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Letter "G" Below

Letter "G"

GAAL
    (Lag. tnui.). "Saddle" - the whole, though vague, ma; for u* be the best translation.

GAAL
    [re/eetwn, Flint, perh. a cutonx- graft, Gea.]: r«U; [Vat roAoaJ, exc ver. 28, roo»; Alex, root, exc. ver. 36, ro», and w. 98, 37, ToAaal;] Joseph. raiAijs:

GA'ASH
    On the north side of "the hill of Gush" (accurately Mount Gaash), in the district of « Mount Kphraim," was TImnath-serach, or Tininath-cheres, the city which at bis request was given by the nation to Joshua; where he resided, and where at but he was buried (Josh. xxiv. 30; Judg. ii. 9; eomp. Josh. xix. 4ft, 50).

    We only hear of it again incidentally as the native plaoe of one of David's guard, " Hiddai, or liurai, of the brooks (the

    torrent-beds or wades, V?n3) of Gaash" — the "torrents of the earthquake'" (3 Sam. xxiii. 30; I Chr. xi. 3*2). By Kusebius and Jerome the name * mentioned ( Oman. " (Saas "), but evidently with- nit any knowledge of the place: nor does it appear o have been recognized by any more modem trav- tfler in Palestine. G.

    * The name of Gaash has been lost, but the hill which was so called has been identified with reason - ible certainty. Our countryman, l>r. FJi Smith, •" 1843 discovered Timnath-serah ( = Timnath- neresi m the site and ruins of the present 7fbneh, about 6 miles northeast of Jufm (the Roman Gophna). But we know from Judg. ii. P, that liaasL was within the precincts of the ancient town, which lav in the tri'ie of Ephraira (where Tibneh ■ at present), and that Joshua was buried on the rath side of this hill. It Is found now that off •gainst these ruins of Tibneh (thus identified as naanath se ra h), a little to the south of them, rises

    a high hill, and on " the north side " of this hiO are some remarkable tombs of elaborate structure and of great antiquity. Thus nothing but the extant name is wanting ; for the site of the ruined town, the vicinity of the hill, the sepulchral excava- tions on the north side of the hill where the tomb of Joshua was cut out, supply ample proof that Gaash must have been in this place. (See " Visit to Antipatris " in the Bibl. Sacra, 1843, p. 478 If.) Add to all this that "the brooks" (aaditi or ravines) of Gaash (2 Sam. xxiii. 80) answer to " the deep valleys round about this hill, through which the winter torrents flow to Wadg Belat." (See Bob. Phyt. Gtogr. p. 42.) * H.

GA'BA
    | [height, hX]: Tafiai, ra-JSdA, Ta$a6v, [etc:] Gabee, Gabaa, Geba). The suae name as Geba, but with the vowel sound made broader, according to Hebrew custom, because of its occurrence at the end of a clause or sentence. It is found in the A. V. in Josh, xviii. 24 ; Err. ii. 96; Neh. vii. 30 ["Geba," A. V. ed. 1611]: but in the Hebrew also in 2 Sam. v. 26; 2 K. xxiii. 8; Neh. xi. 31. [Gabuks.]

GAB'AEL
    Gaoabel; Vulg. omits). 1. An ancestor of Tobit (Tob. 1:1).

    A poor Jew (Tob. i. 17, Vulg.) of " Rages in Media." to whom Tobias lent (sue chirographo deoSt, Vulg.) ten talents of silver, which Gabael afterwards faithfully restored to Tobias in the time of Tobit's distress (Tob. L 14, ir. 1, 20, v. 6, ix. [2, 6,] x. 2). [Gabkias.]

    B. F. W.

GAB'ATHA

GAB'BAI
    [collector, as of tribute]: rn/jV; [Vat Pi-*,; Alex. rnj8«i; FA ISl/lc-;:] Gebbai), apparently the head of an im- portant family of Benjamin resident at Jerusalem (Neh. xi. 8).

GAB'BATHA
    Gabbatha - The Hebrew or Chaldee appellation of a place also called '■ Pavement" (Kt6i

    It is suggested by Ughtfoot (Exerc. on 8L John,

    ad loc.) that the word is derived from 2?, a sur- face, in which case Gabbatha would be a mere translation of \\t66orpmrov. There was a room in the Temple in which the Sanhedrim sate, and which was called Gazith, because it was paved with smooth

    and square flags (iTt|1 ; and Ughtfoot conjectures that Pilate may on this occasion have delivered his judgment in that room. But this is not consistent with the practice of St John, who, in other in- stances, gives the Hebrew name as that properly belonging to the place, not as a mere translation of a Greek one. Besides, Pilate evidently spoke from the tana — the regular seat of justice — and this in a' important place like Jerusalem would be in a fixed spot Besides, the nrsstorium, a Romas) residence with je idolatrous emblems, could not have been within the Temple.

    The word la not* prooably t'haklee, NT153, from an ancient root signifying height or roundness — the not of the Hebrew word Uibvih, which is the coinaion term in the 0. T. for a bald rounded hill, or deration of moderate height, hi this case Gabbatha desig- nated the elevated bema; and the "pavement" was possibly some mosaic or tessellated work, either forming the bema itaelf, or the flooring of the court immediately round it — perhaps some such work as that which we are told by Suetonius ( Catar, 46) Julius Cesar was accustomed to carry with him on his expeditions, in order to giro the bema or tribunal its necessary conventional elevation. [Havkmknt.] G.

GABTJES
    Book, Alex. ; Vat A

GABRI'AS
    According to the present* text of the LXX. the brother of Gabacl, the creditor of Tobit (Tob. i. 14). though hi another place (Tob. iv. 20, rf rov Vafipia [Vat -«■-]< *f- Fritssche, ad lac.) he is described as bis father. The readings throughout are very uncer- tain, and in the versions the names are strangely confused. It is an obvious correction to suppose that Va$*4ikt? rf aStKtpif t$ Vu0pl$ should be read in i. 14, as is in fact suggested by Cod. FA., TafHlky . . . t«? if. t«? Tafiott. The misun- derstanding of ry ateKipip (cf. lob. i. 10, 16, Ac.) naturally occasioned the omission of the article. The old l-atin has, Gabtkfratri meojtlio Oabalitl ; and so also iv. 20. B. F. W.

GABRIEL
    (^"pS, man of God: to- 8w

    * There is no clear Scriptural authority for the Jural use of archangel (see above). The term, ffhioh twice occurs in the N. T. (1 Tbess. iv. 10: Jude 9), is once applied to Michael, but not to Gabriel. Although the divine messages by the ingel Gabriel, on both the occasions of his recorded appearance, were characterized, as above stated, by simplicity and freedom from terror, yet it is stated,

    ■ In bis Quasi, in Qnvtiw, Jerome has in/ottuna. fcmphus (Ant. 1. 19, } 8) gives it still a different ram -»vx«um ^fertmtus.

    » Jsrosss (A Bntdict. JacM) interprets this of toe

GAD
    in each instance, that the vision awakened extract dinary fear — suggesting the thought, that then may have been something in the mien of the angel fitted to inspire special awe. S. VV.

    GAD (T$ : r

    " And Leah said, ' In fortune ' {be gad, TO), and she called his name Gad " (Gen. xxx. 11). Such is supposed to be the meaning of the old text of the passage (the C'eoo): so it stood at the tuna of the LXX., who render the key-word by «V rirf ! in which they are followed by Jerome in the Vul- gate, ftlicUer. a But in the marginal emendations

    of the Masocwts (the A'eri) the word is given N""j>

    "TJ, " Gad comes." This construction is adopted by the ancient versions of Onketos, AquUa ({a9«v il (Zeis), and Syuiauvcbus (j)A0

    term constantly used for which is gtdid, TTTJ), and the allusion — the turns of which it is impos- sible adequately to convey in English — would seem to be to the irregular life of predatory warfare which should be pursued by the tribe after their settlement on the borders of the Promised Land. " Gad, a plundering troop (gedid) shall plunder him (ye- ywl-enu), but he will plunder (yi-gid) at their heels " (Gen. xlix. 19).» (c.) The force here lent to the name has been by some partially transferred to the narrative of Gen. xxx., e. o. the Samaritan version, the Veneto-Greek, and our own A. V. "a troop (of children) cometh." But it must not be overlooked that the word gtdid — by which it is here sought to interpret the gad of Gen. xxx. 11 — possessed its own special signification of turbulence and fierceness, which makes it hardly applicable to children in the sense of a number or crowd, the image suggested by the A. V. Exactly as the turns of Jacob's language apply to the characteristics of the tribe, it does not appear that there is any connection between bis allusions and those in this exclamation of I.eah. The key to the latter is probably lost To suppose that Leah was invoking some ancient divinity, the god Fortune, who is conjectured to be once alluded to — and once only — in the later part of the book of Isaiah, under the title of Gitd (Is. lxv. 11; A. V. "that troop; " Gesenius, '• dem Gliick "), is surely a poor explana- tion.

    Of the childhood and life of the Individual Gajo nothing is preserved. At the time of the descent into Egypt seven sons are ascribed to him, remark- able from the fact that a majority of their name* have plural terminations, as if those of famibea rather than persons (Gen. xlvi. 16). The list with s slight variation, is again given on the occasion of the census In the wilderness of Sinai (Num. xxvt 15- 18). [Arod; Ezbok; Ozki.] The poaMoa

    revenge taken by the warriors of the tribe on task return from the conquest of western Pstsstlns, fte MM Incursions of tbs a ssi s t Moss during then- i t s— as

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    UAD

    at Gad daring the march to luc I'romiied Land was on the south aide of the Tabernacle (Num. ii. 14). The leader of the tr*be at the time of the •tart from Sinai was Kliaaapn eon of Reuel ur Deuel (ii. 14, x. 20). Gad is regular); named in the various enumerations of the tribes through the wanderings — at the despatching of the spies (ziii. 15) — the numbering in the plains of Moab (xxvi. 3, 15) ; but the only inference we can draw is an indication of a commencing alliance with the tribe which was subsequently to be his next neighbor. Ho has loft the more closely related tribe of Asher, to take up his position next to Reuben. These two tribes also preserve a near equality in their numbers, not suffering from the fluctuations which were endured by the others. At the first census Gad had 45,650, and Reuben 46,500; at the last, Gad had 40,500, and Reuben 43,330. This alliance was doubtless induced by the similarity of their pursuits. Of all the sons of Jacob these two tribes alone returned to the land which their forefathers had left fire hundred years before, with their occu- pations unchanged. " The trade of thy slaves hath been alwit cattle from our youth even till uow " — " we are shepherds, both we and our fathers " (Gen. ilvi. 34, xlvii. 4) — such was the account which the patriarchs gave of themselves to Pharaoh. The civilization and the persecutions of Egypt had worked a change in the habits of most of the tribes, but Reubeu and Gad remained faithful to the pas- toral pursuits of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; and at the halt on the east of Jordan we find them coming forward to Moses with the representation that they " have cattle " — " a great multitude of cattle," and the land where they now are is a " place for cattle.'' What should the) do in the close pre- cincts of the country west of Jordan with all their flocks and nerds? Wherefore let this land, they •way, be given them for a possession, and let them tot be brought over Jordan (Num. xxxii. 1-5). rhey did not, however, attempt to evade ukini.' Jieir proper share of the difficulties of subduing the land of Canaan, and after that task had been effected, and the apportionment amongst the uine and a half tribes completed " at the door-way of the tabernacle of the congregation iu Shiloh, before Jehovah," tbey were dismissed by Joshua " to their tents," to their " wives, their little ones, and their cattle," which they had left behind them in GUead. To their tenia they went, to the dangers and delights of the free Bedouin life in which they had elected to remain, and in which — a few partial glimses excepted — the later history allows them to remain hiddeu from view.

    The country allotted to Gad appears, speaking roughly, to have lain chiefly about the centre of the land east of Jordan. The south of that district, from the Anion ( W uty .Hofeb), about half way down the Dead Sea, to Heshbon, nearly due east of Jerusalem, was occupied by Reuben, and at or about Heshbon toe possessions of Gad commenced. They embraced half GUead, as the oldest record ipeeially states (Ueut. iii. 12), or half the land of the children of Amnion (Josh. xiii. 25), probably the mountainous district which is intersected by the torrent Jabbok — if the Wady Zirbi be the Jabbok — including, as its most northern town, the ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. On the east the farthest landmark given is " Aroer. that faces Kab- bah," the present Amman (Josh. /mi. 25). West was the Jordan (ver. 27). The territory thus con- stated of two comparatively separate and 1 .dependent o4

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    parts, (1) the high land, on the general kvel of the country east of Jordan, and (2) the tank valley of the Jordan itself — the former stopping short at the Jabbok; the litter occupying the whole of the great valley on the east side of the river, and extending up to the very sta of Cinnercth, or Gen- nesaret, itself.

    Of the structure and character of the land whicl thus belonged to the tribe — " the land of Gad and GUead " — we have only vague information. From the western part of Palestine its aspect is that of a wall of purple mountain, with a singularly horizon- tal outline; here and there the surface is seamed by the ravines, through which the torrents find their way to the Jordan, but this does not much affect the vertical wall-like look of the range. But on a nearer approach in the Jordan valley, the horizontal outline becomes broken, and when the summits are attained, a new scene is said to burst on the view. " A wide table-laud appears, tossed about in wild confusion of undulating downs, clothed with rich grass throughout; in the southern parts trees arc thinly scattered here and there, aged trees covered with lichen, as if the relics of a primeval forest long since cleared away ; the northern parts still abound in magnificent woods of sycamore, beech, terebinth, ilex, and enormous fig-trees. These downs are broken by three deep defiles, through which the three rivers of the YarmAk, the Jabbok, and the Anion fall into the valley of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. On the east they melt away into the vast red plain, which by a gradual descent joins the level of the plain of the Hauran, and of the Assyrian desert " (Stanley, S. f P. p. 320). A very picturesque country, not the " flat open downs of smooth and even turf" of the country round Heshbon (lrby, p. 142), the sheep-walks of Reuben and of the Moabites, but " most beautifully varied with hang- ing woods, mostly of the vaUonia oak, laureotinus, cedar, arbutus, arbutus andrachne, Ac. At times the country had all the appearance of a noble |iark** (147), "graceful hills, rich vales, luxuriant herbage" (Porter, ffantlb. p. 310). [Gilkad.]

