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Letter "E" Below


    nesher: (atptila). The Hebrew word, which occurs frequently in the O. T., may denote a particular species of the Faicomda, as in Lev. xi. 13, Deut. xiv. 12, where the nether is distinguished from the osstfrage, osprey, and other raptorial birds; but the term is used also to express the griffon vulture ( Vultur fvkut) in two or three passages.

    At least four distinct kinds of eagles have been observed in Palestine, namely, the golden eagle (A'juiUi chrysnitos), the spotted eagle (A. nceria), the commonest species in the rocky districts (see /Aw, i. 23), the imperial eagle (Aquila Beliaca), and the very common Circaitot yiil&cus, which preys on the numerous reptilia of Palestine (for a figure of this bird see Osprey). The Hebrew neslier may stand for any of these different species, though perhaps more particular reference to the golden and imperial eagles and the griffon vulture may be intended."

    The eagle's swiftness of flight is the subject of frequent allusion in Scripture (Deut. xxvUi. 49, 2 Sam. i. 23; Jer. iv. 13, xlix. 22; Lam. iv. 19, Ac.); its mounting high into the air is referred to (in Job xxxix. 27 ; Prov. xxiii. 5, xxx. 19 ; Is. xL 31; Jer. xlix. 16); its strength and vigor (in Pa. ciii. 6); its predaceous habits (Job ix. 26; Prov. xxx. 17) ; its setting its nest in high places (in Jet. xlix. 16); the care in training its young to fly (in Ex. xix. 4; Deut. xxxii. 11); its powers of vision (in Job xxxix. 29).

    The passage in Mic. i. 16, '• Enlarge thy baldness as the eagle," has been understood by Bochart (Hieroz. ii. 744) and others to refer to the eagle at the time of its moulting in the spring. Oediuann ( Vermisch. Samm. i. 64) erroneously refers [V] the baldness spoken of by the prophet to point to the tertatic of the Neslier being mora true of toe Griffon Vulture than of any Eagle. H. B. T.

    The reader will find the vernacular Arable names of different species of VnlturMa and raloonldas U Lochs'* Catalogue des Oiseaux observ. en Alfiru and In Ibis, vols. I., U., Tristram's p ap e rs oa the Or nttbologv of North Africa.

    bnrbatw (Gtffneltu), the bearded vulture X lammergyei, which he supposed was bald. It ippears to us to be extremely improbable that there b any reference in the passage under consideration to eagles moulting. Allusion is here nude I) the custom of shaving the head as a token of mourn- ing; but there would be little or no appropriateness in the comparison of a shaved head with an eagle at the time of moulting. But if the nt$her is su| used to denote the griffon vulture ( I'uliur fulrw), the simile is peculiarly appropriate ; it may be remarked

    that the Hebrew verb tdrach (rHP) signifies " to make hold on the back part of t/3 head;" the notion heie conveyed is very app_:able to the whole head and neck of this bird, which is desti tutc of true feathers.

    With reference to the texts referred to above, which compare the watchful and sustaining ears of his people by the Almighty with that exhibited hv tile eagle in training its young ones to fly, we may quote a passage from Sir Humphry Davy, who says, u I once saw a very interesting sight above one of the crags of lien Nevis, as I was going in the pur- iuit of black game. Two parent eagles were teach- ing their offspring, two young birds, the manoeuvres of flight. They began by rising from the top of the mountain, in the eye of the sun. It was about midday, and bright for this climate. They at first made small circles, and the young birds imitated them. They paused on their wings, waiting till they had made their first flight, and then took a second and targer gyration; always rising towards the sun. ind enlarging their circle of flight so as to make a gradually ascending spiral. The young ones still anil slowly followed, apparently flying bet- ter as they mounted ; and they continued this sub- lime exercise, always rising, till they became mere points in the air, and the young ones were lost, and ifterwnrds their parents, to our aching sight.'* The expression in Ex. and I>eut. (U. cc), "beareth hem on her wings," has been understood by Rab- •inica' writers and others to mean that the eagle toes actually carry her young ones on her wings and shoulders. This is nutting on the words a xmitrttction which they by no means are intended • convey: at the same time, it is not improbable

    hat toe parent bird assist* the first efforts of her young by flying under them, thus sustaining tbein for a momeat, and encouraging them in their early lessons.

    In Ps. ciii. ft it is said, " Thy youth is renewed like the eagle's " (see also Is. xl. 31 ). Some Jew- ish interpreters have illustrated this passage by a reference to the old tables about the eagle being able to renew his strength when very old (see Bo- chart, ffieroz. ii. 747). Modern commentators for the most part are inclined to think that these words refer to the eagle after the moulting season, when the bird is more full of activity than before. We much prefer Hengstenberg's explanation on Ps. ciii. ft, "Thy youth is renewed, so that in point of strength thou art like the eagle."

    The atroi of Matt. xxir. 28, Luke xvii. 37, may include the Vvltur fidrm and Neophron prrcn-p- ttrut ; though, as eagles frequently prey upon dead bodies, there is no necessity to restrict the Greek word to the Vuiturida. a The figure of an eagle is now and has been long a favorite military ensign. The Persians so employed it ; which fact illustrates the passage in Is. xlvi. 1 1, where < 'yrus is alluded

    to under the symbol of an -'eagle" (U'S) oi "ravenous bird" (comp. Xenoph. Vym/i. vii. 4). The same bird was similarly employed by the As- syrians and the Romans. Eagles are frequently represented in Assyrian sculptures attending the soldiers in their battles; and some have hence sup- posed that they were trained birds Considering, however, the wild and intractable nature of eagles, it is very improbable that this was the case. The representation of these birds was doubtless intended to portray the common feature in Eastern battle- field scenery, of birds of prey awaiting to satisfy their hunger on the bodies of the slain.

    W. H.

    (MdVnr; [Aid. 'HdVntO Asses), 1 Esdr. ix. 21, a name which stands in the place of Hakim, Maaskiah, and Elijah, in the parallel list of Esra x. It does not appear whence the translators obtained the form of the name given in the A. V.

    * Here, as in many other instances in the Apoc- rypha, the form of the name in the A. V. is de- rived, either directly or indirectly, from the Aldine edition. A.

    used as a verb (from the l-at. nrare through the Anglo-Saxon trim) In Dent. xxi. 4; 1 Sam. viii. 12; Is. xxx. 24 (A. V ), meant "to plough " or " till," at the time when our English version was made. So in Shakespeare (Rich. II., iii. 2): —

    n And let them go To ear the land that hath some hope to grow "

    See Eastwood and Wright's Bible Word-Book, c. 1G8 (Loud. 1866). H. '

    *(from the Anglo-Saxon en'tois- occurs in Gen. xlv. 6 and Ex. xxxiv. 21 (A. V.) where, iceording to the present English usage, we shoulf write " ploughing " for " earing," and " ploughing-time " for " earing-time." Thus " ear- ing " at present (so liable to be taken in the sense of putting forth ears) suggests almost the opposiU of the true meaning. H.

    a It Is necessary to remember that no true eagle will kill for himself if ho can find dead Hash.

    This term occur* only thrice in the A. V. (2 for. i. 22, t. 6; Epb. i. 14). The equivalent in the original Is bpfafi&y, a Grecized

    form of ^Cl?, which was introduced by the Phoe- nicians into Greece, and also into Italy, where it reappears under the forms arrkabu and arrha. It may again be traced in the French arrhes, and in the old Knglish expression Earts or Ark's money. The Hebrew word was nsed generally for pledgr ((Jen. xxxviii. 17), and in its cognate forms for surety (1'rov. xvii. 18) and hottage (2 K. xiv. 14). The Greek derivative, however, acquired a more technical sense as signifying the deposit paid by the purchaser on entering into an agreement for the purchase of anything (Suid. Lex. s. v. ). A similar legal and technical sense attaches to earnest, the payment of which places both the vendor and the purchaser in a position to enforce the carrying out of the contract (Blackstone, ii. 30 | which see]). There U a marked distinction between pledge and earnest in this respect, that the latter is a part- ynymera. and therefore implies the identity in kind if the deposit with the future full payment ; whereas a pledge may be something of a totally different nature, as in Gen. xxxviii., to be resumed by the depositor when he has completed bis contract. Thus the expression " earnest of the Spirit " im- plies, beyond the idea of security, the identity in kind, though not in degree, and the rontimiily of the Christian's privileges in this world and in the next. The payment of earnest-money under the name of arrabm is still one of the common occur- rences of Arab life." W. U B.

    EAR-RINGS. The word DJJ, by which these ornaments are usually described, is unfortunately ambiguous, originally referring to tbe nose-ring (as its root indicates), and thence transferred to the ear-ring. The full expression for the latter is

    D"9|H?1 "l$fi C1J3 (Gen. xxxr. 4). in contradis- tinction to ''IW-by BT3 (Gen. xxhr. 47). In the majority of caws, however, the kind is not spec- ified, and the only clew to the meaning is the con- text. The term occurs in this undefined sense in Judg. viii. 24; Job xlii. 11; 1'rov. xxv. 12: Hoe. ii. 13. The material of which the ear-ring was made was generally gold (Ex. xxxii. 2), and its form circular, as we may infer from tbe name

    72^, by which' it is described (Num. xxxi. 50: Kc. xvi. 12): such was tbe shape umal in Egypt (Wilkinson's Egyptians, iii. 370). They were worn by women and by youth of both sexes (Ex. t (■■)■ It has been inferred from the passage quoted, and from Judg. viii. 24, that they were not worn by men : these passages are, however, by no means conclusive. In the former an order is given to the :nen in such terms that they could not be men ioned, though they might have been implicitly -eluded; in the latter the amount »f the goUI'vs ibe peculiarity adverted to, and not tbe character of the ornament, a peculiarity which is still notiee- tble among the inhabitants of southern Arabia (Wellsted's Travels, i. 321). Tbe mention of the sons in Ex. xxxii. 2 (which, however, is omitted in the LXX.) is in favor of their having been worn;

    an exception to tbe almost universal practice of Asiatics, both in ancient and modern times (Winer, Realwtrt. a. v. Ohrringe). The ear-ring appeal* to have been regarded with superstitious reverence as an amulet : thus it is named in tbe Chaldee and

    Samaritan versions Nttr^Jf?, a holy thing; and in

    Is. Iii. 20 the word D^fY?, properly amulets, is rendered in the A. V., after the LXX. and Vulg., eanint,s. [Amulet.] On this account they were surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's house- hold (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin describes ear-rings,

    • * In regard to the uncertain etymology of " ear- sat," set Kutwood and Wright's BMe Wont-Book, p.

    89. a.

    Egyptian Bar-rings, (torn Wilkinson.

    with talismanic figures and characters on them, as still existing in tbe East (Brown's Antiquities, ii. 305). Jewels were sometimes attached to tbe rings :

    they were called TXWBQ (from f\\^}, to drop), a word rendered in Judg. viii. 26, gp/uowot: nvmitia: collars or street jewels, A. V., and in Is. iii. 19, ndBtfia- torques : chains or sweet balls, A. V. The size of the ear-rings still worn in eastern countries far exceeds what is usual among ourselves (Har- mer's Observations, iv. 311, 314); hence they formed a handsome present (Job xlii. 11), or offer- ing to the service of God (Num. xxxi. 60).

    W. L. B.

    This term is used in two widely different senses: (1) for the material of which the earth'., surface is composed; (2) as the name of the planet on which man dwells. Tbe Hebrew language discriminates between these two by the use

    of separate terms, Adamah (np"Jh5) for the former,

    Erets (V?.^ *" "* l»*ter- As the two are es- sentially distinct, we shall notice them separately.

    I. Adamah is the earth in tbe sense of soil or ground, particularly as being susceptible of culti- vation; hence the expression ish adamah for an agriculturist (Gen. ix. 20). Tbe earth supplied the elementary substance of which man's body was formed, and the terms adorn and adamah are brought into juxtaposition, implying an etymolog- ical connection (Gen. ii. 7). [Adam.) The opin- ion that man's body was formed of earth prevailed among the Greeks (Hesiod, Op. el Dl 61, "0; Plat. Rep. p. 269), the Romans (Virg. Georg. ii. 341 ; Ovid, MeU i. 82), tbe Egyptians (Diod. Sic i. 10), and other ancient nations. It is evidently based on the observation of the material into which tbe body is resolved after death (Job x. 9; EccL xii. 7). The law prescribed earth as the material out of which altars were to be raised (Ex. xx. 24)- Bahr (Symb. i. 488) sees in this a reference to tin name adorn : others with more reason compare th. am de respite of the Komans (Ov. Trist. v. 6, 9 Hor. Oil. iii. 8, 4, 5), and view it as a precept ot •i-nplicity. Naaman'i request for two mules' bsd

    In of earth (S K. v. 17) wu baaed on the idea thai Jehovah, like the heathen deities, was a local god, and could be wortbjpped acceptably only on bis own noil.

    II. Ertls is explained by Von Bohlen (Inlrod. (o Cm. ii. 6) as meaning etymologically the lae in opposition to the high, i. e. the beared. It is applied in a more or less extended sense: (1) to the whole world (Gen. i. 1); (2) to land as op- posed to sea ((ien. i. 10;; (3) to a country (Gen. xxl. 32); (4) to a plot of ground (Gen. xxiii. 15); and (5) to the ground on which a man stands (Gen. xxxiil. 3). The two former senses alone concern us, the first involving an inquiry into the opinions of the Hebrews on Cosmogony, the second on Ge- ography.

    I. Oosmoooxy. — The views of the Hebrews on this subject are confessedly imperfect and ob- scure. This arises partly from the ulterior objects which led them to the study of natural science, and still more from the poetical coloring with which they expressed their opinions. The books of Gen- esis, Job, and Psalms supply the most numerous notices. Of them, the two latter are strictly poet- ical worlds, and their language must be measured by the laws of poetical expression ; in the first alone have we anything approaching to an historical and systematic statement, and even this is but a sketch —an outline — which ought to be regarded at the same distance, from the same point of view, and through the same religious medium as its author regarded it. The act of creation itself, as recorded in the first chapter of Genesis, is a subject beyond and above the experience of man ; human language, derived, as it originally was, from the sensible and material world, fails to find an adequate term to describe the act ; for our word •• create " and the Hebrew ban, though most appropriate to express the idea of an original creation, are yet applicable and must necessarily be applicable to other modes of creation; nor does the addition of such expres- sions as "out of things that were not" (/( owe tvrwr, 2 Mace. vii. 28), or "not from things which appear " (yufj 4k (pairofiirir, Heb. xi. 3) contrib- ute much to the force of the declaration. The absence of a term which shall describe exclusively an original creation is a necessary infirmity of lan- guage : as the event occurred but once, the corres- ponding term must, in order to be adequate, have been coined for the occasion and reserved for it alone, which would have been impossible. The same observation applies, though in a modified de- gree, to the description of the various processes subsequent to the existence of original matter. Hoses viewed matter and all the forms of matter in their relations primarily to God, and secondarily to man — as manifesting the glory of the former, and is designed for the use of the latter. In relation o the former, be describes creation with the special view of illustrating the Divine attributes of power, goodness, wisdom, and accordingly he throws this narrative into a form which impresses the reader with the sense of these attributes. In relation to the latter, he selects his materials with the special view of illustrating the subordination of all the ardors of material things to the necessities and soraforts of man. With these objects in view, it ought not to be a matter of surprise, if the simple sanative of creation omits much that scientific re- •sarch has since supplied, and appears in a guise adapted to those objects. The subject itself is hroughout one of a transcendental character; it

    should consequently be subjected to the some stand ard of interpretation as other passages of the Bible descriptive of objects which are entirely beyond the experience of man, such as the day of judgment, the states of heaven and hell, and the representa- tions of the Divine Majesty. The style of criticism applied to Gen. i. by the opponents, and not nnfre- qnently by the supporters of Revelation, is such as would be subversive of many of the most noble and valuable portions of the Bible. With these pref- atory remarks we proceed to lay down what appear to us to be the leading features of Hebrew cos- mogony.

    1. The earth was regarded not only as the cen- tral point of the universe, but as the universe itself, every other body — the heavens, sun, moon, and stars — being subsidiary to, and, as it were, the complement of the earth. The Hebrew language has no expression equivalent to our universe : " the heavens and the earth " (Gen. i.*l, xiv. 19; Ex. xxxi. 17) has been regarded as such; but it is clear that the heavens were looked upon as a necessary adjunct of the earth — the curtain of the tent in which man dwells (Is. xl. 22), the sphere above which fitted the sphere below (comp. Job xxU. 14, and Is. xl. 22) — designed solely for purposes of beneficence in the economy of the earth. This appears from the account of its creation and offices: the existence of the heaven was not prior to or contemporaneous with that of the earth, but subse- quent to it; it was created on the second day (Gen. i. 6). The term under which it is described, rnJbia

    (?*|7n) is significant of its extension, that it was strtlcJied out as a curtain (Ps. civ. 3) over the sur- face of the earth. Moreover it depended upon the earth ; it bad its " foundations " (2 Sam. xxii. 8) on the edges of the earth's circle, where it was sup- ported by the mountains as by massive pillars (Job xxvi. 11). Its offices were (1) to support the waters which were above it (Gen. i. 7 ; Ps- cxlviii. 4), and thus to form a mighty reservoir of rain and snow, which were to pour forth through its win- dows (Gen. vii. 11; Is. xxiv. 18) and doors (Ps. btxviii 2-1), as through opened sluice-gates, for the fructification of the earth; (2) to serve as the tub- stratum {artpivfta or "Jirmamrnl ") in which the celestial bodies were to he fixed. As with the heaven itself, so also with the heavenly bodies; they were regarded solely as the ministers of the earth. Their offices were (1) to give light; (2) to separata between day and night; (3) to be fir signs, as in the case of eclipses or other extraordinary phe- nomena; for seasons, as regulating seedtime and harvest, summer and winter, as well as religious festivals; and for dags and years, the length of the former being dependent on the sun, the latter being estimated by the motions both of sun and moon ((ien. i. 14-18); so that while it might truly be said that they held " dominion " over the earth (Job xxxviii. 33), that dominion was exercised solely for the convenience < f the tenants of earth (Ps. civ. 19-93). So entirely indeed was the ex- istence of heaven and the heavenly bodies designed for the earth, tha with the earth they shall simul taneously perish (2 Pet. Hi. 10) : the curtain of the tent shall be rolled up and the stars shall of neces sity drop otf (Is. xxxiv. 4; Matt. xxiv. 29) —their sympathy with earth's destruction being the coun- terpart of their joyous song when its foundation were hud (Job xxxviii. 7).

    1 The earth was regarded in a twofold aspect .

    In relation to God, as the manifestation of hit Infinite attributes; in relation to man, as the scene of hi* abode. (1.) rhe Hebrew cosmogony is based upon the leading principle that the universe exists, not independently of God, by any necessity or any inherent power, nor yet contemporaneously with God, as being co-existent with him, nor yet in opposition to God, is a hostile element, but depend- ent]) upon bim, subsequently to him, and in sub- jection to him. Tbe opening words of Genesis express in broad terms this leading principle: how- ever difficult it may be, as we have already olwerved, to express this truth adequately in human language, yet there can be no doubt that the subordination of matter to God in every respect is implied in that passu^t', as well as in other passages, too numerous to quote, which comment upon it. The same great principle runs through the whole history of creation : matter owed all its forms and modifications to the will of God : iatitnelf dull and inert, it received its first vivifying capacities from the influence of the Spirit of God brooding over the deep (Gen. i. 2) ; the progressive impi jvements in its condition were the direct and miraculous effects of God's will; no interposition of secondary causes is recognized: "He spake and it was" (Ps. xxxiii. 9); and the pointed terseness and sharpness with which the writer sums up the whole transaction in the three expressions " God said," " it was so," " God saw that it was good " — the first declaring the divine volition, the second the immediate result, the third the perfectness of the work — harmonizes aptly with the view which he intended to express. Thus the earth became in the eyes of the pious Hebrew the scene on which the Divine perfections were dis- played: the heavens (Ps. xix. 1), the earth (Ps. xxiv. 1, civ. 24), the sea (Job xxvi. 10; Ps. Ixxxix. 9; Jer. v. 22 >. «• mountains and hills, fruitful trees and all cedars, beasts and all cattle, creeping things and flying fowl" (Ps. cxlviii. 9, 10), all displayed one or other of the leading attributes of His char- acter. So also with the ordinary operations of nature — the thunder was His voice (Job xxxvii. ■■>), the lightnings His arrows (Ps. Ixxvii. 17), wind and storm His messengers (Ps. cxlviii. 8), the earth- quake, the eclipse, and the comet, the signs of His presence (Joel ii. 10; Matt. xxiv. 29; Luke xxi. 25).

    (2.) The earth was regarded in relation to man, and iiccordingly each act of creation is a preparation of the earth for his abode — light, as the primary condition of all life ; the heavens, for purposes already detailed ; the dry land, for his home ; * grass for the cattle and herb for the service of man" (Ps. civ. 14); the alternations of day and night, the one for his work and the other for his rest (Ps. civ. 23); fish, fowl, and flesh for his food; the l>r.uU of burden, to lighten his toil. The work of each day of creation has its specific application to the requirements and the comforts of man, and is recorded with that special view.

    3. Citation was regarded as a progressive work — a gradual development from the inferior to the superior orders of things. Thus it was with the rirth's surface, at first » chaotic mass, unite nnd •M/ity. well descril>ed in the paronomastic terms fc4«. &••/.«, overspread with waters and enveloped in darkness (Gen. i. 2). and thence gradually brought into a i late of order and beauty so conspicuous, as lo have led the Latins to describe it by the name Mundiu. Thus also with the different portions of ihr universe, the earth before the light, the light

    before the firmament, the firmament before the dry land. Thus also with light itself, at first the elementary principle, separated from the darkness, but without defined boundaries ; afterwards tht illuminating bodies with their distinct powers and offices — a progression that is well expressed ic the Hebrew language by the terms or and shkV

    n 5 **! "I'lHSp). Thus also with the orders of living beings ; firstly, plants ; secondly, fish and birds ; thirdly, cattle ; and lastly, man. From " good " in the several parts to " very good " as a whole (Gen. i. 31 ), such was its progress in the judgment of the Omnipotent workman.

    4. Order involves time; a succession of events implies a succession of periods; and accordingly .Moses assigns the work of creation to six days, each having its specific portion — light to the first, the firmament to the second, the dry land and plants to the third, tbe heavenly bodies to the fourth, fish and fowl to the fifth, leasts and man to the sixth. The manner, in which these acts are described as having been done, precludes all idea of time in relation to their performance: it was miraculous and instantaneous: "God said" and then " it was." But the progressiveuess, and consequently the individuality of the acts, does involve an idea of time as elapsing between the completion of one and the commencenent of an- other; otherwise the work of creation would have resolved itself into a single continnou. act. The period assigned to each individual act is a day — the only period which represents the entire cessation of a work through the interposition of night. That a natural day is represented under toe expression " evening was and morning was," admits, we think, of no doubt ; the term " day " alone may refer sometimes to an indefinite period contemporaneous with a single event ; but when the individual parts o> * day "evening and morning" are specified, and wnro a aeries of such days are noticed in their numeucai order, no analogy of language admits of our understanding tbe term in anything else than its literal sense. The Hebrews had no other means of expressing the aril day of 24 hours than as

    " evening, morning " (1JJJ3 3!??) Dan. riiL 14), similar to the Greek rvxMptpor, and although the alternation of light and darkness lay at tile root of the expression, yet the Hebrews in their use of it no more thought of those elements than do we when we use the Urrmforhuyhl or tt'nmykt ; in each case the lapse of a certain time, and not tbe elements by which that time is calculated, is intended : so that, without tbe least inconsistency either of language or of leality. the expression may be applied to the days previous to tbe creation of tbe sun. Tbe application of tbe same expressions to tbe events subsequent In tbe creation of tbe sun. as well aa the use of the word " day " in tbe 4th commandment without any indications that H is used in a different sense, or in any other than the literal acceptation of < Jen. i. 5 ff., confirm the view above stated. Tbe interpretation that "evening and morning " = Or yimiiiiy and rsxi, is opposed not only to tbe order in which the words stand, I ut U the sense of the words elsewhere.

    5. Tbe Hebrews, though regarding creation a* tbe immediate act of God, did not ignore tht evident fact that existing mstrriils and intermedial* agencies were employed both then and in the sm> sequent operations of nature. Thus the simple saw

    •God ereateo. man" (Gen. i. 17) u amplified by Ike subsequent notice of the materia,' substance of which hit body was made (Gen. ii 7); and to also of the animals (Gen. i. 34, ii. 19). The separation of sea and bud, attributed in Gen. i. 6 to the Divine fiat, was seen to involve the process of par- tial elevations of the earth's surface (Pa. civ. 8, "the mountains ascend, the valleys descend;" romp. Prov. viii. 35-28). The formation of clouds and the supply of moisture to the earth, which in Gen. i. 7 was provided by the creation of the firma- ment, was afterwards attributed to its true cause in the continual return of the waters from the earth's surface (Eccl. i. 7). The existence of the element of light, as distinct from the sun (Gen 3, 14; Job xxxviii. 19), has likewise been explained as the result of a philosophically correct view as to the nature of light; more probably, however, it was founded upon the incorrect view that the light of the moou was independent of the sun.

    6. With regard to the earth's body, the Hebrews t uieeived its surface to be an immense disc, sup- ported like the flat roof of an Eastern house by p.lhrs (Job ix. 6; Ps. lxxv. 3), which rested on foundations (Job xxxviii. 4, 6; Ps. civ. 6; Prov. viii. 29); but where those foundations were on which the " sockets " of the pillars rested, none could tell (Job xxxviii. 6). The more philosophical view of the earth being suspended in free space seems to be implied in Job xxvi. 7 ; nor is there any absolute contradiction between this and the former view, as the pillars of the earth's surface may be conceived to have beeu founded on the deep bases of the mountains, which bases themselves were unsupported. Other passages (Ps. xxiv. 2, ixxxvi. 6) seem to imply the existence of a vast subterraneous ocean ; the words, however, are sus- ceptible of the sense that the earth was elevated above the level of the seas (Hengstenberg, Comm. in loc), and, that this is the sense in which they are to be accepted, appears from the converse ex- pression "water under the earth" (Ex. xx. 4), which, as contrasted with "heaven above" and "earth beneath," evidently implies the comparative elevation of the three bodies. Beneath the earth's

    surface was theol (TWIT), the hollow place, " heU (Num. xvi. 30; Dent, xxxii. 22; Job xi. 8), the " bouse appointed for the living " (Job xxx. 23), a "land of darkness" (Job x. 21), to which were ascribed in poetical language gates (Is. xxxviii. 10) and bars (Job xvii. 16), and which had its valleys

    t deep places (Prov. ix. 18). It extended beneath toe sea (Job xxvi. 5, 6), and was thus supposed to be conterminous with the upper world.

    II. Geography. — We shall notice (1) the views of the Hebrews as to the form and size of the earth, its natural divisions, and physical features; (2) the countries into which they divided it and Ibeir progressive acquaintance with those countries.

    Tie world in the latter sense was sometimes

    i scribed by the poetical term libel (/3H), cor- ■esnonding to the Greek oiVrovpsVr) (Is. xiv. 21).

    (1.) In the absence of positive statements we have to gather the views of the Hebrews as to the

    (Is. xl. 22; the word 3Y1, ciriJe, is applied «■> clusively to the circle of the horizon, whether bounded by earth, sea or sky), bordered by the ocean (Deut xxx. 13; Job xxvi. 10; Ps. exxxix. 9; Prov. viii. 27), with Jerusalem as its centre (Es. v. 6), which was thus regarded, like Delphi,

    as the navel ("WBIJ, Judg. ix. 37; Ez. xxxviii. 12; LXX.; Vulg.), or, according to another view (Gesen. Thetaur. s. v.), the highest point of the world. The passages quoted in support of this view admit of a different interpretation ; Jerusalem might be regarded as the centre of the world, not only as the seat of religious light and truth, but to a certain extent in a geographical sense; for Pales- tine was situated between the important empires of Assyria and Egypt; and not only between them but above them, its elevation above the plains on either side contributing to the appearance of its centrality. A different view has been gathered from

    the expression " four corners " (mBJ?, generally applied to the skirts of a garment), as though implying the quadrangular shape of a gsrmeut stretched out, according to Eratosthenes' compsri son; but the term " corners " may be applied in a metaphorical sense for the extreme ends of ths world (Job xxxvii. 3, xxxviii. 18; Is. xi. 12, xxiv 16; Ex. vii. 2). Finally, it is suggested by Bahr (SymboUk, i. 170) that these two views may have been held together, the former as the actual and the latter as the symbolical re pres en tation of the earth's form. As to the size of the earth, the Hebrews had but a very indefinite notion ; in many passages the " earth," or " whole earth," is used as co-extensive with the Babylonian (Is. xiii. 5, xiv. 7 ff., xxiv. 17), or Assyrian empires (Is. x. 14, xiv. 26, xxxvii. 18), just as at a later period the Roman empire was styled orbit terrnrtun ; the " ends of

    the earth " (HlSf?) in the language of prophecy applied to the nations on the border of these king doms, especially the Hedes (Is. v. 26, xiii. 5) in the east, and the islands and coasts of the Mediter- ranean in the west (Is. xli. 5, 9); but occasionally the boundary was contracted in this latter direction to the eastern shores of the Mediterranean (Is. xxiv. 16; Zech. ix. 10; Ps. lxxii. 8). Without unduly pressing the language of prophecy, it may be said that the views of the Hebrews as to the size of the earth extended but little beyond the nations with which they came in contact; its solidity is fire quently noticed, its dimensions but seldom (Job xxxviii. 18; Is. xiii. 5). We shall presently trace the progress of their knowledge in succeeding ages. The earth was divided into four quarters or regions corresponding to the four points of the compass; these were described in various ways, sometimes according to their positions relatively to

    a person facing the east, before (D^j?.), behind

    (">TI$, the right hand (^E^), and the left

    hand (?MBtp), representing respectively K., W., S., and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9); sometimes relatively to the sun's course, the rising (rTTO), the setnate

    «rm of the earth from scatterea allusions, sod (fcCOD, Ps. 1. 1) the brUHanl quarter (OVPI, *«■ i for the most part in the poetical books, rhere T

    Et xl. 24), and the dark quarter (fTO?, Ex. xxvi

    20 conip. the Greek (ifos, Horn. IL lit M0)< sometimes as the seat of the four winds (Es. xxxvii 9); ant. sometimes according to the physical char-

    It is difficult to decide how far the language u to M regaided ss literal, and how far as metaphorical. Taere seem to be traces of the same ideas is pre- atUsd among; the Greeks, that the world wa» % disk

    scierisUce, the tea (DJ) for the W. (Gen. xxviii.

    14), the jwroUrf Gffl) far the S. (Ex. xxvii. 9),

    ud the mountains (D^H) for the N. (Is. xiii. 4). The north appears to hare been regarded M the higheet pert of the earth's surface, in conse- quenoe perhaps of the mountain ranges which existed there, and thus the heaviest part of the earth (Job xxvi. 7). The north was also the quarter in which the Hebrew el-Dorado lav, the land of gold mines (Job xxxvii. 22; margin ; comp. Her. iii. 116V

    These terms are very indistinctly used when applied to special localities; for we find tue north assigned as the quarter of Assyria (Jer. iii. 18), Babylonia (Jer. vi. 22), and the Euphrates (Jer. xbi. 10), and more frequently Media (Jer. L 3; comp. li. 11), while the south is especially repre- sented by Egypt (Is. xxx. 6; Dan. xi. 6). The Hebrews were not more exact in the use of terms descriptive of the physical features of the earth's

    surface; for instance, the same term (DJ) is ap- plied to the sea (Mediterranean), to the lakes of Palestine, and to great rivers, such as the Nile (Is. xviii. 2), and perhaps the Euphrates (Is. xxvii. 1):

    mountain (in) signifies not only high ranges, such as Sinai or Ararat, but an elevated region

    (Josh. xi. 16); river (IH}) is occasionally applied to the sea (Jon. ii. 3; Pa. xxiv. 2) and to canals led by rivers (Is. xliv. 27). Their vocabulary, how- ever, was ample for describing the special features rf the lands with which they were acquainted, the terms for the different sorts of valleys, mountains, rivers, and springs being very numerous and ex- pressive. We cannot fail to be struck with the adequate ideas of descriptive geography expressed in the directions given to the spies (Num. xiii. 17- 20), and in the dosing address of Moses (Deut riii. 7-8) ; nor less, with the extreme accuracy and the variety of almost technical terms, with which the boundaries of the various tribes are described in the book of Joshua, warranting the assumption that the Hebrews had acquired the art of surveying from the Egyptians (Jshn, L 6, § 104).

    (2.) We proceed to give a brief sketch of the geographical knowledge of the Hebrews down to the period when their distinctive names and ideas were superseded by those of classical writers. The chief source of information open to them, beyond the circle of their own experience, was their inter- num with the Phoenician traders. While the first Bade them acquainted with the nations from the Tigris to the African desert, the second informed litem of the coasts of the Mediterranean, the regions of the north, and the southern districts of Arabia. From the Assyrians and Babylonians they gained some slight knowledge of the distant countries of India, and perhaps even China."

    Of the physical objects noticed we may make the following summary, omitting of course the details ef the geography of Palestine: (1.) Seat — the Mediterranean, which was termed the " Great Sea " Num. xxxiv. 6), the " Sea of the Philistines " (Ex. odii. 31), and the " Western Sea" (Deut. xi. 24); the Red Sea, under the names of the " Sea of

    > Has (sograpMeal questions arising out of the i of the garden of Men an discussed In a [Kan.]

    Soph," udge (Ex. x. 19), and the " EgypUaa Sea " (Is.xi. 15); the Dead Sea, under the names - Salt Sea" (Gen. xir. 8), "Eastern Sea" (Joel ii. 20) and "Sea of the Desert" (Deut iv. 49); and th* Sea of Chinnereth, or Galilee (Num. xxxiv. 11) (2.) Riven — the Euphrates, which was specifically "the river" (Gen. xxxi. 21), or " the great river " (Deut. I. 7); the Nile, which was named either Yor (Gen. xli. 1), or Sihor (Josh. xiii. 3); the Tigris, under the name of Hiddekel (Dan. x. 4); the Chebar, Chaborat, a tributary to the Euphrates (Ea. i. 3); the Habor, probably the same, but sometimes identified with the Chaborat that falls into the Tigris (2 K. xvii. 6); the river of Egypt (Num. xxxiv. G); and the rivers of Damascus. Abana (Barada), and Pharpar (2 K. r. 12). For the Gibon and Pison (Gen. ii. 11, 13), see Edkn. (3.) Momiains — Ararat or Armenia (Gen. riii. 4) ; Sinai (Ex. xix. 2); Horeb (Ex. Iii. 1); Hor (Num. xx. 22) near Petra; Lebanon (Deut. iii- 25); and Sephar (Gen. x. 30) in Arabia.

    The distribution of the nations over the face of the earth is systematically described in Gen. x., to which account subsequent, though not very im- portant, additions are made in chaps, xxv. and xxxvi., and in the prophetical and historical books. Although the table in Gen. x. is essentially ethno- graphical, yet the geographical element is aha strongly developed : the writer had in his mind's eye not only the descent but the rtndenct of the various nations. Some of the names indeed seem to be purely geographical designations ; Aram, fix instance, means kiyk lands ; Canaan, low landt ; Eber, the land aerou, or beyond; Sidon, jutting station ; Madai, central land ; Tarshish, probably conquered; Mixraun, still more remarkably from its dual form, the too Egypts; Ophir, the rid land. It has indeed been surmised that the names of the three great divisions of the family of Noah are also in their origin geographical terms ; Japhet, the widely extended regions of the north and west; Ham, the country of the bUick soil, Egypt; and Shem the mountninom country; the last is, how- ever, more than doubtful.

    (□ endeavoring to sketch out a map of the work) as described in Gen. x., it must be borne in mind that, in cases where the names of the races have not either originated in or passed over to the lands they occupied, the locality must be more or tees doubtful. For the migrations of the various tribes in the long lapse of ages led to the transfer of the name from one district to another, so that even in Biblical geography the same name may at different periods indicate a widely different locality. Thus Magog in the Mosaic table may have been located south of the Caucasus, and in ExekieTs time, north of that range; Corner at the former period in Cap- padocia, at the latter in the Crimea. Again, the terms may have varied with the extending knowl- edge of the earth's surface; C'hittim, originally Cyprus, was afterwards applied to the more westerly lands of Macedonia in the age of the Maccabees, if not even to Italy in the prophecies of DanieL while Tarshish may without contradiction have been the sea-coast of CUicia in the Mosaic table, and the coast of Spain in a later age. Possibly a solution may be found for the occurrence of more than one Dedan, Sheba, and Havilah, in the fact that these names re pre sent districts of a certain character, of which several might exist in different parts. From the above remarks it will appear bow numerous sr the elements of ULcertair.ty introduced into thn

    •object; unanimity of opinion j uncut impossible; nor need it came uirprise, V even in the present work the views of different writers are found at variance. The principle on which the following statement has been compiled is this — to assign to the Mosaic table the narrowest limits within which the nations have been, according to the best authorities, located, and then to trace out, as far as our means admit, the changes which those nations experienced in Biblical times.

    Commencing from the west, the "isles of the Gentiles," i. e. the coasts and islands of the Medi- terranean sea, were occupied by the Japhetites in the following order: Javan, the lonlatu, in parts of Greece and Asia Minor; Elishah, perhaps the j-Eotiam, in the same countries ; Dodanim, the Dardnm, in lllyricum; Tiras in Thrace; Kittim, at Citiwn, in Cyprus; A&hkenaz in Phrygia; Gomer in Cappadocia, and TarshUh in Cilicia. In the north, Tubal, the Tibareiti, in Pontus ; Meshech, the Moichici, in Colchis; Magog, Gugarau, in northern Armenia ; Togarmah in Armenia; and Madal in Media. The Hamites represent the southern parts of the known world ; Cush, probably an appellative similar to the Greek Ethiopia, ap- plicable to all the dark races of Arabia and eastern Africa; Mixraim in Egypt; Phut in Libya; Naph- tubim and Lehabim, on the coast of the Mediter- ranean, west of Egypt ; Caphtorim. in Egypt ; Casluhim from the Nile to the border of Palestine; Pathrusim in Egypt ; Seba in Meroe ; Sabtah, on the western coast of the straits of Sab-el-mandeb ; Havilah, more to the south ; and Sabtechah in the extreme south, where the SomauU now live; Nun- rod in Babylonia; Raamah and Dedan on the southwestern coast of the Persian gulf. In the central part of the world were the Shemites: Elam, Elymaii, in Persia ; Aashur in Assyria ; Arphaxad, ArrapachitU, in northern Assyria; Lud in Lydiu ; Aram in Syria and Mesopotamia, and the descend- ant* of Joktan in the peninsula of Arabia.

    This sketch is filled up, as far as regards northern Arabia, by a subsequent account, in ch. xxv., of the settlement of the descendants of Abraham by Keturah and of Ishmael; the geographical position of many is uncertain ; but we are acquainted with that of the Midianites among the sons of Abraham, and of Nebaioth, Nabataa ; Kedar, Kedrei (Plin. v. 12); Dumah, Dwnailha (Ptol. v. 19), among the sons of Ishmael. Some of the names in this passage have a geographical origin, as Mibsam, a spice-tearing land, Tema, an artdf or southern land. Again, in ch. xxxvi. we have some particulars with regard U. the country immediately to the south of Palestine, where the aboriginal Horitea, the Trog- lodytes of the mountainous districts in the eastern part of Arabia Petraea, were displaced by the descendants of Esau. The narrative shows an inti-

    nate acquaintance with this district, at we have the names of various towns, Dinhabah. Bozrah, Avith, Masrekah, Kehoboth, and Pau, few of which

    lave any historical importance. The peninsula

    f Sinai is particularly described in the book of Hindus.

    The countries, however, to which historical in- terest attaches are Mesopotamia and Egypt. The Hereditary connection of the Hebrews with the former of these districts, and the importance of the dynasties which bore sway in it, make it by far the most prominent feature in the map of toe indent world ; its designation in the book of 3eneaia is Padan aram. or Aram-Naharaim; in the

    north was Ur of tl» Chaldees, and the Haran to which Terah migrated ; in the south was the plain of Shinar, and the seat of Nimrod's capital, Babel; on the banks of the Tigris were the cities of Acead Calneh, Nineveh, Calah, and Kesen; and on tot banks of the Euphrates, Erech and Rebor-

Shinar, Ellasar, Elam, and Tidal, the object of *hich ap- parently was to open the commercial route to the ifilanitic gulf (Gen. xiv.), and which succeeded in the temporary subjection of all the intervening na- tions, the Kephaim in Ashteroth-Karnaim (Baahan), the Zuzim in Ham (between the Arnon and Jab- bok), the Emim in Shaveh (near the Arnon), and the district of the Anialekites (to the south of Pal- estine). It is, in short, to the early predominance of the eastern dynasties that we are indebted for the few geographical details which we possess regarding those and the intervening districts. The Egyptian captivity introduces to our notice some of the localities in Lower Egypt, namely, the prov'noe of Goshen, and the towns Katnesee (Gen. xlvii. 11); On, Helinpohs (Gen. xli. 45); Pithom, Patumutf (Ex. i. 11); and MigdoL MagdoUml (Ex. xiv. 3).

During the period of the Judges the Hebrew* had no opportunity of advancing their knowledge of the outer world ; but with the extension of their territory under David and Solomon, and the com- mercial treaties entered into by the latter with the Phoenicians in the north and the Egyptians in the south, a new era commenced. It is difficult to estimate the amount of information which the Hebrews derived from the Phoenicians, inasmuch as the general policy of those enterprising traders was to keep other nations in the dark as to the localities they visited ; but there can be no doubt that it was from them that the Hebrews learned the route to Ophir, by which the trade with India and South Africa was carried on, and that they also became acquainted with the positions and pro- ductions of a great number of regions comparatively unknown. From Ex. xxvii. we may form some idea of the extended ideas of geography which the Hebrews had obtained : we have notice of the mineral wealth of Spain, the dyes of the j£g»ean Sea, the famed horses of Armenia, the copper-mines of Colchis, the yarns and embroideries of Assyria, the cutlery of South Arabia, the spices and precious stones of the Yemen, and the caravan trade which was carried on with India through the entrepots on the Persian Gulf. As the prophet does not profess to give a systematical enumeration of the places, but selects some from each quarter of the earth, it may fairly be inferred that more informa- tion was obtained from that source. Whether it was from thence that the Hebrews heard of the tribes living on the northern coasts of the Euxins — the Scythians (Magog), the Cimmerians (Gomer), and the Koxohmi (?), or perhaps Russians (Koach, Ez. xxxviii. 2, Hebrew text) — is uncertain : the inroad of the northern hordes, which occurred about Exekiel's time, may have drawn attention to that quarter.

The progress of information on the side of Africa is clearly marked: the distinction between Upper and Lower Egypt is shown by the application of the name Pathros to the former (Ez. xxix. 14) Memphis, the capital of lower Egypt, is first men tioned in Hoaea (ix. 6) under the name Moph, and afterwards frequently as Noph (Is. xix. 18) ; Thebes, the capital of Upper Egypt, at a later period, as

No-Ammon (Nah. iiL 8) and No (Jer. xlvi. 25); and the distant Syene (Ex. zziz. 10). Several ather town* in noticed in the Delta; Sin, Peitmum (Es. zxz. 15); Pibeseth, Bubattu (Ex. xxx. 17); Zo«n, TaniM (Is. xix. 11); Tahapanes, or Tahpanhea, Daphne (Jer. ii. 16); Heliitpolit, under the He- braised form Beth-shemesh (Jer. xliii. 13); and, higher up the Nile, Hanoi, HeracUopolis (la, xxx. 4). The position of certain nations seems to have been better ascertained. Cusb (AZtliiopia) was 6xed immediately to the south of Egypt, where rirhakah held sway with Napala for bis capital (2 K. xix. 9); the Lubim (Libyans, perhaps rather Nubians, who may also be noticed - under the cor- rupted form Chub, Ex. xxx. 5) appear as allies of Egypt; and with them a people uot previously noticed, the Sukkiim, the TrogludyUs of the western coast of the Red Sea (2 Chr. xii. 3); the l-udim and Phut are mentioned in the same connection (Ex. xxx. 5).

The wars with the Assyrians and Babylonians, and the captivities which followed, bring us back again to the geography of the East. Incidental notice is taken of several important places in con- nection with these events : the capital of Persia, Shushan, Susa (Dan. viii. 3); that of Media, Achmetha, Ecbatana (Ear. vi. 2); Hena, Ivah, and Sepharvaim, on the Euphrates (2 K. xviii. 31) ; Carchemish, Circeiium, on the same river (Is. x. 9); Uozan and Halah, on the borders of Media (2 K. xvii. 6); Kir, perhaps on the banks of the Cyrus (3 K. xvi. 9). The names of Persia (2 Chr. xxxvi. 20) and India (Esth. i. 1), now occur: whether the far-distant China is noticed at an earlier period under toe name Sinim (Is. xlix. 12) admits of doubt.

The names of Greece and Italy are hardly noticed in Hebrew geography: the earliest notice of the former, subsequently to Gen. x., occurs in Is. lxvi. 19, under the name of Javan; for the Javan in Joel ill. 6 is probably in South Arabia, to which we must also refer Ex. xxvii. 13, and Zech. ix. 13. In Dan. viii. 21, the term definitely applies to Greece, whereas in Is. lxvi. it is indefinitely used for the Greek settlements. If Italy is described at all, it is under the name Chittim (Dan. xi. 30).

In the Maccabaean era the classical names came : nto common use: Crete, Sparta, Delos, Sicyon, Carta, Cilicia, and other familiar names, are noticed (I Mace. x. 67, xi. 14, xv. 23); Asia, in a re- stricted sense, as = the Syrian empire (1 Mace. viii. 1 ) ; Hispania and Rome (1 Mace. viii. 1-3). Hence- forward the geography of the Bible, as far as foreign anda are concerned, is absorbed in the wider field >f classical geography. It is hardly necessary to idd that the use of classical designations in our Authorized Version is in many instances a depart- ure from the Hebrew text: for instance, Mtsopo- amia stands for Aram-Naharaim (Gen. xxiv. 10) Ethiopia for Cush (2 K. xix. 9); the Chalduant Sir Chasdim (Job i. 17); Graxia for Javan (Dan. tiii. 21); Egypt for Mizraim (Gen. xiii. 10): Armenia for Ararat (2 K. xix. 87); Assyria for


    Aashur (Gen. ii. 14); Jdumaa for Edom (Is, xxtdv 5), and Syria for Aram. Arabia, it may bt observed, does occur as an original Hebrew nam* in the later books (Is. xxl. 13), but probably in s restricted sense as applicable to a single tribe.

    W. L. B.


    EARTHQUAKE (Sty? [« trembling}) Earthquakes, more or less violent, are of frequent occurrence in Palestine, as might be expected from the numerous traces of volcanic agency visible in the features of that country. The recorded in- stances, however, an but few; the most remarkable occurred in the reign of Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 6), which Josephus (Ant. ix. 10, § 4) connected with the sacrilege and consequent punishment of that monarch (2 Chr. xxvi. 16 ff.). From Zech. xiv. 4 we are led to infer that a great convulsion took place at this time in the Mount of Olives, the mountain being split so as to leave a valley be- tween its summits. Josephus records something of the sort, but his account is by no means clear, for his words (roD Spovs lurodpayrjm rb f/uov toD Kara rrjy Siair) can hardly mean the western half of the mountain, as Whiston seems to think, but the half of the western mountain, i. e., of the Mount of Evil Counsel, though it is not clear why this height particularly should be termed the western mountain. We cannot but think that the two accounts have the same foundation, and that the Mount of Olives was really affected by the earthquake. Hitxig (Comm. in Zech.) suggests

    that the name fTntPD, « corruption," may haw

    originated at this time, the rolling down of the side of the hill, as described by Josephus, entitling it to be described ss the destroying mountain, in the sense in which the term occurs in Jer. Ii. 25. An earthquake occurred at the time of our Saviour's crucifixion (Matt, xxvii. 51-64), which may be deemed miraculous rather from the conjunction of circumstances than from the nature of the phenom- enon itself, for it Is described in the usual terms (4 -p\\ co-ffoth)). Josephus (Ant. xv. 5, § 2) records a very violent earthquake, that occurred B. c. 81, in which 10,000 people perished." Earthquakes are not unfrequently accompanied by fissures of the earth's surface; instances of this are recorded in connection with the destruction of Koran and his company (Num. xvi. 32; cf. Joseph. Ant. iv. 3, J 3), and at the time of our Lord's death (Matt, xxvii. 51 ) ; the former may be paralleled by a similar occurrence at Oppido in Calabria A. D. 1783, where the earth opened to the extent of 500, and a depth of more than 200 feet; and again by the sinking of the bed of the Tagua at Lisbon, in which the quay was swallowed up (Pfaff, Schdp- fungsgeta'i. p. 115). These depressions are some- times on a very large scale ; the subsidence of the valley of Siddim at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea may be attributed to an earthquake; similar depressions have occurred in many dis tri cts,

    « * For a tragic account of the great earthquake In 1887, which was so destructive in Galilee, especially In the loss of life at Tiberias and Snfert, see Robinson's BiH Rrt. HI. 821 If., and Thomson's Land an I Book, I. 428-488. On the general subject of the frequency of earthquakes in the Bast, we have copious Informa- tion la Dr. Pussy's Minor Prophtls (Am. I. 1). See taw Bob m*s. Osogr p. 284 ff. It it remarkable

    that though the figurative aUustaos to aarthquaks> are so numerous in the Bible, we read of but twi Instances menaooed as occurring In Palestine, namely that In the daya of Usalah (Am. 1. 1 and Zech. xrv. I sod the one In connection with the Saviour's deals Earthquakes are not uncommon In the Arabian psoas aula (comp. sot. xix. 18 and 1 K. xix. 11). H.

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    the most remarkable being th' subiuersion ind subsequent re-elevation of the Ur iple of Serapis at Puteoli. The frequency of eartbo'iakes about the Dead Sea i> teatifleJ in the name Bela (Gen. xiv. 2; comp. Jerome ad It. XT.). Darkness ia fre- quently a concomitant of earthquake. [Dark- ness. ] The awe, which an earthquake never fails lo inspire, " conveying the idea of some universal and unlimited danger" (Humboldt's Kotmot, i. 212), rendered it a fitting token of the presence of Jehovah (1 K. xix. 11); hence it is frequently noticed in connection with his appearance (Judg. v. 4; 2 Sam. xxii. 8; l's. burvii. 18, xcvii. 4, civ. 32; Am. viii. 8; Hab. iii. 10). W. L. B.

    EAST (Oil?.- - rntO). The Hebrew terms descriptive of the entl diner in idea, and, to a cer- tain extent, in application; (1) kedem properly means that which is before or m front ofn person, and was applied to the east from the custom of turning in that direction when describing the points of the compass, before, behind, the right and the left, representing respectively E», W., S., and N. (Job rxiii. 8, 9) ; (2) mixrach means the place of the sun's rising, and strictly answers to the Greek 4»otc\\T) and the Latin orient ; sometimes

    the full expression B7$W I 'jTP is used (Judg. xi. 18; Is. xli. 25), and sometimes tedem and mizr&ch are used together It. g. Ex. xxvii. 13; Josh. xix. 12), which is after all not so (autologous as it appears to be in our translation " on the east side eastward." Bearing in mind this etymological distinction, it is natural that kedem should be used when the four quarters of the world are described (as in Gen. xiii. 14, xxviii. 14; Job xxiii. 8,9; Ez. xlvii. 18 ft'.), and mixr&ch when the east is only distinguished from the voett (Josh. xi. 3 ; Pa. I. 1, dii. 12, radii. 3 ; Zech. viii. 7), or from some other one quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44; Am. viii. 12); exceptions to this usage occur in Ps. cvii. 3, and Is. xliii. 5, each, however, admitting of explanation. Again, kedem ia used in a strictly geographical sense to describe a spot or country immediately before another in an easterly direction ; hence it occurs in such passages as Gen. ii. 8, iii. 24, xi. 2, xiii. 11, xxv. 6; and hence the subsequent application of the term, as a proper name (Gen. xxv. 6, eatttenrd, unto the land of Kedem), to the lands lying immediately eastward of Palestine, ■tamely, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia [Besk-kjedkm] ; on the other hand mizrdch is used of the far east with a less definite signification (Is. xli. 2, 25, xliii. 5, xlvi. 11). In describing atpect or directum the terms are used indifferently (compare kedem in Lev. i. 16 and Josh. vii. 2 with mUrdch in 2 Chr. v. 12, and 1 Chr. v. 10). The east seems to have been regarded as symbolical of distance (Is. xlvi. 11), as the land stretched out in these directions without any known limit. In Is. ii. 6 it appears as the seat of witchery and similar arts (comp. Job xv. 2) ; the correct text may, how- ever, be DOJ3Q, which gives a better sense (Gesen. Thttaur. p. '1193). In the LXX. IvaroXal is «ed both for kedem and mixrach. It should be hserved that the expression is, with hut few ex- isptions (Dan. viii. 9; Rev. xxi. 13; comp. vii. 2, xvi. 12, from which it would seem to have been St



    a • gtstts Indsed (In Hersog't ReaUSneyk s v. fauna) has supposed that such a separatl-"> existed, mi that the event eommemorited throaa-hna. me flrst

    John's usage to Insert 1/klou), ararokal (Matt ii. 1, viii. 11, xxiv. 27; Luke xiii. 29), and not araroA^. It Is hardly possible that St. Matthew would use the two terms indifferently in succeeding verses (ii. 1, 2), particularly as he adds the article to sWtoAt/, which is invariably absent in other as (cf. Rev. xxi. 13). He seems to imply a definiteness In the locality — that it was the country

    called OTQ, or avarok-fi (comp. the modern Anatolia) as distinct from the quarter or point of the compass (eWroAoi) in which it lay. In con- firmation of this it may be noticed that in the only passage where the article is prefixed to kedem (Gen. x. 30), the term is used for a definite and restricted locality, namely, Southern Arabia. W. L. B.

    EASTER (rdVxa: patcha). The occurrence of this word in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4 — " Intend- ing after Easter to bring him forth to the people " — is chiefly noticeable as an example of the want of consistency in the translators. In the earlier English versions Easter had been frequently used as the translation of wdax*- At the 'ast revision Passover was substituted in all passages but this. It would seem from this, and from the use of such words as "robbers of churches" (Acts xix. 37), "town-clerk" (xix. 35), "Serjeants" (xvi. 86), "deputy" (xiii. 7, Ac), as if the Acts of the Apostles had fallen into the hands of a translator who acted on the principle of choosing, not the most correct, but the most familiar equivalents. (Comp. Trench, On the Authorized I'ertion of the X. T. p. 21 [2d ed. p 49].) Kor all that regards the nature and celebration of the Keaat thus trans- lated, see Passover. E. H. P.

    * In Christian antiquity the joyful remembrance of our Lord's resurrection was intimately associated, as it has ever since been, with the mournful recol- lection of his death. The allusions in the New Testament are not indeed so distinct (cf. 1 Cor. v. 7) that any positive evidence can be drawn from them ; yet the resurrection of Christ was so con- nected in the teaching of the Apostles with bis death (e. g. Rom. vi. 9; 1 Cor. xv. 20, Ac.) that it is difficult to conceive in the early churches ol an annual festival to commemorate the latter apart from all reference to the former." As the two events however took place on different days, and as they called np in the mind different sides of Christ's work upon earth, and along with these different sets of thoughts and emotions, it became easy to observe them in close connection with each other, and yet with a marked separation between them. Such an arrangement probably was recognized under Anicetus at Rome (a. d. 170) by the keep- ing of Kriday in commemoration of the death, an! of the following Lord's day as the anniversary of the resurrection, although the decree to this effect ascribed to him cannot be considered genuine. (Ct Suicer, Thu. s. v. xdVxa, n. 625.) Towards the close of the second century, the notices of directions for the observance of the " Passover" or the " Lord's Resurrection" only on the Lord's day become very numerous in the western church. Th> two names seem to be used indifferently in the admoni- tions of bishops and the determinations of councils; but in either ease i* is spoken of as a joyful festival and the termination of the preceding solemn fast

    three centuries was only the death of Christ ; bnt tbt notices of antiquity do not seem to support this con- clusion. F. O

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    (See the citations in Suicer, ubi npra.) In the Eastern Church, when the rut m terminated and the festival kept on the day of the Jewish Passover, it does not so clearly appear how the distinction was drawn between the two events; bat that both were in remembrance cannot be doubted in view of the bet that there were no recriminations upon this point in the sharp and bitter controversy be- tween the East and the West as to the proper time of celebration.

    This controversy was at first contracted in a kindly and fraternal spirit Polycarp visited Rome (a. v. 164) for the express purpose, among other objects, of bringing about an agreement. He was unsuccessful, but separated from Anicetus in peace and in full communion. The same spirit animated the successors of Anicetus down to the time of Victor I. wbo excommunicated the " quarto-deci- mans " and threw into the controversy that element of bitterness from which it was never after wholly free. The council of Aries (a. d. 314) finally decided the dispute, now so prolonged and so acri- monious, in favor of the Western practice, and this decision was reaffirmed at Nice. The decision however, teems hardly to have been received in the more distant parts of the empire, as is evidenced by the famous conferences between St- Augustine and the Anglican Christians at the close of the sixth century. The decision of Nice required the festival to be celebrated on the Lord's day following the full moon next succeeding the Vernal Equinox. This still left the question open as to what should be done when that full moon itself fell on a Sunday; and here again the East and West divided, the former in such case following their old custom and celebrating on the same day with the Jews, while the latter deferred their festival to the following Lord's day. This controversy likewise travelled to England and was then settled in fitvor of the Western practice at the council of Whitby (a. d. 1164) after a sharp dispute between Ailbert of Paris and Colnian Up. of Northumbria.

    Such controversies, perhaps all the more from the earnestness with which they were conducted, testify to the importance attached to this festival from the earliest antiquity. Had there ever been any disposition among Christians to forget the annual return of the time of the Redeemer's suf- fering and resurrection, the recurrence of the Jewish Passover must hate been a sufficient reminder, and when the Christian Church bad outgrown such influence, the observance of the festival had become fixed. Its early name continued to be "the Pass- over,'' as at once continuing the Jewish festival, and in itself deeply significant Substantially the same name is still preserved throughout a large part of Christendom. The English name of Easter md the German Ottern have direct reference rather to the season of toe year, the Spring, at which the festival occurs, than to its subject matter; while yet that season itself has always been considered u suggestive of the resurrection. Indeed the lames themselves are supposed to be derived from the old wore otter, osten, = rising, " because nature arises anew in spring." There was a Teutonic goddess Ofttra, whose festival was celebrated early m the Spring by the Saxons, and the occurrence >f the Easter festival at the same season made it easier for them to give up their heathen feast, and perhaps led to their attaching thereto a name to ehioh they acre already accustomed. F. 6.


    • EAST SEA, THE, Esek. xhfi. IS; 1m il. 90; Zech. xiv. 8, marg. [Ska, The Salt.]

    EAST WIND. [Wuroa.]

    • EATING, CUSTOMS RELATING TO- [Food; Mialb; Wabhikg.]

    ETBAL (^y [stone]: roi/H*. Toi£*> [Vat ratfriA]; Alex. roo/SnA in 1 Chr.: Ebaly 1. One of the sons of 8bobal the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23; 1 Chr. 1. 40).

    2. (Oni. in Vat MS.; Alex. r«uuu»; [Camp *H/94a:] HtbaL) Obai. the son of Joktan (IChr. i. 22; conip. Gen. x. 28). Eleven of Kennicott's HSS. [with the Syriac and Arabic versions] read

    bn W In 1 Chr. as in Gen.

    lTOAL, MOUNT (b^J "1Q [»,*», f stone] : ipos IYujSrfA ; Joseph. Ttfii\\m : Hon* Htbal), a mount in the promised land, on which, according to the command of Moses, the Israelites were, after their entrance on the promised land, to " put " the curse which should fell upon them if they disobeyed the commandments of Jehovah. The blessing consequent on obedience- wss to be similarly localised on Mount Gerixim (Deut xi. 26-29). This was to be accomplished by a cere- monial in which half the tribes stood on the one mount and half on the other; those on Gerhdm responding to and affirming blessings, those on Ebal curses, as pronounced by the Levites, who remained with the ark in the centre of the interval (romp. Deut xxvii. 11-26 with Josh. viii. 80-35, with Joseph. Aid. iv. 8, § 44, and with the com- ments of the Talmud (Sola, vii. § S), quoted in Herxheimer's Pentateuch). But notwithstanding the ban thus apparently laid on Ebal, it was further appointed to be the site of the first great altar to be erected to Jehovah ; an altar of large unhewn stones plastered with lime and inscribed with the words of the law (Deut xxvii. 2-8). On this altar peace-offerings were to be offered, and round it a sacrificial feast was to take place, with other rejoic- ings (ver. 6, 7). Scholars disagree as to whether there were to be two erectlore — a kind of cromlech and an altar — or an altar only, with the law inscribed on its stones. The latter was the view of Josephus (Aid. iv. 8, $ 44, v. 1, { 19), the former is unhesitatingly adopted by the latest com- mentator (Keil, on Josh. viii. 32). The words themselves may perhaps bear either sense.

    The terms of Moses' injunction seem to infer that no delay was to take place in carrying out tins symbolical transaction. It was to e " on the day " that Jordan was crossed (xxvii. t), before they

    went in unto the land flowing with milk and honey" (ver. 3). And accordingly Joshua appears to have seized the earliest practicable moment, after the pressing aflaire of the siege of Jericho, the ex- ecution of Achan, and the destruction of Ai had been despatched, to carry out the command (Josh, viii 30-36). After this Ebal appears no more in the sacred story.

    The question now arises, where were Ebal and Gerizim situated? The all but unanimous reply to this is, that they are the mounts which form the sides of the fertile valley in which lies NabUt, the ancient Shechkm — Ebal on the north and Ger- izim on the south.

    (1.) It Is plain from the passages already quotes that they were situated near together, with • taler between.

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    (i.) Gerizim in very near Shechem (Judg. ix. I) mod in Josephus's (line their names sppear to have been attached to the mount*, which vers then, u now, Ebai on the north and Uerizim on the •oath. Since that they have been mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela (Asher, i. 66), and Sir John Maunderiue, und among modern travelleii by MaondreU (J/»I Trm. p. 433).

    The main impediment to our entire reception of thi» view rati in the term* of the first mention of the place by Moses in Deut. id. 30: A. V. "Are they not on the other side of Jordan, by the way where the sun goeth down in the land of the Ca- naanites, which dwell in the champaign over against Uilgai, beside the plains of Moreh?" Here the mention of Uilgai, which was in the valley of the Jordan near Jericho, of the valley itself (Arabnh, mistranslated here only, " champaign "), and of the Canaanites who dwelt there, and also the other terms of the injunction of Moses, as already noticed, seem to imply that Ebal and Gerizim were in the immediate neighborhood of Jericho. And this is strengthened by the narrative of Joshua, who ap- pears to have carried out the prescribed ceremonial on the mounts while his camp was at Uilgai (comp. vii. 9, ix. 6), and before be had (at least before any account of his having) made his way so far into the interior of the country as Shechem.

    This is the view taken by Eusebius ( Onormudoon, rc/ktA). He does not quote the passage in Deut., but seems to be led to his opinion rather by the difficulty of the mountains at Shechem being too far apart to admit of the blessings and cursings being beard, and also by his desire to contradict the Samaritans; add to this that he speaks from no personal knowledge, but simply from hearsay (Aryerw), as to the existence of two such hills in the Jordan valley. The notice of Eusebius is merely translated by Jerome, with a shade more of animosity to the Samaritans (tthementer errant), and expression of difficulty as to the distance, but without any additional information. Procopius and Epiphanius also followed Eusebius, but tbeir mistakes have been disposed of by Reland (PaL pp. 503, 504; MuctU. pp. 129-133).

    With regard to the passage in Dent., it will per- haps assume a different aspect on examination. (1.) Moses is represented as speaking from the east ■ids of the Jordan, before anything was known of the country on the west, beyond the exaggerated reports of the spies, and when everything there was wrapped in mystery, and localities and distances had not assumed their due proportions. (2.) A closer rendering of the verse is as follows: " Are they not on the other side the Jordan, beyond

    Cn£ftjl, the word rendered " the bachide of the

    desert," in Ex. iii. 1) — the way of the sunset, in the land of the Canaanito who dwells in the Ar- abah over against Uilgai, near the terebinths of Moreh." If this rendering is correct, a great part of the difficulty has disappeared. Uilgai no longer marks the site of Ebal and Oerizim, but of the dwelling of the Canaanites, who were, it is true, 'lie first to encounter the Israelites on the other side the river, in their native lowlands, but who, we have it actually on record, were both in the time tf Abraham (Geo. xii. 6) and of the conquest fJosh. xvii. 18) located about Shechem. Thr word sow rendered " beyond " is not represented at all • the A. V., mid it certainly throws the locality meh further lack; and lastly then is the striking



    landmark of the trees of Moreh, which were stand- ing by Shechem when Abraham first entered tiki land, and whose name probably survived in Mor- thia, or Mamortha, a name of Shechem found on coins of the Roman period (Reland, MitctU. pp. 137, 139).

    In accordance with this is the addition in the Samaritan Pentateuch, after the words "the tere- binths of Moreh," at the end of Deut. xi. 30, of the words " over against Shechem." This addition is the more credible because there is not, as in the esse noticed afterwards, any apparent motive for it If this interpretation be accepted, the next verse (31) gains a fresh force: "For ye shall pa** ovet Jordan [not only to meet the Canaanites imme- diately on the other side, but] to go in to posses* the land [the whole of the country, even the heart of it, where these mounts are situated (glancing back to ver. 99)], the land which Jehovah your God giveth you ; and ye shall possess it, and dwell therein." And it may also be asked whether thr significance of the whole solemn ceremonial of the blessing and cursing is not missed if we understand it as taking place directly a footing had been ob- tained on the outskirts of the oountry, and not as acted in the heart of the conquered land, in it* most prominent natural position, and close to it* oldest city — Shechem.

    This is evidently the view taken by Josephua. His statement (Ant. v. 1, { 19) is that it took place after the subjugation of the country and the estab- lishment of the Tabernacle at Shiloh. Be has no misgivings as to the situation of the mountains. They were at Shechem («w) Xuti/mr), and from thence, after the oeremony, the people returned to Shiloh.

    The narrative of Joshua is more puzzling. But even with regard to this something may be said. It will be at once perceived that the book contains no account of the conquest of the centre of the country, of those portions which were afterwards the mountain of Ephraim, Esdraelon, or Galilee. We lose Joshua at Uilgai, after the conquest of the south, to find him again suddenly at the waters of Merom in the extreme north (x. 48, xi. 7). Of bis intermediate proceedings the only record that seems to have escaped is the fragment contained in viii. 30-35. Nor should it be overlooked that some doubt is thrown on this fragment by its omission in both the Vat. and Alex. MSS. of the LXX.

    The distance of Ebal and Gerizim from each other is not such a stumbling-block to us as it war to Eusebius; though it is difficult to understand how he and Jerome should have been ignorant of the distance to which the voice will travel in tbt clear, elastic atmosphere of the East. Prof. Stanley hss given some instances of this (8. A P. p. It); others equally remarkable were observed by the writer; and be has been informed by a gentleman long resident in the neighborhood that a voice can be heard without difficulty across the valley separ- ating the two spots in question (see also Bouar, p. 871).

    It is well known that one of the most serious variations between the Hebrew text of the Penta- teuch and the Samaritan text, is in re f e re n ce to Ebal and Uerizim. In Deut xxvii. 4, the Samar- itan hss Uerizim, while the Hebrew (as in A. V.) has Ebal, a* the mount on which the altar to Je- hovah and the inscription of the law were to be erected. Upon this basis they ground the sanotitj of Uerizim and the authenticity of the temple and

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    holy place, which did exist and still exist there The arguments upon this difficult and hop ele s s question will be found in Kennicott (ItisteH. S), ind in the reply of Venchuir (Leovard. 1776; quoted by Gesenius, de Pent. Sam. p. 61). Two pointa may merely be glanced at here which hare apparently eecaped notice. (1.) Both agree that Kbal was the mount on which the cursings were to re»t, Gerizim that for the blessings. It appear* in- consistent, that Ebal, the mount of cursing, should be the Kite of the altar and the record of the law, while Gerizim, the mount of bleating, should re- main unoccupied by sanctuary of any kind. (2.) Taking into account the known predilection of Orientals for ancient sites on which to fix their sanctuaries, it is more easy to believe (In the ab- tence of any evidence to the contrary) that in building their temple on Gerizim, the Samaritans were making use of a spot already enjoying a reputation for sanctity, than that they built on a place upon which the curse was laid in the records which they received equally with the Jews. Thus the very fact of the occupation of Gerizim by the Samaritans would seem an argument for its original sanctity.

    Ebal is rarely ascended by travellers, and we are therefore in ignorance as to how far the question may be affected by remains of ancient buildings thereon. That such remains do exist is certain, even from the very meagre accounts published (Hert- lett, Walla about Jerusalem, App. 861, 252; and Narrative of Rev. J. Mills in Trans. PaL Archmol. Auoc. 1855), while the mountain is evidently of such extent as to warrant the belief that there is a great deal still to discover. [See also Mills's Three Months' Resilience at Nabhu (Lond. 1864).]

    The report of the old travellers was that Ebal was more barren than (ierizim (see Benjamin of Tudela, Ac.), but this opinion probably arose from a belief in the effects of tbe curse mentioned above. At any rate, it is not borne out by the latest ac- count*, according to which there is little or no per- ceptible difference. Both mountains are terraced, and Ebal is " occupied from bottom to top by beautiful gardens" (Mills; see also Porter, Hand- book, p. 3.12). The slopes of Ebal towards the vallev appear to be steeper than those of Gerizim (Wilson, Lands, ii. 46, 71). It is also the higher mountain of the two. There is some uncertainty ibout the measurements, but the following are the results of the latest observations (Van de Velde, J/emtsr, p. 178).

    NatUu above sea, 1R72 ft. Gkntalm do. 2600 •>

    Ebal do. about 2700"

    According to Wilson (Ixmdt, ii. 71.— but see Rob. ii. 277, 280, note) it is sufficiently high to shut out Hermon from the highest point of Ger- izim. The structure of Gerizim is nummulitic limestone with occasional outcrops of igneous rock (Poole, in Ceoar. Journ. xxvi. 66), and that of Ebal is probably similar. At its base above the valley of Nablus are numerous caves and sepulchral excavations. Tbe modern name of Ebal is Sitti Valamit/ah, from a Mohammedan female saint, •rhose tomb is standing on the eastern part of the Hdge, a little before the highest point is reached (Wilson, ii. 71, note). By others, however, it is reported to be called ' Imad-ed-Deen, " the pillar of Ac religion " (Stanley, p. 268, note). The tomb X* another saint called Amid ■ also shown (Bitter,

    . above ttablat, 928 ft. do. 1028 »


    p. 641), with whom the latter name may have some connection. On the southeast shoulder is a ruined site bearing tbe name of 'Askar (Rob. iH. 188) [Stcmaf.] G.

    E'BKD. 1. D3J = "slave:" bat many

    MSS., and the Syr. and Arab, versions, have "O.V, Eber: 'Ie»0VjA; Alex. Afiet; [exc. ver. 85, tar 0tr:] Ebed [?] and Obed), father of Gaal, who with his brethren assisted the men of Shechem in their revolt against Abimelech (Judg. ix. 26, 28, 80, 31, *»).

    8. ("PJ : -fl£46 ; Alex, afa, , [Cosnp. "fljfMJ:] Abed), ton of Jonathan; one of the Bene- Adin [sons of Adin] who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ear. viii. 6). In 1 Esdras tbe name is given Obetr.

    It would add greatly to the force of many pas- sages in the O. T. if the word " slave " or " bond- man " were appropriated to the Hebrew term Ebed, while " servant," " attendant," or " minister," were used to translate Xa'ar, Mesharet, Ate In the addresses of subjects to a ruler, the oriental char- acter of the transaction would come borne to -js at once if we read " what taith my lord to his slave " — the very form still in use in the East, and fa- miliar to us all in the Arabian Nightt and other oriental works — instead of " his •errant." G.

    E'BED-MEXECH 0T^O""t3J? [«* be- low]: 'KfittiiiXtx' Abdemelech), an ./Ethiopian eunuch in the service of king Zedekiah. through whose interference Jeremiah was released from pris- on, and who was on that account preserved from harm at the taking of Jerusalem ( Jer. xxxviii. 7 ff., xxxix. 15 ff.). His name seems to be an official title = king's slave, i. e. minister.

    * Out of tbe hints in Jer. xxxviii. 7-13 (very imperfectly unfolded in the A. V.) Stanley draws the following scene : " Kbed-nielech found the king sitting in the great northern entrance of the Temple, and obtained a revocation of the order [by which Jeremiah had been put into the dungeon]; and then, under the protection of a strong guard, pro- ceeded with a detailed care, which the prophet teems gratefully to record, to throw down a mass of toft rags from the royal wardrobe to ease the rough ropes with which he drew him out of the welL" (Lectures on the Jetrish Church, ii. 603.) The .Ethiopian's escape amid the disasters which fell on tbe nation (as the prophet foretold) is recorded at exemplifying the truth that those who put their trust in God shall be saved (Jer. xxxix. 18). H.

    EB/EN-E'ZER PISH ]3£. «*« »*>« «/ help: A0,v4(ep; fVat.'i Sam.' v. 1, Atfefrap; Alex. iv. 1, v. 1, Afitmfo:] Joseph. Mtott&xv- pet: lapis adjutant), a stone set up by Samuel after a signal defeat of the Philistines, as a memo- rial of the •' help " received on the occasion from Jehovah (1 Sam. vii. 12). •' He called the name of it Eben-ezer, saying, • hitherto hath Jehovah

    helped us ' " (azArdni, ! D^W). Its position ii carefully defiued as between Mizpeh — " the watcl- tower," one of the conspicuous eminences a lew miles north of Jerusalem — and SiiaJ), "the tooth " or "crag." Neither of these points, how-

    <■ For a peculiarity m the Hebrew name in It. I — Um deflnlta article to both words,— us KiH Ausflikrl. Ltta*. f 290 a.

    Digitized by



    ever, ham been identified with any certainty — the latter not at aU." According to Jjeephua's record of the transaction (AM. vi. 8, 8), the stone was erected to mark the limit of the victory, a spot which he calla Korraia, but in the Hebrew Beth- car. It is remarkable that of the occurrences of the name Eben-ezer, two (1 Sam. iv. 1, v. 1) are found in the order of the narrative before the place received its title. Hut this would not unnaturally happen in a record written after the event, espe- cially in the case of a spot so noted as Eben-ezer must have been. G.

    * Though Kben-ezer is mentioned twice before Samuel's victory (see above), it was on the same occasion, namely, when the Hebrews fought at that place with the Philistines. Kuetschi suggests (Her- zog's Rod-Encyk. iii. 618) that possibly there may have been a village Eben-ezer, near which Samuel's ' stone," taking the same name, was afterwards set ip. But there is no difficulty in supposing a case of pnUpn*. [See Dan.] H.

    BTOSlt (">3? V>*yoni\\: "E/fy, 'Zfitf. fft- Itr [in Num. xxiv. 24, 'EjSpatoi, Vulg. Hebrxu] ). 1. Son of Salah, and great-grandson of Shem (Gen. x. 31, [xi. 14-17;] 1 Cbr. i. 19). For confusion between Eber and Heber see; and for the factitious importance attached to this patriarch, and based upon Gen. x. 21, Num. xxiv. 24, see Hav iikew. T. E. B.

    2. ("I??: 'n/WJi [Ald.'E3sp:] neber). Son of Elpaal and descendant of Shaharaim of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 12). He was one >f the founders of Ono and Lod with their sur- rounding villages.

    3. CA£tt; [Vat. Alex, omit]) A priest, who represented the family of Amok, in the days of Joi- akim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 20).

    W. A. W.

    EBI'ASAPH (*H?;3£: 'Afta/rd* and [I Chr. vi. 23,] 'Kfiuriip; [l'Chr. vi. 23, Vat. A/Si- aOap; vi. 37, A$uump, 2- m. -, 2. m. A/Stao-ae):] Abiatapk), a Kohath- ite Levite of the family of Korah, one of the fore- fathers of the prophet Samuel and of Heman the singer (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). The same man is prob- ably intended in ix. IB. The name appears also to be identical [as a contracted form] with Abiasapii (which see), sod in one passage (1 Chr. xxvi. 1) o he abbreviated to Asaph.

    EBONY (D , ?3/t'> h > Mm •• *«1 rou tlaayo- fisroit;* <79

    a * Shen was probe My not so much the name of a asses, as a solitary « tooth '• or eraf which served as

    H. 41

    BOOK * 641

    the precious substances prwentwt by (hr- people of Ethiopia to the king of Persia. Dioscorides (i. 130) speaks of two kinds of ebony, an Indian and an Ethiopian; he gives the preference to the latter kind. It is not known what tree yielded the Ethi- opian ebony. Royle says, " No Abyssinian ebony if at present imported. This, however, is more likely to be owing to the different routes which commerce has taken, but which is again returning to its an cient channels, than to the want of ebony in ancient Ethiopia." There can be little doubt that the tree

    Dtospyros Eosntun.

    which yielded Ethiopian ebony is distinct from the Diotpyrot eoenton, and probably belongs to another genus altogether. Virgil (Georg. ii. 116) says that " India alone produces the black ebony; " and The- ophrastus (HuL Plant, iv. 4, § 6) asserts that "ebony is peculiar to India." The Greek word (V3«rot, the Latin eoeniu, our "ebony," have all doubtless their origin in the Hebrew hobnim, a term which denotes "wood as hard as stone" (comp the German Steinholt, " fossil-wood ; " see Gese- nius, Thtt. s. v., and Fiimt, Beb. Concord.). It is probable that the plural form of this noun is used to express the billiu into which the ebony was cut previous to exportation, like our "log-wood." There is every reason for believing that the ebony afforded by the Diutpyrot ebenum was imported from India or Ceylon by Phoenician traders ; though it is equally probable that the Tyrian merchants were supplied with ebony from trees which grew in Ethiopia. See full discussions on the ebony of th» ancients in Bochart, IJitroz. ii 714, and Salmasius, Plin. Kxercitat. p. 735 c; comp. also Royle in Kitto's CycL, art. flobntm. According to Sir E. Tennent (Crybn, i. 116) the following trees yield ebony: Dionpyro$ edtnum, D. rttiailata, D. ebtn- aiter, and D. hirtuta. The wood of the first- named tree, which is abundant throughout all the flat country to the west of Trincomalee, " excels all others in the evenness and intensity of its color, The centre of the trunk is the only portion which furnishes the extremely black part which is the ebony of commerce; but the trees are of such mag- nitude that reduced logs of two feet in diameter,

    » Tor the Hebrew word used by the LXX-, ass RossnmUIler's Bckol. ad Ex. xxvtt. 16.

    Digitized by




    and varying from It) to 15 feet in length, cau 1* readily procured from the forests it Trincomalee " (Oyfen,!.*). XV. II.

    EBROUAH. [Abkonah.]

    EC ATI US, one of the five swift scribe* who tttended on Esdrsa (2 Eadr. xiv. 24).

    ECBATANA (NnaTO : 'KpaBi, 'Ek/W- rayo: Ecbatana). It is doubtful whether the name of this place is really contained in the He- brew Scriptures. Many of the best commentators

    understand the expression rVIOriS?, in Ezra vi. 2, differently, and translate it in area, " in a cof- fer " (see Buxtorf and others, and so our English Bible, in the margin). The LXX., however, give eV iriXu, " in a city," or (in some MSS. [«. g. Alex.]) iv 'A/tatfa iv wi\\*t [Comp. Aid. iv 'Apa- (Mt w6Kti\\, which favors the ordinary interpretation. If a city is meant, there is little doubt of one of the two Ecbatanas being intended, for except these towns there was no place in the province of the

    Medea "which contained a palace" (IT^S), or where records are likely to have been deposited. The name 'Achmelha, too, which «t first sight seems somewhat remote from Ecbatana, wants but one letter of HagmaUina, which was the native appellation. In the apocryphal books Ecbatana is frequently mentioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14 ; .1 ud. i. 1, 2; 2 Mace. ix. 3, Ac.); and uniformly with


    the later .uid less correct spelling of 'E*


    Two cities of the name of Ecbatana seem tc have existed in ancient times, one the capital of Northern Media, the Media Atropatene' of Strabo the other the metropolis of the larger and more important province known as Media Magna (see Sir H. Rawlinson's paper on the Atropatenian Ec- batana, in the 10th volume of the Journal of the Geographical Socitly, art. ii.). The site of the former appears to be marked by the very curious ruins at T

    t> Zfsr"'

    Plan of Kcbatana. Exnuiuiio.1. 1 Remains of a Klre-Temple. 6. Cemetery.

    t Bound Mosque. 6. Ridge of Rock called " toe 1

    8 Ancient buildings with shafts and capitals. 7. BUI called " Tawilab." or " the Stable."

    4. Ruins of the Palace of Abakal Khan. 8. Ruins of KalUlah.

    9. Rocky hill of Kncarol-Sole.'mau.

    Various descriptions of the northern city have ccine down to us, but none of them is completely to be depended on. That of the ZendavesU (Ven- didan, Fargard II.) is the oldest, and the least ex- aggerated. " Jemshid," it is said, "erected a tnr, nr fortress, sufficiently large, and formed of squared blocks of stone; he assembled in the place a vast population and stocked the surrounding country with cattle for their use. He caused the water of the great fortress to flow forth abundantly. And within the var, or fortress, he erected a lofty palace, encompassed with walls, and laid it out in many •epamte divisions, and there was no place, either in front or rear, to command and overawe the for-

    tress." Herodotus, who ascribes the foundation of the city to his king Deloces, says: "The Medea were obedient to Deioccs, and built the city now called Agbatana, the walls of which are of great size and strength, rising in circles, one within the other. The plan of the place is that each of the walls should out-top the one beyond it by the bat- tlements. The nature of the ground, which is s gentle hill, favors this arrangement in some degree, but it was mainly effected by art. Tho number of the circles is seven, the royal palace and the trees uries standing within the last. The circuit of the outer wall is nearly the same with that of Athena Of this outer wall the battlements are white, of the

    Digitized by



    MBt black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth blue, tf the fifth orange: all these are colored wi. i paint. rhe two last have their battlements coated respect- ively with silver and gold. All these fortifications Deloces caused to be raised for himself and his own palace. The people were required to build their dwellings outside the circuit of the walls " (Herod. I. 98, 91)). Finally, the book of Judith, probably the work of an Alexandrian Jew, professes to give a number of details, which appear to be drawn chiefly from the imagination of the writer (Jud. i. 2-4).

    The peculiar feature of the site of Takht-i-Suiel- man, which it is proposed to identify with the northern Ecbatana, is a conical hill rising to the height of about 150 feet above the plain, and covered both on its top and sides witi massive ruins of the most antique and primitive character. A perfect enceinte, formed of large blocks of squared stone, may be traced round the entire hill along its brow; within, there is an oval enclosure about 803 yards in its greatest and 400 in its least diameter, strewn with ruins, which cluster round a remarkable lake. This is an irregular basin, about 300 paces in circuit, filled with water exquisitely clear and pleasant to the taste, which is supplied in some unknown way from below, and which stands uniformly at the same level, whatever the quantity taken from it for irrigating the lands which lie at the foot of the hill. This hill itself is not per- fectly isolated, though it appears so to those who approach it by the ordinary route. On three sides — the south, the west, and the north — the accliv- ity is steep and the height above the plain uniform, but on the east it abuts upon a hilly tract of ground, and here it is but slightly elevated above the adjacent country. It cannot therefore have ever answered exactly to the description of Herod- otus, as the eastern side could not anyhow admit of seven walls of circumvallation. It is doubted whether even the other sides were thus defended. Although the flanks on these sides are covered with ruins, "no traces remain of any mill but the upper one " (At. Jottm. x. 59). Still, as the na- ture of the ground on three sides would allow this style of defense, and as the account in Herodotus is confirmed by the Armenian historian, writing clearly without knowledge of the earlier author, it seems best to suppose, that in the peaceful times of the Persian empire it was thought sufficient to pre- serve the upper enceinte, while the others were allowed to fall into decay, and ultimately were superseded by domestic buildings. With regard to the coloring of the walls, or rather of the bat- tlements, which has been considered to mark es- pecially the fabulous character of Herodotus' de- scription, recent discoveries show that such a mode of ornamentation was actually in use at the period in question in a neighlioring country. The temple of the Seven Spheres at Borsippa was adorned almost exactly In the manner which Herodotus assigns to the Median capital [Babeu Towkr op] ; and it Joes not seem at all improbable that, with the kbject of placing the city under the protection of die Seven Planets, the seven walls may have been colored nearly as described. Herodotus has a little deranged the order of the hues, which should ha i ieen either black, orange, scarlet, gold, white, blue, silver — as at the Borsippa temple, — or black white, orange, blue, scarlet, silver, gold — if the wrier of the days dedicated to the planets wire fol- owed. E'en the use of silver and gold ir. exter-


    nal ornamentation — which seems at first sight highly improbable — is found to have prevailed. Silver roofs were met with by the Greeks at the southern Ecbatana (Polyb. x. 27, §§ 10-12); and there is reason to believe that at Borsippa the gold and silver stages of the temple were actually coated with those metals.

    The northern Ecbatana continued to be an im- portant place down to the 13th century after Christ By the Greeks and Romans it appears to have beet, known as Gaza, Oazaca, or Canzaca, "the treas ure city," on account of the wealth laid up in it. while by the Orientals it was termed Shin. Its decay is referable to the Mogul conquests, ab. A. i>. 1200; and its final ruin is supposed to date from about the 15th or 16th century (As. Soe. Journ vol. x. part I. p. 49).

    In the 2>1 book of Maccabees (ix. 3, Ac.) the Ecbatana mentioned is undoubtedly the southern city, now represented both in name and site by Hamadnn. This place, situated on the northern flank of the great mountain called formerly Orontes, and now Etwend, was perhaps as ancient as the other, and is far better known in history. If not the Median capital of Cyrus, it was at any rate regarded from the time of Darius Hystaspis as the chief city of the Persian icUrapy of Media, and as such it became the summer residence of the Persian kings from Darius downwards. It was occupied by Alexander soon after the battle of Arbela (Arr. Exp. Alex. ill. 19), and at his decease passed under the dominion of the Seleucida?. In the wars be- tween his successors it was more than once taken and retaken, each time suffering largely at the hands of its conquerors (Polyb. x. 27). It was afterwards recognized as the metropolis of their empire by the Parthians (Oros. vi. 4). During the Arabian period, from the rise of Baghdad on the one hand and of Isfahan on the other, it sank into comparative insignificance; but still it has never descended below the rank of a provincial capital, and even in the present depressed condition of Per- sia, it is a city of from 20,000 to 30,000 inhab- itants. The Jews, curiously enough, regard it as the residence of Ahasuerus (Xerxes?) — which is in Scripture declared to be Susa (Esth. 1. 2, ii. 3. 4c.) — and show within its precincts the tombs of Esther and Mordecai (Ker Porter, vol. ii. pp. 105- 110). It is not distinguished by any remarkable peculiarities from other oriental cities of the same size.

    The Ecbatana of the book of Tobit is thought by Sir H. Rawlinson to be the northern city (see At. Soc. Journ. x. pt. 1. pp. 137-141). G. R.

    EOCLESIASTES (."l^nfj, Kohfkth: 'e«

    KKtiauurrhf. EcclttUwtf). I. Title. — The title of this book is taken from the name by which the son of David, or the writer who personates him, speaks of himself throughout it. The apparent

    anomaly of the feminine termination f!„ indi- ' cates that the abstract noun has been transferred 1 from the office to the person holding it (Gesen. «. c), ' and has thus become capable of use as a masculine proper name, a change of meaning of which we find other instances in Sophereth (Neh. vii. 57), Pochereih (Ezr. ii. 57); and hence, with the single exception of Eccl. vii. 27, the noun, notwithstand- ing its form, is used throughout in the masculine. Ewald, howem (Pott. Bitch, iv. 189), connects

    the feminine termination with the noon ""^yC

    Digitized by




    (wisdom), understood, and supposes a poetic license In the oh of the word aa a kind of symbolic proper name, appealing to Pror. xxx. 1, xxii. 1, aa ex- amples of a like usage. As connected with the

    root bn]?, " to call together," and with ?nj?,

    " assembly," the word has been applied to one who speaks publicly in an assembly, and there is, to say the least, a tolerable agreement in favor of this interpretation. Thus we have the comment of the Midrash, stating that the writer thus designates himself, " because his words were spoken in the assembly " (quoted in Preston's Ecciesitutet, note on i. 1); the rendering 'Ex/cAijffiatrHJ! by the LXX. ; the adoption of this title by Jerome (Prof, in EccL ), as meaning " qui ccetum, i. e. ecclesiam oongreg&t quern nos nuncupare possumus Con- cionatorera; " the use of "Prediger" by Luther, of " Preacher " in the Authorized Version. On

    the other hand, taking /HJ? in the sense of col- lecting things, not of summoning persons, and led perhaps by his inability to see in the book itself any greater unity of design than in the chapters of Proverbs, Urotius (in Ecclet. i. 1) has suggested ivvaBpourriit (compiler) as a better equivalent. In this he has been followed by Herder and Jain, and Mendelssohn has adopted the same rendering (notes on i. 1, and vii. 27, in Preston), seeing in it the statement partly that the writer had com- piled the sayings of wise men who had gone before him, partly that he was, by an inductive process, gathering truths from the (acts of a wide expe- rience.

    II. ("tutucity. — In the Jewish division of the books of the Old Testament, Ecclesiastes ranks as one of the five Megilloth or Rolls [Bible], and its position, as having canonical authority, appears to have been recognized by the Jews from tie time in which the idea of a canon first presented itself. We find it in all the Jewish catalogues of the sacred books, and from them it has been received universally by the Christian Church. Some sin- gular passages in the Talmud indicate, however, that the recognition was not altogether unhesita- ting, and that it was at least questioned how far the book was one which it was expedient to place among the Scriptures that were read publicly. Thus we find the statements (Mishna, Shabbat, t. i , quoted by Mendelssohn in Preston, p. 74; Midrash, fbl. 114 a; Preston, p. 13) that "the wise men sought to secrete the book Kokeltti, be- cause they found in it words tending to heresy," and " words contradictory to each other; " that tin reason they did not secrete it was " because its beginning and end were consistent with the law; " that when they examined it more carefully they tame to the conclusion, " We hare looked closely into the book Kabeleth, and discovered a meaning in it." The chief interest of such passages is of svurse connected with the inquiry into the plan and teaching of the book, but they are of some impor- tance also as indicating that it must have com- mended itself to the teachers of an earner genera- lion, either on account of the external authority by which it was sanctioned, or because they had a dearer insitrht into its meaning, and were less startled by its apparent difficulties. Traces of this xmtroversy are to be found in a singular discussion aatween the schools of Shammai and HUH, turning an the question whether the book Kohdeth were ssnjred, and


    R. Oh. de Bartenora and Haimonidea (Surenhm iv. 34»).

    111. Author and Date. — The questions of tits authorship and the date of this book are so closely connected that they must be treated of together and it is obviously impossible to discuss the points which they involve without touching also on an inquiry into the relation in which it stands tc Hebrew literature generally.

    The hypothesis which is naturally suggested by the account that the writer gives of himself in ch. i. and ii. is that it was written by the only '• son of David" (i. 1), who was "king over Israel io Jerusalem " (i. 12). According to this notion we have in it what may well be called the Omfcni-iot of King Solomon, the utterance of a repentance which some have even ventured to compare with that of the 51st Psalm. Additional internal evi- dence has been found for this belief in the language of vii. 26-28, as harmonizing with the history of 1 K. xi. 3, and in an interpretation (somewhat forced perhaps) which refers iv. 13-15 to the murmurs of the people against Solomon and the popularity of Jeroboam as the leader of the people, already rec- ognized as their future king (Mendelssohn and Preston in for.). The belief that Solomon was actually the author was, it need hardly he said, received generally by the Kabbinic commentators and the whole series of Patristic writers. The apparent exceptions to this in the passages by Tal- mudic writers which ascribe it to Hezekiah (Baba Bnthra, c. i. fbl. 15), or Isaiah (Shaltk. Hakkab. fbl. 66 4, quoted by Michaelis), can hardly be un- derstood as implying more than a share in the work of editing, like that claimed for the " men of Hezekiah" in Prov. xxv. 1. Urotius (Prof, in Eccks.) was indeed almost the first writer who called it in question, and started a different hypoth- esis. It can hardly be said, however, that this consensus is itself decisive. In questions of this kind the later witnesses add nothing to the au- thority of the earlier, whose testimony they simply repeat, and unless we had clearer knowledge than we have as to the sources of information or critical discernment of those by wbcm the belief was adopted, we ought not to look on their acceptance of it as closing all controversy. The book which bears the title of the "Wisdom of Solomon" asserts, both by its title and its language (vii. 1- 21 ), a claim to the same authorship, and, though the absence of a Hebrew original led to its exclusion from the Jewish canon, the authorship of Salomon wis taken for granted by all the early Christian writers who quote it or refer to it, till Jerome bad asserted the authority of the Hebrew text as the standard of canonicity, and by not a few afterwards, it may seem, however, as if the whole question were settled for all who recognize the inspiration of Scripture by the statement, in a canonical and inspired book, as to its own authorship. The book purports, it is said (Preston, ProUg. nt Eceks. p. 1 5). to be written by Solomon, and to doubt the ' literal accuracy of this statement is to call in qoes- I tion the truth and authority of Scr iptu re- It ap- ' pears questionable, however, whether we can admit an a priori argument of this character to be

    decisive. The hypothesis that every such stal in

    in a canonical book most be received as literally 1 true, is, in fact, an assumption that inspired writers were debarred from forms of composition wttek were open, without blame, to others. In the ttssr atsre of every other nation the form of ]

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    IMthowhip, where there is no ammtu decipUndi, oat beeu recognized as a legitimate channel for the expression of opinion), or the quasi-dramatic repre- sentation of character. Why should we venture on the assertion (hat if adopted by the writers of the Old Testament it would have made them guilty of a falsehood, and been inconsistent vith their inspiration ? The question of authorship does not involve that of canonical authority. A book written by Solomon would not necessarily be inspired and canonical. There is nothing that need startle us in the thought that an inspired writer might use a liberty which has been granted without hesita- tion to the teachers of mankind in every age and country.

    The preliminary difficulty being so far removed, ws can enter on the objections which have been urged against the traditional belief by Grotius and later critics, and the hypotheses which they have substituted for it In the absence of adequate external testimony, these are drawn chiefly from the book itself.

    1. The language of the book is said to be incon- sistent with the belief that it wan written by Solo- mon. It belongs to the time when the older Hebrew was becoming largely intermingled with Araruaic forms and words (Grotius, De Wette, Ewald, and nearly the whole series of German critics), and as such takes its place in the latest group of books of the Old Testament, along with Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, Esther: it is indeed more widely different from the language of the older books than any of them (Ewald). The prevalence of abstract forms again, characteristic of the lan- guage of Ecclesiastes, is urged as belonging to a later period than that of Solomon in the develop- ment of Hebrew thought and language. The answers given to these objections by the defenders of the received belief are (Preston, EccUt. p. 7), (a) that many of what we call Aramaic or Chaldee ibrms may have belonged to the period of pure Hebrew, though they have not come down to us in any extant writings; and (6) that so far as they are foreign to the Hebrew of the time of Solomon, he may have learnt them from his " strange wives," or from the men who came as ambassadors from other countries.

    3. It has been asked whether Solomon would have been likely to speak of himself as in i. 12, or to describe with bitterness the misery and wrong *f which bis own misgovernment had been the lauae, as in in. 16, ir. 1 (Jahn, KM. ii. p. 840). On the hypothesis that he was the writer, the whole book is an acknowledgment of evils which he had occasioned, while yet there is no distinct confession and repentance. The question here raised is, of Bourse, worth considering, but it can hardly be looked on as leading in either direction to a conclu- sion. There are forms of satiety and serf-reproach, srf which this half-sad, half-scornful retrospect of a nun's own life — this utterance of bitter words by which be is condemned out of his own mouth — is the most natural expression. Any individual judg- ment on this point cannot, from the nature of the «se, be otherwise than subjective, and ought tnero- bre to bias our estimate of other evidence as .trie la possible.

    3. It has been urged that the state of society -ndieated in this book leads to the same conclusion is its uriguage, and carries us to a period after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, when the lews Win enjoying comparative freedom from inra-



    sion, but were exposed to the evils of misgovern ment under the satraps of the Persian king (Ewald, Poet. Biicher; Keil, EM. in dot A. T. unda EccUs.). The language is throughout that of a man who is surrounded by many forms of misery (in. 16, iv. 1, i. 8, viii. 11, ix. 12). Then, are sudden and violent changes, the servant of to-day becoming the ruler of to-morrow (x. 5-7). All this, it is said, agrees with the glimpses into the condition of the Jews under the Persian empire in Ezra and Nehemiah, and with what we know as to the general condition of the provinces under its satraps. The indications of the religious condition of the people, their formalism, aud much-speaking (v. 1, 2), their readiness to evade the performance of their vows by casuistic excuses (v. 6), represent in like manner the growth of evils, the germs of which appeared soon after the Captivity, and which we find in a fully developed form in the prophecy of M*!*" 1 * 1 In addition to this general resemblance

    there is the agreement between the use of THJ78I1?

    for the " angel " or priest of God (v. 6, Ewald, in he.), and the recurrence in Malachi of the terms

    rnrV TfN7??> the " angel " or messenger of the

    Lord, as a synonym for the priest (Mai. ii. 7), the true priest being the great agent in accomplishing God's purposes. Significant, though not conclusive, in either direction, is the absence of all reference to any contemporaneous prophetic activity, or to any Messianic hopes. This might indicate a time be- fore such hopes had become prevalent or after they were, for a time, extinguished. It might, on the other hand, be the natural result of the experience through which the son of David had passed, or fitly take its place in the dramatic personation of such a character. The use throughout the book of Elohim instead of Jehovah as the divine Name, though characteristic of the book as dealing with the problems of the universe rather than with the relations between the Lord God of Israel and his people, and therefore striking as an idiosyncrasy, leaves the question as to date nearly where it was. The indications of rising questions as to the end of man's life, and the constitution of his nature, of doubts like those which afterwards developed into Sadduceeism (in. 19-21), of a copious literature connected with those questions, confirm, it is urged (Ewald), the hypothesis of the later date. It may be added too, that the absence of any reference to such a work as this in the enumeration of Solomon's writings in 1 K. ir. 32, tends, at least, to the same conclusion.

    In this case, however, as in others, the arguments of recent criticism are stronger against the tradi tional belief than in support of any rival theory, and the advocates of that belief might almost be content to rest their case upon the discordant hypotheses of their opponents. On the assumption that the book belongs, not to the time of Solomon, but to the period subsequent to the Captivity, the dates which have been assigned to it occupy a range of more than 300 years. Grotius supposes Zerub- babel to be referred to in xii. 11, as the " One Shepherd " (Comm. m Kecks, in loo.), and so far agrees with Kail (KMdtung in dot A. T.), who fixes it in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. Ewald and De Wette conjecture the close of the period of Persian or the commencement of that of Macedonian rule; Bertholdt, the period between Alexander the Great and Antiochus Kuiphanes; Hitzig, ciro. 804

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    m. c; Hartmann, the Urns of the Maccabees. On the other hand it must be remembered in compar- ing these discordant theories that the main facte relied upon by these critics as fatal to the tradi- tional belief are compatible with any date subse- quent, to the Captivity, while they are inconsistent, unless we admit the explanation, given as above, by Preston, with the notion of the Salomonic authorship.

    I V. Plan. — The book of Ecclesiastes comes be- fore us as being conspicuously, among the writings of the 0. T., the great stumbling-block of oom- mentators. Elsewhere there are different opinions as to the meaning of single passages. Here there is the widest possible divergence as to the plan and purpose of the whole book. The passages already quoted from the Mishna show that some, at least, of the Rabbinical writers were perplexed by its teaching — did not know what to make of it — but gave way to the authority of men more discerning than themselves. The traditional statement, how- ever, that this was among the scriptures which were not read by any one under the age of thirty (Oil. Sac., Amnma in Ecckt., but with a "nescio ubi " as to his authority), indicates the continuance of the old difficulty, and the remarks of Jerome (Praf. in Eccltt., Comm. in Ecckt. xii. 13) show that it was not forgotten. Little can be gathered from the series of l'atristic interpreters. The book is comparatively seldom quoted by them. No attempt is made to master its plan and to enter into the spirit of its writer. The charge brought by Philastrius of Brescia (circ. 380) against some heretics who rejected it as teaching a false morality, shows that the obscurity which had been a stum- bling-block to Jewish teachers was not removed for Christians. The (act that Theodore of Mopsuestia was accused at the Fifth General Council of calling in question the authority and inspiration of this book, as well as of the Canticles, indicates that in this respect as in others he was the precursor of the spirit of modern criticism. But with these exceptions, there are no traces that men's minds were drawn to examine the teachings of the book. When, however, we descend to the more recent developments of criticism, we meet with an almost incredible divergence of opinion. Luther, with his broad clear insight into the workings of a man's heart, sees in it (Prof, in Ecckt.) a noble " Politics vel (Economies, " leading men in the midst of all the troubles and disorders of human society to a true endurance and reasonable enjoyment, Grotius (Praf. in Ecclu.) gives up the attempt to trace in it a plan or order of thought, and finds in it only a collection of many maxima, connected more or less closely with the great problems of human life, analogous to the discussion of the different definitions of happiness at the opening of the Niconiachean Ethics. Some (of whom Warburton may be taken as the type, Work*, vol. iv. p. 154) lave seen in the language of iii. 18-21, a proof that •he belief in the immortality of the soul was no part of the transmitted creed of Israel. Others (Patrick, Desvoeux, Davidson, Mendelssohn) con- tend that the special purpose of the book was to usert that truth against the denial of a sensual skeptioism. Others, the later German critics, of whom Ewald may be taken as the highest and best type, reject these views as partial and one-sided, and while admitting that the book oontains the terms of later systems, both Pharisaic and Sad- iuoaan, assert that the object of the writer was to


    point out the secret of a true blessedness in tin midst of all the distractions and sorrows of the world as consisting in a tranquil, calm enjoyment of the good that comes from God (Poet. Sick. iv. 180).

