. In RV it is found 10 t [Genesis 15 17; Judges 7 1C). 20; Job 41 19 (Hebrew 11); Ezekiel 1 13; Dnl 10 t>; Nah 2 4 (Hebrew 5); Zee 12 G; John 18 3; The Revelation 8 10]): A flambeau; a large portable light. See LAMP; LANTKRN.

    TORMAH, tor'ma ("^"IP , tornulJi, "fraud"; B, v Kpv>4>TJ, cn, krupfif, "in secret," A, fierd. Stopuv, meld doron, "with gifts"): This name is given in EVm as an alternative to "privily," or "craftily" RV (Judges 9 31). There is no knowledge of such a place. The text is corrupt.

    TORMENT, lor'ment, PLACE OF: A literal tr in Luke 16 28 of TOTTOS TTJS fta.ff6.vov, topox it's basdnou. See HELL.

    TORMENTOR, tor-men'ter: AV 2 Mace 7 2<) for South^tos, dcmios, "belonging to the people," and so "'public executioner," RV "butcher." A term of utter contempt, whose force is lost in AV. Also Matthew 18 31 for ftaffavLar-q

    TORTOISE, tor'tus, tor'tis, tor'tois (AV) (2 , gabh, RV "great lizard"; cf Arab. \\\\\\\\_^o , dabb,

    the thorny-tailed lizard): The word ylbh occurs as the name of an animal only in Leviticus 11 29, being the third in the list of unclean "creeping things."

    Thp same word is found in Isaiah 66 20, tr

    ho krtikoilcilii* tn> rlu-rxtriuK. the Kng. CQuivalent of which, "land-crocodile," is used by KV for the fifth in the list of unclean "creeping things." /;u a h, AV "chameleon."

    The writer does not know what can have led the translators of AV to use here the word "tortoise." Assuming that the thorny-tailed lizard is meant,

    Totemism Trachonitis



    the "great lizard'' of RV may be considered to be a fair i ranslation. See LIZAHU.


    TOTEMISM, to'tem-iz'in: How far the belief in totems and lotemistic relat ionshi|)s existed in early Israel cannot be discussed at length here. Evidence of the belief in deified animal ancestors is supposed by some writers to be found in the tribal names Leah ("wild cow"?), Rachel ("ewe"), Simeon (synonymous with the Arab. siin*n, which denotes a cross between a wolf and a hyena), llamor ("ass"), Caleb ("dog"), Zibiah ("gazelle"), etc. But these names in themselves "do not prove a totem stage in the development of Israel" (///'A", 114); philologically, the view has a shaky foundation (see, e.g. art". "Leah" in 1-vol HDH).

    Again, it is true that, as a rule, in totemic com- munities the individual may not kill or eat the name-giving object of his kin, these, animals being regarded as sacred in totem worship and therefore "unclean" (taboo) as food. But the attempt to connect such personal names as Shaphau ("rock- badger"), Achbor ("mouse 1 "), Huldah ("weasel") all from the; time of .Josiah (2 Kings 22 li. 12.14; ef Deborah ["bee"], C.aal ["beetle"'.']. Tola ["crimson worm," "cochineal"], Nahash ["serpent"]) with the list of unclean animals in Leviticus 11 (see vs r>m.'J9i and Deuteronomy 14 is beset with difficulties (cf, however, Isaiah 66 17; V//.k 8 10 f), since all the names can- not possibly be explained on this ground. See also SACRIFICI; i\\\\\\\\ TIIH OT, II, 2, (4); VI, 1 .

    Robertson Smith (followed by Stade and Ben- zinger) strongly advocated the view "that clear traces of totemism can be 1 found in earlv Israel" (see IIDB, III, 100 1. ('-. B. Cray also seems in- clined to favor the view that some of these names may be "indirectly derivative 1 from a totem stage of society" (IIDB, HI, 4X:U>, while at the same time he recognizes that "the only question is whether other explanations are not equally satisfactory" (III'X, 1 Oo).

    Other writers, such as \\\\\\\\Yellhauscn, Noldeke (ZI)M(t, l.")7f, issti), Marti (C/

    " I'pon the whole we must e-onelude 1 once mon 1 that, while it. is evrtuinly pe>ssible that Totciiiism once 1 pre- vailed in Israel, Its prevalence cannot be proved; anel, above all, we must hold that the religion of Israel as it presents itself in the < >T has not retained the very slight- est recollection of such a state 1 of things" (Kautzsch, J1DH, extra vol, (114 f ; e-f p. 023).

    The theory is alse> opposeel by Jets. Ja.eobs (art. " Vre 1 theTe Totem-Clans in the Old Testament'.'" in Archncnl. Review, III [1SXO], no. 3, lir>fT>; V. V Zapletal, Dcr Totciuixniiix it. die Rilnjinn I until*: and South. A. Cook, in JQIt, XIV, no. 55.

    The evielenre on either siele 1 is inconclusive, but the weight of authority is e>ppe>sed te> the view that totemism ever existed in Israel. What is certain is that totemism was never a potent factor, either in I he> early religion of Israe 1 ! as an organized people, or in any e>f the dominant cults of the historical period as a whole 1 (se'e arts. "Family" in IIDB, I, 850 [Bennett]; "Sacrifice," IIDB, IV, 331 [Pater- son], and DEFILEMENT [Crannell], IMAGES, 3, 6 [Cobern], and ISRAEL, RELIGION OF, II, 1, (4) [Orelli], in this Encyclopaedia).

    IJITEHATUUE. In adelition to tho works cited in the text, see 1 , fe>r the 1 the l e>ry e>f the prevalence of totemism in early Israe 1 !, "VV. R. Smith, Relit/ion of the, Semites (2el exl,'lS94), Kinship andMarriagein Early Arabia (1903) ; A. F. Se-ot, Offering and Sacrifice (1900); and I. Ben- zingeT, Hcbraische Arrtitiol. (1907); against, Enc Brit, llth ed, XIII, 177, art. "Hebrew Religion" (White- house); Standard BD, 782; Temple DB, art. " Shaphan." For a general account and discussion of totemism, see Fra/.er, Totemism and Exogamy (1910) and The Golden Bough (3d ed, 1907-13); Westermarck, History of Human

    Marriaue (1891); Deans, Tales from tin; Totems of (1S9S); Lang, Myth, H final. Religion (new ed, 1899), The Secret of the Totem (1905), anel art. "Totemism" in Enc lint, l ith e>el. XXVII, with extensive bibliography; IfUJi, extra vol, 1 15 ; and Cymru, 1892-93, p. 137 ; 1893-94, p. 7.

    M. (). K VANS

    TOU, telVjo 0"F1, to' u; B, 0

    TOW, to (rnJ, n f *orcth [Judges 16 0; Isaiah 1 31]): The coarseT part eif flax, with she>rt threaels, used as an ( xample of easily inflammable 1 material. Alse> Isaiah 43 17 AV fe>r nP? , iiixhlah, the 1 usual weinl for "flax" (so KRV), heTe 1 as useel for a wie-k (so ARV, ERVm).

    TOWER, tem'er. Sec FORTIFICATION, I, .">; CITY, II, 1.


    TOWER OF DAVID (C'ant 4 4). See 1 JKKI'-



    TOWER OF IVORY (}Cn b"j"5 , mitjMnl ha- sln'n): Occurs only in Cant. 7 4. C'heyne we>uld, not unreasonably, e'lne'tiel the text, anel roael the 1 "tower of Shenir" as a ]>arall(4 1e> the 1 "tower e>f Lebane)n" in t he same 1 verse 1 . If the reading "tower e>f ivory'' is correct, the refenMiev must be to some; piece 1 e>f furniture; in the 1 adeirnment of which ivory was mue'h use'd, and when we 1 compare; lhe> word iiiifjlulul. he-re with its use 1 for a "pul])it" in Xeli 8 4, we- can think enly eif a reminiscence e>f something of the 1 nature of the throne eif ivetry made by Se)lomon (1 Kings 10 IS). AN". M. CHRISTIE

    TOWER OF LEBANON Cp:23n b^.' 1 )? , miijh- dalha-l e bhanon [dint 7 4]): The designation "which leK)k(>1h towarel Damascus" compt'ls us te> ielejitify it with some 1 petrtiem of, eir something in, the eastern range 1 of "Lebanon, tenvard the 1 sun-rising" (Joshua 13 f>). It would the 1 !! of nevessity correspond to the chie'f summit, e>f Hernion, e>n whie-h there has been from ane-ient time's alse> a tower-like 1emy)le, and from which the view is almost of boundless extent, Damascus with its pare lens anel groves being sur- prisingly near anel appearing like a beautiful island in a wiele extended sea. Se'e LEBANON.

    \\\\\\\\Y. .M. CHRISTIE



    TOWER OF SHECHEM (C2Tp ^ , mighdal sh'khcm): Mentioned only in Judges 9 4()-49. It, se-e'ins along with the Beth-millo and the Beth-el- berith to have e'omprised the three strongest parts of the fortification when Abimelech besieged the town. It was, however, abandoned by its defend- ers, who took refuge in the Beth-millo, in which they were slain.