    Such was the territory allotted to the Gaditea; but there is no doubt that they soon extended them- selves beyond these limits. The official records of the reign of Jotham of Judah (1 Chr. v. 11, 16) show them to have been at that time established over the whole of Gilead, and in possession of Bashan as far as Salcah, the modern S&lkhad, a town at the eastern extremity of the noble plain of the ffawdn, and very far both to the north and the east of the border given them originally, while the Manassites were pushed still further northwards to Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). They soon be- came identified with Gilead, that name so mem- orable in the earliest history of the nation ; and in many of the earlier records it supersedes the name of Gad, as we have already remarked it did that of Bashan. In the song of Deborah >' Gilead " is said to have "abode beyond Jordan" (Judg. v. 17) Jephthah appears to have been a Gadite, a native of Mizpeh (Judg. xi. 34: comp. 31, and Josh. xiii. 26), and yet he is always designated "the Gileadite;" and so also with Barzillai of Mahanaim (2 San. xvil. 27; Ezr. ii. 61; comp. Josh. xiii. 26).

    The character of the tribe is throughout strongly marked, fierce and warlike, " strong men of might, men of war for the battle, that could handle shield and buckler, their faces 'the faces of lions and like roes upon the mountains for swiftness." Such ■ the gmphio description given of those eleven I

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    of Gad, " the least of them more than equal to a hundred, and the greatest to a thousand," who joined their fortunes to David at the time of his greatest discredit and embarrassment (1 Chr. zii. 8), undeterred by the natural difficulties of " flood and field " which stood in their way. Surrounded, as they were, by Ammonites, Midianites, Hagarites, - Children of the East," and all the other countless tribes, animated by a common hostility to the strangers whose coming had dispossessed thei.i of their fairest districts, the warlike propensities of the tribe must have had many opportunities of exercise. One of its great engagements is related in 1 Chr. v. 19-22. Here their opponents were the wander- ing Ishmaelite tribes of Jetur, Nephiah, and N'odab (comp. Gen. xxr. 15), nomad people, possessed of an enormous wealth in camels, sheep, and asses, to this clay the characteristic pos s essions of their Be- douin successors. This immense booty came into the hands of the conquerors, who seem to have altered with it on the former mode of life of then- victims : probably punned their way further intc the eastern wilderness hi the "steads" of these Hagarites. Another of these encounters is con- tained in the history of Jephthah, but this latter story develops elements of a different nature and a higher order than the mere fierceness necessary to repel the attacks of the plunderers of the desert. In the behavior of Jephthah throughout that affect- ing history, there are traces of a spirit which we may almost call chivaleresque ; the high tone taken with the Elders of Gilead, the noble but fruitless expostulation with the king of Anunon before the attack, the hasty vow, the overwhelming grief, and yet the persistent devotion of purpose — surely in all these there Bro marks of a great nobility of character, which must have been more or less characteristic of the Uadites in general. If to this we add the loyalty, the generosity and the delicacy of BuKtUai (2 Sam. xix. 32-39) we obuin a very high idea of the tribe at whose head were such men as these. Nor must we, while enumerating the worthies of Sad, forget that in all probability Elijah the Tish- oite, •' who was of the inhabitants of Gilead," was >ne of them.

    But while exhibiting these high personal qualities, Gad appears to have been wanting In the powers necessary to enable him to take any active or lead- ing part in the confederacy of the nation. The warriors, who rendered such assistance to David, might, when Ishbosheth set up his court at Maha- naim as king of Israel, have done much towards affirming his rights. Had Aimer made choice of Shechem or Shiloh instead of Mabanaim, the quick, explosive Ephraim instead of the unready Gad, who can doubt that the troubles of David's reign would have been immensely increased, perhaps the estab- lishment of the northern kingdom ante-dated by nearly a century? David's presence at the same eity during his flight from Absalom produced no •fleet on the tribe, and they are not mentioned as having taken any part in the quarrels between Kphraim and Judah.

    Cut on* as Gad was by position and circumstances bom Its brethren on the west of Jordan, it still re- tained some connection with them. We may infer that it was considered as belonging to the northern kingdom: " Know ye not," says Ahab in Samaria, '• know ye not that Ramoth in Gilead is ours, and we be still, and take it nottnit of the hand of the Hag of Syiia?" (l K. xxii. 3). The territory of Qad was th» battlefield on which the long and fierce

    GAD

    struggles of Sytt* and Israel wen fought out, and at an agricultural pastoral country, it moat ban suffered severely in consequence (2 K, x, 33).

    Gad was carried into captivity by Tigluth-Pikast (1 Chr. v. 26), and in the time of Jeremiah the cities of the tribe seem to have been inhabited by the Ammonites. " Hath Israel no sons ? hath he no heir? why doth Malcham (i. e. Moloch) inherit Gad, and his people dwell in his cities?" (Jrr. xlix. 1). " G.

    GAD (T| [see above]: TiS- Gad), "the seer"

    (rrjhn), or « the king's seer," t. e. David's — such appears to have been his official title (1 Chr xxix. 89; 3 Chr. xxix. 25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 11; t Chr

    xxi. 9) — was a "prophet" (r^SJ), who appea.-a to have Joined David when In " the hold,' and at whose advice he quitted it for the forest of Hareth (1 Sam. xxi. 5). Whether he remained with David during his wanderings is not to be ascertained : we do not again encounter him till late in the life of the king, when he reappears in connection with the punishment inflicted for the numbering of the peo- ple (2 Sam. xxiv. 11-19; 1 Chr. xxi. 9-19). But be was evidently attached to the royal establish- ment at Jerusalem, for be wrote a book of the Acta of David (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and also assisted in settling the arrangements for the musical service of the " house of God," by which his name was handed down to times long after his own (2 Chr. xxix. 25). In the abruptness of his introduction Gad has been compared with Elijah {Jerome, Qm. Uebr. on 1 Sam. xxii. 5), with whom he may have been of the same tribe, if his name can be taken as denoting bis parentage, but this is unsupported by any evidence. Nor is there any apparent ground for Ewald'r suggestion {(.letch, iii. 116) that be was of the school of SauiueL If this could be made out, it would afford a natural reason for his joining David. [David, p. 556.] G.

    GAD (TJ : tKu/iinov; Sin. SalfimV- Forttma). Properly "the Gad," with the article. In the A. T. of Is. liv. 11 the clause " that prepare a table for that troop " has in the margin instead of the last word the proper name " Gad," which evidently de- notes some idol worshipped by the Jews in Babylon, though it is impossible positively to Identify it. Huetius would understand by it Fortune as sym- bolized by the Moon, but Vitringa, on the contrary considers it to be the Sun. MUlius (Diu. efe Gad tt Hem) regards both Gad and Men! as names of the Moon. That Gad was the deity Fortune, un- der whatever outward form it was worshipped, is supported by the etymology, and by the common assent of commentators. It is evidently connected

    with the Syriae J fS^i ffdoVi, " fortune, luck," and

    with the Arabic (X**>, jad, " good fortune," and Gesenius is probably right in his conjecture thai Gad was the planet Jupiter, which was regarded by the astrologers of the East (I'ococke, Spec. //<*. Ar. p. 130) as the star of greater good fcrtune. Movers (Pltctn. 1. 650) is in favor of the planet Venus. Some have supposed that a trace of tat Syrian worship of Gad is to be found in the exekv ■nation of Leah, when Zilpah bare a son (Gag. six.

    11), I??. Wydrf, or as the Ken has It, T*J HJ. " Gad, or good fortune, eometh." The Targutn of Pseudo-Jonathan and the Jerusalem Targum best

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    ffnm " » makj planet ooroeth," but it U moct prob- abla that this is in interpretation »bich grew out of the Mtrologic&l beliefs of a later time; and we aut infer nothing from it with respect to the idol- atry of the inhabitants of Padan-Arain in the age of Jacob. That this later belief in a deity Fortune existed, there are many things to prove. Buxtorf (Lex. Talm. s. v.) says that anciently it was a cus- tom for each man to hare in his house a splendid couch, which was not used, but was set apart for " the prince of the bouse," that is, for the star, or constellation Fortune, to render it more propi- tious. This couch was called the couch of Gada, or good-luck (Talm. BabL Sanhtd. f. 20 o, Neda. rim, f. 56 a). Again in Bereshith Rabba, sect. 65,

    the words N 3N CPIpJ, in Gen. xxvii. 81, are ex- plained as an Invocation to Gada or Fortune. Kabbi Moses the Priest, quoted by Aben Ezra (ou

    Gen. xxx. 11), says "that Tib (Is. lxv. 11) sig- nifies the star of luck, which points to everything that is good; for thus is the language of Kedv

    (Arabic): but he says tliat "0 N3 (Gen. xxx. 11) is not used in the same sense."

    Illustrations of the ancient custom of placing a banqueting table in honor of idols will be found in the table spread for the sun among the Ethiopians (Her. iii. IT, 18), and in the feast made by the Babylonians for their god Bel, which is described in the Apocryphal history of Bel and the Dragon (oomp. also Her. i. 181, Ac.). The table in the temple of Belus is described by Diodonu Siculus (ii. 9) as being of beaten gold, 40 fret long, 15 wide, and weighing 500 talents. On it were placed two drinking cups (tnu^iria) weighing 30 talents, two censers of 300 talents each, and three golden goblets, that of Jupiter or Bel weighing 1300 Baby- lonian talents. The couch and table of the god in the temple of Zeus Triphylius at Patara in the island of Panchsea are mentioned bj Diodorus (v. 46). Oomp. also Virg. j£>u ii. 763:

    " Hue undiquo Troia gam InoensU erepta adytis, mtmaque deorttm Oraletetque auro solidi, capUvaque Testis Congerltur." lu addition to the opinions which have been referred to above may be quoted that of Stephen Le Moyne ( I'm*. Sacr. p. 363), who says that Gad is the goat of Mendes, worshipped by the Egyptians as an em- blem of the sun ; and of Le Clerc ( Comm. in Is.) and Lakenracher ( Obi. PkiL iv. 18, Ate.), who iden- tify Gad with Hecate. Macl->bius (Sat. i. 19) tells us that in the later Egyptian iiythology TiSxi '"* worshipped as one of the four deities who presided over birth, and was represented by the Moon. This will perhaps throw some light upon the ren- dering of the LXX. as given by Jerome. [Mkki, note a.]

    Traces of the worship of Gad remain in the proper names Baal-Gad, and Giddeneme (Plaut. Pan. v. 3), the latter of which Gesenius ( .Won. Plum.

    ,.407) renders iTOM 13, "favoring fortune."

    W. A. W. GADARA, a strong city (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 13, J 3), situated near the river Hieromax (Plin. H. N. v. 16), east of the Sea rf Galilee, over against Seythopolis and Tiberias lEuseb Onom. t. v. ), and sixteen Roman miles distant from each of those places (IHn. Anton, ed. West. pp. 196, IM; Tab. Peat.). It stood on tbe .op of a hiU, «t the foot of which, upon the hanks of the Hiero-

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    max, three miles distant, wen warm springs and baths called Amatha ( Onom. s. v. AVtham «t Go* ara; Itin. Ant. Martyr.). Josephus oaus it to* capital of Persa; and Polybius says it was one of tbe most strongly fortified cities in the eountrj (Joseph. B. J. iv. 7, § 3; Polyb. v. 71). A large district was attached to it, called by Josephus Tataphit (JB. J. iii. 10, § 10); Strabo also Informs us that the warm healing springs were iy rp Tor taplti, "in the territory of Gadara (Oeog. xvi.). Gadara itself is not mentioned in the Bible, out it is evidently identical with the "Country of the Gadarenes," y^/xx or trtpixepos t£k r^ipnuir (Mark v. 1 ; Luke vUi. 26, 37).

    Of the site of Gadara, thus so clearly denned, there cannot be a doubt. On a partially isolated hilL at the northwestern extremity of the moun tains of Gilead, about sixteen miles from Tiberias, lie tbe extensive and remarkable ruins of Um Kris. Three miles northward, at the foot of the hill, is the deep bed of the Sherioi ei-MondhAr, the an- cient Hieromax ; and here are still the warm springs of Amatha. On the west is the Jordan valley; and on the south is Wady el-' Arab, running parallel to the Afandhur. Um Kei» occupies the crest of the ridge between the two latter wadies; and as this crest declines in elevation towards the east as well as the west, the situation is strong and command- ing. The whole space occupied by tbe ruins is about two miles in circumference; and there are traces of fortifications all round, though now almost completely prostrate.

    The first historical notice of Gadara is its cap- ture, along with Pells and other cities, by Antio- chus tbe Great, in the year B. c. 218 (Joseph. Ant. iii. 3, § 3). About twenty years afterwards it WW taken from the Syrians by Alex. Jamueus, after a siege of ten months (Ant. xiii. 13, § 3; B. J. i. 4, § 3). The Jews retained possession of it for some time; but the place having been destroyed during their civil wars, it was rebuilt hv Pompey to gratify his freedman Demetrius, «no was a Gadarene (B. J. i. 7, § 7). When Gabinius, th» proconsul of Syria, changed the government of Judiea, by dividing the country into five districts, and placing each under tbe authority of a council, Gadara was made the capital of one of these dia tricts (B. J. i. 8, § 5). The territory of Gadara, with the adjoining one of Hippos, was subsequently added to tbe kingdom of Herod the Great (AnL xv. 7, § 3).