    The variety of these opinions indicates sufficiently that the book is as far removed as possible Iron, the character of a formal treatise. It is that which it professes to be — the confession of a man of wide experience looking back upon his past life and look- ing out upon the disorders and calamities which surround him. Such a man does not set forth his premises and conclusions with a logical complete' ness. While it may be true that the absence of a formal arrangement is characteristic of the Ilrbrrw mind in all stages of its development (Lowth, (it Sac. Poet. Rtb. Pnel. xxiv.), or that it was Ubs special mark of the declining literature of the period that followed the captivity (Ewald, Pott. Buck, iv. p. 177), it is also true that it belongs generally to all writings that are addressed to the spiritual rather than the intellectual element in man's nature, and that it is found accordingly in many of the greatest works that have Influenced the spiritual life of mankind. In proportion as a man has passed out of the region of a traditional, easily-systematized knowledge, and has lived under the influence of great thoughts — possessed by them, yet hardly mastering them so as to bring them under a scien- tific classification — are we likely to find this ap- parent want of method. The true utterances of such a man are the records of his struggles after truth, of his occasional glimpses of it, of his ultimate dis- covery. The treatise de Imilntum* CkritH, the Paueet of Pascal, Augustine's Omfttriont, widely as they differ in other points, have this feature in common. If the writer consciously reproduces the stages through which he has passed, the form he adopts may either be essentially dramatic, or it may record a statement of the changes which have brought him to his present state, or it may repeat and renew the oscillations from one extreme to another which had marked that earlier experience. The writer of Ecclesiastes has adopted and inter- woven both the latter methods, and hence, in part, the obscurity which has made it so preeminently the stumbling-block of commentators. He is not a didactic moralist writing a homily on Virtue. He is not a prophet delivering a message from the Lord of Hosts to a sinful people. He is a man who has sinned in giving way to selfishness and sensuality, who has paid the penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness of life ; in whom the mood of spirit, over- reflective, indisposed to action, of which Shakespeare has given us in Hamlet, Jaques, Richard II., three distinct examples, has become dominant in its darkest form, but who has through all this been under the discipline of a divine education, and hat learnt from it tie lesson which God meant to tea ch him. What that lesson was will be seen frcm aa examination of the book itself.

    Leaving it an open question whether it is possible to arrange the contents of this book (as Roster and Vaihinger have done) in a carefully balanced series of strophes and antistrophes, it is tolerably clear that the recurring burden of " Vanity of vanities " and the teaching which recommends a life of cabx enjoyment, mark, whenever they occur, a kind o» halting-place in the succession of thoughts, it :s the summing up of one cycle of experience; the sentence passed upon one posse of life. Takiinr this, accordingly, as our guide we may look ou Uh

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    whole book M felling into five division*, each, to a sartain extent, running parallel to the others in it* seder and remit*, and closing with that which, in It* poaition no lean than ita substance, is " the con- clusion of the whole matter."

    (1.) Ch. i. and ii. This portion of the book more than any other has the character of a personal confession. The Preacher starts with reproducing the phase of despair and weariness into which his experience had led him (i. 2, 8). To the man who is thus satiated with life the order and regularity of nature are oppressive (i. 4-7); nor is he led, as in the 90th Psalm, from the things that are transi- tory to the thought of One whose years are from sternity. In the midst of the ever-recurring changes he finds no progress. That which seems to be hew is hut the repetition of the old (i. 8-11). Then, having laid bare the depth to which he had fallen, he retraces the path by which he had travelled thitherward. First he had sought after wisdom as that to which God seemed to call him (i. 13), but the pursuit of it was a sore travail, and there was do satisfaction in its possession. It could not remedy the least real evil, nor make the crooked straight (i. IS). The first experiment in the search after happiness had failed, anil he tried another. It was one to which men of great intellectual gifts and high fortunes are continally tempted — to sur- round himself with all the appliances of sensual enjoyment and yet in thought to hold himself above it (ii. 1-9), making his very voluptuousness part of the experience which was to enlarge his store of wisdom. This — which one may perhaps call the Goethe idea of life — was what now possessed him. But this also failed to give him peace (ii. 11). Had he not then exhausted all human experience and found it profitless (ii. 12) ? If for a moment he found comfort in the thought that wisdom excelleth folly, and that he was wise (ii. 13, 14), it was soon darkened again by the thought of death (ii. 15). The wise man dies ss the fool (ii. 16). This is enough to make even him who has wisdom hate all his labor and sink into the outer darkness of despair (ii. 20). Yet this very despair leads to the remedy. The first section closes with that which, in different forms, is the main lesson of the book — to make the best of what is actually around one fit 24) — to substitute for the reckless feverish pursuit of pleasure the calm enjoyment which men nay yet find both for the senses snd the intellect Tils, so far as it goes, is the secret of a true life; wis is from the hand of God. On everything else there is written, as before, the sentence that it is vanity and vexation of spirit.

    (2.) Ch. iii. 1-vi. 9. The order of thought in Ms section has a different starting-point. One who looked out upon the infinitely varied phenomena of man's life might yet discern, in the midst of that variety, traces of an order. There are times and seasons for each of them in its turn, even as ffaere are for the vicissitudes of the world of nature (IB. 1-8). The heart of man with ita changes is the mirror of the universe (iii. 11 ), ari is, like that, inscrutable. And from this there comes the same sonclusion as from the personal experience. Ctlmly to accept the changes and chances of life, entering into whatever joy they bring, as one accepts thd trder of nature, this is the waj A peace (iii. 13/. rhe thought of the ever-recurring cycle of nature, whieh had before been irritating and disturbing, n* whispers the same lesson. If we scfffer, others tavt suffered before us (iii. 15). God is seeking



    out the past and reproducing it. If men lepeal injustice and oppression, God also in the appointed season repeats his judgments (iii. 16, 17). it is true that this thought has a dark as well w * bright side, and this cannot be ignored. If men come and pass away, subject to laws and changes like those of the natural world, then, it would seem, man has no preeminence above the beast (iii. 19) One end happens to all. All are of the dust and return to dust again (iii. 20). There is no imme- diate denial of that conclusion. It was to that that the preacher's experience and reflection had led him. But even on the hypothesis that the personal being of man terminates with his death, he has still the same counsel to give. Admit that all is darkness beyond the grave, and still there is nothing better on this side of it than the temper of a tranquil enjoyment (iii. 22). The transition from this to the opening thoughts of ch. iv. seems at first somewhat abrupt. But the Preacher is retracing the paths by which he had been actually led to a higher truth than that in which he had then rested, and he will not, for the sake of a formal continuity, smooth over its ruggedness. The new track on which he was entering might have seemed less promising thau the old. Instead of the self-centred search after happiness he looks out upon the miseries and disorders of the world, and learns to sympathize with suffering (iv. 1). At first this does but multiply his perplexities. The world is out of joint. Men are so full of misery that death is better than life (ir. 2). Successful energy exposes men to envy (iv. 4). Indolence leads to poverty (iv. 5). Here too he who steers clear of both extremes has the best portion (iv. 6). The man who heaps up riches stands alone without kindred to share or inherit them, and loses all the blessings and advantages of human fellowship (iv. 8-12). And in this survey of life on a large scale, as in that of a personal experience, there is a cycle which is ever being repeated. The old and foolish king yields to the young man, poor and wise, who steps from his prison to a throne (iv. 13, 14). But he too has his successor. There are generations without limit before him, and shall be after him (iii. 15, 16). All human greatness is swallowed up in the great stream of time. The opening of ch- v. again presents the appearance of abruptness, but it is because the survey of human life takes a yet wider range. The eye of the Preacher passes from the dwellers in palaces to the worshippers in the Temple, the devout and religious men. Have they found out the secret of life, the path to wisdom and happiness? The answer to that question is that there the blindness and folly of mankind show themselves in their worst forms. Hypocrisy, un- seemly prayers, idle dreams, broken vows, God's messenger, the Priest, mocked with excuses — that was what the religion which the Preacher witnessed presented to him (v. 1-6). The command " Fear thou God," meant that a man was to take no part in a religion such ss this. But that command also suggested the solution of another problem, of that prevalence of injustice and oppression which had before weighed down the spirit of the inquirer. Above all the tyranny of petty governors, above the might of the king himself, there was the power of the highest (v. 8); and his judgment was manifest even upop earth. Was there after all so great an inequality t Was God's purpose that the <***> should be for all, really counteracted (v. 9)? Wss the rich man with his cares and fears happier thia

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    the laboring mau whose deep was sweet without riches (v. 10-12) ? Was there anything permanent in that wealth of his? Did he not leave the world naked as he entered it? And if so, did not all this bring the inquirer round to the same conclusion as before? Moderation, self-control, freedom from all disturbing passions, these are the conditions of the maximum of happiness which is possible for man on earth. Let this be received as from God. Not the outward means only, but the very capacity of enjoyment is his gift (v. 18, 19). Short as life may be, if a man thus enjoys, be makes the most of it- God approves and answers his cheerfulness. Is not this better than the riches or length of days on which men set. their hearts (vi. 1-5) ! All are equal in death ; all are nearly equal in life (vi. C). To teed the eyes with what is actually before them is better than the ceaseless wanderings of the spirit (vi. 9).

    (3.) Ch. vi. 10-viii. 15. So far the lines of thought all seemed to converge to one result. The ethical teaching that grew out of the wise man's experience had in it something akin to the higher forms of Epicureanism. But the seeker could not rest in this, and found himself beset with thoughts at once more troubling and leading to a higher truth. The spirit of man looks before and after, and the uncertainties of the future vex it (vi. 12). A good name is better, as being more permanent, than riches (vii. 1); death is better than life, the house of mourning than the house of feasting (vii. 2). Self-command and the spirit of calm endur- ance are a better safeguard against vain specula- tions than any form of enjoyment (vii. 8, 9, 10). This wisdom is not only a defense, as lower things, in their measure may be, but it gives life to them that have it (vii. 12). So far there are signs of a clearer insight into the end of life. Then comes an oscillation which carries him back to the old problems (vii. 15). Wisdom suggests a half-so- lution of them (vii. 18). suggests also calmness, caution, humility in dealing with them (vii. 22 ) ; but this again is followed by a relapse into the bitterness of the sated pleasure-seeker. The search after wisdom, such as it had been in his experience, had led only to the discovery that though men were wicked, women were more wicked still (vii. 86-29). The repetition of thoughts that had ap- peared before, is perhaps the natural consequence of such an oscillation, and accordingly in ch. viii. we find the seeker moving in the same round as before. There are the old reflections on the misery of man (viii. 6), and the confusions in the moral order of the universe (viii. 10, 11), the old conclu- sion that enjoyment (such enjoyment as is coro- |atible with the fear of God) is the only wisdom, ui. 15.

    (4.) Ch. viii. 16-xii. 8. After the pause im- plied in his again arriving at the lesson of v. 15, the Preacher retraces the last of his many wan- derings. This time the thought with which he started was a profound conviction of the inability of man to unravel the mysteries by which he is surrounded (viii. 17); of the nothingness of man when death is thought of as ending all things (ix. 3-6); of the wisdom of enjoying life while we may fix. 7-10); of the evils which affect nations or in- dividual man (ix. 11, 12). The wide experience of lie Preacher suggests sharp and pointed sayings as c these evils (x. 1-20), each true and weighty in Itself, but not leading him on to any firmer stand- tig -ground or clearer solution cf the problems


    which oppressed him. It is here that the trace* of plan and method in the book seem most to fail us Consciously or unconsciously the writer teaches m how clear an insight into the follies and sins of mankind may coexist with doubt and uncertainty as to the great ends of life, and give him no help in his pursuit after truth. In ch. xi., however, the progress is more rapid. The tone of the Preacher becomes more that of direct exhortation, and he speaks in clearer and higher notes. The conclu- sions of previous trains of thought are not ortra- dicted, but are placed under a new law and biougnt into a more harmonious whole. The end of man's life is not to seek enjoyment for himself only, but to do good to others, regardless of the uncertainties or disappointments that may attend his efforts (xi. 1-4). His wisdom is to remember that there are things which he cannot know, problems which he cannot solve (xi. 5), to enjoy, in the brightness of bis youth, whatever blessings God bestows on him (xi. 9). But beyond all these there He the days of darkness, of failing powers and incapacity for enjoyment ; and the joy of youth, though it is not to be crushed, is yet to be tempered by the thought that it cannot last for ever, and that it too is sub- ject to God's law of retribution (xi. 9, 10). The secret of a true life is that a man should consecrate the vigor of his youth to God (xii. 1). It is well to do that before the night comes, before the slow decay >f age benumbs all the faculties of sense (xii. 2, 6), before the spirit returns to God who gave it. The thought of that end rings out once more the knell of the nothingness of all things earthly (xii. 8) ; but it leads also to '< the conclusion of the whole matter," to that to which all trains of thought and all the experiences of life had been leading the seeker after wisdom, that •' to fear God and keep his commandments " was the highest good attain- able; that the righteous judgment of God would in the end fulfill itself and set right all the seeming disorders of the world (xii. 13, 14).

    If one were to indulge conjecture, there would perhaps be some plausibility in the hypothesis that xii. 8 had been the original conclusion, and that the epilogue of xii. 9-14 had been added, either by another writer, or by the same writer on a subse- quent revision. The verses (9-12) have the char- acter of a panegyric designed to give weight to the authority of the teacher. The two that now stand as the conclusion, may naturally have orig- inated in the desire to furnish a clew to the per- plexities of the book, by stating in a broad intelli- gible form, not easy to be mistaken, the truth which had before been latent.

    If the representation which has been given of the plan and meaning of the book lie at all a true one, we find in it, no less than in the hook of Job, indications of the struggle with the doubts and difficulties which in all ages of the world have pre- sented themselves to thoughtful observers of the condition of mankind. In its sharp sayings and wise counsels, it may present some striking affinity to the Proverbs, which also bear the name of the son of David, but the resemblance is more in form than in substance, and in its essential character it agrees with that great inquiry into the mysteries of God's government which the drama of Job brings before us. There are indeed characteristic differ- ences. In the one we find the highest and boldes; forms of Hebrew poetry, a sustained unity of de- sign; in the other there are, as we have seen changes and oscillations, and the styk> seldom haa

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    i the rhythmic character of prowbial forms af speech. The writer of tiu book of Job deals with the gnat mystery presented by the sufferings of the righteous, and writes as one who has known those sufferings in their intensity. In the words of the Preacher, we trace chiefly the weariness or satiety of the pleasure seeker, and the failure of all schemes of life but one. In spite of these differ- ences, however, the two books illustrate each other. In both, though by very diverse paths, the inquirer is led to take refuge (as all great thinkers have ever done) in the thought that God's kingdom is infi- nitely great, and that man knows but the smallest fragment of it; that he must refrain from things which are too high for him and be content with that which it is given him to know, the duties of his own life and the opportunities it presents for his doing the will of God.

    Literature. — Every commentary on the Bible as a whole, every introduction to the study of the O. T., contains of course some materials for the history and interpretation of this as of other books. It is not intended to notice these, unless they pos- sess some special merit or interest. As having that claim may be specified the commentary by Jerome addressed to Paula and Eustochium, as giving an example of the Patristic interpretation of the book now before us ; the preface and annota- tions of Grotius (Opp. vol. Hi.) as representing the earlier, the translation and notes of Ewald (Poet. Bnch. vol. Iv.) as giving the later results of phil- osophical criticism. The Critici Sacri here, as elsewhere, will be found a great storehouse of the opinions of the Biblical scholars of the 16th and 17th centuries. The sections on Ecclesiastes in the Introductions to the 0. T. by Eichhom, De Wette, ■labn, Havernick, Kail, Davidson, will furnish the reader with the opinions of the chief recent critics of Germany as to the authorship and meaning of the book. Among the treatises specially devoted to this subject may be mentioned the characteristic Commentary by Luther already referred to ( Opp. vol. ii. Jena, 1580); that by Anton. Corranus in the 16th century, interesting as one of the earliest attempts to trace a distinct plan and order in it, and as having been adopted by Bishop Patrick as the basis of his interpretation ; the Armotationes in Koheleth by J. Drusius, 1635; the Translation and Note* of Hoses Mendelssohn, published in German by Rabe (Anspach, 1771); the Philosophical and Critical Essay on Ecclesiastes by Desvoeux (Load. 1760), written chiefly to meet the attacks of skep- tics, and to assert that the doctrine of the book is that of the Immortality of the Soul; the Scholia of Maldonatas, better known for his Commentary on the Gospels (Paris, 1767), the commentaries of Knobel (Leipzig, 1836), Zirkel (Wurzb. 1793), Schmidt, J. E. Ch. (1794), Nachtigal, J. Ch. (Halle, 1708), Van der Palm (1784), Kaiser (Erlang. 1823), Koster (1831), Umbreit (Gotha, 1818); and the article by Vaihinger, in the Stud, and KriL of 1848 [translated, with modification, in the Meth- yiist Quif. Ret. for April and July, 1843]. Eng- lish Biblknl literature is comparatively barren in natation to this book, and the only noticeable recent wntributions to its exegesis are the Commcntiry ty Stuart, the translation of Mendelssohn with ••rolegotaenu, Ac, by Preston (Cambridge, 1853) sod the Attempt to illustrate the Book of Ecclesi- ' Wes by Holden. As growing out of the attempt ] o fathom its meaning, though not taking the form is* criticism W exegesis, may be mentioned the me-



    trical paraphrases which are found among the works of the minor English poets of the 17th century, of which the most memorable are those by Quark* (1645) and Sandys (1648). E. H. P.

    * Other works or later editions. — Prof. Short ( Commentary on Ecclesiastes, edited and revised by R. D. C. Robbins, 1864), without admitting all the objections to Solomon's authorship of the booV to be valid, regards the arguments urged for that view insufficient to establish the claim. lie sup- poses the author of the book to be unknown, but maintains its canonicity to be unquestionable. "The book of Ecclesiastes ... has a claim to the place which it holds as one of the inspired writings. . . . There the book is, in the midst of the Hebrew Scriptures; and there it has been, at least ever since the period when the Hebrew canon was closed. There at all events it was, when our Saviour and the Apostles declared the Jewish Scriptures to be of Divine origin and authority." For his views on this point expressed more fully, see his Hist, of til 0. T. Canon, p. 138 ff.

    We have commentaries also, in addition to thoa* mentioned above, from Ewald, Die Dichter des Al- len Bmdes, Theil iv. (Gutting. 1837, 2* And. TheU ii., 1867), Henfeld (1838), Hitrig (in the Kurzgef. Exeg. Handb. Lief, vii., 1847), Heilig- stedt (continuation of Maurer, iv. sect. ii. 1848), Burger (1854), Philippton (Die IsraeUUsche Bibel, iii. 1854), Elster (1855), Wangenmann (1856), Vaihinger (1858), Hengstenberg (1859, Eng. trans, in Clark'* For. TheoL Liar. Edin. I860), L. Young (Phila. 1866), D. CasteUi (11 Hbro del Cohelet, trad, dot testo ebraico con introd. criL e note, Pisa, 1866), and G. R. Noyes (A New Trans, of Job, Ecclesiastes and Canticles, with Introductions and Notes, 3d ed., Boston, 1867). The Historical and Critical Commentary of Ginsburg (Lond. 1861), a valuable work, contains a good history of the earlier and later literature of the book. Ginsburg writes also the article Ecclesiastes in Kitto's Cyct of Biol Literature (8d ed., 1862). Vaihinger writes the article Prediger Salomo in Herzog's ReaUEncykL xii. 92-106, worthy of attention es- pecially for its minute analysis of the contents of Koheleth. Keek's section ( EM. in das A. T. p. 641 ff.) summarizes the results of a careful study of the questions relating to this book. (See also Herbst's Einl. in die heil. Schriften, ii. 241-254, edited by Welte, 1852.) Dr. Nordheimer has an elaborate article on the Philosophy of Ecclesiastes in the Amer. BibL Repos. for July 1838, xii. 197-219. See also Gurlitt, Zur Erkl&rung des Buches Ko- heleth, in the TheoL Stud. u. KriL, 1865, pp. 321- 343. The LXX. translation of Ecclesiastes, says Bleak, is remarkable for its literal adherence to the Hebrew text. It is so slavish at times in this re- spect (e. g. vii. 29) as to be ungranunatical and unintelligible. Such translations hare a special value as vouchers for the condition of the text on which they are founded.

    Dean Stanley's remarks on this composition evince his characteristic critical skill, as well as power of elegant expression. As to the author, he understands that the anonymous writer or " Preacher " in Ecclesiastes personates Solomon. '• 1 uere can be no doubt that Ecclesiastes embodies the sentiments which were believed to have pro- ceeded from Solomon at the close of his life, and therefore must be taken as the Hebrew, Scriptural representation of his last lessons to the world " (History of the Jewish Church, ii. 384). H<

    Digitized by




    Sawmoteriies the aoope and structure of the writ- ing thus: " Ai the book of Job is ooucbed in the fcrm of a dramatic argument between the patri- arch and his friends — as the Song of Souga is a dramatic dialogue between the Lover and the Be- loved One, so the book of Ecclesiastes is a drama of a still more tragic kind. It is an interchange of voices, higher and lower, mournful and joyful, within a single human soul. It is like the struggle between the two principles in the Epistle to the Romans. It is like the question and answer of the ' Two Voices ' of our modern poet It is like the perpetual strophe and antistropbe of Pascal's Penteet. . . . Every speculation and thought of the human heart is heard, and expressed, and recog- nized in turn. The conflicts which in other parts of the Bible (oomp. especially Ps. lxxxviii. 5, 6, 12, 18, and lxxxix. 46-50) are confined to a single verse or a single chapter, are here expanded to a whole book " (pp. 282, 283). We hare space only for the concluding paragraph. " There is a yet simpler and nobler summary of the wide and varied experience of the manifold forms of human life, as represented in the greatness and the (all of Solomon. It is not ' vanity of vanities,' it is not ' rejoice and be merry,' it is not even 'wisdom and knowledge, and many proverbs, and the words of the wise, even words of truth.' ' Of making many books there is no end, and much study is a weariness of the flesh. Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter.' For all students of ecclesiastical history, for all students of theology, for all who are about to be religious teachers of others,- for all who are entangled in the controversies of the present, there are no better words to be remembered than these, viewed in their original and immediate application. They are the true answer to all perplexities respecting Ecclesiastes and Solomon ; they are no less the true answer to all perplexities about human life itself. ' Fear God and keep his commandments ; for this is the whole duty of man. For God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil ' (Eccl. xii. 12-14)." H.

    ECCLESIASTICUS, the title given in the Latin Version to the book which is called in the Septuagint The Wisdom of Jesus the Son op Sirach (2o a x]> A. C. ; 3ofla ~2.up6.Xi B* Kufinus, I'ers. Orig. Horn, in Num. xviii. 8: "In libro, qui apud nos quidem inter Salomonis volumina haberi solet, et EcclesintUcui die!, apud Gnecos vera Sapientia Jaujilii Sirach appellator, acriptum est . . ."). The word, like many others of Greek origin, ap- pears to have been adopted in the African dialect ((. g. Tertull. de Pwtic. c. 22, p. 435), and thus it may have been applied naturally in the Vttut La- Una to a church reading-book; and when that translation was adopted by Jerome (Prof, m Libro Saljuxta LXX. x. 401, ed. Higne), the local title became current throughout the West, where the tuva was most used. The right explanation of the word is given by Kufinus, who remarks that " it does not designate the author of the book, but the character of the writing," as publicly used in the

    « The reading of Cod. A. and six other MSS. Is remarkable: 'Iiprovt vl Sipd* 'BAtifap (2 MSS EAea- faxx; Aid. 1 MS. 'EAta^xni) i 'U/m. Cf. EVhh. p. 38, o. Toe words are wanting In the Syrlac and Vwlse. but are supported by all other authorities.

    • • Vast the work was written In Hebrew and not


    services of the Church (Com*. s» Sgntb. f M " Sapientia, qua; dicitur filii Sirach . . . apod Latinos hoc ipso general! vocabulo E ee i c m a t tici J appellator, quo vocabulo non auctor libelli sea scripture; quahtas cognominaU est"). The specie, application by Kufinus of the general name of the class (tccletiaitici as opposed to canonid) to the single book may be explained by its wide popularity. Athanasius, for instance, mentions the book (Ep. FuL sub fin.) as one of those "framed by the fathers to be read by those who wish to be in- structed (Kcrrnycirdeu) in the word of godliness." According to Jerome (Prof, m Libr. Sal a. 1242) the original Hebrew title was Prottrbt

    (B^btDO, cf. inf. § 9); and the Wisdom of Si rach shared with the canonical book of Proverbs and the Wisdom of Solomon the title of The Book of all Virtues (} rardptrot cofla, ri nurd arret. Hieron. I c Cf. Routh, Rtll Sacr. I 278). In the Syriac version the book is entitled The Boot of Jetut the mm of Simeon Anro (i. t. the bound); and the tame book it called the Witdom of Out Son of Asiro. In many places it is simply styled Witdom (Orig. tn Matt. xiii. § 4; cf. Clem. Al. Pad. i. 8, §§ 69, 72, Ac), and Jetut Sirach (August, ad Simplic. 1. 20).

    2. The writer of the present book describes him- self as Jetut (i. e. Jeshua) the ton of Sirach, of Jerutalem' 1 (ch. 1. 27), but the conjectures whick have been made to fill up this short notice are either unwarranted (e. g. that he was a physician from xxxviii. 1-15) or absolutely improbable. There is no evidence to show that he was of priestly descent; and the similarity of names is scarcely a plausible excuse for confounding him with the He!- lenizing high-priest Jason (2 Mace. iv. 7-11 ; Georg. Sync. Chivnogr. 276). In the Talmud the name

    of Ben Sira (rTVD p, for which pTVD is a late error, .lost. GescA. d. Judenth. 1. 811) occurs in several places as the author of proverbial sayings which in part are parallel to sentences in Ecciesias- ticus (cf. § 4 ), but nothing is said as to his date or person [Jews the Son of Sirach], and the tradition which ascribes tne authorship of the book to Eliezer (n. c. 260) is without any adequate foundation (.lost, a. a. O . ; yet see note 1). The Palestinian origin of the author is, however, sub- stantiated by internal evidence, e. g. xxiv. 10 f.

    3. The language in which the book was originally composed was Hebrew ('Eflpaio-rf; this may mean, however, the vernacular Aranuean dialect, John v. 2, xix. 18, 4c.). 6 This is the express statement of tne Greek translator, and Jerome says (Praf. in IJbr. Sal 1. c.) that he had met with the « He brew " text; nor is there any reason to doubt thai be taw the book in its original form. The internal character of the present book bears witness to its foreign source. Not only is the style Hebraistic in general form (cf. Lowth, de tacra Poen, xxiv.) and idiom (e. g. StiiiKutr alifos, 1 15; rriofia aiivos xxxviii. 34; orb xooo-oJrou \\iryov, xix. 11; cf. Eichbom, EM in a. Apok. p. 57) as distinguished from the Greek of the Introduction, but in several instances it is possible to point out mistakes and

    Aranuean Is shown by the feet that the numerous quotations from It preserved In Aramman wriimgt, as the Talmud and MMrasbim, are nearly all m psw» Hebrew. See Zmu, GwetdiemU. Yortr. d. Ma, [ 104 ; Otasburg, art. Xeetuiastiaa In Kltto's Or*- % BiU. Lit., 8d ed., I. 724. A.

    Digitized by



    I which an cleared up by the rft oot'rucUon xf the Hebrew phrases: e. y. xxiv. 26-27, it e)e>i,

    •. «. "T***^ for "lV^J, as Am. rili. 8; xKii. 8,

    fTCl, «*4r, CHJ. ©•«».*>» («?• Eichhorn, 1 c ,- EwaJd, Oaeh. d. Vulke* ftr. if. 399 n.).

    4. Nothing however remains of the original proverbs of Ben Sire except the few fragments in pure Hebrew (Jost, Cach. d. Jutknlh. i. 811 n.) which occur in the Talmud and later Rabbinic writers ; and even these may have been derived from tradition and not from any written collection. 11m Greek translation incorporated in the LXX., which is probably the source from which the other translations were derived, was made by the grand- son of the author in Egypt "in the reign of Kuergetes, " * for the instruction of those "is i strange country («V a-aoourfa ) who were previously prepared to live after the law." The date which is thus given is unfortunately ambiguous- Two kings of Egypt bore the surname Kuergetes. PtoL [II., the son and successor of 1'tol. II. Philadelphus, B. c. 247-222; and Ptol. VII. Phytoon, the brother of Ptol. VI. Philometor, b. c. 170-117. And the noble eulogy on "Simon the sou of Onias, the high-priest," who is described as the last of the great worthies of Israel (ch. 1.), and apparently re- moved only by a short interval from the times of the author, is affected by a similar ambiguity, so that it cannot be used absolutely to fix the reign in which the translation was made. Simon I., the son of Onias, known by the title of the Just, was high-priest about 310-290 B. c, and Simon II., also the son of Onias, held the same office at the time when PtoL IV. Philopator endeavored to force an entrance into the Temple, B. c. 217 (3 Mace, i. 2). Some have consequently supposed that the reference is to Simon the Just, and that the grand- son of Ben Siraeh, who is supposed to have been his younger contemporary, lived in the reign of Ptolemy HI. (Jahn, Vaihinger in Herzog's Hncykl. a. v.); others again have applied the eulogy to Simon II., and fixed the translation in the time of rtolemyVn. (Eichhorn, EM p. 38). But both sup- positions are attended with serious difficulties. The •Inscription of Simon can scarcely apply to one so little distinguished as the second high-priest of the name, while the first, a man of representative dig- nity, is passed over without notice in the list of the



    o The " AtpMbti" or « Book of Ben Sim,'- which exists at present, Is a later compilation (lata, Ootttsd. Yortr. d. Jmdtn, pp. 100-106) of proverbs In Hebrew and Clialdee, containing some genuine fragments, smong much that is worth lew (Bakes, Rntbinisdu Btumtnltu, p. 81 ff.). Ben Sirs is called in the preface the son of Jeremiah The sayings are collected by Dukes, I.e. p. 87 ff. They otter parallels to Bcclus. HI. 21, vi. «, Ix. 8 ff., st 1, xtti 16. xxv. 2, xxvi. 1, xxx. 28, xxxvtU. 1, 4, 8, xlil. 9 f.

    » Bine. Brol. ir yip vy fryse> ««• vsuuceVry htt r»i rev Ewpyrrov Smo-tXeut, waparfwaMt etc Atylnrvov .... It Is strange that any doubt should have been raised about the meaning of the words, which eon only be, that the translator <* In his thirty-eighth year same toKgypt during the reign of Kuergetes," though It is Impossible now to give any explanation of the sseeuVmtion of his age. The translation of sVhhorn ?. c. p. 40), and several others, "in the thirty-eighth rear of the reign of Kuergetes," Is absolutely at vari- jscs with the grsmmstiesl structure of the sentence.

    * The Septuagint famishes abundant exampns of 'heeuwtrustion wbVh is hers pronounced Impossible. (he fbUi-wlng list contains some which do not appear

    benefactors of his nation. And on the other hand the manner in which the transistor speaks of the Alexandrine version of the Old Testament, and the familiarity which he shows with its language (e. o. xliv. 16, >Ev&x /uTtreVn, Gen. v. 34; of. Unci, ap. Eichhorn, p. 41, 43) is scarcely consistent with a date so early as the middle of the third century. From these considerations it appears best to coin bine the two views. The grandson of the author was already past middle age when be came to Egypt, and if his visit took place early in the reign of Ptolemy Physcoo, it is quite possible that the book itself was written while the name and person of the last of " the men of the great synagogue " were still familiar to his countrymen. ° Even if the date of the book be brought somewhat lower, the importance of the position which Simon the Just occupied in the history of the Jews would be a sufficient explanation of the distinctness of his portraiture; and the political and social troubles to which the book alludes (ii. 6, 12, xxxvi. ff.) seem to point to the disorders which marked the trans- ference of Jewish allegiance from Egypt to Syria rather than to the period of prosperous tranquillity which was enjoyed during the supremacy of the earlier Ptolemies (c B. c. 200).

    6. The name of the Greek translator is unknown. He is commonly supposed to have borne the same name as his grandfather, but this tradition rests only on conjecture or misunderstanding (Jerome, I. c inf. § 7; [PsevaVAthanasius,] Synopt. S. Script, printed as a Prologue in the Comp. ed. and in A. V.).

    6. It is a more important feet that the book itself appears to recognise the incorporation of earlier collections into its text. Jesus the son of Siraeh, while he claims for himself the writing of the book (eWpafa), characterizes his father as one " who poured forth a shower of wisdom (ovoWipr/o-t oo/piay) from his heart; " and the title of the book in the Vatican MS. and in many others may be more than a familiar abbreviation (atxpia 2c ipdV. Yet Cod C has wpiKoyot Sipdx combined with the usual heading, 2oa>. 'Ino-ov vi. X.). From the very nature of his work the author was like " a gleaner after the grape-gatherers " (xxxiii. 16), and Bretschneider has endeavored to show (p- 28 ff.) from internal discrepancies of thought and doctrine that he made use of several smaller collections,

    to have been hitherto noticed. See Hagg. 1, 1, Brvripy vrvi «rt Aopniov AaaiA«»c ; 11. 1 (1. 16). 11 (10) ; Zecb. 1. 1, cr rd eyW*» fiigft from ocvrepou e»V Aaptiov ;

    1. 7 ; vli. 1, eV rf rrropry fr«i cVt Aapct'ov tow pWiAeuc ; Dan. ix. 1 (LXX.), erovc rpairov hX Oaptiov, where Theodotlon has h> v$ *p»Tf> mi Aopatov, though even here the Comp. edition and the Alex. MS. Insert iwi before Aapeiov ; 1 Mace. xlil. 42, rrovt irpwrov hel 2uu>m ipx«pJ~* ; xiv. 27 ; Jer. xlvi. [Heb. xxxix.J

    2, Aldtne ed. Comp. 1 Bear, ii. 16 (16), JrUmibi 'Apra{epfov rur fUpawr flamMti xpovotc. As Mr Weetcott admits that no reason can be given for the translator's specification of bis own age, it is not surpris- ing that Bchhorn's construction of the passage should be adopted by many recent writers, ss Bruoh ( Weisbeits- Uhn der Hcbntr, p. 267), Palfrey, Davidson, Bwald, Fritasche (Rug Hondo, v. p. xlil.), sad Uorowltv (Das But A Jestu SinuA, p. 20, n.). A.

    e If indeed the Inscription In B. "IV Wisdom of

    Shark" (SO slso Bplpt Hot. vlil. i) cr<*t>L* TOV Sipax),

    as dvunguished from the prayer In c 11. ('Iwo-ov vi. Z.) Is baaed upon any historic tradition, another geaeratloa will be sdded to carry us back to the first foments of the book. See f 6.

    Digitized by



    Having widely in their charaeter, though all were purely Hebrew in their origin.

    7. The Syriac and Old Latin versions, which latter Jerome adopted without alteration (Praf. inLibr. SaL jvxta LXX. i. e. . . . "in Ecclesias- tioo, quern esse Jen fiKi Slrach nullns ignorat, ealaino temperavi, tantummodo Canonicas scriptures emeudare deeiderans "), differ considerably from the present Greek text, anil it is uncertain whether they were derived from some other Greek recension (Eicbliorn, p. 84) or from the Hebrew original (rJertboldt, p. 8804 ff.).« The language of the Latin version presents great peculiarities. Even in the first two chapters the following words occur which are found ui no other part of the Vulgate : dvftmctiv (i. 13), rdigiotiUu (i. 17, 18, 86), com- partioi- (i. 84), mhmoratio (i. 88), obductio (ii. 3, v. 1, 10), receptibilu (ii. 5) The Arabic version is directly derived from the Syriac (Breteehn. p. 708 (.).

    8. The existing Greek MSS. present great dis- crepancies in order, and numerous interpolations. The arrangement of cc. in. 85 — xxxvi. 17 in the Vatican and Complutensian editions is very dif- ferent. The English version follows the latter, which is supported by the Latin and 8yriac versions against the authority of the Uncial MSS. The extent of the variation is seen in the following table: —

    Ed. Comp. Lot. Syr. E. V. xxx. 26

    xxxl., xxxii

    mill. 1-16, Vrypihmpra XXXtil 17 ff. «af KaAafUuficvov

    IIllT., XXXV

    xxxvi. 1-11, yvMt 'Ia«i0 ■ xxxvi. 12 B. koX KarticAi)- pov6p.ifra.

    Ed. Tat. A. B. C. xxxiii. 18, kofiM/A cap&a,

    k. r. A. xxxtv., XXXV. xxxvi. 1-16. xxx. 25 B. xxxl., xxxii. xxxlU. 1-18. xxxvi. 17 ff.

    1T«e most important interpolations are: i. 5, 7; 184, 31; iii. 86; iv. 23*; vil. 386; x. 21; xii. 6c; xiii. 35*; xvi. 15, 16, 33c; xvU. 6, 9, 16, 17n, 18, r 81, 32c, 366; xviil. 86, 8, 87c, 83c; xlx. 66, 6«, 136, 14m, 18, 19, 31, 35c; xx. 8, 146, 176, 33; xxU. 9, 10, 33c; xxiii. 3e, 4c, 56, 38: xxiv. 18, 34; xxv. 13, 36c; xxvi. 19-37; 1. 296. All these passages, which occur in the A. V. and the Comp. texts, are wanting in the best MSS. The edition of the Syro-Hexaplaric MS. at Milan, which is at present reported to be in preparation (1858), will probably uontrihute much to the establishment of a sounder rat.

    9. It is impossible to make any satisfactory plan if the book in its present shape. The latter part, jh. xlii. 15-L 21, is distinguished from all that precedes in style and subject ; and " the praise of noble men " drorspwr (pros) seems to form a complete whole in itself (ch. xliv.-L 34). The words of Jerome, Praf. in i«6r. Sakm. ("Quorum priorem [ircwiptTor Jesu filii Sirach hbrum] He- braicum reperi, non KccUnatticttm ut apud Latinos, wd Parabobi prsenotatum, cui Juncti erant Ec-

    a • That the Latin version was derived from the Greek Frltasche (Exe?. Handb. v. p. xxiv.) regards as beyond all question. He Justly remarks that the supposition that a Lmtln v-nioo was made from the Hrbrttv at so ssrly a date (ttw second century) would be an anach- ronism, or at taut without a parallel, and that all the Niternal evidence Is against It He considers the Syriac fTskm, on the other hand, as a loose paraphrase of 'Jx> Greek, with many arbitrary alterations, omissiona,


    ehstosfeset Caittieum CmUieorwn, nt iiiiii'illlwllif Salomonis non solum Ebronrm nomero, sad atiem materiarum genera ooasquant"), which do not appear to have received any notice, imply that tht original text presented a triple character answering to the three works of Solomon, the Proverbs, Ee- clesiastes, and Canticles; and it is, perhaps, possible to trace the prevalence of the different types of maxim, reflection, and song in successive parts of the present book. In the central portion of the book (xviil. 29, iyicpdrtta >ln>xv*< xxxii. (xxx*. «/>! fi-youufWf) several headings are introduced in the oldest MSS., and similar title* preface ch. xliv. (nertpor S/uvs) ""d ch .li. (Tpoamxh 'Ivroi vlov ittpdx)- These sections may nave contributed to the disarrangement of the text, but they do not offer any sufficient clue to its true subdivisions. Eichhom supposed that the book was made up of three distinct collections which were after- wards united: i.-xxiii.; xxiv.-xlii. 14; xlii. 15-L 34 (AV«t p. 50 ff.). Bretachneider sets aside this hypothesis, and at the same time one which he had formerly been inclined to adopt, that the r e curren ce of the same ideas in xxiv. 32 ff.; miii. 16, 17 (xxx.); 1. 37, mark the conclusion of three parts. The last five verses of ch. L (1. 35-29) form a natural conclusion to the book: and the prayer, which forms the last chapter (Ii. >, is wanting in two MSS. Some have supposed that it was the work of the translator; but it is more probable that he found it attached to the larger work, though it may not have been designed originally for the place which it occupies.

    10. The earliest clear coincidence with the con- tents of the book occurs In the epistle of Barnabas (o. *9 = Eeclus. W. 31; cf. ConU. Apart, vil. II), but in this case the parallelism consists in the thought and not in the words, and there Is no mark of quotation. The parallels which have been discovered in the New Testament are too general to show that they were derived from the written text, and not from popular language; and the same remark applies to the other alleged coincidences with the Apostolic fathers (e. y. Ecclus. r. 13 = James i. 19 ; xi. 18, 19 = Ijike xii. 19). There is no sign of the use of the book in Justin Martyr, which is the more remarkable as it offers several thoughts congenial to his style. The first distinct quotations occur in Clement of Alexandria; but from the end of the second century the book was much used and cited with respect, and in the same terms as the canonical Scriptures ; and its author- ship was often assigned to Solomon from the sim- ilarity which it presented to his writings (August. De Cum pro Mart. 18). Clement speaks of it continually as Sayiture (Pad. i. 8, § 62; ii. 3, $ 34; 5, § 46; 8, § 69, Ac.), as the work of Solomon (Strom. 11. 5, $ 84), and as the voice of the great Master (vattaytrris, P<»&- ii- 10, J 98). Origea cites passages with the same formula as the canon- ical books (yiypaxrai. In Joham. xxxii. § 14; In Matt. xvi. § 8), as Scripture (Comm. in Mutt. §

    and additions. But Dr. J. Horowits in a recant essay (see the addition to this article) maintains that the Syriac translator bad a Hebrew text before htm, though interpolated and corrupted, and finds In this vartfcm the means of restoring the original Hebrew, and of explaining the mistakes of the Greek translator, in not a few passages which, ss they now stand, yield as good sense. Olnsburg takes the same view (art. Jbsw tiamau in Kltto's Ogd. o/ BM. 1st , 8d ed.). A.

    Digitized by






    /■ i)i. ad Ran. is. J 17, Ac), and as the MM of "ftU dkime word" (c. Cefc. rili. 50). The other write™ of the Alexandrine school follow the same practice. Dlonysuis calk its wordi "dwrne oroefes " (Fray, de JVafc ft. p. 1258, ed. Mlgne), and Peter Martyr quota it a* the work of '• Ike Preacher " (Frag. i. § 6, p. 615, ed. Migne). The passage quoted from Tertullian (de Exhort. Cast. 2, " neat acriptum est: ecce potui ante le bonum et malum ; gustasti enim de arbore

    agrdtionia " cf. Eoclus. xr. 17, Vulg.) is

    Dot absolutely conclusive [see Dent, xxx. 15] ; but Cyprian constautly brings forward passages from the book as Scripture (de Bono Pat. 17; de Mor- tatitate, 9, § 13) and as the work of Solomon (Ep. Ixt. 9). The testimony of Augustine sums up briefly the result which follows from these isolated authorities, lie quotes the book constantly him- self as the work of a prophet (Serm, xxxix. 1), the word of God (Serm. hxxrii. 11), "Scripture" (Lib. tie If at. 33), and that even in controversy (c Jul Pelag. v. 36), but he expressly notices that it was not in the Hebrew Canon (De Curapro Mort. 18) " though the Church, especially of the West, had received it into authority " (Dt Civii. xvii. 20, cf. Speculum, iii. 1137, ed. Paris). Jerome, in like manner (I c § 7), contrasts the book with " the Canonical Scriptures " as •' doubtful," while they are "sure; " and in another place (ProL Oaleat.) he says that it "is not in the Canon," and again (ProL itt Libr. SaL* that it should be read " for the instruction of the people (plebit), not to support the authority of ecclesiastical doctrines." The book is not quoted by Ireneus, Hippolytus, or Eusebius ; " and is not contained in the Canon of Helito, Origan, Cyril, Laodieea, Hilary, or Rufinus. [Cahos.] It was never included by the Jews among their Scriptures; for though it is quoted in the Talmud, and at times like the Kethubim, the study of it was forbidden, and it was classed among " the outer

    book," (O^ISY] On?!?), that is probably, those which were not admitted into the Canon (Dukes, Habb. Blumenlete, pp. 24, 25).

    11. But while the book is destitute of the highest canonical authority, it is a most important monu- ment of the religious state of the Jews at the period of its composition. As an expression of Palestinian theology it stands alone; for there is no sufficient reason for »— uming Alexandrine interpolations or direct Alexandrine influence (Gfrtirer, Phito, ii. 18 ff.). The translator may, perhaps, have given an Alexandrine coloring to the doctrine, but its great outlines are unchanged (cf. Daehne, Rtlig.-Philoe. ii 129 ft). The conception of God as Creator, Preserver, and Governor is strictly conformable to the old Mosaic type; but at the same time his mercy is extended to all mankind (xviii. 11-13). Little stress is laid upon the spirit-world, either good (xlviii. 21, xlv. 2, xxxix. 28?) or evil (xxi. 27?); and the doctrine of a resurrection lades away (xiv. 16, xvii. 27, 38, xliv. 14, 15. Yet cf. xlviii. 11). In addition to the general hope of restoration (xxxvi. 1, Ac.) one trait only of a Messianic frith Is preserved in which the writer contemplates the future work of Ellas (xlviii. 10). Tne ethical pre- aspts are addressed to the middle class (Eichborn, kitU p. 44 ft*.). The praise of agriculture (vii. 15) kid medicine (xxxviii. 1 ft".), and the constant ex-

    hortations to cheerfulness, seem to speak of a time when men's thoughts were turned inwards with feelings of despondency and perhaps (Dukes, L c p. 27 ff.) of fatalism. At least the book marks las growth of that anxious legalism which was con- spicuous in the sayings of the later doctors. Lift is already imprisoned in rules; religion is degen- erating into ritualism; knowledge has taken refuge in schools (cf. Ewald, Geteh, 4 Volleet I$r. iv 298 ff.).

    12. Numerous commentaries on Eoelesiasticus appeared in the 16th and 17th centuries (cf. Bretachnekter, Lib. Sirac. Prssf. x. note, for a list of these), of which the most important were those of Camerarius (Liptia, 1570, 8vo), Com. a Lapide (Antmrpia, 1687, Ac., fol), and Drusius (Fran- tkera, 1596, 4to); [Dav. HoeecbeTs edition (Aug. Tind. 1604) was also of some importance for its huge collection of various readings;] but nothing more was done for the criticism of the book till the editions of Linde (a German translation and notes, Liptia, 1786, 1795, 8vo, followed by a Greek text, Gedam, 1795, 8ro). Linde's labors left much to be supplied, and in 1806 Bretaohneider published his edition, which still remains the most complete (Liber Jetu Uracida Grace ad fidem Codd. et vera, emend. U itrpct. comm. illuttratut a Car. GottL Brettekneider . . . Ratitbona, mdcccvi.); but this will probably be superseded by the prom- ised (1858) Commentary of Fritasebe in the Kurtg Exeg. Ucmdbucii, for both in style und sch ol a r s h ip it labors under serious defects. B. F. W.

    • Additional Literature. — Besides the works already referred to in this article, or under the art. Afocrtpha, as Amald's Commentary, the fol- lowing deserve notice: Jan van Gilse, Commen- talio de Libri qui Sap. Jet. Sirac. itucribitur Argvmento et Doctrina Fonte, Groning. 1832, 4to; J. F. Rablger, Ethice Librorum Apoc. V. T., Vratisl. 1888; J. F. Bruch, Weuheitt-Lthre der Hebraer, Strassh. 1861, pp. 266-319; Ewald, in his Jahrb. d. Bibl mittentch., 1851, iii. 125-140, and Getch. d. Volket Itr., 3* Ann. (1864), iv. 340 ff.; Welte (Cath.), in Herbst's EM. ii. pt. iii. pp. 203-237 ; Palfrey, LtcL on the Jewith Sayituret, iv. 343-350 (Bost. 1852): Geiger, Warum geh&H dm Buck Sirach zu den Apuhyphen, in the ZeUtchr. d. Dtuttch. MorgaU. GeteUsch., 1858, iii. 536-543; Davidson, Introd. to the OU Te$t. iii. 411-422. A translation of chapters i.-xxx. by the Rev. Thomas Hill, D. D., now President of Harvard College, was published in the Monthly Religiout Magaane (Boston) for 1852 and 1863 Far the most important work on this book, how- ever, is the Commentary and Translation of O. F. Fritzeche, with a full Introduction, forming the 5th Lie/erung of the Kurzgef. exegcL Unndb. m den Apolc det A. T. (Leipz. 1859). A Gorman translation of the Apocrypha by D. Cassel (the Apokrumhtn. Nock dem yritch. Text* ibertettt, u. s. w.) was published in Berlin, 1866.

    An essay of some value has recently appeared by Dr. J. Horowitz (Dae Buck Jetm Sirach, Uresbu, 1866, first printed in Frankel's Monatttekrift f. Getch. u. Witt, dee Judeutkumt), which discusses the principal questions respecting the original author and the different translations of the wurk. Aonnrding to Horowitz, the Simon mentioned in

    • • It it quoted by BUiipoiTtaM {Opp. p. 182, 1. IS, id. lafai ile), and by Kuasbiut < Dt Sola. Thiol, i. 12 ;

    Dem. Bmmc.I. 1, 21 a, ed. Hlgae ; Dt Van

    Qinu L U i and Comm. in Pt. lri. 2). A _

    Digitized by




    eh. L Is the famous Simon the Just, and the de- scription in that chanter is so vivid that it must represent what the writer had seen and heard ; the book was probably composed at different periods daring the long life of Abe author, the original con- elusion being the last verse of oh. xHx. ; chapters 1., li. were added afterwards, possibly as late as B. C. 850, whence the strangely placed invective against the Samaritans (1. 96, 28), who about this time were harassing the Jews (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, § 1). The translator came to Egypt in the 88th year of Ptolemy Euergetes IL (Physcon), that is, about 139 B. c. But how then could be call the author, who is supposed to have died about 130 years before, his grandfather t Horowitz meets this dif- ficulty by taking wrfinrot in the wider sense of amcator. Further, he does not regard the language in the Prologue respecting the books of the Old Testament as necessarily implying that the col- lection mi then complete, and the Canon closed. The essay contains some happy conjectural restora- tions of the original text in corrupted passages, chiefly by the aid of the Syriac version. A.

    ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. No historical notice of an eclipse occurs in the Bible, but there are passages in the prophets which contain manifest allusion to this phenomenon. They describe it in the following terms : " The sun goes down at noon," "the earth is darkened in the clear day" (Am. viii. 9), •< the day shall be dark " (Hie. iii. 6), •> the light shall not be clear nor dark " (Zech. xiv. 6), "the sun shall be dark " (Joel ii. 10, 31, iii. 15). Some of these notices probably refer to eclipses that occurred about the time of the re- spective compositions : thus the date of Amos coin- cides with a total eclipse, which occurred Feb. 9, B. c. 784, and was visible at Jerusalem shortly after noon (Hitzig, Comm. in Proph.); that of Micah with the eclipse of June 5, B. c 716, referred to by Dionys- Hal. ii. 56, to which same period the latter part of the book of Zechariah may be prob- ably assigned. A passing notice in Jcr. xv. 9 coin- cides in date with the eclipse of Sept. 30, b. c. 610, so well known from Herodotus' account (L 74, 103). The darkness that overspread the world at the crucifixion cannot with reason be attributed to an eclipse, as the moon was at the full at the time of the Passover. [Dauknbss.] The awe which U naturally inspired by an eclipse in the minds of those who are unacquainted with the cause of it, rendered it a token of impending judgment in the prophetical books. W. L. B.

    ED, •'. e. <> witness," a word inserted in the A. V. of Josh. xxii. 34 [brought along from the earlier Fjigliih versions] apparently on the authority of a few MSS., and also of the Syriac and Arable Versions, but not existing in the generally-received Hebrew Text. The passage is literally as follows: 'And the children [sons] of Reuben and the children [sons] of Gad named (I JCX. tmtviiuurtv) the altar: because that is a witness (Ed) between us that Jehovah is God." The rendering of the LXX, though in some respects differing materially from the present text, shows plainly that at that

    Mme the word Ed (T7) stood In the Hebrew in

    '*» present place. Hie word H^P, to call or pro-

    This Bdsr may have been a well known watch- Hooks. Bethlehem la won which the shepherds overlooked their toe number of shnuar


    chum, has not invariably (though generally) s transitive force, but is also occasionally aa intntv sitive verb. (For a farther Investigation of (hi. passage, see Keil, Jatlma, ad loo.) G.

    * The sense is better if we make ^3 In the last clause recitative like Sri, not causal, as above:

    It (t e. the altar) is a witness between us that Jehovah is God." The entire sentence and not "witness" merely (A. V.) was inscribed on the altar and formed its name. So in De Wette's Uebartetamg (1868) and in that of the Soaete Hb- Uque Protestanto de Paru (1866). Ed therefore is not a proper name any more than the other words. H.

    E'DAR, TOWER OF (aocur. Edkb, VjpQ

    "TT£ : Tat. omits; Alex. [» in eharaet minora"] iripyos TaSfp- turrii grtgit), a place named only in Gen. xxxv. 91. Jacob's first batting-place between

    Bethlehem and Hebron was "beyond (n^/HO) the tower Eder." According to Jerome (Onomas- ticon, Bethlehem) it was 1000 psoas from Beth- lehem. The name signifies a " flock " or " drove," and is quits in keeping with the pastoral habits of the district." Jerome sees in it a prophecy of the announcement of the birth of Christ to the shep- herds ; and there seems to have been a Jewish tradition that the Messiah was to be born there (Targum Pa. Jon.). G.

    EDDI'AS ('Ifftaj i [Tat. -At-;] Alex. l*Mw>; [Aid. 'E»8(oj:] Veddias), 1 Esdr. ix, 36. [Jc-


    EDEN fl}? [;>fca«an

    In order more clearly to understand the merit of the several conjectures, it will be necessary to submit to a careful examination the historic nar- rative on which they are founded. Omitting those portions of the text of Gen. ii. 8-14 which do not bear upon the geographical position of Eden, the description is as follows: "And the Lord God planted a garden in Eden eastward. . . . And a river goeth forth from Eden to water the garden; and from thence it is divided and becomes four heads (or arms). The name of the first it Pison: that u it which eompaaseth the whole land of Havilah, where u the gold. And the gold of that land it good : there u the bdellium and the onyx stone. And the name of the second river is Gibon; that is it which eompasseth the whole land of Cash.

    at the present day la in Its neighborhood

    Digitized by



    And (be MO* of the third river w Hiddekel; tint is stwMeh floweth before Assyria. And the fourth river, that u Euphrates." hi the eastern portion than of the region of Eden m the garden planted. The river which flowed through Eden watered the garden, and thence branched off into four distinct streams. The first problem to be solved then la this : To find a river which, at some atage of its oouree, ia divided into four streams, two of which are the Tigris and Euphrates. The identity of these rivers with the Hiddekel and P'rath has never been disputed, and no hypothesis which omits them is worthy ui consideration. Setting aside minor differences of detail, the theories which have been framed with regard to the situation of the terrestrial paradise naturally divide themselves into two classes. The first class includes all those which place the garden of Eden below the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris, and interpret the names Pison and Uihon of certain portions of these rivers : the second, those which seek tor it in the high table-land of Armenia, the fruitful parent of many noble streams. These theories have been supported by roost learned men of all nations, of all ages, and representing every shade of theological belief; but there is not one which is not based in some degree upon a forced interpretation of the words of the narrative. Those who contend that the united stream of the Euphrates and Tigris is the " river " which " goeth forth from Eden to water the garden," have com- mitted a fatal error in neglecting the true meaning

    of NSJ, which ia only used of the course of a river from its source downward) (cf. Ec. xlvii. 1). Fol- lowing the guidance which this word supplies, the description in ver. 10 must be explained in this manner: the river takes its rise in Eden, flows into the garden, and from thence is divided into four branches, the separation taking place either in the garden or after leaving it. If this be the case, the Tigris and Euphrates before junction cannot, in this position of the garden, be two of the four ' branches in question. But, though they have avoided this error, the theorists of the second class have been driven into a Charybdis not less destruc- tive. Looking tor the true site of Eden in the high- lands of Armenia, near the sources of the Tigris Hid Euphrates, and applying the names Pison and Uihon to some one or other of the rivers which spring from the same region, they have been com- pelled to explain away the meaning of "1713, the

    " river," and to give to D , tPrn a sense which is not supported by a single passage. In no instance

    '» WH (lit. " head ") applied to the source of a river. On several occasions (cf. Judg. vii. 16, Job i. 17, Ac.) it is used of the detachments into which the main body of an army is divided, and analogy

    therefore leads to the conclusion that O^SftO lenotos "the branches" of the parent stream. There are other difficulties in the details of the several theories, which may be obstacles to their aitire reception, but it is manifest that no theory which fails to satisfy the above-mentioned oondi- :ious can be allowed to take its place among things hat are probable.

    The old versions supply us with little or n» assistance. The translators appear to have haued tetwaen a mystical and literal interpretation. The

    ■md )TV ill rendered by the LXX. as a proper



    name In three passages only, Gen. it. 8, 10, It. 16. where it is represented by 'Et«> In all others, with the exception of Is. li. 3, it ia translated rov^s}. In the Vulgate it never oocura as a proper name. but is rendered " eokiptat," " Iochs volaptalu," ot " dtUeim." The Targum of Onkelos gives it uni- formly XVS, and in the Peshito-Syriao it is the same, with the slight variation in two passages of v^*-^* for \\*-^«

    It would be a hopeless task to attempt to chron icle the opinions of all the commentators upon this question: their name is legion. Philo (de MumM Opif. § 64) is the first who ventured upon an allegorical interpretation. He conceived that by paradise is darkly shadowed forth the governing faculty of the soul; that the tree of life signifies religion, whereby the soul ia immortalized; and by the faculty of knowing good and evil the middle sense, by which are discerned things contrary to nature. In another passage (de PhnlaL § 9) he explains Eden, which signifies " pleasure," as u symbol of the soul, that sees what is right, exults in virtue, and prefers one enjoyment, the worship of the Only Wise, to myriads of men's chief delights. And again (Ltgum AlUgor. i. { 14) he says, " now virtue ia tropically called paradise, and the site of paradise is Eden, that ia, pleasure.'' The four rivers he explains (§ 19) of the several virtues of prudenoe, temperauoe, courage, and justice; while the main stream of which they are branches is the generic virtue, goodness, which goeth forth from Eden, the wisdom of God. The opinions of Philo would not be so much worthy of consideration, were it not that he has been followed by many of the Fathers. Origen, according to Luther ( Comm. in Gen.), imagined paradise to be heaven, the trees angels, and the rivers wisdom. Papias, Iresueus, Pantamus, and Clemene Alexandrinua have all favored the mystical interpretation (Huet, Origtn- iina, ii. 167). Ambrosius followed the example of Origen, and placed the terrestrial paradise in the third heaven, in consequence of the expr ession of St. Paul (3 Cor. xii. 3, 4); but elsewhere he distin- guishes between the terrestrial paradise and that to which the Apostle was caught up (Ot Parad: e. 3). In another passage (JCp. ad Satmum) all this is explained as allegory. Among the Hebrew tra- ditions enumerated by Jerome (Trad. Htbr. m (Jen.) ia one that paradise was created before the world was formed, and is therefore beyond its limits. Moses Bar Cepha (Ot Parad.) assigns it a middle place between the earth and the firmament. Some affirm that paradise was on a mountain, which reached nearly to the moon; while others, struck by the manifest absurdity of such an opinion, held that it was situated in the third region of the air, and was higher than all the mountains of the earth by twenty cubits, so that the waters of the flood could not reach it. Others again have thought that paradise was twofold, one corporeal and the other incorporeal : others that it was formerly on earth, but had been taken away by the judgment of God (Hopkinson, Otter. Parad. in UgoL 7"Aes. vii.). Among the opinions enumerated by Marinas (Diet, de Parad. TerrttU UgoL The*, vii.) is one, that, before the fall, the whole earth was paradise, and was really situated in Eden, in the midst of a_ kiiids of delights. Ephraem Syrus ( Comm. is Gen., expresses himself doubtfully upon this point Whether the trees of paradise, being spiritual, drank

    Digitized by


    656 EDEN

    of spiritual water, he does not undertake to deckle; bat be seems to be of opinion that toe four riven hare lost their original virtue in consequence of the mrse pronounced upon the earth for Adam's trans-

    ij.ii— iini

    Conjectures with regard to the dimensions of the garden have differed as widely as those which as- sign its locality. Ephraem Syrus maintained that it surrounded the whole earth, while Johannes Tostatus restricted it to a circumference of thirty- six or forty miles, and others have nude it extend over Syria, Arabia, and Mesopotamia. (HopUn- aon, aa above.) But of speculations like these there is no end.

    What is the river which goes forth from Eden to water the garden ? is a question which has been often asked, and still waits for a satisfactory an- swer. That the ocean stream which surrounded the earth was the source from which the four rivers flowed was the opinion of Joaephus (Ant. i. 1, § 3) and Johannes Damasceuus (De Oiihod. Fid. ii. 9). It was the Shnt-tLArab, aeceording to those who place the garden of Eden below the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates, and their oonjecture would deserve consideration were it not that this stream cannot, with any degree of propriety, be said to rise in Eden. By those who refer the po- sition of Eden to the highlands of Armenia, the "river" from which the four streams diverge is conceived to mean " a collection of springs," or a well-watered district It is scarcely necessary to

    say that this signification of "VT^ (ndhar) is wholly without a parallel; and even if it could, under certain circumstances, be made to adopt it, such a signification is, in the present instance, pre- cluded by the fact that, whatever meaning we may assign to the word in ver. 10, it must ue the same as that which it has in the following verses, in which it is sufficiently definite. Sickler (Augusta, TlieoL Monatsschrifl, i. 1, quoted by Winer), sup- posing the whole narrative to be a myth, solves the difficulty by attributing to its author a large nieas- lre of igui ranee. The " river " was the Caspian Sea, which in bis apprehension was an immense itream from the east, Bertheau, applying the ge- ographical knowledge ut the ancients as a test of 'hat of the Hebrews, arrived at the same oouclu- iiou, on the ground that all the people south of the Armenian and Persian highlands place the dwelling of the gods in the extreme north, and the regions of the Caspian were the northern limit of the horizon of the Israelites (Knobel, Genesis). But he allows the four rivers of Eden to have been real rivers, and not, as Sickler imagined, oceans which bounded the earth east and west of the Vile.

    That the Hiddekel* is the Tigris, and the Phrath he Euphrates, has never been denied, except by those who assume that the whole narrative is a myth which originated elsewhere, and was adapted by the Hebrews to their own geographical notions. As the former is the name of the great river by which Daniel sat (Dan. x. 4), and the latter is the term uniformly applied to the Euphrates in the Old Testament, there seems no reason to suppose that the appellations in Gen. ii. 14 are to be uuder- Muud in any other than the ordinary sense. One

    a lids name Is said to be still m was among the trie** who live upon Its banks (Cot Cuasney, Ezp. to fight and FufJaatrt, 1. U).


    cjreo-natance in the description Is worthy of ob- servation. Of the four riven, one, the T*nulnaa»s, is mentioned by name only, as if that were suffi- cient to identify it The other three an defined according to their geographical positions, and it is fair to conclude that they were therefore riven with which the Hebrews were less intimately acquainted. If this be the case, it is scarcely possible to imagine that the Gihou, or, as some say, the Pison. is the Nile, for that must have been even more familiar U the Israelites than the Euphrates, and have stood aa little in need of a definition.

    With regard to the Piscu, the most ancient and most universally received opinion .deutifiea it with the Ganges. Josephus (Ant. i. 1, § 3;, Eusebiua (OnomasL a v.), Ambrosius (de Parad. c. 3), Epiphanius (Anror. c 58), Ephr. Syr. (Opp. Syr. i. 23), Jerome (Ep. * ad Riot, and Quest (fed. w Gen.), and Augustine (de Gen. ad Lit. viii. T) held this. But Jarchi (on Gen. ii. 11), Saadiah Gaon, R. Moses ben Nachman, and Abr. PeriUol (Ugol. Thes. vii.), maintained that the Pison was the Nile. The first of these writers derives the word from a root which signifies "to increase," "to overflow " (cf. Hab. i. 8), but at the same time quotes an etymology given in Brrethith moon, § 16, in which it is asserted that the river is called Pison

    "because it makes the flax (jntDD) to grow." Josephus explains it by r^ifiis, Scaliger by tA^m- fiupa. The theory that the Pison is the Ganges *s thought to receive some confirmation from the author of the book of Ecclesiasticus, who mentions (xxiv. 25, 27) in order the Pison, the Tigris, the Euphrates, Jordan, and Gihon, and is supposed to have commenced his enumeration in the east and to have terminated it in the west. That the Pison was the Indus was an opinion currant long before it was revived by Ewald (Gesch. d. VoUe. Itr. i. 331, note 2) and adopted by KaHsch (Genesis, p. 96). Philostorgius, quoted by Huet (TJgoL vol. vii.), conjectured that it was the Hydsspes: and Wilford (As. Res. vol. vi.), following the Hindoo tradition with regard to the origin of mankind, discovers the Pison in the I-andi-Sindh, the Ganges of Igidorus, called also NilAb from the color of its waters, and known to the Hindoos by the name of Nila-Ganga or Gangs simply. Severianua (de Standi Great.) and Ephraem Syrus (Comm. on 6'rti.) agree with Cesarius in Identifying the Pison with the Danube. The last-mentioned father seems to hare held, in common with others, some singular notions with regard to the course of this river. He believed that it was also the Ganges and Indus, and that, after traversing Ethiopia and Bymais, which he identified with Havilah, it fell into the ocean near Cadiz. Such is also the opinion of Epiphanius with regard to the course of the Pison, which he says is the Ganges of the Ethiopians and Indians sud the Indus of the Greeks (Ancor. c 58). Some, aa Hopkinson (Ugol. vol. vii.;, nave found the Pison in the Nabarmalca, one of the artificial canals which formerly joined the Euphrates with the Tigris. This canal is the flmtm reman of Aram. Marc, (xxiii. 6, § 25, and xxiv. 1, J 1), and the Armakkar of Pliny (B. N. vi 30). Gro- tius, on the contrary, considered it to be the Gihon. Even those commentators who agree in placing the terrestrial Paradise on the Shiit-ei-Arab, the stream formed by the junction of the Tigris and Eu- phrates, between Ctesiphou and Apamea, are by M means unanhnous as to which of the brsiusSsSi nts

    Digitized by



    •Men this stream it again divided, the names Pison and Gabon are to be applied. Calvin ( Cbntm. m Cea.) was the first to conjecture that the Pison was the most euterij of then channels, and in this opinion be ia {allowed by Soaliger and many others. Hues, on the other hand, conceived that he proved beyond doubt that Calvin waa in error, and that the Pison waa the westernmost of the two channels by which the united stream of the Euphrates and Tigris falls into the Persian Gulf. He was con- firmed by the authority of Bochart (Uieroz. pt. ii. 1. 5, c 5). Junius (Pixel ia Gen.) and Kask dis- covered a relic of the name Pison in the Pasitigris. The advocates of the theory that the true position of Eden is to be sought for in the mountains of Armenia have been induced, from a certain resem- blance in the two names, to identify the Pison with the Phasis, which rises in the elevated plateau at the foot of Mount Ararat, near the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates. Reland (de Situ farad, terr. UgoL vol. vii.), Calmet (Diet. s. v.J, Link (Uratlt, i. 307), Rosenmuller (llandb. d. BibL Alt.), and Hartmann hare given their suffrages in favor of this opinion. Raumer (quoted by De- litzsch, Genua) endeavored to prove that the Pison was the Phasis of Xenophon (Anib. iv. 6), that is, the Aras or Araxes, which flows into the Caspian Sea. There remain yet to be noticed the theories of Le Clere (Cumin, ia Urn.) that the Pison was the Chrysorrhoaa, the modern Barada, which takes its rise near Damascus; and that of Buttmann (xEU. Erdk. p. 33) who identified it with the Be- rynga or Irabatti, a river of Ava. Mendelssohn (Coiwn. on Gen.) mentions that some affirm the Pison to be the Gozau of 3 K. xvii. 8 and 1 Chr. r. 26, which is supposed to be a river, and the same with the Kizil-Uzen in Hyrcania. Colonel Ches- ney, from the results of extensive observations in Armenia, was " led to infer that the rivers known by the comparatively modern names of links and Araxes are those which, in the book of Genesis, have the names of Pison and Gihon; and that the country within the former is the land of Havilah, x hilst that which bonders upon the latter is the still more remarkable country of Cuah." (i-'xji. to £uphr. ami Tiyiit, i. 267.)

    Such, in brief, is a summary of the various con- jectures which have been advanced, with equal decrees of confidence, by the writers who hare attempted to solve the problem of Eden. The majority of them are characterized by one common sefecb In the narrative of Genesis the river Pison s defined as that which surrounds the whole land if Havilah. It is, then, absolutely necessary to fix the position of Havilah before proceeding to identify the Pison with any particular river. But the process followed by moat critics has been first to find the Pison and then to look about for the land of Havilah. The same inverted method is characteristic of their whole manner of treating the problem. The position of the garden is assigned, the rivers are then identified, and lastly the coun- ties mentioned in the description arc so chosen is u> coincide with the rest of the theory.

    With such diversity of opinion as to the river which is intended to be represented by the Pison, it waa warcely possible that writers on this subject should be unanimous in their selection of a country possessing the attributes of Havilah. In Gen. ii. 11, 12, it is described as the land ahere the best gold was found, and which was besides rich in the treasures of the b'dolach and the stone thoham. A 42



    country of the same name is mentioned as fosnlng one of the boundaries of Iahmael's iIiiiikssIsSiIs (Gen. xxv. 18), and the scene of Saul's war of extermination against the Amalekites (1 Sam. xr. 7). In these passages Havilah seems to denote the desert region southeast of Palestine. But the word occurs also as the proper name of a son of Joktan, in close juxtaposition with Sheba and Ophir, also sons of Joktan and descendants of Shem (Gen. x. 29), who gave their names to the spice and gold countries of the south. Again, Havilah is enumerated among the Hamites as one of the sons of Cush; and in this enumeration hia name stands in close connection with Seba, Sheba, and Dedan, the first founders of colonies in Etbi opia and Arabia which afterwards bore their names. If, therefore, the Havilah of Gen. ii. be identical with any one of these countries, we must look fii it on the east or south of Arabia, and probably not far from the Persian Gulf. In other respect*, too, this region answers to the conditions required. Bochart, indeed, thought the name survived in Chnuti, which was situated on the east side of the Arabian Gulf, and which he identified with the abode of the Shemitic Joktanites ; but if hia ety- mology be correct, in which he connects Havilah

    with the root vin "sand," the appellation of "the sandy" region wouW not necessarily be re- stricted to one locality. That the name is derived from some natural peculiarity is evident from the presence of the article. Whatever may be the true meaning of b'dolach, be H carbuncle, crystal, bdel- lium, ebony, pepper, cloves, beryl, pearL diamond, or emerald, aU critics detect its presence, under one or other of these forms, in the country which they select as the Havilah most appropriate to then- own theory. As little difficulty is presented by the thuham : call it onyx, sardonyx, emerald, sapphire, beryl, or sardius, it would be hard indeed if some of these precious stones could not be found I in any conceivable locality to support even the most l far-fetched and improbable conjecture. That Havi- lah is that part of India through which the Ganges ; flows, and, more generally, the eastern region of the earth ; that it is to be found in Susiana (Hop- kinson), in Ava (Buttmann), or in the Ural region (Haumer), are conclusions necessarily following upon the assumptions with regard to the Pison. Hart- mann, Keland, and Rosenmuller are in favor of Colchis, the scene of the legend of the Golden Fleece. The Phasis waa said to flow over golden sands, and gold was carried down by the moun tain-torrents (Strabo, xi. 2, § 19). The crystal (b'dolach) of Scythia was renowned (Solinus, c. xx.), and the emeralds (thohaia) of this country were aa far superior to other emeralds as the latta were to other precious stones (Piin. H. N. xxxvii. 17), all which proves, say they, that Havilah was Colchis. Rosenmuller argues, rather strangely, if the Phasis be the Pison, the land of Havilah must be Colchis, supposing that by this country the He- brews had the idea of a Pontic or Northern India In like mannner I* Clerc, having previously deter- mined that the Pison must be the Chrysorrhoaa, finds Havilah not far from Coele-Syria. Haase (Entdtck. pp 49, 50, quoted by KosenmuQer) compares Harilah with the T\\ala of Herodotus (iv 9), in tht neighborhood of the Arimaapiana, an! the dragon which guarded the land of gold. For all these hypotheses there is no mare i than the merest conjecture.

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    H» second river of Paradise presec'a difficulties Mt Ion insurmountable than toe Pison. Those who maintained that the Pison is the Ganges held also that the Gihon was the Nile. One objection to this theory has been already mentioned. An- other, equally strong, is, that although in the books of the Old Testament frequent allusion is made to this river, it nowhere appears to have been known to the Hebrews by the name Gihon. The idea seems to have originated with the LXX. rendering

    of "YirPH? by rqAr in Jer. ii. 18; but it is clear from the manner in which the translators have given the latter clause of the same passage that they had no conception of the true meaning. Among mod- em writers, Bertheau (quoted by Delitzsch, Utnriu) and Kalisch (Genesis) have not hesitated to support this interpretation, in accordance with the principle they adopt, that the description of the garden of Eden is to be explained according to the most an- cient notions of the earth's surface, without refer- ence to the advances made in later times in geo- graphical knowledge. If this hypothesis be adopted, it certainly explains some features of the narrative; but, so far from removing the difficulty, it intro- duces another equally great It has yet to be proved that the opinions of the Hebrews on these points were as contradictory to the now well-known relations of land and water as the recorded impres- sions of other nations at a much later period. At present we have nothing but categorical assertion. Pausanias (ii. 5), indeed, records a legend that the Euphrates, after disappearing in a marsh, rises again beyond Ethiopia, and flows through Egypt as the Nile. Arrian (Exp. Alex, vi 1) relates that Alexander, on finding crocodiles in the Indus, and beans like those of Egypt on the banks of the Acesines, imagined that he had discovered the sources of the Nile; but he adds, what those who make use of this passage do not find it convenient to quote, that on receiving more accurate informa- tion Alexander abandoned his theory, and cancelled Met letter he had written to his mother Olympias on the subject. It is but fair to say that there was at one time a theory afloat that the Nile rose in a mountain of Lower Mauritania (PUn. H. N. v. 10).

    The etymology of Gihon (ITJ, to ours* forth) seems to indicate that it was a swiftly flowing, im- petuous stream. According to Golius (Lex. Arab.),

    ji* 1 ,-^- (Jichoon) it the name given to the

    Oxus, which has, on this account, been assumed by SosenmiiUer, Hartmann, and Michaelis to be the jihon of Scripture. But the Araxes, too, is called >y the Persians Jichoon ar-Rai, and from this cir jumstance it has been adopted by Reland, Cahnet, and Col. Chesney as the modern representative of the Gihon. It is clear, therefore, that the question is not to be decided by etymology alone, as the name might be appropriately applied to many rivers That the Gihon should be one of the channels by which the united stream of the Tigris and Euphrates falls into the Persian Gulf, was essential to the theory which places the garden of Eden on the Shal-tl-Arab. Bochart and Huet contended that H was the easternmost of these channels, while Cal- vin considered it to be the most westerly. Hop- kmaon and Junius, conceiving that Eden was to he fonnd in the region of Auranitis (= Avdnnitis, jmam F.


    Manes of Amm. Male (xriii. 6, § 86). That it should be the Orontes (Le Clare ., the Ganges (BoH- mann and EwaM), the Kur, or Cyras, which rises from the side of the Saghanlou mountain, a few miles northward of the sources of the Araxes (link) necessarily followed from the exigencies of toe sev- eral theories. Rask and Verbrugge are in favor of the Gyndes of the ancients (Her. i. 189), now caBed the Diyalah, one of the tributaries of the Tigris. Abraham Peritaol (Ugol. vol. vii.) was of ophwn that the garden of Eden was situated in the region of the Mountains of the Moon. Identifying the Pison with the Nile, and the Gihon with a river which his editor, Hyde, explains to be the Niger he avoids the difficulty which is presented by the nut that the Hiddekel and Froth are rivers of Asia, by conceiving it possible that these rivers actually take their rise in the Mountains of the Moon, and run underground till they make their appearance in Assyria. Equally satisfactory is the explanation of Ephraem Syrus that the four rivers have their source in Paradise, which is situated in a very lofty place, but are swallowed up by the surrounding districts, and after passing underneath the sea, come to light again in different quarters of the globe. It may be worth while remarking, by the way, that the opinions of this father are fre- quently misunderstood in consequence of the very inadequate Latin translation with which his Syriac works are accompanied, and which often does not contain even an approximation to the true sense. (For an example, see Kalisch, (Jenrtiii, p. 96.)

    From etymological considerations, Huet was in- duced to place Cush in Chusistan (called Cutha. 2 K. xvii. 24), Le Clerc in Cassiotis in Syria, and Reland in the "regio Cossieonim." Bochart iden- tified it with Susiana, Link with the country about the Caucasus, and Hartmann with Bactria or Bnlkh, the site of Paradise being, in this case, in the cel- ebrated rale of Kashmir. The term Cush is gen erally applied in the Old Testament to the countries south of the Israelites. It was the southern limit of Egypt (Ex. xxix. 10), and apparently the most westerly of the provinces over which the rule of Ahasuerus extended, " from India, even unto Ethi- opia" (Esth. i. 1, viii. 9). Egypt and Cash are associated in the majority of instances in which the word occurs (Ps. Ixviii. 31 ; Is. xviii. 1 ; Jer. xlri. 9, Ac.); but in two passages Cush stands in dose juxtaposition with Elam (Is. xi. 11) and Persia (Ex. xxxviii. 6). The CushHe king, Zerah, was utterly defeated by Asa at Mareahah, and pursued as far as Gerar, a town of the Philistines, on the southern border of Palestine, which was apparently under his sway (2 Chr. xhr. 9, Ac.). In 2 Chr. xxi. 16, the Arabians are described as dwelling " beside the Cushites," and both are mentioned in connection with the Philistines. The wife of Moats, who, we learn from Ex. ii., was the daughter of a Midianite chieftain, is in Num. xil. 1 denominated a Cusbite. Further, Cush and Seba (la xlHi. S\\ j Cush and the Sabeeans (Is. xlv. 14) are associated I in a manner consonant with the genealogy of tfci | descendants of Ham (Gen. x. 7), in which Seba is the son of Cush. From all these circumstances it is evident that under the denomination Cush were included both Arabia and the country south of Egypt on the western coast of the Ked Sea. It is possible, also, that the vast derert tracts west of Egypt were known to the Hebrews as the land of Cush, but of this we have no certain proof. The Targumist on Is. xi. 11 sharing the prevailing

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    r of Mi time, translates Cush by India but that a better knowledge of the relative position* of tbeae countries wa> anciently possessed is clear from Estb. i. 1. With all this evidence For the southern situation of Cosh, on what ground* are Roeenmuller and others justified in applying the term to a more northern region on the banks of the Oxua ? We are told that, in the Hindoo mythology, the gardens and metropolis of India are placed around the mountain M

    In the midst of this diversity of opinions, what is the true conclusion at which we arrive? Theory after theory has been advanced, with no lack of confidence, but none has been found which satisfies the required conditions. All share the inevitable fate of conclusions which are based upon inadequate premises. The problem may be indeterminate be- cause the data are insufficient. It would scarcely, an any other hypothesis, have admitted of so many apparent solutions. Still it is one not easy to be abandoned, and the site of Eden will ever rank, with the quadrature of the circle and the interpre- tation of unfulfilled prophecy, among those un- lolved, and perhaps insoluble, problems, which pos- sess so strange a fascination.

    It must not be denied, however, that other methods of meeting the difficulty, than those above mentioned, have been proposed. Some, ever ready 10 use the knife, have unhesitatingly pronounced .he whole narrative to be a spurious interpolation of a later age (Granville Penn, Min. and Mot. tieoL p. 184). But, even admitting this, the words are not mere unmeaning jargon, and demand optanation. Ewald (Gctch. i. 331, note) affirms, arid we have only bis word for it, that the tradition originated in the for East, and that in the course sf its wanderings the original names of two of the hers at least wen changed to others with which oe Hebrews were oetter acquainted. Hartmann regards it as a product of the Babylonian or Per- sian period. Luther, rejecting the forced interpre- tations on which the theories of his time were •seed, gave it as his opinion that the garden re- named under the guardianship of angels till the time of the deluge, and that its site was known to 'he descendants of Adam; but that by the Hood aU traces of it were obliterated. On the stpposi- tfcm that this is correct, there is still a difficulty to as explained. The narrative is so woreW a* to



    convey the idea that the countries and rivers spoken of were still existing in the time of the historian It has been suggested that the description of the garden of Eden is part of an inspired antediluvian document (Morren, KoaenmiiUer's Geogr. L 93). The conjecture is beyond criticism; it is equally incapable of proof or disproof, and has not much probability to recommend it The effects of the flood in changing the face of countries, and alter- ing the relations of land and water, are too little known at present to allow any inferences to be drawn from them. Meanwhile, as every expression of opinion results In a confession of ignorance, it will be more honest to acknowledge the difficulty than to rest satisfied with a fictitious solution.

    The idea of a terrestrial paradise, the abode of purity and happiness, has formed an element in the religious beliefs of all nations. The image of " Eden, the garden of God," retained its hold upon the minds of the poets and prophets of Israel as a thing of beauty whose joys had departed (Ex. xxvili. 13 ; Joel ii. 3 ), and before whose gates the cherubim still stood to guard it from the guilty. Arab legends teO of a garden in the East, on the summit of a mountain of jacinth, inaccessible to man; a garden of rich soil and equable temperature, well watered, and abounding with trees and flowers of rare colors and fragrance. In the centre of Jambu-dwfpa, the middle of the seven continents of the Puranas, is the golden mountain Meni, which stands like the seed-cup of the lotus of the earth. On its summit is the vast city of Brahma, renowned in heaven, and encircled by the Ganges, which, issuing from the foot of Vishnu, washes the lunar orb, and falling thither from the skies, is divided into four streams, that flow to the four corners of the earth. These rivers are the Bhadra, or Oby of Siberia; the Sfta, or Hoangho, the great river of China; the Alakananda, a main branch of the Ganges; and the Chakshu, or Oxus. In this abode of divinity is the Nandana, or grove of India ; there too is the Jambu tree, from whose fruit are fed the waters of the Jambu river, which give life and immortality to all who drink thereof. ( Vishnu Purdna, trans. Wilson, pp. 166-171.) The enchanted gardens of the Chinese are placed in the midst of the summits of Houanlun, a high chain of mountains further north than the Himalaya, and further east than llindukuah. The fountain of immortality which waters these gardens is divided into four streams, the fountains of the supreme spirit, Tychiu. Among the Medo-1'ersiana the gods' mountain Albordj is the dwelling of Ormuzd, and the good spirits, and is called " the navel of the waters." The Zend books mention a region called Seden, and the place of Zoroaster's birth is called ffedtneth, or, according to another passage, Airjana I'eedjv (Knobel, Gtnttuf).

    All these and similar traditions are but mere mocking echoes of the old Hebrew story, jarred and broken notes of the same strain ; but, with all their exaggerations, " they intimate how in the back- ground of man's visions lay a Paradise of holy joy, — a Paradise secured from every kind of profanation, and made inaccessible to the guilty ; a Paradise full of objects that were calculated to delight the senses and to elevate the mind ; a Paradise that granted to its tenant rich and rare immunities, and that fed with its perennial streams the tree of life and immortality' (Hard wick, Christ and other Matters, pt ii p. 188,. W. A. W.

    • This difficult subject should not be dismissed without additional suggestions. 1. The stateoraoU

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    I to be interprated in a manner eon~ t with themselves and with other known bete. We eeecpt it a* a true history. In so doing, we •bereey est aeide ell theories which And hen the Gangs*, the Indue, or the Mile. All such inter- pretation* come from men who regard the paaaage aa a myth or cage. We get no help from them here. Known law* of h jdroatatic* and known bete concerning the Tigria and Euphrate* ah» forbid onr understanding that an; one rictr in the derated region where these stream* riee, divided itself into four riven, of which these were two. 2. " Eden " wa* a region or territory, we know not how exten- sive, in tchich God planted a garden, and from which went forth then water*. It was not the garden, but the region in which the gardec lay. 3. It would not appear that the Deluge wholly changed the bee of the country. The sacred writer wa* evidently describing a region that might be still recognized when he wrote, and he made speci- fications for the aake of recognition. Moreover, two of the river* are now well known. 4. The general situation of the territory is fxtd by the rising of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, m the highlands of Armenia. It is generally conceded, as the result of ethnographical researches, that the early home (or one of the early burne* of the nations) is to be sought around that region. 6. The writer seems to be describing the river-system of the territory and the tour great rivers into which these various waters became united. No one lie- brew word would so well describe the case as "^} wed collectively. The word fVj denotes a fount- ain ; D19 bodies of water. But "lPTJ is a stream, or used collectively, streams, the river-system. It is commonly employed in the plural when more than one stream is designated. Here however the whole are viewed together. A similar use is found in Jonah ii. 4, where the same word in the singular and connected with a singular verb, designates the ocean streams or ootids that surrounded Jonah.

    Now in the high regions of Armenia there are still to be found four great streams with numerous branches, rising within a short distance of each other and flowing into three different seas. Two if these rivers are unquestionably among the four mentioned in Genesis; and of these two the Tigris -ises within four or Ave miles of the Euphrates, fhe latter is 1600 miles in length, and the former .186 miles long before its junction with it. Now nidway between the two main sources of the Euphrates, and about ten miles from each, rises the Araxes and flows a thousand miles to the Caspian Sea: while at no great distance from the Euphrates is the origin of the Halys (now Kvdl lnmtk), which runs a winding course of 700 miles north- westerly to the Black Sea. That the Gihon is the iraxes was long ago maintained by ReUnd and Koseiuniiller; and the explorations of Col. Chesney, who adopts the same view, bring no little weight to .he opinion. His suggestion that the I'iaon is the ilalys is also favored by the relation of the several streams, and by the striving similarity of the names

    Hevflah, nV VI, and Colchis, Kakxit, "* rf 8 ion ■ the Golden Fleece, which lay on the eastern end rf the Mack Sea. Krland, Kosenmiiller and others saw the resemblance in the names of the country, oat suggests"! the Phasis as the river. Its remote- ness would seem to set it aside. The main objection


    to identifying the Araxes with the Gihon, la as the sl s l ement that the river mrnmn ss w a the wh o !* land of Cush. But Geaenin* hisasetf waa obliged to retract his statement that Cush waa to be found only in Flhinraa, and to admit an Arabian Cosh, while Rawiiraien has shown (Haad. i. 353, Asa. ed.) a remarkable connection between the Olenites of Ethiopia and the earlier inhabitants of Babyksna and Assyria. [Clan.] Dr. Robinson baa well said that " the Cuahites occupied the immense region stretching from Assyria in the N. E. through laa tiru Arabia into Africa" (Gesen. Utb. Lex.

    WKB). The Araxes thus apparently by beyond or compassed " the ic/iolr land " of the Cuahites in Asia. Without going into further details, or be- coming responsible for this theory, we may aay that it holds fast certain central (acts of the narrative, offers a plausible solution of its chief statement*, and introduces no mythic or impossible elements. The unsatisfactory state of our knowledge concern- ing the regions Havilah and Cush, with the reasons, by no means insuperable, for finding them else- where, are the chief objections. It deserves con- sideration in this, at least, that it treats the sacred narrative with respect. S. C. B.

    EDEN, 1. (J7S [pUamtlnfu] : tMp ; [Alex. EsW:] Eden; omitted by LXX. in la. xxxvii. 13, and Ea. xxvii. 23), one of the marts which supplied the luxury of Tyre with richly em- broidered stuffs. It is associated with Haran, Sheba, and Asshur; and in Am. I. 6, Beth-Eden, or u the house of Eden," is rendered in the LXX. by Xoyi^dV. In 3 K. xix. 12, and Is. xxxvii. 12, " the sons of Eden " are mentioned with Goran, Haran, and Reeeph, as victims of the Assyrian greed of conquest. Telassar appears to have been the bead-quarters of the tribe ; and Knobd'a (Comm. on Itaiiih) etymology of this name would point to the highlands of Assyria as their where- abouts. But this ha* no sound foundation, although the view which it supports receives confirmation

    from the version of Jonathan, who gives S^TTt (Chadib) as the equivalent of Eden. Boehart proved (PhaUg, pt. i. p. 274) that this term wa* applied by the Talmudic writers to the mountain- ous district of Assyria, which bordered on Media, and waa known as Adiabene. But if Goran be Uausauitia in Mesopotamia, and Haran be Carrhse, it seems more uatural to look far Eden somewhere in the same locality. Keil ( Oman, on Autos, ii.

    97, English translation) thinks it may be y* . "vSO

    (Ma'don), which Assemani (Bibl Or. ii. 224) places in Mesopotamia, in the modern province of Diarliekr. Hochart, considering the Eden of Genesis end Isaiah as identical, argues that Goran, Haran, Rezeph, and Eden, are meutioned in order of geographical position, from north to south; and, identifying Guxan with Gauaanitia, Haran with Carrhte, a little below tiauaanitia on the Chaos?, and Rezeph with Keseipha, gives to Eden a still more southerly situation at the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris, or even lower. According to him. it may be Addan, or Addana, which geog- raphers place on the Euphrates. Michaelia (.Stay*. No. 182fi> is in favor of the modern Aden, calks by ltolemy 'Apcu31ar itaripuv, as the Eden of KaekieL In the absence of positive evidence, areh ability seems to point to the N. W.of F " aa the locality of this Eden.

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    2. Bru-Kaeh (11^ i"P2, A«n* <&>« XcuUeV; [Comp. t 'AMJ^O dwnw uoi^arii), probably the name if a country residence of the king* of Damascus (Am. i. 5). Michaelis (SuppL ad Lex. Hear. s. v.), Sallowing baroque's description, and milled by an apparent reeembtance in name, identified it with Ekden, about a day'« journey from Baalbek, on the eastern slope of the Libanus, and near the old oedara of Hthirrai. Baur (Amot, p. 394), in ac- cordance with the Mohammedan tradition, that one of the four terrestrial paradises was in the valley between the ranges of the Libanus and Anti- libanus, is inclined to favor the same hypothesis. Bat Grotins, with greater appearance of probability, pointed to the wapittuns of Ptolemy (t. 15) as the locality of Eden. The ruins of the village of Jdrith et-K'utlmth, now a paradise no longer, are supposed by Dr. Kobinson to mark the site of the ancient Paradlsus, and his suggestion is approved by Mr. Porter (llindb. p. 577). Again, it has been conjectured that Beth-Eden is no other than Btit- Jtm. "the house of Paradise," not far to the southwest of Damascus, on the eastern slcpe of the Hermon, and a short distance from MuljeL It stands on a branch of the ancient Pharpar, near its source (Roseuniiiller, BiU. All. ii. 291; Hitzig, Amot, in loc.; Porter, Dumtucut, i. 311). But all this is mere conjecture; it is impossible, with any degree of certainty, to connect the Arabic name, bestowed since the time of Mohammed, with the more ancient Hebrew appellation, whatever be the apparent resemblance. W. A. W.

    ETJEN (,£?? [pleattmtnett]: '1cmJo>; [Vat. M.l IttdSov ; [Vat. U. Alex. Imtar; Comp. fleWr:] Eden). 1. A Gershonite Levite, son of Joah, in the days of Hezekiah (8 Chr. xiix. 12). He was one of the two representatives of his family who took part in the purification of the Temple.

    2. ('05«V; [Comp. 'ASaV.]) Abo a Levite, contemporary and probably identical with the pre- ceding, who under Kore the son of [mnah was over the freewill offerings of God (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).

    W. A. W.

    KDER 0"n£, a Jiock: Vat. omiU [rather, with Rom., reads 'Apdj ; Alex. Ztpmv, [Aid. with 90 M88. 'ESpuf; Comp. 'ES>p:] Edtr). one of the towns of Judah iii the extreme south, and on the borders of Edom (Josh. xv. 91). No trace of it has been discovered in modern times, unless, as has been suggested, it is identical with Arad, by a transposition of letters.

    2. ('EoVo: Eder.) A Levite of the family of Maari, in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 93, ixiv. 30). G.

    ET>ES ('H Jots; [Vat., including the next word, HJmtouijA; Aid. 'HoVi: Sedmi] Earn [?]), . lisdr. ix. 35. [Jadac]

    BD'NA CE8w,«'.e. nyflj,pka*tre: Annn), *e wife of Ragnel (Tob. vu\\ 3, 8, 14, 16, [viii. 19,] x. 12, xi. 1). B. F. \\V.


    .'3^t rtd'- 'EMp, fttopafaO N. T. ntovua'a, sjulj in Mark iii. 8). The name Kdoin was girm to Esau, the first-bom son of Isaac, and twin orother of Jacob, when he sold bis birthright to .he latter for a meal of lentife pottage. TV peculiar jokw of the pottags gave rise to the name Edom,



    which signifies " red." " And Esau said to Jacob, reed me, I pray thee, with that same red pottage; for 1 am faint; therefore was his name called Edom" (Gen. xxv. 39-34). The country which the Lord subsequently gave to Esau was hence called the

    field of Edom " (DHTJ? HTtp, Gen. xxxii. 3)

    or "land of Edom" (01"$ V$?> Gen. xxxvi 16; Num. xxxiii. 37). Probably its physical aspect may have had something to do with this. The Easterns hare always been, and to the preset t day are, accustomed to apply names descriptive of the localities. The ruddy hue of the mountain-range given to Esau would at once suggest the word Edom, and cause it to be preferred to the better- known Esau. The latter was also occasionally used, as in Ubad. 8, 9, 19; and in 21, we have "the

    Mount of Esau" (1^5 inTl**).

    Edom was previously called HewU Sar CH$?t rugged ,- Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 8), from Seir the progenitor of the Horitea (Uen. xlv. 6, xxxvi. 20- 22). The uame Seir was perhaps adopted on ac- count of its being descriptive of^he "rugged" character of the territory. Josephus (Ant. i. 18, , 1) conic unds the words Seir and Amu, and seems to affirm that the name Seir was also derived from Isaac's son ; but this idea is opposed to the express statement of Moses (Gen. xiv. 6). The original inhabitants of the country were called Horitet, from Mori, the grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22), because that name was descriptive of their habits as '• Troglodytes," or "dwellers in caves"

    ("nh, Hoitrro). Tlmna, the daughter of Seir and aunt of Hori, became concubine to Kliphaz, Esau's oldest son, and bare to him Amalek, the progenitor of the AmalrkUet (Geo. xxxvi. 12, 20, •22). Immediately after the death of Isaac, Esau left Canaan and took possession of Mount Seir (Gen. xxxv. 28. xxxvi. 6, 7, 8). When bis descendants increased they extirpated the Horitea, and adopted their habits as well as their country (Deut. ii. 12; Jer. xHx. IB; Ubad. 3, 4).

    The boundaries of Edom, tbongh not directly, are yet incidentally denned with tolerable distinct- ness in the Bible. The country lay along the route pursued by the Israelites from the peninsula of Sinai to rUdesh-bamea, and thence back again to Elath (Deut. i. 2, ii. 1-8); that is, along the eatt side of the great valley of Arabah. It reached southward as fer as Elath, which stood at the northern end of the gulf of Elath, and was the sea- port of the Edomitet ; but it docs not seem to have extended further, as the Israelites on passing Elath struck out eastward into the desert, so as to pass round the land of Edom (Deut. ii. 8). On the north of Edom lay the territory of Moab, through which the Israelites were also prevented from going, and were therefore compelled to go from Kadssh by the southern extremity of Edom (Judg. xi. 17, 18; 2 K. iii. 6-9). The boundary between Moab and Edom appears to have been the " brook Zend" (Dent, it 13, 14, 18), probably the modern Wady- eUAhty, which still divides the provinces of Kerai (Moab) and Jebdl (GebaleneK But Edom was wholly a mountainous country. "Mount Seir" (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 8, 9; Deut i. 2. ii. 1, 5, Ac.) and "the Mount of Esau" (Obad. 8, 9, 19, 91) are names often given to it hi the Bible, while Josephus shows that it only embrace*

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    (at narrow moantaiuotu tract (about 100 mils long by 90 broad) extending along the eastern aide af the Anbah from the northern end of the gnh* rf Elath to near the southern end of the Dead Sea. A glance at the mora modem divisions and names corroborates this view. Josephus divides Edom, or Iduuuea, into two provinces; the one he calls (iotiolith (ro/3oAfrij), and the other Amalddtia (Ant. ii. 1, § 3). The farmer ia Edom Proper, or Mount Seir; the latter is the region south of Pal- estine now called the desert of tt-TIk, or " Wan- Bering," originally occupied by the Amalekites (Num. xiii. 29; 1 Sam. zv. 1-7, zxvii. 8), but afterwards, as we shall see, possessed by the hdom- ttea. Eusebius also gives the name GabaUme, or Gebalene, as identical with Edom (Onom. s. t. Seir, fdumaa. Alius, Ac.), and in the Samaritan Pentateuch the word Giiila is substituted for Srir in Deut. xxxiii. 2. Gebalene is the Greek form of

    the Hebrew 6< Lai ( 733, mountain), and it is still

    retained in the Arabic Jtlidl ( \\j\\JkS*, mountains). The mountain range of Kdom is at present divided into two districts. The northern is called Jebdl It begins at TYady-tl-Ahsy (the ancient brook Zered), which separates it from Ktrak (the ancient Moab), and it terminates at or near Petra. The southern district is called tth-Shirah, a name which, though it resembles, bears no radical rela- tion to the Hebrew Seir.

    The physical geography of Edom is somewhat peculiar. Along the western base of the mountain- range are low calcareous hills. To these succeed lofty masses of igneous rock, chiefly porphyry, over which lies red and variegated sandstone in irregular ridges and abrupt cliffs, with deep ravines between. The latter strata give the mountains their most striking features and remarkable colors. The average elevation of the summits is about 2000 feet above the sea. Along the eastern side runs an almost unbroken limestone ridge, a thousand feet or more higher than the other. This ridge sinks down with an easy slope into the plateau of the Arabian desert. While Edom is thus wild, rugged, and almost inaccessible, the deep glens and flat terraces along the mountain sides are covered with rich soil, from which trees, shrubs, and flowers now spring up luxuriantly. No contrast could be greater than that between the bare, parched plains on the east and west, and the ruddy cliffs, and verdant, flower -spangled glens and terraces of Edom. This illustrates Uible topography, and reconciles seem- triply discordant statements in the sacred volume. While the posterity of Esau dwelt amid rocky fast- lesses and on mountain heights, making their jotises like the eyries of eagles, and living by their sword (Jer. xlix. 16; Gen. xxvii. 40), yet Isaac, in his prophetic blessing, promised his disappointed son that his dwelling should be " of the fatness of the earth, and of the dew of heaven from above " (Gen. xxvii. 30). Some other passages of Scripture ire also illustrated by a glance at the towering precipices and peaks of Edom. The border of the Amorites was from " the ascent of scorpions (Ak- rabbim), from the rock " — that is, from the rocky boundary of Edom (Judg. i. 36). And we read that Amasiah, after the conquest of Seir, took ten thousand of the captives to the " top of the cliff," mid thence cast them dovn, dashing them all to pieces (3 Chr. xxv. 11, 12).

    The ancient capital of Edom was Bosrah [Boz- «AnJ, the site if which is most probably marked


    by the village of Butrirth, near the n.ithern hot der, about 25 miles south of Kerak (Gen. xxxvi 33; Is. xxxiv. 6, briii. 1; Jer. xlix. 13, S3). Bui Sela, better known by its Greek name Petra, ap- pears to have been the principal stronghold in the days of Amasiah («. c. 838; 2 K. xiv. 7; see Pktha). Elath, and its neighbor Eaion-geber, were the sea-ports; they were captured by king David, and here Solomon equipped his merchant- fleet (2 Sam. viii. 14: 1 K. ix. 96).

    When the kingdom of Israel began to decline, the Edomites not only reconquered their lost cities, but made frequent inroads upon southern Palestine (2 K. xvi. 6; where EdomitM and not Syrians {Annua me) a evidently the true reading; 9 Chr. xxriii. 17). It was probably on account of these attacks, and of their uniting with the Chaldeans against the Jews, that the Edomites wen so fear- fully denounced by tie later prophets (Obad. 1 ff.; Jer. xlix. 7 ff.; Ez. xxv. 12 ff., xxxv. 8 ff.). Dur- ing the Captivity they advanced westward, occupied the whole territory of their brethren the Amalekites Gen. xxxvi. 12; 1 Sam. xv. 1 ff.; Joseph. AM. ii. 1, J 2), and even took possession of many towns in southern Palestine, including Hebron (Joseph. Ant. xii. 8, $ 6; B. J. iv. 9, $ 7; c Apian, ii. 10). The name Edom, or rather its Greek form, Iduuuea, was now given to the country lying between the valley of Arabah aud the shores of the Mediter- ranean. Thus Josephus writes (Ant. v. 1, § 32) — " the tot of Simeon included that part of Idumasa which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia;" and though this is true, it does not contradict the lan- guage of Scripture — "I will not give you of their land, no, not so much as a footbreadth, because I have given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession " (Deut. ii. 5). Not a footbreadth of Edom Proper, or Mount Seir, was ever given to the Jews. Je- rome also (in Obad.) says that the Edomites pos- sessed the whole country from Eleutheropolis to Petra and Elath; and Koman authors sometimes give the name Idumtea to all Palestine, and even call the Jews Idumseana (Virg. Georg. xii. IS: J nven. viii. 160; Martial, Ii. 3).

    While Iduuuea thus extended westward, Edom Proper was taken possession of by the Nabatbjeans, an Arabian tribe, descended from Nebaioth, Ish- mael's oldest son and Esau's brother-in-law (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. I. 29; Gen. xxxvi. 3). The Na- bathfeans were a powerful people, and held a great part of southern Arabia (Joseph. Ant. i. 12, § 4). They took Petra and established themselves there at least three centuries before Christ, for Antigonus, one of the successors of Alexander the Great, after conquering Palestine, sent two expeditions against the Nabathieans in Petra (Diod. Sic. xix). This people, leaving off their nomad habits, settled down amid the mountains of Edom, engaged in commerce, and founded the little kingdom called by Koman writers Arabia Petraa, which embraced nearly the same territory as the ancient Edom. Some of its monarchs took the name Aretas (2 Mace. v. 8; Joseph. Ant. xiii. IS, § 1, 2; xiv. 5, § 1), and some Obodas (Joseph, ..In*, xiii. 13, $ 6). Aretas, king of Arabia, was father-in-law of Herod Antipas (Matt. xiv. 3, 4), and it was the same wbx captured the city of Damascus and held it at tot time of Paul's conversion (3 Cor. xi. S3; Acts u 25). The kingdom of Arabia was finally subdues: by the Romans in A. v. 105. Under the Romans the transport trade of the Nahathsaana increessd Roads were constructed through the mcantauvH*

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    JUes from Ebth on the coast to Petra, and thence northward and westward. Traces of them (till remain, with ruir.ous military stations at intervals, wd fallen mile-atones of the times of Trajan and Manas AureKus (Pevungtr Tablet; Leborde's Voyage; Bnrckhardt's Syria, pp. 374, 419; Irbj und Mangles' TrrweU, pp. 371, 377, 1st ed.). To the NabaSueana Petra owes those great monument* which are still the wouder of the world.

    When the Jewish power revived under the war- like Asmonean princes, that section of Idumna which lav south of Palestine fell into their hands. Judas Maocabteus captured Hebron, Maris**, and Ashdod; and John Hyrcanus compelled the inhab- itants of the whole region to conform to Jewish law (Joeej-h. AnL xii. 8, § 6, xiu. 9, $ 9; 1 Mace, v. 85, 68). The country was henceforth governed by Jewish prefects; one of these, Antipater, an Idunuean by birth, became, through the friendship of the Roman emperor, procurator of all Judiea, and his son was Herod the Great, " King of the Jews" (Joseph. Ant. liv. 1, § 3, 8, J 5, xv. 7, § 9, xvii. 11, f 4).

    Early in the Christian era Edom Proper was in- cluded by geographers in Palestine, but in the fifth century a new division was made of the whole country into Paktttmn Prima, Seaman, and Ter- tia. The last embraced Edom and some neighbor- ing provinces, and when it became an ecclesiastical division its metropolis was Petra. In the seventh century the Mohammedan conquest gave a death- blow to the commerce and prosperity of Edom. Under the withering influence of Mohammedan rule the great cities fell to ruin, and the country became a desert. The followers of the false prophet were here, as elsewhere, the instruments in God's hands for the execution of his judgments. " Thus saith the Lord God, Behold, O Mount Seir, I am against thee, and I will make thee most desolate- I will lay thy cities waste, and when the whole earth rejoiceth I will make thee desolate. ... 1 will make Mount Seir most desolate, and cut off from it him that passeth out and him that returneth. ... I will make thee perpetual desolations, and thy cities shall not return, aud ye shall know that I am the Lord " (Ex. xxxv. 3, 4, 7, 9, 14).

