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Letter "F" Below


    (jtieot- fibula). Taking the words hole and parable, not in their strict etymological meaning, but in that which has been stamped upon them by current usage, looking, i. e. at the iEaopic Cable as the type of the one, at the Parables of the N. T. as the type of the other, we have to ask (1) in what relation they stand to each other, as instruments of moral teaching? (2 J what use is made in the Bible of this or of that form ? That they have much in common is, of course, obvious enough. In both we find " statements of facts, which do not even pretend to be historical, used as vehicles for the exhibition of a general truth" (Neander, Ltbtn Jew, p. 68). Both differ from the Hythus, in the modern sense of that word, in being the result of a deliberate choice of such a mode of teaching, not the spontaneous, unconscious evolution of thought in some symbolic form. They take their place so far as species of the same genus What are the characteristic marks by which one differs from the other, it is perhaps easier to feel than to define. Thus we have (comp. Trench On ParakUt, p. 9) (lj Lessing's statement that the (able takes the form of an actual narrative, while the Parable assumes only that what is related might bare happened; (2) Herder's, that the difference lies in the fable's dealing with brute or inanimate nature, in the parable's drawing its materials ex- clusively from human life; (3) Olshausen's (on Matt. xiii. 1), followed by Trench (t c), that it is to be found in the higher truths of which the parable is the vehicle. Perhaps the most satisfac- tory summing up of the chief distinctive features of each is to be found in the following extract from Neander (i c): "The parable is distinguished from the fable by this, that, in the latter, qualities, or acta of a higher class of beings may be attributed to a lower (e. g. those of men to brutes) ; while in be former, the lower sphere is kept perfectly dis- tinct from that which it seems to illustrate. The beings and powers thus introduced always follow the law of their nature, but their acta, according to this law, are used to figure those of a higher race. . . . The mere introduction of brutes as personal agents, in the fable, is not sufficient to distinguish it from the parable, which may make use of the ■one contrivance; as, for example, Christ employs -he sheep in one of his parables. The great dis- tinction here, also, lies in what has already been remarked; brutes introduced in the parable act according to the law of thtr nature, and the two spheres of nature and of the kingdom ef God are carefully separated from each other. Hence the 'wdproeal relations of brutes to each other are not Dade uat of, as these could furnish no appropriate linage of the relation between nun and the kingdoo- rfGod."

    Of ♦*» fable, at thus distinguished from the

    parable, we have but two examples in the Btt>k> (1) that of the trees choosing their king, addressee' by Jothani to the men of Shecbem (Judg. ix. 8-15). (8) that of the cedar of Lebanon and the thistle, as the answer of Jehoash to the challenge of Amaziah (2 K. xiv. 9). The narrative of Ez. xvii. 1-10, though, in common with the fable, it brings before us the lower forms of creation as representatives of human characters and destinies, diners from it in the points above noticed, (1) in not introducing them as having human attributes, (2) in the higher prophetic character of the truths conveyed by it. The great eagle, the cedar of Lebanon, the spread- ing vine, are not grouped together as the agents in a fable, but are simply, like the bear, the leopard, and the lion in the visions of Daniel, symbols of the great monarchies of the world.

    In the two instances referred to, the fable has more the character of the Greek divot (QuintU. IruL OraL v. 11) than of the ^u6o>; that is, is less the fruit of a vivid imagination, sporting with the analogies between the worlds of nature and of men, than a covert reproof, making the sarcasm which it affects to hide all the sharper (Muller and Donald- son, HitX. of Greek Literature, voL i. c. xi.). The appearance of the fable thus early in the history of Israel, and its entire absence from the direct teaching both of the O. and N. T. are, each of them in its way, significant. Taking the received chronology, the fable of Jotham was spoken about 1209 B. c. The Arabian traditions of Lokman do not assign to him an earlier date than that of David. The earliest Greek alroi is that of Hesiod (Op. et D. 202), and the prose form of the fable does not meet us till we come (about 550 B. o.) to Stesichorus and .£sop. The first example in the history of Rome is the apologue of Menenius Agrippa b. c. 494, and its genuineness has been questioned on the ground that the fable could hardly at that time have found its way to Latium (Muller and Donaldson, L c). It may be noticed too that when collections of fables became familiar to the Greeks they were looked on as imported, not indigenous. The traditions that surround the name of JEaop, the absence of any evidence that he torot* fables, the traces of eastern origin in those ascribed to him, leave him little more than the representa- tive of a period when the forms of teaching, which had long been familiar to the more eastern nations, were travelling westward, and were adopted eagerly by the Greeks. The collections themselves are described by titles that indicate a foreign origin. They are Libyan (Arist. Rhet. ii. 20), Cyprian, Cilician. All these facts lead to the conclusion that the Hebrew mind, gifted, as it was, in a spe- cial measure, with the power of perceiving analo- gies in things apparently dissimilar, attained, at a very early stage of its growth, the power which does not appear in the history of other nations til) a later period. Whatever antiquity may be ascribed to the fables in the comparatively later collection of the Pancha Tantra, the land of Canaan is, so far as we have any data to conclude from, the fa- therland of fable. To conceive brutes or inani mate objects as representing human characteristics, to personify them as acting, speaking, reasoning, to oVtw lessons from them applicable to human life, — tms must have been common among the Israel- ites in the time of the Judges. The part assigned in the earliest records of the Bible to the impres- sions made by the brute creation on the mind of man • then " the Lord God formed every beast of

    the field and every fowl of the air, and brought them unto Adam to gee what he would call them " 'Gen. ii. 19), and the apparent symbolism of the serpent in the narrative of the Fall (Gen. Hi. 1) an at once indications of teaching adapted to men in the possession of this power, and most hare helped to develops it (Herder, Grill der EbrcA- Kktn Poait, Werke, xxxiv. p. 16, ed. 1828). The large number of proverbs in which analogies of this kind are made the bases of a moral precept, and some of which (e. g. Prov. uvi. 11, xzz. 15, 25- 28) are of the nature of condensed fables, show that there was no decline of this power as the in- tellect of the people advanced. The absence of fables accordingly from the teaching of the 0. T. most be ascribed to their want of fitness to be the media of the truths which that teaching was to convey. The point* in which brutes or inanimate objects present analogies to man are chiefly those which belong to his lower nature, his pride, indo- lence, cunning, and the like, and the lessons derived from tbem accordingly do not rise higher than the prudential morality which aims at repressing such defect* (comp. Trench on the Parables, L c). Hence the fable, apart from the associations of a grotesque and ludicrous nature which gather round it, apart too from its presenting narratives which are u nec vera nee verisimiles" (Cic. de Intent, i. 19), is inadequate as the exponent of the higher truths which belong to man's spiritual life. It may serve to exhibit the relations between man and man ; It foils to represent those between man and God. To do that is the office of the Para- ble, finding it* outward framework in the dealings of men with each other, or in the world of nature as it is, not in any grotesque parody of nature, and exhibiting, in either case, real and not fanciful anal- ogies. The fable seizes on that which man has in common with the creatures below him ; the para- ble rests on the truths that man is made in the image of God, and that " all things are double one against another."

    It is noticeable, as confirming this view of the office of the fable, that, though those of iEsop (so called) were known to the great preacher of righteousness at Athens, though a metrical para- phrase of some of them was among the employ- ment* of his imprisonment (Plato, Phadon, pp. 60, 61), they were not employed by him as illustra- tions, or channels of instruction. While Socrates mows an appreciation of the power of such fables to represent some of the phenomena of human life, he was not, he says, in this sense of the word, wAoXayutis. The myths, which appear in the (Sorgitu, the Phoxtrus, the Phadim, the Republic, are as unlike as possible to the jEsopic fables, are (to take his own account of them) oil fiidoi oXAa Vryoi, true, though figurative, representations of spiritual realities, while the illustrations from the common facts of life which were so conspicuous in oil ordinary teaching, though differing in being comparisons rather than narratives, come nearer to be parables of the Bible (comp. the contrast be- ween to iMxparixi, as examples of the ■wapafioK'k aid the \\6yoi Aimfrreioi, Arist. Rhet. ii. 20). It may be said indeed that the use of the fable as an instrument of teaching (apart from the embellish- etents of wit and fancy with which it is associated jy such writers as Leasing and La Fontaine) be- longs rather to childhood, and the child-like period rf national life, than to a more advanced develop- In the earlier stages of political change, as

    in the cases of Jotham, Steatchorus (Arist. JbUt L c), Henenius Agrippa, it is used as an dement of persuasion or reproof. It ceases to appear in he higher eloquence of orators and statesmen. The special excellence of fables is that they are SiMtir)o- pucol (Arist. Rhet. L c.,, that "ducere animoi soleut, pnecipue rusticorum et imperitorum " (Quint IntL Oral. I. a).

    The fivBoi of false teachers claiming to belong to the Christian church, alluded to by writers of the N. T. in connection with ytrtaktyiai iattm- toi (1 Tim. i. 4), or with epithets 'lovtaucol (Tit. i. 14), ypeutSets (1 Tun. ir. 7), atacxpitTfiiroi (2 Pet. L 16), do not appear to have had the character of fables, properly so called. As applied to them the word takes its general meaning of anything false or unreal, and it does not fall within the scope of the present article to discuss the nature */ the falsehoods so referred to. [See Parable.]

    E. H. P

    FAIR HAVENS (KoAol Ai/tlrcs), a harbor in the island of Chkte (Act* xxvii. 8), not men- tioned in any other ancient writing. There seem* no probability that it is, as Biscoe suggested (on the Acts, p. 347, ed. 1829), the KaM 'Akt4 of Stoph. Byz. — for that is said to be a city, whereas Fair Havens is described as " a place near to which was a city called Lasses " (reVor Tit f tyybs 9" ri\\is A.). Moreover Mr. Pashley found (Trtmls m Crete, vol. ii. p. 67) a district called Actt ; and it is most likely that KoA^ 'AicHi was situated there; but that district is in the W. of the island, whereas Fair Havens was on the S. Its position is now quite certain. Though not mentioned by classical writers, it is still known by it* old Greek name, a* it was in the time of Pococke, and other early travellers mentioned by Mr. Smith ( Vogngt and Shipwreck of Su Paul, 2d ed. pp. 80-82). La- s.tA too has recently been most explicitly discov- ered. In fact Fair Havens appears to have been practically its harbor. These places are situated four or five miles to the E. of Cape Matala, which is the most conspicuous headland on the S. coast of Crete, and immediately to the W. of which the coast trends suddenly to the N. This last circum- stance explains why the ship which conveyed St. Paul was brought to anchor in Fair Havens. In consequence of violent and continuing N. W. winds she had been unable to hold on her course towards Italy from Cnidus (ver. 7), and had run down, by Sahnone, under the lee of Crete. It was possible to reach Fair Havens; but beyond Cape Matala the difficulty would have recurred, so long as the wind remained in the same quarter. A considerable delay took place (vcr. 9) during which it is possible that St. Paul may have had opportunities of preach- ing the gospel at Lasses, or even at Goktyxa, where Jews resided (1 Mace. xv. 23), and which was not far distant; but all this is conjectural A consultation took place, at which it was decided, against the apostle's advice, to make an attempt to reach a good harbor named Phexick, their present anchorage being iwditrot wpbt *apax«ipao"fav (ver. 12). All such terms are comparative: and there is no doubt that, as a sale winter harbor, Fair Havens is infinitely inferior to Phenice ; though perhaps even as a matter of seamanshis St. Paul's advice was not bad. However this may be, the south wind, which sprang up afterwardr (ver. 13), proved delusive ; and the vessel was caught by a hurricane [EunoCLTDOH] on her way to wards Phenice, and ultimately wrecked

    ■ view (p 81j, Mr. Smith gives a chart of Fair Havens wiih tbe soundings (p. 257), from which any one can form a judgment for himself of the merits of the harbor. J. S. H.

    * The result certainly vindicated the prudence of the apostle's advice la his opposition to the sea- men who insisted on leaving Fair Havens and at- tempting to reach Phrenic* (Acts xrvii. 12). It was not a question of the comparative excellence of the two harbors, but of the safety of exchanging one for tbe other under such circumstances. It should have been taken into account at that season of the year that gales of northerly wind, sudden and violent, were liable to spring up at any mo- ment, and in that even' that the ship must be driven off to sea and almost inevitably be wrecked. Paul ere this must have become a cautious as well as experienced navigator. He had " thrice suffered shipwreck, had spent a night and a day in the deep " (9 Cor. xi. 25) before he embarked on this voyage to Rome. Recent observations show that Fair Havens, though not equal to Pbcenice (if that be Luiro), a yet protected to some extent by reds and islands, and not bad as a temporary shelter. (Sea Smith's Voyage ami Shipwreck of Si. Paul, p. 85, 3d ed.) The apostle's advice, therefore, may l« justified on nautical grounds. II.

    (D < ! tiJ9: iyopi: nmdaa, forum), a word which occurs only in Kz. xxvii. and there no less than seven times (ver. 12, 14, 16, 10, 22, 27, 33): in the last of these verses it is rendered " wares," and this we believe to be tbe true mean- ing of the word throughout. It will be observed that the word stands in some sort of relation to

    3"^5P throughout the whole of the chapter, the latter word also occurring seven times, and trans- lated sometimes " market " (ver. 13, 17, 19), and elsewhere "merchandise" (ver. 9, 27, 33, 34). The words are used alternately, and represent tbe alternations of commercial business in which the merchants of Tyre were engaged. That the first of these words cannot signify "fairs" is evident from ver. 12; for the inhabitants of Tarshish did not visit Tyre, but vice rrrid. I-et the reader sub- stitute "paid " or "exchanged for thy wares," for "occupied in thy fairs," and the sense is much improved. The relation which this term bears to mnarab, wbub properly means barter, appears to be pretty much t A jame as exists between exports and imports. The requirements of the Tyrians them- selves, such as slaves (13), wheat (17), steel (19), were a matter of maarab ; but where the business conv««.ed in the exchange of Tyrian wares for for- rign pnA-'i.-tions, it is specified in this form, " Tar- shish paid for thy want with silver, iron, tin, and bed." Tbe use of the terms would piobably have been mo*e intelligible if the prophet had mentioned

    IM root "l^n, " to be red.'

    what the Tyrians gave in exchange: as it is, he only notices the one side of the bargain, namely what the Tyrians received, whether they were buy- ers or sellers. W. L. T i.

    Alex. BoiBa\\os- bubahu). The Heb. word, which is mentioned only in Dcut. xiv. 5, as the name of one of the animals allowed by the LeviU- cal law for food, and in 1 K. Iv. 23, as forming part of the provisions for Solomon's table, appears to point to the Antilope bub i lit, Pallas; the floo- jgoAor of the Greeks (see Herod, iv. 192; Aiis- totle, Hiit. Anim. iii. 6, ed. Schneider, and De Part. a im. iii. 2, 11, ed. Bekker: Oppian, Cyn. ii. 300) i> properly, we believe, identified with the afore- named antelope. From tbe different descriptions of the yachmur, as given by Arabian writers, ar.J cited by Bochart (Hieroz. 'ii. 284 ft".), if. would seem that *hls is the animal denoted; thouk*

    Damir't remarks in some reaped* are fabulous, and he represents the yachmur as having decid- uous horns, which will not apply to any antelope. Still Cazuinus, according to Rosenmuller, identifies the yiichmur ■ with the betkcr-eUoath (" wild cow "\\ which is the modem name in N. Africa for the Analape bubala. Kitto (PicL Bibl. Deut. I c.) ■ays, "The yachmur of the Hebrews is without doubt erroneously identified with the fallow-deer, which does not exist in Asia," and refers the name to the Oryx iKucoryx, citing Niebuhr as authority for stating that this animal is known among the eastern Arabs by the name of yazmvr. The fallow- deer (Ccrrus duma) is undoubtedly a native of Asia; indeed Persia seems to be its proper country. Hasselquist (Trot. p. 211) noticed this deer in Mount Tabor. Oedmann ( Verm. Samml. i. 178) believes that the yachmur is best denoted by the Cerrus damtt. The authority of the LXX., how- ever, in a question of this kind, should decide the matter : accordingly we have little doubt but that the yachmur of the Heb. Scriptures denotes the btkker-tl-irath, or "wild ox," of Barbary and N. Africa. (See Shaw's Travels, p. 242, and Suppl.

    p. 75, folio; Buffbn, llitt. Nntur. xii. 294.) The Greek Boi0a\\ot evidently points to some animal hnving the general appearance of an ox. Pliny (N. ff. viii. 15) tells us that the common people in their ignorance sometimes gave the name of buOalus to the Bison (Auroch) and the Una. He adds, the animal properly so called is produced in Africa, and bears a resemblance to the calf and the stag. That this antelope partakes in external form of the characters belonging both to the cervine and bo- vine ruminants will be evident to any one who glances at the woodcut.

    The bekker-et-iocmh apt«ars to be depicted in the Egyptian monuments, where it is represented as being hunted for the sake of its flesh, which Shaw le'ls us (Suppl. p. 75) is very sweet and nourishing, nach preferable to that of the red deer. (See Wil-

    kinson's Axe. r.gypt. i. 223, figs. 3, 4. and p. Mb fig. lit). This animal, which is about the «iae of a stag, is common in N. Africa, and lives in herd*. We were at one time inclined to refer the Heb ynchmir to the Oryx kucm-yx (see art. Ox); on further investigation, however, we have decided for the Alcelaphtu. The Tti or To may perhaps therefore denote the former antelope. W. H.

    * The Arabic )<»-> is described in a work of

    Natural History as " a species originating in the Barbary States, its size somewhat smaller than the red deer, but in form resembling it, having erect spirally curving ringed horns : the color of its body is reddish-brown, and the belly and inner surface of the thighs are white. The female has no noma. " This description fixes the species as the Alcelaphtu tmbalis. G. E. P.


    iTG'V), found in Lev. xx. 27; 1 Sam. xxviii. 7, 8; 1 Chr. x. 13; 2 Cbr. xxxiii. 6; Is. xxix. 4, viii. 19, and elsewhere. [See Divinatios; Magic] The " familiar " employed in this expression comes from the idea that the necromancers, soothsayers, and the like, had spirits or demons whom they could summon from the unseen world to wait upon them as sen-ants (famuli), and execute their com- mands. See Eastwood and Wright's Bibk Word- Bmk, p. 194. H.

    When the sweet influences of the Pleiades are bound, and the bands of Scorpio cannot be loosed, 6 then it is that famines generally prevail in the Lands of the Bible.

    In Egypt a deficiency in the rise of the Nile, with drying winds produces the same results. The famines recorded in the Bible are traceable to both these phenomena and we generally find that Egypt was resorted to when scarcity afflicted Palestine. This is notably the case in the first three famines, those of Abra- ham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, although in the last case Egypt was involved in the calamity, and only saved from its horrors by the providential policy of Joseph.

    In this instance, too, the famine was widespread, and Palestine further suffered from the restriction which must have been placed on the supplies usually derived, in such circumstances, from Egypt.

    In the whole of Syria and Arabia, the fruits of the earth must ever be dependent on rain; the watersheds having few large springs, and the small rivers not being sufficient for the irrigation of even the level lands. If therefore the heavy rains of November and December fail, the sustenance of the people is cut off in the parching drought of harvest- time, when the country is almost devoid of moist- ure.

    Fur'Jier, the pastoral tribes rely on the scanty herbage of the desert-plains and valleys for their docks and herds ; for the desert is interspersed in spring-time with spontaneous vegetation, which is the product of the preceding rain-fall, and foils almost totally without it It is therefore not diffi cult to conceive the frequent occurrence and severity of famines in ancient times, when the scattered

    Ruber; animal ad genus psrHnens cul

    an apod Arabs* women,

    >> l*jat Is to ray. when the best and most fjrtlliatn| of the rains, which fall when the Pleiades *st at dawa (not exactly heliacally) at the nnd of autumn, Ml rain scarcely ever railing at the oppoatts season, alias

    Scorpio setr at dawn. /^D? Is clearly Serratt, at Cor Scorpion is, as A ben Bsra says.

    population, rather of a pastoral thin an agricultu- ral country ra dependent on natural phenomena which, bowerer regular is their season, oecasio.ially failed, and with them the sustenance of man and

    Egypt, "gain. owa » all > u fertility — a fertility that gained for it the striking comparison to the " garden of the Lord " — to its mighty river, whose annual rise inundates nearly the whole land and renders its cultivation an easy certainty. But this very bounty of nature has not unfrequeutly exposed the country to the opposite extreme of drought. With scarcely any rain, and that only on the Medi- terranean coast, and with wells only supplied by filtration from the river through a nitrous soil, a failure in the rise of the Nile almost certainly entails a degree of scarcity, although if followed by cool weather, and if only the occurrence of a single year, the labor of the people may in a great meas- ure avert the calamity. The causes of dearth and fiuniue in Egypt are occasioned by defective inun- dation, preceded and accompanied ami followed by prevalent easterly and southerly winds. Both these winds dry up the earth, and the Utter, keeping back the rein-clouds from the north, are perhaps the chief cause 0/ the defective inundation, as they are also by their accelerating the current of the river — the northerly winds producing the con- trary efforts. Famines in Egypt and Palestine seem to be affected by drought extending from northern Syria, through the meridian of Egypt, as far as the highlands of Abyssinia.

    The first famine recorded in the Bible is that of Abraham after he had pitched bis tent on the east of Bethel : •' And there was a famine in the laud : and Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there, for the famine was grievous in the laud " (Gen. xii. 10;. We may conclude that this famine was ex- tensive, although this is not quite proved by the fact of Abraham's going to Egypt; for on the occa- sion of the second famine, in the days of Isaac, this patriarch found refuge with Abimelech king of the Philistines in Gerar, and was warned by (iod not to go down into Egypt, whither therefore we may suppose he was journeying (Gen. xxvi. 1 ft'. ). We hear no more of times of scarcity until the great famine of Egypt which " was over all the face of the earth;" "and all countries came into Egypt to Joseph to buy [com], because that the famine was [so] sore in all lands " (Gen. xli. 66, 57). " And the sons of Israel came to buy [corn] among those that came; for the famine was in the land of Canaan" (xlii. 5). Thus in the third generation, Jacob is afflicted by the famine, and sends from Hebron to Egypt when he bears that there is corn there; and it is added in a later passage, on the occasion of his sending the second time for corn to Egypt, " and the famine was sore in the land," i. e. Hebron.

    The famine of Joseph is discussed in art. Egypt, so far as Joseph's history and policy is concerned. It is only necessary here to consider its physical characteristics. We have mentioned the chief causes of famines in Egypt: this instance differs in the providential recurrence of seven years of plenty, whereby Joseph was enabled to provide against the •oming dearth, and to supply not only the popula- ion of Egypt with corn, but those of the surround-

    ing countries: " And the seven yeu 1 of plenteooa- ness, that were in the land of Egypt, were ended And the seven years of dearth began to coins, as- cording u Joseph had said : and the dearth was in all lands; but in all the land of Egypt there was bread. And when all the land of Egypt was famished, the people cried to Pharaoh for bread - and Pharaoh said unto all the Egyptians, Go unto Joseph, and what he saith to you, do. And the famine was over all the face of the earth: and Joseph opened all the storehouses, and sold unto the Egyptians; and the famine waxed sore in the laud of Egypt. And all countries came into Egypt to Joseph for to buy [com], because that the famine was [so] sore in all lands " (Gen. xli. 68- 57).

    The modem history of Egypt throws some curious light on these ancient records of famine; and in- stances of their recurrence may be cited to assist us in understanding their course and extent. They have not been of very rare occurrence since the Mohammedan conquest, according to the testimony of Arab historians: one of great severity, following a deficient rise of the Nile, in the year of the Flight 697 (A. d. 1200), is recorded by 'Abd-El-Lateef, who was an eye-witness, and is regarded justly as a trustworthy authority. He gives a most interest- ing account of its horrors, states that the people throughout the country were driven to the last extremities, eating offal, and even their own dead, and mentions, as an instance of the dire straits to which they were driven, that persons who were burnt alive for eating human flesh were themselves, thus ready roasted, eaten by others. Multitudes fled the country, only to perish in the desert-road to Palestine.

    But the most remarkable famine was that of the reign of the Fiitimee Rhaleefeh, EI-Mustansir billah, which is the only instance on record of one of seven years' duration in Egypt since the time of Joseph (a. H. 457-464, A. D. 1064-1071). This famine exceeded in severity all others of modem times, and was aggravated by the anarchy which then ravaged the country. Vehement drought and pestilence (says Es-Suyootee, in bis Horn el Afohiiilnrah, MS.) continued for seven consecutive years, so that they [the people] ate corpses, and animals that died ot themselves; the cattle perished ; a dog was sold for 5 deenars, and a cat for 3 deenftrs . . . and an ardebb (about 5 bushels) of wheat for 100 deenars, and then it failed altogether. He adds, that all the horses of the Khaleefeh, save three, perished, and gives numerous instances of the straits to which the wretched inhabitants were driven, and of the organized bands of kidnappers who infested Cairo and caught passengers in the streets by ropes fur- nished with books and let down from the bouses. This account is confirmed by El-Makreezee (in his Khitat)," from whom we further learn that the family, and even the women of the Khaleefeh fled, by the way of Syria, on foot, to escape the peril that threatened all ranks of the population. The whole narrative is worthy of attention, since it eon- tains a parallel to the duration of the famine of Joseph, and at the same time enables us to form an idea of the character of famines in the East. The famine of Samaria resembled it in many par- tic'lars; and that very briefly recorded, in- 9 K.

    « Sines writing the above, we find that Qnatremen In his Mtir.c>ns OiogmpM^nu n Butmvfm km sm given a translation of El-M*kr»aM's aocoost ' VKgypte. < UJs (urine, In the lift of KI-MustSDsir, contained I

    rffl. 1, 3, affords mother instance of one of seven year* : " Then spake Kliaha unto the woman whose ■on he had restored to Hfe, saying, Arise, and go, Ihoa and thy household, and sojourn wheresoever thou canst sojourn : for the I/ird hath called for a famine; and it shall also come upon the land seven years. And the wo r an arose, and did after the saying of the man of God : and she went with her household and sojourned in the land of the Philis- tines seven years.'' liunsen (KyypCt Plticr, 4c, ii. 334) quotes the record of a famine in the reign of Sesertesen I., which he supposes to be that of Joseph; but it must be observed that the instance in point is expressly stated not to have extended over the whole laud, and is at least equally likely, apart from chronological reasons, to have been that of Abraham.

    In Arabia, (amines are of frequent occurrence. The Arabs, in such cases, when they could not afford to slaughter their camels, used to bleed them, and drink the blood, or mix it with the shorn fur, making a kind of black-pudding. They ate also various plants and grains, which at other times were not used as articles of food. And the tribe of Haneefeh were taunted with having in a famine eaten their god, which consisted of a dish of dates mashed up with clarified butter and a preparation

    of dried curds of milk (Sikdh, MS., art /uS).

    E. S. P. • FAN. [Agbk-uwuhe, i. 44.]

    Two names of coins in the X. T. are rendered in the A. V. by this word.

    1. KoSodWnf , quadrant (Matt. v. 26 ; Mark xii. 42), a coin current in Palestine in the time of Our Lord. It was equivalent to two Iepta (AraTtk Bio, S 4

    2. 'Katrif iov (Matt. x. 29; Lake xii. 6), properly a small as, auarium, but in the time of our Lord used as the Greek equivalent of the Latin at. The Vulg. in Matt. x. 29 renders it by at, and in Luke xii. 6 puts dijxmditu for two assaria, the dipondius or dupoudius being equal to two asses. The juro-i- .■101/ is therefore either the Roman as, or the more common equivalent in Palestine in the Grteoo- Roman series, or perhaps both ; the last supposition we are inclined to think the most likely. The rendering of the Vulg. in Luke xii. 6 makes it nrobable tint a single coin is intended by two lararia, and this opinion is strengthened by the

    • * for to* (amine predicted by Aftbos, which to tot reign of Claudius (Ac's *!• 38). —



    occurrence, on coins of Chios, struck daring tbt imperial period, but without the heads of a m parot s and therefore of the Greet autonomous caws, of the words ACCAPION, ACCAPIA ATO, ACCA PIA TPIA- K. S. 1*.

    FASTS. The won! BIS, wqcrrtla, jejmium, is not found in the Pentateuch, but it often occurs in the historical books and the Prophets (2 Sam. xii. 16; 1 K. xxi. 9-12; Err. viii. 21; Ps. Ixix. 10; Is. Iviii. 5; Joel i. 14, ii. 15; Zeeh. viii. 19, &c). In the Law, the only term used to denote the religious observance of fasting is the more sig- nificant one, t&3.? H37 : rawtwom tV dr>x4 r - affligere ammam : "afflicting the soul" (Lev. xvi. 29-31, xxiii. 27; Num. xxx. 13). The word

    iTOSfjl, i. e. affliction, which occurs Ear. ix. 5, where it is rendered in A. V. " heaviness," is com- monly used to denote fasting in the Talmud, and is the title of one of its treatises.

    I. One fast only was appointed by the Law, that on the day of Atonement [ Atonement, Dat of.] There is no mention of any other periodical fast in the 0. T., except in Zech. vii. 1-7, viii. 19. From these passages it appears that the Jews, during their Captivity, observed four annual fasts in the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth mouths. When the building of the second Temple had com- menced, those who remained in Babylon sent a mes- sage to the priests at Jerusalem to inquire whether the observance of the fast in the fifth month should not be discontinued. The prophet takes the occa- sion to rebuke the Jews for the spirit in which tbey had observed the fast of the seventh month as well as that of the fifth (vii. 5-6); and afterwards (viii. 19), giving the subject an evangelical turn, he de- clares that the whole of the four fasts shall be turned to "joy and gladness, and cheerful feasts." Zechariah simply distinguishes the fasts by the months in which they were observed ; but the Mishna (Taanilh, iv. 6) and S. Jerome (m Zath- ariam viii.) give statements of certain historical events which they were intended to commemorate : —

    The fast of the fourth month. — The breaking of the tables of the Law by Moses (Ex. xxxii.), and the storming of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. Hi.).

