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Comprehensive Bible Encyclopedia

All Entries for LETTER "Z"



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      Deuter-canonical Books are included as references, and less often, the Pseudo-pigraphia (extra-biblical New Testament Era writings - such as the Epistle of Barnabas - used for over 300 years by the early Church.

      Though these are 'NOT' Inerrant Scripture, they are very important as geographical and historical references, and helping to understand how particular Hebrew and Greek words were used.

      Since the Deuter-canonical Books were part of the Jewish Bible that Jesus and Paul used, they have great value for understanding the era between the Covenants, and all things Jewish.

      Many will be surprised to know they were in the Geneva Bible of Calvin and Knox - and the Puritan Pilgrims - and included in the King James for over 275 years . . .

      . . . and left out in later versions - ONLY to make the Bible MORE PROFITABLE, by selling at the usual price, while being much smaller to print!

      No wonder Paul said the "love of money is the root of all evil!"

      Further know, that that these books are rejected by most Bible Preachers today, BECAUSE the Jews of Jesus' Day rejected them for the Jewish Canon at the Council of Jamnia after the fall of Jerusalem.

      This seems reasonable enough, and though these Scribes and Lawyers SHOULD have had superior knowledge in ALL THINGS JEWISH . . . in their Jewish wisdom, THEY ALSO REJECTED JESUS AS THE MESSIAH!!!

      TheDeuter-canonical Books are very "Kingdom of God" and "Messianic" Oriented, thus the Jews sis NOT want any writings confirming that Jesus WAS the Jewish Messiah.

      The wise "Students-north-Scholars" will know them, as they provide light on New Testament Scripture that are NOT understood otherwise;

    Quick Example:

    In Luke 3:36 YOUR Bible reads as follows:
        "Which was the son of Cainan, which was the son of Arphaxad, which was the son of Sem (Shem), which was the son of Noe (Noah), which was the son of Lamech;"

      This ancestor of Jesus named "Cainan, son of Arphaxad: where is he in YOUR Bible; (Check Genesis 11:13, and other genealogies).

      This dilemma - which the WORLD calls a great contradiction in the linage of Jesus as the Christ - can ONLY be solved by the Bible Jesus used, which included the Deuter-canonical Books.

      Do you suppose Jesus knew more about the "Correct Books of the Bible than modern "lukewarm" Denominations?


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      Consider the Hebrew Language:

      Hebrew is "The Perfect Language" - in the original form - as the Hebrew Language has evolved from perfection:

        >> God taught, or programmed, Adam and Eve perfect Hebrew;

        >> over a thousand years it eroded into informal Hebrew, as formal British-English eroded into the American dialect;

        >> over hundreds of more years it became a "dead Hebrew", meaning it is no longer spoken by any nation of people;

        >> eventually evolving into into the derivative Aramaic, which was commonly spoken in the days of Jesus;

        >> finally evolving into that "modern Hebrew" spoken in Israel in Post-AD-2000).

      The linguistics of the Hebrew Language as designed and taught by God to Adam and Eve (or perhaps "programmed" - either way does not affect the evidence of the Godhead) gives us massive and mighty "Eternal Evidence", daily clues and reminders of the Existence and Transcendence of the Almighty Godhead:

        >> God the Spirit - who is Spirit; manifest as Spirit of Ghost (that is Presence without corporeal body or manifestation such as Christ after His Resurrection);

        >> God the Father - willing to give His Son to save the World John 3:16-17;

        >> God the Son - willing to give His life to save the World! John 12:47;

      God decided to continually reveal the "THREE-FOLD-NATURE-OF-HIS-GODHEAD" by making EVERY Hebrew "root word" have THREE-CONSONANTS!"

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > BUT ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > And ONLY 3 and THREE alone!


      Likewise, the "Language of Life" - called by some "The Protein Language" - also designed and programmed by God to be the language of all living substance from lions to dandelions to from babies to buttercups top butterflies!

      The Protein Language is the language of Genetics, of Cells, of plants and animals and all that exists: the Code of Life;

      The PROTEIN LANGUAGE consists of "CODONS".

      This Language of all Life is also made of THREE LETTER WORDS, and each letter of these TRINITARIAN CODONS, is the life-giving code for an amino acid, creating the genetic structure of all that is LIFE!

      Thus every word that your body parts (cells, organs, glands and tissues, etc.,) write to each other, and every word your body reads in communication from another body part, these are ALL THREE LETTER WORDS!

      All of the intelligence your body has, all it knows and all it communicates - in every bodily function possible - is given in THREE LETTER WORDS!

        > NEVER 2 letters;

        > NEVER 4, 5, 6, or more;

        > ALWAYS 3 letters!

        > ONLY 3 and THREE alone!

      Can we possibly miss this, asks NewtonStein? (Not if we can count as far as 1, 2, 3!!!)

    Even the Word "G-O-D" in English . . . is Three Letters!

      Why is "GOD" in English significant?

      For the simple reason that today, in the POST-AD-2,000 word, very few scores of thousands speak Biblical Hebrew with the THREE-LETTER-ROOT-WORD structure.

      Comparatively, scores of HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS SPEAK English!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official Language in well over 100 nations of the World!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Science, Globally!

        >> ENGLISH, is an Official - and the Major - Language of , the United Nations!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of The Internet!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Major Language of Serious Publishing - even in Japan and Germany!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of Global Airlines and Airports!

        >> ENGLISH, is The Official Language of OF the World!

        ** THUS more people will hear the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will read the Gospel in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will own a Bible in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        ** THUS more people will get saved from learning TRUTH in ENGLISH than any other Language!

        FACT! SINCE God knew of the ENGLISH as the Global Language before the Foundation of the World!

        FACT! SINCE God in His Goodness has ALWAYS given Signs to Those Who Believe, from Moses and Israel, to Samson, to The Virgin Birth as a sign (Isa 7:14) to the Swaddling Clothes as a sign, to the Signs of the times in Matthew 24:4-24, Mark 13:5-20 and Luke 17:31-41 and 21:10-25;

        FACT! SINCE God originally made His name a "Three-Letter-Root-Word in Hebrew - "JAH" (Psalm 68:4)

        FACT! ONCE AGAIN God made His Name a THREE LETTER WORD in ENGLISH, the Global Language of the most populated era of Earth!

      So remember this every time "GOD!" is heard, read, said, etc., teach this to others, and help your family and friends see the "SIGNS along the WAY!"

    Seeing God in Linguistics, in General;

      In linguistics, there are many, many more, that PROVE God is the Designer of (a)All language, (b)alphabet, (c)Hebrew, (d) that Hebrew is the parent language of all others, (e)word structure, (f)actual words unique to Hebrew that pertain to God . . .


      . . . BECAUSE they had no God with eternal Attributes!

      Emmanuel is the same word in every language, and no language has a word it can be translated into, because it means GOD DWELLING IN HIS PEOPLE . . . and no people had "this experience apart from the People of the One True GOD JAH, thus "Emmannuel remains the same word in all languages!

      Likewise "Halleluah" - which is a Hebrew compound word "Hallelu-JAH" - and is a Command to "PRAISE JAH!"

      "Amen!" and Hosanna are also neat, unique words and there are literally hundreds more!

      The scoffing world asks: "Where is evidence for God!?" to which we answer:






    All Commentary from INSPIRED-INERRANT View of God's Word!

    Letter "Z"


    Letter "Z"

    ZAANAIM, za-a-na'im.
      See Zaanannim.

    ZAANAN, za'a-nan
      gasman ; Stvvoap, Sennadr): A place named by Mioah in the She- phelah of Judah (1 11). In this sentence the prophet makes verbal play with the name, as if it were de- rived from 2/ofo', "to go forth": "The inhabitant [m "inhabitress"] of sa'dndn is not come forth" (yag^'ah). The place is not identified. It is prob- ably the same as Zenan.

    ZAANANNIM, za-a-nan'im,
      PLAIN OR OAK OF (niSyS? "jibi!! , 'mn b'ga^&nayim, or D''S?yS5 , h'ga^d,nannim; B, B€

      It is probable that the same place is intended in the two passages. It was a place on the southern border of the territory of Naphtali (Josh), and near it the tent of Heber the Kenite was pitched (Jgs) . The absence of the art. before 'eten shows that the 6« is not the preposition before z, but the first letter of the name, which ac- cordingly should be read "Bezaanannim."

      We should naturally look for it near Adami and Nekeb. This agrees also with the indications in Jgs, if the direction of Sisera's flight suggested in Mekoz (q.v.) is correct. The Kadesh, then, of Jgs 4 11 may be represented by the ruin Kadish on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee; and in the na,me Khirbet Bessum, about 3 miles N.E. of Tabor, there is per- haps an echo of Bezaanannim. W. Ewing

    ZAAVAN, za'a-van
      ClWT, za'S.wan, meaning unknown): A Horite descendant of Seir (Gen 36 27; 1 Ch 1 42). In 1 Ch Luc. has lav&v, Zaudn = Sam I^IT, i.e. Zaw'dn, from a root meaning "to tremble," "fear" (see yiT , BDB). AV has "Zavan" in 1 Ch.

    ZABAD, za'bad
      (HST , zabhadh, perhaps a contraction for [1] z'bhadhyah, "Jeh has given," i.e. Zebadiah; or [2] zabhdi'el, "El [God] is my gift" [HPN, 222 f]; ZaP^8[T], Zabed[t], with many vari- ants) :

      (1) A Jerahmeelite (1 Ch 2 36.37), son of Nathan (see Nathan, IV).

      (2) An Ephraimite, son of Tahath (1 Ch 7 21).

      (3) Son of Ahlai (1 Ch 11 41) and one of David's mighty men (the name is wanting in 2 S 23 24-29).

      (4) Son of Shimeath the Ammonitess (2 Ch 24 26) ; he was one of the murderers of King Joash of Judah; called "Jozacar" in 2 K 12 21 (Heb ver 22). Perhaps the name in Ch should be Zacar (n3T, zahhar).

      (5) Name of three men who had married foreign wives: {a) son of Zattu (Ezr 10 27) = "Sabathus" of 1 Esd 9 28: (6) son of Hashum (Ezr 10 33) = "Sabanneus" of 1 Esd 9 33; (c) son of Nebo (Ezr 10 43) = "Zabadea3" of 1 Esd 9 35.

      David Francis Roberts

    ZABADAEANS, zab-a-de'anz
      (ZaPoSoIoi, Za- badaioi; AV Zabadeans; Oesterley, in Charles, Apoc, I, 112, prefers, on what seems insufficient evi- dence, to read "Gabadeans"; Jos [Ant, XIII, v, 10] by an obvious error has "Nabateans") : According to 1 Mace 12 31, an Arabian tribe, defeated and spoiled by Jonathan after his victory in Hamath and before he came to Damascus. There is an ez-Zebeddnt albout 25 miles N.W. of Damascus (now a station on the railway to Beirut), on the eastern slope of the Anti-Lebanon range. This town may very well have preserved the name of the Zaba- daeans, and its situation accords nicely with Jona- than's movements in 1 Mace 12.

      Burton Scott Easton

    ZABAD AIAS, zab-a-da'yas.
      AV=RV Zabadeas (q.v.)

    ZABADEAS, zab-a-de'as
      (ZoPaSatas, Zabadaias; AV Zabadaias) : One of the sons of Nooma who put away their foreign wives (1 Esd 9 35) = "Zabad" of Ezr 10 43.

    ZABBAI, zab'a-I,
      zab'i C?!, zabbay, meaning unknown; Zapoii, Zabou):

      (1) One of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10 28) = "Jozabdus" of 1 Esd 9 29.

      (2) Father of Baruch (Neh 3 20). The 5're has i?T, zofcJ;a2/="Zaccai" of Ezr 2 9; Neh 7 14.

    ZABBTTD, zab'ud
      (l^BT , zabbudh, meaning un- certain; Ezr 8 14, where K»re is za&fcur and KHhibh is zabhudh="ZB,hud"; 1 Esd 8 40 _ has "Istal- carus"): A companion of Ezra on his journey from Babylon to Jerus.

      ZABDEUS, zab-de'us (ZapSotos, Zabdaios): In 1 Esd 9 21 = "Zebadiah" of Ezr 10 20.

      ZABDI, zab'di CI^T, zabhdt, perhaps "[a] gift of Jeh" or "my gift" = NT "Zebedee"):

      (1) An ancestor of Achan (Josh 7 1.17.18). Some LXX MSS and 1 Ch 2 6 have "Zimri" CipT , zimrl) ; "the confusion of 2 \\b] and 10 [m] is phonetic, of T [d] and 1 [r] graphic" (Curtis, Chron., 86). See Zimri (3).

      (2) A Benjamite, son of Shimei (1 Ch 8 19), and possibly a descendant of Ehud (Curtis) .

      (3) "The Shiphmite," one of IDavid's officers who had charge of the wine-cellars (1 Ch 27 27). LXX B has Zaxpei, Zachrei (probably Zichri).

      (4) An ancestor of Mattaniah (Neh 11 17). Luc. and 1 Ch 9 15 have "Zichri." See Zichri, I, 2.

      David Francis Roberts ZABDIEL, zab'di-el (bSil.aT, zabhdi'el, "my gift is El [God]"; ZopSi^X, Zabditl):

      (1) Father of Jashobeam (1 Ch 27 2), or rather Ishbaal (Curtis, Chron., 290 f).

      (2) An overseer of the priests (Neh 11 14).

      (3) An Arabian who beheaded Alexander Balas and sent his head to Ptolemy (1 Mace 11 17) .

      ZABUD, za'bud (~13T, zabhudh, "bestowed"):

      (1) A son of Nathan (the prophet, probably) said

      in K to be chief minister to Solomon and also the



      Zaanaim Zadok

      king's friend (1 K 4 5; 1 Ch 2 36). ARVm has "priest" for "chief minister." Benzinger {Kurz, HandrComm., 18) holds that "this expression is a marginal gloss here," while Kittel {Handkomm., 31) holds it to be genuine, though it is wanting in LXX. Some suggest pO , §okhen (see Shebna) for ]n3 , kohen. The expression "king's friend" (of 2 S 15 37; 16 16) is, says Kittel, an old Can. title, found also in the Am Tab.

      (2) See Zaccub, (4) ; Priests and Levites.

      David Francis Roberts

      ZABULON, zab'(i-Ion (Za^ovXdv, Zabouldn): Gr form of "Zebulun" of Mt 4 13.16; Rev 7 8 AV.

      ZACCAI, zak'&-i, zak'i. See Zabbai, (2).

      ZACCHAEUS, za-ke'us (ZaKxaios, Zakchaios, from '''21, zakkay, "pure"):

      (1) A publican with whom Jesus lodged during His stay in Jericho (Lk 19 1-10) . He is not men- tioned in the other Gospels. Being a chief publican, or overseer, among the tax-gatherers, Zacchaeus had additional opportunity, by farming the taxes, of increasing that wealth for which his class was famous. Yet his mind was not entirely engrossed by material considerations, for he joined the throng which gathered to see Jesus on His entrance into the city. Of little stature, he was unable either to see over or to make his way through the press, and therefore scaled a sycomore tree. There he was singled out by Jesus, who said to him, "Zac- chaeus, make haste, and come down; for to-day I must abide at thy house" (ver 5). The offer thus frankly made by Jesus was accepted eagerly and gladly by Zacchaeus; and the murmurings of the crowd marred the happiness of neither. How com- pletely the new birth was accomplished in Zacchaeus is testified by his vow to give half of his goods to the poor, and to make fourfold restitution where he had wrongfully exacted. The incident reveals the Christian truth that just as the pubUcan Zacchaeus was regarded by the rest of the Jews as a sinner and renegade who was unworthy to be numbered among the sons of Abraham, and was yet chosen by Our Lord to be His host, so the social outcast of modern life is still a son of God, within whose heart the spirit of Christ is longing to make its abode. "For the Son of man came to seek and to save that which was lost" (ver 10).

      (2) An officer of Judas Maccabaeus (2 Mace 10 19).

      (3) A Zacchaeus is mentioned in the Clementine Homilies (iii.63) as having been a companion of St. Peter and appointed bishop of Oaesarea.

      (4) According to the Gospel of the Childhood, by Thomas Zacchaeus was also the name of the teacher of the boy Jesus. C. M. Kerr

      ZACCtIR, zak'ur ("I'lST, zakkur, perhaps "ven- triloquist" [Gray, Nu, 137]):

      (1) Father of Shammua the Reubenite spy (Nu 13 4).

      (2) A Simeonite (1 Ch 4 26); AV "Zacchur."

      (3) Levites: (a) a Merarite (1 Ch 24 27); (6) a "son" of Asaph (1 Ch 25 2.10; Neh 12 35); (c) Neh 10 12 (Heb ver 13), and probably the same as in Neh 13 13, father of Hanan.

      (4) A marginal reading in Ezr 8 14 for Zabbud where KUhibh is really "Zabud"; see Zabbud.

      (5) Son of Imri and one of the builders of Jerus (Neh 3 2). David Francis Roberts

      ZACCHUR, zak'ur. See Zaccur.

      ZACHARIAH, zak-a-ri'a (ZoxopCas, Zacharlas; AV Zacharlas):

      (1) The son of Barachiah, who, Jesus says, was slain between the temple and the altar (Mt 23 35; Lk 11 51). The allusion seems to be to the murder of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada (2 Ch 24 20 ff). In this case "Barachiah" would seem to be a gloss which has crept into the text through confusion with the name of the father of the prophet Zechariah, Berechiah (q.v.).

      (2) See Zechariah.

      ZACHARLAS, zak-a-ri'as (Zaxoptos, Zacharlas) :

      (1) One of the "rulers of the temple" at the time of Josiah's Passover (1 Esd 1 8) = "Zechariah" of 2 Ch 35 8.

      (2) One of the "holy singers" at Josiah's Pass- over (1 Esd 1 15); the name stands in place of "Heman" in 2 Ch 35 15.

      (3) In 1 Esd 6 1; 7 3=the prophet Zechariah.

      (4) One of the sons of Pharos who returned with Ezra at the head of his family (1 Esd 8 30) = "Zechariah" of Ezr 8 3, and perhaps identical with (5).

      (5) One, of the "men of understanding" with whom Ezra consulted when he discovered the ab- sence of priests and Levites (1 Esd 8 44) = "Zecha- riah" of Ezr 8 16, and perhaps identical with (6).

      (6) Zacharias (om. in AV), who stood on Ezra's left hand as he expounded the Law (1 Esd 9 44) = "Zechariah" of Neh 8 4.

      (7) One of the sons of Babi who went up at the head of his family with Ezra (1 Esd 8 37) = "Zechariah" of Ezr 8 11.

      (8) One of the sons of Elam who had taken foreign wives (1 Esd 9 27) = "Zechariah" of Ezr 10 26.

      (9) The father of Joseph, one of the "leaders of the people" under Judas (1 Mace 5 18.56).

      (10) AV = RV "Zaraias" (1 Esd 6 8).

      (11) AV = RV "Zachariah" of Mt 23 35.

      S. Angus ZACHARIAS (ZaxapCos, Zacharlas): Father of John the Baptist (Lk 1 5, etc). He was a priest of the course of Abijah (q.v.), of blameless life, who in his old age was still childless. But on one occasion when it was the turn of the course of Abijah to minister in the temple (see Temple), Zacharias was chosen by lot to burn incense. While engaged in this duty he was visited by Gabriel, who announced to him that he should become the father of the precursor of the Messiah. Zacharias received the promise incredulously and was punished by being stricken dumb. When, however, the child was born and Zacharias had obeyed the injunction of Gabriel by insisting on the name John, his powers of speech returned to him. According to Lk 1 67-79, Zacharias was the author of the hynm Bene- diclus, which describes God's deliverance of Israel in language drawn entirely from the OT, and which is unaffected by the later Christian reaUzation that the Kingdom is also for Gentiles.

      Elisabeth, his wife, was of the daughters of Aaron (Lk 1 5) and kinswoman of the Virgin (1 36; the relationship is altogether obscure). According to 1 42-45, she was one of those who shared in the secret of the Annunciation. A few MSS in Lk 1 46 ascribe the Magnificat to her, but this seems certainly erroneous. See esp. Zahn, Evangelium des Lucas, 98-101 and 745-751 (1913).

      Burton Scott Easton ZACHARY, zak'a-ri (Lat Zacharias) : AV and RV in 2 Esd 1 40 = the prophet Zechariah.

      ZACHER, za'ker. See Zecher.

      ZADOK, za'dok (pinij , once p^2 , eadhok [1 K 1 26], similar to p"''^2 , ^addik, and p'l'^S , Qadduk, post-Bib., meaning jMsJ'iis, "righteous"; LXXSo8(4k,

      Zadok Zamoth



      Sadok) : Cheyne in EB suggests that Z. was a modi- fication of a gentUic name, tliat of the Zidkites in the Negeb, who probably derived their appellation from pnS , gdlf, a secondary title of the god they worshipped. At the same time Cheyrie admits that cultivated Israelites may have interpreted Zadok as meaning "just," "righteous" — a much more credible supposition.

      (1) Z. the son of Ahitub (2 S 8 17)— not of Ahitub the ancestor of Ahimelech (1 S 14 3) and of Abiathar, his son (1 S 22 20).

      (2) Z. father of Jerusha, mother of Jotham, and wife of Uzziah king of Judah (2 K 15 33; 2 Oh 27 1).

      (3) Z. the son of Ahitub and father of Shallum (1 Oh 6 12) or Mestmllam (Neh 11 11), and the ancestor of Ezra (7 1.2).

      (4) Z. the son of Baana, a wall-builder in the time of Nehemiah (Neh 3 4), and probably one of the signatories to the covenant made by the princes, priests and Levltes of Israel (Neh 10 21) — in both places his name occurring immediately after that of Meshezabel.

      (5) Z. the son of Immer, and, like" the preceding, a repairer of the wall (Neh 3 29).

      (6) Z. a scribe in the time of Nehemiah (13 13). Whether this was the same as either of the two preceding cannot be determined.

      The first of these filled a larger place in OT history than either of the others; and to him accordingly the following paragraphs refer. They set forth the accounts given of him first in S and K and next in Ch; after which they state and criticize the critical theory concerning him.

      (1) In these older sources Z. first appears in David's reign, after Israel and Judah were vmited

      under him, as joint occupant with

      1. In S Ahimelech of the high priest's office, and K his name taking precedence of that of

      his colleague Ahimelech, the son of Abiathar (2 S 8 17).

      (2) On David's flight from Jems, occasioned by Absalom's rebelhon, Zadok and Abiathar (now the joint high priest), accompanied by the whole body of the Levites, followed the king across the Kidron, bearing the T^k of the Covenant, which, however, they were directed to carry back to the city, taking with them their two sons, Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar, to act as spies upon the conduct of the rebels and send information to the king (2 S 15 24-36; 17 15.17-21).

      (3) On the death of Absalom, Z. and Abiathar were employed by David as intermediaries between himself and the elders of Judah to consult about his return to the city, which through their assistance was successfully brought about (2 S 19 11).

      (4) When, toward the end of David's hfe, Adoni- jah the son of Haggith, and therefore the crown prince, put forward his claim to the throne of all Israel, taking counsel with Joab and Abiathar, Z. along with Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada, and Nathan the prophet, espoused the cause of Solomon, Bath- sheba's son, and acting on David's instructions anointed him as king in Gihon (1 K 1 8.26.32-45).

      (5) Accordingly, when Solomon found himself estabhshed on the throne, he put Z. in the room of Abiathar, i.e. made him sole high priest, while re- taining Abiathar in the priestly office, though deposed from a position of coordinate authority with Z. (1 K 2 26.27.35; 4 4).

      (1) As in the earlier sources so in these, Z.'s father was Ahitub and his son Ahimaaz — the in- formation being added that they were

      2. In Ch all descendants from Aaron through

      Eleazar (1 Ch 6 50-53).

      (2) Among the warriors who came to Hebron to turn the kingdom of Saul to David was "Z., a young man mighty of valor," who was followed by 22 cap- tains of his father's house (1 Ch 12 26-28).

      (3) Along with Abiathar and the Levites, Z. was directed by David to bring up the Ark from the

      house of Obed-edom to the tent pitched for it on Mt. Zion, when Z. was appointed to officiate at Gibeon, while Abiathar, it is presumed, ministered in Jerus (1 Ch 15 11; 16 39).

      (4) Toward the end of David's reign Z. and Ahimelech the son of Abiathar acted as priests, Z. as before having precedence (1 Ch 18 16).

      (5) To them was committed by the aged king the task of arranging the priests and Levites accord- ing to their several duties, it being intimated by the narrator that Z. was of the sons of Eleazar, and Ahimelech (in 18 16, named Abiathar; see above) of the sons of Ithamar (1 Ch 24 3). In ver 6 Ahimelech is called the son of Abiathar, while in 18 16, Abiathar's son is Ahimelech — ^which suggests that the letters 6 and h were interchangeable in the name of Abiathar's sons.

      (6) When Solomon was anointed king, Z. was anointed (sole) priest (1 Ch 29 22).

      Obviously a large measure of agreement exists between the two narratives. Yet some points

      demand explanation. 3. Harmony (1) The seeming discrepancy be- of the tween the statements in the earlier

      Accounts sources, that Z.'s colleague in the high priest's office is first named Ahimelech (2 S 8 17) and afterward Abiathar (2 S 15 24), should occasion little perplexity. Either Ahimelech and Abiathar were one and the same person — not an imhkely supposition (see above); or, what is more probable, Abiathar was Ahimelech's son and had succeeded to his father's office.

      (2) Z.'s appearance as a young soldier among the captains who brought David to Jerus (assuming that Z. the soldier was Z. the priest, which is not absolutely certain) need create no difiiculty, if Z. was not then of age to succeed his father in the priestly office. The earher sources do not make Z. an acting priest tiU after David's accession to the throne of all Israel.

      (3) Neither should it prove an insoluble problem to explain how, soon after David's accession to the throne of Judah and Israel, Z. should be found en- gaged along with Abiathar in bringing up the Ark to Mt. Zion, as by this time Z. had obviously entered on the high-priestly office, either in succession to or as colleague of his father.

      (4) That Z. was left to officiate at Gibeon "where the tabernacle was, while Abiathar was selected to exercise ofiice in the capital, in no way conflicts with the earlier account and seems reasonable as a dis- tributipn of official duties. Why Z. was sent to Gibeon, where the tabernacle was, and not kept at- Jerus whither the Ark had been brought, he being always named before Abiathar and probably looked upon as the principal high priest, may have had its reason either in the fact that the king regarded Gibeon as the central sanctuary for national wor- ship, the tabernacle being there (Solomon obviously did; see 2 Ch 1 3), and therefore as the proper place for the principal high priest; or in the fact that Z. was younger than Abiathar and therefore less fitted than his older colleague to be at court, as an adviser to the king.

      (5) That toward the end of David's reign, not Abiathar, but his son Ahimelech (or Ahimelech), should be introduced as joint high priest with Z. wiU not be surprising, if Abiathar was by this time an old man, as his father was at the beginning of David's reign. That grandfather and grandson should have the same name is as likely to have been common then as it is today.

      (6) That Z. should have been appointed sole high priest on Solomon's accession (1 Ch 29 22) is not inconsistent with the statement (1 K 4 4) that under Solomon Z. and Abiathar were priests.



      Zadok Zamoth

      Abiathar might still be recognized as a priest or even as a high priest, though no longer acting as such. The act of deposition may have affected his son Ahimelech as well, and if both father and son were degraded, perhaps this was only to the extent of excluding them from the chief dignity of high priest.

      The higher criticism holds: (1) that the Z. of David's reign was not really an Aaronite descended from Eleazar through Ahitub, who was not 4 The ^ '^ father but Ahimelech's (Gray in

      ^. V^ EB, art. "Ahitub"), but an adventurer,

      Utgner a soldier of fortune who had climbed up

      Critical into the priest's office, though by what

      Theorv means is not known (Wellhausen, OJ, 145) ;

      ■^ (2) that up till Z.'s appearance the priest-

      hood had been in Itnamar's line, though, according to the insertion by a later writer in the text of

      1 S 2 (see vs 27 fl) , in Eli's day It was predicted that it should pass from Eli's house and be given to another; (3) that when Abiathar or Ahimelech or both were deposed and Z. instituted sole high priest by Solomon, this ficti- tious prophecy was fulfilled — though in reaUty there was neither prophecy nor fulfilment; (4) that during the exile Ezeldel in his sketch of the vision-temple repre- sented the Zadokites as the only legitimate priests, while the others of the Une of A. were degraded to be Levites; (5) that in order to establish the legitimacy of Z. the writer of P invented his Aaronic descent through Eleazar and inserted the fictitious prophecy in 1 S.