    Gadara, however, derives its greatest interest from having been the scene of our Lord's miracle in healing the demoniacs (Matt. viii. 28-34 ; Mark v. 1-31 ; Luke viii. 26-40). " They ware no clothes, neither abode in any house, but in the tombs." Christ came across the lake from Capernaum, and landed at the southeastern comer, where the steep, lofty bank of the eastern plateau breaks down into the plain of the Jordan. Tbe demoniacs met him a short distance from the shore; on the side of the adjoining declivity the " great herd of swine " were feeding; when the demons went among them the whole herd rushed down that " steep place " into the lake and perished ; the keepers ran up tc the city and told the news, and tbe excited popula- tion cane down in haste, and " beat ught Jesus that he would depart out of their coasts." The whole circumstances of the narrative are thus strikingly illustrated by the features of the country. Another thing is worthy of notice. Tbe most interesting remains of Gadara are its tomb*, which dot the etttk

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    fcr t canddanble dutance round the city. They are excavated in tlie limestone rock, and consist of chambers of various dimensions, some more thin 90 feet square, with recesses in the sides for bodies. The doors are slabs of stone — a few being orna- mented with panels : some of them still remain in their places. The present inhabitants of Um Keit are all troglodytes, " dwelling in tombs," like the poor maniacs of old ; and occasionally they are al- most as dangerous to the unprotected traveller. In the Gospel of Matt. (viii. 28) we ban [in the received text] the word Tfoyttrnnav (instead of ratapnvSr), which seems to be the same as the

    Hebrew , B73"J3 (LXX. repytatuos) in Gen. xv. 21 and DeuL rii. 1 — the name of an old Canaan- itish tribe [Girgashites], which Jerome (Comm. ad Gen. xv.) locates on the shore of the sea of Tiberias. Origen also says (Opp. iv. 140) that a city called Oermia anciently stood on the

    GADARA

    aide of the lake Ever were this true, still the other gospels would be strictly accurate. Gadara was a large city, and its district would include Gar- gets. Hut it must be remembered that the most ancient MSS. give the word rtpnrqvwr, while others have Tataprivuv — the former reading Is adopted by Griesbach « and Tju-hnmni , while Schola [with Tisch. and Treg.] prefers the latter; and either one or other of these is preferable to Ttftyr oritur- [Gbraba.]

    Gadara was captured by Vespasian on the £rtt outbreak of the war with the Jews, all its fchab* itanta massacred, and the town itself, with the surrounding villages, reduced to ashes (Joseph. B. J. iii. 7, § 1). It was at this time one

    The ruins of Um Keit bear testimony to the splendor of ancient Gadara. On the northern side oi the hill is a theatre, and not far from it are the remains of one of the city gates. At the latter a street commences — the via recta of Gadara — which ran through the city in a straight line, hav- ing a colonnade on each side. The columns are all prostrate. On the west side of the hill is another larger theatre in better preservation. The prin- cipal part of the city lay to the west of these two theatres, on a level piece of ground. Mow not a bouse, not a column, not a wall remains standing; yet the old pavement of the main street is nearly perfect; and here and there the traces of the char- m-wheels are visible on the stones, reminding one

    of die thoroughfares of Pompeii. (Full descrip- tions of Gadara are given in Handbook for Syr.

    * ft is still a question whether we know the exact place where the Saviour healed the demoniacs, or the precipice from which the swine rushed down into the sea. The statement in the foregoing arti- cle that both these events occurred at Gadara, o> in its immediate vicinity, is attended with serious difficulty. That city is ten miles inland from tb* lake, and is approached only by a toilsome way, whereas the evangelists seem to rep res en t the niir acle as performed at once on the Saviour's landing (Mark v. 3), and consequently, according to the

    a • Orirsbaeh retains TVy«n|M»' In the text (Matt, mnr'vnu Oiticut, I. SO IT. Uehmann, Tlscbradort vB. V), bat marks rqu^w as of equal, or nearly and Iregelles sajna In readme I>ptursr»r in Kirk ; is •sail, authority Seu the mil disousifon in bis Com- Luke, TIseh. now route (fitu at., n^inwr. A.

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    ■ion which the narrative make* on the leader, •ear the abate. Again, toe mountain where the •wine were feeding appears to have bran near the lake; for they ran madly down the precipice (

    Under these circumstances the writer just named proposes a different locality, which agrees much better with the Scripture account. He reports bis finding a heap of ruins on the eastern shore of the lake, near the mouth of W nth/ Stmalch, known among the natives as Kent or Gtrtt. Directly above this site stands " an immense mountain," where are alio (as well as near Gadara) rock-tombs such as lunatics in the East sometimes occupy at the present day." The base of this mountain, though not directly overhanging the site, is so near the shore that the swine, rushing down the declivity (said to be almost perpendicular = koto to» a-prm,- rju, efcrk v. 13), would he carried by their own impetus across the narrow strip of beach into the depth of the sea.* He says further, that this Gern, as pronounced by the Arabs, gives back to us very nearly the ancient Gergesa or Geresa. This may be the identical place of which Origen seems to have heard, and which he supposed to be the scene of the miracle. (See Reland's Pakutina, p. 807.)

    One circumstance not unimportant to the discus- sion here has been overlooked by some writers. The evangelists do not mention Gadaia or Gergesa (whichever may be the true reading), but speak jnly of " the country (region, x^/m) of the Gad- arenes," or Uenjeaenes, as a general geographical designation.? So far from naming that city, Luke (viii. 26), in order to give his readers an idea of the '•region of the Gadarenes,'' merely defines it as opposite to Galilee (a>rnr«pw Trjt TaMKuiat)- Hence the city to which the Synoptists refer as the one to which the keepers of the swine fled in terror, and from which the people, on hearing their report, came out to Jesus (Matt. viii. 33 ft*. ; Mark

    14 ; Luke viii. 34 ft*.), is not necessarily Gadara, jut may be any other city in the land of the Gada- renes, viewed definitely as the one associated in the writer's mind with these transactions. It is suffi- cient for the accuracy of the writer*, if we find the uene of the two-fold miracle within the limits of the country of the Gadarenes or Gergeseue*. The

    a • Trismus (Land of brad, 2d «J., p. 465, note) lays : "I nave often met In the outskirts of Oaifle "Haifa, at the foot of Mount Carmel] a maniac who ■ells in similar tombs." H

    » • Matthew's " afar off," viii. SO (juutpiv), being of muss relative, applies wen enough to the herd high as on the side of the " Immense mountain," though she spectator may be at the base. B esides, on* feels rami Mark's and Lukrt dnctic hul reflects a manifest

    GAHAB 858

    evangelists do not in reality commit themashss to anything more definite than that.

    It is gratifying to find that Mr. Tristram, whs also visited the ruins of this Ktrza or Gerta, en- dorses Dr. Thomson's view. " The bluff behind it so steep, and the shore to narrow, that a herd of swine, rushing frantically down, must certainly have been overwhelmed in the sea before they could recover themselves. While the tomb* at Gadara are peculiarly interesting and remarkable, yet the whole region is so perforated everywhere by these rock-chambers of the dead, that we may be quite certain that a home for the demoniac will not lie wanting, whatever locality be assigned for the events recorded by the evangelists." (Land of itratl, p. 4(!6, tJd ed.) Lord Lindsay, who went into that region, assigns the occurrence to Wad\\ fit, considerably further south on the lake (Leilert on Ike Holy Land, p. 238). Stanley, at first rely- ing on that writer, adopted the same view (Sin.

    GAD-DI ('TO: Tattli [Vat. ra8*«:] find*"), son of Suai ; representative of the tribe of Manas seh among the spies sent by M»es to explore Ca- naan (Num. xiii. 11).

    GADDIEL OW V£ [God the forUmt-gher, FUrst]: Tovtth\' Gtddiet), ton of Sodi; represent- ative of the tribe of Zebulun on the same occasion (Num. xiii. 10).

    OATH Oil' roJSf; [Vat. roSSci;] Alex Tfttu, and roZSer- Gadi), father of Menahem who seized the throne of Israel from Shallum (2 K xv. 14, 17).

    GADTTES, THE (*T|n : A ntt, 6 r«M, [Vat. FA. •»«], ol ufol r<£«; [Alex, in 2 K. x. 88, roAoaSSu; Vat. in 1 Chr. rii. 8, Ttttux ver. 37, FA. ro88«i»-:] Gad, Gidila, Gaddi). The de- scendants of Gad and members of his trilio. Ther character is described under (Sad, p. 849. In J Sam. xxiii. 36 for "theGadite" the LXX. hai* roAooJS/ [Vat. -8«, Alex. Tatti], and the Viug. de Gadi. W. A. W.

    GA'HAM (DOJ [perh. tmrmny, Jin-brand]: Tain; ^ ex - [" m charact. rninore"] radV : [0° ham] ), son of Nahor, Abraham's brother, by hit concubine Keumah (Gen. xtii. 24). No light ha* yet been thrown on this tribe. The name probably signifies "sunburnt," or "swarthy."

    GA'HAR (tnj [Aiotno^ptoce, Get.]: radp, [in Ect., Vat r

    on their part of the vicinity of the mountain and the landing-pUoe to each other. The hand points oof the object, as It were, visible from toe shore. H.

    c • Tristram (p. 466) ipeakf of Matthew as naaalng the exact locality, Gergesa =. Otrm, but Matthew's expnsakc is gupa vie Tipytnpmr or rafaitsvw (ttw latter tb» better reading), and therefore la each east Indefinite 'Dm that of tha other writer*. H

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    OAITJS

    • G A1TJS or CA1US (r

    L A Macedonian, a missionary associate of Paul (owckoimuh), whom the mob at Epbesus wized and dragged into the theatre, and would no doubt have killed, had it not been for the interposi- tion of the Agiarulis and " town-clerk " of the city. This Uaius is otherwise unknown. See Acts xix. 29.

    2. One of the party who went with Paul from Corinth (possibly only from Philippi), accompanying him as fer as Asia, when he went for the last time from Europe to Palestine. 8 This Gains was a na- tive of Derbe (Acts xx. 4), and hence a different person from the preceding one. Some, as Kuinoel, Oishausen, Neander, regard him as a Theaaakmian, but they must then join Atpfiau>s with Ti/ioTtau, in the above passage, which not only puts xai there out of its natural place, but disagrees with xvL 1. Timothy was a native of Lyutka (which see).

    3. A Gains, who lived at Corinth, and sent a salutation in Paul's letter to the Roman Christians (Kom. xvi. 23). He was one of the very few whom Paul baptized at Corinth (1 Cor. i. 14), was Paul's * host " during his second sojourn in that city, and was noted for his hospitality to all who bore Christ's name (Kom. xvi. 23).

    4. John's Third Epistle is addressed to a Chris- tian of this name, of whose character the Apostle's commendation (3 John i. G) gives us an exalted opinion. We may possibly identify him with num- ber 2. John wrote the epistle at Ephesus. Derbe was in Lycaonia, a province of Asia Minor, and the Derbean Uaius, as last traced in the Acts (xx. 4), was on the way to Asia. [John, Second and Third Epistles of.] H.

    GAL'AAI) (raWS; [in 1 Mace. v. 9, Alex. raAoaJiTii : Gaiaad; in Jud. L, Cedar, in xv. Vulg. omits]), 1 Mace. v. 9, 65; Jud. i. 8, xv. 5; and the country op Ualaad (») raAiuS?Tis; [Sin. St,-:] GalaatHHt), 1 Mace v. 17, 20, 25, 27, 36, 46; xiii. 22, the Greek form of the word

    UlLEAD.

    GAIiAL ( V^ [occasion, or cause ; and then, perh., one mighty, influential, Flint]: raAaoA; [Vat. raAaat; Alex. r«Ai)\\; Comp. TaAaA:] Galal). 1. A Levite, one of the sons of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15).

    2. Another Levite of the family of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 16).

    3. [Rom. Vat. Alex. FA.1 omit; FA.* and i/ju.p. raA

    GALATIA (roAoT(o). It is sometimes diffi- cult to determine, in the case of the names of dis- tricts mentioned in the N. T., whether they are to be understood in a general and popular sense as referring to a region inhabited by a race or tribe of people, or whether tbey define precisely some tract of country marked out for political purposes. Galatia is a district of this kind ; and it will be •onvenient to consider it, first ethnologically, and then as a Roman province.

    Galatia is literally the "Gallia," of the East

    i * It Is said erroneonnly In Kltto't Cyclop, of BM. In. (Hi. 1167), that Paul was then going " fn-n Asia, ■ Us steond vbit to Europe," i. «., earlier than the tonal (an*, and tht opposite of the true direction.

    U.

    GALATIA

    Roman writer* call its inhabitants Gain, Jast si Greek writers call the mh»bitjnt» of ancient Francs raAdVai. In 2 Tim. iv. 10, some oommentator* suppose Western Gaul to be meant, and seven. MSS. have raAAfar instead of YaKaria*. In 1 Mace. viii. 2, where Judas Maccabteus is hearing the story of the prowess of the Romans in con- quering the roAdreu, it is possible to interpret the passage either of the Eastern or Western Gauls; for the subjugation of Spain by the Roniaus, and their defeat of Antiochus, King of Asia, are men- tioned in the same context. Again, raAoVtu is the same word with KsXtoi; and the Galatians were in their origin a stream of that great Keltie torrent (apparently Kymry, and not Gael) which poured into Greece in the third century before the Christian era. Some of these invaders moved on into Thrace, and appeared on the shares of the Hellespont and Bosphorus, when Nicomedes I., king of Bithynia, being then engaged in a civil war, in- vited them across to help him. Once established in Asia Minor, they became a terrible scourge, and extended their invasions far and wide. The neigh- boring kings succeeded in repressing them within the gener.il geographical limits to which the name of Galatia was permanently given. Antiochus I., king of Syria, took his title of Soter in consequence of his victory over them, and Attalus I. of Perga- mus commemorated his own success by taking the title of king. The Galatians still found vent for their restlessness and love of war by hiring them- selves out as mercenary soldiers. This is doubtless the explanation of 2 Mace. viii. 20, which refers to some struggle of the Seleucid princes in which both Jews and Galatians were engaged. In Joseph. B. J. i. 20, § 3, we find some of the latter, who bad been hi Cleopatra's body-guard, acting in the same character for Herod the Great. Meanwhile the wars had been taking place, which brought all the countries round the east of the Mediterranean within the range of the Roman power. The Ga- latians fought on the side of Antiochus at Magne- sia. In the Mithridatic war they fought on both sides. At the end of the Republic Galatia appears as a dependent kingdom, at the beginning of the Empire as a province. (See Hitter, Erdhmde, xviii. 697-610.)