    The fast of the fifth month. — The return of the spies, Sec. (Num. xiii., xiv.), the Temple burnt by Nebuchadnezzar, and again by Titus ; and the ploughing up of the site of the temple, with the capture of liether, in which a vast number of Jews from Jerusalem had taken refuge in the time of Hadrian.

    The fast of the seventh month. — The complete sack of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar and the death ofGedalioh (2 K. xxv.).

    The fast of the tenth month. — The receiving by Ezekiel and the other captives in Babylon of the news of the destruction of Jerusalem.

    Some other events mentioned In the Mishna are omitted as unimportant. Of those here stated several could have had nothing to do with the fasts in the time of the prophet. It would seem most probable, from the mode in which he has g ro u ped them together, that the original purpose of all font wss to commemorate the circumstances co nn ecte d with the commencement of the Captivity, sod thai the other events were subsequently associated witr them on the ground of some real or fancied eoin- cideoce of the time of occurrence. Aaieoarditb*

    Digitized by



    ,W / the fifth month, at least, it can hardly be duubted that the captive Jews applied it exclusively to the destruction of the Temple, and that S. Jerome was right in regarding ai the reason of their request to be released from its observance, the fact that it had no lunger any purpose after the new Temple was begun. Ai this fast (as well as the three ithers) is still retained in the Jewish Calendar, we must infer either that the priests did not agree with the Babylonian Jews, or that the fast having been discontinued for a time, was renewed after the destruction of the Temple by Titus.

    The number of annual fasts in the present Jewish Calendar has been multiplied to twenty-eight, a list of which is given by Keland (Antiq. p. 37*).

    II. Public fasts were occasionally proclaimed to express national humiliation on account of sin or •nidbrtune, and to supplicate divine favor in regard to some great undertaking or threatened danger. In the ease of public danger, the proclamation ap- pears to have been accompanied with the blowing of trumpets (Joel ii. 1-15; cf. Taanith, 1. 6). The following instances are recorded of strictly national Easts : Samuel gathered " all Israel " to Mizpeh and proclaimed a fast, performing at the same time what seems to have been a rite symbolical of puri- fication, when the people confessed their sin in hav- ing worshipped Baalim and Ashtaroth (1 Sam. vii. 0); Jehoshaphat appointed one "throughout all Judah " when he was preparing for war against Moab and Amnion (2 Chr. xx. 3); in the reign of Jehoiakim, one was proclaimed for " all the people ill Jerusalem and all who came thither out of the cities of Judah," when the prophecy of Jeremiah was publicly read by Baruch (Jer. xxxvi. 6-10; cf. Baruch i. 5) ; three days after the feast of Tab- ernacles, when the second Temple was completed, •• the children of Israel assembled with fasting and with sackclothes and earth upon them " to hear the law read, and to confess their sins (Neh. ix. 1). There are references to general fasts in the Prophets (Joel i. 14, 11. 15; Is. lviii.), and two are noticed in the books of the Maccabees (1 Mace. iii. 40-47 ; 2 Mace xill. 10-13).

    There are a considerable number of instances of cities and bodies of men observing fasts on occa- sions in which they were especially concerned. In the days of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, when the men of Judah had been defeated by those of Benjamin, they fasted in making preparation for another battle (Judg. xx. 28). David and his men fasted for a day on account of the death of Saul (2 Sam. L 13), and the men of Jabesh-Gilead fasted seven days on Saul's burial (1 Sam. xxxi. 13). Jezebel, in the name of Ahab, appointed a fast for the inhabitants of Jezreel, to render more striking, as it would seem, the punishment about to be inflicted on Naboth (1 K. xxi. 9-13). Ezra proclaimed a fast for his companions at the river of Ahava, when he was seeking for God's help and guidance in the work he was about to undertake (Ear. viii. 31-33). Esther, when she was going to intercede with Ahasuerus, commanded the Jews of Shushan neither to eat nor drink for three days (Each. rv. 16).

    Public fasts expressly on account of unseasonable weather and of famine, may perhaps be traced in the first and second chapters of Joel. In later iutes they assumed great importance and form the mam subject of the treatise Taanith In the Mohna.

    MI. Private occasional fasts are recognised in sat nasaaiie of the Law (Num. xxx. 13). The in-



    given cf Individuals fasting under the mfu- enee of grief, \\ nation, or anxiety, are numerous (1 Sam. i. 7, xx. 34: 2 Sam. iii. 35, xii. 16; 1 K. xxi. 27; Ezr. x. 6; Neb. 1. 4; Dan. x. 3). The fasts of forty days of Moses (Ex. xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 28; Deut. ix. 18) and of Elijah (1 K. xix. 8) are, of course, to be regarded as special acts of spiritual discipline, faint though wonderful shadows of that fast in the wilderness of Judaea, in which all true fasting finds its meaning.

    IV. In the N. T. the only references to the Jewish fasts are the mention of "the Fast" ir Acts xxvii. 9 (generally understood to denote the Day of Atonement), and the allusions to the weekly fasts (Matt. ix. 14; Mark ii. 18; Luke v. 33, xviU. 12; Acta x. 30). These fast* originated some time after the Captivity. They were observed on tin? second and fifth days of the week, which, being appointed as the days for public fasts ( Taanith, ii 9), seem to have been selected for these private vol untary fasts. The Gemara states that they were chosen because Moses went up Mount Sinai on the fifth day and came down on the second. All that can be known on the subject appears to be given by Urotius, Lightfbot, and Schoettgen on Luke xviii. 12; and Lightfoot on Matt. ix. 14.

    A time of fasting for believers in Christ is fore- told Matt ! .x. 16, and a caution on the subject is given Matt. vi. 16-18. Fasting and prayer an spoken of as the great sources of spiritual strength. Matt. rvii. 21; Mark ix. 39; 1 Cor. vii. 5; and they are especially connected with ordination, Acts xiii. 3, xiv. 33.

    V. The Jewish fasts were observed with various degrees of strictness. Sometimes there was entire abstinence from food (Esth. iv. 16, 4c.). On other occasions there appears to have been only a restric- tion to a very plain diet (Dan. x. 3). Rules are given in the Talmud (both in Joma and Taanith) as to the mode in which fasting is to be observed on particular occasions. The fast of the day, accord- ing to Josephus, was considered to terminate at sun- set, and St. Jerome speaks of the fasting Jew as anxiously waiting for the rising of the stars. Fasts were not observed on the Sabbaths, the new moons, the great festivals, or the feasts of Purim and Ded ication (Jud. viii. 6; Taanith, ii. 10).

    Those who fasted frequently dressed in sackcloth or rent their clothes, put ashes on their head and went barefoot (1 K. xxi. 27; cf. Joseph. Ant. viii 13, § 8; Neb. ix. 1; Ps. xxxv. 18). The rabbin ical directions for the ceremonies to be observed in public fasts, and the prayers to be used in them, may be seen in Taanith, ii. 1-4.

    VI. The sacrifice of the personal will, which gives to fasting all its value, is expnssed in the old term used in the law, afflicting the tout. The faithful son of Israel realized the bussing of " chas- tening his soul with fasting " (Ps. lxix. 10). Bat the frequent admonitions and stern denundatious of the prophet* may show us how prone the Jews were, in their formal fasts, to lose the idea of a spiritual discipline, and to regard them as being in themselves a means of winning favor from God, or, in a still worse spirit, to make a parade of them in order to appear religious before men (Is. lviii. 3, Zech vii. 6, 6; Mai. iii. 14; comp. Matt. vi. 16).


    • The word pyO in Arabic, to* same root u I31S, signifies abstinence from food, drink m»

    Digitized by




    venation, and sexual intercourse. This a undoubt- edly the true intent of Casting, perfect absorption In religion to the exclusion of all sensual occupa- tions or delights. G. £. P.

    FAT. The Hebrews distinguished between the

    suet or pure fat of an animal (2771), and the fat

    which was intermixed with the lean (S'&QtpQ,

    Neb. riii. 10). Certain restrictions were imposed upon tbem in reference to the former: some parts of the suet, namely, about the stomach, the entrails, the kidneys, and the tail of a sheep, which grows to an excessive size in many eastern countries, and pro- duces a large quantity of rich fat [Sheep], were for- bidden to be eaten in the case of animals offered to Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 9. 17, vii. 3, 23). The ground of the prohibition was that the fat was the richest part of the animal, and therefore be- longed to Him (iii. 16). It has been supposed that other reasons were superadded, as that the use of fat was unwholesome in the hot climate of Pales- tine. There appears, however, to be no ground for such an assumption. The presentation of the fat as the richest part of the animal was agreeable to the dictates of natural feeling, and was the ordinary practice even of heathen nations, as instanced in the Homeric descriptions of sacrifices ( II. i. 460, ii. 423; Od. iii. 457), and in the customs of the Egyptians (Her. ii. 47), and Persians (Strab. xv. p. 732). Indeed, the term cheleb is itself significant of the feeling on which the regulation was based : for it describes the but of any production (Geo. xlv. 18; Num. xviii. 12; Ps. lxxxi. 16, cxlvii. 14; compare 2 Sam. i. 22; Judg. iii. 29; Is. x- IB). With regard to other parts of the fat of sacrifices or the fat of other animals, it might be consumed, with the exception of those dying either by a violent or a natural death (Lev. vii. 24), which might still he used in any other way. The burning of the fat of sacrifices was particularly specified in each land of offering, whether a peace-offering (Lev. iii. 9), consecration-offering (viil. 25), sin-offering (Iv. 8), trespass-offering (vii. 3), or redemption-offering ;Num. xviii. 17). The Hebrews fully appreciated .he luxury of well-fatted meat, and had their stall- fed oxen and calves (1 K. iv. 23; Jer. xlvl. 21; Luke xv. 23) ; nor is there any reason to suppose its use unwholesome. W. L. B.

    FAT, »". t. Vat. The word employed in the A. V. to translate the Hebrew term SiT., Yeltb, In Joel ii. 24, iii. 13 only. The word 'commonly used for ytktb, indiscriminately with gath, D3, is " wine-press " or " wine-fat," and once " press-fat " (Hag. ii. 16); but the two appear to be distinct — gath the upper receptacle or " press " in which the crapes were trod, and ytktb the " vat," on H lower level, into which the juice or must was collected. The word is derived by Gesenius (Thes. p. 619 6) frotu a root signifying to hollow or dig out; and in accordance with this is the practice in Palestine, where the "wine-press" and "vat*" appear to have been excavated out of the native rock of the "lills on which the vineyards lay. One such, ap- sarently ancient, is described by Kobinson as at Hablth in central Palestine (iii. 137), and another, orobably more modern, in the Lebanon (p. 603). The worr* rendered " wine-fat " in Mark xii. 1 is .■woAtjwov, which is frequently used by the I. XX. to ' i $*letb in the O. T. [Wink-press.] G.


    FATHER (Ab, 3>», Chald. Abba, K^W, Mail xiv. 86, Rom. viii. 15: vaHif. pattr: a primitive word, hut following the analogy of H^lH, to ikon kmbuu, Gesen. The: pp. 6-8).

    The position and authority of the father as the head of the family is expressly assumed and sanc- tioned in Scripture, as a likeness of that of the Almighty over bis creatures, an authority — as Philo remarks — intermediate between human and divine (Philo, w,p\\ yoriar Tl/iijt, § 1)- It lie* of course at the root of that so-called patriarchal government (Gen. iii. 16 ; 1 Cor. xi. 3), which was introductory to the more definite systems which followed, and which in part, but not wholly, super- seded it. When, therefore, the name of "father

    of nations " (OffON) was given to Abram, be was thereby held up not only as the ancestor, but as the example to those who should come after him (Gen. xviii. 18, 19; Koin. iv. 17). The fathers blessing was regarded as conferring special benefit, but his malediction special injury on those on whom it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, xxvii. 27-40, xlviii. 15, 20, xlix.); and so also the sin of a parent was held to affect, iu certain cases, the welfare of his descend- ants (2 K. v. 27), though the forbade the pun- ishing of the son for his father's transgression (Deut. xxiv. 16; 2 K. xiv. 6 ; Ex. xviii. 20). The command to honor pareuts is noticed by St. Paid as the only one of the Decalogue which bore a dis- tinct promise (Ex. xx. 12; Eph. vi. 2), and disre- spect towards them was condemned by the Law as one of the worst of crimes (Ex. xxi. 15, 17; 1 Tim. 1, 9; comp. Virg. jEn. vi. 609; Aristoph Ran. 274-773). Instances of legal enactment in support of parental authority are found in Ex. xxii. 17; Num. xxx. 3, 5, xii. 14; Deut xxi. 18, 31; Lev. xx. 9, xxi. 9, xxii. 12; and the spirit of the Law in this direction may be seen in Prov. xiii. 1, xv. 5, xvii. 25, xix. 13, xx. 20, xxviii. 24, xxx. 17; Is. xlv. 10; Hal. i. 6. The father, however, had not the power of death over his child (Deut. xxi. 18-21; Philo, I. c).

    From the patriarchal spirit, also, the principle of respect to age and authority in general appears to be derived. Thus Jacob is described as blessing Pharaoh (Gen. xlvii. 7, 10; comp. Lev. xix. 32; Prov. xri. 31; Philo, I c § 6).

    It is to this well-recognized theory of parental authority and supremacy that the very various uses of toe term "father" in Scripture are due. (1.) As the source or inventor of an art or practice (Gen. iv. 20, 21; John viii. 44; Job xxxviii. 28, xvii. 14; 2 Cor. 1, 3). (2.) As an object of respect or reverence (Jer. ii. 27; 2 K. ii. 12, v. 13, vi. 21). (3.) Thus also the pupils or scholars of the pro- phetical schools, or of any teacher, are called sons (2 K. ii. 3, iv. 1 ; 1 Sam. x. 12, 27; 1 K. xx. 35; Heb. xll. 9; 1 Tim. i. 2). (4.) The term father, and also mother, is applied to any ancestor of the male or female lute respectively (la. Ii. 2; Jer. xxxv. 6, 18; Dan. v. 2; 2 Sam. ix. 7; 2 Chr. xr. 16). (5.) In the Talmud the term father is used to in dicate the chief, t. g. the principal of certain works are termed "fathers." Objects whose contact causes pollution are called " fathers " of defnemets (Mishn. Shabh. vii. 2, vol. ii. p. 2». Punch, I 6 vol. ii. p. 137, Surenh.). (6.) \\ protector or guardian (Job xxix. 16; Ps. lxviii. 6; Deut xxxfi 6). Many personal names are found with the prefc

    Digitized by



    5JJ, as Absalom, Abishai, Abiram, Ac., implying nma quality or attribute possessed, 01 ascribed (Gem. pp. 8, 10).

    u Fathers " ii uaed in the sense of seniors (Acta rii. 9, xxii. 1), and of parents in general, or ances- tors (Dan. v. 2; Jer. xxvii. 7; Matt. xxui. 30, 32).

    Among Mohammedans parental authority has great weight during the time of pupilage. The son it not allowed to eat, scarcely to sit in his father's presence. Disobedience to parents is reckoned one of the must heinous of crimes (Burckhardt, Notts on Bed. i. 355; lane, Mod. Egypt, i. 84; Atkin- son, Travels in Siberia, Ac. p. 559). II. W. P. 0*

    * The Arabio i»j I, '• father," denotes the person by whose means 'a thing is made, repaired, or caused to appear, as well as the parent

    G. E.P. FATHOM. [Measures.]

    * FAUOHION, a short sword (Jud. xiil. 6 and xvi. 9), less common tbtafaichion or/aulchion, in each form now almost obsolete. It stands for ixtrd/rns, a transferred Persian word. It is the name of the weapon with which Judith slew Holo- fenm (see Fritzache, Uandb. zu den Apokryphen desA.T.1 196). H.

    FEASTS. [Festivals.]

    * FEET. For various customs in relation to ine feet, see Dust; Mourning; Sandal; and Washing tiik Hands and Feet. *

    FEXIX (*ij\\<{ , Acts xxiii.-xxiv.: [Felix, hap- py, fortunate;] in Tac. Hist v. 9, called Antonius Felix; in Suidss, Claudius Felix; in Joaephus and .Vets, simply Felix ; so also in Tac. Ann. xii. 64), a Roman procurator of Judaea, appointed by the Emperor Claudius, whose freedman he was, on the Danishment of Ventidius Cumanus in A. D. 53. Tacitus (Ann. xii. 54) states that Felix and Cu- manus were joint procurators, Cumanus having Galilee, and Felix, Samaria. In this account Tacitus is directly at issue with Joaephus (Ant. xx. 6, 2-7, 1), and Is generally supposed to be in error; but his account is very circumstantial, and by adopting it we should gain some little justification for the txpreesion of St Paul, Acts xxiv. 10, that Felix ud been judge of the nation " for many years." rhose words, however, must not even thus be ■Josely pressed; for Cumanus himself only went to lixfaea in the eighth year of Claudius (Joseph. Ant. ex. 5, § 2). Felix was the brother of Claudius's powerful freedman Pallas (B. J. ii. 12, § 8; ArO. tx. 7, J 1); and it was to the circumstance .f Pause's influence surviving his master's death (Tacit. Ann. xiv. '65) that Felix was retained in his procuratonihip by Nero. He ruled the province in a mean, cruel, and profligate manner, " per omnem uevitiam et libidinetn jus regium servili inrenio exercuif" (Tac. Hist v. 9, and Ann. xii. 64). With this compendious description the fuller details ■>f Josopbiis a^ree, though his narrative is tinged sith his hostility to the Jewish palnots and zealots, whom, under the name of robbers, he describes Felix as putting down and crucifying by hundreds. His period of office was full of troubles and sedi- ions. We read of his putting down false Messiahs Joseph. Ant xx. 8, § 6; B. J. ii. 13, § 4); the ollowers of an Egyptian magician (Ant xx. 8, § A B. J. ii. 13, § S; Acts xxi. 38); riots between the lavs and Syrians in Ccroarea (Ant xx. 8, § 7; H. J ii. 3, f 7), and between the priests and the



    principal citizens of Jerusalem (Ant xx. 8, } 8; Joseph. Lift, 3). He once employed the sicarii for his own purposes, to bring about the murder of the high-priest Jonathan (Ant xx. 8, § 5). His severe measures and cruel retributions seemed only to accelerate the already rapid course of the Jews to ruin: " intempestivia remodiia delicti accende- bat" (Tac Ann. xii. 54; t ic6\\tpos Kaff fodoar aypStrt(tro, Joseph. B. J. ii. 13, § 6). St Paul was brought before Felix in Csesarea, having been sent thither out of the way of the Jews at Jerusalem by the " chief captain " Claudius Lysias. Some effect was produced on the guilty conscience of the procurator, as the Apostle reasoned of righteous- ness, and temperance, and judgment to come; but St Paul was remanded to prison and kept there, in hopes of extorting money from him, two years (Acts xxiv. 26, 27). At the end of that time Porcius Festus [Fkstus] was appointed to super- sede Felix, who, on his return to Home, was accused by the Jews in Cssarea, and would have suffered the penalty due to his atrocities, had not his brother Pallas prevailed with the Emperor Nero to spare him (Ant xx. 8, § 9). This was probably in the year 60 a. d. (Anger, De temporum in Act Apost ratione, Ac., p. 100; Wieseler, Ckronotogie dtr AposUlgeschickle, pp. 66-82). The wife of Felix was Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa I. the former wife of Azizus King of Emesa. [Dkusilla.]

    H. A. * FELLER (Is. xiv. 8), a cutter of wood (from the Anglo-Saxon, feiian, to fell). The prophet represents the cedars of Lebanon as shouting in the lower world, over the fall of Sennacherib, their great destroyer: " Since thou art laid low, no feller is come up against us." H.

    FENCED CITIES (BH^in, ot n'n^a, Dan. xi. 15, from "1?^, cut off, sep- arate, equivalent to D"H^ tyv^p^ Ota. Ml« w4\\eis &xvpal, rtixfiottt, rrrtrj^tapAraf. tiroes, or chittttes, murata, mvnUa. mmatissima, fotna). The broad distinction between a city and a village in Biblical language has been shown to consist in the possession of walls. [City.] The city had walls, the village was unwalled,* or had only a

    watchman's tower (v^JKJ : ripyof. turns cus- todum ; compare Gesen. 267), to which the villagers resorted in times of danger. A threefold distinc- tion is thus obtained — (1) cities ; (2) unwalled villages; (3) villages with castles or towers (I Chr. xxvii. 25). The district east of the Jordan, form ing the kingdoms of Moab and Bashan, is said to have atxiunded from very early times in castles and fortresses, such ss were built by Uzziah to protect the cattle, and to repel the inroads of the neigh boring tribes, besides unwalled towns (Amm. Marc, xiv. 9; Deut iii. 6; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). Of the* many remains are thought by Mr. Porter to exist at the present day ( Dimasetu, ii. 197). The dangers to which unwalled villages are exposed from the marauding tribes of the desert, and also the fortifi- cations by which the inhabitants sometimes pro- tect themselves, are illustrated by Sir J. Malcolm (Sketches of Persia, c xiv. 148; and Frsser, Persia, pp. 379, 380 ; oomp. Judg. v. 7). Villages in the Hauran are sometimes inclosed by a wall, or rather the houses being joined together form a defense against Arab robbers, and the entrance is closed by a gate (Burckhardt, Sgria, p. 213).

    Digitized by




    A Anther characteristic of a city as a fortified place ia founil in the u«e of the word

    The fortifications of the titles of Palestine, thus regularly " fenced," consisted of one or more wails

    ia owned with bat demented parapets, ni2Q, having towers at regular intervals (2 Chr. xxxii. 5; Jer. xzzi. 88), on which in later times engines of war were placed, and watch was kept by day and night in lime of war (2 Chr. zxvi. 9, 15; Judg. ix. 45; I K. ix. 17). Along the oldest of the three walls

    frails of Antloch. remarkable for their strength, and the manner In which the/ are carried op and down the sides of mountains.

    of Jerusalem there were 90 towers ; in the second, 14; and in the third, 60 (Joseph. B. J. v. 4, § 2). One such tower, that of Hananeel, is repeatedly mentioned (Jer. xxxi. 38; Zech. xiv. 10), as also others (Neh. iii. 1, 11, 27). The gate-ways of for- tified towns were also fortified and closed with Mrong doors (Neh. il. 8, iii. 3, 6, Ac. ; Judg. xvi. 2, 3; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 2 Sam. xviii. 24, 33; 2 Chr. tiv. 7; 1 Mace xiii. 33, xv. 39). In advance of the wall there appears to have been sometimes an

    outwork ( v^n, wpoT«(x«rjua), in A. V. « ditch " (1 K. xxi. 93; 2 Sam. xx. 15; Gea. The*, p. 454), which was perhaps either a palisade or wall lining 'he ditch, or a wall raised midway within the ditch itself. Both of these methods of strengthening fortified places, by hindering the near approach of machines, were usual in earlier Egyptian fortifica- tion (Wilkinson, Anc. Kt/xpt. i. 408), but would generally be of less use in the hill forts of Palestine than in Egypt. In many towns there was a keep or citadel for a last resource to the defenders. Those remaining in the fftmrdn and lAdja are square. Such existed at Sbechem and Thebez (Judg. ix. 46, 61, viii. 17; 2 K. ix. 17), and the {teat forts or towers of Psephinus, Hippicus, and stpeehdly Antonss, served a similar purpose, as well


    4S that of overawing the town at Jerusalem. Tnast forts were well furnished with cisterns (Aot* xxi. 34; 2 Mace v. 5 ; Joseph. Ant xviii. 4, § 3; B. J. i. 5, § 4, v. 4, § 2, vi. 2, § 1). At the time of the entrance of Israel into Canaan c*.n were many fenced cities existing, which first caused great alanx; to the exploring party of searchers (Num. xiii. 28), and afterwards gave much trouble to the people in subduing them. Many of these were refbrtified, or, as it is expressed, rebuilt by the Hebrews (Nuxu. xxxii. 17, 34-42; Dent, iii. 4, 5; Josh. xi. 12, 18; Judg. i. 27-33), and many, especially those on the sea-coast, remained for a long time in the posses sion of their inhabitants, who were enabled to preserve them by means of their strength in chariots (Josh. xiii. 3, 6, xvii. 16; Judg. i. 19; 2 K. xviii. 8; 9 Chr. xxvi. 6). The strength of Jerusalem was shown by the fact that that city, or at least the citadel, or " stronghold of Zlon," remained in the possession of the Jebusites until the time of David (2 Sam. v. 6, 7; 1 Chr. xi. 5). Among the kings of Israel and Judah several are mentioned aa fortifiers or "builders" of cities: Solomon (1 K.. ix. 17-19; 2 Chr. viii. 4-«), Jeroboam I. (1 K. xu. 25), Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 5, 12), Baasha (1 K. xv. 17), Omri (1 K. xvi. 24), Hanldan (2 chr. xxxii. 6), Asa (2 Chr. xiv. 6, 7), Jehoshapbat (2 Chr. xvii. 12), but especially Uzziah (2 K. xiv. 22; 2 Chr. xxvi. 2, 9, 15), and in the reign of Ahab the town of Jericho was rebuilt and fortified by a private individual, Hiel of Bethel (1 K. xvi. 34). Herod the Great was conspicuous in fortifying strong positions, as Msssda, Machieros. Herodium, besides his great works at Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. vii. 6, §§ 1, 2, and 8, § 3; B. J. 1. 91, $ 10; Ant. xiv. 13, 9).

    But the fortified places of Palestine served only in a few instances to cheek effectually the progress of an invading force, though many instances of determined and protracted resistance are on record, as of Samaria for three years (2 K. xviii. 10), Jerusalem (2 K. xxv. 8) for four months, and in

    The so-called Oolden Oats of Jerusalem, showtnf sap- posed remains of the old *«wUh Wall.

    later times of Jotapata, Gamala, Machnrus, Masada. and above aU uerunuem itself, the strength of whose defenses drew forth the admiration of the conqueror Titos (Joseph. B. J. iU. 6, iv. 1 and 9, vii. «, M 9-4 and 8; Robb son, I. 939).

    Digitized by





    Aejvriao Fortifioattom. (Urald.)

    Tin earlier Egyptian fortifications consisted usually of a quadrangular and sometimes double trail of Bun-dried brick, fifteen feet thick, and often fifty feet in height, with square towers at intervals, of the same height as the walls, both crowned with a parapet, and a round-beaded battlement in shape like a shield. A second lower wall with towers at the entrance was added, distant 13 or 20 feet from the main wall, and sometimes another was made of 70 or 100 feet in length, projecting at right angles from the main wall to enable the defenders to annoy the assailants in flank. The ditch was sometimes fortified by a sort of tenaille in the ditch itself, or a ravelin on its edge. In later times the practice •f fortifying towns was laid aside, and the large temples with their inclosures were made to serve the purpose of forts (Wilkinson, Ane. Egypt i. 408, 409, abridgm.).

    The fortifications of Nineveh, Babylon, Ecbatana, and of Tyre and Sidon, are all mentioned, either in the canonical books or the Apocrypha. In the sculptures of Nineveh representations are found of walled towns, of which one is thought to represent Tyre, and all illustrate the mode of fortification adopted both by the Assyrians and their enemies 'Jer. li. 30-32, 58; Am. i. 10; Zech. ii. 3; Ez. •rvii. 11; Nab. iii. 14; Tob. i. 17, xiv. 14, 15; »ud. i. 1, 4; Layard, Nin. vol. li. pp. 276, 279, 388, 395; Nin. f Bab. pp. 231, 358; Mm. of Sin. pt. U. 39, 43). H. W. P.

    FERRET (n|73y : nvya^if. mygaU), one of the unclean creeping things mentioned in I.ev. xl. 30. The fivyakt of Aristotle (Hist. An. viii. 24) is the .Was amneus, at shrew-mouse; but it it more probable that the animal referred to in Lav. was a reptile of the lizard tribe, deriving its name from the mournful cry, or wail, which some lizards

    • The orlgi tal meaning of the word 21"! 62

    Is a

    utter. The root is p3*}, to sigh or groan, The Rabbinical writers seem to have identified this an- imal with the hedgehog: see Lewysobn, ZoSL dt* Tulmuds, §§ 129, 134. W. D.

    FESTIVALS (□ s |n).<" The object of this article is merely to give a classification of the sacred times of the Hebrews, accompanied by some gen- eral remarks. A particular account of eech festival is given in its proper place.

    I. The religious times ordained in the law fall under three beads; (1.) Thoee formally connected with the institution of the Sabbath. (-2.) The his- torical or great festivals. (3.) The Day of Atone- ment.

    (1.) Immediately connected with the institution of the Sabbath are —

    (a.) The weekly Sabbath itself.

    (4.) The seventh new moon or Feast of Trumn- ets.

    (c) The Sabbatical Tear.

    (d.) The Year of Jubilee.

    (2.) The great leasts (D^TS'lDi in the Tal- mud, D s 7j^, pilgrimngi feasts) are —

    («.) The Passover.

    (». ) The Feast of Pentecost, of Weeks, of Wheat- harvest, or of the First- Fruiti.

    (c.) The Feast of Tabernacles, or of Ingather- ing.

    On each of these occasions every male Israelite was commanded " to appear before the Lord," that is, to attend in the court of the tabernacle or the Temple, and to make his offering with a Joyful heart (Dent, xxrii. 7; Neh. viii. 9-12; cf. Joseph. Ant. xi. 5, § 6). The attendance of women was voluntary, but the zealo-js often went up to the

    " dance." from die i

    Tie modem Arable term Had) to astir** ass* mot (Own Vus. p 444).