      (1) This theory proceeds upon the assumption, not that the Ohronicler was a post-exilic writer (which is

      admitted), but that he deUberately and 5. Criticism purposely ideaUzed and to that extent falsi- nf Thi

      ri '■'"'" ing to them a faithful adherence to the

      Theory Levltical institutions of the PC, which,

      according to this theory, were not then in existence — in other words by representing the religious institutions and observances of his own age as having existed in the nation from the beginning. Were this theory established by well-accredited facts, it would doubtless require to be accepted; but the chief, if not the only, support it has is derived from a previous recon- struction of the sacred text in accordance with the theory it is called on to uphold.

      (2) That the father of Z. was not Ahitub, a priest of the line of Eleazar, is arrived at by declaring the text in

      2 S 8 17 to have been intentionally corrupted, pre- sumably by a late R, the original form of the verse hav- ing been, according to criticism (Wellhausen, TB/S, 176 f ) : "Abiathar the son of Ahimelech, the sou of Ahitub, and Z. were priests." But if this was the original form of the words it is not easy to explain why they should have been so completely turned round a.s to say the opposite, viz. that Aiiimelech was the son of Abiathar, and that Ahitub was the father of Z., when in reality he was the father of Ahimelech. If, as ComlU admits (Einl, 116), the Chronicler worked "with good, old historical ma- terial," it is not credible that he made it say the opposite of what it meant.

      (3) If Z. was not originally a priest, but only a military adventm-er, why should David have made him a priest at all ? WeUhauseu says ((?/, 20) that when David came to the throne he "attached importance to having as priests the heirs of the old family who had served the Ark at Shiloh." But if so, he had Abiathar of the line of Ithamar at hand, and did not need to go to the army for a priest. If, however, it be urged that in making Z. a priest he gave him an inferior rank to Abiathar, and sent him to Gibeon where the tabernacle was, why should both sources so persistently place Z. before Abiathar 7

      (4) If Z. was originally a soldier not connected with the priesthood, and only became a priest after David came to Jerus, why should the earlier source have omitted to record this, when no reason existed, so far as one can discover, why it should have been left out ? And why should the priestly disposed Chronicler have incorporated this in his narrative when all his inclinations should have moved him to omit it, more esp. when he was intending to invent (according to the critical theory) for the young warrior an Aaronite descent 7

      (5) That the prediction of the fall of Eli's house (1 S 2 27-36) was inserted by a late writer to justify its super- session by the hue of Z. has no foundation except the pre- supposition that prediction is impossible, which fair- minded criticism cannot admit. The occurrence of the word "anointed," it is contended, presupposes the monarchy. This, however, it only predicts; and at the most, as Driver sees (Intro, 164), cannot prove the fic- titious character of the prophecy, but merely that it has been "recast by the narrator and colored by the associa- tions with which he himself is lamlUar"; and even this is entirely hypothetical. , „ , ^ , ^ ., ,

      (6) Ezekiel's reference to Z. s descendants as the only legitimate priests in the vision-temple does not prove that Z. himself was a soldier who climbed up Into the priesthood. Even if the critical interpretation of the vision-temple were correct, it in no way affects the per-

      sonality of Z., and certainly does not disprove his original connection with the priesthood or Ms descent from Eleazar.

      T. Whitelaw ZAHAM, za'ham (DHT, zaham, meaning uncer- tain; LXX A, Za\\d|t, Zaldm, B, Too\\XA|ji, RhooMm) : A son of King Rehoboam (2 Ch 11 19).

      ZAIN, za'in. See Zatin.

      ZAIR, za'u' ("1"'y2, fa'ir; ZticJp, Zeidr): When he invaded Edom, we are told that Joram passed over to Zair and all his chariots with him (2 K 8 ' 21). In the parallel passage (2 Ch 21 9), "with his captains" (T^^IB OV , 'm sara2/u>) takes the place of "to Zair" (nniyS , ga'irah), probably a copyist's corruption. The place has not been identified. Some have thought that Mt. Seir is intended; others that it means the town of Zoar. Conder suggested ez-Zuweirah, S.E. of the Dead Sea. If Zoar lay in this du-ection, it is the way by which an invading army might enter Edom.

      ZALAPH, za'laf (abs, galdph, "caper-plant"): Father of Hanun, one of the repairers of the wall (Neh 3 30).

      ZALMON, zal'mon (]'l'ab?, galmon; Se\\|iwv, Selmon, opos 'Epumv, 6ros Ermon; AV Salmon fPs 68 14]):

      (1) From the slopes of Mt. Zahnon, Ahimelech and his followers gathered the wood with which they burned down "the stronghold of the house of El- berith," which may have been the citadel of Shechem (Jgs 9 46). The mountain therefore was not far from the city; but no name resembling this has yet been recovered in Mt. Ephraim. It is just possible that in the modern Arab, name of Mt. Ebal, es-Sulemlyeh, there may be an echo of Zahnon. It is precisely to this mountain, esp. to the western slopes, that one would expect Ahimelech and his people to go for the purpose in view. The name occurs again in Ps 68 14, a passage of admitted difficulty. Snow in Pal is mainly associated with Mt. Hermon, where it may be seen nearly all the year round; hence doubtless the Gr reading "Mt. Hermon" in Jgs. But snow is well known among the uplands in winter; and the Psahnist may simply have meant that the kings were scattered like snow- flakes in the wind on Mt. Zahnon. We need not therefore look to Bashan or elsewhere for the moun- tain. The locality is fixed by the narrative in Jgs.

      (2) One of David's heroes (2 S 23 28). See Ilai. W. Ewing

      ZALMONAH, zal-mo'na (TljbpS, galmondh, "gloomy"): A desert camp of the Israelites, the first after Mt. Hor (Nu 33 41.42). The name "suggests some gloomy valley leading up to the Edomite plateau." See Wanderings op Iseael.

      ZALMUNNAH, zal-mun'a. See Zbbah and Zal-


      ZAMBIS, zam'bis: AV=RV Zambri (q.v.).

      ZAMBRI, zam'bn (B, ZopiPpeC, Zambrei, A, Zaji- Ppts, Zambris; AV Zambis, from Aldine Za|j,p(s, Zambls) :

      (1) (3ne of the sons of Ezora who put away their foreign wives (1 Esd 9 34) = "Amariah" of Ezr 10 42.

      (2) AV=RV "Zimri" of 1 Mace 2 26.

      ZAMOTH, za'moth, za'moth (Zo|i6e, Zamdth): The head of a family, some members of which married foreign wives (1 Esd 9 28) = "Zattu" of

      Zamzununim Zebah, Zalmunna



      Ezr 10 27; called "Zathui" in 1 Esd 5 12 and "Zathoes" (AV "Zathoe") in 8 32.

      ZAMZUMMIM, zam-zum'im (D"'BT'aT, zam- zummlm) : A race of giants who inhabited the region E. of the Jordan afterward occupied by the Ammon- ites who displaced them. They are identified with the Rephaim (Dt 2 20). They may be the same as the Zuzim mentioned in connection with the Rephaim in Gen 14 5. See Rephaim.

      ZANOAH, za-no'a (tliDT, zan&^h; B, TaviS, Tan6, A, ZaviS, Zano):

      (1) A town in the Judaean Shephelah, grouped with Eshtaol, Zorah and Ashnah (Josh 15 34). The Jews reoccupied the place after the exile (Neh 11 30). Here it is named between Jarmuth and AduUam. The inhabitants assisted in rebuilding the walls of Jerus, repairing the valley gate (Neh 3 13). Onom places it at Zanna, in the district of Eleutheropohs on the Jerus road. It is represented by the modern Zanu'a, about 10 miles N. oi Beit Jibrin (Eleutheropolis) .

      (2) (B, ZttKaj/ae/jn, Zakanaelm, A, lavii, Zand): A place in the mountains (Josh 15 56) of which Jekuthiel was the "father" or founder (1 Ch 4 18). It may be identified with Zenuta, a ruined site on a hill about 12 miles S. of Hebron. W. Ewinq

      ZAPHENATH-PANEAH, zaf-e'nath-pa-ne'a, ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH, zaf'nath-pa^a-ne'a (ri2|)2 n.?yp , gaph^naih pa'dne^h; Egyp Zoph-ent-pa-ankh; LXX D, ■*oveo|i<|)avfjxi Psonthomphanich, "the one who furnishes the nourishment of life," i.e. the chief steward of the reahn): The name given Joseph by the Egyp king by whom he was promoted, probably the Hyksos king Aphophis (Gen 41 45). See Joseph.

      ZAPHON, za'fon (l^SS , gaphon; B, 2o<|)dv, Saphdn, A, Sa(|)c6v, Saphon): A city on the E. of the Jordan in the territory of Gad (Josh 13 27). It is named again in Jgs 12 1 as the place where the elders of Gilead gathered to meet with Jephthah (gdphondh should be tr"" "to Zaphon," not "north- ward"). It must have lain well to the N. of Gad. According to the Tahn Amathus represented Zaphon (Neubauer, Geog. du Talm, 249). Here sat one of the Synedria created by Gabinius (Ant, XIV, V, 4). It was a position of great strength (BJ, I, iv, 2). Onom places it 21 Rom miles S. of PeUa. This is the modern Tell 'Amateh, on the south bank of Wddy er-Rujeib, 15 miles S. of Pella, and nearly 5 miles N. of the Jabbok. Buhl (GAP, 259) objects to the identification that Tell 'Amateh corresponds to the Asophon of Jos (Ant, XIII, xii, 5). But this objection does not seem well founded. W. Ewinq

      ZARA, za'ra (ZapA, Zard): AV (Mt 1 3) = Gr form of Zbeah (q.v.).

      ZARACES, zar'a-sez: AV = RV Zabakes (q.v.).

      ZARAH, za'ra. See Zerah, (1).

      ZARAIAS, za-ra'yas, za-ri'as (ZapaCas, Zaraias):

      (1) One of the leaders in the Return along with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 8) = "Seraiah" of Ezr 2 2 and "Azariah" of Neh 7 7 = AV Zachaeias (q.v.).

      (2) An ancestor of Ezra in 1 Esd 8 2 (omitted in B and Swete) = "Zerahiah" of Ezr 7 4 and apparently = "Ama" of 2 Esd 1 2.

      (3) The father of Eliaonias, the leader of the sons of Phaath Moab under Ezra (1 Esd 8 31) = "Zerahiah" of Ezr 8 4.

      (4) One of "the sons of Saphatias" who went up with Ezra (1 Esd 8 34) = "Zebadiah" of Ezr 8 8.

      ZARAKES, zar'a-kez (A and Fritzsche, ZapdKiis, Zardkes, B and Swete, Zdpios, Zdrios; Vulg Zaracelem; AV Zaraces): Occurs in the diiBcult passage, 1 Esd 1 38, as the equivalent of Jehoahaz (2 K 23 34) and Joahaz (2 Ch 36 4), the brother of Ehakim (Jehoiakim or Joakim [q.v.]). Accord- ing to 1 Esd 1 38, Joakim apparently apprehended his brother, Zarakes, and brought him up out of Eg3rpt, whither he must have been previously taken by Necoh, whereas 2 K and 2 Ch only state that Necoh took Joahaz (Zarakes) to Egypt.

      ZARDETJS, zar-de'us (A, ZapSaCos, Zardaias, B, Swete and Fritzsche, ZepoXCas, Zeralias; AV Sardeus): One of the sons of Zamoth who had married "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 28) = "Aziza" of Ezr 10 27.

      ZAREAH, za'rg-a, za-re'a (nyns, (or'dh): AV in Neh 11 29 for Zobah (q.v.).

      ZAREATHITES, za-re'a-thits. See Zorathites.

      ZARED, za'red (Ty! , zdredh [in pause]) . See Zebed.

      ZAREPHATH, zar'g-fath (HSI^, gdr'phath; 'Z&.pfirro., Sdrepta): The Sidonian town in which EUjah was entertained by a widow after he left the brook Cherith (1 K 17 9ff). Obadiahreferstoitas a Can. (probably meaning Phoen) town (ver 20). It appears in the Gr form Sarepta in Lk 4 26 (AV), and is said to be in the land of Sidon. Jos (Ant, VIII, xiii, 2) says it was not "far from Sidon and Tyre, for it lay between them." Onom (s.v. "Sarefta") places it on the pubho road, i.e. the road along the seashore. It can be no other than the modem Sarafend, about 13 miles N. of Tyre, on the spur of the mountain which divides the plain of Tyre from that of Sidon.

      The site of the ancient town is marked by the niins on the shore to the S. ol the modem village, about 8 miles to the S. of Sidon. which extend along the shore for a mile or more. They are in two distinct groups, one on a head- land to the W. of a fountain called 'Ain el-Kanlara, which is not far from the shore. Here was theancient harbor which still affords shelter for small craft. The other group of rains is to the S., and consists of columns, sarcophagi and marble slabs, indicating a city of con- siderable importance. The modern vUlage of Sarafend was built some time after the 12th cent., since at the time of the Crusades the town was still on the shore.

      It is conjectured that the Syrophoenician woman mentioned in Lk 4 26 was an inhabitant of Z., and it is possible that Our Lord visited the place in His journey to the region as narrated in IVIk 7 24r-31, for it is said that he "came through Sidon unto the sea of GalUee."

      The place has been identified by some with Mis- rephoth-maim of Josh 11 8 and 13 6, but the latter passage would indicate that Misrephoth-maim was at the limit of the territory of the Sidonians, which Z. was not in the days of Joshua. See Misrephoth- maim; Sidon. i

      Originally Sidonian, the town passed to the Tyrians after the invasion of Shalmaneser IV, 722 BC. It fell to Sennacherib 701 BC. The Wely, or shrine bearmg the name of el-Khudr, the saint in whom St. George is blended with Elijah, stands near the shore. Probably here the Crusaders erected a chapel on what they believed to be the site of the widow's house. W. Ewing

      ZARETAN, zar'5-tan CinnS, (dr'thdn): AV Josh 3 16 for Zabethan (q.v.).



      Zamzummim Zebah, Zalmunna

      ZARETHAN, zar'S-than nOI? , garHhan): A city, according to Josh 3 16 (omitted, however^ by LXX) near Adam, which is probably to be identified with Tell Ddmieh at the mouth of the Jabbok. In 1 K 4 12 it is mentioned in connection with Beth- shean and said to be "beneath Jezreel." In 1 K 7 46, this is said to be at "the ford of Adamah," according to the reading of some, but according to the Massoretic text, "in the clay ground between Succoth and Zarethan," where the bronze castings for the temple were made by Solomon's artificers. In 2 Ch 4 17, the name appears as Zeredah, which in 1 K 11 26 is said to have been the birthplace of Jeroboam, son of Nebat. In Jgs 7 22, Gibeon is said to have pursued the Midianites "as far as Beth- shittah toward Zererah," which is probably a mis- reading for Zeredah, arising from the similarity of the Heb letters daleth and resh. The place has not been positively identified. From the suggestion that the name means "the great [or lofty] rock," it has without sufficient reason been supposed that it designates the conspicuous peak oiJ^um Surtabheh, which projects from the mountains of Ephraim into the valley of the Jordan opposite the mouth of the Jabbok. George Frederick Wright

      ZARETH-SHAHAR, za'reth-sha'har (PinS inffin , sereth ha-shahar) . See Zereth-shahar.

      ZARHITES, zar'hits. See Zbrah, (1), (4).

      ZARTANAH, zar-ta'na, zar'tS-na (HStllS , gar'thanah): AV in 1 K 4 12 for "Zarethan." The form is Zarethan with He locale.

      ZARTHAN, zar'than 001??. sar'tkan): AV in 1 K 7 46 for Zarethan (q.v.).

      ZATHOES, zath'6-ez, za-tho'ez {Zaioits, Zathois; AV Zathoe) : Name of a family, part of which re- turned with Ezra (1 Esd 8 32), not found in the Heb of Ezr 8 5; probably identical with "Zattu" of Ezr 2 8; Neh 7 13, many of which family went up with Zerubbabel, and so called also "Zathui" (1 Esd 5 12). See Zattu.

      ZATHUI, za-thu'I (ZaMovl, Zaththoui. LXX B, Zot6v, Zaton): In 1 Esd 5 12 = "Zattu'* in Ezr 2 8; Neh 10 14. In 1 Esd 9 28 the same name is "Zamoth."

      ZATTHU, zat'thu: In Neh 10 14; RV Zattit (q.v.).

      ZATTU, zat'd (K^PT , zattu', meaning unknown) : Head of a large family that returned with Zerub- babel to Jems from Babylon (Ezr 2 8; 10 27; Neh 7 13; 10 14 [15]). According to Ezr 10 27, some of his sons had married foreign wives, and Zattu is named in Neh 10 14 as one of the chiefs who signed Nehemiah's covenant. LXX A also adds the name before that of Shecaniah in Ezr 8 5, and so we should read, "And of the sons of Zattu, Shecaniah , ."; so 1 Esd 8 32 has Zo9oi}s, Zathois. AV has "Zatthu" in Neh 10 14.

      ZAVAN, za'van. See Zaavan.

      ZAYIN, za'yin (T): The 7th letter of the Heb alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopaedia as z. It came also to be used for the number 7. For name, etc, see Alphabet.

      ZAZA, za'za (STT, zaza', meaning unknown; LXX B, 'OJd|i, Ozdm, A, 'O^oJA, Ozazd) : A Jerahme- elite (1 Ch 2 33).

      ZEALOT, zel'ut, ZEALOTS, zel'uts: Simon, one of the apostles, was called "the Zealot" (ZrjXuriJs, Zelotis,liom irfKboi, zeldo "to rival," "emulate," "be jealous," "admire," "desire greatly," Lk 6 15; Acts 1 13, AV "Zelotes"). In Mt 10 4 and Mk 3 18 he is called "the Cananaean" (so RV correctly; not "the Canaanite," as AV says, following inferior MSS), i KavavaTos, ho Kananaios. From the time of the Maccabees there existed among the Jews a party who professed great zeal for the observance of the "law." According to Jos {BJ, IV, iii, 9; v, 1; VII, viii, 1) they resorted to violence and assassination in their hatred of the foreigner, being at many points similar to the Chinese Boxers. It is not improbable that the "Assassins" (see Assassins) of Acts 21 38 were identical, or at least closely associated, with this body of "Zealots," to which we must conclude that Simon had belonged before he became one of the Twelve. See, further, Simon the Zealot.

      William Arthur Heidbl

      ZEBADIAH, zeb-a-di'a ([1] in^H^T , z'bhadhyahU, [2] iTJlST , z'hhadhyah, "Jeh has bestowed" ; the form [1] is the Heb name in [1], [a], [6], [2], below; the form [2] in the rest. Some MSS have "Zechariah" in [1], [a], [6], [3]; cf Zabdi; Zabdibl):

      (1) Levites: (a) a Korahite doorkeeper of David's reign (1 Ch 26 2); (6) one of the Levites sent by King Jehoshaphat to teach the Torah in Judah (2 Ch 17 8).

      (2) Son of Ishmael (2 Ch 19 11); "ruler of the house of Judah in all the king's [Jehoshaphat's] matters," i.e. judge in civil cases, the "controversies" of ver 8.

      (3) Benjamites, perhaps descended from Ehud (see Curtis, Chron., 158 ff): (a) In 1 Ch 8 15; (6) in ver 17, where the name may be a dittography from ver 15.

      (4) A Benjamite recruit of David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12 7 [Heb ver 8]).

      (5) One of David's army officers, son and succes- sor of Asahel (1 Ch 27 7).

      (6) One of those who returned from Babylon to Jerus with Ezra (Ezr 8 8) = "Zaraias" of 1 Esd 8 34.

      (7) One of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10 20) = "Zabdeus" of 1 Esd 9 21.

      David Francis Roberts ZEBAH, ze'ba (nST, zebhah, "victim"), AND ZALMUNNA, zal-mun'a (Vi'^^i , salmunna\\ "pro- tection refused"): Two Midianite kings or chiefs whom Gideon slew (Jgs 8 4-21; Ps 83 11 [Heb ver 12]). The name zebhah (Z^/3ec, Zebee) is very much Uke that of z"ebh (Z#, Zib, "Zeeb" in LXX). Moore {Jgs, 220) says that galmunna'- is probably "a genuine Midianite name"; Noldeke conjectured that it contains that of a deity (0^2, Q[a]lm), and a compound form STTBUbS , glmshzbh, is found in an inscription from Teima, a place E. of the Midi- anite capital {CIS, II, cxiiif).

      The narrative of Jgs 8 4-21 Is not to be connected with that of 8 1-3. Budde (.Kurzer Hand-Comm. z. AT, XXII) would join 8 4 to 6 34; Moore (ICC) following Budde's earlier work (1890) would connect it with a part of 7 226, describing the direction of the flight, while Nowack (Hand-Komm.) regards the battle of 8 11 as the same as that of 7 11 n; he then takes the latter part of 8 11 to refer to the place of the camp at night. There are many difficulties in forming a natural connec- tion for the verses. It may be noted that in 8 18 f Gideon is not "the least in my father's house," as he rep- resents himself to be in 6 15.

      The whole section tells of a daring raid made by Gideon upon the Midianites. Some of his own kin had been slain by Midianite hordes at Ophrah (8 18 f), and, stirred by this, Gideon went in hot pur- suit with 300 men (ver 4) . He requested provisions for his men from the people of Succoth and Penuel, but was refused this. He then went on and caught

      Zebaim Zechariah



      the Midianites unawares at Karkor (ver 10) and captured their two chiefs. He then had his revenge on the two towns, and returned probably to his home with the two notable prisoners. These he determined to slay to avenge the death of his own kinsmen, and called upon his eldest son to perform this solemn public duty that he owed to the dead. His son, apparently only a boy, hesitated, and he did the deed himself. W. R. Smith (Lectures on the Rel. of the Sem., 2d ed, 417, n.) compares with this call to Gideon's son the choice of young men or lads as saerificers in Ex 24 5, and says that the Saracens also charged lads with the execution of their captives.

      The narrative reminds one of David's romantic life in 1 S 25, 27, 30. It is throughout a character- istic picture of the life of the early Hebrews in Pal, for whom it was a sacred duty to avenge the dead. It affords a splendid illustration of what is meant by the spirit of Jeh coming upon, or rather "clothing itself with" (RVm) Gideon (6 34); cf also Saul's call to action (1 S 11 1-11), and also Jgs 19 f.

      David Fbancis Roberts

      ZEBAIM, z6-ba'im. See Pochereth-hazzebaim.

      ZEBEDEE, zeb'g-de P'15T, zibhdi, "the gift of God' ' ; ZtPeSalog, Zebedalos) : The father of the apostles James and John (Mk 1 19) and a fisher- man on the Sea of GaHlee (Mk 1 20), the husband of Salome (Mt 27 56; cf Mk 16 1). See James, Son of Zebbdeb; Salome.

      ZEBIDAH, z5-bl'da, zeb'i-da {rTfl^X , i.e. n'l'QT , z'bhudhah, K«re, whence AV "Zebudah," whereas K1;hlbh is nn"'5T , z'bhidhah; the K're means "be- stowed" and- is the fern, of Zabud) : Daughter of Pedaiah of Rumah, and mother of King Jehoiakim of Judah (2 K 23 36) . LXX B has, however, ' leXXa SuydTTip 'EdelX 4k Kpov/xd, lelld thugdter Edeil ek Kroumd, A, EieXSct.^ 6. E/eSSiXd 4k 'Pu/i(£, Eielddph th. Eieddild ek Rhumd. In 2 Ch 36 5 MT lacks these names, but LXX B has Zexapd. 6. Nripelov 4k 'Valid, Zechord th. Nereiou ek Rhamd; here the name of the king's mother = Heb iT^^ST , z'khurah, due to a confusion of D with 3 [k and 6) and 1 with T (r and d), and thus we find support for the K"=re zfbhudhah ("Zebudah," in 2 K 23 36 AV). Luc. has confused the names here with those of 2 K 24 18, and has as there, "Amital, the daughter of Jere- miah of Libnah." David Francis Roberts

      ZEBINA, zS-bl'na (S2''3T, z'bhlna', "bought"): One of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr

      10 43); the name is not in 1 Esd 9 35, and is omitted by LXX A in Ezr.

      ZEBOIIM, zS-boi'im (n"^!?, e'bhoyim; LXX uniformly SePo)[e]£(i., Sebolejim; AV Zeboim): One of the cities in the Vale of Siddim, destroyed with Sodom and Gomorrah. It is always mentioned next to Admah (Gen 10 19; 14 2.8; Dt 29 23; Hos 11 8). It is not to be confounded with Zeboim mentioned in 1 S 13 18 and Neh 11 34. The site has not been positively identified, but must be de- termined by the general questions connected with the Vale of Siddim. See Siddim, Vale op.

      ZEBOIM, zS-bo'Im ([1] QiyhS , g'bhoHm; StPcotl^i, Seboeim [Neh 11 34]; [2] Diyh^Sin "'■1, ^e ha-g'- bhoHm; FaV tijv SajieCv, Gai tin Samein [1 S 13 18]):

      (1) A Benjamite town mentioned as between Hadid (q.v.) and Neballat (q.v.), and therefore in the maritime plain near Lydda; the site is lost (Neh

      11 34). (2) The Valley of Zeboim, "the valley of

      hyenas," one of three companies of the Philistines left their camp at Michmash and "turned the way of the border that looketh down upon the valley of Zeboim toward the wilderness" (1 S 13 18). There are several valleys with names derived from the hyena, so common in these parts. There is a small branch valley called Shakked d^b^d, "ravine of the hyenas," N. of the Wddy kelt (Grove), a Wddy abu dab% "valley of the father of hyenas," which joins the Wddy kelt from the S. {Marti), and a large and well-known Wddy dab'a, "valley of hy- enas," which runs parallel with the Wddy kelt, some 3 miles farther S., and ends at the Dead Sea. The first of these, which apparently leads to Mukhmas itself, seems the most probable. See Conder's Handbook, 241. E. W. G. Masterman

      ZEBUDAH, zS-bu'da. See Zebidah.

      ZEBUL, ze'bul (^^T, z'bhul, perhaps "exalted"; ZePoiX, ZebwXl) : In Jgs 9 26 ff. He is called in ver 30 sar ha^Hr, "the ruler of the city," a phrase tr* "the governor of the city" in 1 K 22 26=2 Ch 18 25; 2 K 23 8; 2 Ch 34 8; he was "com- mandant of the town" of Shechem. In ver 28 he ia referred to as the pakidh, "officer," or, more cor- rectly, "deputy" of Abimeleoh. This verse is a httle difficult, but if we read "served" for "serve ye," it becomes fairly clear in meaning. With Moore (Jgs, 255 ff) we may translate it thus: "Who is Abimelech? and who is Shechem, that we should serve him [i.e. Abimelech]? Did not the son of Jerubbaal and Zebul his deputy [formerly] serve the people of Hamor [the father of Shechem]? Why- then should we serve him [Abimelech]?" This is also the way Budde (Kurzer HandrComm. z. AT, 75) takes the verse. And further in ver 29 for "and he said" many read with LXX "then would I say."

      The position of Zebul is here that of a deputy to Abimelech, who lived in Arumah (ver 41). When Gaal came to Shechem, a newcomer with a band of men, he seized the opportunity at a vintage feast to attack Abimelech and express a desire to lead a revolt against him (vs 26-29). Zebul heard these words and reported the matter to his master, ad- vising him to make a sudden rush upon the city (vs 30-33). This Abimelech does, and Gaal, on noticing the troops, tells Zebul, who turns upon him and bids him make good his bragging words. Gaal is thus forced to go out and fight Abimelech, and is defeated (vs 34-40).

      11 this be the correct interpretation of the narrative so far, it is fairly simple and clear. Some, however, maintain that the words of Gaal about Zebul in ver 28 are meant as an insult to the governor of the cioy; this is the view of 'Wellhausen XCompos., 353 f, n.) and Nowack (Handkomm.; cf also his Archdologie^ I, 304, 308, for the meaning of sar). Zebul is, according to them, head of the Shechemite community, and Wellhausen and Kittel {Hist of Heh, II, 85) beheve him to have had something to do with the revolt of 9 23-25. For the latter view there is no proof; possibly Zebul was the head of the community of Shechem, but as he was a subject of Abimelech, who was the king or prince of Shechem, there could not be much stmg in calling him the ' ' deputy " of his master.

      The questions that arise from vs 41 fl need only be referred to here. Many critics have seen in 9 22-45 more than one source. Moore groups the verses thus; (1) vs 22-23.25.42 fl as due to E, with ver 24 from RIE; (2) vs 26^1 due to J. It is doubtful If the division is as clear as this. There seem however to be parallels; (1) The plans of Abimelech in vs 34-40 are very similar to those In 42 fl. (2) Ver 416 seems to give in short what we find related in vs 34-40. (3) LXX in 9 31 has suggested to many that we should read there, "and he sent messengers unto Abimelech in Arumah," Instead of reading "craftily." We would thus have a parallel to ver 41a. It may be suggested therefore that if the account be double (and it is strange that Abimelech should again attack the city by almost the same methods as before, when the revolters had been already got rid of), the narratives would be in this order:



      Zebaim Zechariah

      Introductory, 9 23-25; then vs 26-29.30 common to both, and so possibly part ol vs 31 and 32 f. Then we have two accounts of the event: (a) vs 31 (part). 34-40; (6) vs 41-45, followed by vs 46 ft.