    The Crusaders made several expeditions into Edom, penetrating as far as Petra, to which they gave the name it still bears, Wady Mien, " Valley of Moses" (Getla Dei per Franc, pp. 406, 518, 556, 681). On a commanding height about 12 miles north of Petra they built a strong fortress called Mons Regalis, now Shibek (Oeeta Dei, p. 111). At that time so little was known of the geography of the country that the Crusaders occu- pied and fortified Ktrak (the ancient Kir Moab) under the impression that it was the site of Petra.

    From that time until the present century Edom remained an unknown land. In the year 1819 Durckhardt entered it from the north, passed down Jirough it, and discovered the wonderful ruins of Petra. In 1828 Laborde, proceeding northward from Akabih through the defiles of Edom. also visited Petra, and brought away a portfolio of splendid drawings, which proved that the descrip- tions of BurckUardt had not been exaggerated. Many have since followed the footsteps of the first explorers, and a trip to Petri now forms a necessary part of the eastern traveller's grand tour.

    For the ancient geography of Edom consult Re- em* Pahntmi, pp. 48, 06 ft'., 78, 89; for the tlatarjr and commerce of the Nabathssans, Vincent's



    Commerce and Navigation of Ike Ancient*, vo» ii.; for the present state of the country and an scriptions of Petra, Burckhardt's Traveie m Syria Laborde's Voyage, Robinson's Biblical Reeearekee Porter's Handbook for Syria and Palestine.

    J. L.P.

    ETJOMITES PB*11«, &>&% pL; and

    Up}! , 35 [sow of Ike luury), Pent. ii. 4: 'I8ov- fuuoi), the" descendants of Esau or Edom. [Edom]. Esau settled in Mount Seir immediately after the death of his father Isaac (Gen. xxxvi. 6, 8). Be- fore that time, however, he had occasionally visited, and even resided in, that country ; for it was to the " land of Seir " Jacob sent messengers to acquaint his brother of his arrival from Padan-aram (Gen. xxxii. 3). The Edomites soon became a numerous and powerful nation (Gen. xxxvi. 1 ft). Their first form of government appears to have re s em bled that of the modern Bedawtn; each tribe or clan

    having a petty chief or sheikh (F^lvH, " Duke " in the A. V., Gen. xxxvi. 15). The Horites, who in- habited Mount Seir from an early period, and among whom the Edomites still lived, had their sheikhs also (Gen. xxxvi. 29 ff.). At a later period, probably when the Edomites began a war of exter- mination against the Horites, they felt the neces- sity of united action under one competent leader, and then a king was chosen. The names of eight of their kings are given in the book of Genesis (xxxvi. 31-39), with their native cities, from which it appears that one of them was a foreigner (" Saul of Rehoboth-by-the river"), or, at least, that his family were resident in a foreign city. (See also 1 Ohr. i. 43-60.) Against the Horites the children of Edom were completely successful. Having either exterminated or expelled them they occupied their whole country (Deut. ii. 12). A statement made in Gen. xxxvi. 31, serves to fix the period of the dynasty of the eight kings. They " reigned in the land of Edom before there reigned any king over the children of Israel ; " that is, before the time of Moses, who may be regarded as the first virtual king of Israel (comp. Deut. xxxiii. 6; Ex. tviii. 16-19). Other circumstances, however, prove that though the Edomite kings had the chief command, yet the old patriarchal government by sheikhs of tribes was still retained. Most of the large tribes of Bedawin at the present day have one chief, with the title of Amir, who takes the lead in any great emergency; while each division of the tribe enjoys perfect inde- pendence under its own sheikh. So it would seem to have been with the Edomites. Lists of duket

    (or eheikke, ^IvM) are given both before and after the kings (Gen. xxxvi. 15 ff.; 1 Chr. i. 51 ff.), and in the triumphant song of Israel over the engulfed host of Pharaoh, when describing the effect this fearful act of divine vengeance would produce on the surrounding nations, it is said: "Then »•>• dulcet of Edom shall be amazed" (Ex. xv. lb,, while, only a few years afterwards, Moses "sent

    messengers from Kadesh unto the king (TT /Q) of Edom " to ask permission to pass through his country (Judg. xi. 17).

    Esau's bitter hatred to his brother Jacob for fraudulently obtaining his blessing appears to have been inherited by his latest posterity. The Edom- ites peremptorily refused to permit the Israelites to pass through their land, though addressed in the most friendly terms — "th'is taith thy brother

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    664 EDOMITES

    Israel" (Num xx. H) — and though secured that they would neither drink of their waters nor tres- pass on their fieldj or vineyards (ver. 17). The Israelites were expressly oonmiiiided by God neither to resent this conduct, nor even to entertain feel- ing! of hatred to the Edomitee (Deut. ii. 4, 5, xziii. 7). The Edomitee did not attempt actual hostil- ities, though tbejr prepared to reaitt by force an; intruiiun (Num. xx. 20). Their neighbors and brethren (Gen. zzztL 12), the Amalelutea, were probably urged on by them, and proved the earliest and most determined opponents of the Israelite* during their Journey through the wilderness (Ex. itU.8,9).

    For a period of 400 years we hear no more of the Edomites. They were then attacked and de- bated by Saul (1 8am. xiv. 47). Some forty years later David overthrew their army in the " Valley of Salt," and his general, Joab, following up the victory, destroyed nearly the whole male population (1 K. xi. 15, 16), and placed Jewish garrisons in all the strongholds of Edom (2 Sam. viii. 13, 14;

    in ver. 13 the Hebrew should evidently be OVtH,

    instead oftTJH; comp. 14; 2 K. xiv. 7; and Joseph. .Int. vii. 6, $ 4). In honor of that victory the Psalmist-warrior may have penned the words in l's. Ix. 8, "over Edom will I cast my shoe." Hadad, a member of the royal family of Edom, made his escape with a few followers to Egypt, where he was kindly received by Pharaoh. After the death of David he returned, and tried to excite his countrymen to rebellion against Israel, but failing in the attempt he went on to Syria, where he be- came one of Solomon's greatest enemies (1 K. xi. 14-22; Joseph. Ant. viii. 7, § 6). The Edomites continued subjee* to Israel from this time till the reign of Jehoshaphat (B. c. 914), when they at- tempted to invade Israel in conjunction with Amnion and Moab, but were miraculously destroyed in the valley of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 22). A few years later they revolted against Jehonun, elected a king, and for half a century retained their independence (2 Chr. xxi. 8). They were then attacked by Auiaxiah, 10,000 were slain in battle, Sela, their Krent stronghold, was captured, and 10,000 more were dashed to pieces by the conqueror from the cliffs that surround the city (2 K. xiv. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 11, 12). Yet the Israelites were never able attain completely to subdue them (2 Chr. xxviii. 17). When Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem the Edomites joined him, and took an active part in the plunder of the city and slaughter of the poor Jews. Their cruelty at that time seems to le spe- cially referred to in the 137th Psalm — " Remem- ber, O I-ord, the children of Edom in the day of Jerusalem ; who said, Raze it, raze it, even to the foundation thereof." As the first part of Isaac's prophetic blessing to Esau — " the elder shall serve the younger " — was fulfilled in the long subjection of the Edomites to the kings of Israel, so now the second part was also fulfilled — " It shall come to pass when thou shalt have the dominion that thou shalt break his yoke from off thy neck " (Gen. xxvii. 40). It was on account of these acts of cruelty committed upon the Jews in the day of sheir calamity that the Edomites were so fearfully denounced by the later prophets (Is. xxxiv. 5-8, Ixiii. 1-4; Jer. xlix. 17; Lam. iv. 21; Ez. xxr. 13, 14; Am. i. 11, 12; Obad. 10 ff.).

    Oft the conquest of Judah by the Babylonian*,


    the Edomites, probably in reward for their sxnijsj during the war, were permitted to settle it south- ern Palestine, and the whole plateau between it ana Egypt; but they were about the same time driven out of Edom Proper by the NabaUueans. [Eoom- Neraioth.] For more than four »— ''"tht Ussy continued to prosper, and retained their new pos- sessions with the exception of a few towns which the Persian monarchs compelled them to restore to the Jews after the Captivity. But during toe war- like rule of the Maccabees they were again com- pletely subdued, and even forced to conform to Jewish laws and rites (Joseph. Ant. xJi. 8, § 6, siiL 9, $ 1; 1 Msec. v. 66), snd submit to the govern- ment of Jewish prefects. The Edomites were now incorporated with the Jewish nation, and the whose province was often termed by Greek and Roman writers /daman (Ptol. (J tog. v. 16; Mar. iii. 8). According to the ceremonial law an Edomite was received into " the congregation of the Lord " — that is, to sll the rites and privileges of s Jew — "in the third generation " (Deut xxiii. 8). Antipater, a clever and crafty Iduma-an, succeeded, through Roman influence, in obtaining the government of Judsea (Joseph. A >U. xiv. 8, $ 5). His oldest son, Phaaaelua, he msde governor of Jerusalem, and to bis second son Herod, then only in his loth year, he gave the province of Galilee. Herod, afterwards named the Great, was appointed "king of the Jews " by a decree of the Roman senate (n. r. 37 ; Joseph. Ant. xiv. 14, § 5; Matt. ii. 1). Imme- diately before the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, in consequence of the influence of John of Giscbata, 20,000 Idtinueans were admitted to the Holy City, which they filled with robbery and M~»<«b«J (Joseph. B. J. iv. 4 and 8). From this time the Edomites, ss a separate people, disappear from the page of history, though the name Idumsea still con- tinued to be applied to the country south of Pales- tine as late as the time of Jerome (in Obad.).

    The character of the Edomites was drawn by Isaac in his prophetic blessing to Esau — "By thy sword shalt thou live" (Geu. xxvii. 40). War and rapine were the only professions of the Edomites By the sword they got Mount Seir — by the sword they exterminated the Horites — by the sword they long battled with their brethren of Israel, and finally broke off their yoke — by the sword they won southern Palestine — and by the sword they performed the last act in their long historic drama, massacred the guards in the' temple, and pillaged the city of Jerusalem.

    Little is known of their religion ; but that little shows them to have been idolatrous. It is probable that Esau's marriage with the " daughters of Canaan," who " were a grief of mind " to his father and mother (Gen. xxvi. 34, 35), induced him to embrace their religion, and when Esau and his followers took possession of Mount Seir they seem to have followed the practice common among ancient nations of adopting the country's gods, for we read that Amaziah, king of Judah, after his conquest of the Edomites, " brought the gods of the children of Seir, and set them up to be his gods " (2 Chr. xxv. 14, 15, 20). Joaepbus also refers to both the idols and priests of the ldiima-ans (Ant xv. 17 § 9).

    The habits of the Idumieans were singular. Th. Horites, their predecessors in Mount Seir, were, a* their name implies, troglodyte*, or dwellers in eaves and the Edomites seem to have adopted their dwn l ings as well as their country. Jeremiah and Oka

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    tbkh both speak of them as " dwelling in the clefts sf the rocks," and making their habitatirns high m the cliUs, like the eyries of eagles (Jer. xlix. 16 ; Otad. 3, 4), language which is strikingly illustrated by a surrey of the mountains and glens of Kdom. Everywhere we meet with cares and grottoes hewn in the soft sandstone strata. Those at Petra are well known. [Petra.] Their form and arrange- ments show that most of them were originally in- tended for habitations. They hare closets and recesses suitable for family uses, and many hare windows. The nature of the rock and the form of the cliffs made excavation an easier work than erection, besides the additional security, comfort, and permanence of such abodes. Indeed there is reason to believe that the commercial Nabatheana were the first who introduced buildings into Kdom. It is worthy of remark also that the Edomites, when they took possession of southern Palestine, followed even there their old mode of life, and excavated taves and grottoes everywhere through the country. So Jerome in his Commentary on Obadiah writes — " Omnia Australia regio Idunueorum de Eleu- theropoli usque ad Petram et Ailam (base est pos- tussio Esau) in specubus habitotiunculas habet: et propter nimios calores solis, quia meridiona pro- vincia est, subterraueis tuguriis utitur." During a visit to this region in 1857, the writer of this article had an opportunity of inspecting a large number of these caverns, and has no hesitation in ranking them among the most remarkable of then- kind in the world. [Electheropolis.] The nature of the climate, the dryness of the soil, and their great size, render them healthy, pleasant, and commodious habitations, while their security made them specially suitable to a country exposed in every age to incessant attacks of robbers. J. L. P.

    EDREI, 1. Py?^? t*' ro "?> "»*%]: [Ron>- 'Etpaty, exc. Deut. iii.* i, 10, -lp; Joch. xix. 37, 'Aaaapt; Vat. ESpati», -tip, Aaaapta Alex. E8- paeiv, -«p, -ifi, in Josh. xiii. 12 corrupt, xix. 3/, with Aid. ESfKMii] Koseb. Onom. 'A8f>os(: Arab.

    Ciil: [Edrai]), one of the two capital cities

    of Bashan (Num. xxi. 33; Deut. i. 4, iii. [1,] 10; Josh. xii. 4 [xiii. 19, 31, xix. 37 J). In Scripture it is only mentioned in connection with the victory gained by the Israelites over the Amorites under Og their king, and the territory thus acquired. Not a single allusion is made to it in the subse- quent history of God's people, though it was within the territory allotted to the half tribe of Manasseh (Num. xxxii. 33), and it continued to be a large uid important city down to the seventh century }f our era.

    The ruins of this "ancient city, still bearing the lame Kdr'a, stand on a rocky promontory which projects from the S. W. corner of the I^ejah. [ Ak- uou.] The site is a strange one — without water, without access, except over rocks and through defiles til but impracticable. Strength and security seem to have been the grand objects in view. The rocky promontory is about a mile and a half wide by two miles and a hah* long; it has an elevation of from twenty to thirty feet above the plain, which spreads sut from it on each side, flat as a sea, and of rare fertility. The ruins are nearly three miles in cir- ai inference, and have a .strange wild look, rising i|i in black shattered masses from the midst of a wilderness of black rocks. A number of the old jihuus still remain; they are low, massive, and



    gloomy, and some of them are half buried bsueatk heaps of rubbish. In these the present inhabitants reside, selecting such apartments as are best fitted for comfort and security. The short Greek in- scriptions which are here and there seen over the doors prove that the houses are at least as old as the time of Roman dominion. Kdr'a was at one time adorned with a considerable number of public edifices, but time and the chances of war hare left most of them shapeless heaps of ruin. Many Greek inscriptions are met with; the greater part of them are of the Christian age, and of no historic value.

    The identity of this site with the Edrei of Script- ure has been questioned by many writers, who follow the doubtful testimony of Eusebius ( Onom. s. v. Ktdrei and Attaroth), and place the capital of Bashan at the modern Der'a, a few miles further south. The following reasons have induced the present writer to regard Kdr'a as the true site of Edrei. (1.) The situation is such as would nat- urally be selected for a capital city in early and troublous times by the rulers of a warlike nation The principles of fortification were then little known, and consequently towns and villages were built on the tops of hills or in the midst of rocky fastnesses. The advantages of Kdr'a in this respect are seen at a glance. Der'a, on the other hand, lies in the open country, without any natural advantages, ex- posed to the attack of every invader. It is difficult to believe that the warlike Rephaim would have erected a royal city in such a position. (2.) The dwellings of Kdr'a possess all the characteristics of remote antiquity — massive walls, stone roofs, stone doors. (3.) The nsme Edrei, "strength," is not only descriptive of the site, but it corresponds more exactly to the Arabic Kdr'a than to Dtr'a In opposition to these we have the statement in Eusebius that Edrei was in bis dsy called Adara, and was 24 Roman miles from Bostra. There can be no doubt that be refers to Dtr'a, which, as lying on a great road, was better known to him than Kdr'a, and thus be was led hastily to identify it with Edrei.

    It is probable that Edrei did not remain long in possession of the Israelites. May it not be that they abandoned it in consequence of its position within the borders of a wild region infested by numerous robber bands ? The Lejah is the ancient Argob, and appears to have been the stronghold of the Geshurites; and they perhaps subsequently occupied Edrei (Josh. xii. 4, 5). The monuments now existing show that it must hare been an im- portant town from the time the Romans took pos- session of Bashan ; and that it, and not Dtr'a, was the episcopal city of Adraa, which ranked next to Bostra (Reland, Pal pp. 219, 223, 648). In a. ■> 1142, the Crusaders under Baldwin III. made a sudden attack upon Adraa, then popularly called Cirilas Btrnardi de Slampis, but they encountered such obstacles in the difficult nature of the ground, the scarcity of water, and the valor of the inhab- itants, that they were compelled to retreat. At the time of the visit of the present writer in 1854 the population amounted to about fifty families, of which some eight or ten were Christian, snd the rest Mohammedan. A full account of the history and antiquities of Edrei is given in Porter's Fire fears in Damascus, rol. ii. p. 220 ft*., and Hand- book for Syiw and Palestine, p. 532 ft". See aisc Burckhardt's Travels in Syria, p. 57 ft*.; Buck- .ngham'» Traeels among the Arab Tribes, p. 274 [Porter's Uiant Cities of Balkan, p. 94 ft]

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    S. A town of northern Palatine, allotted to the Mb* of Naphtali, and situated near Kedesh. It ia jnijr once mentioned in Scripture ( Josh. six. 37). rhe name signifies " strength," or a " stronghold." About two utiles south of Kedeah is a conical rocky hill called TeU AAurui*«A, the " TeU of the ruin ; " with some remains of ancient buildings on the summit and a rock-hewn tomb in its aide. It is evidently an old site, and it may be that of the long-lost Edrei. The strength of the position, and its nearness to Kedesh, give probability to the sup- position. Dr. Kobinson (Bibi. Ret. vol. iii. p. 365) suggests the identity of TeU Khuraibth with iiazor. For the objections to this theory see Porter's HamUoJs far Syria and Palettinc, p. 443.

    J. L. P.

    EDUCATION. Although nothing is more carefully inculcated in the Law than the duty of parents to teach their children its precepts and principles (Ex. xii. 2ft, xiii. 8, 14; Deut. ir. 5,9, 10, vi. 2, 7, 20, xi. IS, 21; Acts xxil. 3; 2 Tim. iii. 16; Hist, of Susanna, 3; Joseph, e. Ap. ii. 16, 17, 25), yet there ia little trace among the Hebrews in earlier times of education in any other subjects. The wisdom, therefore, and instruction, of which so much is said in the Book of Proverbs, is to be understood chiefly of moral and religious discipline, imparted, according to the direction of the Law, by the teaching and under the example of parents (Prov. i. 2, 8, ii. 2, 10, iv. 1, 7, 20, viii. 1, ix. I, 10, xii. 1, xvi. 22, xvii. 24, xxxi.). Implicit ex- ceptions to this statement may perhaps be found in the instances of Moses himself, who was brought up in all Egyptian learning (Acta vii. 22); of the writer of the book of Job, who was evidently well versed in natural history and in the astronomy of the day (Job xxxviii. 31, xxxix., xl , xii.); of Daniel and his companions in captivity (Dan. i. 4, 17); and above all, in the intellectual gifts and acquire- ments of Solomon, which were even more renowned than his political greatness (1 K. iv. 29, 34, x. 1-9; 2 Chr. hi. 1-8), and the memory of which has, with much exaggeration, been widely preserved in oriental tradition. The statement made above may, however, in all probability be taken as repre- senting the chief aim of ordinary Hebrew education, both at the time when the Law was best observed, and also when, after periods of national decline from the Mosaic standard, attempts were made by mon- srchs, as Jehoshaphat or Josish, or by prophets, as Elijah or Isaiah, to enforce, or at least to inculcate reform in the moral condition of the people on the basis of that standard (2 K. xvii. 13, xxii. 8-20; 2 Chr. xvii. 7, 9; 1 K. xix. 14; Is. i. ft".).

    In later times the prophecies, and comments on them as well as on the earlier Scriptures, together with other subjects, were studied (ProL to Eeclus., •nd Eeclus. xxxviii. 24, 26, xxxix. 1-11). St . erome adds that Jewish children were taught to •ay by heart the genealogies (Hieronym. m TiUu, Iii. 9; Calmet, Diet, art. Oauabgie). Parents were required to teach their children some trade, and he who failed to do so was said to be virtually teaching his 'child to steal (Mishn. Kidthuh. ii. 2, ml. iU. p. 413, Surenbus. ; Lightfoot, Chron. Temp, on Acts xviii. vol. ii. p. 79).

    The sect of the Essenes, though themselves ab- juring marriage, were anxious to undertake, and careful in carrying out, the education of children, rat confined its subject matter chiefly to morals .id the Divine Law (Joseph. B. J. ii. 8, f 12:


    PhQo. Quod o uMJj prvimt Bber, vol ii. p. 448, ad Mangey; § 13, TauchnA

    Previous to the Captivity, the chief depositarici of learning were the schools or colleges, frntn which in most cases (see Am. vii. 14) proceeded that suc- cession of public teachers, who at various times endeavored to reform the moral and religious con- duct of both rulers and people. [Pbophkt, n.] In these schools the Law was probably the chief subject of instruction ; the study of languages waa little followed by any Jews till after the Captivity, but from that time the number of Jews residing in foreign countries must have made the knowl- edge of foreign languages more common than before (see Acts xxi. 37). From the time of the outbreak of the last war with the Romans, parents were forbidden to instruct their children in Greek literature (Mishn. Sotah, c ix. 15, vol. iii. pp. 807, 1308, Surenh.).

    Besides the prophetical schools, instruction waa ' given by the priests in the Temple and elsewhere, 1 but their subjects were doubtless exclusively con- cerned with religion and worship (Lev. x. 1 1 ; Em. xliv. 23, 24; 1 Chr. xxv. 7, 8; Mai. ii. 7). Those sovereigns who exhibited any anxiety for the main- tenance of the religious element in the Jewish polity, were conspicuous in enforcing the religious educa- tion of the people (2 Chr. xvii. 7, 8, 9, xix. 5, 8, 11; 2 K. xxiil. 2).

    From the 'time of the settlement in Canaan there must have been among the Jews persons skilled in writing and in accounts. Perhaps the neighbor- hood of the tribe of Zebulun to the commercial district of Phoenicia may have been the occasion of their reputation in this respect. The " writers " of that tribe are represented (Judg. v. 14) by the

    same word "1SD, used in that passage of the levy- ing of an army, or, perhaps, of a military officer (Gesen. p. 966), as is applied to Ezra, in reference to the Law (Ezr. vii. 6); to Seraiah, David's scribe or secretary (2 Sam. viii. 17); to Shebna, scribe to Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 37): Shemaiah (1 Chr. xxiv. 6); Baruch, scribe to Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 32), and others filling like offices at various times. The municipal officers of the kingdom, especially in the time of Solomon, must have required a staff of well-educated persons in their various departments

    under the recorder ("VStyD) or historiographer, whose business was to compile memorials of the reign (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24; 2 K. xviii. 18; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). Learning, in the sense above men- tioned, was at all times highly esteemed, and edu- cated persons were treated with great respect, and, according to Rabbinical tradition, were called " soar of the noble," and allowed to take precedence of others at table (Lightfoot, Chr. Temp. Acts xvii. vol. ii. p. 79, «.; liar. Hebr. Luke xiv. 8-24, ii. 540). The same authority deplores the degeneracy of later times in this respect (Mishn. Sctnh, ix. 15, vol. iii. p. 308, Surenh.).

    To the schools of the prophets succeeded, after the Captivity, the synagogues, which were either themselves used as schools or had places near th-tn for that purpose. In most cities there was at least one, and in Jerusalem, according to some, 394, accordingto others, 460 (Calmet, Dice art. EcolttV It was from these schools and the doctrines of the various teachers presiding over them, of whom Gamaliel, Sammai, and Hillel were anang taw most famous, that many of those traditions mat refinements proceeded by which the Law wan at

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    Mr Lord's time encumbered and obfcured. and which may be considered as represented, though in » highly exaggerated degree, by the Talmud. After the destruction of Jerusalem, colleges inheriting ind probably enlarging the traditions of their pred- ecessors, were maintained for a long time at .laphne in Galilee, at Lydda, at Tiberias, the most famous of all, and Sepphoris. These schools in process of time were dispersed into other countries, and by degrees destroyed. According to the principles laid down in the Miahna, boys at five years of age were to begin the Scriptures, at ten the Miahna, at thirteen they became subject to the whole Law (see Luke ii. 46), at fifteen they entered the Gemara (Miahna, 1'irk. Ab. iv. 20, v. 21, vol. iv. pp. 460, 482, 486, Surenhus.). Teachers were treated with great respect, and both pupils and teachers were exhorted to respect each other. Physical science formed part of the course of instruction (ib. Hi. 18). Unmarried men and women were not allowed to be teachers of boys {Kitiduth. iv. 13, vol. iii. p. 383). In the schools the Rabbins sat on raised seats, and the scholars, according to their age, sat on benches below or on the ground (Ligbtfoot on Luke ii. 46; PhUo, ibid. 12, ii. 468, Mangey).

    Of female education we have little account in Scripture, but it is clear that the prophetical schools included within their scope the instruction of females, who were occasionally invested with au- thority similar to that of the prophets themselves (Juilg. iv. 4; 2 K. xxii. 14). Needle-work formed a large but by no means the only subject of in- struction imparted to females, whose position in society and in the household must by no means be considered as represented in modern oriental — including Mohammedan — usage (see Prov. xxxi. 16, 26; Hist, of Sus. 3; Luke viii. 2, 3, x. 39; Acts xiii. 50; 2 Tim. i. 5).

    Among modern Mohammedans, education, even of boys, is of a most elementary kind, and of females still more limited. In one respect it may be con- sidered as the likeness or the caricature of the Jewish system, namely, that besides the most com- mon rules of arithmetic, the Kuran is made the staple, if not the only subject of instruction. In oriental schools, both Jewish and Mohammedan, the lessons are written by each scholar with chalk on tablets which are cleaned for a fresh lesson. All recite their lessons together aloud; faults are (sually punished by stripes on the feet. Female tuldren are, among Mohammedans, seldom taught , read or write. A few chapters of the Kuran are learnt by heart, and in some schools they are taught embroidery and needle-work. In Persia there are many public schools and colleges, but the children of the wealthier parents are mostly taught at home. The Kuran forms the staple of instruction, being regarded as the model not only of doctrine but of style, and the text-book of all science. In the col- leges, however, mathematics are taught to some utent (John, Arch. BibU §§ 106, 166, Engl Tr.; Shaw, Travels, p. 194; Rauwolff, 1:-atils, c. vii. p. 60; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 326; Tmrds in Arabia, 1. 276: Porter, Damascus, ii. 96; Lane, Mod. Egypt. 1. 89, 93; Englishtc. m Egypt, U. 28, 31- Wellsted, Arabia, ii. 6, 895; Chardin, Voytgu, iv 124 (Langles); Okarius, Travels, pp. 214, 215; Pietrc della VaUe, Viaggi, ii. 188). [See Prophet, I ] H. W. P.

    • BOGS. [Fowls; Ostrich.]

    TOXAH (n^JlJ, a *«#«•• AlydA and



    'Ky\\i [Vat. AAa]; [Alex, in 2 Sam., Kiymt Conip. in 1 Chr. E-yAa:] Egla), one of David' wives during his reign in Hebron, and the mother of his son Ithream (2 Sam. iii. 6; 1 Chr. iii. 8). In both lists the same order is preserved, EgUtfc being the sixth and last, and in both is she distin- guished by the special title of David's " wife." According to the ancient Hebrew tradition pre- served by Jerome. ( Quasi. Hebr. on 9 Sam. iii. 5, vi. 23) she was Michol, the wife of bis youth; and she died in giving birth to Ithream. A name of this signification is common amragst the Arabs at the present day.

    EOLA1M (0^3^, too pond,: AToAWjai [Alex. AToAAeyt; Sinl AyaAA«/»:] Gallim), • place named only in Is. xv. 8, and there apparently as one of the most remote points on the boundary of Moab. It is probably the same as En-eglaim. A town of this name was known to Eusebiua ( (Mom. Agallini), who places it 8 miles to the south of AreopoUs, «'. e. Ar-Moab (Habba). Exactly in that position, however, stands Ktrak, the anciunt Kir Moab.

    A town named Agalla is mentioned by Joaephus with Zoar and other places at in the country of th» Arabians (Ant. xiv. 1, § 4).

    With most of the places on the east of the Dead Sea, Eglaim yet awaits further research for its identification.

    BGXOH (flVj^ [cal/-me,vituUne] : •£•>*»>; [Comp.] Joseph. 'T.yKiy- Eylon), a king of the Moabites (Judg. iii. 12 ff.), who, aided by the Am- monites and the Amalekites, crossed the Jordan and took "the city of palm-trees," or Jericho (Joseph.). Here he built himself a palace (Joseph. Ant. v. 4, § 1 fl*.), and continued for eighteen years (Judg. and Joseph.) to oppress the children of Israel, who paid him tribute (Joseph.). Whether he resided at Jericho permanently, or only during the summer months (Judg. iii. 20; Joseph.), ha seems to have formed a familiar intimacy (o-wtjSjji, Joseph., not Judg.) with Ehud, a young Israelite (vtaylas, Joseph.), who lived in Jericho (Joseph., not Judg.), and who, by means of repeated presents, became a favorite courtier of the monarch. Josephus represents this intimacy as having been of long continuance; but in Judges we find no mention of intimacy, and only one occasion of a present being made, namely, that which immediately preceded the death of Eglon. The circumstances attending this tragical event are somewhat differently given in Judges and in Josephus. That Ehud had the entree of the palace is implied in Judges (iii. 19), but more distinctly stated in Josephus. In Judges the Israelites send a present by Ehud (iii. 15); in Josephus Ehud wins his favor by repeated presents of his own. In Judges we have two scenes, the offering of the present and the death scene, which are separated by the temporary withdrawal of Ehud (18, 19) ; in Josephus there is but one scene. The present is offered, the attendants are dismiatod, and the king enters into friendly conversation (6/uAlay) with Ehud. In Judges the place seems to change from the reception-room into toe "summer-parlor" [probably a cool room on the roof is meant], where Ehud found him upon his return (cf. 18, 90). In Josephus the entire action takes place in the sum- mer-parlor (Saftiriov)- In Judges the king ex- poses himself to the dagger by rising apparently in respect for the divine message which Ebud professed

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    to oonrninnicalfl (Patrick, ad be.); In Joaephiu it j a dream which Ehud pretends to reveal. aud the king, in delighted anticipation, springs up from his throne. The obesity of Eglon, and the cousequent impossibility of recovering the dagger, are not men- tioned by Joeephus (vid. Judg. iii. 17, fat, lurrtws, LXX.; but "crassus," Vulg., and soGeaen. Lex.).

    After this desperate achievement Ehud repaired to Seirah (improp. Seirath; vid. Geaen. Lex. sub v.), in the mountains of Epnraim (iii. 26, 27), or Mirimt Ephraim (.lush. xix. 60). To this wild central region, commanding, as it did, the plains E and W., he summoned the Israelites by sound of horn (a national custom according to Joseph. ; A. V. " a trumpet"). Descending from the hills they fell upon the Moabites, dismayed and demor- alized by the death of their king (Joseph., not Judg.). The greater number were killed at once, but 10,000 men made for the Jordan with the view of crossing into their own country. The Israelites, however, had already seized the ford; and not one of the unhappy fugitives escaped. As a reward for his conduct Ehud was appointed Judge (Joseph., not Judg.).

    Note. — The "quarries that were by Gilgal" [A. V.] (iii. 19): in the margin better, as in Deut. vii. 25, "graven images" (Patrick ad he.: cf.

    Uesen. Heb. Lex. sub v. D^Vpp), [See Quar- ries, Amer. ed.] " T. E. B.

    EGTjON (lV?35 [see above]: in Josh, x., [Rom.] Vat. and Alex. [ , 0

    In the Onomasticon it is given as EyUm qua el 'JdoUam ; and its situation stated as 10 miles east of Eleutheropolis. The identification with AdulUni arose no doubt from the reading of the LXX. in Josh, x., as given above; and it is to the site of that place, and not of Eglon, that the remarks of Eusebius and Jerome refer. This will be seen on comparing Adollam. No reason has been assigned for the reading of the LXX. G.

    e'gypt (n:^a,,n:ri?i? v?$ ""sp-

    tent. n. ^H^O : Afywrroj: j£gyptut), a country jeeupying the northeastern angle of Africa, and ymg between N. 1st 31° 37' and 24° 1', and E.

    " Ths svstam of transcribing ancient Egyptian Is itut given by the wrltar, in ths Bncyclvjxtdia Britan- »«a, 8th eft., art, Huwglypkiu.


    loug. 27° 13' and 34° 1ST. Its Bmlte have been always very nearly the same. In I (xxix. 10, xxx. 6), according to the obviously cor- rect rendering [Migdol], the whole country is spoken of as extending from Migdol to Syene, which indicates the same limits to the east and the south as at present. Egypt seems, however, to have been always held, except by the modern geographers, to include no more than the tract irrigated by the Nile lying within the limits we have specified. The deserts were at all times wholly different from the valley, and their tribes, more or less independeni of the rulers of Egypt.

    Name*. — The common name of Egypt in the Bible is " Mixraim," or more fully " the land of Mizraim." In form Mizraim is a dual, and ac- cordingly it is generally joined with a plural verb. When, therefore, in Gen. x. 6, Mizraim is men- tioned as a son of Ham, we must not conclude that anything more is meant than that Egypt was col- onized by descendants of Ham. The dual number doubtless indicates the natural division of the coun- try into an upper and a lower region, the plain of the Delta and the narrow valley above, as it has been commonly divided at all times. The singnlar Mazor also occurs, and some suppose that it indi- cates Lower Egypt, the dual only properly meaning the whole country (thus Gesenius, Tka. s. vv.

    "llSO, BHSO), but there is no sure ground for this assertion. The mention of Mizraim and Pathros together (Is. xi. 11 ; Jer. xliv. 1, 18'. even if we adopt the explanation which supposes Mizraim to be in these places by a late usage put for Mazor, by no means proves that since Pathros is a part of Egypt, Mizraim, or rather Mazor, is here a part alw. The mention together of a part of a country as well as the whole is very usual in Hebrew phraseology. Gesenius thinks that the Hebrews

    supposed the word TISD to mean a limit, although he admits it may have had a different Egyptian origin. Since we cannot trace it to Egyptian, except as a translation, we consider it s purely Semitic word, as indeed would be most likely. Gesenius finds the signification "limit" in the


    Arabic name of Egypt, yOjO ; but this word also

    means "red mud " the color intended being either red or reddish brown.

    Egypt is also called in the Bible Dll Y7& " the land of Ham " (Ps. cv. 23, 27 ; comp. hxviii. 51), a name most probably inferring to Ham the

    son of Noah [Ham]; and 2rn, Kahab, "the proud " or >• insolent " [Rahab] : both these ap- pear to be poetical appellations. The common ancient Egyptian name of the country is written in hieroglyphics KEM, which was perhaps pro- nounced Chem; the demotic form is KEMrJE" (Brugsch, Gtoyrnphische Jruchriflrn, i. p. 73. No

    868); and the Coptic forms are j£&Mll,


    jgHjaj (B>» This name signifies, alike in the ancient language and in Coptic, •' black," and may be supposed to have been given to the land ox

    » The letters M, S, and B denote here ■ where the Memphitk, SahMfc, and Baahnvirto

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    ■moon', of the blackness of its alluvial soil (curap. Plot de It. el Orir. o. 33, Iti tV Alyuwroy if n i pdAurra iukJr)yiuni olvtw, Sxrwtp to pi- \\&v too 6*p6a\\jjLOv t XrtfAay Ka\\ov

    ness. In Arabic we find the cognate word ' >fis»;

    'black fetid mud" (Kamooe), or "black mud" (Sl/itih, MS.), which suggests the identity of Ham •nd Mazor. Therefore we may reasonably con- jecture that Kein is the Egyptian equivalent of Ham, and also of Mazor, these two words being similar or even the same in sense. The name Ham may have been prophetically given to Noah's son as the progenitor of the inhabitants of Egypt and neighboring hot or dark countries. The other hieroglyphic names of Egypt appear to be of a poetical character.

    Under the Pharaohs Egypt was divided into Upper and Lower, "the two regions" TA-TKK? called respectively "the Southern Region" TA-KrX, and "the Northern Region" TA-MKH KKT. There were different crowns for the two regions, that of Upper Egypt being white, and that of l>ower Egypt red, the two together composing the pschent. The sovereign had a special title as ruler of each region: of Upper Egypt he was SUTEN, " king," and of Lower Egypt SHEBT, » bee," the two combined forming the common title SUTEN - SHEBT. The initial sign of the former name is a bent reed, which illustrates what seems to have l«en a proverbial expression in Palestine as to the danger of trusting to the Pharaohs and Egypt (2 K. xviii. 21; Is. xzxri. 6; Ez. xxix. 6); the latter name may throw light upon the comparison of the king of Egypt to a fly, and the king of Assyria to a bee (In. vii. 18). It must be remarked that Upper Egypt is always mentioned before I»wer Egypt, and that the crown of the former in the pschent rises above that of the latter. In subsequent times this double division obtained. Manetho •peaks of t»> r* ira vol k

    Superjiati. — Egypt has a superficies of about 9582 square geographical miles of soil, which the Nile either does or can water and fertilise. This computation includes the river and lakes as well as sandy tracts which can be inundated, and the whole •pace either cultivated or fit for cultivation is no tore than about 5620 square miles. Anciently 735 square mike more may have been cultivated, ind auw it would be possible at once to reclaim About 12U5 square miles. These computations are those of Colonel Jacotin and M. Keti've, given in the Memoir of the former in the great French work [Uttcriptim de t kgypte, 2d ed. xviii. pt ii. pp. 101 ft). They must be very nearly trot if the



    actual state of the country at the pieaent time Mr. Lane calculated the extent of the cultivated land in A. h. 777, a. ii. 1375-41, to be 5500 square geographical miles, from a list of the cultivated lands of towns and villages appended to De Sacy's Abd Atlttif. He thinks this list may be underrated. M. Mengin made the cultivated land much leu in 1821, but since then much waste territory has been reclaimed (Mrs. Poole, Enmin in Kgypt, i. 85). The chief differences in the character of the surface in the times before the Christian era were that the long valley through which flowed the canal between the Nile and the Red Sea was then t ult\\- vated. and that the (Julf of Suez extended n uca further north than at present.

    Nomte. — From a remote period Egypt was divided into Nomas, HESI'U, sing. H ESP, each one of which had its special objects of worship. The monuments show that this division was as old as the earlier part of the Twelfth Dynasty, which began B. c. cir. 2082. They are said to hare bent at first 36 hi number. Ptolemy enumerates 44, and Pliny 46 ; afterwards they were further increased. There is no distinct reference to them in the Bible.

    In the LXX. version indeed, nj v!pB (Is. xix. 2>

    is rendered by ripm, but we have no warrant for translating it otherwise than "kingdom." It is probable that at that time there were two, if not three, kingdoms in the country. Two provinces or districts of Egypt are mentioned in the Bible, Pathros and Capbtor; the former appears to have been part of Upper Egypt, the latter was certainly so, and must be represented by the Coptite Nome, although no doubt of greater extent. [PtrriRoa; Cafmtiih.J

    (ItnertU Apprarnnce, Climate,

    by a word, n^3Q, which is not specially applicable

    to a pestilence of their country (see rer- 12). Cu- taneous disorders, which have always been very prevalent in Egypt, are distinctly mentioned as peculiar to the country (Deut. vii. 15. xxviil. 97, 35, 6C. and perhaps Ex. xv. 26, though here the

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    reference may be to the Plague of Boili), and as punishments to the Israelite! in case of disobedience. •berea* if they obeyed they were to be preserved bom them The Egyptian calumny that made the lamelites a body of lepers and unclean (Joseph, c. Apwn.) is thus refuted, and the traditional tale as to the Exodus given by Manetho shown to be altogether wrong in its main met*, which depend upon the truth of this assertion. Famines are frequent, and one in the middle ages, in the time of the Katimee Khaleefeh Et-Mustansir-bilUh, seems t > have been even more severe than that of Joseph. [Famine.]

    Gsology — The fertile plain of the DetU and the valley of Upper Egypt are bounded by rocky deserts covered or strewn with sand. On either side of the plain they are low, but they overlook the valley, above which they rise so steeply as from the river to present the aspect of cliffs. The forma- tion is limestone as far as a little above Thebes, where sandstone begins. The First Cataract the southern limit of Egypt, is caused by granite and other primitive rocks, which rise through the sand- stone and obstruct the river's bed. In Upper Egypt the mountains near the Nile rarely exceed 300 feet in their height, but far in the eastern desert they often attain a much greater elevation. The highest is Uebel GkArib, which rises about 6000 feet above the sea. Limestone, sandstone, and granite were obtained frem quarries near the river; basalt, brec- cia, and porphyry from others in the eastern desert between the Thebols and the Red Sea. An im- portant geological change has in the course of cent- uries raised the country new the bead of too Gulf of Suez, and depressed that on the northern side of the isthmus. Since the Christian era the head of the Gulf has retired southwards, as prophesied by Isaiah— "The Lord shall utterly destroy the tongue of the Egyptian sea," (xL 15); " the waters shall fail from the sea " (xix. 5). The Delta is of a triangular form, its eastern and western limits being nearly marked by the courses of the ancient Pelusiac and Canopic branches of the Nile; Upper Egypt is a narrow winding valley, varying in breadth, but seldom more than 13 miles across, and generally broadest on the western side. Anciently there was a fertile valley on the course of the Canal of the Red Sea, the Land of Goshen, now called Wddi-t Tumeyidt : this is covered with the sands sf the desert. [Goshkh.] To the south, on the >ppns ite side, is the oasis now called the Friyaom, the old Arsinolte Nome, connected with the valley by a neck of cultivated land.

    The Nik. — The Nile is called in the Bible

    Shihor, "VsTttf, or "the black (river);" 1"«V,

    "WJ, "ity, "the river," probably derived from

    th* Egyptian ATUB, AUK; D^?D TTC,

    « thr river of Egypt; " and 0^?O bnj, either •' the brook," if the first word be not a proper name, v else the " Nahal (Nile) of Egypt," to which, if

    the latto rendering be correct, vPD alone must be added These names sre discussed in another irticle. [Nilk.] In Egyptian the Nile bore the sacred appellation HAPEE or HAPEE-MU, "the abyss," or " the abyss of waters." As Egypt was divided into two regions, we find two Noes, H APEE-RES, <> the Southern Nile," and HAPEE- HEHEFT "the Northern Nile," the farmer name eing given to the river in Upper Egypt and in


    I Nubia. The common appellation is AT UR. ot 1 AUR, " the river," which may be compared to the Hebrew }«Sr. This word has been pre s erve d in the Coptic appellation eiepO, MJpO, I&p09 OC), lepO (8), which likewise also signifies " the river." The inundation, HAPEE- UR, "great Nile," or "high Nile," fertiiires and sustains the country, and makes the river its chief blessing; a very low inundation or failure of rising being the cause of famine. The Nile was on this account anciently worshipped, and the plague in which its waters were turned into blood, while injurious to the river itself and it* fish (Ex. vii. 31; Ps. cv. 29), was a reproof to the superstition of the Egyptians. The rise begins in Egypt about the summer solstice, and the inundation commences about two months later. The greatest height is attained about or somewhat after the autumnal equinox. The inundation lasts about three months. During this time, and especially when near the highest, the river rapidly pours along its red turbid waters, and spreads through openings in its banks over the whole valley and plain. The prophet Amos, speaking of the ruin of Israel, metaphorically says that " the land . . . shall be drowned, as [by] the flood [river] of Egypt " (viii. 8, ix. 5). The rata at which the Nile deposits the alluvial soil of Egypt has been the subject of interesting researches, which have as yet led to no decisive result.

    CulHmUm, Agriculture, c*c. —The ancient prosperity of Egypt is attested by the Bible as well as by the uumerous monuments of the country. As early as the age of the Great Pyramid it must have been densely populated and well able to support its inhabitants, for it cannot be supposed that there was then much external traffic. In such a climate the wants of man are few, and nature is liberal in necessary food. Even the Israelites in their hard bondage did •' eat freely " the fish and the vegetables and fruits of the country, and ever afterwards they longed to return to the idle plenty of a land where even now starvation is unknown. The contrast of the present state of Egypt to its former prosperity is more to be ascribed to political than to physical causes. It is true that the branches of the Nile have failed, the canals and the artificial lakes and ponds for fish are dried up; that the reeds and other water-plants which were of vslue in commerce, and a shelter for wild-fowl, have in most parts perished ; that the land of Goshen, once, at least for pasture, " the best of the land " (Gen. xhrii. 6, 1 1 ), is now sand-strewn and un watered so as scarcely to lie distinguished from the desert around, and that the predictions of the prophets have thus re- ceived a literal fulfillment (see especially Is. xix. b- 10), yet this has not been by any irresistible aggres- sion of nature, but because Egypt, smitten and accursed, has lost all strength and energy. The population is not large enough for the cultivation of the land now fit for culture, and long oppressor, has taken from it the power and the will to ad- vance.

    Egypt is naturally an agricultural country. As far back as the days of Abraham, we find that when the produce failed in Palestine, Eg] ft was the natural resource. In the time of Joseph it was evidently the granary — at least during famines — of the nations around, lie inundation, u takxnj the place of rain, has always rendered the sysssst of agriculture peculiar; and the artificial iiilgattss during the time of low Nile is necessarily on th*

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    ) principle. \\Ve read of the Land of Promise that it is " not aa the land of Egypt, from whence ye came out, where thou sowedst thy seed, and wateredat [it] with thy foot, as a garden of herbs: but the land whither thou goest in to possess it, [Is] a land of hills and valleys, [and] drinketh water of the rain of heaven" (l)eut. zi. 10, 11). Watering with toe foot may refer to some mode of irrigation by a machine, but we are inclined to think that it is an idiomatic expression implying a laborious work. [Foot, watering with.] The monuments do not afford a representation of the supposed machine. That now called the shadoof,



    Shadoof, or pole and bucket, for watering the garden. (Wilkinson.)

    which is a pole baring a weight at one end and a bucket at the other, so hung that the laborer is aided by the weight in raising the full bucket, Is depicted, and seems to have been the common means of artificial irrigation. There are detailed pictures of breaking up the earth, or plough-

    Granary, showing how the grain was put In, and that the doors a 6 wen Intended for taking It out. (Wilkinson.)

    .ng, sowing, harvest, thrashing, and storing the wheat in granarir*. The thrashing was simply treading out by oxen or cows, unmuzzled (comp. Dent xxv. 4). The processes of agricultur- began as soon as the water of the inundation had sunk into the *f wine, one of which, the Mareotlc,

    was famous among the Romans. Of other fhrit- trees, the date-palm was the most common aua valuable. The gardens resembled the fields, beii g watered in the same manner by irrigation. On the tenure of land much light is thrown by the history of Joseph. Before the famine each city and large

    village — for "VV must be held to have a wider

    signification than our "city" — had its field (Geo. (li. 48); but Joseph gained for Pharaoh all the land, except that of the priests, in exchange for food, and required for the right thus obtained a fifth of the produce, which became a law (xlvii. 90- 26). The evidence of the monuments, though not very explicit, seems to show that this law was ever afterwards in force under the Pharaohs. The ear- liest records afford no information as to the tenurs of land ; but about Joseph's time we find frequent mention of villages with their lands, the two being described under one designation, as held by the great officers of the crown, apparently by the royal gift. There does not seem to have been any hered- itary aristocracy, except perhaps at an earlier time, and it is not impossible that these lands may have been held during tenure of office or for life. The temples had lands which of course were inalienable. Diodorus Siculus states that all the lands belonged to the crown except those of the priests and the soldiers (i. 73). It is probable that the latter, when not employed on active service, receivad do pay, but were supported by the crown-lauds, and occu- pied them for the time as their own. [Joseph.] The great lakes in the north of Egypt were anciently of high importance, especially for their fisheries and the growth of the papyrus. Lake Menzeleh, the most eastern of the existing lakes, has still large fisheries, which support the people who live on its islands and shore, the rude successors of the inde- pendent Egyptians of the ltucolia. Lake Mceris, anciently so celebrated, was an artificial lake be- tween Benee-Suweyf and Medeenet Kl-Keiyoom. It was of use to irrigate the neighboring country, and its fisheries yielded a great revenue. It is now entirely dried up. The canals are now far less numerous than of old, and many of them are choked and comparatively useless. The Bahr Voosuf, or "river of Joseph" — not the patriarch, but the famous Sultan Voosuf Salah-eddeen, who repaired it — is a long series of canals, near the desert on the west side of the river, extending northward from Karshout for about 360 miles to a little below Memphis. This was probably a work of very ancient times. There con be no doubt of the high antiq- uity of the Canal of the lied Sea, upon which the land of Goshen mainly depended for its fertility. It does not follow, however, that it originally eon - netted the Nile and the Red Sea.

    Botany. — The cultivable land of Egypt consist* almost wholly of fields, in which are very few trees. There are no forests and few groves, except of date- palms, and in Lower Egypt a few of orange and lemon-trees. There are also sycamores, mulberry- trees, and acacias, either planted on the sides of roads or standing singly in the fields. The Thehan palm grows in the Thebals, generally in clumps. These were all, except, perhaps, the mulberry-tree, of old common in the country. The two palms an represented on the monuments, and sycamore and acacia-wood are the materials of various objects made by the ancient inhabitants. The chief fruits are the date, grape, fig, sycamore-fig, pomegranate, banana, many kinds of melons, and the oHvn; and

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    672 EGYPT

    there are many othen leas common or important. These were alio of old produced in the country. Anciently gardens aeem to have received great at- ceuti hi, to have been elaborately planned, and well

    Vineyard. (Wilkinson.) filled with trees and shrub*. Now horticulture is


    neglected, although the modern inhabitant* are *# fond or flower* a* were their predecessor*. Tot vegetable* are of many kind* and exceJent, ane form the chief food of the common people. An- ciently cattle aeem to have been more numerous and their meat, therefore, more usually eaten, bo never as much so as in colder climate*. The Israel- ites in the desert, though they looked back to thr time when they " (at by the flesh pot* " (Ex. xvi 3 ), aeem a* much to have regretted the vegetable* and fruits, a* the flesh and fish of Egypt. " Wh< shall give \\u flesh to eat. We remember the fiab which we did eat in Egypt freely, the cucumber* and the melon*, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlick " (Num. xi. 4, 5). The chief vegetable now are beans, peas, lentils, of which an excellent thick pottage is made (Gen. xxv. 84), leeks, onion* garlic, radishes, carrots, cabbages, gourds, cucum- bers, the tomato, and the egg-fruit. There an many besides these. The most important field- | produce in ancient time* was wheat ; « after it must be placed tarley, millet, flax, and among the vege- tables, lentils, peas, and beans. At the present day the same is the case; but maize, rice, oats, clover, the sugar-cane, roses, the tobacco-plant, hemp, and cotton, most be added; some of which are not indigenous. In the account of the Plague of Hail

    Making a papyrus tost (VTUkmsoa.)

    Boat of the Nile, showing how the sal] was fastened to the yards, and the nature of ths rigging. (Wilkinson.)

    27). It la doubted whether the but be a cereal or a leguminous product: we incline to the former opinion. (See Rvk.) It is clear from the evidence of the monuments and of ancient writers that, of old, reeds were far more common in Egypt thai

    four kinds of field-produce are mentioned — flax, barley, wheat, and n^P? (Ex. ix. 31, 32), which Is variously rendered In the A. V. "rye" (/. c), '• spelt " (Is. xxviii. 25), and " fitches " (Is. xxviii.

    o It may be well to mention that the writer knows Egypoan tombs having germinated on hstog sows as as aatisueterv instance of wheat found In ancient our own 1

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    now. The Djbhis or papyrus is aJniort or quite unknown. Anciently it vna a common ami most important plant: boats were made of its j'-Jka, and of their thin leaves the famous paper was msnu- faetnred. It appears to be mentioned under two names in the Bible, neither of which, however, can be proved to be a peculiar designation for it. (1.)

    The mother of Moses made WJJ3 rQF\\, "an. ark" or '* skiff" "of papyrus " in which to put her child (Ex. ii. 3), and Isaiah tells of messengers sent

    apparently from furthest Ethiopia in NQ3"" 1 V?, " vessels of papyrus " (xviii. 2), in both which cases

    S!22 must mean papyrus, although it would seem in other places to signify " reeds " genetically.' 1 (8.) Isaiah prophesies "the papyrus-reeds (DTny)

    in the river C"TO?)> on the edge of the river, and everything growing [lit. sown] in the river shall be dried up, driven away [by the wind], and [shall]

    not be " (xix. 7). Gesenius renders TVVf a naked or bare place, here grassy places on the banks of the Nile. Apart from the fact that little grass grows on the banks of the Nile, in Egypt, and that little only during the cooler part of the year, instead of those sloping meadows that must have been in the European scholar's mind, this word must mean some product of the river which with the other water-plants should be dried up, and blown away, and utterly disappear. Like the fisheries and the flax mentioned with it, it ought to hold an im- portant place in the commerce of ancient Egypt. It can therefore scarcely be reasonably held to intend anything but the papyrus. The marine and fluvial

    product ffO, from which the Bed Sea was called

    fpD~Dj will be noticed in art. Bed Sea. The lotus was anciently the favorite flower, and at feasts it took the place of the rose among the Greeks and Arabs : it is now very rare.

    Zoology. — Of old, Egypt was far more a pastoral country than at present. The neat cattle are still excellent, but lean kine are more common among them than they seem to have been in the days of Joseph's Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 19). Sheep and goats have always been numerous. Anciently swine were kept, but not in great numbers; now there are none, or scarcely any, except a few in the houses of Copts and Franks." * Under the Pharaohs the nones of the country were in repute among the neighboring nations, who purchased them as well as chariots out of Egypt. Thus it is commanded respecting a king of Israel : " He shall not multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses : forasmuch as the Lord hath said unto you, Ye shall henceforth return no more that way " (Deut xvii. 18), — which shows that the trade in horses was with Egypt, and would necessitate a close alliance. " Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt, and linen yarn : the king's merchants received the linen

    a la Job vtll. 11, Ps. xxxv. 7, the word Is probably used generlcally.

    6 In a tomb near the Pyramids of Kl-Geeseb, of the time of Shaf-re, second King of Che Vth dynasty, the nocks and herds of the ch>f occupant are represented and their numbers thus given : 685 oxen, 22J cows with their calves, 2234 goats, 760 asses with their young, and 974 sheep. Job had at the lint 7000 ■hasp, 8000 camels, 600 yoke of oxen, GOO sbe-ams 43

    EGYPT 678

    yarn at a price. And a chariot came up and went out of Egypt lor six hundred [shekels] of silver, and an horse for an hundred and fifty ; and so for all the kings of the Hittites and for the kings of Syria did they bring [them J out by their hand " (1 K. x. 28, 39). The number of horses kept by this king for chariots and cavalry was large (iv. 26, x. 26; 2 Chr. i. 14, ix. 25). c Some of these horses came as yearly tribute from his vassals (1 K. x. 25). In later times the prophets reproved the people for trusting in the help of Egypt, and relying on the aid of her horses and chariots and horsemen, that is, probably, men in chariots, as we shall show in speaking of the Egyptian armies. The kings of the Hittites, mentioned in the passage quoted above, and in the account of the close of the siege of Samaria by Benhadad, where we read — " The Lord hath made the host of the Syrians to hear a noise of chariots, and a noise of horses, [even] the noise of a great host: and they said one to another, Ijo, the king of Israel hath hired against us the kings of the Hittites, and the kings of the Egyp- tians to come upon us " (2 K. vii. t>) — these kings ruled the Hittites of the valley of the Cronies, who were called by the Egyptians SHETA ot KHEl'A. The Pharaohs of the XVIIlth, XlXth, and XXth dynasties waged fierce wars with these Hittites, who were then ruled by a great king and many chiefs, and whose principal arm was a force of chariots resembling those of the Egyptian army. Asses were anciently numerous: the breed at the present time is excellent. Dogs were formerly more prized than now, for being held by most of the Muslims to be extremely unclean, they are only used to watch the houses in the villages. The camel has nowhere been found mentioned in the inscriptions of Egypt, or represented on the monu- ments. In the Bible Abraham is spoken of as having camels when in Egypt, apparently as a gift from Pharaoh (t. : en. xii. 19), and before the Exodus the camels of Pharaoh or his subjects were to be smitten by the murrain (Ex. ix. 3, comp. 6). Both these Pharaohs were probably Shepherds, ilia Iahmaelites or Midianites who took Joseph into Egypt, carried their merchandise on camels (Uen xxx vii. 25, 28, 36), and the land-traffic of the Arabs must always hare been by caravans of camels; but it is probable that camels were not kept in Egypt, but only on the frontier. On the black obelisk from Nimrood, now in the British Museum, which is of Shalmanubar, king of Assyria, contemporary with Jehu and Hazael, camels aie represented among objects sent as tribute by Egypt: They are of the two-humped sort, which, though perhaps then common in Assyria, has never, as far as is known, been kept in Egypt. The deserts have always abounded in wild animals, especially of the canine and antelope kinds. Anciently the hippopotamus was found in the Egyptian Nile, and hunted. This is a fact of importance for those who suppose it to be the behemoth of the book of Job, especially as that book shows evidence of a knowl- edge of Egypt. Now, this animal is rarely seen even

    (1. 8), and afterwards double in each case (xlil. 12). The numbers are round, but must be taken as an estimate of a large property of this kind In the patriarchal tunes.

    c The number of Solomon's chariots Is given as 1400, and his horsemen 12,000. The stalls of hones are stated as 40,000 (1 K. Iv. 26),

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    In Lower Nubia. The elephant may have been, in the remotest historical period, an inhabitant of Egypt, and, as a land animal, have been driven further south than his brother pachyderm, for the name of the Inland of KJepliantine, just below the first (.ata- ract in hieroglyphics, AB . . " Elephant-land,'' •eems to show that he was anciently found there. Bats abound in the temples and tombs, filling the dark and desecrated chambers and passages with the unearthly whir of their wings. Such desola- tion is represented by Isaiah when he says tliat a man shall cast his idols " to the moles and to the bats " (ii. 20).

    The birds of Egypt are not remarkable for beauty of plumage : in so open a country this is natural. The K

    Among the reptiles, the crocodile must be espe- cially mentioned. In the Bible it is usually called

    W3> E*W> "dragon," a generic word of almost as wide a signification as "reptile," and is used as a symbol of the king of Egypt." Thus in Eee- kiel, " Behold I am against thee, Pharaoh king of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers, which hath said, My river [is] mine own, and I have made [it] for myself. But I will put hooks in thy jaws, and I will cause the fish of thy rivers to stick unto thy scales, and I will bring thee up out of the midst of thy rivers, and all the fish of thy rivers shall stick unto thy scales. And I will leave thee [thrown] into the wilderness, thee and all the fish of thy rivers. ... 1 have given thee for meat to the beasts of the field and to the fowls of the heaven " (mix. 3, 4, 5). Here there seems to be a retrospect of the Exodus, which is thus described in Is. Ii. 9, 10, and 15? and with a more close resemblance in Ps. lxxiv. 13, 14, " Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength : thou brakest the heads of the dragons (D^'Sn) in the waters.

    Thou brakest the beads of leviathan ()D'lb) in pieces, [and] gavest him [to be] meat/to the dwellers in the wilderness " (C , *y, {. r. to the wild beasts, comp. Is. xiii. 21). The last passage is important as indicating that whereas f^D is the Hebrew generic name of reptiles, and therefore used for the greatest of them, the crocodile, frVlb is the special name of that animal. The description of leviathan in Job (xli.) fully bears out this opin- ion, and it is doubtful if any passage can be ad- duced in which a wider signification of the latter word is required.* In Job (xxvi. 12) also there is an apparent allusion to the Exodus in words similar

    » It Is supposed by commentators to mean the country also ; but this cannot, we think, be proved.

    b Oesenius (Tka. s. v.) would take JlTl 1 ? tar a serpent in Job ill. 8, Is. xxvil. 1, and In the latter ease supposes the king of Babylon to be meant. In the Brat passage the meaning " crocodile " Is, how- ever, especially applicable. The patriarch speaks of lesperate men as those " who are ready to stir up evlathan " : comp. xli. 2 ; A. V. 10, " None [Is so] Berc* u to stir him up. Who then can stand before si!" The argument Is, that if the creature be so terrible, who shall resist ths Creator? The second


    to those in Isaiah (H. 9, 10, and 15?), but with out a mention of the dragon. In this case tfaf

    division of the sea and the smiting of SHI, the proud or insolent, are mentioned in connection with the wonders of creation (w. 7-11, 13) : so too in Is. (w. 13, 15). The crossing of the Bed Sea could be thus spoken of as a signal exercise of the Divine power. Frogs are very numerous in Egypt, and their loud and constant croaking in the autumn in

    "the streams," rhrJJ, "the rivers," D v l)*\\

    and " the ponds" or " marshes," D^BJH ' (Ex. viii. 1, A. V. 5) makes it not difficult to' picture the Plague of Frogs. Serpents and snakes are also common, but the more venomous have their hone, like the scorpion, in the desert (comp. Deut viii. 15). The Nile and lakes have abundance of fishes; and although the fisheries of Egypt have very greatly fallen away, their produce is still a common article of food. Among the insects the locusts must be mentioned, which sometimes come upon the cultivated land in a cloud, and, as in the plague, eat every herb and fruit and leaf where they alight; but they never, as then, overspread the whole land (Ex. x. 3-6, 12-19). Tbey disappear as suddenly as they come, and are carried away by the wind (ver. 19). As to the lice and flies, they are now plagues of Egypt; but it is not certain

    that the words Djl3 and 2^ designate tbeni (Ex. vUi. 16-31).

    Ancient Inhabitants. — The old inhabitants of Egypt appear from their monuments and the testi- mony of ancient writers to have occupied in race a place between the Nigritians and the Caucasians. The constant immigrations of Arab settlers have greatly diminished the Nigritian characteristics in the generality of the modem Egyptians. The an- cient dress was far more scanty than the modern and in this matter, as in manners and character, the influence of the Arab race is also very apparent. The ancient Egyptians in character were very relig- ions and contemplative, but given to base super- stition, patriotic, respectful to women, hospitable, generally frugal, but at times luxurious, very sen- sual, lying, thievish, treacherous, and cringing, and intensely prejudiced, thiough pride of race, against strangers, although kind to them. This is very much the character of the modern inhabit- ants, except that Mohammedanism bos taken away the respect for women. The ancient Egyptians are indeed the only early eastern nation that we know to have resembled the modern westerns in this par- ticular; but we find the same virtue markedly t£ characterize the Nigritians of our day. That the Egyptians, in general, treated the Israelites with kindness while they were in their oountiy, even during the oppression, seems almost cert&Ui from

    passage seems to refer not to the king of Babylon, but to the enemies of God's people at a remots ami (Is. xxiv., xxv., xxvi., cap. ver. 19, and xxvil. esp. vv. 12, 18: comp. the similar use of Egypt, fcc, In Rev. xl. 8).

    < Oesenius (Thes. s. v.) understands this word hers and in Ex. vil. 19 to mean the stagnant pools left by the Nile after the Inundation. At the season to wblcs the narrative refers, these would hare been dried up although there would be many marshy plaros, espe- cially near the north coast and towards the i head of the Red Sea.

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    In privilege of admission iuto the oong- e%*Xx m in to third generation, granted to them in the Law. with the Edomites, while the Ammonites and Moabites were absolutely excluded, the reference in three out of the four cases being to the stay in Egypt and the entrance into Palestine (Deut. zxiii. 3-8). This supposition is important in its bearing on the history of the oppression.

    Language. — The ancient Egyptian language, from the earliest period at which it is known to us, is an agglutinate monosyllabio form of speech. It is expressed by the signs which we call hieroglyph- ics. The character of the language is compound : it consists of elements resembling those of the Ni- gritian languages and the Chinese language, on the ana hand, and those of the Semitic languages on the other. All those who have studied the African languages make a distinct family of several of those languages, spoken in the northeast quarter of the continent, in which family they include the ancient Egyptian ; while every Semitic scholar easily recog- nizes in Egyptian Semitic pronouns and other ele- ments, and a predominantly Semitic grammar. As in person, character, and religion, so in language we find two distinct elements, mixed but not fused, and here the N igritian element seems unquestion- ably the earlier. Bunsen asserts that this language is " ante-historical Serai tism ; " we think it enough to say that no Semitic scholar has accepted his theory. For a full discussion of the question see The Genesu of the Earth and of Man, ch. vi. As early as the age of the XX Vlth dynasty a vulgar dialect was expressed in the demotic or enchorial writing. This dialect forms the link connecting the old language with the Coptic or Christian Egyptian, the latest phasis. The Coptic does not very greatly diner from the monumental language, distinguished in the time of the demotic as the ■acred dialect, except in the presence of many Greek words.

    Religion. — The basis of the religion was Ni- gritian fetishism, the lowest kind of nature-worship, differing in different parts of the country, and hence obviously indigenous. Upon this were engrafted, first, cosmic worship, mixed up with traces of primeval revelation, as in Babylonia; and then, a system of personifications of moral and intellectual abstractions. The incongruous character of the religion necessitates this supposition, and the ease with which it admitted extraneous additions in the historical period confirms it. There were three orders of gods — the eight great gods, the twelve lesser, and the Osiriah group. They were repre- sented in human forms, sometimes having the heads of animals sacred to them, or bearing ou their leads cosmic or other objects of worship. The fetishism included, besides the worship of animals, that of trees, rivers, and hills. Each of these creatures or objects was appropriated to a divinity. There was no prominent hero-worship, although •ceased kings and other individuals often received nvine honors — in one case, that of Sesertesen III., if the Xllth dynasty, the old Sesostris, of a very special character. Sacrifices of animals, and offer- ings of all kinds of food, and libations of wine, oil, and the like, were made. The great doctrines of the immortality of the soul, man's responsibility, utd future rewards and punishments, were taught Among the rites circumcision is ths most remari- - able: it is as old as the time of the IVth dynasty

    The Israelites in Egypt appear during the op- , for the most part, to na-e adopted the

    EGYPT 875

    Egyptian religiuu (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ex: xx. 7, %\\ The golden calf, or rather steer, 7%2, was prob- ably taken from the bull Apis, certainly from one of the sacred bulls. Bemphan and Chiun were foreign divinities adopted into the Egyptian Pan- theon, and called in the hieroglyphics RENPU (probably pronounced REMPU) and KEN. It can hardly be doubted that they were worshipped by the Shepherds; but there is no satisfactory evidence that there was any separate foreign system of idolatry. [Rkmphan.] Asbtoreth was worshipped at Memphis, as is shown by a tablet of Amenoph II., H. c. cir. 1400, at the quarries of Tura, oppo- site that city (Vyse's Pyramids, iii. " Tourah tablet 2 "), in which she is represented as an Egyp- tian goddess. The temple of " the Foreign Venus " in " the Tyrian camp " in Memphis (Herod, ii. 112) must have been sacred to her. Doubtless this worship was introduced by the Phoenician Shepherds.

    As there are prominent traces of primeval reve- lation in the ancient Egyptian religion, we cannot be surprised at finding certain resemblances to the Mosaic Law, apart from the probability that what- ever was unobjectionable in common belief and usages would be retained. The points in which the Egyptian religion shows strong traces of truth are, however, doctrines of the very kind that the Law does not expressly teach. The Egyptian relig- ion, in its reference to man, was a system of respon- sibility, mainly depending on future rewards and punishments. The Law, in its reference to man, was a system of responsibility mainly depending on temporal rewards and punishments. All we learn, but this is of the utmost importance, is that every Israelite who came out of Egypt must have been fully acquainted with the universally-recognized doctrines of the immortality of the soul, man's responsibility, and future rewards and punishments, truths which the I -aw does not, and of course could not, contradict. The idea that the Law was an Egyptian invention is one of the worst examples of modern reckless criticism.

    Loot. — We have no complete account of the laws of the ancient Egyptians either in their own records or in works of ancient writers. The pas- sages in the Bible which throw light upon the laws in force during the sojourn of the Israelites in Eiypt most probably do not relate to purely native law, nor to law administered to natives, for during that whole period they appear to have been under Shepherd rulers, and in any case it cannot be doubted that they would not be subject to abso- lutely the same system as the Egyptians. The paintings and sculptures of the monuments indicate a very high degree of personal safety, showing u> that the people of all ranks commonly went un- armed, and without military protection. We must therefore infer that the laws relating to the main- tenance of order were sufficient and strictly enforced. The punishments seem to have been lighter than those of the Mosaic Law, and very different in their relation to crime and in their nature. Capital punishment appears to have been almost restricted, in practice, to murder. Crimes of violence were more severely treated than offenses against religion and morals. Popular feeling seems to have taken the duties of the judge upon itself in the case of impiety alone. That in early times the Egyptian popuUce acted with reference to any offense against its region as it did under the Greeks and Romans

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    676 EGYPT

    Is evident from the answer of Moms when Pharaoh propond that the Hebrews should sacrif ce in the (and. " It is not meet so to do ; for we shall sacri- fice the abomination of the Egyptians to the Lord our God : lo, shall we sacrifice the abomination of the Egyptians before their eyes, and will thev not stone us? " (Ex. viii. 26).

    Government — The government was monarchic- al, but not of an absolute character. The sovereign was not superior to the laws, and the priests had the power to check the undue exercise of his authority. The kings under whom the Israelites lived, seem to have been absolute, but even loseph's Pharaoh did not venture to touch the in- dependence of the priests. Nomes and districts were governed by officers whom the Greeks called nomarchs and toparchs. There seems to have been no hereditary aristocracy, except perhaps at the earliest period, for indications of something of the kind occur in the inscriptions of the IVtb and XTJth dynasties.

    Foreign Policy. — The foreign policy of the Egyptians must be regarded in its relation to the admission of foreigners into Egypt and to the treat- ment of tributary and allied nations. In the former aspect it was characterized by an delusiveness which sprang from a national hatred of the yellow and white races, and was maintained by the wisdom of preserving the institutions of the country from the influence of the pirates of. the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, and the robbers of the deserts. Hence the jealous exclusion of the Greeks from the northern ports until Naucratis was opened to them, and hence too the restriction of Shemite settlers in earlier times to the land of Goshen, scarcely re- garded as part of Egypt It may be remarked as a proof of the strictness of this policy that during the whole of the sojourn of the Israelites they appear to have been kept to Goshen. The key to the policy towards foreign nations, after making allowance for the hatred of the yellow and white races balanced by the regard for the red and black, is found in the position of the great oriental ■ivals of Egypt. The supremacy or influence of the Pharaohs over the nations lying between the Nile ind the Euphrates depended as much on wisdom ji policy as prowess in arms. The kings of the IVth, Vlth, and XVth dynasties appear to have uninterruptedly held the peninsula of Sinai, where tablets record their conquest of Asiatic nomads. But with the XVIIIth dynasty commences the period of Egyptian supremacy. Very soon after the acces- sion of this powerful line most of the countries between the Egyptian border and the Tigris were reduced to the condition of tributaries. The empire seems to hare lasted for nearly three centuries, from about B. c. 1500 to about 1200. The chief opponents of the Egyptians were the Hittites of the valley of the Orontes, with whom the Pharaohs waged long and fierce wars. After this time the influence of Egypt declined ; and until the reign of Shishak (b. c. cir. 990-967 ), it appears to have been confined to the western borders of Palestine. No doubt the rising greatness of Assyria caused the decline. Thence- forward to the days of Pharaoh Necbo there was a constant struggle for the tracts lying between Egypt, and Assyria and Babylonia, until the dis- astrous battle of Carchemisli finally destroyed the supremacy of the Pharaohs. It is probable that dur- ing the period of the empire an Assyrian or Baby- lonian king generally supported the opponents of 'h» mien of Egypt Great aid from a powerful ally


    can indeed alone explain the strong resistance effect by the Hittites. The general policy of the Egyp- tians towards their eastern tributaries teems to have been marked by great moderation. The Pharaohs intermarried with them, and neither forced upon them Egyptian garrisons, except in some important positions, nor attempted those deportations that are so marked a feature of Asiatic policy. In the case of those nations which never attacked them they do not appear to hare even exacted tribute. So long as their general supremacy was uncontested, they would not be unwise enough to make fnrorable or neutral powers their enemies. Of their relation to the Israelites we have for the earlier part of this period no direct information. The explicit account of the later part is fully consistent with what we have said of the general policy of the Pharaohs. Shishak and Zerab, if the latter were, as we believe, a king of Egypt, or a commander of Egyptian forces, are the only exceptions in a series of friendly kings, and they were almost certainly of Assyrian or Babylo- nian extraction. One Pharaoh gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon ; another appears to have been the ally of .lehoram, king of Israel (2 K. vii. 6); So made a treaty with Hoshen; Tirhakah aided Hezekiah ; Pharaoh Nechn fought Josiali against his will, and did not treat Judah with tbe severity of the oriental kings; and his second successor, Pharaoh llophra. maintained the alliance, notwith- standing this break, as firmly as before, and al- though foiled in his endeavor to save Jerusalem from the Chaldeans, received the fugitives of Judah, who, like tbe fugitives of Israel at the capture of Samaria, took refuge in Egypt. It is probable that during the earlier period the same friendly relations existed. The Hebrew records of that time afford no distinct indication of hostility with Egypt, nor have the Egyptian lists of conquered regions and towns of the same age been found to contain any Israelite name, whereas in Shishak's list the king- dom of Judah and some of its towns occur. The route of the earlier Pharaohs to the east seems always to have been along tbe Palestinian coast, then mainly held by the Philistines and Phoeni- cians, both of whom they subdued, and across Syria northward of the territories occupied by the He- brews. With respect to the African nations a different policy appears to have been pursued. Tbe Rebu (l.ebu) or Lubim, to the west of Egypt, on the north coast, were reduced to subjection, and probably employed, like the Shayretana or Chere- thim, as mercenaries. Ethiopia was made a purely Egyptian province, ruled by a viceroy, " the Prinx of Kesh (Cush)," and the assimilation was so com- plete that Ethiopian sovereigns seem to have been received by the Egyptians as native rulers. Further south, the Negroes were subject to predatory attacks like the slave hunts of modern limes, con- ducted not so much from motives of hostility as to obtain a supply of slaves. In the Bible we find African peoples, Lubim, Phut, Sukkiim, Cush, at mercenaries or supporters of Egypt, but not a singk name that can be positively placed to the eastward of that country.

    Army. — There are some notices of the Egyptiai army in the O. T. They show, like the monuments that its most important branch was the chariot force. The Pharaoh of the Exodus led 600 cboaec chariots besides his whole chariot-force In pursaH of the Israelites. The warriors fighting in charioti are probably the "horsemen" mentioned in Uw relation of this event and elsewhere, for in EgyptiM

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    Utoyare called the "horse" or "cavalry." We hare no subsequent indication in the Bible of the soostitution of an Egyptian army until the time of (he XXIId dynasty, when we find that Shishak's invading force waa partly composed of foreigners ; whether mercenaries or allies, cannot as yet be positively determined, although the monuments make it most probable tiat they were of the former sharacter. The army of Necho, defeated at Car- •hemiah, seems to have been similarly composed,



    although it probably contained Greek mercenaries who soon afterwards became the most important foreign element in the Egyptian forces.

    Dviuestic lAft. — The sculptures and painfingj of the tombs give us a very full insight into the domestic life of the ancient Egyptians, as may be seen in Sir (J. Wilkinson's great work. What most strikes us in their manners is the high position occupied by women, and the entire absence of the hareem-system of seclusion. The wife is called

    Phalanx of heavy Infantry. (Wilkinson.)

    ' Uie lady of the bouse." Marriage appears to have \\ especially the priests, soldiers, artisans, and hero* seen universal, at least with the richer class; and , men, with laborers. A man of the upper dan If polygamy were tolerated it was rarely practiced. | might, however, both hold a command in the army ~yt marriage-ceremonies no distinct account has and be a priest; and therefore the caste-system Veen discovered, but there is evidence that some- cannot have strictly applied in the case of the feing of the kind was usual in the case of a queen subordinates. The general manner of life does not 3e Rouge*, Kuii sur une Stele iSygplitrme, pp. much illustrate that of the Israelites, from its great *3, 64). (incubinage was allowed, the concubines essential difference. The Egyptians from the days '•king the place of inferior wives. There were no of Abraham were a settled people, occupying a land although great classes wen very distinct, ' whbh they had held for centuries without question,

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    except through the aggression of foreign binders. The occupations of the higher class were the super- tctendence of their fields and gardens; their diver-


    •ions, the punuit of game In the deaata, or oa saw liter, and fishing. The tending of cattle waa left to the most despised of the lower class. The [anew

    Disciplined troops of the time of the XTinth Dynasty. (Wilkinson.)

    ilea on the contrary were from the very first a pastoral people: in time of war they lived within walls ; when there was peace they " dwelt in their tents " (2 K. xiii. 6). The Egyptian feasts, and the dances, music, and feats which accompanied them, for the diversion of the guests, as well as the common games, were probably introduced among the Hebrews in the most luxurious days of the kingdoms of Israel and Judali. The account of the noontide dinner of Joseph (Gen. xliii. 16, 81-34) agrees with the representations of the monuments, although it evidently describes a far simpler re- past than would be usual with an Egyptian min- ister. The attention to precedence, which seems to have surprised Joseph's brethren (ver. 33), is perfectly characteristic of Egyptian customs. Hie Weral ceremonies were far more important than any events of the Egyptian life, as the tomb was regarded as the only true home. The body of the deceased was embalmed in the fo*m of Osiris, the judge of the dead, and conducted t 'he burial- place with great pomp and much display of lamenta- tion. The mourning lasted seventy-two days or Seas. Both Jacob and Joseph were embalmed, and the mourning for the former continued seventy days.

    Literature and Art. — The Egyptians were a vary literary people, and time has preserved to us, flies the inscriptions of their tombs and temples,

    many papyri, of a religious or historical character, and one tale. They bear no resemblance to the books of the 0. T., except such as arises from their sometimes enforcing moral truths in a manner not wholly different from that of the Book of Proverbs. The moral and religious system is, however, essen- tially different in its principles and their application. Some have imagined a great similarity between the 0. T. and Egyptian literature, and have given a show of reason to their idea by dressing up Egyptian documents in a garb of Hebrew phraseology, in which, however, they have gone so awkwardly that no one who bad not prejudged the question could for a moment be deceived. In science, Egyptian influence may be distinctly traced in the Pentateuch. Moses was " learned in all the wisdom of lb* Egyptians" (Acts vii. 22), and probably derived from them the astronomical knowledge which was necessary for the calendar. [Chronoi-ooy.] Hi* acquaintance with chemistry is shown in the man- ner of the destruction of the golden calf. The Egyptians excelled in geometry and mechanics : tht earlier books of the Bible, however, throw no light upon the degree in which Moses may have made use of this part of his knowledge. In medicine and surgery, the high proficiency of the Egyptians was probably of but little use to the Hebrews after the Exodus : anatomy, practiced by the former from thr earliest ages, was repugnant to the feelings of

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    Ibanttat, and the ampin of Egypt anil of Palestine would be as different as the ordinal-} diseases of the country. In the art* of architecture sculpture, and painting, the former of which was the chief, there seems to have been but a very alight and material influence. This was natural, for with the Egyptians architecture was a religious art, embody- ing in its principles their highest religious convic- tions, and mainly devoted to the service of religion. Durable construction, massive and grand form, and rich, though sober, color, characterize their temples and tombs, the anodes of gods, and " homes " of men. To adopt such an architecture would have been to adopt the religion of Egypt, and the pastoral Israelites had no need of buildings. When they same into the lYomisfd I .and they found cities ready for their occupation, and it was not until the days of Solomon that s temple took the place of the tent, which was the sanctuary of the pastoral people. Detail* of ornament were of course bor- rowed 60m Egypt; but separated from the vast system in which they were found, they lost their significance, and became harmless, until modem sciolists made them prominent in support of a theory which no mind oapable of broad views can for a moment tolerate.

    Mngicinnt. — We find frequent reference in the Bible to the magicians of Egypt. The Pharaoh of Joseph laid his dream before the magicians, who could not interpret it (Gen. xli. 8); the Pharaoh of the Exodus used them as opponents of Moses and Aaron, when, after what appears to have been a seeming success, they failed as before (Ex. rii. II, 13, 33, viii. 18, 19, ix. 11; 9 Tim. iii. 8, 9). The monuments do not recognize any such art, and we most conclude that magic was secretly practiced, not because it was thought to be unlawful, but in order to give it importance. [See Magic; Jam- bkbk; Jasnks.]

    Indmtrial Art*. — The industrial arts held au important place in the occupations of the Egyptians. The workers in fine flax and the weavers of white liuen are mentioned in a manner that shows they were among the chief contributors to the riches of the country (Is. xix. 9). The fine linen of Egypt found its way to Palestine (Prov. vii. 16). Pottery was a great branch of the native manufactures, and appears to have furnished employment to the lie- brews during the bondage (Ps. lxxxi- 6, lxviii. 13; romp. Ex. i. 14).

    Festival*. — The religious festivals were numer- ous and some of them were, in the days of Herod- otus, kept with great merry-making and license. His description of that of the goddess Bubastis, kept at the city of Bubastis in the eastern part of the Delta, would well apply to some of the great Mohammedan festivals now held in the country (ii. 59, 60). The feast which the Israelites cele- brated when Aaron had made the golden calf seems to have been very much of the same character: first offerings were presented, and then the people ate and danced and sang (Ex. xxxiii. 5, 6, 17, 18, 19), and even, it seems, stripped themselves (ver. 25), as appears to have been not unusual at the popular vicient Egyptian festivals.

    Afttmtr* of Modem Muibilnnlt. — The man- Mrs of the modern inhabitants are, we are disposed to believe after much consideration, more similar to ■hose of the ancient Hebrews, on account of Arab xdhience, than the manners of then predecessors. 3ow remarkably they illustrate the Bible is seen a the numerous references given in the Modern



    KgypHnnt (see its Index), and in the great | value of that work in Biblical criticism.

    Chkonoukjy and History. — In treating oi the chronology and history of ancient Egypt it u our endeavor to avoid as much as possible the state- ment of doubtful matters, and to give the greater prominence to those points on which the generality of sound Egyptologers are virtually agreed. The subject may be divided into three main branches, technical chronology, historical chronology, and history: —

    1. Technical Chronology. — It is impossible here to treat in much detail the difficult subject of Egyptian technical chronology. That the Egyptians used various periods of time, and made astronomical observations from a remote age, is equally attested by ancient writers, and by their monuments. It is, however, very difficult to connect periods mentioned by the former with the indications of the same kind offered by the latter; and what we may term the recorded observations of the monuments cannot be used for the determination of chronology without a previous knowledge of Egyptian astronomy that we have not wholly attained. The testimony of ancient writers must, moreover, be carefully sifted, and we must not take their statements as a positive basis without the strongest evidence of correctness. Without that testimony, however, we could not at present prosecute the inquiry. The Egyptians do not appear to have had any common era. Every document that bears the date of a year, gives the year of the reigning sovereign, counted from that current year in which he came to the throne, which was called his first year. There is therefore no gen- eral means of testing deductions from the chrono- logical indications of the monuments.

    There appear to have been at least three years in use with the Egyptians before the Koman domi- nation, the Vague Year, the Tropical Year, and the Sothic Year; but it is not probable that more than two of these were employed at the same time. The Vague Year contained 365 days without any addi- tional fraction, and therefore passed through all the seasons in about 1500 years. It was both used for civil and for religious purposes. Probably the Israelites adopted this year during the sojourn in Egypt, and that instituted at the Exodus appears to have been the current Vague Year fixed by the adoption of a method of intercalation. [Chronol- ogy.] The Vague Year was divided into twelve months, each of thirty days, with five epagomense, or additional days, after the twelfth. The months were assigned to three seasons, each comprising four months, called respectively the 1st, 3d, 3d, and 4th of those seasons. The names by which the Egyptian months are commonly known, Thotb, Paophi, Ac., are taken from the divinities to which they were sacred. The seasons are called, according to our rendering, those of Vegetation, Manifestation and the Waters or the Inundation : the exact mean ing of their names has however been much disputed. They evidently refer to the phenomena of a Tropical Year, and such a year we must therefore conclude the Egyptians to have had, at least in a remote period of their history. If, as we believe, the third season represents the period of the inundatkn, it* beginning must be dated about one month before the autumnal equinox, which would place the be- ginning o' the year at the Winter Solstice, an especially ft' time In Egypt for the commencement of a tropical year. The Sothic Year was a sup- posed sidereal year of ■ > «6J days, commenciug with

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    the so-called heliacal rising of Sothis. The Vague Year, having no intercalation, constantly retreated through the Sothic Year, until a period of 1461 yean of the former kind, and 1460 of the latter had elapsed, from one coincidence of commencements to another

    The Egyptians are known to have used two great cycles, the Sothic Cycle and the Tropical Cycle. The former was a cycle of the coincidence of the Sothic and Vague Years, and therefore consisted of 1460 years of the former kind. This cycle is mentioned by ancient writers, and two of its com- mencements recorded, the one, called the Era of Menophres, July 20, B. C. 1322, and the other, on the same day, A. D. 139. Menophres is supposed to be the name of an Egyptian king, and this is most probable. The nearest name is Men-ptah, or Men-phthah, which is part of that of Sethee M»n ptah, the father of Rameses II., and also that of the son of the latter, all these being kings of the XlXth dynasty. We are of opinion that chronological indications are conclusive in favor of the earlier of the two sovereigns. The Tropical Cycle was a cycle of the coincidence of the Tropical and Vague Years. We do not know the exact length of the former year with the Egyptians, nor indeed that it was used in the monumental age; bnt from the mention of a period of 500 years, the third of the cycle, and the time during which the Vague Year would retrograde through one season, we cannot doubt that there was such a cycle, not to speak of its analogy with the Sothic Cycle. It has been sup- posed by M. Hiot to have had a duration of 1505 years; but the length of 1500 Vague Years is preferable, since it contains a number of complete lunations, besides that the Egyptians could scarcely have been more exact, and that the period of 61X1 years is a subdivision of 1500. Ancient writers do not fix any commencements of this cycle. If the characteristics of the Tropical Year are what we suppose, the cycle would have begun u. c. 2005 and 507 : two hieroglyphic inscriptions record, as we believe, the former of these epochs (tlm-a Jigyptiaca, p. 12 ff., pi. I. Nos. 5, 6)." The return of the Phoenix has undoubtedly a chronolog- ical meaning. It has been supposed to refer to the period last mentioned, but we are of opinion that the l'hcenix Cycle was of exactly the same character, and therefore length, as the Sothic, its commencement being marked by the so-called heliacal rising of a star of the constellation BEN N V HESAR, " the Phoenix of Osiris," which is placed in the astronomical ceiling of the Rameseum of El- Kurueh six mouths distant from Sothis. The monuments make mention of Panegyrical Months, Which can only, we believe, be periods of thirty years each, and divisions of a year of the same kind. We have computed the following dates of com- mencements of these Panegyrical Years : 1st. b. c. 2717, first dynasty, era of Menes (not on nionu- jienU); 2d. B. c 2352, lVth dynasty, Suphis, I. and II. ; 3d. B. c. 1986 (Xllth dynasty, Seaertesen .II.? not on monuments); the last mentioned date being also the beginning of a Phoenix Cycle, which appears to have comprised four of these Panegyrical Years. The other important dates of the system 9f Panegyrics which occur on the monuments are ». c. 1442, XVIIIth dynasty, Queen Amen-nemt; md n. o. 1412, XVIIIth dynasty, Thothmes III.

    « IV* the reasons for fixing on these years, UfnJBg.le.


    Certain phenomena recorded on the monuments have been calculated by M. Biot, who has obtained the following dates: Rising of Sothis in reign of Thothmes III., XVIIIth dynasty, b. c. 1445; sup posed Vernal Equinox, Thothmes III., b. c, cir 1441; rising of Sothis, Rameses III., XXth dynasty, B. c. 1301; star-risings, Rameses VI. and IX, XXth dynasty, B. c. cir. 1241. Some causes of uncertainty affect the exactness of these dates, and that of Rameses III. is irreconcilable with the tin of Thothmes III., unless we hold the calendar in which the inscription supposed to record it cecum to be a Sothic one, in which case no date could be obtained.

    Egyptian technical chronology gives us no direct evidence in favor of the high antiquity which some assign to the foundation of the first kingdom. The earliest record which all Egyptologers are agreed to regard as affording a date is of the fifteenth cent- ury B. c, and no one has alleged any such record to be of any earlier time than the twenty-fourth century it. c. The Egyptians themselves seem to have placed the beginning of the 1st dynasty in the twenty-eighth century it. c, but for determining this epoch there is no direct monumental evidence.

    2. Historical Chi onuli»jy. — The materials for historical chronology are the monuments and the remains of the historical work of Manetho. Since the interpretation of hieroglyphics has been dis- covered the evidence of the monuments has been brought to bear on this subject, but as yet it has not been sufficiently full and explicit to enable us to set aside other aid. We have had to look else- where for a genera) frame-work, the details of which the monuments might fill up. The remains of Manetho are now generally held to supply this want. A comparison with the monuments has shown that he drew his information from original sources, the general authenticity of which is vindicated by minute points of agreement. The information Manetho gives us, in the present form of his work, is, however, by no means explicit, and it is only by a theoretical arrangement of the materials that they take a definite form. The remains of Manetho's historical work consist of a list of the Egyptian dynasties and two considerable fragments, one re- lating to the Shepherds, the other to a tale of the Exodus. The list is only known to us in the epitome given by Africanus, preserved by Syncellua, and that given by Eusebius. These present such great differences that it is not reasonable to hope that we can restore a correct text. The series of dynasties is given as if they were successive, in which case the commencement of the first would be placed full 6000 years B. c, and the reign of the king who built the Great Pyramid, 4000. The monuments do not warrant so extreme an antiquity, and the great majority of Egyptologers have there- fore held that the dynasties were partly contem- porary. A passage in the fragment of Manetho respecting the Shepherds, where he speaks of \\ia kings of the Thebais and of the rest of Egypt rising against these foreign rulers, makes it almost certain that he admitted at least three contemporary lines at that period (Joseph, c. A/riim. i. 14). The naming of the dynasties anterior to the time of a certuir single kingdom, and that of the later ones, which we know to have generally held sway over all Eg},*, of the first seventeen, and the XVIIIth and louowing dynasties, lends support to this opinion. The former are named in groups, first a group of Thinites, thee one of Memphites, broken by a dynasty of Elephant

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    ■sua, next a Hecacfeopolite line, Ac., die dynasties as* a particular city being grouped together; whereas the tatter generally present but one or two together of the «ame name, and the dynasties of different cities recur. The earlier portion seems therefore to represent parallel lines, the later, a succession. To* evidence of the monuments leads to the same conclusion. Kings who unquestionably belong to different dynasties are shown by them to be con- temporary. In the present state of Egyptology this evidence has led to various results as to the number of contemporary dynasties, and the consequent duration of the whole history. One great difficulty is that the character of the inscriptions makes it impossible to ascertain, without the explicit men- tion of two sovereigns, that any one king was not a sole ruler. For example, it has been lately dis- covered that the Xllth dynasty was for the greatest part of its rule a double line. Yet its numerous monuments in general give no hint of more than one king, although there was almost always a rec- ognized colleague. Therefore, d fortiori, no notice would be taken, if possible, on any monument of a ruler of another house than that of the king in whose territory it was made. We can therefore scarcely expect very full evidence on this subject. Mr. I-ane, as long ago as 1830, proposed an arrange- ment of the first seventeen dynasties based upon their numbers and names. This scheme the writer believes to be strikingly confirmed by the monu - meats. The table in the following page contains the dynasties thus arranged, with the approxima- tive dates we assign to their commencements, and the dates of chief events in Hebrew history con- nected with that of Egypt, according to the system preferred in art. Chroxoloot.

    The monuments will not, in our opinion, justify any great extension of the period assigned in the table to the first seventeen dynasties. The last date, that of the commencement of the XVIIIth dynasty, cannot be changed more than a few years. Baron Bunsen and Or. Lepsius indeed place it much earlier, but they do so in opposition to positive monumental evidence. The date of the beginning of the 1st dynasty, which we are disposed to place a little before B. c. 2700, is more doubtful, but a concurrence of astronomical evidence points to the twenty-eighth century. The interval between the two dates cannot therefore be greatly more or less than twelve hundred years, a period quite in accord- ance with the lengths of the dynasties according to the better text, if the arrangement here given be correct. Some have supposed a much greater an- tiquity for the commencement of Egyptian history. 1 -opsins places the accession of Menes n. c. 38

    - - i Hhlnry. — Passing from chronology to hls- '•(T.wa have first tc notice the indications in the



    Bible which relate to the earliest period. Thai Egypt was colonized by the descendants of Noah | in a very remote age is shown by the mention of the migration of the Philistines from Caphtor which had taken place before the arrival of Abraham in Palestine. Before this migration could occur, the Caphtorim and other Mizraites must have occu- pied Egypt for some time. A remarkable passage points to n knowledge of the date at which an ancient city of Egypt was founded : " Hebron was built seven years before Zoan in Egypt" (N'um xiii. 22). YVe find that Hebron was originally called Kirjath-arba, and was a city of the Anakim (Josh. xiv. 15), and it is mentioned under that appellation in the history of Abraham (Gen. xxiii. 2) ; it had therefore been founded by the giant-race before the days of that patriarch.

    The evidence of the Egyptians as to the primeval history of their race and country is extremely in- definite. They seem to have separated mankind into two great stocks, and each of these again into two branches, for they appear to have represented themselves and the Negroes, the red and black races, as the children of the god Horns, and the Sbemites and Europeans, the yellow and white races, as the children of the goddess Pesht (conip. Brugsch, Geogr. Jruchr. ii. 90, 91). They seem therefore to have held a double origin of the species. The absence of any important traditional period is very remarkable in the fragments of Egyptian history. These commence with the divine dynasties, and pass abruptly to the human dynas- ties. The latest portion of the first may indeed be traditional, not mythical; and the earliest part of the second may be traditional and not historical, though this last conjecture we are hardly disposed to admit. In any case, however, there is a very short and extremely obscure time of tradition, and at no great distance from the earliest date at which it can be held to end we come upon the clear light of history in the days of the pyramids. The indi- cations are of a sudden change of seat, and the settlement in Egypt of a civilized race, which, either wishing to be believed autochthonous, or having lost all ties that could keep up the traditions of its first dwelling-place, filled up the commence- ment of its history with materials drawn from mythology. There is no trace of the tradition of the Deluge which is found in almost every other . country of the world. The priests are indeed re- ported to have told Solon when he spoke of one deluge that many had occurred (i'lat. Tim. 23), but the reference is more likely to have been to great floods of the Nile than to any extraordinary catastrophes.

    The history of the dynasties preceding the XVIIIth is not told by any continuous series of monuments. Except those of the I Vth and Xllth dynasties there are scarcely any records of the age left to the present day, and thence in a great measure arises the difficulty of determining the chronology. From the times of Menes, the first king, until the Shepherd-invasion, Egypt seems to have enjoyed perfect tranquillity. During this age the MemphiU line was the most powerful, and by it, under the IV th dynasty, mm the most famous pyramids raised. The Shepherds were foreigners who came from Uk East, and, in some manner unknown to Manetho, gained the rule of Egypt. Those whose kings com- posed the XVth dynasty were the first an-i most im- portant They appear to hare been Phoenicians, and it is probable that their migration into Egypt, and

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    I as hat Into Palestine, ni part uf the gnat t to which the coming of the Phoenician! bom the Erythman Sea, and the Philistines from Caphtor, belong. It ia not impossible that the war of the four kings — Chedorlaomer and his allies — was directed against the power of the kings of the X Vth dynasty. Host probably the Pharaoh of Abra- ham was of this line, which lived at Memphis, and at the great fort or camp of Avaris on the eastern frontier. The period of Egyptian history to which the Shepherd-invasion should be assigned is a point of dispute. It is generally placed after the Xllth dynasty, for it is argued that this powerful line could not hare reigned at the same time as one or more Shepherd-dynasties. We are of opinion that this objection is not valid, and that the Shepherd- invasion was anterior to the Xllth dynasty. It is not certain that the foreigners were at the outset hostile to the Egyptians, for they may have come in by marriage, and it is by no means unlikely that they may have been long in a position of secondary importance. The rule of the Xllth dy- nasty, which was of Thebans, lasting about ISO years, was a period of prosperity to Egypt, but after its dose those calamities appear to have occurred which made the Shepherds hated by the Egyptians. During the interval to the XVIIIth dynasty there seems to have been no native line of any importance but that of the Thebans, and more than one Shepherd dynasty exercised a severe rule over the Egyptians. The paucity of the monuments proves the troubled nature of this period.

    We must here notice the history of the Israelite* in Egypt with reference to the dynasty of the Pharaohs who favored them, and that of their oppmtsors. According to the scheme of Biblical Chronology which we believe to be the most prob- able [Chbosology], the whole sojourn in Egypt would belong to the period before the XVIIIth dy- nasty. The Israelites would have come in and gone forth during that obscure age for the history of which we have little or no monumental evidence. This would explain the absence of any positive mention of them on the Egyptian monuments. Some aswrt that they were an unimportant Arab tribe, and therefore would not be mentioned, and that the calamities attending their departure could not be commemorated. These two propositions are contradictory, and the difficulties are unsolved. If, as Lepsius supposes, the Israelites came in under the XVIIIth dynasty, and went out under the XlXth, or if, as Bunsen holds, they came in under the Xllth, and (after a sojourn of 1434 years I) went out under the XlXth, the oppression in both cases falling in a period of which we have abundant contemporary monuments, sometimes the records of every year, t ia impossible that the monuments should be vholly silent if the Biblical narrative is true. Let is examine the details of that narrative. At the ime to which we should assign Joseph's rule, Egypt was under Shepherds, and Egyptian kings of no great strength. Since the Pharaoh of Joseph must have been a powerful ruler and held Lower Egypt, there can be no question that ne was, if the dates be correct, a Shepherd of the X Vth dynasty. How does the Biblical evidence affect this inference? Nothing w more striking throughout the ancient Egyptian tanriptions and writings than the bitter dislike of most foreigners, especially Easterns. They are con- stantly spoken of in the saite terms as the inhabit- «ata of the infernal regions, not alone when at war



    with the Pharaohs, but in time of peace and in tat case of friendly nations. It is a feeling alone para! leled in our days by that of the Chinese. Tbt accounts of the Greek writers, and the whole history of the later period, abundantly confirm this estimate of the prejudice of the Egyptians against foreigners. It seems to us perfectly incredible that Joseph should be the minister of an Egyptian king. In lesser particulars the evidence is not lees strong The Pharaoh of Joseph is a despot, whose will is law, who kills and pardons at his pleasure, who not only raises a foreign slave to the head of his ad- ministration, but through his means makes all thr Egyptians, except the priests, serfs of the crowu. The Egyptian kings on the contrary were restrained by the laws, shared the public dislike of foruigneis, and would have avoided the very policy Joseph fol- lowed, which would have weakened the attachment of their fellow-countrymen by the loosening of local ties and complete reducing to bondage of the popu- lation, although it would have greatly strengthened the power of an alien sovereign. Pharaoh's conduct towards Joseph's family points to the same conclu- sion. He gladly invites the strangers, and gives them leave to dwell, not among the Egyptians, but in Goshen, where his own cattle seem to hare been (Gen. xlvi. 34, xlvii. 6). His acts indicate a fellow- feeling and a desire to strengthen himself against the national party.

    The " new king " " which knew not Joseph," m generally thought by those who hold with us as to the previous history, to have been an Egyptian, and head of the XVIIIth dynasty. It seems at first sight extremely probable that the king who crushed, if he did not expel, the Shepherds, would be the first oppressor of the nation which they pro- tected. Plausible as this theory appears, a dose examination of the Bible-narrative seems to us to overthrow It. We read of the new king that — " he said unto his people, Behold, the people of the children of Israel [are] more and mightier than we: come on, let us deal wisely with them; lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there fatleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies, and fight against us, and [so] get them up out of the land " (Ex. i. 9, 10). The Israelites are there- fore more and stronger than the people of the oppressor, the oppressor fears war in Egypt, and that the Israelites would join his enemies; he is not able at once to adopt open violence, and he therefor* uses a subtle system to reduce them by making them perform forced labor, and «ns after takes the stronger measure of killing their male children. These conditions point to a divided country and a weak kingdom, and cannot, we think, apply to the time of the XVIIIth and XIX th dynasties. The whole narrative of subsequent events to the Exodus is consistent with this conclusion, to which the use of universal terms does not offer any real objection. When all Egypt is spoken of. it is not necessary either in Hebrew or in Egyptian that we should suppose the entire country to be strictly intended. If we conclude therefore that the Exodus most probably occurred before the XVIIIth dynasty, we have to ascertain, if possible, whether the Pharaohs of the oppression appear to have been Egyptians or Shepherds. The change of policy is in favor of their having been Egyptians, but u> by no means conclusive, for there is ne reason that all the for- eigners should have had the same feeling towards the Israelites; and we have already seen that th* Egyptian Pharaohs and their suljects seem in

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    684 EGYP1

    general to have been friendly t > them throughout their history, and that the Egyptians were privi- leged by the Law, apparently on this account. It may be questioned whether the friendship of the two nations, even if merely a matter of policy, would hare been as enduring as »e know it to have been, had the Egyptians looked back on their con- duct towards the Israelites as productive of great national calamities, or bad the Israelites looked back upon the persecution as the work of the Egypt- ians. If the chronology be correct, we can only decide in favor of the Shepherds. During the time to which the events are assigned there were no Important lines but the Theban, and one or more of Shepherds. Lower Egypt, and especially its eastern part, must have been in the hands of the latter. The land of Goshen was in the eastern part of tawer Egypt: ft was wholly under the control of the op- pressors, whose capital, or royal residence, at least in the case of the Pharaoh of the Exodus, lay very near to it. Manetho, according to the transcript of Africanus, speaks of three Shepherd-dynasties, the XVth, XVIth, and XVIIth, the last of which, according to the present text, was of Shepherds and Thebans, but this is probably incorrect, and the dynasty should rather be considered as of Shepherds alone. It is difficult to choose between these three: a passage in Isaiah, however, which has been strangely overlooked, seems to afford an indication which narrows the choice. " My people went down aforetime into Egypt to sojourn there; and the Assyrian oppressed them without cause " (lii. 4). This indicates that the oppressor was an Assyrian, and therefore not of the XVth dynasty, which, according to Manetho, in the epitomes, was of Phoenicians, and opposed to the Assyrians (Jo- seph, c. Apian, i. 14). Among the names of kings of this period in the Royal Turin Papyrus (ed. Wil- kinson) are two which appear to be Assyrian, so that we may reasonably suppose that some of the foreign rulers were of that race. It is not possible at present to decide whether they were of the XVIth or the XVIIth dynasty. It cannot be objected to the explanation we have offered that the title Pharaoh is applied to the kings connected with the Israelites, and that they must therefore have been natives, for it is almost certain that at Wist some of the Shepherd-kings were Egyptianizpd, like Joseph, who received an Egyptian name, and Moses, who was supposed by the daughters of Jethro to be an Egyptian (Ex. ii. 19). It has been urged by the opponents of the chronological schemes that place the Exodus before the later part of the fourteenth century n. c, that the conquests of the Pharaohs of the XVII Ith, XlXth, and XXth dynasties would have involved collisions with the Israelites had they been in those times already established in Palestine, whereas neither the Bible nor the monuments of Egypt indicate any such event. It has been over- looked by the advocates of the Rabbinical date of the Exodus that the absence of any positive Pales- tinian names, except that of the Philistines, in the lists of peoples and places subject to these Pharaohs, and in the records of their wars, entirely destroys Iheir argument, for while it shows that they did u>t conquer Palestine, it makes it impossible for us to decide on Egyptian evidence whether the He- brews were then in that country or not. Shishak's Oat, on the contrary, presents several well-known names of towns in Palestine, besides that of the kingdom of Judah. The policy of the Pharaohs, as enviously explained, is the key to their conduct


    towards the Israelites. At the same thne the Hur actor of the portion* of the Bible relating to tins period prevents our being sure that the Egyptians may not have passed through the country, and even put the Israelites to tribute. It is illustrative of the whole question under consideration, that in the most nourishing days of the sole kingdom of Israel, a Pharaoh should have marched unopposed into Palestine and captured the Canaanite city Geser at no great distance from Jerusalem, and that this should be merely incidentally mentioned at a later time instead of being noticed in the regular course of the narrative (1 K. ix. 16, 16).