    The Roman province of Galatia may be roughly described as the central region of the peninsula of Asia Minor, with the provinces of Asia on the west, Capi-adocia on the east, Pamphylia and Ciu- cia on the south, and Bithynia and Pontus on the north. It would be difficult to define the ex- act limits. In fact they were frequently changing. For information on this subject, see the Diet, of Geog. i. 930 b. At one time there is no doubt thai this province contained Pisidia and Lycaonia, and therefore those towns of AnOoch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which are conspicuous in the narrative of St Paul's travels. But the characteristic part of Galatia lay northward from those districts. On the table-land between the Sangarius and the Halve, the Galatians were settled in three tribes, the Teo- tosages, the Tolistoboii, and the Trocmi, the first of which is identical in name with a tribe familiar to us in the history of GauL as distributed over the Cevennes near Toulouse. The three capitals wen respectively Taviuni, Pessinus, and Ancyra. Th» last of these (the modem Angora) was the eentn of the roads of the district, and may be regarded as the metropolis of the Galat an*. These Fa st en Gauls umnis d much of their ancient

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    GALATIA

    ■a* something of their ancient language. At lea*t IcNme says that hi hie day tht same language ■light be heard at Ancyra as at Treves : and he is > good witness ; for he himself had been at Treves. The prevailing speech, however, of the district was Greek. Hence the Galatians were called Gallo- gneei. (" Hi jam degeneres sunt; niixti, et Gal- iogned vera, quod appeluu.tur." Hanlios in Livy, xxxviii. 17 i The inscriptions found at Ancyra are Greek, and St. Paul wrote his Epistle in Greek.

    It is difficult at first sight to determine in what sense toe word Galatia is used by the writers of the N T., or whether always in the same sense. In the Acts of the Apostles the journeys of St Paul through the district are mentioned in very general terms. We are simply told (Acts xvi. 6), that on his second missionary circuit he went with Silas and Timotbcus through t)|k #ptry(o» ml tvJk Ta- XarutV x&pav. From the epistle indeed we have this supplementary information, that an attack of sickness (81" ixrStvtiay rtft crapes, Gal. iv- 13) detained him among the Galatians, and gave him the opportunity of preaching the Gospel to them, and also that he was received by them with extraor- dinary fervor (ib. 14, 15); but this does not inform us of the route which he took. So on the third circuit he is described (Acts xviii. 23) as Supxi/tt- roi Kaffsfijf rV roAarucV x&F"' " a ' *p"yl"»- We know from the first Epistle to the Corinthians that on this journey St. Paul was occupied with the collection for the poor Christians of Judaea, and that he gave instructions in Galatia on the subject (Sxrwtp ti«Va(a this V««X<)o*tait Ttjs ["aAarlaj, 1 Cor. xvi. 1); but here again we are in doubt as to the places which he had visited. We observe that the " churches " of Galatia are mentioned here in the plural, as in the opening of the Epistle to the Galatians themselves (Gal. i. 9). From this we should be inclined to infer that he visited sev- eral parts of the district, instead of residing a long time in one place, so as to form a great central church, as at Ephesus and Corinth. This is in harmony with the phrase ^ raAarurh x

    The Epistle to the Galatians was probably writ- ten very soon after St. Paul's second visit to them. Its abruptness and severity, and the sadness of its tone, are caused by their sudden perversion from the doctrine which the Apostle had taught them, and which at first they had received so willingly. It is no fancy, if we see In this fickleness a speci- men of that " esprit impltueux, ouvert a tout** les mpressions," that, " mobility extreme," which rhierry marks ss characteristic of the Gaulish race /Rat. oV* Gmloit, In trod, iv., v.). From Joseph. tut. xvi. 6, J 2, we know that man* Jews were tattled in Galatia- but GaL iv. 8 would lead us to oppose that St Paul's converts were mostly Gen- (las.

    Wt rrast not leave unnoticed the view advocated

    GALATIANS

    865

    by Buttger (Schr&plaiz itr WirlaamttoU it* Af>» ttU Panlm, pp. 28-30, and the third of bit Beitrigt, pp. 1-6 J, namely, that the Galatia of the epistle is entirely limited to the district between Uerbe and (Jolossse, 1. e. the extreme southern fron tier of the Roman province. On this view tin visit alluded to by tie Apostle took place on his first missionary circuit; and the iurQiyua of GaL iv. 13 is identified with the effects of the stoning at Lystra (Acts xiv. 19). Geographically this is not impossible, though it seems unlikely that regions called Pisidia and Lycaonia in one place should h* called Galatia in another. Bottger's geography, however, is connected with a theory concerning the date of the epistle; and for the determination of this point we must refer to the article on the Gala- tians, The Epistle to the. J. S. H.

    • GALATIANS (roAoroi: Oalala), 1 Mace viii. 2; 2 Mace. viii. SO; Gal. Hi. 1; to whom Paul wrote his Gahttian epistle. Of this people some account has been given above [Galatia]. No one of all the N. T. epistles reflects so many national traits of the readers to whom they were addressed as that to the Galatians. The some- what peculiar intermixture of Judaistic and hea- then elements which we find at work among them, their tendency to the opposite extremes of a Pharisaic legalism on the one band, and of a de- gree of libertinism on the other, the ardor of tem- perament which made them so zealous for the truth of the Gospel at one time, and so easy a prey to the arts of false teachers at another, and likewise susceptible of such strong affection for Paul when they first believed, and of such partisanship for his opponents so soon after bis leaving them, are char- acteristics more or less peculiar to this letter, and presuppose certain historical antecedents having something to do with their formation.

    Of these antecedents, Prof. Ligbtfoot's ethno- graphic sketch, brief, but the result of extended in- vestigation (SL Paut$ h'pistle to the Oalitiaiu, pp. 1-17, 2d ed.\\ furnishes a very good account: " The Galatians, whom Manlius subdued by the arms of Home, and St Paul by the sword of the Spirit, were a very mixed race. The substratum of society consisted of the original inhabitants of the invaded country, chiefly Phrygians, of whose language not much is known, but whose strongly marked re- ligious system has a prominent place in ancient history. The upper layer was composed of tht Gaulish conquerors ; while scattered irreguLniy through the social mass were Greek settlers, mnny of whom doubtless had followed the successors of Alexander thither, and were already in the country when the Gauls took possession of it To thi country thus peopled the Romans, ignoring the old Phrygian population, gave the name of Gallogrrcia. . . . The great work of the Roman conquest was the fusion of the dominant with the conquered race — the result chiefly, it would appear, of that nat- ural process by which all minor distinctions arc levelled in the presence of a superior power. From this time forward the amalgamation began, and ii was not long before the Gauls adopted even the re- ligion of their Phrygian subjects. . . . But before St. Paul visited the country two new elements had been added to this already heterogeneous population The establishment of the province must have drawn thither a considerable number of Romans, not very wioeiy spread in til probability, but gathered about the centres of go -eminent, either holding omnia)

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    356 GAXATIAN8

    positions themselves, or connected more or lea di- rectly with thoie who did. . . . More important is it to remark on the Urge influx of Jews, which moat have invaded Galatia in the interval Autiochui thj Great had nettled two thousand Jewish families in I.vdia and Phrygia; and even if we suppose these settlements did not extend to Galatia, properly so called, the Jewish colonists must in course of time hare overflowed into a neighboring country which possessed so many attractions for them. . . . The country of Galatia afforded great facilities for com- mercial enterprise. With fertile plains rich in agricultural produce, with extensive pastures for Hocks, with a temperate climate and copious rivers, it abounded in all those resources out of which a commerce is created. It was moreover conveniently situated for mercantile transactions, being traversed by a great high-road between the East and the shores of the yEgean, along which caravans were constantly passing, and among its towns it numbered not a few which are mentioned as great centres of commerce. . . . With these attractions it fat not difficult to explain the vast increase of the Jewish population in Galatia, and it is a significant (met that in the generation before St. l'aul, Augustus directed a decree granting especial privileges to the Jews to be inscribed in his temple at Ancyra, the Galatian metropolis, doubtless because this was a principal seat of the dispersion in these parts of Asia Minor. Other testimony to the same effect is afforded by the inscriptions found in Galatia, which present here and there Jewish names and symbols amidst a strange confusion of Phrygian and Celtic, Roman and Greek. At the time of St. Paul they probably boasted a large number of proselytes, and may even have infused a beneficial leaven into the religion of the mass of the heathen population. . . . The main features of the Gaulish character are traced with great distinctness by the Roman writers. Quickness of apprehension, promp- titude in action, great impressibility, an eager crav- ing after knowledge, this is the brighter aspect of tlie Celtic character. Inconstant and quarrelsome, treacherous in their dealings, incapable of sustained effort, easily disheartened by failure, such they ap- pear when viewed on their darker side. . . . Fickle- ness is the term used to express their temperament. This instability of character was the great difficulty against which Cnsar had to contend in his dealings with the Gauls. He complains that they all with scsrcely an exception are impelled by the desire of change. Nor did they show more constancy in the discharge of their religious than of their social obli- gations. The hearty zeal with which they embraced the Apostle's teaching, followed by their rapid apos- tasy, is only an instance out of many of the reckless facility with which they adopted and discarded one religions system after another. To St. Paul, who had had much bitter experience of hollow profes- sions aid fickle purposes, this extraordinary levity was yet a matter of unfeigned surprise. ' T mar- sel,' he lays, 'that ye are changing so quickly.' He looked upon it as some strange fascination.

    Ye senseless Gauls, who did bewitch you ? ' The language in which Roman writers speak of the martial courage of the Gauls, impetuous at the first >nset, but rapidly melting in the heat of the fray, well describes the short-lived prowess of these con- verts in the warfare of the Christian church. Equally important, in its relation to St. Paul's rpistle, is the type of religious worship which seems

    « have pervaded the Celtic nations. The Gauls

    OALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THB

    are described as a superstitious people, gives m to ritual observances. . . . Tbe Gospel was < to them, and the energy of tbe Apostle's _ ing took their hearts by storm. But the old I still remained. The pure and spiritual teaching of Christianity soon ceased to satisfy them. Their religious temperament, battered by long habit, prompted them to seek a system more external and ritualistic. ' Having begun in the Spirit, they would be made perfect in the flesh. 1 Such is this language of the Apostle rebuking this unnatural violation of the law of progress." H.

    GALATIANS. THE EPISTLE TO

    THE, was writU.il by the Apostle St Paul, not long after his journey tiiruugb Galatia and Phrygia (Acts xviii. 23), and probably (see below) in tta. early portion of his two years and a half stay at Kphesus, which terminated with the Pentecost of A. D. 67 or 68. It would thus succeed in order of composition the epistles to the Thessalonians, and would form the first of the second group of epistles the remaining portions of which are epistles to the Coriuthians and to the Romans.

    This characteristic letter was addressed to the Churches of the Asiatic province of Galatia (i. S), or Gallognecia (Strabo, xii. 566) — a province that bore in its name its well-founded claim to a Gallic or Celtic origin (Pausanias, i. 4), and that now, after an establishment, first by predatory conquest, and subsequently by recognition but limitation at the hands of neighboring rulers (Strabo, L c. ; Pausanias, iv. 5), could date an occupancy, though not an independence, extending to more than three hundred years; the first subjection of Galatia to the Romans having taken place iu 189 ■>. c. (Ut. xxxviii. 16 ff), and its formal reduction (with ter- ritorial additions) to a regular Roman province in 36 B. C. Tbe epistle appears to have been called forth by the machinations of Judsizing teachers, who, shortly before the dote of its composition, had endeavored to seduce tbe churches of this provines into a recognition of circumcision (v. 2, 11, 13; vi. 12 ff.), and had open)) sought to depreciate tbe apostolic claims of St. Paul (comp. i. 1, 11).

    Tbe scope and contents of the epistle are thus: (1] apologetic (i., ii.) and polemical (iii., iv.), and (2) hortatory and practical (v., vi.), the positions and demonstrations of the former portion being used with great power anil |irr»uasiveiieas in the exhortations of the latter. The following is a brief summary: —

    After an address and salutation, in which Ms total independence of human mission is distinctly asserted (i. 1), and a brief doxology (t 6), the Apostle expresses bis astonishment at the speedy lapse of his converts, and reminds them how be had forewarned them that even if an angel preached to them another gospel he was to be anathema (L 6-10). The gospel he preached was not of men, as his former course of life (i. 11-14), and as his actual history subsequent to his conversion (i. 15- 24), convincingly proved. When he went up to Jerusalem it was not to be instructed by th» Apostles, but on a special mission, which resulted iu his being formally accredited by them (ii. 1 -If. nay, more, when St Peter dissembled ta bis esss munion with Gentiles, he rebuked him, and deaa onstrstes the danger of such inconsistency (H. 11- 21). The Apostle then turns to the Galatiana and urges specially the doctrine of justification, as evinced by the gift of the Spirit (iii. l-o* ibecast

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    GALATIA NS. EPI8TLE TO THB GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 857

    sf tbraham (iii C-9), the bet of the law involving

    case, from wiiicb Christ has freed in (iii. 10- 14). md lastly tie prior validity >f the promise (iii. 15-18), and that preparatory character of the Law (iii. 19-34) which ceased when faith in Christ and baptism into him were fully come (iii. 95-23). All this the Apoetle illustrates by a comparison of the nonage of an heir with that of bondage under the Law: they were now sons and inheritors (iv. 1-7), why then were they now turning back to bondage (iv. 8-11)? They once treated the Apoetle very dimmntly (iv. 12-16); now they pay court to others and awaken feelings of serious mistrust (iv. 17-20), and yet with all their approval of the Law show that they do not understand its deeper and more allegorical meanings (\\\\. 21-30). If this be so, they must stand fast in their freedom, aqd beware that they make not void their union with Christ (iv. 31-v. 6): their perverters at any rate shall be punished (v. 7-12). The real fulfillment of the Law is love (v. 13-15): the works of the Spirit are what no law condemns, the works of the flesh are what exclude from the kingdom of (lod (v. 16-26). The Apostle further exhorts the spiritual to be for- bearing (vi. 1-5), the taught to be liberal to their teachers, and to remember that as they sowed so would they reap (vi. 6-10). Then after a noticeable recapitulation, and a contrast between his own con- duct and that of the false teachers (vi. 11-16), and an affecting entreaty that they would trouble him no more (vi. 17), the Apostle concludes with his Tinal benediction (vi. 18).