      David FKA>fcis Roberts

      ZEBULONITE, zeb'd-lon-it. See Zebulunites.

      ZEBULUN, zeb'ft-lun Qlbint, z'bhulun, also written I^^^T and I^^^T ; the first form occurs only in Jgs 1 30; the other two are frequent, and are used interchangeably ; ZoPo\\jX.wv, Zabouldn) : In Gen 30 20 Leah exclaims, "God hath endowed me with a good dowry," which suggests a derivation of Zebulun from zabhadh, "to bestow," the 1 (d) being replaced by b (l). Again she says, "Now will my husband dwell with me [or "honor me"]: and she called his name Zebulun"; the derivation being from zabhal, "to exalt" or "honor" {OHL, s.v.).

      Zebulun was the 10th son of Jacob, the 6th borne to him by Leah in Paddan-aram. Nothing is known of this patriarch's hfe, save in so far as it coincides with that of his brethren. Tg Pseudojon says that he first of the five brethren was presented to Pharaoh by Joseph, when Israel and his house arrived in Egypt (Gen 47 2). Three sons, Sered, Elon and Jahleel, were born to him in Canaan, and these became the ancestors of the three main divi- sions of the tribe (Gen 46 14).

      The position of the tribe of Zebulun in the wilder- ness was with the standard of the camp of Judah on the east side of the tabernacle (Nu 2 7). This camp moved foremost on the march (ver 9). At the first census Zebulun numbered 57,400 men of war (1 30), the prince of the tribe being Eliab, son of Helon (ver 9). At the second census the men of war numbered 60,500 (Nu 26 27); see, however. Numbers. Among the spies Zebulun was repre- sented by Gaddiel son of Sodi (13 10). To assist in the division of the land Elizaphan son of Parnach was chosen (34 25). At Shechem Zebulun, the descendants of Leah's youngest son, stood along with Reuben, whose disgrace carried with it that of his tribe, and the descendants of the sons of the handmaids, over against the other six, who traced their descent to Rachel and Leah (Dt 27 13). At the second division of territory the lot of Zebulun came up third, and assigned to him a beautifully diversified stretch of country in the N. The area of his possession is in general clear enough, but it is impossible to define the boundaries exactly (Josh 19 10-16). It "marched" with NaphtaU on the E. and S.E., and with Asher on the W. and N.W. The fine ran northward from Mt. Tabor, keeping on the heights W. of the Sea of Galilee, on to Kefr 'Anan (Hannathon). It turned westward along the base of the mountain, and reached the border of Asher, probably by the vale of ^Abilln. It then proceeded southward to the Kishon oppo- site Tell Kaimun (Jokneam). As the plain belonged to Issachar, the south border would skirt its north- ern edge, terminating again at Tabor, probably near Deburiyeh (Daberath), which belonged to Is- sachar (21 28).

      The details given are confusing. It is to be observed that this does not bring Zebulun into touch with the sea, and so is in apparent contradiction with Cxen 48 l^i, and also with Jos (.Ant, V, i, 22; BJ. Ill, in, 1), who says the lot of Zebulun included the land which lay as far as the Lake of Gennesareth, and that which belonged to Carmel and the sea." Perhaps, however, the hmits changed from time to time. So far as the words in (jen 49 13 are concerned, Delitzsch thinks they do not neces- sarily imply actual contact with the sea; but only, that his position should enable him to profit by maritime trade This it certainly did; the great caravan route, via maris, passing through his territory. Thus he could "suck the treasures of the sea. See also Tabob, MooNT Within the boundaries thus roughly indicated were all varieties of mountain and plain, rough upland country, shady wood and fruitful valley. What is said of the territory of Naphtali apphes generally to this.

      OUve groves and vineyards are plentiful. Good harvests are gathered on the sunny slopes, and on the rich levels of the Plain of Asochls (.el-Battauf).

      Elon the Zebulunite was the only leader given by the tribe to Israel of whom we have any record (Jgs 12 11 f) ; but the people were brave and skilful in war, furnishing, according to the Song of Deborah, "[them] that handle the marshal's staff" (5 14). The tribe sent 50,000 single-hearted warriors, capa- ble and well equipped, to David at Hebron (1 Ch 12 33). From their rich land they brought stores of provisions (ver 40). Over Zebulun in David's time was Ishmaiah, son of Obadiah (27 19). Al- though they had fallen away, Hezekiah proved that many of them were capable of warm response to the appeal of religious duty and privilege (2 Ch 30

      10 f.l8 ff). They are not named, but it is probable that Zebulun suffered along with Naphtali in the invasion of Tiglath-pileser (2 K 15 29). In later days the men from these breezy uplands lent strength and enterprise to the Jewish armies. Jota- pata {Tell Jifat), the scene of Josephus' heroic de- fence, was in Zebulun. So was Sepphoris (Seffuri- yeh), which was for a time the capital of GaUlee {Ant, XVIII, ii, 1; BJ, VII; III, ii, 4). Nazareth, the home of our Saviour's boyhood, is sheltered among its lower hills. W. Ewing

      ZEBULUNITES, zeb'fl-lun-its CP'bin-Tn, ha^ z^bhulonl; ZoPodX.<4v, Zabouldn) : Members of the tribe of Zebulun (Nu 26 27; Jgs 12 11 f).

      ZECHARIAH, zek-a-ri'a (irT^ipT, z'hharyahu, or ri^"J3J , z'kharyah; LXX ZaxapCo[s], Zacha- ria[s]) : A very common name in the OT. The form, esp. the longer form, of the name would suggest for its meaning, "Jeh remembers" or "Jeh is renowned," and the name was doubtless understood in this sense in later times. But the analogies with Zaccur, Zecher, Zichri (q.v.), etc, make some original ethnic derivation probable.

      (1) King of Israel, son of Jeroboam II (AV "Zaohariah"). See next article.

      (2) The grandfather of King Hezekiah, through Hezekiah's mother Abi (2 K 18 2, AV "Zachariah"

      11 2 Ch 29 1).

      (3) A contemporary of Isaiah, taken by Isaiah as a trustworthy witness in the matter of the sign Maher-shalal-hash-baz (Isa 8 1). As his father's name was Jeberechiah, some support seems to be offered to the theories of those who would make him the author of certain portions of Zee. But see Zechariah, Book of.

      (4) A Reubenite of the time of Israel's captivity (1 Ch 5 7).

      (5) A Benjamite, living in Gideon (.1 Ch 9 37; called "Zecher" in 8 31). He was the brother of Kish and hence the uncle of Saul.

      (6) A Manassite of Gilead, at the time of David (1 Ch 27 21).

      (7) The third son of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 21 2). He was slain by Jehoram (ver 4).

      (8) A "prince" whom Jehoshaphat sent to "teach" m the cities of Judah (2 Ch 17 7). As this "teaching" was in connection with the estab- lishing of the Law, Zechariah was primarily a judge.

      (9) A prophet who was influential in the early days of tJzziah (2 Ch 26 5). He is characterized as ha-mebh in bir^'oth (b'yir' ath.[f.]) ha-'iUhvn, which phrase is usually understood to mean that he had instructed (RVm) the king in the fear of God. As long as he lived the king profited by his instruction and advice.

      The following eight are all Levites:

      (10) A doorkeeper at the time of David, who was made a singer "of the second degree" (1 Ch 15 18;

      Zechaiiah Zechaiiah, Book of



      the text is confused). He was a player on a "psal- tery" (ver 20) and took part in the thanksgiving when the Ark was brought to Jerus (16 6).

      (11) A son of Isshiah (1 Ch 24 25).

      (12) A son of Meshelemiah, a "porter of the door of the tent of meeting" at the time of David (1 Ch

      9 21; 26 2.14). In 26 14 called "a discreet coun- sellor."

      (13) A son of Hosah, a Merarite, also at David's time (1 Ch 26 11).

      (14) The father of the prophet, Jahazibl (q.v.) (2 Ch 20 14).

      (15) A son of Asaph, who assisted in the purifi- cation of the Temple at the time of Hezekiah (2 Ch 29 13).

      (16) A Kohathite, who assisted in the repair of the Temple at the time of Josiah (2 Ch 34 12).

      (17) A son of Jonathan, an Asaphite, one of the musicians at the dedication of the wall at the time of Nehemiah (Neh 12 35).

      The following are aU priests:

      (18) A trumpeter at the time of David (1 Ch 15 24).

      (19) A son of Jehoiada, at the time of Joash. He rebuked the people pubHcly for their apostasy, and was stoned by them, Joash consenting to their act (2 Ch 24 20-22). As 2 Ch is the last book in the Heb OT, Zechariah was regarded as the last of the OT martyrs, and hence is coupled with Abel (the first martyr) in Mt 23 35 || Lk 11 51. The words "son of Barachiah" ia Mt are due to confusing this Zechariah with the prophet. See Zachabiah.

      (20) One of the "rulers of the house of God" at the time of Josiah (2 Ch 35 8).

      (21) A son of Pashhur, 242 of whose descendants aa "chiefs of fathers' houses" dwelt in Jerus at the time of Nehemiah (Neh 11 13). _

      (22) A trumpeter at the dedication of the wall at the time of Nehemiah (Neh 12 41).

      (23) The prophet (Ezr 5 1; 6 14; Neh 12 16; Zee 1 1.7; 7 1.8; 1 Esd 6 1; 7 3). See Zech- ABiAH, Book of.

      The following are all returned exiles or are men- tioned only as ancestors of such :

      (24) A son of Parosh (Ezr 8 3; 1 Esd 8 30 has "Zacharias" here and elsewhere).

      (25) A son of Bebai (Ezr 8 11; 1 Esd 8 37).

      (26) One of the "chief men" dispatched by Ezra to bring priests from Casiphia (Ezr 8 16; 1 Esd 8 44). Doubtless the same as (24) or (25), above.

      (27) One of the persons who stood by Ezra at the reading of the Law (Neh 8 4; 1 Esd 9 44); almost certainly identical with (26).

      (28) A son of Elam, who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 26; 1 Esd 9 27).

      (29) A son of Amariah, a Judahite, the ancestor of certain persons dwelling in Jerus (Neh 11 4).

      (30) A son of "the Shilonite," the ancestor of certain persons dweUiag in Jerus (Neh 11 5).

      Burton Scott Easton ZECHARIAH (H'^IDT, z'kharyah, in^i-)?!, z'kharyahU, "Jeh has remembered" [2 K 14 29; 15 8-12]; Zaxaptas, Zacharias; AV Zachariah): Son of Jeroboam II, and 14th king of Israel. He was the 4th of the line of Jehu, and reigned six months. Zechariah succeeded to a splendid in- heritance, as he was king, not only of the ten tribes of Israel, but of the Syrian state of Damascus, which his father had subdued. In the unusual wealth and dignity of this position lay his peril. Also there were two dark shadows falling across his path, though both probably unseen by him. One was the promise to Jehu, as the reward of his destroying the worship of Baal in Israel, that his sons should sit on the throne of Israel to the 4th generation (2 K

      10 30; 15 12). Zechariah was Jehu's great-great-

      grandson. The other was the word of Amos to the priest of Bethel: "Then said the Lord .... I will rise against the house of Jeroboam with the sword" (Am 7 8.9).

      The only brief notice of Zechariah personal to himself is that he gave his support to the worship of the calves, since Jeroboam I established the religion of the state. He hardly had time, however, to identify himself with this or any institution before he was pubUcly assassinated by Shallum, the son of Jabesh (he "smote him before the people"). The prophet Hosea was then alive, and there is probably allusion to this crime when, addressing Ephraim, he says: "Where is thy king, that he may save thee in all thy cities? .... I have given thee a king in mine anger, and have taken him away in my wrath" (Hos 13 10.11; cf 1 4).

      There has long been difficulty with the chronology of this period. Archbishop Ussher assumed an interregnum of 11 years between the death of Jero- boam II and Zechariah's accession. This is ac- cepted as probable by a recent writer, who sees "at least 10 years of incessant conflict between rival claimants to the throne on Jeroboam's death" (see art. "Zechariah" in HDB, IV). It seems more likely that there is error in certain of the synchro- nisms. The year of Zechariah's accession was prob- ably 759 BC (some put it later), and the 6 months of his reign, with that given to Shallum, may be in- cluded in the 10 years of Menahem, who followed them (2 K 15 17). See Chronology of the OT. W. Shaw Caldecott


      1. The Prophet

      2. His Times and Mission

      3. Contents and Analysis

      4. The Critical Question Involved

      5. The Unity of the Book

      6. Conclusion


      Few books of the OT are as difficult of interpre- tation as the Book of Zechariah; no other book is as Messianic. Jewish expositors like Abarbanel and J archi, and Christian expositors such as Jerome, are forced to concede that they have failed "to find their hands" in the exposition of it, and that in their investigations they passed from one laby- rinth to another, and from one cloud into another, until they lost themselves in trying to discover the prophet's meaning. The scope of Zechariah's vision and the profundity of his thought are almost without a parallel. In the present writer's judg- ment, his book is the most Messianic, the most truly apocalyptic and eschatological, of all the writings of the OT.

      Zechariah was the son of Berechiah, and the

      grandson of Iddo (Zee 1 1.7). The same Iddo

      seems to be mentioned among the

      1. The priests who returned from exile under Prophet Zerubbabel and Joshua in the year

      536 BC (Neh 12 4; Ezr 2 2). If so, Zechariah was a priest as well as a prophet, and pre- sumably a young man when he began to preach. Tradition, on the contrary, declares that he was well advanced in years. He apparently survived Haggai, his contemporary (Ezr 5 1; 6 14). He was a poet as well as a prophet. Nothing is known of his end. The Tg says he died a martyr.

      The earliest date in his book is the 2d year (520 BC) of the reign of Darius Hystaspis, and the latest,

      the 4th year of the same king's reign

      2. His (1 1.7; 7 1). Though these are the Times and only dates given in his writings, it is Mission possible of course that he may have

      continued active for several additional years. Otherwise, he preached barely two years. The conditions under which he labored were similar



      to those in Haggai's times. Indeed, ■ Haggai had begun to preach just two months before Zeohariah was called. At that time there were upheavals and commotions in different parts of the Pers empire, esp. in the N.E. Jeremiah's prophecies regarding the domination of Babylon for 70 years had been fulfilled (Jer IB 11; 29 10). The returned cap- tives were becoming disheartened and depressed because Jeh had not made it possible to restore Zion and rebuild the temple. The foundations of the latter had been already laid, but as yet there was no superstructure (Ezr 3 8-10; Zee 1 16). _ The altar of burnt offering was set up upon its old site, but as yet there were no priests worthy to officiate in the ritual of sacrifice (Ezr 3 2.3; Zee 3 3). The people had fallen into apathy, and needed to be aroused to their opportunity. Haggai had given them real initiative, for within 24 days after he began to preach the people began to work (Hag 1 1.15). It was left for Zechariah to bring the task of temple-building to completion. This Zechariah did successfully; this, indeed, was his primary mission and work.

      The prophecies of Zechariah naturally fall into two parts, chs 1-8 and 9-14, both of which begin with the present and look forward 3. Contents into the distant future. (1) Chs 1-8, and consisting of three distinct messages

      Analysis dehvered on three different occasions: ■

      (a) 1 1-6, an introduction, delivered in the 8th month of the 2d year of Darius Hystaspis (520 BC). These words, having been spoken three months before the prophecies which follow, are ob- viously a general introduction. They are decidedly spiritual and strike the keynote of the entire col- lection. In them the prophet issues one of the strongest and most intensely spiritual calls to .repentance to be found ia the OT. (6) 1 7—6 15, a series of eight night visions, followed by a corona- tion scene, all delivered on the 24th day of the 11th month of the same 2d year of Darius (520 BC), or exactly two months after the corner stone of the temple had been laid (Hag 2 18; Zee 1 7). These visions were intended to encourage the people to rebuild God's house. They are eight in number, and teach severally the following lessons:

      (a) The vision of the horses (1 7-17), teachmg God's special care for and interest in his people: "My house shaU be built" (ver 16). (fi) The four horns and four smiths (1 18-21), teaching that Israel's foes have finally been destroyed; in fact that they have destroyed themselves. There is no longer, therefore, any opposition to buildmg God s house, (y) The man with a measuring line (oh 2), teaching that God will re-people, protect and dwell in Jerus as soon as the sacred edifice has been built. The city itself will expand till it becomes a great metropohs without walls; Jeh will be a wall of fire round about it. (5) Joshua, the high priest, clad in filthy garments, and bearing the sms both of him- self and the people (ch 3); but cleansed, continued and made typical of the Messiah-Branch to come.

      (e) The candelabrum and the two olive trees (ch 4), teaching that the visible must give place to the spiritual, and that, through "the two sdns of oil, Zerubbabel the layman, and Joshua the priest (ver 14) the Hght of God's church will contmue to burn with ever-flaming brightness. For ii; is "not by might" but by Jeh's Spirit, i.e. by Divine life and animation, by Divine vigor and vivacity, by Di- vine disposition and courage, by Divme executive ability and technical skOl, that God's house shall be built and supplied with spiritual hfe (ver b).

      (f) The flying roll (5 1-4), teachmg that when the temple is built and God's law is taught the land shall be purified from outward wickedness, (v) The Ephah (5 5-11); wickedness personified is borne

      away back to the land of Shinar, teaching that when the temple is rebuilt wickedness shall be actually removed from the land. (6) The four chariots (6 1-8), teaching that God's protecting providence wUl be over His sanctuary, and that His people, purified from sin, shall rest secure in Him. These eight visions are followed by a coronation scene, in which Joshua the high priest is crowned and made typical of the Messiah-Priest-King, whose name is Branch (6 9-15). (c) Chs 7, 8, Zechariah's answer to the Bethel deputation concerning fasting; de- livered on the 4th day of the 9th month of the 4th year of Darius (518 BC). The Jews had been accustomed to fast on the anniversaries of the foEowing four great outstanding events in the his- tory of their capital: (a) when Nebuchadnezzar took Jerus, in the 4th month (Jer 52 6) ; (p) when the Temple was burned in the 5th month (Jer 62 12); (7) when Gedaliah was murdered in the 7th month (Jer 41 2) ; and (S) when the siege of Jerus was begun in the 10th month (2 K 25 1).

      "There are four sections to the prophet's answer divided by the slightly varying formula, "The word of Jeh came unto me" (7 4.8; 8 1.18), and teaching: (o) Fasting affects only yourselves; God requires obedience (7 4-7). (&) Look at the lesson from your fathers; they forsook justice and compassion and God punished them (7 8-14). (c) Jeh is now waiting to return to Jerus to save His people in truth and holiness. In the future, instead of a curse God will send blessing, instead of evil, good (8 1-17). (d) In fact, your fasts shall be changed into festivals, and many nations shall in that day seek Jeh of hosts in Jerus (8 18-23).

      (2) Chs 9-14, consisting of two oracles, without dates; (o) chs 9-11, an oracle of promise to the new theocracy. This section contains promises of a land in which to dwell, a return from exile, victory over a hostile world-power, temporal blessings and national strength, closing with a parable of judg- ment brought on by Israel's rejection of Jeh as their shepherd; thus Judah and Ephraim restored, united and made victorious over their enemies, are promised a land and a king (ch 9) ; Israel shall be saved and strengthened (ch 10); Israel shall be punished for rejecting the shepherding care of Jeh (ch 11); (b) chs 12-14, an oracle describing the victories of the new theocracy, and the coming day of Jeh. This section is strongly eschatological, presenting three distinct apocalyptic pictures: thus, how Jerus shall be besieged by her enemies, but saved by Jeh (ch 12); how a remnant of Israel purified and refined shall be saved (ch 13) ; closing with a grand apocalyptic vision of judgment and redemption — the nations streaming up to Jerus to keep the joyous Feast of Tabernacles, and every- thing in that day becoming holy to Jeh.

      There are two opposing schools of criticism in regard to the origin of chs 9-14; one holds what is known as the preexUic hypothesis, 4. Critical according to which chs 9-14 were Question written before the downfall of Jerus; Involved more specifically, that chs 9-11 and 13 7-9 spring from the 8th cent. BC, having been composed perhaps by Zechariah, the son of Jeberechiah mentioned in Isa 8 2; whereas chs 12-14, excepting 13 7-9, were com- posed by some unknown contemporary of Jeremiah in the 7th cent. BC. On the other hand, there are also those who advocate a late post-Zecharian origin for chs 9-14, somewhere about the 3d cent. BC. The latter hypothesis is today the more popular. Over against these the traditional view, of course, is that Zechariah, near the close of the 6th cent., wrote the entire book ascribed to him. Only chs 9-14 are in dispute. No one doubts the genuine- ness of chs 1-8.



      The following are the main arguments of those who advocate a preexilic origin for these oracles: (1) 11 8, "And I cut off the ttiree shepherds in one month." These "three shepherds" are identified with certain kings who reigned but a short time each in the Northern Kingdom: for example, Zechariah, Shallum and Mena- hem (2 K 16 8-14). But the difficulty with this argu- ment is that they were not cut off "in one month"; Menahem, on the contrary, reigned 10 years in Samaria (2 K 15 17). (2) 12 11-14, which speaks of "a great mourning in Jerus, as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon," is claimed to fix the date of clis 12-14. Josiah fell in the valley of Megiddo (2 K 23 29; 2 Ch 35 22). But surely the mourning of Judah for Josiah might have been remembered for a century, from 609 BO till 518 BO. (3) 14 5, referring to the "earthquake" In the days of Uzziah, Is another passage fastened upon to prove the preexilic origin of these prophecies. But the earthquake which is here alluded to took place at least a century and a half before the date assigned for the composition of ch 14. And surely if an earthquake can be alluded to by an author 150 years after it occurs, Zechariah, who hved less than a centm'y later, might have alluded to it also. (4) A much stronger argument in favor of a preexiUc origin of these prophecies is the names given to the theocracy, e.g. "Ephraim" and "Jerusalem" (9 10), "Judah" and "Ephraim" (9 13), "house of Judah" and "house of Joseph" (10 6), "Judah and Israel" (11 14), implying that the kingdoms of Israel and Judah are still standing. But subsequent to the captivity the Jews ever regarded themselves as representatives of the 12 tribes, as is ob- vious from their offering 12 sacrifices (Ezr 6 17; 8 35). Moreover, old names such as "Israel" and "Judah" long survived (cf Jer 31 27-31; Zee 8 13). (5) 14 10, which defines the area occupied by Judah as extending "from Geba to Rimmon," which corresponds, it is alleged, with the conditions which prevailed just prior to the captivity. But it satisfies equally well the con- ditions after the exile in Zechariah's own time. (6) Again, it is argued that the national sins, the prevaiUng sins, idolatry, teraphim and false prophecy (10 2; 13 2-6), are those of preexilic times. But the same sins persisted in the post-exiUc congregation (Neh 6 7-14; Mai 2 11; 3 5), and there is no special empliasis laid upon them here. (7) Finally, it is argued that the enemies of Israel mentioned in chs 9-14 are those of pre- exiUc times, Assyria and Egypt (10 10.11), Syria, Phoeni- cia and Philistia (9 1-7). But forms of expression are slow in changing: the name "Assyrians" occurs in Lam 5 6, and "Assyria" is employed instead of "Persia" in Ezr 6 22. Jeremiah prophesied against Damascus and Hamath long after their loss of independence (49 23-27). After the exile, the PhiUs resisted Israel's return (Neh 4 7.8). In short all these nations were Israel's hereditary foes, and, therefore, judgments pro- noimced against them were always in place. Further- more, it may be said in general that there are reasons for thinking that, in bothhalves of the Book of Zee, the exile is represented as an event of the past, and that the restoration from exile both of Ephraim and Judah, though incomplete, has already begun. This is unquestionably true of chs 1-8 (1 12; 2 6-12; 6 10; 7 5; 8 7.8). The exile is treated as a fact. It is almost equally true of chs 9-14 (cf 9 8.11; 10 6.8-10). Moreover, it may with justice be claimed that the alleged authors of chs 9-14 dissociate themselves from any definitely named person or any specific event known to be preexiUc. God alone is described as Ruler of His people. The only king men- tioned is the Messiah- King (9 9.10; 14 9). The "house of David" mentioned in 12 7-12; 13 1, is never described as in possession of the throne. It is David's "house," and not any earthly ruler in it, of which the prophet speaks. Further, there are passages, indeed, in ens 9-14 which, if preexiUc in origin, would have been obsciu'e and even misleading to a people confronted by the catastrophes of 722 and 586 BC. No specific enemy is aUuded to. No definite army is named as approaching. Instead of Assyria, Javan is painted as the opposing enemy of the theocracy (9 13), and even she is not yet raised up or even threatening. On the other hand, in chs 12-14, it is not the Chaldaeans under Nebuchadnezzar, but "all nations," who are described as coming up against Jerus (12 2.3; 14 2). Moreover, victory and not defeat is promised (9 8.14.16; 12 4.7.8). The preexiUc proph- ets Amos, Hosea and Jeremiah held out no such hopes. "These oracles, however, promise even temporal prosperity and abundance (9 17; 10 1.8.12; 12 8; 14 2.14); and they exhort the people to rejoice rather than to fear (9 9; 10 7); while in 14 16-19 aU nations are repre- sented as going up to Jerus to keep the Feast of Taber- nacles, which was the most joyous feast of the Heb calen- dar. AU this is quite the opposite of what the preexiUc prophets (who are known to have been preexiUc) actuaUy prophesied. In Zee 9-14, there is sounded forth not one clear note of alarm or warning; judgment rather gives place to hope, warning to encouragement, threatening to Joy and gladness, all of which is most inconsistent with the idea that these chapters are of preexiUc origin. On the other hand, they are perfectly consistent with the conditions.aud promises of post-exilic times.

      The other hypothesis remaining to be discussed is that knovirn as the post-Zecharian. This may be said to represent the prevailing critical view at the present time. But it, hke the preexilic hypothesis, is based upon a too literalistic and mechanical view of prophecy. Those, like Stade, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Marti, Kautzsch, Cornill, Cheyne, Driver, Kuiper, Echardt and IMitchell, who advocate this view, employ the same critical methods as those whose views we have just discussed, but arrive at diametrically opposite conclusions. Indeed, no two critics agree as to the historical circumstances which produced these oracles. Most are of the opinion, however, that these chapters were com- posed during the Gr period, i.e. after 333 BC. In examining the arguments urged by the representa- tives of this school special caution is needed in dis- tinguishing between the grounds advanced in sup- port of a post-exUio and those which argue a post- Zecharian date. The former we may for the most part accept, as Zechariah was himself a post-exilic prophet; the latter we must first examine. In favor of a very late or Grecian origin for chs 9-14, the chief and all-important passage, and the one upon which more emphasis is placed than upon all others together, is 9 13, "For I have bent Judah for me, I have filled the bow with Ephraim; and I will stir up thy sons, O Zion, against thy sons, O Greece, and will make thee as the sword of a mighty man." Kuiper in summing up throws the whole weight of his argument in favor of a Gr date on this verse. Wellhausen makes it decide the date of these prophecies; while Stade declares that the announce- ment of the "sons of Javan" is alone sufficient to prove that these prophecies are after 333 BC. Two things are esp. emphasized by critics in connection with this important passage: (1) that the sons of Javan are the world-power of the author's day, viz. the Gr-Maccabean world-power; and (2) that they are the enemies of Zion. But in opposition to these claims it should be observed (1) that the sons of Javan are but one of several world-powers within the range of the prophet's horizon (9 1-7, Syria, Phoenicia, Philistia; 12 2 f; 14 2 f, all nations; and 10 10.11, Assyria and Egypt); and (2) that the Greeks under Alexander were not the enemies of Zion, and did not fight against the Jews, but against the Persians. Assuming the genuine- ness of the passage (9 13), the following consid- erations point to the Pers period as its probable historical background : (a) The prophecy would be vague and meaningless if uttered after the invasion of Alexander. (6) The passage does not describe a victory for the sons of Javan, but rather a defeat, (c) It is introduced by an appeal to those still in exile to return, which would have been quite mean- ingless after Alexander's conquest, (d) In short, 9 13-17, as a whole, is not a picture of actual war, but rather an apocalyptic vision of the struggle of Israel with the world-power of the West, hence its indefiniteness and figurative language.