Letter "T"

    TOWN, toun: Tins word is used to represent a number of different Hebrew terms in tlie OT. (I) When any explanatory word or attendant circum- stances show that a "city" was umvalled, and some- times in the contrary case (1 >South 23 7), the Hebrew 'Ir is tr d "town" by AV, and RV generally agrees with it (Deuteronomy 3 5; 1 Samuel 27 5; Est 9 19). (2) Both AV and RV translate hawtcdth by "towns" (Numbers 32 41; Joshua 13 30; 1 Kings 4 13; 1 Chronicles 2 23), while hacerlm and p'razolh both appear in AV as "towns," but in RV as "villages" (den 25 10; Zee 2 4). See HAVVOTH-JAIK. (3) Hath, lit. "daughter," is sometimes found in the pi. between the name of a city and hacerlm, "villages," as in Joshua 15 45m, "Ekron, with its daughters and its villages." "Towns" is evidently the appropriate tr, and, even without hdferlm, bath is rendered "town" (RV Numbers 21 25, etc)- The same use of "daughter" occurs also in the Or of 1 Mace 5 05 (tluujdter), AV "town," RV "village," m "daughter." (4) AV and ERV gloss klr, "wall," in Joshua 2 15 by rendering it "town wall"; ARV omits. (5) The Gr term komopolcis (Mark 1 38), being a combination of the words for "village" and "city," is a clear attempt to describe something between the two, and is well tr d "town." (0) AV uses "town" (Matthew 10 11, etc) and "village" (Matthew 9 35, etc) quite indifferently for kdtnP; RV has "village" throughout. For similar changes of AV "town" cf 2 Mace 8 (chord); 11 5; 12 21 (chorion, RV "place"). See CITY; VILLAGE. West. M. CHRISTIE

    TOWN CLERK, klurk, klark grammateus) : The word "clerk," "writer," "town clerk," "scribe," is found in this meaning only in Acts 19 35, "when the townclerk had quieted the multitude." Cremer defines the word as signifying a "public servant among the Greeks and the reader of the legal and state-papers" (Lr.r. NT). There was considerable difference between the authority of these "clerks" in the cities of Asia Minor and of Greece. Among the Greeks the granunatcis were usually slaves, or at least persons belonging to the lower classes of society, and their office was a nomi- nal, almost a mechanical, one. In Asia, on the con- trary, they were officers of considerable consequence, as the passage quoted indicates (Time, vii.10, "the scribe of the city") and the gr

    TRACHONITIS, trak-6-nl'tis: Appears in Scrip- ture only in the phrase TT)South 'Irovpaias Kal Tpaxum- rtSos xwpas, tes Itonraias kai Trachonitidos chorus, lit. "of the Ituraean and Trachonian region" (Luke 3 1). Trachonitis signifies the land associated with the trachon, "a rugged stony tract." There are two volcanic districts South. and East. of Damascus, to which the Greeks applied this name: that to the North.West. of the mountain of Bashan (Jcbcl ed- Druze) is now called d-Lcjd', "the refuge" or "asylum." It lies in the midst of an arable and pastoral country; and although it could never have supported a large population, it has probably always been inhabited. The other is away to the North.East. of the mountain, and is called in Arab. cs-Safd. This covers much the larger area. It is a wild and in-

    hospitable desert tract, remote from the dwellings of men. It was well known to the ancients; but there was nothing to attract, even a sparse; popula- tion to its dark and forbidding rocks, burning under the suns of the wilderness. It therefore plays no part in the history. These art; t he t wo Trachons of Strabo (xvi.2, 20). They are entirely volcanic in origin, consisting of lava belched forth by vol- canoes that have been extinct for ages. In cooling, the lava has split up and crumbled into the most weird and fantastic forms. The average elevation of these districts above the surrounding country is about 30 ft. East$-8

    El-Leja' is roughly triangular in shape, with its apex to the X. The sides are about 25 miles in length, and the base about 20. The present writer has described this region as ho saw it during two somewhat lengthened visits: "From Zor'a our course lay North.K. by East. .... "What; a wild solitude it is! Far on every hand stretched a veritable land of stone. The first hour or two of our

    march no living thing was seen Wherever we

    looked, before of behind, lay wick' fields of volcanic rock,

    black and repulsive with here and there a deep

    circular depression, through which in the dim past red destruction belched forth, now carefully walled round the lip to prevent wandering sheep or goat from falling in by night. The general impression conveyed was as if the dark waters of a great sea, lashed to fury by a storm,

    had been suddenly petrified At times we passed

    over vast sheets of lava which in cooling had cracked in nearly regular lines, and which, broken through in parts, appeared to rest on a stratum of different char- acter, like pieces of cyclopacan pavement. Curious rounded rocks were occasionally seen by the wayside, like gigantic black soap bubbles blown up by the sub- terranean steam and gases of the active volcanic age; often, with the side broken out as if burst by escaping vapor, the mass, having cooled too far to collapse, re- mained an enduring monument of the force that formed it. Scanty vegetation peeped from the fissures in the rocks, or preserved a precarious existence in the scanty soil sometimes seen in a hollow between opposing slopes. In a dreary waterless land where the cloudless sun, beat- ing down on fiery stones, creates a heat like that of an oven, it were indeed a wonder if anything less hardy than the ubiquitous thistle could long hold up its head. . . . . When the traveler has fairly penetrated the rough barriers that surround cl-L

    In some parts, esp. those occupied by the Druzes, fair crops are grown. Where the Arabs are masters, poverty reigns. They also have an evil reputation. As one said to the present writer, "They will even slay the guest." 'Arab d-Lcjd' anjas ma yakun is a common saying, which may be freely rendered: "Than the Arabs of d-Lcjd' greater rascals do not exist." Intil comparatively recent years there were great breadths of oak and terebinth. These have disappeared, largely owing to the enterprise of the charcoal burners. The region to the North.East. was described by a native as bass wV, "nothing but barren rocky tracts" (cf Hebrew ya'ar), over which in summer, he said, not even a bird would fly. There are many ruined sites. A list of 71 names collected by the present writer will be found in 1'EFS, 1895, 300 ff. In many cases the houses, strongly built of stone, are still practically com- plete, after centuries of desertion.

    There may possibly be a reference to the Trachons in the OT where Jeremiah speaks of the ha rerun, "parched places" (17 0). The cognate el-Harrah is the word used by the Arabs for such a burned, rocky area. For the theory that d-Lcjd' corresponds to the OT "Argob," see ARGOK.

    The robbers who infested the place, making use




    of the numerous caves, were routed out by Herod the Groat (Ant, XV. x, 1 ff; XVI, ix, 1; XVII, ii, 1 f). Trachonitis was included in the letrarchy of Philip (viii, 1; ix, 4). At his death without heirs it was joined to the province of Syria (X V1IJ, iv, 6). Caligula gave it to Agrippa I. After his death in 44 AD, and during the minority of his son, it was administered by Romans officers. From 53 till 100 AD it was ruled by Agrippa II. In 100 AD it was incorporated in the ne\\\\\\\\v province, of Arabia. Under the, Romans the district enjoyed a period of great prosperity, to which the Gr inscriptions amply tes- tify. To this time belong practically all the remains to be seen today. The theaters, temples, public buildings and great roads speak of a high civili- zation. That Christianity also made its way into these fastnesses is vouched for by the ruins of churches. Evil days came with the advent of the Moslems. Small Christian communities are still found at K/ntliab on the western Lithf, and at South'/7/- in the interior. The southeastern district, with the chief town of D/Inn t d-^AUn, is in the hands of the Druzes; the rest is dominated by the Arabs.

    w. i-;\\\\\\\\vi.\\\\\\\\(j

    TRADE, trad: I. G v. \\\\\\\\ I.H \\\\\\\\ i,

    1. Terms

    2. Posit ion of Palestine

    3. Trade Products of Palestine

    4. Palestinian Traders II. HISTORY

    1. To David

    2. Solomon

    3. Maritime Trade

    4. To file Exile

    5. The Kxile and After


    /. General. For a full list, of the commer- cial terms used in the ( >T, reference must be made to Eli, IV, cols. 5193-99. Only 1. Terms the more important can be given here.

    For "merchant" (he Heh uses -almost always one of the two participial forms 1HD , soht-r, or bjJtTl i rdkhcl, both of which mean simply "one who travels." There is no dilferenee in their meaning, but when the two are used together (Kzk 27 13 IO KV distinguishes by using "trafficker" for n'ik/ii'1. The vb. xiihnr, from which sfihcr is derived, is tr d "to" in' den 34 10.21 and "to traffic" in Genesis 42 34, with numerous noun forma- tions from (he same stem. The vb. rnkfuil from which nlkhcl is derived does not occur, but the noun format inn r r khnllah in K/k 26 12 (KV "merchandise";; 28 5. Hi. IS (KV "traffic") may be noted. In Kzk 27 24 KV has "merchandise" for warknltth, but the word means "place of merchandise." "market." The participle Qi^Pi , tarlm, from tur, "seek out," in combination with

    'an e s'he, "men." in 1 Kings 10 !">, is trd "merchant men" by AV, "chapmen" by KRV and "traders" by AKV; iii 2 (Mi 9 14. AV and KKVhave " chapmen " and AKV

    "traders." The text of these verses is suspected. In Ezekiel 27 (only) "merchandise" represents 3"l2?^2 , ma-

    'Arabh, from 'arabh, "to exchange," tr d "to deal," m "exchange," in ver 9 ARY, with "dealers," m "ex- changers," in ver 27 (AV and EKV have "occupy," "occupiers"). 1""5' k e na'an, and " 1 Zl"!2 , k e na'dnl, "Canaanite," are sometimes used in the sense of " mer- chant," but it is often difficult to determine whether the literal or the transferred force is intended. Hence all the confusion in KV; in RV note "merchant," Job 41 6; "merchant," m " Canaanite," Prov 31 24; "traf- ficker," Isaiah 23 8; "trafficker," m "Oanaanite," Hosea 12 <"; "Canaan." m "merchant people," Isaiah 23 1 1 ; Zeph 1 11, and ef "land of traffic," m "land of Canaan," Ezekiel 17 4. See CHAPMAN; OCCUPY.