    The main arguments for the Rabbinical or latest date of the Exodus have been discussed in a prencu article (Chronology). The objections to a much earlier date, that of n. c. 1653, may be considered as favorable to the latest rather than to Usher's date, although not unfavorable to both. The main objection to these, in our opinion, is that the details of the Biblical narrative do not, even with the utmost latitude of interpretation, agree with the history of the country if the Exodus be supposed to have taken place under the XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty. As to the account of the Exodus given by Manetho, it was confessedly a mere popular story, for he admitted it was not a part of the Egyptian records, but a tale of uncertain authorship (trip ay i Mayt9ur ovk «7c r&r rap' Atyxnrrlois ypafifiiiTtiiy, iW' As atrrbt lino\\byt)K*v, 4k t&v iinr*6ra>t fivBoXtryovfiivmif vpoorVlffater, K. r. \\. Joseph, c. Apion. i. 16). A critical examination shows that it cannot claim to be a veritable tradition of the Exo- dus: It is indeed, if based on any such tradition, so distorted that it is impossible to be sure that it relates to the king to whose reign it is assigned. Yet upon the supposition that the king Is really Menptah, son of Kameses II., the advocates of the Rabbinical date entirely base their adjustment of Hebrew with Egyptian history at this period.

    The history of the XVIIIth, XlXth, and XXth dynasties is that of the Egyptian empire. Aahmes, the head of the first of these (b. c. cir. 1525), over- threw the power of the Shepherds, and probably expelled them. Queen Amen-nemt and Tbothmes II. and III. are the earliest sovereigns of whom great monuments remain in the temple of El- Kamak, the chief sanctuary of Thebes. The last of these rulers was a great foreign conqueror, and reduced Nineveh, and perhaps Babylon also, to bis sway. Amenoph in., his great-grandson, states on scaral aei, struck apparently to commemorate his - marriage that his northern boundary was in Meso- potamia, his southern in Kara (Chokxj ?). By him was raised the great temple on the vest bank at Thebes, the site of which is now only marked by the gigantic pair, the Vocal Memuon and its fol- low. The head of the XlXth dynasty, Setbee L, or Sethos, b. c. cir. 1340, waged great foreign wars, particularly with the Hittites of the valley of the Orontos, whose capital Ketesh, situate near Emesa, he captured. By him the great hypostyle hall of El-Kamak was built, and on its northern wall b a most interesting series of bas-reliefs recording his successes. His son Rameees II. was the most illus- trious of the Pharaohs. If be did not exceed all others in foreign conquests, he far outshone them in the grandeur and beauty of the temples with which he adorned Egypt and Nubia. His chief campaigr: was against the Hittites and a great confederacy they had formed. He defeated their army, caps ured Ketesh. and forced them to conclude a ties*}

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    with Urn, though this hut object does not Mem to km been immediately attained. Menptah, the son and sneeesaor of Rameaes II., is supposed by the advocates of the Rabbinical date of the Exodus to bare been the Pharaoh in whose time the Israelites went out. One other king of this period must he noticed, Rameses HI., of the XXtb dynasty, b. c. dr. 1200. "hce conquests, recorded on the walls of his great aemple of Medeenet Haboo in western Thebes, seem to have been not less important than those of Rameses II. The most remarkable of the sculptures commemorating them represent, a naval victory In the Mediterranean, gained by the Kgypt- ian fleet over that of the Tokkaree, probably the Carians, and Shairetana (Khairetana) or Cretans. Other Shairetana, whom we take to correspond to the Cherethim of Scripture, serve in the Egyptian forces, This king also subdued the Philistines and the Rebu (Lebu), or Lubim, to the west of Kgypt. Under his successors the power of Egypt evidently declined, and towards the close of the dynasty the country seems to have fallen into anarchy, the high- priests of Amen having usurped regal power at Thebes, and a I/nrer Egyptian dynasty, the XXIst, having arisen at Tania. Probably the Egyptian



    princess who became Solomon's wife was a daughter of a late king of the Tanite dynasty. The head of the XXIId dynasty, Sheshonk I., the Shishak of the Bible, restored the unity of the kingdom and revived the credit of the Egyptian arms, n. c. dr. 990. Early in his reign he received Jero- boam, the enemy of Solomon (1 K. xi. 40), ana perhaps it was by his advice that ho afterwards attacked Judah. It is doubtful, however, whether Jeroboam did not sutler by the invasion as well as Rehoboam. On the outside of the south wall of the temple of El-Karnak is a list of the conquests of Sheshonk I., comprising "the kingdom of Judah," and several Hebrew towns, some of which must h*ve been taken from Jeroboam. [Shishak.] Probably his successor, Osorkon I., is the Zerah of Scripture, defeated by Asa. The army that Zerah led cab only have been that of Egypt, and his overthrow will explain the decline of the house of Sheshonk. [Zerah.] Egypt mokes no figure in Asiatic history during the XXIIId and XXIVth dynasties: under the XXVth it regained, in part at least, its ancient importance. This was an Ethiopian line, the war- like sovereigns of which strove to the utmost to repel the onward stride of Assyria. So, whom we

    The son of King Barneses with his ohariotser. (Wilkinson.)

    are disposed to identify with Shebek II. or Sehichus, the second Ethiopian, rather than with Shebek I. or Sabaco, the first, made an alliance with Hoshea the last king of Israel. [So.] Tehrak or Tirbakah, the third of this house, advanced against Sennach- erib in support of Hezekiah. [Tirhakak.] After this, a native dynasty again occupied the throne, the XXV Ith, of Salte kings. Psametek I. or Psam- metichus I. (b. c. 664), who may be regarded as the head of this dynasty, warred in Palestine, and took tahdod, Azotus, after a siege of twenty-nine years i Herod. 11. 157). Probably it was held by an Assyr- ian garrison, having been previously taken from the Egyptians by Sargon (Is. xx.). Neku or Necho, the son of Psammetichus, continued the war in the East, and marched along the coast of Palestine to attack the king of Assyria- At Megiddo .Ionian encount- ered him (b.c. 608-7), notwithstanding the remon- ■trance of the Egyptian king, which is very illustra- tive of the policy of the Pharaohs in the East (2 Chr. otxv. 81) no less than is his lenient conduct after the Meat and death of the king of Judah. The army of Neebo was after a short space routed at Carchemish •y Nebuchadnezzar, B. c. 6C j-4 (Jer. xlvi. 9',. We •sad of a time not long subsequent that "the king

    of Egypt came not again any more out of hit land : for the king of Babylon had taken from the river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates all that pertained to the king of Egypt" (9 K. xxiv. 7) [Piiaraoh-Necho.] The second successor of Necho, Apries, or Pharaoh-Hophra, sent his army into Palestine to the aid of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii. 5, 7, 11), so that the siege of Jerusalem was raised for a time, and kindly received the fugitives from the captured city. He seems to hare been afterwards attacked by Nebuchadnezzar in bis own country. There is, however, no certain account of a complete subjugation of Egypt by the king of Babylon, and it is probable that the prophecies of Ezekiel (for the fulfillment of which commentator) have looked to this time) refer to a later period, and chiefly to the conquest by Cambyses and the calamities which followed the revolt of Inaros [Pharaoh-Hophra.] Amasis, the successor of Apries, had a long and prosperous reign, and taking advantage of the weakness and fall of Babylon somewhat restored the weight of Egypt in the East. But the new power of Persia was to prove ra more terrible to nis hwse than Babylon had bear to the house of Psetuartichus; and the son of

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    686 EGYPT

    *,m— Is bad reigned but six months when Cambyses reduced the country to the condition of a province of his empire, n. c. 526.

    It ia not necessary here to give an outline of the subsequent history of Egypt. Its connection with the history and literature of the Jews is discussed in the articles on the Greek kings of Egypt [Ptoi-emy] and Alkxakdkia. The relation of Egypt and Palestine during the period from the accession of the first Ptolemy until the age of the Apostles is mil of interest, but it does not offer any serious difficulties that require it to be here dis- cussed. It would not be within the province of this article to enter upon a general consideration of the prophecies relating to Egypt : we must, how- ever, draw the reader's attention to their remark- able fulfillment. The visitor to the couutry needs not to be reminded of them: everywhere he is struck by the precision with which they have come to pass. We have already spoken of the physical changes which have verified to the letter the words of Isaiah. In like manner we recognize, for in- stance, in the singular disappearance of the city of Memphis and its temples in a country where several primeval towns yet stand, and scarce any ancient site is unmarked by temples, the fulfillment of the words of Jeremiah : " Noph shall be waste and desolate without an inhabitant " (xlvi. 19), and those of EzekieL " Thus saith the tard God ; I will also destroy the idols, and I will cause [their] images to cease out of Noph " (xxx. 13). Not less signally are the words immediately following the last quotation — "And there shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt" (tc.) — fulfilled in the history of the country, for from the second Persian conquest, more than two thousand years ago, until our own days, not one native ruler has occupied the throne.

    Literature. — The following are the most useful works upon Egypt, excepting such as relate to its modern history: for a very full list of the literature of the subject the reader is referred to Jolowicz's (Dr. H.) BMiotheca A!gyptiaca, 1858 [and Sup- plement I., 1861]. Egypt generally: Detcription it tEgypte, 2d ed. 1821-9; Encychpaxlia Britan- mat, 8th ed. art. Egypt. Description, Productions, and Topography: Abd-Allatif, Relatimde tEgypte, ed. Silvestre de Sacy, 1810; D'Anville, Memoiret nr tEgypie, 1766; Belzoni (G.), Narratite of Operation, 1820; Brugsch (H.), (jtographischt JfntekrifUn aUai/yptitcfier DenkmSlcr; 1857 [-60] ; Reiieberichte am Mgypten, 1855 ; ChampoUion le Jeune, L'£gypte sous let Pharaont, 1814; Let- trei icritei ptndant ton Voyage en Hgyptc, 2de M. 1833; Ehrenberg, Ch. G., und Hemprich, F. W., Naturgeschichriiche Reiten — Arisen in jEgypten, tc., 18*28 — Symbol* Phytic*, 1829-1845; Korskal. Pt, D'tenptumet Am'matium, dsc., 1775-6; Flora A^gyptiaeo-arabica, 1775; Harris, A. C, Hiero- qlyphical Standard*, 1852; Linant de BeUefonds, Memoire tur le Lac de ifcerii, 1843; Makreezee sl-Takee-ed-deen, Khitat: Quatremere, E., Me- moiret Geographiquet tt Hiitoriquei, 1811; Rus- •sgger, Reiten, 1841-8 ; Vyse, H., Col., and Perring, I. S., Pyramid! of Vizeh, 1839-42: Perring, J. 8., 68 Large Weirs,


    Denkmaler, 1549, in progress [plates completed ii 12 vols, in 1859]; Letronne, J. A., Rtcutil tkt incription grecquet tt latinet dEyyptt, 1843. Kosellini, Monument* ; Select Papyri, 1844. Lan- guage: Brugsch, H., Grammaire Demotigue, 1865* ChampoUion le Jeune, Grammaire Egyptiemc, 1836-41: Dictumnairt Egyptien, 1841; Encyc Brit. 8th ed. art. Bieroglyphict ; Parthey, G., Vocabularium Cqptico-Latinum, Ac.; Peyron, A., Grammatica Lingua Coptic*, 1841 ; Lexicon, 1835; Schwartze, M. G., Dot All* JCgypUn, 1843 Ancient Chronology, History, and Manners: Bui. sen, C. C. J., Egypt t Place, voL i-UL 1848-69 [vol iv. 1860, vol. v. 1867]; Cory, I. P., Ancient Frag- ments, 2ded. 1832; Herodotus, tA. [trans.] Bawlic- soc, vols, i.-iii. ; Hengstenberg, E. W., Egypt an. the Bookt of Motet, 1843; Ideler, L., Handbuch der Chronotogie, 1826; Lepsius, K., Chronologie der AZgypter, voL 1. 1849; KSnigtbuch der ahtn jEgypter, 1858; Poole, R. 8., Uor* jEpyptiaca, 1851; Wilkinson, Sir J. G., Manners and CutUma of the Ancient Egyptian, 1837, 1841 ; Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptian, 1865. To these must be added, for the manners of the modern inhabitants: Lane, E. W., Modern Egyptian, ed. 1842 [new ed. 1861]; Thousand and One Nights, 2d ed., by E. S. Poole, 1859 ; Poole, Mrs., English- woman *n Egypt, 1844. It is impossible to specify a large number of valuable papers by Dr. Hindu, Mr. Birch, M. de Rouge\\ and others. K. S. P.

    * Since the first publication of Mr. Poole's arti- cle, ui 1860, numerous works have appeared in al- most every department of Egyptology, of which the following are the more important : —

    Language. — Brugsch, H., Hierogluphitch-Dt- motuchet Wbrterbuch, 1867. This is a scientific arrangement of the most common words and groups of both the sacred and the popular languages of an- cient Egypt, with definitions in French, German, and Arabic, and a statement of their affinities with corresponding words of the Coptic. Rouge', Vi- coinle Emmanuel de, Chrettomathit Sgyptienne, a selection of Egyptian texts, translated and accom- panied with a running commentary; also a gram- matical compendium. Birch, S., Dictionary of Hieroglyphics, Hieroglyphic Grammar, andtelected Egyptian Text* ; published in voL v. of Bunsen's Egypt 't Place. The same volume contains Profes- sor Dietrich's Companion of the Old Egyptian and Semitic Roolt, and Bunsen's Companion of Old and New Egyptian Wordi Kith the Semitic and Iranian. Brugsch, H., A. Henry Rhinds ticei bilingue Papyri, hieratitch und demotiich, 1865. The same, translated by Dr. S. Birch, 1863. Lepsius, Richard, Dm bilingue Dekrtt con Kan- oput, 1867. This is an Inscription of the ninth year of Ptolemy III. Euergetes I. found at Tania, in 1866. It contains 37 lines of hieroglyphics, and 76 lines of Greek, both in excellent preserva- tion. This addition to the Egypto-Greek vocab- ulary confirms the previous reading of the hiero- glyphics by the school of ChampoUion. The same inscription has been published by I)r. S. I-eo Reinisch and E. R. Roesler, under the title Die zweitprachige Intchrift ton Tanit, 1867. Chabas F., L' Inscription Hieroglyphigue de Rotette, fln- alytie. el comparet a la IVrsion Grecgue, 1867. This new translation of the Rosetta inscription it made for the purpose of philological comparison with that of Tanis. A valuable Egypto-Greel glossary Is appended to the text.

    MonumenU and Incrietiun. - ■ L Irnltaen

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    fobannee, Atidgyptische Tempehntchr^ien, espe- muly from Kdfu, and the famous beitle-toenes ef y ""»'■•, and the triumphal gates of Medinet- Habu, 1867. Roagi, E. de, Recherche* tur let Monument! ou'onpeut attribuer aum six premieres Dynasties de Manilhon, 1866; a work of chroo- elogical value. Lcemans, Dr. C, Monuments iZyyjitient du Musee ttAntiquitet des Pays-Bos a Leide ; Monuments de la Vie Civile, 1S66. Brugich, H., Recneti de Monuments Egyptian, 1862-63. Rolnii-h, 8., Die jEgyptitchen Uenkmdler in Mir- mnar, 1865. These antiquities are chiefly fune- real. Rhind, A. Henry, Thibet, Us Tombs and their Tenants, 1862. Clark, Edward L., Daleth, or the Homestead of the Nations, 1864, a popular account of Egyptian discoveries

    History and Geography. — DUmichen, J., Geo- araphische Intchrtflen altdgyptitcher Denlcmdler,

    1866, and Historische lnichr\\fien aUdgyptischer Denlcmdler, 1867. Brugach, H., Uittarc dFtigyptt, toL L 1859, comprising Egypt under her native sovereigns; toI. ii. is now in press. Hartmann, Dr. B., Geographic und Naturgeschichte der Nil- Idnder, 1865. Kremer, Alfred von, AVgypten; Physische Geographic, Ethnographic, Agrthdlur, 1868. This work ia devoted chiefly to modern Egypt Partbey, G., Zur Erdkunde des alien Mgyptent, 1859; with maps according to Herodo- tus, Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and other ancient au- thorities. Petherick, John, Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa, 1861. Chabaa, F., Voyage ifun ligyptien en Syrie, en Phemcie, en Palestine, mi XIV"* sUele avant noire ire, traduction an- alytigue dun papyrus du Music Britanmquc, 1866.

    Chronology.— Hindu, E., On the Various Years and Months in use among the Egyptians, 1866. Lauth, Fr. Jos., Der 30 Dynastiecn Manetho't, von Menu bis Amotis, 1865. Brugach, H., Ma. teriaux pour server a la Reconstruction du Calen- drier des Ancient Egyptians, 1864. Palmer, Wil- liam, Egyptian Chronicles, uith a Harmony of Sacred and Egyptian Chronology; — an attempt to revive the authority of the "Old Chronicle," snd to fix the era of Menes at 2224 b. c, about the time of Terah. Henne von Sargans, Dr. An- ton, Manethot, die Originet unterer Gctchichte und Chronologic, 1865; a highly fanciful work. Lieblein, J., jEgyptitche Chronologic, 1863. Lep- dus, K., Vber eimge Berahrungtpunhte der Xgyptischen, Grieckischen, und Rimtschm Chro- m logic, 1859. Also, by the same, a monograph, Ober die Manethomschc Bestimmung des Umfangs der J'gyptitchen Gctchichte, 1857. DUmichen, J., Altaijyptitche Kalenderintchriften, 1866. Smyth, C. l'iazzi, Life, and Work at the Great Pyramid,

    1867. Professor Smyth, of the University of Edinburgh, and Astronomer-Royal for Scotland, spent the months of January, February, March, aud April, 1866, at the Great Pyramid, devoting his whole attention to mathematical measurements uid astronomical observations. For this work he had prepared himself by a careful study of all pre- vious measurements and observations, and he was furnished with the best instruments of modern icience. His results, in the main confirming, and Hi some points correcting, those of CoL Howard v"yse and Mr. Perring, are of scientific value, and may hereafter contribute to the settlement of chron- ological and historical questions, though their au- thority is weakened by the fanciful and extravagant Hswtlea of the author. So exact is the orientation



    of the Great Pyramid that Professor Smyth found the difference between the direction of its entrance passage and the present astronomical meridian tc be leas than 6'. His determination of the latitude of the pyramid ia 29° 58' 51". He regards the whole structure aa a symbolical standard for a uni- versal metrology, anticipating by thousands of years the exactest determinations of modern science, - " the linear standard founded on the earth's axis of rotation ; the weight and capacity measure on an employment of the whole earth's mean density; the temperature standard on the mean surface tern perature of the whole earth ; and the time stand aid on the precession of the equinoxes, assisted by meridian observations combining a well-chosen puloi with an equatorial star." All these standards Professor Smyth believes that be has found ex- pressed in the form, materials, and proportions of the entrance passage, the king's chamber, and the coffer therein contained; and he traces to this source the Hebrew cubit, and the dimensions it the sacred ark and the molten sea. A metrology so recondite and exact, the Professor ascribes to a di- vine inspiration in the mind of the original archi- tect or founder of the pyramid. The date of the pyramid he fixes upon astronomical grounds at 2170 b. a Following the theory of Sir John Herschel that a Draamit was the star to which the builders of the pyramid had reference in the angle or dip of its entrance or tube, he finds that this star was in the prescribed position at about 2200 b. a and 3400 B. c.; but at the former date the Pleiades, whose "sweet influences" wen so noted among the ancients, were also crossing the meridian above the pole, and from a comparison of the right sscensiou and declination of n Taun with the right ascension and north polar distance of a Draconis, he reaches the mean date of 217V b. c.

    But if the builder of the Great Pyramid was the Soupbis or Chefre of Manetho's fourth dynasty, this date would place Menes at nearly 3000 b. c, long before the flood, according to the Hebrew chronology. Prof. Smyth endeavors to meet this difficulty by impeaching Manetho's list; aud, fol- lowing Mr. William Osburn in his Monumental History of Egypt, he abbreviates and condenses the earlier dynasties. But monumental evidences unknown to Osburn, and overlooked by Smyth, point to a different conclusion. The most impor- tant reoent additions to the ""*«"«'■ of Egyptian Chronology are the " Tablet of Memphis or Sak- kirah " discovered by M. Marietta, and the " Se that Tablet," discovered at Abydos by M. Dilnu- chen. These tablets, collated with each other and with the Turin papyrus, furnish an almost un- broken list of kings from Menes to Sethos I. Lep- sius, Brugach, and others, place Sethos I. about (lie middle of the 15th century before Christ ; Mr. Poole, a century later, in 1340 B. c. But era this latter date will require that Egyptian chronol- ogy be carried back somewhat beyond the limit* assigned in the foregoing article, in order to pro vide for the seventy-six consecutive reigns from Menes to Sethos. That these reigns are to be taken consecutively, the tablet of Sethos I. clearly indicates. This monarch, accompanied by his son Kameeea, is offering homage to his royal predeces- sors, whose cartouches are arranged in three par- allel lines, that of Menea heading the first column; and wherever the list can be verified by a compar- ison with other monuments, the order of the ear

    Digitized by


    888 EGYPTIAN

    touches b found to be strictly historical. This ablet must be accepted as an official list of the regular and legitimate dynasties of old Egypt, as these were recognized at the beginning of the nine- teenth dynasty. The tablets of Sakkarah and Sethos, with the Turin papyrus, fill out the earlier dynasties with great completeness and accuracy; and an average for the seventy-six reigns prior to Sethos I. will place Meues at least 3000 B. c. Thus monumental data for the determination of Egyptian chronology are accumulating, and the conclusions of Mr. Poole should be held in sus- pense until some surer light is gained.

    Religion. — Sharpe, Samuel, Egyptian Mythol- ogy and Egyptian Christianity, 1863. Lepsius, K., JEUtUe. Texte des Todtenbuchs, 1867. Koogi, E. de, Le Rituel Funeraire da Ancitnt Egypt- ian, 1866. Chabas, ¥., Le ChajAtte VI. du Rituel Eggjtien, 1863. Pleyte, W., Etude sur U Chapitre 125 du Rituel Funeraire, 1866. liirch, S., The Funereal Ritual, the first complete trans- lation of this important text-book of the Egyptian faith ; see vol. v. of Bunsen's Egypts Place in Universal History. Pleyte, W., Im Rtligion des Pre- Israelites, 1862. Beauregard, Olivier, Lee Divinites Egyptiennes, leur Origine, lew Culte, et ton Expansion dans le Monde, 1866. The work of Dr. Lepsius is based chiefly upon the inscriptions of sarcophagi in the Berlin Museum, and gives the earliest known text of the Book of the Dead. This text, though much more brief than that of the Turin papyrus, contains the important doc- trines of the immortality of the soul, the rehabil- itation of the body, the judgment of both good and bad, the punishment of the wicked, the justifi- cation of the righteous and their admission to the blessed state of the gods. These doctrines are amplified and repeated under various forms, in the larger text translated by Dr. Birch.

    Valuable articles on Egi ptology may be found in the Revue Archeologique, the Journal of Sacred Literature, the Bibtiutheca Sacra, the Melanges Egyptologigues of M. Chabas, the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, the Abhandlungen del- Akad. d. Wissemchafttn vt Berlin, and especially n the Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Sprache und Atterthumskunde, published monthly at Berlin, and jditod by Drs. Lepsius and Brugsch. J. P. T.

    EGYPTIAN Cn?0, mascj rVn?D, fern.: Mybrrwt, hryvnla: 'JEgypHus), EGYPTIANS vD'H^O, mue-i rVVtyfO, fem.j On$»: Klyiwrtoi, yvvaaus ArytWow! jEgyptM, ASgyptbx muUeres). Natives of Egypt The word most sorumonly rendered Egyptians (Mittraim) is the name of the country, and might be appropriately to translated in many cases. W. A. W.

    * In Acts xxi. 38, an Egyptian is mentioned who headed a popular tumult in the procuratorship of Felix, whom the Roman chiliarch at first sup- posed might be Paul, whom he had rescued from the rage of the Jews. Josephus (rivje an account of the same Egyptian, whom he likewise represents as having appeared in the time of Felix (B. J, ii. 13, § 6, and Ant. xx. 7, § 6). In some other respects the Jewish historian seems to be hardly less si variance with himself in the two passu than with Luke's account. In B. J. ii. 13, f 6, Josephus relates that a juggler (ytnt), whom he also denominates i Atyiwrtot, having procured for *f the reputation if a prophet, led a multitude


    of about 30,000 men out of the desert to the Mow. I of Olives, and promised them that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down at his command; but Felix fell upon them, the Egyptian fled with a few men (utr' b\\lyar), most of bis followers were glair, or taken prisoners, and the rest of the crowd (rl Xonrof sA>)0o») dispersed. In his Ant xx. 7, § 6, Josephus states that this Egyptian came tc Jerusalem, that he persuaded the populace to gc out with bini to the Mount of Olives, where he would exhibit to them the wonder before mentioned ; and then he speaks of the attack of Felix, and in that connection says merely that 400 of the Egyp- tian's adherents were slain, and 200 were token cap- tive, without adding any thing further. The points of apparent disagreement here are, that in one ease the Egyptian brings the people from the desert to the Mount of Olives, in the other, from Jerusalem : in one case that the greater part of 30,000 people are slain or taken prisoners; in the other, that the number of the slain amounts to only 400, that of the prisoners to only 200.

    Here now is an example, as Thohick argues (Glaubairdigkeit der evanyel. (Jtschichte, pp. 169, 170), which snows how reasonable it is, if a writer's general credibility be acknowledged, that we should reconcile such differences by having re- course to supposition or combination. Under this rule, we may view the case thus: " The Egyptian at first bad a band of sicarii (Luke's cutipun), and a rabble had also attached themselves to him; these people he leaves behind on the Mount of Olives, and leads thither out of Jerusalem an ad- ditional crowd, so that the entire multitude might amount to about 30,000 men. As usually happens in such cases, curiosity merely had drawn together most of them. Only a smaller company belonged to the train of his followers, and among these were the sicarii ; the attack of the Komari was directed properly against these, of whom Felix slew 400, and made 200 prisoners. With a small number, i. e., with the 4000 of whom Luke speaks, be escaped into the desert ; the remaining mass, i. e., rb r\\rj0os, of which the first passage of Josephus speaks, dispersed. In this, or in a similar way, the Jewish historian may be reconciled with him- self, and with the writer of the Acts." H.

    E"HI (TJ# [brother. It. friend, of Jehovah, Gee.]: Mt; [Alex. A"vx««:] Fchi), head of one of the Benjamite houses, according to the list in Gen. xlvi. 21, and son of Bekh according to the I AX. version of that passage. He seems to be the

    same as Ahi-ram, D^n& in the list in Num. xxvi. 38, and if so, Ahiram is probably the right name, as the family were called Ahiramiles. In 1 Chr. viii. 1, the same person seems to be called

    rnrjfcl, Abarah, and perhaps also nSntf, Ahosh, in vef. 4 ('Ax«£, LXX., and In Cod. Vatic. [?] 'AxvdV), Hjng CAx«f ). Ahiah, ver. 7, and "UTtf fAe>), Aher, 1 Chr. vii. 12. These fluctuations in the orthography seem to indicate that the original copies were partly effaced by time or injury [Bkchek; Chbonicuu.] A. C. H.

    E'HUD ("PinM [union] : [VU*\\j As»; [Ale*. A/uiS, n»;| Joseph. 'H<(«8i»»: Aod, [Ahod]), like Gem, an hereditary name among the Benjamites.

    L Ehud, the son of BUhan, and great-grandsot of Benjamin the Patriarch (1 Chr. vii. 10, viii. 6'.

    Digitized by



    *■ I'AM: Aod.] Ehud, the ion of Gen (N?2 : FTipi- Vera ; three others of the name. Gen. xlvi. II; 9 Sua. xvi. 6; 1 Chr. vifi. 8), of the tribe of Benjamin (Judg. liL IS, mug "ton of Jemini,"

    but rid. Geeen. Iax. nib r. fZp^S), the second Judge of the Israelites (b. a 1836). In the Bible he is not called a Judge, but a deliverer (L c): so Othniel (Judg. Ui. 9) and all the Judges (Neh. U. 17). As a Benjamite he was specially chosen to destroy Eglon, who had established himself In Jer- icho, which was included in the boundaries of that tribe. [Eglom.] In Josephus he appears as a young man (rtayias)- He was very strong, and left-handed. So A. V. ; but the more literal ren- dering is, as in margin, " shut of his right band." The words are differently rendered: (1) left- handed, and unable to use his right; (2) using his left hand as readily as his right. For (1), are Targum, Joseph., Syr. (impotem), Arab, (aridutn), and Jewish writers generally; Cajet, Buxtorf,

    Parkh., Geeen. (impedUiu): derivation of"^3M

    from "1?1H, the latter only in Ps. lxix. 16, where it — to shut For (2), LXX. (A/upiS^Mf), Vulg. (fw utr&que manu pro dextri uttbatur), Corn, a Lap., Bonfrer, Patrick (cf. w«pi8^{io», Horn. IL xxi. 163, Hipp. Aph. 7, 43); Judg. xx. 16, sole re- currence of the phrase, applied to 700 Benjamites, the picked men of the army, who were not likely to be chosen for a physical defect. As regards Ps.

    lxix. 15, it is urged that ~HJ^ may = corono=

    •Jpeno ; hence "TCSN = apertut = expeditut, q. d. * expedUA dextri ; or if " clatuut," datum dextri = cinctug dextri = wtpitQwt, ambidexter (rid. Pot Syn.). The feint of drawing the dagger from the right thigh (Judg. ill. 91) is consistent with either opinion. For Ehud's adventures see Eo- uos; and for the period of eighty years' rest which his valor is said to have procured for the Is- raelites, see Judges. T. E. B.

    E'KEB ("T?.5 [arootmo-tp,perb..=oii«traai»- planted, foreigner]: 'A«o>; [Comp. 'Udp:] Achar), a descendant of Judah through the fami- lies of Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27).

    EK REBEL CE»p«04a.; [Vat. Sin. E-ype- 8»A:] Peah. a. «s; <\\ x, EcrabaX: Vulg. omiU),

    ■* place named in Jud. vii. 18 only, as " near to Chusi, which is on the brook Mocbmur; " appar- ently somewhere in the hill country to the south- east of the Plain of Esdraelon and of Dothain. The Syriac reading of the word points to the place Aerabbein, mentioned by Eusebiun in the Onomat- (ieon ss the capital of a district called Acrabnttine, and still standing as Akrabih, about 6 miles south- last of Nabtie (Shechem), in the Wady Mnkfi- riyeh, on the road to the Jordan valley (Van de VeUe, ii. 804, and Hap). Though frequently mentioned by Josephus (B. J. ii. 20, § 4, Ui. 8, § 6, Ac.), neither the place nor the district are named in the Bible, and they must not be con-



    a * There Is a play on this meaning as well as the sound of the name In Zeph. U. 4 (T1VR fnfjy), July slightly apparent In the A. V. The Vulg. reminds as of the verbal assonance In Its Aecaron eraauabihtr


    » TU LXX. In both M33., and Josephus (Ant. vt


    founded with those of the same name in the ssuth of Judah. [Akkabbim; Arabattine; Maaleh-

    ACUABB1M.] G.

    EK'ROK O'Tipy [eradication']: i, 'Avar

    m; [1 Sam. v. 10,'xvil. 62>". Rom. Vat. Alex. Ao-xdAvr ; so Bom. Vat 1 Sam. vi. 16, vii. 14; Jer. xxv. 20, FA. 1 Axicaptf] Aecaron [in Josh. xix. 43, Acrun] ), one of the fire towns belonging to the lords of the Philistines, and the most north- erly of the five (Josh. xiii. 3). Like the other Philistine cities its situation was in the She/elah. It fell to the lot of Judah (Josh. xv. [11,] 45, 46; Judg. i. 18), and indeed formed one of the land- marks on his north border, the boundary running from thence to the sea at Jabneel ( Yebna). We afterwards, however, find it mentioned among the cities of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). But it mattered little to which tribe it nominally belonged, for be- fore the monarchy it was again in full possession of the Philistines (1 Sam. r 10). Ekron was the last place to which the ark was carried before its return to Israel, and the mortality there in conse- quence seems to have been more deadly than at either Ashdod or Gath.' From Ekron to Beth- shkuesh was a straight highway. Henceforward Ekron appears to hare remained uninterruptedly in the hands of the Philistines (1 Sam. xvii. 52; 9 K. i. 2, 16; Jer. xxv. 20). Except the casual mention of a sanctuary of Boal-cebub existing there (2 K. i. 2, 3, 6, 16), there is nothing to distinguish Ekron from any other town of this district — it was the scene of no occurrence, sod the native place of no man of fame in any way. The follow- ing complete the references to \\C, [1 Sam. vi. 16, 17, vii. 14;] Am. i. 8; Zeph. ii. 4; Zech. ix. 5,7.

    'AUr, the modem representative of Ekron, lie* at about 5 miles S. W. of Rnmlth, and 3 due E. of i'ebnn, on the northern side of the important valley Wady Surnr. " The village contains about 50 mud houses, without a remnant of antiquity, except two large finely built wells." The plain south is rich, but immediately round the village it has a dreary, forsaken appearance, only relieved by a few scattered stunted trees (Porter, Hnndb. p. 275; and see Van de Velde, ii. 169; Rob. ii. 298). In proximity to Jabneh ( Yebnn) and Beth-shemesh (Ain Shemt), Akir agrees with the requirements of Ekron in the O. T., and also with the indications of the Onomieticon (s. v. Aecaron). Jerome there mentions a tradition that the Tunis Strata nis, Cssarea, was Ekron.

    In the Apocrypha it appears as Accabon (1 Mace. x. 89, only) bestowed with its borders (ra tpta ovrijs) by Alexander Baku on Jonathan Mac- cabaeus as a reward for bis services. It was known in the Middle Ages by the same name. (See the quotation in Kob. ii. 228, note.)

    The word Ekro.nites appears in Josh. xiii. 3, and 1 Sam. v. 10. In the former it should be sin- gular — » the Ekronite ; " in the latter O^fJJJ-


    J 1), substitute Aacalon for Ekron throughout this passage (1 8am. v 10-12). In support of this It should be remarked that, according to the Hebrew text, the golden trespass offerings were given for Atke* Ion, uough It Is omitted from the detailed narrative of tl» Journeying* of the ark. Then an other lm* portent diff er ences between the LXX. anl Hebnn texts of this transaction. See especially ver. 6

    Digitized by


    090 fcKBONITBS, THE


    B*jSjpy^1: i'AKKap»tlnis, ol 'A«-icaA«Mm"a»;

    Gat -ptf, Comp. 'AxuMWrratO .dcearoiiito). e inhabitants of Ekron (Josh, xiii. 8; 1 Sam. r. 10). In the latter passage the LXX. read" Esh- kalonitee." W. A. W.

    BXA ('HXa: Jdaman), 1 Eadr. ix. 97. [Elam.]

    EL'ADAH (rrTy 1 ?^ [whom God adorn* ; or Et$ (Gods) attire, Flint]: 'EKcM, [Vat AooJoi] Alex. EAcaJa: t-'lada), a descendant of Ephraim through Shuthelah (1 Chr. vil. 20).

    EXAH. L (H^ [oaiortereAiirfA]: 'HXii Joseph. "HAokoi: Ela), the son and successor of Baaaha, king of Israel (1 K. xvi. 8-14); his reign lasted for little more than a year (comp. ver. 8 with 10). Ue was killed, while drunk, by Zimri, in the house of his steward Ana, who was probably a confederate in the plot. This occurred, according to Josephus (AnL viii. 12, § 4), while bis army and officers were absent at the siege of Gibbethon.

    2. Father of Hoshea, the last king of Israel (2 K. xr. 30, xvtt. 1). W. L. B.

    EXAH. L (n^H[oaior(er«6MtA]:'HAaW; [in 1 Chr. 'HAdr, Comp. Aid. 'HAd:] Eta), one of the dukes of Edom (Gen. xxxri. 41; 1 Chr. i. 69). By Knobel (Genesis, ad loc.) the name is compared with Elath on the Bed Sea. [Dukk.]

    2. Shimei ben-Elah (accur. Els, frVJfjJ: 'HAd) was Solomon's commissariat officer in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 18).

    3. ('Aid"; [Vat. Hpatat, HAo; Comp. 'HAif :] Alex. AAa). a son of Caleb tbe son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. ir. 15). His sons were called Kenax or Uknaz ; but the words may be taken as if Kenax was, with Elan, a son of Caleb. The names of both Elah and Kenaz appear amongst the Edomite w dukes."

    4. CHXeJj [Vat. om.;] Alex. HAo), son of L*zi, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8), and one of the chiefs of the tribe at the settlement of the country.

    EXAH, THE VALLEY OV(rfy&np$$ = Valley of At Terebinth ; i, *oiAaj 'HAd, or riji tpvit, on<» iyrp mmAoo'i: ValSs Terebinthi), a valley in (not " by," as tbe A. V. has it) which the Israelites were encamped against the Philistines when David killed Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 2, 19). It is once more mentioned in the same connection (rri. 9). We have only the most general indica- tions of its position. It lay somewhere near Socoh of Judah, and Azekah, and was nearer Ekron than any other Philistine town. So much may be gath- ered from the narrative of 1 Sam. xvii. Soooh has been with great probability identified with Suwti- teh, mar to Beit NeOf, some 14 miles S. W. of Jerusalem, on the road to Beit Jibiin and Gaaa, among the mote western of the hills of Judah, not far from where they begin to descend into the great Philistine Plain. The village stands on the south slopes of tbe Wady et-SwU, or Valley of the Aca- cia, which runs off in a N. W. direction across the plain to the sea just above Ashdod. Below Suaeikeh it is joined by two other wudys, large though inferior in size to itself, and the junction af the three forms a considerable open space of not «as than a mile wide, cultivated In fields of grain. In the centre is s wide torrent bed thickly strewed

    with round pebbles, and bordered by the i bushes from which the valley derives Hi name.

    There seems no reason to doubt that this is the Valley of the Terebinth. It has changed its nam* and fat now called after another kind of tree, but the terebinth (Butm) appears to be plentiful in the neighborhood, and one of tbe largest specimens in Palestine still stands in the immAtli.t^ neighbor- hood of the spot A mile down the ralley from Suvaiek is Tell Zutariyeh, which Sehwan (p. 102) and Van de Veide propose to identify with Azekah. If this could be ni»ln<»in«i the site of the. ralley might be regarded as certain. Ekron i> 17 miles, and Bethlehem 12 miles, distant from Socoh. For the ralley, aee Rob. ii. 90, 91; Van de Velde, ii. 191; Porter, Handb. pp. 249, 250 980. [See also Hitter's 6'eoor. of Palestine, Gage's trans, iii. 241; Porter's Crtaitf Cities, Ac, p. 292; Rob, Phys. Gtoor. p. 117; and the refer- ences under David, at the end.]

    There is a point in the topographical indications of 1 Sam. xvii., which it is very «WIi»>Jj. should be carefully examined on the spot The Philistines were between Soooh and Azekah, at Ephes-dam- mim, or Pas-dammim, on the mountain on tbe S. aide of the Wady, while the Israelites were in the

    ralley" (P9?) of the terebinth, or rather on the mountain on the N. aide, and "the ravine'* or

    the glen " (H^H), was between the two armies (ver. 2, 3). Again (ver. 52), the Israelites pursued the Philistines "till yon come to 'the ravine'" (the same word). There is evidently a marked difference between the " valley " and the " ravine," and a little attention on the spot might do much towards elucidating this, and settling the identifi- cation of the place.

    The traditional •> Valley of the Terebinth " la the Wady Beit Hanlna, which lies about 4 miles to the N. W. of Jerusalem, and is crossed by the road to Nebi Samuel. The scene of David's con- flict ix pointed out a little north of the " Tombs of tbe Judges " and dose to the traces of the old paved road. But this spot is in the tribe of Ben- jamin, and otherwise does not correspond with the narrative of the text G.

    EXAM (OV? : [m Gen.,] 'EAd>, [Alex. AiAo/t ; in 1 Chr., Jer. xKx., Ex., Dan. (Theodot), Ai\\d>; in Jer. xxv. 25, Alex.' KA.' omit, Alex.» Aid. AaiSdV; in Is., Rom. EAa/urw; xi. 11, Vat AiAeyieirai, Alex. AiAtyurai; xxi. 9, xxii. 6, Vat Alex. EAcyuiru; Dan. riii. 2 (LXX.), 'EAvpotf :] jElam [Gen. xir. Klamila; Jer. xxr. 25, Klnm\\\\ like Aram, seems to hare been originally the name of a man — the son of Shem (Gen. x. 22; 1 Chr. i. 17). Commonly, however, it is used as the ap- pellation of a country (Gen. xir. 1, 9; Is. xi. 11, xxi. 2, [xxii. 6;] Jer. xxr. 25, xlix. 34-39; Ex. xxxii. 24; Dan. viii. 2), and will be so treated us this article.

    The Elam of Scripture appears to be the prov- ince lying south of Assyria, and east af Persia Proper, to which Herodotus gives the name of Cissia (iii. 91, v. 49, Ac.), and which it termed Susis or Susiana by the geographers (Strab. xr. 3, § 12; Ptolem. vi. 3, Ac). It includes a portion of the mountainous country separating between tbt Mesopotamian plain and the high table-land el Iran, together with a fertile and valuable low trees at the foot of the range, between it and the Tigria

    Digitized by



    fas passage of Daniel (viil. 2) which places Shu- ihan (Sun) in " the provii.ce of Kh*n,'' may be regarded as decisive of this identification, whijh is further confirmed by the frequent mention of Ely- nueans in this district (Strab. xi 13, § 6, xvi. 1, § 17; Ptolam. vi. 8; Plin. H. NM. 26, Ac.), « well as by the combinations in which Elam is found in Scripture (see Gen. xiv. 1; Is. xzi. 9; Ez. xxxii. 24). It appears from Gen. x. 22 that this coun- try was originally peopled by descendants of Sbem, closely allied to the Aranueans (Syrians) and the Assyrians; and from Gen. xir. 1-12 it is evident that by the time of Abraham a very important power had been built up in the same region. Not only is " Chedor-laomer, king of Elam," at the head of a settled government, and able to make war at a distance of two thousand miles from his own country, hot he manifestly exercises a su- premacy over a number of other kings, among whom we even find AmrapheL king of Shintir, or Babylonia. It is plain then that at this early time the predominant power in Lower Mesopotamia was Klam, which for a while held the place possessed earlier by Babylon (Gen. x. 10), and later by either Babylon or Assyria. Discoveries made in the coun- try itself confirm this view. They exhibit to us Susa, the Elamitic capital, as one of the most an- cient cities of the East, and show its uionarchs to have maintained, throughout almost the whole pe- riod of Babylonian and Assyrian greatness, a quasi- independent position. Traces are even thought to have been found of Chedor-laomer himself, whom some are inclined to identify with an early Babylo- nian monarch, who is called the " Ravager of the West," and whose name reads as Kudur-mapulo. The Elamitic empire established at this time was, however, but of short duration. Babylon and As- syria proved on the whole stronger powers, and Elam during the period of their greatness can only be regarded as the foremost of their feudatories, like the other subject nations she retained her own monarchs, and from time to time, for a longer or a shorter space, asserted and maintained her inde- pendence. But generally she was content to ac- knowledge one or other of the two leading powers as her suzerain. Towards the close of the Assyrian period she is found allied with Babylon, and en- gaged in hostilities with Assyria; but she seems to have declined in strength after the Assyrian empire was destroyed, and the Median and Babylonian arose upon its ruins. Elam is clearly a " province " of Babylonia in Belshazzar's time (Dan. viil. 2), and we may presume that it had been subject to Babylon at least from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar. [Elymais.] The desolation which Jeremiah (xlix. 80-34) and Ezekiel (xxxii. 24-25) foresaw, was probably this conquest, which destroyed the last semblance of Elamitic independence. It is uncer- tain at what time the Persians added Elam to their empire. Possibly it only fell under their dominion together with Babylon ; but there is some reason t> think that it may have revolted and joined the Persians before the city was besieged. The prophet lasiab in two places (xxi. 2, xxii. 6) seems to speak of Klam as taking part in the destruction of Baby- on; and unless we are to regara him with our translators as using the word loosely for Persia, we must suppose that on the advance of Cyrus and his Investment of the Chaldasai, capital, Elam made xnumon cause with the assailants. She now be- came merged .n the Persian empire, forming a dis- -nct satrapy (Herod. Hi. 81), and furnishing to the



    crown an annual tribute of 300 talents. Sua, ha capital, was made the ordinary residence of the court, and the metropolis of the whole empire, a curious circumstance, the causes of which will be hereafter considered. [Shushan.] This mark of favor, did not, however, prevent revolts. Not only was the Magian revolution organized and carried out at Susa, but there seem to have been at least two Elamitic revolts in the early part of the reign of Darius Hystaspis (Behistun Inscr. col. i. par. 18, and col. ii. par. 3). After these futile efforts. Elam acquiesced in her subjection, and, as a Per- sian province, followed the fortunes of the empire. It has been already observed that Elam is called Cissia by Herodotus, and Susiaua by the Greek and Roman geographers. The latter is a term formed artificially from the capital city, but the former if a genuine territorial title, and marks probably an important fact in the history of the country. The Elamites, a Semitic people, who were the primitive inhabitants (Gen. x. 22), appear to have been in- vaded and conquered at a very early time by a Hamitic or Cushito race from Babylon, which was the ruling element in the territory from a date anterior to Chedor-laomer. These CtuMtee were called by the Greeks C'utdans (Klaaioi), or C'oiMams {Koaaatoi), and formed the dominant race, while the Ffcmitpq or Elymaaana were in a depressed con- dition. In Scripture the country is called by its primitive title without reference to subsequent changes; in the Greek writers it takes its name from the conquerors. The Greek traditions of Memnon and his Etliiopuiiis are based upon this Cushite conquest, and rightly connect the Ciasiaus or Cosssans of Susiana with the Cushite inhabitants of the upper valley of the Nile. G. K.

    8. ['I«Adp; Alex., by inclusion of prec name, UvovriKu>\\aii] A Korhite Levite, fifth son of Meshelemiah; one of the liene-Asaph [sons of Asaph], in the time of King David (1 Chr. xxri. 3).

    3. [AiAxfii; Alex. AqAsut-] A chief man of the tribe of Benjamin, one of the sons of Shashak (1 Chr. viil. 24).

    4. ('ArAap, [AkdV,] 'HAd>; [in Exr. ii. 7, Vat MaXut; viil. 7, Vat. H\\o; Neh. vii. 19, FA. EKan; 1 Esdr. v. 12, Vat. Iv^uw; viil. 33, Alex. EAou, Vat. (with foil, word) Aafttauu'-] JEiam [in Ear. viil 7, Alam ; 1 Esdr. v. 12, Dam, viii. 33, Salii].) " Children [sons] of Elam," Bene- £ltim, to the number of 1254, returned with Zerub- babel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 7; Neh. vii 12; 1 Esdr. v. 12), and a further detachment of 71 men with Ezra in the second caravan (Exr. viii. 7; 1 Esdr. viii. 33). It was one of this family, Sbe- chaniah, son of JehieL who encouraged Ezra in his efforts against the indiscriminate marriages of the

    people (x. 2, Cetib, OVw, Olam), and six of the Bene-Elam accordingly put away their foreign wives (x. 26). Elam occurs amongst the names of those, the chief of the people, who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 14). The lists of Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii. contain apparently an irregular mixture of the names of places and of persons. In the former, ver. 21-34, with one or two exceptions, are names of places; 3-19, on the other hand, are not known as names of places, and are probably of persons. No such place as Ehuo la mentioned as in Palestine, either in the Bible at in the Onomtutico* of Eusebius, nor low since bssm

    Digitized by


    692 ELAMITES

    u existing in the country. We may

    ) conclude that it in a person.

    A. In the nunc lists is a tecond Elam, whoae

    sons, to the same number u in the former case,

    returned with Zerahbabel (Ear. ii. 81 j Neh. rii.

    84), and which for the sake of distinction is called

    « the other Bam " (~l£l$ D^J : 'HKaiutp, 'Hkafiada; [Comp. 'HAa> and AlAa> irtpos:) JElam alter). The coincidence of the numbers is curious, and also suspicious.

    6. [Bom. Vat om.; Alex. AiAayt; Comp. Aid. 'EAayt: jEiam.] One of the priests who accom- panied Nehemiah at the dedication of the new wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xiL 49). G.

    EXAM1TES (N^VS : [Vat. HAcutowx for Aamubi; Comp. t\\afurai(\\ 'EAv/ioiw, Strab. PtoL: A:lamiitx). This word is found only in Ears, ir. 9; and is omitted in that place by the Septuagint writers, who probably regarded it as a gloss upon " Susanchites," which had occurred only a little before. The Elamites were the original inhabitants of the country called Elam ; they were descendants of Shem, and perhaps drew their name from an actual man, Elam (Gen. x. 22). It has been observed in the preceding article that the Elamites yielded before a Cossnan or Cuahite in- vasion. They appear to have been driven in part to the mountains, where Strabo places them (xi. 13, § 6; xvi. 1, § 17), in part to the coast, where they are located by Ptolemy (vj. 3). Little is known of their manners and customs, or of their ethnic character. Strabo says they were skillful archers (xv. 3, § 10), and with this agree the notices both of Isaiah and Jeremiah, the latter of whom speaks of " the bow of Elam " (xlix. 35), while the former says that " Elam bare the quiver" (xxii. 6). Isaiah adds also in this place, that they fought both on horseback and from chariots. They appear to have retained their nationality with peculiar tenacity; for it is plain from the mention of them on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 9), that they still at that time kept their own language, and the distinct notice of them by Ptolemy more than a century later seems to show that they were not even then merged in the Cosseans. In Jud. i. 6 the name is given in the Greek form as Elt- um\\nb. G. R-

    EI/ASAH (ntpyVy [Coif crtaitd]: "HA- aai: Elata). L One of the Bene-Pashur [sons of PashurJ, a priest, In the time of Ezra, who bad married a Gentile wife (Esra, x. 22). In the apocry- phal Esdras, the name is corrupted to Talsas.

    *• CEAsturdV, Alex. EAutru; [FA. EAtafao; Comp. 'EAsaVa] )■ Son of Shaphan ; one of the two men who were sent on a mission by King Zedekiah to Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon after the first de- portation from Jerusalem, and who at the same time took charge of the letter of Jeremiah the Prophet to the captives in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3).

    Elasah is precisely the same name as Eleasah, the latter being the more correct rendering of the Hebrew word.

    EXATH, ELOTH (nV«& rVlVfc* [trees, oerh. palm4ret$, Gee.; the former a collective sin- gular, and henoe=plural] : AlAaV, AlAdS; [AiAett; i K. xiv. 22, Vat. AiAwp, Alex. EA««; 2 K. xvi. 6, 2 Chr. vHL 17, Alex. AiAop;] Joseph. AnL AlAsvr): Elath, Ailath, jElnth, Aila), the name ■fa *owo of the land of Edom, commonly roen-


    tioned together with Eziohoem a, and siiaats at the bead of the Arabian Gulf, which was thence called the Elanitk Gulf. It first occurs in tht account of the wanderings (Deut ii. 8), and in later times must have come under the rule of David in his conquest of the land of Edom, when u he put garrisons in Edom, throughout all Edom put he garrisons, and all they of Edom became David's servants" (2 Sam. viii. 14). We find Uw place named again in connection with Solomon's navy, " in Erfongeber, which is beside Both, on the shore «f the Ked Sea, in the land of Edom " (1 K, ix. 26; cf. 2 Chr. viii. 17). It was apparently included in the revolt of Edom against Joram recorded in 2 K. viii. 20; but it was taken by Axariah, who " built Elath, and restored it to Judah" (xiv. 22; [2 Chr. xxvi. 2]). After this, however, " Reziu king of Syria recovered Elath, and drave out the Jews from Elath, and the Syrians came to Elath and dwelt there to this day " (xvi. 6). From this time the place is not mentioned until the Roman period, during which it became a frontier town of the south, and the residence of a Christian bisbtp.

    ' > * The Arable name is Aye* (*J^><)-

    In the geography of Arabia, Eyleh forms the extreme northern limit of the province of the Htyas (El-Makreezee, Khitat; and Mardnd, s. v.; cf. Akabia), and is connected with some points of the history of the country. According to several native writers the district of Eyleh was, in very ancient times, peopled by the Sameyda', said to be a tribe of the Amalekites (the first Amalek). The town itself, however, b stated to have received its name from Eyleh, daughter of Midian (El-Makreezee's Khitat, a. v. ; Caussin's Eutri tur t/JitL da Arabti, i. 23). The Amalekites, if we may credit the writings of Arab historians, passed in the earliest times from the neighborhood of the Persian Gulf through the peninsula (spreading over the greater part of it), and thence finally passed into Arabia Petrea. Future researches may trace in these fragments of primeval tradition the origin of the Phoenicians. Herodotus seems to strengthen such a supposition when he says that the latter people came from the Erythraean Sea. Were the Phoeni- cians a mixed Cushite settlement from the Persian Gulf, who carried with them the known maritime characteristics of the peoples of that stock, developed in the great commerce of Tyre, and in that of the Persian Gulf, and, as a link between their extreme eastern and western settlements, in the fleets that sailed from Eziongeber and Elath, and from the southern ports of the Yemen V [See Akabia; Caphtok; Mizkaim.] It should be observed, however, that Tyrian sailors manned the fleets cf Solomon and of Jebosbaphat.

    By the Greeks snd Romans, Elath was called •EAdVa (PtoL v. 17, § 1), AtAaxa (Strabo, xvi. 768; Plin. v. 12, vi. 32). Under their rule it lost its former importance with the transference of its trade to other ports, such as Berenice, Hyos Hormos, and Arsinoe ; but in Mohammedan time* it again became a place of some note. It is uow quite insignificant. It lies on the route of tht Egyptian pilgrim-caravan, and the mountain-road, or 'Akabah named after it, was improved, or recon- structed, by Ahmad Ibn-Tooloon, who ruled Egypt from about A. D. 840 to 8+8. E. S. P.

    • Near the present 'Akabah, at the head of tat EJaoittc Golf, are "extensive mounds of rubbrat

    Digitized by



    irllavUng that a very indent city has hen utterly periahed," remain* which Dr. Robinson supposes to mark the aite of EUtn {BUI Set. i. 341, 1st ed.). Stanley (S.

    EL-BETH'EL (bftWS btf= God of the Home of God: LXX., both HS8. omit the " El," Bw6V)A; and so also Vulg., Domiu Dei, Syr. and Arabic versions), the name which Jacob is said to hare bestowed on the place at which God ap- peared to him when he was flying from Esau (Gen. zxxv. 7). This account diners from the more de- tailed narrative in chap, xxviii., inasmuch as it places the bestowal of the name after the return from Mesopotamia. A third version of the trans- action is given in xxxv. 16. [Bbthel, where see note, Amer. ed.] G.

    ELCI'A ('EAk(o), one of the forefathers of Judith, and therefore belonging to the tribe of Simeon (Jud. viii. 1); what Hebrew name the word represents is doubtful. Hilkiah is probably Chelkias, two steps back in the genealogy. The Syriac version [with 6 Greek MSS.] has Elkana. In the Vulgate the names are hopelessly altered.

    EI/DAAH (ny^^M, whom God calk [Gee.; the knowing one, Flint] : 'Z\\layi, 'EAJoJVx; [in 1 Chr. Vat., EXXoJo, Alex. EASoo:] Eldaa ; Gen. xxr. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), the last, in order, of the sons of Midian. The name does not occur except in the two hsts of Hidian's offspring; and no satisfactory trace of the tribe which we may suppose to have taken the appellation has yet been found. E. S. P.

    EI/DAD and MEDAD ("P^W [alum God love*, Get.]: 'EX»4» xol MtttdS: ' Eldad et ifetlad), two of the 70 elders to whom was com- municated the prophetic power of Hoses (Num. xi. 16, 36 ). Although their names were upon the list which Hoses had drawn up (xi. 36), they did not repair with the rest of their brethren to the taber- nacle, but continued to prophesy in the camp. Hoses being requested by Joshua to forbid this, refused to do so, and expressed a wish that the gfc of prophecy might be diffused throughout the people. The great fact of the passage is the more general distribution of the spirit of prophecy, which had hitherto been concentrated in Moses; and the implied sanction of a tendency to separate the exer- cise of this gift from the service of the tabernacle, and to make it more generally available for the enlightenment and instruction of the Israelites, a tendency which afterwards led to the establishment of "schools of the prophets." The circumstance ■ in strict accordance with the Jewish tradition hat au prophetic inspiration emanated originally from Hoses, and was transmitted from him by a ecitimate succession down to the time of the Cap- it ity. The mode of prophecy in the case of Eldad ■ml Medad was probably the extempore production rf hymns, chanted forth to the people (Hammond): tomp. the case of Saul, 1 Sam. x. 11.

    From Num. x 25, it appears that the gift was



    not merely intermittent, but a continuous though only occasionally developed in action.

    T. E. B.

    ELDER Of??- wpwfiirepos: senior). The term elder or old mom, as the Hebrew literally im- ports, was one of extensive use, as an official title, among the Hebrews and the surrounding nations. It applied to various offices ; Eliezer, for instance, is described as the " old man of the house," i. e. the major-domo (Gen. xxiv. 2) ; the officers of Pha- raoh's household (Gen. 1. 7), and, at a later period, David's bead servants (3 Sam. xii. 17) were so termed; while in E*. xxvii. 9, the "old men of Uebal " are the master-workmen. As betokening a political office, it applied not only to the Hebrews, but afao to the Egyptians (Gen. L 7), the Hoabites and Midianites (Num. xxU. 7). Wherever a pa- triarchal system is in force, the office of the elda will be found, as the keystone of the social and po- litical fabric ; it is so at the present day among the Arabs, where the Sheikh ( = the old man) is the highest authority in the tribe. That the title originally had reference to age, is obvious; and age was naturally a concomitant of the office at all pe- riods (Josh. xxiv. 31; IK. xll. 6), even when the term had acquired its secondary sense. At what period the transition occurred, in other words, when the word elder acquired an official signification, it is impossible to say. The earliest notice of the elden acting in concert as a political body is at the time of the Exodus. We need not assume that the order was then called into existence, but rather that Moses availed himself of an institution already existing and recognized by his countrymen, and that, in short, "we elders of Israel " (Ex. iii. 18, iv. 29) had been the tenate (yepouola, LXX.) of the people, ever since they had become a people. The position which the elders held in the Mosaic constitution, and more particularly in relation to the people, is described under Congkko A rios ; they were the representatives of the people, so much so that eldert and peojile are occasionally used as equivalent terms (comp. Josh. xxiv. 1, with 2, 19, 21, - 1 Sam. viii. 4, with 7, 10, 19). Their author- ity was undefined, and extended to au matters con- cerning the public weal ; nor did the people ques- tion the validity of their acts, even when they disapproved of them (Josh. ix. 18). When the tribes became settled, the elders were distinguished by different titles according as they were acting aa national representatives (•' elders of Israel," 1 Sam. iv. 3; 1 K. viii. 1, 3; "of the land," 1 K. xx. 7, "of Judah," 3 K. xxiii. 1; Es. viii. 1), as district governors over the several tribes (Deut xxxi. 38; 3 Sam. xix. 11), or as local magistrates in the pro vincial towns, appointed in conformity with Deul xvi. 18. whose duty it was to sit in the gate and administer justice (Deut. xix. 12, xxi. 3 ft"., xxii. 15; Kuth iv. 9, 11; 1 K. xxL 8; Jud. X. 6); their number and influence may be inferred from 1 Sam. xxx. 26 ff. They retained thjir position un- der all the political changes which the Jews under- went: under the Judges (Judg. ii. 7, viii. 14, xL 6; 1 Sam. iv. 3, viii. 4); under the kings (3 Sam. xvi 1 4: 1 K. xii. 6, xx. 8, xxi. 11); during the Captivity (Jer. xxix. 1; Es. viii. 1, xiv. 1, xx. 1); subsequently to the return (Ear. v. 5, vi. 7, 14, x. 8, 14); under the Haccabeos," when they were de

    a Soma difficulty arinea at this period from the no- tles in 1 Mace. xtv. 28 of a doubl* body, am, wrtt

    Digitized by




    ■Bribed smietimes as the ttnaie '.ytfovam, I Mace. xii. 8; 3 Mace. i. 10, ir. 44, xi. 27; Joseph. Ant. ul. 3, § 3), sometimes by their ordinary title (1 Mace. vii. 33, xi. 33, xii. 39); and, lastly, at the commencement of the Christian era, when they are noticed as a distinct body from the Sanhedrim, but connected with it as one of the chases whence its members were selected, and always acting in con- junction with it and the other dominant classes. [Sanhedrim.] Thus they are associated some- times with the Chief Priests (Matt. xxi. 23), some- times with the Chief Priests and the Scribes (Matt xri. 21), or the Council (Matt. xxvi. 69), always taking an active part in the management of public affairs. St Luke describes the whole order by the collective term wp*

    ETYEAD (Tfitf [God defender]: 'EA«ft: Elad), a descendant of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 21), but whether through Shuthelah, or a son of the patriarch (the second Shuthelah being taken as a repetition of the first, and Ezer and Elead as his jrotbers) is not to be determined (see Bertheau, Chronik, p. 82).

    KtiKAXBH (n^^ [wKrter God at- eendi, Gee.]: 'EAtoAj; [Num. zxxii. 37, Rom. 'EX«a\\V< Vat EA«oAim»; Is., Alex. sAaAno-e?:] Eleale), a place on the east of Jordan, in the pas- toral country, taken possession of and rebuilt by the tribe of Reuben (Mum. xxxii. 8, 37). We lose tight of it till the time of Isaiah and Jeremiah, by both of whom it is mentioned as a Moabite town, and, as before, in close connection with Heshbon (Is. xv. 4, xri. 9; Jer. xhlii. 34). The extensive ruins of the place are still to be lean, bearing very nearly their ancient name, Et-A'at, though with a modem signification, " the high," a little more than a mile N. of Heshbon. It stands on the summit of a rounded hill, commanding a very extended view of the plain, and the whole of the southern Bttka (Burckh. Syr. p. 365; Seetzen, 1864, i. 467). It is from this commanding altuatica that it doubt- less derives its name, which, like many other names of modern Palestine, is as near an approach to the ancient sound as is consistent with an appropriate meaning. Q.

    ELK ASA CEX«o«r^; Alex. AAwro; [Sin. CJuura-] Lawn), a place at which Judas Macca- jsms encamped before the fatal battle with Bac- shides, in which he lost his life (1 Mace. ix. 5). It was apparently not far from Azotus (comp. 15). Josephut [Art. xii. 11, § 1) has Bethzetho, by which he elsewhere renders Bezeth. But this may be but a corrupt reading of Berzetha or Bethzetha, which is found in some MSS. for Bern in 1 Mace, ix. 4. Another reading is Adasa, where Judas had encamped on a former memorable occasion (vii. 40). It is singular that Bezeth should be mentioned in this connection also (see ver. 19). G.

    * Some have proposed to change the reading to ASoffa (Reland, Grotius), but no such reading is sctually found. According to Ewald (Getch. hr. ii 2, 370 IT.) the place must be sought not far cortfc of Jerusalem. See Ruetschi in Herzog's

    ■, and wptvftOnpo* rift gwpaf j and again In 8 t 8, ytpomrta an 1 wptePvrtpot : the second term star «a ths mint- pal authorities, as Is pmrbana


    RtaUEneyH. iii 760. Judas pursued Baeehida as far as to Azotus (1 Mace ix. 15), but how far aw followed him before approaching this place, aot from what direction, is unknown. II.

    BLB'ASAH (n^y 1 ?^ [Cod made]: EA» o-i; [Vat-Euos:] Elan).' \\. Son of Helez, one of the descendants of Judah, of the family of Heme (1 Chr. B. 39).

    9. CEAcuni; Alex. EA«ura; [1 Chr. viii. 37, Vat laXcuraS; ix. 43, Vat Sin. om.]) Son of Kapha, or Rephaiah ; a descendant of Saul throogxt Jonathan and Merib-baal or Mephibosbeth (1 Chr. viii. 37, ix. 48).

    This name is elsewhere rendered in the A. V. Elasah.

    ELEA'ZAB D*? 1 ?** {Gate Ae4»]: 'EArsr (op: Eleamr). L Third son of Aaron, by EH- sheba, daughter of Amminadab, who was descended from Judah, through Pharez (Ex. vi. 23, 26; xxviii. 1 ; for his descent see Gen. xxxviii. 29, xlvi. 12; Ruth iv. 18, 20). After the death of Nadab and Abihu without children (Lev. x. 1 ; Num. iii. 4), Eleazar was appointed chief over the principal Le- vites, to have the oversight of those who had charge of the sanctuary (Num. iii. 32). With bis brother Ithamar he ministered as a priest during their father's lifetime, and immediately before his death was invested on Mount Hor with the sacred gar- ments, as the successor of Aaron in the office of high-priest (Num. xx. 28). One of his first duties was in conjunction with Moses to superintend the census of the people (Num. xxvi. 3). He also as- sisted at the inauguration of Joshua, and at the division of spoil taken from the Midianites (Num. xxvii. 22, xxxi. 21 ). After the conquest of Canaao by Joshua he took part in the distribution of the land (Josh. xiv. 1). The time of bis death is not mentioned in Scripture; Josephus says it took place about the same time as Joshua's, 26 years after the death of Moses. He is said to have been buried in "the bill of Phinehas " bis son (Gee. p 280), where Josephus says his tomb existed (Ant v. 1, § 29); or possibly a town called Gibeath- Phinebas (Josh. xxiv. 33). The high-priesthood is said to have remained in the family of Eleazar un- til the time of Eli, a descendant of Ithamar, into whose family, for some reason unknown, it passed until it was restored to the family of Eleazar in the person of Zadok (1 Sam. ii. 27; 1 Chr. vi. 8 xxiv. 8; 1 K. ii. 27; Joseph. Ant. viii. 1, § 3!. [This Eleazar is mentioned 1 Esdr. viii. 2; Eoclus. xhr. 23.]

    9. The son of Abinadab, of the « hill " (H^ 32 ) of Kirjath-jearim, consecrated by the people of that place to take care of the ark after its return from the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 1).

    3. [In 2 Sam., Rom. Vat 'EAcordV] The son

    of Dodo 'he Ahohite (*PbK"7^.), i. e. possibly a descendant of Ahoah of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 4); one of the three principal mighty men of David's army, whose exploits are recorded 2 Sam. xxiii. 9; 1 Chr. xi. 12.

    4. [In 1 Chr. xxiii. 21, Alex. EAiofas.] A Merarite Levite, son of Mahli, and grandson of Merari. He is mentioned as having had only daughters, who were married by their " brethn" '

    Implied in the term x «po. The Mentltj of to* via and the wptvfiirtpoi In other passages, b from 1 Msec. xll. 6, compared with 86.

    Digitized by



    f «. their eousins) (1 Chr. xxiii. 31, 82; xxiv. »;.

    5. [Rom. Vat. am.] A print who took part In the feast of dedication under Nehemiah (Neh. til. 48).

    6. [In 1 Eedr., 'EAeoVeyot; in Err., Alex. KA

    7. Son of Phinehaa a Levite (Exr. viii. 33; 1 Esdr. riii. 63).

    * 7 a. ('K\\td(apos: Eleatana.) One of the "principal men and learned," who went op to Jerusalem with Eos (1 Eedr. riii. 43). A.

    8. Eleazar ('EA«4faf>; [3 Mace riii. 23, and] Joseph. 'EA«ffapoj: [Eleuxartu, Eleasar]), sur- named A varan (1 Maoc ii. 6, AuapdV, or AwdV, »nd«o Joeeph.yliX.xii 6, §1; 9, §4. In 1 Maoc ri. 43, the common reading i SouasaV arises either from the insertion of C by mistake after 0, or from a false division of 'E\\si(apos AiaodV). The fourth sou of Mattathias, who fell by a noble act of self- devotion in an engagement with Antiochus Eupa- tor, B. c. 164 (1 Mace. ri. 43 if.; Joseph. Ant. xii. 19, $ 4; B. J. i. 1, J 5; Ambr. dt Offic. Min. i. 40). In a former battle with Nicanor, Eleazar was appointed by Judas to read " the holy book " before the attack, and the watchword in the fight — " the help of God " — was his own name (2 Maoc. viii. 33).

    The surname is probably connected with Arab. kavara, " to pierce an animal behind " (Mich, tub roc.). This derivation seems far better than that of Rodiger (Ersch u. Gruber, «. v.) from Arab. kJunaran, " an elephant-hide." In either case the title is derived from his exploit.

    9. A distinguished scribe ('Z\\t&{apos • • • rote tpwrtvirrw yoafifuxrimy, 2 Maoc. vi. 18) of great age, who sufiered martyrdom during the per- secution of Antiochus Epipbanes (2 Maoc ri. 18- 31). His death was marked by singular constancy and heroism, and seems to have produced consider- able effect. Later traditions embellished the nar- rative by representing Eleazar as a priest (De Mace. 5), or even high-priest (Grimm, ad Mace. 1. c). fie was also distinguished by the nobler title of "the proto-martyr of the old covenant," "the foundation of martyrdom " (Chrya. Horn. 3 m Mace. inlt. Cf. Ambr. de Jacob, ii. 10).

    For the general credibility of the history compare Grimm, Exam flier 2 Mace. ri. 18-rii. in Extg. Handb. ; also Ewald, Gesch. iv. 341, 533. [Mac- cabees.]

    The name Eleazar [ , EAf4fapor] in 3 Maoc. ri. appears to have been borrowed from this Antio- shian martyr, as belonging to one weighed down by age and suffering and yet " helped by God." (For the name eonip. Lazarus, Lake xri. 19-35.)

    10. ['F.A»afa>oj: Eleatarus.] The father of lason, ambassador from Judas Maccabanis to Rome. Jl Mace rin. 17.)

    IX The ton of Eliud, three generations above Joseph, the husband of the Virgin Mary (Matt I 18). B. F. W.

    ELEAZTJ RTJS Ct\\taWt$os; Alex. EAuurr tosi [Aid. 'EWfowpoj; Weohel(1597),'E

    • The torn in the Bishop's Bible and the Geoe-


    tan version is EHozurus, which differs Li bat s single letter from the reading of two of the edi- tions uoted above. It may have easily arisen front a misprint in one of the early editions derived from the Aldine. A.

    • ELECT LADY, THE («*A,irH) n V la: electa domina), 2 John, 1. [John, Second and Third Epistles op.]

    EL EIXyHE IS-KAEL (Vf^? by

    bhTluT = Almighty [Mighty one], Ood of Israel-

    icol hetKaXioaro rbrttbr 'loya^A: Foriimmtm Deum Israel), toe name bestowed by Jacob on the altar which he erected facing the city of Shechem, in the piece of cultivated land upon which he hac pitched his tent, and which he afterwards purchased from the Bene-llamor (Gen. xxxiii. 19, 20).

    •ELEMENTS. The expression " the element! of the world," to ctoix'So tou xiopov, in Gnl. iv. 3 ("even so we, when we were children, were in bondage under the elements of the world; " oomp. ver. 9, and Col. ii. 8, 20, when

    E'LETH (t^j^i=>the Ox: 2«Ai|ic«V, Alex. 2nAaA«o> — both by including the preceding name: Eleph), one of the towns allotted to Benjamin, and named next to Jerusalem (Josh, xviii. 28). The signification of the name may be taken as an indi- cation of the pastoral pursuits of its inhabitant*. The LXX. read Zelah and Eleph as one name, pos- sibly owing to the " and " between them having been dropped ; but if this is done, the number of 14 cities

    cannot be made up. The Peshito has )■ ' * "^ ^^ Uebiro, for Eleph; but what the origin of this can be is not obvious. G.

    ELEPHANT. The word does not occur in the text of the canonical Scriptures of A. V., but is found as the marginal reading to Behemoth, it Job xl. 15. "Elephants' teeth " is the marginal reading for " ivory " in 1 K. x. 33; 3 Cbr. ix. 21. Elephants, however, are repeatedly mentioned in the 1st and 2d books of Maccabees, ss being used in warfare. The way bi which they were used in battle, and the method of exciting them to fight, is described in the 6th chap, of 1 Mace For the meaning of Behemoth, see Behkmotb. For the

    meaning of D^an^T, see Ivory. W. D.

    ELEUTHEROP'OLIS ('EAfufl.oeVoA,., the jrte city), a town of southern Palestine, sit- uated at the foot of the hills of Judah, on the bor- ders of the great plain of Philistia. It is about 35 miles from Jerusalem on the road to Gaza. It is not mentioned in Scripture; but it became in the early centuries of the Christian era one of the most important and nourishing towns in the coon- try. Its ancient name was Betogabra (Bon-art ftpa, At House of Oabra or Oabratt), which mat ocean in the writings of Ptolemy in tl • beginning

    Digitized by




    sf the 9d century (eh. xvi.l. Josephus refers to a targe Tillage called B fa apis (in Rufinus's copy B^TajPpui in this region, which mar be the eame (B. J. it. 8, $ 1). It U found in the Peutinger Tablet aa Betogabri (Relaod, Pal p. 491). IU new name, Kleutlieropolia, first oecura upon eoina in the time of the emperor Septimiua Severus (a. o. 202-3; Eckhel, iii. 488). That emperor during hia visit to Palestine conferred important pririlegea on aeveral cities, and thia waa one of the number. Euaebiua ia the first writer who mentiona Eleuthe- ropolia (Onoin. s. v.), which waa in hia time the capital of a large province. It waa the teat of a bishop, and waa so well known that he made it the central point in Southern Palestine from which the positions of more than 30 other towns were deter- mined. Epiphanius, the well-known writer, was horn in a Tillage three miles from the city, in the beginning of the 4th century, and ia often called an Eleutheropolitan (Kelond, pp. 761, 762). In the year a, d. 796, little more than a century and a half after the Saracenic conquest, Eleutheropolia .waa razed to the ground, and left completely desolate. The Greek language now gare place to the Arabic; and thia city lost its proud name, and its prouder rank together (Keland, p. 087). Like ao many other cities, the old name, which had probably never been lost to the peasantry, was re- Tired among writers ; and we thus find Beigeberin, or some form like it, constantly in use after the 8th century. In the 12th century the Crusaders found the place in ruins, and built a forties: on the old foundations; the remains of which, ai:d the chapel connected with it, still exist. After the battle of Hattin, Beit Jibrin, for such ia its Arabic name, foil into the hands of the Saracens. It was retaken by King Richard of England, but it was finally captured by Bibars (see Will. Tyr. 14, 22; Jac. de Vit in Gesta Dei, pp. 1070, 1071; Bohaeddin, ViL Salad, p. 229). It has since crumbled to ruin under the blight of Mohammedan rule.

    Several curious traditions have found a " local habitation " at Beit Jibrin. One places here the miraculous fountain which sprang from the jaw- bone Samson wielded with such success against Umi Philistines (Anton. Mart. Itin. 30, 32).

    The modern village contains some 60 or 60 houses. It is situated in a little nook, in the side of a long green valley. The ancient ruins are of considerable extent ; they consist of the remains of a strong fortress standing within an irregular in- olosure encompassed by a massive wall. A great part of this outer wall is completely ruinous ; but the north side, which skirts the bank of the valley, is still several feet high. The inclosure is about 600 ft. in diameter. The fortress is about 900 ft. square, and is of a much later date than the outer wall ; an Arabic inscription over the gateway bears the date A. R. 958 (A. D. 1651). Along its south side are the walls and part of the groined roof of a line old chapel — the same, doubtless, which was wilt by the Crusaders.

    The valley, on the side of which the ruins of Eleutheropolia lie, runs up among the hills for two miles or more south-by-east. On each side of it ire low ridges of soft limestone, which rises here snd there in white bare crowns over the dark shrubs. In these ridges are some of the roost ■ainarkabie caverns in Palestine. They are found together in clusters, and form subterranean Tillages, sot are rectangular, 100 ft. and more in length, ar lb smooth walls and lofty arched roofs. Others


    an bell-shaped — from 40 to 70 ft. in diameter, bj nearly 60 ft. in height — all connected together b) arched doorways and winding subtenanean pas- sages. A few are entirely dark; but moat of then are lighted by a circular aperture at the top. They occur at abort intervals along both sides of the whole valley ; and the writer also saw them at eer- eral other neighboring Tillages. We learn from history that the Idumseans [Edomites] came, during the Babylonish Captivity, and occupied the greater part of southern Palestine. Jerome sayr they inhabited the whole country extending from Eleutheropolia to Petra and Elah ; and that Ihtf dwelt in caret — preferring them both on account of their security, and their coolness during the heat •f summer (Cvmm. in Obad.). These remarkable oaves, therefore, were doubtless the work of the Idumseana. (See Handbook for Syria and Pales- tine, p. 255 ff.; Robinson's Biblical Researches, 2d ed. ii. 23, 67 IT.) J. L. P.

    ELEUTHERUS ('EA.itt.poi), a river of Syria mentioned in 1 Mace. xi. 7, xii. 30. In early ages It was a noted border stream. According to Strabo it separated Syria from Phoenicia (xvi. 763), and formed the northern limit of Coele-Syria. Jose- phus informs us that Antony gave Cleopatra " the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, sa far as Egypt, except Tyre and Sidon " (Ant. xt. 4, § 1 ; B. J. i. 18, § 5). A careful examination of the passages in Num. xxxiv. 8-10 and Ex. xlrii. 15- 17, and a comparison of them with the features of the country, lead the present writer to the conclu- sion that this river also formed, for so far, the north- ern border of the " Promised Land " (Fat Tears in Damascus, ii. 354 f.). Pliny says that at a cer- tain season of the year it swarmed with tortoises (ix. 10).

    Of the identity of the Eleutherus with the mod- ern Nabr-eLKebir, " Great River," there cannot be a doubt. Its highest source is at the northeast- ern base of Lebanon ; it sweeps round the northern end of the range, through the opening called in Scripture " the entrance of Hamath " (Num. xxxiv. 8); and, after receiving several small tributaries from the heights of Lebanon, it falls into the Med- iterranean, about 18 miles north of Tripolia. It still forms the boundary between the provinces of Attar and tl-Hutn. During summer and autumn it is but a small stream, easily forded; but in win- ter it swells into a large and rapid river.


    • ELBU'ZAI (3 syl.) U the reading of the A. V. ed. 1611 in 1 Chr. xii. 6 for Eiajzai. A.

    ELHATTAN Ojll^ [Corfwaou oraeiow]: 'EA«orttV; [in 1 Chr., Vat. EAAoa>:] Adeodatus). L A distinguished warrior in the time of King David, who performed a memorable exploit against the Philistines, though in what that exploit exactly consisted, and who the hero himself was, it is not easy to determine.

    (1.) 2 Sam. xxi. 19 says that he was the " son of Jaare Oregun the Bethlehemite," and that he " aa>w Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear waa like a weaver's beam." Here, in the A. V. the words " the brother of" are inserted, to bring tif passage into agreement with,

    (2.) 1 Chr. xx. 6, which states that " Hhanac son of Jair (or Jaor), slew Lahmi, the brother a Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose near," As

    Of these two statements the latter is nrtbaUt

    Digitized by



    correct — the differences betwteu them Ming much muller in the original than in English. We must refer the reader to the Hebrew for the wmpariaon of the two, 11 the discrepancies in which are not greater thau those known to exist in other corrupt passages, but the follow Ing are the grounds of our decision.

    (a.) The word Oregim exists twice in the verse in Samuel, first as a proper name, and again at the end — " weavers." The former has probably been taken in by an early transcriber from the latter, i. e. from the next line of the MSS. To the end of the verse it certainly belongs, since it is found in the parallel passage of Chron., and also forms part of what seems to have been a proverbial de- scription of Goliath (comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 7). The chances are very much against the same word — and that not a common one — forming part of one verse in two capacities.

    (6.) The statement in 3 Sam. xxi. 19 is in con- tradiction to the narrative of 1 Sam. xvii., accord- ing to which Goliath the Gittite was killed by David." True, Ewald (Guch. iii. 91, 98) — from the fact that David's antagonist is, with only 3 ex- ceptions (one of them in the doubtful verses, xvii. 18-39), called "the Philistine," and for other lin- guistic reasons — has suggested that Elhanan was the real victor of Goliath, and that after David be- came king the name of Goliath was attached to the nameless champion whom be killed in his youth. But against this is the fact that Goliath it named 'hrice in 1 Sam. xvii. and xxi. — thrice only though •t be; and also that Elhanan's exploit, from its po- sition both in Samuel and in Chronicles, and from other indications, took place late in David's reign, md when he had been so long king and so long re- nowned, that all the brilliant feats of bis youth must have been brought to light, and well known to his people. It is recorded as the last but one in the series of encounters of what seems to have been the closing struggle with the Philistine*. It was 10 late that David had acquired among his warriors the fond title of " the light of Israel " (2 Sam. xxi. 17), and that his nephew .Jonathan was ok) enough ••o perform a feat rivalling that of his illustrious nacle years before. It was certainly after David was nude king, for he goes down to the fight, not

    with bis "young men " ( N "|!S3)> C u ff hen he was leading his band during Saul's life, but with bis " servants " C'TSV), literally his " slaves," a term almost strictly reserved for the subjects of a king. The vow of his guard, on one of these occasions, that it should be his last appearance in the field, shows that it must have been after the great Am- ajonite war, in which David himself had led the soet to the storming of Rabbah (3 Sam. xii. 39). It may have been between this last event and the

    " It will be found rally examined In Keunlcott • l/uicrtalion, p. 78.

    b • This statement assumes that the two passages re- tjrrod to must relate to the same occurrence. On that icint see ranarks in the addition under David, note, ,. 664. Mr. Deutsch in his art. on « Blhanan " (Kit- la's C)d. of BM. Literature, 3d ed.) deals with the luestkm as one of textual emendation II.

    c Nothing can be mora marked than wis distinction.

    Ys'ar (T?3) U used almost InrarUbly for David's Nlewers up to the death of Saul, and then at once



    battle with Absalom beyond Jordan, though then are other obvious reasons why David stayed within the walls of Mahanaim on that occasion.

    On the whole, therefore, though the question is beset with difficulties, the just conclusion appears to be that the reading in Chronicles is the more correct one, according to which Elhanan is the son of Jair,'' and slew Lachmi the brother of Goliath.

    Jerome in his QuauL Htbr. on both passages — he does not state whether from ancient tradition oi not — translates Elhanan into Adtodatui, and adds filiue taltm polymitarius Btthlthemita — " the son of a wood, a weaver, a Bethlehemite." Adeoda- tus, he says, is David, which he proves not only b) arguments drawn from the meaning of each of the above words, but also from the statement in the concluding verse of the record that all these giants " fell by the band of David and by the hand of his servants," and as Elhanan slew Goliath, Klhanan must be David.

    2. [Elthnncin, Elchanan.] The son of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of "the thirty" of David's guard, and named first on the list (2 Sam. xxiii. 24; 1 Chr. xi. 36). See Kennicott's Diuertatkm, p. 179.

    The same name is also found with Baal substi- tuted for El, — Baau-hanan. (Comp. Bekli-

    ADA.) G.

    E'LI vVp. [ascent, elevation, and concr. tin highest, Gee.]: 'H\\U [Vat. Alex. HXe<0 'HAst, Joseph. : UeU), was descended from Aaron through Ithamar, the youngest of his two surviving sons (I-ev. x. 1, 8, 12), as appears from the fact that Abiathar, who was certainly a lineal descendant of Eli (1 K. ii. 37), had a son, Ahimelech, who is ex- pressly stated to have been "of the sons of Itha- mar " (1 Chr. xxiv. 8; cf. 2 Sam. viii. 17). With this accords the circumstance that the names of Eli and his successors in the high-priesthood up to, and including, Abiathar, are not found in the gen- ealogy of Eleazar (1 Chr. vi. 4-16; 'J. Ezr. vii. 1-6). As the history makes no men'jon of any high-priest of the line of Ithanmr br/oro Eli, he is generally supposed to have ben the first of that line who held the office. ('Ha« VB-irov rairnr [aoxiffMHrtlrna'] wapaAafHsrjs. Joseph. Ant. vili. 1, §3.) From him, his sous bivi-ig died before him, it appears to have yvje-i to his grandson, Ahitub (1 Sam. xiv. 3; Jotepjua, Iiowever, says +h>«/ot)» 81 fjtn (coi Upim, red varpot ovry wcuM»c«xe>pi)KeVoT 8i4 r'o 'fi'/on, Ant v. 11, § 3), and it certainly remained in his family till Abiathar, the grandson of Ahitub, " thrust out from being priest unto the I.ord " by Solomon for his share in Adonijah's rebellion (1 K. ii. 26, 97, i. 7), and the high-priesthood passed back again to the family of Eleazar in the person of Zadok (1 K. ii. 36). How the office ever came into the younger branch of the house of Aaron we are not informed, though there is reason to suppose that its doing so was sanctioned by God (1 Sam. ii. 30). Its return

    | exclusively employed. Even Absalom 1 ' people go by | the former name. This will be evf->- • 'o any one who will look Into the quotations I'uid'i *' * 'Mr wirae in that most instructive boos, Tm £***' Mi-at'e He- ' rnp Concordance.

    I 1 Knld has overcome thr d'JBculty of the two dls- l crepaot passages by a curious eclectic, proce s s. Kress Jhronktes he accepts the dame " Jair," but leave* ■ 'Lahml, the brother of" from 8amnel he taaai I che Bethlehemite," and rej-wU " Oregim."

    Digitized by




    to the elder bnuich was one part of the punishment which had been denounced against Eli during hia lifetime, for hia culpable negligenoe in contenting himself with mere verbal reprimand (1 Sam. ii. 22- 25) instead of active paternal and judicial restraint (til. 13), when his sons, by their rapacity and li- centiousness, profaned the priesthood, and brought the rites of religion into abhorrence among the people (1 Sam. ii. 27-36, with 1 K. Ii 27'.. An- other part of the same sentence (ver. 31-33) ap- pears to have been taking effect in the reign of David, when we read, that " there were more chief men found of the sons of Eleazar than of the sons of Hhamar," sixteen of the former, and only eight of the latter (1 Chr. xxiv. 4). Notwithstanding this one great blemish, the character of Eli is marked by eminent piety, as shown by his meek submission to the divine judgment (1 Sam. iii. 18), and his supreme regard for the ark of God (ir. 18). In addition to the office of high-priest he held that of judge, being the immediate predc- oessor of his pupil Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 6, 15-17), the last of the judges. The length of time dur- ing which be judged Israel is given as 40 years in our present Hebrew copies, whereas the LXX. make it 2(1 years (tUmrir *n>, 1 Sam. iv. 18). It has been suggested in explanation of the discrepancy, that he. was sole judge for 20 years, after having been co judge with Samson for 20 years (Judg. xvi. SI). He died at the advanced age of 98 years (1 Sam. iv. 15), overcome by the disastrous intelli- gence that the ark of God had been taken in battle by the Philistines, who had also slain his sons Hophni and Phinebas. [Ablathar; Elea/.ak; Ithamak.J (See Lightfoot's Works, vol. i. pp. 53, 907, fol. Lond. 1684; Selden, de Success, in Fonttf. Heb,: lib. i. cap. 4.) T. T. P.

    * Stanley (Jewish Church, 1. 421 ff.) has drawn «. touching picture of the circumstances of Eli's sad end. " In the evening of the same day [on which the Philistines defeated the Hebrews] there rushed through the vale of Shiloh a youth from the camp, one of the active tribe of Benjamin, — his clothes Vm asunder, and his hair sprinkled with dust, as the two oriental signs of grief and dismay. A loud wail, like that which on the announcement of any great calamity runs through all Eastern towns, rang Uirough toe streets of the expectant city. The «ged high-priest was sitting In his usual place beside the gate-way of the sanctuary. He caught the cry ; he asked the tidings. He heard the de- feat of the army ; he heard the death of his two •ana; be heard the capture of the Ark of God. It was this last tidings, 'when mention was made of the Ark of God,' that broke the old man's heart. He fell from his seat and died in the falL" H.

    BLI'AB O^^ [Cod is father]: 'EA.40: £Uab). L Son of Helon and leader of the tribe of Zebulun at the time of the census in the wilder- ness of Sinai (Num. I. 9, ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16).

    2. A Keubenite, son of Pallu or Phaliu, whose family wjs one of the principal in the tribe; and father or progenitor of Dathan and Abiram, the Haulers in the revolt against Moses (Num. xxri. 8, 9, xvi. 1, 12; Deut. xi. 6). Eliab had another son jamed Nkhuel, and the record of Num. xxvi. is hterrupted expressly to admit a statement regard- ngr hit sons.

    3. [In 2 Chr., Vat. EXuu-.] One of David's Mothers, the eldest of the family (1 Chr. U. 13; 1 ■sua. iH. », xvii- 13, 88). His daughter Abihail


    married her second cousin Rehoboun, and tat Urn three children (2 Chr. xi. 18): although, taking into account the length of the reigns of David and Solomon, it is difficult not to suspect that the word " daughter " is here used in the Iras strict teats of granddaughter or descendant. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 18, we find mention of " Elihu, of the brethren of

    David," ai» ruler" (TO}), or "prince" (~fy) of the tribe of Judab. According to the ancient Hebrew tradition preserved by Jerome (QmaL Ilebr. ad loc.), this Elihu was identical with Kliab. " Brethren " is however often used in the sense of kinsmen, t. g. 1 Chr. xii. 2.

    4. [In 1 Chr. tv. 18, FA.i EA«/3a; FA.* Vat. EAia£o-] A Levitr in the time of David, who was

    both a "porter" Py'lB?, SMir, i. e. a door- keeper) and a musician on the " psaltery " (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5).

    5. [FA. EAsioj}-] One of the warlike GadiU leaders who came over to David when be was in the wilderness taking refuge from Saul (1 Chr. xii. 9).

    0. An ancestor of Samuel the Prophet; a Ko- hathite Levite, son of Nahath (1 Chr. vi. 27, Heb. 12). In the other statements of the genealogy this name appears to be given as Ei.ihc (1 Sam. I. 1) and Ei.ikl (1 Chr. vi. 34, Heb. 19).

    7. [Sin. Evo/J: Asm.] Son of Xathanad, one of the forefathers of Judith, and therefore belonging to the tribe of Simeon (Jud. viii. 1 ).

    BLI'ADA (.&£?$ [G<*t bum] : 'EAioW [Vat. EwioW), and 'repeated, BooAi/uItf [Vat -*.«-] ; Chr. 'EAwJd; [Vat. £A«3a:) Alex. EAi<8«: hliuda, KUada). X. One of David's sons; accord- ing to the lists, the youngest but one of the family born to him after his establishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16; 1 Chr. iii. 8). From the latter passage it appears that he was the son of a wife and not of a concubine. In another list of David's family we find the name KUada changed to Beeliada, Baal being substituted for El, the false god for the true (1 Chr. xiv. 7). What significance there may be in this change it is impossible to say; at any rate the present is tbe only instance occurring, and even there Eiiada is found in one Heb. MS., also in the LXX. and Syr. versions. [Besuada.] Tbe name appears to be omitted by Josephus in his list of David's family (Ant ril. 3, § 3).

    2. ['EAioScC; Vat. EAtiJa: Eiiada]. A might;

    man of war (Vn 11312), a Benjamlte, who fed 200,000 of his tribe to the army of Jebosbaphat (2 Chr. nil. 17).

    ELI'ADAH 0?T T ,1 ?S I [ff«f tnotrs]: [Rom. Vat-om.;] Alex. EAiaSac: i.'ti»da), apparently an Aramito of Zobah ; father of Heron tbe captain of a marauding band which annoyed Solomon (1 K. xi. 23).

    ELI'ADAS ('EAutSdt: Kliadas), 1 Esdr. is. 28. [Elioknai.]

    ELI'ADTJN CHKiatoiS; [Vat. EiAiaSovyi Alex. EAiooW; Aid. 'HAiatoSrO Vulg. omit*' 1 Esdr. v. 58. Possibly altered from Hkn.vdad.

    BLI'AH (TVfy* [Ood-Jthomk] : Asm) L CEpfel [Vat.] Akx-HAm; [AM. 'HAut*.])- i Benjamite; one of the sons of Jeroham, and a chin

    man (ttTrVl, literally " head "t of the tril e (1 Oh* vin. 27).

    Digitized by



    1. ('HAJa; [Vat FA. HXsio.]) One of the Bene- £km [sons of £fam] ; an Israelite (i. e. a layman) to the times of Ekra, who had married a foreign ■rife (Ezr. x. 26).

    This name is accurately Elijah, and the trans- latora of the A. V. have so expressed it, not only in the name of the prophet (most frequently spelt with a final «), but in another case (Ear. x. 91). [Elijah.]

    BLI'AHBA (H^O^I [«*om Uod today. [2 Sam.,] 'E/uuroo ; '[Alex.] EAiofl i [Comp. 'EAio^W; 1 Chr.] 'EAia/fcl: [Vat. corrupt; FA. EA/ia0a:] Ehaba), a Shaalbonite. «. e. probably from Shaalbim; one of the Thirty of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 32; 1 Chr. xi. 33). [The A. V. ed. 1611, and other early editions, read Ellhaba, with the Genevan version.]

    BMAKIM (D*jJjV$» whom God will estab- lish : [in 2 K.,] tAMKfp, [ Vat - A 1 "- -ftp..] and [Is. xxii. 20,] 'Wcucslp.; [in I»- xxxvi., xxxvii., 'EAuunfpO E&adm). 1. Son of Hilkiah ; master

    of Hewkiah's household (rV$n""75 = " over the house," as la. xxxvi. 3), 9 K. xviii. 18, 26, 37. He succeeded Shebna in this office, after he had been ejected from it (Orotius thinks by reason of his leprosy) as a punishment for his pride (Is. xxii. 15-20}. Eliakim was a good man, as appears by the title emphatically applied to him by God, " my servant Eliakim " (b. xxii. 20), and as was evinoed by his conduct on the occasion of Sennacherib's invasion (2 K. xviii. 37, xix. 1-5), and also in the discharge of the duties of his high station, in which he acted as a " father to the inhabitants of Jerusa- lem, and to the bouse of Judah " (Is. xxii. 21). It was ss a special mark of the Divine approbation of his character and conduct, of which however no further details have been preserved to us, that he was raised to the post of authority and dignity which he held at the time of the Assyrian invasion. What this office was has been a subject of some per- plexity to commentators. The ancients, including the LXX. and Jerome, understood it of the priestly

    office, as appears by the rendering of |3D (Is. xxii. 15, A. V. "treasurer") by murroQietoy, the "priest's chamber," by the former, and of

    JTBrP /5 by "propositus templi" by the latter. Hence Nieephorus, as well as the author of the Alexandrian Chronicle, includes in the list of high- priests, Somnas or Sobnas (t. e. Shebna), and Eliakim, identifying the latter with Shallum or Meshulbun. Hi* 12th high-priest is, " Somnas, Ule impius et perditug, regnante Ezechia," and his 3th, " Eliakim Muselum." But it is certain from ne description of the office in Is. xxii., and espe- v-auy from the expression in ver. 22, " the key of the house of David will I lay upon his shoulder; " (hat it was the King's house, and not the House if God, of which Eliakim was prefect, as Abishar .■ad been in the reign of Solomon, 1 K. iv. 6, and Azrikam in that of Ahaz, 2 Chr. xxviii. 7. And with this agrees both all that is said, and all that is not said, of Eliakim's functions. The office Menu to have been the highest under *h? king, as was the case in Egypt, when Pharaoh said to Joseph,

    "Than shalt be over my house OH^S'by) . . . ally in the throne will I be greater than thou," 3*n xli. 40, comp. xtxix. 4. In 9 Chr. xxviii. 7,



    the officer is called ^ governor (T22) of the house.' It is clear that the " Scribe " was inferior to him for Shebna, when degraded from the prefecture of the house, acted as scribe under Eliakim,' 2 h_ xviii. 37. The whole description of it too by Isaiah implies a place of great eminence and power. This description is transferred in a mystical or spiritual sense to Christ the son of David in Rev. iii. 7; thus making Eli akim in some sense typical of Christ. This it is perhaps which gave rise to the interpre- tatioif of Eliakim's name mentioned by Origen, t Btii pou iyiorn- or as Jerome has it, Dei resur rtciio, or Retuiyau thus; and also favored the mystical interpretation of the passage in Isaiah given by Jerome in his commentary, based upon the interpretation of JJJD (A. V. "treasurer") as " habitant in tabernaado," as if it imported tho removal of the Jewish dispensation, and the setting up of the Gospel in its place. The true meaning

    of ] JD is very doubtful " Friend," i. e. of the king, and " steward of the provisions," are the two most probable significations. Eliakim's career was a roost honorable and splendid one. Most com- mentators agree that Is. xxii. 25 does not apply to him, but to Shebna. Eliakim's name also occurs 2 K. xix. 2; Is. xxxvi. 3, 11, 22, xxxvii. 2. (See further Jerome de Norn. Hebr. and Comm. on Is. 15 ff.; RosenmUll. ib. ; Bp. Lowth's Nota on l». ; Selden, de Success, in Pontif. Hebr. ; Winer, s. v.)

    2. ['EAioxfp: Vat. Alex, -miu,: EUadm, EH- (lii'm.J The original name of Jehoiakim king of Judah (2 K. xxiii. 34; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 4). [Ja> H01AK1M.]

    3. [Kom. Vat. Alex. FA.» omit; Comp. Aid. FA.» "EMtacip- Etiachim.] A priest in the days of Nehemiah, who assisted at the dedication of the new wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xli. 41).

    4. ['EAuucff/i.] Eldest son of Ahiud, or Judah; brother of Joseph, and father of Azor, Matt i. 13. [Genbaiogy of Christ.]

    5. ['EAuuttlp: EHaldm.] Son of Melea, and father of Jonan, Luke in. 30, 31. [Iun>.]

    A. C. H.

    ELI'ALI ('EXioAf; [Vat KhaXtttQ Alex. EAiaAtC Diehis), 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Biswm.]

    EM'AM (D^bS: 'EA«*0, Vat and Alex.; [Comp. 'EAiaVO EUam). L Father of Bath-sheba, the wife of David (2 Sam. xi. 3). In the list of 1 Chr. iii. 6, the names of both father and daughter are altered, the former to Ammiel and the latter to Bath-shua : and it may he noticed in passing, that both the latter names were alsn tho«e of non- Israelite persons, while Uriah was a Hittite. (Comp. Gen. xxxviii. 12; 1 Chr. ii, 3; In both of which

    » the daughter of Shua" is JltP H3, Bath-shua; also 2 Sam. xvii. 27.) The transposition of the two parts of the name El-i-am in Anim-i-el, does not alter its Hebrew signification, which may b» " God is my people."

    2. [Alex. EAicup.] Son of Ahitbopbel the Gil- onite; one of David's "thirty" warriors (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). The name is omitted in the list of 1 Chi. xi., but is now probably dimly discernible at "Ahiiah the Pebnite" (ver. 36) (see Kennicott,

    « Bp. Lowth thinks, but without sufficient rssmn that this Shebna is a different person from the other

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    Auswtociui, p.207). The andent Jewish tradition l«eserved by Jerome ( Qu. Htbr. on 9 Sam. xi. 3, and 1 Cbr. iii. 5) is that toe two Eliami ere one ■nd the tame person. An argument has been bonded on this to account for the hostility of Ahithophel to King David, as having dishonored his house and caused the death of his son-in-law (Blunt, Coincidence*, Pt II. x.). But such argu- ments are frequently grounded on ignorance of the habits and modes of feeling of Orientals, who often see no shame iu that which is the greatest disgrace to us.


    ELI'AS ('HAtoi; [V«t> M. in Ecclus. xlviii. 1, HA«m; ver. 12, HAcuu;] in Maccabees, and Lachm. [also Treg.] in N. T. 'Hxiasi [Tisch. in N. T. 8th ed. 'HAclat:] Ettas, but in Cod. AmiaL Helios), the form in which th* name of Elijah is given in the A. V. of the Apocrypha and X. Test. : Eeclus. xlviii. 1, 4, 12; 1 Mace ii. S8; Matt xi. 14, zvi. 14, xvii 3, 4, 10, 11, 13, xxvii. 47, 49; Mark vi. 15, viii. 28, ix. 4, 5, 11, 12, 13, xv. 85, 36; Luke i. 17, iv. 25, 26, ix. 8, 19, 30, 33, 54 [ree. text] ; John i. 21, 25; Rom. xi. 2; James v. 17. In Rom. xi. 2, the reference is not to the prophet, but to the portion of Scripture designated by his name, the words being lv 'HAlo, " in Klias," not as in A. V. " of Elias." [Biblk, p. 306 a.]

    ELI'ASAPH (^l?^ {added of God]: 'EAio-tup; [Vat M. ZKaveup, exc. Num. I. 14:] EKataph). L Son of Deuel; head of the tribe of Dan at the time of the census in the Wilder- Mas of Sinai (Num. i. 14, li. 14, vii. 42, 47, x.


    2. Son of Lael; a Levite, and "chief of the nouse of the father of the Gershonite " at the same time (Num. iii. 24).

    ELI'ASHIB (a^tt?; 1 ?^ [«*o» God restores] : 'FAiatrt&dy, 'EXiaffl, "E\\uur*l0, "EKtaoavB, vi A.: ESatub, Eliasib), a common name at the jiter period of the O. T. history.

    1. I'ZKtafil, Vat-0i«; Alex. EAuurti/9: ElUi- o6.] A priest in the time of King David, eleventh

    In the order of the "governors" 0^W) of the sanctuary (1 Car. xxiv. 12).

    2. ['ZKuurt&6v\\ Vat A

    3. fEAuuroljS, -al$, 'EA.iaoii/3, eta: EHasib.] High-priest at Jerusalem at the time of the re- building of the walls under Nehenuah (Neh. iii. 1, 20, 21). His genealogy is given in iii. 10,

    12, 23. Eliashib was in some way allied (3"np = near) to Tobiah the Ammonite, for whom he had prepared a room in the Temple, a desecration which excited the wrath of Nehenuah (Neh. xiii. «, 7). One of the grandsons of Eliashib hsd also married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite (xiii. 28). There seems no reason to doubt that th* same Eliashib is referred to in Ear. x. 6.

    4. lEkurifi, FA. -

    5. ['EAirouft Vat. -trovBnX, FA. •«»»] A an of Zattu (En-, x. 27), [Elwimus] and

    *. ['EA«urt«., Vat Ekematup, FA. -c««j8,


    Comp. Aid. 'EAiao-ijB, Alex, -cvifl-] A son el Bani (x. 36), [Esasibus. Eliasis], both of when had transgressed in the same manner.