      Furthermore, it mustuot be forgotten thatinZechariah's own day the Greeks were rapidly becoming a menacing world-power. In the first 3 years (521-519 BC) of Darius' reign, 12 different revolts took place, principally in the N. and E. But, in 518, Darius was compelled to move westward at the head of his royal armies ; Darius' visit to Egypt in 517 BC was cut short by the disturb- ances of the Greeks (cf Wiedemann, Gesch., 2361. In the year 516 BC the Greeks of the HeUespont and Bosporus, with the island of Samos, were made to submit to Pers rule. The next year (515 BC), Darius led an expedition against the Scythians across the Danube, the failure of wnich encouraged the lonians subsequently to revolt. In 500 BO the great Ionian revolt actuaUy took place. In 499 BO Sardis, the most important stronghold for Persia in Asia Minor, was burned by the Athenians. In 490 BC Marathon was fought and Persia was conquered. In 480 BC Xerxes was defeated at Salamis. But it is unnecessary to sketch the rise of Javan further. Enough has been related to show that already in the reign of



      Darius Hystaspis — in whose reign Zechariah is Ifnown to have lived and prophesied — the sons of Greece were a ris- ing worid-power, and a threatening world-power. This is all reaUy ttiat is reqmred by the passage. The sons of Javan were but one of Israel's enemies in Zechariah's day; but they were of such importance that victory over them carried with it momentous Messianic interests. The language of ch 9 is vague, and, In oiu' judgment, too vague and too indefinite to have been uttered after Marathon (490 BO), or even after the burning of Sardis (500 BC) ; for, in that case, the author would have been Influenced more by Greece and less by the movements and commotions of the nations.

      Other arguments advanced by the post-Zecharian school are: (1) 14 9, "And Jeh shall be King over all the earth: in that day shall Jeh be one, and his name one." To Stade this passage contains a polemic against the conditions in Gr times when all gods were conceived of as only different representa- tions of one and the same god. But, on the con- trary, the post-exilic congregation was as truly a theocracy in the days of Darius Hystaspis as in the period subsequent to Alexander's conquest. The Jewish colony of the Restoration was a religious sect, not a political organization. Zechariah often pic- tures the close relation of Jeh to His people (2 10- 13; 8 3.23), and the author of chs 9-14 describes similar conditions. The "yearning for a fuller theocracy," which Cheyne (Bampton Lectures, 120) discovers in Zee 9-14, is thoroughly consistent with the yearning of a struggling congregation in a land of forsaken idols shortly after the return from exile. (2) 12 26, interpreted to mean that "Judah also, forced by the enemy, shaU be in the siege against Jerus," is a proof, it is alleged, that the children of the Diaspora had served as soldiers. The verse, accordingly, is said to be a description of the hostile relations which actually existed between Jerus and Judah in the beginning of the Maccabean struggle. The vaUdity of these claims, however, is vitiated by a correct exegesis of the passage in hand. The text is apparently corrupt. In order to obtain a subject for "shall be," the preposition before Judah had better be stricken out, as in the Tg. The passage then tr'i reads, "And Judah also shall be in the siege against Jerus." But this is ambiguous. It may mean that Judah shall fight against Jerus, or it may mean that Judah, too, shall be besieged. The latter is obviously the true meaning of the passage, as ver 7 indicates. For, as one nation might besiege Jerus (a city), so all nations, coming up are prac- tically going to besiege Judah. The LXX favors this interpretation; hkewise the Coptic VS; and Zee 14 14. Wellhausen frankly concedes that no characteristic of the prophecy under discussion m reality agrees with the conditions of the Maccabean time. The Maccabees were not the Jews of the lowland, and they did not jom themselves with the heathen out of hatred to the city of Jerus, in order finally to fall treacherously upon thek companions in war. There is not the slightest hint in our pas- sage of religious persecution; that alone decides, and hence the most important sign of Maccabean times is wanting." (3) 10 10.11, which mentions "Egypt" and "Assyria" (and which, strange to say, is also one of the strongest proofs in support of the preexiUc hypothesis), is singularly enough inter- preted to refer respectively to the Ptolemies ot Egypt and the Seleucidae of Syria. But this is quite impossible, and esp. so in view of the promi- nence which is given to Egypt in 14 19, which pomts to Pers rather than Gr conditions; for then Egypt, in consequence of her perpetual efforts to throw off the Pers yoke, was naturally brought under the observation of the Jews in Pal, who repeatedly beheld the Pers armies passing on their way to the valley of the Nile.

      (4) Still another argument advanced in favor of a late post-Zecharian date for these oracles is that from language and style: Aramaisms, scriptia plena, the pre-

      ponderance of the shorter form of the personal pronoun "I," the Heb ending on, the frequent use of the nota accusativi, esp. with suffixes, the omission of the article, the use of the infinitive absolute, and the clumsy diction and weary repetition of these prophecies are pointed to as evidence of their origin in Grecian times. But in opposition to these claims, it may be remarlsed in general that their force is greatly weakened by two considerations : (a) the fact that the author of chs 9-14 depends so largely on older prophecies for his thoughts, and consequently more or less for his language; and (6) the fact that these prophecies are so very brief. There is no mode ot reasoning so treacherous as that from language and style. (For the technical discussion of this point, see the present writer's The Prophecies of Zechariah, 54-59.)

      Among the further objections made to the genu- ineness of chs 9-14, and consequently to the unity

      of the book, the following are the chief: 5. The (1) There are no "visions" in these

      Unity of oracles as in chs 1-6. But there are the Book none either in chs 7, 8, and yet these

      latter are not denied to Zechariah. As a matter of fact, however, visions do actually occur in chs 9-14, only of a historico-parabolic (11 4-17) and eschatological character (9 13-17; chs 12, 14). (2) There are "no dates," as in 1 1.7; 7 1. But dates are seldom attached to "oracles" (Isa 13 1; 15 1; Nah 1 1; Hab 1 1; Mai 1 1). There is but one instance in the entire OT (Isa 14 28m); whereas "visions" are frequently dated. (3) There is "no Satan." But Satan is never mentioned elsewhere in any prophetic book of the OT. (4) There is "no interpreting angel" in chs 9-14. But "oracles" need no interpreting angel. On the other hand, "the Angel of Jeh" is mentioned in both parts (3 1 ff; 12 8), a fact which is far more noteworthy. (5) Proper names are wanting in chs 9-14, e.g. Zerubbabel and Joshua. But neither do these names occur in chs 7, 8. (6) The sins alluded to are different, e.g. theft and false swearing in 5 3.4; while in 10 2 seeking teraphim and in 13 2 ff false prophecy are named. But these sins may have existed side by side. What is far more noteworthy, in both parts the prophet declares that all these evils shall be taken away and removed out of the land (3 9; 5 9-11; 13 1.2). (7) The Messianic pictures are different, e.g. in chs 1^ the Messiah is spoken of as Branch-Priest (3 8.9; 6 12.13); whereas in chs 9-14, as King (9 9.10). But in 6 13 it is expressly stated that the Branch-Priest "shall sit and rule upon his throne." Of far greater moment is the picture of the nations coming to Zion to worship Jeh. This remarkable picture recurs in all the different sections of the book (6 12.13.15; 8 20-23; 12 6; 14 16-19).

      On the other hand, the following are some of the arguments which favor the genuineness of these disputed chapters: (1) The fundamental ideas of both parts are the same. By this we mean that the deeper we go the nearer we approach unity. As Dr. G. A. Smith argues against Graetz, who di- vides Hos 1-3 from Hos 4-14, "in both parts there are the same religious principles and the same urgent and jealous temper"; the same is equally true of Zee 1-8 and Zee 9-14. Certain similarities are esp. noteworthy, e.g. (a) an unusually deep, spiritual tone pervades the entire book. The call to a true repentance, first sounded forth in the introduction (1 1-7), is developed more and more throughout the entire 14 chs; thus, in the sanctifying of Joshua (3 4), in the message to Zerubbabel, "not by might, nor by power, but by my Spu-it" (4 6), in the conditions of future blessing (6 15), in the answer to the Bethel deputation (7 5-9; 8 16 ff); and in chs 9-14, in the consecration of the remnant of the Philis (9 7), in the blessings to Ephraim (10 12), in the baptism of grace upon Jerus (12 10), in the fountain for sin (13 1), in the worship of Jeh (13 9), in the living waters going forth from Jerus (14 8), and in the dedication of everything as holy

      Zechariah, Book of Zedekiah



      unto the Lord (14 20.21) . The tone which tempera these prophecies is an extraordinarily deep and spiritual one throughout. And this argument cannot be set aside by rejecting wholesale certain passages as later interpolations, as is done by Mitchell {ICC, 242^4). (6) There is a similar attitude of hope and expectation in both parts. This is esp. important. For example, (a) the return of the whole nation is a prevailiag idea of, happmess in both parts (2 6.10; 8 7.8; 9 12; 10 6.7). 03) The expectation that Jerus shall be in- habited (1 16.17; 2 4; 8 3.8; 12 6; 14 10.11), (7) and that the temple shall be built and become the center of the nation's religious life (1 16.17;

      3 7; 6 15; 7 2.3; 9 8; 14 20.21). (5) Messianic hope is peculiarly strong in both (3 8.9; 6 12,13; 9 9,10;11 12.13; 12 10; 13 1.7-9). (e)Peaceand prosperity are expected (1 17; 3 10; 6 13; 8 12.19; 9 10.12-17; 10; 12 8; 14 11.16-19). (f) The idea of God's providence as extending to the whole earth (1 14-17; 2 9.12; 4 10; 6 5; 9 1. 8.14; 10; 12 2^.8; 13 7; 14 3.9). Again, (c) the prophet's attitude toward Judah is the same in both parts. It is an attitude of supreme regard for Judah's interests, making them second only to the capital (2 2.4.16; 8 19; 1 12; 8 13.15; 12 2; 14 14; 10 3; 12 4.6.7; 14 21; 9 9.13; 10 6; 11 14; 14 5). The prophet's attitude toward the nations, the enemies of the theocracy, is the same in both parts. The whole assembled world are the enemies of Israel. But though they have scattered Judah, Israel and Jerus (1 11), and are still coming up to besiege Jerus (12 2; 14 2), yet they shall be joined to the Lord in that day (2 11) and worship Jeh like theJews(8 20-23; 14 16-19). These are all striking instances of similarity in the fundamental ideas of the two parts of the book.

      (2) There are pecuUarities of thought common to both parts: e.g. (a) the habit of dwelling on the same thought (2; 6 12.13; 8 4.5; 8 21.22; 11 8; II 13 3; 14; (6) the habit of ex- panding one fundamental thought into a series of clauses (6 13; 9 5.7; 1 17; 3 8.9; 12 4); (c) the habit of referring to a thought already introduced : e.g. to the "Branch" (3 8; 6 12); "eyes" (3 9;

      4 10); measuring "line" (1 16; 2 6.6); choosing Jerus (1 17; 2 12; 3 2); removing iniquity (3 9;

      5 3ff; 13 2); measurements (5 2; 14 10); colors of horses (18; 6 2.6); the idea of Israel as a "flock" (9 16; 10 2; 11 4f; 13 7); idols (10 2; 13 2); shepherds (11 3 ff; 13 7); and of "all nations" (1110; 12 3 ff; 14 2ff); Mitchell in attempting to answer this argument has failed utterly to grasp the point {ICC, 243) ; (d) the use made of the cardinal number "two"; thus, two olive trees (4 3) ; two women (6 9) ; two mountains (6 1); two staves (11 7); two parts (14 2.4); with which compare 6 13; 9 12; 14 8; (e) the resort in each part of the book to symbolic actions as a mode of instruction; e.g. the coronation scene in 6 9-15, and the breaking of the two staves in 11 4-14.

      (3) Certain peculiarities of diction and style favor unity of authorship; e.g. the phrase "no man passed through nor returned" (7 14; 9 8) never occurs elsewhere in the OT. The author's preference for andfrequentuseof vocatives (2 7.10; 3 2.8; 4 7; 9 9.13; 11 1.2; 13 7); and esp. the frequent alter- nation of the scriptio plena and the scriptio defectiva orthography in the Heb (cf 1 2,5 with 1 4.6 and 8 14; 2 11 with 5 7; 1 11 with 7 7; 9 5 with 10 5,11; and 10 4 with 9 9),

      Accordingly, we conclude, (1) that chs 9-14 are of post-exilic origin; (2) that they are not, however, late post-exilic; (3) that they had their origin in the period just before the completion of the temple, 516 BC, and (4) that they were probably composed by

      Zechariah himself. This conclusion is based upon the text taken as a whole, without an arbitrary dis- section of the prophecies in the inter- 6. Conclu- ests of a false theory. Mitchell {ICC, sion 258-59), after eliminating numerous

      individual passages, arrives at the con- clusion that chs 9-14 were written by four, differ- ent writers; (1) 9 1-10, soon after 333 BC; (2) 9 11—11 3, about 247-222 BC; (3) 11 4-17 and 13 7-9, between 217 and 204 BC; and (4) 12 1—13 6 and ch 14, about the same time. Tradition points to a saner and securer conclusion, that these oracles were written by Zechariah himself; which in turn is corroborated by internal evidence, as has been shown above. One wonders why these oracles, written so late in Israel's history, should have been appended by the collectors of the_ Canon to the genuine prophecies of Zechariah, if, as is alleged, that prophet had nothing whatever to do with them!

      Literature. — (1) Those who defend the unity of the book: C. H. H. Wright, Zechariah and His Prophecies (.Bampton Lectures), London, 1879; G. L. Robinson, The Prophecies of Zee, with Special Reference to the Origin and Date of Chs 9-14, Leipzig Dissertation, reprinted from AJSL, XII, 1896; W. H. Lowe, Heb Student's Comm. on Zee, Heb and LXX, London, 1882; O. J. Bredenkamp, Der Prophet Sach., Erklart, 1879; Marcus Dods, The Post-Exilian Prophets: Hag., Zech., Mai. rHandbook for Bib. Classes"), Edinburgli, 1879; E. B. Pusey, Minor Prophets, 1877; W. Drake, "Comni. on Zee" (Speaker's Comm.), 1876; T. W. Chambers, "The Book of Zee" (Langs' s Bible Work), 1874; A. Van Hoonacker, in Revue Biblique, 1902, 161 ff; idem, Les douze petits prophites, 1908; Wm. Moeller, art. "Zechariah" in The Illustrated Bible Diet., edited by W. C. Piercy, 1908.

      (2) Those who advocate a preSxilic origin for chs 9—24: Hitzig-Steiner, Die zwolf kleinen Propheten, 1881; Samuel Davidson, An Intro to the OT, 1862-63; W. Pressel, Commentar zu den Schriften der Propheten Haggai, Sacharja und Maleachi, 1870; C. A. Bruston, Histoire critique de la littSrature prophctigue des HSbreux, 1881; Samuel Sharpe, History of the Heb Nation, Literature and Chronology, 1882; C. von OreUi, Das Buch Ezechiel u. die zwdlf kleinen Propheten, 1888; Ferd. Montet, ^tude critique sur la date assignable aux six dernier s chapitres de Zac, 1882; H. L. Strack, Einleitung in das AT, 1895; F. W. Farrar. Minor Prophets, in " Men of the Bible ' ' series.

      (3) Those who advocate a post-Zecharian origin for chs 9-14: B. Stade, " Deuterozacharja, eine krit. Studie," in ZATW, 1881-82; T. K. Cheyne, "The Date of Zee 9-14, " in JQB, I, 1889; C. H. CornUl, Einleitung in das AT, 1891; S. R. Driver, Intro to the Literature of the OT, 1910; J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten Ubersetzt, 1893; N. I. Rubinkam, The Second Part of the Book of Zee, 1892; Karl Marti, Der Prophet Sacharja, 1892; A. F. Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets, 1892; R. Eckardt, "Der Sprachgebrauch von Zach 9-14," ZATW, 1893, 76-109; A. IC. Kuiper, Zacharja 9—14; eine exegetiseh- critische Studie, 1894; J. W. Rothstein, Die Nacht' gesichte des Sacharja, 1910; G. A. Smith in Expositor's Bible, 1896-97; S. R. Driver in the New Century Bible; H. G. MitcheU, ICC, 1912.

      George L. Robinson ZECHER, ze'ker (1?T , zakher, pausal form for nDT, zekher, "memoriaF; AVZacher): In 1 Ch 8 31= "Zechariah" of 1 Ch 9 37. See Zechariah, (5).

      ZECHRIAS, zek-ri'as {B, Z(\\plas, ZechHas, A and Fritzsche, 'EJtptas, Ezerias; AV Ezerlas): An ancestor of Ezra (1 Esd 8 l) = "Azariah" of Ezr 7 1.

      ZEDAD, ze'dad (nn"¥, e'dkadhah, only found with He locale; Sam mii , g'radhah; LXX Zapa- 8ttK, Saraddk, SaSaSaK, Sadaddk, SaSSdK, Sadddk) : A town or district named in Nu 34 8; Ezk 47 15 as on the ideal northern boundary of Israel, The uncertainty of the reading has led to two different identifications being proposed. The form "Zerad" was accepted by von Kasteren, and his identification was Khirhet Serada in the Merj ^Ayun, W, of the Hasbany branch of the Jordan and N. of ^Abil. This identification, however, would compel us to draw the ideal boundary along the Qasmiyeh valley and thence eastward to Hermon, and that




      is much too far S. If with Dillmann, Wetzstein, Muehlau and others we read "Zedad, then it is clearly identical with Sadad, a village on the road between Ribleh and Karyetain. It has been ob- jected that Sadad is too far to the E.; but here, as in the tribal boundaries also, the references are rather to the district or lands possessed than to their central town or village. W. M. Christie

      ZEDECHIAS, zed-g-ki'as: 1 Esd 1 46AV = RV "Sedekias."

      ZEDEKIAH, zed-5-ki'a (in^p-JS, gidhklyahu, ri^p"]2, gi4hlflyah, "Jeh my righteousness"; SeBe- KiA, Sedekid, ScScKCas, Sedekias) :

      (1) The son of Chenaanah (1 K 22 11.24; 2 Ch 18 10.23). Zedekiah was apparently the leader and spokesman of the 400 prophets attached to the court in Samaria whom Ahab summoned in response to Jehoshaphat's request that a prophet of Jeh should be consulted concerning the projected cam- paign against Ramoth-gUead. In order the better to impress his audience Zedekiah produced iron horns, and said to Ahab, "With these shalt thou push the Syrians, imtil they be consumed." He also endeavored to weaken the influence of Micaiah ben Imlah upon the kings by asking ironically, "Which way went the Spirit of Jeh from me to speak unto thee?"

      In Jos (Ant, VIII, xv, 4) there is an interesting re- arrangement and embellistiinent of tlie Bib. narrative. There Zedekiah is represented as arguing that since Micaiah contradicts Elijah's prediction as to the place of Ahab's death, he must be regarded as a false prophet. Then, smiting his opponent, he prayed that if he were in the wrong his right hand might forthwith be withered. Ahab, seeing that no harm befell the hand that had smit- ten Micaiah, was convinced; whereupon Zedekiah com- pleted his triumph by the incident of the horns mentioned above.

      (2) The son of Maaseiah (Jer 29 21-23). A false prophet who, in association with another, Ahab by name, prophesied among the exiles in Babylon, and foretold an early return from cap- tivity. Jeremiah sternly denounced them, not only for their false and reckless predictions, but also for their foul and adulterous lives, and declared that their fate at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar should become proverbial in Israel.

      (3) The son of Hananiah (Jer 36 12). One of the princes of Judah before whom Jeremiah's roll was read in the 5th year of Jehoiakim.

      (4) One of the officials who sealed the renewed covenant (Neh 10 1, AV "Zid-kijah"). The fact that his name is coupled with Nehemiah's suggests that he was a person of importance. But nothing further is known of him.

      (5) The last king of Judah (see following art.).

      ZEDEKIAH (ln';p"J¥, gidhkiyahu, "Jeh my righteousness"; name changed from Mattaniah (rr^DPTa, mattanyak, "gift of Jeh"; 2e8eKCos, Sede- kias) :

      I. Sources for His Reign and Time

      1. AnnaUstic

      2. Prophetic

      II. The Administration of the Last King of Judah

      1. The Situation

      2. The Parvenu Temper

      3. Inconsistencies

      4. Character of the King

      5. His Fate

      6. Doom of the Nation

      The last king of Judah, uncle and successor of Jehoiachin; reigned 11 years, from 597 to 586, and was carried captive to Babylon.

      /. Sources for His Reign and Time. — Neither of the accounts in 2 K 24 18—25 7 and 2 Ch 36 11-21 refers, as is the usual custom, to state annals;

      these ran out with the reign of Jehoiakim. The history in 2 K is purely scribal and annalistic in

      tone; 2 Ch, esp. as it goes on to the 1. Annal- captivity, ia more fervid and homiletic. istic Both have a common prophetic origin;

      and indeed the last chapter of Jer (52), which is put as an appendix to the book of his prophecy, tells the story of the reign and subsequent events, much as does 2 K, but in somewhat fuller detail.

      Two prophets are watching with keen eyes the progress

      of this reign, both with the poignant sense that the end of

      the Judaean state is imminent: Jeremiah

      2 PronliptiV ™ Jerus and Ezekiel, one of the captives

      ■^'"F"="i'iu the deportation with Jehoiachin, in

      Babylon. Dates are supplied with the

      gropheeies of both: Jeremiah's numbered from the eginning of the reign and not consecutive; BzeWel's numbered from the beginning of the first captivity, and so coinciding with Jeremiah's. From these dated prophecies the principal ideas are to be formed of the real inwardness of the time and the character of the adminis- tration. The prophetic passages identifiable with this reign, coimted by its years, are: Jer 24, after the deporta- tion of Jehoiachin (Jeconiah) — the interior classes left with Zedekiah (cf Ezk 11 15; 17 12-14); Jer 27-29, beginmng of reign — false hopes of return of captives and futUe diplomacies with neighboring_nations ; Jer 51 59, 4th year — Z.'s visit to Babylon; Ezk 4-7, 5th year — symboUc prophecies of the coming end of Judah; Ezk 8-12, 6th year — quasi-clairvoyant view of the idolatrous corruptions in Jerus; Ezk 17 11-21, same year — Z.'s treacherous intrigues with Egypt; Ezk 21 18-23, 7th year — Nebuchadnezzar casting a divination to deter- mine his invasion of Judah; Jer 31, undated but soon after — deputation from the king to the prophet inquiring Jeh's purpose; Jer 34 1-7, undated — the prophet's word to the king wliile Nebuchadnezzar's invasion is still among the cities of the land; Ezk 24 1.2, 9th year — telepathic awareness of the beginning of the siege, syn- chronistic with Jer 39 1-10; 2 K 25 1-7; Jer 37, 38, undated, but soon after — prophecies connected with the temporary raising of the siege and the false faith of the ruling classes ; Jer 32, 10th year — Jeremiah's redemption of his Anathoth property in the midst of siege, and the good presage of the act; Jer 39, llth year — annalistic account of the breaching of the city wall and the flight and eventual fate of the king. A year and a half later Ezekiel (33 21.22) hears the news from a fugitive.

      //. The Administration of the Last King of Judah. — When Nebuchadnezzar took a,wky Jehoia- chin, and with him all the men of weight 1. The and character (see under Jehoiachin),

      Situation his object was plain: to leave a people so broken in resources and spirit that they would not be moved to rebellion (see Ezk 17 14). But this measure of his effected a segmenta- tion of the nation which the prophets immediately recognized as virtually separating out their spiritual "remnant" to go to Babylon, while the worldly and inferior grades remained in Jerus. These are sharply distinguished from each other by Jeremiah in his parable of the Figs (ch 24), pubhshed soon after the first deportation. The people that were left were probably of the same sort that Zephaniah described a few years before, those who had "settled on their lees" (1 12), a godless and inert element in religion and state. Their religious disposition is portrayed by Ezekiel in Z.'s 6th year, in his clairvoyant vision of the uncouth temple rites, as it were a cesspool of idolatry, maintained under the pretext that Jeh had forsaken the land (see Ezk 8). Clearly these were not of the prophetic stamp. It was over such an inferior grade of people that Z. was appointed to a thankless and tragic reign.

      For a people so raw and inexperienced in administra- tion the prophets recognized one clear duty: to keep

      the oath which they had given to Nebu- 2 The chadnezzar (see Ezk 17 14-16). But

      ■p' they acted like men intoxicated with new

      ±'arvenu power; their accession to property and Temper imwonted position turned their heads.

      Soon after the beginning of the reign we find Jeremiah giving emphatic warning both to liis nation and the ambassadors of neighboring nations against a rebelUous coalition (Jer 27 mistakenly dated In the 4th year of Jehoiakim; cf vs 3.12) ; he has also an encounter with prophets who, in contradiction of his consistent

      Zedekiah Zenas



      message, predict the speedy restoration of Jehoiachin and the temple vessels. The king's visit to Babylon (Jer 51 59) was probably made to clear himself of compUcity in treasonable plots. Their evil genius, Egypt, however, is busy with the too headstrong upstart rulers ; and about the middle of the reign Z. breaks his covenant with his over-lord and, relying on Egypt, embarks on rebellion. The prophetic view of this movement is, that it is a moral outrage; it is breaking a sworn word (Ezk 17 15- 19) , and thus falsifying the truth of Jeh.

      This act of rebellion against the king of Babylon

      was not the only despite done to "Jeh's oath." Its

      immediate effect, of course, was to

      3. Incon- precipitate the invasion of the Chal- sistencies daean forces, apparently from Riblah

      on the Orontes, where for several years Nebuchadnezzar had his headquarters. Ezk has a striking description of his approach, halting to determine by arrow divination whether to proceed against Judah or Ammon (21 18-23). Before lay- ing siege to Jerus, however, he seems to have spent some time reducing outlying fortresses (of Jer 34 1-7) ; and during the suspense of this time the king sent a deputation to Jeremiah to inquire whether Jeh would not do "according to all his wondrous works," evidently hoping for some such miraculous deliverance as had taken place in the time of Sen- nacherib (Jer 21 Iff). The prophet gives his uniform answer, that the city must fall; advising the house of David also to "execute justice and righteousness." Setting about this counsel as if they would bribe Jeh's favor, the king then entered into an agreement with his people to free all their Hebrew bond-slaves (Jer 34 8-10), and sent back a deputation to the prophet entreating his intercession (Jer 37 3), as if, having bribed Jeh, they might work some kind of a charm on the Divine wUl. Nebuchadnezzar had meanwhile invested the city ; but just then the Egyp army approached to aid Judah, and the Bab krng raised the siege long enough to drive the Egyptians back to their own land; at which, judging that Jeh had interfered as of old, the people caused their slaves to return to their bondage (34 11). This treachery called forth a trenchant prophecy from Jeremiah, predicting not only the speedy return of the Chaldaean army (Jer 37 6-10), but the cap- tivity of the king and the destruction of the city (Jer 34 17-22). It was during this temporary cessation of the siege that Jeremiah, attempting to go to Anathoth to redeem his family property, was seized on the pretext of deserting to the enemy, and put in prison (37 11-15).

      During the siege, which was soon resumed, Z.'s

      character, on its good and bad sides, was revealed

      through his frequent contact with the

      4. Character prophet Jeremiah. The latter was of the King a prisoner most of the time; and the

      indignities which he suffered, and which the king heedlessly allowed, show how the prophet's word and office had fallen in respect (cf the treatment he received, Jer 26 16-19 with 37 15; 38 6). The king, however, was not arrogant and heartless like his brother Jehoiakim; he was weak and without consistent principles ; besides, he was rather helpless and timid in the hands of his headstrong officials (cf 38 5.24-26). His regard for the word of prophecy was rather superstitious than religious: while the prophet's message and counsel were uniformly consistent, he could not bring him- self to follow the will of Jeh, and seemed to thiak that Jeh could somehow be persuaded to change his plans (see Jer 37 17; 38 14^16). His position was an exceedingly difficult one; but even so, he had not the firmness, the wisdom, the consistency for it.

      In his siege of the city Nebuchadnezzar depended mainly on starving it into surrender; and we can- not withhold a measure of admiration for a body of defenders who, in spite of the steadily decreasing

      food supply and the ravages of pestilence, held the city for a year and a half. During this time

      Jeremiah's counsel was well known: the 6. His Fate counsel of surrender, and the promise

      that so they could save their lives (Jer 21 9; 38 2). It was for this, indeed, that he was imprisoned, on the plea that he "weakened the hands" of the defenders; and it was due to the mercy of a foreign slave that he did not suffer death (38 7-9). At length in the 11th year of Z.'s reign, just as the supply of food in the city was exhausted, the Chaldaean army effected a breach in the wall, and the king of Babylon with his high officials came in and sat in the middle gate. Z. and his men of war, seeing this, fled by night, taking the ill-advised route by the road to Jericho; were pursued and captured in the plains of the Jordan; and Z. was brought before the king of Babylon at Riblah. After putting to death Z.'s sons and the nobles of Judah before his eyes, the king of Babylon then put out the eyes of Z. and carried him captive to Babylon, where, it is uncertain how long after, he died. Jeremiah had prophesied that he would die in peace and have a state mourning (Jer 34 4.5); Ezekiel'a prophecy of his doom is enigmatic: "I will bring him to Babylon to the land of the Chal- deans; yet shall he not see it, though he shall die there" (Ezk 12 13).