    In Apoc and NT "merchant" is for e/u7ropo?, 6m po- ms (Sir 26 29, etc; _ Matthew 13 45; The Revelation 18 So "merchandise" is e/un-optor, rmporion, in John 2 Kings> and

    ffjiTTOpia, emporla, in Matthew 22 ">, while e/iTTOptiioMcu, c m- porcuomai, is tr<> "make merchandise of" in 2 Pet 2 3 atid "trade" in .las 4 13 (AV "buy and sell"). 15ut "to trade" in Matthew 25 1<> is for epyafo^at, ergdzomai (cf The Revelation 18 17), and Luke 19 13 for Trpay/naTevo/iai, prag- mateiiomni, AV "occupy"; while "merchandise" in The Revelation 18 11.12 is for yo^os, (jdmox, "cargo" (so RVm; cf Acts 21 3). Worthy of note, moreover, is /aera/BoAta, metabolla, "exchange" (Sir 37 11).

    Any road map of the ancient world shows that Philestina-Canaan Land,

    despite its lack of harbors, occupied an extremely

    important position as regards the

    2. Position trade-routes. There was no exit to of Palestine the West. from the great caravan center

    Damascus, there was virtually no exit landward from the great maritime centers Tyre and Sidon, and there was no exit to the North. and North.East. from Egypt wit hout crossing Philestina-Canaan Land. In part icular, the only good road connecting Tyre (and Sidon) with Damas- cus lay directly across Northern Philestina-Canaan Land, skirting the Sea of Galilee. In consequence, foreign merchants must at all times have been familiar figures in Philestina-Canaan Land (den 37 25.2S; 1 Kings 10 15; Nehemiah 13 10; Isaiah 2 0; Zeph 1 11, etc). As a corollary, tolls laid on these merchants would always have been a fruitful source of income (1 Kings 10 15; Ezekiel 26 2; Ezra 4 20), and naturally Philestina-Canaan Land enjoyed particular advan- tages for the distribution of her own products through the presence of these traders.

    Of these products the three great staples were grain, oil and wine (IIos 2 8; Deuteronomy 7 13, etc). The

    wine of Philestina-Canaan Land, however, gained little rep-

    3. Trade utation in the ancient world, and its Products of export is mentioned only in 2 C'h 2 Palestine 10.15; Ezra 3 7, while Ezekiel 27 18 says

    expressly that for good wine Tyre sent to Damascus. Grain would not be needed by Egypt, but it found a ready market in Phoenicia, both for consumption in the great cities of Tyre and Sidon and for export (1 Kings 5 11; Ezra 3 7; Ezekiel 27 17, etc). A reverse dependence of Philestina-Canaan Land on Tyre for food (Isaiah 23 IS; cf (ien 41 57) could have occurred only under exceptional circumstances. _ Oil was needed by Egypt as well as by Phoenicia (IIos 12 1; Isaiah 57 '.), but from Northern Israel was probably shipped into Egypt by way of Phoenicia. IIos 2 5.9 mentions wool and flax as products of Israel, but neither could have been important. Flax was a specialty of Egypt (Isaiah 19 !)) and is hardly mentioned in the OT, while for wool Israel had to depend largely on Moab (2 Kings 3 4; Isaiah 16 1). Minor products that were exported were ''balm .... honey, spicery and myrrh, pistachio-nuts and almonds" (Genesis 43 11 m; see the separate arts., and cf "pannag and .... balm" in Ezekiel 27 17). These were products of Gilead (Genesis 37 25). "Oaks of Bashan" had com- mercial value, but only for use for oars (Ezekiel 27 5), and so in small logs. Philestina-Canaan Land had to import all heavy timbers (1 Kings 5 6, etc). Despite Deuteronomy 8 9, Philestina-Canaan Land is deficient in mineral wealth. The value of Philestina-Canaan Land's manufactured products would depend on the skill of the inhabitants, but for the arts the Hebrews seem to have had no particular aptitude (1 Kings 5 0; cf 1 Samuel 13 19 ff).

    In comparison with the great volume of inter- national trade that was constantly passing across

    Philestina-Canaan Land, the above products could have

    4. Palestin- had no very great value and the great ian Traders merchants would normally have been

    foreigners. A wide activity as "mid- dlemen" and agents was, however, open to the in- habitants of Philestina-Canaan Land, if they cared to use it. Such a profession would demand close contact with the surrounding nations and freedom from religious scruples. The Canaanites evidently excelled in commercial pursuits of this time, so much so that "Canaanite" and "merchant" were convertible terms.

    II. History. The Israelites entered Canaan as a nomadic people who had even agriculture yet to

    learn, and with a religious self-con- 1. To David sciousness that restrained them from

    too close relations with their neighbors. Hence they were debarred from much participation in trade. The legislation of the Pent (in sharp dis-



Letter "T"

    Unction from that of CII) shows this nem-commer- cial spirit very clearly, as then; are: no provisions that relate to merchants heyoncl such elementary matters as the prohibition of false weights, etc (Deuteronomy 25 13; Leviticus 19 3(i; CO Jia.s not, even these rules). In particular, the prohibition of interest, (Exodus 22 LTi; Deuteronomy 23 19, etc) shows that no native commercial life was contemplated, for, without a credit -system, trade on any extensive scale was impossible. All this was to be left to foreigners (Deuteronomy 23 20; of 15 (i; 28 12.4-1). The Jewish ideal, indeed, was that each household should form a self-sufficient pro- ducing unit (Prov 31 10-27), with local or national exchange of those commodities (such as tools and salt) that could not be produced at home. And this ideal seems to have been maintained tolerably well. The most northerly tribes, through their proximity to the Phoenicians, were those first affected by the commercial spirit, and in particular the isolated half-tribe of Daniel. In Judges 5 17 we find them ''remaining in ships" at the time of Barak's victory. As their territory had no seacoast, this must mean that they were gaining funds by serving in the ships of Tyre and Sidon. Zebulun and Issachar, like- wise, appear in Deuteronomy 33 19 as the merchants of Israel, apparently selling their wares chiefly nt the time of the great religious assemblages. But the dis- orders at the time of the Judges were an effectual bar against much commerce. Saul at length suc- ceeded in producing some kind of order, and we hear that he _ had brought in a prosperity that showed itself in richer garments and golden orna- ments for the women (2 Samuel 1 24; see MONEY). David's own establishment of an official shekel (2 Samuel 14 2(3) is proof that trade was becoming a matter of importance.

    Under Solomon, however, Israel's real trade began.

    The writer oMv lays special stress on his imports.

    From Tyre came timber (I K 5 6,

    2. Solomon etc) and gold (9 11). From Sheba

    came gold and spices (10 10, "gave" here, like "presents" elsewhere, is a euphemism). From Ophir and elsewhere came gold, silver, pre- cious stones, almug trees, ivory, apes and peacocks (10 11.22.25). According to MT 10 2S f , horses and chariots were brought from Egvpt and re-sold to the X.

    But the text hero is suspected. Egypt had no repu- tation as a horse-mart in comparison with Northern Syria and Western Armenia (see TO<;AKMAH). So many scholars prefer to read " Musri " (in Northwestern Arabia) for "Egypt" (ifr for myri/m see the comms., esp. EH, III, cols. :51<'>1_>-<;.T). Yet the change does not clear up all the difficulties, and Egypt was certainly famous for her chariots. And cf Deuteronomy 17 16.

    In exchange Solomon exported to Tyre wheat and oil (1 Kings 5 11; 2 Chronicles 2 10.15 adds "barley .... and wine"). AVhat he sent to the other countries is not specified, and, in particular, there is no men- tion of what he exchanged for gold. 1 Kings 5 11; 9 11, however, indicate that Hiram was the inter- mediary for most of this gold traffic, so that at the final settlement of accounts Solomon must have been heavily in Hiram's debt. 1 Kings 9 11 proves this. Solomon had undertaken a larger task than the resources of Philestina-Canaan Land could meet , and in payment was obliged to cede; Northern Galilee to Hiram. (The writer of 1 Kings explains that 'the cities were worth- less,' while Chronicles passes over the uncdifying incident altogether, if 2 Chronicles 8 2 is not a reversal of the case.)

    Among Solomon's other activities sea-commerce

    was not forgotten. David's victory over Edom

    gave access to the Red Sea at Ezion-

    3. Maritime geber, and this port was utilized by Trade Hiram and Solomon in partnership

    (1 Kings 9 2(5 ff), Hiram, apparently, supplying the ships and the sailors (10 11). After Solomon's death, Edom revolted and the way to

    the sea was closed (11 11). It was not recovered until the time of Jehoshaphat, and he could do not h ing with it , "for I lie ships were broken at Ezion- geber" (22 4SJ, i.e. in the home harbor. Either they were badly built or incompetently manned. The Hebrews had no skill as sailors. See SHIPS A.XD BOATS.