    Digitized by



    Passover. Thus Mary attended it (Luke U. 41), and Hannah (1 Sam. i. 7, ii. 19). Aa might be supposed, there was a stricter obligation regarding the Passover than the other feasts, and hence there was an express provision to enable those who, by unavoidable circumstances or legal impurity, had been prevented from attending at the proper time, to observe the feast on the same day of the succeed- ing month (Num. ix. 10-11).

    On all the days of Holy Convocation there was to be an entire suspension of ordinary labor of all kinds (Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xvi. 89, xxiii. -21, 24, 25, 35). But on the intervening days of the longer festivals work might be carried on."

    Besides their religious purpose, the ^reat festi- vals must have had an important bearing on the maintenance of a feeling of national unity. This may be traced in the apprehensions of Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 26, 27), and in the attempt at reforma- tion by Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxx. 1), as well aa in the necessity which, in later times, was felt by the Roman government of mustering a considerable military force at Jerusalem during the festivals (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 9, § 3, xvii. 10, § 2; cf. Matt. xxvi. 5; Luke xiii. 1).

    The frequent recurrence of the sabbatical num- ber in the organization of these festivals is too remarkable to be passed over, and (as Ewald has observed) seems, when viewed in connection with the sabbatical sacred times, to furnish a strong proof that the whole system of the festivals of the Jewish law was the product of one mind, l'ente- cost occurs seven weeks after the Passover; the Passover and the Keast of Tabernacles last seven days each; the days of Holy Convocation are seven in the year — two at the Passover, one at Pentecost, one at the Feast of Trumpets, one on the Day of Atonement, and two at the Feast of Tabernacles; the Feast of Tabernacles, as well as the Day of Atonement, falls in the seventh month of the sa- cred year; and, lastly, the cycle of annual feasts occupies seven months, from Nisan to Tisri.

    The agricultural significance of the three great festivals is clearly set forth in the account of the Jewish sacred year contained in Lev. xxiii. The prominence which, not only in that chapter but elsewhere, is given to this significance, in the names by which Pentecost and Tabernacles are often called, and also by the offering of "the first-fruits of wheat-harvest" at Pentecost (Ex. xxxiv. 92), and of "the first of the first-fruits" at the Passover (Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26), might easily suggest that the origin of the feasts was patriarchal (Ewald, AL- ttrthUmer, p. 385), and that the historical associa- tions with which Moses endowed them were grafted ipon their primitive meaning. It is perhaps, how- ever, a difficulty in the way of this view, that we should rather look for the institution of agricultural festivals amongst an agricultural than a pastoral people, such as the Israelites and their ancestors were before the settlement in the land of promise.

    The times of the festivals were evidently ordained in wisdom, so as to interfere as little as possible with the industry of the people. The Passover was held just before the work of harvest commenced, Pentecost at the conclusion of the corn-harvest and before the vintage, the Feast of Tabernacles after


    all the fruits of the ground wen gathered ax. I* winter, when travelling was difficult, there wen at festivals.

    (8.) For the Day of Atonement, see that art icle.

    II. After the Captivity, the Feast of Purini (Esth. ix. 20 ft) and that of the Dedication (1 Mace. iv. 50) were instituted. The Festivals of Wood-carrying, as they were called (iofnut tw fyihapopimv), are mentioned by Josephus (B. J. ii. 17, § 6) and the Misbna ( Tiumith, iv. 5). What appears to have been their origin is found in Keh. x. 34. The term, "the Festival of the Basket ' (eoprJ) xopfifXAov) is applied by Philo to the of fering of first-fruits described in DeuU xxvi. 1-11 (Philo, vol v. p. (1). [Kikst-Fhuits.]

    The system of the Hebrew festivals is treated at large by Bahr (SymbvUk da MotaitcJicm Cultta, uk. iv.), by Ewald (Akcrthimer, p. 379 ff.), and by Philo, in a characteristic manner (n*pl riji EjSSeW, Opp. vol. v. p. 21, ed. Tauch.).

    8. C.

    FESTUS, POB'CIUS (n4>«oi ♦wrrot. Acts xxiv. 27), successor of Felix as procurator of Judas (Acta t. c ,' Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, § 9; B. J. ii. 14, § 1), sent by Nero, prolably in the autumn of the year 60 A. D. (See Fklix.) A few weeks after Festus reached his province be heard the cause of St. Paul, who had been left a prisoner by Felix, in the presence of Herod Agrippa II. and Bernice his sister. Not finding anything in the Apostle worthy of death or of bonds, and being confirmed in this view by his guests, he would have set him free had it not been that Paul had himself pre- viously (Acts xxv. 11, 12) appealed to Caesar. In consequence, Festus sent him to Home. Judaea was in the same disturbed state during the procn- ratorship of Festus, which had prevailed through that of his predecessor. Sicarii, robbers, and ma- gicians were put down with a strong band (Ant. xx. 8, § 10). Festus had a difference with the Jews at Jerusalem about a high wall which they had built to prevent Agrippa seeing from his palace into the court of the Temple. As this also hid the view of the Temple from the Koman guard ap- pointed to watch it during the festivals, the proc- urator took strongly the side of Agrippa; but permitted the Jews to send to Rome for the decision of the emperor. He being influenced by Popptea, who was a proselyte, decided in favor of the Jews. Festus died probably in the summer of 62 A. D., having ruled the province less than two years. The chronological questions concerning his entrance on the province and his death are too intricate and difficult to be entered on here, but will be found fully discussed by Anger, de ttmporum in Act. Apott. ration*, p. 99 ff., and Wieseler, Chronologit dtr ApotUlyrschichUy pp. 89-99. Josephus implies (B. J. ii. 14, § 1) that Festus was a just as well as an active magistrate. H. A.

    * A question arises under this nam» respecting Luke's accuracy.

    Could Festus in the reign of Nero call the em- peror hit lord in accordance with Roman usage, as be is said to have done, Acts xxv. 26? A free Roman under the republic never called any one his xifva or domatm, wh'ch Latin word, denoting

    a The Law always speaks of the Days of Holy Con- vocation at Sabbaths. But the Mlshoa makes a dit- eswaVm, and states to detail what acts may be par* fcrmsd an tn« former, which are unlawra' «n the

    Sabbath, in the treatise Tarn Zbe; while in

    Kaion It lays down strange and

    ttons In reference *» 'h* intermediate dan

    Digitized by



    tome muter, stive-master, is the equivalent of >«o-w»nji, and i"t a degree of xipiot. If <4>m»n«», Mw, at a subsequent period could be so used, much •tore lebptos could be. That it could be and was 10 used we have the means of showing. Under Augustus, when a mime in' the theatre uttered the words, "O dominum tequum "t bouum," theaudi- snce applied it to the emperor nod expressed loud applause (Sueton. August. § 53). Augustus re- buked the use of the term, but could not repress it, nor could Tiberius prevent its application tu himself (Sueton. Tiber. § 27; Tac. Ann. ii. 87). 1'hilo, in his account of hi* legation to Caligubi, makes Herod Agrippa call that emperor It trwirnr, and even Philo's fellow-delegates address him as mpioi. Afterwards, in addressing the emperor, it became much more frequent. The letters of Pliny to Trajan, and those of Fronto to Marcus Aurelius before bis accession to the imperial power, begin with domino meo. So in addresses to a crowd, to unknown and even to known persons of no very high rank the same title was given, and that dur- ing the reign of Nero himself (Dion Cass. hi. 20). The lapidary style from Tiberius onward follows in the same track. The earliest use of dominus, as s title of the emperor, on inscriptions belongs to the age of Domiti&n, but Kvpios, especially on Egyptian marbles, is the emperor's title of honor in very many instances, and from an earlier date. Thus Nero was so called. Moreover children called their parents so, and friends each other. " Illud mini iii ore erat aoiaini met Gallionis," says Seneca aider Nero, speaking of his brother the " deputy of Achaia" (Epist. 104). These remarks serve to show the wonderful accuracy of Luke in the Acts, of which accuracy all new study is constantly fur- nishing additional proof. See a copious discussion 3f this topic in the BibL Sacra, xriii. 596-608.

    T. D. W.

    FETTERS (D?PH#T3, b^, D^). (l.J The first of these Hebrew words, nechushtaim, ex- presses the material of which fetters were usually made, namely, brasi (WSeu xaKical: A. V. "fet- ters of brass "), and also that they were made in pain, the word being in the dual number: it is the most usual term for fetters (Judg. xvi. 21; 2 Sam. iii. 34; 2 K. xxr. 7; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 11, xxxri. 6; Jer. xxxix. 7, Iii. 11). Iron was occasionally employed for the purpose (Ps. cv. 18, cxlii. 8). (2.) Cebel occurs only in the above Psalms, and, from its appearing in the singular number, may perhaps apply to the link which connected the fet- ters. Zik/am ("fetters," Jot xxxvi. 8) is more usually translated "chains" (Ps. cxlix. 8; Is. xlv. 14; Nah. iii. 10), but its radical sense appears to refer to the contraction of the feet by a chain (Oe*ea. Tkes. p. 424). [Fetters of iron (jeitcu) ire probably meant in Mark v. 4 bit and Luke viii. 29. See Chaws. H.] W. L. B.

    fever (nrn!2, npb^, iryin : r*r«pot,


    • Winer suggests the Arabic -,^- - , ^- vjlch he snisrs Huckjhus, i. ». choking |*Usjm It rather

    FIELD 81€

    common disease in Palestine; the third word, which they render tptttauis (a term still known U pathology), a feverish irritation, and which in the A. V. is called burning fever, may perhaps be ery- sipelas. Fever constantly accompanies the bloody flux, or dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8 ; corup. De Man- delslo, Travels, ed. 1669, p. 65). Fevers of an inflammatory character are mentioned (Burckhardt, Arab. i. 446) as common at Mecca, and putrid ones at I)jidds- Intermittent fever and dysentery, the latter often fetal, are ordinary Arabian diseases. For the former, though often fatal to strangers, the natives care little, but much dread a relapse. These fevers sometimes occasion most troublesome swell- ings in the stomach and legs (ii. 290,291).

    ' H. H.

    FIELD (nitj?). The Hebrew utdeh is not adequately represented by our feld: the two words agree in describing cultivated land, but they differ in point of extent, the iideh Veing specifically applied to what is uninctostd, while the opposite notion of inclosure is involved in the viorifeld. The essence of the Hebrew word has been variously taken to lie in each of these notions, Geseuius (The*, p. 1321) giving it the sense of freedom, Stanley (p. 490) that of smoothness, comparing arvwn from arare On the one hand sndeh is applied to any cultivated ground, whether pasture (Gen. xxix. 2, xxxi. 4, xxxiv. 7; Ex. ix. 3), tillage (Geo. xxxrii. 7, xlvii 24; Ruth ii. 2, 3; Job xxiv. 6; Jer. xxvi. 18; Mic. iii. 12), woodland (1 Sam. xiv. 25, A. V. "ground " ; Ps. cxxxii. 0), or mountain-top (Judg. ix. 32, 36; 2 Sam. i. 21); and in some instances in marked opposition to the neighboring wilderness (Stanley, pp. 23G, 490), as in the instance of Jacob settling in the field of Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 19), the field of Moab (Gen. xxxvi. 35; Num. xxi. 20, A. V. " country " ; Kuth i. 1), and the vale of Siddini, i. e. of the otitic tied fells, which formed the oasis of the Pentapolis (Gen. xiv. 3, 8), though a differ- ent sense has been giveu to the name (by Gesenius, Tltes. p. 1321). On the other hand the sadeh is frequently contrasted with what is inclosed, whether a vineyard (Ex. xxii. 5; Lev. xxv. 3, 4; Num. xvi 14, xx. 17; compare Num. xxii. 23, "the ass went into the field," with verse 24, " a path of the vine- yards, a wall being on this side and a wall on that

    side "), a garden (the very name of which, JJ, im- plies inclosure), or a walled town (Deut. xxviii. 3, 16); unwalled villages or scattered houses ranked in the eye of the law as fields (Lev. xxv. 31), and hence the expression tli robs aypovs — houses in the f elds (in villas, Vuig.; Mark vi. 36, 56). In many passages the term implies what is remote from a house (Gen. iv. 8, xxiv. 63; Deut. xxii. 25 > or settled habitation, as in the case of Esau (Gen. xxv. 27 ; the LXX., however, refer it to his char- acter) aypoutos): this is rore fully expressed by

    flT??"? ^j??, <*« «¥*» fid* (Lev. xir. 7, 53, xvii. 5; Num. xii. 16; 2 Sam. xi. 11), with which is naturally coupled the notion of exposure and de- sertion (Jer. ix. 22; Ez. xvi. 5, xxxii. 4, xxxiii. 97, xxxix. 5).

    The separate plots of ground were marked off by stones, which might easily be removed (Dent, xfak

    seems to n n of the rastival of thi MeM-Moota.

    Digitized by




    14, nrrtl. 17; ef. Job xxir. 9; Prov. xxii. 38, ndU. 10): the absence of fence* rendered the fields liable to damage from straying cattle (Ki. xxii. S) or fire (tot. 6 ; 3 Sam. xiv. 80) : hence the necessity of constantly watching flocks and nerds, the people so sniployed being in the present day named Nntuor (Wortabet, Syria, i. 2!M). A certain amount of protection was gained by sowing the tallest and strongest of the grain crops on the outside: "spelt" appears to have been most commonly used for this purpose (Is. xxviii. 35, as in the mar- gin). From toe absence of inclogures, cultivated land of any size might be termed a field, whether it were a piece of ground of limited area (Gen. xxiii. 13, 17; Is. v. 8), a man's whole inheritance (Lev. xxvii. 16 ff.; Ruth iv. 5; Jer. xxxii. 9, 25; Prcv. xxvii. 36, xxxi. 16), the ager publicu$ of a town (Gen. xli. 48; Neb. xii. 29), as distinct, how- ever, from the ground immediately adjacent U> the walls of the Levitical cities, which was called

    nrjJCJ (A. V. suburbs), and was deemed an ap- pendage of the town itself (Josh. xxi. 11, 12), or lastly the territory of a people (Gen. xiv. 7, xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 35; Num. xxi. 20; Kuth i. 6, iv. 3: 1 Sam. vi. I, xxvii. 7, 11). In 1 Sam. xxvii. 5, " a town in the field " (A. V. country) = a pro- vincial town as distinct from the royal city. A plot of ground separated from a larger one was

    termed rqty H^n (Gen. xxxHL 19; Kuth U.

    3: 1 Chr. xi. 18), or simply TI^TJ (3 Sam. xiv. 30, xxiii. 12; ef. 2 Sam. xix. 39)! Fields occa- siotudly received names after remarkable events, as HeUutth-llazzurim, the fittd of the ttrong men, or possibly of ticordt (3 Sam. ii. 16), or from the use to which they may have been applied (2 K. xviii. 17; Is. vii. 3; Matt, xxvii. 7).

    It should be observed that the expressions " fruit- fid field" (Is. x. 18, xxix. 17, xxxii. 15, 16) and "plentiful field" (Is. xvi. 10; Jer. xlviii. 33) are not connected with tndeh, but with carmel, mean- ing a park or well-kept wood, as distinct from a «-uderness or a forest. The same term occurs in 3 K. xix. 23, and Is. xxxvii. 34 (A. V. Carmel), Is. I. 18 (forest), and Jer. iv. 26 (fruitful place) [CakuklJ. Distinct from this is the expression

    in E*. xvii. 5, JHTTnip (A. V. fruitful feid), which means a field suited* for planting suckers.

    We have further to notice other terms — (1.) Sherlemoth (mCJTtp), translated "fields," and connected by Gesenius with tin idea of indotmre. It is doubtful, however, whether the notion of turning does not rather lie at the bottom of the word. This gives a more consistent sense through- out In Is. xvi. 8, it would thus mean the withered £rape; in Hab. iii. 17, blast nl corn; in Jer. xxxi. 40, the burnt parts of the city (no " fields " inter- vened between the southeastern angle of Jerusalem and the Kidron); while in 2 K. xxiii. 4, and Deut xxxii. 33, the sense of a place of burning is appro- priate. It is not therefore necessary to treat the word in Is. xxxvii. 27, "blasted," as a oomipt

    reading. (3.) Abel (v"3^), a well-vafered spot, frequently employed a* a prefix in proper names. (3.) Achu (VTljjl), a word of Egyptian origin, pveu in the LXX. in a Graeuixed form, Sv« (Gen. ill. 3,18, "meadow;" Job viii 11, "flag;" Is. dx. 7, LXX.), rreauing the flags and rushes that

    FIG-TREE grow in the marshes of lower Egypt (4.) Jfaarva

    (•""""ISS?), which occurs only once (Judg. xx. S3 " meadows "): it bas been treated as a oorruptioc either of rn^D, cave, or 3115P, from the we* (oto tuo-umr, LXX.). But the sense of openness or exposure may be applied to it: thus, "they came forth on account of the exposure of Gibeah," toe Benjamites having been previously enticed away (ver. 31). W. LB.

    * This practicx of leaving the fields of different proprietors uninckwed, or separated only by it nar- row foot-path, explains other Scripture statemect* or allusions. Thus the sower, scattering his seed as he approaches the end or side of his own lot, t* liable to have some of the grains fall of yond Use ploughed portion; and there, exposed on the hard earth (see Matt xiii. 4), the fowls may oome and devour them up. In this way also wu may under- stand the Saviour'* passing with his disciple* through the corn-fields on the Sabbath. Instead of crossing the fields and trampling down the grain, they no doubt followed one of these path* between the fields, where the grain stood within their reach. The object being to appease tlieir hunger, the " plucking of the ears of oora to eat " was not, according to Jewish ideas, a violation of the rights of property, nor was it for that that the Pharisee* complained of the disciples, but for break- ing the Sabbath (Luke vi. 1 ff.). The people cf Palestine grant the same liberty to the hungry at the present time (Kob. BibL Ret. ii. 193). Kuth, it is said, gleaned in "a part of the field belonging to Boa* " (Ruth ii. 3). We are to think of an open cultivated tract of country, the property of various owners, and the particular part of this uninclosed field to which the steps of toe gleaner brought her, was the part which belonged to Boaz.

    In the N. T., "fields" (kypol) occasionally means farm-houses or hamlets, in distinction from villages and towns. See Mark v. 14, vi. 36, 56, where we have " country " in the A. V. H.

    • FIELD, FULLER'S, THE. [Fuller-* Field, The.]

    •FIELD, POTTER'S, THE. [Acel- dama; Pottkk's Field, The.]

    FIG, FIG-TREE, njNfl, a word of fre- quent occurrence in the O. T., where it slgtiHhg the tree Ficut carica of linnets, and also its fruit. The LXX. render it by o-wrij and o-Sa-e*-, and when it signifies fruit by ovirfi [ ?] —also by o-v K«£r or ovxtSr, fcetum, in Jer. v. 17 and Am. hr. 9. In N. T. avKrj is the fig-tree, and b-vko. the fig* (Jam. LI. 19). The fig-tree is very conusor in Palestine (Deut. viii. 8). Monnt Olivet mm famous for it* fig-trees in ancient times, and they are still found there (see Stanley, S. o? P. pp. 1ST, 431, 422). " To sit under ouc's own vine and cn*'i own fig-tree " became a proverbial expression among the Jews to denote peace and prosperity (1 K. hr. 25; Mic iv. 4; Zcch. iii. 10). The character of the tree, with it* wide-spreading branches, aecordi

    well with the derivation of the name from fHJ-l to stretch out, porrexit brachia. In Gen. W, »

    the identification of njWjl Jib"? with the leaves of the Ficut carica hi* been disputed by Gesa- nius, Tuch, and others, who think that the larg* leaves of the Indian Musn paradisiaca are roesaf (Germ. Adamtfeigt — fr.Jtguier ttAdam\\. Tkast

    Digitized by



    awes, h iwsver, would not hare needed to be Strang >r sewn together, and the plant itaelf is not of the nine kind with the fig-tree.

    When figs are spoken of u distinguished from

    the fig-tree, the plur. form ffONrp is need (ne

    Jer. Tiii. 13). There are also the words rT^O^,

    3?, and H^ai, signifying different kinds of

    ngs. (o.) in Ho* u. 10, n^w-ia rrya? sig- nifies the firtt ripe of the fig-tree, and tie same word occurs in Is. xxviii. 4. and in Mic. vii. 1 (eoiup. Jer. xxiv. 2). Lowth, on Is. xxviii. 4, quotes from Shaw's Trav. p. 370, fol, a notice of the earl; fig called bocctrt, and in Spanish Alba-

    eora. (4.) 1? is the unripe fig, which hangs through th* winter. It is mentioned o.ily in Cant, li. 13, and its name comes from the root 2}^, crwhu fwX The LXX. render it 6\\w9oi. It » found in the Greek word BTfiipayi = "'SW f^ 1 ?, » house of green figs " (see Buxt. col. 1691).

    (e.) In the historical books of the 0. T. mention is made of cakes of figs, used as articles of food, snd compressed into that form for the sake of keep- ing them. They also appear to have been used remedially for boils (2 K. xx. 7; Is. xxxviii. 21). Such a cake was called nbgJT, or more fully QVJMP n*?.3"7, on account of its shape, from root ?3" ! t, to make round. Hence, or rather from the Syriae W^TSH, the first letter being dropt, came the Greek word iraArf&n. Atheneus (xi. 500, ed. Casaub.) makes express mention of the wa\\d9ri Ivpicucfi- Jerome on Ex. vi. describes the wa\\dBii to be a mass of figs and rich dates, formed into the shape of bricks or tiles, and compressed in order that they may keep. Such cakes harden so u to need cutting with an axe. W. D.



    Pig— Fiaa car tea.

    Few passages in the (iuspels hare given occt •ton to so mncb permexity as that of St. Mark

    si. 13, where the Evangelist i elates the circum- stance of our Lord's cursing the fig-tree near Beth any: " And seeing a fig-tree afar off having leaves he came, if haply he might find anything thereon . and when he came to it, be found nothing but leaves; for the time offigt ua$ not ytt." The ap- parent unreasonableness of seeking fruit at a time when none could naturally be expected, and the consequent injustice of the sentence pronounced upon the tree, is obvious to every reader.

    The fig-tree ( Ficut carica) in Palestine produces fruit at two, or even three different periods of the year: first, there is the bkcirdh, or "early ripe fig," frequently mentioned in the O. T. (see Mic. vii. 1; Is. xxviii. 4; Hot. ix. 10), which ripens on an average towards the end of June, though iu fa- vorable places of soil or temperature the figs may ripen a little earlier, while under less favorable circumstances they may not be matured till tlie middle of July. The bkc&r&h drops off the tree as soon as ripe; hence the allusion in Nah. iii. li when shaken they " even fall into the mouth of the eater." Shaw (Trav. i. 264, 8vo ed.) aptly com- pares the Spanish name breba for this early fruit, " quasi breve," as continuing only for a short time. About the time of the ripening of the biccurim, the karmntse or summer fig begins to be formed ; these rarely ripen before August, when another crop, called "the winter fig," appears. Shaw de- scribes this kind as being of a much longer shape and darker complexion than the knrmoute, hanging and ripening on the tree even after the leaves are sbed, and, provided the winter proves mild and temperate, as gathered as a delicious morsel in the spring. (Comp. also Pliny, //. tf. xvi. 26, 27.)

    The attempts to explain the above-quoted pas- sage in St. Mark are numerous, and for the most part very unsatisfactory; passing over, therefore, the ingenious though objectionable reading pro- posed by Dan. Heinsius (A'xercft. Sac. ed. 1639, p. 1 16) of oJ yap %v, Kcupbt ointw — " where he was, it was the season for figs" —and merely men- tioning another proposal to read that clauw of the evangelist's remark as a question, " for was it not the season of figs? " and the no less unsatisfactory rendering of Hammond (AmioU on St. Mark), " it was not a good season for figs," we come to the interpreta- tions which, though not perhaps of recent origin, we find in modem works.

    The explanation which has found favor with most writers is that which understands the words Kaipbs triicav to mean "the fig- harvest:" the yip in this case is refemd not to the clause immediately preceding, " he found nothing but leaves," but to the mors remote one, " he came if haply he might fled anything thereon;" for a similar imjection it is usual to refer to Mark xvi. 3, 4 : the , -fu-i-. of the whole passage would then be as \\)follovrs: " And seeing a fig-tree afar off hav- ing leaves, be came if perchance he might finci any fruit on it (and he ought to have found some), for the time of gathering it hail not yet arrived, but when he came he found nothing but leaves.' (See the notes in the Greek Testarienta of Burton, TroUope, infield, Webster and Wilkinson; Mae- lit. Il'irm. of the (JotptU, ii. 691, note, 180U; Klsley's Annot. ad 1. c, Ac.) A for- cible objection to this explanation will be found i" the fact that at the time implied, namely, the and of M»Th or the beginning of April, no figs

    Digitized by




    at all ratable woiUil he found on the trees: the Ato- r.uiim stjdom ripen in Palestine before the end of Jane, and at the tiiue of the Passover the fruit, to use Shaw's expression, would be " hard and no bigger than common plums," corresponding in this state

    to tbepnggta (O s 29) of Cant ii. 13, wholly unfit for food in an unprepared state, and it is but rea- sonable to infer that our Lord expected to find some- thing more palatable than these small sour things upon a tree which by its show of foliage bespoke, though falsely, a corresponding show of good fruit, for it is important to remember that the fruit come* brfwe tlie leaves. Again, if Kupis denotes the " fig-harvest," we must suppose, that although the fruit might not have been ripe, the season was not very far distant, and that the figs in consequence must have been considerably more matured than these hard paggim; but is it probable that St. Mark should have thought it necessary to state that it was not yet the season for gathering figs in March, when they could not have been fit to gather before June at the earliest?

    There is another way of seeking to get over the difficulty, by supposing that the tree in question was not of the ordinary kind. Celsius (Uierob. ii. 386) says there is a peculiar fig-tree known to the

    Jews by the name of Btnoth-diuach (I1W H132), which produces grmsuli, " small unripe figs " (pag- gtm) every year, but only good fruit every third year; and that our Lord came to this tree at a time when the ordinary annual grotsuli only were produced ! We are ignorant as to what tree the Benoth-shuach may denote, but it is obvious that the apparent wirtatunibleneu remains as it was.

    As to the tree which Whitby {Comment, tn Mark, 1. c.) identifies with the one in question, that it was that kind which Theophrastus (/fist Plant, iv. 2, § 4) calls belQvWor, " evergreen," it is enough to observe that this is no fig at all, but the Carob or Locust tree (Ceratoma tiHqua).

    it appears to us, after a long and diligent study of the whole question, that the difficulty is best met by looking it full in the face, and by admitting that the words of the evangelist are to be taken in the natural order in which they stand, neither having recourse to trojectum, nor to unavailable attempt* to prove that eatable figs could have been found on the trees in March. It is true that occa- sionally the winter figs remain on the tree in mild seasons, and may be gathered the following spring, but this is not to be considered a usual circuni- rtance; and even ttiest figs, which ripen late in the year, do not, in the natural order of things, con- tinue on the tree at a time when it is shooting forth its leaves.

    But, after all, where is the unrentonnbleness of the whole transaction ? It was stated above that the fruit of the fig-tree appears before the leaves ; consequently if the tree produced leaves it should also have had some figs as well. As to what nat- ural causes had operated to effect so unusual a Jiing as for a fig-tree to have leaves in March, it is unimportant to Inquire; but the stepping out of -he way with the possible chance («/ &pa, si forte, ' under the circumstances; " see Winer, Gram, of ff. T. Diction, p. 465, Masson's transl.) of finding wtable fruit on a fig-tree in leaf at the end of March, would probably be repeated by any observ- uit modern traveller in Palestine. The whole question turns on the pretention* of the tree; had •t not proclaimed by its foliage its superiority over rther fiv-tnes, and thus proudly exhibited Its nre-


    codowmeu, had our Lord at season cf Ox year visited any of the other fig-trees upon which no leaves had as yet appeared with the prospect of biding fruit, — then the case would be altered, and the unreasonableness and injustice real. The wordi of St. Mark, therefore, are to be understood in the sense which the order of the words naturally sag gests. The evangelist gives the reason why no fruit itxu found on the tree, namely, " because it was not the time for fruit; " we are left to infes the reason why it ought to have had fruit if it were true to its pretensions; and it must be remembered that this miracle had a typical design, to show ho* God would deal with the Jews, who, professing like this precocious fig-tree " to be first," should be " last " in bis favor, seeing that no fruit was pre duced in their lives, but only, as Wordsworth well expresses it, u the rustling leaves of a religious profession, the barren traditions of the Pharisees, the ostentatious display of the Law, and vain exu- berance of words without the good fruit of works."

    Since the above was written we have referred to Trench's .Votes on the Miracles (p. 438), and find that this writer's remarks are strongly corroborative of the views expressed in this article. The follow- ing observation is so pertinent that we cannot do better than quote it : " All the explanations which go to prove that, according to the natural order of things in a climate like that of Palestine, there might have been, even at this early time cf the year, figs on that tree, either winter figs which bad survived till spring, or the early figs of spring themselves — all these, ingenious as they often are, yet seem to me beside the matter. For, without entering further into the question whether they prove their point or not, they shatter upon that oi yap $r natpis aimtv of St. Mark; from which it is plain that no tuch calculation of probabilities brought the Lord thither, but thote abnormal leave* which he had a right to count mould have been ac- companied with abnormal fruit." See also Trench's admirable reference to Kz. xvii. 24. W. H.