      The cruelly devised humiUation of the king was only an episode in the tragic doom of the city and

      nation. Nebuchadnezzar was not 6. Doom of minded to leave so stubborn and the Nation treacherous a fortress on his path of

      conquest toward Egypt. A month after the event at Riblah his deputy, Nebuzaradan, entered upon the reduction of the city: burning the temple and all the principal houses, breaking down the walls, carrying away the temple treasures still unpUlaged, including the bronze work which was broken into scrap metal, and deporting the people who were left after the desperate resistance and those who had voluntarily surrendered. The re- ligious and state officials were taken to Riblah and put to death. "So," the historian concludes, "Judah was carried away captive out of his land" (Jer 52 27). This was in 586 BC. This, however, was only the poUtical date of the Bab exile, the retributive limit for those leavings of Israel who for 11 years had played an insincere game of admin- istration and failed. The prophetic date, from which Ezekiel reckons the years of exile, and from which the prophetic eye is kept on the fortunes and character of the people who are to be redeemed, was 597, when Jehoiachin's long imprisonment began and when the flower of Israel, transplanted to a foreign home, began its term of submission to the word and will of Jeh. It was this saving element in Israel who still had a recognized king and a promised future. By both Jeremiah and Ezekiel, Z. was regarded not as Jeh's anointed but as the one whom Nebuchad- nezzar "had made king" (Jer 37 1; Ezk 17 16), "the king that sitteth upon the throne of David" (Jer 29 16). The real last king of Judah was Jehoiachin; Ezekiel's title for Z. is "prince" (Ezk 12 10). John Franklin Genung

      ZEEB, ze'eb, zeb. See Oheb and Zeeb.

      ZELA, ZELAH, ze'la (Pb?, gela' [2 S 21 14]): A city in the territory of Benjamin (Josh 18 28; LXX here omits). Here was the burying-place of the family of Saul, whither the bones of the king and of Jonathan were brought for burial (2 S 21 14; LXX here reads en ti pleurd, translating seld', "side"). The place is not identified. It may be the Zilu of the Am Tab.



      Zedekial] Zenas

      ZELEK, ze'lek (pJS , Qelek, meaning unknown) : An Ammonite, one of David's mighty men (2 S 23 37; 1 Ch 11 39).

      ZELOPHEHAD, zS-lo'fS-had ("insbs, gHoph- hddh, meaning unknown): Head of a Manassite family who died without male issue (Nu 26 33; 27 1.7; 36; Josh 17 3; 1 Ch 7 15). His daughters came to Moses and Eleazar and suc- cessfully pleaded for a possession for themselves (Nu 27 1 ff). This became the occasion for a law providing that in the case of a man dying without sons, the inheritance was to pass to his daughters if he had any. A further request is made (Nu 36 2 ff) by the heads of the Gileadite houses that the women who were given this right of inheritance should be compelled to marry members of their own tribe, so that the tribe may not lose them and their property. This is grante'd and becomes law among the Hebrews.

      Gray says (.ICC on Nu 26 33) that the "daughters" of Zelophehad are towns or clans.

      David Francis Roberts

      ZELOTES, zS-lo'tez (ZuXwt^js, Zelotts). See Simon the Zealot; Zealot, Zealots.

      ZELZAH, zel'za (n^bs, geleah; aWofiivovi Ixe^dXa, hallomAnous megdla) : A place where Samuel told Saul he would meet two men with news that the asses were found. Its position is defined as "by Rachel's sepulchre, in the border of Benjamin" (1 S 10 2). It has been thought that the place of meeting was sufficiently indicated without the word h'gelgah, which is tr* "at Zelzah," and that this can- not therefore be a place-name. The LXX "leaping mightily" or "in great haste" (Ewald) points to a different text. Whether the Gr can be so tr"" is also a question, as megala does not elsewhere occur as an advb. Some corruption of the text is probable. The border of Benjamin may be roughly determined, but the tomb of Rachel is now unknown. No nadie like Zelzah has been recovered in the district. Smith ("Samuel," ICC, ad loc.) suggests that we should read "Zela" for "Zelzah" (^bs , sela\\ for nabji , gelgah). W. Ewing

      ZEMARAIM, zem-a-ra'im (D'^'ITa? , cfmarayim; B, SapdL, Sard, A, Se|ipC|j., Semrim): A city in the territory of Benjamin. It is named between Beth- arabah and Bethel (Josh 18 22), and is probably to be sought E. of the latter city. It is usual to identify it with es-Samra, a ruin about 4 miles N. of Jericho. Mt. Zemaraim probably derived its name from the city, and must be sought in the neighborhood. On this height, which is said to be in Mt. Ephraim, Abijah, king of Judah, stood when making his appeal to the men of Israel under Jero- boam (2 Ch 13 4). If the identification with es- Samra is correct, this hill must be in the uplands to the W., es-Samra being on the floor of the valley. Dillmann (Josh, ad loc.) thinks Zemaraim cannot be so far E. of Bethel, but may be found somewhere to the S. of that town. W. Ewing

      ZEMARITE, zem'a-rit Clia^n , ha^g'marl; i Safiapatos, ho Samaralos) : A Can. people named in Gen 10 18; 1 Ch 1 16. The occurrence of the name between Arvadite and Hamathite gives a hint as to locality. A place called gumur is mentioned in the Am Tab along with Arvad. The name prob- ably survives in that of Sumra, a village on the seaooast between Tripolia and Buwad, about IJ miles N. of Nahr el-Kebir. We may with some cer- tainty identify this modem village with the site of the town from which the inhabitants were named "Zemarites."

      ZEMIRAH, zS-mi'ra (n"1"''aT, ifmirdh, meaning uncertain; LXX B, 'A|iap£as, Amarias, A, Za|jia- pCas, Zamarias; AV Zemira) : A descendant of Ben- jamin (1 Ch 7 8), but more probably of Zebulun (Curtis, Chron., 145 ff).

      ZENAN, ze'nan. See Zaanan.

      ZENAS, ze'nas (Zrivas, Zends [Tit 3 13]; the

      name in full would probably be Zenodorus, lit.

      meaning "the gift of Zeus") : Paul calls

      1. A Jewish Zenas "the lawyer." The meaning of Lawyer this is, that, previous to his becoming

      a Christian, he had been a Jewish lawyer. The lawyers were that class of Jewish teachers who were specially learned in the Mosaic Law, and who interpreted that Law, and taught it to the people.

      They are met with again and again in the Gospels, where they frequently came into contact with Christ, usually In a manner hostile to Him. For example, "A certain lawyer stood up and made trial of him, saying. Teacher, what shall I do to inherit eternal Ute?" (Lk 10 25). Our Lord replied to him on his own ground, asking, "What is written in the law f how readest thou ? " Regarding this class of teachers as a whole. It is recorded that "the Pharisees and lawyers rejected tor themselves the counsel of God" (Lk 7 30). The term nomikds, "lawyer," appUed to Zenas, is in the Gospels varied by nomodiddskalos, "a teacher of the^Iaw," and by gram- maietis, "a scribe": all three terms describe the same persons. Before his conversion to Christ, Zenas had been a lawyer, one of the recognized expounders of the Law of Moses.

      A diflEerent view of Zeuas' occupation is taken by Zahn {Intro to the NT, II, 54), who says that in itself nomikos could denote a rabbi, quoting Ambrosiaster, "Because Zenas had been of this profession in the synagogue, Paiil calls him by this name." But Zahn gives his own opinion that "since the Jewish scribe who became a Christian, by that verj; act separated hiroseU from the rabbinic body, and since the retention of rabbinic methods and ways of thinking was anything but a recom- mendation in Paul's eyes (1 Tim 1 7), Zenas is here characterized, not as legis (Mosaicae), doctor, but as juris peritus. The word denotes not an office, but usu- ally the practical lawyer, through whose assistance e.g. a will is made, or a lawsuit carried on. Plutarch applies this name to the renowned jurist Mucius Scae- vola."

      The ordinary meaning seems preferable, which sees in Zenas one who previous to his conversion had been a Jewish rabbi.

      It is not certain where Paul was when he wrote

      the Ep. to Titus. But he directs Titus to come to

      him to Nioopohs, where he had resolved

      2. Paul's to spend the ensuing winter. And Wishes he adds the injunction that he desires regarding him to "bring Zenas the lawyer and Zenas ApoUos" — Paul's old friend from Alex- andria—with him "on their journey

      diligently, that nothing be wanting unto them" (AV). This may mean that Paul wished to have Zenas and ApoUos with him at Nicopolis; but, on the other hand, it may not have this meaning. For the AV in translating "bring" is in error. The word signifies, as given in RV, "set forward" on their journey, that is, furnish them with all that they need for the journey. But even supposing Paul is not instructing Titus to bring Zenas and ApoUos to NioopoUs — though this is perhaps what he means — ^yet it is most interesting to find these two friends of the apostle mentioned in this particular way, and esp. at a time so near to the close of his life. Paul was unselfish as ever, solicitous that Zenas and ApoUos be comfortably provided for on their in- tended journey. He is full of affectionate regard for them, interested in their welfare at every step; whUe he himself is far distant in another country, he remembers them with tender and sympathetic friendship. Doubtless the two friends reciprocated his affection. . .

      Nothing more is known of Zenas than is contamed in this passage. John Rtjtherfurd

      Zend-Avesta Zeph, Book of



      ZEND-AVESTA, zend-a-ves'ta. Religion; Zoroasteianism.

      See Persian

      ZEPHANIAH, zef-a-ni'a (H'^,???, s'phanyah, irr^JSS , s'phanyahu, "Jeh hath treasured") :

      (1) The prophet. See Zephaniah, Book of.

      (2) A Levite or priest (1 Ch 6 36 [Heb 6 21]), called in some genealogies "Uriel" (1 Ch 6 24; 15 5.11).

      (3) Judaean father or fathers of various con- temporaries of Zechariah, the prophet (Zee 6 10.14).

      (4) A priest, the second in rank in the days of Jeremiah. He was a leader of the "patriotic" party which opposed Jeremiah. Nevertheless, he was sent to the prophet as a messenger of King Zedekiah when Nebuchadnezzar was about to attack the city (Jer 21 1) and at other crises (Jer 37 3; of 29 25.29; 2 K 25 18). That he continued to adhere to the policy of resistance against Bab authority is indicated by the fact that he was among the leaders of Israel taken by Nebuzaradan before the king of Babylon, and kiUed at Riblah (2 K 25 18 II Jer 52 24). Nathan Isaacs

      ZEPHANIAH, APOCALYPSE OF: A (probably) Jewish apocryphal work of this name is mentioned in the Stichometry of Nicephorus and another list practically identical with this; a quotation from it is also preserved by Clement of Alexandria (Strom., v.

      II. 77). Dr. Charles thinks this indicates a Chris- tian revision (Enc Brit, II, art. "Apocalypse"); others suppose it to point to a Christian, rather than a Jewish, origin. See Schurer, HJP, div II, vol III, pp. 126-27, 132; GJV\\ III, 367-69.


      I, The Author

      1. Name

      2. Ancestry

      3. Life II. Time

      1. Date

      2. Political Situation

      3. Moral and EeUgious Conditions

      III. Book

      1. Contents

      2. Integrity

      IV. Teaching

      1. The Day of Jehovah

      2. UniversaUsm

      3. Messianic Prophecy Literature

      /. The Author.— The name "Zephaniah" (n';:SS ,

      S'phanydh; 2o(f>ovlas, Sophonias), which is borne

      by three other men mentioned in the

      1. Name OT, means "Jeh hides," or "Jeh has

      hidden" or "treasured." "It sug- gests," says G. A. Smith, "the prophet's birth in the killing time of Manasseh" (2 K 21 16).

      The ancestry of the prophet is carried back four

      generations (1 1) , which is unusual in the OT (cf Isa

      1 1; Hos 1 1); hence it is thought,

      2. Ancestry not without reason (Eiselen, Minor

      Prophets, 505), that the last-mentioned ancestor, Hezekiah, must have been a prominent man — indeed, no other than King Hezekiah of Judah, the contemporary of Isaiah and Micah. If Zephaniah was of royal blood, his condemnation of the royal princes (1 8) becomes of great interest, In a similar manner did Isaiah, who in all prob- ability was of royal blood, condemn without hesita- tion the shortcomings and vices of the rulers and the court. An ancient tradition declares that Z. was of the tribe of Simeon, which would make it impossible for him to be of royal blood; but the origiQ and value of this tradition are uncertain.

      Zephaniah lived in Judah; that he lived in Jerus is made probable by the statement in 1 4, "I will

      out off ... . from this place," as well as by his intimate knowledge of the topography of the city

      (1 10.11). For how long he continued 3. Life his prophetic activity we do not know,

      but it is not improbable that, as in the case of Amos, his public activity was short, and that, after delivering his message of judgment in connection with a great political crisis, he retired to private life, though his interest in reforms may have continued (2 K 23 2).

      //. rime.— The title (1 1) places the prophetic activity of Zephaniah somewhere within the reign

      of Josiah, that is, between 639 and 608

      1. Date BC. Most scholars accept this state-

      ment as historically correct. The most important exception is E. Koenig (Einl, 252 ff), who places it in the decade following the death of Josiah. Koenig's arguments are altogether in- conclusive, while all the' internal evidence points toward the reign of Josiah as the period of Zepha- niah's activity. Can the ministry of the prophet be more definitely located within the 31 years of Josiah? The latter' s reign falls naturally into two parts, separated by the great reform of 621. Does the work of Zephaniah belong to the earlier or the later period?

      The more important arguments in favor of the later period are : (a) Dt 28 29 . 30 is quoted in Zeph 1 13.15.17, in a manner which shows that the former boolc was well known, but, according to the modern view, the Deuteronomic Code was not known until 621, because it was lost (2 K 28 8). ib) The "remnant of Baal" (1 4) points to a period when much of the Baal-worship had been removed, which means subsequent to 621. (c) The condemnation of the "king's sons" (1 8) pre- supposes that at the time of the utterance they had reached the age of moral responsibility ; this again points to the later period. These arguments are inconclusive: (a) The resemblances between Dt and Zeph are of such a general character that dependence of either passage on the other is improbable. (6) The expression in 1 4 bears an interpretation which made its use quite appro- priate before 621 (Eiselen, Minor Prophets, 508^. (c) "King's sons" may be equivalent to "royal princes," referring not to Josiah's clilldren at all. The last two objections lose all force if the LXX readings are accepted (1 4, "names of Baal"; 1 8, "house of the king").

      On the other hand, there are. several considera- tions pointing to the earlier date: (a) The youth of the king would make it easy for the royal princes to go to the excesses condemned in 1 8.9. (6) The idolatrous practices condemned by Zephaniah (1 3-5) are precisely those abolished in 621. (c) The temper described in 1 12 is explicable before 621 and after the death of Josiah in 608, but not between 621 and 608, when rehgious enthusiasm was wide- spread, (d) Only the earlier part of Josiah's reign furnishes a suitable occasion for the prophecy. Evidently at the time of its delivery an enemy was threatening the borders of Judah and of the sur- rounding nations. But the only foes of Judah during the latter part of the 7th cent, meeting all the con- ditions are the Scythians, who swept over Western Asia about 625 BC. At the time the prophecy was delivered their advance against Egypt seems to have been still in the future, but imminent (1 14) ; hence the prophet's activity may be placed between 630 and 625, perhaps in 626. If this date is cor- rect, Zephaniah and Jeremiah began their minis- tries in the same year.

      Little can be said about the political conditions

      in Judah during the reign of Josiah, because the

      Bib. books are silent concerning them.

      2. Political Josiah seems to have remained loyal Situation to his Assyr lord to the very end, even

      when the latter's prestige had begun to wane, and this loyalty cost him his Hfe (2 K 23 29). As already suggested, the advance of the Scythians furnished the occasion of the prophecy. Many questions concerning these Scythians remain still unanswered, but this much is clear, that they



      Zend-Avesta Zeph, Book of

      were a non-Sem race of barbarians, which swept in great hordes over Western Asia during the 7th cent. BC (see Scythians). The prophet looked upon the Scythians as the executioners of the Divine judgment upon his sinful countrymen and upon the surrounding nations; and he saw in the coming of the mysterious host the harbinger of the day of Jeh.

      The Book of Zeph, the early discourses of Jer, and 2 K 21-23 furnish a vivid picture of the social,

      moral, and religious conditions in 3. Moral Judah at the time Zephaniah prophe- aad Reli- sied. Social injustice and moral cor- gious Con- ruption were widespread (3 1.3.7). ditions Luxury and extravagance might be

      seen on every hand; fortunes were heaped up by oppressing the poor (1 8.9). The religious situation was equally bad. The reac- tion under Manasseh came near making an end of Jeh-worship (2 K 21). Amon followed in the foot- steps of his father, and the outlook was exceedingly dark when Josiah came to the throne. Fortunately the young king came under prophetic influence from the beginning, and soon undertook a religious reform, which reached its culmination in the 18th year of his reign. When Zephaniah preached, this reform was still in the future. The BaaUm were still worshipped, and the high places were flourish- ing (1 4) ; the hosts of heaven were adored upon the housetops (15); a haK-hearted Jeh-worship, which in reality was idolatry, was widespread (1 5) ; great multitudes had turned entirely from following Jeh (1 6). When the cruel Manasseh was allowed to sit undisturbed upon the throne for more than 50 years, many grew skeptical and questioned whether Jeh was taking any interest in the affairs of the nation; they began to say in their hearts, "Jeh will not do good, neither will he do evil" (1 12). Conditions could hardly be otherwise, when the religious leaders had become misleaders (3 4). The few who, amid the general corruption, remained faithful would be insufficient to avert the awful judgment upon the nation, though they themselves might be "hid in the day of Jeh's anger" (2 3).

      ///. The Book. — The Book of Zeph falls naturally into two parts of unequal length. The first part (1 2 — 3 8) contains, almost exclusively, 1. Contents denunciations and threats; the second (3 9-20), a promise of salvation and glorification. The prophecy opens with the an- nouncement of a world judgment (1 2.3), which will be particularly severe upon Judah and Jerus, because of idolatry (vs 4r-6). The ungodly nobles will suffer most, because they are the leaders in crime (vs 8.9). The judgment is imminent (ver 7); when it arrives there will be wailing on every hand (vs 10. 11). No one will escape, even the indifferent skep- tics will be aroused (vs 12. 13) . In the closing verses of ch 1, the imminence and terribleness of the day of Jeh are emphasized, from which there can be no escape, because Jeh has determined to make a "ter- rible end of all them that dwell in the land" (vs 14- 18) A way of escape is offered to the meek; if they seek Jeh, they may be "hid in the day of Jeh (2 1-3) Zeph 2 4-15 contains threats upon 5 na- tions, P'hilistia (vs 4-7), Moab and Ammon (vs 8- 11), Ethiopia (ver 12), Assyria (vs 13-15). In 3 1 the prophet turns once more to Jerus. Leaders, both civil and religious, and people are hopelessly cor- rupt (vs 1-4), and continue so in spite of Jeh s many attempts to wm the city back to purity (vs 5-7); hence the judgment which will involve all nations has become inevitable (ver 8). A remnant of the nations and of Judah will escape and find rest and peace in Jeh (vs 9-13) . The closing section (vs 14- 20) pictures the joy and exaltation of the redeemed daughter of Zion.

      The authenticity of every verse in chs 2 and 3, and of several verses in ch 1, has been questioned by

      one or more scholars, but the passages 2. Integrity rejected or questioned with greatest

      persistency are 2 1-3.4-15 (esp. vs 8- 11); 3 9.10.14-20. The principal objection to 2 1-3 is the presence in 2 3 of the expressions "meek of the earth," and "seek meekness." It is claimed that "meek" and "meekness" as religious terms are post-exilic. There can be no question that the words occur more frequently in post-exilic psalms and proverbs than in preexilic writings, but it cannot be proved, or even shown to be probable, that the words might not have been used in Zepha- niah's day (cf Ex 10 3; Nu 12 3; Isa 2 9ff; Mic 6 8). A second objection is seen in the difference of tone between these verses and ch 1. The latter, from beginning to end, speaks of the terrors of judgment; 2 1-3 weakens this by offering a way of escape. But surely, judgment cannot have been the last word of the prophets; in their thought, judgment always serves a disciplinary purpose. They are accustomed to offer hope to a remnant. Hence 2 1-3 seems to form the necessary comple- tion of ch 1.

      The objections against 2 4-15 as a whole are equally inconclusive. For vs 13-15, a date preceding the fall ol Nineveh seems most suitable. The threat against Philistia (vs 4-7) also is quite inteUigible in the days of Zephaniah, lor the Scythians passed right through the PhiU territory. It Ethiopia stands for Egypt, ver 12 can easily be accounted for as coming from Zephaniah, for the enemies who were going along the Mediterranean coast must inevitably reach Egypt. But if it is insisted upon that the reference is to Ethiopia proper, again no diSaeulty exists, for in speaking of a world judgment Zephaniah might mention Ethiopia as the representative of the far south. Against vs 8-11 the following objec- tions are raised: (o) Moab and Ammon were far removed from the route taken by the Scythians. (6) The "re- proaches" of 2 8.10 presuppose the destruction ol Jerus (Ezk 25 3.6.8). (c) The attitude ol the prophet toward Judah (vs 9.10) is the exact opposite of that expressed in ch 1. (d) The klnah meter, which predominates in the rest of the section, is absent from vs 8-11. (e) Ver 12 is the natural continuation ol ver 9. These five arguments are by no means conclusive: (a) The prophet is announ- cing a world judgment. Could this be executed by the Scythians if they conftned themselves to the territory along the Mediterranean Sea? (6) Is it true that the "reproaches" of 2 8.10 presuppose the destruction of Jerus ? (c) The promises in 2 7.8-10 are only to a remnant, which presupposes a judgment such as is an- nounced m ch 1. (d) Have we a right to demand con- sistency in the use of a certain meter in oratory, and, if so, may not the apparent inconsistency be due to cor- ruption ol the text, or to a later expansion ol an authentic oracle 7 (e) Vs 8-11 can be said to interrupt the thought only if it is assumed that the prophet meant to enumerate the nations in the order in which the Scythians naturally would reach their territory. Prom Philistia they would natiurally pass to Egypt. But is this assumption war- ranted? While the objections against the entire para- graph are inconclusive, it cannot be denied that ver 12 seems the natural continuation of ver 9, and since vs 10 and 11 differ in other respects from those preceding, suspicion of the originality of these two verses cannot be suppressed.

      Zeph 3 1-8 is so similar to ch 1 that its originality cannot be seriously questioned, but vs 1-8 carry with them vs 9-13, which describe the purifying effects of the judgment announced in vs 1-8. The present text of ver 10 may be corrupt, but if properly emended there remains insufficient reason for ques- tioning vs 10 and 11. The authenticity of 3 14-20 is more doubtful than that of any other section of Zeph. The buoyant tone of the passage forms a marked contrast to the somber, quiet strain of vs 11-13; the judgments upon Judah appear to be in the past; vs 18-20 seem to presuppose a scattering of the people of Judah, while the purifying judgment of vs 11-13 falls upon the people in their own land; hence there is much justice in Davidson's remark that "the historical situation presupposed is that of Isa 40 ff." On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that the passage is highly poetic, that it presents an ideal picture of the future, in the drawing

      Zephath Zerubbabel



      of which imagination must have played some part, and it may be difficult to assert that the composi- tion of this poem was entirely beyond the power of Zephaniah's enlightened imagination. But while the bare possibility of Zephaniah's authorship may be admitted, it is not impossible that 3 14-20 con- tains a "new song from God," added to the utter- ances of Zephaniah at a period subsequent to the fall of Jerus.

      IV. Teaching. — Theteaching of Zephaniah closely resembles that of the earher prophetic books. Jeh is the God of the universe, a God of righteousness and holiness, who expects of His worshippers a life in accord with His will. Israel are His chosen people, but on account of rebelhon they must suffer severe punishment. Wholesale conversion seems out of the question, but a remnant may escape, to be exalted among the nations. He adds little, but attempts with much moral and spiritual fervor to impress upon his contemporaries the fundamental truths of the religion of Jeh. Only a few points deserve special mention.

      Earlier prophets had spoken of the day of Jeh;

      Amos (5 18-20) had described it in language similar

      to that employed by Zephaniah; but

      1. The Day the latter surpasses all his predecessors of Jehovah in the emphasis he places upon this

      terrible manifestation of Jeh (see EscHATOLOGT OF THE OT). His entire teaching centers around this day; and in the Book of Zeph we find the germs of the apocalyptic visions which become so common in later prophecies of an escha- tologioal character. Concerning this day he says (a) that it is a day of terror (1 15), (5) it is immi- nent (1 14), (c) it is a judgment for sin (1 17), (d) it falls upon all creation (1 2.3; 2 4-15; 3 8), (e) it is accompanied by great convulsions in Nature (1 15), (/) a remnant of redeemed Hebrews and foreigners will escape from its terrors (2 3; 3 9-13). The vision of the book is world-wide. The ter- rors of the day of Jeh will fall upon all. In the same manner from all nations converts will

      2. TJniver- be won to Jeh (3 9.10). These will salism not be compelled to come to Jerus

      to worship Jeh (Isa 2 2; Mic 4 1); they may worship Him "every one from his place" (2 11), which is a step in the direction of the utter- ance of Jesus in Jn 4 21.

      The Messianic King is not mentioned by Zephaniah.

      Though he draws a sublime picture of the glories of the

      Messianic age (3 14—20), there is not a

      3. Mas- word concerning the person of the Mes- ^:««:» sianlc King. Whatever is done is aceom- fj^^^ plished by Jeh Himself.

      Prophecy Literatubb. — Comms. on the Minor

      Prophets by Ewald, Pusey, Keil, Orelh, G. A. Smith (Expositor's Bible); Driver (New Cent.); Eiselen; A. B. Davidson, Comtn. on Nah, Hab, and Zeph (Cambridge Bible); A. P. Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets; Eiselen, Prophecy and the Prophets; P. W. Farrar, "Minor Prophets," Men of the Bible; S. R. Driver, LOT; HDB, art. "Zeph, Book of"; EB, art. "Zeph."

      F. C. Eiselen ZEPHATH, ze'fath. See Hokmah.

      ZEPHATHAH, zef'a-tha, VALLEY OF (S^a nnSS , ge's'pkatMh; LXX Kard poppdv, kaid borrdn, reading npiSS , s'phonah, instead of nnS? , g'phd- thah) : This is the place where Asa met and defeated the Ethiopians under Zerah (2 Ch 14 10). It is said to be at Mareshah. No name resembling this has been recovered there. Possibly, therefore, the LXX rendering is right, "in the ravine to the N. of Mare- shah." In that case the battle may have been fought in Wddy el/'Afranj.

      ZEPHI, ze'fi, ZEPHO, ze'fo 092 , ^.'yhi, perhaps "gaze," or "gazing," in 1 Ch 1 36; iSif , (;'Tpho, the same meaning in Gen 36 11.15): A duke of

      Edom. LXX has 'Sael, Zaphoei (=iS2i, i.e. Zepho), for Iram. Skinner holds it probable that the two names, Zepho and Iram, were in the original text, thus making the number 12 (cf Lagarde, Sept.-Stud., II, 10, 1. 178; 37, I. 270; Nestle, Margin., 12). Luc. has Saxpdp, Sophdr, in Gen 36 11.15; Sewcpov^, SepphovA, in 1 Ch 1 37, and 'Siaipoilv, Saphoin, in Gen 36 43.

      David Francis Roberts ZEPHO N, ze'fon. See Ziphion.

      ZEPHO NITES, ze'fon-its, zS-fo'nits C^DiS^D, ha-ff'phom; 6 "S-a^avl, ho Saphonl, A omits): A family of Gadites descended from Zephon (Nu 26 15), who is called "Ziphion" in Gen 46 16.

      ZER, zer, zer (12 , ger; in LXX the verse [Josh 19 35] reads Kal al iriXets reix^peis tuv Tvplav, K.T.\\.,

      kai hai pdleis teichtreis ton Turion, which implies a Heb text with D''iSn, ha-surim, "Tyrians"; this must be an error): One of the fortified cities in Naphtali, named between Ziddim (Hattin) and Hammath (el-Hammeh, S. of Tiberias). If the text is correct, it must have lain on the slopes W. of the Sea of Galilee. It is not identified.

      ZERAH, ze'ra (HIT , zerah, meaning uncertain) :

      (1) In Gen 38 30; 46 12; Nu 26 20; Josh 7 1. 18.24; 22 20; 1 Ch 2 4.6; 9 6; Neh 11 24; Mt 1 3, younger twui-son of Judah and Tamar, and an ancestor of Achan. In Nu 26 20; Josh 7 17 f he is the head of the Zerahites (also 1 Ch 27 11.13). AV has "Zarah" in Gen 38 30; 46 12, and "Zar- hites" for "Zerahites" in Nu, Josh and 1 Ch. See Curtis (Chron., 84 f) for identification of Ezrahite with Zerahite.

      (2) Edomites: (a) an Edomite chief (Gen 36 13.17; 1 Ch 1 37); (6) father of an Edomite king (Gen 36 33; 1 Ch 1 44).