    After the time of Solomon the commerce; estab- lished by him of course; continued, with fluctuations. Samaria became; so important a city 4. To the frenn the trade; standpoint that Ben- Exile hadad 1 forced Baasha to assign a street, there: to the: meivhants e>f Da- mascus, while Ahab succeedeel in extracting the reverse; privilege from Ben-haelael II (1 Kings 20 34 j. The h)iig and prosperems contemporary reigns of Jeroboam II and Vzziah evielently had great im- portance for the growth of commerce', and it was the growing luxury of the land under these reigns that called forth the denunciations of Amos, Hose^a and Isaiah. Amos complains of the importation of e-xpe-nsive foreign luxuries by the: rich (cf Isaiah 3 18-23), who wasted the natural products of Philestina-Canaan Land (63-0; 3 12.15). Grain, the chief article of value, was extorted fre)m the poor (5 11), and the grain- dealers we're notoriously dishonest (8 4-0); 8 Gc in EV suggests the sale of adulterated grain. The meaning of the Hebrew, however, is obscure, but of course adulteration must have existed, and it is doubtless not without significance that the labels on the recently dise-overeel Samaritan jar-fragments emphasize the purity of the contents (11/rrrnrd Thcol. Her., 1U11, 138-39). The extent of commer- cialism so overwhelms Ilosea that he exclaims 'Ephraim is become a Canaanite!' (12 7m). The most unscrupulous dealing is justified by the plea, "Surely I am become; rich" (verS). Isaiah is shocked at the intimate contracts made with foreigners, which prove so profitable to the makers, but which bring in idolatry (2 6-8). It was in the time of Isaiah that Assyr influence began to make 1 itself fe'lt in Judah, and the setting up in the Temple: of a pat- tern of an Assyr altar (2 Kings 16 10 f) must have been accompanied with an influx of Assyr commod- ities of all descriptions. (Similarly, the religious reaction under Hezekiah we>uld have> been accom- panied by a boycott on Assyr goods.) Data for the following preexilic period are se-anty, but Ezekiel 26 2 shows that Jems retained a posit iem of some commercial importance up 1e) the time of her fall. Of espee-ial interest are Isaiah 23 and Ezekiel 26, 27 with their descriptions of the commere-c of Tyre. Eze'- kiel indeed confines himself to description, but Isaiah e-haraeterizes the income of all this trade as "the hire of a harlot" (vs 17.18), a phrase that reappears in The Revelation 18 3.9 a chapter cowhcd in the genuine old prophetic tone and based almost exclusively em Isaiah anel Ezekiel. But it is important te) note that Isaiah realizes (23 18) that all this enterprise is capable of consecration to LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), and is therefore not wrong in itself.

    The deportation into Babylon brought the Je'ws directly into the midst of a highly developed com- mercial civilization, anel, although we- 5. The Exile are: ignorant of the derails, they must and After have emteml into this life to a very considerable exte>nt. Indeed, it is more than probable that it was here that the: famed com- mercial genius of the Jews made its appearance. Certain it is that exiles ae-quiml givat wealth and rose to high position (Zee 6 10 f; Nehemiah 1 11; 5 17, etc), and that when an opportunity to return to Philestina-Canaan Land was opened, most of the exiles prefc'rred to stay where they we're (see EXILE). As a matter of fact, the Palestinian community was beggarly poor for years (Zoo 8 10; Hag 1 6; Nehemiah 1 3; Mai 3 10-12, etc) and could not even pre've'iit the sale of its chil-

    Trades Transfiguration



    dron into slavery (Joel 3 G). Such Irade as existed \\\\\\\\vas chiefly in the hands of foreigners (Joel 3 1 t ; Zee 14 2l'), but the repealed crop-failures must have forced many Jews into commerce to keep from starving. The history of the 4th cent, is very ob- scure, but for the later commercial history ol the Jews the foundation of Alexandria (332 BC) \\\\\\\\vas a fact of fundamental importance. Tor Alexandria rapidly became the commercial center of the world and into it the Jews, attracted by th<> invitations of the Ptolemies, poured in streams. Alexandria s policv was closely copied by Antioch (on the period see Ant, XII, i, iii; cf ALEXANDRIA; ANTIOCH), and \\\\\\\\td X 1 1 iv, shows that the ability of the Jews was duly recognized by the Gentiles. But this develop- ment was outside Philestina-Canaan Land. Sir does not count commerce among the list of trades in 38 21-30 (note, however, the increased importance of artisans) and his refer- ences to commerce throughout are not esp. charac- teristic (6 South; 8 K5, etc; but sen- 42 7). But even the trade of Philestina-Canaan Land must have been increasing steadily. Under the Maccabees Joppu was captured, and the opening of its port for (if commerce is numbered among Simon's "glories" (I Mace 14 , r >). The uni- fication of the trade-world under Rome, ot course, gave Philestina-Canaan Land a share in the benefits. Herod was able to work commercial miracles (Ant, XV, vi, 7; yiu, 1 ix, 2; xi, 1 ; XVI, v, 3, etc), and the Philestina-Canaan Land of the North I is n commercial rather than an agricultural nation. Christ's parables touch almost every side of com- mercial life and present even the pearl merchant as a not unfamiliar figure (Matthew 13 4.1). Into theethics of commerce, however, He entered little Sharp dealings were everywhere (Mark 12 40; Luke 16 1-1 etc), and the service of Mammon, which had pushed its way even into the temple (Mark 11 15-17 and 's), was u'tterly incompatible with the service of God (Matthew 6 I") 34, etc). In themselves, however, the things of Caesar and the things of God (Mark 12 17 and' 's) belong to different spheres, and with finan- cial questions pure and simple He refused to inter- fere (Luke 12 13 f). For further details and for the (not very elaborate-) teaching of the apostles see ETHICS.

    LITI-HATT-RK. The appropriate sections in the 7/.1's and Mih diets , esp. (i. A. Smith's indispensable art. "Trade" in El IV. cols. 5145-99 (1903); for the, later p OJV* H, 67-82 (1907), III 97-102 (1'K)'.,) Of also Heiv.feld, Handelsgeachichte dt-r Jwlcn den Alter- thnmx'* (1S94).


    TRADITION, tra-dish'un: The Gr word is vapd- Soffit, pdrdiloNts, "a giving over," either by word of mouth or in writing; then that which is given over, i.e. tradition, the teaching that is handed down from one to another. The word does not occur in the Hebrew OT (except in Jeremiah 39 [32] 4; 41 [34] 2, used in another sense), or in LXX or Apoc (except in 2 Esdras 7 26, used in a different sense), but is found 13 t in the NT (Matthew 15 2.3.6; Mark 7 3^ 8.0. 13; 1 Corinthians 11 2; Galatians 1 14; Col 2 8; 2 Ihcss 2 l. r >; 3 0).

    The term in the NT has apparently three mean- ings. It means, in Jewish theology, the oral teach- ings of the elders (distinguished an- 1. Meaning cestors from Moses on) which were in Jewish reverenced by the late Jews equally Theology with the written teachings of the OT, and were regarded by them as equally authoritative on matters of belief and conduct. There seem to be three classes of these oral teach- ings: (a) some oral laws of Moses (as they supposed) given by the great lawgiver in addition to the written laws; (6) decisions of various judges which became precedents in judicial matters; (c) inter- pretations of great teachers (rabbis) which came

    to be prized with the same reverence as were the OT Scriptures.

    It was against the tradition of the elders in this first sense that Jesus spoke so pointedly to thescribes and Pharisees (Matthew 15 2 f ; Mark 7 3 f). The Phari- sees charged Jesus with transgressing "the tradition of the elders." Jesus turned on them with the question, "Why do ye also transgress the com- mandment of God because of your tradition?" He then shows how their hollow traditionalism has fruited into mere ceremonialism and externalism (washing of hands, vessels, saying "Corban" to a suffering parent, i.e. "My property is devoted to God, and therefore I cannot use it to help you," etc), but He taught that this view of uncleamiess was essentially false, since the heart, the seat of the soul, is the source- of thought, character and con- duct (Mark 7 14 f).

    The word is used by Paul when referring to his

    personal Christian teachings to the churches at

    Corinth and Thessalonica (I Corinthians 11

    2. As Used 2; 2 Thess 2 15; 3 0). In this sense in 1 Corinthians the word in the sing, is better tr d and 2 Thess "instruction," signifying the body of

    teaching delivered by the apostle to the church at Thessalonica (2 Thess 3 6). But Paul in the other two passaged used it in the pi., meaning the separate; instructions which he delivered to the churches at Corinth and Thessalonica.

    The word is used by Paul in Col 2 8 in a sense apparently different from the two senses above.

    lie warns his readers against the teaeh-

    3. As Used ings of the false teachers in Colossae, in Col which are "after the tradition of men."

    Olshausen, Lightfoot, Dargan, in their comms. in loc., maintain that the reference is to the Judaist ic character of 1 he false teachers. This may be true, and yet we must see that the word "tradi- tion" has a much broader meaning here than in 1 above. Besides, it is not certain that the false teachings at Colossae are essentially Jewish in char- acter. The phrase "tradition of men" seems to emphasize merely 1 he li union, not necessarily Jewish, origin of these false, teachings.

    The vb. irapaSidufu, paradidomi, "to give over," is also used 5 t to express the impart ation of Chris- tian instruction: Luke 1 2, where eyewitnesses are said to have handed down the things concerning Jesus; 1 Corinthians 11 2.23 and 15 3 referring to the apostle's personal teaching; 2 Pet 2 21, to instruc- tion by some Christian teacher (cf 1 Pet 1 18).

    LITEUATTTKE. Broadns, Allen, Meyer, comms. on Matthew (15 2f); South\\\\\\\\vete, Could, comms. on Mark (7 ->!); Lightfoot, Meyer, comms. on Galatians (1 14); Ligntioot, Olshausen, Dargan (Am. Comm.), comms. on Col (2 8); Milligan, comm. on 1 and 2 Thess (2 Thess 2 15 and

    3 <>); Weber, Jewish Theology (Ger., Altsyn. Theol.); I'ocoek. 1'ortn Moxis, 350-402; Kehiirer, II J I', ,11, i. see. 25; Edershelm, Life and Times of Jesut the Mettian, n, chxxxi; Jos, Ant, XIII, x, (>.


    TRAFFIC, traf'ik, TRAFFICKER, trafik-er

    (I?:? , k r n



Letter "T"

    said to liis brothers: "So will I deliver you your brother, and ye shall traffic iu Ilie laud" ((Jen 42 34). He evidently meant that they should have license to become 1 , throughout Egypt, traveling traders. (4) R e khulldh, from a root meaning "to travel for trading," and so a peddled traffic, as in spices, et c. Ezekiel speaks against t he prince of Tyre : "By thy great wisdom and by thy traffic hast thou increased thy riches" (28 5); "and against the king of Tyre: "in the unrighteousness of thy traffic," elc. (Ezekiel 28 IS). See MARKET; MERCHANDISE; SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 2, (2); TRADE.