    With regard to the ijt twinrnru and nuthmticity of this epistle, no writer of any credit or respect- ability has expressed any doubts. The testimony of the early church is most decided and unanimous. Beside express references to the epistle (Irenajus, tter. iii. 7, 2, v. 21, 1 ; TertuU. ik Prater, c. 60, al.), we have one or two direct citations found as early as the time of the Apostolic Fathers (l'olyc. iut PhiL c. 3), and several apparent allusions (see Davidson, Jntrud. ii. 318 ft*.). The attempt of Bruno Bauer (Krtiik

    Two historical questions require a brief notice : —

    1. The number of rlgits made by St. Paul to the churches of Galatia previous to his writing the epistle. These seem certainly to have been lico. fbe Apostle founded the churches of Galatia in the -isit recorded Acts xvi. 6, during his second mis- sionary journey, about a. d. 51. and revisited them «i the period and on the occasion mentioned Acts Kviii. 23, when he went through the country of Galatia and Phrygia, iwumiptfov mirror roit vUhirdt. On this occasion it would seem probable \\at he found the leaven of Judaism beginning to work in the churches of Galatia, and that he thei. warned them against it in language of the most tedded chat tcter (comp. i. 9, v. 3). The majority •f the new converts consisted i«f Gentiles 'iv. 8), Vst, as we may infer from the language of the vssj'a. had considerable contact with Jews, and

    some familiarity with Jewish modes of inU tion. It was then all the more necessary tot them emphatically against believing in the necessity of ci :umcision, and of yielding themselves up to the bondage of a Law which, however strenuously urged upon them by those around them, had now become merged in that dispensation to which i was only prevenient and preparatory.

    2. Closely allied with the preceding ]uestioc is that of the date and place from which the epistle was written. If the preceding new be correct, the epistle could not have been written before the sec- ond visit, as it contains clear allusions to warnings that were then given when the Apostle was present with them. It must then date from some perior" subsequent to the journey recorded in Acts xviil 23. How long subsequent to that journey is some what debatable. Conybeare and Howson, and more recently Lightfoot (Journa' of l'ln$$. anil Snared PhiloL for Jan. 1857), urgo the probability of its having been written at about the same time as the Epistle to the Komans, and find it very unlikely that two epistles so nearly allied in subject and line of argument should have been separated in order of composition by the two epistles to the Corin- thians. They would therefore assign Corinth as the place where the epistle was written, and the three mouths that the Apostle stayed there (Acta xx. 2, 3), apparently the winter of a. i>. 57 or 58, as the exact period. It is not to be denied that there is a considerable plausibility in these argu- ments; still when we consider not only the note of time in Gal. i. 6, oSron raxitn, hut also the ob- vious fervor and freshness of interest that seems to breathe through the whole epistle, it does seem almost impossible to assign a later period than the commencement of the prolonged stay in Epbesus. The Apostle would in that city have been easily able to receive tidings of bis Galatian converts; the dangers of Judaism, against which be person- ally warned them, would have been fresh in Ms thoughts ; and when he found that these warnings were proving unavailing, and that even his apostolic authority was becoming undermined by a fresh arrival of Judaizing teachers, — it is then that he would have written, as it were, on the spur of the moment, in those terms of earnest and almost im- passioned warning that so noticeably mark this epistle. We do not, therefore, see sufficient ration for giving up the anciently received opinion that the epistle was written from F.phesus, perhaps not very long after the Apostle's arrival at that city. The subscription iyp4

    The editions of [commentaries on] this epistle have been very numerous. We may specify those of Winer (Lips. 1829 [4th ed. 185'jj), Kuckert (Leipz. 1833), Usteri (Zurich, 1833). Schott (Lips. 1834), Olshauseu (Konigsb. 1840), Windischmann (Mainz, 1843), De Wette (Leipz. 1845 [3d ed. by W. Miller, 18641), Meyer (Giittlng. 1851 [4th ed. 1862]), Turner 'New York, 1855), and In our own country those or Kllicott (Lond. 1854, 4th ed. 1867), Bagge (Lond. 1856), and Afford (Lond. 1857 [4th ed. 1866]). C.J. E.

    * Prof. Lighttoot In his Commentary (tea ansae

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    358 GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE

    SaLatlans) assigns the Epistle to the Galatians to Corinth a* the place where it was written, at the lime of Paul's last visit to that city (Acts xx. 3 8*.) and shortly before his writing the Epistle to the Romans. lake other advocates of this opinion, he trgue* for it mainly from the similarity of thought and language which distinguishes these two letters in a somewhat remarkable degree. For a tabular view of the passages which exhibit this resemblance sec hi* St. Paul's Epistle to the Galoti ins, pp. 46- 48, and Davidson's Introduction to the N. T. p. 396. Hut there aie two considerations which abate the force of this reasoning. First, it is to be borne in miud that this similarity so far as it is verbal (the tort of correspondence only which furnishes decisive proof of proximity in time) is found to a great extent in the proof-text* quoted from the O. T., or other formulistic expressions, and would therefore be found to exist at whatever intervals of time the two letters may hare been written. The verbal agreement between the Epistle to the Ephesians and that to the Colossians is of a very different character, and shows that the phraseology of the one was still in the writer's memory, as well as the ideas, when the other was written. Secondly, the similarity in the trains of thought is really uot greater than one might expect to occur when the same writer, who has fixed and definite views of Christian truth, is led to discuss the same topics at different times and under different circumstances. For example, Paul's speech to the Lystrians (Acts xiv. 15-17) contains a striking epitome of his views respecting the accountability of the heathen as more fully stated in Bom. i. 19 ff., and yev the speech and the epistle stand widely apart from each other as to the time when the one was spoken and the other written. On this relation of Paul's discourses and epistles to each other, see especially Tboluck's Die lie/Jen del Aj/ottels Paulus in der Apnsttlg., nit teinen Brie/en terylichen (Stud. u. /bit. 1839, p. 305 ff.); and Ch. J. Trip's Pnuhu nnch der Apoe- telgeschichte : ffistorischer Werth dieter Berichte, pp. 187-819 (Leiden, 1866).

    Bishop EUicott's view (stated above) that Paul wrote to the Galatians from Kphesus, is the generally accepted oue of the later critics as well as the older. So, among others, Winer, tfonsen, Olshausen, Wieeeler, Schott, Anger, Neander, Meyer, Guericke, llensa, Ewald, Scbaff, lV^sensi. Bleek is unde- cided (A'int in this N. i tit. p. 429), and some, as De Wette and Alford, have held both opinions at •iffeient times. On the question whether Paul wrote the entire letter with his own hand, see Epistles (Anier. ed.). It is one of the four letters which Chr. Fr. Baur admits to be unquestionably Pauline, never having in fact been seriously quet- krned, says Meyer, except by Bruno Bauer, 1850.

    The dogmatic and practical interest of this epistle ha* given to it a foremost place in all ages of the .hutch. It formed the battle-ground between Prot- aatautism and Komanism at the time of the Refbr- jiatlon. Luther wrote and re-wrote Commentaries id it, which have been often printed, and translated nto other languages. Of all the labors of hi* ict've life he esteemed none more useful than that bestowed on the exposition of this one epistle. In our own day it ha* been brought into new prom- inence by the use which Baur and his followers make of it as supporting their notion of Christianity «s having been only a modified Judaism until it m re-wrought by the plastic hand of the energetic Cad. » The epistle," say* Ughtfoot (p. 68, 3d ed.),

    '• affords at once the ground for, and the i <£, this view. It affords the ground, for it dfcv covers the mutual jealous/ and suspicions of the ism- i*h and the Gentile converts. It affords the refuta- tion, for it snows the t ue relations existing between St Paul and the Twu.e. It presents not indeed a colorless uniformity of feeling and opinion, but a far higher and more instructive harmony, the gen- eral agreement amidst some leaser differences and some human failings, of men animated by the same divine Spirit, and working together for the same hallowed purpose."

    Additional literature. — Among the writers wno have illustrated this epistle the following also deserve notice: C. F. A. Kritssche, De nomuulit Pauli ad GalaL Epittola Ijodt Comm. i.-iii., Rostock, 1833- 34, repr. in Fritzschiorum Opusc. Acad. pp. 158- 258; P. A. Sardinoux, Comm. tur tepitre de tap. Pant aux GahUet, Valence, 1837, with a critical introduction and new translation ; Barnes, Albert, Notes, Explan. and Practical, on id Corinthians and Galatians, New York, 1839; Hilgenfeld, Der Galalerbrief ihersetd, in teinen gctchtchtl. Bezie- hungen unlertuckt u. erkldrt, etc. Leips. 1852; Brown, John, Exposition of the Kp. to the Gala- tians, Edin. 1853, an elaborate work ; Maurice. The Unity of the Jfae Test. (1854), pp. 491-511 , Jatho, Pauls Brief an die Ualater, Hildesh. 1856, Ewald, in hi* Sendschreiben del Ap. Paului ubersttt u. erUSrt (1857), pp. 52-101 ; Jowett The Epistlct to the Thtstaloniant, Galatiant Romans, with Oil. Notes and Dissertations, vol 1., 2d ed., Load. 1859 (1st ed. 1866); Wieeeler, Comm. 06. d. Brief an die Galater, Gott. 1859, see also his supplementary article in Herxog's Real- Encyle. xix. 523-635; SchmoUer, Der Brief an die Galater, in Lange's Bibehcerk, Theil viii. (1862, 2d ed. 1865); J. C. K. von Hofmann, Die heUige Schrift tusammenhangend untersucht, Theil ii. Abth. L (1863); Reithmayr (Cath.), Comm. turn Brief e on die Galater, Miinehen, 1865; Vumei, S. Pauli Br. an d. Galater, griech. mil deuitcher Vebersetxung u. mit hit. Anmerhmgen (1865); G. W. Matthias, Der Galalerbrief, u. a. w. (1866), Greek text with German translation, explanation of difficult passages, and a special dissntatimi oc iii. 20; Webster and Wilkinson, Greet New Test. ii. 112-180 (1861); Wordsworth, Greek Nca Test., 4th ed., 1866; and J. B. Ughtfoot, St. Pouts Ep. to the Galatians ; a revised Text, with Introdu ct ion, Notes, and Dissertations, 2d ed., Lond. 1866. This last work is one of special value in it* treatment of the various ethnographic and historical questions which grow out of the epistle. Hermann's •r^oyr. de Pauli Epist. ad Gala, tribut pximit Capuihus (Lips. 1832) is not only remarkable, but very in- structive. It shows how impossible it is to reach the sense of the N. T. writers if we construe their Greek (as did this celebrated scholar) as strictly classical, without mating due allowance for it* Hebraistic character.

    The doctrinal passages, of which so many occn» in this letter, are specially examined in such works as Usteri's Paulin. txhrbegriff, Zurich, 1834; Neander's Planting and Training of the Chrittinm Church by the Apotilet; R. A. Upeius's Dk Paulinische Rechtfertigungilehre, Leipz. 1863; C F. Schmid'i Bibl. TheoL del N. T. 2* Aon (1859), pp. 472-588; Reuses Hut. de la AM. chretitme au tiecU apostolique, torn, it, 2* srU Stranb. 1860 ; and Messner's Die Lekredar Apottu dargesUlk, Leipx. 1856.

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    GALBANUM

    Ob it* relation of this epistle to the theory of aW Tubingen critics, tee thecomn.entar:es of Meyer lad Hofmium; Lechler's Dasopvstul. a. nachapost. Ztkaher, p. 235 ff; Prof. U. P. Fishers Essays M »4e Supernatural Origin of Christimity (New York, 1866 ), pp. 205-282 (from the New Englander for Jul;, 1864); Lighlfoot's Din. iii., fit Paul and He Three, in his Up. to Me Gal pp. 283-355, 2d ad. ; and especially C. J. Trip's prize-essay, Paulut Mch der Apostelgeschichte (already mentioned), which treats of many of the points in this contro- versy common to Acts and Gaiatians, and is a val- uable contribution to the subject It deserves to be translated into English. For the view of the Tubingen school, besides the well known works of Baur and Zeller (see addition to Acts op the Apostles), one may consult the articles of Hilgen- Md in his Zeitschr.f. win. TheoL for 1858, 1860, and 1866.

    A fuller outline of the argument of the epistle than the one given above, will be found in the Christian Review for Oct 1861, pp. 677-584. For the correction of errors in the A. V. relating either to the sense or the Greek text, see articles in the BUI Sacra, zix. 211-225 and xxii. 138-149; also AHord's New Testament for English Readers, vol. ii. Host of the changes there recommended are incorporated in the revised version of the American Bible Union. Winer prefixes an admirable Latin translation to his Pauls ad Galatas Kpistola (4th sd., 1369). H.