    * Lange (Bibehcerk, ii. 116) adopts the trajecHon view, mentioned in the preceding article. In the ov yap clause, he finds in effect a reason, not why Jesus should not have expected to find figs on the tree (namely, because it was not the time for figs to be ripe), but just the reverse, i. e. why he might be expected to have found them (since the leaves had come) provided it was not so late in the season that they had been gathered. Mark states, therefore, essentially for tie reader's information, that this reason.for the disappointment (ou Tip j|r icaipbs aixuv) did not exist, and hence the deceitful tree could justly serve as a fit symbol of false professors of the gospel. The season for the harvesting of figs differs in different lands. Hence Mark's foreign readers (he only gives the explanation) would need to be informed, that it was not, in this partic- ular instance, too early for figs on the one hand (as the leaves showed), and not too late on the other, as the harvest-time was not past. For tin possibility that a species of the fig-tree might haw leaves, and even fruit, " in the warm, sheltered ra vines of Olivet," at the time of the Passover se. Thomson's Land 4 Book, i. 538. H.

    FIR (ttfn?, birith ; CTTTI?, MrbtMm

    apKtvOot, nitpot, wins, Kimipiavos, weixn nine*, cuprcstus). The Hebrew term in all proba- bility denotes either the F'tui hnlrpentis or '.bt Jumperu* excels*, both ot which trees grow it Lebanon and would supply excellent timber for to*

    Digitized by



    I imposes t) which we learn in Scripture the btrttk wm appliel ; u, for instance, for board* 01 planks for the Temple (1 K. vi. 16); for iu two doors (ver. 34); for the ceiling of the greater house d Chr. iii. 5); for ahip-boarda (Ez. xxvii. 6); for muaical inatramenta (2 Sam. vi. 5). The red heart- wood of the tall fragrant juniper of Lebanon was do doubt extensively uaed in the building of the Temple; and the identification of berdih or btrttk with this tree receives additional confirmation from the LXX. words iptcwSot and ictgpos, "a juni- per." The deodar, the larch, and Scotch fir, which hare been bj some writers identified with the be- rtJsA, do not exist in Syria or Palestine. [Cedar.]

    W. H.

    FIRE (1. ttfcl: wvp: ignis: 9. "I^and also

    "W : ipiis : fax ,' flame or light). The applications of fire in Scripture ma; be classed as: —

    I. licliijumt. — (1.) That which consumed the burnt sacrifice, and the incense offering, beginning with the sacrifice of Noah (Gen. viii. 20), and con- tinued in the ever burning fire on the altar, first kindled from heaven (Lev. vi. 9, 13, iz. 24), and rekindled at the dedication of Solomon's Temple (2 Chr. vii. 1, 3). (2.) The symbol of Jehovah's presence, and the instrument of his power, in the way either of approval or of destruction (Ex. iii. 2. xiv. 19, xix. 18; Num. xi. 1, 3; Judg. xiii. 20; 1 K. xviii. 38; 2 K. 1. 10, 12, ii. 11, vi. 17; comp. Is. Ii. 6, Ixvi. 15, 24; Joel ii. 30; Mai. iii. 2, 3, iv. 1; Mark ix. 44; 2 Pet. iii. 10; Ker. xx. 14, 18: If eland, Ant. Saer. 1. 8, p. 20 ; Jennings, Jewish Ant. ii. 1, p. 301; Joseph. Ant. iii. 8, § 6, viii. 4, 5 4). Parallel with this application of fire and with its symbolical meaning is to be noted the sim- ilar use for sacrificial purposes, and the respect paid to it, or to the heavenly bodies as symbols of deity, which prevailed among so many nations of antiq- uity, and of which the traces are not even now extinct: t. g. the Sabeean and Magian systems of worship, and their alleged connection with Abra- ham (Spencer, de Leg. Ilebr. ii. 1, 2) ; the occa- sional relapse of the Jews themselves into sun-, or its corrupted form of fire-worship (Is. xxvii. 9;

    comp. Gesen. ]Jpn, p. 489; Deut xvii. 8; Jer. viii. 2: Ez. viii. 16; Zeph. i. 5; 2 K. xvii. 16, xxi. 3, xxiii. 5, 10, 11, 13; Jahn, Arch. B'M. c. vi. §§ 405,408) [Moloch] ; the worship or deification of heavenly bodies or of fire, prevailing to some extent, as among the Persians, so also even in Kgjpt (Her. iii. 16; Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 328, abridgm.); the sacred fire of the Greeks and Ro- tcars (Thuc. i. 24, ii.' 15; Cic. de Leg. it 8, 12; Lir. xi viii. 12; Dionys. ii. 67; Phit. If tuna, 9, i. 288, ed. Reiake) ; the ancient forms and usages of torship, differing from each other in some impor- Unt respects, but to some extent similar in princi- ple, of Mexico and Peru (Prescott, Mexico, i. 60, $4; Peru, 1. 101); and hutly the theory of the ao- alled Guebres of Persia, and the Parseea of Bom- bay. (Kraser, Persia, c. iv. pp. 141, 162, 164; Su- it K. Porter, Travels, ii. 50, 424; Cbardin, Voy- 'get, ii. 310, iv. 258, viii. 367 ff.; Niebuhr, Voy. :aet, ii. 36, 37; Mandclslo, Travels, b. i. p. 76; tibbon, Hist. e. viii., i. 335, ed. Smith; Benj. of

    ;dela, Early Trap. pp. 114, 116; Burckhardt, byi-iVt, p. 156.)

    The jerpetual fire on the altar was to be replen- kbed with wood every morning (Lev. vi. 12; comp. b. xxxi. 9). According to the Gemara, it ww ■ivided into 3 parts, one for burning the victims



    one for incense, and one for supply of the other por- tions (\\jsv. vi. 15; Reland, Antiq. Itcb. i. 4, 8, p. 26; and ix. 10, p. 98). Tire for sacred purposes obtained elsewhere than from the altar was called "strange fire," and for use of such Nadab and Abibu were punished with death by fire from God (Lev. x. 1, 2: Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 61).

    (3.) In the case of the spoil taken from the Mid- unites, such articles as could bear it were purified by fire as well as in the water appointed for the purpose (Num. xxxi. 23). The victims slain fin sin-offering) were afterwards consumed by fire out. side the camp (Lev. iv. 12, 21, vi. 30, xvi. 27. Heb. xiii. 11). The Nazarite who had completed his row, marked its completion by shaving his head and casting the hair into the fire on the altar on which the peace-offerings were being sacrificed (Num. vi. 18).

    II. Domestic. — Besides for cooking purposes, fire is often required in Palestine for warmth (Jer. xxxvi. 22; Mark xiv. 54; John xviii. 18; Harmer, Obs. i. 125; Kaumer, p. 79). For this purpose a hearth with a chimney is sometimes constructed, on which either lighted wood or pans of charcoal are placed (Harmer, i. 405). In Persia a hole made in the flour is sometimes filled with charcoal, on which a sort of table is set covered with a car- pet ; and the company placing their feet under the carpet draw it over themselves (Olearius, Travels, p. 294; Chardin, Voyagts, viii. 190). Rooms in Egypt are warmed, when necessary, with pans of charcoal, as there are no fire-places except in the kitchens (Lane, Mod. Egypt i. 41; English*, in Egypt, ii. 11). [Coal, Amer. ed.]

    On the Sabbath the law forbade any fire to be kindled even for cooking (Ex. xxxv. 3; Num. xv. 32). To this general prohibition the Jews added various refinements, «. g. that on the eve of the Sabbath no one might read with a light, though passages to be read on the Sabbath by children in schools might be looked out by the teacher. If a Gentile lighted a lamp, a Jew might use it, but not if it had been lighted for the use of the Jew. If a festival day fell on the Sabbath eve no cooking was to be done (MUhn. Shnbb. i. 3, xvi. 8, vol ii. 4, 56, Mutd Kuton, ii. vol. ii. 287, Surenhus.).

    III. The dryness of the land in the hot season in Syria of course increases liability to accident from fire. The Law therefore ordered that any one kindling a fire which caused damage to corn in a field should make restitution (Ex. xxii. 6; comp. Judg. xv. 4, 5; 2 Sam. xiv. 30; Mishn. Maccoth, vi. 5, 6, vol. iv. p. 48, Surenhus. ; Burckhardt. Syria, pp. 496, 622).

    IV. Punishment of death by fire was awarded by the Law only in the cases of incest with a mother-in-law ind of unchastity on the part of a daughter of a priest (Lev. xx. 14, xxi. 9). In the former case both the parties, in the latter the woman only, was to suffer. This sentence appears to have been a relaxation of the original practice in such cases (Gen. xxxviii. 24). Among other nations, burning appears to have been no uncommon mode, if not of judicial punishment, at least of vengeanot upon laptives; and in a modified form was not unknown in war among the Jews themselves (2 Sam. xU. 31: it. xxix. 22; Dan. ill. 30, 21). Iu certain cases tne bodies of executed criminals and of infamous persons were subsequently burnt (Josh, vii. 25; 2 K. xxiii. 16).

    The Jews were expressly ordered to destroy the it-fts of the heathen nations, and especially any citi o* their own relapsed into idolatry (Ex. xxxii. 2ft

    Digitized by




    2 K. x. 26: vii. 5, xii. 3, xiii. 10). In touiej eases, the cities, and In the case of Huor, the chariots also, were, by God's order, consumed with nte (Josh. ri. 34, viii. 38, xi. 6, 9, 13). One of the expedient* of war in sieges was to set fire to Uie gate of the besieged place (Judg. ix. 49, S3). [SlKGKS.]

    V. Incense was sometimes burnt in honor of the dead, especially royal personages, as is mentioned specially in the cases of Asa and Zedekiab, and negatively in that of Jehoram (8 Chr. xvi. 14, xxi. 19; Jer. xxxir. 5).

    VI. The use of fire in metallurgy was well known to the Hebrews at the time of the Exodus (Ex. xxxii. 24, xxxv. 33, xxxvii. 2, 6, 17, xxxviii. 2, 8 ; Num. xvi. 38, 39). [Handicraft.]

    VII. Fire or flame is used in a metaphorical sense to express excited feeling and divine inspira- tion, and also to describe temporal calamities and future punishment* (Ps. Ixri. 12; Jer. xx. 9; Joel ii. 30; Mai. iii. 2; Matt. xxv. 41; Mark ix. 43: Kev. xx. 15). II. \\V. P.

    FIRE-PAN (Hjpna : rmpuov, eviiwrbpi- m% ignittm receptaculum, thuribulum), one of the vessels of the Temple service (Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3; 2 K. xxv. 15; Jer. Iii. 19). The same word is elsewhere rendered " snuff-dish " (Ex. xxv. 38. xxxvii. 23; Num. iv. 9; irapvffrfip' emunctoriutit) and ■'censer" (Lev. x- 1, xvi. 12; Num. xvi. 6 (T.). There appear, therefore, to have been two articles so called; one, like a chafing-dish, to carry lire coals for the purpose of burning incense; another, like a snuffer-dish, to be used in trimming the lamps, in order to carry the snuffers and convey away the snuff. W. L. B.

    FIRKIN. [Mkasukes.]

    FIRMAMENT. This term was introduced into our language from the Vulgate, which given firmnmtnttiun as the equivalent of the ore psapa of

    the LXX. and the rakia (?'*f5^ of *•* He 01 *" text (Gen. i. 6). The Hebrew term first demands notice. It is generally regarded as expressive of simple expansion, and is so rendered in the margin of the A. V. (I. r.); but the true idea of the word is a complex one, taking in the mode by which the expansion is effected, and consequently implying the nature of the material expanded. The verb raka means to expand by beating, whether by the hand, the foot, or any instrument. It is especially :3ed, however, of beating out metals into thin plates (Ex. xxxix. 3 ; Num. xvi. 39), and hence the

    substantive O\\0|T1 = " broad plates" of metal (Num. xvi. 38). It is thus applied to the flattened surface of the solid earth (Is. xlii. 5, xliv. 24; Ps. exxxvi. 6), and it is in this sense that the term is applied to the heaven in Job xxxvii. 18 — " Hast thuu spread (rather hammered) out the sky which is strong, and as a molten looking-glass " — the mirrors to which he refers being made of metal. The sense of solidity, therefore, is combined with the ideas of expans**m and tenuity in the term rakia. Saabchiitz (ArchaoL ii. 67) conceives that the idea jf solidity is inconsistent with Gen. ii. 6, which inplies, according to him, the passage of the mist through the rakin ; he therefore gives it the sense of pure expansion — it is the large and lofty room in which the winds, Ac., have their abode. But it should be observed that Gen. ii. 6 implies the very (everse. If the mist had penetrated the rnUa it ould have descended in the form of rain; the mist,


    however, was formed under the riild-i, and rueemhlet a heavy dew — a mode of fructifying the carta which, from its regularity and quietude, was mors appropriate to a state of innocence than rain, the occasional violence of which associated it with the idea of divine vengeance. But the same idea uf solidity runs through all the references to the riU.ii. In Ex. xxiv. 10, it is represented as a solid floor — '• a paved work of a sapphire stone; " nor is the

    image much weakened if we regard the word H32?

    as applying to the transparency of the stone rather than to the paring as in the A. V., either sense being admissible. So again, in Ex. i. 22-36, the " firmament " is the floor on which the throne of the Most High is placed. That the t akin should be transparent, as implied in the comparisons with the sapphire (Ex. L c.) and with crystal (Ex. L c. ; comp. Kev. iv. 6), is by no means inconsistent with its solidity. Further, the office of the rakia in th# economy of the world demanded strength and sub- stance. It was to serve as a division between the waters above and the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In order to enter into this description we must carry our ideas back to the time when the earth was a chaotic mass, overspread with water, in which the material elements of the henvens were intermingled. The first step, therefore, in the work of orderly arrangement was to separate the elements of heaven and earth, and to fix a floor of partition between the waters of the heaven and the waters of the earth; and accordingly the rakin was created to support, the upper reservoir (Ps. cxlviii. 4 ; comp. Ps. civ. 3, where Jehovah is represented ss " build- ing his chambers of water," not simply " in water,"

    a* the A. V. ; the prep. 21 signifying the material

    out of which the beams and joists were made), itself being supported at the edge or rim of the earth's disk by the mountains (2 Sam. xxii. 8 ; Job xxvi. 11). In keeping with this view the rakin was provided with "windows" (Gen. vii. 11; Is. xxiv. 18; Mai. iii. 10) and "doors" (Ps. lnviii. 23), through which the rain and the snow might descend. A secondary purpose which the rakia served was to support the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, nnil stars (Gen. i. 14), in which they were fixed as nails, and from which, consequently, they might be said to drop off (Is. xiv. 12, xxxir. 4 ; Matt. xxiv. 29). In all these particulars we rec- ognize tbe same view as was entertained by the Greeks and, to a certain extent, by the Latins. The former applied to the heaven such epithets ~« "brazen" (x

    Digitized by



    ■ps e. our own " heaven," i. e. what U heated up ; j Jhe Greek etrpayiis, similarly significant rf height (Pott. £lyn. /'oricA. L 193) ; or the Uermnn { u himmel," from heimeln, to cover — the " roof" | which constitutes the " heim " or abode of man: I in each there is a large amount of philosophical error. Correctly speaking, of course, the atmosphere is the true raHa by which the clouds are supported, and undefined space is the abode of the celestial bodies. There certainly appears an inconsistency in treating the raHa as the support both of the clouds and of the stars, for it could not hare escaped observation that the clouds were below the stars: but perhaps this may be referred to the same feeling which is expressed in the calum ruit of the Latins, the downfall of the rakia in stormy weather. Although the raHa and the thamat/im (" heavens") are treated at identical in Gen. i. 8, yet it was more correct to recognize a distinction between them, at implied in the expression " firmament of the heavens" (Gen. i. 14), the former being the upheaving power and the latter the upheaved body — the former the line of demarcation between Heaven and earth, the latter the ttrata or stories nto which the heaven was divided. W. L. B.

    * We must distinguish the merely ideal and poetical imagery in later writings (Ps. civ. 3 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 8; job xxvi. 11, xxxvii. 18), and in symbolic vision (Ez. i. 22-36), from the purely descriptive, though manifestly phenomenal, repre- sentation in Genesis. In the latter, it is also neces- tary to distinguish between the phenomena de- Kribed, and the processes which we may presuppose M being anterior to and the cause of them, but of « hich the sacred writer makes no account. More- over, we should not overlook the writer's purpose, tc give, in a few broad and powerful strokes, the great outlines of creation ; shadowing forth its deep mysteries in a series of grand and impressive rep- resentations, on a scale of magnificence which is without a parallel. In the tone of description suited to such a purpose, minute specification is out of place. AU is vast, and general. Let anything be added in the way of minute distinction, or of ex- planation and conciliation, and the whole style of conception is changed.

    One stage among these mysterious processes was the separation of the waters enveloping the earth into waters above and waters below. The phenom- enon to be described — not explained but simply described as a phenomenon — is the unfailing sup- ply of the former, poured down from time to time for ages without stim, and never exhausted. It accords with the whole tone of this remarkable and unique document, to describe this phenomenon as

    • * This remark U applicable to many points in the aeeouct of the creation, and among others to the firmament (expanse) and to the appearance In It of the heavenly bodies on the fourth day. T. J. 0.

    * *The etymological argument, in the preceding article, only proves that the sense of simple expansion, is in all such caws, originated In an act observable by the senses. The irrelevance of some references (as. lur example, Ex. xxir. 10 ; Is. xlv. 12, xxxiv. 4) seems too obvious to require correction. Gen. 11. 6 (in a tocoment completing the account of creation, but * holly different in style born ch. 1. 1-ii. 8) describes he ordinary process in the formation of clouds and

    ■ijt descent of rain ; the ascent of vapors (mist) being expressed by the Hebrew imperfect tense, as an act con- sumed and repeated from time to time, and the desneut If rain by tbs perfect, as a single act completed at we*. X.J 0.

    FIRST-BORN 825

    a separation of waters by a firmament (more prop ariy, eapamt ») interposed between the waters be- low and the waters above, dividing the one fron. the other. If in this same expanse the heavenlj bodies are set, it is what we should expect in s style of representation which excludes minute cir- cumstantial detail. This is a trait, moreover, that is true to nature, as it appears in an oriental sky; where the stars at night seem to be set in the same expanse in which the clouds also are seen, and far beyond is the blue vault that bounds it. c The description, therefore, is phenomenally true; nor can science urge anything against it, since the stars, though not in the same limit of space, are act in the same expanse.

    It may be said to be now well established, thai the phenomena of creation, as described here, in its successive stages, accord with its deepest mysteries, as science is gradually unfolding them. T. J. C.

    FIRST-BORN ("113?, wporroVoitoj: pri

    moijtnitut ; from ~>2§1, early ripe, Gesen. p. 906), applied equally both to animals and human beings. That some rights of primogeniture existed in very early times is plain, but it is not so clear in what they consisted. They have been classed as, (a) authority over the rest of the family ; (6) priest- hood; (c) a double portion of the inheritance. The birthright of Esau and of Reuben, set aside by authority or forfeited by misconduct, prove a gen eral privilege as well as quasi-sacreduess of primo geniture (Gen. xxv. 33, 31, 34, xlix. 3; 1 Chr. v. 1 ; Heb. xii. 16), and a precedence which obviously existed, and is alluded to in various passages (at Ps. lxxxix. 27; Job xviii. 13; Kom. viii. 29; CoL 1. 15; Heb. xii. 23) [Birthmght] ; but the story of Esau's rejection tends to show the supreme and sacred authority of the parent irrevocable even by himself, rather than inherent right existing in the eldest son, which was evidently not inalienable (Gen. xxvii. 29, 33, 36; Grotius, Calmet, Patrick, KnobeL on Gen. xxv.).

    Under the law, in memory of the Exodus, the eldest son was regarded as devoted to God, and was in every case to be redeemed by an offering not exceeding 5 shekels, within one month from birth If he died before the expiration of 30 days, the Jewish doctors held the father excused, but liable to the payment if he outlived that time (Ex. xiii. 12-15, xxii. 29; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 16, 16; Lev. xxvii. 6; Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. on Luke ii. 22; Philo, de Pr. Sncerd. i., ii. 233, Hangey). This devotion of the first-born was believed to indicate a priesthood belonging to the eldest sons of families, which being set aside in the case of Reuben,'wat

    c • " An oriental sky," says Prof. Backett (JBaswsi tions of Scripture, p. 81, 8th ed.) « has another peculi- arity, which adds very much to its impressive appear- ance. With us the stars seem to adhere to the fees of the heavens ; they form the most distant objects within the range of vision ; they appear Co be set in a ground- work of thick darkness, beyond which the eye does not penetrate. . . . But In Eastern climes the stars seem to bang, like burning lamps, midway between heaven and earth ; the pore atmosphere enables us tc see a deep expanse of bine ether lying far beyond them. The hemisphere above us glows and sparkles with innumerable fires, that appear as if kept burning in their position by an immediate act of the Omnipo- tent, instead of resting on a frame-wcrk which sub serves the i»uaion of t^l^g to give to them then suppo!* ' T J. fj

    Digitized by



    transferred to the tribe of Levi. Tbii priesthood ■ said to have luted till the completion of the Tabernacle (Jahn, Arch. Bibl. x. § 165, 387 ; Patrick, Solden, i/e Syn. c 16 ; Mishn. Ztbachim, xir. 4, vol. t. p. 68; cotup. Ex. xxiv. 5).

    The ceremony of redemption of the first-born is described by Calmet from Leo of Modena (Calm, on Num. xviii.). The eldest son received a double portion of the lather's inheritance (lleut xxi. 17), but not of the mother's (Mishn. Becoroth, viii. 9). If the father had married two wives, of whom he preferred one to the other, be was forbidden to give precedence to the son of the one, if the child of the other were the first-born (Deut. xxi. 16, 16). In the case of levirate marriage, the son of the next brother succeeded to his uncle's vacant inheritance (Deut. xxv. 5, 6). Under the monarchy, the eldest son usually, but not always, as appears in the case of Solomon, succeeded his father in the kingdom (I K. i 30, ii. 22).

    The male first-born of animals (CITH "lftg : liaroiyor iifapav- quod aptrit vtifoom) was also devoted to God (Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, xxxiv. 19, 20; Philo, L c. and Qui$ rtrum . hmret, 24, i. 489, Mang.). Unclean animals were to be re- deemed with the addition of one fifth of the value, or else put to death ; or if not redeemed, to be sold, and the price given to the priests (Lev. xxvii. 13, 27, 28). The first-born of an ass was to be redeemed with a lamb, or, if not redeemed, put to death (Ex xiii. 18, xxxiv. 20; Num. xviii. 15). Of cattle, goats, or sheep, the first-born from eight days to twelve months old were not to be used, but offered in sacrifice. After the burning of the fat, the remainder was appropriated to the priest* (Ex. xxii. 30; Num. xviii. 17, 18; Deut. xv. 19, 20; Neh. x. 86). If there were any blemish, the animal was not to be sacrificed, but eaten at home (Deut. XT. 21, 22, and xii. 6-7, xiv. 23). Various refine- ments on the subject of blemishes are to be found in Mishn. Btcoroth. (See MaL i. 8. By " first- lings," Deut. xiv. 23, compared with Num. xviii. 17, are meant tithe animals : see Keland, AtUiq. iii. 10, p. 327 ; Jahn, Arch. Bibl. § 387.) H. W. P.


    [Plagues, 10.]

    FIRST-FRUITS. (1.) H^bTI, tan ttTrjn, shake, Gesen. pp. 1249, 1262; sometimes

    Dn»©a n^nftn. ^nnsoainpLoniy.or

    D'H3_2l, Gesen. p. 206 : usually -rpmroytyrliiuna, sWapxcd rav xparoytinrTiitATttr (Ex. xxiii. 19): orimitia l frugumimlui,primitiva. (8.) TTBTl Gesen. p. 1276: hpalptfi*, awapxf): prumtta.

    Besides the first-bom of man and of beast, the Law required that offerings of first-fruits of produce ibould be made publicly by the nation at each of the three great yearly festivals, and also by indi- riduals without limitation of time. No ordinance tppears to have been more distinctly recognized than toil, so that the use of the term in the way rf illustration carried with it a full significance even h N. T. times (Prov. iii. I); Tob. i. 6; 1 Mace. iii. 49; Rom. viii. 23, xi. 16; Jam. i. 18; Rev. xiv. I;. (1.) The Law ordered in general, that the first of all rip* fruits and of liquors, or, as it is twice ■■pre ss ed , the first of first-fruits, should be offered B God's house (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26 ; Philo, dt Mtmnrt'-ia, ii. 3 (ii 224. Mang.)). (2.)


    On the morrow after the Passover Sabbath, i. «. aa the 16th of Nisan, a sheaf of new corn was to be brought to the priest, and waved before the altar in acknowledgment of the gift of frultfulness (Lev xxiii. 6, 9, 10, 12, ii. 12). Josephus teUs us that the sheaf was of barley, and that until this cere- mony had been performed, no harvest work was to be begun (Joseph. AM. iii. 10, J 6). (3.) At the expiration of seven weeks from this time, C e. at the Feast of Pentecost, an oblation was to be made of two loaves of leavened bread made from the new flour, which were to be waved in like manner wi'h the Passover sheaf (Ex. xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii. 15, 17; Num. xxviii. 26). (4.) The Feast of Ingath- ering, i. e. the Feast of Tabernacles in the 7th month, was itself an acknowledgment of the fruits of the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii. 39). These four sorts of offerings were national. Besides them, the two following were of an indi- vidual kind, but the last was made by custom to assume also a national character. (5.) A cake of the first dough that was baked was to be offered as a heave-offering (Num. xv. 19, 21). (6.) The first- fruits of the land were to be brought in a basket to the holy place of God's choice, and there presented to the priest, who was to set the basket down before the altar. The offerer was then, in words of which the outline, if not the whole form was prescribed, to recite the story of Jacob's descent into Egypt, and the deliverance therefrom of his posterity; and to acknowledge the blessings with which God had visited him (Deut xxvi. 2-11).

    The offerings, both public and private, resolve themselves into two classes: (a.) Produce in gen- eral, in the Mishna D^pDS, Bicatrim, first-fruits, primitin /menu, rpvroyivrlipaTa, raw produce. (6.) rOOTTA, Terumoth, offerings, primUlas, krapxal, prepared produce (Gesen. p. 1276 ; Au- gustine, Qucut. in HepU iv. 82, vol. iU. p. 732; Spencer, de Leg. Bebr. iii. 9, p. 713; Rdand, AtUiq. iii. 7; Philo, dt Pram. Sactrd. 1 (ii. 233, Mang.); dt Saerific Abel el Cam, 21 (i. 177, M.)). (a.) Of the public offerings of first-fruits, the Law defined no place from which the Passover sheaf should be chosen, but the Jewish custom, so for as it is represented by the Mishns, prescribed that the wave-sheaf or sheaves should be taken from the neighborhood of Jerusalem ( Ttrvmoth, x. 2). Deputies from the Sanhedrim went out on the eve of the festival, and tied the growing stalks in bunches. In the evening of the festival day the sheaf was cut with all possible publicity, and car- ried to the Temple. It was there threshed, and an omer of grain, after being winnowed, was bruised and roasted : after it had been mixed with oil and frankincense laid upon it, the priest waved the of- fering in all directions. A handful was thrown on the altar-fire, and the rest belonged to the priests, to be eaten by those who were free from ceremonial defilement After this the harvest might be car- ried on. After the destruction of the Temple aO this was discontinued, on the principle, as it s tun s, that the House of God was exclusively the place for oblation (Lev. ii. 14, x. 14, xxiii. 18; Num. xviii. 11; Mishn. Terum. v. 6, x. 4, 6; Shekahm viU. 8; Joseph. Ant. iii. 10, § 5; Philo, de Pram Sactrd. 1 (ii. 233, Mang.); Reland, Aniiq. iii. 7 8, ir. 3, 8).

    The offering made at the least of tl.e Ptatseost was a thanksgiving for the conehukai «4 trhsa*

    Digitized by



    It consisted of two bates (according to Toaephua, one loaf) 7f new flour baked with leaven, which were waved by the priest at at the Passover, rhe size of the loaves is fixed by the Mishna at ■even palms long and four wide, with horns of four fingers length. No private offerings of first-fruits were allowed before this public oblation of the two loaves (Lev. xxiii. IS, SO; Hishn. Terum. x. 6, xi. 4; Joseph. Ant. iii. 10, § 6-; Reland, Antiq. iv. 4, 6). The private oblations of first-fruits may be classed in the same maimer as the public The directions of the Law respecting them have been r deduced the following. Seven sorts of produce were considered liable to oblation, namely, wheat, barley, grapes, figs, pomegranates, olives, and dates (Gesen. p. 219; Deut. viii. 8; Miahn. Biccurim, i. ■I; Hasselquist, Traeelt, p. 417), but the Law ap- pears to have contemplated produce of all sorts, and to have been so understood by Nehemiah (Deut. xxvi. 2; Neh. x. -35, 37). The portions in- tended to be offered were decided by inspection, and the selected fruits were fastened to the stem by a band of rushes (Bic. iii. 1). A proprietor might, if he thought fit, devote the whole of his produce as first-fruits (ibid. ii. 4). But though the Law laid down no rule as to quantity, the minimum fixed by custom was one sixtieth (Keland, Antiq. iii. 8, 4). No offerings were to be made before Pentecost, nor after the feast of the Dedication, on the 35th of Cisleu (Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 16, 17; Bic. i. 3, 6). The practice was for companies of 94. persons to assemble in the evening at a cen- tral station, and pass the night in the open air. In the morning they were summoned by the leader of the feast with the words, " Let us arise and go up to Mount Zion, the House of the Lord our God." On the road to Jerusalem they recited portions of Psalms cxxii. and cl. Each party was preceded by a piper, a sacrificial bullock having the tips of his horns gilt and crowned with olive. At their ap- proach to the city they were met by priests appointed to inspect the offerings, and were welcomed by companies of citizens proportioned to the number of the pilgrims. On ascending the Temple mount each person took bis basket containing the first- fruits and an offering of turtle doves, on his shoulders, and proceeded to the oourt of the Tem- ple, where they were met by Lerites singing Ps. xxx. 2. The doves were sacrificed as a bumt-offjr- ing, and the first-fruits presented io the priests with the words appointed in Deut. xxvi. Ihe baskets of the rich were of gold or silver • those of the poor of peeled willow. The baskets of the latter kind were, as well as the offerings they cou:ained, presented to the priests, who waved the offerings at the S. VV. corner of the altar: the more valuable baskets were returned to the owners (Bic iii. 6, 8). Alter passing the night at Jerusalem, the pilgrims returned on the following day to their homes (Deut. *vi. 7; Terum. ii. 4). It is mentioned that King Agrippa bore his part in this highly picturesque national ceremony by carrying bis basket, like the rest, to the Temple (Bic. iii. 4). Among other by-laws were the following: (1.) He who ate his first-fruits elsewhere than in Jerusalem and without Jte proper form was liable to punishment (Mito- tan, iii. 3, vol. iv. p. 284, Surenh.). (2.) Women, ■laves, deaf and dumb persons, and some others. were exempt from the verbal oblation before the driest, which was not generally used after the least •t Tabernacles (BU. i. 6, 6).