    TRAGACANTH, trag'a-kanth: For "spicery" in (Jen 37 25, RVm gives "gum tragacanth or storax." See SPICK; STORAX.

    TRAIN, Iran (vb. -f:n , hanakh, "educate" [Prov 22 G], with adj. hanlhk [Genesis 14 14]): In 1 Kings 10 2 the Queen of Sheba's "train," the noun is b^H , hnyil, the usual word for "force," "army." But in Isaiah 6 1 the "train" plttj , sJiiil, "loose hanging gar- ment") is that of God's robe (RVm "skirts").

    TRAIN, tran, TRAINED, trand: The word is used in two places in both AV and RV, viz. Genesis 14 14, where it means "drilled," "prepared for war," and Prov 22 G. "Train up a child" means more than to teach, and includes everything that pertains to the proper development of the child, esp. in its moral and spiritual nature. In this broader sense also RV substitutes "train" for the "teach" of AV in Tit 2 4 (sophronizo) .

    TRANCE, trans (eKo-racris, c'A-.s/a.s/.s) : The con- dition expressed by this word is a mental state in which the person affected is partially or wholly unconscious of objective sensations, but intensely alive to subjective impressions which, however they may be originated, are felt as if they were revela- tions from without. They may take the form of visual or auditory sensations or else of impressions of taste, smell, heat or cold, and sometimes these conditions precede epileptic seizures constituting what is named the aura epilcpiica. The word occurs 5 t in AV, twice in the story of Balaam (Numbers 24 4.16), twice in the history of Peter (Acts 10 10; 11 5), and once in that of Paul (Acts 22 17). In the Balaam story the word is of the nature of a gloss rather than a tr, as the Hebrew ndpfutl means simply "to fall down" and is tr' 1 accordingly in RV. Here LXX has en kiipno, "in sleep" (see SLEEP, DEEP). In Peter's vision on the housetop at Joppa he saw the sail (othone) descending from heaven, and heard a voice. Paul's trance was also one of both sight and sound. The vision on the Damascus road (Acts 9 3-9) and that recorded in 2 Corinthians 12 2-4 were also cases of trance, as were the prophetic ecstasies of Saul, Daniel and Elisha, and the con- dition of John in which he says that he was "in the Spirit" (The Revelation 1 10).

    The border line between trance and dream is indefinite: the former occurs while one is, in a sense, awake; the latter takes place in the passage from sleep to wakefulness. The dream as well as the vision were supposed of old to be channels of reve- lation (Job 33 15). In Shakespearean Eng., trance means a dream (Taming of the 8 lire w, I, i, 182), or simply a bewilderment (Lucrece, 1595). _ In the phenomena of hypnotic suggestion, some- times affecting a number of persons simultaneously, we have conditions closely allied to trance, and doubtless some of the well-authenticated phantom appearances are similar subjective projections from the mind affecting the visual and auditory centers of the brain. ALEX. MACALISTEH

    TRANSFIGURATION, trans-fig-n-ra'shun (^ra^ \\\\\\\\i.opfy6o\\\\\\\\i.a.i, mcta7norpkoomai, "to be transformed'';: Used only with reference to the transfiguration of Christ (Matthew 17 2; Mark 9 2) and the change wrought in the Christian personality through fellowship with Christ (Romans 12 2; 2 Corinthians 3 IS).

    (1) About midway of His active ministry Jesus, accompanied by Peter, James and John, withdrew to a high mountain apart (probably Ml. Hermon; see next art.) for prayer. "While praying Jesus was "transfigured," "hisfacedid shine as the sun," "and his garments became glistering, exceeding white, so as no fuller on earth can whiten them." It was night and it was cold. The disciples were drowsy and at first but dimly conscious of the wonder in progress before their eyes. From the brightness came the sound of voices. Jesus was talking with Moses and Elijah, the subject of the discourse, as the disciples probably learned later, being of the decease (exodus) which Jesus was about to accom- plish at Jerusalem. As the disciples came to themselves, the figures of Moses and Elijah seemed to withdraw, whereupon Peter impetuously demanded tents to be set up for Jesus and His heavenly visitants that the stay might be prolonged and, if possible, made permanent. Just then a cloud swept over them, and out of the cloud a voice came, saying, "This is my beloved Son: hear ye him." In awe the dis- ciples prostrated themselves and in silence waited. Suddenly, lifting up their eyes they saw no one, save Jesus only (Matthew 17 1-13; Mark 9 2-13; Luke 9 28-36).

    Such is the simple record. What is its signifi- cance? The Scripture narrative- offers no explana- tion, and indeed the event is afterward referred to only in the most general way by Peter (2 Pet 1 16-18) and, perhaps, by John (John 1 14). That it marked a crisis in the career of Jesus there can be no doubt. From this time lie walked consciously under the shadow of the cross. A strict silence on the subject was enjoined upon the three witnesses of His transfiguration until after "the Son of man should have risen again from the dead." This means that , as not before, Jesus was made to realize the sacrificial character of His mission; was made to know for a certainty that death, soon and cruel, was to be His portion; was made to know also that His mission as the fulfilment of Law (Moses) and prophecy (Elijah) was not to be frustrated by death. In His heart now would sound forever the Father's approval, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased." The scene, therefore, wrought out in Jesus a new fervor, a new boldness, a new con- fidence of ultimate victory which, as a source of holy joy, enabled Him to endure the cross and to despise the shame (lie 12 2). In the disciples the scene must have wrought a new faith in the heaven- sent leadership of Jesus. In the dark days which were soon to come upon them the memory of the brightness of that unforgettable night would be a stay and strength. There might be opposition, but there could be no permanent defeat of one whose work was ratified by Moses, by Elijah, by God Him- self. Indeed, was not the presence of Moses and Elijah a pledge of immortality for all? How in the face of such evidence, real to them, however it might be to others, could they ever again doubt the triumph of life and of Him who was the Lord of life? The abiding lesson of the Transfiguration is that of the reality of the unseen world, of its nearness to us, and of the comforting and inspiring fact that "spirit with spirit may meet."

    The transfigured appearance of Jesus may have owed something to tho moonlight on the snow and to the drowsiness of the disciples; but no one who lias ever seen the face of a saint fresh from communion with (



Letter "T"

    the fi"ure of Jesus was irradiated with a "light that never was on sea or land." See Tomms. and Lives of Christ; also a surest ive treatment in Westcott s Intro to I/K; Stmly oft/if G'*/"/.s.

    (2) Tlio transfiguration of C'hrist ians is accom- plished by 1li<' renew it if? of the mind whereby, in utter abandonment to the will of C.od, the disciple displays the mind of Christ (Romans 12 2); and 1 y that intimate fellowship with Cod, through which, as with unveiled face he beholds the glory of the Lord, lie is "transformed into the same image from glory to glory, even as from the Lord the Spirit" (2 Corinthians 3 18). CHAKLKS M. STUAKT

    TRANSFIGURATION, trans-fig-n-ra'shun, MOUNT OF (referred to as the "holy mount" in 2 Pet 1 18): Records of the Transfiguration are found in Matthew 17 1 IT; Mark 9 2 IT; Luke 9 2S IT. From these narratives we gather that .Jesus went with His disciples from Bctlisaida to the neighbor- hood of Caesarca Philippi, where Peter's memorable confession was made. Some six or eight days later Jesus went up into a high mountain to pray, taking with Him Peter, .James and John. There He was transfigured before them. Descending the next day, He healed a demoniac boy, and then passed through Calilce to Capernaum.

    It is quite evident that the tradition placing the scene

    on the Mount of Olives must be dismissed. Another

    tradition, dating from the 4th cent.,

    1 TJr.t nii identifies the mountain with Tabor. In

    1. 1X } -_y"~ the art. on TABOK. MOUNT, reasons are vet Of Tabor stated for rejecting this tradition. It

    was indeed possible; in the time indicated to travel from ('aesarea Philippi to Tabor; but there is nothing to show why this journey should have been undertaken; and, the' mountain to]) being occupied by a town or village, ti suitable spot could not easily have been found.

    In recent years the opinion has become general

    that the scene must be placed somewhere on Matthew.

    Ilermon. It is near to Caesarea

    2. Matthew. Philippi. It is the mountain />ar c.r- Hermon cclloicc in that district (Luke 9 2s). It- was easily possible in the time to make

    the journey to Ildxliciyah. and up the lofty steeps. The sacred associations of the mountain might lend it special attractions (Stanley, South nnl I\\\\\\\\ 3 ( .) ( .l). This is supported by the transient comparison of the celestial splendor with the snow, where alone it could be seen in Philestina-Canaan Land (ib, 400).

    It seems to have been forgotten that Matthew . TTermon lay beyond the boundaries of Philestina-Canaan Land, and that the dis- trict, round its base was occupied by Cent lies (//.//', II, i, 133 f). The sacred associations of the moun- tain were entirely heathen, and could have lent, it no fit ness for the purpose of Jesus; //o,s chion, "as snow," in Mark 9 3, does not belong to the original text, and therefore lends no support to the identification. It was evidently in pursuance of His ordinary custom that Jesus "went up into the mountain to pray" (Luke 9 28). This is the only indication of His pur- pose. It is not suggested that His object was to be transfigured. "As lie was praying," the glory came. There is no hint that He had crossed the border of Philestina-Canaan Land; and it is not easy to see why in the circum- stances lie should have made this journey and toil- some ascent in heathen territory. Next morning as usual He went down again, and was met by a crowd that was plainly Jewish. The presence of "the scribes" is sufficient proof of this (Mark 9 It,). Where was such a crowd to come from in this gentile district? Matthew in effect ^says that the healing of the demoniac took place in Galilee (Matthew 17 22). The case against Alt. Ilermon seems not less conclusive than that against Tabor.