    GALBANUM (HJ? 1 ?^, cheli'ndh), one of the perfumes employed in the preparation of the ■acred incense (Ex. xxx. 84 [eomp. Eeclus. xxiv. 15]). The similarity of the Hebrew name to the Greek xaAJ3dw> "«1 the Latin galbanum has led to the supposition that the substance indicated is the same. The galbanum of commerce is brought chiefly from India and the Levant It is a resinous gum of a brownish-yellow color, and strong, dis- agreeable smell, usually met with in masses, but sometimes found in yellowish tear-like drops. The ancients believed that when burnt the smoke of it was efficacious in driving away serpents and gnats (PHn. xii. 56, xix. 58, xxiv. 13; Virg. Georg. iii. 416). But, though galbanum itself is well known, the plant which yields it has not been exactly de- termined. Dioscorides (iii. 87) describes it as the juice of an umbelliferous plant growing in Syria, and called by some ptrdntiw

    GALILEE

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    by the Dublin College in their Pharmacopoeia, m that which yields the galbanum (Pereira, Mat. Mel ii. pt. 2, p. 188). M. Buhse, in his Persian travels (quoted in Royle, Mat. Med. pp. 471, 472), identi- fied the plant producing galbanum with one which he found on the Demawend mountains. It was called by the natives khassuch, and bore a ver) close resemblance to the Ferula erubescent, but belonged neither to the genus Galbanum nor to Opoidia. It is believed that the Persian galbanum, and that brought from the Levant, are the produce of different plants. But the question remains un decided.

    If the galbanum be the true representative of the chelb'nih of the Hebrews, it may at first sight ap- pear strange that a substance which, when burnt by itself, produces a repulsive odor, should be em- ployed in the composition of the sweet-smelling incense for the service of the tabernacle. We have the authority of Pliny that it was used, with other resinous ingredients, in making perfumes among the ancients; and the same author tells us that these resinous substances were added to enable the perfume to retain its fragrance longer. " Kesina aut gummi adjiciuntur ad continendum odorem in corpora " (xiii. 2). Galbanum wax also employed in adulterating the opobalsanium, or gum of the balsam plant (PUn. xii. 54). W. A. W.

    GALTEED Cry 1 ?*' *• «• Gti-tA = heap of wit- ness: [ver. 47, Bovvis pAprvsX 48, B- paprvpti; Alex. B. paprvpn: Acervus ttstimonii Galaad]). The name given by Jacob to the heap which he and Laban made on Mount Gilead, in witness of the covenant then entered Jito between them (Gen. xxxi. 47, 48; eomp. 23, 25;. [Gilead; Jkgabv

    BAHADUTHA.]

    GAL/GALA (rikyaha: cigala), the ordi- nary equivalent in the LXX. Fir Gilgal. In the A V. it is named only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, as desig- nating the direction of the road taken by the army of Demetrius, when they attacked Masaloth in Ar- hela — "the way to Galgala " (btbr t V tit rdA- yaka). The army, as we learn from the statements of Josephus (Ant. xii. 11, § 1), was on its way from Antioch, and there is no reason to doubt that by Arbela is meant the place of that name in Galilee now surviving as Mid. [Akbkla.] Its ultimate destination was Jerusalem (1 Mace. ix. 3), and Gal- gala may therefore be either the upper Gilgal near Bethel, or the lower one near Jericho, as the rout* thiough the Ghor or that through the centre ot the country was chosen (F.wald, Gesch. iv. 370). Josephus omits the name in his version of the pat- sage. It is a gratuitous supposition of Ewald's that the Galilee which Josephus introduces is i corruption of Galgala. G.

    • GALILEAN or GALILEAN (roA. \\atos- GaUlcsus), an Inhabitant of Galilee (Mark xiv. 70; Luke xiii. 1, 2, xxii. 59, xxiii. 6; John iv. 45; Acts ii. 7; also in the Greek, Matt xxvL 69; Aetal. 11, v. 37). A

    GALILEE (roAiAo/o; [Vat TaXtOuu*: GaHlata]). This name, which in the Roman age was applied to a large province, seems to have been originally confined to a little " circuit " (the He- brew word V 1 ?}, GalO, the origin of the later

    " Galilee," like "t^S, signifies a " circle, or dr- col: "» V country round Kedesh-Naphtali, In whiea mrt *l*'iated the twenty towns given by Sofcvnoa.

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    to Hiram, king of Tyre, as payment for his work In conveying •timber from Lebanon to Jerusalem (Josh. xx. 7: 1 K. ix. 11; LXX. VtOuXala). They were then, or subsequently, occupied by strangers, and for this reason Isaiah gives to the district the

    name " Galilee of the Gentiles " (D^On Vbj, •\\- Is. ix. 1. In Matt ir. 18, TaAiAoia t*V Mriiy; in 1 Mace. v. 15, TaXiKaia iKXofiXoiy). It is probable that the strangers increased in number, and became during the Captivity the great body of the inhabitants; extending themselves also over the surrounding country, they gave to their new terri- tories the old name, until at length Galilee became one of the largest provinces of Palestine. In the time of the Maccabees Galilee contained only a few Jews living in the midst of a large heathen popula- tion (1 Mace. v. 20-23); Strabo states tiiat in his day it was chiefly inhabited by Syrians, Phoenicians, and Arabs (xvi. p. 760); and Josephua says Greeks also dwelt in its cities ( VU. 12).

    In the time of our Lord all Palestine was divided into three provinces, Judfea, Samaria, and Galilee (Acts ix. 31; Luke xvii. 11; Joseph. B. J. iii. 3). The latter included the whole northern section of the country, including the ancient territories of Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and Naphtali. Joeephus defines its boundaries, and gives a tolerably full description of it* scenery, products, and population. He says the soil is rich and well cultivated ; fruit and forest trees of all kinds abound; numerous large cities and populous villages, amounting in all to no leas than two hundred and forty, thickly stud the whole face of the country ; the inhabitants are industrious and warlike, being trained to arms from their infancy (B. J. iii. 3, § 3; VU. 45). On the west it was bounded by the territory of PtolemaU, which probably included the whole plain of Akka to the foot of Carmel. The southern border ran along the base of Carmel and of the hills of Samaria to Mount Gilboa, and then descended the valley of Jezreel by Scythopolis to the Jordan. The river Jordan, the Sea of Galilee, and the upper Jordan to the fountain at Dan, formed the eastern border; and the northern ran from Dan westward across the mountain ridge till it touched the territory of the Phoenicians (B. J. iii. 3, § 1, ii. 18, § 9 ; comp. Luke viii. 96).

    Galilee was divided into two sections, " Lower " and "Upper;" i, K i.ru mtl i) turn TahiKaia. Cyril says (c. Jul. ii.) Elrl yap ToAiAaiai Sio, &y rj /iff* fua Kara T^r 'lai/Salar, %yt fi^jy iripa reus toiytxtty tixtoa/ ofiopit rt itol ytlntr. A single glance at the country shows that the division was natural. Lower Galilee included the great plain of rsdraelon with its offshoots, which run down to tlu Jordan and the Lake of Tiberias : and the whole of the hill-country adjoining it on the north to the foot of the mountain-range. The words of Joeephus are clear and important (B. J. iii. 3, § 1): Kol ttjj uey K&Ttt KaKovp4in)s roAiAa/os iwo Ti/JcpidSos tUxfi 1 ZajBovA&y r/r cV rots wapaXlots Tlroktfuits yilrvp to fiTJKoi iKrclytrtu' wKariytTai 3c aWo -fjj iv ry fity&Ktp ictBlq> Kti/x4rns K&pns fj BaA&d taKurai M'Xp' BT|/wdj8T(5. " The village of Xaloth ' is evidently the Chesulloth of Josh. xix. 12, now called Jksdl, and situated at the base of Mount Tabor, on the northern border of the Great Plain (Porter, Handbook, p. 359). But a oom- Dantr.n of Josephus, Ant. xx. t), § 4, with B. J. iii. I § 4, proves that Lower Galilee extended as far \\t the village of Ginea, the modern Jenta, on the

    o at.t t.uk

    extreme southern side of the plain The aft* at the northern border town, Bersabe, h not known but we learn incidentally that both Arbeit an* Jotapata were in Lower Galilee (Joseph. VU. 37 B. J. 11. 20, § 6); and as the former was situated near the northwest angle of the Lake of Tiberias, and the latter about eight miles north of Nazareth (Porter, Handbook, pp. 432, 377), we conclude that Lower Galilee included the whole region extending from the plain of Akka, on the west, to the shores of the lake on the east. It was thus one of the richest and most beautiful sections of Palestine. The Plain of Eadraelon presents an unbroken surface of fertile soil — soil so good that to enjoy it the tribe of Issachar condescended to a semi-nomadic state, and " became a servant to tribute M (Deut xxxiii. 18; Gen. xlix. 14, 15). With the exception of n few rocky summits round Nazareth the hills are all wooded, and sink down in graceful slopes to broad winding vales of the richest green. The out- lines are varied, the colors soft, and the whole land- scape is characterized by that picturesque luxuriance which one sees in parts of Tuscany. The blessings promised by Jacob and Moses to Zebulun and Asher seem to be here inscribed on the features of the country. Zebulun, nestling amid these hills, " often sacrifices of righteousness " of the abundant flocks nourished by their rich pastures ; he rejoices " in his goings out " along the fertile plain of Esdraclon ; " be sucks of the abundance of the seas " — hie possessions skirting the bay of Haifa at the baa* of Carmel ; and " he sucks of treasures hid in the sand," probably in allusion to the ylau, which was first made from the sands of the river Belus (Deut. xxxiii. 18, 19; Plin. v. 19; Tac. Hut. v.). Asher, dwelling amid the hills ou the northwest of Zebu- lun, on the borders of Phoenicia, " dips his feet in oil," the produce of luxuriant olive groves, such a* still distinguish this region; "his bread," the pro- duce of the plain of Phoenicia and the fertile upland valleys, " is fat; " " he yields royal dainties " — oil and wine from his olives and vineyard*, and milk and butter from his pastures (Gen. xlix. 20 ; Deut. xxxiii. 24, 25). The chief towns of I-ower Galilee were Tiberias, Tarichasa, at the southern end of the Sea of Galilee, and Sepphoris (Joseph. Vit. 9, 25, 29, 37). The latter played an important part in the last great Jewish war (Joseph. ViL 45 ; B.J. ii. 18, § 11). It is now called Sefurieh, and is situated about three miles north of Nazareth (Porter, Hani- book, p. 378). There were besides two strong for- tresses, Jotapata, now called Jefat, and Mount Tabor (Joseph. B. J. iu. 7, § 3 ff., iv. 1, § 6). The towns most celebrated in N. T. history are Nazareth, Cana, and Tiberias (Luke i. 26; John ii. 1, vi. 1).

    Upper Galilee, according to Josephus, extended from Bersabe on the south, to the village of Baca, on the borders of the territory of Tyre, and from Meloth on the west, to Tbella, a city near toe Jordan (B. J. Iii. 3, J 1). None of these places are now known, but there is no difficulty in ascer- taining the position and approximate extent of the province. It embraced the whole mountain-rang* lying between the upper Jordan and Phoenicia. Its southern border ran along the foot of the Safcj range from the northwest angle of the Sea of Galilee to the plain of Akka. To this region the. name " Galilee of the Gentiles " is given in ths O. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1; Matt ir. 15). So Eos*. bius states : r) ply TaAiAata ttr&y ttynrat A bptais Tuolmy wapaxciptVn, tVOa taunt StAspsV

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    r»S Xififi W »out 4000 souls, one-third of whom are Jews. It is one of the four holy Jewish cities of Palestine, and has for three centuries or more been celebrated for the sacredness of its tombs, and the learning of its Kabbins. Stfed seems to be the centre of an extensive volcanic district Shocks of earthquake are felt every few years. One occurred in 1837, which killed about 5000 persons (Porter, Handbook, p. 438). On the table-land of Upper Galilee lie the ruins of Kedesb-Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7), and Giscala (now eUJith), a city fortified by Joaephus, and celebrated as the last place in Galilee that held out against the Romans (B. J. ii. 22, § 8, iv. 1, § I, 9, § 1-5).

    Galilee was the scene of the greater part of our l/jrd's private life and public acts. His early years were spent at Nazareth; and when he entered on his great work he made Capernaum his home" (Matt iv. 13, ix. 1). It is a remarkable (act that the first three Gospels are chiefly taken up with our Lord's ministrations in this province: while the Gospel of John dwells more upon those in Judcea. The nature of our Lord's parables and illustrations was greatly influenced by the peculiar features and products of the country. The vineyard, the fig- tree, the shepherd, and the desert in the parable of the Good Samaritan, were all appropriate in Judiea; while the corn-fields (Mark iv. 28), the fisheries (Matt xiii. 47), the merchants (Matt. xiii. 45), and the flowers (Matt. vi. 28), are no less appropriate in Galilee. The Apostles were all either Galileans by birth or residence (Acts 1. 11); and as such they were despised, as their Master had been, by the proud Jews (John i. 46, vii. 52; Acts ii. 7). It appears also that the pronunciation of those Jews who resided in Galilee had become peculiar, prob- ably from their contact with their Gentile neighbors (Matt xxvi. 73; Mark xiv. 70; see Lightfoot, Opp. ii. 77). After the destruction of Jerusalem, Galilee became the chief seat of Jewish schools of learning, and the residence of their most celebrated Kabbins. The National Council or Sanhedrim was taken for » time to Jabneh in Pbilistia, but was soon removed to Sepphoris, and afterwards to Tiberias (Ijghtfoot, Opp. ii. 141). The MUhna was here compiled by Rabbi 'udah Hakkodesh (eir. A. i>. 109-220); and

    " * The best arrangement places toe Saviour's re- moval to Capernaum after his return from Judiea to Oa!lUe (John iv. 1 a.). It must have been, tberHbrs, s year or more alter his baptism, tbs proper beginning tf Us public ministry. (See table at the mt A Oos- ms) H.

    * • Rulolf Hofmann, In his Utorr in Berg Qal- Ott OMmira. 1866). maintains this vim. and ureas It

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    a few yean afterwards the Gemara was added vBuxtorf, meruit, p. 19). Remains of splendid synagogues still exist in many of the old towns ami villages, showing that from the second to the seventh century the Jews were as prosperous as they were numerous (Porter, Handbook, pp. 427, 440).