    (A.) The first-fruits prepared for use were not re- quired to be taken to Jerusalem. They oomaatet of wine, wool, bread, oil, date-honey, onions, cu cumbers ( Terum. ii. 5, 6 ; Num. xv. 19, 21 ; Deut. xviii. 4). They were to be made, according U gome, only by dwiilers in Palestine; but according to others, by those also who dwelt in Moab, in Am- monitis, and in Egypt ( Terum. i. 1). They were not to be taken from the portion intended for tithes, nor from the corners left for the poor (ibid. i. 5, iii. 7). The proportion to be given is thus esti- mated in that treatise: a liberal measure, one fortieth, or, according to the school of Shammai, one thirtieth; a moderate portion, one fiftieth; a scanty portion, one sixtieth. (See Ez. xlv. 13 ) The measuring-basket was to be thrice estimated during the season (ibid. iv. 3). He who ate or drank his offering by mistake was bouuJ -.o add one fifth, and present it to the priest (Lev. v. 16, xxii. 14), who was forbidden to remit the penalty (Terum. vi. 1, 6). The offerings were the per- quisite of the priests, not only at Jerusalem, but in the provinces, and were to be eaten or used only by those who were clean from ceremonial defilement (Num. xviii. 11; Deut. xviii. 4).

    The corruption of the nation after the time of Solomon gave rise to neglect in these as well at in other ordinances of the Law, and restoration of them was among the reforms brought about by Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 11). Nehemiah also, at the return from Captivity, took pains to reorganize the offerings of first-fruits of both kinds, and to appoint places to receive them (Neh. x. 35, 37, xii. 44). Perversion or alienation of them is reprobated, as care in observing is eulogized by the prophets, and specially mentioned in the sketch of the res- toration of the Temple and Temple service made by Ezekiel (Ez. xx. 40, xliv. 30, xlviii. 14; Mat iii. 8).

    An offering of first-fruits is mentioned as an ac- ceptable one to the prophet Klislia (2 K. iv. 42).

    Besides the offerings of first-fruits mentioned above, the Law directed that the fruit of all trees fresh planted should be regarded as uncircumcised or profane, and not to be tasted by the owner for three years. The whole produce of the fourth year was devoted to God ; and did not become free to the owner till the fifth year (Lev. xix. 23-25). The trees found growing by the Jews at the conquest were treated as exempt from this rule. (Miahn. Orlaa, t. 3.)

    Offerings of first-fruits were sent to Jerusalem by Jews living in foreign countries (Joseph. Ant xvi. 6, § 7).

    Offerings of first-fruits were also customary in heathen systems of worship. (See, for instances and authorities, Patrick, On Deut. xxvi.; and a copious list in Spencer, de Leg. Hebr. iii. 9, die Primtutnm Origin*; also Leslie, On Tithe*. Works, vol. ii; Winer, a. v. ErttHnge.)

    It. W. P.

    FISH, FISHING. The Hebrews recognized fish as one of the great divisions of the animal kingdom, and, as such, give them a place in the account of the creation (Gen. i. 21, 28), as well as in other passages where an exhaustive description of living creatures is intended (Gen. ix. 2; Ex. xx. 4; Deut. iv. 18; 1 K. iv. 88). They do not, how- ever, appear to have acquired any intimate knowl- edge of this oranch of natural history. Although they were acquainted with some of the names givtr

    Digitized by VjOOQLC




    by the Ejrir] tians to the different species (for Jo- tcphus, B. -I. ili. 10, § 8, compares one found in the Sea of lialilee to the coradmu), they did not adopt a similar method of distinguishing them; nor was any classification attempted beyond the broad divisions of clean and unclean, great and small. The former was established by the Mosaic Law (I*v. xi. 9, 10), which pronounced unclean such fish as were devoid of fins and scales : these were and are regarded as unwholesome food in Egypt (Wilkinson, Anc. EyypL iii. 68, 59), so much so that one of the laws of El-Hakim prohib- ited the sale, or even the capture of them (Lane, Mod. Egypt, i. 132). This distinction is probably referred to in the terms acatpi (end nun idtmea, Sohleusner's Lex. s. t. ; Trench, On Parables, p. 137) and Ka \\d (Matt. xiii. 48). Of the various species found in the Sea of Galilee (as enumerated by Raumer, PaldsHna, p. 93), the Silurut would be dasaed among the former, while the Sparus Gali- laus, a species of bream, and the mugil, chub, would be deemed "clean" or "good." The sec- ond division is marked in Gen. i. 21 (as compared with verse 28), where the great marine animals

    (D^V^n D^Si? : idrn) firriXa), genericaUy described as ahales in the A. T. (Gen. I. c. ; Job vii. 12) ] U'halk], but including abio other animals, such as the crocodile [Lkvi>tham] and perhaps some kinds of serpents, are distinguished from

    " every living creature that creepeth " {PXjffl iH : A. V. "inoveth "), a description applying to fish, along with other reptiles, as having no legs. To the former class we may assign the large fish referred to

    in Jon. ii. 1 (VVTJ 3^ : j^toj itiya. Matt. xii. 40), which Winer (art t'ische), after Bochart, identifies with a species of shark (Cants carcha- Has) : and nlro that referred to in Tob. ri. 2 ft"., identified by Bochart (Hieroz. iii. 697 ff.) with the Silui-ut ijlanis, but by Kitto (art. Fith) with a species of crocodile (the $ee$nr) found in the Indus. The Hebrews were struck with the remarkable fe- cundity of fish, and have expressed this in the term

    33, the root of which signifies increase (comp. Gen. xlviii. 16), and in the secondary sense of Y~$, lit. to creep, thence to multiply (Gen. i. 20, riii. 17, ix. 7; Ex. L 7), as well as in the allusions in Ex. xlvii. 10. Doubtless they became familiar with '.his fact in Egypt, where the abundance of fish in the Mile, and the lakes and canals (Strab. xrii. p. 823; Died. i. 36, 43, 52; Her. ii. 93, 149), rendered it one of the staple commodities of food (Num. xi. 5 ; sotnp. Wilkinson, iii. 62). The destruction of fish was on this account a most serious visitation to the igyptiun* (Ex. vii. 21; Is. xix. 8). Occasionally t is the result of natural causes: thus St John ^Trawls in Valley of the Nile, ii. 246) describes a rest destruction of fish from cold, and Wellsterl ( u tvfJs in Arabia, i. 310) states that in Oman thf fish are visited with an epidemic about every fri years, which destroys immense quantities of them. It was perhaps as an image of fecundity that the fish was selected as an object of idolatry: (he worship of it was widely spread, from Egypt (Wilkinson, iii. 58) to Assyria (Uvard, Nineveh, - 467), and even India (Baur, MythiJogie, ii. 58). Vrnong the Philistines, Dagon («= Utile fsli) was .•presented by a figure half man and half fish (1 9am. t 4). On this account the worship of fish k expressly prohibited (Deut. iv. 18). [Daoo».]


    In Palestra, the Sea of Galilee was and asffl Is remarkably weil stored with fish, and the valiss attached to the fishery by the Jews is shown by the traditional belief that one of the ten laws of Joshua enacted that it should be open' tu all comers (Light- foot's Talmudicnl Exerdtatiuns on Matt iv. 18). No doubt the inhabitants of northern Judasa drew large supplies thence for their subsistence in the earlier as well as the later periods of the Bible his - tory. Jerusalem derived its supply chiefly from the Mediterranean (comp. Ex. xlvii. 10), at one time through Phoenician traders (Neb. xiii. 16), who must have previously salted it (in which form

    it is termed fP^O in the Talmud ; Lightfoot on Matt xiv. 17). The existence of a regular fiah market is implied in the notice of the fish gate, which was probably contiguous to it (2 Chr. xxxiii. 14; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39; Zeph. 1. 10). In addition to these sources, the reservoirs formed in the neigh- borhood of towns may have been stocked .with flail (2 Sam. ii. 13, iv. 12; Is. vii. 3, xxii. 9, 11 ; Cant, vii. 4, where, however, " fish " is interpolated in the A. V.). With regard to Ash as an article of food. see Fuou.

    Numerous allusions to the art of fishing occur in the Bible. In the 0. I\\ these allusions are of a metaphorical character, descriptive either of the conversion (Jer. xvi. 16; Ex. xlvii. 10) or of the destruction (Ez. xxix. 3 ff. ; Eccl. ix. 12; Am. iv. 2; Hab. i. 14) of the enemies of God. In the N. T. the allusions are of a historical character for the most part, though ' he metaphorical application is still maintained in Malt xiii. 47 ft*. The moat usual method of catching fish was by the use of the

    net, either the cnsfi'n^ net (D^n, Hab. i. 15; Ez. xxvi. 5, 14, xlvii. 10; JIi'ktvoV, Matt. iv. 20,21; Mark i. 18, 19; Luke v. 2 ff.; John xxi. 6 IT.; &H$i0ki)

    An Egyptian Fishing-Net (Wilkinson.)

    in Wilkinson (iii. 55), or the draw at thtic net (/"HO?!?, Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15;

    Digitized by



    angling was a favorite pursuit of the wealthy In Egypt, ns well as followed by the poor who could not afford a net (Wilkinson, iii. (3 ff.); the requi- site* were a hook (H^n, Is. xix. 8; lUb. 1. 15; Job xli. 1; H§S and "VD, so called &x>m its re- semblance to a thorn, Am. iv. 3 ; HyKtar poy, Matt. xvii. 37), and a line 03T}> Job xli. 1) made perhaps of reeds: the rod was occasionally dis- pensed with (Wilkinson, iii. S3), and is not men- tioned in the Bible: ground-bait alone was used, fly-fishing being unknown. A still more scientific

    method was with the trident (H3B7, A. V.

    "barbed iron") or the spear pSv?), as prac- ticed in Egypt in taking the crocodile (Job xli. 7) or the hippopotamus (Wilkinson, iii. 72). A similar custom of spearing fish still exists in Arabia (Well- sted, ii. 347). The reference in Job xli. 3 is not to the use of the hook in fishing, but to the cus- tom of keeping fish alive In the water when not re- quired for immediate use, by piercing the gills with

    a ring (TVHl, A. T. "thorn ") attached to a stake

    by a rope of reeds (lb?N, A. V. " hook "). The

    night was esteemed the best time for fishing with the net (Luke v. 5; Plin. ix. 33). W. L. B.

    * See Mr. Tristram's Land of ftratl, in regard to the fishes of the Sea of Galilee, p. 428; those of ti.e Jordan, pp. 24S, 485; and those of the Jabbok and Gilead, pp. 529, 544. As showing how abundant they still are in the Sea of Tiberias, this traveller states that be saw crumbs of poisoned bread thrown to them, >' which the fish seized, and turning over dead, were washed ashore and collected fur the market. The shoals were marvellous — black masses, many hundred yards long, with the back fins projecting out of the water as thick as they could pack. No wonder any net should break which inclosed such a shoal." There seems to be no trace in the Bible of any such mode of taking fish in ancient times. FUhing from boats on this sea has almost if It has not altogether ceased. Only two or three boats (Tristram, p. 436) used for any purpose are now found on the lake of Galilee. Sepp states (Jtruwtem u. dot heiL Land, ii. 185) that nets are no longer used in fishing there, but probably we are to understand this as meaning that they are not cast from boats for a draught; for others in- form us that the fishermen wade into the water with hand-nets, which they dexterously throw around the fish and thus capture them. (See Richter, WaUfnhrten, p. 60; and Rob. Bibt. Rts. iii. 262, 1st ad.) It must have been a common sight to the ancient inhabitants of Palestine, as it is to those there now, to see the flying-fish leap from the wa- ters along the coast of the Mediterranean. " Their flight is always short, spasmodic, and painful ; and when their web-wings become dry they instantly collapse, and the poor little aeronaut drops into the water like a stone " (Thomson, Land and Bonk, ii. 357). The catfish or coradma (Kopwcivos) is very abundant in the Round Fountain ('Ain Mudaioarnh) u. the plain of Gennesaret. [Capernaum, Amer. d.] "Certain kinds of fishing," says Thomson, referring apparently to the Mediterranean, though im same may once have been true also of the Sea jf Galilee, " are always carried on at night. With •lazing torch the boat glides over the flashing sea, and the men stand gaslng keenly into it until their



    prey is sighted, when, quick as lightning, they fling their net or fly their spear; and often you see the tired fishermen come sullenly into harbor in the morning, having toiled all night in vain " (Lana and Book, ii. 80). The Saviour's language (Matt. vii. 10; Lake xi. 11) implies that a person in nf*d might ask a fish of another and expect it as a gra- tuity. There was an ancient " fish gate " at Jerusa- lem (3 Chr. xxxiii. 14; Neh. iii. 8, Ac.), and a fish market has existed there in all periods (Tobler, Topographic ton Jerumlem, p. 208). It. is evident that the inhabitants have always rehed in part ov their fish-stocked waters for supplies of fond. The reference to >> sluices and ponds " in Is. xix. l( (A. V.), as if for preserving fish, probably rests OS a mistranslation. [Sluices, Amer. ed.] H.

    •FISH GATE. [Jerusalem, I. 8, and HI., ral.]

    * FISH-POOLS, a mistranslation hi Cant. vii. 4, A. V. [Heshboh, Amer. ed.]

    FITCHES («'. t. Vetches), the representative in the A. V. of the two Hebrew words cutiemeth and ketzitch. As to the former see Kye.

    Kttznck (rTSj?.: lux&vtior- gilh) denotes with- out doubt the Nigttta saliva, an herbaceous annua! plant belonging to the natural order Rnnuneulnctox, and sub-order Htikborta, which grows in the S of Europe and in the N. of Africa. It was for-

    Nigttta sntira.

    merly cultivated in Palestine for the sake of its seeds, which are to this day used in eastern countries as a medicine and a condiment. This plant is men- tioned only in Is. xxviii. 25, 27, where especial ref- erence is made to the mode of threshing it; not

    with "a threshing instrument" Q"VIO, ^"in)

    but " with a staff" (H^M}), because the heavy- armed cylinders of the former implement would have crushed the aromatic seeds

    Digitized by




    Besides the JV. tattoo, there U another spedes, lb* iV. oreenni, which may be Included under the term kebtach; but the seeds of this bat-named plant are leas aromatic than the other. W H.

    * The aeeda of this plant are universally used In Syria, not mixed with the bread, but sprinkled on the top of the loaf or cake. They are called

    »tOy*JI sLsll, that is, the Mack teed, in

    illusion to their color; also SSy*j\\ &A3*>, the teed

    of Muting, in allusion to their sapposed medicinal virtues. There is an Arabic proverb, " In ike Mack teed is the medicine for every disease." It is no less true at this day than in Isaiah's time, that it Is beaten out with a staff, not threshed out with the Nouraj on the threshing-floor. G. £. P.

    FLAG, the representative in the A. V. of the two Hebrew words Achi and tuph.

    1. Achi (¥1$ : i xh i x „, fioirouov. locut paltutru, carectum; A. V. "meadow," "flag"), a word, according to Jerome ( Comment, in Is. xix. 7), of Egyptian origin, and denoting "any green and coarse herbage, such as rushes and reeds, which grows in marshy places." "Quum ab eruditis queererem," says Jerome, "quod hie sermo signi- ficaret, audivi ab ./Egyptus hoc nomine lingua eorum omne quod in palude virent natcitur, appellari." In Job viii. 11 it is asked, " Can the achi grow without water?" It seems probable that some ipecific plant is here denoted, as Celsius has en- deavored to prove (Bierob. i. 342), for the Achu is mentioned with the gome, " the papyrus." The word occurs once again in Gen. xli. 2, 18, where it is said that the seven well-favored sine came up oat of the river and fed in an achu. Royle (Kitto's Cyc art. Achu) and Kitto (Pict Bib. on Gen. L c.) are inclined to think that the Achu denotes the Cyperut etculentut. The last-named writer iden- tifies this sedge with the ua\\iya0i\\\\ri of Theo- pbrastus (Hist. Plant iv. 8, § 12), which plant was much eaten by sheep and cattle. There is, bow- ever, much doubt as to what the maHnathalla de- ■otea, as Schneider has shown. The LXX. render Arith by &x> '"> ls - "*• 7 - I s ™ Rked.] Kalbch (Comment, on Gen. I c) says that tbedcAii "is unquestionably either the Cyperut etculentut or the Bulomut umbtllntut." We are quite unable to satisfy ourselves so easily on this point. There sre many marsh-plants besides the Cyperut etculentut snd the B. uinbeOatut; at the same time, if the Greek fjo&ropot denotes the latter plant, about which, however, there is some doubt, it is possible that the achi of Job viii. 11 may be represented by the Bulomut umbeUatut, at " flowerim; rush," which grows In Palestine and the East. The Achu of Gen. (L c) may be used in a general sense to denote such marshy vegetation as is seen on some part* of the Nile. As to discussions on the origin

    af ¥1$, see Celsius, Bierob. I c; JablonskL Oputc i. 46, ii. 159, ed. Te- Water; Schultens, OmmenL ad Job, I c, and Gesenius, Tket. s. v., Ac

    2. S&ph (PfO '. ikos- carectum, pelagut) occurs frequentlv in the O. T. in connection with yam,

    •sea," In denote the "Red Sea" (F)3D~D?). JSka.] The term here appears to be need in a •try wide sense to denote "weeds of any kind." IVi yam tit*, therefore, k the "sea of weeds,"


    and perhaps, as Stanley (S. d- P. p. «, note) ok serves, tuph " may be applied to any aqueous veg- etation," which would include the arborescent eora. growths for which this sea is celebrated, as well at the different algs which grow at the bottom : sre Pliny (//. N. xiii. 26), and Shaw ( Trat. p. 387, foL 1738), who speaks of a " variety of alga and fua that grow within its channel, and at low water are left in great quantities upon the se a sh o re " (see also p. 384). The word tuph in Jon. ii 6, translated " weeds " by the A. V., has, there can be no doubt, reference to •• sea-weed," and more especially to the long ribbon-like bonds of the Lammaria, at the entangled masses of Fuci. In Ex. ii. 3, 5, how- ever, where we read that Hoses was bid "in the tuph ('flags,' A. V.) by the river's brink," it b probable that "reeds" or "rushes," Ac, are de- noted, at Kab. Salomon explains it, " a place thick with reeds." (See Celsius, Bierob. ii. 66.) The yam-tiph in the Coptic version (as in Ex. X. 19, xni 18; Ps. evi. 7, 9, 22) is rendered "the Sari-tea." lite word Sari is the old Egyptian for a " reed " or a "rush" of some kind. Jabkmski (Oputc. I. 266) gives J uncut as its rendering, and compares a passage in Theophrastus (But. Plant iv. 8, §§ 2, 6) which thus describes the tari: "The tori grows in water about marshes and those watery places which the river after its return to its bed leaves behind it; it has a hard and closely twisted root, from which spring the taria (stalks) so called." Pliny (P. If. xiii. 23) thus speaks of this plant: " The tart, which grows about the Nile, b a shrubby kind of plant (?), commonly being about two cubita high, and as thick as a man't thumb ; it has the panicle (coma) of the papyrus, and b similarly eaten; the root, on account of its hardness, b used ic blacksmiths' shops instead of charcoal." Spreugel (BitL Rei Perb. i. 78) identifies the tori of Theo- phrastus with the Cyperut fattigiaatt, Linn.; but the description u too vague to serve as a sufficient basis for identification. There can be little doubt that tuph b sometimes used in a general sense like our English "weeds." It cannot be restricted to denote alga, as Celsius has endeavored to show, because alga b not found hi the Nile. L>dy Cal- cott (Script Berb. p. 168) thinks the Zottera ma- rina ("grass-wrack") may be ii tended; but there b nothing in bvor of such an opinion. The tuph of Is. xix. 6, where it b mentioned with the kinek, appean to be used in a more restricted sense to denote some species of "reed" or "tall grass." There are various kinds of Cyperacea and taO Graminacta, such at Arundo and Sacckarum, in Egypt. [Rraro.] W. H.

    * It b quite poasibb that no definite species waa intended here, as in many other places in the Scriptures where plants are mentioned. In Gen. xli. 2, 18, where the kine fed " in an Achi," the expression may be used in a general sense, just aa we might tay " in the ledge," without intending to designate any particular species of Cyperut, or Co- res, or Juncut, or others of kindred orders. Thb same mdefinrteneas b retained in the Arabic terms


    the former signifying

    aes In general; the Utter being an indefinite tons: covering anany species of Gr am me * sod Cypmr-

    a •'

    acta; while u$i>jJ •» » general term for J—


    Digitized by



    FLAGON a word employee In the A. V to Under two dhtinct Hebrew term: 1. AMhUkah,

    H^OTfe* (3 S»m. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xri. 3; Cut. ii. 6; Hoi. lii 1). The real meaning of thin word, according to the conclusions of Gesenius ( This. p. 168), i» a cake of pressed raisin*. lie derives it from a root signifying to compress, and this is eon- finned by Uie renderings of the LXX. (Kiyaror, hfupirrt, w4mtttra) and of the Vulgate, and also by the indications of the Targura Pseudojon. and the Mishn* (.Vedarim, 6, § 10). In the passage In Hosea there is probably a reference to a practice of offering such cakes before the false deities. The rendering of the A. V. is perhaps to be traced to l.uther, who in the first two of the above passages hu cm Nbtttl fVdn, and in the last Kanae

    Wan; bnt primarily to the interpretations of modern Jews (e. g. Gemara, Buba Batiira, and

    rargnm on Chronicles), grounded on a false ety- mology (see Michaelis, quoted by Gesenius, and the observations of the latter, a* above). It will be ob- served that in the two first passages the words " of wine " are interpolated, and that in the last " of wine" should be "of grapes."

    8. tfebel, b^3 (Is. xxii. 34 only), Nebtl is commonly used for a bottle or vessel, originally probably a skin, but in later times a piece of pot- tery (Is. xxx. 14). But it also frequently occurs with the force of a musical instrument (A. V. gen- erally " psaltery," but sometimes " viol "), a mean- ing which is adopted by the Targum, and the Arabic and Vulgate versions, and Luther, and given in the margin of the A. V. The text, how- ever, follows the rendering of the LXX., and with this sg ie es Gesenius's rendering, "Beeken und Flatchen, cm allerhand Art." G.

    FLAX. Two Hebrew words are used for this plant in O. T., or rather the same word slightly

    modified — iTFItpQ, and nj-)t{J3. About the former there is no question. It occurs only in three places (Ex. ix. 31; Is. xlll. 3, xliii. 17). As regards the latter, there is probably only one pas- sage where it stands for the plant in its undressed state (Josh. ii. 6). Eliminating all the places where the words are used for the article manufact- ured in the thread, the piece, or the made up gar- ment [Lcncx; Cotton], we reduce them to two: Ex. ix. 31, certain, and Josh. ii. 6, disputed.

    In the former the flax of the Egyptians is re- corded to have been damaged by the plague of hail.

    The word bfc*33 is retained by Onkelos; but is rendered in LXX. imp/urrf for, and in Vulg. fotti- culoe geminabai. The A. V. seems to tune fol- lowed the LXX. (boiled = o-wtpnaTlfar); and so Rosenm "globulus seu nodus uni maturescentis " (SchuL ad loc). Gesenius makes it the calix or co- rolla; refers to the Mishna, where it is used for the slix of the hyssop, and describes this explanation as one of long standing among the more learned Kabbins(r»ej. p. 261).

    For the flax of ancient Egypt, see Herod, ii IT, .to; Cela. ii. p. 886 ft*.; Heeren, Idem, ii. i, p. 168 ft*. For that of modem Egypt, see Haaselqunt, Journey, p. 500; Olivier, Voyage, iii. 897; Guard's Obtervation* id Detvipt, de t Egypt*, torn. xvii. iftt moderne), p. 98 ; Paul Lucas, Voyage; pt. ii. s.47.

    From Bitter's Erdkunde, Ii. 916 (eomr.. his For- feit-, tx. pp 46-48' it seems probable that the

    FLINT 881

    cultivation of flax for the purpose of the m s nnfc s t ore of linen was by no means confined to Egypt; but that, originating in India, it spread over the whole continent of Asia at a very early period of antiquity. That it was grown in Palestine even before the conquest of that country by the Isnelitus appears from Josh. ii. 6, the second of the two pas- sages mentioned above. There is, however, tome difference of opinion about the meaung of the

    words V 5*TJ V"}t#3 : KtyoKaKiiaf. Vulg. ihpuia fits' ; and so A. V. " stalks of flax; " Joseph, speaks of Kirov ayicaKlSas, armfuls, or bundles of flax; but Arab. Vers, "stalks of cotton." Gesenius, however, and Rosenmuller are in favor of the ren- dering •> stalks of flax." If this be correct, tin place involves an allusion to the custom of drying the flax-stalks by exposing them to the heat of the son upon the flat roofs of houses ; and so expressly in Joseph. (Ant v. 1, § 3), Kirov yip ayieaKtoa* M tov -riyovs tyvx*- ^° ' ater &"** *"'* drying was done in ovens (Rosenm. AUerthumtk.). There is a decided reference to the raw material in the LXX. rendering of Lev. xiil. 47, l/ucriif otw rvira, and Judg. xr. 14, orvnrlor, eomp. Is. i. 31.

    The various processes employed in preparing tue flax for manufacture into cloth are indicated — (1.) The drying process (see above). (9.) The peeling of the stalks, and separation of the fibres (the

    name being derivable either, as Parkh. from t2B7*3,

    to strip, peel, or as Gesen. from tff*>v^, to separate into parts). (3.) The hackling (I*, xix. 9; LXX

    Klror t» axurrSri vid. Gesen. Lex. s. v. i^TPi sod for the combt used in the process, comp- Wil- kinson, Anc. Egypt iii. 140). The flax, however, was not always dressed before weaving (see Ecclus. xl. 4, where ufi6\\iror is mentioned as a species of clothing worn by the poor). That the use of the coarser fibres was known to the Hebrews may be

    inferred from the mention of low (rT")53), in Judg. xvi. 9; Is. i. 31. That flax was anciently one of the most important crops in Palestine ap- pears from Has. ii. S, 9 ; that it continued to be grown and manufactured into linen in N. Palesti-M down to the Middle Ages we have the testimony of numerous Talmudiats sod Rabbins. At present it does not seem to be so much cultivated there as the cotton plant [Cotton; Linen.] T. E. B.

    FLEA < ul insect twice only mentioned in Scripture, namely, in 1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 90. In both cases David in speaking to Saul applies it to himself as a term of humility. The Heb. word Is

    V ~i~*. which the LXX. render by fiKKos, and the Vulg. by pulex. Fleas are abundant in the East, and afford the subject of many proverbial expressions. W. D.

    FLESH. [Food.]

    FLINT. The Heb. quadriliteral t^O^I? is rendered An* in Dent rill. 15, xxxll. 18; Ps. cxlv. 8; and Is. L 7. In Job xxriii. 9 the same word is rendered rock in the text, sod flint in the margin. In the three first passages the reference is to God's bringing water and oil out of the naturally barren rocks of the wilderness for the sake of his people. In Isaiah the word is used metaphorically to signify the firmness of the prophet in resistance to Us persecutors. InE» ill. 9 the English word " flint"

    Digitized by


    S32 FLOOD

    mors in the nine sense, but there it represent* She lleti. 7'aor. 80 alto in Is- v. 38 we have lite ttin{ in referenoe to the boob of hones. In 1 Mace. x. 73 irdxAol u translated flint, and in Wiad. xi. 4 the expression Ac virpas iutporiftov u adopted from Deut. viii. IS (LXX.). [Kjsifb.]

    W. D.

    FLOOD. [Noah.]

    FLOOR. [Pavement.]

    FLOUR. [Bread.]

    FLOWERS. [Palestine, Botany of.]

    FLUTE (NTT'iTP^D), a musical instru- ment, mentioned amongst others (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15) as used at the worship of the golden image which Nebuchadnezzar had set up. It is derived

    from py$, to hiss; LXX.

    FLUTE (VjlJ: x ,pi,: tibia), 1 K. I. 40,

    ninrg. [Pipe.]