    BLI'ASIS ('EAl«ru, [V»*- Alex.] EA«r«« EliatU), 1 Esdr. ix. 84. This name answers U Mattenai in Ear. x. 33; but is probably merely a repetition of Enabibus, just preceding it [which corresponds to Eliashib, 6].

    ELI'ATHAH (nJT^bg and nn*h& [u, idiom God comes]: 'EAta0d; [in ver. 4, Vat HKiaSaB; in ver. 27, Vat AiuoOa, Alex. EA

    ELIDAD (TybS Uoted °f God] : 'EA8si3: Eluiad), son of Chislon; (he man chosen to repre- sent the tribe of Benjamin in the division of the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 21).

    E'LIEL (^tf ^ [to whom God is strength] : 'EA<4a; (Vat EA«"i(A:] Eliel). L One of the heads of the tribe of Msnasseh — of that portion of the tribe which was on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24).

    2. [TatEA«mA; Aid. 'EAi40-] Son of Tosh a forefather of Samuel the Prophet (1 Chr. vi. 34, Heb. 19). Probably identical with Elihu, 2, and Euau, 6.

    3. ('EAinAi [Vat -A«; Comp. Aid. 'EXi^A.]) One of the Bene-Shimhi; a chief man in the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 20).

    *• ( EA«r)A.) Like the preceding, a Benjamua, but belonging to the Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii. »)•

    5. (Alex. 'l«Ai«JA; [Vat FA. corrupt]) "The Mahavite; " one of the heroes of David's guard in the extended list of 1 Chr. (xi. 46).

    0. (AaAi^A; [Vat FA. AoAsidA;] Alex. AAiijA-) Another of the same guard, but without any express designation (1 Chr. xi. 47).

    7. ('EA«tj8; [Alex. Comp. AM. 'EAivJA.]) One of the Gadite heroes who came across Jordan to David when be was in the wilderness of Judah hid- ing from Saul (1 Chr. xii. 11).

    8. [Vat EAije, NqiqA; FA. EnjA, EAq*v] A Kohathite Levite, "chief" (~1B7) of the Bene- Chebron at the time of the transportation of th* Ark from the House of Obed-edom to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 9, 11).

    6. [Vat I«€H)\\; Alex. UhnX-] A Levite in the time of Hezekiah; one of the "overseen"

    (CTrpSJof the offerings made in the Temple (2 Chr.'xxxi. 13).

    ELIETNAI CrF 1 ?*? [P«A- to God art mf eyes] : 'EAivraf; [Vat EAwAiaai Alex. EAum»- ytii] Attoenni), one of the Bene-Shimhi; a de- scendant of Benjamin, and a chief man in the tribs (1 Chr. viii. 20).

    ELIE'ZER niF^ft "S God (is my) help [or Cod of help]: 'EAitf**: [EHeter]). L Abra- ham's chief servant, catted by him, as the p sssags is usually translated, "Eliezer of Damascus," or "that Damascene, EUner" (Gen. xv. 2/. Then is a contradiction in the A. V., fcr it does not ap

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    for how, if he wu "of Daroasmw." be could be ■bora in Abraham's home" (ret. 3). But the

    nhrase s n > 3*73, " eon of my house," only imports that he was one of Abraham's household, not that he was bora in hia house. In the preceding verse

    VV3 P???} 73 A«-i should probably be rendered " the son of possession," i. t. possessor, " of my bouse, shall be . . . Eliezer." It was, most likely, this same Kliezer who is described in Gen. xxiv. 2, as the cLIest tetxanl of Abraham's house , that ruled over all Hint he had, and whom his master sent to Padan-Aram to take a wife for Isaac from among his own kindred. With what eminent zeal and faithfulness he executed his commission, and how entirely be found the truth of what his own name expressed, bi the providential aid he met with on his errand, is most beautifully told in (Jen. xxiv. It should, however, be said that the passage (Gen. xv. 2), in which the connection of Eliezer with Da- mascus seems to be asserted, is one of extreme ob- scurity and difficulty. The sense above ascribed to

    PQ7P (after Simonu and Gesenius) rests only upon conjecture, the use of " Dimntau " for " Uiuiit- cene " it very unusual, and the whole arrangement of the sentence very harsh. There is prulably something at the bottom of it all, besides the allit- eration between Methtk and f) unmeshek, which we are ignorant of, and which U wanting to clear up the sense. The two passages, " origo IMmascen i, Syria nobiliaima civiUu . . . If omen urbi a Ditmat rege imlitum . . . Pott Dimrucum Azelus, max Adores et Abraham et Itrahel rege* faere" (Justin, lib. xxxvi. cap. 2): and 'Afipi- unt WaaiXtuo* Aafiao-Kov . . . rov Si 'Aflod^iov Iti Kal vvt> tV rp Aa+iaamitry TO iyo/ia 8o{d- fercu- koI Kcifxri aw' airrov tflitrvTtu 'Afipi/ttv •fKne-ii AryepeVn (Joseph. Ant. i. 7, % 2, quoting Nicol. Damascen. ) have probably some relation to the narrative in Gen. xv. (See Gesen. The*. s. v.

    ptTPi Rosenmiiller on Gen. xv. ; Knobel, Gen- ait.)

    * Kaliscb {Genesis, p. 365) maintains that the

    word* "1T5 ,l 7y ptTOI in Gen. xv. 2, cannot possibly be' translated '" Eliezer of Damascus," but most be taken as a compound proper name, " Dam- mesek (or Damascus) Eliezer," like Hadad-ezer. Chushan-Rishathaim. The LXX. reads Aafuurxos "Z\\i4(ep. A.

    3. ['EKt4(ep, (not' EX.) in 1 Chr.] Second son of Moses and Zipporah, to whom his rather gave this name, "because, said he, the God of my father was my help, that delivered me from the sword of Pharaoh " (Ex. xviii. 4; 1 Chr. xxiii. 15. 17). He remained with his mother and brother Gersbom, in the care of Jethro his grandfather, when Moses returned to Egypt (Ex. iv. 18), she having been sent back to her father by Moses (Ex. xviii. 2), though she set off to accompany him, and went part of the way with him. .lethro brought lack Zipporah and her two sons to Muses iu toe .rildemess, after be heard of the departure of the (ataeines from Egypt (xviii.). Eliezer had one son, Sehabiah, from whom sprang a numerous posterity 1 Chr. xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25, 26). SheLjiith in the vigiis of Saul and David (ver. 28), who had the an uf all the treasures of things dedicated to God, •as descended from Eliezer in the 6th generation, I U« genealogy in 1 Chr. xxvi 26 is oomplete.



    3. One of the sons of Bechet. the son of Ben- jamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).

    4. A priest in the reign of David, one of thost appointed to sound with trumpets before the Ark on its passage from the house of Obed-edom to the city of David (1 Chr. xv. 24).

    5. Son of Ziehri, ''ruler" (Taj) of the Keu- benites in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16).

    6. [Vat. EAtmSo.] Son of Dodavah, of Mire- shah in Judah (2 Chr. xx. 37), a prophet, who re- buked Jehoshaphat for joining himself with Abaziah king of Israel, " who did very wickedly," in making a combined expedition of ships of Tarshish to go to Ophir for gold ; and foretold the destruction of his fleet at Ezion-geber, which accordingly came to pass. When Abaziah proposed a second expedi- tion, Jeboshaphat refused (2 Chr. xx. 35-37; 1 K. xxii. 48, 49). The combination of the names Kliezer and Dodavah almost suggests that he may have been descended from David's mighty man, Eleazar the son of Dodo (2 Sam. xxiii. 9).

    7. ['r.\\fA(ap] A chief Israelite — a " man of understanding " — whom Ezra sent with others from Abava to Casiphia, to induce some Levites and Nethinim to accompany him to Jerusalem (Ext. viii. 16). In 1 Esdr. viii. 43, the name is given as KUfAZAft.

    8. 8, 10. [Ezr. x. 23, FA. EAiafop; ver. 31, Vat EA.«i, Ef«p-] A priest, a Invite, and an Israelite of the sons of Harim, who, in the time of Ezra, had married foreUrn wives (Ezr. x. 18, 23, 31). The former is called Elkazar, the second Elbazurcs, and the third Euo.nas, in 1 Esdr. ix. 19, 24, 32.

    1L Son of Jorim, 13th in descent from Nathan the son of David, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iil. 29). A. C. H.

    • ELI'HAB A U the reading of the A. V. ed. 1611, and other early editions, in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32, and 1 Chr. xi. 33, for Eliauba. A.

    ELIHOJfrNAI [5 syl] (^VT^ [ti Jehovah my eyes] : 'EAianC, Alex. EAjaara: Eliot- nai), son of Zerahiah, one of the liene-l'ahath- moab, who with 200 men raturned from the Cap tivity with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 4). In the apocrypha 1 Eadraa the name is Euaonlas.

    ELIHOTftEPH (^TrTbS [««/ *« ream liente, Ces.] : 'E\\«f; [Comp. 'f.\\ixiptip'] Klihoreph), son of Sbisha. He and

    his brother Ahiah were scribes (CHSJD) to Sob mon at the commencement of his reign (1 K iv. 3).

    ELITTTJ (MWT>^ [God it lie, i. e. Jeiu- vnh]: 'EAiotij: Elm). 1. One of the interlocu- tors in the book of Job. He is described as the " son of Barachel the Buzite," and thus apparently referred to the family of Buz, the son of Nahor, and nephew of Abraham (Gen. xxii. 21). This supposition suits well with the description of the other personages [Euphaz; Bildad]," and the probable date to be assigned to the scenes recorded. ) In his speech (cc. xxxii.-xxxvii.) he describes him- I sell' at younger than the three friends, and accord- ingly his presence is not noticed in the first chap- ters. He expresses his desire to moderate between I the disputants; and his words alone touch upon,

    1 a The eoniMotioo of Dsdan and Tana with Sas sa I Jar. xxv. 28. la also to b» notfea*

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    although they do uot thoroughly handle, that idea of the disciplinal nature of suffering, which is the key to Job's perplexity and doubt; but, aa in the whole book, the greater stress is laid on God's un- searchable wisdom, and tbe implicit fiaitfa which he demands. [Job, Book op.] A. B.

    3. ("HAioii [Vat. HA*«w; Alex. EAiov]-) Son of Tohu; a forefather of Samuel the I*rophet (1 Sam. i. 1). In the statement* of the genealogy of Samuel in 1 Chr. vi. the name Eliki. occurs in the same position — son of Toah and father of Jero- ham (vi. 84, Ueb. 19); and also Eliab (vi. 27, lleb. 12), father of Jeroham and grandson of Zo- phai. The general opinion is that Elihu is the original name, and the two latter forms but copy- ists' variations thereof.

    3. (Vat. and Alex. E\\ia£; [Comp. Aid. 'EAla,]) A similar variation of the name of Eliab, the eld- est sou of Jesse, is probably found in 1 Chr. xxvii. 18, when Elihu "of the lirethren of David " is mentioned as tbe chief of the tribe of Judah. But see 1 Chr. xii. 3, where, in a similar connection, the word " brethren " is used in its widest sense. Tbe LXX. retains Eliab. [Eliab, 3.] In this place the name is without the final Aleph —


    4. ('EAi/iott; Alex. EAiovS; [Comp. Aid. •KAjoS.]) One of the " captains" CtPKJ, i. t. heads) of the " thousands of Manasseh " (1 Chr. xii. 80) who followed David to Ziklag after he had left tbe Philistine army on the eve of the battle of Gilbua and who assisted him against the maraud- ing band (THJ) of tbe Amalekites (comp. 1 Sam. ixx.).

    6. (UrbW: 'EAioS; [Vat. Ewou.]) A Kor- hito Levite in the time of David; one of the door- keepers (A. V. "porters") of the house of Jeho- vah. He was a son of Sbemaiah, and of the family of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). Terms are applied to all these doorkeepers which appear to Jidicate that they were not only <• strong men," as in A. V., but also fighting men. (See w. 6, 7,

    8, 12, in which occur tbe words VT1 = army, and

    ^^33 = warriors or heroes.) G.

    ELI'JAH. L (generally VrjbN, Etiyaku,

    •ut sometimes H^vM, AViyoA [God-Jthovalt]:

    « Bj Chrysostom and others the name is Oreclaed otn 'HAtot , as if signifying tbe brightness of the sun.

    » Stanley, 5. If P. p. 828. In the Acta Sanctorum, 1» is called Pmdigiaua Vutbitn.

    c " Omnium sua? setatt* Prophetarum facile prtn- erps ; et, si a Moee disceseeris, null! secundus " (Fiiach- Baatb, in Oil. Sacri, quoting from Aberbanel).

    <* The Hebrew text I* ">32?nO \\3U7nn VrVH

    '3. The third word may be pointed (1) as In the present Hasoretic text, to mean " from the inhabitants sf Uiiead," or (2) " from TIsbM of Ulleed ; " which, with a alight change in form, is what the LXX. has. n» latter is followed by Bwald (HI. 486, note). Light- "oot assomes, bat without giving his authority, that t^nU was from Jabesh Oilead. By Josephns he u ■aM to have come from Tbesbon — in wtSAmt Sraffai- rvf rrjc roAaaSinoof x**?** (vH- 18, § 2). Perhaps ihOs may have been read aa Hcehbon, a city of the trlatts, and have given rise to tbe statement of Kpi- sUa-naa, that he was " of the tithe of Aaron," and


    HAiou, [Vat. HXsiov, exc Hal. It 5, 'H»iiu;j Aquila, H\\lai a N. T. 'H\\f«, ['"«*• 8th ad 'HAsfax:] £'&w). Elijah the Tishbite has been well entitled " the grandest and the most ro- mantic character that Israel ever produced." b Cer- tainly there is no personage in the O. T. whose career is more vividly portrayed, or who exercises on us a more remarkable fascination. His rare, sudden, and brief appearances, his undaunted cour- age and fiery seal, the brilliancy of his triumphs, the pathos of his despondency, the glory of his de- parture, and the calm beauty of his reappearance on the Mount of Transfiguration, throw such a halo of brightness around him as is equalled by none of his compeers in the sacred story. c The ignorance in which we are left of the circumstances and antecedents of the man who did and who suf- fered so much, doubtless contributes to enhance our interest in the story and the character. " EUjah the Tishbite of the inhabitants of Gilead," is liter- ally all that is given us to know of his parentage and locality.'' It is in remarkable contrast to the detail with which the genealogies of other prophet* and leaders of Israel are stated.. Where the place — if it was a place — lay, which gave him this ap- pellation we know not, nor are we likely to know. It is not again found in the Bible, nor has any name answering to it been discovered since.'


    The mention of Gilead, however, is the key-note to much that is most characteristic in the story of the prophet. Gilead was tbe country on the further side of the Jordan — a country of chase and pasture, of tent-villages, and mountain-castles, in- habited by a people not settled and civilized like those who formed the communities of Ephraim and Judah, but of wandering, irregular habits, exposed to the attacks of the nomad tribes of the desert, and gradually conforming more and more to the habit* of those tribes ; making war with the Iia- garites, and taking the countless thousands of tbeii cattle, and then dwelling in their stead (.1 Chr. v. 10, 19-22). To an Israelite of the tribes west of Jordan tbe title "Gileodite" must have conveyed a similar impression, though in a far stronger degree, to that which the title " Celt " does to us. What the Highlands were a century ago to the towns in the Lowlands of Scotland, that, and more than that, must Gilead have been to Samaria or Jerusalem./ One of the most famous heroes in the early annate

    grandson of Sfedok. See aim th« (V»s Patch, m rabriciuisCW. Ptnulcp. V. T i 1070, fcc; and Qna- reanriuK, Elurid. U. 005. According to Jewish tradi- tion — grounded on a certain similarity between Uu Uery seal of tbe two — Elijah was Identical whh Phln- ehas tbe son of Kieasar the priest. He was also the angel of Jehovah who appeared In Ore to Gideon (lightfout on John i. 21 : Hsenmsnger, I. 686). Arab tradition places fate birthplace at OilAad GiUiood, a few miles N. of c.-Salt (Trby, p. 86), and his tomb naar Damascus (Mlsllo. I. 4W).

    '- The common assumption — perhaps originating with Hiller (O*om p. 947) or Beland (Pat. p. 1085)— is that he was born in the town Thisbs mentioned m Tob. i. 2. But not to Insist on the tact that this Ttaiabe was not In Oilead but in Naphtali, it is nearlv certain that tbe name has no real existence In taal passage, but arises from a mistaken translation of tht same Hebrew word which is rendered « InbabitMrta ' in 1 K. xvti. 1. [Trass*.]

    / See s good passage Ulostrativa of this a* «•» Jtsa chap. xlx.

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    4 Israel was " Jephthah the Gileadite,'' in whom ill then characteristics ware prominent; and Pro- fessor Stanley hu well remarked how impossible it la rightly to estimate hie character without recol- lecting this bet (8.

    With Elijah, of whom so much ia told, and whose port in the history was so much more im- portant, this is still more necessary. It is seen at every turn. Of his appearance as he " stood be- fore" Ahab — with the suddenness of motion to this day characteristic of the Bedouins from his native hills, we can perhaps realize something from the touches, few, but strong, of the narrative. Of his height little is to be inferred — that little is in favor of its being beyond the ordinary size." His chief characteristic was his hair, long and thick, and hanging down his back,' and which, if not betokening the immense strength of Samson, yet accompanied powers of endurance <• no less remark- able. His ordinary clothing consisted of a girdle of skin •* round his loins, which he tightened when about to move quickly (1 K. zviii. 46). But in addition to this he occasionally wore the " mantle," or cape, < of sheep-skin, which has supplied us with one of our most familiar figures of speech./ In this mantle, in momenta of emotion, he would hide his face (1 K. xix. 13), or when excited would roll it up as into a kind of staff-P On one occasion we find him bending himself down upon the ground with his face between his knees.* Such, so far as the scanty notices of the record will allow ua to conceive it, was the general appearance of the great Prophet, an appearance which there ia no reason to think was other than uncommon even at that time.' " Vir qui curationem et cultum corporis despiceret; facie squalente, que multitudine suorum crinium obumbraretur .... pelle caprina tantum de corpora tegentem quantum abscondi decorum erat, reliqua corporis ad era perdurantem " (Gregory Nyss. quoted by Willemer de Paliio KSa in Cril. Sacri).

    The solitary life in which these external pecul- iarities bad been assumed had also nurtured that fierceness of zeal and that directness of address which so distinguished him. It was in the wild loneliness of the hills and ravines of Gilead that the knowledge of Jehovah, the living God of Israel, had been impressed on his mind, which was to

    ELIJAH 70S

    I form the subject of his mission It the ktoeafmsst court and country of Israel.

    The northern kingdom had at this time forsaken almost entirely the faith in Jehovah. The worship of the calves had been a departure from hint, it was a violation of his command against material resemblances; but still it would appear that even in the presence of the calves Jehovah was acknowl- edged, and they were at any rate a national insti- tution, not one imported from the idolatries of any of the surrounding countries. [Calk.] They were announced by Jeroboam as the preservers of the nation during the great crisis of its existence : " Behold thy gods, Israel, that brought thee up out of the land of Egypt " (1 K. xii. 38). But the case was quite different when Ahab, not conta.t with the calf-worship — "as if it bad been a light thing to walk in the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat " — married the daughter of the king of Sidon, and introduced on the most extensive scale (Joseph. Ant. ix. 6, § 6) the foreign religion of his wife's family, the worship of the Phoenician BaaL What this worship consisted of we are ignorant — " doubtless it was of a gay, splendid, and festal char- acter, and therefore very opposite to the grave, revere service of the Mosaic ritual. Attached to it and to the worship of Asherah (A. V. " Ashtaroth," and "the groves") were licentious and impure rites, which in earlier times had brought the heaviest judgments on the nation (Num. xxv. ; Judg. ii. 13. 14, Hi. 7, 8). But the most obnoxious and evil characteristic of the Baal-religion was that it was the worship of power, of mere strength, as opposed to that of a God of righteousness and goodness — a foreign religion, imported from nations the hatred of whom was inculcated in every page of the law, as opposed to the religion of that God who had delivered the nation from the bondage of Egypt, had " driven out the heathen with his hand, and planted them in ; " and through whom their fore- fathers had "trodden down their enemies, and destroyed those that rose up against them." It is as a witness against these two evils that EUjah comes forward.

    1. What we may call the first Act in his life embraces between three and four years — three years and six months for the duration of the drought, according to the statements of the New Testament (Luke iv. 26; James v. 17), and three

    a From a comparison of 2 K. It. 34 with 1 K. xrU. SI, It would seem as If Klisha approached nearer than EUJah to the stature of the child. But the Inference Is not to be relied on. Chrysostom applied the same epithet to him as to St. Paul, tpunixw Mpanr,

    O 2 K. L 8, " a hairy man ; " literally, « a lord of aalr." Ibis might be doubtful, even with the sup- port of the LXX. and Jooephus — ivQpmuw aae-vr —

    wd of the Tartrum Jonathan l^-PD "Q3 — the

    fame word usee, lor Kan in Oen. xxril. 11. But its ipplleatlon to the hair of his head is corroborated by the word used by the children of Bethel when mock- ing BUsha. " Bald-head "Is a peculiar term {TT\\\\)) tpplled only to want of hair at the back of the bead ; wd the taunt was called forth by the dUfcrcnoe be- tween the bare shoulders of the new prophet and the ■haggr locks of the old one. [BusHA.]

    " dunning before Ahab's chariot; tie hardships af tee Cherith ; the forty days' Out.

    •I -H J7 (2 K. 1. 8), rendered " laath* in this one ■SMS only. Bet Oen. III. 21, to.

    t AilderrtA, /VJ-JQ ! UX piftomft-, always used for this garment of Bujah, but not for that of any prophet before him. It is perhaps a trace of the permanent impression which he left or. mhik- parts of the Jewish society, that a balry cloak became after* wards the recognized garb of a prophet oi Jehovah (Zech. xiil. 4 ; A. V. " rough garment ; " where the Hebrew word Is the same which in Elijah's Ustcry Is rendered "mantle").

    / Various relics of the mantle are said to exiit The list of claimants will be found in the Acta Sine- •orum (July 20). One pleoe Is shown at Oviedo is 'Spain.

    > ff Db| (2 K. 11. 8); "wrapped" Is a different word.

    * This Is generally taken as having been in prayer, but kneeling apparently was not (oertainlv it not) an attitude of prayer In the Bast. « When ye stand praying, forgive " (Mark xi. 26 ; and eee Mart. vi. 5, fce.).

    i This Is to be Inferred, as we shall see afterwards from king Aha-dah's recognition of him by mare o> teijption.

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    704 ELIJAH

    Mr four months more for the journey to Horeb, and the return to GUead (1 K. xvtt. 1-xix. 21). HU introduction is of toe most startling description: he suddenly appears before Ahab, as with the unre- strained fireedom of Eastern manners he would have uo difficulty in doing, and proclaims the vengeance of Jehovah for the apostasy of the king. This he does in the remarkable formula evidently character- istic of himself, and adopted after his departure by his follower EUsha — a formula which includes everything at issue between himself and the king — toe name of Jehovah, his being the God of Israel, the living God, KUjah being his messenger, and then — the special lesson of the event — that the god of power and of nature should be beaten at his own weapons. " As Jehovah, God of Israel, liveth, before whom I stand," whose constant serv- ant I am, " there shall not be dew nor rain these yean, but according to my word." What imme- diate action followed on this we are not told ; but it is plain that Elijah had to fly before some threatened vengeance either of the king, or more ■probably of the queen (comp. xix. 2). Perhaps it wss at this juncture that Jezebel "cut off the prophets of Jehovah " (1 K. xviii. 4). He was directed to the brook Cherith, either one of the torrents which cleave the high table-lands of bis lative hills, or on the west of Jordan, more in the Ttighborbood of Samaria. [Chbrith.] There in (be hollow of the torrent-bed he remained, sup- ported in the miraculous manner with which we are all familiar, till the failing of the brook obliged him to forsake it. How long he remained in the Cherith is uncertain. The Hebrew expression is simply " at the end of days," nor does Josephus afford us any more information. A vast deal of ingenuity has been devoted to explaining away

    Elijah's " ravens." The Hebrew word, D' , 2"5^, Orebim, has been interpreted as " Arabians," as " merchants," as inhabitants of some neighboring town of Orbo or Orbi." By others Ehjah has been neld to have plundered a raven's nest — and this twice a day regularly for several months! There is no escape from the plain meaning of the words — occurring as they do twice, in a passage other- wise displaying no tinge of the marvellous — or from the unanimity of all the Hebrew MSS., of


    all the ancient versions, and of Josephus. 6 [Cm


    His next refuge was at Zarkphath, a Phoeni- cian town lying between Tyre and Sidon, certainly the last place at which the enemy of Baal would be looked for.' The widow woman in whose house he lived d seems, however, to have been an Israelite, and no Baal-worshipper, if we may take her adjuration by " Jehovah thy God " as an indication.' Here Ehjah performed the miracles of prolonging the oil and the meal ; and restored the son of the widow to life after his apparent death./

    Here the prophet is first addressed by the title which, although occasionally before used to others, is so frequently applied to Elijah as to become the distinguishing appellation of himself and his suc- cessor : " O thou man of God " — " Now I know that thou art a man of God " (1 K. xvii. 18, 24).

    In this, or some other retreat, an interval of more than two years must have elapsed. The drought continued, and at last the full horrors of famine, caused by the failure of the crops, de- scended on Samaria. The king and his chief do- mestic officer divide between them the mournful duty of ascertaining that neither round the springs, which are so frequent a feature of central Palestine, nor in the nooks and crannies of the most shaded torrent-beds, was there any of the herbage left which in those countries is so certain an indication of the presence of moisture. No one short of the two chief persons of the realm could be trusted with this quest for life or death — " Ahab went one way by himself, and Obadiah went another way by himself." It is the moment for the reap- pearance of the prophet. He shows himself first to the minister. There, suddenly planted in his path, is the man whom he and his master have been seeking for more than three years. " There is no nation or kingdom," says Obadiah with true Eastern hyperbole, " whither my lord hath not sent to seek thee; " and now here be stands when least expected. Before the sudden apparition of that wild figure, and that stern, unbroken countenance,

    Jerome, quoted by Kennieott, p. 681. See these Hypotheses brought together in Sell ad lac.

    1 This subject is exhausted in a dissertation entitled Slui torvorum convictor in the Critic* Saeri.

    c Ughtfbot quaintly remarks on this that Elijah was the fire* apostle to the Gentiles.

    d The traditional scene of his meeting with the widow was in a wood to the sooth of the town (Mislln I. 682, who however does not give his authority). In the tune of Jerome the spot was marked by a tower ■'Jerome, Ep. Paula). At a later period a church dedicated to the prophet was erected over the boose of the widow, in which bis chamber and her kneading- trough were shown (Anton. Martyr, and Phocas, In Reland, p. 981). This church was called to xv^ " [A-ta Sanctorum).

    (This mut not be much relied on. Zedeklah, son of Chenaa-jah, one of Abac's prophets, uses a similar form of wcrJs, " Thus saith Jehovah " (1 K. xxil. 11). The apparent inference however from Luke It. 26 is that she was one of the widows of Israel. In the Jewish traditions her son was the Messiah (Risen monger, Enid. Judenth. U. 726).

    • "Jehovah thy God" (see just before) suggest! sssra obviously a difference of worship ind nationality

    between the Sareptan widow and the prophet See Stanley, Jewish Outreh, li. 830. So also the exceptive il pi), Luke Iv. 26, properly refers to cWp6> and net oxniyy. i. «., was sent nowhere txcrpi to Saicpta, which lay out of Israel, and not was sent to none of the widows In Israel except the one at Sarepta. We bars the same idiom In ver. 27, where the opposition be- tween Israelite and foreigner is beyond question. On this use of rl pi} see especially Fritzscbe on Rom. xlv. 14. and Meyer on Matt. xil. 4. H.

    / This Is warranted by the expression " his sick- ness was so sore that there was no breath left in him," a form of words not elsewhere found : while lu tils story of the Shunammlte's son it is distinctly said the child "died." Josephus's language (vili. 18, § 3) shows that he did not understand thr child to bars died. The Jewish tradition, quoted by Jerome, waa that this boy was the servant who afterwards accom- panied Elijah, and finally became the prophet Jonah. (Jerome. Pre f. to Jonah ; and sre the citations from ms Talmud in Hseumenger, Entd. Jud. 11. 726 >

    * That the child's death was real, not apparent, as stated above, cannot well be questioned. The lan- guage itself is sufficiently explicit The child's eras- ing to breathe must mean the same thing as to die go the Psalmist says: "Thou takest away their breath, they die " (civ. 29). The two expressions ars often Interchanged (comp. Gen. vii. 22 ; Josh. xi. 11 Ps. exxrv. 17, oxlvl. 4; E*ek. xxxvil. 10, etc.). Ss also the prayer of the prophet which follows, suppose

    Digitized by



    Obadiah oould not but fall on hit bee.* Elijah, however, soon calms bis agitation — "As Jehovah of hosts liveth, before whom I stand, I will surely show myself to Ahab; " and thus relieved of his fear that, as on a former occasion, Ehjah would disappear before he could return with the king, Obadiah departs to inform Ahab that the man they seek is there. Ahab arrived, Elijah makes his charge — "Thou hast forsaken Jehovah and fol- lowed the Baals." He then commands that all Israel be collected to Mount Carmel with the four hundred and fifty prophets of Baal, and the four hundred of Asherah (Ashtaroth ), the latter being under the especial protection of the queen. Why Mount Carmel, which we do not hear of until now, was chosen in preference to tbe nearer Ebal or Ger- lzim, is not evident. Possibly Elijah thought it wise to remove the place of the meeting to a dis- tance from Samaria. Possibly in the existence of the altar of Jehovah (xviii. 30) — in ruins, and therefore of earlier erection — we have an indica- tion of an ancient sanctity attaching to the spot. On the question of the particular part of the ridge of Carmel, which formed the site of the meeting, there cannot be much doubt. It is el s e w here ex- amined. [Carmel.]

    There are few more sublime stories in history than this. On the one hand the solitary servant of Jehovah, accompanied by his one attendant; with his wild shaggy hair, bis scanty garb, and sheep-akin cloak, but with calm dignity of demeanor and the minutest regularity of procedure, repair- ing the ruined altar of Jehovah with twelve stones, according to the number of the twelve founders of the tribes, and recalling in bis prayer the still greater names of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel — on the other hand the 850 prophets of Baal and Ash- taroth, doubtless in all the splendor of their vest- ments (2 K. x. 22), with the wild din of their " vain repetitions " and the maddened fury of their disappointed hopes, and the silent people surround- ing all — these things form a picture with which we are all acquainted, but which brightens into fresh distinctness every time we consider it. The conclusion of the long day need only be glanced at 6 The fire of Jehovah consuming both sacrifice and altar— the prophets of Baal killed, it would seem by Ehjah's own hand (xviii. 40) — the king, with an apathy almost unintelligible, eating and drinking in the very midst of the carnage of his

    that result : " Hast thou also brought evil upon tbe widow ... by slaying her son?" (1 K. xvtl. 29); end, "0 Lord, let this child's soul come into him again" (ver. 21). H

    « The expressions of Obadiah, " lord " and " slave," show lu> fear of EUJah ; they are those ordinarily ■Me in addressing a potentate.

    • The mora so aa the whole of this scene Is admi- rably drawn out by Stanley (S. $• P. pp. 356, 866).

    e Although to some It may seem out of place in a work of this nature, yet the writer cannot resist re- ferring to the Oratorio of Elijah by Mendelssohn, one of the most forcible commentaries existing on the his- tory of the prophet. Tbe soene in which the occur- rences at Reer-ahoba, are embodied Is perhaps the most dramatic and affecting In the whole work.

    d TTp?9 b ho* a " messenger " and ar " angel." ISX. ver.' 6, tw ; and so Jcasphus (vUL 18, J 7).

    • *">tu Roltm tnt," Hebrew, IITbjl Q^h. (Not certainly so emphatic, for the numeral may be ■« our • or am , m often elMwhers — H.) The Ichotsd mek


    ELIJAH 706

    own adherents — the rising storm — the ride across the plain to Jezreel, a distance of at least 16 miles; the prophet, with true Bedouin endurance, running before the chariot, but also with true Bedouin in- stinct stopping short of the city, and garng no fur- ther than the " entrance of Jezreel-"

    So far the triumph had been complete; but the spirit of Jezebel was not to be so easily overcome, and her first act is a vow of vengeance against the author of this destruction. " God do so to me, and more also," so ran her exclamation, " if I make not thy life as the life of one of them by to-rnor row about this time." It was no duty of EUJah to expose himself to unnecessary dangers, and, an at his first introduction, so now, he takes refuge in flight. The danger was great, and the refuge must be distant. The first stage on tbe journey waa Beer-sheba — " Beer-sheba which belongeth to Jn- dah," says the narrative, with a touch betraying its Israelitiah origin. Here, at the ancient haunt of those fathers of his nation whose memory was so dear to him, and on the very confines of culti- vated country, EUjah halted. His servant — ac- cording to Jewish tradition the boy of Zarephath — he left in the town ; while he himself set out alone into the wilderness — the waste uninhabited region which surrounds the south of Palestine. The labors, anxieties, and excitement of the last few days had proved too much even for that iron frame and that stern resolution. His spirit is quite broken, and he wanders forth over the dreary sweeps of those rocky hills wishing for death — "It is enough ! Lord, let me die, for I am not better than my fathers." « It is almost impossible not to con- clude from the terms of the story that he was en- tirely without provisions for this or any journey. But God, who had brought his servant into this difficulty, provided him with the means of escaping from it Whether we are to take the expression of the story literally or not is comparatively of little consequence. In some way little short of mirac- ulous — it might well seem to the narrator that it could be by nothing but an angel rf — the prophet was awakened from his dream of despondency be neath the solitary bush « of the wilderness, was fed with the bread and the water which to this day an all a Bedouin's requirements,/ and went forward, " in the strength of that food," a journey of forty days "to the mount of God, even to Horeb."

    opposite the gate of the Greek convent, Drir Mar Sli/as, between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, which. Is now shown to travellers as the spot on which the prophet rested on this occasion (Bonar ; Porter, Kami, book, Jtc), appears at an earlier date not to' have been so restricted, but was believed to be the plate on which he was "accustomed to sleep " (Sandys* Ub. ill. p. 176 ; Haundrell, Bar. Trav. p. 466), and the site of the convent as that where he was born (Geys- fbrde, 1506, in Bonar, p. 117). Neither the older nor the later story can be believed ; but it is possible that they may have originated hi some more trustworthy tradition of his having rested here oo his southward Journey, In all probability taken along this very route. See a curious statement by Quarestnlus of tbe extent to which the rock had bean defaced In hi* own flow " by the piety or Impiety " of the Christian pilgrim*. (Etucutatio, 11. 606 ; eomp. Doubdan, Voyage, fcc, p 144.)

    / The LXX. adds to the description the only touch wanting in the Hebrew text — "a cake of meal''-. oAspfrat.

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    706 ELIJAH

    Hare, to " the cars," « one of the numerous aroma to thon awful mountain*, perhaps some traditional sanctuary of that hallowed region, at any rate well known — he remained for certainly one * night In the morning came the " word of Jehovah " — the question, " What doest thou here, Elijah ? Driven by what hard necessity dost thou seek this spot on which the glory of Jehovah has in former times been so signally shown? " In answer to this in- vitation the prophet opens his griefs. He has been very zealous for Jehovah ; but force has been vain ; one cannot stand against a multitude; none follow him, and he is left alone, flying for his life from the sword which has slain his brethren. The reply comes in that ambiguous and indirect form in which it seems necessary that the deepest commu- nications with the human mind should be couched, to be effectual. He is directed to leave toe cavern and stand on the mountain in the open air (tit to

    owcufoor, Josephus), Sue to face OS??) with Je- hovah. Then, as before with Moses (Ex. xxxiv. «), "The Lord passed by; " passed in all the ter- ror of his most appalling manifestations. The fierce wind tore the solid mountains and shivered the granite cliffs of Sinai; the earthquake crash reverberated through the defiles of those naked valleys; the fire burnt in the incessant Waxe of eastern lightning. Like these, in their degree, bad been Elijah's own modes of procedure, but the conviction is now forced upon him that in none of these is Jehovah to be known. Then, penetrat- ing tho dead silence which followed these mani- festations, came the fourth mysterious symbol — the " still small voice." What sound this was, whether articulate voice or not, we cannot even conjecture; but low and still as it was it spoke in fonder accents to the wounded heart of Elijah than the roar and blaze which had preceded it. To bin no less unmistakably than to Moses, centuries before, it was proclaimed that Jehovah was " mer- ciful and gracious, long-suffering and abundant in grodness and truth." EUjah knew the call, and at once stepping forward and hiding his face in his mantle, stood waiting for the Divine communica- tion. It is in the same words as before, and so is bin answer; but with what different force must the question have fallen on his ears, and the answer left his lips! " Before his entrance to the cave, he was comparatively a novice; when he left it he was an initiated man. He had thought that the earth- quake, the fire, the wind, must be the great wit- .waeee of the Lord. But he was not in them ,- not they, hut the still small voice bad that awe in it -fhirh forced the prophet to cover his face with his

    « The Hebrew word has the article, rT^TTpn ; and •o too the LXX., re trwqkcuoy. The cave Is now shown ,( in the secluded plain below the hlghwt point of Jtbel Mojo;" "a hole Just large enough for a man's bodv," beside the altar in the chapel of Elijah (Stan- ley. X If P. p. 48; Bob. 1. 10S, 2d ed.|.

    » Hebrew, "\\">\\ A. V. " lodge ; " but in Got. xlx. X, accurately, " tarry all night."

    c The words of the text are somewhat obscured in the A. V. They bear testimony at once to the solid pocHJoo of Eliaha, and to the extent of the arable soil ef the spot. Aocordlng to the Masoretic punctuation the passage Is * " And he departed thence, and found etteha the son of Shaphat, who was ploughing. Twelve "4» wen before htm (#. e. either 12 ploughs were I hlro with his servants, or 12 yoke of land were


    mantle. What a conclusion of al the past hkl tory! What an interpretation of its meaning!' (Maurice, Prophett and Kingt, p. 136). Not is the persecutions of Ahab and Jezebel, nor in tot slaughter of the prophets of Baal, but in the 7000 unknown worshippers who had not bowed the knee to Baal, was the assurance that Elijah was not alone as he had seemed to be.

    Three commands were bud on him — three changes were to be made. Instead of Ben-hadad, Hazael was to be king of Syria ; instead of Ahab, Jehu the son of Nimshi was to be king of Israel. and Elisha the son of Shaphat was to be bis own successor. Of these three commands the two first were reserved for Elisha to accomplish, the last only was executed by Elijah himself. It would almost seem as if his late trials had awakened in him a yearning for that affection and compeuion ship which had hitherto been denied him. Hu first search was for Elisha. Apparently he soon found him ; we must conclude at his native place, Abet-meholah, probably somewhere about the centre of the Jordan valley. [A bel-meholah.] Elisha was ploughing at the time,* and EUjah " passed over to him " — possibly crossed the ri . er * — and cast his mantle, the well-known sheep skin cloak, upon him, as if, by that familiar ' action, claiming him for his son. A moment of hesitation — but the call was quickly accepted, and then commenced that long period of service and intercourse which continued tin Elijah's removal, and which after that time procured for Elisha one of his best titles to esteem and reverence — " Elisha the son of Sha- phat, who poured water on the hands of Elijah."

    2. Ahab and Jezebel now probably believed that their threats had been effectual, and thst they had seen the last of their tormentor. At any rate this may be inferred from the events of chap. xxi. Foiled in his wish to acquire Use ancestral plot of ground of Naboth by the refusal of that sturdy peasant to alienate the inheritance of his fathers, Ahab and Jezebel proceed to possess themselves of it by main force, and by a degree of monstrous injustice which shows clearly enough how far the elders of Jezreel had forgotten the laws of Jehovah how perfect was their submission to the will of their mistress. At her orders Naboth is falsely accused of blaspheming God ant tbe king, is with his sons/ stoned and killed, and his vineyard then — as having belonged to a criminal — becomes at once tbe property of the king. [Naboth.]

    Ahab loses no time to entering on his new ac- quisition. Apparently the very next day after the execution he proceeds in his chariot to take pi ss es

    already ploughed), and he was with the last" [Bet note under Klisra, p. 714.}

    <* The word is that always employed for etaasbf the Jordan.

    « See also Ruth Ul. 4-14. Bwald, AllerlMUmrr, p. 191, note. A trace of a similar custom survive* m the German word ManuMtul.

    / " The blood of Naboth and the blood of Us sons ' (2 K. ix. 28 ; oomp. Josh. vil. 24). From another ex- pression In this vers* — yrsteratgai (tTQ^?, * v " yesterday "), we may perhaps conclude that Use s later trial on a similar charge, also supported by two nds* wt l a u ssis — the trial of our Lord— It was eon ducted at night. Tbs same word — yesternight -» prompts the Inference that Ahab'a visit and eneocalsi with Elijah happened on the very day following the murder.

    Digitized by



    ■on of the coveted vineyard. Behind him, prob- ibly in the back put of the chariot, ride his two ■ages Jehu and Bidkar (2 K. ix. 26). Bat the xhnnph was a short one. Enjah had received an atimation from Jehovah of what was taking place, and rapidly as the accusation and death of Naboth had been hurried over, he was there to meet his ancient enemy, and as an enemy he does meet him — as David went out to meet' Goliath — on the very scene of his crime; suddenly, wbm least ex- pected and least wished far, he confronts the mis- erable king. And then follows the curse, in terms fearful to any Oriental — peculiarly terrible to a jaw — and, most of all, significant to a successor of the apostate princes of the northern kingdom — "I will take away thy posterity ; I will cut off from thee even thy very dogs; I will make thy house like that of Jeroboam and Baasha; thy blood shall be shed in the same spot where the blood of thy victims was shed last night; thy wife and thy children shall be torn in this very garden by the wild dogs of the city, or as common carrion de- voured by the birds of the sky " — the large vultures which in eastern climes are always wheel- ing along under the clear blue sky, and doubtless suggested the expression to the prophet. How tre- mendous was this scene we may gather from the fact that after the lapse of at least 20 years Jehu was able to recall the very words of the prophet's burden, to which he and his companion had list- ened as they stood behind their master in the chariot. The whole of Elijah's denunciation may possibly be recovered by putting together the words recalled by Jehu, 3 K. ix. 36, 36, 37, and those given in 1 K. xxi. 19-36.

    3. A space of three or four yean now elapses (comp. 1 K. xxil. 1, xxii. 61; 8 K. i. 17), before we again catch a glimpse of Elijah. The denun- ciations uttered in the vineyard of Naboth have been partly fulfilled. Ahab is dead, and his son and successor, Ahaziah, has met with a fatal acci- dent, and is on his death-bed, after a short and troubled reign of less than two years (3 K. i. 1, 2; 1 K. xxii. 61). In his extremity he sends to an oracle or shrine of Baal at the Philistine town of Ekron to ascertain the issue of his illness. But the oracle is nearer at hand than the distant Ekron. An intimation is conveyed to the prophet, probably at that time inhabiting one of the r ece sses of Car- tas], and, as on the former occasions, be suddenly appears on the path of the messengers, without preface or inquiry utters his message of death, and as rapidly disappears. The tone of his words is as national on this aa on any former occasion, and, as before, they are authenticated by the name of Je- hovah — " Thus saith Jehovah, Is it because there is no God in Israel that ye go to inquire of Baal- atbub, god of Ekron?" The messengers returned to the long too soon to have accomplished their mission. They were possibly strangers; at any late they were ignorant of the name of the man «ho had thus interrupted their journey. But his appearance had fixed itself in their minds, and their fcscription at once told Ahaziah, who must have



    « The Hebrew worl Is the same. * See p. 708, note b.

    <• ~)n?l (2 K. 1. »), A. V., inaccurately, "an

    »m.» TT

    d •This passage prese n ts a very interesting prob- «n In textual criticism, which It may be proper to •site, though Its lull discussion would her" Be out

    seen the prophet about his father's court or has* beard him described in the harem, who it was that had thus reversed the favorable oracle which he was hoping for from Ekron. The " hairy man "

    — the " ford of hair," so the Hebrew reading <> rune

    — with a belt of rough skin round his loins, who came and went in this secrr! inanner, and uttered his fierce words in the name of the God of Israel, could tie no other than the old enemy of his father and mother, Elijah the Tishbite. But ill as he was this check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah, and, with the spirit of his mother, he at once seized the opportunity of possessing himself of the person of the man who had been for so long the evil genius of bis house. A captain was despatched, with a party of fifty, to take Elijah, prisoner. He was sitting [perhaps = " dwelt"] on the top of "the mount," c i. e. probably of Carmel [comp. 2 K. ii 25]. The officer approached and addressed the prophet by the title which, as before noticed, is most frequently applied to him and Eliaha — " C man of God, the king hath spoken: come down.' " And EUjah answered and said, If I be a man of God, then let fire come down from heaven and con- sume thee and thy fifty ! And there came down fire from heaven and consumed him and his fifty." A second party was sent, only to meet the same fate. The altered tone of the leader of a third party, and the assurance of God that his servant need not fear, brought EUjah down. But the king gained nothing. The message was delivered to hie face in the same words as it had been to the mes- sengers, and Elijah, so we must conclude, was al- lowed to go harmless. This was his last interview with the house of Ahab. It was also his last re- corded appearance in person against the Baal-wor- shippers.

    Following as it did on Elijah's previous course of action, this event must hare been a severe blow to the enemies of Jehovah. But impressive as it doubtless was to the contemporaries of the prophet, the story posse sse s a far deeper significance for us than it could have had for them. While it is most characteristic of the terrors of the earlier dis- pensation under which men were then living, it is remarkable as having served to elicit from the mouth of a greater than even Elijah an exposition, no leas characteristic, of the distinction between that severe rule and the gentler dispensation which He came to introduce. It was when our I-ord and his disciples were on their journey through this very district, from Galilee to Jerusalem, and when smarting from the churlish inhoepitality of some Samaritan villagers, that — led to it by the distant view of the heights of Carmel, or, perhaps, by some traditional name on the road — the impetuous zeal of the two '• sons of thunder " burst forth — " Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come down from heaven and consume them, even aa EUjah did ? " But they little knew the Master they addressed. " He turned and rebuked them, and said, Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of. For the Son of Han is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them " (Luke ix. 61-66 V As if be had said,

    of placa. The words following " Be turned and -*- baked them" (from "and said" to "save them" in- elusive, though so appropriate to the occasion and in every respect so worthy of our Lord, are wanting in a large majority of the most important manuscript) (namely, ABCBOHL8VXAK and the Stoalue; and in other leading aathor'aee for the settienw-t of the text. Thsy are accordingly rejected by '—•»■— — ■

    Digitized by




    « Ye an mistaking and confounding the dilftnsit standing points of the Old and New Covenants; taking jour stand upon the Old — that of an avenging righteousness, when you should rqoioe to take it upon the New — that of a forgiving love" (Trench, Miradu, eh. iv.).

    4. It must have been shortly after the death of Ahaziah that Elijah made a oommunication with the southern kingdom. It is the only one of which any record remains, and its mention is the first and last time that the name of the prophet appears in the books of Chronicles. Mainly devoted as these books are, to the affairs of Judah, this is not sur- prising. The alliance between his enemy Ahab and Jehoshaphat cannot have been unknown to the prophet, and it must have made him regard the proceedings of the kings of Judah with more than ordinary interest. When, therefore, Jehoram, the eon of Jehoshaphat, woo had married the daughter of Ahab, began " to walk in the ways of the kings of Israel, as did the bouse of Ahab, and to do that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah," Elijah sent him a letter" denouncing his evil doings, and predicting his death (2 Chr. xzi. 19-15). This letter has been considered as a great difficulty, on the ground that Ebjah's removal must hare taken place before the death of Jehoshaphat (from the terms of the mention of Eiisha in 8 K. iii. 11), and therefore before the accession of Joram to the throne of Judah. But admitting that Ehjah had been translated before the expedition of Jehosh- aphat against Moab, it does not follow that Joram was not at that time, and before his father's death, king of Judah, Jehoshaphat occupying himself during the last six or seven years of his life in going about the kingdom (2 Chr. xix. 4-11), and hi conducting some important wars, amongst others

    Tlschendorf, and Tregellee, though defended by Al- ford, and, as fttr as ver. 66 Is concerned, by Meyer and Bleek. who explain their omission by the supposition -.hat the eye of the copyist psssed from KAIEin«v to KAIEnopnieV™. Th " 68 th Terw (so flu- as quoted above) which Is wanting in D and a very tew other documents which contain the rest of the words In question, Is rejected by meet critics, though the au- thorities which support it are substantially the same with those which contain ver. 66. Farther, the words it ni "HAi'm brotV*, "even u Bias did," In ver. 64, which an wanting in B L S and the Sinaltle MS., also tn the Curetontan Syrlao. Vulgate, and Armenian var- 4ons, and some MSB. of the Old Latin and Coptic, are likewise rejected by Teschendorf and TregeUes, accord- ing to whom the whole passage as originally written reads thus : " Lord, wilt thou that we command lire to come down from heaven and destroy them T But he turned and rebuked them ; and they went to an- other village."

    The whole question is discussed by Mr. Norton in his Evidences of the Ornaments* of ths Gospel* In a very able and rnssraetive note (vol. i. pp. lxxx.- uarxvil., Sd ed. Boston, 1846). Though concluding that the words hi question (t did not make a part of toe original text of Luke's Gospel," he goes on to re- mark:—

    n But, on the other hand, the words carry with them strong Intrinsic proof that they were spoken by Jesus. Nor can we imagine any reason why, if not uttered by him, they should have been invented and ascribed

    tO h* m

    " In this state of the case, the only solution of the appsar a nees that present themselves seems to be, that the words ascribed to our Lord were spoken by him, mat they were preserved in the memories of those *ho hesr4 him, and communicated by them to others,


    that in question against Moab, while Jot concerned with the more central affairs of ths gov- ernment (2 K. Ui. 7, Ao.). That Jotam began te reign during the lifetime of his father Jehosbaphsl is stated in 2 K. viii. 16. According to one reconl (2 K. i. 17), which immediately precedes the ac- count of Elijah's last acts on earth, Joram was actually on ths throne of Judah at the* time of Kigali's interview with Ahaziah; and though this is modified by the statement* of other places » (2 K. iii. 1, viii. IS), yet it is not invalidated, and the conclusion is almost inevitable, as stated above, that Joram ascended the throne some years before the death of his father. [See Joram ; Jkkosha- fhat; Judah. J In its contents the letter bean s strong resemblance to the speeches of EUjah,- while in the details of style it is very peculiar, and quits different from the narrative in which it is imbedded (Bertheau, C/irvnUc, ad loc.).

    6. The closing transaction of Ebjah's life intro- duces us to a locality heretofore unconnected with him. Hitherto we have found him in the neigh- borhood of Samaria, Jezreel, Cannel, only leaving these northern places on actual emergency, but we now find him on the frontier of the two king- doms, at the holy city of Bethel, with the sons of the prophets at Jericho, and in the valley of the Jordan (2 K. ii. 1, Ac.).

    It was at UlLOAL— probably not the ancient place of Joshua and Samuel, but another of the same name still surviving on the western edge of the bills of Ephraim •» — that the prophi t received the divine intimation that his departure was at hand. He was at the time with Eiisha, who seems now to hare become his constant companion. Per- haps his old love of solitude returned upon him perhaps he wished to spare his friend the pain of

    and that, not having been recorded by Luke, they were first written In the margin, and then introduced into the text of his Oospel."

    The state of the external testimony Is such, that he further supposes " that the account of the words of our Lord and his disciples was not Introduced in a complete form at once; but that the text owes Its present state to marginal additions made at three dif- ferent times : first, the words, ' As Elijah did,' being written down, ss these are wanting In the smallest number of manuscripts, then those first spoken by on Lord, and then his remaining words." A.

    a SJJI^l?, "» writing" [A. v.], almost Mantieal with the word used In Arable at the present day. The

    ordinary Hebrew word for a letter Is Sepher, "lpP, a book.

    * The second statement of Jehoram's secess ion to Israel (tn 2 K. UI. 1) seems inserted there to make ths subsequent narrative more complete. Its posttton there, subsequent to the story of Elijah's departure has probably assisted the ordinary belief in the dtnV culiy in question.

    c The sneient Jewish commentator* gat over ths apparent difficulty by saying that she letter was writ- ten and sent after Elijah's translation. Others be- lieved that it was the production of EUsfaa, for whoss name that of Elijah had been substituted by copyists. The first of these requires no answer. To the second, the severity of Its tone, as above noticed, is a sufficient reply. Josephus (Ant. Ix. 6, } 2) says that the letter wss sent while Elijah was still on earth. (See Light, foot, CkromeU, fee., "Jehoram." Other theories wii. be found In Fabrlcius, Cod. Psutdepig. L 1076, as* Otho, Lex. Ratio, p. 167.)

    i The grounds for this lnsanoee sie given easts Eusxa (p. 718). Bee also Gnou.

    Digitized by



    M> sodden parting; in either cue he endeavors to lentutde Eli»h» to remain behind while he goes on in errand of Jehovah. " Tarry here, I pray thee, 'or Jehorah hath tent me to Bethel." Bat Eliiha will not ao easily gin np hit matter, — "A* Jeho- vah liveth and aa thy soul liveth I will not leave thee." They went together to Bethel." The event which was about to happen had apparently been communicated to the sons of the prophets at Bethel, and they inquire if Elisha knew of his im- pending lots. His answer shows how fully he was aware of it •> Yea," says be, with all the empha- sis possible, " indeed / do » know it, hold ye your peace." But though impending, it was not to happen that day. Again Elijah attempts to escape to Jericho, and again Elisha protests that he will not be separated from him. Again, also, the sons of the prophets at Jericho make the same un- necessary inquiries, and again he replies as em- phatically as before. Ehjah makes a final effort to amid what they both so much dread. "Tarry here, I pray thee, for Jehorah hath tent me to the Jordan." Bnt Elisha is not to be conquered, and tlie two set off across the indulating plain of burn- ing sand, to the distant river, — Elijah in bis mantle or cape of sheep-skin, Elisha in ordinary

    clothes ("TJ3, ver. 19). Fifty men of the sons of the prophets ascend the abrupt heights behind the town — the tame to which a late tradition would attach the soene of our Lord's temptation — and whioh command the plain below, to watch with the clearness of eastern vision what happens in the distance. Talking as they go, the two reach the river, and stand on the shelving bank beside ita swift brown current. But they are not to stop even here. It is aa if the aged Gileadite cannot rest till be again acta foot on bit own tide of the river. He rolls up c bis mantle aa into a staff, and with hiaold energy strikes the waters aa Moats had done before him — strikes them aa if they were an enemy: d and they are divided hither and thither, and they two go over on dry ground. What fol- lows is beat told In the simple words of the nar- rative. " And it came to paaa when they were • gone over, that Elijah said to Elisha, Aak what I shall do for thee, before I be taken away from thee.



    o The Hebrew word " went down " Is a serious dif- ficulty, if Oilgal is taken to be the site of Joshua's camp and the resting-place of the ark, atoce that Is mora than 8000 feet below Bethel. But this is avoided by adopting the other Oilgal to the N. W. of Bethel, and on still higher ground, which also preserves the sequence of the Journey to Jordan. (See Stanley, 5. 4* P. p. 806, note.) Some considerations in favor of this adoption will be found under Euni.

    » *F(fV "Oyni-'-Also I know Itj" Kiyi,

    ' B?3. The above is quite the force of the word.

    d The word is 7133, used of smiting in battle ; generally with the sense of wounding (Oesen. p. 883).

    • IiXX. " Aa they were going over," h ry Sui- tercu.

    r The statements of the text hardly give support to the usual conception of Kujah's departure as repre- sented by painters and in popular discourses. It was jot in the chariot of Are that he went up Inw the sties. The fire served to part the master from the Hsetple, to show that the severance had arrived, but i up by the fierce w!nd of the tempest.

    the wen* ITJSC involves no idea of aaewanv, and

    And Elisha said, I pray thee let a double portion of thy spirit be upon me. And he said, Thou bast asked a bard thing: if thou see me taken from thee, it shall be ao onto thee, but if not, it ahao not be ao. And it came to paaa at they still went on, and talked, that, behold, a chariot of fire ana hones of fire, and parted them both asunder, and Elijah went up by the whirlwind into the aides." - Well might Elisha cry with bitterness,* " M; father, my father! " He was gone who, to the die cerning eye and loving heart of his disciple, bac been "the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof" for so many years ; and Elisha was at last left alone to carry on a task to which he must often have looked forward, but to which in this moment of grief he may well have felt unequal. He saw him no more; but hit mantle had fallen, and_ thi» he took up — at once a personal relic and a symbol of the double portion of the spirit of Eujah with which he was to be clothed. Little could be hare realized, had it been then presented to him, that he whose greatest claim to notice was that he bad "poured water on the hands of Elijah" should hereafter possess an influence which had been de- nied to his master — should, Instead of the terror of kings and people, be their benefactor, adviser, and friend, and that over his death-bed a king of Israel should be found to lament with the same words that bad just burst from him on the de- parture of bit stern and silent master, "My father, my father, the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof! "

    And here ends all the direct information which it vouchsafed to us of the life and work of this great prophet Truly he " stood up aa a fire, and hit word burnt aa a lamp " (Eccnia. xlvili. 1). How deep was the impression which be made on the mind of the nation may be judged of from the fixed belief which many centuries after prevailed, that Elijah would again appear for the relief and restoration of his country. The prophecy of Malachi (Iv. 8)* waa possibly at once a cause and an illus- tration of the strength of this belief. What it had grown to at the time of our lord's birth, and how continually the great prophet was present to the expectations of the people, we do not need the evidence of the Talmud to assure us,' it is patent

    la frequently rendered In the A. V. " storm " or " tece- peat" The term "the skies" has been employed

    above to translate the Hebrew D^QVt7* because we attach an idea to the word " heaven " which does not appear to have been present to the mind of the an- cient Hebrews. [The word, among Its other senses, often denotes the place of God's abode, and may very properly be so understood here. Indeed, that mean- ing only agrees with 2 K. U. 1, and with the general tenor of the narrative. — H.)

    * P?S, the word need amongst others tor the " great and bitter cry " when the first-born were killed in Egypt

    a The expression in Malachi is " Elijah the prophet" From this unusual title some have believed that another EUJa> was Intended. The LXX., however, either M- lowiug a different Hebrew text from that which we possess, or falling in with the belief of their tunes, Insert the usual designation, ''the Tishbite." (See Ughtfoot, Bzntit. on Luke i. 17.)

    t He is recorded as having often appeared to the wue and good rabbis — at pmyer in the wilderness, or on their journeys — genera!) v In the form ot an Arabian merchant (Bcenmenger, 1. 11, 1. Wt-7). Ai tht jlrcumcMon of a child a seat was always rtintf

    Digitized by


    710 ELIJAH

    3D every [age of the Gospels. Each remarkable person, as be arrhea on the scene, be bis habits aud characteristics what the; may — the stern John equally with bis gentle Successor — is proclaimed to be EUjah (Matt. xvi. 14; Mark vi. 16; John i. 81). His appearance in glory on the Mount of Transfiguration does not seem to have startled the disciples. They were " sore afraid," but not ap- parently surprised. On the contrary, St. Peter immediately proposes to erect a tent for the prophet whose arrival they had been so long expecting. [See Transfiouratiok, Amer. ed.] Even the cry of our Lord from the cross, containing as it did but a slight resemblance to the name of EUjah, immediately suggested biro to the bystanders. " He calleth for EUjah." " Let be, let us see if EUjah will come to save him."

    How far this expectation was fulfilled in John, and the remarkable agreement in the characteristics of these two men, will be considered under John the Baptist.

    But on the other hand, the deep impression which EUjah bad thus made on his nation only renders more remarkable the departure which the image conveyed by the later references to him evinces, from that so sharply presented in the records of his actual life. With the exception of the eulogiums contained in the catalogues of worthies in the book of Jesus the son of Sirach (xlviii.) and 1 Mace ii. 68, and the passing allusion in Luke ix. 54, none of these later references allude to his works of destruction or of portent. They all set forth a very different side of his character to that brought out in the historical narrative. They apeak of bis being a man of like passions with our- selves (James t. 17); of his kindness to the widow of Sarepta (Luke Iv. 26); of his "restoring all things" (Matt. xvii. 11); "turning the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just " (Mai ir. 5,6; Luke i. 17). The moral lessons to be derived from these facts must be expanded elsewhere than here; it will be sufficient hi this place to call attention to the great differences which may exist between the popular and contemporary view of an eminent character, and the real settled judgment formed in the prog- ress of time, when the excitement of bis more brilUant but more evanescent deeds has passed away. Precious indeed are the scattered hints and faint touches which enable us thus to soften the haah

    fttr him, that a* the zealous champion and messenger of the n covenant " of circumcision (1 K. xix. 14 ; Mai. Hi. 1) be might watch over the doe performance of the rite. During certain prayers the door of the house was set open that Elijah might enter and announce the Messiah (Eisenmenger, 1. 686). His coming will .» three days before that of the Messiah, and on eaeh of the three be will proclaim, in a voice which shall be heard all over the earth, peace, happiness, salva- tion, respectively (Hsenmanger, 1L 696). 8o Ann was the conviction of his speedy arrival, that when goods were found and no owner appeared to claim them, the sommon saying was, " Put them by till EUjah comes "

    Ughtfbot, Ezmit. Matt xvii. 10 ; John 1. 21). The same customs and expressions are even still In use among the stricter Jews of this and other countries. (Bee Revut da deux Monde; xxlv. 181, fto.) [See also

    he art Eliaku In Hamburger's Real-Bncyd. f. Bibtl * Talmud. — A.)

    • On this subject there is an essay entitled Dtr IVajisw JDta in dtr Legend; in Franker* Monau- *wyt/ Back d Judentimmt, 1868, xtt. 241 B., 281 t Iks writer wMdss the legends into tone periods :


    outlines or the discordant coloring of the i picture. In the present instance they are peculiarly so. That wild figure, that stem voice, those deeds of blood, which stand out in such startling relief from the pages of the old records of EUjab, are sees by us all silvered over with the " white and glister- ing " light of the Mountain of Transfiguration. When he last stood on the soil of his native Uilead * he was destitute, afflicted, tormented, wandering about " in abeep-skius and goat-skins, in deserts and mountains, and dens aud caves of the earth." But these things hare passed away into the dis- tance, and with them has receded the fiery seal, the destructive wrath, which accompanied them. Under that heavenly Ught they fall back into their proper proportions, and Ahab and JezebeL Baal and Aeh- tarath are forgotten, as we listen to the prophet talking to our Lord — talking of that event « hich was to be the consummation of all that he had suffered and striven for — "talking of his decease which he should accomplish at Jerusalem."

    EUjah has been canonised in both the Greek and Latin churches. Among the Greeks Mar ElgAi is the patron of elevated spots, and many s con- spicuous summit in Greece is called by bis name.' The service for bis day — 'HAias jurvoAan^s — will be found in the Mtnaion on July 20, a date recognized by the Latin church also." The convent bearing bis name, Ddr Mar Kly&t, between Jeru- salem and Bethlehem, is well known to travellers in the Holy I .and. It purports to be situated on the spot of his birth, as already observed. Other convents bearing his name once existed in Pales- tine: in Jebtl AjUm, the ancient Gilead (Hitter, Syrien, pp. 1029, 1066, Ac.); at htra in the Hattr&n (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 69), and the mora famous establishment on Carmel.

    It is as connected with the great order of the barefooted Carmelites that EUjah is celebrated in the Latin church. According to the statements of the breviary (Off'. B. Maria I'trgmu de Monte Carmtlo, JulH 16) the connection arose from the dedication to the Virgin of a chapel on the spot from which EUjah saw the cloud (an accepted type of the Virgin Mary) rise out of the sea. But other legends trace the origin of the order to the great prophet himself as the head of a society of ancho- rites inhabiting Carmel; and even as himself dedi- cating the chapel in which he worshipped to the Virgin ! d These things are matters of controversy

    the first, of pure Messianic expectation, closes with the Mishna ; the second, in which EUjah is represented u taking part in human aflairi even before his Mte- sianio coming, closes with the Talmud ; in the third the legends reach the height of extravagance. On the Jewish expectations in regard to Elijah in the time of Christ see Norton's note on Matt. xi. 10 ( Tranelat.on of the Qotpels, n. 111-118); Bertholdt, Chriuol. p. fig ft. Most of the Christian fcthers believed that EUJak would be the precursor of Christ at his eecond coming ; see Sukwr's TKu. i. 1818, also 882-8, and Stuart's Camm. on the Apocalypse, 11. 221 ff. A.

    a See the considerations adduced by Stanley (S. f P. [p. 892, Amer. ed.]) In favor of the Mountain of the Transfiguration being on the east of Jordan. [See RzsjfO!) ; Tiboi.)

    6 See this ftwt noticed in Clark's Pttoponnesut and Mono, p. 190.

    e See the Acta Sanctorum, July SO. By Cornelius a Lapide it is maintained that his ascent happens* on that day, in the 19th year of Jehoshaphat (Kail p. 881).

    d S. John of Jerusalem, is quoted by MMm, Uem

    Digitized by



    Ik* Roman church, Baronius ai£ othen having ' prowl that the order wu founded in 1131, a date which ia repudiated by the Carmelites (tee extract* In Fabrieius, Cod. Pteudepigr. i. 1077).

    In the Mohammedan traditions /ty&s is said to hare drank of the Fountain of life, " by virtue of which he still lives, and will live to the day of Judgment." He is by some confounded with St. George and with the mysterious tt-Kkidr, one of the most remarkable of the Muslim saints (see line's Arabian Nights, in trod, note 2; also .Sefco tiotu/rom the Km an, 221, 222). The Persian Softs are said to trace themselves back to Elgah (Fabrieius, i. 1077).

    Among other traditions it must not be omitted that the words " Eye bath not seen,"

    By Epiphanius, the words " awake, thou that steepest," Ac., Eph. v. 14, are inaccurately alleged to be quoted " from Elyah," i. t. the portion of the O. T. containing his history — napa re? 'HAia. (comp. Bom. xi. 2).

    • Two monographs on EUjah must not be over- looked: (1) that of Frischmuth, De Elias Prophette Worn., d-c., in the Critici Saeri; and (2) EUa$ Thesbites, by ^Egidius Camartus, 4to, Paris, 1631. There are also dissertations of great interest on the ravens, the mantle, and Neboth, in the Critici Saeri. G.

    * The Biblical facts relating to Elijah, accom- panied with suggestive remarks on his character and the significance of his ministry, have been wrought into an interesting form by Mr. Stanley, in the second volume of his Lectures on the Hisimy of the Jewish Church (p. 321 ff), published since the preceding article was written. It is difficult to represent the composition by any single extract; but the following scene, that of the coming tempest u descried from the top of Carmel, and the flight of the prophet to Jezreel, is described with remark- able truthfulness and beauty: " At ' the top of the mountain,' but on a tower declivity (see 1 K. xviii. 43, 44), Eujah bent himself down, with bis head, in the oriental attitude of entire abstraction, placed be- tween his knees; whilst his attendant boy mounted to the highest point of all, whence, over the western ridge, there •< a wide view of the Mediterranean sea. The sun must have been now gone down. But the cloudless sky would he lit up by the long bright glow which succeeds an eastern sunset. Seven times the youthful watcher [Elijah's attend- ut] ascended and looked ; and seven times ' there ■ras nothing.' The sky was still clear; the sea was HU calm. At last, out of the far horizon there nose a little cloud, the first that for days and months had passed across the heavens; and it grew

    Sriatt, U. 49 ; and the Bulls of various Popes enu- merated by Quarannlos, vol. U.

    a • This running of the prophet befbie the king's harlot, at the top of his speed, a distance of 12 miles tcross the plain from Carmel to Jesrssl is mm unlike 4hat la still practiced hi the Kast by runners who :rsee


    KLIM 711

    in the deepening shades of evening, and quickly the whole sky was overcast, and the forests of Carraal shook in the welcome sound of those mighty winds which in eastern regions precede a coming tempest. Each from his separate height, the King and the Prophet descended. The cry of the boy from bis mountain watch had hardly been uttered when the storm broke upon the plain, and the torrent of Kishon began to swell. The King had not a mo- ment to lose, lest he should be unable to reach Jezreel. He mounted his chariot at the foot of the hill. And EUjah was touched as by a supporting hand: and he snatched up his streaming mantle and twisted it round his loins, and amidst the rushing storm with which the nigbt closed in, he outstripped even the speed of the royal horses, and ' ran before the chariot ' " — as the Bedouins of his native Gilead would still run — with inexhaustible strength, to the entrance of Jezreel, distant, though visible, from the scene of his triumph."

    The history and character of Elijah have furnished numerous texts for homiletic uses. Of the writers who hare applied the teachings of the narrative in this maimer may be mentioned Gottfried Menken, f/uiiulien ib. die Gesch. del Prophet Eliot, xxiv. discourses (Schriften, ii. 17-302, Bremen, 1858); Fr. W. Krummacber, whose EUiu der Thisbiier (Elberf. 1828-33, 6« Ausg. 1860, Eng. trans. Lond. 1840, Amer. ed. N. Y. 1847) has been extensively read in English as well as German ; and Bishop Hall, Contemplations on Passages of tlie Old and New Testaments (books xviii. and xix.). Some of the best chapters in Kitto's Daily Bible Illustra- tions are those which relate to events in the biog- raphy of this prophet. One of Keble's hymns in the Christian Year is entitled " EUjah in Horeb." See also Ewald's Geschichte dts I'alkes Israel, iii. 524 if., 3' Ausg. (to whom Stanley acknowledges himself greatly indebted); Winer, Realm, i. 317- 20; Knobel, Der Prophetismus der Hear. ii. 73- 88; Kuster, Die Propheten da A. u. If. Test. pp. 70-82; Kurta's article, though brief, in Herzog's Retd-EncfU. iii. 764-768; Friedr. Hud. Hssse, Crete*, des Alt. Bundes, pp. 97-102 (Leipz. 1863); Milman's Hist, of the Jews, i. 389-401 (Amer. ed.); and the valuable article in Fairbaim's Im- perial Bible Dictionary, i. 602-609. H.

    ELI'KA (Sjybfci.: [Rom. Tat. omit; Comp. 'EAurd;] Alex. Enuca: Elica), a Harodite, i. e from some place called Charod [Hakod in A. V. Judg. vii. 1] ; one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii 25). The name is omitted in the corresponding list of 1 Chr. ii. 27, — to account for which tat Kennicott's conjecture (Dissertation,

    * The etymology ia unknown (Get.). Fiirst de- rives it from 7y and HjJ (Wp), God it rejecter, i. e. of a nation or individual. H.

    ET.IM (D^Vg*: AiA«fu: [£»»]), mentioned Ex. xr. 27; Num. xxxiii. 9, at the second station where the Israelites encamped after crossing the Red Sea. It it distinguished as having had

    "twelve went (rather "fountains," jTO*y) ot

    » Boot b^W, or VM, "to be strong," hence "a strong tree," properly either an " oak " or " terabintb, r bat also generally " tree ; " here in pior. me" Uu tresf of the desert" (Stanley, S. $• P. p. 516, § •»). Both or Blath la another plur. form ot the same idewslus and Fiirst say " palms."]

    Digitized by




    water, a«d tlu (2) hours N. w. from Ghurundtt, and reached by the Israelites, therefore, before it), and that Elim is to he found in the last of the four above named, IV. Blmbeikeh (Lepsius, Tratelt, Berlin, 1846, 8. 1. 37 ff.). [Wilderness of the Waxdekikg.]

    H. H.

    ELIM/ELECH [Heb. -melech] C?T)?9 n1 ?8 : 'EAi/wfAex; [Vat. AjSm/mAcy; Alex. AAi/MAea-,. -A«y, A0iu*\\tx : £tinukch]), a man of the tribe of Judah, and of the family of the Hezronitea and the kinsman of Boas, who dwelt in Bethlehem- Ephratah in the days of the Judges. In conse- quence of a great dearth in the land he went with his wife Naomi, and his two sons, Mahlox and Chiuon, to dwell in Moab, where he and his sons lied without posterity. Naomi returned to Beth- lehem with Ruth, her daughter-in-law, whose mar- ' riage with Boas, " a mighty man of wealth, of the family of Elimelech," " her husband's kinsman." forms the subject of the book of Ruth. (Ruth i. I, 8, ii. 1, 3, ir. 3, 9.) A. C. H.

    * Elimelech signifies, If > be pronominal, my Gad it king} but if merely paragogie, God it king. Phis import of the name, as Cassel remarks (Richter v. Ruth in Lauge's Bibthctrk, p. 205), indicates the rank of Eliraelech's family, since all the names

    with this element (^1$?), as far as we know, t. g. Abimelecb, Ahimeiech, were borne by eminent per- sons. How long be lived after the arrival in Moab is uncertain ; for though evidently the sons were not married till after his death (Ruth i. 8, 4), it

    « Sertron (Rtiun, 1864, ill. 114-117) traversed them *U, and reached Howara In about a six hours* ride, lis was going In the opposite direction to the routes ti Robinson and Stanley ; and it is interesting to com- sar-< his notes of the local features, caught in the j se w order, with thein.


    does not appear how many of th •. ten yean oJ tbs sojourn there had elapsed (rer. 1) when the sod were married. [Ruth ; Ruth, Hook op.] H.

    ELIOE'NAI [5 syL, 4 in Heb.] OSJV^I [unto Jehovah are my eyes, Get.]: ['EAiferdV Vat. EAsitkusw; Alex. EAwnral: Ehotnai]). 1. Head of one of the families of the sons of Beeher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).

    2. ['EAwrat; Alex. EAumtj..] Head of a family of the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 36).

    3. (Accur. Euhok'icai [5 syL], ^FSTtrT^ • ['EAiewat; Vat. -voir; Alex. EAuenrai-]) Seventh, son of Meshelemiah, the son of Kore, of the sons of Asaph, a Korhite Levite, and one of the door- keepers of the " house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. xxri 3). It appears from ver. 14 that the lot fell to Meshelemiah (Shelemiah) to have the east-gate; and as we learn from rer. 9 that he had eighteen strong men of his sons and brethren under him, we may conclude that all his sons except Zechariah the first-born (ver. 14) served with him, and there- fore Elioenai likewise. There were six Lerites daily on guard at the east-gate, whose turn would there- fore come every third day.

    4. ['E\\<0«i'dV ; Vat. EKtiSaya, -Stray; Alex. ZKiunrat, -arrat] Eldest son of Neariah, the son of Sheuiaiah, 1 Chr. Ui. 33, 34. According to the present Heb. text he is in the serenth generation from Zerubbabel, or about contemporary with Alex- ander the Great ; but there are strong grounds for believing that Shemaiah is identical with Shimei (ver. 19), Zerubbabel's brother. (See Cental, of our Lord, 107-109, and ch. vii.)

    8. [In Exr. 'EAioW; Vat. FA. -«»«; Alex. EAiangrat; in Neb., Rom. Vat. Alex, omit; FA.* EAiainral; Comp. Aid. 'EAiwl.] A priest of the sons of Pashur, in the days of Ezra, one of those who had married foreign wives, but who, at Ezra's instigation, put them away with the children born of them, and offered a ram for a trespass-offering (Ezr. x. 33). He Is possibly the same as is men- tioned in Neh. xil. 41, as one of the priests who accompanied Nehemiah with trumpets at the dedi- cation of the wall of Jerusalem. He is called EuoDAS, 1 Esdr. ix. 22.

    6. ['EAiwrat Vat. -ava, FA. -way; Alex EAwmu, 3. m. ZXuunyaX] An Israelite, of th» sons of Zattu, who had also married a strange wuV (Ezr. x. 37). From the position of Zattu in the lists, Ezr. ii. 8; Neh. vii. 13, x. 14, it was prob- ably a family of high rank. Euoknai is corrupted to Euadas, 1 Esdr. ix. 38. A. C. H.

    ELIOT* AS. 1. ('EAwrafi, Alex. tUwmsl [Aid. 'EAAkrai:] Vulg. omits), 1 Esdr. ix. 32.

    [EUOENAI, 5.}

    • The A. V. ed. 1611, with the Genevan version and the Bishops' Bible, following, as usual, the Aldine edition, reads Eixiohas. A.

    3. ('EAismss; [Vat. EAi«8aj:] Noneai), 1 Esdr. ix. 83. [Euezkb, 10.]

    ELIPHAL ty'ty [**om God judge*, Ges.] : 'EA«k£t; Alex. EAupaaA; [Comp. 'EAioWa.-J Ehphal), son of Ur; one of the members of David '«

    * Seetsen alleges that the scanty quantity of tot water at Hmoara is against this Identity — a weak reason, for the water-supply of these regions V bjgxd? variable. He also rejects Q\\unmdtl as the stte o Kim (Ui. 117).

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    |««r*(lChr.xi.35). In the parallel lUt in 3 Sam. uttL the name is given Eufhkijst, and the names m eoonection with it are much altered. [Uk.]

    ELIPH'ALAT ('EAifoAdV [Vat. -A«r-] : Eliphalach), 1 Esdr. ix. 33. [Eut-HBUCT.]

    BLIPH'ALET [lltb. EliphaTet] (B^^>B [God delivers] : [in 2 Sam. 'EXMpaXie; Vat. EAt r (not; Alex.] EAtetaatf; [in 1 Ohr.,J 'EAKpaAii; [Alex. -AfT ; Vat. E/wpaArr, FA. EripaAfT :] EliphaUtA, [EliphaUt]). L The last of the thirteen tons bom to David, by his wives, after his estab- lishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16; 1 Chr. xiv. 7). Elsewhere, when it does not occur at a pause, the name is given with the shorter' vowel — Kuphelbt (1 Chr. lii. 8). Equivalent to Eliphalet are the names Elfalkt and Phaltiel.

    2. 1 Esdr. viU. 39. ['EAiAaAi, Vat. -Am-; Aid. Alex. 'EAwpdAarof: EUphalam.} [Euph- ELTT, 6.]

    EI/IPHAZ (tj^bj? [Con Ais strength]: 'EAtfit; [in 1 Chr. 'EA^tf; Vat. EA«i^aj:] Eliphaz). X. The son of Esau and Adah, and father of Teman (Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10-16; 1 Chr. i. 35,36).

    2. ['EAi

    ELIPH'ELEH pn^SP^H [«*om God du- cinyuUha], i. e. EliphtWhu: 'Ekvptyi, 'EAjfaAou, Alex. EAietoAo, [EAi^oAouu ; Vat EAc t&tra. Er- Sonui; FA. E\\u

    Merarite Levite; one of the gatekeepers (D N "|5.1B7, A. V. " porters ") appointed by David to play on the harp " on the Sheminith " on the occasion of bringing up the Ark to the city of David (1 Chr. tv. 18, 31).

    BLIPH'ELET [Htb. EUphelet] (O^?^ God deUveri)).

    L ('EAioVtA^e; [Vat- -Aei-;] Alex. EAtipaArr: EtiphaUth.) The name of a son of David, one of the children born to him, by his wives, after his atabbshmeni in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 6). In the 4at la 8 Sun. v. 15, 16, this name and another are

    ELISHA 718

    omitted; while In another list in I Chr. xiv. B, * it is given as Elpalet.

    2. ('EAupoAi; [Vat. -A«i-; Alex. EAupoArr.. Eliphekt.) Another son of David, belonging alec to the Jerusalem family, and apparently the last of his sons (1 Chr. iii. 8). In the other list. occurring at the pause, the vowel is lengthened and the name becomes

    It is believed by some that there were net two sons of this name ; but that, like Nogah, one is merely a transcriber's repetition. The two are cer- tainly omitted in Samuel, but on the other hand they are inserted in two separate lists in Chronicles, and in both cases the number of sons is summed up at the close of the list.

    3. ('KKiipakiti [Vat. -A«i-i Alex. EAiAoAst: EHphtleth.]) Son of Ahasbai, son of the Maacha- thite. One of the thirty warriors of David's guard (3 Sam. xxiii. 34). In the list in 1 Chr. xi. the name is abbreviated into Eliphal.

    *• ["EArtaAtV; Vat EAtiftoAtu: EliphaUt.] Son of Eshek, a descendant of king Saul through Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 39).

    6. ['EAnpaAdr ; Alex. -\\ai ; Vat AAtupar : Eliphekt.] One of the leaders of the Bene-Adon- ikam, who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ear. viii. 13). [Euphalet, 2.]

    6. ['EAi^aAsV; Vat FA. EA«t$aA<»: Ehph*~ leih.] A man of the Bene-Hashum, in the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife and had to relinquish her (Ezr. x. 33). [Eupualat.]

    ELIS'ABETH('EAicni/3fT'. [Elisabeth] ), the wife of Zacharias and mother of John the Baptist (Luke i. 6 ff). She was herself of the priestly family, i K t£v 9uyarip»y'Aap

    * For the import of the name, see Eusheba. The wife of Aaron bore the same name (Ex. vi. 33), and hence it is one that the females of a sacerdotal family tike this of Elisabeth (Luke i. 5) would be apt to have given to them. The Greek form arose, says Furst (Hebr. u. ChnU. Hamhcb. i. 93), from

    nP3?^ /& How she was related to Mary the mother of Jesus, is uncertain. It may have been on the side of her own mother (her father being a Levite) as a descendant of David, or on that of Mary's mother (her father being of the house of. David) as a descendant of Aaron. Marriages be- tween those of different tribes were not forbidden, except when there were no sons, and the right* of property vested in daughters. H.

    ELISETJS [properly Elis.k'us] ('EAwaW [Vat -A«i-] ; N. T. Rec. Text with C, EAunnubs; Lachm. with A D [Sin.], 'EAurouu; [B, EA«i- o*cuot0 Eliseut, but in Cod. Ainiat llelimmt): the form in which the name Elisha appears in the A V. of the Apocrypha and the X. T. (Eoclns. Uviii. 13; Luke iv. 37). [The A. V. ed. 1611, with ->ther early editions, reads Elizeus in the pas- sages referred to.]

    xCI'SHA O^bft [God it tahatio*, i. «. k' who tnres]: 'EAurcus, Alex. EAunrau; J o sep h 'FWo-wof.' Elitaui). so- of Shaphat of Abel- meholah." The attendant and disciple (mu pa0irH)s

    « The story In the Own. PtuehaUmi xtntsasavsi

    Digitized by


    g J




    rai BtdWor, Joseph. Ant. viii. 13, § 7) of EUjah, ■ad subsequently his successor as prophet of the kingdom of Israel.

    The earliest mention of his name is in the com- mand to Elijah in the care at Horeb (1 K. xix. 10, 17). But our first introduction to the future prophet is in the fields of his native place. Abel- meholah — the " meadow of the dance " — was probably in the valley of the Jordan, and, as its name would seem to indicate, in a moist or watered situation. [Abel.] Eujah, on his way from Sinai to Damascus by the Jordan valley, lights on his successor engaged in the labors of the field, twelve yoke before him, t. e. either twelve ploughs at work in other parts of the field, or more probably twelve "yokes" of land already ploughed, and he himself engaged on the last. 9 To cross to him (i. e. on the other side of the Jordan), to throw over his shoulders the rough mantle — a token at once of investiture with the prophet's office, and of adoption as a son — was to Elijah but the work of an instant, and the prophet strode on as if what he had done were nothing. 6 " Go back again, for what have I done unto thee?"

    So sudden and weighty a call, involving the re- linquishment of a position so substantial, and family ties so dear, might well hare caused hesitation. But the parley was only momentary. To use a figure which we may almost believe to hare been suggested by this very occurrence, Elisha was not a man who, having put his band to the plough, was likely to look back ; c be delayed merely to give the farewell kiss to his father and mother, and pre- side at a parting feast with his people, and then followed the great prophet on his northward road to become to him what in the earlier times of his nation Joshua d had been to Moses.

    Of the nature of this connection we know hardly anything. '• Elisha the son of Shaphat, who poured water on the hands of Elijah," is all that is told us. The characters of the two men were thoroughly iissiiuilar, but how far the lion-like daring and courage of the one had infused itaelf into the other, we can judge from the few occasions on which it blazed forth, while every line of the narrative of Elijah's last hours on earth bears evidence bow deep was the personal affection which the stern, rough, reserved master had engendered in his gentle and pliant disciple.

    Seven or eight years must have passed between the call of Elisha and the removal of his master, and during the whole of that time we hear nothing of him. But when that period had elapsed he re- appears, to become the most prominent figure in the history of his country during the rest of his

    is that when Elisha first saw th. light the golden calf at QUgal roared, so loud as to be heard at Jerusalem, t Us shall destroy their graven and their molten saages" (Vabridus, Cod. parudepigr. 1. 1071).

    • • The exact rendering (1 K. xix. 19) is that Elisha '. was ploughing : 12 yoke before him " ; and the better explanation Is not that the prophet followed a team of 12 oxen, but that 11 yoke of oxen with as many ploughs preceded him, and that he was the 12th at the end of the line. It Is ctutoinary now for the tamers in Syria to plough in this manner. " I have awn," says Dr. Thomson {Land and Book, I. 208) " more than a doaen of them thus at work. . . . Their Jttle ploughs" [see Plough] " make no proper furrow, tot merely root up and throw the soil on either side, sad so any number may follow one another, each [ Its own atnteb sloog the back of the earth,


    long life. Il almost every respect lUlahs presents the most umplete contrast to EUjah. The copiom collection of his sayings and doings which are pre- served in the 3d to the 9th chapter of the 3d book of Kings, though in many respects deficient in thai remarkable vividness which we have noticed in the records of Ehjah, is yet full of testimonies to this contrast. EUjah was a true Bedouin child of the desert. The clefts of the Cberith, the wild shrubs of the desert, the cave at Horeb, the top of Carmd, were his haunts and his resting-places. If he enters a city, it is only to deliver his message of fire and be gone. Elisha, on the other hand, is a civilized man, an ionabitant of cities. He passed from tin 1

    translation of his master to dwell (2ttf\\ A. V. " tarry ") at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18); from thence be " returned " to Samaria (ver. 26) At Samaria (r. 3, vi. 32, comp. ver. 21) and at Dothan (vi. 13) he seems regularly to hare resided in a bouse (v. 9, 24, vi. 32, xiii. 17) with " doors " and " windows," in familiar intercourse with the sons of the prophets, with the elders (vi. 32), with the lady of Shunem, the general of Damascus, the king of Israel. Over the king and the " captain of the boat " he seems to hare possessed some special influence, capable of being turned to material advantage if desired (i K. iv. 13). And as with his manners so with bis appearance. The touches of the narrative are very slight, but we can gather that his dress was the ordinary garment of an Israelite, the beged, prob- ably similar in form to the long abbtyeh of the modern Syrians (2 K. ii. 12), that his hair was worn trimmed behind, in contrast to the disordered locks of Elijah (ii. 23, as explained below), and that he used a walking-staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordi- narily carried by grave or aged citizens (Zech. viii. 4). What use he made of the rough mantle of EUjah, which came into his possession at then parting, does not anywhere appear, but there is no hint of his ever having worn it.

    If from these external peculiarities we turn to the internal characteristics of the two, and to the results which they produced on their contemporaries, the differences which they present are highly in- structive. Elijah was emphatically a destroyer His mission was to slay and to demolish whatever opposed or interfered with the rights of Jehovah, the Lord of Hosts. The nation had adopted a god of power and force, and they were shown that he was feebleness itself compared with the God whom they had forsaken. But after EUjah the destroyer comes Elisha the healer. " There shall not be dew nor rain these years " is the proclamation of the one. " There shall not be from thence any dearth

    and when at the end of the field, they can return aim t the same line, and thus hack snd forth until the whole Is ploughed. It was well that BUsha came the lm«t of the twelve, for the act of Elijah would have stopped all that were In advance of him. They cannot pass one another." b

    t Bo onr translation, and so the latest Jewish ren- dering (Znni). Other versions Interpret the pamags differently.

    e According to Joseph us (Ant. vill. 18, } 7) he begaa to prophesy Immediately.

    d The word VTrPtt?? (A. V. "ministered ti him "), Is the same that 'Is employed of Joshua Oehaxi's relaaVn to EUsn*. except once, is designate*

    by a drnerwt word, ")V^ = "M" or < vevth."

    Digitized by



    * barren bed " i» the fint miracle of the other. What ma; hare been the disposition of EUjah when tot engaged in the actual aerriee of hi< miasion we have unhappily no meant of knowing. Like most men of strong stern character, he had probably (flections no less strong. Gut it is impossible to conceive that he was accustomed to the practice of that beneficence which la so strikingly character- istic of Elisha, and which comes out at almost every step of his career. Still more impossible is it to conceive him exercising the tolerance towards the person and the religion of foreigners for which Elisha is remarkable — in communication, for ex- ample, with Naaman or Hazael; in the one case calming with a word of peace the scruples of the new proselyte, anxious to reconcile the due homage to Rimmon with his allegiance to Jehovah ; in the other case contemplating with tears, but still with tears only, the evil which the future king of Syria was to bring on his country. That Baal-worship was prevalent in Israel even after the efforts of Elyah, and that Samaria was its chief seat, we have the evidence of the narrative of Jehu to as- sure us (2 K. x. 18-37), but yet not one act or word in disapproval of it la recorded of Elisha. True, he could be as nsalous in his feelings and as cutting in his words as EUjah. •' What have I to do with thee 1" says he to the son of Ahab — « this ton of a murderer," as on another occasion he called him — "what have I to do with thee? get thee to the prophets of thy rather and to the prophets of thy mother. As the Lord of hosts bveth before whom I stand " — the very formula of ldijah — " surely were it not that I regard the presence of Jeboehaphat king of Judah I would not look toward thee nor see thee! " But after this expression of wrath he allows himself to be calmed by the music of the minstrel, and ends by giving the three kings the counsel which frees them from their difficulty. So also he smites the host of the Syrians with blindness, but it is merely for a tem- porary purpose; and the adventure concludes by his preparing great provision for them, and send- ing these enemies of Israel and worshippers of false gods back unharmed to their master.

    In considering these differences the fact must not oe lost sight of that, notwithstanding their greater extent and greater detail, the notices of Elisha really convey a much more imperfect idea of the man than those of EUjah. The prophets of the nation of Israel — both the predecessors of Elisha, like Samuel and Elyah, and his successors, like Isaiah and Jeremiah — are represented to us as preachers of righteousness, or champions of Jeho- vah against false gods, or judges and deliverers of their country, or counsellors of their sovereign in times of peril and difficulty. Their miracles and wonderful acts are introduced as means toward these ends, and are kept in the most complete subordination thereto. But with Elisha, as he is



    •> The ordinary meaning put upon this phrat* (ass s*r oxampla, J. H. Newman, Subjects of tht Day, p. Ml) Is that SUsha po s se s sed doable the power of Hi- Jah. This, though sanctioned by the renderings of the Vulgate and Lather, and adopted by a long series yt sosassantatces from 8. Epbiaem Syrus to Pastor •{ruromacher, would appear not to be the real fomr

    pictured in these narratives, the case It complete!) reversed. With hhn the miracles an everything, the 'prophet's work nothing. The man who was for years the intimate companion of EUjah, ol whom EUjah's mantle descended, and who was gifted with a double portkui of his spirit," appears in these records chiefly as a worker of prodigies, a predicter of future events, a revealer of secrets, and things happening out of sight or at a distance- The working of wonders seems to be a natural ac- companiment of false religions, and we may bt sure that the Baal-worship of Samaria and Jones) was not free from such arts. The story of 1 K. xxii. shows that even before Elisha's time tht prophets had come to be looked upon as diviners, and were consulted, not on questions of truth test justice, nor even as depositaries of the purposes and will of the Deity, but as able to foretell how an ad- venture or a project was likely to turn out, whether it might be embarked in without personal danger or loss. But if this degradation is inherent in false worship, it is no less a principle in true religion to accommodate itself to a state of things already ex- isting, and out of the forms of the alien or the false to produce the power of the true. 6 And thus Elisha appears to have fallen in with the habits of his fellow-countrymen. He wrought, without re- ward and without ceremonial, the cures and res- torations for which the soothsayers of Baal-zebub at Ekron were consulted in vain: he warned his sovereign of dangers from the Syrians which the whole four hundred of his prophets had not suc- ceeded in predicting to Ahab, and thus in one sense we may say that no less signally than Elyah he vanquished the false gods on their own field. But still even with this allowance it is difficult to help believing that the anecdotes of his life (if the word may be permitted, for we cannot be said to possess his biography) were thrown into their pres- ent shape at a later period, when the idea of a prophet bad been lowered from its ancient elevation to the level of a mere worker of wonders. A bi- ographer who held this lower idea of a prophet's function would regard the higher duties above alluded to as comparatively unworthy of notice, and would omit all mention of them accordingly. In the eulogium of Elisha contained in the cata- logue of worthies of Ecclus. xlviii. 12-14 — the only later mention of him saw the passing allusion of Luke iv. 27 — this view is more strongly brought out than in the earlier narrative: '• Whilst he lived, he was not moved by the presence of any prince, neither could any bring him into subjection. No word could overcome him, and after his death hit body prophesied. He did wonders in his life, and at his death were his works marvellous."

    But there are other considerations from which the incompleteness of these records of EUsba may be inferred: (1.) The absence of marks by which to determine the dates of the various occurrences.

    son. Thus the gift of the "double portion " of HI j»h'» spirit was but the legitimate conclusion of the act of adoption which began with the casting of the mantle at Abel-meholah years before. This explana- tion Is given by Orotius and other*. (Bee Keil wi lac.) Ewald ( GarA. Hi. 507) gives it as nnr Zwidrittet, unit ok* *» tamn — two thirds, and hardly that Fes a curious calculation by 8. Peter Dsmlaous, that BH- Jan performed 12 miracles aud Blsha 21. see the Actt Sancttmnr, July 20. [See Posnos, Douau, Juttm •41

    » See Stanley's Oattitwy Srrmaat, a. OS

    Digitized by




    Hie « king of Israel " is continually mentioned, not we are left to infer what king is intended (2 K. v. 5, 6, 7, Ac, vi. 8, 9, 81, 28, vii. 2, viii. 3, 5, (, Ac.). This is the caw even in the story of the important events of Naaman's cure, and the capt- ure of the Syrian host at Dothan. The only ex- ceptions are iii. 12 (eomp. 6), and the narrative of the visit of Jehoash (xiii. 14, Ac), but this latter story is itself a proof of the disarrangement of these records, occurring as it does after the men- tion of the death of Jehoash (ver. 13), and being followed by an account of occurrences in the reign of Jehoahaz his father (w. 22, 23). (2.) The absence of chronological sequence in the narratives. The story of the Shunammite embraces a lengthened period, from before the birth of the child till he was some years old. Gehazi's familiar communi- ation with the king, and therefore the story which precedes it (viii. 1, 2), must hare occurred before he was struck with leprosy, though placed long after the relation of that event (v. 27). (3.) The dif- ferent stories are not connected by the form of words usually employed in the consecutive narrative of these books. (See Keil, Kings, p. 348, where other indications will be found.)

    With this preface we pass to the ecushtf ration of the several occurrences preserved to n in the life of the prophet

    The call of Elisha seems to have taken place about four years before the death of Ahab. He died in the reign of Jnash, the grandson of Jehu. This embraces a period of not less than 66 years, for certainly 55 of which he held the office of " prophet in Israel " (2 K. v. 8).«

    1. After the departure of his master, Elisha re- turned to dwell » at Jericho (2 K. U. 18). The town had been lately rebuilt (1 K. xvi. 34), and was the residence of a body of the " sons of the prophets " (2 K. ii. 5, 15). No one who has visited the site of Jericho can forget how prominent a feature in the scene are the two perennial springs which, rising at the base of the steep hills of Qua rantania behind the town, send their streams across the plain toward the Jordan, scattering, even at the hottest season, the richest and most grateful vegetation over what would otherwise be a bare tract of sandy soil. At the time in question part

    a The figures given above are arrived at as tri- ms: —

    Ahab's reign after BUsha's call, say 4 yean.

    Ahiulah's do 2 u

    Joram's do 12 u

    John's do 28 "

    Jehoahas'e do. 17 ••

    Joash, before Ehsha 's death, say . 2 •>

    tt of the above KUjah lived probably 9 yean ; the I of Ahab, the 2 of Ahattah, and say 8 of Joram : whkh leaves 56 years from the ascent of Elijah to the J*th of Elisha.

    e Hebr. 30^; A. T. generally "dwelt," but here » tarried." " T

    e This, or Mm Hajla, In the same neighborhood, is probably the. spring Intended by Soott In the opening thapter of the Tatitman, under the name of the ' Diamond of the Desert." But his knowledge of the topography la evidently mast Imperfect.

    •This 'Ain t$- Sultan Is the only fountain near .'■rteooj and "there Is every reason to regard these is the waters miraculously healed by Elisha. They stay have been earlier brackish and warm, like most


    at least of this chum was wanting One of tin springs was noxious — had some properties which rendered it unfit for drinking, and also prejudicial

    to the land (ii. 19, C^^bad, A. V. "naught"). At the request of the men of Jericho Elisha rem- edied this evil. He took salt in a new vessel, and cast it into the water at its source in the name of Jehovah. From the time of Josephus (B. J. iv. 8, $ 3) to the present (Ssewulf, Mnd. Trav. p. 17; Mandeville; Maundrell; Rob. i. 554, 655), the tra- dition of the cure has been attached to the targe spring N. W. of the present town, and which now bears, probably in reference to some later event, the name of 'Am et-SultanS

    2. We next meet with Elisha at Refhtl in the heart of the country, on his way from Jericho tc Mount Carmel (2 K. ii. 23). His last visit had been made in company with Ettjah on their road down to the Jordan (ii. 2). Sons of the prophets resided there, but still it was the seat of the calf- worship, and therefore a prophet of Jehovah might expect to meet with insult, especially if not so wed known and so formidable as Elijah. The road to the town winds up the defile of the Wady Stactinil, under the hill which still bears what in all prob- ability are the ruins of Ai, and which, even now retaining some trees, was at that date shaded by a forest, thick, and the haunt of savage animals.'' Here the boys of the town were clustered, waiting, as they still wait at the entrance of the villages of Palestine, for the chance passer-by. In the short- trimmed locks of Elisha, bow were they to recog- nize the successor of the prophet, with whose shaggy hair streaming over his shoulders they were all familiar? So with the license of the eastern children they scoff at the new comer as he walks by — "Go up," roundhead ! go up, roundhead ! " For once Elisha assumed the sternness of his mas- ter. He turned upon them and cursed them in the name of Jehovah, and we all know the catastrophe which followed. The destruction of these children has been always felt to be a difficulty. It is so en- tirely different from anything elsewhere recorded of Hisha — the one exception of severity in a life of mildness and beneficence — that it is perhaps allowable to conclude that some circumstances have been omitted in the narrative, or that some expras-

    of the fountains further north and south ; now they are sweet and pleasant, not cold Indeed, but also only slightly warm" (Bob. P*y$. Gtogr. p. 266). This fountain is situated a mile or more In front of Qk«- rantania, the reputed mount of Christ's temptation. Travellers from Jerusalem to the Jordan usually pitch their tents at night beside this sparkling fountain.


    ' nbj, " go up," oan hardly, as Abarbanel would have it, be a scoff at the recent ascent of Kujah. The word rendered above by "roundhead" (JT^p) Is • peculiar Hebrew term for shortness of hair at list back of the bead, as distinguished from 1733, halt

    In front: A. T. "forehead-bald." Thai k <■ ts

    Ewald (Iii. 6121. [8»» p. 708, note » J

    Digitized by



    aV/» as* lost ita special force, which would have t»r*«'"«^ and justified the apparent disproportion of the punishment to the offense.

    8. Elisha extricates Jehoram king of Israel, and the kings of Judah and Edom, from their difficulty In the campaign against Moab, arising from want of water (Hi. 4-27 ). The remit of Moab occurred very shortly after the death of Ahab (iii. 6, comp. LI), and the campaign followed immediately— "the same day" (iii. 6; A. V. "time"). The prophet was with the army; according to Josephus (Ant. ix. 3, $ 1), he " happened to be in a tent (*ti>x* KOT«

    4. The widow of one of the sons of the prophets — according to Josephus, of Obadiah, the steward of Ahab — is in debt, and her two sons are about to be taken from her and sold ss slaves. She has no property but a pot of oiL This Elisha causes (in his absence, iv. 6) to multiply, until the widow has filled with it all the vessels which she could borrow. No invocation of Jehovah i» mentioned, nor any place or date of the miracle.

    5. The next occurrence is at Shunem and Mount Carmel (iv. 8-37). The story divides itself into two parts, separated from each other by several years, (a.) Elisha, probably on his way between Carmel and the Jordan valley, calls accidentally at Shunem, now 8olam, a village on the southern slopes of Jebd ed-Duiy, the little Hermon of modem travellers. Here he is hospitably enter- tained by a woman of substance, apparently at that lime ignorant of the character of her guest. There is no occasion here to quote the details of this charming narrative, or the manner in which, as a recompense for her care of the prophet, she was saved from that childless condition which was esteemed so great a calamity by every Jewish wife, and permitted to " embrace a son."

    (o.) An interval has elapsed of several years. The boy is now old enough to accompany his rather to the corn-field, where the harvest is proceeding. The fierce rays of the morning sun are too powerful far him, and he is carried home to his mother only to die at noon. She says nothing of their loss to her husband, but depositing her child on the bed of the man of God, at once starts in quest of him to Mount Carmel. The distance is fifteen or six- teen miles, at least four hours' ride; but she is mounted on the best ass • in the stable, and she does not slacken rein. Elisha is on one of the heights of Carmel commanding the road to Shunem,

    and from his position opposite to her (733.0) he recognizes in the distance the figure of the regular



    « pnyn -"«» sh«Mu»." 8hs-assss were, and t U are, most cstetmsd In th« last.

    t Ths A. V. In tv. 37, p erver sely rendars "inn,

    Um mount,'' by " ths bill," thus obscur 1 -:*, ths oon- asctkm with var. 26. " Mount Cannsl."

    e « QU up thy •oins and go."

    ■ "1?3, t. «. the lad or youth, a touu./ duanent «oa K (from] thai t v which the relation of Blso* to

    attendant at the services which he holds hue at " new moon and sabbath " (comp. ver. 88V He sends Gehaxi down to meet her, and inquire the reason of her unexpected visit. But her distress it for the ear of the master, snd not of the servant, and she presses on till she comes up to the place where Elisha himself is stationed,' 1 then throwing herself down in her emotion she clasps him by the feet. Misinterpreting this action, or perhaps with an ascetic feeling of the unholiness of a woman, Gehazi attempts to thrust her away. But the prophet is too profound a student of human nature to allow this — " Let her alone, for her soul is vexed within her, and Jehovah hath hid it from me, and hath not told me." " And she said " — with the enigmatical form of oriental speech — " Did I desire a son of my lord V did I not say do not deceive me?" Mo explanation is needed to tell Elisha the exact state of the case. The heat of the season will allow of no delay in taking tho necessary steps, and Gehazi is at once despatched to run back to Shunem with the utmost speed.' He takes the prophet's walking-staff in his hand which he is to lay on the face of the child. The mother and Elisha follow in haste. Before tbey reach the village the sun of that long, anxious, summer afternoon must have set. Gehazi meets them on the road, but he has no reassuring report to give; the placing of the staff on the face of the dead boy had called forth no sign of life. Then Elisha enters the bouse, goes up to his own chamber, " and he shut the door on them twain, and prayed unto Jehovah." It was what Elijah had done on n similar occasion, and in this and his subsequent proceedings Elisha was probably following a method which he had heard of from his master. The child is restored to life, tho mother is called in, and again falls at the feet of the prophet, though with what different emotions — " and she took up her son and went out."