      (3) Levites: (o) 1 Ch 6 21 (Heb ver 6); (6) 1 Ch 6 41 (Heb ver 26).

      (4) Head of the Zerahites (Nu 26 13, AV "Zar- hites"; 1 Ch 4 24). In Nu 26 13="Zohar" of Gen 46 10; Ex 6 15. SeeZoHAR, (2).

      (5) Cushite king (2 Ch 14 9). See next art.

      David Francis Roberts ZERAH (THE ETHIOPIAN) (^iCISn nnT , zeraJji, ha-kushl [2 Ch 14 9]; Zaps, Zdre): A generation ago the entire story of Zerah's conquest of Asa, coming as it did from a late source (2 Ch 14 9-15), was regarded as "apocryphal": "If the incredi- bilities are deducted nothing at all is left" (WeU- hausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel, 207, 208); but most modern scholars, while accepting certain textual mistakes and making allowance for customary oriental hyperbole in description, accept this as an honest historical narrative, "nothing" in the Egyp inscriptions being "inconsistent" with it (Nicol in BD; and cf Sayce, HCM, 362-64) . The name "Zerah" is a "very likely corruption" of "Usar- kon'' (U-Serak-on), which it closely resembles (see Petrie, Egypt and Israel, 74), and most writers now identify Zerah with Usarkon II, though the Egyp records of this particular era are deficient and some competent scholars still hold to Usarkon I (Wiede- mann, Petrie, McCurdy, etc). The pubHcation by Naville (1891) of an inscription in which Usar- kon II claims to have invaded "Lower and Upper Palestine" seemed to favor this Pharaoh as the victor over Asa; but the chronological question is difficult (Eighth Memoir of the Egyp Exploration Fund, 51). The title "the Cushite" (Heb) is hard to understand. There are several explanations



      Zephath Zerubbabel

      possible. (1) Wiedemann holds that this may refer to a real Ethiopian prince, who, though iinrecorded in the monuments, may have been reigning at the Asa era. _ There is so httle known from this era "that it is not beyond the bounds of probability for an Ethiopian invader to have made himself master of the Nile Valley for a time" {Geschichte von Ali-Aegypien, 155). (2) Recently it has been the fashion to refer this term "Cushite" to some unknown ruler in South or North Arabia (Winckler, Cheyne, etc). The term "Cushite" permits this, for although it ordinarily corresponds to Ethiopia (c(- V. ), yet sometimes it designates the tract of Arabia which must be passed over in order to reach Ethiopia (Jeremias, TheOT inthe Light of Ancient East, 1,280) or perhaps a much larger district (see BD; EB; Hommel, AHT; Winckler, KAT, etc). This view, however, is forced to explain the geographical and racial terms in the narrative differently from the ordinary Bib. usage (see Cheyne, EB). Dr. W. M. Flinders Petrie points out that, according to the natural sense of the narrative, this army must have been Egyp, for (a) after the defeat it fled toward Egypt, not eastward toward Arabia; (6) the cities around Gerar (probably Egyp towns on the frontier of Pal), toward which they naturally fled when defeated, were plundered; (c) the invaders were Cushim and Lubim (Libyans), and this could only be the case in an Egyp army; (d) Mareshah is a well-known town close to the Egyp frontier {Hist of Egypt, III, 242-^3; cf Konig, Fiinfneue arah. Land- schaftsnamen im AT, 53-57). _ (3) One of the Usar- kons might be called a "Cushite" in an anticipatory sense, since in the next dynasty (XXIII) Eg3^t was ruled by Ethiopian kings.

      Camden M. Cobbrn ZERAHIAH, zer-a-hl'a (H^nnt, z'rahyah, "Jeh hath risen" or "come forth"; LXX Zapaia, Zaraid, with variants):

      (1) A priest of the hne of Eleazar (1 Ch 6 6.51; Ezr 7 4).

      (2) A head of a family, who returned with Ezra from Babylon (Ezr 8 4).

      ZERAHITES, ze'rar-hits Cm/in, ha^zarhl; B, 6 ZapaC, ho Zarai, A, 6 ZapaeC, ho Zarad; AV Zarhites) :

      (1) A family of Simeonites (Nu 26 13).

      (2) Descendants of Zerah, son of Judah (Nu 26 20). To this family Achan belonged (Josh 7 17), as did also two of David's captains (1 Ch 27 11.13).

      ZERED, ze'red (TIT , zeredh; B, ZAper, Zdret, A, Zdpe, Zdre; AVZared[Nu 21 12]): This is the raa?ioZ or "torrent valley" given as the place where Israel encamped before they reached the Amon (Nu 21 12). In Dt 2 13 f, the crossing of the brook Zered marks .the end of the 38 years' desert wanderings. It has often been identified with WMy el-'-Ahsd, which runs up from the southeastern corner of the Dead Sea. A fatal objection to this is that the host had entered the wilderness to the E. of Moab before they crossed the Zered (Nu 21 11), while Wddy el-^Ahsa must have formed the southern boundary of Moab. We may conclude with cer- tainty that one of the confluents of Wddy Kerah is intended, but which, it is impossible now to say. W. EwiNG

      ZEREDAH, zer'g-da, ZEREDATH, zer'g-dath, ZEREDATHA, zer-e-da'tha, ZERERAH, zer'S-ra, ZERERATH, zer'g-rath. See Zabbthan.

      ZERESH, ze'resh (TB^! , zeresh, "gold," from the Pers; Suo-dpa, Sosdra): The wife of Haman (Est 6 10.14; 6 13), the vizier of Xerxes.

      ZERETH, ze'reth (innS, gerelh, meaning un- known): A Judahite (1 Ch 4 7).

      ZERETH-SHAHAR, ze'reth-sha'har (rTIS ">niBn , gereth ha-shahdr; B, SepeSol Kal SeCwv, Seredd kal Seion, A, SopB Kal Si^p, Sdrth kai Sior): A town in the territory of Reuben, "in the mount of the valley," named with Kiriathaim and Sibmah (Josh 13 19). Perhaps in the name Hammat e?- Sara, attaching to the hot springs near Machaerus, there may be some echo of the ancient name; but no identification is possible.

      ZERI, ze'rl CIS , g'n, meaning unknown) : "Son" of Jeduthun, and a temple musician (1 Ch 25 3) = "Izri" of ver 11, which should be read here. See


      ZEROR, ze'r6r (Til?, {'ror, meaning imknown; LXX 'Apl8, Arid, Luc, Sapi, Sard) : An ancestor of Kish and King Saul (1 S 9 1). See Zto, (2).

      ZERUAH, zS-roo'a (iiyilS , e'rH^ah, perhaps "leprous"): Mother of King Jeroboam I (1 K 11 26), LXX, B and Luc. omit the name in 11 26, but the long LXX after MT of 12 24 reads (ver 246) : ' 'And there was a man of the hill-country of Ephraim, a servant of Solomon, and his name was Jeroboam, and the name of his mother was Sareisa [LXX Sapeio-d, Sareisd] a harlot." See Zaeethan.

      ZERUBBABEL, ze-rub'a-bel (^?3fT. 2'™^-

      bdbhel, probably a transliteration of the ]3ab name

      Zeru-Babili, "seed of Babylon"; Zopo-

      1. Name pdp«X, Zorobdbel) : Is commonly called

      the son of Shealtiel (Ezr 3 2.8; 5 2; Neh 12 1; Hag 1 1.12.14; Mt 1 12; Lk 3 27); but in 1 Ch 3 19 he is called the son of Pedaiah, the brother apparently of Shealtiel (Salathiel) and the son or grandson of Jeconiah. It is probable that Shealtiel had no children and adopted Zerubbabel; or that Zerubbabel was his levirate son; or that, Shealtiel being childless, Zerubbabel succeeded to the rights of sonship as being the next of kin.

      Whatever may have been his blood relationship to jeconiah, the Scriptures teach that Zerubbabel

      was his legal successor, of the 3d or

      2. Family 4tli generation. According to 1 Ch

      3 19, he had one daughter, Shelomith, and seven sons, MeshuUam, Hananiah, Hashubah, Ohel, Berechiah, Hasadiah and Jushab-hesed. In Mt 1 13 he is said to have been the father of Abiud (i.e. Abi-hud). As it is the custom in Arabia today to give a man a new name when his first son is born, so it may have been, in this case, that MeshuUam was the father of Hud, and that his name was changed to Abiud as soon as his son was named Hud. In Lk 3 27, the son of Zerubbabel is called Rhesa. This is doubtless_ the title of the head of the captivity, the resh g'lutha' , and would be appropriate as a title of MeshuUam in his ca-

      Sacity as the official representative of the captive ews. That Zerubbabel is said in the NT to be the son of Shealtiel the son of Neri instead of Jeconiah may be accounted for on the supposition that Shealtiel was the legal heir or adopted son of Jeco- niah, who according to Jer 36 30 was apparently to die childless.

      It has been shown in the article on Sheshbazzar

      that he and Zerubbabel may possibly have been the

      same person and that the name may

      3. Relation have been Shamash-ban (or bun)- to Shesh- zer-Babili-u?ur. It seems more prob- bazzar able, however, that Sheshbazzar, the

      prince of Judah, was governor under Cyrus and that Zerubbabel was governor under

      Zenuah Zimri



      Darius. The former, according to Ezr 1 8 and 5 14-16, laid the foundations, and the latter com- pleted the building of the temple (Ezr 2 2.68; 4 2; Hag 1 14; Zee 4 9).

      All that is known certainly about Zerubbabel is found in the canonical books of Zee, Hag and

      Ezr-Neh. According to these he and 4. History Jeshua, the high priest, led up a band

      of captives from Babylon to Jerus and began rebuilding the temple in the second year of Darius Hystaspis. They first constructed the altar of burnt offerings, and afterward built a temple, usually called the Second Temple, much inferior in beauty to that of Solomon. According to Jos and the apocryphal Book of Ezr (1 Esd 3,4), Zerubbabel was a friend of Darius Hystaspis, having success- fully competed before him in a contest whose object was to determine what was the strongest thing in the world — ^wine, kings, women, or truth. Zerub- babel, having demonstrated that truth was the mightiest of all, was called the king's "cousin," and was granted by him permission to go up to Jerus and to build the temple. Zerubbabel was also made a governor of Jerus, and performed also the duties of the tirshatha, an official who was probably the Pers collector of taxes. See Tibshatha.

      _ _^- Dick Wilson

      ZERUIAH, zS-roo-l'a, zS-roo'ya (iT^^IS , s'ruyah, '^'J'^?) g'ruyah [2 S 14 1; 16 10], meaning un- certain; Sttpovto, Sarouia) : In 2 S 2 18; 17 25; 1 Ch 2 16, and elsewhere where the names Joab, Abishai, occur. According to 1 Ch 2 16 a sister of David and mother of Joab, Abishai and Asahel, the two former being always referred to as sons of Zeru- iah. This latter fact is explained by some as point- ing to a type of marriage by which the children belonged to their mother's clan (of Abimelech, Jgs 8 31; 9 1 ff) ; by others as being due to her husband's early death; and again as a proof of the mother in this case being the stronger personality. Either of the last two reasons may be the correct one, and plenty of parallels from the village names of boys today can be produced to illustrate both explana- tions. According to 2 S 2 32, her husband was buried at Bethlehem. In 2 S 17 25, "Abigal the daughter of Nahash" is said to be her sister. See Abigail. David Fbancis Robbbts

      ZETHAM, ze'tham (DJlT , zetham, meaning un- known): A Gershonite Levite (1 Ch 23 8; 26 22). In the second passage Curtis holds that "the sons of Jehieli" is a gloss; he points the MT to read "breth- ren" instead of "brother," and so has "Jehiel [ver 22] and his brethren, Zetham and Joel, were over the treasures."

      ZETHAN, ze'than QIH'^T , zethan, perhaps "ohve tree"): ABenjamite(l Ch 7 10) , but Curtis holds that he is a Zebulunite (fihron., 145 ff).

      ZETHAR, ze'thar (iriT , zethar; Oppert, Est, 25, compares Pers 2aitar, "conqueror" ; see BDB; LXX 'ApoTaJd., Abatazd) : A eunuch of Ahasuerus (Est 1 10).

      ZEUS, zus (Z«vs, Zeiis, RVm; RV and AV Jupiter): The supreme god of Hellenic theology, "king of gods and of men." In 168 BC Antiochus Epiphanes, "who on God's altars danced," bent upon the thorough Hellenization of Judaea and Jerus, sent "an old man of Athens" (or "Geron an Athenian," RVm) to pollute the sanctuary in the temple at Jerus and to call it by the name of Jupiter Olympius, and that at Gerizim by the name of Jupiter Xenius (2 Mace 6 1 ff). Olympius, from Mt. Olympus, the home of the gods, is the favorite

      epithet of Zeus, Zeus Olympius being to the Gr world what Jupiter CapitoUnus was to the Rom. The same Antiochus commenced the splendid temple of Zeus Olympius, finished under Hadrian. Zeus is also frequently styled Xenius or "Protector of strangers" (Juppiter hospitalis) in classical liter- ature. The epithet is here ajDplied because the people of Gerizim — the Samaritans — ^were hospi- table, probably an ironical statement of the author (cf Lk 9 52f). Zeus is also in Acts 14 12 f RVm for JupiTEE (q.v.). S. Angus

      ZIA, zl'a (?''T , 21"', meaning uncertain) : A Gad- ite, possibly the name of a Gadite clan (1 Ch 6 13).

      ZIBA, zi'ba (553''¥ , Qibha', 4532, Qibha' [2 S 16 4a], meaning unknown;. SeipS., Seifcd): A former servant or probably dependent of Saul's house (2 S 9 1 ff), who was brought to David when the king inquired if there was not a member of Saul's family that he could show kindness to (cf David's oath to Jonathan in 1 S 20 14 ff) . Z. teUs David of Mephib- osheth (Meribbaal), Jonathan's son, who is there- upon taken to the king from Lodebar, E. of the Jordan, and given Saul's estate. Z. is also bidden to tiU the land and bring in its produce, and "it shall be food for thy master's son," according to MT in 2 S 9 106; but LXX and Luc. have a better reading, "thy master's household." Mephibosheth himself is to eat at David's table. Z. is to be as- sisted in this by his sons and servants; he had 15 sons and 20 servants (9 10).

      When David has to leave Jerus at the time of Absalom's revolt, Z. (2 S 16 1-4) takes two asses for members of the king's household to ride on, and 200 loaves and 100 clusters of raisins as provisions for the youths. When asked where Mephibosheth is, he accuses his master of remaining behind pur- posely in hopes that his father's kingdom would be restored to him. David then confers upon Z. his master's estate.

      After Absalom's death, David sets out to return to Jerus from Mahanaim, E. of Jordan. Z. with his sons and servants, as we are told in a parenthesis in 2 S 19 17.18a (Heb vs 18.19a), by means of a ferry-boat goes backward and forward over Jordan, and thus enables the king's household to cross. But he has wrongly accused his master of treacher- ous lukewarmness toward David, for Mephibosheth meets the king on his return journey to Jerus (2 S 19 24r-30 [Heb vs 25-31]) with signs of grief. When he is asked why he had not joined the king at the time of the latter's fiight, he answers that Z. de- ceived him, "for thy servant said to him, Saddle me [so read in ver 26 (Heb ver 27) with LXX and Syr for MT 'I will have saddled me'] the ass." He then accuses Z. of falsehood, and David divides the estate between the two, although Mephibosheth is quite wiUing that Z. should retain the whole of it. David Fbancis Robebts

      ZIBEON, zib'5-on ((Vn?, gihh'on, "hyena"; HPN, 95; StPe-yiiv. Sebegon): A Horite chief (Gen 36; 1 Ch 1 38.40); he is called the "Hivite" in Gen 36 2 where "Horite" should be read with vs 20.29. In Gen 36 2.14 Anah is said to be "the daughter of Zibeon," whereas LXX, Sam, Syr, Luc. have "the son of Z."; cf 1 Ch 1 38.40, where also Anah is Z.'s son.

      ZIBIA, zib'i-a (S^52 , sibhyd', perhaps "gazeUe"): A Benjamite (1 Ch 8 9).

      Z IB I AH, zib'i-a (H'^SS, gibhyah, probably "gazeDe"): A woman of Beersheba, mother of King Jehoash (Joash) of Judah (2 K 12 1 [Heb ver 2]; 2 Ch 24 1, BA 'A|8«£, Abid).



      Zeniiah Zimri

      ZICHRI, zik'ri C'llPT , zikhri, meaning uncertain) :

      (1) Le vitas: (o) grandson of Kohath (Ex 6 21, where some AV edd read wrongly "Zithri"); (b) an Asaphite (1 Ch 9 15), called "Zabdi" in Neh 11 17, where LXX A has Zexpi, Zechri = Zichjci, but LXX B other names; see Zabdi, (4); (c) a descendant of Eliezer (1 Ch 26 25).

      (2) Benjamites: (a) 1 Ch 8 19; (6) 1 Ch 8 23; (c) 1 Ch 8 27; (d) Neh 11 9.

      (3) Father of Eliezer, who was one of David's tribal princes (1 Ch 27 16).

      (4) Father of Amasiah, "who willingly offered himself unto Jeh" (2 Ch 17 16).

      (5) Father of Elishaphat, a captain in Jehoiada's time (2 Ch 23 1).

      (6) "A mighty man of Ephraim," who when fighting under Pekah slew the son of Ahaz, the king of Judah (2 Ch 28 7).

      (7) A priest in the days of Joiakim (Neh 12 17) ; the section, vs 14-21, is omitted by LXX B, with the exception of "of Maluchi" (ver 14); Luc. has Zaxapias, Zacharias. David Francis Roberts

      ZIDDIM, zid'im (□"''^Sn , ha-giddim; B, tmv Tvp(ti>v, J5n Turion, A omits): A fortified city in Naphtali (Josh 19 35), probably represented by the modern Hatiin, about 5 miles N.W. of Tiberias, in the opening of the gorge that breaks down sea- ward N. of Kurun Hattln, the traditional Mount of Beatitudes.

      ZID-KIJAH, zid-ki'ja. See Zedekiah, 5.

      ZIDON, zi'don, ZIDONIANS, zi-do'ni-anz. See


      ZIF, zif . See Ziv.

      ZIHA, zi'ha (Sfl'^a, fiV. ^K''^ . f*o' [Neh 7 46], meaning unknown) : An overseer of Nethinim (Neh 11 21) who are caUed (Ezr 2 43; Neh 7 46) "the children [or sons] of Ziha." LXX BA omits Neh 11 20 f, LXX has SiiiX, Sidl, Luc, Siaai), Siaail; in 7 46 LXX B, Si/tJ, Sed, A, Olad, Oiad, Luc, Soi/Xaf, .Soulal; in Ezr 2 43 LXX B, Souffid, Southid, A, Souad, Souad, Luc, SouSSaef, Souddaei.

      ZIKLAG, zik'lag (abpsS , gik'lagh, ib'^^ , gikHagh [2 S 1 1], abpi?, elb'tagh [l Ch 12 1.20]; usually in LXX ScKeXoiK, Sekeldk, or SiKeXdv, Sikeldg): A town assigned (Josh 19 5; 1 Ch 4 30) to Simeon, but in Josh 15 31 named, between Hor- nah and IVIadmannah, as one of the cities of the Negeb of Judah, "toward the border of Edom." It is said (1 S 27 6) to have remained a royal city. In Neh 11 28 it is in the list of towns reinhabited by the returning children of Judah. Its chief asso- ciations are with David. Aohish the Phih king of Gath gave it to David as a residence (1 S 27 6 f ; 1 Ch 12 1.20); it was raided by the Amalekites, on whom David took vengeance and so recovered his property (1 S 30 14.26); here the messenger who came to announce Saul's death was slain (2 S 1 1;

      4 10).

      The site of this important place is not yet fixed with certainty Oonder proposed Zui-eilika, a ruin 11 miles

      5 S E. ol Gaza, and 4 miles N. of Wddy es-Sherl'd, which maybe th^ "Brook Besor" (1 S 30 9.10 21); Rowland (1842) proposed 'Asluj. a heap of rmns S. of Beersheba and 7 miles to the E. of Bered. Neither site is entirely satisfactory. See Wilhams, Holy City, I, 46d-bS, uti, II, 201, P£i?, 288, Sh XX. ^ ^^ ^ ,,

      E. W. G. Masterman ZILLAH, zil'a (nb? , fiZZa/i; SeXXA, SelU) : One of Lamech's wives '(Gen 4 19.22.23). The name is perhaps connected with jeZ, "shadow."

      ZILLETHAI, zil'S-thi, zil-e'thS-I Crt? , QiUHhay, meaning uncertain; AV Zilthai):

      (1) ABenjamite (1 Ch 8 20).

      (2) A IVIanassite who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12 20 [Heb ver 21]).

      ZILPAH, zil'pa (Hsbt, zilpah, meaning uncer- tain; Zik^A., Zelphd): The ancestress of Gad and Asher (Gen 30 10,12; 35 26; 46 18), a slave girl of Leah's, given her by Laban (29 24; 30 9). In Ezk 48 the Zilpah tribes have the 5th division toward the south of Pal and the 6th to the north, a slightly more favorable position than that of the Bilhah tribes.

      ZILTHAI, zil'thl, zil'thS-i. See Zillethai.

      ZIMMAH, zim'a (fTBT , zimmah, perhaps "de- vice," "plan"): A Gershonite Levite (1 Ch 6 20 [Heb ver 5]; also in 6 42 [Heb ver 27] ; 2 Ch 29 12). See Curtis, Chron., 130, 134 ff.

      ZIMRAN, zim'ran CiTpT , zimran, from TOT , zemer, "wild sheep" or "wild goat," the ending -an being gentilic; Skinner, Gen, 350): Son of Abraham andKeturah (Gen 25 2; 1 Ch 1 32). The various MSS of the LXX give the name in different forms, e.g. in Gen A*, Ze^pdv, Zebrdn, S, Zefipdv, Zemrdn, AS Zep-^pip., Zembrdm, D"", Zop,ppdv, Zombrdn, and Luc, Zep.pdv, Zemrdn; in Ch, B has Zep.ppdv, Zem- brdn, A, Zefipdv, Zemrdn, Luc, Zep.pdv, Zemrdn (cf Brooke and McLean's ed of the LXX for Gen).

      Hence some have connected the name with Zabram of Ptol. vl.7.5, W. of Mecca; others with the Zamareni of Pliny (,Ant. vi.lSS) in the interior of Arabia; but according to Skinner and E. Meyer (see Gunkel, Gen', 261) these would be too far south. Curtis (Chron., 72) says the name is probably to be identified with the "Zimri" of Jer 25 25. It would then be the name of a clan, with the mountain sheep or goat as its totem. See


      David Francis Roberts ZIMRI, zim'ri ('^1'QT, zimrt, "wild sheep" or "wild goat"; in 1 Mace AV ZouPpC, Zambri, S, Za\\>,Ppil, Zambrei):

      (1) A Simeonite prince (Nu 25 14; 1 Mace 2 26), slain by Phinehas, Aaron's grandson. Nu 25 1-5 records how the Israelites, while they were at Shittim, began to consort with Moabite women and "they [i.e. the Moabite women] called the people unto the sacrifices of their gods" (ver 2), i.e. as explained by ver 5 to take part in the immoral rites of the god Baal-peor. Moses is bidden to have the offenders punished. The next paragraph (vs 6-9) relates how the people engage in public mourning; but while they do this Zimri brings in among his brethren a Midianitess. Phinehas sees this and goes after Zimri into the kubbah, where he slays the two together, and thus the plague is stayed (vs 6-9).

      The connection between these two paragraphs is dif- ficult; Moabite women are mentioned in the first, a Midianitess in the second; the plague of vs 8f is not previously referred to, although it seems clear that the plague is the cause of the weeping in ver 6. The sequel, vs 16-18, makes the second paragraph have something to do with Baal-peor. Critics assign vs 1-5 to JE, vs 6-18 to P.

      It seems, however, that the two accounts refer to similar circumstances. This is evident if the mean- ing of kubbah in ver 8 be as the Vulg renders it, lupinar, "a. house of ill-repute." The difficulty is that the word only occurs here in the OT, but it has that meaning in New Heb (see Gray, Nu, 385: BDB, however, translates it "a large vaulted tent.' While one narrative says the women were Moabit- esses and the other Midianitesses, the latter section presupposes something like the account in the former; and the point is that Zimri, at the very time that the rest of the people publicly mourned

      Zimri Zion



      because of a plague that was due to their own deal- ings with foreign women, brought a Midianite woman among the people, possibly to be his wife, for he was a prince or chief, and she was the daughter of a Midianite chief. It may be urged that if this be the case, there was nothing wrong in it; but according to Heb ideas there was, and we only need to remember the evil influence of such marriages as those entered into by Solomon, or esp. that of Ahab with Jezebel, to see at any rate a Heb justi- fication for Zimri's death.

      ISTu 31 describes the extermination of the Midianites at the bidding of Moses. All the males are slain by the Israehtes (ver 7), but the women are spared. Moses is angry at this: "Have ye saved all the women ahve ? Behold, these caiised the children of Israel, through the counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass against Jeh in the matter of Peor, and so the plague was among the congre- gation of Jeh" (vs 15 f). Here we find, although the chapter is a Midhrash (see Gray, Nu, 417 ft), that the Hebrews themselves connected the two events of ch 25, but in addition the name of Balaam is also introduced, as again in ver 8, where he is said to have been slain along with the kings of Midian. See further Dt 4 3, and Driver's note on the verse. See BAAiy-pEOK; Balaam; Peor.

      (2) A king of Israel (1 K 16 8-20). See special article.

      (3) A Judahite "son" of Zerah (1 Ch 2 6) = "Zabdi" of Josh 7 1.17 f. See Zabdi, (1).

      (4) A Benjamite, descendant of King Saul (1 Ch 8 36; 9 42).

      (5) In Jer 25 25, where "all the kings of Zimri" are mentioned along with those of Arabia (ver 24) and Elam and the Medes. The name is as yet un- identified, although thought to be that of a people called ZiMRAN (q.v.) in Gen 25 2.

      David Francis Roberts ZIMRI CTOT, zimri; LXX ZouPpeC, Zambrd, Zaji^pC, Zambri): The 5th king of Israel, but who occupied the throne only seven days (1 K 16 9-20). Zimri had been captain of half the chariots under Elah, and, as it seems, made use of his posi- tion to conspire against his master. The occasion for his crime was furnished by the absence of the army, which, under the direction of Omri, was en- gaged in the siege of the Phili town Gibbethon. While Elah was in a drunken debauch in the house of his steward Arza, who may have been an acoom- pUce in the plot, he was foully murdered by Zimri, who ascended the throne and put the remnant of Elah's family to death, thus fulfilling the prophecy of Jehu concerning the house of Baasha. However, the conspiracy lacked the support of the people, for word of the crime no sooner reached Gibbethon, than the army raised Omri to the throne of Israel. Omri at once hastened to Tirzah and captured the place, which as it seems offered little resistance. Zimri resolved to die as king, and accordingly set fire to the palace with his own hands, and perished in the flames that he had kindled. Thus came to an ignominious end the short reign which remained as a blot even upon the blood-stained record of the deeds of violence that ushered in the change of dsmasties in the Northern Kingdom, for the foul crime was abhorred even among arch plotters. When Jehu entered Jezreel he was met with Jeze- bel's bitter taunt, "Is it peace, thou Zimri, thy master's murderer?" (2 K 9 31). The historian too, in the closing formula of the reign, specially mentions "his treason that he wrought."

      S. K. MOSIMAN ZIN, zin 0? , ein; S£v, Sin) : (1) A town in the extreme S. of Judah, on the line separating that province from Edom, named between the ascent of Akrabbim and Kadesh- bamea (Nu 34 4; Josh 15 3). It must have lain somewhere between Wddy el-Filfra (the ascent of

      Akrabbim?) and "A in Kadis (Kadesh-barnea) ; but the site has not been recovered.

      (2) The Wilderness of Zin is the tract deriving its name from the town (Nu 34 3). It is identi- fied with the wilderness of Kadesh in Nu 33 36; while in other places Kadesh is said to be in the wilderness of Zin (Nu 20 1; 27 14; Dt 32 51). We may take it that the two names refer to the same region. The spies, who set out from Kadesh- barnea, explored the land from the wilderness of Zin northward (Nu 13 21; cf 32 8). It bordered with Judah "at the uttermost part of the south" (Josh 15 1). In this wilderness Moses committed the offence which cost him his hope of entering the promised land (Nu 27 14; Dt 32 61). It is identical with the uplands lying to the N. and N.W. of the wilderness of Paran, now occupied by the 'Azazimeh Arabs. W. Ewing

      ZINA, zi'na. See Zizah.