    FLUX, ELOODY (Swrtrrtpta, Acts xxviii. 8), the same as our dysentery, which in the East is, though sometimes sporadic, generally epidemic and infectious, and then assumes its worst form. It is always attended with fever. [Fever.] A sharp gnawing and burning sensation seizes the bowels, which give off in purging much slimy matter and purulent discharge. When blood Bows it is said to he less dangerous than without it (Schmidt, Wtl. Mtilic. c. xiv. pp. 603-507). King Jehoram's disease was probably a chronic dysentery, and the ■• Iwweli foiling out " the prolnpeut am, known sometimes to ensue (2 Chr. xxi. 15, 19).

    II. H.

    FLY. FLIES. The two following Hebrew terms denote flies of some kind.

    1. Zibub O'Qt: itma- mutca) occurs only in Eccl. x. 1, " Dead zibubim cause the ointment of the apothecary to send forth a stinking savour," and in Is. vii. 18, where it is said, " the Ix>rd shall niss for the tfbub that is in the uttermost part of the rivers of Egypt." The Heb. name, it is prob- able, is a generic one for any insect, but the ety- mology is a matter of doubt (see Gesenius, Thet. p. 401; lleb. ami Chald. Lex. s. v.; and Ftirst, Heb. Concord, s. v.). In the first quoted passage allusion is made to flies, chiefly of the family Mu»- tida, getting into vessels of ointment or other sub- stances; even in this country we know what an intolerable nuisance the house-flies are in a hot summer when they abound, crawling everywhere and into everything; but in the East the nuisance is tenfold greater. The z&bttb from the rivers of feypt has by some writers, as by Oed matin ( Ver- r^tch. Samm. vi. 79), been identified with the amb of which Bruce ( Trnv. v. 190) gives a description, and which is evidently some species of Tabamu. Sir Q. Wilkinson has given some account ( Trmunc. of the Fntomol Soc. ii. p. 183) of an injurious fly under the name of dthebab, a term almost identical with tfbub. It would not do to press too much ipon this point when it is considered that Egypt •hounds with noxious insects: but it must be


    alowed that there is some reason for tins i cation; and though, as was stated above. elUb is probably a generic name for in j flies, in this pas- sage of Isaiah it may be used to denote some very troublesome and injurious fly, kot' i^oxhr- " Th* dthebab is a long gray fly, which comes out about the rise of the Nue, and is like the cleg of the north of England ; it abounds in calm hot weather, and is often met with in June and July, both in the desert and on the Nile." This insect Is very injurious to camels, and causes their death, if the disease which it generates is neglected; it attacks both man and beast.

    8. 'Ar&b (Sit^: Kvr6fivia: omne gemts m*» canon, mutca dScersi generis, imwn granmma : " swarms et flies," •> divers sorts ot flies," A. V.), the name of the insect, or insects, which God sent to punish Pharaoh; see Ex. viii. 31-31; Pa. lxxriii 45, ev. 31. The question as to what particular insect is denoted by 'drub, or whether any om species is to be understood by it, has long been a matter of dispute. The Scriptural details are as follows: the 'drib rilled the houses of the Egyp- tians, they covered the ground, they lighted on the people, the land was laid waste on their account. From the expression in ver. 31, " there remained not one," some writers nave concluded that the Hebrew word points to some definite species: we do not think, however, that much stress ought to be laid upon this argument; if the 'drib be tasuai to denote " swarms," as the Auth. Version renders it, the " not

    Digitized by



    and so occasioning in a hot climate nun; instance* of death;" see for cases of Mgn'i* produced by dipterous larom, Transactions of Kntomol. Soc. ii. pp. 366-869.

    The identification rf the 'drib with the cockroach (Blatta orientaHt), whicL Oedmann I Verm. Sum. pt. u. c. 7) suggests, and which Kir by (Britlyw. Trent, ii. p. 397) adopts, has nothing at all to recommend it, and is purely gratuitous, as Mr. Hope proved in 1837 in a paper on this subject in the Trant. Ent. Soc. ii. p. 179-183. The. error of calling the cockroach a beetle, and the confusion which has been made between it and the Sacred Beetle of Egypt (Aleuchus sacer), has recently been repeated by M. Kalisch (Ilia, and Crti. Comment. Ex- I c). The cockroach, as Mr. Hope remarks, la a nocturnal insect, and prowls about for food at night, " but what reason have we to believe that the fly attacked the Egyptians by night and not by day?" We see no reason to be dissatisfied with the reading in our own version. W. H.

    • FLYING BOLL. [Rou, Amer. ed.]

    • FOLD. [Sh«kp-Fou>.]

    FOOD. The diet of eastern nations has been in all ages light and simple. As compared with our own habits, the chief points of contrast are the small amount of animal food consumed, the variety of articles used as accompaniments to bread, the substitution of milk in various forms for our liquors, and the combination of what we should deem heterogeneous elements in the same dish, or the same meal. The chief point of agreement is the large consumption of bread, the importance of which in the eyes of the Hebrew is testified by the use of the term Uehem (originally food of any kind) specifically for bread, as well as by the expression "staff of bread" (Lev. xxvi. 26: Ps. cv. 16; Ez. iv. 16, xiv. 13). Simpler preparations of corn were, however, common; sometimes the fresh green ears were eaten in a natural state,* the husks being rubbed off by the band (Lev. xxiii. U; Dent xxiii. 35; 2 K. iv. 42; Matt. xii. 1; Luke vi. 1); more frequently, however, the grains, after being carefully picked, were roasted in a pan over a fire (Lev. ii. 14), and eaten as " parched corn," in which form it was an ordinary article of diet particularly among laborers, or others who had not the means of dress- ing food (Lev. xxiii. 14; Ruth ii. 14; 1 Sam. xvii. 17, xxv. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 28): this practice is still very usual in the East (ef. Lane, i. 251 ; Robinson, Researches, ii. 350). Sometimes the grain was bruised (like the Greek polenta, Plin. xviii. 14), in

    which state it was termed either tB^| (iputri, LXX. ; A. V. « beaten " Lev. Ii. 14, 16), or 0^0*1 (xTio-aVoi, Aquil. Symm.; A. V. "com;" 2 Sam. xvii. 19; cf. Prov. xxvii. 22), and then dried in the sun; it was eaten either mixed with oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft cake named

    rt 9 V 1B < A> V - "dough;" Num. xv. 20; Neh. x. 37; Ex. xliv. 30). The Hebrews used a great variety of articles (John xxi. 5) to give a relish to bread. Sometimes salt was so used (Job vi. 6), as we learn born the passage just quoted ; sometimes

    ■ Then is, however, no occasion to appeal to the above explanation, for the common flies In Egypt well merit the epithet of « devouring.'' Mr Trlstrao assures us that be has had his ankles and lonep covered wtu Mood tram the bite of the commob dy, as be lay on ra* sand to the desert with his boots off. M

    foou 988

    the bread was dipped into the sour wine (A. V. " vinegar ") which the laborers drank (Kutb ii. 14); or, where meat was eaten, into the gravy, which was either served up separately for the purpose, as by Gideon (Judg. vi. 19), or placed in the middle of the meat dish, as done by the Arabs (Burck- hardt, Notes, i. 63), whose practice of dipping bread in the broth, or melted fat of the animal, strongly illustrates the reference to the sop in John xiii. 26 ff. The modern Egyptians season their bread with a sauce c composed of various stimulants, such as salt, mint, sesame, and chick-peas (Lane, i. 180). The Syrians, on the other hand, use a mixture of savory and salt for the same purpose (Russell, i. 93). Where the above mentioned accessories were want- ing, fruit, vegetables, fish, or honey, were used. In short it may be said that all the articles of food which we are about to mention were mainly viewed as subordinates to the staple commodity of bread. The various kinds of bread and cakes are described under the bead of Bkead.

    Milk and its preparations hold a conspicuous place in eastern diet, as affording substantial nourishment ; sometimes it was produced in a fresh

    state (S^rli Gen. xviii. 8), but more generally in the form of the modern leban, i. e. sour milk (rtbttpjTI; A. V. "butter;" Gen. xviii. 8; Judg. v. 25;" 2 Sam. xvii. 29). The latter is universally used by the Bedouins, not only as their ordinary beverage (Burckhardt, Nolts, i. 240), but mixed with flour, meat, and even salad (Burckhardt, i. 58, 63 ; Russell, Aleppo, i. 118). It is constantly offered to travellers, and in some parts of Arabia it is deemed scandalous to take any money in return for it (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 120). For a certain season of the year, lebnn makes up a great part of the food of the poor in Syria (Russell, /. c). Butter (Prov. xxx. 33) and various forms of coagulated milk, of the consistency of the modern kaimnk (Job x. 10; 1 Sam. xvii. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 29) were also used. [Butter; Cheese; Milk.]

    Fruit was another source of subsistence: figs stand first in point of importance; the early sorts

    described as the « summer fruit " ( \\f?l2 i Am. *ii» i

    1, 2), and the " first ripe fruit " (PH^SS : Hos ix. 10 ; Mic. vii. 1) were esteemed a great luxury, and were eaten as fresh fruit; but they were gen- erally dried and pressed into cakes, similar to the date-cakes of the Arabians (Burckhardt, Arabia, 1.

    57), in which form they were termed D^/J^ (raK&Bai, A. V. "cakes of figs; " 1 Sam. xxv. 18»

    xxx. 12; 1 Chr. xii 40), and occasionally \\f?!2 simply (2 Sam. xvi. 1; A. V. "summer frmV'£ Grapes were generally eaten in a dried state as

    raisins (D , J7?52} ; ligatura uvoj passes, Vulg. ; 1 Sam. xxv. 18, xxx. 12; 2 Sam. xvi. V; LChn xih 40), but sometimes, as before, pressed into cakes,

    named nK^tt?$ (2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. ivtiV; Cant ii. 5; Hos/iii. 1\\ understood by the LXX. as a sort of cake, \\dyayoy airo rnydyou, and bj

    » This custom is still practiced In Palestine (Boots son's Researches, I. 493).

    c The later Jews named this sauce nOVrTT (Mislin jts. 2, J 8) : it consisted of vinegar, almonds, ana spice, thickened with flour. It was ussl at tot eel* bmtkM of the Pasanvn- (Pts. 10, §,3).

    Digitized by




    tbe A. V. as a " flagon of wine." Fruit-cake forms a part of the daily food of the Arabians, and is particularly adapted to the wants of travellers ; dis- solved in water it affords a sweet and refreshing drink (Niebuhr, Arabia, p. 57 ; Russell, Aleppo, i. 82) ; an instance of its stimulating effect is recorded in 1 Sam. xxx. 12. Apples (probably citrous) are occasionally noticed, but rather in reference to their ftagrance (Cant. ii. 5, vii. 8) and color (Prov. xxv. 11), than as an article of food. Dates are not noticed in Scripture, unless we accept the rendering

    of \\"j2 in the LXX. (2 Sam. xvi. 1) as =

    it can hardly be doubted, however, that, where the palm-tree flourished, as in the neighborhood of Iciicho, its fruit was consumed; in Joel i. 12 it is H'ckoned among other trees valuable for their fruit. The pomegranate-tree is also noticed by Joel; it yields a luscious fruit, from which a species of wine was expressed (Cant. viii. 2; Hag. ii. 19). Melons | were grown in Egypt (Num. xi. 6), but not in Palestine. The mulberry is undoubtedly mentioned in Luke xvii. 8 under tbe name

    Hebrew CNJ? so translated (2 Sam. v. 23; 1

    Chr. xiv. 14) is rather doubtful; the Vulg. takes it to mean peart. The miKo/iopda (" sycamore," A. V.; Luke xix. 4) differed from the tree last mentioned ; it was the Egyptian fig, which abounded in Palestine (1 K. x. 27), and was much valued for its fruit (1 Chr. xxvii. 28; Am. vii. 14). [Apple; Citron; Fio; Mulbkhky-treks; Palm-tree; Pomegranate; Sycamine-trek; Sycamore.] Of vegetables we have most frequent notice of lentils (Gen. xxv. 34; 2 Sam. xvil. 28, xxiii. 11; Ez. iv. 9), which are still largely used by the Be- douins in travelling (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 65); beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28; Ez. iv. 9), which still form a favorite dish in Egypt and Arabia for breakfast, boiled in water and eaten with butter and pepper; from 2 Sam. xvii. 28 it might be inferred that beans and other kinds of pulse were roasted, as

    barley was, but the second , 7|7 in that verse is probably interpolated, not appearing in the LXX., and even if it were not so, the reference to pulse in the A. V., as of deer in the Vulg., is wholly unwarranted ; cucumbers (Num. xi. 5 ; Is. i. 8; Bar. vi. 70 [or Epist. of Jer. 70]; cf. 2 K. iv. 39 where wild gourds, cucumcrti asinini, were picked in mistake for cucumbers); leeks, onions, and gar- lic, which were and still are of a superior quality In Egypt (Num. xi. 6; cf. Wilkinson, Arte. Egypt. ii. 374; last, i. 251); lettuce, of which the wild species, lactuca agrestit, is identified with the Greek wiKpis by Pliny (xxi. 65), and formed, according •to the LXX. and tbe Vulg., the " bitter herbs "

    (D v "f"ltJ) eaten with the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 8; Num. ix.' 11); endive, which is still well known in the East (Russell, i. 91), may have been included under the same class. In addition to the above we

    have notice of certain "herbs" (/THIN; 2 K. Iv. 39) eaten in times of scarcity, which were mal- lows according to the Syriac and Arabic versions, hot according to the Talmud a vegetable resem- btag the Brattiea eruca of lianams; and again of

    wswpursUne (PewD : &aum: A. V. " mallows ")

    tad hroonwwt (D^Df^H, A. V. " juniper; " Job xxx 4) as eaten by the poor In time of famine, un- less :»fca bitter were gathered as fuel. An insipid


    plant, probably purslane, used in wdao, appears to be referred to in Job vi. 8, undVr the rffpmarirT

    n-TDbn Tn (" white of egg," A. V.). The usual method of eating vegetables wu in the form of pottage (TtJ : fyrina: pulmenUm ; Gen. xxv. 29; 2 K. iv. 38; Hag. ii. 12). a meal wholly of vegetables was deemed very poor fare (Prov. xv. 17 ; Dan. i. 12; Rom. xiv. 2). Tbe modern Arabians consume but few vegetables; radishes and leeks are most in use, and are eaten raw with bread (Burck- hardt, Arabia, i. 56). [Beans ; Ctjcumbu: ; Garlic; Gourd; Leek; Lentileb; Oniox.J

    The spices or condiments known to the Hebrews were numerous; cummin (la. xxviii. 25; Matt, xxiii. 23), dill (Matt, xxiii. 23, "anise," A. V.), coriander (Ex. xvi. 31; Num. xi. 7), mint (Matt, xxiii. 23), rue (Luke xi. 42), mustard (Matt. xiii. 31, xvii. 20), and salt (Job vi. 6), which is reckoned among " the principal things for the whole use of man's life " (Ecclus. xxxix. 26 ). Nuts (pistachios) and almonds (Gen. xliii. 11) were also used as Kwefs to the appetite. [Almond-tree; Anise; Cori- ander; Cummin; Mint; Mustard; Nuts; Spices.]

    In addition to these classes, we have to notice some other important articles of food : in the first place, honey, whether the natural product of the bee (1 Sam. xiv. 25; Matt. Hi. 4), which abounds in most parts of Arabia (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 54), or the other natural and artificial productions included under that bead, especially the <*'&» of the Syrians and Arabians, ». e. grape-juice boiled down to tbe state of the Roman defrulum, which is still extensively used in the East (Russell, i. 82); the latter is supposed to be referred to in Gen. xliii. 11 and Ez. xxvii. 17. The importance of honey, as a substitute for sugar, is obvious; it was both used in certain kinds of cake (though prohibited in the case of meat offerings, I.ev. ii. 11) a* in tbe pastry of the Arabs (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 54), and was also eaten in its natural state either by itself (1 Sam. xiv. 27; 2 Sam. xvii. 29; 1 K. xiv. 3), or in conjunction with other things, even with fish (Luke xxiv. 42). " Butter and honey " is an expression for rich diet (Is. vi). 15, 22); such a mixture is popular among tbe Arabs (Burckhardt, Arabia, I. 64). "Milk and honey" are similarly coupled together, not only frequently by the sacred writers, as expressive of the richness of tbe promised land, but also by the Greek poets (cf. Callim. Hymn, in Jov. 48; Horn. Od. xx. 68). Too much honey was deemed unwholesome (Prov. xxv. 27). With regard to oil, it does not appear to have been used to the extent we might have anticipated ; the mod- ern Arabs only employ it in frying fish (Burckhardt, Arabi'i, i. 54), but for all other purposes butter is substituted : among the Hebrews it was deemed at expensive luxury (Prov. xxi. 17), to be reserved for festive oecarot s (1 Chr. xii. 40) ; it wna chiefly used in certain lords of cake (Lev. ii. 5 ft". ; IK. xvii. 12). " Oil and honey " are mentioned in conjunc- tion with bread in Ez. xvi. 13, 18. Tbe Syrians, especially the Jews, eat oil and honey (dibt) mixed together (Russell, i. 80). Eggs are not often no- ticed, but were evidently known as articles of foot! (Is. x. 14, lix. 6; Luke xi. 12), and are reckoned by Jerome (In Epitaph. Paul i. 176) among tkr delicacies of the table. [Honkt; Oil.]

    Tbe Orientals have been at all times sparing la the use of animal food : not only does the exeassht

    Digitized by



    tat of the climate rands' it both unwholesome to tat much meat (Niebuhr DetcrgX. p. 48 > sod ex- pensive from the neoessitv of immediately consum- ing a whole animal, but beyond tiiii the ritual regulations of the Mosaic law in ancient, as of the Koran in modern times, have tended to the tame result. It has been inferred from Gen. ix. 3, 4, that animal food was not permitted before the flood : bat the notices of the tlock of Abel (Gen. iv. 8) and of the herds of Jabal (Gen. iv. 20), as well as the distinction between clean and unclean animals (Gen. vii. 2), favor the opposite opinion ; and the permission in Gen. ix. 3 may be bdd to be only a more explicit declaration of a condition implied in Ibe grant of universal dominion previously given (Gen. i. 28). The prohibition then expressed against consuming the blood of any animal (Gen. It. 4) was more fully developed in the Levities! law, and enforced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 17, vii 36, xix. 26; Deut. xii. IB; 1 Sam. xiv. 32 ff; Ea. xliv. 7, 15), on the ground, as stated in Lev. xrii. 11 and Deut xii. 23, that the blood contained the principle of life, and, as such, was to be offered on the altar ; probably there was an additional rea- son in the heathen practice of consuming blood in their sacrifices (I's. xvi. 4; Ex. xxxiii. 29). The prohibition applied to strangers as well as Israelites, and to all kinds of beast or fowl (Lev. vii. 26, xvii. 12, 13). So atroog was the feeling of the Jews on this point, that the Gentile converts to Christianity were laid under similar restrictions (Acts xv. 20, 89, xxi. -2o). As a necessary deduction from the above principle, all animals which had died a nat- ural death (n^a3, Deut. xiv. 31), or had been

    torn of beasts (H^tp, Ex. xxii. 31), were also prohibited (Lev. xvii. IS; cf. Ex. iv. 14), and to be thrown to the dogs (Ex. xxii. 81): this prohibition did not extend to strangers (Deut. xiv. 31). Any person infringing this rule was held unclean until the evening, and was obliged to wash his clothes (Lev. xvii. 15). In the N. T. these cases are de- scribed under the term wrurroV (Acts xv. 20), applying not only to what was ttrangUd (as in A. V.), but to any animal from which the blood was not regularly poured forth. Similar prohibi- tions are contained in the Koran (ii. 175, v. 4, xvi. 116), the result of which is that at the present day the Arabians eat no meat except what has been bought at the shambles. Certain portions of the it' of sacrifices were also forbidden (Lev. iii. 9, 10), rs being set apart for the altar (Lev. iii. 16, vii. 45; cf. 1 Sam. ri. 16 ff.; 2 Chr. vii. 7): it should bo observed that the term in Neh. vill. 10, trans- lated fat, is not D^n, but D^MJttfp = the fctty pieces of meat, delicacies. In addition to the shove, Christians were forbidden to eat the flesh of animals, portions of which had been offered to idols (tiSuKiSma), whether at private feasts, or as bought in the market (Acts xv. 29, xxi. 25; 1 Cor. viii. Iff.). All beasts and birds classed as unclean (Lev. xi. 1 ff.; Deut. xiv. 4 ff.) were also prohibited [Ukcleam Beasts and Birds] : and in addi- tion to these general precepts there «as a special jrohibition against " seething a Ud ir his mother's silk" (Ex. xxtti. 10, xxxiv 26; Dent. xiv. 21), which has been variously understood, oj Talmudl- tal writers, as a general prohibition against the joint ne of meat and milk (Mishna, CAoA'n.oap. 8, } 1); ij Michaeiis (.Wot. Reckt, iv. 310), as prohibiting fee «a« of fat or milk, at compared with S, in



    cooking ; by Lather and Calvin, as prohibiting ski slaughter of young animals; and by Buehart and others, as discountenancing cruelty in any way. These interpretations, however, all fail in establish- ing any connection between the precept and the offering of the first-fruits, as implied in the three passages quoted. More probably it has reference to certain heathen usages at their harvest festivals (Maimonides, More Neboch. 3, 48; Spencer, de Ugg. Heir. Ritt. p. 535 ff.): there is a remarkable addition in the Samaritan version and in some copies of the LXX. in Deut. xiv. 21, which sup- ports this view: ht yip iroiu rovro, &atl fonrir* Xajca 0&rci, Sri ptcurfiA itrrt Ty 6<£'Iok<6£ (cf. KnobeL, Comment, in Ex. xxiii. 19). The Hebrews further abstained from eating the sinew of the hip

    (nt^n "PS, Gen. xxxii. 82), in memory of the

    straggle between Jacob and the angel (comp. ver. 35). The LXX., the Vulg., and the A. V. inter- pret the laraf Ac-vo/uror word natheh of the shrinking or benumbing of the muscle (t> iyipicrr cur: o» emnrcuit: "which shrank"): Josephus (Ant. i 80, § 2) more correctly explains it, to ytv- porrb tAotu; and there is little doubt that tht nerve he refers to is the nervut itcJtiadicus, which attains its greatest thickness at the hip. There it no further reference to this custom in the Bibb; but the Talmudists (Choiin, 7) enforced its observ- ance by penalties.

    Under these restrictions the Hebrews were per- mitted the free use of animal food : generally speak- ing they only availed themselves of it in the exer- cise of hospitality (Gen. xviii. 7), or at festivals of a religious (Ex. xii. 8), public (1 K. i. 9; 1 Chr. xii. 40), or private character (Gen. xxvii. 4; Luke xv. 23); it was only in royal households that there was a daily consumption of matt (1 K. iv. 23; Neh. v. 18). The use of meat is reserved for sim- ilar occasions among the Bedouins (Burckhardt's Note; i. 63). The animals killed for meat were — calves (Gen. xviii. 7; 1 Sam. xxviii. 24; Am. vi. 4), which are farther described by the term titling

    (M^P = poVxot otrevrit, Luke xv. 23, and vertari, Hat*, xxii. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 13; 1 K. i. 9 ft*.; A. V. "fat cattle"); lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4; An. vi. 4); oxen, not above three years of age (1 K. L 9; Prov. xv. 17; Is. xxii. 13; Matt. xxii. 4), whisk

    were either stall-fed (DW2 : pi^oi /jcAsktoO,

    or taken up from the pastures 0-*"? : 0its von&Stt ; 1 K. iv. 23); kids (Gen. xxviL'9; Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. xvi. 20); harts, roebucks, and fallow-deer (1 K. iv. 23), which are also brought into close connection with ordinary cattle in Deut. xiv. 5, as though holding an intermediate place between tame

    and wild animals; birds of various kinds (D ,| "TS(JS : A. V. "fowls;" Neh. v. 18; the LXX.,'how- eTer i K" 8 x'a""? *' ** though the reading were QVTS^). quail in certain parts of Arabia (Ex. xvL 18; Num. xi. 32); poultry (D' , "l^"15 ; 1 K iv. 23 ; understood generally by the LXX., iprlttn iit\\ncrwr vrrtvri; by Kimchi and the A. V. as fatted fowl; by Gesenlus, Tkamtr. 346, as geese, from the uhiienas of their plumage; by Tbenits, Comm. in L c, at guinea-fowls, as though the word r e ; resented the call of that bird); partridges (1 Sam. xxv). 80); fish, with the exception of such at were without scale* ami fins (l

    Digitized by




    I), both salted, u «u probably the case with the — fish brought to Jerusalem (Neb. ziii. 16), and fresh (Matt. xiv. 19, xv. 36; Luke xxiv. 42): in our Saviour's time it appears to have been the usual food about, the Sea of Galilee (Matt vii. 10); the term btfidptov is applied to it by St. John (vi. 9; xxi. 9 ff.) in the restricted sense which the word obtained among the later Greeks, as =ftsh. Lo- custs, of which certain species only were esteemed dean (Lev. zi. 22), were occasionally eaten (Matt. iii. 4), but considered as poor fare. They are at the present day largely consumed by the poor both in Penia (Morier's Second Journey, p. 44) and in Arabia (Niebuhr, Voyage, i. 319); they are salted and dried, and roasted, when required, on a frying- pan with butter (Burckhardt's Note*, ii. 92; Nie- buhr, L c).

    Meat does not appear ever to have been eaten by itself; various accompaniments are noticed in Script- ure, at bread, milk, and sour milk (Gen. xviii. 8) ; bread and broth (Judg. vi. 19); and with fish either bread (Matt xiv. 19, xv. 36; John xxi. 9) or honeycomb (Luke xxiv. 42): the instance in 2 Sam. vi. 19 cannot he relied on, as the term

    ^9t$> renderea ' in "*• A - V- o good piece of jCak, after the Vulg., auntura bibuia carnit, means simply a portion or measure, and may ap- ply to wine as well as meat. For the modes of preparing meat, see Cooking; and for the times and manner of eating, Meals: see also lisii, Kowl, Ac., Ac.

    To pass from ordinary to occasional sources of subsistence : prison diet consisted of bread and water administered in small quantities (1 K. xxii. 37; Jer. xxxvii. 21); puke and water was consid- ered but little better (Dan. i. 12) ; in time of sor- row or fasting it was usual to abstain either alto- gether from food (2 Sam. xii. 17, 20), or from meat, wine, and other delicacies, which were de- scribed as HITlOrj BIT?, lit bread of desires (Dan. x. 3). In time of extreme famine the most loathsome food was swallowed; such as an ass's bead (2 K. vi. 25), the ass, it must be remembered, being an unclean animal (for a parallel case comp. Plutarch, Artaxerx. 24), and dove's dung (see the article on that subject), the dung of cattle (Joseph. B. J. v. 13, $ 7), and even possibly their own dung (2 K. xviii. 27). The consumption of hu- man flesh was not altogether unknown (2 K. vi. 28 ; cf. Joseph. B. J. vi. 3, § 4), the passages quoted supplying instances of the exact fulfillment of the prediction in Deut xxviii. 66, 57 ; comp. also La n. ii. 20, iv. 10; Ex. v. 10.

    With regard to the beverages used by the He- brews, we have already mentioned milk, and the probable use of barley-water, and of a mixture resembling the modern sherbet, formed of fig-cake and water. The Hebrews probably resembled the Arabs in not drinking much during their meals, but concluding them with a long draught of water. It is almost needless to say that water was most generally drunk. In addition to these the I Iebrews were acquainted with various intoxicating liquors, tot most valued of which was the juice of the grape, while others were described under the gen- eral term of shechar or strong drink (Lev. x. 9 ; Num. vi. 8; Judg. xili. 4, 7), if indeed the latter Joes not sometimes include the former (Num. until. 7). These were reserved for the wealthy * for (estiva occasions: the poor loasumed a sour


    wine (A. V. "vinegar;" Ruth ii. 14; Matt, xxift 48), calculated to quench thirst, but not agreeabii to the taste (Prov. x. 26). [Dklnk, strong Vinegar; Water; Wine.] W. L. B.

    * It is not correct to say that the food of the Orientals is tight and simple, unless meat be th« only henry article They use an inordinate amount of grease in cooking. Eggs are fried in twice their bulk of fat, or butter, or oil. Rice is not eaten except drenched with butter. A stew is unheard of unless the meat and vegetables be first fried in butter or fat, that they may drink in as much of the fatty matter as possible.

    Again, they are famous in the East for elaborate compounds. Kibbe, their most prized article of diet, is compounded of cracked wheat, boiled and dried previously to give it solidity, beaten up with meat, and onions, and spices, and the nut of a spe- cies of pine, a Tery heavy article of diet Esau's pottage was probably compounded with lentilrs, oil, onions, and spices, like the mtjedderah of the pres- ent day. Dyspepsia is one of the most universal disorders of the people, and arises from their heavy and unwholesome food, and the fact that their heavy meal is taken just before retiring for the night

    Again, oil is not used merely for frying fish, bat is eaten universally in place of butter and fat dur- ing Lent, and at all times is a prominent article of diet 1 know of a single family where they use 500 pounds of it per annum, of which the larger part is for food. There are twelve to fourteen per- sons in the household. G. E. P.

    • FOOT, Watering with the, is mentioned in Deut xi. 10, as a mark of the inferiority of Egypt to Palestine in regard to the existence there of fountains and rivulets. The phrase (whatever its origin may be) imports that the Egyptians, owing to their scanty supplies of water, were obliged to practice a careful, pains-taking economy in the use of such means of irrigation as they possessed. The reference, as some think, is to a reel with a rope and bucket attached to it, •< the upper part of which the operator drew towards him with his hands, while at the same time be pushed the lower part from him with his feet " (Rob. BibL Bet. ii. 351, and note ii., at the end of vol. i.). Niebuhr gives a drawing of such a machine which he found very com- mon in India (Reistbeschr. nach Arobien, i. 148), but says that he saw it only once in Egypt The more common explanation is that stated under Garden. In addition to the testimony there, Dr. Shaw ( Trmeis M Barbary and the Levant, ii. 267) says of the modem Egyptians that they plant their various sorts of pulse in rills, and that when they water them, " they stand ready, as occasion requires, to stop and divert the torrent, by turning the earth against it with toe foot, and opening at the same time, with a mattock, a new track to re- ceive it." H.