    J. L. V. • GALILEE, MOUNTAIN IN, where tl» Saviour manifested himself to some of his disciples (Matt, xxviii. 16, and probably 1 Cor. xv. 6) after his resurrection. It is impossible to know what particular mountain is here referred to. Some of the conjectures are that it was the Mount of Trans figuration (whether that was Tabor or Hermou on the east of the Jordan), or the Mount of Beatitudes in the vicinity of the Sea of Galilee. The singular opinion that it was the northern summit of Olivet is utterly indefensible.* It is stated explicitly in Matt xxviii. 16 that the disciples went into Gal- ilee (sir tV raAiAofay) to the mountain which Christ had appointed for the interview : and Galilee, according to the invariable usage of the N. T., denotes the province of that name. Undoubtedly the Saviour mentioned the place, but the Evangelist has passed that over. H.

    GALILEE, SEA OF. [Gkxnksarbt.] GALL, the representative in the A. V. of the Hebrew words mirerah, or mtrtr&h, and roth.

    1. Miririh or mfrA-d* (jTrtQ or TTp^ : XoA4) : /"«', amaritudo, vitcera mea) denotes ety- mologically " that which is bitter;" see Job xiii 26, " thou writest bitter things against me." Hence the term is applied to the " bile " or ■' gall " from its intense bitterness (Job xvi. 13, xx. 25); it is alio used of the " poison " of serpents (Job xx. 14), which the ancients erroneously believed was their gall : see Pliny, //. If. a 37, •> No one should be astonished that it is the gall which constitutes th» [wboii of serpents."

    2. Kith (0W~) or ttPH : x „^, a-ucofo, ayocnt- tij: fd, amaritudo, caput), generally translated " gall " by the A. V., is in Hot. x. 4, rendered « hemlock ; " in Deut xxxii. 33, and Job xx. 16. rfoli denotes the "poison" or "venom" of ser- pents. From Deut xxix. 18, " a root that bearetu rdth " (margin " a poisonful herb "), and Lam. iii. I!), " the wormwood and the rdth," compared with Hos. x. 4, "judgment springeth up as nWi," it is evident that the Hebrew term denotes some bitter, and perhaps poisonous plant, though it may also be used, as in Ps. Ixix. 21, in the general sense of " something very bitter." Celsius (Hierub. ii. 46- 52) thinks "hemlock" (Conium maeulahtm) is in- tended, and quotes Jerome on H<3sea in support of bis opinion, though it seems that this commentator had in view the couch-grass (Trilicmn repent) rather than "hemlock." RoeenmiiDer (Bib. Bot p. 118) is inclined to think that the Lolium (emu- trntum [darnel] best agrees with the passage in Hosea, where the rfith is said to grow " in the fur- rows of the field."

    Other writers have supposed, and with some

    as important for harmonising the different account of the teariour's appearances after the resurrection. Tbftre is some evidence that the northern point of Olivet may bare bran known as Galilee In a later afS, baeenev the Galileans usually cr ossed here on tboir way tc *•- ruaalem (aw XbSio't Cod. apotr. N. T. p. 619 K).

    B

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    isasoii (from Dent xxxli. 32, "their grapes in {impel of rM"), that tome berry-bearing plant must be intended. Ueseuius (Tka. p. 1251) un- derstands " poppies ; " Michaelis (Sappi Lex. ffeb. j. 2220) b of opinion that rdeh may be either the LoUum temulenlum, or the Solatium ("night- shade"). Oedmann (Verm. Sam. pt. iv. e. 10) irgues in favor of the Colocynth. The most prob- able conjecture, for proof there it none, is that of Geseniua: the capsules of the Papaveracea may well give the name of rdsA (" head ") to the plant in question, just as we speak of poppy head*. The various species of this family spring up quickly in w.ro-nelds, and the juice is extremely bitter. A jteeped solution of poppy heads may be " the water if gall " of Jer. viii. 14, unless, as Gesenlus thinks,

    the Wt?h ^D may be the poisonous extract, opium ; but nothing definite can be learnt

    The passages in the Gospels which relate the circumstance of the Roman soldiers offering our Lord, just before bis crucifixion, " vinegar mingled with gall" according to St. Matthew (xxvii. 34), and "wine mingled with myrrh" according to St Mark's account (xv. 24), require some consid- eration. The first-named Evangelist uses xoAt), which is the I.XX. rendering of the Hebrew iiS«A in the Psalm (Ixix. 21) which foretells the Lord's sufferings. St. Mark explains the bitter ingredient in the sour vinous drink to be " myrrh " (otros tanvpviapivos), for we cannot regard the transac- tions as different. " Matthew, in hit usual way," as Hengstenberg ( Comment, on I's. box. 21 ) remarks, " designates the drink theologically. Always keep- ing hit eye on the prophecies of the 0. T., he speaks of gall and vinegar for the purpose of ren- dering the fulfillment of the Psalms more manifest. Mark again (xv. 23), according to Am way, looks rather at the outward quality of the drink." Ben- gel takes quite a different view; be thinks both ■•yn-h and gall were added to the sour wine:

    •nyrrha conditus ex more; felle adulteratus ex petiuantia" (Onom. A'or. Test. Mutt I c). llengstenberg's view is far preferable; nor is "gall " (xoAt)) to be understood in any other sense than js expressing the bitter nature of the draught. As to the intent of the proffered drink, it is generally supposed that it was for the purpose of deadening pain. It was customary to give criminals just be- fore their execution a cup of wine with frankincense in it, to which reference is made, it is believed, by the alvos nararitttn of Ps. lx. 3; tee also Prov. ml 8. This the Talmud states was given in order to alleviate the pain. See Buxtorf (Lex. Talm. p. 2131 1, who thus quotes from the Talmud (Sunken*, fol. 43, I ) : " Qui exit ut occidatur (ex tententia judicial potanteum grano thtiris in pocuk) vini ut distrahatur mens ejus." Kosenmiillcr (Bib But. p. 163) is of opinion that the myrrh was given to our Ixird, not for the purpose of alleviating his sufferings, but in order that be might be sustained until the punishment was completed. He quotes Vmu Apuleius (.Velamorpk. viii.), who relates that % certain priest " disfigured himself with a multi- tude of blows, having previously strengthened him- self by taking myrrh." How far the frankincense -u the cup, as mentioned in the Talmud, was sup- posed to possess soporific properties, or in any way to indu

    GALLIM

    of which arc the produce of the t of plant* (Amyridaceat), is ranked among the hyp- nopoietics by modem physicians. It is true that Irioscoridet (i. 77) ascribes a soporific property to myrrh, but it does not teem to have been to re- garded by any other author. Notwithstanding, therefore, the almost concurrent opinion of ancient and modern commentators, that the '• wine mingled with myrrh " was offered to our Lord as an ano- dyne, we cannot readily come to the same conclu- sion. Had the soldiers intended a mitigation of suffering, they would doubtless have offered a draught drugged with some substance having nar- cotic properties. The drink in question was prob- ably a mere ordinary beverage v! the Romans, who were in the habit of seasoning their various wines, which, as they contained little alcohol, soon turned tour, with various spices, drugs, and perfumes, anon as myrrh, cassia, myrtle, pepper, Ac, Ac (Diet, of Or. and Rom. Antiq. art. (iman). W, H.

    * RosenmuUer's supposition is not founded on a knowledge of the natural history of Palestine. No plant Is more common in the fields than the Papaver Syriacum, which is a plant of the same genus aa the opium plant, Papaver tommferum. In place* the Papaver Syriacum it seen in such proration that the ground is covered with its red blossoma-

    The bitterness of the colocynth is proverbial with the Arabs, who speak of anything bitter as being

    like the |vitJLe, but the fact that this does not

    grow in the furrows causes us to decide in favor of the former. ti. E. P.

    GALLERY, an architectural term, describing the porticos or verandas, which are not uncommon in eastern houses. It is doubtful, however, whether the Hebrew words so translated have any reference to such an object. (1.) In Cant. L 17, the word

    rachlt (tS^rn) meant "panelling," or "betted work," and is to understood in the LXX. and Vulg ((p&rrapa: laqueare). Tie sense of a " gallery ' appears to be derived from the marginal reading

    rahit (ttVT), Keri), which contains the idea of " running," and so of an ambulatory, as a plan of exercise: such a sense is, however, too remote to lie accepted. (2.) In Cant. vii. 5, r&kit is applied to the hair, the regularly arranged, flowing locks being compared by the poet to the channels of run- ning water seen in the pasture-grounds of Palestine. [Hair.] (3.) In Ez. xli. 15, xlii. 3, the word

    attik (p'FISQ seems to mean a pillar, nsed for the support of a floor. The LXX. and Vulg. give in the latter passage xtpiirrvXov, and porlicut, bat a comparison of verses 5 and 6 shows that the " gal- leries" and "pillars" were identical; the reason of the upper chambers being shorter is ascribed to the absence of supporting pillars, which allowed an extra length to the chambers of the lower storj The space thus included within the pillars would assume the comer of an open gallery.

    W. L.K.

    GALLEY. [Ship.]

    GALLIM (D <> ; I =heapt, at possibly iprinot [in Is.,] roAAef/j; [Vat raA«u; FA.' TaAfipC Galhm), a place which it twice mentioned in the Bible: (1.) As the native place of the man to whom Michel David's wife was given — "Phatti

    the ton of Laith, whr in from GaUim " (D^U

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    UALLIO

    I 3ku nr. 44). lie LXX. [Rom. Vat] hai Poppsi [Alex. roAAti], and Joaephus TcSAcE; but there is no clew in either to the situation of -the place. In 2 Sain. iii. 15, 1G, where Michal returns to David at Hebron, her husband is represented as following her as far as Bahurim, i". e. on the road between the Mount « I Olives and Jericho (comp. 2 Sam. xri. 1 ). But even this does not necessarily point to the direction of Gallim, because Fhalti may have been at the time with Ishbosheth at Ma- tuuiaim, the road from which would naturally lead past Bahurim. (2. ) The name occurs again in the catalogue of places terrified at the approach of Sennacherib (Is. x. 30): "lift op thy voice, O daughter (i. e. inhabitant) of Gallim! attend, O Laish ! poor Auathoth ! " The other towns in ill is passage — Aiath, Micbmash, Kamah, Gibeah of Saul — arc all, like Auathoth, ic the tribe of Benjamin, a short distance north of Jerusalem. It should not be overlooked that in both these pas- ■ages the names Laish and Gallim are mentioned in connection. Possibly the Ben-Loan in the former implies that Phalti was a native of Laish, that being dependent on Gallim.

    Among the names of towns added by the LXX to those of Judah in Josh. xv. 59, Galetn (raA*u [Alex. raAAiu]) occurs between Karen) and The- ther. In Is. xv. 8, the Vulgate has Gallim for Kg- laim. among the towns of M

    The name of Gallim has not been met with in modern times. Schwarz (p. 131) reports a Brit- Djattin between Ramleb and Joppa, but by other explorers the mime is given as Btit-Drjun. F.use- bius, from hearsay (KtytTcu), places it near Ak- karon (Ekrou). G.

    GALLIO (roAAuw: Junius Anmeua Gallio, Plin. II. JV. xxxi. 33), the Roman proconsul of Achaia when St. Paul was at Corinth, a. d. 53, under the Emperor Claudius [Acta xviii. 12-17]. He was brother to Lucius Animus Seneca, the philosopher, and was originally named Marcus An- mens Novatue, but got the above name from his adoption into the family of the rhetorician Lucius Junius Gallio. (See Tac. Ann. xv. 73, xvi. 17; Seneca, Nat. Quatt. iv. prssf. ; Dion. Cass. lx. 35 ; Statius, Site. ii. 7, 32.) Gallio appears to have resigned the government of Achaia on account of the climate not agreeing with his health, Seneca. k'p. civ. : " Quum in Achaia febrem habere cwpu- tet, protinus navem adscendit, clan ii tuns non cor- poris esse sed loci inorbum." The character of him which his brother gives is in accordance with that which we might infer from the narrative in the Acts : " Nemo mortstb'um uni tarn dulcis est, quam hie omnibus." " Gallionem fratrem meum, quern nemo non parum amat, etiam qui amare plus non potest." And Statius ('. c.) says, " Hoc plus quam Senecam dedisse mundo, aut dulcem generasse Gallionem." He is said to have been put to death by Nero, " as well as his brother Seneca, but not at the same time" (Winer); but there is apparently no author- ity for this." Tacitus describes him {Ann. xv. 73) as " fratris morte pavidum, et pro sua incoluniitate supplicem; " and Jerome in the Chronicle of Eusr- bius says that he committed auicidt in the year 65 A. D. Of Seneca's works, the De Ira is dedicated to nils ( L'xeyuti a me, Novate, Ac. ), and the i t(

    H. A.

    •Hi* worth observing as a nark of Luke's ac~ nracy that he mentions Gallio aj proconsul (Mr

    OAMAIilEL

    863

    nrrtiorros, Acts xviii. 18) in the irign of Gradius (Suet Ootid, o. 25); for under the preceding em- perors, Tiberius and Caligula, Achaia was an im- perial province, and the title of the governor would have been propraetor (oirrnrrpttTiryoj, irp«). See Lardner's CredtbWy, pit. i. bk. i. ch. i. [Procomsol.] Luke does not mention GauV lio's indifference to the dispute between the Jews and the Christians and to the abuse of Sosthenes by the Greeks (Acts xviii. 17) in order either to com- mend or censure him, but simply as showing why the attempt of the Jews against Paul had such an unexpected issue. Luke's oitir rovrw t/icAer, which furnishes this explanation, accords at tht same time with Gallic's character, as his contem- poraries describe it (see above) ; for this incidental remark about his carelessness reveals to us a glimpse of that easy temper which goes so far to make a man a general favorite. H.

    GALLOWS. [Pumishmkmt.]

    GAM'AEL (r«u«aAi#>; [Vat. ropnAot ; Ald.J Alex, rofux^k: Amenta), 1 Kadr. viii. 29. [Dak- iel, 3.]