    There is nothing in the narrative to fix its date with reference to other events. We here first encounter Gehaxi the " servant " of the man of God. 1 ' It must of course have occurred before the events of viii. 1-6, and therefore before the cure of Naaman, when Gehazi became a leper.

    8. The scene now changes to Gilgal, apparently at a time when Elisha was residing there (iv. 38 41). The sons of the prophets are sitting round him. It is a time of famine, possibly the same seven years' scarcity which is mentioned in viii. 1, 2, and during which the Shunammite woman of the preceding story migrated to the Philistine country. The food of the party must consist of any herbs that can be found. The great caldron is put on at the command of Elisha, and one of the com- pany brings his blanket CTCS ' not " bp " as In A. T.) full of such wild vegetables as he has col- lected, and empties it into the pottage. But no sooner have they begun their meal than the teste betrays the presence of some noxious herb,' and tbey cry out, " there is death in the pot, O man

    Kbjsh Is dodguatod — see abov* ; though the latter Is also occasionally applied to Gehaxi.

    « For a roll discussion of ths nature of this herb ses the article PakyotA by the late Dr. Forbss Royis In Kino's Cyclop. Out kind of small gourd has received the name Oncumit prophttanm in aUuaaot to this circumstance ; but Dr. Boyle Inclines to feves C. eotocyntki., J» eotoeyntn, or MomordUa claunom the squirting cncunuW HU> Is surely tapowttb. '

    Digitized by


    J18 ULI8HA

    sf God f " In tois cue the cure id effected by ■ml which Elisha cut into the stew, in the caldron. Here again there is no invocation of the name of Jehovah.

    7. (iv. 42-44). This in all proi«bility belongs to the aame time, and alio to the same place as the preceding. A man from Boal-shalisha brings toe man of (id i present of the first-fruits, which under thb law (Num. xviii. 8, 12; Dent. xviii. 3, 4) were the perquisite of the ministers of the sanct- uary — 90 loaves of the new barley, and some delicacy, the exact nature of which is disputed, but which seems most likely to have been roasted ears of corn not fully ripe," brought with care in a sack or bag.* This moderate provision is by the word of Jehovah rendered more than sufficient for a hundred men.

    This is one of the instances in which Elisha is the first to anticipate in some measure the miracles of Christ.

    The mention of Baal-shalisha gives great support to the supposition that the Gilgal mentioned here (ver. 38) as being frequented by the sons of the prophets, and therefore the same place with that in ii. 1, was not that near Jericho; since Baal- shalisha or Beth-shalisha is fixed by Eusebius at fifteen Roman miles north of Lydda, the very posi- tion in which we still find the name of Gilgal lin- gering as Jilj&th, [Gilgal.]

    8. The simple reoordsof these domestic incidents amongst the sons of the prophets are now inter- rupted by an occurrence of a more important char- acter (v. 1-27).

    The chief captain of the army of Syria, to whom his country was indebted for some signal success, r was afflicted with leprosy, and that in its most malignant form, the white variety (v. 37). In Israel this would have disqualified him from all employment and all intercourse (2 K. xv. 6; 2 Chr. xxvi. 20, 21). But in Syria no such practice appears to have prevailed ; Naaman was still a " great man with his master," " a man of counte- nance." One of the members of his establishment is an Israelite girl, kidnapped by the marauders d of Syria in one of their forays over the border, and she brings into that Syrian household the tune of the name and skill of Elisha. " The prophet in Samaria," who had raised the dead, would, if brought "lace to face"' with the patient, have so difficulty in curing even this dreadful leprosy, rhe news is oommunicated by Naaman himself/ to the king. Benhadad had yet to learn the posi- ion and character of Elisha. He writes to the king of Israel a letter very characteristic of a military prince, and curiously recalling words uttered by {mother military man in reference to the cure of his sick servant many centuries later — " I say to this one, go, and he goetb, and to my servant do this, and he doeth it." " And now " — so ran Benbadad's letter after the usual complimentary Introduction had probably opened the communion

    • The Hebrew expression 7P*7? seems to be

    elllpticai for 'S BTTj| (Lev. U. 14 ; A. V. "green •are of eorn "). The' sum ellipsis occurs in Lev. xxm. 14 (A. V. "green ears"). The old Hebrew BterpretatiOD Is " trader and fresh ears." Qese nlns 1 7*4*. p. 718) makes It out to be grains or grits. The in Lsv. U. 14, compared with Che eomraon

    i of the Bast In the pre s ent day,

    [ given above.


    tion — «and now, when this letter is eeuw sail thee, behold I have sent Naaman, my slave, to thee. that thou mayest recover him of his leprosy." With this letter, and with a present, in which the rich fabrics,? for which Damascus has been always in modern times so famous, form a conspicuous feature, and with a full retinue of attendants (13, 15, 23), Naaman proceeds to Samaria. The king of Israel — his name is not given, but it wss prob- ably Joram — is dismayed at the communication. He has but one idea, doubtless the result of too frequent experience — " Consider how this man seeketh a quarrel against me!" The occurrence soon reaches the ears of the prophet, and with a certain dignity be "sends" to the king — *" Lrt him come to me, and be shall know that there is a prophet in Israel." To the house of Elisha Naaman goes with bis whole cavalcade, the " horses and chariot" of the Syrian general fixing themselves particularly in the mind of the chronicler. Elisha still keeps in the background, and ahile Naaman stands at the doorway, contents himself with send- ing out a messenger with the simple direction to bathe seven times in the Jordan. The independent behavior of the prophet, and the simplicity of the prescription — not only devoid of any ceremonial, but absolutely insulting to the nsttie of a city which boasted, ss it still boasts, of the finest water- supply of any city of the East — all combined to enrage Naaman. His slaves, however, knew how to deal with the quick but not ungenerous temper of their master, and the result is that he goes down to the Jordan and dips himself seven times, " and his flesh came again like the flesh of a little child, and he was clean." His first business after his cure is to thank his benefactor. He returns with

    his whole following (njrTO, <*. e. " bust," or " camp "), and this time he will not be denied the presence of Elisha, but making his way in, and standing before him, he gratefully acknowledges the power of the God of Israel, and entreats him to accept the present which be has brought from Damascus. But Elisha is firm, and refuses the offer, though repeated with the strongest adjuration. Naaman, having adopted Jehovah as his God, begs to be allowed to take away some of the earth of his favored country, of which to make an altat. He then consults Elisha on a difficulty which he foresees. How is he, a servant of Jehovah, to act wben he accompanies the king to the temple of the Syrian god Kimmon? He must bow before the god ; will Jehovah pardon this disloyalty 1 Elisha's auswer is " Go in peace," and with this farewell the caravan moves off. But Gehazi, the attendant of Elisha, cannot allow such treasures thus to escape him. " As Jehovah liveth," an expres- sion, in the lips of this vulgar Israelite, exactly

    * ) wftS : LXX. «rjpa. The word occurs only its. The m ean in g given above Is recognised by the

    majority of the versions snd by Qaaenius, snd Is stated

    In the margin of A. V. <• The tradition of the Jews Is that it was Naamas

    who killed Ahab (ACroVtua IMiikm, p. S»t, on Pa


    << Hebr. Q > Tn|, t. ». pluuMrare, always A* Irregular parties of marauder*. « So the Hebrew. A. V. « witn." / A. V. "out went In " Is quits gratuitous.

    » The word used Is LTD? s itrsss sis isissis S)

    Digitized by



    afsiralent to tlie oft-repeated Wallah — 'by God" — of the modern Arab*, " I will run after this Syrian and take somewhat of him." So be frames * story by which the generous Naaman is made to Mod back with him to Elisha's house a considerable present in money and clothes. He then went in and stood before his master as if nothing had hap- pened. But the prophet was not to be so deceived. His heart had gone after his servant through the whole transaction, even to it* minutest details, and he visits Gehaxi with the tremendous punishment of the leprosy, from which he has just relieved Naamai.

    This cure of leprosy — the only one which he effected (Luke iv. 27) — is a second miracle in which Elisha, and Elisha only, anticipated our Lord.'

    The date of the transaction must have been at least seven years after the raising of the Shunani- mite's son. This is evident from a comparison of viii. 4 with 1, 3, 3. Uehazi's familiar conversa- tion with the king must have taken place before he was a leper.

    9. (vi. 1-7). We now return to the sons of the prophets, but this time the scene appears to be changed, and is probably at Jericho, and during the residence of Elisha there. Whether from the increase of the scholars consequent on the estima- tion in which the master was held, or from some other cause, their habitation had become too small — " the place in which we sit before thee is too narrow for us." They will therefore more to the close neighborhood of the Jordan, and cutting down beams — each man one, as with curious minuteness the text relates — make there a new dwelling-place. Why Jordan was selected is not apparent. Possibly for its distance from the dis- tractions of Jericho — possibly the spot was one sanctified by the crossing of Israel with the ark, or of Elijah, only a few years before. Urged by bis disciples the man of God consents to accompany them. When they reach the Jordan, descending to the level of the stream, they commence felling the trees * of the dense belt of wood in immediate contact with the water. [Jordan.] As one of Ihem was cutting at a tree overhanging the stream, the iron of his axe (a borrowed tool) flew off and aank into the water. His cry soon brought the nan of God to his aid. The stream of the Jor- dan is deep up to the very bank, especially when the water is so low as to leave the wood dry, and is moreover so turbid that search would be useless. But the place at which the lost axe entered the eater is shown to Elisha; he breaks off' a stick

    nd casts it into the stream, and the "iron appears m the surface, and is recovered by its possessor. No appeal to Jehovah is recorded here.

    10. (vi. 8-83). Elisha is now residing at Do- than, half-way on the road between Samaria and

    lezreeL The incursions of the Syrian marauding Hands'' (comp. v. 9) still continue; but apparently with greater boldness, and pushed even into places i which the king of Israel is accustomed to frequent • I




    « The esse of *tl>

    K So to. Hebrew, D^^n.

    • The Hebrew word 3?p ocean only once bssldsl nut place. Its exact force It sot clear, bat the LXX. ■s*r U itimn, " be pin-htu off."

    But their manoeuvres are not hid from the nan of God, and by bis warnings he saves the king " uot once nor twice." So baffled were the Syrians by these repeated failures, as to make their king sus- pect treachery in his own camp. But the true explanation is given by one of his own people — possibly one of those who bad witnessed the cure wrought on Naaman, and could conceive no powet too great to ascribe to so gifted a person : " Elisha, the prophet in Israel, telleth the ling of Israel the words that thou speakest in thy bed-chamber." So powerful a magician must be seized without de- lay, and a strong party with chariots is despatched to effect his capture. They march by night, nod before morning take up their station round the base of the eminence on which the ruins of Dot ban still stand. EUsba's servant — not Gehaxi, but apparently a new comer, unacquainted with the powers of his master — is the first to discover the danger. But Elisha remains unmoved by bis fears; and at his request the eyes of the youth are opened to behold the spiritual guards which are protecting them, horses and chariots of fire tilling the whole of the mountain. But this is not enough. Elisha again prays to Jehovah, and the whole of the Syrian warriors are struck blind. He then de- scends, and offers to lead them to the person and the place which they seek. He conducts them to Samaria. There, at the prayer of the prophet, their sight is restored, and they find themselves not in a retired country village, but in the midst of the capital of Israel, and in the presence of the king and his troops. His enemies thus completely in bis grasp, the king of Israel Is eager to destroy them. " Shall I slay? shall I slay, my father? " But the end of Elisha has been answered when he has shown the Syrians how futile are all their at- tempts against his superior power. " Thou shalt not slay. Thou mayest/ slay those whom thou hast token captive in lawful fight, but not these: feed them, and send them away to their master " After such a repulse it is not surprising that the marauding forays of the Syrian troops ceased.

    11. (vi. 34-vii. 2). But the king of Syria could not rest under such dishonor. He abandons his marauding system, and gathers a regular army, with which he lays siege to Samaria. The awful extremities to which the inhabitants of the plac* were driven need not here be recalled. Boused by an encounter with an incident more ghastly than all, and which remained without parallel in Jewish records till the unspeakable horrors of the last days of Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. v. 1?, § 3; 13, § 7, Ac.), the king vents his wrath on the prophet, probably as having by his share in the last trans- action," or in some other way not recorded, pro- voked the invasion ; possibly actuated by the spite with which a weak bod man in difficulty often re- gards one better and stronger than himself. The king's name is not stated in the Bible, but there can be no doubt that Josephus is correct in giving

    d D^VE}, •'"•ays with the force of irregular rav. «ging. Be* ver. 28.

    • The expression Is peculiar — "beware thou pass not by inch a place." Joseoaus (U. 4, J S) says thai the king was obliged to give up hunting In cooes

    / This Interpretation Is that of the Targum, Dt Wette, and others, and gives a better ssnss than that of the A. V. The original will perhaps bear either

    9 Josephus, Am. Ix. 4, 1 4

    Digitized by


    720 ELISHA

    tt M Jorani ; and in keeping with this is his employ- ment of tho same oath which his mother Jezebel ised on an occasion not dissimilar (1 K. xix. 2), 1 (iod do so to me and more also, if the head of Elisha the son of Shaphat shall stand on him this da;." No sooner is the word out of the king's mouth than his emissary starts to execute the sentence. Elisha is in his house, and round him are seated the elders of Samaria, doubtless receiving some word of comfort or guidance in their sore calamity. He receives a miraculous intimation of the danger. Ere the messenger could reach the house, he said to his companions, " See how this son of a mur- derer » hath sent to take away my head ! Shut the door, and keep him from entering : even now I hear the sound of his master's feet behind him, hastening to stay the result of his rash exclama- tion ! " * As he says the words the messenger strives at the door, followed immediately, as the prophet had predicted, by the king and by one of his officers, the lord on whose hand he leaned. What follows is very graphic. The king's hered- itary love of Baal bursts forth, and he cries, " This evil is from Jehovah," the ancient enemy of my house, "why should I wait for Jehovah any longer?" To this Elisha answers: "Hear the word of Jehovah " — he who has sent famine can also send plenty — " to-morrow at this time shall a measure of fine flour be sold for a shekel, and two measures of barley for a shekel, in the gate of this very city." " This is folly," says the officer: " even if Jehovah were to make windows in heaven and pour down the provisions, it could not be." " It can, it shall," replies Elisha; "and you, yon shall see it all, but shall not live even to taste it."

    19. (riii. 1-6). We now go back several years to an incident connected with the lady of Shunem, at a period antecedent to the cure of Naaman and the transfer of his leprosy to Geh&zi (v. 1, 27).

    Elisha had been made aware of a famine which Jehovah was about to bring upon the land for seven years; and he had warned his friend the Shunam- mite thereof that she might provide for her safety. Accordingly she had left Shunem with her family, and had taken refuge in tho land of the Philistines, that is, in the rich corn-growing plain on the sea- coast of Judah, where secure from want she re- mained during the dearth. At the end of the seven years she returned to her native place, to find that during her absence her house with the field-land attached to it, the corn-fields of the former story, had been appropriated by some other person. In Eastern countries kings are (or were) accessible to the complaints of the meanest of their subjects to a degree inconceivable to the inhabitants of the Western world." To the king therefore the Shu- nammite had recourse, as the widow of Tekoah on a former occasion to king David (2 Sam. xiv. 4). And now occurred one of those rare coincidences which it is impossible not to ascribe to something more than mere chance. At the very moment of the

    « Sunly an allusion to Abat (J mam's lather) and Nabcth.

    * Josephus, Ant. Ix. 4, { 4.

    c Instances of this an frequent in the Arabian Ntghts. Ibrahim Pacha, the famous son of Mehemet All, used to bold an open court In the garden of his p\\lmc* at Akka (Acre), for complaints of all kinds and tmnall classes.

    ■* p3?S (A. T. " cry '•> ; a word denoting gnat ve-


    entrance of the woman and her son — nhunfiriiiK as oriental suppliants alone clamor, 1 ' for her horns and her land — the king was listening to a recital by Gehazi of " all the great things which Elisha had done," the crowning feat of all being that which he was then actually relating — the restoration to life of the boy of Shunem. The woman was in- stantly recognized by Gehazi. " My lord, U king, this is the woman and this is her son whom Elitha restored to life." From her own mouth the king hears the repetition of the wonderful tale, aid, whether from regard to Elisha, or struck by the extraordinary coincidence, orders her land to l« restored, with the value of all its produce during her absence.

    13. (viii. 7-15). Hitherto we hare met with the prophet only in his own country. We ujw find him at Damascus.' He is there to carry out the command given to Elijah on Horeb to " anoint Hazael to be king over Syria." At the time of his arrival Benhadad was prostrate with his last illness. This marks the time of the visit as after the siege of Samaria, which was conducted by Ben- badad in person (comp. vi. 24). The memory of the cure of Naaman, and of the subsequent disin- terestedness of the prophet, were no doubt still fresh in Damascus; and no sooner does he enter the city than the intelligence is carried to the king — " the man of God is come hither." The king's first desire is naturally to ascertain his own fate; and Hazael, who appears to have succeeded Naaman, is commissioned to be the bearer of a pres- ent to the prophet, and to ask the question on the part of his master, " Shall I recover of this dis- ease? " The present is one of royal dimensions; a caravan of 40 camels,/ laden with the riches and luxuries which that wealthy city could alone fur. rush. The terms of Hazael a address show the respect in which the prophet was held even in this foreign and hostile country. They are iden- tical with those in which Naaman was addressed by his slaves, and in which the king of Israel in a moment of the deepest gratitude and reverence had addressed Elisha himself. " Thy son Benhadad hath sent me to thee, saying, ' Shall I recover of this disease?'" The reply, probably originally ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the present doubtful state of the Hebrew text ; but the general conclusion was unmistakable: "Jehovah hath showed me that he shall surely die." But this was not all that had been revealed to the prophet If Benhadad died, who would be king in his stead but the man who now stood before him? The prospect was one which drew forth the tears of the man of God. This man was no rash and impru- dent leader, who could be baffled and deceived as Benhadad had so often been. Behind that " stead- fast " impenetrable countenance was a steady courage and a persistent resolution, in which Elisha could not but foresee the greatest danger to his country. Here was a man who, give him but the power, would "oppress" and "cut Israel short." would "thresh Gilead with threshing instruments of iron," and •■ make them like the dust by thresh-

    « The traditional spot of bis residence on this occa- sion Is shown In the synagogue at Jobar (? Hobah), s village about 2 miles east of Damascus The sruut village, If not the same building. »'v "ontsJos tht ears in which Elijah was ted by nvens, and the toast of Gehazi (Stanley, 8. $ P. p. 412 ; Quamasuos, ft 881 — " vana et aendacia Hebneorum ";.

    / Josephus, AM. U. 4, J ft.

    Digitized by



    nag "urn former king of Syria had done, and that at a time when the prophet would be no longer alire to warn and to advise. At Hasael's request Eliaha confesses the reason of hU tears. But the prospect is one which baa no sorrow for HazaeL How such a career presented itself to him may be inferred from his answer. His only doubt is the possibility of such good fortune for one so mean. " But what U thy slave," dog that be is, that he should do this great thing? " To which Elisha replies, " Jehovah hath showed me that thou wilt be king over Syria."

    Returning to the king, Hazael tells him only half the dark saying of the man of God — "He told me that thou shouldest surely recover." But that was the last day of Benhadad's life. From whose hand he received his death, or what were the cir- cumstances attending it, whether in the bath as has been recently suggested, we cannot tell. 6 The general inference, in accordance with the account of Josephus, is that Hazael himself was the mur- derer, but the statement in the text does not ueoes- sarily bear that interpretation ; and, indeed, from the mentiou of Hazael's name at the end of the passage, the conclusion is rather the reverse.

    11. (ix. 1-10'. Two of the injunctions laid on Ehjah had rv *• been carried out; tie third still remained. Hazael had begun his attacks on Israel by an attempt to recover the stronghold of Ramoth- UUead (viii. 28), or Ramah, among the mountains on the east of Jordan. But the fortress was held by the kings of Israel and Judah in alliance, and though the Syrians had wounded the king of Israel, they had not succeeded in capturing the place (viii. 88, ix. 15). One of the captains of the Israelite limy in the garrison was Jehu, the son of Jehosh- aphat, the son of Nimstai. At the time his name was mentioned to Elijah on Horeb be must have been but a youth ; now he U one of the boldest and best known of all the warriors of Israel. He had seen the great prophet once, when with his com- panion Bidkar he attended Ahab to take possession of the field of Naboth, and the scene of that day and the words of the curse then pronounced no subsequent adventure had been able to efface (ix. 85, 86). The time was now come for the fulfill- ment of that curse by his being anointed king over Israel. Elisha's personal share in the transaction was oonfined to giving directions to one of the som of the prophets, and the detailed consideration of the story will therefore be more fitly deferred to another place.' [Jehu.]



    <• The A. V., by omitting, as usual, the ebonite ar- ticle before " dog," and by IU punctuation of the sen- tence, completely misrepresents the very characteristic turn of to* original — given above — and auto differs from all the versions. In the Hebrew the word " dog " has the force of mtannrst, in the A. T. of enuUy. tot a long comment founded on the reading of the A. V., see II. Blunt, Lrcturct on Bulla, p. 222, fcc. (See Doe.]

    6 The word "lapffiH, A. V. » a thick doth," has been variously conjectured to be a carpet, a mosquito- net (Hiehaells), and a bath -mattress The last Is ••aid's suggestion (111. 628, note), and taken In oon- aeetton with the " water," and with toe inference to as drawn from the article attached to the Hebrew word, Is more probable than the others. Abbas Para** Is said to luve been murdered in the same manner.

    As to the person who committed the murder, Bwart PjtrCv remarks that as a high officer of state Baaaal would have no business in the king's bath. Bom* 46

    15. Beyond this we have no record of Ensha'e having taken any part in the revolution of Jehu, or the events which followed it. He does not again appear till we find him on his deathbed in his own house (xiii. 14-19). Joaah, the grandson of Jehu, is now king, and he is come to weep over the ap- proaching departure of the great and good prophet. HU words are the same as those of Eliaha when Elijah was taken away — " My father ! my father ! the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof! " But it is not a time for weeping. One thought fills the mind of both king and prophet Syria is the fierce enemy who is gradually destroying the country, and against Syria one Anal effort must be made before the aid of Elisha becomes unobtainable. What was the exact significance of the ceremonial employed, our ignorance of Jewish customs does not permit us to know, but it was evidently sym- bolic The window is opened towards the hated country, the bow i* pointed in the same direction, and the prophet laying his hands on the string as if to convey force to the shot, " the arrow of Jehovah's deliverance, the arrow of deliverance from Syria," is discharged. This done, the king takes up the bundle of arrows, and at the command of Eliaha beats them on the ground. But he does it with no energy, and the successes of Israel, which might have been so prolonged as completely to destroy the foe, are limited to three victories.

    16. (xiii. 20-22). The power of the prophet, however, does not terminate with his death. Even in the tomb <* he restores the dead to life. Hoab had recovered from the tremendous reverse inflicted on her by the three kings at the opening of Elisha's career (2 K. iii.), and her marauding bands had begun again the work of depredation which Syria so long pursued (2 K. v. 2, vi. 23). The text perhaps infers that the spring — that is, when the early crops were ripening — was the usual period for these attacks ; but, be this as it may, on the present occasion they invaded the land " at the coming in of the year." A man was being buried in the cemetery which contained the sepulchre of Eliaha. Seeing the Moabite spoilers in the distance, the friends of the dead man hastened to conceal his corpse in the nearest hiding-place. They chose — whether by design or by accident Is not said —the tomb of the prophet, and as the body was pushed • into the cell, which formed the receptacle for the corpse in Jewish tombs, it came in contact with his bones. The mere touch of those hallowed re- mains was enough to effect that which in his life-

    suppose that Benhadad killed himself by accident, having laid a wet towel over his lace while sleeping See KeU, ad lac

    c The connection and the contrast between SUsba and Jehu .are wall brought out by Maurice (Prophets and Kings, serm. ix.).

    d Josephus says that Elisha had a magnlfioeul funeral (ra4% fuyoAoirpnroi*, Ant. ix. 8, | 6). Is this Implied In the expression (xiii. 20), " they burled him " ? The rich man in the Gospel Is also pattieu larly said to have been " buried " (Luke xrl. 22) i. • probably in a style befitting his rank.

    • The expression of the A. V. " let down," is founded on a wrong conception of the nature of an Bastarn sepulchre, which Is excavated In the vertical lace of a rook, so as to be entered by a door ; not su'ik below the surface of the ground like our graves. The He- brew word \\y* is simply « went '" as in tbs starts) [or, "came" i. t. to the bones of Biehal.

    Digitized by




    lime had east Elisha both prayers and exertions — the man '■ revived and stood up on his feet." It u the only instance in the whole Bible — Old Testa- ment, New Testament, and Apocrypha — of resto- ration wrought by the inanimate remains of prophet or saint." 1 It is to this miracle that the fathers of the 5th century and the divines of the Roman Catholic Church have appealed as a parallel to the numerous alleged cures at the tombs of saints, such as those at the graves of SS. Gervasius and Pro- tasius.

    Before closing this account of Elisha we must not omit to notice the parallel which he presents to our Lord — the more necessary because, unlike the resemblance between Elijah and John the Bap- tist, no attention is called to it in the New Testa- ment. Some features of this likeness have already been spoken of. c But it is not merely because he healed a leper, raised a dead man, or increased the loaves, that Elisha resembled Christ, but rather because of that loving, gentle temper and kindness of disposition — characteristic of him above all the saints of the 0. T. — ever ready to soothe, to heal, aud to conciliate, which attracted to him women and simple people, and made him the universal friend and " father," not only consulted by kings and generals, but resorted to by widows and poor prophets in their little troubles and perplexities. We have spoken above of the fragmentary nature of the records of Elisha, and of the partial con- ception of his work as a prophet which they evince. Be it so. For that very reason we should the more gladly welcome those engaging traits of personal goodness which are so often to be found even in those fragments, and which give us a reflection, feeble it is true, but still a reflection, in the midst of the sternness of the Old dispensation, of the love and mercy of the New.

    Elisha is canonized in the Greek Church; his day is the 14th June. Under that date his life, and a collection of the few traditions concerning him — few indeed when compared with those of Ehjah — will be found in the Acta Sanctorum. In the time of Jerome a " mausoleum " containing his .■emains was shown at Samaria (Beland, p. 980). Under Julian the bones of Elisha were taken from their receptacle and burnt. But notwithstanding this his relics are heard of subsequently, and the church of S. Apollinaris at Karenna still boasts of possessing his head. The Carmelites have a special service in honor of Elisha. G.

    * Host of the writers mentioned under Eluab (Amer. ed.) may be consulted on the subject of this article. It may be added here, that Stanley's sketch of Elisha is one of surpassing interest (BU- tory of the Jaeuh Church, ii. 353-364). He places before us (to select a single topic) the points of dissimilarity and of resemblance between the two great prophets in a striking msnner: >' The succession was close and immediate, but it was a •accession not of likeness but of contrast. . . . Elisha was not secluded in mountain fastnesses, but dwelt in iiis own house in the royal city; or

    a * The miracle was certainly a peculiar one, but not without a moral end. In serving, as it must have dons, to maintain among the Hebrews a proper rever- snos for the prophetio order which Elisha represented, It accomplished a result eminent!; Important to the teUffcrns training of that people and the fuMUlment of as tba upholders of God's trrtb and B.


    lingered amidst the sons of the prophets, within the precincts of ancient colleges; ... or was sought out by admiring disciples in some town on Cartnel, or by the pass of Dothan ; or was reoeivrd in some quiet balcony, overlooking the plain of Esdraelou, where bed and table and seat had been prepared for him by pious hands. His life was not spent, like his predecessor's, in unavailing struggle, but in wide-spread successes. ■ . . His deeds wen not of wild terror, but of gracious, soothing, homely beneficence, bound up with the ordinary tenor of human life. When he smites with blindness, it is that he may remove it again ; when he predicts, it is the prediction of plenty, sod not of f»mlim- . . . At his house by Jericho the bitter spring is s w eet - ened; for the widow of one of the prophets the oil is increased; even the workmen at the prophets' huts are not to lose the axe-head which has fallen through the thickets of Jordan into the eddying stream ; the young prophets, at their common meal, are saved from the deadly herbs which had been poured from the blanket of one of them into the caldron, and enjoy the multiplied provision of corn.

    " Elisha was greater yet less, less yet greater, than EUjah. He is less. . . . \\V« cannot dispense with the mighty past even when v>. have shot far beyond it. ... . Those who follow cannot be as those who went before. A prophet like Elijah comes once and does not return. Elisha, both to his countrymen and to us, is but the successor, the faint reflection of his predecessor. . . . Less, yet greater, for the work of the great ones of this earth is carried on by far inferior instruments but on a far wider scale, and it may be in a far bighei spirit. The life of an Elijah is never spent in vain. Even his death has not taken him from us. He struggles, single-handed as it would seem, and with- out effect; and in the very crisis of the nation's history is suddenly and mysteriously removed. But his work continues; his mantle falls; his teaching spreads ; his enemies perish. The prophet preaches and 'teaches, the martyr dies and passes away; but other men enter into his labors. . . . What was begun in fire and storm, in solitude and awful visions, must be carried on through winning arts, and healing acts, and gentle words of peaceful and social intercourse; not in the desert of Horeb, or on the top of Carmel, but in the crowded thorough- fares of Samaria, in the gardens of Damascus, by the rushing waters of Jordan." H.

    ELI'SHAH (ntrbi* [God u wkatkn, see above] : 'EAitrd; [Tat in i Clir. E\\tum; in Ex.,] 'EAtwraf; Joseph. 'EAurSj: i.liea), the eldest son of Javan (Gen. x. 4). The residence of his de- scendants is described in Ez. xxvii. 7, as the "isles

    of Wi«b«b " (D^'N = maritime regioni), whence the Phoenicians obtained their purple and blue dyes Josephus identified the race of Eiishah with the iEolians ('EAicros /air "EAuraioi/s UiXtatii, if tyx*", Ai'oXcit 8* vvy rial, Ant. i. 6, § 1). His view is adopted by Knobel ( VSlkerta/il, p. 81 ff.)

    e Augustine's Omftaumt (ts. * 18).

    ' These resemblances are drawn out, with great beauty, but in seme instances rather fcncifaUr, k; J. H. Newman {Sermons on Subject* of the Jast Klisba a Type of Christ, to.). Bos also Rev. taw Williams (Old Tat. Ouiraam).

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    D preference to the more generally received opinion Hut Ellaha = Elis, and in a more extended sense Peloponnesus, or even Hellu. It certainly appears aorreet to treat it ai the designation of a race rather than of a locality; and if Jaran represent* the Iooians, then Elisha the jEolians, whose name presents considerable similarity (AloKtit having possibly been Al\\tts), and whose predilection for maritime situations quite accords with the expres- sion in EtekieL In early times the JSolians were settled in various parts of Greece, Thessaly, Bceotia, 42tolia, Locris, Elis, and Massenia: from (Jreece they emigrated to Asia Minor, and in EzekieTe age occupied the maritime district in the N. W. of that country, named after them JSolis, together with the Islands Lesbos and Tenedos. The purple shell-fish was found on this coast, especially at Abydus ( Virg. Georg. I 307), Phocaaa (Ovid. Milan, vi. «), Sigeum and tectum (Atheneus, iii. p. 88). Not much, however, can be deduced from this as to the position of the " isles of Eliahah," as that shell- fish was found in many parts of the Mediterranean, especially on the ooast of Laconia (l'auaan. iii. 21, § «). W. L. B.

    KLISH'AMA (»ljn^\\^ [whom Godheart] : Vuaana, 'EAio"

    1. ['EAiffoui; Vat. twice -Am-; in 1 Chr., Rom. 'EAwopat, Vat. E\\«uuurai: EUtama.] Son of Ammihud, the "prince" or "captain" (both

    r^tDJ) of the tribe of Ephraim in the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 63, x. 23). From the genealogy preserved in 1 Chr. vii. 26, we find that be was grandfather to the great Joshua.

    2. ['EAto-apst; Vat -A«S in 1 Chr. xiv., Rom. EAi

    3. CEKi]) By this name is also given (in the Heb. text) in 1 Chr. iii. 6, another son of the same family, who in the other lists is called Eushca.

    4. [*EAiotuu(; Vat -An-.] A descendant of ludah; the son of Jekamiah (1 Chr. U. 41). In the Jewish traditions preserved by Jerome ( Qb. Hebr. on 1 Chr. ii. 41), he appears to be identified with

    6. [In 2 K., 'EAunutrf; Vat -A«i-; in Jer., •EA«oo-ii; Vat Alex. EAao-ai FA. EAetrai Comp. *EA

    6. [*EAi

    7. [ , EAi

    BLISH'APHAT (O?^ 1 ^ [whom God j*dget\\: i 'EAie-a*xir [Vat -A«-j, Alex. EAie- attrr: Elitaphat), son of Zichri; one of the " cap- tains of hundreds," whom Jehoiada the priest em- ployed to eoOect the Levites and other principal tsople to Jeruaalrm before bringing forward Joash ■ Chr. xxiU. 1)

    ELKAXAH 728

    ELISHTSBA [Beb. EUshe'ba] (SStf"^ ' 'EAura0«0; [Alex. -jS

    W. A. W.

    * The name signifies " God of the oath," t. e. God is her oath, a worshipper of God (Gesen.); or "God of the covenant" (Fiirst). Its Greek form Ut *EAio*<(j8«t, the name of the wife of Zacharnut, the mother of John. [Eusaukth.] H.

    ELISHU'A CPUD^ [God it kmxmohj: 'EaioW, [Vat EAno-our, Alex. ZKtaous\\ in 1 Chr.,] 'EMo-d, Alex. EAktou, [Vat Ekt

    ELIS'IMTJS ('EAidVruwf; [V*t EA«uur«- uor; Aid. 'EAfo-utorO Uatumm), 1 Esdr. ix. 28.


    ELITJ ('HAio< [Vat- Sin. Alex. HAtuw] = Heb. Elihu), one of the forefathers of Judith (Jud. viii. 1), and therefore of the tribe of Sim- eon.

    ELI'UD ('EAwM, from the Heb. Tut*^. which however does not occur, God of the Jewt), son of Achim in the genealogy of Christ (Matt. i. 15), four generations above Joseph. His name is of the same formation as Abiud, and is probably an indication of descent from him. A. C. H.

    ELIZ'APHANfl??'^ [GodaproUotor]: 'EAio-wpdV; [in Num. and 2 Chr., Vat -A«-; in 1 Chr., Rom. 'EAio-a^dr, Vat FA. -A«i-:] EHt- aphan). 1. A Levite, son of Uzziel, chief of the bouse of the Kohathites at the time of the census id the Wilderness of Sinai ([Ex. vi. 22; Lev. x. 4;] Num. iii. 30). His family was known and represented in the days of King David (1 Chr. xv. 8), and took part in the revivals of Hezeltiah (2 Chr. xxix. 8). His name is also found in the con- tracted form of Elzaphah.

    2. ['EAio-o^dV; Vat -An--] Son of Pamaeh; " prince " (WBTp) of the tribe of Zebulun, one of the men appointed to assist Moses in apportioning the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 35).

    • ELIZETJS is the reading of the A. V. ed. 1611 and other early editions in Luke iv. 27 and Eeclus. xlviii. 12 for Elisbus, which see. A

    ELI'ZTJR ("WPbW [God it the rock] : , E.Vi- *ivp'< [Vat once -A«-:J Etisur), son of Shedetu i "prinoe" (K'ttrJ) of the tribe, and over the host of Reuben, at the time of the census in the WiUa ness of Sinai (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 36, x 18).

    EI/KANAH (n}|7^ [God areata or pot- feces]: 'EAkowC: Eleana). 1. Son of Koran, the son of Debar, the son of Kohath, the son of Levi, according to Ex. vi. 24, where his brothers are represented as being Asair and Abiasaph. But in 1 Ch.-. n. 22, 23 (Heb. 7, 8) Assir, Elkanah, and Ebiasaph are mentioned in the same order, not as the three sons of Korah, but as son, grandson, and great-grandson respectively; and this seems

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    724 ULKOSH

    to be undoubtedly correct. If so, the passage In Exodus must be understood as merely giving the (unities of the Korhites existing at the time the passage was penned, which must, in this caw, hare been long subsequent to Hoses. In Num. xxvi. 68, "the family of the Korhites" (A. V."Korathites") Is mentioned as one family. As regards the fact of Koran's descendants continuing, it may be noticed that we are expressly told in Num. xxvi. II, that when Korah and his oompany died, " the children of Korah died not."

    2. A descendant of the above in the line of Abimoth, otherwise Mahath, 1 Chr. vi. 26, 35 (Heb. 11, 20). (See Hervey, Gentahgitt, pp. 910, 214, note.)

    3. Another Kohathite Levite, in the line of Heman the singer. He was son of Jerobam, and father of Samuel the illustrious judge and prophet (1 Chr. vi. 37, 34). All that is known of him is contained in the above notices and in 1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 11, 20, where we learn that he lived at Ramathaim-Zophim in Mount Ephraim, otherwise called Ramah; that he had two wives, Hannah and Peninnah, but had no children by the former, till the birth of Samuel in answer to Han- nah's prayer. We learn also that he lived in the time of Eli the high-priest, and of his sons Hophni and Phinehas; that he was a pious man who went up yearly from Kamathaim-Zophim to Shiloh, in the tribe of Ephraim, to worship and sacrifice at the tabernacle theret but it does not appear that he performed any sacred functions as a Levite; a circumstance quite in accordance with the account which ascribes to David the establishment of the priestly and Levities! courses for the Temple serv- ice. He seems to have been a man of some wealth from the nature of his yearly sacrifice, which enabled him to give portions out of it to sd his family, and from the costly offering of three bullocks made when Samuel was brought to the House of the Lord at Shiloh. After the birth of Samuel, KlWimnh and Hannah continued to live at Ramah (where Samuel afterwards bad bis house, 1 Sam. vii. 17), and had three sons and two daugh- ters. This closes all that we know about Elkai.ah.

    4. [Vat. HA*ara.] A Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16). 6. [Vat. Alex. FA. HXxaro, exc. Vat. Kara in

    1 Chr. xtt.] Another man of the family of the Korhites who joined David while be was at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 6). From the terms of ver. 2 it is doubtful whether this can be the well-known Levit- ical family of Korhites. Perhaps the same who afterwards was one of the doorkeepers for the ark (xv. 23).

    6. [Vat. EiAxara.] An officer in the house- bold of Ahsx, king of Judah, who was slain by Zkhri the Ephraimite, when Pekah invaded Judah. He seems to have been the second in command under the prefect of the palace (3 Chr. xxviii. 7).

    AC. H.

    EI/KOSH (BJSp^»), the birthplace of the prophet Nahum, hence called "the Elkoshite," kah. i. 1 (t 'EAjcfiraTot; [Sin. 1 o EAicaio-cotO Blcetanu). Two widely differing Jewish traditions tssigc as widely different localities to this place. n the time of Jerome it was believed to exist in a email village or Galilee. The ruins of some old buildings were pointed out to this father by his guide as the remains of the ancient Elkoah (Je- rome, On JVn4. i. 1 ). Cyril of Alexandria ( Comm. W Ifahum) says that the vi'lage of Hkoan was


    piemewhere or other in the country of the Jen Pseudo-Epiphanius (

    * Elkoah as a place is not named in the Bible, though of course Nahum's appellative (Nah. i. 1) implies the place, just as Elika is called the Har- odite from Ilarod (2 Sam. xxiii. 25), Ahijah the Shilonite from Shiloh (1 K. xi. 29), and others (see Jer. xxvi. 18). It may have been the prophet's birthplace or his abode only. The etymology is uncertain. Fttrst suggests (Hanthttotb. i. 98)

    tt?p by, i. e. Goofs bow or strength. The Amer- ican missionary, Dr. Perkins of OriminJt, visited the Assyrian Elkosh in 1849. He assumes it to be the home of the prophet, but assigns no reason fdr that opinion except such as the name itself may seem to offer. " It is situated on a broken stony declivity, right under the first range of the Kurdish mountains, after crossing the Tigris, and on the northern extremity of the great Assyrian plain. A few stinted pomegranates and figs were growing in small gardens in the village, which were the only trees to be seen, to relieve the eye as it stretched along the bare limestone range and over the vast plain in other directions. The town contains about 300 papal Nestorian families. The people speak the modern Syriac and the Kurdish. . . . We visited the prophet's tomb. It is in a small Jewish synagogue. An oblong box, covered with green cotton cloth, stands over what purports to be his grave. The synagogue and tomb are kept bv a Christian, there now being no Jews in kticfuk. Many Israelites make the pilgrimage and spend the feast of q \\bemacles in this ancient and venerabls place, coming for that purpose even from Burrorah, Constantinople, and Jerusalem.'' (See Bibi Sa- cra, ix. 643.)

    An appeal to the style and contents of Nahrm's prophecy leaves the question as to the place of his nativity still undecided; for critics draw from thai

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    > precisely opposite conclusions. While some Ind ideas and expressions in the book which are alleged to be Assyrian in their origin, other* either refuse to concede to them that character, or affirm that an; Jewish prophet might hare so written, who had never passed beyond the boundary of his own country. Of those who place Elkosh in Gal- ilee are Hiiveraick (EM. ins A. Tat. p. 375), Knobel (Prophetism. ii. 908), Welte (hi Herbst's Einl in die heiL 8ehr. da A. Tat. ii. Abth. 2, p. 147), De Wette (Eial in das A. Tat. p. 336), Week (Einl. ins Alt* TaL p. 542), and Kaumer (Patastina, p. 135). Of those who think that Nahum was bom or at least prophesied in Assyria, are Eichhorn (Einl iii. 317), Grimm (Ifahum, p. 15 ft*.), Ewald (Pivph. da A. B. i. 350), Winer (BibL RtaUe. i. 823), and Hitter (Erdk. ix. 742). Stanley mentions both opin- ions, but does not venture to decide between them (Jewish Church, ii. 412). It deserves notice that all the testimonies as to the existence of an Elkosh in that remote East are comparatively modem There is reason to suspect, says a German critic, that " the name may have come not from the vil- lage mentioned in our book of Nahum, but out of our book to that village." The internal argument founded on the coloring or imagery of the prophet, is too subjective to be of any weight on either side.


    •ELKOSHITE. [Elkosh.]

    BL'LASAB 09^?: 'EXXavdp; (Alex, in ver. 1, SsAAacrof).'] Pontus) has been considered the same place with the Thelaanr C">^N;?J-1) of 9 K. xix. 12, but this is very improbable. lLl- kuar — the city of Arioch (Gen. xiv. 1, 9) — seems to be the Hebrew representative of the old Chal dnan town called in the native dialect Isirti or Laraneha, and known to the Greeks as Larissa (Sipuraa) or Laracbon (tuuix**)- Th" on >- placement suits the connection with Elam and Shinar (Gen. xiv. 1); and the identification is or- Uiographically defensible, whereas the other is not. Lnrsa was a town of Lower Babylonia or Chaldaea, situated nearly half-way between Ur (Mugheir) and Erech ( Warka), on the left bank of the Eu- phrates. It is now Stnkcrth. The iiucriptions ihow it to have been one of the primitive capitals — of earlier date, probably, than Babylon itself; and we may gather from the narrative iu Gen. xiv. that in the time of Abraham it was the metropolis of a kingdom distinct from that of Shinar, but owning allegiance to the superior monarchy of Dam. That we hear no more of it after this time a owing to its absorption into Babylon, which took place soon afterwards. G. B.

    ELM (iT^N). Only once rendered elms, in Bos. it. 13. See Oak.

    ELMODAM ('K\\fu»Siii, or 'EAiioSdu [so dash. Treg.j, apparently the same as the Hebrew

    VTiaVri, Gen. x. 26; 'EA/usScto, LXX.), son of tr, six 'generations above Zerubbabel, in the gen- ealogy of Joseph (Luke iii. 28). [Almodad.]

    A. C. H. BLN A' AM (Dyj'jV [Cod's delijht]: 'EA sain; Alex. EAMUut;'(KA. EAAap:] Elnaim) die Cm her of Jeribai and Joshaviah, two of David's gawd, according to the extended list in 1 Chr. xi. 18. In the LXX. the second warrior is said to be



    the vm of the first, and Elnaam is given as himself a member of the guard.

    EL'NATHAN (\\n$7$ [«*»« God gave comp. Theodore, Diodate]:' [in 2 K.,] EAAavav- 8iii, [Vat -yaBafi, Alex, -/xaftapi •" "' er - **"• LXX. om.; Jer. xxxvi., Alex.] Naftu-; [Kom Vat] 'ivnlsW, ['EAnUwO Elnathan). 1. TbJ maternal grandfather of Jehoiauhiu, distinguished as " Elnathan of Jerusalem " (2 K. xxiv. 8). Hs is doubtless the same man with " Elnathan the son of Achbor," one of the leading men in Jerusalem in Jeho'iakim's reign (Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 25). The variations iu the LXX. arise from the names Elnathan, Jonathan, and Nathan having the same sense, dud's gi/l (Theodore).

    8. ['AXayifi (Comp. 'EAutKhuO, 'EAr<(6eut, 'E\\riBav (Vat ZayaBav).] The name of three persons, apparently Levites, iu the time of Eora (Ear. viii. 16). In 1 Esdr. they are corrupted to Alhathan, and Eumata.n. W. L. B.

    * Elnathan, the contemporary of Jeboiakim, ap- pears in only two incidents, but these strongly illus- trate both his own character and that of his times He was sent by the king with a body of men into Egypt to discover and bring back the fugitive Ukijah, who was afterwards beheaded, and whose innocent blood therefore stained in part the hands of his pursuer (Jer. xxvi. 20-23). Elnathan was present also at the burning of Jeremiah's "roll," which the king took from Baruch, the prophet's scribe, and threw into the lire before his eyes, because it contained such threuteuitigs against the wicked that the conscience-smitten ruler could not submit to hear them read. It is recorded to the honor of Elnathan, that he bad the courage U protest earnestly though ineffectually against the impious act (Jer. xxxvi. 20-25). On this trans- action in its various personal relations, see furthet under Jeiiuiakim (Amer. ed.). H.

    E-LON. L (irV»8 [

    2. (]VtN : 'AAAoV, Alex, [in Gen.,] A

    founder of the family (TMffiVfQ) of the Elo» ites 03' 7NT1). From this tribe came

    3. Hon the (not "a") Zebulonite (]lV , Jjl" AiXoVi [Alex. AiXmri] Joseph. 'HA

    BXON OVrW : 'ZXA,; [Vat A«Ao»:] Ebn\\ one of the towns in the bo-der of the tribe of Dan (y:ab. xix. 43). To judg* from the order of the Est, its situation must have been between Ajakra (Tib) and Ekron (Akir); but no town corre- sponding in name has yet been discovered. The name in Hebrew signifies a great oak or other strong tree, and may therefor* be a testimony t*

    Digitized by




    the wooded character of the district It is possibly the same place as

    BXON-BETH-HA'NAN (]J»7"n>$ ^ = oak of the home of grace [lit gracious one, pern, a proper name]: 'EAr ten Bi)9avd>; Alex. AioAmju «. B.; [Vat. EAayj «. BcuOAapaa'] ), which is named with two Danite towns as forming one of Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9). For " Beth-hanan " some Hebrew MSS. have "Ben-hanan," and some "and Bethhanan;" the latter is followed by the Vulgate ["et in Ekm, et in Bethhanan"]. G.

    EXONITES, THE, Num. xzri. 36. [Elon, 8-1

    BXOTH [flVytJ, grove of ttrong trees: AiAdS; in 9 Chr. nil. 17, Vat Alex. AiAeut: Aiiat/i), 1 K. ix. 36; 9 Chr. viii. 17, xzri. 3. [Elath.]

    ELPA'AL (bjg^l [God hk reward]: 'AA- (padK, ['EAeWA; Vat. AA«\\aoJ, EAxaoS; Alex. ver. 13, AA4""t:] Elphaal), a Benjamite, son of Hushim and brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 11). He was the founder of a numerous family. The Bene-Elpaal appear to hare lived in the neighbor- hood of Lydda (Lod), and on the outposts of the Benjamite hills as far as Ajalon ( Yolo) (viii. 13- 18), near the Danite frontier. Hushim was the name of the principal Danite family. If the fore- father of Elpaal was the same person, his mention in a Benjamite genealogy is an evidence of an in- termarriage of the two tribes.

    ELPA-LET {1$$7$: 'EAifaAvje) [Alex. -Arr; Vat EA«faA<0, FA. -AerO Eliphakt), one of David's sons bom in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 5). In the parallel list, 1 Chr. iii. 6, the name is given more fully as Elipiiblet.

    EL-PA RAN (VJNS V>H: f, rtp4$tr$os ryt +apar; Alex. i\\ rtptpurtot r. #.: campalria Pharan). Literally " the terebinth of Paran " (Gen. xiv. 6). [Paran.] W. A. W.

    ELTEKEH (nprjVtf [or V®rfo$, God hit fear, i. e. Godfearing] ': 'AXxaSi, and' j> EA- MfoWju; Alex. EA0<«r«: EUhece, [Etiheco]), one of the cities in the border of Dan (Josh. xix. 44),

    which with its " suburbs " (ttnjD) was allotted to the Rohathite Levites (xxi. 313). It is however omitted from the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. No trace of the name has yet been discovered. 6.

    ELTEKON Ol'il'TlJI [God itt foundation] : tThKoi/i ; Alex. EXttKtr •* JEUecon), one of the towns of the tribe of Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. t>9). From its mention in company with Halmul and Bkth-zcr, it was probably about the middle of the country of Judah, 3 or 4 miles north of Hebron ; but it has not yet been identified.


    ELTOXAD ("rVtf'i'TtJ [Gcd-i kindred, allied to him]: 'EA/JavWJ and 'Ep$ov\\d [Vat. EAOovAa]; Alex. EA&oAaJ and EA0ov8ao°: Eltho- '•«/), one of the cities in the south of Judah (Josh. tr. 30) allotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 4); and in uoasession of that tribe until the time of David v l Chr. iv. 33). It is named with Baer-eheha and Other places which we know to have been in the ■xtreme south, on the border of the country; but t baa net yet been identified- In the passage of


    Chronicles above quoted, the name u fives, as Toiad. a

    E'LUL [5eA.EluK] (Vlbfl : i EAo<5A= Ehd) Neb. vi. 15; [where the month is so named is which Nehemiah's wall of Jerusalem was finished and] 1 Mace. xiv. 37 [where it is the month is which written tablets of brass were erected on Skm in honor of Simon Maccabeus]. [Months.]

    ELU'ZAI [3 syL] PP© 1 ^ [God ass /•raise]: 'Afof; [FA. Af«; Ald.J Alex. 'EAWT: Elwtn), one of the warriors of Benjamin, who joined David at Ziklag while he was being pursued by Saul (1 Chr. xii. 5). [The A V. ed. 1611 reads Elruzai.]

    • ELYMA1S CEAv/urft; in 1 Maee., Sin. evAv>tait; Alex, tr EAv/ms; Comp. Aid. it EAi/- fuXf. Elymais; in Tob., Vulg. omits) occurs in 1 Mace. vi. 1 as the name of a city in Persia " greatly renowned for riches, silver and gold," and containing (ver, 3) " a very rich temple, wherein were coverings of gold, and breastplates, and shields, which Alexander, the Macedonian king, had left there." To this place Antiochus Epiphanes (see on that name) laid siege, but was baffled and fled with his army to Babylon. Josepbus also, who mentions the same occurrence (Aut. xii. 9, J 1), calls the city Elymais (fypnotp M tV 'EAv/iaiSa Kal ain^y tro\\iipxet)i but no one of the other writers (Polybius, Appian, Strabo, Diod- orus) who refer to this frustrated attempt of Anti- ochus shows any knowledge of a city bearing this name. It can hardly be said that Josephus con- firms the writer of the first book of Maccabees; for he merely copies that writer or some document which they both follow.

    Elymais denoted among the Greeks the Semitic Elah, but as applied to a city is unknown out of 1 Mace. vi. 1, and Josephus as above. Some think it an oversight of these writers, or a mistranslation of the Aramaean original of the first book of Mac- cabees. Vaihinger (Hereog's Real-Encyk. iii. 749)

    adopts the suggestion of MichaeUs that nyjip

    may have stood in this original document, in its older sense of " province " (see Dan. viii. 3), but was translated into Greek by its later sense of " city," a meaning which the word now bears in Syriac and Arabic. Symmachus renders the same word by wi\\ts in 1 K. xx. 14 and Dan. viii. 3. Dr. Kuiiger thinks it possible that the name of the country may stand in 1 Mace. vi. 1 for that of the capital (Ersch and Gruber's Encyk. art Elan:). In Tob. ii. 10, Elymais is evidently the name of the province, and not of a town. (See Pauly's Real- Encyk. iii. 114; Winer's Healw. i. 313; Fritxsche and Grimm, Exeg. Handb. in loc) H.

    ELYMiE'ANS [A. V. ed. 1611 Elime'ans, in later eds. Elyme'ans] ('EAvpcuw), Jud. L « [EuAJirrKS.]

    EI/YMAS (EAi/iat), the Arabic name of toe Jewish mage or sorcerer liar-jesus, who had attached himself to the proconsul of Cyprus, Sergius Paulna, when St Paul visited the island (Acts xiii. 6 ffi) On his attempting to dissuade the proconsul from embracing the Christian faith, he was struck with miraculous blindness by the Apostle. The namt Elymas, " the wise man," is from the same root as the Arabic " Ulema." On the practice general!} then prevailing, in the decay of faith, of cooscnMna.

    Digitized by



    impostors of this kind, nee ("onybeare and Howson, Life of St. Paul, i. 177-18", 9d ed.

    H. A. • BXYME AN8. [ELTViBARB.] BL'ZABAD (TJ^ [g**n of God = rheodore]: 'E\\ia(4p' Aia. E\\t(afiai: Elxtbad). L The ninth of the eleven Gadite heroes who came across the Jordan to David when he was in distress in the wilderness of Judah (1 Chr. zii. 12).

    3. L'EAfaa49; Vat £\\ v (a$aB; Alex. E\\(afkX : EUabad.] A Korhito Levite, eon of Shemaiah and of the family of Obed-edom ; one of the doorkeepers of the " house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. zxvi. 7).

    BL'ZAPHAN (V$f7$ [on whom God pro- toctt] : 'EAura«>dV : Elttaphnn), second son of Uzxiel, who was the son of Kohath son of Levi (Ex. vi. 93). He was thus cousin to Moses and Aaron, as is distinctly stated. I'Uzaphan assisted his brother Hishael to carry the unhappy Nadab and Abihu in tlieir priestly tunics out of the camp (Lev. x. 4). The name is a contracted form of Euzaphan, in which it most frequently occurs.

    EMBALMING, the process by which dead bodies are preserved from putrefaction and decay.

    The Hebrew word tSSFl (ch&nat), employed to denote this process, is connected with the Arabic

    iaJOk, which in conj. 1 signifies " to be red," as leather which has been tanned ; and in conj. 2, " to preteree with tpieet." In the 1st and 4th conjuga- tions it is applied to the ripening of fruit, and this meaning has been assigned to the Hebrew root in Cant ii. 13. in the latter passage, however, it probably denotes the fragrant smell of the ripening figs. The word is found in the Chaldee and Syriac dialects, and in the latter J t> A rfi At {ehine(lo)



    (wilt '.", 1^

    Diflanmt forms of mnmmy eases. (WTMnaoa.) I. t, 4. Of wood. 8, 6, 6, 7, 8. Of isjme.

    »• Of wood, and of early mns — baton the XTIIItb

    dynasty. 11. Of bsmt earthenware.

    is the equivalent of plyua, the confection cf myrra ana aloes brought by Nioodemus (John xix. 89).

    The practice of embalming was most general among the Egyptians, and it is in connection will this people that the two instances which we meet with in the O. T. are mentioned (On. 1. 2, 26). Of the Egyptian method of embalming there remain two minute accounts, which have a general kind of agreement, though they differ in details.

    Herodotus (ii. 86-89) describes three modes, varying in completeness and expense, and practiced by persons regularly trained to the profession who were initiated into the mysteries of the art by their ancestors. The most oostly mode, which is esti- mated by Diodorus Siculus (i. 91) at a talent belong to him whose name hi such a matter it was nut lawful to mention, namely, Osiris. The embalmers first removed part of the brain through the nostrils, by means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the real by injecting caustic drugs. An incision was then made along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone, and toe whole of the intestines removed. The cavity was rinsed out with palm-wine, and after- wards scoured with pounded perfumes. It was then filled with pure myrrh pounded, cassia, and other aromatics, except frankincense. This done, the body was sewn up and steeped in natron for seventy days. When the seventy days were ac- complished, the embalmers washed the corpse and swathed it in bandages of linen, cut in strips and smeared with gum. They then gave it up to the relatives of the deceased, who provided for it a wooden case, made in the shape of a man, in which the dead was placed, and deposited in an erect position against the wall of the sepulchral chamber. Oiodonu Siculus gives some particulars of the process which are omitted by Herodotus. When the body was laid out on the ground for the pur- pose of embalming, one of the operators, called the scribe iypafifurrtis), marked out tlie part of the left flank where the incision was to be made The dissector (wayMuryiimfi) then, with a sharp Ethi- opian stone (black flint, or Ethiopian agate, Raw- linson, Ihrod. ii. 141 ), hastily cut through as much flesh as the law enjoined, and fled, pursued by curses and volleys of stones from the spectators When all the embalmers (raptxevral) were assem bled, one of them extracted the intestines, with the exception of the heart and kidneys ; another cleansed

    the muausy's head, sssn at an open sasstl of taw oooa (Wilkinson.)

    them one by one, and rinsed them in pahn-wine and perfumes. The body was then washed with oil of cedar, and other thing* worthy >}f notice, for

    Digitized by



    nan thin thirty days (according to some MSS. forty and afterwards sprinkled with myrrh, cin- namon, and other substances, which possess the property not only of preserving the body for a long period, but also of communicating to it an agreeable smell. This process was so effectual that the features of the dead could be recognized. It is remarkable that Diodorus omits all mention of the steeping in natron.

    The second mode of embalming cost about 20 mines. In this case no incision was made in the body, nor were the intestines removed, but cedar- oil was injected into the stomach by the rectum. The oil was prevented from escaping, and the body was then steeped in natron for the appointed num- ber of days. On the last day the oil was withdrawn, and carried off with it the stomach and intestines in a state of solution, while the flesh was consumed by the natron, and nothing was left but the skin and bones. The body in this state was returned to the relatives of the deceased.

    The third mode, which was adopted by the poorer classes, and cost but little, consisted in rinsing out the intestines with syrmsea, an infusion of senna and cassia (Pettigrew, p. 69), and steeping the body for the usual number of days in natron.

    Porphyry (De Abtt. iv. 10) supplies an omission of Herodotus, who neglects to mention what m done with the intestines after they were removed from the body. In the case of a person of respect- able rank they were placed in a separate vessel and thrown into the river. This account is confirmed by Plutarch (Sept. Sap. Com. c. IS).

    Although the three modes of embalming are so precisely described by Herodotus, it has been found impossible to classify the mummies which have been discovered and examined under one or other of these three heads. Dr. Pettigrew, from his own observations, confirms the truth of Herodotus' state- ment that the brain was removed through the nostrils. But in many instances, in which the body was carefully preserved and elaborately orna- mented, the brain had not been removed at all; while in some mummies the cavity was (bond to be filled with resinous and bituminous matter.

    M. Rouyer, in his Notice tur let Embaumementt det Ancient Egyptient, quoted by Pettigrew, en- deavored to class the mummies which he examined under two principal divisions, which were again subdivided into others. These were — I. Mummies with the ventral incision, preserved, (1.) by balsamic matter, and (2. ) by natron. The first of these are filled with a mixture of resin and aromatics, and are of an olive color — the skin dry, flexible, and adhering to the bones. Others are filled with bitumen or asphaltum, and are black, the skin hard and shining. Those prepared with natron are also filled with resinous substances and bitumen. II. Mummies without the ventral incision. This class is again subdivided, according as the bodies were, (1.) salted and filled with pisasphaltum, a com- pound of asphaltum and common pitch; or (2.) salted only. The former are supposed to have been immersed in the pitch nhen in a liquid state.

    The medicaments employed in embalming were various. From a chemical analysis of the sub- stances found in mummies, M. Bouelle detected three modes of embalming: (1.) with atphattum, or Jew's pitch, called also funeral gum, or gum of mummies ; (2.) with a mixture of asphaltum and xdria, the liquor distilled from the cedar; (3.) with his mixture together with some resinous and aro-


    matic ingredients. The powdered aromath « bob tioned by Herodotus were not mixed with tbt bituminous matter, but sprinkled into toe eavitie* of the body.

    It does not appear that embalming, properly as called, was practiced by the Hebrews. Asa was laid " in the bed which was filled with sweet odors and divers kinds of tpicet prepared by the apothe- caries' art" (2 Chr. xvi. 14); and by the tender care of Nicodemus the body of Jesus was wrapped iu linen cloths, with spices, " a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about an hundred pound weight ... at the manner of the Jews is to bury" (John xix. 39,40).

    The account given by Herodotus has been sup- posed to throw discredit upon the narrative in Genesis. He asserts that the body is steeped in natron for seventy days, while in Gen. 1. 8 it is said that only forty days were occupied in the whole process of embalming, although the period of mourning extended over seventy days. Diodorus, on the contrary, omits altogether the steeping in natron as a part of the operation, and though the time which, according to him, is taken up in wash- ing the body with cedar oil and other aromatics is more than thirty days, yet this is evidently only a portion of the whole time occupied in the complete process. Hengstenberg (Egypt and the Books of Motti, p. 69, Eng. tr.) attempts to reconcile this discrepancy by supposing that the seventy days of Herodotus include the whole time ii embalming, and not that of steeping in natron only. But the differences in detail which characterize the descrip- tions of Herodotus and Diodorus, and the impossi- bility of reconciling these descriptions in all points with the results of scientific observation, lead to the nature' conclusion that, if these descriptions be correct in themselves, they do not include every method of embalming which was practiced, and that, consequently, any discrepancies between them and the Bible narrative cannot be fairly attributed to a want of accuracy in the latter. In taking this view of the case it is needless to refer to the great interval of time which elapsed between the date claimed for the events of Genesis and the sge of Herodotus, or between the latter and the time* of Diodorus. If the four centuries which separated the two Greek historians were sufficient to have caused such changes in the mode of embalming as are indicated in their different descriptions of the process, it is not unreasonable to conclude that the still greater interval by which the celebration of the funeral obsequies of the patriarch preceded the age of the father of history might have produced changes still greater both in kind and in degree.

    It is uncertain what suggested to the Egyptians the idea of embalming. That they practiced it in accordance with their peculiar doctrine of the trans- migration of souls we are told by Herodotus. The actual process is said to have been derived from " their first merely burying in the sand, impreg- nated with natron and other salts, which dried and preserved the body" (Rawlinaon, Herod, ii. p. 142). Drugs and bitumen were of later introduction, the Utter not being generally employed before the XVIIIth dynasty. When the practice ceased en- tirely is uncertain.

    The subject of embalming i» most fully discussed, and the sources of practical information weU-nigr exhausted, in Dr. Pettigrew's History o) Egyptian ifummiet. [See also Alger's Hist- of At Dxtrim of i Future Life, P- 97 ff.] \\V. A V

    Digitized by


    EMBROIDERER EMBROIDERER This tern is given in Jtt A. V m the equivalent of rotem (tS^l), the produeUcta of the art being deecribed at "needle- work" (1 I^JJ I). In Exodus the embroiderer is contrasted with the " cunning workman," ehoMb (2^n); and the eoniideration of one of then terms involve* that of the other. Varioui explana- tions have been offered at to the distinction between them, but most of these overlook the distinction marked in the Bible itself, namely, that the roktm wove simply a variegated texture, without gold thread or figures, and that the choshib interwove gold thread or figures into the variegated texture. We conceive that the use of the gold thread was for delineating figures, at is implied in the descrip- tion of the corselet of Amasis (Her. iii. 47), and that the notices of gold thread in some instanoes and of figures in others were but different methods of describing the same thing. It follows, then, that the application of the term " embroiderer" to rokim is false; if it belongs to either it is to chosheb, or the "cunning workman," who added the figures. But If "embroidery" be strictly confined to the work of the needle, we doubt whether it can be applied to either, for the simple addition of gold thread, or of a figure, does not involve the use of the needle. The patterns may have been worked into the stuff by the loom, as appears to have been the case in Egypt (Wilkinson, iii. 128; cf. Her. he. dt.), where the Hebrews learned the art, and as is stated by Joscphus (aXhi Mfarrai, Ant. iii.

    7, § 2). The distinction, as given by the Talmudists, which has been adopted by Uesenios (Thttiur. p. 1311) and Bahr (Symbotik, i. 966) is this— that rUondh, or " needle-work," was where a pattern was attached to the stuff by being sewn on to it on one tide, and the work of the chosheb when the pattern was worked into the stuff by the loom, and so appeared on both sides. This view appears to I* entirely inconsistent with the statements of the Bible, and with the sense of the word rilcmdh else- where. The absence of the figure or the gold thread in the one, and its presence in the other, constitutes the essence of the distinction. In support of this view we call attention to the passages in which the expression are contrasted. Rikmdh consisted of the following materials : " blue, purple, scarlet, and fine twined linen " (Ex. xxvi. 36, xxvii. 16, xxxvi. 37, xxxvill. 18, xxxix. 29). The work of the choshib was either "fine twined linen, blue, purple, and scarlet, with cherubim " (Ex. xxvi. 1, 31, xxxvi.

    8, 36), or "gold, blue, purple, scarlet, and fine twined linen " (xxviii. 6, 8, 15, xxxix. 2, 5, 8). Again, looking at the general sense of the words, we shall find that chosheb involves the idea of in- vention, or designing patterns; rikmih the idea it texture as well as variegated color. The former is applied to other arts which demanded the exer- ate of inventive genius, as in the construction of engines of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 15); the latter is applied 'o other substances, the texture of which Is remarkable, as the human body (Ps. cuxix 15). Further than this, rikmdi involves the idea of a -agular disposition of colors, which demanded no •uvctrtive genius. Beyond the Instances already adduced it is applied to tessellated pavement (1 2hr. xxU. 2), to the eagle's plumage (Ex. xvil. 3), ind, in the Targums, to the leopard's spotted skin 'Jer. xiii. 23). In the same sense it is applied to fc* eo» icd anils of the Egyptian vessels (Es. xxvil.



    16), which were either chequered at worked accord log to a regularly recurring pattern (Wilkinson, iM 211). Geseuius considers this passage as condnslvt for bis view of the distinction, but it is hardly con- ceivable that the patterns were on one side of tba sail only, nor does there appear any ground to infer a departure from the usual custom of working the colore by the loom. The ancient versions do uot contribute much to the elucidation of the point The LXX. varies between wouciArsjt and jttuptbtvrs)s, as representing roleem, and wtuxiXrit and ookut^i for choshib, combining the two terms in each case for the work itself, ^ woucOda rov btuptltwoi for the first, ipyor i+eurbv wouciAtoV for the second. The distinction, as far at it it observed, consisted in the cae being needle-work and the other bom- work The Vulgate gives generally plumarim for the first, and poJymitariut for the second; but in Ex. xxvi. 1, 81, plumaruu is used for the second. The first of these terms (phunaritu) is wall chosen to express rotem, but polymitarim, i. e. a weaver who works together threads of divers colors, is as applicable to one as to the other. The rendering in Es. xxvii. 16, scutulata, 1. e. u chequered," oor- rectly describes one of the productions of the rofawn. We have lastly to notice the incorrect rendering

    of the word ^3$ in the A. V. " broider," " em- broider" (Ex. xxviii. 4, 39). It means stuff worked in a tessellated manner, i. e. with square cavities such as stones might be set in (comp. ver. 20). The art of embroidery by the loom was extensively practiced among the nations of antiquity. In addi- tion to the Egyptians, the Babylonians were cele- brated for it, but embroidery in the proper tense of the term, i. e. with the needle, was a Phrygian in- vention of later date (Plin. viii. 48). W. L. B.

    EMERALD 0153 : LXX. (Wpof; N. T. and Apoc, auAporytoi), a precious stone, first in the 2d row on the breastplate of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), imported to Tyre from Syria (Ex. xxvii. 16), used as a seal or signet (Eeclus. xxxii. 6), as an ornament of clothing and bedding (Ex. xxviii. 13; Jud. x. 21), and spoken of ss one of the foundations of Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 19; Too. xiii. 16). The rainbow round the throne is compared to emerald in Rev. iv. 3, o/toior ifiertt anapaytlytf.

    The etymology of Tf^b is uncertain. Gessnlm

    suggests a comparison with the word TpS, a paint with which the Hebrew women stained their eye- lashes. Kantch on Exodus xxviii. follows the LXX., and translates It carbuncle, transferring the

    meaning emerald to D'vO? in the same ver. Ik. The Targum Jerusalem on the same ver. explain* TfDb by Kn3*0 «= oarchedonius, carbuncle.

    W. D.

    EMERODS (D^S, DnVl^p: ft>>. amis, natetf Deut xxviii. 27; 1 8am. v. 6, 9, 12, vi. 4, 6, 11). The probabilities at to the nature | of the disease are mainly dependent on the probable roots of these two Hebrew words; the former of which' evidently means " a swelling; " the latter,

    " Close!/ skin to K is the Arabfa JdkX, wlijeh " tumor qui apod vtros oritur in posttds parti bos, apod multeres in tntsriora parts vulvae, shaltt nerniie virorum."

    Digitized by




    .howgh lees certain, is most probably from a Syriae •srb, »- * a tj; meaning "anhelavit nib onere, enixua eat in eoonerando rentre " (Parkhunt and Gese- nius); and the Syriae noun J£Q«m^ from the

    aune root denotes, (1.) such eflbrt as the verb im- plies, and (2.) the inUttmum rectum. Also, when- ever the former word occurs in the Hebrew CeUb, a he Keri gives the latter, except in 1 8«m. vi. 11, vhere the latter stands in the Cetib. Now this Jut passage speaks of the images of the emerods after they were actually made, and placed in the ark. It thus appears probable that the former word means the disease, and the latter the part affected, which must necessarily have been included in the actually existing image, and hare struck the eye as the essential thing represented, to which the disease was an incident As some morbid swelling, then, seems the most probable nature of the disease, so no more probable oonjecture has been advanced than that hemorrhoidal tumors, or bleeding pike, known to the Romans as marisoa (Jut. ii. 13), are intended. These are very common in Syria at present, oriental habits of want of exercise and im- proper food, producing derangement of the liver, constipation, Ac., being such as to cause them. The words of 1 Sam. v. 12, " the men that died not were smitten with emerods," show that the disease was not necessarily fatal. It is clear from its parallelism with "botch" and other diseases in

    Deut xxriii. 27, that D^?$3. U a disease, not a part of the body ; but the translations of it by the most approved authorities are various and vague. 6 Thus the LXX. and Vulg., as above, uniformly render the word as bearing the latter sense. The mention by Herodotus (i. 105) of the malady, called by him WjA.«io vowroi, as afflicting the Scythians who robbed the temple (of the Syrian Venus) in Ascalon, has been deemed by some a proof that some legend containing a distortion of the Script- ural account was current in that country down to a late date. The Scholiast on Aristophanes (Acharn. 231) mentions a similar plague (followed by a similar subsequent propitiation to that mentioned in Scripture), as sent upon the Athenians by Bac- chus. The opinion mentioned by Winer (s. v. PhiHster), as advanced by Lichtenstein, that the plague of emerods and that of mice are one and the same, the former being caused by an insect (tolpuga) as large as a field-mouse, is hardly worth serious attention. H. H.

    EMIM [A. V. Emims] (D^M [terror.] : [in Gen.,] 'On/uuoi, [Aid. Alex. Septum, Comp. Ep- uaToiO and [in Deut,] "Opfdr, [Tat Ctyuwr, Alex. Oo/ifitir, Ofi/ufif- £mtm\\ ), a tribe or family of gigantic stature which originally inhabited the region along the eastern side of the Dead Sea. It would appear, from a comparison of Gen. xiv. 6-7 #ith Deut ii. 10-12, 20-23, that the whole country Met of the Jordan was, in primitive times, held by

    • Parkhunt, however, $. «. D" 1 V IpS) «nmks, on the authority of Dr. Kennloott's Codices, that D v Tin£ Is In aU tin*} passages a vary ancient Hebrew eons Ktifi.

    I Jcmphaa, Ant. tL 1, f 1, tvmrrtpU ; Annua, to tit ♦«y«*«U't« JAmk.

    e Ponnx, Onom. It. 28, thus deecribre what he ttUt ftovftw r . oUiaut furra ^Arypor^f ai*oflpov ytrtrai


    a race of giants, all probably of the aan« stuck comprehending the Rephaim on the north, next the Zuxim, after them the Emim, and then the Horns on the south; and that afterwards the kingdom of Bashan embraced the territories of the first; the country of the Ammonites the second ; that of the Hoabites the third ; while Edom took in the mountains of the Horim. The whole of them were attacked and pillaged by the eastern kings who destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah.

    The Emim were related to the Anakim, and were generally called by the same name; but their eon- querors the Moabites termed them Emim — that is, "Terrible men" (Deut ii. 11) — most probably on account of their fierce aspect [Rephaim ; Ahakim.] J. L. P.

    EMMANTTEL ('EwtoravrjA : Emmanuel), Matt. i. 23. [buiAiruBL.]

    EMIIAUS ('Zpfuioit [prob. = rittn, worm spring ; comp. Josh. xix. 36] ), the village to which the two disciples were going when our Lord ap- peared to them on the way, on the day of his resur- rection (Luke xxiv. 13). Luke makes its distance from Jerusalem sixty stadia (A. V. " threescore furlongs"), or about 7J miles; and Joeephus men- tions •' a village called Emmaus " at the same dis- tance (B. J. vii. 6, § 6).<* These statements seem sufficiently definite; and one would suppose no great mistake could be made by geographers in fixing its site. It is remarkable, however, that from the earliest period of which we bare any record, the opinion prevailed among Christian writers, that the Emmaus of Luke was identical with the Emmaus on the border of the plain of I'hilistia, afterwards called Nicopolis, and which was some 20 miles from Jerusalem. Both Eusebius and Jerome adopted this view ( Omm. i. r. Kmaus) ; and they were fill- lowed by all geographers down to the commence- ment of the 14th century (Reland, p. 758). Then, for some reason unknown to us, it began to be sup- posed that the site of Emmaus was at the little village of Kubeibeh, about 3 miles west of Nebm SamuAl (the ancient Hizpeh), and 9 miles from Jerusalem (Sir J. Maundeville in Early Travels m Palestine, p. 175; Ludolph. de Suchem, Jtin. ; Quaresmius, ii. 719). There is not, however, a shadow of evidence for this supposition. In fact the site of Emmaus remains yet to be identified.

    Dr. Robinson has recently revived the old theory, that the Emmaus of Luke is identical with Nieop olis; and has supported it with his wonted learn ing, but not with his wonted conclusiveness. He firrt endeavors to cast doubts on the accuracy of the reading itfKorra. in Luke xxiv. 13, because two uncial MSS. (K and N), and a few unimpor- tant cursive MSS. insert ixariy, thus making the distance 160 stadia, which would nearly correspond to the distance of Nicopolis.* But the best MSS. have not this word, and the best critics regard it as an interpolation. There is a strong probability

    mrd i\\v iSpay hmt, «rri ii bfuxa pvpotc wpotc. Comp Bochart, Hierox. I. 881.

    <* • It to not certain that Luke and Josephus rat* to the same Fmmaus In the passages associated as above- According to some authorities the correct read- ing In Joseph. B. J. to. 6, } 6 (adopted In DlndnrTs and Bekkar's text) Is Tpuurorra and not jfiprura. H.

    • »To the authorities Iter this reading the Coda Binaitiau and a palimpsest of the 6th century 'I) an now to be added. But tte evidence against It grr«*k* preponderates. a.

    Digitized by



    oopyist who m acquainted with toe olty, but not the village of Emmaua, tried thiu to reconcile Scripture with hit ideas of geography. The opinion* of Eusebius, Jerome, and their fol- lowers, on a point such as tliis, are not of very great authority. When the name of any noted place agreed with one in the Bible, they were not always careful to see whether the potitiun corre- sponded in like manner. [Edrki.] Emmaua- Nioopolis being a noted city in their day, they were led somewhat rashly to confound it with the Em- maus of the Gospel. The circumstances of the narrative are plainly opposed to the identity. The two disciples having journeyed from Jerusalem to Emmaus in part of a day (Luke uiv. 28, 29), left the latter again after the evening meal, and reached Jerusalem before it was very late (verses 33, 42, t3). Now, if we take into account the distance, knd the nature of the road, leading up a steep and difficult mountain, we must admit that such a journey could not be accomplished in less than from six to seven hours, so that they could not have ar- rived in Jerusalem till long past midnight. This bet seems to us conclusive against the identity of Nicopolis and the Emmaus of Luke. (Robinson, Hi. H7ff.j Reland, Pal p. 427 fE) J. L. P.

    * Since the preceding article was written, an in- teresting monograph on this question as to the site of Emmaus has appeared from Dr. Hermann Zschokke, rector of the Austrian Pilgrim-house at Jerusalem (Dot NeuUttamentHcAe Emmmu be- Itucktet, Schaffhausen, 1866). Rector Zschokke, who has made this subject a special study, decides that the Emmaus of Luke (xriv. 13) must be the present el-Kvbabeh, about nine miles northwest of Jerusalem, where the Franciscan monks hare placed it His arguments for that conclusion are the fol- lowing. First, the distance agrees with that of Luke and Josephus (B. J. vii. 6, § 6), namely, as a round number, 60 stadia or " furlongs " (A. V.), is ascertained by actual measurement, i. e. taking the shortest of three ways, which differ only by a angle stadium, it amount* to 38,020 English feet ;=62 j stadia. Secondly, the two disciples of Jesus tould easily return from Emmaus to Jerusalem after sunset, or the decline of the day ( ic4tt\\unr ^ fniipa), ind rejoin the Apostles there in their secret meeting luring the night which followed the walk to Em- maus (John xx. 19). The journey was performed lately without difficulty, within the time required, by Madam Anna C. Emmerich. Thirdly, the Crusaders (though really, as appears from the au- thor's own figures, not earlier than the 11th cent- ury) were led to fix on Kubeibth as the N. T. Emmaus, in consequence of finding the latter name applied to it by the native inhabitants, though the name no longer exists among them. If this last link in the chain of the evidence were stronger, it would deserve serious consideration as bearing on the question. But aside from the lateness of the period to which the alleged testimony belongs, it must be confessed that the currency of the Script- ure name, even at that late period, outside of the Christian communities in the East, is by no means » fully made out as the argument requires. It has been generally thought that the earliest traces of mob a tradition appear in the 14th century (see Sob. Ret. iU. 66, 1st ed.).

    Some wealthy Catholics, in the assurance that jhey have identified at length the genuine spot, save recently purchased, at an exorbitant price, the (round of the old " oastrum Arnold! " (Kubabek),



    and an converting it into one of their " hotr places." (See more fully in BM. Sacra, July, 1866, p. 617.) Rector Zschokke makes it evident enough, that'^miodj (Nicopolis), at the foot of the mountains, cannot be the N. T. village of that name. Dr. Sepp, though a Catholic, rejects this claim in behalf of Kubeibth, and insists that Em- maus must be at KuUmieh, four miles from Jeru- salem, on the route from Ramleh (Jci-utakm a. dot htil Land, i. 62). So Ewald, Gesch. d. VoUeet It. vi. 676 f. The Rev. George Williams (art. Emmaus in Smith's Diet, of C'eoyr., and Jour*, of Clou, and Sacr. Phil iv. 262-267) fixes tut site of Emmaus at Kuriel ei-'Emih, from two to three hours distant from Jerusalem on the road to Jaffa. Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, ii. 307 t, 640) inclines to this view. — In a volcanic region like Judaea warm springs might be expected to exist for a time, and then to disappear. The Em- maus of the N. T. (see import of the name above) may have been a place of this description, the site of which is now lost. H.

    EMTKAUS, or NICOPOLIS CE^uui/i: [Sin. A/ifMov, Atipaovs, etc. ; in] 1 Mace. iii. 40, [Alex. Afifiaouv, 67, -ov/ii] 'A/t/uaous, Joseph. B. J. ii. 20, § 4: [Emmaum, Aiiunnwn]), a town in the plain of Philiatia, at the foot of the mount- ains of Judah, 22 Roman miles from Jerusalem, and 10 from Lydda (/tin. Hierot. ; Reland, p. 309). The name does not occur in the O. T. ; but tin town rose to importance during the later history of the Jews, and was a place of note in the wars of the Asmoneans. It was fortified by Bacchidea, the general of Antiochus Epiphanes, when he was engaged in the war with Jonathan Maccabnui (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 1, § 3; 1 Mace. ix. 60). It wai in the plain beside this city that Judas Maccabeus so signally defeated the Syrians with a mere hand- ful of men, as related in 1 Mace. iii. 57, iv. 3,

    J. L. P.

    BMTHER fEmi4p; [Vat. Stntfil Bmmeh), 1 Esdr. ix. 21. [Immkb.]

    BM'MOR (Bee. Text with B, 'Fupopt 1 * [Tisch. and Treg.] with A B

    Digitized by



    it, UL), supplies the greatest amount of h. forma- tion on the subject: whatever eke mar be gleaned if from acattered hlnti. The tabernacle, corns ■ponding to the chieftain's tent of an ordinary en- campment, waa placed in the centre, and around and feeing it (Num. ii. 2),» arranged in four grand divisions, corresponding to the four points of the compass, lay the host of Israel, according to then- standards (Num. i. 62, ii. 2). On the east the port of honor was assigned to the tribe of Judah, and round its standard rallied the tribes of Issachar and Zebnlnn, descendants of the sons of Leah. On the south lay Reuben and Simeon, the representa- tives of Leah, and the children of Gad, the son of her handmaid. Rachel's descendants were en- camped on the western side of the tabernacle, the chief place being assigned to the tribe of Ephraim. To this position of Ephraim, Manasseh, and Ben- jamin, allusions are made in Judg. v. 14, and Pi. lxxx. 2. On the north were the tribes of Dan and Naphtali, the children of Bilhah, and the tribe of Asher, Gad's younger brother. All these were en- camped around their standards, each according to the ensign of the house of his fathers. In the centre, round the tabernacle, and with no standard but the cloudy or fiery pillar which rested over it, were the tents of the priests and Levites. The former, with Hoses and Aaron at their head, were encamped on the eastern side. On the south were the Kohathites, who had charge of the ark, the table of shewbread, the altars and vessels of the sanctuary. The Gershonites were on the west, and when on the march carried the tabernacle and its lighter furniture; while the Merarites, who were encamped on the north, had charge of its heavier appurtenances. The order of encampment was preserved on the march (Num. ii. 17), the signal for which was given by a blast of the two silver trumpets (Num. z. 8). The details of this account supply Prof. Blunt with some striking illustrations of the undesigned coincidences of the books of Hoses ( Vndet. Coincid. pp. 76-86).

    In this description of the order of the encamp- ment no mention is made of sentinels, who, it is reasonable to suppose, were placed at the gates (Ex. xxxii. 26, 27) in the four quarters of the camp. This was evidently the case in the camp of the Levites (comp. 1 Chr. ix. 18, 24; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2).

    Hie sanitary regulations of the camp of the Israelites were enacted for the twofold purpose of preserving the health of the vast multitude and the purity of the camp as the dwelling-place of God (Num. v. 3; Deut. xxiii. 14). With this object the dead were buried without the camp (Lev. x. 4, 6) ; lepers were excluded till their leprosy departed from them (Lev. xiii. 46, xiv. 3; Num. xii. 14, 16), as were all who were visited with loathsome diseases (Lev. xiv. 3). All who were defiled by contact with the dead, whether these were slain in battle or not, were kept without the camp for seven days (Num. xxxi. 19). Captives taken in war were compelled to remain for a while outside (Num. xxxi. 19; Josh. vi. 23). The ashes from the sac- rifices were poured out without the camp at an ap- pointed place, whither all uncleanness was removed (Deut. xxiii. 10, 12), and where the entmils, sUna horns, Ac., and all that was not offered in sas

    > DVn JTOrj (OiintlkhayyOm), "the 'The form of tba encampment was rrJdratlT eta jsmstng ttma of day," i * the •vening, Judg. ztt. a. I •">*'> "><• not sows, as It Is generally nprstsasat.

    'Zamtpi Emmor), the father of Sychem (Acts Til If). [Hajiob.]

    • ENABLED translates (A V.) irtwtqtA- wmni (1 Tim. i. 12): "I thank Christ Jesus our Lord, who hath enabled me," Ac., >'■ e., as the Greek construction shows, qualified me, or made me able, so as to be fitted for the apostolic work. This is an older sense of « enabled," like the French haiUler. See Eastwood and Wright's Bible Void- Book, p. 173. H.

    *ENA'JIM (mora correctly Ehatim = D '!3' , i?) ■* the marginal reading of the A. T. for "an open place" In the text (Gen. xxxviil. 14). See next article below. Modem scholars generally (Gesenius, Kiirst, Tuch, KnobeL Keil) regard the LXX. as right here (Airily), and understand that Tamar placed herself "at the gate (opening) of Enajim," situated "on the way to Tlmnath." The same word recurs in ver. 21, where the A. V. has " openly," but the proper name is more appro- priate there, if not absolutely required. (See Mr. Wright's Boot of Gentrii in Hebrew, p. 100.) The

    dual endings D"^ and D~ are interchangeable (Gesen. Htb. ffr. § 88, Kern. 1), so that this Ena- jim and Enam in Josh. XT. 34 may be and no doubt are the same. H.

    ETJ AM (with the article, U^U = the double spring, Gesen. T/ia. p. 1019 a: MoiaW; [Vat. •m :] Alex. Hrattp ; [Comp. Aid. 'Hyatu :] Enaim), one of the cities of Judah in the Shejtliih or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). From its mention with towns (Jarmuth and EshtaoL for instance) which are known to have been near Tlmnath, this is very probably the place in the "doorway" of which Tamar sat before her interview with her father-in- law (Gen. xxxviiL 14). In the A. V. the words

    Pethach enat/im (DO*? nHg) are not taken as a proper name, but are rendered " an open place," lit. " the doorway of Enayim," or the double spring, a translation adopted by the LXX. (reus wiKais AirdV) and now generally. In Josh. xv. 84, for " Tappuah and Elam," the Peshito has " Pathuch- Elam," which supports the identification suggested above, [Am] G.

    ETTAN (]TV [rich in fomUmm]: Aiydv- Emm). Ahira ben-Enan was "prince" of the tribe of Naphtali at the time of the numbering of srael in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 15, [ii. W, viL 78, 83, x. 27]).

    ENAS1BUS ('EwtVtfloi; [Vat. -«•««-:] ES- •»»), 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Kuashib.]

    ENCAMPMENT (P^n?, macMnth, in all

    places except 2 K. vi. 8, where rfonm, laahanM, b wed). The word primarily denoted the resting- place of an army or company of travellers at night" (Ex. xvi. 13; Gen. xxxii. 21), and was hence ap- plied to the army or caravan when on its march I (Ex. xiv. 19; Joan. x. 6, xi. 4; Gen. xxxii. 7, 8). Among nomadic tribes war never attained to the I lignity of a science, and their encampments were i consequently devoid of all the appliances of more systematic warfare. The description of the camp ' of tbe Israelites, on their march from Egypt (Num. I

    Digitized by



    Hfiee were burnt (l*r. It. U, 18, ri 11, rut IT).

    The execution of criminal* took place without the cainp (Lev. xxir. 14; Num. xv. 85, 36; Josh, vii. 84), aa did the burning of the young bullock for the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 18). Then eireum- itanoaa combined explain Heb. xiii. 18, and John *ix. 17, 30.

    The encampment of the Israelites in the desert left its traces in their subsequent history. The temple, so late as the time of Hezekiah, was still "the camp of Jehovah " (8 Chr. xxxi. 8; of. Pa. Ixxviii. 88); and the multitudes who flocked to David were " a great camp, like the camp of God " (1 Chr. xii. 28).

    High ground appears to have been uniformly selected for the position of a camp, whether it were ou a hill or mountain side, or in an inaccessible pass (Judg. rii. 1, 8). So, in Judg. x. 17, the Am- monites encamped in Qilead, while Israel pitched in Mizpeh. The very names are significant. The camps of Saul and the Philistines were alternately in Uibeah, the " height " of Benjamin, and the pass of Michmash (1 Sam. xiii. 8, 8, 18, 83). When Goliath defied the host of Israel, the contending armies were encamped on hills on either side of the valley of Elah (1 Sam. xrii. 3); and in the fatal battle of Gilboa Saul's position on the mountain win stormed by the Philistines who had pitched in Shunem (1 Sam. xxviii. 4), on the other side of the valley of Jezreel. The carelessness of the Midian- ites in encamping in the plain exposed them to the night surprise by Gideon, and resulted in their con- sequent discomfiture (Judg. ri. 83, vii. 8, 18). But another important consideration in fixing upon a position for a camp was the propinquity of water; hence it is found that in most instances camps were pitched near a spring or well (Judg. vii. 1 ; 1 Mace. ix. 88). The Israelites at Mount Gilboa pitched by the fountain in Jeered (1 Sam. xxix 1), while the Philistines encamped at Apbsk, the name of which indicates the existence of a stream of water in the neighborhood, which rendered it a favorite place of encampment (1 Sam. iv. 1 ; IE. ix. 26; 3 K. xiii. 17). In his pursuit of the Amaleldtee, David halted his men by the brook Besor, and there left a detachment with the camp furniture (1 Sam. xxx. 9). One of Joshua's de- cisive engagements with the nations of Canaan was fought at the waters of Merom, where he surprised the confederate camp (Josh. xl. 5, 7; oomp. Judg, v. 19, 81). Gideon, before attacking the Midian- ites, encamped beside the well of Harod (Judg. vii. 1), and it was to draw water from the well at Beth- lehem that David's three mighty men cut their way through the ho--t of the Philistines (3 Sam. xxiii. 16).

    The camp was surrounded by the H 7|Pt?, ma'- •jdiih (1 Sam. xvil. 30), or ^379, mn'gil (1 Sam. ixvi. 5, 7), which some, and Thenius among them, explain as an earthwork thrown up round the en- tampment, others as the barrier formed by the baggage-wagons. The etymology of the word points merely to the circular shape of the Inclosure 'armed by the tents of the soldiers pitched around their chief, whose spear marked his resting-place y Sam. jam. 8, 7), and it might with propriety oe used in either of the above senses, according as the camp was fixed or temporary. We know that, n the case of a siege, the «*>»<*ing army, if pos- •Ible, surrounded the place attacked (1 Mace xiii.



    43), and drew about it a line of circuuiT.UlattoB

    (P.It' <%«*i a &• ***■ l)i which was marked b)

    a breastwork of earth (nbDQ, m'uUih, Is. lxii

    10; ri^fib, totldh, Ez. xxi 37 (22); oomp. Job xix. 13), for the double purpose of preventing the escape of the besieged and of protecting the be- siegers from their sallies. 3 But there was not so much need of a formal intrenchmt-nt, as but few instances occur in which engagements were fought in the camps themselves, and these only when the attack was made at night Gideon > expedition sgainat the Midianites took place in the early morn- ing (Judg. vii. 19), the time selected by Saul for his attack upon Nahash (1 Sam. xi. 11), and by David for surprising the Amalekites (1 Sam. xxx. 17 ; oomp. Judg. ix. 33). To guard against these

    night attacks, sentinels (D^QW, iktm'rtm) were

    posted (Judg. vii. 19; 1 Mace. xii. 37) round the camp, and the neglect of this precaution by Zebah and Zalmunna probably led to their capture by Gideon and the ultimate defeat of their army (Judg. vii. 19).

    The valley which separated the hostile camps was generally selected as the fighting ground (H^tf?, sdaVA, "the battle-field" (1 Sam. iv. 2, xiv.'lo; 2 Sam. xviii. 6), upon which the contest was de- cided, and hence the valleys of Palestine have played so conspicuous a part in its history (Josh, viii. 18; Judg. ri. 38; 2 Sam. v. 22, viii. 13, Ac.). When the fighting men went forth to the place of

    marshalling (nyipjj, ma'iricdh, 1 Sam. xvii

    30), a detachment was left to protect the camp and baggage (1 Sam. xvii. 22, xxx. 24). The beasts of burden were probably tethered to the tent pegs (8 K. vii. 10; Zech. xiv. 16).

    TTie njrfl?, mach&neh, or movable encamp- ment, is distinguished from the 3^53, maluM, or

    nr??, n'

    from " l *^??, mibhliir, "a fortress" or "walled town" (Num. xiii. 19).

    Camps left behind them a memorial in the nams of the place where they were situated, as among ourselves (cf. Chafer, Grantchetttr, Ac.). Ma- haneh-Dan (Judg. xiii. 25) was so called from the encampment of the Danites mentioned in Judg. xviii. 18. [M ah ah aim.] The more important camps at Gilgal (Josh. v. 10, ix. 6) and Shiloh (Josh, xviii. 9; Judg. xxi. 13, 19) left no such im- press; the military traditions of these places wen

    • The ChakVe rsniim nVfTQ (1 Sam. xtU. 39 and jT^t ft K. XXT. 1) by the sum wad, Q TfT^S orWp\\T)?,«he<

    Digitized by




    seBpssd by tha grater splendor of the religious saanciitlons which surrounded tnem.

    W. A. W.


    n^n 1 ?,

    CIO 1 ?, or , Ex. vii. 11, 23, viii. 7 :

    2. O^fflft : oxy/iamiai, ttifiuuta, LXX. (2 K. ix. 22; SBc v. 12; Nah. ill. 4): tenefida, male- fida, Vulg.; "malefic* artes," " pMMtigiss,' "muttered spells." Hence it is sometimes ren- dered by traoibai, as in Is. xlvii. 9, 12. The belief in the power of certain formulae was universal in the ancient world. Thus there were carmina to evoke the tutelary gods out of a city (Hacrob. Sa tm-ruiL iii. 8), others to devote hostile armies (id.), others to raise the dead (Maimon. de Idol, xi. 15 ; Senec. (Edip. 647), or bind the gods (ttajuX Stir) and men (.£ach. Fur. 831), and even influence the heavenly bodies (Ov. Met. vii. 207 ff., xii. 283; "Te quoque Luna trabo," Virg. Eel viii., jEn. iv, 489; Hot. Epod. v. 15). They were a recognized part of ancient medicine, even among the Jews, who regarded certain sentences of the Law as effica- cious in healing. The Greeks used them as one H the five chief resources of pharmacy (Pind. Pyth. iii. 8, 9 ; Soph. Aj. 582), especially in obstet- rics (Plat TheaL p. 145) and mental disea (Galen de Sanitnt. tuendd, i. 8). Homer mentions them as used to check the flow of blood ( Od. xix. 456), and Cato even gives a charm to cure a dis- jointed limb (de Re Rnst. 160; cf. Plin. B. N. xxviii. 2). The belief in charms is still all but ■jniversal in uncivilized nations; see Lane's Mod. Egg*. 1. 300, 306, Ac, ii. 177, Ac.; Beeckman's Voyage to Borneo, ch. ii. ; Merofler's Congo in Pinkerton's Voyages, xvi. 221, 278; Hue's China, 1. 223, ii. 326; Taylor's New Zealand, and Liv- ingstone's Africa, passim, Ac.; and hundreds of tuch remedies still exist, and are considered effica- rious among the uneducated.

    8. P'ttJn 1 ?, Eccl. x. 11: i,avpurpit, LXX.; from ttfn J. This word is especially used of the charming of serpents, Jer. viii. 17 (cf. Pa. Iviii. 5; Ecclus. xii. 18; EccL x. 11; Luc. ix. 891 — a par- allel to " cantando rumpitur anguis," and " Viper- ess rumpo verbis et carmine fauces," Ov. Met. 1. c). Maimonides (de IdoL xL 2) expressly defines an enchanter as one " who uses strange and mean- ingless words, by which he imposes on the folly of he credulous. They say, for instance, that if .one rtter the words before a serpent or scorpion it will do no harm " (Carpzov, AmtoL hi Godwynum, u. II). An account of the Hani who excelled In this art is given by Augustin (ad Gen. ix. 28), and of -be PayHi by Amobius (nd Nat. ii. 32); and tbey are afiided to by a host of other authorities (Plin. iii 2, xxviiL 6; iElian, U. A. i. 57; Virg. &*.


    vii. 750; Sil. ltal. viU. 486. They wei 'O^totiim-m). The secret is still understood is the East (I-ane, U. 106).

    4. The word D^fT? is used of the enchant ments sought by Balsam, Num. xxiv. 1. It prop- erly alludes to ophiomancy, but in this phee has a general meaning of endeavoring to gain omens (six ovrirrtHTir roit oimroit, LXX.).

    5. I^n is used for magic, Is. xlvli. 9, 13. It

    comes from "15TL to bind (cf. narcMt, jBaomuVw, bannen), and means generally the process of ac- quiring power over some distant object or person ; but this word seems also to have been sometimes used expressly of serpent-charmers, for B. Sol.

    Jsrchi on Dent xviii 11, defines the "150 "'S^H to be one "who congregates serpents and smrpleaw into one place."

    Any resort to these methods of imposture was strictly forbidden in Scripture (Lev. xix. 28; Is. xlvii. 9, Ac), but to eradicate the tendency is al- most impossible (2 K. xvii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 6), and we find it still flourishing at the Christian era (Acts xiii. 6, 8, viii. 9, 11, yonrela; GaL v. 20 Rev. ix. 21).

    The chief sacramenta datmoniaca were a rod, a magic circle, dragon's eggs, certain herbs, or " in- sane roots," like the henbane, Ac. The fancy of poets, both ancient and modern, has been exerted in giving lists of them (Ovid and Hor. U. cc. ; Shakespeare's Macbeth, Act Iv. 1; Kirke White's GondoUne; Soutbey's Cunt of Kehnrna, Cant iv. Ac). [Amulets; Divination; Magic]

    F. W. F.

    EN-DOR' [or EsfDOR (A. V.)] pV^? [i

    Ps. lxxiiii., "TNft"T3?] =«ort»o of Dor [I. c habi- tation] : 'Kert&p; [in 1 Sam., Vat At\\tup; Comp. 'Ertip; in Josh., LXX. on.:] Endor), a place

    which, with its "daughter-towns" (fYOJl), was in the territory of Issachar, and yet possessed by Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11). This was the ease with five other places which lay partly in Aster, partly in Issachar, and seem to have formed a kind of district of their own called " the three, or the triple, Nepheth."

    Endor was long held in memory by the Jewish people as connected with the great victory over Sisera and Jabin. Taanach, Megiddo, and the tor- rent Kishon all witnessed the discomfiture of the huge host but it was emphatically to Endor that the tradition of the death of the two chiefs at- tached itself (Ps. lxxxiii. 9, 10). Possibly it was some recollection of this, some fame of sanctity or good omen in Endor, which drew the unhappy Sau! thither on the eve of his last engagement with an enemy no less hateful and no less destructive than the Midianites (1 Sam. xxviii. 7). Endor is not again mentioned in the Scriptures; but it was known to Eusebius, who describes it as a large vil- lage 4 miles S. of Tabor. Here to the north of Jebel Duhy (the " Little Hermon " of travellers), the name still lingers, attached to a considerable but now deserted village. The rock of the mount- ain, on the slope of which Endur stands, is hol- lowed into caves, one ol which may well have bee the scene of the incantation of the witch (Vsn d* VeWe,U. 883; Rob. ii. 860; Stanley, p. 846). The distance from the slopes of Gilboa to Endor is 7 at 8 miles, over difficult ground. u-

    Digitized by



    ■ Kndor hid its name evidently from a spring which made the place habitable (Sim. Ononuut. p. 196); and it is found that one of the care there hit now "a little spring in it, the water from which rmu down the hill; the supply is email, but ia laid to be umailing" (Porter's Handb. ii. 858). For the striking maimer in which the position of En- tt&r, and various customs of the people at present illustrate the account of Saul's visit to the necro- mancer, see Thomson's Land and Book, tt. 161. As to the nature of that transaction, see Magic.


    • ENDOW (from dot, a dowry) means in Ex. ncii. 16 to furnish with a dower or marriage-por- tion, though the expression there does not so much translate as explain the Hebrew. This of course is the meaning also in the marriage service of the English Church, •• With all my worldly goods I thee endow." " Endue," a different form only, has this sense in Gen. xxx. 80. H.

    •ENDUE [Exdow.1

    * ETTEAS. [i£nKAs.j EN-EGLA1M (a^jyT , 5=a ? r»iy of

    two kafcrt : 'KrayaWttpl [Vat. Alex. Eyarya- KttH-] Engallim), a place named only by Ezekiel (xlvii. 10), apparently as on the Dead Sea; but Whether near to or tar from En-gedi, on the west or east side of the Sea, it is impossible to ascertain from the text. In his comment on the passage, Jerome locates it at the embouchure of the Jordan ; but this is not supported by other evidence. By some (e. g. Uesenius, Thet. p. 1019) it is thought to be identical with Eguaim, but the two words are different, En-eglaim containing the Am, which is rarely changed for any other aspirate. U.

    ENEMES'SAR CZrtufooapos, 'Entuaaip, [ete. : Salmnnaiar]) it the name under which Shalmaneser appears in the book of Tobit (i. 2, [18,] 15, to.). This book is not of any historical authority, being a mere work of imagination com- posed probably by an Alexandrian Jew, not earlier than B. c 300. The change of the name is a cor- ruption — the first syllable 8hal being dropped (compare the Bupalussor of Abyden-.'s, which rep- resents JVnbonolassar), and the order of the liquids m and n being reversed. The author of Tobit makes Enemessar lead the children of Israel into captivity (i. 2), following the apparent narrative of the book of Kings (2 K. xvii. 8-6, xviii. 9-11). He regards Sennacherib not only as his successor but ss his son (i. 15), for which he has probably no authority beyond his own speculations upon the text of Scripture. As Sennacherib is proved by the Assyrian inscriptions to be the son of Sargon, no weight can be properly attached to the historical statements in Tobit. The book is, in the fullest sense of the word, apocryphal O. R.

    ENETfltrS Clroriot [(gen. of 'ErwWyr?); Vat Aid. 'EW)viot; Alex. Evqnov (gen.?):] Em- mamut), one of the leaders of the people who re- turned from captivity with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. I). There is no name corresponding in the lists sf Esra and Nebemiah.

    ENOADTDI («V atyieAots; [Sin." ,r Eyyat- 1w>: Comp. h TaSSf:] "» Coda), Eeclus. rriv.

    14. [Elt-GEDl.]

    EN-GAN'NIM (WSST^^iprmgofgar. saw). 1. A city in the low country of Judah weed between Zanoah and Tappuah (Josh. xv. 34).



    The LXX. in this place is so different from Uu Hebrew that the name is not recognizable. Volg yEn-Grtnnim.