    FOOTMAN, a word employed in the Author- ized Version in two senses. (1.) Generally, to distin- guish those of the people or of the fighting-men who went on foot from those who were on horse- back or in chariots. The Hebrew word for this if

    ^ V?"!> rogK from rtgdi * too*- The LXX. com- monly express it by wsfof, or o ccas i onall y T

    But (2.) The word occurs in a more i (in 1 Sam. xxii. 17 only), and aa the

    of a different term from the above— fD,

    Digitized by



    fUs passage affords the first mention of the ex- istence of a bod; of swift runners in attendance on the king, 1 bough such a thing had been foretold by Samuel (1 Sam. viii. 11). This body appear to hare boon afterwards kept up, and to have been distinct from the body-guard — the six hundred, and the thirty — who were originated by David. See 1 K. xiv. 27, 28; 2 Chr. xii- 10, 11; 2 K. xi. 4, 6, 11, 13, 19. In each of these cases the word is the same as the above, and is rendered " guard : " but the translators were evidently aware of its sig- nification, for they have put the word " runners " in the margin in two instances (1 K. xiv. 27; 2 K. xi. 13). This indeed was the force of the term " footman " at the time the A. V. was made, as is plain not only from the references just quoted, but amongst others from the title of a well-known tract of Bunyan's — The Heavenly Footman, or a De- scription of the Man that gets to ffenten, on 1 Cor. ix. 24 (St. Paul's figure of the race). Swift run ning was evidently a valued accomplishment of a perfect warrior — a gibbor, as the Hebrew word is — among the Israelites. There are constant allusions to this In the Bible, though obscured in the A. V., from the translators not recognizing the technical sense of the word yibbor. Among others see Ps. xix- 5; Job xvi. 14; Joel U. 7, where "strong man," "giant," and " mighty man," are all gibber. David was famed for bis powers of running ; they are so mentioned as to seem characteristic of him (1 Sam. xvii. 22, 48, 51, xx. 6), and he makes them a special subject of thanksgiving to God (2 Sam. xxii. 30; Ps. xviii. 29). The cases of Cushi and Ahimaaz (2 Sam. xviii.) will occur to every one. It is not impossible that the former — ■' the Ethiopian," as his name most likely is — had some peculiar mode of running. [Cushi.] Asahel also was " swift on his feet," and the Gadite heroes who came across to David in his difficulties were " swift as the roes upon the mountains: " but in neither of these last cases is the word roolz employed. The word probably derives its modern sense from the Boston] of domestic servants running by the side rf the carriage of their master. [Gcabd.] G.

    • FORDS. [See Jordan, iii.]

    FOREHEAD (n§$, from TT$y, rad. inus. Mine, Gesen. p. 815: fitrwov- from). The prac- tice of veiling the face iu public for women of the higher classes, especially married women, in the East, sufficiently stigmatises with reproach the un- veiled face of women of bad character (Gen. xxiv. 86; Jer. iii. 3; Niebuhr, Voy. i. 132, 149, 150; Shaw, Travels, p. 228, 240; Hasselquist, Travel*, p. 58; Buckingham, Arab Tribe*, p. 312; Lane, Mod. Eg. 1 72, 77, 225-248; Burckhardt, Travel*, i. 233). An especial force is thus given to the term " hard of forehead " as descriptive of audacity Iu general (Ex. iii. 7, 8, 9 ; comp. Juv. Sat xiv. 242 — >' Ejectum attrita de fronte ruboram ").

    The custom among many oriental nations both of coloring the face and forehead, and of impressing on the body marks indicative of devotion to some special deity or religious sect, is mentioned elsewhere [Cuttings in Flesh] (Burckhardt, tiotes on Bed. I 51; Niebuhr, Voy. ii. 57; Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. a. U2; lane, Mod. Eg. i. 68). It is doubtless sJraded to in Rev. (xiii. 16, 17, xiv. 9, xvii. 5, xx. I), and in the opposite direction by Esekiel (ir ' i, 6), and in Rev. (vii. 3, ix. 4, xiv. 1. xxii. t, Ine mark mentioned by Ijcekiel with approval has Men supposed to lie the figure of the cross, said to

    FOB EST 881

    be denoted by the word hen used, VJ)» in the ancient Semitic language (Gesen. p. 1496; Spencer, de Leg. Uebr. ii. 20, 3, pp. 409, 413).

    It may have been by way of contradiction to heathen practice that the high-priest wore on the front of his mitre the golden plate inscribed " Hoi ness to the Lord " (Ex. xxviii. 36, xxxix. 30 Spencer, L c).

    The -'jewels for the forehead," mentioned by Eiekiel (xvi. 12), and in margin of A. V. Gen xxiv. 22, were in all probability nose-rings (Is. iii 21; lane, Mod. Eg. iii. 225,226; Ilarmer, Ob* iv. 311, 8M; Gesen. p. 870; Winer, s. v. Nasen ring). Th

    For the use of frontlets between the eyes, at* Frontlets, and for the symptoms of leprosy ap parent in the forehead, Leprosy. H. W. P.

    • FORESKIN. [Cibcumcision.]

    FOREST. The corresponding Hebrew terms are "W 1 B^K »»d DT"1§- The first of then most truly expresses the idea of a forest, the ety- mological force of the word being abundance, and its use being restricted (with the exception of 1 Sam. xiv. 26, and Cant. v. 1, in which it refers to honey) to an abundance of trees. The second is seldom used, and applies to woods of less extent, the word itself involving the idea of what is being cut down (silva a cadendo dicta, Gesen. Tliesaur. p. 530): it is only twice (1 Sam. xxiii. 16 ft".; 9 Chr. xxvii. 4) applied to woods properly so called; its sense, however, is illustrated in the other pas- sages in which it occurs, namely, Is. xvii. 9 (A. V. 11 bough "), where the comparison is to the solitary relic of an ancient forest, and Ez. xxxi. 3, where it applies to trees or foliage sufficient to afford shelter (frondibu* nemorosus, Vulg. : A. V. " with a shadow- ing shroud " ). The third, parde* (a word of foreign origin, meaning a park or plantation, whence also comes the Greek irapi&ttaot), occurs only once in inference to forest trees (Neh. ii. 8), and appro- priately expresses the care with which the forests of Palestine were preserved under the Persian rula a regular warden being appointed, without whose sanction no tree could be felled. Elsewhere the word describes an orchard (Eccl. ii. 5; Cant. iv. 13).

    Although Palestine has never been in historical times a woodland country, yet there can be no doubt that there was much more wood formerly than there is at present. It is not improbable that the highlands were once covered with a primeval forest, of which the celebrated oaks and terebinths scattered here and there were the relics. The woods and forests mentioned in the Bible appear to have been situated where they are usually found in cultivated countries, in the valleys and defiles that lead down from the high to the lowlands and in the adjacent plains. They were therefore of nr great size, and correspond rather with the idea of the Latin saltus than with our forest

    (1.) The wood of Ephraim was the most exten sive. It clothed the slopes of the hills that bordered the plain of JezreeL and the plain itself in the neighborhood of Beth-sbean (Josh. xvii. 16 if.), ex- tending, perhaps, at one time to Tabor, whieti ii translated Sov/xis by Theodotioti (Hos. v. 1), and which is still well covered with forest trees (StetuVy, p. 360). (2.) The wood of Bethel (2 K. ii. 93, Mi

    Digitized by





    m situated in the ravine which descends to the plain of Jericho. (3.) The forest of Hareth (1 Bun. xxii. 6) was somewhere on the border of the Philistine plain, in the southern part of Jodah. (1.) The wood through which the Israelites passed in their pursuit of the Philistines (1 Sam. xiv. 86) was probably near Ayalon (comp. v. 31), in one of the valleys leading down to the plain of Philistia. (S.) The '-wood" (Ps. exxxii. 6) implied in the name of Kirjath-jearim (1 Sam. vii. 3) must have been similarly situated, as also (6.) were the " forests " (choreth) in which Jotham placed his forts (3 Chr. xxvii. 4). (7.) The plain of Sharon was partly covered with wood (Strab. xvii. p. 758), whence the LXX. give tpvfi6s as an equivalent (Is. lxv. 10). It has still a fair amount of wood (Stanley, p. 360). (8.) The wood (choreth) in the wilderness of Ziph. in which David concealed himself (1 Sam. xxiii. 16 ff.), lay S. E. of Hebron.

    The greater portion of Peraea was, and still is, sovered with forests of oak and terebinth (Is- ii. 13 ; Kz. xxvii. 6 ; Zech. xi. 2 ; comp. Buckingham's Palatine, pp. 103 ff., 240 ff.; Stanley, p. 324). A portion of this near Mahaoaim was known as the " wood of Epbraim " (2 Sam. xviii. 6), in which the battle between David and Absalom took place- Winer (art. Walder) places it on the west side of the Jordan, but a comparison of 2 Sam. xvii. 36, xviii. 3, 23, proves the reverse. The state- ment in xviii. 23, in particular, marks its position as on the highlands, at some little distance from the valley of the Jordan (ouiup. Joseph. Ant. vii. 10, J§ 1, 2).

    The house of the forest of Lebanon (1 K. vii. 2, x. 17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix. 16, 20) was so called probably from being fitted up with cedar. It has also been explained as referring to the forest-like rows of oedar pillars. The number and magnificence of the cedars of I-ebanon is frequently noticed in the poetical portions of the Bible, '["he/mtst generally supplied Hebrew writers with an image of pride and exaltation doomed to destruction (2 K. xix. 23; Is. x. 18, xxxii. 19, xxxvii. 34; Jer. xxi. 14, xxii. 7, xlvi. 23; Zech. xi. 2), as well as of unfruit- hilness as contrasted with a cultivated field or vineyard (Is. xxix. 17, xxxii. 16; Jer. xxvi. 18; Hoi. ii. 12). W. L. B.

    • FORNICATION. [Adultery.] FORTIFICATIONS. [Fksced Cities.] FORTUNATUS (ioproimos [Latin,

    Happy, fortunate], 1 Cor. xvi. 17), one of three Corinthians, the others being Stephanas and Achalcus, who were si Epbesus when St. Paul wrote his first Epistle. Some have supposed that they were al XAoiji, alluded to 1 Cor. i. 11; but the language of irony, in which the Apostle must, in that case be interpreted in ch. xvi. as speaking of their presence, would become sarcasm too cutting for so tender a heart as St. Paul's to bave uttered among his valedictions. " The household of Stephanas " is mentioned in ch. i. 16 as having Men baptized by himself: perhaps Fortunatus and Achalcus may bave been members of that house- nold. There is a Fortunatus mentioned at the end of Clement's first Epistle to the Corinthians, who m possibly the same person. H. A.

    • FOUNDER [Handicraft, I.]

    FOUNTAIN. (1.) y$i fro™ V?» tofuw;

    jo signifies an " eye," Gesen. p. 1017. (8.) X$® \\fitm l), a well-watered place; sometimes in A.V.


    "wj, jt "spring." (8.) D?Q M^IS, tmm

    N^J, to go forth, Gesen. p. 613; • gushing forth

    of waters. (4.) "Hp^, from Tip, tocHg, Gauo

    p. 1309. (6.) W2I3, from 523, to bubble for*

    Gesen. p. 845. (6.) *?!, or nb|, from Vjj, to roll, Gesen. p. 388, all usually: rrryh, or wrryh SJotoi: font and/uns aqvarwn. The special use of these various terms will be found examined in the Appendix to Stanley's Sinai and Palestine.

    Among the attractive features presented by tne Land of Promise to the nation migrating from Egypt by way of the desert, none would be mora striking than the natural gush of waters from the ground. Instead of watering his field or garden, as in Egypt, " with bis foot " (Shaw, Trattlt, p. 408), the Hebrew cultivator was taught to look forward to a land " drinking water of the rain o£ heaven, a land of brooks of water, of fountains and depths springing from valleys and hills" (Doit, viii. 7, xi. 11). In the desert of Sinai, " the few living, perhaps perennial springs," by the fact of their rarity assume an importance hardly to be un- derstood in moister climates, and more than justify a poetical expression of national rejoicing over the discovery of one (Num. xxi. 17). But the springs of Palestine, though short-lived, are remarkable for their abundance and beauty, especially those which fall into the Jordan and its lakes throughout its whole course (Stanley, S.fP.pp. 17, 122, 123, 205, 373, 509; Burckhardt, Spin, p. 344). The spring or fountain of living water, the " eye " of the land- scape (see No. 1), is distinguished in all oriental languages from the artificially sunk and inclosed well (Stanley, p. 609). Its importance is implied by the number of topographical names compounded with En, or 'Ain (Arab.) : En-gedi, 'Ain^ufy, "spring of the gazelle," may serve as a striking instance (1 Sam. xxiii. 39; Reland, p. 763; Rob- inson, i. 504; Stanley, App. § 60). [See Aix.]

    Fountain at Naaarato. (Roberts >

    The volcanic agency which has operated so |»wer- fully in Palestine, has from very early times given tokens of its working in the warm springs which are found near the sea of Galilee and the 1 !ead Sea. One of them, En-eglaim, the " spring of carves,' at the N. E. end of the latter, is probably identic* With Callirrhoe, mentioned by Josephui as a pbet

    Digitized by



    to by Herod in fail hit illness (Joseph. 8. J. i. 33, § 5; Kitto, Phyt. Geogr. of Put. 120, 1S1; Stanley, S.

    Jerusalem, though mainly dependent for its sup- ply of water upon its rain-water cisterns, appears from recent inquiries to have possessed either more than one perennial spring, or one issuing by more than one outlet. To this agree the « fona perennis aquas" of Tacitus (Hist, v. 12), and the biiraiy aWcXfiwror rivTacrit of Aristeas (Joseph, ii. 112, ed. Havercamp. ; Kobinson, i. 343, 345 ; Williams, Holy City, ii. 458, 468; Kaumer, p. 238; Ez. xlvii. 1, 12; Kitto, Phyt. Ueogr. pp. 412, 415). [Cis-


    In the towers built by Herod, Josephus says there were cisterns with YaXKoupyti/iaTa through which water was pourea forth: these may have been statues or figures containing spouts for water after Koman models (Plin. Epist. v. 6; //. N. xxxvi. 15, 121; Joseph. B. J. r. 4, § 4).

    No Eastern city is so well supplied with water as Damascus (Early Trav. p. 284). In oriental cities generally public fountains are frequent (Poole, Enghsha. in Egypt, i. 180). Traces of such fount- ains at Jerusalem may perhaps be found in the names En-Rogel (2 Sam. xvii. 17), the " Dragon- well " or fountain, and the " gate of the fountain " (Neh. u. 13, 14). The water which supplied Sol- omon's pools near Bethlehem was conveyed to them by subterranean channels. In these may perhaps be found the " sealed fountain " of Cant. iv. 12 (Hasselquist, p. 145; Maundrell, Early Trav. p. 457). The fountain of Nazareth bears a traditional antiquity, to which it has probably good derivative, if not actual claim (Roberts, Views in Palestine, i. 21, 29, 33; Col. Ch. Chron. No. ezxx. p. 147; Fisher's Views in Syria, i. 31, iii. 44).

    H. W. P.



    So-called " Fountain " of Gana. (From Roberts.)

    * FOUNTAIN-GATE. [Jerusalem, I., 13, and III., vni.]

    FOWTj. Several distinct Hebrew and Greek sods are thus rendered in the A. V. of the Bible.

    f these the most common is WB, which is usually % oolsetive term for all kinds of birds, frequer">y

    with th* addition of D^Q^n. "of the skies.''

    13^¥ is a collective term fur birds of prey, de- rived from WS, - to attack vehemently.' It is translated fad in Gen. xv. 11, Job xiviii. 7, Is. xviii. 6.

    -VV33 (Chald. I??), from root "15$, "to hiss," is also a collective term for birds, though uc casionally rendered by swallow and sparrow. For the collective use of the word see Deut iv. 17 ; l's viii. 8; Ez. xvii. 23; and Dan. iv. 12. In Neh r. 18, the word seems to have the special sen* which '-fowl" has with as, as it is enumerate* among the viands provided for Kehemiah's table.

    In 1 K. iv. 2:1, among the daily provisions fui Solomon's table " fatted fowl " are included, the

    Hebrew words being D\\>"CIH D , "!^"13. Gese- nius prefers to translate this " fatted geese," refer- ring the word to the root "Tip, " to be pure," because of the pure whiteness of the bird. He gives reasons for believing that tbe same word in the cognate languages included also the meaning

    Of SIM/I.

    In the N. T. the word translated "fowls" is most frequently tA wtrtiri, which comprehends all kinds of birds (including rarem, Luke xii. 24); but in Rev. xix. 17-21, where the context shows that birds of prey are meant, the Greek is ra tpyia. The same distinction is observed in the apocrypha writings: comp. Jud- xi. 7, Ecclus. xvii. 4 xliii 14, with 2 Mace. xv. 33. W. [>.

    [The following supplement to the preceding art- icle appears under Bums in tbe English edition, but was omitted in reprinting, through the misun- derstanding of a reference in tbe Appendix. As "birds" and "fowls" are used in precisely the same sense in the A. V., it is better that the two articles should be united.] .

    Birds are mentioned as articles of food in Deut. xiv. 11, 20, the intermediate verses containing a list of unclean birds which were not to be eaten. There is a similar list in lev. xi. 13-19. From Job vi. R, Luke xi. 12, we find that the eggs of birds were also eaten. Quails and pigeons are edible birds mentioned in the 0. T. Our Saviour's mention of the hen gathering het chickens under her wing implies that the domestic fowl was known in Palestine. The art of snaring wild birds is re- ferred to in Ps. exxiv. 7 ; Prov. i. 17, vii. 23 ; Am iii. 5; Hos. v. 1, vii. 12. The cage full of birds in Jer. v. 27 was a trap in which decoy-birds were placed to entice others, and furnished with a trap- door wbieb could be dropped by a fowler watching at a distance. This practice is mentioned in Ecclus. xi. 30 (wip6i( &np ivrhs in KapriWy, comp. Arist. Hut. Anim. ix. 8). In Deut. xxii. 6 it is commanded that an Israelite finding a bird's-nest in his path might take the young or the eggs, but must let the hen-bird go. By this means the extirpatioL of any species was guarded against Comp. Phoc; 1 Carm. 80 ff. : —

    Mij r« fipitSW ffoAiirt atia lrajrav cAr'oAr

    Jiqr«>a f JmrpoAurOif , h? ixflt iriAi njffAj raorrovi.

    Birds were not ordinarily used as victims in the Jewish sacrifices. They were not deemed valuable enough for purpose; but tbe substitution of turtle-doves and pigeons was permitted to the poor and in the sacrifice for purification. Tbe way of offering them is detailed in Iw. j. 15-17, and v. 8 and it is worthy of notice tint tbe practice 1 f uot

    Digitized by




    iividing theui, which ma the cue in other victims, «as of high antiquity (Gen. xv. 10).

    The mbuudance of birds in the East has been mentioned by many travellers. In Curzon'a Mon- tsteriet of the Levnnt, and in Stanley's Siruii and Palatine, this abundance is noticed ; by the latter in connection with his admirable illustration of the parable of the sower (Matt. xiii. 4). (Coinp. Ros- snmiilkr, iforgenl. v. 59.)

    The nests of birds were readily allowed by the Orientals to remain in their temples and sanctuaries, as though they had placed themselves under the protection of God (comp. Herod, i. 159; jElian, I'. //. ▼. 17). There is probably an allusion to thin in Ps. lxxxiv. 8.

    The seasons of migration observed by biids are noticed in Jer. viii. 7. Birda of song are men- tioned in Ps. civ. 12; Ecd. xii. 4. Ducks and geese are supposed to be meant by the word

    D" 1 "!^ J in 1 K. iv. 23. W. D.

    FOWLER. [SrAKKOw.]

    FOX (byitt?, $h6'ii: oAwf/J). The root of

    Vyitt? la 7VW. « to break through, to make hol- low;" and hence its application to the fox, which burrows. The term, probably, in its use by Uie Hebrews, included the jackal as well as the com- mon fox; for some of the passages in which A. V. renders it "fox" suit that animal, while others better represent the habits of the jackal.

    The fox is proverbially fond of grapes, and a very destructive visitor to vineyards (Cant. ii. 15). The proverbially cunning character of the fox is alluded to in Ez. xiii. 4 and Luke xiii. 32, where the prophets of Israel are said to be like foxes in the desert, and where our Saviour calls Herod " that fox." His habit of burrowing among ruins is re- ferred to in Nch. iv. 3 and Lam. v. 18 (see also Matt. viii. 23). In Judg. xv. 4, and in Ps. lxiii. 10, it seems probable that the jackal rather than the fox is spoken of. The Rabbinical writers make frequent mention of the fox and his habits. In the Talmud it is said, " The fox does not die from being under the earth : he is used to it, and it dors not hurt him." And again, " He has gained as much as a fox in a ploughed field," >'■ e. nothing. Another proverb relating to him is this: — " If the fox be at the rudder, Speak him fairly, < My dear brother.' "

    Both the fox and the jackal are common in Pal- atine; the latter name being probably connected with the Heb. tlt&'al; Fr. chacal; Germ, tchahil; sanskr. crttaln, pigala.

    A curious instance of a not unfrequeut error in the I JCX. will be found in 1 K. xx. 10, where thu'alim, foxes, has been read for talim, handfuls, tnd rendered accordingly. \\V. 1).

    There can be no doubt that the Hebrew word

    *«"d/pyiB7) denotes the "jackal" (Omit au- reus), as weU as " the fox." The passage in Ps. lxiii. 10, « they Jiall be a portion for tlii'Mm," etidently refers to "jackals," which are ever ready to prey ou the dead bodies of the slain. Indeed, *» am inclined to think that the "jackal" is the unmal more particularly signified in almost all the •■usages in the O. T. where the Hebrew term oc


    curs. The partiality for grapes is nearly as strong in the jackal as in the fox ; " and there can he lac doubt that the Hebrew tliu'al, the Persian ihagal, the German leliakal, and the English jactaL are all connected with each other.

    « Ws remember some yean ago testing this fond aaas for grapes in the jackals, foxes, and wolves, In the it's Park Zoological Uardans. The two fint-

    Jackal. Casus aureus.

    The thu'alim of Judg. xv. 4 are evidently "jackals," and not " foxes," for the former animal is gregarious, whereas the latter is solitary in its habits; and it is in the highest degree improbable that Samson should ever have succeeded in catch- ing so many as 300 foxes, whereas he could readily

    have " taken in snares," as the Hebrew verb (13 j) properly means, so many jackals, which go together for the moat part in large groups. The whole pas- sage, which describes the manner in which Sauiaon avenged himself on the Philistines by tying the tails of two jackals together, with a firebrand be- tween them, and then sending them into the stand- ing corn and orchards of his enemies, has, it ia well known, been the subject of much dispute. Dr. Kennicott (Remark on Sekct Passage* m the O. T., Oxford, 1787, p. 100) proposed, on the author- ity of seven Heb. MSS., to read shiaBm (D^bVuf), "sheaves" (?), instead of thu'aRm (D^b^ttT), leaving out the letter », the meaning then being, simply, that Samson took 300 sheaves of corn, and put end to end ("tail to tail"), and then act a burning torch between them. (See also what an anonymous French author has written under the title of Renardt de Sainton, and his arguments re- futed in a treatise, " De Vulpibus Sirasonteis," by 11. II. Gebhard, in Thei. tfvr. ThtoL PhiL i. 653 If.) The proposed reading of Kennicott has de- servedly found little favor with commentators. Not to mention the authority of the important old ver- sions which are opposed to this view, it is pretty certain that thlaKm cannot mean "sheave*." Ths word, which occurs only three times, denotes in la, xl. 12 " the hollow of the hand," and in 1 K. xx 10, Ki. xiii. 19, "handfuls."

    The difficulty of the whole passage consists ia understanding how two animals tied together by their tails would run far in the same directiuu. Col. H. Smith (in Kitto's Cyc. art. Shu'at) ob- serves, " they would assuredly pull counter to aaca other, and ultimately fight most fiercely." Pro* ably they would; but it is only nur to

    named animals ate the unl wolves would not touch It

    wttA. evldlsyi but IBs

    Digitized by



    it reply to the objection* which critics hare ad- Aneed to this transaction of the Hebrew judge, that it has jet to be demonstrated that two jackals united by their tails would run counter, and thus defeat the intended purpose; in so important a matter as the verification of a Scripture narrative the proper course is experimental where it can be resorted to. Again, we know nothing as to the length of the cord which 'attached the animals, a consideration which is obviously of much import- ance in the question at issue, for as jackals are gre- irarious, the couples would naturally run together if we allow a length of cord of two or three yards, especially when we reflect that the terrified animals would endeavor to escape as far as possible out of the reach of their captor, and make the best of their way out of his sight. Col. H. Smith's explanation, which has been adopted by Kitto (in the Pict. BibL in Judg. L c. ), namely, that by " tail to tail " is to be understood the end of the f rebmtul attached to the extremity of the tail, is contradicted by the imme- diate context, where it is said that Samson " put a firebrand in the midst between two tails." The translation of the A. V. is unquestionably the cor- rect rendering of the Hebrew, and has the author- ity of the LXX. and Vulg. in its favor. But if the above remarks are deemed inadequate to a sat- isfactory solution of Samson's exploit, we are at liberty to suppose that he had men to help him, both in the capture of the jackals and ii. the use to which he put them, and it is not necessary to conclude that the animals were all caught at, and let loose from, the snme place. Some might have been taken in one portion of the Philistines' terri- tory and some in another, jjiJ let loose in different

    7f '•"■



    Com* Oyrlatm.

    part* of the country. This view would obviate the alleged difficulty alluded to above; for there would lie no necessity for the jackals to run any great dis- tance in order to insure the greatest amount of damage to the crops: 150 different centre*, so to S|ieak, of conflagration throughout the country of the Philistines must have burnt up nearly all their corn; and, from the whole context, it in evident that the injury done was one of almost unlimited extent." With respect 'o the jackals and foxes of Palestine,

    there is no doubt that the common jackal of Hat country is the Cnnis aureus, which may be heard every night in the villages. Hemprich and Kbran- berg (Symb. Phys. pt. i.) speak of a vulpine ani- mal, under the name of Ctinis Syri tcus. as occur- ring in Lebanon. Col. H. Smith has figured an animal to which he gives the name of " Syrian fox " or Vulpei Ihaleb, or tanleb ; but we have been quite unable to identify the animal with any known species.* The Egyptian Vulptt NiL>ticut and doubt-

    «* * The reader will And interesting information re- peeting nome of ttu supposed difllcultliw In Samson's •xplort with the foxes, in Thomson's Liit'l and Book, ■. MO, Ml. Prof. Oassel also {Rlekter mil Rath, p. US, In luge's Bibeimerk) brings forward tram the his- tory of other ancient chieftains various mscauees of a wt to similar mods* of Inflicting Injury c_ enemies ■ «w. K.

    Taipei NUotitai.

    less the common fox of our own country ( V. vol g"ris) are Palestine species. Hasselquist ( Trat p. 184) says foxes are common in the stony country about Bethlehem, and near the Convent of St. John, where about vintage time they destroy all the vines unless they are strictly watched. That jackals and foxes were formerly very common in some parts of Palestine is evident from the name* of places derived from these animals, as Haear-Shual (Josh. xv. 28), Shaal-bim (Judg. i. 35). W. H.

    FRANKINCENSE (njhb, from 1^1, to be white ; Ai/Savoi, Kx. xxx. 34, Ac., and Matt. U. 11; Ai&tranfr, 1 Chr. ix. 29; Kev. viii. 3, N. T.), a vegetable resin, brittle, glittering, and of a bitter taste, used for the purpose of sacrificial fumi- gation (Ex. xxx. 34-30). It is obtained by succes- sive incisions in the bark of a tree called the arbor tliuris, the first of which yields the purest and

    whitest kind (i"T3T 7 : Klflavor Sto4>ar~n, or ita- 9ap6v) ; while the produce of the after incisions is spotted with yellow, and as it becomes old lories its whiteness altogether. The Hebrews imported their frankincense from Arabia (Is. Ix. 6; .ler. vi. 20), and more particularly from Saba; but it is remark- able that at present the Arabian Libamim, or OH- lianum, is of a very inferior kind, and that the finest frankincense imported into Turkey comes through Arabia from the islands of the Indian Archipelago. The Arabian plant may possibly have degenerated, or it may be that the finest kind

    * The late Col. Hamilton Smith used to make draw logs of animals from all sources, such as monuments, books speetmMis, &c. ; hut, as he often forgot the sourer* It Is di^lcult In several instances to understand what animal he Intended. Dr. Gray tells as that ha was unable to identify many of the horses la j Naturalist's Library.

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    •as always procured from India, as it certainly wai in the time of Dioscorides. The Arabs call the beat frankincense cundur, with which compare the Sanskrit cunduru, an odorous gum which is stated by the Hindu medical writers to be the produce of a tren called Sullaci or Salai. This tree grows on the mountains of India, and is described by Dr. Roiburgh, who calls it the BotwtUin terrain (Atini. Re: ix. 877, 8to ed.).