    The present writer has ventured to suggest an identification which at least avoids the difficulties that beset the above (Expos T, XVIII, 333 f).

    Among the mountains of Upper Galilee Jcbcl Jfr- tuk is esp. conspicuous, its shapely form rising

    full -1,000 ft. above the sea. It is the 3. Jebel highest mountain in Philestina-Canaan Land proper, and Jermuk is quite fitly described as /in/Melon.

    ("high"). It stands to the \\\\\\\\V. over against the Ktifol uplands, separated from them by

    $afed and Jebel J>n,

    a spacious valley, in the bottom of which runs the tremendous gorge, Wadij Ltinnln. It is by far 1 he most striking feature in all the Galilean landscape. The summit commands a magnificent view, barred only to the South.\\\\\\\\Y. by other mountains of the range. It rises from the midst of a district which then sup- ported a large population of Jews, with such im- portant Jewish centers as Kcfr Bikini, Gishcala, Mi iron, etc, around its base. Remote and lonely as it. is, the summit was just such a place as Jesus might have chosen for prayer. It was compara- tively easy to reach, and might be comfortably climbed in' the evening. Then on His descent next day the crowd might easily assemble from the country and the villages near by. How long Our Lord stayed near Caesarea Philippi after the con- versation recorded in Matthew 16 2 Iff we do not know. From Jinn ids to (lixhculn, e.g. one could walk on foot without fatigue in a couple of days. If a little time were spent in the Jewish villages passed on the way, the six days, or Luke's "about eight davs," are easily accounted for. From this place to Capernaum He would "pass through Galilee" (Mark 9 30). West- EWIXG

    TRANSFORM, trans-form' (Horn 12 2; RV 2 Corinthians 3 18 for |j.eTa(iopc|>6o(, metamoTphoomai, and AV 2 Corinthians 11 13. 14. la for |AETCurxil(xaTitaj,

    itirlnxchcinntizo, RV "fashion"): The comms. often explain the former word as connoting a change of nature, while the latter refers only to the appear- ance, but this distinction is probably fanciful.

    TRANSGRESSION, < rans-gresh'un : From "transgress," to pass, over or beyond; to overpass, as any rule prescribed as the limit of duty; to break or violate, as a law, civil or moral; the act of trans- gressing; the violation of a law or known principle of rectitude; breach of command; offence; crime; sin. In the OT 7CE , pu>hrt\\\\\\\\ occurs SO t, rendered in all VSS by "transgression." Its meaning is "rebellion"; see REBELLION. The word "rebellion" differs from this word in that it may be in the heart , though no opportunity should be granted for its manifestation: "An evil man seeketh only rebellion' (Prov 17 11). Here the wise man contemplates an evil heart, looking for an excuse or opportunity to rebel.

    The XT uses irapdpaa-is. pardbasis, "trespass": "The law was added because of transgressions (Ual

    3 19) "Where there is no law. neither is then; trans-



Letter "T"

    fjri'ssiou" (Koni 4 l-~: "fur the redempl ion of UP- transgressions that were under tin- lirst covenant" (lie 9 15).


    TRANSLATION, trans-la'shun: Tin- vh. "trans- late" is found once in the ( )T ('2 Samuel 3 10 AV, in the sense of "to transfer") and 3 f in (lie NT (Col 1 13, fjx0iffTij/j.i, inc!li'islcnii, where* it means "!o trans- fer"; twice in Ho 11 />, whore it lias the quasi- technical sense of removing one from the earthly to the lieavenly state without, the intervening ex- perience- of death).

    The noun "translation" occurs only in He 11 .">, ^erdtffo-is, ///r/'///r,s/.s, \\\\\\\\vhero it refers to the transi- tion, the general nature of which lias just been de- scribed in connection with the vb. With their customary reserve in regard to such matters, the Scriptures simply record the fact of Enoch's trans- lation without commenting either upon the attend- ant circumstances, or upon the nature of the change involved in his experience. Doubtless what- Paul says in 1 Corinthians 15 f)l.;">2 applied in the case; of Enoch and also in that of Elijah (2 Kings 2 11).

    . . West. M. Me'PlIEKTKUS

    TRAP (il'pTa , mukesh; Q-i\\\\\\\\pa., tkfra, lit, "hunting," used metaphorically in Pss and Romans as "trap";: Any of the methods for taking birds; see SNAKK; NET; Cix, etc. It is probable that a trap was more; particularly a hole in the ground covered with twigs, concealed by leaves and baited with food. Such devices were common in taking the largest animals and may have been used with birds also. Trap is mentioned frequently in connection with snare and in such manner as to indicate! that they were different devices; "Know for a certainly that LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), your Cod will no more drive these nations from out of your sight ; but they shall be a snare and a trap unto you" (Joshua 23 13). Another such reference will be found in Psalm 69 22:

    "Let their table before them become a snare; And when they are in peace, let it, become a trap."

    This is quoted in Romans 11 9:

    "Let their table, be made a snare, and a trap, And a stumbling block, and a recompense unto them."

    An instance where a trap alone is referred to can l)e found in Jeremiah 5 20: "They set a trap, they catch men." Isaiah (42 22) uses this expression, "snared in holes." This might mean that a snare was placed in a hole, or that the hole was the snare to lure bird or animal to its death. The former proposition is sustained by Job, who says, "A noose is hid for him in the ground, and a trap for him in the way" (18 10). This tr appears as if it were reversed and should read, "A trap is hid for him in the ground a,nd a noose in the way."


    TRAVAIL, tniv'al ("^ , yaladh [Cen 35 10, etc], b^n, hal, b^n fill, [properly "writhe," Job 15 20, etc]; ciSiv, Odin [classical ddis] [Matthew 24 South, etc],

    weariness and toil, rather than to the idea of jour- neying (in AV the spellings "travel" and "travail" were used indiscriminately; cf Sir 19 1 1 ; 31 ;". The sorrows which are the i'niils of wickedness are compared to the pain of travail in Job 15 20 (///7V) and Psalm 7 11- (ljal>/nil), I he word used here meaning the torture or twisting pains of labor; see also the fanciful employment, of "travail" in Sir 19 11.

    In the NT the travail of childbirth is used as the figure of the painful and anxious struggle; against the evils of the world in the soul's efforts to attain the higher ideals of the Christian life (John 16 21 \\\\\\\\t>kt<~>\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ Horn 8 22; Galatians 4 27; ; twice, however, it, is the rendering of inuclilhnx, the ordinary word for "toil," "hardship" or "distress" (1 Thess 2 9; 2 Thess 3 South). See BIRTH; LAHOU.


    TRAVELLER, trav'el-er: Judges 5 OforPQ-r: !f?n, lial/ikh n'thlhhdlt, "goers on paths"; 2 Samuel 12 4 for ^n, fu-'lrkh, lit, "a going"; Job 31 32 for rPX , 'drah, participle of a vb. meaning "to wander"; Sir 26 12; 42 3 for bSonropos, luxioiporua, "one making a way." See WAYFAUINCJ MAN.

    TREAD, trcd. See \\\\\\\\Yi.\\\\\\\\u PRESS.

    TREASON, treYn: The tr of Ttpp , kesher, in EV 1 Kings 16 20; 2 Kings 11 11 2 Chronicles 23 1.3.' AY.s-//rr (from "ViTp ; Ifashar, "to bind") means "a conspiracy" (2 Samuel 15 12; 2 Kings 12 20, etc), and the tr "treason" is due to AV's love of variety.

    TREASURE, trozh'iir, TREASURER, trexh'ur-er, TREASURY, trezh'ur-i ("ISIS, 'dear, T:3 , g'naz, "3 , gcnez, Tf"5 , ganzukh, "CH , fwxoi, p'East'Ip'Q , nidtmun, "jSCT? , mixk'nah, ]12Z12 , mikhman, "P.ny , *athudh, "jSTW , sap/nut; v^t a ) yiiza, 0T]a-avp6s, thcsauros) :

    / In the OT. The Eng. word "treasure" has in

    the OT at least five somewhat distinct meanings as

    expressed in the words: "treasure,"

    1. Treas- (fnaz (Aram.) or ycitcz (ITeb), usually ure meaning "the thing stored"; tr d "treas- ures" in Ezra 6 1, but in 5 17 and

    7 20 tr ri "treasure-house": "search made in the king's treasure-house." In Est 3 9; 4 7 the Hebrew form is tr' 1 "treasury," as is yunzukk in 1 Chronicles 28 11.

    "Storehouse," not the thing stored but the place

    of storage; 'ocar means depository, cellar, garner,

    armory, store or treasure-house. In

    2. Store- several places it ought to be tr d by house some of these; words. It is the most

    frequent word for treasure. ERV and ARV both translate in some; instances by other words, e.g. 1 Kings 7 51, "treasuries of the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),," so also 2 Chronicles 5 1 ; "treasury" in Xeh 7 70. 71, "gave to the treasury a thousand claries of gold"; in Job 38 22, "treasuries of the snow" (cf Prov

    8 21; Jeremiah 10 13; 51 10; East/r 2 09). "Treasure" or something concealed. There are

    3 Hebrew words with this meaning and all in AV tr d "treasure." (1) Miit-n/utt, which lit.

    3. Hidden means "a secret storehouse" and so a Riches secreted valuable', usually money

    burieel, and so hidden riches of any kind, hid treasures: "treasure 1 in your sacks" (Genesis 43 23); "dig for it more than for hiel treasures" (Job 3 21); "search lor her as for hiel treasure's" (Prov 2 4); "We have stores hidden in the field, of wheat," etc (Jeremiah 41 Samuel). (2) Mikhman, treasure as hidden, used only in Did 11 43: "have power over the treasures of gold and silver." (3) Sdpfian, meaning hielden treasure or valuable's concealed: "hidden treasures of the sand" (Deuteronomy 33 19).