    2. A city on the border of Isaachar (Josh, xix 21; 'ltmw koI TowiaV; Alex, t/k rowi/x; [Comp, AM. 'tyyayylfi-] En-Gamum); allotted with iU "suburbs" to the Gerthonite Levites (xxi. 29; Tliryl) yfaf.ijA.raV- En-Gamim). These notices contain no indication of the position of En-gannira with reference to any known place, but there is great probability in the conjecture of Robinson (ii. 316) that it it identical with the Ginaia of Jo- seph us (Ant. xx. 6, $ 1), which again, there can be little doubt, survives in the modern Jenfn, the first village encountered on the ascent from the great plain of Esdraekm into the hills of the central country. Jentn is still surrounded by the "or- chards " or " gardens " which interpret its ancient name, and the " spring " is to this day the charac- teristic object in the place (Rob. ii. 315 ; Stanley, p. 349, note; Van de Velde, p. 359). The position of Jentn is also in striking agreement with the re- quirements of Beth-hag-Gan (A. V. " the garden- house; " Bai$ydr), in the direction of which Aha- riah fled from Jehu (2 K. ix. 27). The rough road of the ascent was probably too much for his chariot, and, keeping the more level ground, be made for Hegiddo, where he died (see Stanley, p. 349).

    In the lists of Levities! cities in 1 Chr. vi. Axem is substituted for En-gannim. Possibly it is merely a contraction. G.

    EN-GETH OTJ FJ», (he fountain of the kid: pA-ymfti}*,] 'Eyyattl, tryaM, [etc.:] Arabic (jgtX*- ••>££ : [En-gadtX]), a town in the

    wilderness of Judah (Josh. xv. 62), on the western shore of the Dead Sea (Ex, xlvii. 10). Its original

    name was Hazezon-Tamar (HQQ l'l^n, (he pruning of the palm), doubtless, as Joeephus says, on account of the palm groves which surrounded it (2 Chr. xx. 2; Eeclus. xxiv. 14; Joseph. Am. ix. 1, $ 2). Some doubt seems to have existed in the early centuries of our era as to its true position. Stephanos places it near Sodom (Steph. B. «. v.); Jerome at the south end of the Dead Sea ( Coram. •» Ez. xlvii.); but Joeephus more correctly at the distance of 300 stadia from Jerusalem (Ant. ix. 1, $2). Its site is now well known. It is about the middle of the western shore of the lake. Here is a rich plain, half a mile square, sloping very gently from the base of the mountains to the water, and shut in on the north by a lofty promontory. About a mile up the western acclivity, and at an elevation of some 400 feet above the plain, is the fountain of Ain Jidf, from which the place gets its name. The water is sweet, but the temperature is 81° Fahr. It bursts from the limestone rock, and rushes down the steep descent, fretted by many a rugged crag, and raining its spray over verdant borders of acacia, mimosa, and lotus. On retch- ing the plain, the brook crosses it in nearly a straight line to the sea. During a greater part of the year, however, it ia absorbed in the thirsty soil. Its banks are now cultivated by a few families of Arabs, who generally pitch their tents near this spot. The soil is exceedingly fertile, and in sueb a climate it might, be made to produce the rarest fruits of tropical climes. Traces of the old city I exist upon the plain anil lower declivity of the

    Digitized by


    736 EN-GEM

    mountain, on the south bank of the brook. They in rude and uninteresting, consisting merely of foundations and shapeless heaps of unhewn stones. a. sketch by M. Belly, taken from the fountain, and embracing the plain on the shore, and the south- west border of the Dead Sea, will be found in the Atlas of Plates to De Saulcy's Voyage, pi. viii. 1 much better one is given under Ska, thk Salt.

    The history of En-gedi, though it reaches back leaiiy 4000 yean, may be told in a few sentences. It wss immediately after an assault upon the "Amorites, that dwelt in Hazezon-Tamar," that the five Mesopotamian kings were attacked by the rulers of the plain of Sodom (Gen. xiv. 7 ; conip. 2 Chr. xx. 2). It is probable that the fountain was always called En-gedi, and that the ancient town built on the plain below it got in time the same name. Saul was told that David was in the " wilderness of En-gedi ; " and he took " 3000 men, and went to seek David and his men upon the rocksajl the wild goals " (1 Sam. xxiv. 1-4). These animals still frequent the clins above and around the fountain ; the Arabs call them Beden, At a later period En-gedi was the gathering-place of the Moabites and Ammonites who went up against Jerusalem, and fell in the valley of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 2). It if remarkable that this is the usual route taken in the present day by such predatory bands from Moab as make incursions into Southern Palestine. They pass round the southern end of the Dead Sea, then up the road along its western shore to Am July, and thence toward Hebron, Tekoa, or Jerusalem, as the prospects of plunder seem most inviting.

    The vineyards of En-gedi were celebrated by Solomon (Cant. i. 14); its balsam by Josephus


    (Ant. ix. 1, 5 2), and its palms by Pliny— « Ra- gadda oppidum fuit, secundum ab Hierosolymis fartilitate palmetorumque nemoribus " (v. 17 ;. But vineyards no longer clothe the mountain-aide, and neither palm-tree nor balsam is seen on the plain. In the fourth century there waa still a large village at En-gedi (Onom. a. v.); it must have been abandoned very soon afterwards, for there is no subsequent reference to it in history, nor are there any traces of recent habitation (Porter's Handbook, p. 242; Kob. 1. 507). There is a curious reference to it in Handeville (Early Trav. p. 179), who says that the district between Jericho and the Dead Sea is " the land of Dengadda" (Fr.

    ENGINE, a term exclusively applied to military affairs in the Bible. The Hebrew i"OIJpn (9 Chr. xxvi. 15) is its counterpart in etymological mean- ing, each referring to the ingenuity (engine, from ingenium) displayed in the contrivance. The en- gines to which the term is applied in 2 Chr. were designed to propel various missiles from the walla of a besieged town ; one, like the balitta, was for stones, consisting probably of a strong spring and a tube to give the right direction to the stone; another, like the catapulta, for arrows, an enormous stationary bow. The invention of these is assigned to Uzaah's time — a statement which is supported both by the absence of such contrivances In the representations of Egyptian and Assyrian warfare, and by the traditional belief that the balitta was invented in Syria (Pliny, vii. 56). Luther gives bnalwehren, 1. e. " parapets," as the meaning of the term. Another war-engine, with which the




    w w

    Assyrian war-enghsss, tram Botta, pi. 190.

    Hebrews were acquainted, waa the battering-ram,

    described in Ex. xxvi. 9, as "^ij Nil?, ut. a beating of that which it in front, hence a ram for striking walls; and still more precisely in Ez. iv. 2,

    mi 22. as "1?, a ram. The use of this instrument was well known both to the Egyptians (Wilkinson, i. 459) and the Assyrians. The references in Eze- kiel are to the one used by the latter people, con- sisting of a high and stoutly built frame-work on four wheels, covered in at the sides in order to protect the men moving it, and armed with one or two pointed weapons. Their appearance was very linerent from that of the Roman arret with which the Jews afterwards became acquainted (Joseph. b J. iii. 7, § 19^. No notice la taken of the Mttmdc or the tinea (d. Es. xxvi. 9, VtUg.); but it

    is not improbable that the Hebrews were acquainted with them (cf. Wilkinson, 1. 361). The marginal rendering " engines of shot " (Jer. vi. 6, xxxii. 84; Ez. xxvi. 8) is incorrect. W. L. B.

    ENGRAVER. The term ttHn, so trans- lated in the A. V., applies broadly to any artificer, whether in wood, stone, or metal : to restrict it to the engraver in Ex. xxxv. 35, xxxviii. 28, la im- proper: a similar latitude must be given to tot

    term fl^lD, which expresses the operation of tin artificer: in Zech. iii. 9, ordinary stone-cutting it evidently intended. The specific description of an

    engraver was J^W &?$ ( VjX - xzviii - ID. and his chief business was cutting names or devices oc rings and seals ; the only notices of er graving at*

    Digitized by



    la eooneotion with the high-priest's drew — the; two onyx-stones, the twelve jewels, and the mitre- plate having inscriptions on them (Ex. xxviii. 11, 31, 86). The previous notices of signets (Gen. xxxvUL 18, xH. 42) imply engraving. The art was widely spread throughout the nations of antiquity, particularly among the Egyptians (Diod. i. 78; Wilkinson, iii. 373), the ^Ethiopians (Her. rii. 69), and the Indians (Von Bohlen, Indien, ii. 133).

    W. L. B.

    EN-HADDAH (TTytTffl = that?, or swj/l ipring, Gesen. : Al/mpiic; Alex, vy MS*: [Enhadda]), one of the cities on the border of [asachar named next to En-gannim (Josh. xix. 21). Tan da Velde (i. 315) would identify it with Ain- Bnud on the western side of Carmel, and about 2 miles only from the sea. [See also Thomson, Land and Bock, ii. 248.] But this is surely out of the limits of the tribe of Issachar, and rather in Asher or Manasseh. G.

    BN-HAK-KOTftB [A V. En-hakkore] (rtnipH ]^ = rt« tpring of the crier: wrryh rov €vuca\\ovfi4you\\ [Alex. ewiKXrrros' font invo- eantu] ), the spring which burst out in answer to the " cry " of Samson after his exploit with the jaw-bone (Judg. xr. 19). The name it a pun

    founded on the word in Terse 18, yikra (N^lp?, A. V. '• he called "). The word Makteth, which in the story denotes the " hollow place " (literally, the « mortar") in the jaw, and also that for the "jaw " itself, Lechi, are both names of plaoes. Van de Velde (Memoir, p. 843) endesTora to identify Leehi with TeU-d-Lddyth 4 miles N. of Beer-ebeba, and En-hakkore with the large spring between the Tell and Khewelfeh. But Sainton's adventures appear to have been confined to a narrow circle, and there is no ground for extending them to a distance of some 30 miles from Gaza, which LeJugeh is, even in a straight line. [Lkchi ] G.

    bn-ha'zor (~nsn ry =«»•»'»? «/<*«

    village: mryh ' A

    BN-MISH'PAT (ID^tfJl? ^J [fountain of judgment] : ^ mrrh tt)» KpUntn '• [font Mit- ohaC)), Gen. xlv. 7. [Kadesh.]

    BTNOOH, and once [twice, 1 Chr. i. 3, 33]

    HENOCH (if^D = Chanic [initiated or ini- tiating, Ges.; teaching, teacher, Fttrst]: Philo, de Pott. Caini, § 11, ip/rqvt'iitTat 'Erix X

    8. [Vulg. In Jnde 14, Enoch.] The son of .'wed

    {^JJ, a descent, of. Jordan* and lathe? if Me-

    fnjB^imp, a man of armt fPhlfc. Le. 4T

    ENOCH 787

    § 12, MaSoixrAXtu ifawooroXh oawdrov (Gen. T. 18 ff. ; Luke iii. 37)). In the Epistle of Jnde (ver. 14, cf. Enoch lx. 8) he is described as " the tevenlh from Adam; " and the number is probabk noticed as conveying the idea of divine completioi «ud rest (cf. August, c. Fault, rii. 14), while Enoch was himself a type of perfected humanity, " a man raised to heaven by pleasing God, while angels fell to earth by transgression" (Iren. ir. 16, 2). The other numbers connected with his history appear too symmetrical to be without meaning. He was born when Jared was 162 (9 X 6 X 3) years old, and after the birth of bis eldest son in his 65th (5 X 6+7) year he lived 300 years. From the period of 365 years assigned to his life, Ewald (i. 356), with very little probability, regards him as " the god of the new-year," but the number may have been not without influence on the later tradi- tions which assigned to Enoch the discovery of the science of astronomy (iirrpoKoyla, Eupolemus ap. Euseb. Prop. Ev. ix. 17, where he is identified with Atlas). After the birth of Methuselah it is said (Gen. v. 22-24) that Enoch " walked with God 800 years . . . and he was not; for God took him "

    (nn.'j.-Mrrtoi"". LXX. (here only): tuttt, Vulg.).

    The phrase " walked with God " (TttJ "Jjbnnn

    ') is elsewhere only used of Noah (Gen. vi. 9; cf. Gen. xvii. 1, Ac.), and is to be explained of a prophetic life spent in immediate converse with the spiritual world (Enoch xii. 2, " All his action was with the holy ones, and with the watchers during his life "). There is no further mention of Enoch in the O. T., but in Ecclesiasti- cus (xlix. 14) he is brought forward as one of the peculiar glories (otiSi th sWovn otos *E.) of the Jews, for he was taken up (or«Arj$077, Alex. /MT»Tf07i) from the earth. " He pleased the Ijsrd and was translated [into Paradise, Vulg.] being a pattern of repentance " (Ecclus. xliv. 16). In the Epistle to the Hebrews the spring and issue of Enoch's life are clearly marked. " By faith Enoch was translated durtriSn, trantlalut tit, Vulg.) that he should not see death ... for before his translation (/tfToeVo'fws) he had this testimony, that he pleased God." The contrast to this divine judgment is found in the constrained words of Josephus: "Enoch departed to the Deity (A»t- XtipVf Tpos to OtTor), whence [the sacred writers] nave not recorded his death " (Ant i. 3, § 4).

    The Biblical notion of Enoch were a fruitful source of speculation in later times. Some theolo- gians disputed with subtilty as to the place to which he was removed ; whether it was to paradise or to the immediate presence of God (cf. Feuardentius ad hen. v. 5), though others more wisely declined to discuss the question (Thilo, Cod. A/xicr. N. T p. 758). On other points there was greater una- nimity. Both the Latin and Greek fathers com monly coupled Enoch and EUjah as historic wit nesses of the possibility of a resurrection of the body and of a true human existence in glory (Iren. iv. 5, 1 ; TertulL de Returr. Cam. 68 ; Hieron. e. Joan. flierotoL §j 29, 32, pp. 437, 440); and the voice of early ecclesiastical tradition is almost unanimous in regarding them as "the two wit- nesses " (Rev. xl. 3 ff.) who should fall before " the beast," and afterwards be raised to heaven before the great judgment (Hippol. Frag, m Dan. xxli., de Antichr. xnli.; Cosmas Indlo. p. 76, ap. Thilo, •aera tV imkno-tcurruciiv raeiSofir: YeftaB. <*

    Digitized by



    9; Ambros. m Psalm, xlv. 4; Eoang. Nieod, c. xxv. on which Thilo hu almost exhausted the question: Cod. Apoc. N. T. p. 766 f.). This belief removed a serious difficulty which n •up- posed to attach to their translation; fin thus it was made clear that they would at last discharge the common debt of a sinful humanity, from which they were not exempted by their glorious removal from the earth (Tertull. de Aniind, L c ; August. Op. imp. c. Jul vi. 30).

    In later times Enoch was celebrated as the in- ventor of writing, arithmetic, and astronomy (Euaeb. Prop. Ev. ix. 17). He is said to have filled 300 books with the revelations which he received, and is commonly identified with Edrit (i. e. the learned), who is commemorated in the Koran (cap. 19) as one "exalted [by God] to a high place" (cf. Sale, I. c; Hottinger, Hist. Orient, p. 30 ff.). But these traditions were probably due to the apocryphal book which bears his name (cf. Fabric. Cod, pseudep. V. T. i. 215 ff.).

    Some (Buttm. AfythoL i. 176 ff. ; F.wald, L c.) have found a trace of the history of Enoch in the Phrygian legend of Annacus Chmoxot, NdVwutot), who was distinguished for his piety, lived 300 years, and predicted the deluge of Deucalion. [Enoch, 1.] In the A. V. of 1 Chr. i. 8, the name is given as Henoch.

    'J. The third son of Milium, the son of Abraham by Keturah (Gen. xxv. 4, A. V. Hanoch ; 1 Chr. i. 33, A. V. Henoch).

    4. [Vulg. in 1 Chr. v. 3, Enoch.] The eldest son of Keuben (A. V. Hanoch ; Gen. xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14; 1 Chr. v. 3), from whom came " the family of the llanochites" (Num. xxvi. 5).

    6. In 2 Eadr. vi. 49, 51, Enoch stands in the Latin (and Eng.) Version for Behemoth in the iEthkpic. B. F. W.

    E'NOCH, THE BOOK OF, is one of the

    most important remains of that early apocalyptic literature of which the book of Daniel is the great prototype. From its vigorous style and wide range of speculation the book is well worthy of the atten- tion which it received in the first ages ; and recent investigations have still left many points for further inquiry.

    1. The history of the book is remarkable. The first trace of its existence is generally found in the Epistle of St Jude (14, IS; cf. Enoch, i. 9), but the words of the Apostle leave it uncertain whether he derived his quotation from tradition (Hofmann, Schrijlbeweis, i. 420) or from writing (iircoaytrrtv- wtr . . . 'Er&x h.iynt), though the wide spread of the book in the second century seems almost decisive in favor of the latter supposition. It ap- pears to have been known to Justin (A/mi ii. 5), lrena-us (Adv. Hatr. iv. 16, 2), add Anatolius (Euseb. H. E. vii. 32). Clement of Alexandria (Eclog. p. 801). and Origen (yet eomp. c. Celt. v. p. 267, ed. Spenc.) both make use of it, and numer- ous r efe rences occur to the "writing," "books," and " words " of Enoch in the Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs, which present more or leas resem- blance to passages in the present book (Fabr. Cod. pumdep. V. T. i. 161 ff.; Gfri rer, Proph. pseudejt. p. 273 f.). Tertnllian (Be Cult Fern. i. 3; cf. Dt idol 4) expressly quotes the book as one which was " not received by some, nor admitted into the Jewish nanon " (in armarium Judaicum), but defends it on aeeount of its reference to Christ (" kgimus omnem adifioa.ioni hahilrm dirinitui inspi-


    rari"). Augustine (De do. xv. 23, 4) sad aa anonymous writer whose work is printed with Jerome's (Brev. in Psalm, cxxxii. 2; ef. H3. aa Psalm. 1. c.) were both acquainted with it: but from their time till the revival of letters it was known in the Western Church only by the quota- tion in St. Jude (Dillmann, EM. p. lvi.). In the Eastern Church it was known some centuries later. Considerable fragments are pr ese rved in the Chro- nographia of Georgius Syncellus (c 792 A. D.), and these, with the scanty notices of earlier writers, constituted the sole remains of the book known in Europe till the close of the last century. Mean- while, however, a report was current that the rutin book was preserved in Abyssinia; and at length, in 1773, Bruce brought with him on his return from Egypt three MSS., containing the complete J£thiopic translation. Notwithstanding the interest which the discovery excited, the first detailed notice of this translation was given by Silvestre de Sacy in 1800, and it was not published till the edition of Archbishop Ijuirence in 1838 (Libri Enoch vertio JEthiopica . . . Oxon.). But in the inter- val Laurence published an English translation, with an introduction and notes, which passed through three editions (The Book of Enoch, Ac by R. Laurence. Oxford, 1821, 1833, 1838). The trans- lation of Laurence formed the basis of the German edition of Hofflnann (Das Buch Henoch, ... A. G. Hofflnann, Jena, 1833-48); and Gfrurcr, in 1840, gave a Latin translation constructed from the translations of Laurence and Hofflnann (Prv- pheta veteres pscudepiaraphi . . . ed. A. F. Gfrcrer, Stuttgartise, 1840). All these editions were superseded by those of Dillmann, who edited the yEthiopic text from five HSS. (Liber Henoch, jElhiopice, Lipsue, 1851), and afterwards gave a German translation of the book with a good intro- duction and commentary (Das Buch Henoch, . . . von Dr. A. Dillmann, Leipzig, 1853). The work of Dillmann gave a fresh impulse to the study of the book. Among the essays which were called out by it the most important were those of Ewald ( tfber des Atiiiopischen Buches Henikh Entitehyny, Ac., Gottlngen, 1854) and Hilgenfeld (Diejidische Apokntijptik, Jena, 1857). The older literature on the subject is reviewed by Fabricius ( Cod. pseudep. V. T. i. 199 ff.).

    2. The iEthiodlc translation was made from the Greek, and it was probably made about the ssror time as the translation of the Bible with which it was afterwards connected, or in other words, towards the middle or close of the fourth century. The general coincidence of the translation with the patristic quotations of corresponding passages shows satisfactorily that the text from which it was derived was the same as that current in the early Church though one considerable passage quoted by Georg Synoell. is wanting in the present book (DiUm. p. 85). But it is still uncertain whether the Greet text was the original, or itself a translation. One of the earliest references to the book occurs in the Hebrew Book of Jubilees (Dillm. in Ewald's Jnhrb. 1850, p. 90), and the names of the angels and winds are derived from Aramaic roots (ef. Dillm. p. 236 ff.). In addition to this a Hebrew book of Enoch was known and used by Jewish writers till the thirteenth century (Dillm. A-'W n '.vii.), so that on these grounds, among others, many have sup- posed (J. Scaliger, Laurence, Hoffmann, Dillmann' that the book was first composed b Hebrew (Aranuean). In such a case no stress can be bus

    Digitized by



    spon the Hebraizing style, which may be found u ■rail ia an author as in a translator; and in the absence of direct orideuoa u. is difficult to weigh aiere conjectures. On the oi^e band, if the book aad been originally written in Hebrew, it might '.mo. likely that it would have been more used by Rabbinical teachers; but, on the other band, the writer certainly appears to have been a native of Palestine," and therefore likely to have employed the popular dialect. If the hypothesis of a Hebrew original be accepted, which as a hypothesis seems to be the more plausible, the history of the original and the version finds a good parallel in that of the Wisdom of Siraoh. [Eccuksiasticus.]

    3. In its present shape the book consists of a series of revelations supposed to bare been given to Enoch and Noah, which extend to the most varied aspects of nature and life, and are designed to offer a comprehensive vindication of the action of Provi- dence. [Enoch.] It is divided into five parts. The fir* part (Cc 1-86 Dillm.), after a general introduction, contains an account of the fall of the angels (Gen. vi. 1) and of the judgment to come upon them and upon the giants, their offspring (9-16); and this is followed by the description of the journey of Enoch through the earth and lower heaven in company with an angel, who showed to him many of the great mysteries of nature, the treasure-bousM of the storms and winds, and fires of heaven, the prison of the fallen and the land of the blessed (17-36). The second part (37-71) is styled " a vision of wisdom," and consists of three " parables," in which Enoch relates the revelations of the higher secrets of heaven and of the spiritual world which were given to him. The first parable (38-44) gives chiefly a picture of the future bless- ings and manifestation of the righteous, with further details as to the heavenly bodies; the second (46-67) describes in splendid imagery the coming of Messiah and the results which it should work among " the elect " and the gainsayers ; the third (68-69) draws out at further length the blessedness of '• the elect ind holy," and the confusion and wretchedness of the sinful rulers of the world. The Mrd pvrt (73-89) is styled " the book of the course of the lights of heaven," and deals with the motions of the sun and moon, and the changes of the seasons; and with this the narrative of the journey of Enoch tloaes. The fourth part (83-81) is not distin- guished by any special name, but contains the rec- ord of a dream which was granted to Enoch in his youth, in which be saw the history of the kingdoms if God snd of the world up to the final establish- ment of the throne of Messiah. The fifth part ;3»-105) contains the last addresses of Enoch to tus children, in which the teaching of the former shapters is made the groundwork of earnest exhor- tation. The signs which attended the birth of Noah are next noticed (106-7); and another short ■' writing of Ei-.och " (108) forms the close to the whole book (it. Dillm. EM p. i. ft*.; Lucke, Ver- mch enter volltMnd. EM Ac., i. 93 ft*.).

    4. The general unity which the book possesses la its present form marks it, in the main, as the work of one man. The several parts, while they

    re complete in themselves, are still oonnectec by the development of a common purpose. But in- ternal coincidence shows with equal clearness that I fragments were incorporated by the author

    i ay wet* Lesaa bz the toaaHtv of Has witter in


    into his work, and some additions have been prob ably made afterwards. Different " books " are mea tioned in early times, and variations in style and language are discernible in the present book To distinguish the original elements and later inter- polations is the great problem which still remains to be solved, for the different theories which have been proposed are barely plausible. In each case the critic seems to start with preconceived notions as to what was to be expected at a particular time, and forms his conclusions to suit his prejudices. Hofmann and VVeiase place the composition of the whole work after the Christian era, because the one thinks that St. Jude could not have quoted an apocryphal book (Hofmann, ScAriftbewds, i. 420 ft".), and the other seeks to detach Christianity altogether from a Jewish foundation (Weiase, Emnyctienfrage, 914 ffi ). Stuart (American BiU. Repot. 1840) so far anticipated the argument of Weiase ss to regard the Christology of the book as a clear sign of its post-Christian origin. Ewald, according to his usual custom, picks out the dif- ferent elements with a daring confidence, and leaves a result so complicated that no one can accept it in its details, while it is characterized in its great features by masterly judgment and sagacity. He places the composition of the groundwork of the book at various intervals between 144 B. c. and cir. 120 B. c, and supposes that the whole assumed its present form in the first half of the century before Christ. Lucke (2d ed.) distinguishes two great parts, an older part including cc. 1-36, and 72-106, which he dates from the beginning of the Maccaluean struggle, and a later, cc 37-71, which he assigns to the period of the rise of Herod the Great (141, Ac.). He supposes, however, that later interpolations were made, without attempting to ascertain their date. Dillmann upholds more de- cidedly the unity of the book, and assigns the chief part of it to an Aranuean writer of the time of John Hyrcanus (c. 110 u. c). To this, according to him, " historical " and " Noachian additions" were made, probably in the Greek translation (EM. p. lii.). Kiistlin (quoted by HilgenfeM, p. 96, Ac.) assigns cc. 1-16, 31-36, 72-106, to about 110 B. o. ; cc. 37-71 to c. B. c. 100-64; and the « Noachian additions " and c. 108 to the time of Herod the Great. HilgsofeW himself places the original book (cc 1-16; 20-36; 79-90; 91, 1-19; 93; 94-106) about the beginning of the first century before Christ (a. a. 0. p. 145 n.). This book he supposes to have passed through the hands of a Christian writer who lived between the times " of Saturninus and Mansion " (p. 181), who added the chief remaining portions, including the great Messianic section, cc. 37-71. In the owe of these conflicting theories it ia evidently impossible to dogmatize, and the evidence is Insufficient for conclusive reasoning. The interpretation of the Apocalyptic histories (or. 66, 57; 83-90), on which the chief stress is laid for fixing the date of the book, involves necessarily minute criticism of details, which belongs rather to a commentary than to a general introduction ; but notwithstanding the arguments of Hilgenfeld and Jest (Gear*. 1 Jvd. ii. 918 n.), the whole book appears to be distinctly of Jewish origin. Some inconsiderable interpolations may have bees made in successivu translations, and large fragments of a much earlier date were undoubtedly iooor-

    natxL'iorhood of tbr Caspian an Inceastas'rc. MUb. B.IL


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    panted into the work, bat u a whole it may be regarded ai describing an important phage of Jewish opinion shortly before the coming of Christ.

    5. In doctrine the book of Enoch exhibits a gnat advance of thought within the limits of rev- elation in each of the great divisions of knowledge. The teaching on nature is a curious attempt to reduce the scattered images of the O. T. to a physical system. The view of society and man, nf the temporary triumph and final discomfiture of the oppressors of God's people, carries out into elaborate detail the pregnant images of Daniel. The figure of the Messiah is invested with majestic dignity as " the Son of God " (c 106, 2 only), " whose name was named before the sun was made " (48, 3), and who existed " aforetime in the pres- ence of God " (63, 6; cf. Laurence, PreL Diss. li. C). And at the same time his human attributes as " the son of man," " the son of woman " (c. 62, 5 only), "the elect one," "the righteous one," " the anointed," are brought into conspicuous no- tice. The mysteries of the spiritual work), the connection of angels and men, the classes and min- istries of the hosts of heaven, the power of Satan (40, 7; 65, 6), and the legions of darkness, the doctrines of resurrection, retribution, and eternal punishment (c 22, cf. Dillm. p. xix.), are dwelt upon with growing earnestness ss the horizon of •peculation * as extended by intercourse with Greece. But the message of the book is emphatically one if "f«ith and truth " (cf. Dillm. p. 32), and while the writer combines and repeats the thoughts of Scripture, he adds no new element to the teaching of the prophets. His errors spring from an undis- ciplined attempt to explain their words, and from a proud exultation in present success. For the great characteristic by which the book is distin- guished from the later apocalypse of Ezra [Esdkas, 2d Book] is the tone of triumphant expectation by which it is pervaded. It seems to repeat in every form the great principle that the world, nat- ural, moral, and spiritual, is under the immediate government of God. Hence it follows that there is a terrible retribution reserved for sinners, and a glorious kingdom prepared for the righteous, and Messiah is regarded as the divine mediator of this double issue (c 90, 91). Nor is it without a strik- ing fitness that a patriarch translated from earth, and admitted to look upon the divine majesty, is chosen ss "the herald of wisdom, righteousness, snd judgment to a people who, even in suffering, saw in their tyrants only the victims of a coming rengeance."

    6. Notwithstanding the quotation in St. Jade, and the wide circulation of the book itself, the apocalypse of Enoch was uniformly and distinctly separated from the canonical Scriptures. Tertul- lian alone maintained its authority (t c. ), while he admitted that it was not received by the Jews. Origen, on the other hand (c. Celt. v. 267, ed. Spate), and Augustine (

    7. The literature of the subject has been already noticed incidentally. The German edition of Dill- sunn places within the reach of the student all the most important materials for the study of the kook- Special points are discussed by Gfrurer, Dot


    Jakrk. d. Beth, I 98 ff.; C. VMeeeler, Di» 71 Woden da Darnel, 1839. An attempt was madt by the Rev. E. Hurray (Enoch resrsMns, Ac. Lond. 1838) to " separate from the books of Enocr the book quoted by St. Jade," which met with little favor. B. F. W.

    * The preceding article may be supplemented by a brief notice of the more recent literature re- lating to the subject. The essay of Kostlin, Oeoer die Kntstehmg del Bucket Henoch (alluded tc above), appeared in Baur and ZeDer'a ThtoL Jakrb. 1856, xv. 240-79, 87D-86; oomp. Ewald, Jahrb. f. Bibl witt. viii. 182 ff., 189 ff. Dillmann, in his art. Pteudcpiyraphen da A. T. in Herxog's ReaUEncykl xii. 309, has retracted his earlier opinion that the book of Enoch, excepting the Noachian fragments, is substantially the work of a single author. He is now convinced that it is made up of two, if not three other books, besides what has been introduced from the " Noah-book " in ch. liv. 7-lv. 2, ch. lx., lxv.-lxix. 26, eh. vL-xvu, and cri. f. He agrees with Ewald in regarding ch. xxxvii.-lxri. (after tearing out the Noachian portions) as the first Enoch-book, composed about 144 R. c. Vollnnar, in the Xeittckrift d. devttchen moroenL UestUscbnJl for 1830, xiv. 87-134, pre- sents a view of the origin and date of the book altogetl

    The question of the origin *1 language of the book is discussed very fully by M. Joseph HahVvi in the Journal Atwtiqvt for April and Hay, 1867, pp. 352-95. He maintains, it would seem conclu- sively, that it was composed in the almost Biblical Hebrew of the Mishna and the oldest Hidrashiu The article contains many happy elucidations of dif- ficult psasages in the book. A.

    E"NOCH, CITY. [Eboch, No. 1.]

    E7JON. [Mhos.]

    ETJOS (tB"P£ [man, especially as mortal, decaying]: *Ero4t: Enot). The son of Seth; properly called Enosh, ss in 1 Chr. i. 1 [A. V.] (Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11; Luke in. 38).

    * He was the third from Adam in the antedi- luvian genealogy. That he was bran, had children (of these Caiman only is named), and died at the age of 905, is the sum of all that is known of him The A. V. takes the form of the name from the LXX. or Vulg. H.

    E'NOSH. The same as the preceding (] Chr. i. 1) [and the stricter Hebrew form, instead of Esos].

    KN-KIM'MON (YtSn V"S [fountain of pomegranates] : Vat omits, Alex, tr Ptntmr: e. m Jtimimm), one of the places which the men of

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    adah re-inhabited after their return from the Cap- Wty (Neh. ri. 38). From the town* is company with which it is mentioned, it aeemi very probable that the name is the same which in the earlier books is given in the Hebrew and A. V. in the separate form of " Ain and Kimmon " (Josh. xr. 83), '< Ain, Kemmon " (xix. 7 ; and see 1 Chr. iv. 83), but in thj LXX. combined, as in Nehemiah. [Adi, 3.] G.

    * Raumer suggests that En or Ain-Rimmon may be equivalent to Ain and Kimmon, *'. e. virtually two places, Kimmon and a Fountain or Fountains in the vicinity (PaUutina, p. 330). It would thus be accounted for that the names (as stated above) are found to occur either separately or in combina- tion. According to Van de Velde (iftmoir, p. 844) the place is now 27m er SummaniM (Mother of Pomegranates) between Eleutheropolis and Beer- aheba. There is a copious fountain there at present, to which the people resort from a wide distance.


    KN-BCGEL C>£l yy [fountain 'of At fuller]: mryh 'VvyhXi font Rogel), a spring which formed one of the landmarks on the bound- ary-line between Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and Benjumin (xviii. 16). It was the point next to Jerusalem, and at a lower level, as is evident from the use of the words "ascended" and "descended" in these two passages. Here, apparently concealed from the view of the city, Jonathan and Ahimaaz re- mained, after the Sight of David, awaiting intelli- gence from within the walls (2 Sam. xvii. 17), and hen, " by the stone Zohekth, which is ' close to '

    (b?M) En-rogel," Adoiujah held the feast, which was the first and last act of his attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 9). These are all the occurrences of the name in the Bible. By Josephua on the last incident (Ant. vii. 14, § 4) its situation, given as " without the city, in the royal garden," and it is without doubt referred to by him in the same connection, in his description of the earth- quake which accompanied the sacrilege of Uzziah (Am. ix. 10, } 4), and which, " it the place called Eroge,"* shook down a part it the eastern hill, " so as to obstruct the roads, and the royal gar- dens."

    In the Targum, and the Arabic and Syriac ver- sions, the name is commonly given as " the spring

    rf the fuller" (W}3i2» «iaJ»), and this u gen- erally accepted as the signification of the Hebrew name — Rogel being derived from Rngal, to tread, in allusion to the practice of the Orientals in wash- big linen.

    In more modern times, a tradition, apparently first recorded by Brocardus, would make En-rogel the well of Job or Nehemiah (Btr Eyub), below the junction of the valleys of Kedron and Hinnom, and south of the Pool of Siloam. In favor of this is the fact that in the Arabic version of Josh. xv. 7 the name of Ain-Eyub, or " spring of Job," is given for En-rogel, and also that in an early Jew- ish Itinerary (Uri of Bid, iu Hottinger's Cippi Bebraici) the name is given as " well of Joab," as f retaining the memory of Joab's connection with



    • •Stanley (S. f P. p. {01, Amar. ed.) defines Ka- tog*, as " Spring of the Foot." But the vocallss-

    aoa would then be /J)H, and not 7J*">, as In the ■ Hn text. »

    Adonyah — a name which it still retains in tfaa traditions of the Greek Christians (Williams, //o.'| City, il. 490). Against this general belief, som strong arguments are urged by Dr. Bonar h> favoi of identifying En-rogel with the present "Foun- tain of the Virgin," 'Ain Ummed-Darq/ = " spring of the mother of steps " — the perennial source from which the Pool of Siloam is supplied (Land of Promitt, App. v. ). These arguments are briefly as follows: — (1.) The Bir Eyub is a well and not a spring (En), while, on the other hand, the " Fount- ain of the Virgin " is the only real spring close to Jerusalem. Thus if the latter be not En-rogel, the single spring of this locality has escaped men- tion in the Bible. (2.) The situation of the Fount- ain of the Virgin agrees better with the course of the boundary of Benjamin than that of the Btr Eyub, which is too far south. (8.) Bir Eyub does not suit the requirements of 3 Sam. xvii. 17. It is too far off both from the city, and from the di- rect road over Olivet to the Jordan; and is in full view of the city (Van de Velde, i. 475), which the other spot is not. (4.) The martyrdom of St. James was effected by casting him down from the temple wall into the valley of Kedron, where he was finally killed by a fuller with his washing stick. The natural inference is that St. James fell near where the fullers were at work. Now Bir Eyub is too for off from the site of the Tem- ple to allow of this, but it might very well have happened at the Fountain of the Virgin. (See Stanley's Sermons on the Apott. Age, p. 383-34). (5.) Daraj and Rogel are both from the same root, and therefore the modern name may be derived from the ancient one, even though at present it is taken to allude to the " steps " by which the reter voir of the Fountain is reached.

    Add to these considerations (what will have more significance when the permanence of Eastern habits is recollected) — (6.) That the Fountain of the Virgin is still the great resort of the women of Jerusalem for washing and treading their clothes - and also — (7.) That the level of the king's gar- dens must have been above the Bir Et/ub, even when the water is at the mouth of the well — and it is generally seventy or eighty feet below; while they must have been lower than the Fountain of the Virgin, which thus might be used without dif- ficulty to irrigate them. (See Robinson, i. 331 834; and for the best description of the Btr Eyub, see Williams, Holy City, ii. 48D-496). [Jerusa- lem.] G.

    * In reply to the argument by Bonar, adduced above, and in support of the theory which identi - fies Bir Eyub with the En-Kogel of the sacred writ era, these considerations may be urged. (1.) It is both a well and a spring. During portions of the rainy season, a oopious stream issues from ita mouth, and when it ceases to overflow, its waters pass off by a subterranean channel. (2.) The nar- rative of "the martyrdom of St- James" [James the Little] above referred to, differs from Jose- phua, and is partly, at least, legendary ; and if the inoident named is accepted, the " inference " doe* not follow, nor has it a decisive bearing on this question. (3.) The narrative in 2 Sam. xvii. 17, suggests no difficulty. It Implies some place of concealment near the spot. That the locality was

    * This natural intarpnrtatton of ■lightly corrupt appeals to have first t to Stanl./ (S.fP.v 1A4).

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    Utile off from the direct road would be favorable ; and it* being outside the city, yet within easy reach of a messenger from it, answers all the re- quirements. (4.) The position of Sir Eyub accords entirely with the boundary-line between Judah and Benjamin, and that of the Fountain of the Virgin does not. This border, coming from the Pead Sea, passed up the Valley of Hinnom, south of Jerusalem. TTie Sir Eyub is in the centre of the valley through which it passed, while the Fountain of the Virgin is on a hill-side, several hundred yards distant from its natural course. If the reader will turn to the article Jerusalem, Plate III., on which both points are indicated, he will see at a glance how inevitably the border would touch the former point, and how improbable and unaccountable would be the detour which would carry it to the latter point. (6.) This theory, if not, as Thomson claims, more in harmony, is certainly not less so, with the record iu 1 Kings i. 9, 38, 41. (6.) Other reasons in its favor are given above, and it has commanded the general assent of vis- itors and writers, from Brocardus to Robinson.

    The B\\r Eyub is 125 feet in depth, walled up with large square stones on its four sides, one of which terminates above in an arch. The work is, evidently, of high antiquity. The water is pure and sweet, but not very cold. When it passes off beneath the surface, it issues, during a part of the year, in a large stream some forty yards below. Bee Thomson, Land o> Book, ii. 628 f. S. W.

    • ENROLLED (Luke ii. 1). [Census; Taxing.]

    EN-SHE'MESH (ttJptjrpj = of the sun: i) rrnyh rov TjAfou, rnyii BajflffOjUur; [in Josh, xviii., Alex. 117777) ia/xt:] Entente*, id ett, Font Sotit), a spring which formed one of the landmarks on the north boundary of Judah (Josh, xv. 7 ) and the south boundary of Benjamin (xviii. 17). From these notices it appears to have been between the "ascent of Adummim" — the road leading up from the Jordan valley south of the Wady Kelt — and the spring of En-rogel, in the valley of Kedron. It was therefore east of Jeru- salem and of the Mount of Olives. The only ipring at present answering to this position is the 'Ain-Haud or 'Am-ChM — the » Well of the Apos- tles," ° about a mile below Bethany, the traveller's first halting-place on the road to Jericho. Accord- ingly this spring is generally identified with En- Shemesh. The aspect of ' Ain-Haud is such that the rays of the sun are on it the whole day. This is not inappropriate in a fountain dedicated to that luminary. G.

    ENSIGN (D3, in the A. V. generally «en-

    ugn," sometimes "standard;" v3^, "standard," with the exception of Cant. ii. 4, "banner;" nTH, " ensign "). The distinction between these three Hebrew terms is sufficiently marked by their respective uses: net is a signal; degel a military standard for a large division of an army ; and oth, the same for a email one. Neither of them, how- sver, expresses the idea which "standard " conveys to out minds, namely, ttfiag ; the standards in use wuog the Hebrews probably resembled those of


    the Egyptians and Assyrians — a figure or 1 of some kind elevated on a pole. (1.) The notice* of the net or <> ensign " are most frequent; It con- sisted of some well-understood signal which was exhibited on the top of a pole from a bare mount- ain-top (Is. xiii. 2, xviii. 3) — the very emblem of conspicuous isolation (Is. xxx. 17). Around it the inhabitants mustered, whether for the purpose of meeting an enemy (Is. v. 26, xviii. 3, xxxi. 9), which was sometimes notified by the blast of a trumpet (Jer. iv. 21, li. 27); or, as a token of res- cue (Ps. lx. 4; Is. xi. 10; Jer. iv. 6); or for a public proclamation (Jer. 1. 2); or simply as • gathering point (Is. xlix. 22, lxii. 10). What the nature of the signal was, we have no means of stating; it has been inferred from Is. ""ii 23, and Ez. xxvii. 7, that it was a flag: we do not ob- serve a flag depicted either in Egyptian or Assyrian representations of vessels (Wilkinson, iii. 211; Bonomi, pp. 166, 167); but, in lieu of a flag, cer- tain devices, such as the phcenix, flowers, Ac., were embroidered on the sail; whence it appears that the device itself, and perhaps also the sail bearing the device, was the net or " ensign." It may have been sometimes the name of a leader, as Implied in the title which Moses gave to his altar " Jeho- vah-nissi " (Ex. xvti. 15). It may also have been, as Michaelis (SuppL p. 1648) suggests, a blaring


    « •totalled ftoc Mi bring suppasad that the Apot- **s at Cork* may nave mated tbera in their journeys.


    afevptian Standards, tram Wilkinson

    torch. The important point, however, to be ok served is, that the net was an occasional signal, and not a military standard, and that elewUiam and contpicuUy are implied in the use of the term I hence it is appropriately applied to the " pole " on

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    aaiea the nun serpent hung (Num. xxi. 8), which ni indeed an "ensign" of deliverance to the pious Israelite; and again to the censers of Korah and his company, which became a " sign " v beacon of warning to Israel (Num xvi. 38). (2.) The term degtl is used to describe the stand- ards which were given to each of the four divisions of the Israelite army at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 59, ii. 2 ff., z. 14 ff.)- Some doubt in- deed exists as to its meaning in these passages, the LXX. and Vulgate regarding it not us the stand- ard itself; but as a certain military division an- nexed to a standard, just as vexilkm is sometimes used for a body of soldiers (Tac Hit. i. 70; Liv. viii. 8). The sense of compact and martial array does certainly seem to lurk in the word; for in Cant. vi. 4, 10, the brilliant glances of the bride's eyes are compared to the destructive advance of a well-arrayed host, and a similar comparison is em- ployed in reference to the bridegroom (Cant v. 10); but on the other hand, in Cant. ii. 4, no other sense than that of a "banner" will suit, and we therefore think the rendering in the A. V. correct. No reliance can be placed on the term in Pa. xx. 5, as both the sense and the text are mat-

    er* nf doubt (see Olshausen and Hengstenberg, in tic.). 4 standard implies, of course, a standard- bearer; but the supposed notice to that officer in Is. x. 18, is incorrect, the words meaning rather "as a sick man pineth away;" in a somewhat parallel passage (Is. lix. 19) the marginal version is to be followed, rather than the text. The char- acter of the Hebrew military standards is quite a matter of conjecture; they probably resembled the Egyptian, which consisted of a sacred emblem such as an animal, a boat, or the king's name (Wilkin- son, i. 994). Rabbinical writers state the devices to have been as follows: for the tribe of Judah a ion; for Reuben a man; for Ephraim an ox; and for Dan an eagle (Carpzov, Crit. App. p. 667); but no reliance can be placed on this. As each of the four divisions, consisting of three tribes, had its standard, so had each tribe its " sign " (oth) or > ensign," probably in imitation of the Egyptians. i>mong whom not only each batulion, but even •ash company had its particular ensign (Wilkin- son, I c) We know nothing of its nature. The ! word occurs figuratively in Ps. Ixxiv. 4, apparentlr ' J ' ■satsum to the images of idol gods. W.l»B.'i

    EPAPHRA8 748

    * ENSUE (like the French entunre, ahkh k from the Latin wuejuor) means in 1 Pet. ii. 11, to " follow after and overtake: " " Let him sick pease and ensue it." It has no longer this sense. U.

    EN-TAPPU'AH (iyBF\\~X*J=ipTingo/ apple, or citron: rnyh ©a*fl

    •ENTRANCE TO HAMATH. [Ha- math.]

    •ENTREAT (written also "intreat") is often used in the A. V. where we should employ " treat," or a similar expression, as in the phrases "to entreat well," "courteously," "spitefully," " shamefully," and "to evil entreat; " see Gen. xii. 16; Acts xxvii. 8; Matt xxii. 6; Luke xx. 11; Acta vii. 19, Ac. The simple "treat" does not occur in this sense either in the A. T. or in Shake- speare. " To be entreated " (A. V.) often signifies " to be prevailed upon by entreaty ; " see 1 Chr. v. 90; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 13; Is. xix. 22, Ac. A.

    EP^N'ETUS [A. V. Epenetus] ('Ewaiwoj [praised or worthy of praite]), a Christian at Home, greeted by St Paul in Rom. xvi. 6, and designated as his beloved, and the first fruit of Asia (so the majority of ancient MSS. and the critical editors: the received text has 'Ax«f«) UQ to Christ The Synopsis of the Pseudo-Dorotheus makes him first bishop of Carthage, but Justinian remarks that the African churches do not recognize him.


    EP'APHRAS ('Emwppnj {lovely, fascinat- ing] ), a fellow-laborer with the Apostle Paul, men- tioned Col. i. 7, as having taught the Colossian church the grace of God in truth, and designated a faithful minister (Jidxoi'os) of Christ on their behalf. (On the question whether Epaphras was the founder of the Colossian church, see the pro- legomena to the epistle, in Alford's Greek Testa- ment, iii. 36 ff.) He was at that time with St Paul at Rome (CoL iv. 12), and seems by the ex pression i /{ ifiuv, there used, to have been s Colossian by birth. We find him again mentioned in the Epistle to Philemon (ver. 23), which was sent at the same time as that to the Colossions. St Paul there calls him 6 ouvatxni\\an6s pov, but whether the word represents matter of fact or is only a tender and delicate expression of Ep- aphras's attention to the Apostle in his imprison- ment (cf. Rom. xvi. 13), we cannot say.

    Epaphras may be the same as Kpaphroditus, wh< is called, in Phil. ii. 25, the apostle of the Philip pians, and having come from Philippi to Rome with contributions for St Paul, was sent back with the epistle. It has been supposed by many, and among them by Grotius. In all probability the name Ep- aphras is an abbreviation of Epapbroditua: but on the question of the identity of the persons, the very slight notices in the "'. T. do not enable us to speak with any confidence. The name Epapbro- ditua was sufficiently common : see Tac. Ann. it. 65; Sueton. DomiU 14; Joseph. Life, % 76. The martyrologies make Epaphras to nave been first bishop of Colosse, and tn have suffered martjrdoK there. H. A.

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    •TVmgh Epaphras and Epaphroditus may be nflereut forms of the mine name (see Winer, Raihe. i. 331), the probability is that in the Epistles they designate different persons. It is against the supposed identity, first, that Epaphras belonged to Colossa (CoL It. 12), and had come thence to Rome (Col. i. 7), whereas Epaphroditus belonged to Philippi, and had been sent thence to Rome with the church's contributions for Paul (Phil. ii. 28); and, secondly (as the foregoing facte indicate), that Epaphras had his circuit of labor in Phrygia or Asia Minor (Col. iv. 13), while Epaphroditus had his circuit in northern Greece or Macedonia. See Neander's Pftamunc,, ii. 232 (1847). Again, Ep- aphras was Paul's fellow-captive, probably in a lit- eral sense. We may infer this first, from his being named apart from Paul's fellow-laborers (mmpW) at Rome (Philem. vv. 23, 24), and, secondly, from the subjoined fr Xpurrf 'b,

    EPAPHBODITTJS ('Eto^,™,, Phil. ii. JIB, it. 18). See above under Epaotikas. H. A.

    • EPElfETTJS, Bom. xvi. 8. [Ep.kkktus.] E'PHAH (np*y Idarhneu,] : T <*ip, [IV,** Vat. m 1 Chr., r«p«p; Alex. In 1 Chr. and Is.,] raupap: Epha), the first, in order, of the sons of Midian (Gen. xxt. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), afterwards mentioned by Isaiah in the following words: " The multitude of camels shall cover thee, the drom- edaries of Midian and Ephah ; all they from Sheba shall come: they shall bring gold and incense; and they shall shew forth the praises of the Lord. All the flocks of Kedar shall be gathered together unto thee, the rams of Nebaioth shall minister unto thee : they shall come up with acceptance on mine altar, and I will glorify the house of my glory" (Is. lx. 6, 7). This passage clearly connects the descend- ants of Ephah with the Midianites, the Keturahite Sheba, and the Ishmaelites, both in the position of their settlements, and in their wandering habits ; and shows that, as usual, they formed a tribe bear- ing his name. But no satisfactory identification of this tribe has been discovered. The Arabic

    »ord K JU X (Gheg/cA), which has been supposed to be the same as Ephah, is the name of a town, or Tillage, near BulUyi (the modern Bilbey*), a place in Egypt, in the province of the Sharkeeyeh, not far from Cairo: but the tradition that Ephah settled in Africa does not rest on surHcient author- ity- [Milium; Sheba.] E. S. P.

    E'PHAH (nS^y [darbuu]: Taupd: Epha). L. Concubine of Caleb, in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 48).

    2. Son of Jahdai; also in the line of Judah (1

    •Jhr. ii. 47).

    E'PHAH. [Measures.]

    ETHAI [2 syL] (following the Kerf, «Fg ; to* the original text Is , SW = Ophai [vtary, •anguid]: and so LXX. 'I« T >«'; [Alex. a


    ETHER (T5J [a eaff, yomg ammai] 'A**Ip, '0$4»s On Gen., Alex. A*«:] Opka Epher), the second, in order, of the sons of Mid ian (Gen. xxt. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), not mentioned ii the Bible except in these genealogical passages His settlements have not been identified with anj probability. According to Geteoius, the name it e

    equivalent to the Arabic Ghi/r, -. qr, signifying

    "a calf," and "a certain little animal, or insect, of animalcule." Two tribes bear a similar appella- tion, Ghtfar ( »Uift)j but one was a branch of

    the first Amalek, the other of the Ishmaelite Kii i neh (cf. Caussin, Ettai tur tllitt. da Arabe*. i. 20, 297, and 298 ; and Abulfeda, But. AnUsulamca, ed. Fleischer, p. 196): neither is ascribed to Mid- ian. The first settled about Yethrib (El-Medeeneh); the second, in the neighborhood of Mekkeh.

    E.S.P. ETHER C-I9J [o c,Jf]: 'A**, Alex. r«- ptp: Epker).

    1. A son of Ezra, among the descendants of Judah; possibly, though this is not clear, of the family of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 17).

    2. ('r>; Ald.r«t>ta.]) On* of the heads of the families of ManasseL on the east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). The name may be compared with that of Ophrah, the native place of Gideon, in Manasseh, on the west of Jordan. In the original the two are identical except in termi- nation ("

    E'PHES-DAJEbVMIM (W»? D^g: 'Y.' boundary of blood," in that case probably derived from its being the scene of frequent sanguinary encounters between Israel and the Philistines Under the shorter form of Pas-dammim it occurs once again in a similar connection (1 Chr. xi. 13). For the situation of the place see Elah, Vaixet op. Q.

    •EPHET3IAN ('E«W


    THE, was written by the Apostle St Paul during his first capthity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), ap- parently immediately after he had written the Epistle to <.he Colossians [Colossians, Epistle to], and during that period (perhaps the early part of a. o. 62) when his imprisonment had not as- sumed the severer character which seems to turn marked its close.

    This sublime epistle was addressed to the Chris- tian church at the ancient and famous city of Ephesus (see below), that chu- ih which the Afoata

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    «kl hlisaiT bunded (Acta zix. 1 ff., oomp. xvili. 19), with which he abode so long (rpitTlay, Act* n. 31), and from the elders of which he parted with such a warm-hearted and affecting farewell (Acta xz. 18-35). It does not seem to have been sailed out by any special circumstances, nor even to have involved any distinctly precautionary teach- ing (oomp. Schneckenburger, BeUragt, p. 135 ff.), whether against oriental or Judaistic theoaophy, but to have been suggested by the deep love which the Apostle felt for his converts at Ephesus, and which the mission of Tychicus, with an epistle to the church of Colossse, afforded him a convenient opportunity of evincing in written teaching and ex- hortation. The epistle thus contains many thoughts that had pervaded the nearly contemporaneous Epistle to the Colossians, reiterates many of the same practical warnings and exhortations, bears even the tinge of the same diction, but at the same time enlarges upon such profound mysteries of the divine counsels, displays so fully the origin and ievtlopmattt of the church in Christ, its union, communion, and aggregation in him, that this ma- jestic epistle can never be rightly deemed other- wise than one of the most sublime and consolatory outpourings of the Spirit of God to the children of men. To the Christian at Ephesus dwelling under the shadow of the great temple of Diana, daily seeing its outward grandeur, and almost daily hearing of its pompous ritualism, the allusions in this epistle to that mystic building of which Christ was the corner-stone, the Apostles the foundations, and himself and his fellow Christians portions of the august superstructure (ch. ii. 19-22), must have spoken with a force, an appropriateness, and a reassuring depth of teaching that cannot be over- estimated.

    The contents of this epistle easily admit of be- ing divided into two portions, the first mainly doc- trinal (ch. i.-iii.), the second hortatory and prac- tical.

    The doctrinal portion opens with a brief address to the saints in Ephesus (see below), and rapidly passes into a sublime ascription of praise to God the Father, who has predestinated us to the adop- tion of aona, blessed and redeemed us >n Chritt, and made known to us his eternal purpose of uniting %U in him (ch. i. 3-14). This not unnaturally wokes a prayer from the Apostle that hi? con- verts may be enlightened to know the hope of God's Jailing, the riches of his grace, and the magnitude }f that power which was displayed in the resurrec- tion and transcendent exaltation of Christ — the bead of his body, the church (eh. i. 15-33). ITien, with a more immediate address to his con- verts, the Apostle reminds them how, dead as they had been in sin, God had quickened them, raised them, and even enthroned them with Christ, — and now all was by grace, not by works (ch. ii 1-10). They were to remember, too, how they had once been alienated and yet were now brought nigh in the blood of Christ; how he was their peace; now »y him both they and the Jews had access to the rather, and how on him as the corner-stone they had been built into a spiritual temple to God (ch. ii. 11-23). On this account, having heard, as they nust have done, how to the Apostle was revealed Ihe profound mystery of this call of the Gentile world, they were not to faint at his troubles v'ch. di. 1-13): nay, he prayed to the great Father of iD to give them inward strength to teach them with He love of Christ and fill them with the fullness of


    God (ch. iii. 13-19). The prayer is concluded by a sublime doxology (ch. lit. 30, 31), which serve, to usher in the more directly practical portion.

    This the Apostle commences by entreating them to walk worthy of this calling, aud to keep the unity of the spirit: there was but one body, one Spirit, one Lord, and one God (ch. iv. 1-6). Each tuc had his portion of grace from God (ch. iv 7-10), who had appointed ministering orders in the church, until all come to the unity of the faith, and grow up and become united with the living Head, even Christ (ch. iv. 11-16). Surely then they were to walk no longer as darkened, feelingless heathen; they were to put off the old man, and put on the new (ch. iv. 17-24). This too was to be practically evinced in their outward actions; they were to be truthful, gentle, honest, pure, and for- giving; they were to walk in love (ch. iv. 25-v. 3). Fornication, covetouaness, and impurity, were not even to be named ; they were once in heathen dark- ness, now they are light, and must reprove the deeds of the past (ch. v. 3-14). Thus were they to walk exactly, to be filled with joy, to sing, and to give thanks (ch. v. 15-21). Wives were to be subject to their husbands, husbands to lore and cleave to their wives (ch. v. 22-33); children were to honor their parents, parents to bring up holily their children (ch. vi. 1-4); servants and masters were to perform to each other their reciprocal duties (ch. vi. 5-9).

    With a noble and vivid exhortation to arm them- selves against their spiritual foes with the armor of God (ch. vi. 10-20), a brief notice of the coming of Tychicus (ch. vi. 31, 22), and a twofold doxology (ch. vi. 33, 34), this sublime epistle comes to it* close.

    With regard to the authenticity and genuinenett of this epistle, it is not too much to say that there are ny just grounds for doubt. The testimonies of antiquity are unusually strong. Even if we dc not press the supposed allusions in Ignatius, Eph ch. 12, and Polycarp, Philipp. ch. 12, we can con- fidently adduce Irenseus, Har. v. 3, 3, v. 14, 3; Clem. Alex. Padag. i. p. 108 (ed. Pott), Strom. iv. p. 592 (ed. Pott.); Origen, Contr. Celt. iii. 20; Tertull. de Prater. Har. ch. 36, and after them the constant and persistent tradition of the ancient church. Even Marcion did not deny that the epistle was written by St. Paul, nor did heretics refuse occasionally to cite it as confessedly due to him as its author; comp. Irenseus, Bar. i. 8, 5. In recent times, however, its genuineness has been somewhat vehemently called in question. De Wette, both in the introductory pages of his Commentary on this epistle (ed. 3, 1847 ), and in his Introduction to the N. T. (ed. 5, 1848), labors to prove that it is a mere spiritless expansion of the Epistle to the Colossians, though compiled in the apostolio age, Schwegler {Nachnpoti. Ztitalt. ii. 330 ff.), Baur (Paulut, p. 418 ff), and others advance a step further and reject both epistles as of no higher antiquity than the age of Montanism and early Gnosticism. Without here entering into the details, it seems just to say that the adverse arguments have been urged with a certain amount of specious plausibility, but that the replies have been so clear, satisfactory, and in some cases crushing, aa to lean no reasonable and impartial inquirer in doubt aa to the authorship of the epistle. On the one hand we have mere subjective judgments, not unmarked by arrogance, relying mainly on supposed divergences in doctrine and presumed inaipidhVes if diction, bat

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    wholly destitute of an; Bound historical basis; on the other hand we hare unusually convincing counter-Investigations, and the unvarying testimony of the ancient church. If the discrepancies in matter and style are so decided as to lead a writer of the 19th century to deny confidently the genuine- ness of this epistle, how are we to account for its universal reception by writers of the 2d and 3d centuries, who spoke the language in which it was written, and who were by no means unacquainted with the phenomena of pious fraud and library imposture?

    For a detailed reply to the arguments of De Wette and Baur, the student may be referred to Meyer, Einleil. t. Epk. p. 19 ff. (ed. 3), Davidson, Introd. to /V. T. ii. p. 353 ff., and Alfonl, Pro- hi/omena, p. 8. [See also Klopper, De OHyint Epp. iid Epheaos el Colouewet, Gryph. 1863.] "

    Two special points require a brief notice.

    (1.) The readeri for whom this epistle was de- signed. In the opening words, Uav\\os axoVroXo! Xpiirrov *Iijo*oD 8ux 0c Ar)/usrot Btov rots ayiois Tots oloiy iy 'EtpeVai teal moron iy Xpicrry 'Ino-ov, the words «> 'E«W

    a * Some good remarks on this topto wlU also be found In an article on The Tubingen School by the Her. 8. Q. BulAnch. D. D., in the Monthly Religious Magazine (Boston) for May, 1866, p. 801 ff. Speaking of the resemblance of the Epistles to the Ephesians and the Coloasuuis, and of their rejection by Baur, the writer observes : —

    "Our critio, however, does not hold that one of these epistles Is genuine and the other forged, but condemns both together. In so doing, he does not sppear to perceive that he encounters the very dlffl- tulty whkh he had just urged against tne common Belief. It is certainly very unlikely that two perrons should, without consent, have forged two pretended epistles so Use each other as there : nor does it seem ■credible that, when one hud forged Coloesl&nr, another •ounterfelter should have received this base coinage as 3US, and given us forgery upon forgery. The only supposition remaining for Dr. Baur Is that the pre- tended author repeated himself — the supposition which he had already repudiated as applied to l*aul.


    arguments of Meyer, though ably urged, are net convincing. Nor can an appeal to the suence of writers of the ancient church on this further desti nation be conceived of much weight, as their refer- ences are to the usual and titular designation of the epistle, but do not, and are not intended to affect the question of its wider or narrower destina- tion. It is not unnatural to suppose that the special greetings might have been separately intrusted to the bearer Tychicus, possibly himself an Ephesian, and certainly commissioned by the Apostle (eh. si. 22) to inform the Ephesians of his state and cir- cumstances.

    (2.) The question of priority in respect of com- position between this epistle and that to the Cotos- sians is very difficult to adjust. On the whole, both internal and external considerations seem somewhat in favor of the priority of the Epistle to the Colossians. Comp. Meander, Planting, i. 329 (Bohn), Schleiermacher, Stud. u. Krit. tat 1832, p. 500, and Wieseler, Chronol., p. 450 ff. On the sim- ilarity of contents, see Coi,ossiaks, Epistui to.

    (3.) The opinion that this epistle and those to the Colossians and to Philemon were written during the Apostle's imprisonment at Csesarea (Acts xxi. 27-xxvi. 32) has already been noticed [Colos- sians, Eimsti.e to], and on deliberation rejected. The weight of probability seems distinctly on the side of the opinion of the ancient church, that the present epistle was written during the Apostle's first imprisonment in Rome.

    The editions of [commentaries on] this epistle have been numerous. We may specify those of Kiickert (Leipz. 1834), Harless (Erl. 1834), — an admirable edition, completely undervalued by De Wette, — Olshausen (Konigsb. 1840), De Wette (Leipi. 1847), Stier (Berl. 1848), Meyer (Gitt. 1853); and in our own country those of Eadie (Glasg. 1854 [also New York]), EHicott (Lond 1855), and Alford (Lond. 1857). C. J. E.

    * We have later editions of commentaries fron EUicott, 3d ed., 1864 (Amcr. reprint, 1866); Alford. 1865 (4th ed.); Harless, 1858 (but unchanged); Stier, 1859 (an abridgment of the earlier edition, which Ellicott in the Preface to his Epheeitmi so justly censures for its prolixity); Meyer, 3d ed., 1859. To the foregoing works we may add those of Schenkel, Briefe an die Epheser, Ac., 1867 (Ste Ausg. ) ; Karl Braune, Bit. as aVe Epkeoer, **., 1867 (substituted for Scbenkel's commentary on this epistle in I Jmge's Bibehverk) ,- Bleek, VorUumgen Ob. die Briefe an die Kol., den Phitem. u. die

    It would be, Indeed, less probable in the ease of • forger than in that of the Apostle; for the latter, writing naturally, would not guard himself against repeating the same thoughts in letters to different par- sons; while one who was tabrieating raise epistles would take especial care against whatever might bring his work into suspicion." (Page 308.) A.

    b • The diplomatic evidence against the genuine- ness of the words iy 'E^c'o-y is now strengthened by their omission in the Codex Sinaitiau. Basil teettflee that the reading tr amypa^ttr tip^cnfity (Contrm Jnutom. ii. 19). This appears also to have been the reading of Origen. See the note in Tischendorf w 7th ed. of the Greek Testament (1859). The externa: evidence against the words is certainly weighty. Os this and other questions relating to the epistle, aftf pa* ocularly Bleak's Yortencngen (1886), p. 172 ff. A,

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    Sf*., 1866 (edited by F. Nitacb); Trapp, in hi* Commentary on the New Testament (Webster's ed. Land. 1865); Maurice, Epistle to the Ephesians, 41 his Unity of the New Testament, pp. 512-548 (1864); J. Llewelyn Davies, Epistles of SL Paul to the Ephesians, Cotossians, and Phikmon, with Introduction and Notes (Lond. 1886); Alford, in hi» New Testament for English Readers (1866); Wordsworth, in hli Greek Testament, with Intro- ductions and Notts, 1866 (4th ed.); and in our own country, those of the Rev. Albeit Barnes, Notes, Explanatory and Practical, on the Epistles to the Ephesians, Philtppians, and Colossians (1815), S- H. Turner, D. D., The Epistle to the Ephesiins, in Greek and English, with an Exeget- ical Commentary (1856), and Charles Hodge, D. D., Comm. on the Epistle to the Ephesians (1856).

    The circle of critical questions (such as genuine- ness, Gnostic tendency, time and place of composi- tion) to which this epistle has given rise, coincides very nearly with that connected with the Epistle to the Colossians. [Colobsians. | On this class »f questions see especially Prof. Weiss's supple- mentary article in Herzog's lUnl-h'.ncyk. xix. 481- 487. This writer agrees with those who regard «V Es)«Va> of the received text (i. 1 ) as a Liter addition,



    and the epistle consequently as encyclical in it* destination. In his view the textual evidence fot this conclusion is altogether preponderant, whils the omission of the words occasions no difficulty. It was sufficient for the Apostle in the address to characterize his readers as Christians or saints in a general way, while at the same time be gave to Tychicus, the bearer of the letter (Col. iv. 7), oral instructions as to the particular churches for whom the epistle was designed. Bleek (EinL in das N. Test. p. 457) supposes that the letter was sent first to the church at laodicea (comp. Tertull. adv. Maroon, v. 11, 17, and Col. iv. 16), but that it was designed to be communicated to other churches in the immediate neighlnrhood (as that at Hie- rapolis), which Paul had not personally visited. Hi thinks it cannot have been intended also for the church at Ephesus, which stood in so different a relation to the Apostle. Dr. J. C. M. Laurent, on the other hand, in a recent article (Philemon von Laodikeia, in the Jahrb. f. tkutsche Theol. 1866, p. 129 ff.) regards the epistle as designed equally for the churches of Laodicea and Ephesus, and therefore originally written without any address, the words ly 'Eitx'irqi in ver. 1 being a later addi- tion. The various hypotheses have been still mnit

    Srts of Spasms. (Tram Ubords.)

    recently discussed by Kamphausen, Utber dm ttrspringL Leserkreis des Ephesevbritfes, in the Jahrb.f. deutsche Theol., 18(i6. pp. 742-749. He iupposes that the epistle was originally addressed to the church at Laodicea. H.

    EPH'ESUS CE^co-or), an illustrious city in the district of Ionia (s-oAir 'Imlat iwit^anto-Tclrii, Steph. Byz. I. v.), nearly opposite the island of Samoa, and about the middle of the western coast jf the peninsula commonly called Asia Minor. Not that this geographical term was known in the first century. The Asia of the N. T. was simply the Roman province which embraced the western part of the peninsula. Of this province Ephesus was the capital. [KriiEsua.]

    Among the more marked physical features of the «mlnsula are the two large rivers, Hermui and afnander, which flow from a remote part of the oterior westward to the Archipelago, Smyrna (Rev. I. 8) being; near the mouth >f one and Miletus (Acts IX. 17) of the other. Between the valleys trained bv time two -ivers is the shorter str~vm

    and smaller basin of the Cayster, called by the Turks Katschuk- Menthre, or the Little Maeander. Its upper level (often called the Caystriaii meadows) was closed to the westward by the gorge between (lalluus and Pactyas, the latter of these mountains being a prolongation of the range of Messogis which bounds the valley of the Mreander on the north, the former more remotely connected with the range of Tmolus which bounds the valley of the Hernias on the south. Beyond the gorge and towards the sea the valley opens out again into an alluvial flat (Herod, ii. 10), with hills rising abruptly from it The plain is now about 5 miles in breadth, but formerly it must have been smaller; and some of the hills were once probably Ulandr. Here Ephesus stood, partlv on the level ground and partly on the bills.

    Of the hills, on which a 1 irze portion of the city was built, the two most ini]»rtant were Prion and Coressus, the latter on the S. of the plain, ind being in fact almost n continuation of Pactyas, the former being in front of Coressus and near it

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    Ihongh separated by a deep and definite vaBey. Farther to the N. E. i» another conspicuous emi- nence, as seems to be the bill mentioned by Pro- eopim (a> jSdif. r. i.) as one on which a church dedicated to St. John was built; and its present name Ayatahik is thought to have reference to him, and to be a corruption of 6 Sr/iot $eo\\iyot. Ephesus is closely connected with this Apostle, not only as being the scene (Rer. i. 11, ii. 1) of the most prominent of the churches of the Apocalypse, but also in the story of his later life as git-en by Kusebius. Possibly his Gospel and Epiitles were written here. There is a tradition that the mother of our Lord was buried at Ephesus, as also Timothy and St. John ; and Ignatius addressed one of his epistles to the church of this place (it? ixKXrtalif TV teiOfiaKapttrry, rp oUay Iv 'E<^eVy tijs ' A

    1. Geographical Rtlntium. — These may he viewed in connection, first with the «ea and then with the land.

    All the cities of Ionia were remarkably well situated for the growth of commercial prosperity (Herod, i. 142), and none more so than Kphesus. With a fertile neighborhood and an excellent climate, it was also most conveniently placed fur traffic with all the neighboring parts of the levant. In the time of Augustus it was the great emporium of all the regions of Asia within the Taurus (Strah. liv. p. 950): its harbor (named Panorama), at tlie mouth of the Cayster, was elaborately constructed ; though alluvial matter caused serious hindrances both in the time of Attains, and iu St. Paul's own time (Tac. Ann. xvi. 23). The Apostle's life alone furnishes illustrations of its mercantile relations with Achaia on the W., Macedonia on the N-, and Syria on the E. At the close of his second mis- lionary circuit, he sailed across from Corinth to Kphesus (Acts xviii. 19) when on his way to Syria ib. 21, 22); and there is some reason for believing that he once made the same short voyage over the iEgean in the opposite direction at a later period [Corinthians, First Epistle to]. On the third missionary circuit, besides the notice of the journey from Ephesus to Macedonia (xix. 21, xx. 1), we have the coast voyage on the return to Syria given In detail (xx., xxi.) and the geographical relations of this city with the islands and neighboring parts rf the coast minutely indicated (xx. 15-17). To Uiese passages we must add 1 Tim. i. 3: 2 Tim. ir. 12, 20 ; though it is difficult to say confidently whether the journeys implied there were by land

    As to the relations of Kphesus to the inland egjons of the continent, these also are prominently brought before us in the Apostle's travels. The "upper coasts" (to ivurtpixi p4pv. Acts xix. 1) through which be passed when about to take up bis residence in the city, were the Phrygian table-lands >f the interior; and it was probably in the same Uttriet that on a previous occasion (Acts xvi. 6) he ftrmed the unsuccessful project of preaching the jroapel in the district of Asia. Two great roads at least in the Roman times, led eastward from Eph- « one through the passes of Tmolus to Sardis


    (Rer. IJ. 1) and thence to Galatta and the S K. the other round the extremity of Paetyas to aUsf- nesia, and so up the valley of the Msaaoder to bo- mum, whence the communication waa direct to the Euphrates and to the Syrian Antioch. There seen: to have been Sardian and Magnesian gates on the E. side of Ephesus, corresponding to these roads respectively. There were also coast-roads leading northwards to Smyrna and southwards to Miletus. By the latter of these it is probable that the Ephe- sian elders travelled, when summoned to meet i*aul at the latter city (Acts xx. 17, 18). Part of the pavement of the Sardian road has been noticed by travellers under the cliffs of Gallesus. All these roads, and others, are exhibited on the map in Leake's Asia Minor.

    2. Ttmple and Wonliipnf Diana. — Conspic- uous at the head of the harbor of Ephesus waa the great temple of Diana or Artemis, the tutelary divinity of the city. This building was raised on immense substructions, in consequence of the swampy nature of the ground. The earlier temple, which had been begun before the Persian war, was burnt down in the night when Alexander the Great

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    Plan of the Temple of Diana at ■pharos. Oubl's fykeriaca.)

    was bom ; and another structure, raised by the en- thusiastic axiperation of all the inhabitants of " Asia," bad taken its place. Its dimensions wen very great In length it waa 425 feet, and in breadth 220. The columns were 137 in nuxabar and each of them was GO feet high. In stylo, too it constituted an epoch in Greek art (Vitnrr. rr. 1 « since it was here fixat that the graceful look ordu

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    The magnificence of this sanctuary m • proverb throughout the civilized woiid. fo rips 'KoriiuSos mot b> 'Ea)««ra> uoVoi i*#• Mund. 7.) All then circumstances give increased force to the architect- ural allegory in the great epistle which St. Paul wrote in this place (1 Cor. iii. 9-17), to the pas- sages where imagery of this kind is used in the epistle* addressed to Epheeus (Eph. ii. 19-22; 1 Tim. iii. 15, vi. 19; 2 Tim. ii. 19, 20), and to the words spoken to the Ephesian elders at Miletus (Acts xx. 32).

    The chief points connected with the uproar at Ephesua (Acta xix- 22-41) are mentioned in the article Diana ; but the following details must be added. In consequence of this devotion, the city of Ephesua was called rmcipos (ver. 35) or " warden " of Diana. This was a recognized title applied in such cases, not only to individuals, but to communities. In the instance of Ephesua, the term is abundantly found both on coins and on in- scriptions. Its neoenrntt was in bet, as the " town- elerk" said, proverbial. Another consequence of the celebrity of Diana's worship at Ephesus was, that a Urge manufactory grew up there of portable shrines (roof, ver. 24, the atpttpifiara of Dionys. Halieam. ii 2, and other writers), which strangers purchased, and devotees carried with them on jour- neys or set up in their houses. Of the manufact- urers engaged in this business, perhaps Alexander the "coppersmith" (i voAxevs, 2 Tim. iv. 14) was one. The case of Demetrius the "silver- smith " (ipyvpowotos in the Acts) is explicit. He was alarmed for his trade when he saw the gospel, under the preaching of St. Paul, gaining ground upou idolatry and superstition; and he spread a panic among the craftsmen of various grades, the rsxriTOi (ver. 24) or designers, and the ioyirat (ver. 25) or common workmen, if this is the dis- tinction between them.

    3. 7*Ae Atiarch*. — Public games were connected with the worship of Diana at Ephesus. The month of May was sacred to her. The uproar mentioned in the Acts very probably took place at this season. St Paul was certainly at Ephesus about that time of the year (1 Cor. xvi. 8) ; and Demetrius might well be peculiarly sensitive if he found his trade (ailing at the time of greatest conoourse. However



    ical books which were publicly burnt (vat. 19) under the influence of St. Paul's preaching, it » enough here to refer to the 'EaWpia ypi+iuark (mentioned by Plutarch and others), which were regarded as a charm when pronounced, and wbec written down were carried about as amulets. The faith in these mystic syllables continued, more or less, till the sixth century. See the Life of Alexan- der of Tralles in the Diet, of Biog. [See alio Grotius and Wetatein on Acts xix. 19.]

    5. Provincial and municipal government. — It is well known that Asia was a proconsular province and in harmony with this fact we find proconsuls d,4>irarot, "deputies," A. V.) specially men- tioned (ver. 38). Nor is it necessary to inquire here whether the plural in this passage is generic, or whether the governors of other provinces were present in Ephesus at the time. Again we learn from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesus was an assize- town (forum at comentiu); and in the sacred nar- rative (ver. 38) we find the court-days alluded tc as actually being held (ayipauH iyorrcu, A. V. " the law is open " ) during the uproar; though perhaps it is not absolutely necessary to give the expression this exact reference as to time (see Wordsworth). Ephesus itself was a "free city," and had its own assemblies and its own magistrates. The senate (ytpovala or jSouAi)) is mentioned, not only by Strabo, but by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 10, J 25, xvi. 6, §§ 4, 7); and St Luke, in the narrative before us, speaks of the typos (w. 80, 83, A. V. "the people") and of its customary assemblies («Wue> iKKKi)oia, w. 39, A. V. "a lawful as- sembly"). That the tumultuary meeting which was gathered on the occasion in question should Uke place in the theatre (w. 29, 31) was nothing extraordinary. It was at a meeting in the theatre at Ctesarea that Agrippa I. received his death- stroke (Acts xii. 23), and in Greek cities this was often the place for large assemblies (Tac Hitt. ii 80; Val. Max. ii. 2). We even find conspicuous mention made of one of the most important mu- nicipal officers of Ephesus, the " Town-Clerk " (ypa/ifiartit) or keeper of the records, whom we know from other sources to have been a person of great influence and responsibility.

    It is remarkable bow all these political and re-

    a __ ._ . n ligious characteristics of Ephesus which appear in

    this may be, the Asiarchs ('Kaiipx*'* A. V. the sacred narrative, are illustrated by inscriptions

    'chiefs of Asia") were present (Acts xix. 31). rheae were officers appointed, after the manner sf the sjdiles at Rome, to preside over the games which were held m different parts of the province •f Asia, just as other provinces had their Ualat- archt, Lydareht, 4c Various cities would require the presence of trjase officers in turn. In the ac- nunt of Polycarp's martyrdom at Smyrna (Hefele, Pat. Apost. p. 286) an important part is played by he Aaiarch Philip. It is a remarkable proof of the Influence which St. Paul had gained at Ephesus, that the Asiarchs took his side in the disturbance. See Dr. Wordsworth's note on Acts xix. 31. [Auakcii.c]

    4. Study and practice of magic. — Not .mconnected with the preceding subject was the remarkable prevalence of magical arts st Ephesus. This also comes conspicuously Into view in St Luke's narrative. The pe-

    and coins. An ipxtuw or state -paper office is mentioned on an inscription in Chishull. The ypafiuartvs frequently appears; so also the 'Aci- ipX 1 " an< ' iWh/waroi. Sometimes these words are combined in the same inscription : see for in- •tance Bockh. Corp. hue. 2999, 2994. The fol- lowing is worth quoting at length, as containing also .he words Srjfiot and rtutcApof. 'H tpiXwrt fiacrrbs 'E^fO-fow fiov\\i) jrol 6 jrcwfco/Mff irjfws KaBiifWOav M asfwroVou TltlovKaiou Upnaxii

    1 character of St Paul's miracles (tv- •*M«.t ou rat »xotW, ver. 11) would °*> <* ***** «xblbltta« the Tsmpte of Diana.

    ■cm to have been intended as antagonistic to the I tnr fa«>io\\ui«Vou Ti0. KA. 'IrnJuKOv rov -itmn trevalent superstition. In illustration of the mag- 1 sstmi tow Hjuu. 29ti6. The coins of F||Lots

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    in ftill of allusions to the worship of Duos in various aspects. The word vfunipos is of fre- quent occurrence. That which is given above has also the word ar6ttVaros '■ it exhibits an image of the temple, and, bearing as it doss, the name and bead of Nero, it most have been struck about the time of St. Paul's stay in Ephesus.

    We should enter on doubtful ground if we were to speculate on the Gnostic and other errors which grew up at Ephesus in the later apostolic age, and which are foretold in the address at Miletus, and indicated in the Epistle to the Ephesians, and more distinctly in the Epistles to Timothy. It is more to our purpose if we briefly put down the actual beta recorded in the N. T. as connected with the rise and early progress of Christianity in this city.

    That Jews were established there in considerable numbers is known from Josephus (U. &), and might be inferred from its mercantile eminence; but it is also evident from Acts ii. 9, vi. 9. In harmony with the character of Ephesus as a place of con- course and commerce, it is here, and here only, that we find disciples of John the Baptist explicitly mentioned after the ascension of Christ (Acts xviii. 25, xix. 3). The case of Apolloe (xviii. 24) is an exemplification further of the intercourse between this place and Alexandria. The first seeds of Christian truth were possibly snwn at Ephesus


    Immediately after the Great Paitecost (Acta B ) Whatever previous plans St. Paul may have enter- tained (xvi. G), his first visit was on his return from the second missionary circuit (xviii. 19-21); ana his stay on that occasion was very short: not is there any proof that he found any Christiana at Ephesua", but be left there Aquila and PriscilsB (ver. 19), who both then and at a later period (9 Tim. iv. 19) were of signal service. In St. Paul's own stay of more than two years (xix. 8, 10, xx. 31), which formed the most important paasage of his third circuit, and during which he labored, first in the synagogue (xix. 8), and then in the school of Tyrannus (ver. 9), and also in private bonnes (xx. 20), and during which he wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians, we have the period of the chief evangelization of this shore of the jEgean. The direct narrative in Acts xix. receives but little elucidation from the Epistle to the Epbesiana. which was written several years after from Rome; but it is supplemented in some important particu- lars (especially as regards the Apostle's p e rs o na l habits of self-denial, xx. 34) by the address at Mi- letus. This address shows that the church at Eph- esus was thoroughly organized under its presbyters. At a later period Timothy was set over them, at we learn from the two epistles addressed to him. Among St. Paul's other companions, two, Trophi-

    Vlew oT the Theatre at

    i. jj and Tyehicus, were natives of Asia (xx. 4), and the latter probably (2 Tim. iv. 12), the former certainly (Acts xxi. 29), natives of Ephesus. In the same connection we ought to mention (hwsipb- oms (2 Tim. i. 18-18) and his household (iv. 19). On the other hand must be noticed certain specified Epheaian antagonists of the Apostle, the sons of Sceva and his party (Acta xix. 14), Hvmenams and Alexander (1 Tun. i. 20: 2 Tun. iv. 14), and Phy- yDus and Hermogenes (2 Tim. i. 15).

    The site of ancient Kphesus has been visited and examined by many travellers during the last 200

    C; and descriptions, more or lew copious, hare given by Pococke, Toumefort, Spon and Wheler, Chandler, Poujoulat, Prokesch, Beaqjour, Rehubert, Arundeu, Fellows, and Hamilton. The toBett accounts are, among the older travellers, in ^handler, and among the more recent, in Hamil-

    ' ton. Some views are given in the second voiumi of the limimt Antupatut, published by the Dilet- 1 tanti Society, l-eake, in his Ann M'mor, has a ! discussion on the dimensions and style nf the i Temple. The whole place is now utterly desolate, ' with the exception of the small Turkish village at | Aynsnluk. The ruins are of vast extent, both on Coressus and on the plain ; but there is great doubt as to many topographical details. In Kjepert's 1/tUat is a map, more or less conjectural, the sub- stance of which will be found in the Diet of Gtog a. v. Kph($ut. Guhl's plana also are mostly from KJepert,

    It is satisfactory, however, that the position of the theatre on Mount Prion is absolutely cert ai n Fellow* says it must have been one of the largest in the world. A view of H, from Laborde. is givaa above. The situation of the temple is doabtfkk

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    got It probably atoed where certain large massen re- main on the low ground, full in view }f the theatre. The disappearance of the temple may easily be ac- counted for, partly by the rising of the soil, and partly by the incessant use of its materials for mediaeval buildings. Some of its columns are said to be in St Sophia at Constantinople, and even in the cathedrals of Italy.

    To the works above referred to must be added, Perry, De rebut Ephesiorum (Giitt. 1837), a slight sketch; Guhl, Eplietiaca (Berl. 1843), a very elaborate work; Hemsen's Pauius (Giitt. 1830), which contains a good chapter on Ephesus ; Biscoe On the Acta (Oxf. 1829), pp. 274-283; Mr. Aker- man's paper on the Coins of Ephesus in the Tram, of the Numiimitic Soc., 1841; Gronov. Antiq. 0,-ac. vii. 387-401 ; and an article by Ampere in the Rev. dee Deux Monde* for January 1842.

    An elaborate won; on Ephesus is understood to be in preparation by Mr. Falkener [since published, Lond. 1862]. J. S. H.

    * The Apostle Paul in all probability wrote his Epistle to the Galatians at Ephesus, during his so- journ of nearly three years in that city (Acts xx. 31). [Galatians, Epistle to the.] His so- journ tnere for so long a time illustrates what appears to have been a rule of the earliest missionaries, and that was to plant the gospel first in the principal towns, and then from these centres to extend the knowledge of it to other regions. Writing to the believers at Thessalonica, the most populous place in northern Greece, Paul commends them, because from them had "sounded out the word of the Lord not only in Macedonia and Achaia, but also in every (other) place " with which travel and com- merce connected that metropolis (1 Thess. i. $). Ephesus held a similar rank in relation to the ad- jacent parts of Asia Minor (Acts xix. 10). The church at Ephesus was one of the seven churches to which the Apostle John at a subsequent period lent messages from Patmos (Rev. U. 1 ff.). How sadly fulfilled were Paul's predictions respecting the corruptions which should appear in this church after his death (Acta xx. 28 ff.), we learn from its condition as described by John (Rev. ii. 1-C). [Nicolaitans.] For the import and teachings of the communication which the Spirit sent through John to the ch uxh at Ephesus, see Trench's Coram. en the Epiitiei to the Seven Churchee in Asia, and Prof. Stuart's Commentary on the Apocalypse.

    Forbiger (ffandb. der alien Geogr. ii. 188 ff.) rites the principal passages in the classical writers which illustrate the rank and earlier history of this tapital of Roman Asia. There are articles on

    Ephesus" in Pauly's ReaLEncyk. by Wester- mann, and in Herzog's ReaLEncyk. by Arnold, l-ewin furnishes a sketch at some length of pro- consular Asia and Ephesus its capital (Life and Epistles of St. Paul, i. 344-365). The incidents relating to Paul's life and labors in that city are Irawn out in chap. viii. of Howson's Scenes from 'he Life of St. Paul, and their Religious Lessons ;|j)nd. 1866), reprinted by the American Trac* Society (Boston, 1867). See also Conybeare and dowson's Life and Letters of St. Pail, ii. 80 ff. (Amer. ed.).

    The approach of the West to the East in the assimilating power of its commerce, arte, and gen- eral civilization brings with it strange innovations A railroad at the present time connects the Apoc- alyptic places, Smyrna and Ephesus, with each ather. " By the railway," aara Premense' (.Land

    * KPHBAIH 761

    of the Gospel, p. 215), " we made the journey h' two hours. It crosses a smiling, fertile valley, hy- ing between green mountains, crowned not far from Ephesus by a fine glacier. Numerous herds are startled into flight at the whistle of the engine; several slow caravans pass before us, as if to draw the contrast between the antique locomotion nf the desert world and the unbridled haste of a more advanced civilization." H.

    EPH'LAL (V?9N [judgment]: 'A«>»u

    EPHOD (T!SbjO, a sacred vestment originally appropriate to the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), bnt afterwards worn by ordinary priests (1 Sam. xxiL 18), and deemed characteristic of the office (1 Sam. ii. 28, xiv. 3; Hos. ill- 4). For a description of the robe itself see Hioh-priest. A kind of ephod was worn by Samuel (1 Sam. ii. 18), and by Da- vid when he brought the ark to Jerusalem (2 Sam vi. 14; 1 Chr. xv. 27); it differed from the priestly ephod in material, being made of ordinary linen (bad), whereas the other was of fine linen (theth); it is noticeable that the LXX. does not give twa/ilt or 'E

    W. L.B

    EPHOD (Tt$ [ephod or image]: %ov

    E'PHRAIM [Heb. Ephra'un] (O^T^: 'Epai/«|r: Ephraim), the "seo- ond *>n of Joseph by his wife Asenatb He was born during the seven years of plentoousnecs, and an allusion to this is possibly latent in the name, though it may also allude to Joseph's increasing family : " The nami of the second he called Kporain

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    (i. a. double fruitnilness), for God hath caused me stance alluded to in Pa. lzxviii. 6 »hn. thi

    to be fruitful 0?39'7> hijthrani) in the land of ny alHiction " (Gen. xli. 52, zlvi. 20).«

    The tint indication we have of that ascendency over hia elder brother Manaueh, which at a later period the tribe of Ephraim so unmistakably pos- sessed, is in the blessing of the children by Jacob, Gen. ilriii. — a passage on the age and genuineness of which the severest cr'ticism has cast no doubt (Tuch, Otnuit, p. 848 ; Ewald, i. 634, note). Like hia own father, on an occasion not dissimilar, Ja- cob's eyes were dim so that he could not see (zlviii. 10, comp. xxvii. 1). The intention of Joseph was evidently that the right hand of Jacob should con- vey its ampkr blessing to the head of Manasseh, hia first-bora, and he had so arranged the young men. But the result was otherwise ordained. Ja- cob had been himself a younger brother, and his words show plainly that he had not forgotten this, and that his sympathies were still with the younger of his two grandchildren. He recalls the time when he was flying with the birthright from the vengeance of Esau ; the day when, still a wanderer, God Almighty had appeared to him at " Lux in the land of Canaan," and blessed him in words which foreshadowed the name of 6 Ephraim; the ■till later day when the name of Ephrath ' became bound up with the sorest trial of his life (xlviii. 7, xzxv. 16). And thus, notwithstanding the pre- arntngement and the remonstrance of Joseph, for the second time in that family, the younger brother was made greater than the elder — Ephraim was set before Manasseh (xlviii. 19, 20).

    Ephraim would appear at that time to have been about 21 years old. He was born before the be- ginning of the seven years of famine, towards the latter part of which Jacob had come to Egypt, 17 years before hia death (Gen. xlvii. 28). Before Joseph's death Ephraim's family had reached the third generation (Gen. 1. 23), and it must have been about this time that the affray mentioned in 1 Chr. vii. 21 occurred, when some of the sons were killed on a plundering expedition along the sea-coast to rob the cattle of the men of Gath, and Then Ephraim named a son Beriah, to perpetuate the memory of the disaster which had fallen on his house. [Bkkiah.] Obscure as is the interpreta- tion of this fragment, it enables us to catch our jist glimpse of the patriarch, mourning inconsol- able in the midst of the circle of his brethren, and at last commemorating his loss in the name of the new child, who, unknown to him, was to be the progenitor of the most illustrious of all his descend- ants — Jehoshua, or Joshua, the son of Nun (1 Chr. Til. 27 ; see Ewald, i. 491). To this early period, too, must probably be referred the circum-

    " children of Ephraim, carrying slack bowl,'' turned back in the day of battle." Certaii ly no instance of such behavior is recorded in the Liter history.

    The numbers of the tribe do not at once fulfill the promise of the blessing of Jacob. At the cen- sus in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 32, 33, it 19) its numbers were 40,500, placing it at the head of the children of Rachel, Manasseh's number being 32,200, and Benjamin's 35,400. But forty years later, jn the eve of the conquest (Num. xxvi. 37), without any apparent cause, while Manasseh had advanced to 52,700, and Benjamin to 45,000, Ephraim had decreased to 32,500, the only smaller number being that of Simeon, 22,200. At this period the families of both the brother bribes ais enumerated, and Manasseh has precedence over Ephraim in order of mention. During the march through the wilderness the position of the sons of Joseph and Benjamin was on the west side of the tabernacle (Num. ii. 18-24), and the prince of Ephrahn was Elishama the son of Ammihud (Num. i. 10).

    It la at the time of the sending of the spies that we are first introduced to the great hero to whom the tribe owed much of its subsequent greatness. The representative of Ephraim on this occasion was >' Oshea the son of Nun," whose name was at the termination of the affair changed by Moses to the more distinguished form in which it is familiar to us. As among the founders of the nation Abnun bad acquired the name of Abraham, and Jacob of Israel, so Oshea, "help," became Jehoshua or Joshua, " the help of Jehovah " (Ewald, ii. 306).

    Under this great leader, and in spite of the sinallness of its numbers, the tribe must have taken a high p>jsition in the nation, to judge from the tonu which the Ephraimites assumed on occasions shortly subsequent to the conquest. These will be referred to in their turn.

    According to the present arrangement of the records of tie book of Joshua — the "Domesday book of Palestine " — the two great tribes of Judah and Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) first took their inheritance ; and after them, the seven other tribes entered on theirs (Josh, xv., xvi., xvii., xviii. 5). The boundaries of the portion of Ephraim are given in xvi. 1-10. The passage is evidently in great disorder, and in our ignorance of the Juid- marks, and of the force of many of the almost tech- nical terms with which these descriptions abound, it is unfortunately impossible to arrive at more than an approximation to the case. The south boundary was coincident for part of its tength with the north bouridary of Benjamin. Commencing at the Jordan, at the reach opposite Jericho,' it ran

    o Jesephus (AM. 11. 6, $ 1) gives the derivation of ths name somewhat differently — n restorer, because be was restored to the tree-lorn of his forefathers ; " MO&Jovf . . . did TO airofioffqi'tti xrK

    o «I will make thee fruitful," vf"l$!0, Maphnchti,

    tton. xlviii. 4; "Be thou fruitful," fTl?, PHrth, txxv. 11 ; both from tho same root as the name


    c There seems to have been some connection be- tween Ephrath. or Bethlehein, and Ephraim, the clew to which !» now Inst (Ewald, Gesch. i. 493, note).

    The expression " Kphrathite " is generally applied

    es a native of Ephrath, i. t. Bethlohum ; but there are

    sous mstaucos of its meaning an Kphrehulta. These or " near " in the A V. has no oueinos there.

    an 1 8am. i. 1 ; 1 K. xi. 26 , in I »th of wh'th ths word la accurately transferred to our version. Hot In Jodg. xli. ft, where the Hebrew word Is the bum, and

    with the definite article ("•rn^BPT), It fa Incorrectly rendered " an Epbnthnlte." In the other occurrences of the word " Ephrahntte " In w. 4, 5, 6 of the same chapter, the Hebrew Is " Ephraim." This narrative raises the curious inquiry, which we have no means of satisfying, whether the Ephrslmitee bad not a pe- culiar accent or patois — similar to that which In laast times caused " the speech " of the Galileans to " be- tray " them to the Inhabitants of Jerusalem.

    d This is the rendering of Ewald.

    ' The expression " Jordan Jericho " Is a eommoa (Num. xxvi. 8,68; xxxl'i. 48. *a.l: the "by*

    Digitized by



    to the ' water of Jericho," probably the 'Am Dik or 'Aim Sub&n ; thence by one of the ravines, the Watly Rarith or IP. Suwtinil, it ascended through the wilderness — Midbtir, the uncultivated waste hills — to Mount Bethel and Luz; and thence by Ataroth, "the Japbletitc," Bethhoron the lower, and Gezer — all with one exception unknown — to the Mediterranean, probably about Joppa. This agrees with the enumeration in 1 Chr. vii., in which Bethel is given as the eastern, and Gezer — some- where about Ramlth — as the western limit. The general direction of this line is N. E. by E. In Josh. xri. 8, we probably have a fragment of the northern boundary (comp. xvii. 10), the torrent Kanah being the Nuhr eUAkhdar just below the ancient Caesarea. But it is very possible that there never was any definite subdivision of the territory assigned to the two brother tribes. Such is cer- tainly the inference to be drawn from the very old fragment preserved hi Josh. xvii. 14-18, in which the two are represented as complaining that only ♦ne portion had been allotted to them. At auy rata, if any such subdivision did exist, it is not possible now to make out what it was, except, gen- erally, that Ephraim lay to the south and Manasseh to the north. Among the towns named as Manas - seh's were Beth-sheau in the Jordan valley, Endor on the slopes of the " Uttle Hermon," Taanach on the north side of Carmel, and Dor on the sea- coast south of the same mountain. Here the boundary — the north boundary — joined that of Asher, which dipped below Carmel to take in an angle of the plain of Sharon : N. and N. W. of Manasseh lay Zeb- ulun and Issachar respectively. The territory thus allotted to the " house of Joseph " may be roughly estimated at 55 miles from E. to W. by 70 from N. to S., a portion about equal in extent to the coun- ties of Norfolk and Suffolk [England] combined. But though similar in size, nothing can be more different in its nature from those level counties than this broken and hilly tract. Central Palestine con- sists of an elevated district which rises from the fiat ranges of the wilderness on the south of Judah. and terminates on the north with the slopes which descend into the great plain of Esdraekm. On the west a fiat strip separates it from the sea, and on the east another flat strip forms the valley of the Jordan. Of this district the northern half was occupied by the great tribe we are now considering. This was the Har-Ephraim, the "Mount [hill- country of] Ephraim," a district which seems to extend as far south as Ramah and Bethel (1 Sam. i. 1, vii. 17 ; 3 Chr. xiii. 4, 19, compared with xv. t\\ places but a few miles north of Jerusalem, and within the limits of Benjamin. In structure it is limestone — rounded hills separated by valleys of denuiUlion, but much less regular and monotonous than the part more to the south, about and below Jerusalem ; with " wide plains in the heart of the mountains, streams of running water, and continuous tracts of vegetation " (Stanley, p. 229). All travel- ers bear testimony to the " general growing rich- ness " and beauty of the country in going north- wards from Jerusalem, the " innumerable fountains " and streamlets, the villages more thickly scattered than anywhere in the south, the continuous corn- fields and orchards, the moist, vapory atmosphere (Martineau, pp. 516, 521; Viin de Velde, i. 886, 388 ; Stanley, p. 234, 235 ). These are the " precious things of the earth, and the fullness thereof," which in invoked on the "ten thousands of Ephraim" and the " thousands of Mmns s ah " in the bleating



    of Moses. These It is which, while Dan, Judah, and Benjamin are personified as lions and wolves, making their lair and tearing their prey among the barren rocks of the south, suggested to the Lawgiver, as they had done to the Patriarch before him, the patient " bullock " and the " bough by the spring, vvhose branches ran over the wall " as fitter images for Ephraim (Gen. xlix. 22; Deut. xxxiii 17). And centuries after, when its great disaster had fallen on the kingdom of Israel, the same images recur to the prophets. The " flowers " are still there in the " olive valleys," " faded " though they be (Is. xxviii. 1). The vine is an empty unprofitable vine, whose very abundance is evil (Hos. x. 1); Ephraim is still the "bullock," now "unaccustomed to the yoke," but waiting a restoration to the " pleasant places" of his former "pasture" (Jer. xxxi. 18; Hos. ix. 13, iv. 16) — " the heifer, that is taught and Iovoth to tread out the corn," the heifer with the " beautiful neck " (Hos. x. 11 ), or the " kine of Bashan on the mountain of Samaria " (Amos iv. 1).

    The wealth of their possession had not the same immediately degrading effect on this tribe that it had on some of its northern brethren. [Asher.] Various causes may have helped to avert this evil (1.) The central situation of Ephraim, in the high- way of all communications from one part of the country to another. From north to south, from Jordan to the Sea — from Galilee, or still more distant Damascus, to Philistia and Egypt — these roads all lay more or less through Ephraim, and the constant traffic along them must have always tended to keep the district from sinking into stag- nation. (2.) The position of Shechem, the original settlement of Jacob, with his well and his " parcel of ground," with the two sacred mountains of Ebal and Gerizim, the scene of the impressive and sig- nificant ceremonial of blessing and cursing; and of Shiloh, from whence the division of the land was made, and where the ark remained from the time of Joshua to that of Eli ; and further of the tomb and patrimony of Joshua, the great hero not only of Ephraim but of the nation — the fact that all these localities were deep in the heart of the tribe, must have made it always the resort of large num- bers from all parts of the country — of larger numbers than any other place, until the establish- ment of Jerusalem by David. (3.) But there was a spirit about the tribe itself which may have been both a cause and a consequence of these advantages of position. That spirit, though sometimes taking the form of noble remonstrance and reparation (2 Chr. xxviii. 9-16), usually manifests itself in jealous complaint at some enterprise undertaken or advantage gained in which they had not a chief share. To Gideon (Judg. viii. 1), to Jephthah (xii. 1), and to David (2 Sam. xix. 41-43), the cry is still the same in effect — almost the same in words — " Why did ye despise us that our advice should not have been first had ? " " Why bast thou served us thus, that thou calledst us not? " Tht unsettled state of the country in general, and of the interior of Ephraim in particular (Judg. ix.), and the continual incursions of foreigners, prevented the power of the tribe from manifesting itself in a more formidable manner than by these murmurs, during the time of the Judges and the first stage of tat monarchy. Samuel, though a Levite, was a native of Ramah in Mount Ephraim, and Saul belonged to a tribe closely allied to the family of Joseph, to that during the priesthood of the former vii thf

    Digitized by




    feign of the latter the supremacy of Ephraim may be said to have been practically maintained. Cer- tainly hi neither cue had any advantage been gained liy their great rival in the south. Again, the brilliant successes of David and his wide in flueuce and religious zeal kept matters smooth for another period, even in the face of the blow given to both Shechem and Shiloh by the concentration of the civil and ecclesiastical capitals at Jerusalem. Twenty thousand and eight hundred of the choice warriors of the tribe, " men of name throughout the house of their Esther," went as far as Hebron to make David king over Israel (1 Chr. xii. 30). Among the officers of his court we find more than one Ephraimite (1 Chr. xxvii. 10, 14), and the attachment of the tribe to his person seems to have been great (2 Sam. xix. 41-43). But this could not last much longer, and the reign of Solomon, splendid in appearance but oppressive to the people, developed both the circumstances of revolt, and the leader who was to turn them to account. Solomon saw through the crisis, and if he could have suc- ceedrd in killing Jeroboam as he tried to do (1 K. xi. 40), the disruption might have been postponed for another century. As it was, the outbreak was deferred for a time, but the irritation was not allayed, and the insane folly of his son brought tbe .-nischief to a head. Rehoboam probably selected Shechem - the old capital of the country — for his coronation, in the hope that his presence and the ceremonial might make a favorable impression, but in this he (ailed utterly, and the tumult which followed shows how complete was the breach — '* To your tents, Israel ! now see to thine own house, David ! " Rehoboam was certainly not the last king of Judah whose chariot went as far north as Shechem, but he was tbe last wbo visited it as a part of his own dominion, and he was the last who, having come so for, returned unmolested to his own capital. Jehoshaphat escaped, in a manner little short of miraculous, from the risks of the battle of Ramoth-Gilead, and it was tbe fate of two of his successors, Ahaziah and Josinh — differing in every- thing else, and agreeing only in this — that they were both carried dead in their chariots from the plain of Esdraelon to Jerusalem.

    Henceforward in two senses the history of Ephraim is the history of the kingdom of Israel, since not only did the tribe become a kingdom, but the kingdom embraced little besides the tribe. This is not surprising, and quite susceptible of explana- tion. North of Ephraim the country appears never to have been really taken possession of by the Israelites. Whether from want of energy on their part, or great stubbornness of resistance on that of the Canaanites, certain it is that of the list of towns from which the original inhabitants were not ex- pelled, the great majority belong to the northern tribes, Manasseh, Asher, Issachar, and Naphtali. tad in addition to this original defect there is much in the physical formation and circumstances of the upper portion of Palestine to explain why those tribes never took any active part in the kingdom. They were exposed to the inroads and seductions of their surrounding heathen neighbors — on one side the luxurious Phoenician*, on the other the plundering Bedouins of Midian; they wen open to the attacks of Syria and Assyria from the north, and Egypt from the south ; the great nlain of Estbuelon, which communicated more or ha* with all the northern tribes, was tbe natural lutlet of tha no less natural high roads of the


    maritime plain from Egypt and tne Jatdaa i for the tribes of the East, and formed an adm'rabat base of operations for an invading army.

    But on the other hand the position of Ephraim was altogether different. It was one at once of great richness and great security. Her fertile plains and well-watered valleys could only be reached by a laborious ascent through steep and narrow ravines, all but impassable for an army. There is no record of any attack on the central kingdom, either from the Jordan valley or the maritime plain. On the north aide, from the plain of Esdraelon, it was more accessible, and it was from this side that the final invasion appears to have been made. But even or. that side the entrance was so difficult and so easily defensible — as we learn from the description it tbe book of Judith (iv. 6, 7) — that, had the king dom of Samaria been less weakened by internal dissensions, the attacks even of the great Shss*- maneser might have been resisted, as at a later date were those of HoL (ernes. How that kingdom originated, bow it progressed, and how it fell, will be elsewhere considered. [Israel, Kingdom of.] There are few things more mournful in the sacred story than the descent of this haughty and jealous tribe, from the culminating point at which it stood when it entered on the fairest portion of the Land of Promise — the chief sanctuary and the chief settlement of the nation within its limits, its leader the leader of the whole people — through the dis- trust which marked its intercourse with its fellows, while it was a member of the confederacy, and the tumult, dissension, and ungodliness which charac- terized its independent existence, down to the sud- den captivity and total oblivion which closed its career. Judah had her timet of revival and of re- curring prosperity, but here the course is uniformly downward — a sad picture of opportunities wasted and personal gifts abused. " When Israel was a child, then I loved him, »nd called my son out of Egypt. ... I taught Ephraim also to go, taking them by their arms, but they knew not that I healed them. I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of love . . . but tbe Assyrian shall be their king, because they refused to return. . . . How shall I give thee up, Ephraim ? bow shall I deliver thee, Israel? how shall ( make thee as Admah ? how shall I set thee as Zeboim ? " (Ho*, xi. 1-8). G.