      ZION, zi'on Cjl"? , giyon; 2iuv, Sion) :

      1. Meaning of the "Word

      2. The Zion of the Jebusites

      3. Zion of the Prophets

      4. Zion in Later Poetical Writings

      5. Omission of Name by Some Writers

      6. The Name "Zion" in Christian Times


      A name applied to Jerus, or to certain parts of

      it, at least since the time of David. Nothing certain

      is known of the meaning. Gesenius

      1. Meaning and others have derived it from a Heb of the Word root nns, gahah, "to be dry"; De-

      Utzsch from HIS , giwwah, "to set up," and Wetzstein from ]"^S , gin, "to protect." Ge- senius finds a more hopeful suggestion in the Arab, equivalent ^ihw, the Arab, ^ahwat signifying "ridge of a mountain" or "citadel," which at any rate suitably applies to what we know to have been the original Zion (cf Smith, HGHL, s.v.).

      Considerable confusion has been caused in the past by the want of clear understanding regarding the different sites which have respectively been called "Zion" during the centuries. It wiU make matters clearer if we take the application of the name: in David's time; in the early Prophets, etc; in late poetical writings and in the Apocrypha; and in Christian times.

      Jerus (in the form Uru-sa-lim) is the oldest name

      we know for this city; it goes back at least 400

      years before David. In 2 S 5 6-9,

      2. The Zion "The king and his men went to Jerus

      of the against the Jebusites Never-

      Jebusites theless David took the stronghold of

      Zion; the same is the city of David .... And David dwelt in the stronghold, and called it the city of David." It is evident that Zion was the name of the citadel of the Jebusite city of Jerus. That this citadel and incidentally the then city of Jerus around it were on the long ridge running S. of the Temple (called the south- eastern hiU in the art. Jerusalem, III, [3] [q.v.]) is now accepted by almost all modern scholars, mainly on the following grounds:

      (1) The nmr proximiiy of the site to the only known spring, now the "Virgin's Fount," once called GiHON (q.v.). From our knowledge of other an- cient sites all over Pal, as well as on grounds of co mm on-sense, it is hardly possible to beheve that the early inhabitants of this site with such an abun- dant source at their very doors could have made any other spot their headquarters.

      (2) The suitability of the site for defence. — The sites suited for settlement in early Can. times were all, if we may judge from a number of them now known, of this nature — a rocky spur isolated on



      Zimri Zion

      three sides by steep valleys, and, in many sites, pro- tected at the end where they join the main moun- tain ridge by either a valley or a rocky spur.

      (3) The size of the ridge, though very small to our modern ideas, is far more in keeping with what we know of fortified towns of that period than such an area as presented by the southwestern hill — the traditional site of Zion. Mr. Macalister found by actual excavation that the great walls of Gezer, which must have been contemporaneous with the Jebusite Jerus, measured approximately 4,500 ft. in circumference. G. A. Smith has calculated that a line of wall carried along the known and inferred scarps around the edge of this southeastern hill would have an approximate circumference of 4,250 ft. The suitability of the site to a fortified city Uke Gezer, Megiddo, Soco, and other sites which

      (traditional Zion) to the Temple is to go down. (6) Hezekiah constructed the well-known Siloam tunnel from Gihon to the Pool of Siloam. He is described (2 Ch 32 30) as bringing the waters of Gihon "straight down on the west side of the city of David." (c) Manasseh (2 Ch 33 14) built "an outer wall to the city of David, on the west side of Gihon, in the vaUey" (i.e. nahal — the name of the Kedron valley).

      Zion, renamed the City of David, then originally was on this eastern ridge. But the name did not

      stay there. It would almost seem as 3. Zion if the name was extended to the

      of the Temple site when the ark was carried

      Prophets there, for in the preexilic Prophets the

      references to Zion all appear to have re- ferred to the Temple Hill. To quote a few examples :

      Slope of Zion— Ttkopceon Valley at Right.

      have been excavated, strikes anyone famihar with these places.

      (4) The archaeological remains on these hills found by Warren and Professor Guthe, and more particularly in the recent excavations of Captain Parker (see Jerusalem), show without doubt that this was the earliest settlement in pre-Israelite times. Extensive curves and rock-cuttings, cave-dwellings and tombs, and enormous quantities of early "Amor- ite" (what may be popularly called "Jebusite") pottery show that the spot must have been in- habited many centuries before the time of David. The reverse is equally true; on no other part of the Jerus site has any quantity of such early pottery been found.

      (5) The Bible evidence that Zion originally occu- pied this site is clear. It will be found more m detaU under the heading "City of David" m the art. Jerusalem, IV, (5), but three pomts may be mentioned here: (a) The Ark of the Covenant was brought up out of the city of David to the Temple (1 K 8 1; 2 Ch 5 2), and Pharaoh's daughter "came up out of the city of David unto her house which Solomon had built for her"— adjacent to the Temple (1 K 9 24). This expression "up could not be used of any other hill than of the lower-lying eastern ridge; to go from the southwestern hill

      "And Jeh will create over the whole habitation of mount Zion, and over her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day, and the shining of a flaming fire by

      Citadel of Zion.

      night" (Isa 4 5); "Jeh of hosts, who dwelleth in mount Zion" (Isa 8 18); "Let us go up to Zion unto Jeh our God" (Jer 31 6); "Jeh will reign over them in mount Zion" (Mic 4 7). All these, a,nd numbers more, clearly show that at that time Zion was the Temple Hill.

      Zion Zoan



      In many of the later writings, particularly poetical

      references, Zion appears to be the equivalent of Jerus;

      either in paralleUsm (Ps 102 21; Am 1 2;

      4. Zion in ^^^ 3 10.12; Zee 1 14.17; 8 3; Zeph 3 16)

      r' . T) .. or alone (Jer 3 14; Lam 5 11); even here

      L>aier i'oeti- many of the references wiU do equally well

      cal Writings for the Temple Hill. The term "Daughter

      and Acocrv- "' Zion" is apphed to the captive Jews

      • ^ '^ ^ (Lam 4 22), but in other references to the

      P"" people of Jerus (Isa 18; 52 2; Jer 4 31,

      etc). When we come to the Apocrypha,

      in 2 Esd there are several references in which Zion is used

      of Name by Some Writers

      Stairway in Ancient WaU — Modern Zion.

      for the captive people of Judah (2 40; 3 2.31; 10 20.39. 44), but "Mount Zion" in this and other books (e.g. 1 Mace 4 37.60; 5 54; 6 48.62, etc) is always the Temple Hill.

      It has been pointed out as a curious and unaccountable exception that in Ezk as well as in Ch, Ezr and Neh, there is no mention of Zion, except the incidental K Omi'ooinTi reference to David's capture of the .Tebusite o. \\jiiuS)!5iou jQj.(^ rfjjg references in the other Prophets and the Pss are so copious that there must be some reUgious reason for this. The Chronicler (2 Ch 3 1), too, alone refers to the Temple as on Moimt Moriah. It is also noticeable that only in these books (2 Ch 27 3; 33 14; Neh 3 26f; 11 21) does the name "Ophel" appear as a designation of a part of the southeastern hill, which apparently might equally fitly have been termed Zion. See Ophel. Jos never uses the name "Zion" nor does it occur in the NT, except in two quotations (He 12 22; Eev 14 1).

      Among the earlier Christian writers who mention "Zion," Origen used it as equivalent to the Temple HRl, but in the 4th cent, writers com- 6. The mence to localize it up the southern part

      Name of the western hiU. It was a period

      "Zion" in when Bib. topography was settled in Christian a very arbitrary manner, without any Times scientific or critical examination of the

      evidence, and this tradition once estab- lished remained, like many such traditions, undis- puted until very recent years. To Rev. W. F. Birch belongs much of the credit for the promulgation of the newer views which now receive the adherence

      of almost every living authority on the topography of Jerus.

      LiTERATUKE. — Sco Bsp. ch vi lu Smith's Jerusalem; for a defence of the older view see Kuemmel. Materialien z. To-pog. des alt. Jerus.

      E. W. G. Mastebman ZIOR, zl'or OS"'?, gl'or; SiipO, Sorth, or Swop, Sior): A town in the hill country of Judah (Josh 15 54); probablySi'air, 4i miles N.N.E. of Hebron where the Mukam 'Aisa (Tomb of Esau) is now shown. It is a considerable village surrounded by cultivated land; a spring exists in the neighbor- hood; there are rook-cut tombs showing it is an ancient site {PEF, III, 309, Sh XXI).

      ZIPH, zif (Vni,zlph; 'O^etp, Ozeib, orZ£<|>, Zlph):

      (1) A town in the hill country of Judah, men- tioned along with Maon, Carmel and Jutah (Josh 15 55). It is chiefly celebrated in coimection with the earher history of David: "David .... re- mained in the hill-country in the wilderness of Ziph" (1 S 23 14.15.24; 26 2); the Ziphites (1 S 23 19; 26 1; cf Ps 54 title) sought to betray him to Saul, but David escaped. Ziph was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Ch 11 8). The name also occurs in 1 Ch 2 42; 4 16. In connection with this last (cf ver 23) it is noticeable that Ziph is one of the four names occurring on the Heb stamped jar handles with the added 'fi'Kib , la-inelehh, "to the king."

      The site is Tell Zif, 4 miles S.E. of Hebron, a conspicuous hill 2,882 ft. above sea-level; there are cisterns and, to the E., some ruins (PEF, III, 312, 315).

      (2) A town in the Negeb of Judah (Josh 15 24), site unknown. E. W. G. Mastebman

      ZIPH (tl^T , ziph, meaning unknown) :

      (1) A grandson of Caleb (1 Ch 2 42); LXXZei^, Zeiph.

      (2) A son of Jehallelel (1 Ch 4 16). In LXX Cod. A reads Zi(f>a.t, Ziphai, but B has the totally different form ' AfiTjax^l; Ameachei.

      ZIPHAH, zl'fa (HB'^T, ziphSh, a fem. form of "Ziph"): A Judahite, "son" of Jehallelel. The name beiug fem. may be a dittography of the pre- vious Ziph (1 Ch 4 16).

      ZIPHIMS, zif'imz: In title of Ps 54 AV for RV Ziphites (q.v.).

      Z I P H I O N , zif 'i-on (■ji"'S2 , giphydn, "gaze" [ ?] [BDB]): A "son" of Gad (Gen 46 16) = "Zephon" of Nu 26 15. See Zaphon; Zephonites.

      ZIPHITES, zif'its. See Ziph.

      ZIPHRON, zif'ron. See Sibeaim.

      ZIPPOR, zip'or ("liSS , fippor; in Nu 22 4; 23 18; "IB?, ^ippor, "bird," "swallow" [HPN, 94]): Father of Balak, king of Moab (Nu 22 2.10.16; Josh 24 9; Jgs 11 25).

      ZIPPORAH, zi-po'ra, zip'6-ra (PTpt , eipporah; SEir4>tapa, Sepphora) : The Midianite wife of Moses, daughter of Jethro, also called Hobab, and prob- ably granddaughter of Reuel, a priest of Midian at the time Moses fled from Egypt, later succeeded at his death by Jethro, or Hobab (Ex 2 21.22; 4 25.26; 18 2-6).

      Whether or not Z. was the "Cushite woman" (Nu 12 1) is a much-mooted question. There is little ground for anything more than speculation on the subject. The use of the words, "Cushite woman" in the mouth of Aaron and Miriam may



      Zion Zoan

      have been merely a description of Z. and intended to be opprobrious, or they may have been ethnic in character and intended to denote another woman whom Moses had married, as suggested by Ewald {Gesch. des Volkes Israel, II, 252). The former view seems the more probable. The association of Midian and Cushan by Habakkuk (3 7) more than 700 years afterward may hardly be adduced to prove like close relationship between these peoples in the days of Moses. M. G. Kyle

      ZITHRI, zith'ri. See Sithei.

      ZIV, ziv (IT , ziw; AV Zif) : The 2d month of the old Heb calendar, corresponding to lyyar of the Jewish reckoning in later times. It is mentioned in 1 K 6 1.37. See Calendar.

      ZIZ, ziz, ASCENT OF CfSn nby-Q, ma'dleh ha-gis; 'Ao-a«, Hasa&, 'Ao-io-d, Hasisd) : A pass in the wilderness of Judaea (2 Ch 20 16) leading from Hazazon-tamar (En-gedi, ver 2). This is generally identified with Wddi/ Ha?afa, a valley by which the ancient road from En-gedi runs toward Jerus. At any rate, an echo of the ancient name survives here : possibly the actual ascent was the jjresent steep pass from En-gedi to the plateau above. See PEF, 8h XXI.

      ZIZA, zi'za (ST'^T , zizo', probably a childish redu- plicated abbreviation or a term of endearment [Curtis, Chron., 369, quoting Noldeke in EB, III 3294]):

      (1) A Simeonite chief (1 Ch 4 37).

      (2) A son of King Rehoboam, his mother being a daughter or granddaughter of Absalom (2 Ch 11 20).

      (3) A probable reading for Zizah (q.v.).

      Z I Z A H , zi'za (HTiT , zizah; see Ziza) : A Ger- shonite Levite (1 Ch 23 11); in ver 10 the name is "Zina" (S3''T, zlna'), while LXX and Vulg have "Ziza" (Zifi, Zizd) in both verses, and one Heb MS has ziza' in ver 10. We should then probably read zlzd' in both verses, i.e. "Ziza."

      ZOAN, zo'an n?2, fo'an; TavCs, Tanis):

      1. Situation

      2. OT Notices

      3: Early History

      4. Hylcsos Monuments

      5. Hyksos Population

      6. Hyksos Age

      7. Description of Site

      The name is supposed to mean "migration" (Arab.

      tsan). The site is the only one connected with the

      history of Israel in Egypt, before the

      1. Situation exodus, which is certainly fixed, being

      identified with the present village of Sdn at the old mouth of the Bubastic branch of the Nile, about 18 miles S.E. of Damietta. It should be remembered that the foreshore of the Delta is con- tinually moving northward, in consequence of the deposit of the Nile mud, and that the Nile mouths are much farther N. than they were even in the time of the geographer Ptolemy. Thus in the tunes of Jacob, and of Moses, Zoan probably lay at the mouth of the Bubastic branch, and was a harbor. Lake Menzaleh and the lagoons near Pelusium having been subsequently formed. n..T it

      The city is only once noticed in the Pent (Nu 13 22), as having been built seven years after Hebron, which existed in the time of Abraham.

      2. OT Zoan was certainly a very ancient Notices town, since monuments of the Vlth

      Egyp Dynasty have been found at the site. It has been thought that Zoar on the border of Egypt (Gen 13 10) is a clerical error for Zoan, but the LXX reading (Zdgora) does not favor this

      view, and the place intended is probably the fortress Zar, or Zor, often mentioned in Egyp texts as lying on the eastern borders of the Delta. Zoan is no- ticed in the Prophets (Isa 19 11.13; 30 4; Ezk 30 14), and its "princes" are naturally mentioned by Isaiah, since the capital of the XXIIId Egyp Dynasty (about 800 to 700 BC) was at this city. InPs 78 12.43 the "field [or pastoral plain] of Zoan" is noticed as though equivalent to the land of • Goshen (q.v.).

      Zoan was the capital of the Hyksos rulerSj or

      "shepherd kings," in whose time Jacob came into

      Egypt, and their monuments have

      3. Early been found at the site, which favors History the conclusion that its plain was that

      "land of Rameses" (Gen 47 11; Ex 12 37; see Raamses) where the Hebrews had pos- sessions under Joseph. It is probably the site of Avaris, which lay on the Bubastic channel according to Jos quoting Manetho {CAp, 1, xiv), and which was rebuilt by the first of the Hyksos kings, named Salatis; for Avaris is supposed (Brugsch, Geog., I, 86-90, 278-80) to represent the Egjrp name of the city Ha-uar-t, which means "the city of movement" (or "flight"), thus being equivalent to the Sem Zoan or "migration." It appears that, from very early times, the pastoral peoples of Edom and Pal were admitted into this region. The famous picture of the Amu, who bring their families on donkeys to Egypt, and offer the Sinaitic ibex as a present, is found at Beni Hasan in a tomb as old as the time of Usertasen Ilof the Xllth Dynasty, before the Hyksos age. A similar immigration of shepherds (see Pithom) from Aduma (or Edom) is also re- corded in the time of Menepthah, or more than four centuries after the expulsion of the Hyksos by the XVIIIth, or Theban, Dynasty.

      Besides the name of Pepi of the Vlth Dynasty,

      found by Burton at Zoan, and many texts of the

      Xllth Dynasty, a cartouche of Apepi

      4. Hyksos (one of the Hyksos kings) was found Monuments by Marie tte on the arm of a statue

      apparently of older origin, and a sphinx also bears the name of Khian, supposed to have been an early Hyksos ruler. The Hyksos ty{)e, with broad cheek bones and a prominent nose, unlike the features .of the native Egyptians, has been regarded by Virchow and Sir W. Flower as Turanian, both at Zoan and at Bubastis; which agrees with the fact that Apepi is recorded to have worshipped no Egyp gods, but only Set (or Sutekh), who was also adored by Syrian Mongols (see Hit- TiTEs). At Bubastis this deity is called "Set of Rameses," which may indicate the identity of Zoan with the city Rameses.

      In the 14th cent. BC the city was rebuilt by Kameses II and was then known as Pa-Eamessu. The Hyksos

      rulers had held it lor 500 years according R Tlirlrcno to Manetho, and were expelled after 1700 O. nyK!.o!> -QQ GeorgetheSyncellus (C/iroTioarapAia, Population about 800 AD) believed that Apepi (or

      Apophis) was the Pharaoh under whom Joseph came to Egypt, but there seems to have been more than one Hyksos king of the name, the latest bemg a contemporary of Ea-Sekeneu of the Xlllth Dynasty, shortly before 1700 BC. Manetho says that some sup- posed the Hyksos to be Arabs, and the population of Zoan under their rule was probably a mixture of Sem and Mongolic races, just as in Syria and Babylonia in the same ages. According to Brugsch (.Hist of Egypt, II, 233), this population was known as Men or Menti, and came from Assyria E. of Ruten or Syria. This perhaps connects them with the Minyans of Matiene, who were a Mongolic race. This statement occurs in the great table of nations, on the waUs of the Edfu temple.

      The Hyksos age corresponds chronologically with that of the 1st Dynasty of Babylon, and thus with the age

      of the Heb patriarchs Abraham and Jacob c TlTrlronc — a time when the power of Babylon was b. jiyK!>o!> supreme in Syria and Pal. It is very natu- Age ral! therefore, that, like other Sem tribes

      even earUer, these patriarchs should have been wcU received in the Delta by the Hyksos Pharaohs,

      Zoar ZoBlogy



      and equally natural that, when Aahmes, the founder of the XVIIIth Egyp Dynasty, took the town of Avaris and expelled the Asiatics, he should also have oppressed the Hebrews, and that this should be Intended when we read (Ex 1 8) that "there arose a new king over Egypt, who knew not Joseph." The exodus, according to the OT dates, occurred In the time of the XVIIIth Dynasty (see Exodus) when Israel left Goshen. The later date advocated by some scholars, in the reign of Menepthah of the XlXth Dynasty, hardly agrees with the monu- mental notice of the Immigration of Edomites into the Delta in his reign, which has been mentioned above; and in his time Egypt was being invaded by tribes from the N. of Asia.

      Zoan, as described by Rev. G. J. Chester (Mem. Survey W. Pal, Special Papers, 1881, 92-96), is now

      only a small hamlet of mud huts in a 7. Descrip- sandy waste, W. of the huge mounds tion of Site of its ancient temple; but, besides the

      black granite sphinx, and other statues of the Hyksos age, a red sandstone figure of Rameses II and obelisks of granite have been excavated, one representing this king adoring the gods; while the names of Amen, Tum and Mut appear as those of the deities worshipped, in a beautiful chapel in the temple, carved in red sandstone, and belonging to the same age of prosperity in Zoan.

      C. R. CONDER

      ZOAR, zo'ar (lyS , iyi2 , fo'ar; LXX usually 2T)-yi6p, Segor, Z^-yopa, Zdgora) : The name of the city to which Lot escaped from Sodom (Gen 19 20-23.30), previously mentioned in 13 10; 14 2.8, where its former name is said to have been Bela. In 19 22, its name is said to have been given because of its littleness, which also seems to have accounted for its being spared. The location of Zoar has much to do with that of the cities of the Plain or Valley of Siddim, with which it is always connected. In Dt 34 3, Moses is said to have viewed "the Plain of the valley of Jericho the city of palm trees, unto Zoar," while in Isa 15 6 and Jer 48 4 (where the LXX reads unto "Zoar," instead of "her little ones") it is said to be a city of Moab. The traditional loca- tion of the place is at the south end of the Dead Sea. Jos says (BJ, IV, viii, 4) that the Dead Sea extended "as far as Zoar of Arabia," while in Ant, I, xi, 4, he states that the place was still called Zoar. Eusebius {Onom, 261) locates the Dead Sea between Jericho and Zoar, and speaks of the remnants of the ancient fertiUty as still visible. Ptolemy (v. 17.5) regards it as belonging to Arabia Petraea. The Arabian geographers mention it under the name Zughar, Sughar, situated 1° S. of Jericho, in a hot and unhealthful vaUey at the end of the Dead Sea, and speak of it as an important station on the trade route between Akkabah and Jericho. The Cru- saders mention "Segor" as situated in the midst of palm trees. The place has not been definitely identified by modern explorers, but from Gen 19 19-30 we infer that it was in the plain and not in the mountain. If we fix upon the south end of the Dead Sea as the Vale of Siddim, a very natural place for Zoar and one which agrees with all the tradi- tions would be at the base of the mountains of Moab, E. of Wddy Ghurundel, where there is still a well-watered oasis several miles long and 2 or 3 wide, which is probably but a remnant of a fertile plain once extending out over a considerable portion of the shallow south end of the Dead Sea when, as shown elsewhere (see Dead Sea), the water level was considerably lower than now.

      Robinson would locate it on the northeast comer of el'Lisdn on the borders of the river Kerak, but this was done entirely on theoretical grounds which would be met as well in the place just indicated, and which is generally fixed upon by the writers who regard the Vale of Siddim as at the south end of the Dead Sea. Conder, who vigoroiisly maintains that the Vale of Siddim is at the north end of the Dead Sea, looks favorably upon the theory of Rev. W. H. Birch that the place is represented by the present Tell Shaghur, a white rocky mound at the foot of the Moab Mountains, a mile E. of Beth-haram

      ( Tell er-Bdmeh) , 7 miles N.E. of the mouth of the Jordan, a locality remarkable for its stone monmnents and well- supplied springs, but he acknowledges that the name is more like the Christian Segor than the original Zoar. George Frederick Wright

      ZOBAH, zS'ba (HliS, eohhah; ^ovpa, Soubd): The name is derived by Hal^vy from z'hobhah as referring to its supplies of "bright yellow" brass; but this word might be more appropriately used to contrast its cornfields with white Lebanon. Zobah was an Aramaean kingdom of which we have the first notice in Saul's wars (1 S 14 47).

      (1) David's first war. — When David sought to extend his boundary to the Euphrates, he came into contact with its king Hadadezer, and a great battle was fought in which David took many prisoners. Damascus, however, came to the rescue and fresh resistance was made, but a complete rout followed and great spoil fell to the victor, as well as access to the rich copper mines of Tebah and Berothai. Toi, king of Hamath, who had suffered in war with Hadadezer, now sent his son on an embassy with greetings and gifts to David (2 S 8 3-12; 1 Ch 18 3-12). See Ps 60, title.

      (2) David's second war. — During David's Am- monite war, the enemy was strengthened by alliance with Zobah, Maacah and Beth-rehob, and Israel was attacked from both N. and S. at the same time. The northern confederation was defeated by Joab, but Hadadezer again gathered an army, including levies from beyond the Euphrates. These, under Shobach the captain of the host, were met by David in person at Helam, and a great slaughter ensued, Shobach himself being among the slain (2 S 10 6-19, AV "Zoba"; 1 Ch 19 3-19). Rezon, son of EUada, now broke away from Hadadezer and, getting possession of Damascus, set up a kingdom hostile to Israel (1 K 11 23-25). Solomon seems (2 Ch 8 3) to have invaded and subdued Hamath- zobah, but the text, esp. LXX, is obscure.

      (3) Geographical position. — We can now consider the vexed question of the situation and extent of Aram-zobah. (See Syria, 4, [10].) In addition to the OT references we have the Assyr name lists. In these Subiti is placed between Kui and Zemar, and, where it is otherwise referred to, a position is implied between Hamath and Damascus . It would thus lie along the eastern slopes of Anti- Lebanon extending thence to the desert, and in the north it may have at times included Emesa (modern Horns) around which Noldeke would locate it. Damascus was probably a tributary state till seized by Rezon. Winckler would identify it with another Subitij a place in the Hauran mentioned by Assurbanipal on the Rassam Cylinder vii, lines 110-12. This latter may be the native place of Igal, one of David's "thirty" (2 S 23 36), who is named among eastern Israelites.

      The kingdom of Zobah in addition to its mineral wealth must have been rich in vineyards and fruit- ful fields, and its conquest must have added greatly to the wealth and power of Israel's Idng.

      W. M. Christie

      ZOBEBAH, zs-be'ba (^115^0, ha-gobhebhah, meaning uncertain): A Judahite name with the article prefixed (1 Ch 4 8); some would read "Jabez" instead as in ver 9.

      ZOHAR, zo'har (IHS , gohar, meaning uncertain) :

      (1) Father of Ephron the Hittite (Gen 23 8; 25 9).

      (2) "Son" of Simeon (Gen 46 10; Ex 6 15) = "Zerah" of Nu 26 13; 1 Ch 4 24; see Zerah, 4.

      (3) In 1 Ch 4 7, where K^re is "and gohar" for Knhlbh, yighar, RV "Izhar," AV wrongly "Jezoar."



      ZOHELETH, zo'hS-leth, THE STONE OF ("jnS

      fl'O'f'^, 'ebhenha^zoheleth, "serpent' sstone"): "And Adonijah slew sheep and oxen and fat lings by the stone of Zoheleth, which is beside En-rogel" (1 K 1 9). Evidently this was a sacred stone — probably a masgebhah such as marked a Can. sanctuary. A source of "living water" has always in the Sem world been a sacred place; even today at most such places, e.g. at Btr EyyCtb, the modern representa- tive of En-rogel, there is a mihr&b and a platform for prayer. The stone has disappeared, but it is thought that an echo of the name survives in ez- Zehweleh, the name of a rocky outcrop in the village of Siloarn. Because the name is particularly asso- ciated with an ascent taken by the woman coming from the Vii-gin's Fount, to which it is adjacent, some authorities have argued that this, the Virgin's Fount, must be En-rogel; on this see En-rogel; GiHON. Against this view, as far as ez-Zehweleh is concerned, we may note: (1) It is by no means certain that the modern Arab, name — which is used for similar rocky spots in other places — is really derived from the Heb; (2) the name is now applied to quite different objects, in the Heb to a stone, in the Arab, to a rocky outcrop; (3) the name is not confined to this outcrop near the Virgin's Fount alone, but applies, according to at least some of the fellahtn of Siloam, to the ridge along the whole village site; and (4) even if all the above were dis- proved, names are so frequently transferred from one locality to another in Pal that no argument can be based on a name alone.

      E. W. G. Masterman ZOHETH, zo'heth (nnlT, zoheth, meaning un- known): A Judahite (1 Ch 4 20). The name after "Ben-zoheth" at the end of the verse has fallen out. See Ben-zoheth.

      ZOOLOGY, zo-ol'o-ji: A systematic list of the animals of the Bible includes representatives of the principal orders of mammals, birds and reptiles, and not a few of the lower animals. For further notices of animals in the following list, see the articles referring to them:


      Pkimates: Ape Insectivoha; Hedgehog Pal

      Chihoptera: Bat Cabnivora:

      (o) Felidae, Cart, Lion, Leopard

      Mole (q.v.) not found in

      (.c) (d)


      Hyaenidae, Hyena

      Canidae, Dog (incl. Greyhound), Fox, Jackal,


      Mustelidae, Ferret, Badger, Marten (s.v. Cat)

      Ursidae, Bear Ungulata;

      (a) Odd-toed: Horse, Ass, Mule, Rhinoceros (6) Even-toed non-ruminants: Swine, Hippopota- mus (Behemoth)

      Ruminants :

      (1) Bovidae, Domestic Cattle, Wild Ox or Uni- corn, Domestic Sheep, Domestic Goat. Sinaitic Ibex (s.v. Goat), Persian Wild Goat (s.v. Chamois), Gazelle, Arabian Oryx (s.v. Antelope), Chamois

      (2) Cervidae, Roe Deer, Fallow Deer, Red Deer (s.v. Deer)

      (3) Camelidae. Camel Proboscidea: Elephant Hyracoidea: Coney Sibenia: Dugong (s.v. Badger) Cetacea: Whale, IJolphin, Porpoise

      Eodentia: Mouse, Mole-Rat (s.v. Mole), Porcupine, Hare Birds:

      Passeees: Sparrow, Swallow, Raven, Hoopoe, Night- Hawk

      Raptoebs: Great Owl, Little Owl. Horned Owl, Eagle, Vulture, Gier-Eagle, Osprey, Kite, Glede, Hawk, Falcon

      Columbae: Dove, Turtle-Dove Gallinae: Cock, Partridge, Quail, Peacock Grallatoreb; Crane, Heron, Stork Steganopodes: Pelican, Cormorant Ratitae: Ostrich




      Ceocodilia: Crocodile (Leviathan)

      Chelonia: Tortoise

      Ophidia: Serpent, Fiery Serpent, Adder, Asp, Viper

      (s.v. Serpent)

      Lacertilia: Lizard, Great Lizard, Gecko, Chameleon

      Land Crocodile, Sand Lizard (s.v. Lizard) Amphibians:

      Frog Fishes;

      Fish (in general) Mollusks:

      Snail, Murex (Purple) Insects;

      Htmenopteea: Ant, Bee, Hornet

      Lepidopteba: Clothes-Moth (s.v. Moth), Silk- Worm,

      Worm (Larva)

      Siphonaptera: Flea

      DiPTEBA : Fly

      Rhynchota: Louse, Scarlet- Worm

      Orthoptera: Grasshopper, Locust

      (s.v. Insects) Arachnida;

      Spider, Scorpion Coelenterata:

      Coral Porifera:


      Some interesting problems arise in connection with the lists of clean and unclean animals in Lev and Dt. The list of clean animals in Dt 14 4-5 is as follows:





      1. shor




      2. seh





      3. seh 'izzlm




      4. 'ayyal. . .