Letter "T"

    Perhaps the strength of riches mid so treasure, the Hebrew word being /IOJCH, from a root meaning to

    hoard or lay up: "In the house of the 4. Strength righteous is much treasure" (Prov 15

    0); "Thev take treasure and precious things" (Ezekiel 22 2f>).

    "Something prepared," made ready, the lie!) word being *dthud/i, meaning "prepared," '"ready,"

    therefore something of value and so 6. Some- treasure: "have robbed their troas- thing Pre- ures," fortifications or other things pared "made ready" (Isaiah 10 13).

    In the OT tho Hebrew word most often tr' " treasure" is 'df dr. It occurs in the sin^. us follows: Deuteronomy 28 1-; 1 Oi 29 8; North'eh 10 3S; 1's 17 14; 135 4; Prov 15 10; 21 - } 0; Keel 2 Samuel: Isaiah 33 0; Dnl 1 2; Hosea 13 15; in the pi.: J)t 32 34; 1 Kings 14 i-'O: 15 IS; 2 Kings 12 is; 14 14; 16 s; 18 15; 20 13.15; 24 13, etc.

    The same word is in AV tr d "treasuries" in 1 Chronicles 9 20; 28 12; 2 Chronicles 32 27; Nehemiah 13 12.13; Psalm 135 7; and "treasury" in Joshua 6 19.24; Jeremiah 38 11.

    //. In the NT. There are two words tr' 1 "treas- ure": (idzd is of Pers origin, meaning "treasure." Found only once in Acts 8 27 con-

    1. Gaza cerning the Ethiopian "who was over

    all her [Queen Candace's] treasure." In the compound yao(pv\\\\\\\\dKLov, gazophuldkion, "guarding of yuzn," the same word appears and the compound is tr' 1 "treasury" in Mark 12 41.43 j| Luke 21 1; John 8 20. See TEMPLE; TREASURY (OF TEMPLE).

    The word tficstniros, means lit. a "deposit," so

    wealth and treasure. Evidently throughout the

    NT it has a twofold usage as doserib-

    2. The- ing (1) material treasure, either money sauros or other valuable material possession,

    and (.2) spiritual treasure, e.g. "like unto treasure hid in a held" (.Mr 13 44); "good treasure of the heart" (Matthew 12 3.")). Other refer- ences to material treasure are Matthew 6 21; 13 52; Luke 12 21.34, etc. References to spiritual treasure are Matthew 19 21; Mark 10 21; Luke 6 45; 12 33; 18 22; pi. Matthew 6 20; Col 2 3.

    In Matthew 27 G the word for "treasury" is /cop/Saras, korbandx; of RVm and see COBBAN.

    Treasurer p?South , 'ajw, "Q~;l , g f


    TREASURY, trezh'ur-i (OF TEMPLE) ("iriX , 'ofar, usually; ^!?3 , ganzakh, 1 Chronicles 28 11; v a 4>v\\\\\\\\aKiov, gazophuldkion, Koppavds, kor- 1. Origin bands): The need of a "treasury" in of the connection with the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.), would

    Treasury early be felt for the reception of the offerings of the people, of tithes, and of the spoils of war dedicated to LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),. Already in Joshua 6 19.24, therefore, we read of a "treasury of the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),," into which "the silver and gold, and vessels of brass and iron," taken at Jericho, were brought. In the reign of David, and in his plans for the future temple, great prominence is

    given to the "treasuries." In 1 Chronicles 26 20 ff are given the names of (hose who were over "the treasures of the house of ( lod," and over "the treas- ures of the dedicated things" ("the spoil won in battles," ver 27), the latter being applied "to repair the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.),."

    In David's plans for Solomon the "treasuries"

    (ganzakklm) are mentioned with the "porch," "the

    houses," the "upper rooms," the "inner

    2. The chambers" of the Temple (1 Chronicles 28 11); Solomonic and the same distinction is made of Temple "the treasuries ['dfrdtft] of the house

    of (lod," and "the treasuries of the dedicated things" (ver 12). In the accounts of the actual building of the Temple, "treasuries" are not mentioned, but subsequent notices give ample evi- dence of their existence. In the narratives of the repeated plunderings of the Temple (see TEMPLK), constant allusion is made to the carrying away of "the treasures of the house of LORD-GOD (LORD-GOD-Jehovah, Yahweh, etc.)," and "the treas- ures of the king's house" or palace (1 Iv 14 2(5; 15 I/US; 2 Kings 12 IS; 14 14; 16 8; 18 15; 24 13). In the episode of Jehoash's repair of the Temple (2 Kings 12; 2 Chronicles 24), we have a refreshing glimpse of the presence and uses of the treasury; but this brighter gleam is soon swallowed up again in dark- ness. Of the larger store-chambers we get a glance in Jeremiah, where we are told that "the house; of the king" was "under the treasury" (38 11), i.e. on a lower level under the south wall.

    The Book of Nehemiah introduces us to treasury-

    chambers in the second temple now used for the

    voluntary offerings (tithes) of the

    3. The people corn, and wine, and oil (Nehemiah Second 13 4 if; of Mai 3 10). A certain Temple Meshullam had repaired the city wall

    "over against his chamber" (Nehemiah 3 30), and he, witli other Levites, kept "the watch at the storehouses of the gates" (12 25). These gates were probably gates of exit on the southern side, as in the llerodian temple.

    In Herod's temple the name "treasury" was

    specially given to the "court of the women" (see

    TK.MPLK, HKROD'South), where were 13

    4. Herod's trumpet-shaped boxes for the recep- Temple in tion of the offerings of the worshippers. the NT It was hero that Jesus saw the poor

    widow cast in her two mites (Mark 12 41; Luke 21 1-4), and the court is expressly named the "treasury" in John 8 20: "These words spake he in the treasury, as he taught in the temple." It is a legitimate! deduction that this court was the ordi- nary scene of tho Lord's ministry when teaching in tho temple. See also TREASURE, TREASUKER, TREASTRY. West. SHAW CALDECOTT

    TREATY, tre/ti (m? , l/rith, PP"!? PH3 , k&rath b'nth, "make a covenant," "league," "treaty"): Although the Israelites were forbidden to make treaties, or enter into covenant, with the Canaan- it es because of the risk thereby involved of religious apostasy and moral contamination (Exodus 23 32; 34 12; Deuteronomy 7 2; Judges 2 2), they were so situated in the midst of the nations that treaty relations of some sort with their neighbors were from time to time inevitable. After the rise of the monarchy, treaties were common. David and Solomon had friendly relations with Hiram, king of Tyre (1 Kings 5 15 ff); Asa, to rid himself of the hostile approaches of Baasha, king of Israel, entered into a league with Ben-hadad of Syria, which the prophet Hanani denounced (2 Chronicles 16 Iff); Ahab entered into a similar compact with Ben-hadad's son and successor, and set him at liberty when he was his prisoner of war (1 Kings 20 34); and at a later time Jehoshaphat joined Ahab in an expedition against Ben-hadad II to Ramoth-giload in which Ahab lost his life (1 Kings




Letter "T"

    22). Sometimes with Syria :itil neighboring state's against the terrible- Assyr power, and some-times with Egypt against Assyria or Babylon, the kings of Israel and Juelah entered into treaty to resist, their advances and to preserve their own independence, (2 Kings 17 4; II. ,s 711; Isaiah 30 1). Against such alliances the prophets raised their testimony (Isaiah 31 1; Jeremiah 27 :i IT;. See also WAR, 9; HOME, V, 1.

    T. Niroi, TREE, Ire. See BOTANY.

    TREE OF LIFE (Z^n }*? , V f hmjy7m; v\\\\\\\\ov rfjs i>f)s, xillon ttx zot'K): The expression "tree of life" occurs in four groups or connections: (1) in the story of theGardenof Eden, (2) in the Proverbs of the Wise Men, (!ij in the apocryphal writings, and (4) in the Apocalypse of John.

    The tree was in the midst of the Garden, and its fruit of such a nature as to produce physical im- mortality (Genesis 2 ',); 3 22). After 1. The Tree guiltily partaking of the tree of the of Life in knowledge of good and evil, and the the Garden sinful tendency having thus been im- of Eden planted in their natures, the man and woman are driven forth from the Garden lest they should eat of the tree of life and live forever (3 22). The idea seems to be that, if they should eat of it and become immortalized in their sinful condition, it would be an unspeakable calamity to them and their posterity. For sinful beings to live forever upon earth would be incon- ceivably disastrous, for the redemption and devel- opment of the race would be an impossibility in that condition. Earth would soon have been a hell with sin propagating itself forever. To prevent such a possibility they were driven forth, cherubim were placed at the entrance of the Garden, the flame of a sword revolving every way kept the way ot the tree of life, and this prevented the possibility of man possessing a physical immortality. It is implied that they had not vet partaken of 'this tree and the opportunity is now forever gone. Im- mortality must be reached in some other way.