    E'PHRAIM (D^5^l [dot&U frwtfulaca]: 'EQpatu : Jiphrabn). In " Baal-hazor which is 'by' Ephraim" was Absalom's sheep-Arm, at which took place the murder of Amnon, one of the earliest precursors of the great revolt (2 Sain. xiU.

    23). The Hebrew particle US, rendered abort " by " (A. V. " beside " ), always seems to imply actual proximity, and therefore we should conoiuik that Ephraim was not the tribe of that name, bid a town. EwaM conjectures that it is identical with Ephrain, Ephron, and Ophrah of the 0. T and also with the Ephraim which was for a time the residence of our Lord (Getch. Hi. 219, note). But with regard to the three first names there is the difficulty that they are spelt with the guttural letter nin, which is very rarely exchanged for the aitph, which commences the name before us. There is unfortunately no clew to its situation. The LXX. make the following addition to verse 34: "And the watchman went and told the king, and said, I have seen men on the road of the Oronen (rn

    Digitized by



    Lfmrr,r, Ahst rw epeawqr) by the tide of the mountain." Ewald considen this to be a genuine addition, and to refer to Beth-Won, N. W. of Jenualem, oft* the NablQs road, but the indication U surely too alight for such an inference. Any force it may hare is against the identity of this Ephraim with that in John xi 64, which was prob- ably in the direction N. E. of Jerusalem. G.

    E'PHBAIM C&tymfc: Ephrem ; Cod. Aniiat. Kfrem), a city ('E. \\(yop4rnv t6\\w) " In the district near the wilderness" to which our Lord retired with his disciples when threatened with riolence by the priests (John xi. 54). By the " wilderness " (tpn/ios) is probably meant the wild uncultivated hill-country N. E. of Jerusalem, lying between the central towns and the Jordan valley. In this case the conjecture of Dr. Kobinson is very admissible that Ophrah and Ephraim are identical, and that their modern r ep re sen tation is et-Tuiyibeh, a village on a conspicuous conical hill, commanding a view " over the whole eastern slope, the valley of the Jordan and the Dead Sea" (Rob. i. 444). It is situated 4 or 5 miles east of Bethel, and 16 from Jerusalem ; a position agreeing tolerably with the indications of Jerome in the Onomatticou ( Ephraim, Ephron), and is too conspicuous to have escaped mention in the Bible." 6.

    E'PHBAIM, GATE OF (D??S$ -)«*# : xi\\i\\ 'Eppatfi: porta Ephraim), one of the gates of the city of Jerusalem (3 K. xiv. 13; 3 Chr. xxv. 93; Neh. viii. 16, xii. 39), doubtless, according to the oriental practice, on the side looking towards the locality from which it derived its name, and therefore at the north, probably at or near the position of the present " Damascus gate." [Je- rusalem.] G.

    • EPHRAIM, MOUNT (Josh. xvii. 15; Judg. vii. 34 ; 1 Sam. i. l,and often) must be taken collectively, i. e. not any single mount, as the English reader might suppose, but the hill-country, or high lands generally, which fill up the greater part of central Palestine on the west of the Jordan. [Ephraim.] See Rob. Phyt. Gtogr. p. 85.



    0?3Mfi tpu/ibs 'Etppatp: tatiui Ephraim), a wood, or rather a forest (the word ya'ar implying dense growth), in which the fatal battle was fought between the armies of David and of Absalom (3 Sam. xviii. 6), and the entanglement in which added greatly to the slaughter of the latter (ver. 8). It would be very tempting to believe that the forest derived its name from the place near which Ab- salom's sheep-farm was situated (3 Sam. sill. 33), and ahich would have been a natural spot for his bend-quarters before the battle, especially associated as it was with the murder of Amnon. But the statements of xvii. 34, 36, and also the expression of xviii. 3, " that thou succor us out of the city," e. Mahanaim, allow no escape from the conclusion vhat the locality was on the east side of Jordan, hough it is impossible to account satisfactorily for the presence of the name of Ephraim on that side of the river. The suggestion is due to Grotius that the name was derived from the slaughter of Ephraim

    o • For the identification of this Ephraim as the ftaos of the Saviour's retreat, see especially Dr. RoMn- «B in JKN. Sacra, II. 898; and for Its Importance In

    EPBKATAH 756

    Jephthah (Judg xii. 1, 4, 5); but that occurrence took place at the very brink of the river itself whHe the city of Mahanaim and the wooded cuuntrv must have lain several miles away from the stream and on the higher ground above the Jordan valley Is it not at least equally probable that the forest derived its name from this very battle ? The great tribe of Ephraim, though not specially mentioned in the transactions of Absalom's revolt, cannot fail to have taken the most conspicuous part in the affair, and the reverse was a more serious one thai, had overtaken the tribe for a very long time, and possibly combined with other circumstances to retard materially their rising into an independent kingdom. 1 i.

    ETHRAIMITE 0^9, tf ■ 't

    W. A. W.

    BTHRAIN [Btbrtx, Ephra'm] (1TIB5,

    Ephron; Keri, 1^35 : 'EatyoV: Ephron), a dty of Israel, which with ' its dependent hamlets (n 13 3= "daughters," A. V. -towus") Atyjab and the army of Judah captured from Jeroboam (3 Chr. xiii. 19). It is mentioned with Bethel and Jeshanah, but the latter not being known, little clew to the situation of Ephrain is obtained from this passage. It has been conjectured that this Ephrain or Ephron is identical with the Ephraim by which Absalom's sheep-farm of Baal-hasor was situated; with the city called Ephraim near the wilderness in which our Lord lived for some time

    [John xi. 54] ; and with Ophrah (iT15y), a city of Benjamin, apparently not far from Bethel (Josh, xviii. 23; comp. Joseph. B. J. iv. 9, § 9), and which has been located by Dr. Kobinson (i. 447), with some probability, at the modem village of et-Taiyibch. But nothing more than conjecture can be arrived at on these points. (See Ewald, (jfchichlt, Ui. 319, 466, v. 365; Stanley, p. 314. i

    G. EPH'RATAH, or EPHTtATH C^^^f,

    or fn?$ [fruitful, Dietr.] : % E

    2. The ancient name of Bethleliem-Judah, as is manifest from Gen. xxxv. Hi, 19. xlviii. 7, both which passages distinctly prove that it was called Ephrath or Ephratah in Jacob's time, and use the regular formula for adding the modern name.

    DnVfTa N*n, which u Bethlehem, comp. e. g. Gen.'xxiii. 3, xxxv. 27; Josh. xv. 10. It cannot therefore have derived its name from EpliraUh, the mother of Hur, as the author of Quasi. Httr-. m ParaHp. says, and as one might otherwise have supposed from the connection of ber descendants, Salma and Hur, with Bethlehem, which is some- what obscurely intimated in 1 Chr. ii. 50, 51, Iv. 4. It seems obvious therefore to infer that, 00 thj

    hannooJii'-g the Gospels He his Ores* Ms « 98. U

    Digitized by


    766 KPKRATA1I

    sontrary, Rpnratah the mother of Hur wu ao ealWr from the town of ber birth, and that she probably •« the owner of the town and district. In fact, that her name was really gentilitious. But if this be so, it would indicate more communication be- tween the Israelites in Egypt and the Canaanites than is commonly supposed. When, however, we recollect that the land of Goshen was the border country on the Palestine side; that the Israelites in Goshen were a tribe of sheep and cattle drovers (Gen. xlrii. 3); that there was an easy communica- tion between Palestine and Egypt from the earliest times (Gen. xii. 10, xvi. 1, xxi. 21, Ac.); that there are indications of communications Iwtween the Israelites in Egypt and the Canaanitea, caused by their trade as keepers of cattle, 1 Chr. vii. 21, and that in the nature of things the owners or keepers it large herds and flocks in Gosben would have dealings with the nomad tribes in Palestine, it will perhaps seem not impossible that a son of Hezron may have married a woman having property in Ephratah. Another way of accounting for the con- nection between Ephratah's descendants and Beth- lehem, is to suppose that the elder Caleb was not really the son of Hezron, but merely reckoned so as the head of a Hezronite house. He may in this case have been one of an Edomitish or Horite tribe, an idea which is favored by the name of his son Hur [Caleb], and have married an Ephrathite. Caleb the spy may have been their grandson. It is singular that " Salma the father of Bethlehem " should have married a Canaanitish woman. Could she have been of the kindred of Caleb in any way ? If she were, and if Salma obtained Bethlehem, a portion of Hur's inheritance, in consequence, this would account for both Hur and Salma being called " father of Bethlehem." Another possible explana- tion is, that Ephratah may have been the name given to some daughter of Benjamin to commem- orate the circumstance of Rachel his mother having died close to Ephrath. This would receive some support from the son of Rachel's other son Joseph being called Ephraim, a word of identical etymology,

    is appears from the fact that VPSS means in- differently an Ephrathite, i. e. BethlehemiU (Kuth 1. 1, 2), or an Ephraimile (1 Sam. i. 1). But it would not account for Ephratah's descendants being lettted at Bethlehem. The author of the Quasi. ffebr. in Paratip. derives Epkrata from Ephraim, " Ephrath, quia de Ephraim fuit." But this is not consistent with the appearance of the name in Gen. It is perhaps impossible to come to any certainty oa the subject. It must suffice therefore to note, that in Gen., and perhaps in Cbron., it is called Ephrath or Ephrata ; in Ruth, Bethlehem-Judah ; but the inhabitants, Ephrathittt ; in Micah (v. 2), Btthlehem-Ephratah ; in Matt. ii. 6, Bethlehem in the land ofJuda. Jerome, and after him Kalisch, •bajTves that Ephratah, fruitful, has the same ■waning as Bethlehem, home of bread; a view jrhich is favored by Stanley's description of the neighboring corn-fields (Sinai and Palatine, p. 164). [Bethlkhem.]

    3. Gesenius thinks that in Ps. cxxxii. 6, Ephra- iteA means Ephraim* A. C. H.

    • If Ephratah stands for Ephraim (see No. 3 above) the territory of that name, it must refer "•orcially to Shiloh, one of the former sanctuaries rf tee ark of the covenant in that tribe. Hupfeld (■plains Ephratah In this passage as an appellative, sot a proper name, i. e. " fruitful," sc. field, put


    poetically for Beth-shemesh, like "field of wood' for Kirjath-jearim in the other line (Du: Psalm** iv. 811 f.). The two places were near each other, and those searching for the lost ark after its capture by the Philistines (2 Sam. vi. 1 ff.) may have heard of it at one of the places, and have found it at the other (see the psalm). Hengstenberg insist! (Dit Psalmen, iv. 75 ff.) that Ephratah is Bethlehem in this place as elsewhere, and that David, who wrote the psalm, means that the ark, which he was removing to Mount Zion where it would be hence- forth so accessible, might be said now to bs " found," whereas, in his youth at Bethlehem th*y had only heard of it, as it were, by rumor. R.

    EPH-BATHITB 0O??£: •E^afloTor Ephraiaus). L An inhabitant of Bethlehem (Ruth i. 2 [applied to Elimelech and his family]).

    2. [1 Sam. i. 1, 'Eippatu, Alex. ZQpaBcuaf, 1 K. xi. 26, 'ZippaBl (Tat. -On).] An Ephraimita (1 Sam. i. 1 [EUtanah, father of Samuel]; Judg. xii. 5 [see p. 752, note e], Ac). A. C. H.

    ETHRON (friM? [fawn-ate] : >B4, : Ephron), the son of Zochar [Zohar, A. V.], a HH- tite; the owner of a field which lay facing Mamre or Hebron, and of the cave therein contained, which Abraham bought from him for 400 shekels of silver (Gen. xxiii. 8-17, xxv. 9, xlix. 20, 30, 1. 13). By Josephus (AnL i. 14) the name is given as Ephraim; and the purchase-money 40 shekels.

    • In the account of the negotiations betweer Ephron and Abraham for the purchase of the field of Machpelah, related with so much minuteness in Gen. xxiii. 3-18, we have a living picture of lb* ceremony and finesse for which the Orientals are as remarkable on such occasions. Dr. Thomson has an extended passage, in which he shows how exactly every part of that procedure i» still exemplified in the dealings of buyers and sellers with each other among the modern Syrians (Land and Book, ii. 381-384). Hess, not taking into account this oriental trait, regards the compliments interchanged between the parties as seriously meant, and hence as evincive of rare generosity and disinterestedness (Cesch. der Patriarchen, i 367-371). Wilkinsou also (Personal Names in the Bible, p. 424) speaks of Ephron on this occasion as a model of true courtesy. This sale of Ephron to Abraham is '• the first recorded legal contract in human history," and it relates to the last object of man's earthly care, the interment of the dead. H.

    ETHRON CEtptV: ApAron). a very strong eHy (toAij utyi\\v ixvpi 6tpa) on the east of Jordan between Carnaim (Ashteroth-Kamaim)ani Betb-shean, attacked and demolished by Jadsa Maceabteus (1 Maoo. v. 46-52; 2 Mace. xii. 87). From the description in the former of these two passages it appears to hare been situated in a defQa or valley, and to have completely occupied the pass. Its site has not been yet discovered. G.

    ETHRON, MOUNT (fr^Tf^O- rk Hoot 'E

    Digitized by



    mien standi on the eastern tide. It ma; possibly » the an place aa Ephrauc. G.

    EPICURE' ANS, THE (K»«oupfM>i), de- rived their name from Epicurus (342-271 B. c), a philosopher of Attic descent, whose " Garden •' at Athena mailed in popularity the " Porch " and the " Academy." The doctrines of Epicurus found wide acceptance in Asia Minor (Lnmptnau, Mity- Une, Tamil, Diog. L. x. 1, 11 ft*.) and Alexandria (Diog. L. /. c), and they gained a brilliant advocate at Rome in Lucretius (95-50 B. c). The object of Epicurus was to And in philosophy a practical guide to happiness (iyipytta . . . rbv cvSal/iora Bior iTfpiwoiowa, Sext Erop. ado. Math. xi. 16 J). True pleasure and not absolute truth was the end at which he aimed ; experience and not reason the test on which he relied. He necessarily cast aside dialectics as a profitless science (Uiog. L. x. 30, 31), and substituted in its place (at to kxuwikoV, Uiog. L. x. 10) an assertion of the right of the senses, in the widest acceptation of the term, to be considered as the criterion of truth (xpi-Hipta ttji oAi)0«(at tlvai t4» tu

    It is obvious that a system thus framed would degenerate by a natural descent into mere material- ism ; and in this form Epicurism was the popular philosophy at the beginning of the Christian era (cf. Diog. L. x. 5, 0). When St Paul addressed >' Epicureans and Stoics " (Acts xvii. 18) at Athens, the philosophy of lire was practically reduced to the teaching of those two antagonistic schools, which represented in their final separation the distinct and complementary elements which the gospel rec- onctVxi. For it is unjust to regard Epicurism as a mere sensual opposition to religion. It was a necessary step in the development of thought, and prepared the way for the reception of Christianity, not only negatively but positively. It not only weakened the hold which polytheism retained on the mass of men by daring criticism, but it main- tained with resolute energy the claims of the body to be considered a necessary part of man's nature coordinate with the soul, and affirmed the existence of individual freedom against the Stoic doctrines of pure spiritualism and absolute fate. Yet out- wardly Epicurism appears further removed from Christianity than Stoicism, though essentially it is at least as near; and in the address of St. Paul (AMI xvii. 22 ff.) the affirmation of the doctrines of araation (v. 24), providence (v. 26), inspiration (t. 98), resurrection, and judgment (v. 31), appears to be directed against tlie cardinal errors which it involved.

    The tendency which produced Greek Epicurism, when carried out to its fullest development, is pe- •ahar to no age or country. Among the Jews it ted to Sadduceeisra [Sadducees], and Jotephus ippears to have drawn his picture of the test with distinct regard to the Greek prototype (Joseph 4nL xriii. 1, § 4; B. J. ii. 8, § 14; cf. AM. x. 11, § 7, de Kpicurrit). In modern times the essay if Gataendi (Syntagma Phiiotopkia Epiatri, Hag. 3am. 1669) was a significant symptom of the na- rration of sensationalism.

    The chief original authority for the philosophy



    of Epicurus is Diogenes Laertiua (lib. x.) who hat preserved some of his letters and a list of his prin cipal writings. The poem of Lucretius must bf need with caution, and the notices in Cicero, Sen- eca, and Phtarch an undisguisedly hostile.

    a f. w.

    EPIPH'ANES (1 Mace. i. 10, x. 1). [A-tti ochus Epiphanks.]

    EPTPHI CEwiipl C A,ex - "N* E*i«>«.], 3 Mace vi. 38), name of the eleventh month of the Egyp tian Vague year, and the Alexandrian or Egypti.ui

    Julian year: Copt eilHH ; Arab. <_juul- In

    ancient Egyptian It it called " the third month [of] the season of the waters." [Egypt.] The n.ime Eplphi is derived from that of the goddess of the month, Apap-t (I-epsius, Chrm. d. jEg. i. 111). The supposed derivation of the Hebrew month- name Abib from Epiphi is discussed in other arti- cles. [Chkonoloot; Months.] R. 8. P.

    EPISTLE. The Epistles of the N. T. are de- scribed under the names of the Apostles by whom, or the churches to whom, they were addressed. It is proposed in the present article to speak of the epistle or letter as a means of communication.

    The use of written letters implies, it needs hardly be said, a considerable progress in the development of civilized life. There must be a recognized sya tern of notation, phonetic or symbolic; men mutt be taught to write, and have writing materials at hand. In the early nomadic stages of society ac- cordingly, like those which mark the period of the patriarchs of the O. T, we find no traces of any but oral communications. Messengers are tent instructed what to say from Jacob to Esau (Gen. xxxii. 3), from Balak to Balaam (Num. xxii. 5, 7, 16), bringing back in like manner a verbal, not a written answer (Num. xxiv. 12). The nego- tiation! between Jephthah and the king of the Ammonites (Judg. xi. 12, 13) are conducted In the same way. It ia still the received practice In the time of Saul (1 Sam. xi. 7, 9). The reign of Da- vid, bringing the Israelites, as it did, into contact with the higher civilization of the Phoenician!, wit- nessed a change in this respect also. The lint

    recorded letter ( ".,""' = "btok;" comp. me of fa$\\lov, Herod, i. 123) in the history of the O. T. was that which " David wrote to Joab, and sent by the hand of Uriah " (2 Sam. xi. 14), and this must obviously, like the letters that came into another history of crime (in this case also in traceable con- nection with Phoenician influence, 1 K. xxi. 8, 9), have been " sealed with the king's seal," at at once the guarantee of their authority, and a safeguard against their being read by any but the persons tc whom they were addressed. The material used Sm the impression of the seal was probably the " clay ' of Job xxxviii. 14. Die act of sending such a let ter is, however, preeminently, if not exclusively, t kingly act, where authority and secrecy were neces airy. Joab, e. jr. answers the letter which Davie* had sent him after the old plan, and receives a ver- bal message in return. The demand of Benhadad and Ahab'a answer to it are c o nveyed in the tame way (1 K. xx. 2, 5). Written communications however, become more frequent in the later history. The king of Syria sends a letter to the king ct Israel (2 K. v. 5, 6). Elijah the f. pbet sends i

    Digitized by




    srismg (3I?30) lii Jehoram (9 Chr. xn. 12).

    (letekiah introduces a system of couriers like that afterwards so full; organised under the Persian kings (9 Chr. xxx. 6, 10; comp. Herod, riii. 98, and Esth. riii. 10, 14), and receives from Sennach- erib the letter which be "spreads before the Lord " (2 K. xix. 14). Jeremiah writes a letter to the exiles in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 1, 3). The books of Ezra and Neheniiah contain or refer to many such documents (Ezr. iv. 6, 7, 11, v. 6, vii. 11; Neh. ii. 7, 9, vi. 5). The stress bud upon the " open let- ter" sent by Sanballat (Neh. vi. 5) indicates that this was a breach of the customary etiquette of the Persian court. The influence of Persian, and yet more, perhaps, that of Greek civilization, led to the more frequent use of letters as a means of inter- course. Whatever doubts may be entertained as to the genuineness of the epistles themselves, their occurrence in 1 Mace. xi. 30, xii. 6, 20, xv. 1, 16 ; 2 Mace. d. 16, 34, indicates that they were recog- nized as having altogether superseded the older plan of messages orally delivered. The two stages of the history of the N. T. present in this respect a very striking contrast. The list of the Canonical Books shows how largely epistles were used in the expansion and organization of the Church. Those which have survived may be regarded as the repre- sentatives of many others that are lost. We are perhaps too much in the habit of forgetting that the absence of all sention of written letters from the gospel history is just as noticeable. With the exception of the spurious letter to Abgarus of Edessa (Euseb. H. K. i. 13) there are no epistles of Jesus. The explanation of this is to be found partly in the circumstances of one who, known as the " carpenter's son," was training as his disci- ples those who, like himself, belonged to the class of laborers and peasants, partly in the fact that it was by personal, rather than by written, teaching that the work of the prophetic office, which he reproduced and perfected, had to lie accomplished. The epistles of the N. T. in their outward form are nuch as might be expected from men who were brought into contact with Greek and Roman cus- toms, themselves belonging to a different race, and so reproducing the imported style with only partial accuracy. They begin (the Epistle to the Hebrews and 1 John excepted) with the names of the writ- er, and of those to whom the epistle is addressed. Then follows the formula of salutation (analogous to the 1 1 arpaVrc u> of Greek, the S., S. D., or 8. D. if., tatutem, talu/em dial, tiliUem dicit multam, of Latin corre spon dence) — generally in St. Paul's epistles in some combination of the words xdpir, tkeot, tipbvy : in others, as in Acta xv. 23, Jam. i. 1, with the closer equivalent of xalpetv- Then the letter itself commences, in the first person, the singular and plural being used, as in the letters of Cicero, indiscriminately (comp. I Cor. ii. ; 2 Cor. I 8, 15; 1 Thess. iii. 1, 2; and pntdm). Then when the substance of the letter has been completed,

    uestions answered, truths enforced, come the in- lividual messages, characteristic, in St. Paul's rpisties especially, of one who never allowed his personal affections to be swallowed up in the great- ness of his work. The conclusion in this case was probably modified by the fact that the letters were

    tictated to an amanuensis. When he had done

    ii* work, the Apostle took up the pen or reed, and added, in his own large characters (Gal. vi. 11),

    '.be authenticating autograph, sometimes with ape-


    del stress on the bet that this was his vrihi* C Cor. xvi. 21; GeL vi. 11; CoL iv. 18; 2 Than, us 17), always with one of the closing formoue of sal- utation, "Grace be with thee" — "the grace of our Ijjrd Jesus Christ be with your spirit." In one instance, Kom. xvi. 22, the amanuensis in his own name adds his salutation. In the tpbexn of Acts xxiii. 30, the fppaxric of Acts xv. 2d, we have the equivalents to the vale, vnlele, which formed the customary conclusion of Koruan letters. It need hardly be said that the fact that St. Paul's epistles were dictated in this way accounts for many of their most striking peculiarities, the fre- quent digressions, the long parentheses, the vehe- mence and energy as of a man who is speaking strongly as his feelings prompt him rather than writing calmly. An allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1 bring! before us another class of letters which must have been in frequent use in the early ages of the Chris- tian church, the ItiotoAoI o-voTariicai, by whk-b travellers or teachers were commended by one church to tlie good offices of others. Other per- sons (there may be a reference to Apolloa, Acts xviii. 27) had come to the Church of Corinth re- lying on these. St Paul appeals to his converts, as the ttrurroKi) Xfttrrov (2 Cor. iii. 8), written " not with ink but with the spirit of the living God." For other particulars as to the material and implements used for epistles, see Writing.

    E.H. P.

    * Under this head we may properly notice a few additional particulars: —

    Paul's habit of authenticating his letters, referred to above, enables us to trace a correspondence be- tween 2 Thess. iii. 17 and Gal. vi. 11 which is very striking. The Apostle speaks in the former passage not only of adding there the salutation by his own hand, and as a sign (o-iumioiO or attestation of the genuineness of the letter, but of this attestati on (oSra* ypAtpa, to I write) as distinguished by a well-known peculiarity. From Gal. vi. 11, now, we learn incidentally what this peculiarity was, namely, the size of the written characters or letters with which he was accustomed to write (ot|\\1«-

    Paul's mode of epistolary salutation is similar indeed to tbe ^aiptiy 0T «i Kpima of the Greeks) (as remarked above), but diners from it at the same) time in a peculiar manner. This Apostle never employs tbe classical form, but invariably sub- stitutes for it yapis «ol ei/r^rn, x^r ,u > 'Acot, tlphvri, or a similar combination. Such a rejection of the customary phrase, and the invention of a new one, cannot be otherwise than intentional. It has been suggested that the Greek formula, as con- taining a virtual prayer to the heathen gods, awakened heathenish associations, and was but aside, therefore, for something more consonant to a just Christian feeling. It is certainly remarkable that of the N. T. writers the Apostle James onl; In his Epistle, 1. 1, and in Acts xv. 23, employs Um Grrak form of salutation (x«u>«r="g rM *n>sT.''

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    a.. V.)." It oecun alio, u we should expect, In Asts xziii. 96, for it is a Roman officer there, and heathen, who writes to another Roman officer. The colloquial xalptiv, which is recognized as still current at a much later period (2 John, w. 10, 111 was in various respects a different usage.

    It has been held by some that Paul always em- ployed an amanuensis, and wrote no one of his epistles without that assistance. The rendering of the A. V. (" How large a letter I have written with mine iwn hand,'' Gal vi. 11) might lead us to sup- pose that in that instance, at least, he departed from his usual practice. But the correct transla- tion (see above) removes that impression, showing that the remark applies rather to a few words or verses only of the lettev as the customary token of authenticity. There is more reason for supposing that he may have written the letter to Philemon without dictation, both on account of its brevity and the private nature of the contents. Paul's saying in ver. 19 that "he wrote" the guarantee to pay the debt (if Onesimus was to be held liable for anything), does not prove that he did not write the rest of the letter, but serves only to affirm the security of the pledge. It is barely possible that the capacity in which Onesimus proved himself so useful to Paul (Phileni. w. 11, 13) was that of an occasional amanuensis. His being a slave is not at variance with that supposition; for among the Greeks and Romans slaves were often trained to that particular art, and in other respects were so well educated as to be employed altogether for lit- erary services. (See Becker's Uallut, i. 121 ft'., Eng. trans.)

    In his Neutatamentliche StwSen (Goths, 1866), J. C. M. Laurent discusses several questions of in- terest, relating to the composition and form of Paul's epistles. He maintains that the Apostle dictated all his letters with the exception of that to Philemon (which was wholly written by himself), and that he attested them all by some addition or postscript from his own hand. He attempts to dis- tinguish in every instance the places where Paul took the pen and inserted the attesting words. In the Epistle to the Romans he finds them in xv. 14- 33; in 1 Cor. xvi. 21 ff., and 2 Cor. xiii. 10-13; in Gal. vi. 11-18; in Eph. vi. 21-24; in Phil. iv. 21-23; in Col. iv. 18; in 1 Thess. v. 25-28, and 1 Thess. Hi. 17, 18; in 1 Tim. vi. 20, 21, and 2 Tim. iv. 19-22, and in Tit. iii. 12-15. The con- clusion in some of the instances is very slightly supported. For example, the Pauline ivopulfa, and the strictly personal import of the paragraph, ■ said to prove that the words in 1 Thess. v. 25-28 *» certainly from Paul's hand. Again, it is argued that i/iV >n P°il- •»• 30 closed the official part of the letter, and hence that the rest was written, as it were, prieatbn. On the other hand, Paul states sxpn-ssly that he adds the salutation in Col. iv. 18, and that also in 1 Cor. xvi. 21, from which it would certainly be violent to separate the next two rrrses. So also yoix&n



    a * It Is supposed that the Apostle James drew np las totter Inserted in Acts xv. 28-29, In virtue of his s>.« as | istnr of the church at JsrusaVnn. Tha oe-

    This writer adopts the hypothesis of certain other critics, though carried by him to a much grestoi extent, that Paul, after dictating his letters to the amanuensis, carefully read them himself or had them read to him, and then wrote or had written on the margin various annotatory remarks where ex- pressions of the text seemed incomplete or obscure. Subsequent copyists transferred these remarks to the text itself. " These marginal notations are uot only as much inspired as the words of the text, but they often bear the impress of a special emphasis designed by the author. . . . And though they were forced into the text by the fault of the copyist. against the will of the Apostle, the words of the Apostle remained entirely unaltered. The import- ance of the hypothesis is philological rather than dogmatic: the style of the Apostle is freed thereby from many an irregularity, the connection of the sentences from many an impediment." It is hardly worth while to illustrate this procedure at length The character of it will be understood if we men- tion t. g. that Laurent proposes to insert Rom. xvi. 19 after ver. 16, because the logical relation of these verses to each other appears to him more sat- isfactory than that which he finds between w. 18 and 19. Hence, to account for the dislocation of the true text, he assumes that the Apostle wrote ver. 19 in the margin with the intention of having it read as explanatory of ver. 16, but by some mis- take of a transcriber it became attached to ver. 18, where it seems to be so Irrelevant. It is sajf-evi- dent that such a mode of criticism is not only un- historical, but arbitrary and subjective, and hence utterly vague and unreliable. Vet it should be- mud, in justice to this able treatise, that many of the suggestions which the writer makes in the de- velopment of his theory are not only ingenious but valuable in an exegetical point of view, and deserve the attention of the critical student. H.

    * EQUAL, no longer used as a transitive verb, has that force in Lam. ii. 13; »'. «. "to make equal," " compare " : " What shall I equal to thee, that I may comfort thee, O virgin daughter of Zion?" H.

    ER ("1J, watchful: »H/>: Htr). 1. First-born of Judah. His mother was Bath-Shuah (daughter of Shuah), a Canaanite. His wife was Tamar, the mother, after his death, of Pharos and Zarah, by Judah. Er " was wicked in the sight of the Lord ; and the I>ord slew him." It does not appear what the nature of his sin was; but, from his Canajc- itish birth on the mother's side, it was probably connected with the abominable idolatries of Canaan (Geu. xxxviii. 3-7; Num. xxvi. 19).

    2. Descendant of Shelah the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21).

    3. Son of Jose, and father of Elmodam, in our Lord's genealogy (Luke iii. 28), about contempo- rary with Uzxiah king of Judah. A. C. H.


    ITS, Edan: 'EStV: Htran), son of Shuthekh, eldest son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 36). The name does not occur in the genealogies of Ephraim in 1

    Chr. vii. 20-29, though a name, Ezeb (~TO), is

    currence Itself of xo^P"" m that document and rn tba epistle indicates, ss Bengel, Blevk, and others oeavr**, that (he two somposltlnra are from Ittaiw haw


    Digitized by




    iMnd which may possibly be a corruption of it Even to the head of the family of

    E1UNITBS, THE P?$gQ [tee above];

    8am. ^"TSn: i 'EStrl [Vat -mi]: Beramta), Knm. xxvi. 36.

    ERASTTJS C'Epooroi [beloved]: Erattu). 1. One of the attendants or deacons of St Paul at Ephesus, who with Timothy was sent forward into Macedonia while the Apostle himself remained in Asia (Acts jrix. 22). He is probably the same with Erastus who is again mentioned in the salutations to Timothy (2 Tim. ir. 20), though not, as Meyer maintains, the same with Erastus the chamberlain of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23).

    2. Erastus the chamberlain, or rather the public treasurer (o\\kov6iu>s, arcariut) of Corinth, who was one of the early converts to Christianity (Rom. xvi 23). According to the traditions of the Greek Church {Mtnol. Gracum, i. 179), he was first oeconomus to the church at Jerusalem, and after- wards bishop of Paneas. He is probably not the same with Erastus who was with St Paul at Eph- esus, for in this case we should be compelled to as- sume that he is mentioned in the. Epistle to the Ro- mans by the title of an office which he had once held and afterwards resigned. W. A. W.

    ET1ECH (TfTH [as Heb. enduring, ilow, but tee an/raj: "Op

    be nothing more than a form of tj.~.'} (Bonomi, Ifinevth, p. 45, 508). The inhabitants of this place were among those who were transplanted to Samaria by Axnapper (Ezr. iv. 9). W. L. B.

    * As to the interest of the supposed ruins of Erch at Warka, and the discoveries there, see Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies, 1. 23, and Loftus's Chaldaa and Sutinna, p. 160 ff. Prof. Kodiger describes some of these and their monu- nental importance, In the Zeittch. der deuttchtn Mora. Geselltchaft, ix. 332 and x. 720. Col. KawUnaon held at one time that Warka was Abra- ham's Ur in Chaldaai, but subsequently was oon- Haocd that it must be Erech. H.


    EOtl 0*3^ [watching]: •Arflett, 'Attl [Vat A

    ELITES, THE ( s "3?n : i 'A9SI [Vat. A» 8«]: Herita). A branch of the tribe of Gad, descended from Era (Num. xxvi. 16).

    ESA1AS [8 syl.] (Rec. T. [Tisch. Treg.] 'Ho-otas; I>achm. with B [B has no breathings o prima manu] 'Haaias'- /taias; Cod. Amiat Etaiat), Matt iii. 3, iv. 14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiiL 14, xv. 7; Mark [i. 2 in the best editions,] vii. 6; Luke iii. 4, iv. 17; John i. 23, xii. 38, 39, 41; Acts viii. 28, 30, xxviii. 25; Rom. ix. 27, 29, x. 16, 20, xv. 12. [Isaiah.]

    E'SAB-HADOtON CFUT">W : [in 8 K. and Is.,] 'Ao-optoV, [exe. Sin. in Is., Nax°pW; in Ezr. iv. 2, ' AaapaSdv, Vat Ao-cuwasW, Alex. AcapaSSttv;] XaxtpSor6s, LXX. [?]: 'Affaplta- ret, Ptol.: Auliurakh-iddinn, Assyr.: Asar-hnd- don), one of the greatest of the kings of Assyria. He was the son of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37) and the grandson of Sargon who succeeded Shahnane- ser. It has been generally thought that he was Sennacherib's eldest son ; and this seems to have been the view of Polyhistor, who made Sennacherib place a son, Atordanet, on the throne of Babylon during his own lifetime (ap. Euseb- Chron. Can. i- 6). The contrary, however, appears by the inscrip- tions, which show the Babylonian viceroy — called Atordanet by Polyhistor, but Apuranaihut (Aesar- anadius?) by Ptolemy — to have been a distinct person from Esar-haddon. Thus nothing is really known of Esar-haddon until his succession (ab. u. c. 680), which seems to have followed quietly and without difficulty on the murder of his father and the flight of his guilty brothers (2 K. xix. 37 , Is. xxxvii. 38). It may, perhaps, be concluded from this that he was, at the death of hit father, the eldest son, Assaranadius, the Babylonian vice- roy, having died previously.

    Esar-haddou appears by his monuments to have been one of the most powerful — if not the most powerful — of all the Assyrian monarchs. He car- ried his arms over all Asia between the Persian Gulf, the Armenian mountains, and the Mediter- ranean. Towards the east he engaged in wars with Median tribes "of which his fathers had never heard the name; " towards the west he extended his influence over Cilicia and Cyprus; towards th« south he claims authority over Egypt and over Ethiopia. In consequence of the disaffection of Babylon, and its frequent revolts from former Assyrian kings, Esar-haddon, having subdued the sons of Merodach-Baladan who headed the national party, introduced the new policy of substituting for the former government by viceroys a direct depend- ence upon the Assyrian crown. He did not reduce Babylonia to a province, or attempt its actual absorption into the empire, but united it to bis kingdom in the way that Hungary was, until 1848, united to Austria, by holding both crowns himself and residing now at one and now at the oioet capital. He is the only Assyrian monarch whom we find to have actually reigned at Babylon, where he built himself a palace, bricks from which ban been recently recovered bearing his name. lb* Babylonian reign lasted thirteen years, from B. o 680 to b. c. 667; and it was undoubtedly within this space of time that Manasseh, king of Jadah, having been seized by his cantainr at <

    Digitized by



    iiImijii of rebellion, m brought before him at Babylon (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11) and detained for a time •s prisoner there. [Mamasskh.] Eventually Eser- haddon, persuaded of his innocence, or excusing hie guilt, restored him to his throne, thus giving a proof of clemency not very usual in an oriental monarch. It seems to hare been in a similar spirit that Esar-haddon, according to the inscriptions, gave a territory upon the Persian Gulf to a son of Merodach-Boladan, who submitted to his authority tod became a refugee at his court.

    As a builder of great works Esar-haddon is particularly distinguished. Besides his palace at Babylon, which has been already mentioned, he built at least three others in different parts of his dominions, either for himself or his son ; while in a ■ingle inscription he mentions the erection by his hands of no fewer than thirty temples in Assyria and Mesopotamia. His works appear to have pos- sessed a peculiar magnificence. He describes bis temples as " shining with silver and gold," and boasts of his Nineveh palace that it was " a build- ing such as the kings his fathers who went before him had never made." The southwest palace at Nimrud is the best p re s erved of bis constructions. This building, which was excavated by Mr. Layard, is remarkable from the peculiarity of its plan as well as from the scale on which it is constructed. It corresponds in its general design almost exactly with the palace of Solomon (1 K. vii. 1-12), but is of larger dimensions, the great hall being 220 feet long by 100 broad (Layord's JVtn. if Bab. p. 834), and the porch or antechamber 160 feet by 60. It had the usual adornment of winged bulla, colossal sphinxes, and sculptured slabs, but has furnished less to our collections than many inferior buildings, from the circumstance that it had been originally destroyed by fire, by which the stones and alabaster were split and calcined. This is the more to be regretted as there is reason to believe that Phoenician and Greek artists took part in the ornamentation.

    It is impossible to fix the length of Esar-haddon's reign, or the order of the events which occurred in it. Little is known to us of his history but from his own records, and they hare not come dowu to us in the shape of annals, but only in the form of a general summary. That he reigned thirteen years si Babylon is certain from the Canon of Ptolemy, and he cannot have reigned a shorter time in Assyria. He may, however, have reigned longer; for it is not improbable that after a while he felt sufficiently secure of the affections of the Baby- lonians to reestablish the old system of rice-regal government in their country. Saosduchinus may have been set up as ruler of Babylon by bis authority in B. c. 667, and he may hare withdrawn to Nin- eveh and continued to reign there for some time longer. His many expeditions and his great works seem to indicate, if not even to require, a reign of some considerable duration. It has been conjectured bat he died about b. c. 660, after occupying the wane for twenty years. He appears to have been • jeeeeded by hU son Aethurjxmi-pul, or Sar- ianapalus II., the prince for whom he had built a palace in his own lifetime. G. R.

    * For the connections of this Assyrian king with .be Hebrew history, and for confirmation if the Scripture account of him by the Babylonian monu- nente, the reader may see M. von Nieuuhr, Gachichte Auur't and Babtt$, pp. 38. 182 ff.; Rerun Aetyr. Tempera, p. 41 ; Layard a

    H8ATJ 76)

    Nheveh and Babyon, pp. 845, 621 (Loud. 18U) Rawlinson't Bampton Lecture*, p. 123 (Amor ed.); Five Great Monorchia of At Aneitm World, voL iii., by the same author; and Milnun's Hilton) of the Jem, i. 483 (Ainer. ed.). H

    E'SAU fHo-oS: i'tau], the oldest son of Isaac and twin-brother of Jacob. The singular appear- ance of the child at his birth originated the name:

    " And the first came out red 031I37H), all over like an hairy garment, and they called his name Keau" ("lip?, Le. "hairy," « rough," Gen. xxv. 26). This was not the only remarkable circum- stance connected with the birth of the infant Even in the womb the twin-brothers struggled together (xxv. 22). Esau was the first-born ; but as he was issuing into life Jacob's hand grasped his heel. The bitter enmity of two brothers, and the increas- ing strife of two great nations, were thus fore- shadowed (xxv. 23, 28). Esau's robust frame and '• rough " aspect were the types of a wild and daring nature. The peculiarities of his character soon began to develop themselves. Scorning the peace- ful and commonplace occupations of the shepherd, he revelled in the excitement of the chase, and in the martial exercises of the Canaanites (xxv. 27). He was, in feet, a thorough Bedawy, a " son of the

    desert" (so we may translate tt^p tt^H), who delighted to roam free as the wind of heaven, and who was impatient of the restraints of civilized or settled life. His old father, by a caprice of affection not uncommon, lored his willful, vagrant boy ; and his keen relish for savory food being gratified by Esau's venison, he liked him all the better for hia skill in hunting (xxv. 28). An event occurred which exhibited the reckless character of Esau on the one hand, and the selfish, grasping nature of his brother on the other. The former returned from the field, exhausted by the exercise of the chase, and faint with hunger. Seeing some pottage of lentiles which Jacob had prepared, he asked foi it. Jacob only consented to give the food on Esau's swearing to him that he would in return give up his birthright. There is something revolting in this whole transaction. Jacob takes advantage of his brother's distress to rob him of that which was dear as life itself to an Eastern patriarch. The birthright not only gave him the headship of the tribe, both spiritual and temporal, and the posses- sion of the great bulk of the family property, bat it carried with it the covenant blemny (xxvii. 28, 29, 36; Heb. xii. 16, 17). Then again whilst Esau, under the pressure of temporary suffering, despises his birthright by selling it for a mess of potUgt (Gen. xxv. 34), he afterwards attempts to seems that which he had deliberately sold (xxvii. 4, 84, 38; Heb. xii. 17).

    It is evident the whole transaction was public for it resulted in a new name being given to Esau. He said to Jacob, " Feed nee with that same rea

    (D*T^)i therefore was bis name called Edam"

    (Dllg), Gen. xxv. 80). It is worthy of note, however, that this name is seldom applied to Esau himself, though almost universally given to the country he settled in, and to his posterity. [Edom ; EovMiTEs] The name "Children of Esau" is in a few cases applied to the Edomitas (Dent. ii. 4 , Jer dix. 8; Obad. 18); but it la rather a poetical i expression.

    Digitized by




    Em lurried at the age of 40, and contrary to the wish of his parents. His wives were both Canaanites; and they "were bitterness of spirit onto Isaac and to Rebekah " (Gen. xxvi. 34, 36).

    The next episode in the history of Esau and Jacob is still more painful than the former, as it brings fully out those bitter family rivalries and divisions, which were all but universal in ancient times, and which are still a disgrace to Eastern society. Jacob, through the craft of his mother, is again successful, and secures irrevocably the cove- nant blessing. Esau vows vengeance. But fearing his aged father's patriarchal authority, he secretly congratulates himself: " The days of mourning for my father are at hand, then will I slay my brother Jacob " (Gen. xxvii. 41). Thus he imagined that by one bloody deed he would regain all that had been taken from him by artifice. But he knew not a mother's watchful care. Not a sinister glance of his eyes, not a hasty expression of bis tongue, escaped Rebekah. She felt that the life of her darling son, whose gentle nature and domestic habits had won her heart's affections, was now in imminent peril; and she advised him to Bee for a time to her relations in Mesopotamia. The sins of both mother and child were visited upon them by a long and painful separation, and all the attendant anxieties and dangers. By a character- istic piece of domestic policy Rebekah succeeded both in exciting Isaac's anger against Esau, and obtaining his consent to Jacob's departure — " and Rebekah said to Isaac, I am weary of my life be- cause of the daughters of Heth ; if Jacob take a wife such as these, what good shall my life do me ? " Her object was attained at once. The blessing was renewed to Jacob, and he received his father's com- mands to go to Fadan-aram (Gen. xxvii. 46, xxviii. 1-6).

    When Esau heard that his father had com- manded Jacob to take a wife of the daughters of his kinsman I-aban, he also resolved to try whether by a new alliance he could propitiate his parents. He accordingly married his cousin Mahalath, the daughter of Ishmael (xxviii. 8, 9). This marriage appears to have brought him into connection with the Ishmaelitish tribes beyond the valley of Arabah. He soon afterwards established himself in Mount Seir ; still retaining, however, some interest in his father's property in southern Palestine. It is prob- able that his own habits, and the idolatrous prac- tices of his wives and rising family, continued to excite and even increase the anger of his parents ; uid that he, consequently, considered it more jrudent to remove his household to a distance. He was residing in Mount Seir when Jacob returned from Padan-aram, and had then become so rich and powerful that the impressions of his brother's early offenses seem to have been almost con pletely effaced. His reception of Jacob was cordial and honest; though doubts and fears still lurked in the mind of the latter, and betrayed him into some- thing of his old duplicity; for while he promises to go (o Seir, he carefully declines his brother's escort, md immediately after his departure turns westward across the Jordan (Gen. xxxii. 7, 8, 11; xxxiii. 4, U, 17).

    It does not appear that the brothers again met Until the death of their father, about 20 years after- wards. Mutual interests and mutual fear seem to (ave constrained them to act honestly, and even (Bnerously towards each other at this solemn inter- «iew. They united in laying Isaac's body in the


    cava of Machpelah. Then "Esau Isok ah Us cattle, ami all his substance, which he had got fat the land of Canaan " — such, doubtless, aa Hf father with Jacob's consent had assigned to him — " and went into the country from the face of his brother Jacob " (xxxv. 89, xxxvi. 8). He now saw clearly that the covenant blessing was Jacob's; that God had inalienably allotted the land of Canaan to Jacob's posterity ; and that it would be folly tc strive against the Divine will. He knew also that as Canaan was given to Jacob, Mount Seir wan given to himself (comp. xxvii. 39, xxxii. 8; and Deut ii. 6); and he was, therefore, desirous with his increased wealth and power to enter into full possession of his country, and drive out its old inhabitants (Deut ii. 12). Another circumstance may have influenced him in leaving Canaan. He lived by his sword" (Gen. xxvii. 40); and he felt that the rocky fastnesses of Edom would be a safer and more suitable abode for such as by their habits provoked the hostilities of neighboring tribes, than the open plains of southern Palestine- There is a difficulty connected with the names of Esau's wives, which is discussed under Ahou- bahah and Bash km atii. Of his subst quent his- tory nothing is known ; for that of his descendants see Edom and Edomites. J. L. P.

    ETSAU CHtni: fief), 1 Esdr. v. 39. [Ziba.] E'SAY ('Hernial : I$aia, l$aia$), Ecclus. xhriii. 90, 33; 9 Esdr. ii. 18. [Isaiah.]

    • ESCHEW, now seldom used, means in the A. V. (Job 1. 1, 8, ii. 3; 1 Pet. iii. 11) "to flea from" or "shun." It is from the "Id French uehiver in that sense. H.

    ESDRAEXON [Jud. iii. 9, *EijA.'; Sto.t EffJtjpAosK; Vat. Comp. Aid. 'EaipafjKwri i" 8, Vat. Eo-pnAwy; Alex. ZatfrriX'™'' *"• *» 'EoSpJi- Kd/x, Vat Sin. -\\mi; Comp. Aid. 'ZaSpariktifi; i. 8, 'Eo'tpnA^.; Sin. -Aw; Vat Effppryt; Alex. EcSpq/t : inlreliir.]. This name is merely the Greek form of the Hebrew word Jf.zheeu It occurs in this exact shape only twice in the A. V. (Jud. iii. 9, iv. 6). In Jud. vii. 3 it is Es- draelom [Esdradon, ed. 1611], and in i. 8 Esdrelom [Esdrelon, ed. 1611], with the addition of " the great plain." In the O. T. the plain is called the Valijcy of Jkzkeel; by Josephus the great plain, to tiSIov p£ya. The name is derived from the old royal city of Jkzreel, « hich occupied a commanding site, near the eastern extremity of the plain, on a spur of Mount Gilboa.

    " The great plain of Esdraelon " extends across central Palestine from the Mediterranean to the Jordan, separating the mountain ranges of Carmri and Samaria from those of Galilee. The western section of it is properly the plain of Accro, or 'Akka. The main body of the plain is a triangle Its base on the east extends from Jtnin (the an dent En-gannim) to the foot of the hills belo-# Nazareth, and is about 16 miles long; the north side, formed by the hills of Galilee, is about 19 miles long; and the south side, formed by the Samaria range, is about 18 miles. The apex on the west is a uanow pass opening into the plain of 'Akka. This vast expanse has a gently undulating surface — in spring all green with corn where cul- ti rated, and rank weeds and grass where neglected — dotted with several low gray tells, and near the aides with a few olive groves. This is that fa Br)

    of Mtgiddo ('"TOl!? nyn?, •» call** from *•

    Digitized by



    a** of Mxuddo, which stood on 1U southern border), whan Bank triumphed, and whan king Jofhh wu defeated and received hit death-wound (Jndg. t.; 9 Chr. xxxv.). Probably, too, it wai baton the mind of the Apoatle John when ha flg- uratrrery described the final conflict between the hoaU of good and aril who wan gathered to a place called Ar-mageddon ('ApfurytSSiy, from the

    Hebrew ITjO ~iy, that is, At city o/Megiddo;

    Bar. xri. 16). The river Kukon — " that ancient rinr" eo fatal to the atmj of Siasn (Judg. t. 91) — drains the plain, and flows off through the pass westward to the Mediterranean.

    From the bate of this triangular plain three branches stretch oat eastward, like fingers from a hand, divided by two bleak, gray ridges — one bear- ing the familiar name of Mount Gilboa; the other called by Franks Little Hennon, but by natives Jebei td-Duky. The northern branch has Tabor >a the on* tide, and little Harmon on the other;



    into it the troops of Barak defiled from the heights of Tabor (Judg. it. 6); and on its opposite side an the sites of Nain and Endor. The swifter* branch lies between Jenbt and Gilboa, terminating in a point among the hilla to the eastward; it was across it Ahasiah fled from Jehu (3 K. ix. 97). The central branch it the richest at well at the most celebrated; it descends in green, fertila slopes to the banks of the Jordan, having Jesresl and Shiinem on opposite tides at the western end, and Beth- ahean in its midst towards the east This is the "Valley of Jen-eel" proper— the battle-field on which Gideon triumphed, and Saul and Jonathan wen overthrown (Judg. vii. 1 ff.; 1 Sam. nix. and xxxi.)

    Two things an worthy of special notice in the plain of Eedraelon. (1.) Itt wonderful richness. Itt unbroken expanse of verdun contrasts strangely with the gray, bleak crowns of Gilboa, and the rugged ranges on the north and south. The gigan- tie thistles, the luxuriant gnat, and the exubanaoa

    of the crops on the far cultivated spots, show the futility of the soil. It was the frontier of Zeb- dun — •' Rejoice, Zebulun, in thy going out " (Deut txxiii. 18). But it was the special portion of Is- sachar — "And he saw that rest was good, and the land that it was pleasant; and bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute " (Gen. xlix. 15). (2.) Its desolation. If we except the •astern branches, then it not a tingle inhabited Wage on its whole surface, and not more than one •Jxth of itt toil it cultivated. It it the home of the wild, wandering Bedawtn, wh< scour itt smooth turf on their fleet horses in search of plun- der; and when hard pressed can speedily remove heir tents and flocks beyond the Jordan, and be- yond the reach of a weak government. It has tlwajs bean insecure once history began. The old CanaanUe tribes drove victoriously through it In their iron chariots (Judg. It. 3, 7); the nomad MUianltea and AmalaUtea— those "children of ■a* east." who wan • as grasshoppers for multi-

    tude," whose "camels wen without number" - devoured its rich pastures (Judg. vi. 1-6, vii. 1 ' the Philistines long held it, establishing a strong hold at Beth-shean (1 Sam. xxix. 1, xxxi. 10); and the Syrians frequently swept over it with their armies (1 K. xx. 28; 9 K. xiii. 17). In its con- dition, thus exposed to every hasty incursion, and to every shock of war, we read the fortunes of that tribe which for the sake of itt richness consented to sink into a half-nomadic state — "Rejoice, Issachar, in thy tents . . . Isaachar It a strong ass, couching down between two burdens; sod he saw that rest was good, and the land that it wu pleas- ant, and bowed bis shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute" (Gen. xlix. 14, IS; Deut xxxiii. 18). Once only did this tribe shake off the yoke; when under the heavy pressure of Siasn, " the chiefs of Isaachar were with Deborah " (Judg. t. 15' Their expueed position and valuable pos- sessions in this open plain made them anxious fat the tunriiasli'in of David to the throne, at one irndai

    Digitized by



    •boa p o wer f ul protection they would enjoy tint petes and net the; loved; and the; joined with their neighbors of Zebulun and Naphtali in •end- ing to David pieaenU of the richest production! of their rich country (1 Chr. lii. 83, 40).

    The whole borders of the plain of Eedraelon are dotted with places of high historio and sacred in- terest Here we group tbem together, while re- ferring toe reader for detail* to the separate articles. On the east we hare Endur, Nain, and SAuntm, ranged round the base of the "hill of Monk;" then Belh-thean in the centre of the " Valley of Jeered; " then (Jilboa, with the '• well of Hand," and the ruins of J cartel at its western bate. On the south are En-ganmm, Taanach, and Mtgiddo. At the western apex, on the overhanging brow of Cai-mti, is the scene of Elijah's sacrifice; and close by the foot of the mountain below, runs the Kitbon, on whose banks the Use prophets of Baal were •bun. On the north, among places of less note, are Naaartth and Tabor. The modern Syrians have forgotten the ancient name as they have for- gotten the ancient history of Eedraelon; and it is low known among them only as Merj ibn 'Amer, "the Plain of the Son of 'Amer." A graphic sketch of Ksdradon is given in Stanley's S.

    * The plain of Esdraelon is remarkable for the number and sanguinary character of the battles which have been fought there from the earliest times down to our own age. The language of the traveller, Dr. Clarke, hardly needs qualification when he says ( Trawls, Ac., ii. 408) that " warriors out of every nation which is under heaven have pitched their tent in the plain of Eedraelon, and have beheld the various banners of their nations wet with the dews of Tabor and of Hermon." It was bare that Barak encountered the forces of Siaera, and the severe battle ensued (commemorated in the song of Deborah and Barak) which swept over almost the entire plain and dyed its waters with blood (Judg. iv. 4 ff. and v. 1 ff.). At the foot of the ridge where Jezreel (Zerin) was situated, Gideon achieved his great victory over the Amalek- ites and Midianitea (Judg. ri. 33, lii. 1 ff.). By the fountain ('Am J&lud) near the same city, the host of Israel under Saul encamped, before it was chased and scattered on the mountains of GUboa (1 Sam. nil. 1, xzxi. 1 ff.). At Megiddo, on the southern frontier, between Issachar and Manasseh, Josiah, king of Judah, was defeated and shun by the Egyptians under Necbo (3 K. xxiii. 39; 3 Chr. txxv. 33). The army of Nebuchadnezzar, at the lead of which was Holoferues, had their quarters acre before Bethulia, the strong poet which com- nranded the pass between Galilee and Samaria (Jud. rB. 3); and here, at the foot of Tabor, Vespasian fought against the Jews (Joseph. B. J. iv. 6, § 8). Hsre the Crusaders and the Saracens slaughtered

    a • In the Vatican. Alexandrine, and Sinaitto MSS. J the Septuagint, and in the Aldln. edition, the books if bra and Nnheml&h are united in one under the attne of 2d Badru. In the Alexandrine MS. 1st b- 1ms Is entitled A Ut»m, " The Priest," and iipm Is also prefixed as a title to 2d Bsdrea (Bom and Nehe- sdah). A.

    ft " Oratto Manassas, necnon librl duo qui sub ttbrl drat *t quart! Esdras nomine "trcumfcrunwr, Doe hi eco, extra scilicet seriem eanonkorum ttbrorum, qune


    each other; and here in 1799 the Turks, with aa army of 35,000 men, were vanquished by 3,0M French troops under Bonaparte and KJeber. Fee interesting notices concerning this plain, the moat remarkable in Palestine, both geographically and historically, see Hitter's Geography of Palatine Mr. Gage's trans, ii. 817, 333, iv. 343 ff; and Boh Phyt. Ueoyr. pp. 181-135. The best view of Ee- draelon is that spread out before the observer from the Wt ly on the hill-top above Nazareth, and the best description of that view is the one written by Dr. Bobinson (BibL Ret. in. 189 ff, 1st ed.). '


    RS'DRAS CXooptai Etdrat), 1 Sab. viiL 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, 19, 23, 25, 91, 98, 96; ix. 1, 7, 16, 39, 40, 42, 45, 46, 49; 3 Esdr. i. It it. 10, 83, 43; vi 10; vii. 8, 36; viii. 8, 19; xiv. 1, 88. [Ezra.]

    E8DRA8, FIRST BOOK OF, the first in order of the apocryphal books in the English Bible, which follows Luther and the German Bibles in separating the apocryphal from the canonical books, instead of binding them up together accord- ing to historical order (Walton's Proltgom. de Vert. Oroc. § 9). The classification of the 4 books which have been named after Ezra Is particularly complicated. In the Vatican and other quasi-mod- em editions of the LXX., our 1st Esdr. is called thejrrst book of Esdras in relation to the canonical book of Ezra, which follows it and is called the fecund Esdras." But in the Vulgate, 1st Eadr. means the canonical book of Ezra, and 3d Eadr. means Ntktmiah, according to the primitive He- brew arrangement, mentioned by Jerome, in which Exra and Nthevual, made up two parts of the one book of Ezra; and 3d and 4th Esdr. are what we now call 1 and 3 Esdras. These last, with the prayer of Matrasses, are the only apocryphal books admitted to nomine into the Romish Bibles, the other Apocrypha being declared canonical by the Council of Trent The reason of the exclusion of 3d Esdras from the Canon seems to be that the Tridentine fathers, in 1546, were not aware that it existed in Greek. For it is not in the Compluten- sian edition (1515), nor in the Biblia Regia; Vata- blus (about 1640) bad never seen a Greek copy, and, in the preface to the apocryphal books, speaks of it as only existing in some MSS. and printed Latin Bibles.' 1 Baduel also, a French Protestant divine (BiU. Crit.) (about 1550), says that he knew of no one who had ever seen a Greek copy. For this reason, it seems, it was excluded from the Canon, though it has certainly quite as good a title to be admitted as Tobit, Judith, Ac It has in- deed been stated (Bp. Marsh, Comp. Vita, ap. Soames Hut. of Rtf. ii. 608) that the Council of lYent in excluding the 3 books of Esdras followed Augustine's Canon. But this is not so. Augus- tine (de Doetr. Chritt. lib. U. 13) distinctly men- tions among the libri canonici, Etdra

    mseta Trldsnona synodus soseeett, et pro i

    sufloiptaadofl decrerlt, Mpoattt sunt, ne pr awns hit**- brent, qulppe qui 4 nonnuttls Sanctis Patriboa mtar dum citantur, et in allquibus Biblils Latinis, tarn au» uscriptis quam lmpressls, repsriuntur."

    c Jerome, in bis preface to bis Latin vsvaaosi of Sari and AWmioA, says, " TJaos a nobis liber < est," etc. ; though be implies that they were aa tinvx called 1 and 2 Ksiru.

    Digitized by



    that one of these ni our 1st Esdras is manifest ban the quotation from it given below from Dt (Sat. Da. Hence it is also sure that it wag in- cluded among those pronounced as canonical by the Id Council of Carthage A. D. 397, or 419, where the same title is given, EnJi-a Hbri duo : where it is to be noticed, by the way, that Augustine and the Council of Carthage use the term canonical in a much broader sense than we do; and that the manifest (pound of considering them canonical in an; sense, u their being found in the Greek copies of the LXX. in use at that time. In all the earlier editions of the English Bible the books of Esdras are numbered as in the Vulgate. In the 6th Art- icle of the Church of England (first introduced in 1571) the 1st and 3d books denote Km and Ne- heroiah, and the 3d and 4th, among the Apocry- pha, are our present 1st and 9d. In the list of revtwrs or translators of the Bishops' Bible, sent by Archbishop Parker to Sir William Cecil with the portion revised by each, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and the apocryphal books of Esdras, seem to be all comprised under the one title of Ebdras. Barlow, Bp. of Chichester, was the translator, as also of the books of Judith, Tobias, and Sapientia ( Correip. af Arclibp. Parker, Park. Soc. p. 336). The Geneva Bible first adopted the classification used in our present Bibles, in which Ezha and Nehemiah give their names to the two canonical books, and the two apocryphal become 1 and 3 Esdras; where I be Greek form of the name marks that these books do not exist in Hebrew or Chaldee.

    As regards the antiquity of this book and the rank assigned to it in the early church, it may lutfice to mention that Josepbus quotes largely "mm it, and follows its authority, even in contra- diction to the canonical Ezra and Nehemiah, by •vhich he has been led into hopeless historical blun- ders snd anachronisms. It is qnoted also by Cle- mens Alexandrinus (Strom, i.); and the famous sentence " Veritas manet, et invalescit in (sternum, et vivit et obtinet in saacula swculorum," is cited by Cyprian as from Esdras, prefaced by ui tcryjtvm at (KpitL lxxiv.). Augustine also refers to the same passage (Dt Chit. Dei, xviil. 36), and sug- gests that it may be prophetical of Christ who is the truth. He includes under the name of Esdras sur 1 Esdr., and the canonical books of Eon and Nehemiah. 1 Esdr. is also cited by Athanasius and other fathers; and perhaps there is no sentence that has been more widely divulged than that of 1 Esdr. iv. 41, " Magna est Veritas et prssvalebit." But though it is most strange that the Council of

    rrent should not have admitted this book into their wide Canon, nothing can be cl e ar e r , on the other hand, than that it is rightly included by us among

    be Apocrypha, not only on the ground of its his-

    wical inaccuracy, and contradiction of the true azra, but also on the external evidence of the early church. That it was never known to exist in He- brew, and formed no part of the Hebrew Canon, is admitted by all. Jerome, in his preface to Err. sod Neh., speaks contemptuously of the dreams (•omnia) of the 3d and 4th Esdras, and says they ire to be utterly rejected. In his Proiogvt Oalt- ttmt he clearly defines the number of books in the V-anon, 23, corresponding to the 33 letters of the

    tebrew alphabet, and says that all others are anoe- lyphal. This of course excludes 1 Esdras. Melito, Origen, Rusebius, Athanasius, Gregory Nazianxen, Hilary ot Poitiers, Cyril of Jerusalem, the Council

    ■° LAodisea, and many other fathers, expressly fol-


    low the same canon, counting as apocryphal < ever is not comprehended in it.

    As regards the contents of the book, and tbt author o* authors of it — the first chapter n * transcript of the two last chapters of 3 Chr. for the most part verbntim, and only in one or two parts slightly abridged and paraphrased, and show tag some corruptions of the text, the use of a different Greek version, and some various readings, as e. ffyi. 4, /uytiKtiiri)ra for 8ia X"p4t, indi- cating a various reading in the Hebrew ; perhaps

    nb39 for 2J-)?S, or, as Bretachneidei suggests,

    t3£l9»S wperfroV (*PaV), for the Hebrew of 9

    Chr. xxxv. 12, TJ?^?' " with "■• oxen >" *°- Chapters iii., iv., and v., to the end of v. 6. are th» original portions of the book, containing the legend of the three young Jews at the court of Darius; and the rest is a transcript more or less exact of the bode of Ecra, with the chapters transposed and quite otherwise arranged, and a portion of Ne- hemiah. Hence a twofold design in the compiler is discernible: one to introduce and give Script- ural sanction to the legend about Zerubbabel, which may or may not have an historical base, and may have existed as a separate work; the other to ex- plain the great obscurities of the book of Ezra, and to present the narrative, as the author understood it, in historical order, in which, however, he has signally failed. For, not to advert to innumerable other contradictions, the introducing the opposition of the heathen, as offered to Zerubbabel itfler he had been sent to Jerusalem in such triumph by Darius, and the describing that opposition as last- ing "until the reign of Darius" (v. 73), and as put down by an appeal to the decree of Cyrus, is such a palpable inconsistency, as is alone sufficient quite to discredit the authority of the book. It even induces the suspicion that it is a farrago made up of scraps by several different hands. At all events, attempts to reconcile the different portions with each other, or with Scripture, is lost labor.

    As regards the time and place when the com- pilation was made, the origiml portion is that which alone affords much clew. This seems to indicate that the writer was thoroughly conversant with Hebrew, even if he did not write the book in that language. He was well acquainted too with the books of Esther and Daniel (I Kadr. iii. 1, 3 ft".), and other books of Scripture {it. i. 30, 21, 39, 41, Ac, and 46 compared with Pa. cxxxvil. 7) But that he did not lire under the Persian kings, and was not contemporary with the events narrated, appears by the undiscriminating way in which he uses promiscuously the phrase Mtdtt ami Ptrtiant, or, Ptrtiant ami Mtdtt, according as he happened to be imitating the language of Daniel or of the book of Esther. The allusion in ch. Iv. 23 to " sailing upon the sea and upon the rivers," for the purpose of " robbing and stealing," seems to Indi- cate residence In Egypt, and acquaintance with tlie lawlessness of Greek pirates there acquired. The phraseology of v. 73 savors also strongly of Greek rather than Hebrew. If, however, as seems very probable, the legend of Zerubbabel appeared first as a separate piece, and was afterwards incorporated into the narrative made up from the book of Eire, this Greek sentence from ch. v. would net provt anything as to the language in which the original legend was written. The expressions in iv. 40, " Sb# is the strength, kingdom, power, aid majastl

    Digitized by


    766 B8DRAS, SECOND BOOK 07

    rf all ages," is very like the doxology found in tome oopiei of the lord's Prayer, and retained by lis, "thine is the kingdom and the power and the glory for ever." [t'omp. 1 Chr. xxix. 13.] But Lightfoot says that the Jews in the temple serv- ice, instead of saving Amen, used this antiphon, '• Blessed be the name of the Glory of His King- dom for ever and ever" (vi. 427). So that the re- semblance may be accounted for by their being both taken from a common source.

    For a further account of the history of 'he times embraced in this book, see Ezra; Esdkas 11.; Joseph. Antiq. Jwl. xi. ; Hervey's Gentalog. of our Lord Jena Chriet, ch. xi. ; Bp. Cosin on the Canon of Scr. i Fulke's Defence of TrantL of Bible (Park. Soc. p. 18 ff.); Kitto, Cydnp. of BM. Lit., art. Eedrai ; and the authorities cited in the course of thu article. A. C. H.

    * For a fuller discussion of the questions sug- gested by this book, see Trendelenburg's essay Uebtr den apokr. Etrat, in Kichhorn's Allgem. BibtioOuk d. bibL Lit. i. 180 if., reprinted in Kich- horn's EM in die apokr. Schrlflen del A. T. (1795 ), pp. 336-377 ; O. F. Fritzeche, Exeg. Handb. tu d. Apokr. da A. T., Lief. i. (1851), the best commentary; De Wette, Einl 7" Ausg. (1859), pp. 395-97; Palfrey, Led. on the Jewiih Scripture*. iv. 106-119 (Boston, 1853); Ken, EM. 8« Aufl. (1859), pp. 677-682; Bertheau, Die Bucher /.'«», Necliem. u. Eiter (Exeg. Handb. Lief. xvit, 1862), p. 14 f., on its relation to the canonical book of Ezra; Davidson, Jntrod. to the Old TetU iii. 352- 57 (1863) , Kwald, Getch. d. Volktt /tract, 3' Ausg. (1864), iv. 165 ft*., and the art. Etdrat by Ginsburg in the 3d ed. of Kitto's Cijcl. of BibL Literature.

    The following table may facilitate the comparison bf the apocryphal 1st Esdras with the correspond- ing portions of the canonical books of the Old Testament:

    Ch. i. is from 2 Chr. xxxv., xxxri. " ii. 1-15 » Ezr. i.

    « ii. 16-30 •' Ezr. tv. 7-24.

    '• v. 7-73 « Err. ii. 1-iv. 5.

    « Ti. 1-ix. 86 « Ear. v. 1-x. 44. « ix. 37-56 '« Neh. vii. 73-viil. 13.

    The abrupt termination of the book has led .nost scholars to consider it incomplete in its pres- ent form. Trendelenburg, Kichhom, De Wette, Fritzsche, Ilertheau, and Ginsburg regard the work as in the main a free translation from the Hebrew »f the Old Testament books, and consequently, as A some value for the criticism of the original text : Keil, on the otber hand, with whom Davidson agrees, maintains that the compiler used the Sep- tuagint version. Tbe peculiar passage iii. 1-v. 6 is generally supposed to have been originally written in Givek. The style of the book is much better than that of most portions of the Septuagint, and Is comparatively free from Hebraisms. The Syriac version of 1st Esdras has been recently published y Lagarde in a form more correct than that in Gallon's Polygiott (Libri Vet. TetU apocryphi Syriace, lips. 1861) A.


    In the English Version of the Apocrypha, and so " by the author (2 Eadr. i. 1), is more com-

    « Ofronr obtained a transcript of a Greek MS. at •aria, bearing the title, which proved to be a wortta- WtasnpiMkwoflaeadate. JaJirk. d. Milt, I. 70, n. ;


    monly known, according to the reckoning of to* Latin Version, as the fourth book of Ezra [set above, Esdkab I.] ; but the arrangement in tbt Latin MSS. is not uniform, and in the Arabic anc i£thiopic versions the book is called the first of Ezra. The original title, 'Awoa-dAvtfat "Efffyw (at TfHXpvrtla "EcrSpa), "the Revelation of Ezra," which is preserved in some old catalogues of the canonical and apocryphal books (Nicepborua, ap Fabric. Cod. Pteudep. V. T. ii. 176 [Cod. Apocr N. T. i. 962], Hontfiuioon, BiUioth. Coitlin. p. 194), is far more appropriate, and it were to be wished that it could be restored."

    1. For a long time this book of Ezra was knows only by an old Latin version, which is preserved in some MSS. of the Vulgate. This version was seed by Ambrose, and, like the other parts of tbe Vetut Latina, is probably older than the time of Tertul- lian. A second Arabic text was discovered by air- Gregory about the middle of the 17th century in two Bodleian MSS., and an English version made from this by Simon Ockley was inserted by Whiston in the last [4th] volume of his Primitive Chrittitm- ity (London, 1711 ). Fabricius added the various readings of the Arabic text to his edition of the Latin in 1723 (Cod. Pteudep. V. T. ii. 173 ff.). A third jEthiopic text was published in 1820 by [Archhp.] Laurence with English and Latin trans- lations, likewise from a Bodleian MS. which had remained wholly disregarded, though quoted by Ludolf in his Dictionary (Primi Eira libri, tenia jEthiofjica . . . Latint Angticeque reddita, Oxon. 1820). The Latin translation has been reprinted by Ufrrrer, with tbe various readings of tbe Latin and Arabic (Prqph. Pteudep. Stuttg. 1840, p. 66 ff.) ; but the original Arabic text had not yet been published.

    2. The three versions were all made directly from a Greek text. This is evidently the case with regard to the Latin (l.iicke, Vertuch enter vuOtt. Einleitung, i. 149) aud the A£thiopic (Van der Vlis, Ditputatio eritica de Etrat Kb. apocr. Amstel., 1839, p. 76 ff.), and apparently so with regard to the Arabic. A clear trace of a Greek text occurs in tbe Epistle of Barnabas (c. xii. = 2 Ear. v. 5). but tbe other supposed references in the Apostolic Fathers are very uncertain (e. g. Clem. i. 20; Herm. Past. i. 1, 3, Ac.). The next witness to the Greek text is Clement of Alexandria, who expressly quotes the book as the work of "the prophet Ezra" (Strom, iii. 16, § 100). A question, however, has been raised whether the Greek text was not itself a translation from the Hebrew (Bretschneider, in Henke's .Vim. iii. 478 ff. ap. LUcke,i c); but the arguments from language by which the hypothesis of a Hebrew (Aramaic) original is supported, are wholly unsatisfactory ; aud in default of direct evidence to the contrary, it must be supposed that tbe book was composed in Greek. This conclusion is further strengthened by its internal character, which points to Egypt as the place of its composi- tion.

    3. The common Latin text, which is followed in the English version, contains two important inter- polations (ch. i., ii. ; xv., xvi.) which are not found in thit Arabic and jEthiopic versions, and are Sep anted from tbe genuine Apocalypse in the best Latin MSS. Both of these passages are evidanUj

    camp. Tan der Vila, Dup. eHt. de Prof. p. 8 S

    Digitized by



    af Christian origin : they contain traces of the me af the Christian Scriptures (e. g. i. 30, 83, 37, ii. U, 90, 46 ff., xv. 8, 35, xvi. 64), and still more they are pervaded by an anti-Jewish spirit. Thin, In the o|ieiiiiig chapter, Ezra is commanded to reprove the people of Israel for their continual rebeUkws (i. 1-23), in consequence of which God threatens to cant them off (i. 34-34) and to "give their houses to a people that shall come." But in spite of their desertion, God oners once more to receive them (ii. 1-32). The offer is rejected (ii. 33), and the heathen are called. Then Ezra sees " the Son of God " standing in the midst of a great multitude " wearing crowns and bearing palms in their hands " in token of their victorious confession of the truth. The last two chapters (xv., xvi.) are different in character. They contain a stem prophecy of the woes which shall come upon Egypt, Babylon, Asia, and Syria, and upon the whole earth, with an exhortation to the chosen to guard their faith in the midst of all the trials with which they shall be visited ( V the Decian persecution. Of. Liicke, p. 186, Ac.) Another smaller interpolation occurs in the Latin version in vii. 28, where JiUut mens Jettu answers to '* My Messiah " in the ^Ethiopic, and to " My Son Messiah " In the Arabic (ef. Liicke, p. 170 n. Ac). On the other band, a long passage occurs in the .£thiopic and Arabic versions after vii. 36, which la not found in the Latin (Jfthlop. c. vi.), though it bears all the marks of genuineness, and was known to Ambrose (it Bono Mori. 10, 11). In this case the omission was prob- ably due to dogmatic causes. The chapter con- tains a strange description of the intermediate state of souls, and ends with a peremptory denial of the efficacy of human intercession after death. Vigilan- tius appealed to the passage in support of his views, and called down upon himself by this the severe reproof of Jerome (Lib. c Vigil e. 7). This cir- cumstance, combined with the Jewish complexion of the narrative, may have led to its rejection in later times (cf. Liicke, p. 166 ff.).

    4. The original Apocalypse (lii.-xiv.) consists of a aeries of angelic 1 revelations and visions in which Ezra is instructed in some of the great mysteries of the moral world, and assured of the final triumph of the righteous. The Jirtt revelation (iii.-v. 15, according to the A. V.) is given by the angel Uriel to Ezra, in " the thirtieth year after the rain of the city," in answer to his complaints (c. iii.) that Israel was neglected by God while the heathen were lords over them ; and the chief subject is the un- searchableness of God's purposes, and the signs of the last age. The second revelation (v. 20-vi. 34) carries out this teaching yet further, and lays open the gradual progress of the plan of Providence, and tbe nearness of the visitstion before which evil must attain its most terrible climax. The third recti i- tion (vi. 35-ix. 25) answers the objections which arise from the apparent narrowness of the limits within which the hope of blessedness is confined, and describes the coming of Messiah and the last scene of Judgment. After this follow three visions. The/nd rinon (ix. 36-x. 59) is of a woman (Skm) tn deep sorrow, lamenting tbe death, upon his bridal day, of her only son (the city ouih by Solomon), who had been born to her after she had bad no child for thirty years. But while Ezra

    ' ■ The description of the duration of the world as '•Mdtd into twelve (Ian JRA.) parts, of which km ■ sans are fans already, and half of a tenth part " fxjv.


    looked, her face "upon a sudden shined exceed- ingly," and " the woman appeared no more, but there was a city builded." The second vision (xi.- xiL), in a dream, is of an eagle (Rome) which "came up from the sea" and "spread hei wings over all tbe earth." As Ezra looked, the eagle suffered strange transformations, so that at one time "three heads and six little wings" re- mained; and at last only one head was left, when suddenly a lion (Messiah) came forth, and with tbe voice of a man rebuked the eagle, and it was burnt up. The third vision (xiii.), in a dream, is of i man (Messiah) " flying with tbe clouds of heaven," against whom the nations of the earth are gathered tUl be destroys them with the blast of his mouth, and gathers together the lost tribes of Israel and offers Skm, " prepared and builded," to his people Tbe last chapter (xiv.) recounts an appearance to Ezra of tbe Lord who showed himself to Moses in the bush, at whose command he receives again the Law which had been burnt, and with tbe help of scribes writes down ninety-four books (the twenty- four canonical books of the O. T. and seventy books of secret mysteries), and thus the people is prepared for its last trial, guided by tbe recovered Law.

    6. Tbe data of the book is much disputed, though the limits within which opinions vary are narrower than in the case of the book of Enoch. Liicke ( Vertuch einer voilti. /.'inf. Ac., 2« Aufl. i. 209) places it in the time of Caesar; Van der Vlis (Disput. crU. I c) shortly sfter the death of Coast Laurence (L c.) brings it down somewhat lower, to 28-25 B. c, and HUgenfeld (Jid. Apolc p. 221) agrees with this conclusion, though he arrives at it by very different reasoning. On the other hand Gfrorer (Jahrh. d. Heils,i. 69 ff.) assigns the book to the time of Domitian, and in this he is followed by Wiesder and by [Bruno] Bauer (Liicke, p. 189, die.), while Liicke in bis first edition bad regarded it as tbe work of a Hellenist of the time of Trajan. The interpretation of the details nf the vision of the eagle, which furnishes the chief data for de- termining the time of its composition, is extremely uncertain from the difficulty of regarding the his- tory of the period from the point of view of the author; and this difficulty is increased by the allusion to the desolation of Jerusalem, which may be merely suggested by tbe circuuutanom of Ezra, the imaginary author: or, on the contrary, the last destruction of Jerusalem may have suggested Ezra as the medium of the new revelation. (Ct. Fabrioiua, Cod. Psevdep. ii. p. 189 ff. and Liicke, p. 187, n. Ac., for a summary of the earlier opinions on tbe composition of the book.)

    6. Tbe chief characteristics of the " three-headed eagle " which refer apparently to historic details,' are " twelve feathered wings " (duodecim ale pen narum), "eight counter-feathers" (contraries peo- ns), and "three heads;" but though the writer expressly interprets these of kings (xii. 14, 20) and "kingdoms" (xii. 23), be is, perhaps intentionally, so obscure in his allusions, that the interpretation only increases the difficulties of the vision itself. One point only may be considered certain, — the eagle can typify no other empire than Home. Notwith standing the identification of the eagle with tot fourth empire of Daniel (cf. Barn. Ep. 4; Dajosu , Book or), it is impossible to suppose that it rep-

    11), Is so wasertstn In its reckoning, that no erguoMSIt can be b as ed upon It.

    Digitized by



    resents the Greek kingdom (Hilgenfeld; ef. Volk- our, Das vierte Buck Etra, p. 36 ff. Zurich, 1868). The power of the Ptolemies could scarcely have been deaoribed in language which maybe rightly applied to Rome (xi. 2, 6, 40); and the succession sf kings quoted by Hilgenfeld to represent ■> the twelve wings" preserves only a faint resemblance to the imagery of the vision. But when it is estab- lished that the interpretation of the vision is to be sought in the history of Rome, the chief difficulties of the problem begin. The second wing (i. e. long) rules twice as long as the other (xi. 17). This fact seems to point to Octavian and the line of the Caesars ; but thus the line of " twelve " leads to no plausible conclusion. If it is supposed to close with Trajan (Ldcke, late Aufl.), the "three beads" receive no satisfactory explanation. If, again, the " three heads " represent the three Flavii, then '• the twelve" must be composed of the nine Caesars (Jul. Cases* — Vitellius) and the three pretenders Piso, Vindex, and Nymphidius (Gfrirer), who could scarcely have been brought within the range of a Jewish Apocalypse. Volkmar proposes a new in- terpretation, by which two wings are to represent one king, and argues that this symbol was chosen in order to conceal better from strange eyes the revelation of the seer. The twelve wings thus rep- resent the six Caesars (Caesar — Nero); the eight " counter-feathers," the usurping emperors Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Nerva; and the three heads the three Fundi. This hypothesis offers many striking coincidences with the text, but at the same time it is directly opposed to the form of interpre- tation given by Kzra (xii. 14, regnabunt . . . duo- dedm reges ... v. \\S,oclo reges), and Volkmar' » hypothesis that the tmlct and tiyht were marked in the original MS. in some way so as to suggest the notion of division, is extremely improbable. Van der Vlis and Liicke in his later edition regard the twelve kings as only generally symbolic of the Roman power; and while they identify the three heads with the Triumvirs, seek no explanation of the other details. All is evidently as yet vague and uncertain, and will probably remain so till some clearer light can be thrown upon Jewish thought and history during the critical period 100 b. c-100 A. r>.

    7. But while the date of the book must be left un- leteruiined, there can be no doubt that it is a gen- uine product of Jewish thought. Weisse (£mn- geKtn/rnge, p. 233) alone dissents on this point from the unanimous judgment of recent scholars (Hilgenfeld, p. 190, Ac.); and the contrast between the tone and style of the Christian interpolations and the remainder of the book is in itself sufficient to prove the fact. The Apocalypse was probably written in Egypt; the opening and closing chapters xrtainly were.

    8. In tone and character the Apocalypse of Ezra offers a striking contrast to that of Enoch [Enoch, Book of.] Triumphant anticipations are over- shadowed by gloomy forebodings of the destiny of the world. The idea of victory is lost in that of revaige. Future blessedness is reserved only for 'a very few" (rli. 70, rill. 1, 8, 62-66, rii. 1-13). Hie great question is " not bow the ungodly shall x punished, but how the righteous shall be saved, far whom the world is created" (ix. 18). The "woes of Messiah" are described with a terrible minuteness which approaches the despairing tradi- tion! of the Talmud (v., xiv. 10 ff., ix. 3 ff.): and iftar a reign of 400 years (rii. 28-35; the clause


    h wanting in iEth. v. 89) " Christ," it Is said '• my Son, shall die (Arab, omits), and all men shall have breath; and the world shall be turned intc the old silence seven days, like as In the first be- ginning, and no man shall remain " (rii. 29). Then shall follow the resurrection and the judg- ment, " the end of this time and the beginning of immortality " (rii. 43). In other points the doe- trine of the book offers curious approximations to that of St Paul, as the imagery does to that of the Apocalypse (e. g. 2 Esdr. xiii. 48 ff.; r. 4). The relation of " the first Adam " to his sinful poster- ity, and the operation of the Law (iii. 20 ff., rii 48, ix. 86) ; the transitoriness of the world (b. 86); the eternal counsels of God (ri. ff.); hit providence (rii. 11) and long-suffering (rii. 64); his ssnctmca- tion of his people >• from the beginning " (ix. 8) and their peculiar and lasting privileges (ri. 69) are plainly stated : and on the other hand the effi- cacy of good works (viii. 83) in conjunction with faith (ix. 7) Is no less clearly affirmed.

    9. One tradition which the book contains ob- tained a wide reception in early times, and served as a pendant to the legend of the origin of the LXX. Ezra, it is said, in answer to his prayer that he might be inspired to write again all the Law which was burnt, received a command to take with him tablet* and five men, and retire for forty days. In this retirement a cop was given him to drink, and forthwith his understanding was quick- ened and his memory strengthened ; and for forty days and forty nights he dictated to his scribes, who wrote ninety-four books (Latin, 204), of which twenty-four were delivered to the people in place of the books which were lost (xiv. 20-48). This strange story waa repeated in various forms by Ire- nseus (adv. Har. iii. 31, 3), Tertullian (He Cult. Farm, i. 3, " omne instrumentum Judaic*; litera- ture per Esdram constat restauratum"), Clement of Alexandria (Strom. 1. 22, p. 410, P. cf. p. 892), Jerome (adv. liek. 7, cf. Pseudo-Augustine, dt Afirnb. S. Scr. it. 33), and many others; and probably owed it* origin to the tradition which regarded Kara as the representative of the men of " the Great Synagogue," to whom the final revision of the canonical books was universally assigned in early times. [Canon.]

    10. Though the book was assigned to the •' prophet " Kara by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. iii. 16, p. 666 P.) and quoted with respect by Ire- n«eua (I. c), Tertullian (? L c. Cf. mh. Mare. ir. 16), and Ambrose (£>. xxxIy. 2; dt Bom Mortit, 10 ff.), it did not maintain its ecclesiastical position in the church. Jerome speaks of it with contempt, and it is rarely found in MSS. of the I>atin Bible. Archbishop Laurence examined 181) MSS. and the book was contained only in thirteen, and in these it was arranged very differently. It is found, bow- ever, in the printed copies of the Vulgate older than the Council of Trent, by which it waa ex- cluded from the Canon; and quotations from it still occur in the Roman services (Basnage, ap. Fabr. Cad. Puudtp. ii. 191 ). On the other hand, though this book Is included among those which are "read for examples of life" by the English Church, no use of it is there made in public wo* ship. Luther and the Reformed Church rejected the book entirely; but it waa held in high estima- tion by numerous mystics (Fabric. L c. p. 178 ff.' _ for whom its contents naturally had great astrao ' tiona.

    11. The chief literature of the subject ha* bees

    Digitized by





    in the course of the article. I.iicke has, perhaps, given the beet general account of the book; but the essay of Van der Vli* it the moat important contribution to the study of the text, of which a critical edition is still needed, though the Latin materials for its construction are abundant.

    B. F. W. * Since the preceding article was published, the subject has been much discussed ; and the recent literature is too important to be passed over with- out notice. Volkmar's view of the book as set forth in his Dnt vietle Bach Etra, u. s. w. Zurich, 1868, was criticised by Hilgenfeld ( Vollcmar'i £nl~ deckungen ib. dnt Apok. det Etra, u. s. w.) in his Zeittchr. f. ma. TheoL 1858, i. 247-270. In the routine of the same periodical for 1880 (iii. 1-81), the Abject was further discussed by A. von Gut- achmid, Die Apuk. d. Etra u. ihre tpStern Bearbeit- mom (comp. Kwald, Jahrb. x. 222 ff.) ; and Ewald had in the mean time presented his view of the question in his Getch. d. I'olket Itr. vii. 62-78 (1859), referring the book to the tune of Titus, 78- 81 A. 0. See also Dilknann, art. Pttudepigr. dtt

    A. T. in Herxog's ReaLEncykl xii. 310 ff. (1860). Gutschmid agreed with Hilgenfeld in assigning the date of the main body of the work to about 30

    B. c, but endeavored to rid himself of that crux interpretam, the vision of the Eagle (ch. xi., xii.) by the hypothesis of interpolation. Uilgenfeld re- viewed the recent Apocalyptic literature in an elab- orate article, Die jud. Apokalyptik u. die neuetten Fortchungen, in his Zeittchr./. mitt. Theol. 1860, iii. 301-362 (on 2 Esdras, p. 335 ff.). In this arti- cle he was constrained to abandon the explanation which he had previously given of the 20 kings in the vision of the Eagle, and endeavored to find them among the Seleucida instead of the Ptole- mies. It must be confessed, however, that the manner in which they are made out is far from jatiafactory. Volkmar briefly replied in the Zeittchr. f. wim. Theol 1861, iv. 83 ff., and in 1863 pub- lished Dai vierte Buck Etra, turn Erttenmale mil- tlundig herauigegeben, as the 2d Abtbeilung of his ffandbveh zv den Apokryphen. This important work, indispensable to one who would make a thor- ough study of the book, contains a critical edition of the text of the Old Latin or Italic version, ac- cording to the Codex Sangermnnenrii of the 9th century, with the various readings of a newly dis- covered MS. of that version belonging to the State Library at Zurich (Codex Turicentii), and also of the Arabic and /F.thiopic versions, so far as the means of giving them were then available. This text is accompanied by a critical and exegetical commentary, a new German translation, and a full discussion (pp. 273-408) of the questions relating to the nature and history of the book. This work was reviewed by Hilgenfeld in an article in his Zeittchr.f. tout. TheoL tor 1863, which was issued separately, with additions, under the title Die Prepketen Etra u. Daniel u. ihre neuetten Bear- beitiengen, Halle, 1863. Shortly after, in the same year, Ewald (who had previously criticised Volkmar in the Getting, gelehrte Anzeigen, 1863, p. 641 ff.) published Dnt vierte Etrabuch nach teinem tetial- ler, semen Arabitehen uberitsungen u. einer neuen uiedcrhertteUung, Gottingen, 1883, 4to, separately printed from vol xi. of the Abhandlmgv. of the

    • The word rendered "atrln " (2 > "1) In the former ■art of tit. 20, and In 21 and 21,1s not the ssnwas skat from which E—k dntvtd lis name ud should 48

    Royal Acad, of Sciences at Gottingen. Here be gives us for the first time, from a MS. in the Bod- leian Library at Oxford, an edition of the Arabic version of the book, which bad before been known only by Ockley's English translation, also a portion of another Arabic version, and various readings, communicated by Dilknann, of several MSS. of the /Ethiopic version. — As to the comparative fidelity of these ancient translations, there is a difference of opinion. Volkmar regards the Old Latin ver- sion as almost a daguerreotype of the original Greek ; Hilgenfeld gives the preference to the Arabic ; Ewald generally adheres to the Old Latin text, but not (infrequently adopts the readings of the Araoic, and occasionally of the iEthiopic, in their stead. For a good review, by Hermann Schultz, of the essays of Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, and Ewald, on the 2d book of Esdras, see the Jahrb. f. deuttche TheoL 1864, ix. 166-173. Volkmar's view re- specting the date of 2d Esdras (97 A. D.) appears to be gaining prevalence, being adopted by writers of opposite schools, as Strauss, Colani, Scholten, lYessensd, and the Catholic Langen in his recent treatise, Dai Judenthum tar Ztit Jetu (1866), p. 118 ff. But the contest, it appears, is not yet over. Hilgenfeld, hi a notice of Volkmar's last work, Mote Prophe&e u. ffimmel/ahrt, Leipz. 1867, which is closely connected in its subject with the second book of Esdras, announces that be " sliall soon speak further respecting the prophet Ears, and explain the only real difficulty in the way 04 his view, namely, the passage, ch. xi. 17, without any alteration of the text" (Zeittchr. f. mitt. TheoL 1867, x. 217). A.



    ES'EBON, they op (rob* 'E«™/Wto» (Vat -r«-; Sin. Aid.] Alex, root 'Eo-«0dV: Bt» ebon), Jud. v. 15. [Hesiibon.]

    ESEBRI'AS ('Enorffor; [Aid. 'Ecr.pjBuu Wechel (1597) 'Eatfylas:] Sedebiat), 1 Esdr viii. 54. [Sherebiah.J

    E'SEK (p^? {ttrife} : 'Aoucfa: Cahmma)

    a well (TH5) containing a spring of water; which the herdsmen of Isaac dug in the valley of Gerar, and which received its name of Esek or "strife," be

    cause the herd men of Gerar " strove " OlpHPynn) with him for the possession of it " (Gen. xxvi. 20)

    ESIl-BA'AL (Vpat^ = Bonn mot • 'Aaa0i\\i [1 Chr. viii. 33, Alex. Uffaa\\, Aid 'Ico-flodA, Comp. 'Io-SadA; ix. 39, Vat ItjBooA Alex. BaaA, AM. 'lofiiiK, Comp. Sin. 'l

    Digitized by




    Hon, b not likely. Which of the two names ii the earlier It U not possible to decide. G.

    ESHTJAN O^BJH [woe hero, Fiirst]: 'A, 'Avfidr; Alex, [in 1 Chr.] Ets&u-: l'«e- fcm), a Horite; one of the four sons of Dish ah (so the Hebrew in Gen.; but A. V. has Diahon), the sou of Seir the Horite (Gen. ixxvi. 26; 1 Chr. i. 41). No trace of the name appears to have been discovered among the modern tribes of Idu-

    ESH'COL (bbtpM [a bunch, duster, espe- cially of grapes] : 'Eo^A ; [Alex. rer. 24, Zur- S»A;] Josephus 'Eff;r.a>Aigf : Aieiof), brother of .scare the Amorite, and of Aner; and one of Abraham's companions in his pursuit of the four kings who had carried off tot (Gen. xiv. 13, 24). According to Josephus (Ant. i. 10, § 2) he was the foremost of the three brothers, but the Bible narrative leaves this quite uncertain (comp. 13 with 24). Their residence was at Hebron (xiii. 18), and possibly the name of Eshcol remained attached to one of the fruitful valleys in that district till the arrival of the Israelites, who then interpreted the appellation as significant of the gigantic " cluster " (in Hebr. Etheol), which they obtained there.

    • It is more probable that Eshcol, the chieftain, derived the name from the region or town over which he ruled, which in its turn was so called on account of its fruitful vineyards. So in the case of Shechem (Gen. xxxiv. 2), the Hivito prince must have taken his name from the place, and not the place from him [Shechem]. The Amoritic name may well have been very similar in form, as well as meaning, to the later Hebrew name. H.

    BSH'OOIi, THE VALLEY, OK THE BROOK, OP (VlS^rbra, or bitftg: 'pifxtyt, pirpvot' [Torrent botri,] Nehdencol, id tit torrent botri, [Valtis botri]), a wady In the neighborhood of Hebron, explored by the spies who were sent by Moses from Kadesh-baniea. From the terms of two of the notices of this transaction (Num. xxxii. 9; Deut- i. 24) it might he gathered that Eshcol was the furthest point to which the spies penetrated. But this would be to contradict the express statement of Num. xiii. 21, that tbey went as far as Rehob. From this fruitful valley they brought back a huge cluster of grapes, an in- cident which, according to the narrative, obtained for the place its appellation of the " valley of the cluster" (Num. xiii. 23, 24). It is true that in Hebrew Eshcol signifies a cluster or bunch, but the name had existed in this neighborhood centu- ries before, when Abraham lived there with the chiefs Aner, Eshcol, and Mature, not Hebrews but Amorites; and this was possibly the Hebrew way of appropriating the ancient name derived from that hero into the language of the conquerors, con- sistently with the paronomastic turns so much in favor at that time, and vith a practice of which traces appear elsewhere. [See under Kslicou]

    In the Onomastiam of Eusebius the

    * • We bava a minute account of the valley of tiebron %nd Its immediate neighborhood, by Dr. Bonn, lbs Prussian consul at Jerusalem, In the Zfittck. d. D. m QnOnkafl, 1868 (ril. 481.482). Im-tead of Van Is Md»* ' Am-Estali (written Sshkali than ; aw bis


    road. By Jerome it Is given as noith o. Hebron on the road to Bethsur (Epitaph. Prmim). The Jewish traveller Ha-Parchi speaks of it as north of the mountain on which the (ancient) city of Helena stood (Benjamin of Tudela, Ather, ii. 437); and here the name bu been lately observed still attached to a spring of remarkably fine water called ' Ain- EskhiU, in a valley which crosses the vale of He- bron N. E. and S. W., and about two miles north of the town (Tan de Velde, Nnrratkt, Ac, ii. 64). It is right to say that this interesting intelligence has not been yet confirmed by other observers*

    G. * Mr. Tristram's description of this valla} aa ii now is (Lnnd of Israel, p. 397, 2d ed.), shows bow well it must have deserved its ancient fame. « Tin walk up the valley revealed to us for the first timt what Judah was everywhere else in the days of its prosperity. Bare and stony as are the hill-sides, not an inch of space is lost. Terraces, where tit* ground is not too rocky, support the soil. Ancient vineyards cling to the lower slopes; olive, mulberry, almond, fig, and pomegranate trees fill every availa- ble cranny to the very crest, while the bottom of the valley is carefully tilled for corn, carrots, aud cauliflowers, which will soon give place to melons and cucumbers. Streamlets of fresh water trickled on each side of our path. The production and fer- tility, as evidenced even in winter, is extraordinary; and the culture is equal to that of Malta, flat catacomb of perished cities, the hill-country of Judah, through whose labyrinths we yesterday wandered, is all explained by a walk up the Vale of Eshcol ; and those who doubt the ancient records of the population, or the census of David or his successors, have only to look at this valley, and by the light of its commentary to read the story of those cities.'' II.

    ESHEAN Oyt^: 2op*<; [Comp. Aid.] Alex. 'Eo-uV: Etaan), one of the cities of Judah, in the mountainous district, and in the same group with Hebron (Josh. xv. 52). The name does not occur again, nor has it been met with in modern times. U.

    E'SHEK (ptpy: 'AcrtiA; Alex. Eo-cAck; [Comp. 'Ao-e*:] Etec), a Benjamite, one of the kite descendants of Saul; the founder of a large and noted fa nily of archers, lit. " traders of the bow " (1 Cht. viii. 39). The name is omitted in the parallel lilt of 1 Chr. ix.

    ESH'KALONITES, THE (accurately "the Eshklonite," ^V^t^n, in the singular num- ber: t

    ESHTAOL (V«$??tf »d >fo?Xfo [r. cent, Ges. ; deep or hoVoa way, Fttrst] : ' AffrsuS*., 'Aci, 'Eo-ftuJA, [etc. : Ertaol,'] Etthaot), a town in the low country — the Sheftiah — of Judah. It is the first of the first group of cities in that dis- trict (Josh. xr. 83), enumerated with Zoreah (Heb Zareah), in company with which It is oommonlj mentioned. Zorah and Eshtaol were two of the towns allotted to the tribe of Dan out of Judah

    Syr. $ Pal. H. 64), Dr. Rosen, who speaks of the mm

    fountain, writes the name as ' Ain-et-KasUtala. Though an expert Arabic scholar, he ion not recognise Urir name as related In any way to Bahooi Res ales Bse> Pkgi. Ototr. p. 121 ■-

    Digitized by



    ^osh. xix. 41). Between them, and behind Kir- jath-jearim, was situated Mahaneh-Dan, the camp ir stronghold which formed the head-quarters of that little community during their constant en- sounters with the Philistines. Here, among the aid warriors of the tribe, Samson spent his boy- hood, and experienced the first impulses of the Spirit of Jehovah ; and hither after his last exploit his body was brought, up the long slopes of the western hills, to it* last rest in the burying-phce of Manoah his father (Jndg. xiii. 25, xvi. 31, xviii. 2, 8, 1 1, 13). [Dan.] In the genealogical records rf 1 Chron. the relationship between Eshtaol, Zareah, and Kirjath-jearim is still maintained.


    Iu the Onomastiem of Eusebhu tnd Jerome Eshtaol is twice mentioned — (1) as Astaol of Ju- dah, described as then existing between Azotus and Ascalon under the name of Aitho; (2) as Esthaul of Dan, ten miles N. of Eleutheropolis. The latter position is hardly more in accordance with the in- dications of the Bible. In more modern times the name has vanished. Zorah has been recognized as Strah (Rob. 3. 14, 16, 224, iu. 163), but the iden- tification of Eshtaol has yet to be made. Schwarz (p. 102) mentions a Tillage named Stunl, west of Zorah, but, apart from the fact that this is corrob- orated by no other traveller and by no map, the situation is too far west to be " behind Kirjath- jearim" if Kuryet eLEnab be Kirjath-jearim, The village marked on the maps of Robinson and Van de Velde, Yethia, and alluded to by the former (iii. 155), is nearer the requisite position; but the resemblance between the two names is too faint to admit of identification. G.



    ESHTAULITES, THE 07^-NpWn, iccurately " the Esbtalilite," in singular number ; viol 'EaSain, Alex.. oi EtrOawAoioi : Eilhaolila), with the Zareathites, were among the families of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). [Eshtaol.]

    ESHTEMO'A, and in shorter form, without the final guttural, ESHTEMOH (yVDijI?^

    *nd n&i^trt4 [tconum of renown, but uncertain] ; the latter occurs in Josh. xv. only: [in Josh, iv.,] oorruptly 'Et «al M«V; Alex. EaQt/ut; [Josh, xxi.,] Tt/ti; [Alex. KaBt/ut; 1 Sam.,] 'Eo-fW [Vat. -«««; Alex. EffOc/ta; 1 Chr. iv. 17, '%a9mr udr; Alex. E(T0€/M>r; vi. 57,] 'Eo4ayu(: Istemo, E$temo, [Etthamo, Etthemo]), a town of Judah, in the mountains; one of the group containing De- bih (Josh. xv. 50). With its "suburbs" Esh- letnoa was allotted to the priests (xxi. 14; 1 Chr. ti. 57). It was one of the places frequented by David and his followers during the long period of their wanderings; and to his friends there he sent presents of the spoil of the Amalekites (1 Sam. xxx. 28, comp. 81). The place was known in the time of Eusebius and Jerome (pragrandit view), though their description of its locality is too vague to enable us to determine it (Onom. EttAemo). But there is little doubt that it has been discovered Dy Dr. Robinson at Semu'a, a village wen miles south nl Hebron, on the grent road from tl-MUh, aontaining considerable ancient remains, and in the aeighborhood of other villages still bearing the nines of its companions in the list of Josh, xv., M Anab, Soeoh, Jattir, Ac. (See Robinson, 1. 494. 1. 204, 205; Schwarz, p. 105; [Wilson, LaivUof


    la tba hats —half genealogical, half topograph-

    ical — of the descendants of Judu in I Chr., Esh- temoa occurs as derived from Ishbah, " the father of Eshtemoa" (1 Chr. iv. 17); Gedor, Soeoh, and Zanoah, all towns in the same locality, being named in the following verse. Eshtemna appears to hare been founded by the descendants of the Egyptian wife of a certain Mend, the three other towns by those of his Jewish wife. See the explanations of Bertheau (Chronile, ad loc.). 0.

    • The " father of Eshtemoa," as Ishbah is called (see above), means that be was its founder or re- pairer, and head of the dan. [Father.] A recent traveller says that the town has now about 500 inhabitants. The ruins there consist of the remains of an early Greek church, many pieces of ancient carving, a marble sarcophagus built into the wall, and numerous sculptured doorways and broken columns (Tristram, Land of Itrael, p. 891, 2d ed.). The " hill-country " of Judah is full of such examples of the ancient prosperity and pre* ent decay. H.

    ESHTEMO'A r/EcrOwpftV; Alex. I«r0c/u»i: Etthamo] in 1 Chr. iv. 19 appears to be the name of an actual person. [Maachathitk.]

    ESHTON (pTlttft* [effeminate or mmiom, Gesen.]: 'KaaaBiv- Etthon), a name which oc- curs in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 11, 12). Hehir was " the father of Esbton," and amongst the names of his four children [three] are two — Beth-rapha and Ir-nahash — which hare the appear ance of being names, not of persons [merely], but of places. G.

    £80,1 (Rec T. 'Eo-Af, [Tiach. and Treg. with] B [Sin. eto] 'EoAsf, probably ==in^?SM, Aea- li ah : EiK, Cod. Amiat. Hetli), son of Nagge oc Naggai, and father of Naum, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke iii. 25). See Hervey, Genttuogie*, Ac., p. 136.

    ESOTRA (KUntpi; [Sin.i Ajxwroiwia; Comp. Aid. 'E<(:] Vulg. omits: the Peshito Syriae reads Belhchorn), a place fortified by the Jews on the approach of the Assyrian army under Hdofer- nes (Jud. ir. 4). The name may be the represent- ative of the Hebrew word Hazor, or Zorah (Si- moms, Onom. N. T. 19), but no identification has yet been arrived at. The Syriae r