    The resin itself is well known: but it is still un- certain by what tree it is produced. Ancient as well as modern authors vary in their descriptions to such an extent that it is difficult to arrive at a consistent, still more difficult to gain a botanical idea of the plant. It is described by Theophrastus u attaining the height of about five ells, having many branches, leaves like the pear-tree, and bark like the liurel ; but at the same time he mentions another description, according to which it resembles the mattick-tree, its leaves bang of a reddish color (BuL PUvnL ix. 4). According to Diodorus (r. 41) it is a small tree, resembling the Egyptian hawthorn, with gold-yellow leaves like those of the ictW. The difficulty was rather increased than otherwise in the time of Pliny by the importation of some shoots of the tree itself, which seemed to belong to the terebinthvt (xii. 31). Garcia de Horto represents it as low, with a leaf like that of the tnnslict : he distinguishes two kinds, the finer, growing on the mountains, the other dark, and of an inferior quality, growing on the plains. Char- din says that the frankincense tree on the mount- ains of C'aramania resembles a large pear-tree. It is not mentioned by Forskal, and Niebuhr could learn nothing of it (Trav. p. 356). A more def- inite notion of the plant might possibly be obtained from the Thuia occilenlab't, the American arbor vita, or frankincense tree. But at any rate there can be little doubt that the tree which produces the Indian frankincense, and which in all probability supplied Arabia with the finer kind supposed to be indigenous in that country, is the Botteellia terrata of Roxburgh (rid. supr.); or Botuxllia tkuri/ern of Colebrooke. Its claims have been maintained by Colebrooke against the Jumperm Lycia of Lin- naeus, which was long supposed to be the true frankincense tree. Colebrooke shows, upon the testimony of French botanists, that this tree, which grows in the south of France, does not yield the gum in question. It is extremely doubtful what tree produces the Arabian vlibanum: Lamarck proposes the Amyrii OUeadentU ; but, as it would seem, upon inconclusive evidence.

    The Indian olibmum. or frankincense, is im- ported in chest; and easkc from Bombay, as a reg- ular article of sale. It is chiefly used in the rites of the Greek and Roman churches; and its only medical application at present is as a perfume in sick rooms. The olibanum, or frankincense used by the Jews in the Temple service, is not to be con- founded with the frankincense of commerce, which is a spontaneous exudation of the Pima abies, or Norway spruce fir, and resembles, in its nature and uses, the Burgundy pitch which is obtained from the same tree.

    From Cant. iv. 14, it has been inferred that the Vankinoenje tree grew in Palestine, and especially


    Ausonlns {.Wonosi/l. p. 110) are of Bttlt aval against the fact that the tree Is not at pi Men found in Palestine (Cels. ffierui. i. p. 831 ft Roseum. AUertkumti. iv. 153 ff.). T. E. It.

    * FRAN KLY (said of the creditor's manner ol discharging his debtors, Luke vii. 42) formerly meant freely, generously. The Greek is t^aplaaro, <■ « made a yifl of the debt to those who owed it. H.

    * FRAY (Dent, xxviii. 26; Jer. vii. 33; Zech. i. 21) means " affright," " terrify.'' It was common when our version was made, but 1* now s provin- cialism. U.

    •FREEDOM, Acts xxii. 28. [CrnzKxgHrr.]

    * FRET (Lev. xiii. 55) is apparently a noun (not a participle) denoting the plague-spot in a lep- rous garment. It translates nfltT?, literally a hollow spot, here one that has eaten into the text- ure of the cloth. It is from the Anglo-Saxon frtUan, " to devour," kindred with frtodan, "to rub." U.

    * FRINGES. [Dress; Hem op Garmkkt.] FROG (?T13Vi tztphardfa [marsh-leaper

    Gesen., but Dietrich has other conjectures]: /W- rpaxof- rana), the animal selected by God as an instrument for humbling the pride of Pharaoh (Ex. viii. 2-14; Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 30; Wisd. xix. 10); frogs came in prodigious numbers from the canals, the rivers, and the marshes, they filled the houses, and even entered thu ovens and kneading troughs; when at the command of Hoses the frogs died, the people gathered them in heaps, and "the land stank " from the corruption of the bodies. There can be no doubt that the whole transaction was miraculous; frogs, it is true, if allowed to increase, can easily be imagined to occur in such multitudes as marked the second plague of Egypt; indeed similar plagues are on record as having occurred in various places, as at Paxmia and Dardania, where frogs suddenly appeared in such Timbers as to cause the inhabitants to leave that region (see Eustathius on Horn. ft. i., and other quotations cited by Bochart, /fierce, iii. 576); but that the transaction was miraculous appears from the follow- ing considerations.

    (1.) The time of the occurrence was In spring, when frogs would be in their tadpole state, or at any rate not sufficiently developed to enable them to go far from the water. (2.) The frogs would not naturally have died, in such prodigious numbers as is recorded, in a single day.

    It is stated (Ex. viii. 7) that the Egyptian " ma- gicians brought up frogs." Some writers hare de- nied that they could have had any such power, and think that they must have practiced some deceit It is worthy of remark, that though they may hare been permitted by God to increase the plagues, they were quite unable to remove them.

    Amongst the Egyptians the frog was considered a symbol of an imperfect man, and was supposed to be generated from the slime of the river — ix tt/ j rot woto/xov (Xooj (see Horapollo, i. 26). A frog sitting upon a lotus ittelumbwm) was also regarded by the ancient Egyptians as symbolical of the re- turn of the Nile to its bed after the inundations Hence the Egyptian word Uhrur, which was used to denote the Nile descending, was also, with tbf slight change of the first letter into an an irate Chrw, the name of » frog (Jablonski, / oasa JEgg*. iv. 1, § 9).

    The only known species of frog which occurs at present in Egypt is the Sana escuiem* of wfcM

    Digitized by



    two varieties an described which differ from Spal-



    li's aperies in nme alight peculiarities (De- KripL dt tSgypie, HuL Notur. torn. i. p. 181, I6L ed.). The liana etcuknta, the well-known edible frog of the Continent, which occurs also in some localities in England, has a wide geographical range, being found in manj parte of Asia, Africa, and Europe. How the Ji. punct-ita (Pelodytet) came to be described as an Egyptian species we cannot aay, but it is certain that this species is not found in Egypt, and it is almost certain that none but the Ji. etcultnta does occur in that country. We are able to state that Dr. A. Gunther of the British Museum confirms this statement. A species of tree-frog (Byla) occurs in Egypt; but with this genus we have nothing to do. W. H.

    * It is remarkable that none of the Hebrew writers speak of frogs as existing in Palestine (though referring to those in Egypt, as in Ps. Ixxviii. 46, cv. 30); and yet the marshes, pools, and tanks there abound with them, and the trav- eller in the spring months hears their croaking in- cessantly from one end of the land to the other. The crater known as Birket er-Jtam (the Phiaki of Josepbus), not far from the ancient Caeearea PhUippi (Bantu), is a noted haunt of these annuals. " On every stone, and along the edge they sat in serried ranks, bolting into the water before us as we stepped, while hundreds of water-snakes wriggled from under them, but not a stork or a heron to rule them " (Tristram, Land of /trad, p. 590, 2d ed.). " I-arge parts of its surface (Phiala) are cov- ered with a sort of sea-weed, and upon it, and all around the margin, ' These loud-plplng frogs make the marshes to ring.*

    It seems to be the very metropolis of frogdom " (Thomson, Land and Book, i. 368). H.


    (/TrS^HtS, Ex. xiii. 16; Deut vi. 8, xi. 18; the only time passages of the O. T. in which the word occurs; LXX. lurd\\tvrai K. T.

    ph'Utin, yyQJ-1, a word not found in the Bible, Buxtorf, Lex. T'ulm. a. v.). These "frontlets" or •' phylacteries " were strips of parchment, on which were written four passages of Scripture (Ex. xiii. 3-10, 11-17; Deut. vi. 4-9, 13-33) in an ink pre- pared for the purpose. They were then rolled up in a case of black calf-skin, which was attached to a stiller piece of leather, having a thong one finger 'mad, and one and a half cubits long. "They were placed at the bend of the left arm, and after the thong had made a little knot in the shape of the letter •, it was wound about the arm in a spiral line, which ended at the top of the middle finger." This was called "the Tephil- lah on the arm," and the leather case coutained only one cell, the pas- sages being written on a | single piece of parch- ment, with thin linek ruled between (Godwvn, Mo$a and Aaron, bx. i- eh. x.). Those worn on

    the forehead were written on four strips of parch ment (which might net be of any hide except cow hide, Nork, Brant, tmd Rabb. p. 211 ; comp Hesych. «. v. XkvtIkt) iwutovpla), and put into font little cells within a square case, on which the letter

    W was written ; the three point* of the W being " an emblem of the heavenly Fathers, Jehovah our Lord Jehovah " (Zohar, foL 54, col. 3). The square

    had two thongs (mS , Tl), on which Hebrew letters were inscribed ; these were passed round the

    bead, and after making a knot in the shape of "1 passed over the breast. This phylactery was called " the TephiliaJi on the head," and was worn in the centre of the forehead (Leo of Modena, Ccremonut of the Jem, i. 11, n. 4; Oalmet, s. v. Phylactery: Otho, Lex. Rob. p. 656).

    The derivation of mS^pltS is uncertain. Gtv

    seniua derives it by contraction from mBl]p9P

    ( Tku. p. 548). The Rabbinic name V \\tR comm

    from n^Ofl, " a prayer," because they were worn during prayer, and were supposed to typify the sin- cerity of the worshipper; hence they were bound on the left wrist (Gem. Eruvin, 95, 2; Otho, L c; Buxt Lex. Tatm. s. v.). In Matt, xxiii. 5, only, tbey are called (pvKam-fipia, either because they tended to promote observance of the Law (4«1 ftrn- P-h" 'x*" T0 " &*o5, Just. Mart. Dial. c. Trypk. p. 205, for which reason Luther happily renders the word by Denlaetlel); or from the use of them as amulets (Lat Prabii, Gk. weplawra, Grotius id Matt, xxiii. 5). $u\\wcrtipio» if the ordinary Greek word for an amulet (Plut ii. 378, B, where

    for HV1D3, cushions (Rosenmuller, SchoL ad loc. ciL; Schleusner, Lex. in A'. T.). That phylacteries were used as amulets is certain, and was very nat- ural (Targ. ad Cant. viii. 3; Bartolocc. DibL Bab. i. 576 ; Winer, s. w. Amulete, PhylaiUerien). Jerome (on Matt, xxiii. 6) says they were thus used in his day by the Babylonians, Persians, and Indians, and condemns certain Christian "mulier- cuhe " for similarly using the gospels (" parvubt evangelia," $i&Kla fuxpd, Cbrys.) as wtpUjiftara, especially the Proem to St John (comp. Chrysost Horn, in Matt. 73). The Koran and other sacred books are applied to the same purpose to this day (Hottinger, Hitt. Orient, i. 8, p. 301, de Nummu Orient, xvii. ft. ; '• The most esteemed of all Hhe- gaba is a Mooshaf, or copy of the Koran," Lane. Mod. Egypt, i. 838). Scaliger even supposes that phylacteries were designed to supersede those amu- let*, the use of which had been already learnt by the Israelites in Egypt [Amulkts.] There was a spurious book called Phylact. Angelorum, where Pope Gekuius evidently understood the word to mean "amulets," for he remarks that Phylacteria ought rather to be ascribed to devils. In this sense they were expressly forbidden by Pope Gregory (" Si quis . ■ . phylacteriis usus fuerit, anathema sit," Sixt Senensis, BibL Sand. p. 93; comp Can. 36, toncil. Laod.).

    The LXX. rendering ka&Ktvra (AquiL krimt to.) must allude to their being tightly bound on thf forehead and wrist during prayer. Petit (Var. Lectt. ii. 3) would read a(i\\tvra (h. e. appaua aiSoia «Vri irrmpovft Schleunur, Tkt$. a. ».

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    t«-«A.), but he fa amply refuted by Spencer (dt Ltgg. RU. Iv. 3, p. 1210) did Wltstus (JCgypt. H. 9, § 11). Jerome calh tbem Pittadoia («1. Pictat), a name which tolerably expreaaea their purpose (Forceilini, Lex. a. v.).

    The expression "they make brood their phy- lacteries" (sAOToVovtri t4 QvK. ainiy, Matt, xxiii. 5) refers not ao much to the phylactery itself, which seems to hare been of a prescribed breadth,

    is to the case (HS^Sp) in which the parchment was kept, which the Pharisees (among their other pretentious customs, Mark vii. 3, 4; Luke v. 33, Ac.) made as conspicuous as they could (Kdand, Aniiq. ii. 9, 15). Misled probably by the term

    a-AoreVovo-t, and by the mention of the H3V2, or fringe (Num. xv. 38, K\\mrua AmcivSiroy M ra Kpdtnrioa t&p vrtpvylvv, LXX.), in connection with, them, Epiphamus says that they were wAdYca ffv)/iara xofxpiftu, like the Roman laticlnve, or the stripes on a Dalmatic ( T a it o-fipara rqt wopQir pas

    be even holier than the y^, or golden plate, on the priest's tiara (Ex. xxviii. 36) since that had the sacred name once engraved, but in each of the Tephillin the tetragrammaton recurred twenty- three times (Carpcov, App. Critic. 196). Again, tht Pharisees wore the Tephillah above the eibtw, but the Sadducees on the palm of the hand (God- wyn, L e.). The modern Jews only wear them at morning prayers, and sometimes at noon (Leo of Modena, L c ).

    In our Lord's time they were worn by all Jews, except the Karaites, women, and skives. Boys, when (at the age of thirteen years and a day) they

    became HlStS "OH (sons of the commandments), were bound to wear them (Babti Berac. fol. 32, 1, in Gluesa), and therefore they may have been used eveti by our 1-ord, as he merely discountenanced their .ibutc The suggestion was made by Scaliger (t c), and led to a somewhat idle controversy. Lightfoot (flor. Htbr. ad Matt, xxiii. 5) and Otho (Lei. Rob. p. 656) agree with Scaliger, but Carp- sov (/. c.) and others strongly deny it, from a belief that the entire use of phylacteries arose from an *rror.

    The Karaites explained Deut vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9, Ac., as a Jigurativt command to remember the law (Reland, Anliq. p. 183), as is certainly the case in similar passages (Prov. iii. 3, vi. 21, vii. 8; Cant riii. 6, Ac.). It seems clear to us that the scope of these injunctions favors the Karaite interpreta-

    Uon, and in Ex. xiii. 9 the word is not HlS^Itt,

    out 7"H JT •' a memorial " (Gerhardus on Deut. tL «.; Edzardus on Beraeoth, 1. 209; Heidanue, dt Orig Errorit, viii. B. 6; Schittgen, Hor. Htbr. . 199; RosenmlUler, ad he. ; Hengstenberg, Pent. ', 458). Considering too the nature of the passages taarlbed on the phylacteries (by no means the most Dt in the Pentateuch —for the Fathers are


    mistaken in saying that the Decalogue wis aajtt in Una way, Jer. Lei Chryaost I c ; TheophyL ad Matt, xxiii. 5), and the fact that we have ac trace whatever of their use before the exile (during which time the Jews probably learnt the practice of wearing them from the Babylonians), we ban no doubt that the object of the precepts COe-t n. 8; Ex. xiii. 9) was to impress on the <4 *fc* people the neosasity of remembering the I*w But the figurative language in which this doty was urged upon them was mistaken for a literal com- mand. An additional argument against the lit- eral interpretation of the direction is the dangerous abuse to which it was immediately liable. Indeed such an o b s erva nce would defeat the supposed in- tention of it, by substituting an outward ceretnuij for an inward remembrance. We have a specimen of this in the curious literalism of Kimchi's com ment on Pa. i. 3. Starting the objection that It hi impossible to meditate in God's law day and night, because of sleep, domestic cares, Ac, be answers that for the fulfillment of the text it is sufficient te wear Tephillin I

    In spite of these considerations, Justin (DiaL c Trgph. I c), Cbrysostom, Eutbymius, Theophy- lact, and many moderns (Baumgarten, Gmtn. L 479; Winer, s. v. PkylalU.) prefer the literal mean- ing. It rests therefore with tbem to account for the entire absence of all allusion to phylacteries in the O. T. The passages in Proverbs (c. stjpro)

    contain no auch reference, and in Ex. xxhr. 17 "^N? means not a phylactery (as Jarchi says), but a tm> ban. [Crowns.] (Gesen. Tht*. p. 1089.)

    The Rabbis have many rules about their use. They were not worn on Sabbaths or other sacred days, because those days were themselves a sign or

    pledge (fTW), and required no further memorial (Z-har, fbL 336; Reland, /. e.). They must he totd standing in the morning (when blue can be distinguished from green), but in the evening (at sunset) they might be read sitting. In times of persecution a red thread was worn instead (Mun- »ter, dt prae. affirm. ; comp. Josh. ii. 18). Both hands were to be used, if possible, in writing them. The leather must have no hole in it A single blot did not signify if an uneducated boy could read the word. At the top of the parchment no more room

    must be left than would suffice for the letter V,

    but at the bottom there might he room even for p

    or 1. A man, when wearing the Tepnilan, must not approach within four cubita of a cemetery (Sixt Senensis, I c). He who has a taste for further frivolities (which yet are deeply interesting as illustrative of a priestly superstition) may find them in Lightfoot (Hor. Htb. ad kxs.), Schottgen, Otho (Lex. Rob. a. v.), and in the Mishna — espe- cially in the treatise called /few* llaikanak.

    The Rabbis even declared that God wore them, arguing from Is. lxii. 8; Deut niiii. 2; la. xlix. 16. Perhaps this was a pious fraud to inculcate their use; or it may have had some mystic mean- ing (Zohar, pt ii. fbL 2; Carptov, L e.V.

    Josephus gives their general significance (Ant. iv. 8, § 18, is ■Ktpl&Krrror that rornrx^ter t# wepl aurobs wpSBvfioir rod 8cov)> They ware enp> posed to save from the Devil (Targ. ad Cant. viii. 8 and from sin (Hottinger, Jur. Htbr. Leg. ax. 39) and they were used for oaths; but the Rabbit, das approved the applica ti on of them to ahem vesaaia

    Digitized by



    V M ehUdreu to sleep (11. i«j. 468; Mslmnn is Idol &.). He who wan them wu supposed to pcofcmg bis days (Is. xxxviii. 16), bat be who did not, wu doomed to perdition, since he thereby broke tight affirmative preeepta (Mairoon. Tephil. iv. 36).

    On the analogous practice alluded to in Rev. xiii. 16, xiv. I, tee Forehead.

    Besides the autbon already quoted (Sixt Senen- sis, Reland, Otho, Lightfoot, Schottgen, Carpzov, Hottinger, Godwyn, Kosenmiiller, Ac.), see the bllowing, to whom they refer: Maimonides, 7V- phiilin; Wagenseil in Sota, cap. U. pp. 397-418; Surenhusius, AfUhnn, ad Tract. Beracoth, pp. 8, 9 ; Beck, de Jadaorum Ligimentit precatirit, and dt Utu Phylaa. (1679); Basnage, ttitL da Jtdft, fir. vi. eh. xvih.; Braunius, dt Vest. Sacerd. p. 7 £; Buxtorf, 8gnag. Jud, p. 170 ff.; Ugolini, Thtt. torn. xxL, dt Utu PkylaeL There is in this latter work much further information, but we have in- serted all that seemed interesting. F. W. F.

    » FROST. [Palestine, 47.]

    * FUEL. [Coal; Duva; Oven; Thorns.]

    FULLER (D33, from 033, frearf, Gesen. p 667: ymptif- f«B»\\. The trad* of the full-



    XsTpoaa rnller.

    era, so far as it is mentioned in Scripture, appears to have consisted chiefly in cleansing garments and whitening them. The use of white garments, and also the feeling respecting their use for festal and religious purposes, may be gathered from the fol- lowing passages : Eccl. be. 8; Dan. vii. 9; Is. Ixhr. 6; Zech. ill. 3, 5; 9 Sam. vi. 14; 1 Chr. xv. 27; Hark ix. 3; Rer. ir. 4, vi. 11, vii. 9; Miahna, Taanith, ir. 8; see also Stat. Site. 1. 9, 937; Ovid. Fast i. 79 ; Oaudlan, de Laud Slit. ill. 989. fhls branch of the trade was perhaps exercised by other persons than those who carded the wool and smoothed the doth when woven (Miahna, Bona krnna, i. x. 10). In applying the marks used to distinguish cloths sent to be cleansed, fullera were desired to be careful to avoid the mixtures forbidden by the Law (Lev. xlx. 19; Dent. xxii. 11 ; Miahna, Haute. CUaim, ix. 10).

    The process of fulling or cleansing cloth, so far as it may be gathered from the practice of other nations, consisted hi treading or stamping on the garments with the feet or with bats in tubs of jrater, in which some alkaline aubstance answering he purpose of soap had been dissolved (Geaen.

    Thtt. p. 1261, sT\\; Beekmann, HitL of /men- Ham, tt. 94, 95, Bohn). The aubstanoea used for Jus purpose which are mentioned in Scripture are

    "10^, nitre, »(rpor, mtrum (Gesso, p. 930; Prov. or. 90; Jer. U. 99), and /Tni, sow, wola.

    herba fullumm, herba borilk (Gesen. p. 946; Mat iii. 9). Nitre ia found in Egypt and in Syria, and vegetable alkali was also obtained there from the ashes of certain plants, probably Saitoh kaU (Ge- aen. p. 946; Plin. xxxi. 10, 46; Hasselquist, p. 276; Burcktardt, Syria, p. 914). The Juice also of some saponaceous plant, perhaps Gyptaphila ttrtUhiim. or Saponario officinalis, was sometimes mixed with the water for the like purpose, and may thus be regarded as representing the soap of Scripture. Other substances also are mentioned as being em- ployed in cleansing, which, together with alkali, seem to identify the Jewish with the Roman pro cess, aa urine and chalk, Greta dmoUa, and bean- water, i e. bean-meal mixed with water (Miahna, Shnbb. ix. 5; Niddah, ix. 6). Urine, both of men and of animals, was regularly collected at Rome for cleansing cloths (Plin. xxxviii. 6, 8; Athen. xi. p. 484; Mart. ix. 93; Plautus, Attn. v. 9, 57), and it seema not improbable that its use in the full- er's trade at Jerusalem may hare suggested the coarse taunt of Rabshakeh, during his interview with the deputies of Hezekiah in the highway of the Fuller's Field (2 K. xviii. 17), but Schottgen thinks it doubtful whether the Jews made use of it in fulling (Antiq. full. § 9). The pro c ess of whitening garments was performed by rubbing into them chalk or earth of some kind. Crcin dmotia (Cimolite) was probably the earth moat frequently used. The whitest sort of earth for this pur- pose is a white potter's clay or marl, with which the poor at Home rubbed their clothes on festival days to make them appear brighter (Plin. xxxi. 10, § 118, xxxv. 17). Sulphur which was used at Home for dis- charging positive color, was abun- dant in some parts of Palestine, but there is no evidence to show that it was used in the fuller's trade.

    The trade of the fullers, as causing offensivr smells, and also as requiring apace for drying clothes, appears to have been carried ou at Jeru- s.dem outside the city, and frcm them a field, a monument, and also a spring (En-rogel), to have derived their names (Beekmann, Hut. of Inr. ii 92, 108, Bohn; Diet, of Antiq. art. /Ufa? Winer, s. v. Walker; Wilkinson, abridgm. ii. 106; Seal- schDtz, i. 3, 14, 39, ii. 14, 6; Schottgen, Antiq. fuUonia). [Handicraft.] H. W. P.

    FULLER'S FIELD, THE (Da'lS mtp : 6 aypbs roi yvaftot, or tyoffai: ager futlomt), a spot near Jerusalem (2 K. xviii. 17; Is. xxxv). 2, vii. 3) so close to the walls that a person apeak ing from there could be heard on them (2 K. xviii. 17,26). It is only Incidentally mentioned in these passages, as giving its name to a "highway"

    (71901? = an embanked road, Gesen. Thtt. p

    967 b), "In" (?) or "on" (V^l, A. V. "In"), which highway was the "conduit of the upper

    pool." The » end " (fT^f?) of the conduit, what- ever that was, appears to have been close to the road (Is. vii. 3). One resort of the fallen of Jeru- salem would seem to have been below the city on the southeast aid.- [Eh-rooel]. But RabahsWi and his "great host" can hardly have approaches ■h that direction They mast sat* eoss* ion the

    Digitized by




    north — the only accessible side for any body of people — as U certainly indicated by the route traced in Is. x. 28-32 [Gibeah] ; and the Fuller's Field was therefore, to judge from this circumstance, on the table-land on the northern side of the city. The " pool " and the " conduit " would be sufficient reasons for the presence of the fullers. But on the other hand, Kabshakeh and his companions may have left the army and advanced along the east tide of Mount Moriah to En-rogel, to a convenient place under the Temple walls for speaking.

    In considering the nature of this spot, it should be borne in mind that Sadth, " field," is a term almost invariably confined to cultivated arable land, as opposed to unreclaimed ground. [Jerusalem.]


    * Others find this "field" on the west of Jerusalem, near the pool usually marked on the maps as "upper Gihon" (Birket el AtamUlah). The field took its name doubtless from the fact that the fullers spread the garments cleansed by them on the ground there to dry. This pool is used now for that purpose, and the adjacent ground may be seen covered with whitening garments. (See Robinson in BibL Sacra, iii. 646 f.) Williams (Holy Cily, i. Suppl. p. 122) places the Fuller's Field on the north of Jerusalem, chiefly because Josephus (B. J. v. 4, § 2) speaks of a " fuller's monument" there (yytupfws urijpa). On that side of the city the field and the place of washing could not well have been near each other, unless the nature of the ground hat very much changed. On the other hand, "a fuller's monument," probably a tomb, would have no necessary connection with the " fuller's field." (See Schultz, Jerusalem, time Vorlemng, pp. 51,84.) The different opinions show how imperfectly the minute topography of the ancient city is yet known. H.

    FUNERALS. [Burial.]

    FURLONG- [Measures.]

    FURNACE. Various kinds of furnaces are noticed in the Bible. (1.) "TlsliTl is so translated in the A. V. in Gen. xv. 17 ; Is. nod. 9 ; Neh. iii. 11, xii. 38. Generally the word applies to the baker's oven, which is described under Bread, snd there is little doubt that the " tower of the furnaces" in Neh. should be rendered "tower of the ovens." (n Gen. xv. and Is. xxxi. it is used

    in a more general sense. (2.) )E'5?> * smelting or calcining furnace (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 8, 10, xix. 18), especially a lime-kiln, the use of which was evidently well known to the Hebrews (Is.

    xxxiii. 12 ; Am. ii. 1). (3.) 113, a refining furnace (Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21; Ex. xxii. 18 ft'.), metaphorically applied to a state of trial (Deut. iv. JO; 1 K. viii. 51; Is. xlviii. 10; Jer. xi. 4). The 5>rm of it was probably similar to the one used in Egypt, which is figured below. [The word trans- lated "furnace" (A. V.) in Pe. xii. 6 (7), Vbj, does not occur elsewhere, and is of uncertain sig- nification. Gesenius inclines to the sense " work- shop " ; Fiirst and others understand it to mean

    •crucible." — A.] (4.) 1V1N, a large furnace aaUt like a brick-kiln, with an opening at the top U> east in the materials (Dan. iii. 22, 23), and a tear at the ground by which the metal might be extracted (ver. 26). The Roman fornax, as repre- antad in Diet, of Ant. p. 546, gives an idea of the


    Persian aatn. The Persians were in the hal« of using the furnace at • means of inflicting eapaM

    Furnace. — An Egyptian blowing the On (far rndttni gold. (Wilkinson.)

    punishment (Dan. I. c: Jer. xxix. 22; 9 Mace, vii 5; Hos. vii. 7). A parallel case is mentioned by Chardin ( Voyage en Peite, iv. 276). two ovens having been kept ready heated for a whole month to throw in any corn-dealers who raised the price of corn. (5.) The potter's furnace (Ecclus. xxvii. 5 ; xxxviii. 30), which resembles a chimney in shape, and was about five or six feet high, as rap- resented below. (6.) The blacksmith's "

    The Egyptian Potter's Furnace. (WUkmsm.)

    (Ecclus. xxrviii. 28). The Greek icd/uns, which is applied to the two latter, also describes the cal- cining furnace (Xen. Vectig. iv. 49). It is meta- phorically used in the N. T. in this sense (Rev. i. 15, ix. 2), and in Matt. xiii. 42, with an espeda, re f erence to Dan. iii. 6. W. L. B.

    • FURNITURE, formerly = « equipment," "accoutrements " (see Bible Word-Book), is so used in Gen. xxxi. 34. Rachel put the " teraphim " (which see) or "images" in the "camel's furni- ture," in order to conceal them from Laban, who was searching for them in her tent. It is nut easy to Bay how this should be understood. Thomson thinks that she placed them under the padding of the riding-saddle, where, as he mentions, the Arabs at present often secrete stolen goods (Land ami Boole, ii. 24). Carpets were frequently spread over the saddle on which women rode, and these could have been thrown over the idols, so as to answer the purpose of a seat and of concealment. Kitto (Bible Jlhulr. i. 301, Amer. ed.) suggests that the convexity of the pack-saddle may have formed a good hiding-place for the images. It is altogether less probable that the " furniture " was the palanquin or litter swung across the camel's back, with apart- ments on both sides, and screened with curtains (see Jahn, Bibl. Arc/tool § 49, Upham's trans. / The rapid travelling on this flight of Jacob wools have made such a vehicle inconvenient and unsafe On the Hebrew expression, see Tneh, Die (i n t e rn*, p. 459; Bunsen, Bibehoerk, 1. 67; Knobet, Dit Gaunt, p. 996; Eeil and Deiitach, PntalemeA


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