    The interpretation of the story is a standing problem. Is it mythical, allegorical, or historical? Opinions vary from one of these extremes to the other with all degrees of difference between. In general, interpreters may be divided into three classes:

    the sexual relation and therefore; the datY-pah^'came. to be regarded as the; tree- of life-, anel {he; tre-e- of the knowledge of good and evil. But this elilfe-re-nce came; in later when the knowledge e;f its e>rigin be-came- obscured le calls attention to the- fact that the sacre-d palm is ,,'" - m the sanc tuary of Ea at Kridu. All such inte-r-

    (2) There are tlrnse who regard the entire story as

    t'n'ii fV U V?' West A nlld , ' a( - tllall >' imi'art pliysical immor- tality, the other the knenvledgo of evil. But this in- volves endless difficulties also, requires tremendous differences between the laws of Nature- then anel now, vast differences in fruits, men anel animals, and an equally vast difference, in God's dealings with man.

    (3) We prefer to regard it as a pictorial-spiritual story, the representing of great spiritual facts and religious history in the form of n picture. This is the usual Bible method. It was constantly em- ployed by the- prophets, anel Jesus continually

    pictured great spiritual facts by means of mate- rial objects. Such were most of His parables

    John's Apoe-alypse is also a serie-s of pie-lures repre- senting spiritual and moral histeiry. So the- tree of life- is a, pie-tun; of (lie- glorious pe>ssibilii ies whie-h lay before primitive; man, and \\\\\\\\vhi< h might have- been realizeel by him had ne>t his sin and sinful condition pre-vente-d it. Geid's inte-rvention was a great mercy to the human race-. Immortality in sin is rende-red impossible, and this has maefe possible an immortality thnmgh re-demptiem; man at first is pictured as neither meirtal nor immortal, but both are-, possible, as represented by the two trees. He sinne-d and be-came mortal, and then immortality was denied him. Ithassine-ebeen made possible in a much higher anel nmre- gleiriejus way. This picture was not lost to Israel. The; "tree of life-," became- a e-ommon poe-tic simile f ore pre -sent that which may be- a source- of great 2. A Com- blessing. In the Book of Prov the mon Poetic ceme-e-pi iem deepens from a phvsie-al Simile semive; of a mere physical immortality

    to a moral anel spirit ual source- of a full life, mental, moral and spiritual, which will poten- tially last forever. _ Life, lemg life, is here attribute-el te> a certain possession er enialit v of mind and he-art. \\\\\\\\Visdom is a source- and supply of life le) man. This wisdom is essentially of a moral quality, and this moral force brings the wheile man into' right re-la- tions with the; source of life. He-ne-e a man truly lives by reason of this relationship (Prov 3 IS). The allusion in this verse is doubtless to Ge-n 2 od living. Prov 11 30 has a like thought: "The fruit of the right e-ous is a tree- of life," i.e. the- good life is a seiuree- of geieid in its influence on othe-rs. Pretv 13 12 says: "Hope deferred maketh the he-art sick; but when the desire cometh, it is a tre-e of life-." The- meaning seems to be that the- grutinVat ion of goeiel anel lawful desires produces those pleasures and activities which make up life anel its blessings. Prov 15 4 says: "A gentle- tongue is a tree of life," i.e. its beneficent influences help others to a better life.

    The apocryphal writings contain a few references to the

    tree' of life, but use the- phrase' in a different sense- fremi

    that in which it is used in the canonical

    3. The books: 1 hey shall have the- tree; of life fe>r Apocryphal an ointment of sweet savour " (2 Kingssel 2 12). WHtinac fcclus 1 20 has only an indirect reference

    te> it. Ethiopia Enoch, in his picture of the

    Messianic age-, uses his imagination ve-rv

    free-ly in describing it: "It has a fragrance be-yonel all

    fragrances; its leaves anel bloom and we>e>d wither not

    forever; its fruit is beautiful and ivscmblcs the elate-

    palm" (24 4). Slavonic Knoe'h spe-aks thus- "In the

    midst there is the tree of life .... and this tre-e- cannot

    be- described for its excellence and sweet odeir" (8 'i)

    Esdras describing the future says : "Fnto you is paradise

    opened, the tree of life is planted" (8 52).

    The Apocalypse of John re-fe-rs to the tre-e of life

    in three places (The Revelation 2 7; 22 2.14). These are

    pictures e)f the glorious possibilities

    4. The of life which await the redeemed soul. Book of In Ezekiel's picture of the ieleal state The Revelation and the: Ale-ssianic age-, there- flows

    from the- sanctuary of God a life-giving river having tree's upon its banks on either siele, yielding fruit every month. The leaf of this tree would not wither, nor its fruit fail, because that which gave moisture to its roe>ts floweel from the sanctuary. This fruit was for food and the leaves for medicine (47 12). Very similar to this and probably an expansion of it is John's picture in The Revelation: "To him that ove-rcometh, to him will I give to eat of the; tree of life, which is in the Paradise of God" (2 7). This means that all the possibilities of a complete and glorious life are open to the one that overcomes, anel by overcoming is prepared to become immortal in a vastly higher sense than was



Letter "T"

    possible 1<> primitive man. In his picture of the New Jerusalem, tin; river of water of life has the tree of life on either side (22 2). Its leal never fades and its monthly fruitage never fails. Food and medicine 1 hese are 1 o be to t lie world, supplied lively to all that all may enjoy the highest possibilities ot activity and blessedness which can come to those who are i'i right relationships with C-od and Jesus Christ In 22 14 John pronounces a, blessing on those who wash Uieir robes, who lead the clean anil pure Christ life, for they thereby have the right and privilege of entering into the gates of the City and partaking of the tree of life. This means not only immortal existence, but such relations with Jesi Christ and the church that, each has unrestricted access to all that is good in t lie universe ot Uoci. The limit is his own limited capacity.

    JAMKS JosiAH RKEVE TREES, GOODLY. See C.oom.Y Tiu.i.-.

    TREES, SHADY, shfi'di. See LOTUS TUF.KS. TREES, THICK. See THICK THKKS. TRENCH, trench, trensh. See SIKCK, (">), (>

    TRESPASS, tres'pas: To pass over, to go beyond one's right in place or act; to injure another: to do that which annoys or inconveniences another; any violation of law, civil or moral; it may relate toaperson, a community, or the state, or to offences against Ciod. The Hcb COX, 'uxtulni. ("sin"), is used very frequently in the OT when the trespass is a violation of law of which Cod is the author. The C.r word is irapdirrufM, pardptorna.

    In the OT an offering was demanded when the offence was against C.od: u female lamb; in other cases, according to the magnitude of the wrong, a ram or a goat ; the offering was to be preceded by a confession by the one committing the trespass. the trespass 'was against a human being, the wrong- doer must make it right with the person, and when reconciliation should have been effected, then the offering for sin was to be made. See under SACRI- FICE INT THH OT, "Trespass Offering." If a person's property has been injured, then the trespasser shall add a fifth to the value of th(- properly injured and give that to the injured party (.Leviticus 6 5). Zac- chaeus, wanting to make full restitution, went beyond the demands of the Law (Luke 19 1-9).

    The NT teaching on the .subject is, first to be reconciled to the brother and then offer, or worship (Matthew 5 2321). In all cases, also, the offended party must forgive if the offender shall .say, "I repent" (Matthew 6 14; Eph 4 32; Col 3 13). We have been alienated by our trespasses from C.od Kph 2 1 It was the Father's good will to reconcile all to Himself through Christ (Col 1 20-22). \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ e must be reconciled to Ciod (2 Corinthians 5 20.21). This being done our trespasses shall be forgiven and we shall be justified. DAVID ROBERTS DUNGAN




    TRIAL, t ri

    UK I) KIN.


    TRIBE, tiib (in the OT always for nip 1 )? , mnttch, 1S3 t, or uIlTZJ, shcbhet, 145 t, also spelled "Jilt 1 ; shebhet; Axam.Vy , sh'bhat[Vzr 6 17]): Both words mean "staff," and' perhaps "company led by chief with staff" (OHL, (541) is the origin of the meaning

    ''tribe." In the Apoc and NT always pliulf, from lit'~>, ''beget," with South dotk-kdphidon, "twelve tribes," in Acts 26 7. < /f the two Hebrew words, xhchlict appears to be consider- ably the older, and is used in Psalm 74 2; Jeremiah 10 1(5; 51 V.) of the whole people of Israel, and in Nil 4 IS; Judges 20 12 (RVin); 1 Samuel 9 21 (RVm) of subdivisions of a tribe (but the text of most of these six verses is suspicious). Further, in Isaiah 19 13, shcblict is used of the "tribes" (nomes?) of Egypt and phule m Matthew 24 30 of "all the tribes of the earth," but otherwise xhrhlirl, wdttrli and i>lnilc refer exclusively to the tribes 'of Israel. In 2 Samuel 7 7 for shibh'te, "tribes, read .s//o/>//'7(", "judges" icf UVm).

    BniTo.North SCOTT EASTON

    TRIBULATION, 1 rib-n-lfi'shun ("1? , ytr, ~\\\\\\\\X , car, staid " "narrow," "pent up''; cf Numbers 22 20): Closely pressed, as of seals (Job 41 15[7]); ot 1 In the streams pent up (Isaiah 59 9m); of strength OT limited (Prov 24 10, "small"). Hence,

    figuratively, of straitened circumstan- ces' variouslv rendered "affliction," "tribulation," "distress" (Deuteronomy 4 30; Job 15 24; 30 12; Psalm 4 2; 18 7- 32 7; 44 11, etc; 78 42; 102 3; 106 44; 119 1 13; Isaiah 26 1(5; 30 20; Hosea 5 l.v, East/k 30 16). Fre- quently the fern, form (""?, cam/;) is similarly rendeml "tribulation" (Judges 10 14 AV; 1 Samuel 10 10 VV- 26 24); in other places "distress," "affliction (Oen 42 21; Psalm 120 1; Prov 11 X; 2 Chronicles 20 9; Isaiah 63 9; Jeremiah 15 11; Jon 2 2; Nah 1 .); Zee 10 11). The (lr is 0\\\\