      Red deer

      5. s'bhl




      6. yahmur. .

      Fallow deer



      7. 'akko

      Wild goat

      Wild goat


      8. dishdn . . .

      Pygarg Wild ox



      9. fo



      10. zemer. . . ,



      Barbary sheep

      Probably the most valuable modern work on Bible animals is Tristram's Natural History of the Bible, pubhshed in 1867 and to a great extent followed in RV and in articles in various Bib. encyclopaedias. In the table given above, RV really differs from Tristram only in 6, 8 and 10. Hart is the male of the red deer, the ibex is a kind of wild goat, and the oryx is a kind of antelope. The first three in the table are domestic animals whose identification is not questioned. The other seven are presumably wild animals, regarding every one of which there is more or less uncertainty. 'Alfko, dishon and zemer occur only in this passage, fo only here and in Isa 61 20. 'Ayyal occurs 22 t, g'bhi 16 t, yahmur only twice. The problem is to find seven ruminant mam- mals to correspond to these names. The camel (ver 7) is excluded as unclean. The gazelle, the Sinaitic ibex, and the Pers wild goat are common. The roe deer was fairly common in Carmel and Southern Lebanon 20 years ago, but is now nearly or quite extinct. The fallow deer exists in Mesopotamia, and Tristram says that he saw it in Galilee, though the writer is inclined to question the accuracy of the observation. The oryx is fairly common in North- western Arabia, approaching the limits of Edom. Here, then, are six animals, the gazelle, ibex, Pers wild goatj roe deer, fallow deer, and oryx, whose existence m or near Pal is undisputed.

      The bubale, addax and Barbary sheep of Tristram's list are North African species whicl} the writer believes do not range as far E. as Egypt, and which he believes should therefore be excluded. In Asia Minor are found the red deer, the chamois and the Armenian wild sheep, but there is no proof that any of these ever ranged as far S. as Pal. The bison exists in the Caucasus, and the wild ox, uTus or aurochs, seems to be depicted in Assyr sculp- tures. The buffalo is found in Pal, but is believed to have been introduced since Bible times. The Tartarian roe is named Cervus pygargus, and there is a South African antelope named Bubalis pygargus, but the pygarg of EV

      ZoBlogy Zoroastrianism



      has no real existence. The word means ' ' white-rumped, ' ' and might apply to various deer and antelopes.

      To complete the list of seven we are therefore driven to one of the following: the red deer, the chamois, the Armenian wild sheep, the bison and the aurochs, no one of which has a very good claim to be included. The writer considers that the roe, which has been the commonest deer of Pal, is the 'ayyal

      (cf Arab. Jot , 'aiyil, "deer"). Q'bhi is very near

      to Arab. .— «>is , ?abi, "gazelle," and, with its 16

      occurrences in the OT, may well be that common animal. There is reason to think that yahmur is the name of a deer, and the writer prefers to apply it to the fallow deer of Mesopotamia, as being more likely to have inhabited Pal than the red deer of Asia Minor. There is little evidence regarding 'akko, which occurs only here. The etymology is uncertain. LXX has Tpa~fi\\arjios, tragelaphos, "goat-stag." Tg and S3T VSS, according to BDB, have ibex. Ya^el (Job 39 1; Ps 104 18; 1 S 24 2), EV "wild goat," is quite certainly the ibex, but it is possible that 'a^f^ may be another name for the same animal, ya'el not occurring in this hst. In BDB dishon is derived from V T211 , dush, "to tread," and is considered to be a kind of wild goat. Since we have assigned 'alflfd to the ibex, we may then assign this name to the other wild goat of the country, the Pers wild goat or pasang. T''o is in RV antelope and in LXX Spi/J, drux, "oryx." This ia a possible identifica- tion which suits also Isa 51 20, and does not pre- clude the possibility that the r''em, AV "unicorn," RV "wild-ox," may also be the oryx. The oryx is known to the Arabs under at least three names, the

      commonest of which, lui^jJI «Jb, halfr el-wahsh,

      means "wild-ox." Under Chamois, the writer sug- gests that zemer may be the pasang or Pers wild goat, which is figured in that article. There is Ettle to choose in the assignment of the names, but as dishon has here been provisionally assigned to the pasang, nothing better is left for zemer than the "chamois" of EV, the claims of which are referred to above.

      The list of imclean animals is considered in the art. on Lizard.

      Prophecies of the desolation of Babylon and Edom in Isa 13 21.22; 34 11-15 contain names of animals, some of which present 'apparently insuperable difficulties. See imder Jackal and Satyr. The Book of Job contains some remarkable references to animals, esp. in chs 39, 40, 41: to the wild goat, the wild ass, the wild ox, the ostrich, the horse, the hawk, the behemoth and the leviathan.

      Prov 30 contains some curious alltisions to natural history : " .... Things which are too wonderful for me ....

      The way of an eagle in the air;

      The way of a serpent upon a rock [see Eagle; Way] ;

      There are four things which are httle upon the earth,

      But they are exceeding wise:

      The ants are a people not strong.

      Yet they provide their food in the summer;

      The conies are but a feeble folk.

      Yet they make their houses in the rocks;

      The locusts have no king.

      Yet go they forth all of them by bands ;

      The lizard taketh hold with her hands.

      Yet is she in kings' palaces.

      There are three things which are stately in their march.

      Yea, four which are stately in going :

      The hon, which is mightiest among beasts,

      And tumeth not away for any ;

      The greyhoimd; the he-goat also;

      And the king against whom there is no rising up."

      An interesting grouping is found in the prophecy in Isa 11 6-8 (ef 65 25): "And the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid; and the calf and the young lion and the fatUng together; and a little child shall lead them. And the cow and the

      bear shall feed; their young ones shall lie down together; and the lion shall eat straw like the ox. And the suck- ing child shall play oh the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand* on the adder's den."

      The fauna of Pal is mainly European and Asiatic, but resembles in some important points the fauna of Africa. The^ S3rrian coney is not found else- where and itsi only near allies are the conies of Africa. Th'e gazelle and oryx belong to the group of antelopes which is esp. African. The lion and leopard range throughout Africa and Southwest Asia. The ostrich is found outside of Africa only in Arabia. Some of the smaller birds, as for in- stance the sun-bird, have their nearest allies in Africa. The fish of the Sea of Tiberias and the Jordan present important resemblances to African fishes. The same is true of some of the butterflies of Pal. Allying the fauna of Pal with that of Europe and North Asia may be noted the deer, bear, wolf, fox, hare and others. The ibex -and Pers wild goat constitute links with central. Asia, which is regarded as the center of distribution of the goat tribe.

      The fauna of Pal has undoubtedly changed since Bible times. Lions have disappeared, bears and leopards have become scarce, the roe deer has nearly or quite disappeared within recent years. It is doubtful whether the aurochs, the chamois and the red deer were ever found in Pal, but if so they are entirely gone. The buffalo has been introduced and has become common in some regions. Domes- tic cats, common now, were perhaps not ind^- enous to ancient Palestine. In prehistoric times, or it may be before the advent of man, the glacial period had an influence upon the fauna of this country, traces of which still persist. On the sum- mits of Lebanon are found two species of butterfly, Pieris callidice, found also in Siberia, and Vanessa urticae, common in Europe. When the glacial period came on, these butterflies with a host of other creatures were driven down from the N. When the cold receded northward they moved back again, except for these, and perhaps others since become extinct, which found the congenial cold in ascending the mountains where they became isolated. Syria and Pal were never covered with a sheet of ice, but the famous cedar grove of Lebanon stands on the terminal moraine of what was once an extensive glacier. Alfred Ely Day

      ZOPHAH, zo'fa (nS12 , goph.ah, meaning un- certain): AnAsherite(i Ch 7 35.36).

      ZOPHAI, zo'fi, zo'fa-i PSIS , gophay, meaning uncertain): In 1 Ch 6 26 (Heb ver ll)=Zuph, K^e of ver 35 (Heb ver 20), and 1 S 1 1. See ZUPH, (1).

      ZOPHAR, zo'far ("132, "lSi2 , gophar, meaning doubtful, supposed from root meaning "to leap"; Su(|>dp, Sophdr) : ^ One of the three friends of Job who, hearing of his affliction, make an appointment together to visit and comfort him. He is from the tribe of Naamah, a tribe and place otherwise un- known, for as all the other friends and Job himself are from lands outside of Pal, it is not likely that this place was identical with Naamah in the W. of Judah (Josh 15 41). He speaks but twice (chs 11, 20) ; by his silence the 3d time the writer seems to intimate that with Bildad's 3d speech (ch 25; see under Bildad) the friends' arguments are exhausted. He is the most impetuous and dogmatic of the three (cf 11 2.3; 20 2.3); stung to passionate response by Job's presumption in maintaining that he is wronged and is seeking light from God. His words are in a, key of intensity amounting to reckless ex- aggeration. He is the first to accuse Job directly



      ZoSlogy Zoroastrianism

      of wickedness; averring indeed that his punishment is too good for him (11 6) ; he rebukes Job's impious presumption in trying to find out the unsearchable secrets of God (11 7-12) ; and yet, like the rest of the friends, promises peace and restoration on con- dition of penitence and putting away iniquity (11 13-19). Even from this promise, however, he reverts to the fearful peril of the wicked (ver 20) ; and in his 2d speech, outdoing the others, he presses their lurid description of the wicked man's woes to the extreme (20 5-29), and calls forth a straight contradiction from Job, who, not in wrath, but in dismay, is constrained by loyalty to truth to acknowledge things as they are. Zophar seems designed to represent the wrong-headedness of the odium theologicum. John Fbanklin Genung

      ZOPHIM, zo'fim, THE FIELD OF (U^ti'ii mip , s'dheh Qophlm; els a-ypov o-Koiridv, eis agrc/d sko- pidn): The place on the top of Pisgah to which Balak took Balaam, whence only a part of the host of Israel could be seen (Nu 23 14). Perhaps we should simply translate "field of watchers." Conder draws attention to the name TaVat e?-8ufa attached to an ascent leading up to the ridge of Neba from the N. Here possibly is a survival of the old name. For Ramathaim-zoplum see Ramah.

      ZORAH, z5'ra (^1712 , gor^dh; Sapad, Sarad) : A city on the border of Dan, between Eshtaol and Ir-shemesh (Josh 19 41); the birthplace of Samson (Jgs 13 2.25); near here too he was buried (Jgs 16 31); from here some Danites went to spy out the land (Jgs 18 2.11). In Josh 15 33 it is, with Eshtaol, allotted to Judah, and after the captivity it was reinhabited by the "children of Judah" (Neh 11 29, AV"Zareah"). It was one of the cities forti- fied by Rehoboam (2 Ch 11 10). It is probable that it is mentioned under the name Tsarkha along with Aialuna (Aijalon; 2 Ch 11 10) in the Am Tab (No. 265, Petrie) as attacked by the Khabiri.

      It is the modern Sur\\ near the summit of a lofty hill on the north side of the Wddy es-Surar (Vale of Sorek). The summit itself is occupied by the Mukdm Nebi Samit, overhung by a lofty palm, and there are many remains of ancient tombs, cisterns, wine presses, etc, around. From here EskA'a (Eshtaol), 'Am Shems (Beth-shemesh) and Tibnah (Timnah) are aU visible. See PEF, III, 158, Sh XVII. E. W. G. Mastbbman

      ZORATHITES, zo'rath-Its (T?1¥, gor'athl; SopaBatoi, Sarathaloi [1 Ch 2 53, AV "Zareath- ites"], B, 6 'ApaOeC, ho Arathei, A, 6 SopaBt, ho Sarathi [4 2]): The inhabitants of Zorah, who are said to be descended from Kiriath-jearim families.

      ZOREAH, zo'rS-a (ny"}2 , gor'ah) : AV of Josh 15 33 for Zobah (q.v.).

      ZORITES, zo'rits Cyi? , for'v B, 6 "Ho-apo-et, ho Hesarsd, A, 6 'Ho-apotC, ho Hesaraei): In 1 Ch 2 54 for "Zorites" we should probably read Zor- ATHITES (q.v.) . These formed a half of the inhabit- ants of Manahath (q.v.).

      ZOROASTRIANISM, zo-r6-as'tri-an-iz'm :

      I. History

      Sources II. Relation to Israel

      1. Influence on Occident

      2. Popular Judaism

      3. Possible Theological Influence

      4. Angelology and Demonology

      5. Eschatology

      6. Messiah

      7. Ethics

      8. Summary Literature

      /. History. — The sacred book of the Persians, the Avesta, is a work of which only a small part has sur- vived. Tradition tells that the Avestan Sources MSS have suffered one partial and two total destructions (at the hands of Tu- ranians, Macedonians, and Mohammedans, respec- tively), and what remains seems to be based on a collection of passages derived from oral tradition and arranged for liturgical purposes at the time of the first Sassanians (after 226 AD). None the less, a portion (the Gathas) of the present work certainly contains material from Zoroaster himself and much of the remainder of the Avesta is pre-Christian, although some portions are later. Outside of the Avesta there is an extensive literature written in Pahlavi. Most of this in its final form belongs to the 9th Christian cent.^ or to an even later date, but in it there is embodied much very early matter. Unfortunately criticism of these sources is as yet in a very embryonic condition. The Gr historians, esp. Plutarch and Strabo, are naturally of great importance, but the chief Gr work (that of Theo- pompus) is lost.

      For a general account of Zoroastrianism, see Pebsian Religion.

      //. Relation to Israel. — Zoroastrianism was an active, missionary religion that has exerted a pro- found influence on the world's thought,

      1. Influence all the more because in the West (at on Occident any rate) Ahura Mazda was not at

      all a jealous god, and Mazdeism was always quite ready to enter into syncretism with other systems. But this syncretistic tendency makes the task of the historian very deUcate. None of the three great streams that swept from Persia over the West — Mithraism, Gnosticism, and Mani- cheism — contained much more than a Mazdean nucleus, and the extrication of Mazdean from other (esp. older Magian and Bab) elements is frequently impossible. Yet the motive force came from Zoro- aster, and long before the Christian era "Magi" were everywhere (as early as 139 BC they were expelled from Rome; cf Rab-mag; Branch). Often, doubt- less, charlatans, they none the less brought teach- ings that effected a far-reaching modification of popular views and produced an influence on so basic a writer as Plato himself.

      Within the period 638-332 BC (that Cyrus was a Zoroastrian seems now established) Israel was

      under the rule of Mazdeans, and Maz-

      2. Popular dean influence on at least the popular Judaism conceptions was inevitable. It ap- pears clearly in such works as Tob

      iExpos T, XI, 257 ff), and Hystaspis (GJV, ed 4, III, 592-95), in many Tahnudic passages {ZDMG, XXI, 552-91), certain customs of the Essenes, various anti-demoniac charms (see Exorcism; Sobceby), and, perhaps, in the feast of Purim. And the stress laid on the prophetic ability of the Magi in Mt 2 1-12 is certainly not without significance. But the important question is the existence or extent of Mazdean influence on the formal Jewish religion. _

      As a matter of fact, after Israel's contact with Persia the following elements, all known to Maz- deism, appear, and apparently for the

      3. Possible first time: (1) a formal angelology. Theological with six (or seven) archangels at the Influence head of the developed hierarchy; (2)

      these angels not mere companions of God but His intermediaries, established (often) over special domains; (3) in the philosophical religion, a corresponding doctrine of hypostases; (4) as a result, a remoter conception of God; (5) a developed demon- ology ; (6) the conception of a supreme head (Satan) over the powers of evil; (7) the doctrine of immor- tality; (8) rewards or punishments for the soul im- mediately after death; (9) a schematic eschatology.

      ZoToastrianism Zuzim



      esp. as regards chronological systems; (10) a super- human Messiah; (11) bodily resurrection; (12) a rationalized, legalistic conception of God's moral demands.

      In this list Mazdean influence may be taken as

      certain in points (1), (2), (5), (6). Of course belief

      in angels and (still more) in demons

      4. Angel- had always existed in Israel, and a ology and tendency to classifieation is a natural Demon- product of increased culture. But ology the thoroughness and rapidity of the

      process and the general acceptance of its principles show something more than cultural growth (cf the influence of pseudo-Dionysius on Christianity). In particular, the doctrine of pa- trons (angelic or demoniac) seems to find no ex- pression in the preexilic religion. Nor was the incorporation into a single being, not only of phases, but of the whole power of evil, a necessary growth from the earlier religion; the contrast between 2 S 24 1 and 1 Ch 21 1 shows a sharp alteration in viewpoint. On the other hand, the duahsm that Ahriman was to explain produced no effect on Israel, and God remained the Creator of aU things, even of Satan. See Satan; Antichrist. (3) presents a problem that still needs proper analysis. The Zoroastrian abstractions may well have stimulated Jewish speculation. But the influence of Gr thought can certainly not be ignored, and a ration- alizing process applied to the angelology would account for the piirely Jewish growth of the con- cepts. (4) is bound up to some degree with the above, and presents the most unpleasant feature of the later Judaism. Sharply counter to prophetic and pre-prophetic teaching, it was modified by the still later Taknudism. Its inconsistency with the teaching of Christ needs no comment. In part, however, it may well have been due to the general "transcendentalizing" tendencies of the intermedi- ate period. See God; Salvation.

      It is possible, similarly, to understand the ad- vanced Jewish eschatology as an elaboration and refinement of the genuinely prophetic

      5. Escha- Day of Jeh concepts, without postu- tology lating foreign influence. In particular,

      a doctrine of immortality was inevi- table in Judaism, and the Jewish premises were of a sort that made a resurrection belief necessary. The presence of similar beliefs in Mazdeism may have hastened the process and helped determine the specific form, and for certain details direct borrowing is quite likely (cf the twelve periods of world-history in Apoc Abraham 29; Syr Bar 53ff; 2 Esd 14). But too much stress cannot be laid on details. The extant Pers apooaljrpses are all very late, and liter- ary (if not religious) influence on them from Chris- tian and Jewish sources seems inevitable (for the Bahman Yast it is certain). Nor could the effect of the Mazdean eschatology have been very thor- ough. Of its two most cardinal doctrines, the Chinvat Bridge is absent from Judaism, and the molten-metal ordeal is referred to only in the vaguest terms, if at all. Indeed, the very fact that certain doctrines were identified with the "heathen" may well have deterred Jewish acceptance. See Parou-


      Similarly, the Messiah, as future king, was fixed in Jewish belief, and His elevation to celestial posi- tion was an inevitable step in the general

      6. Messiah refining process. The Pers Saoshyant

      doctrine may well have helped, and the appearance of the Messiah "from .... the sea" in 2 Esd 13 3 certainly recalls the Maz- dean appearance from a lake. But Saoshyant is not a celestial figure. He has no existence before his final appearance (or birth) and he comes from earth, not from heaven. The Jewish Son of man —

      Messiah — on the other hand, is a purely celestial figure and (even in 2 Esd 13) existed from (or before) creation. The birth of Saoshyant from the seed of Zoroaster and that of the (non-celestial) Messiah from the seed of David have no connection whatever. See Messiah; Son of Man.

      Not much can be made of the parallel in legalism. Nearly every religion has gone through a similar legalistic

      state. The practical eudemonistic out- 7 Pthi/.c! look of such works as Prov and Sir (see I. £.uucs Wisdom) doubtless have analogies in

      Mazdeism, and the comfortable imion of religion and the good things of the present life among the Persians may well have had an effect on certain of the Jews, esp. as the Persians preserved a good ethical stand- ard. But only a part of Judaism was eudemonistic, and Mazdean and Jewish casuistry are based on entirely distinct principles.

      Summarizing, about the most that can be asserted for Mazdean influence is that it left its mark on the angelology and demonology and that 8. Sum- it possibly contributed certain escha- mary tological details. Apart from this, it

      may well have helped determine the development of elements already present in Israel's faith. On the common people (esp. the more super- stitious) its influence was considerably greater. But there is nothing in the formal theology of Judaism that can be described as "borrowed" from Mazdean teachings.

      Note. — There is almost certainly no reference to Mazdean duahsm in Isa 45 7.

      Literature. — The Avesta is in SBE. IV, 23, 31. but the Gathas are best studied in L. H. Mills, The Gdthas oj Zarathushtra (1900); Pahlavi texts in SBE, V, 18, 24, 37, 47. The best presentation of Mazdeism is in Saus- saye's Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte, II, 162—233 (by Ed. Lehmann); cf the arts. " Zoroastrianlsm " in EB (Geldner and Cheyne) and HDB (J. H. Moulton. excel- lent) : on the relation to Judaism, Stave, Vber den Einfluss des Parsismus auf das Judenthum (1898) ; Soder- blom, La vie future d'apris le MazdHsme (An. Mus. Gui- met, 1901, needs checking) ; Boklen, Die V erwandtschaft der jud.-chr. mit der parsischen Eschatologie (1902, good material but very uncritical) ; L. H. Mills, Our Own Religion in Ancient Persia (1912, theory of jaraUel de- velopment; Mazdeism rather idealized) ; J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism (1913) and arts, by T. K. Cheyne, Expos T, II, 202, 224, 248; and J. H. Moulton, Expos T, IX, 352. For details cf Clemen. Religionsgeschichtliche Erklarunq des NT (1909, ET, Primitive Christianity and Its non-Jewish Sources) ; Bousset, Religion des Judenthums (ed 2, 1906) ; Offenbarung Johannis (1906) ; Hauptprobleme der Gnosis (1907, indispensable).

      Burton Scott Easton

      ZOROBABEL, z5-rob'a-bel, z6-ro'ba-bel (Zopo- pdpeX, Zorobdbel): In AV; Gr form of "Zerub- babel," thus RV (Mt 1 12.13; Lk 3 27).

      ZORZELLEUS, z6r-zel'S-us (A, ZopJeXXfos, Zor- zelUos, B [and Swete], ^aijJeXSatos, Phaezeldaios, Fritzsche, BepJeXXatos, Berzellaios; AV Berzelus; RVm "Phaezeldaeus"): The father of Augia, the wife of Jaddus, head of a family that "usurped the office of the priesthood" in the return under Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 38); "Barzillai" of Ezr 2 61; Neh 7 63. See Barzillai.

      ZtJAR, zu'ar, zoo'ar ("iyi2, gu'ar, "little one"; Sw-ydp, Sogdr): Father of Nethanel (Nu 1 8; 2 5; 7 18.23; 10 15), who was head of the tribe of Is- sachar.

      ZUPH, zuf (012, guph, "honeycomb"): (1) According to 1 S 1 16; 1 Ch 6 35 (Heb ver 20) = "Zophai" of 1 Ch 6 26 (11), an ancestor of Elkanah and Samuel. But Budde and Wellhausen take it to be an adj., and so read "'BIS , guphi, in 1 S 1 lb: "Tohu a Zuphite, an Ephraimite." It should probably be read also in ver la; "Now there was a certain man of the Ramathites, a Zuphite of the hill-country of Ephraim," as the Heb construction in the first part of the verse is otherwise unnatural. LXX A has SorfTr, Soiip, Luc, Soi)^, Scniph, in 1 S



      Zoroastrianism Zuzim

      1 lb; 1 Ch 6 26 (11), B, Soi/^el, Souphd, A, Luc, Soi/0i, Souphi; 6 35 (20), B A, Soi)0, Souph, Luc, Soii0(, Souphi, Knhlbh, D"*? , ^iph.

      (2) LXX BA, Se£0, Seip^i, Luc, Si0d, Siphd, "the land of Zuph," a district in Benjamin, near its northern border (1 S 9 5).

      David Francis Robbrts

      ZUR, z

      (1) A prince or chief (Nu 25 15; 31 8) of Midian, father of the woman slain with Zimri by Phinehas. Josh 13 21 describes him as one of the princes of Sihon, but the reference there is regarded as a gloss.

      (2) An inhabitant of Gibeon (1 Ch 8 30; 9 36), to be connected probably, according to Curtis, with "Zeror" of 1 S 9 1.

      ZTJRIEL, zu'ri-el (IsS'^l'ia , gurl'el, "my rook is El

      [God]"): Prince of the house of Merari (Nu 3 35).

      Tlie word qut, "rock," occurs also in the compound names Elizur (1 5), Zurishaddai (1 6, etc) and Pedahzur (1 10). Gray, Nu, 6, says that a Sabaean name $uri-

      'addana is found in an inscription said to be of the 8th cent. BC, or somewhat earlier (Hommel, Ancient Heb Tradition, 320), and "IISTS . bargur, in a Zinjirli in- scription of the 8th cent. BC (Panammu Inscr., I. 1), and that possibly the OT place-name "Beth-zur" should be added (Josh 15 58; 1 Ch 2 45; 2 Oh 11 7; Neh 3 16).

      David Francis Roberts

      ZURISHADDAI, zu-ri-shad'a-i, zu-ri-shad'l

      (i'^TlJTl>)2 J gurlshadday, "my rock is Shadday"):

      Father of Shelumiel the head of the tribe of Simeon

      (Nu 1 6; 2 12; 7 36.41; 10 19). See God, Names

      OF, II, 8; ZURIEL.

      ZUZIM, zu'zim (D"'T1T , zuzim; 'i9vr\\ Icrxvpa, Mhne ischurd, "strong nations." So Jerome in Quaest. Hebr.: gentes fortes) : A people conquered by Chedor- laomer (Gen 14 5). They dwelt in Ham, a region not otherwise known but, from the oonneotion, in- ferred to be E. of the Jordan. It may also be inferred that they were a race of giants. They were perhaps to be identified with the Zamzummim.

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    "God's Goals"

    For This World!

    Does God Achieve His Goals?
    OR, does Satan achieve his goals?

    (All Teaching- and Commentary is from "INSPIRED-INERRANT!" View of Scripture!)

    The most IMPORTANT "3-QUESTION QUIZ" you'll ever Take?

    The Adversary’s Goals:

      SCRIPTURE: "The ‘Devil’ ... walketh about seeking whom he may DEVOUR." I Pet 5:8

      SCRIPTURE:"The ‘Thief’ (Devil) cometh not, but for to steal, to kill and to DESTROY." John 10:10

        QUESTION: Do you Believe Satan the Adversary Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___

    God the Father’s Goals:

      SCRIPTURE: "For God sent NOT His Son into the world to condemn the world, but that the world though Him might be SAVED! See John 3:16 John 3:17

      SCRIPTURE: "Beloved, be not ignorant of this one thing, ... The Lord is ... NOT willing that any should perish, but that ALL should come to repentance. 2 Pet 3:9

        QUESTION: Do you Believe God the Father Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___

    God the Son’s Goals:

      SCRIPTURE: "For the Son of Man is come to seek and to SAVE that which is lost!" Luk 19:10 "For I came NOT to judge the world, but to SAVE the world. John 12:47

      SCRIPTURE: "And I, if I be lifted up from the Earth, I WILL DRAW ALL men unto Me." Joh 12:32

        QUESTION: Do you Believe God the Son (Jesus Christ): Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___ center>

    God the Spirit’s Goals:

      SCRIPTURE: Jesus declares: "'I ’WILL’' send Him (Holy Spirit) unto you, and when He is come 'He ’WILL’' testify of Me: John 14:26

      SCRIPTURE: "He ’WILL’ reprove the world [convict, convince, correct] of sin, of righteousness, and of judgment: John 16:7

      SCRIPTURE: (1) Of sin, because they believe not on me; ... (2) Of righteousness, because I go to my Father; ...(3) Of judgment, because the 'Prince of this World' IS JUDGED![A] John 16:8-10

        QUESTION: Do you think God the Spirit Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___


        If you believe




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