    GAMAXLEL (byrbpa [God Ike avenger Fiirst]: rcuuAiqA.: Qama&el), son of Pedahzur;

    prince or captain (rVtM) of the tribe of Manaaseh at the census at Sinai (Num. i. 10; ii. 90; vii. 54, 59), and at starting on the march through the wil demesa (x. 23).

    GAMAXIEL (rsuioAtfjx: for the Hebrew equivalent see the preceding article), a Pharisee and celebrated doctor of the 1-aw, who gave prudent worldly advice in the Sanhedrim respecting the treatment of the followen of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts v. 34 ft). We learn from Acts xxii. 8, that he was the preceptor of St. Paul. He is generally identified with the very celebrated Jewish doctor Gamaliel, who is known by the title of " the glory of the law," and was the first to whom the title " Rabban," " our master," was given. The time agrees, and there is every reason to suppose the as- sumption to be correct. This Gamaliel was son ot Kabbi Simeon, and grandson of the celebrated Hil- lel ; he was president of the Sanhedrim under Ti - berius, Caligula, and Claudius, and is reported to have died eighteen yean before the destruction of Jerusalem. Winer says "after" (nach); but it is evidently a mistake, for he was succeeded in the presidency by his son Simeon, who perished in the siege (see Lightfoot, Cenluritt chorographiea Mat- than pramma, ch. xv.). If the identity be as turned, there is no reason — and we should arrive at the same result by inference from his conduct in Acts {L c.) — for supposing him at all inclined towards Christianity. The Jewish accounts make him die a Pharisee. And when we remember that in Acts v. be was opposing the then prevalent feat- ure of Sadduceeism in a matter where the Resur- rection was called in question, and was a wise and enlightened man opposing furious and unreasoning zealots, — and consider also, that when the anti pkaritaicnl element in Christianity was brought out in the acts and sayings of Stephen, his pupil Saul was founa the foremost persecutor, — we should be skiw to suspect him of forwarding the Apostles a$ fulloiotrt of J (tut.

    • * Uwln't citations (Ftxiti Satri, p. SB t) show tnu Gallio was a victim of Nero's cruelty as well as OsiMoa, and was put to death after his brotasr. B

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    Ecclesiastical tradition makes him become a Christian, and be baptized bj St. Peter ai:d St. Paul (Phot. Cud. 171, p. 199), together with his ton (Samaliel, and with Nicodemus; and the Clem- entine Recognition* (i. 65) state that he was se- cretly a Christian at this time. Various notices and anecdotes concerning him will be found in Conybeare and Howson's lift, of SU Paul, ed. 2, voL i. p. 69 ff. H. A.

    * For the alleged anachronism in Gamaliel's speech before the Jewish Council, see Thkudas. I lis recommendation of a lenient policy toward the followers of Jesus when the popular rage again* 1 them was so strong, is certainly remark- abl'. Neander (Pjlanzung, i. 74 ff.) attributes to him something more than the discernment which sees the folly of conferring importance on what is insignificant, or of making fanaticism more violent by vain resistance. On the contrary, the manner in which the Apostles had spoken and acted may hare produced a favorable impression on him, and so much the more because their strict observance of the Law and their hostile attitude towards Sad- duceeism may have awakened in him an interest in their behalf. It is by no means impossible that the thought may distinctly have occurred to him that there might be something divine in the cause of these persecuted Galileans. The Talmud, in ac- cordance with this view, represents Gamaliel as not only a great teacher, but tolerant and charitable. far beyond the mass of hit countrymen. See fur- ther Prassel's article on " Gamaliel " in Herzog's Heal-Encyk. iv. 65H f., and especially Ginsl urg's art, Gimilitl I. in Kitto's CycL of Bib. Lit., 3d ed. H.

    GAMES. Of the three classes into which games may be arranged, juvenile, manly, and pub- lic, the two first alone belong to the Hebrew life, the latter, as noticed in the Bible, being either foreign introductions into Palestine' or the customs of other countries. With regard to juvenile games, the notices are very few. It must not, however, be inferred from this that the Hebrew children were without the amusements adapted to their age. The toys and sports of childhood claim a remote an- tiquity ; and if the children of the ancient Egyp- tians had their dolls of ingenious construction, and played at ball (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ahridgm. i. 197), and if the children of the Romans amused themselves much as those of the present day — ** Adrflcare rasas, plostello adjungere mures,

    Ludere par lropar, equltars In arundhw tonga."

    Ilor. 2 Sat. in. 247 —

    we mav imagine the Hebrew children doing the same, as they played in the streets of Jerusalem (Zech. viii. 6). The only recorded sports, how- ever, are keeping tame birds (Job xli. 5 ; cf. Catull. li. 1, " Passer, delicite mete puelbe ") and imitating the proceedings of marriages or funerals (Matt. xi. 16).

    With regard to manly games, they were not much followed up by the Hebrews; the natural earnestness of their character and the influence of the climate alike indisposed them to active exertion. The chief amusement of the men appears to have consisted in conversation and joking ( Jer. xv. 17 ; Prov. xxri. 19). A military exercise seems to be noticed in 2 Sam. ii. 14, but the term under which

    it is described (prTH?) is of too general an appli- cation to enable us to form an idea as to its char- Mtar : if intended as a sport it must have resem-

    GAME8

    bled the Djerid, with the exception of the < ants not being mounted ; but it is more consonant to the sense of the passage to reject the notion of sport and give tichidc the sense of fencing at fight- ing (Thenius, Coram, in loc). In Jerome's day the usual sport consisted in lifting weights as a trial of strength, as also practiced in Egypt (Wil- kinson, i. 2J7). Dice are mentioned by the Tat mudiste (Mishna, Sanlitd. 3, 3; Shabb. S3, 21. probably introduced from Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 424); and, if we assume that the Hebrews im- itated, as not improbably they did, other amuse- ments of their neighbors, we might add such games as odd and even, mora (the utienre, digitis of the Romans), draughts, hoops, catching balls, Ac (Wilkinson, i. 188). If it be objected that euch trifling amusement^ were inconsistent with the gravity of the Hebrews, it may be remarked that the amusements of the Arabians at the present day are equally trifling, such as blindman's bufF hiding the ring, Ac. (Wellsted, Arabia, i. 160).

    Public games were altogether foreign to the spirit of Hebrew institutions : the great religious festivals supplied the pleasurable excitement and the feelings of national union which rendered the games of Greece so popular, and at the same time inspired the persuasion that such gatherings should be ex- clusively connected with religious duties. Accord- ingly the erection of a gymnanum by Jason, in which the discus was chiefly practiced, was looked upon as a heathenish proceeding (1 Mace. i. 14, 2 Mace. iv. 12-14) ; and the subsequent erection by Herod of a theatre and amphitheatre at Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. xv. 8, § 1 ), as well as at Csnarea {Ant. xv. 9, § 6; B.J. i. 21, § 8) and at Berytus (Ant. xix. 7. § 5), in each of which a quinquennial festival in honor of Caesar was celebrated with the usual contests in gymnastics, chariot-races, music, and with wild beasts, was viewed with the deepest aversion by the general body of the Jews (Ant. xv. 8, § 1).

    The entire absence of verbal or historical refer- ence to this subject in the Gospels shows how little it entered into the life of the Jews : some of the foreign Jews, indeed, imbibed a taste for theatrical representations; Josephus (fit. 3) speaks of one Aliturus, an actor of farces (funo\\£yos), who was in high favor with Nero. Among the (i reeks the rage for theatrical exhibitions was such that every city of any size possessed its theatre and stadium. At Ephesus an annual contest (ay&r «al yvpruths, Kal iwvoiKit, Thucyd. iii. 104) was held in honor of Diana, which was superintended by officers named 'hatipxat (^t* *ix. 31; A. V. "chief of Asia"). [Asiabch/B.] It is probable that St. Paul was present when these games were proceeding, ss they were celebrated in the month of May (comp. Acta xx. 16; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, ii. 81). A direct reference to the exhibitions that took place on such occasions is made in the term l^pco/uixno-a (1 Cor. xv. 32). The 0>u»a]udx o< were sometimes professional performers, but more usually criminal? (Joseph. Ant. xv. 8, § 1) who were exposed to lions and other wild beasts without any means of defenw (Cic. Pro SexL 64; Tertull. Apol. 9). Political offenders were so treated, and Josephus (B. J. vii. 3, § 1) records that no has than 2500 Jews wer* destroyed in the theatre at Ctesarea by this tat similar methods. The expression as used by S*- Paul is usually taken as metaphorical, both on account of the qualifying words kot' ttrOpttinp, th* absence of all reference to the occurrence tn thi

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    G AMISS

    Acts, and the righto of citizenship which St Paul enjoyed : none of these argument* can be held to be absolutely conclusive, while on the other hand the term $Tjpiouayt'iy is applied in its literal sense in the Apostolical Epistles (Ign. ad l'.pli. 1, ad TralL 10; Mart Polyc. 3; cf. Euieb. //. E. It. 15), and, where metaphorically used (Ign. ad Rom. 5), an explanation is added which implies that it would otherwise hare been taken literally. Certainly St Paul was exposed to some extraordinary suffer- ing at Ephesus, which he describes in language borrowed from, if not descriptive of, a real case of (htpiofiaxla; for he speaks of himself as a criminal condemned to death (ImBararlovs, 1 Cor. iv. 9; arixpiua tow Bewirav iffxhttautv, 2 Cor. i. 9), exhibited previously to the execution of the sentence (aritti^tr, 1 Cor. L c), reserved to the conclusion of the games (laxirovt) as was usual with the thcn/machi (mmtumot tUyil, ctlul bestiariot, Tertull. dt Pudie. 14), and thus made a spectacle (iiai for iyirliirivuv)- Liglitfoot (J-jeera'L on

    1 Coi xv. 33) points to the friendliness of the Asiarchs at a subsequent period (Acts xix. 31) as probably resulting from some wonderful preserva- tion which they had witnessed. Nero selected this mode of executing the Christians at Rome, with the barbarous aggravation that the victims were dressed up in the skins of beasts (Tac. Arm. xv. 44). St Paul may possibly allude to his escape from such torture in 3 Tim. iv. 17. [Diet, of Art. art Bestiarii.]

    St Paul's epistles abound with allusions to the Greek contests, borrowed probably from the Isth- mian games, at which he may well have bean present during his first visit to Corinth (Conybeare .uid Kowson, ii. 206). These contests (6 ayAt — a word of general import, applied by St. Paul, not to the Ji yhl, as the A. V. has it, but to the race,

    2 Tun. iv. 7; 1 Tim. vi. 13) were divided into two classes, the pancratium, consisting of boxing aud wrestling, and the pentathlon, consisting of leaping, running, quoiting, burling the spear, and wrestling. The competitors (o oytm(iiitros, 1 Cor. ix. 35; iim A0Aj? tij, 3 Tim. ii. 5) required a long and severe course of previous training (cf. fftsuarucii yvfirturla, 1 Tim. iv. 8), during which a partic- ular diet was enforced (wima {yKpareitru, tovKarytryA, 1 Cor. ix. 25, 27). In the Olympic contests these preparatory exercises (wpoyvuyio- uara) extended over a period of ten months, during the last of which they were conducted under the supervision of appointed officers. The contests took place in the presence of a vast multitude of specta- tors (rtpucttusroy Wor futpripur, Heb. xii. 1), the competitors being the spectacle (Oiarpov — W

    65

    GAMES

    865

    (to 0pa$t?oy, 1 Cor. ix. 24; PhU. iii. 14). con- sisting of a crown (o*ri

    Isthmian Crowns.

    of leaves of wild olive at the Olympic games, and of pine or, at one period, ivy at the Isthmian games. These crowns, though perishable {cp6apr6y, 1 Cor ix. 25; cf. 1 Pet v. 4), were always regarded as a source of unfailing exultation (PhU. ir. 1 ; 1 Then, ii. 19) : palm branches were also placed in the hands of the victors (Rev. vii. 9). St Paul alludes to two only out of the five contests, boxing and run- ning, most frequently to the latter. In boxing (mrf/iri; cf. Tomtits, 1 Cor. ix. 26), the banns and arms were bound with the cuius, a band of leather studded with nails, which very much in-

    Boxiiig

    creased the severity of the blow, and rendered; a bruise inevitable (bmnttifa, 1 Cor. I e. ; im&ntw=* t& iwh roin irst ray irAirYw* fx r >)> Pollux, Onum. ii. 4, 52). The skill of the combatant was shown in avoiding the blows of his adversary so that they were expended on the sir (ovy it itipa S4pm>, 1 Cor. L c). The foot-race (ip6uot, 2 Tim. iv. 7, a word peculiar to St Paul; cf. Acta xiii. 36, xx. 34) was run in the stadium («V ora&it,;

    The Baca,

    A. V. "net;" 1 Cor. ix. 24), an oolong ana, open at one «nd and rounded In a semlorrsuk*

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    farm at the other, (long the ciden of which were tin raised tieri of seats on which the spectators sat. The nee was either from one end of the stadium to the other, or, in the UauiKos, bask again to the ■teruug-poat. There ma; be a latent reference in the tlavkoi in the expression ipxvyoy a»l rsAsus-rfjr (Heb. xii. 2), Jesus being, as it were, the starting-point and the goal, the focus a quo and the focus ad quern of the Christian's course. The judge was stationed by the goal (oitor4v; A. V. "mark"; Phil. iii. 14), which was clearly visible from one end of the stadium to the other, so that the runner could make straight for it (ov« its ocW)A»t, 1 Cor. ix. 2«). St. Paul brings vividly before our muds the earnestness of the competitor, having cast off every encumbrance io-yxor 4>o- td/itmi wdVra), especially any closely-fitting robe (linrtpitrrarov, Heb. xii. 1; ef. Conybeare and Howson, ii. 543), holding on his coarse uninter- ruptedly {iuiitv, Phil. iii. 12), his eye fixed on the distant goal (iupopirrn, bir4$\\m, Heb. xii. 8, tt M; aW notat fonye, Bengel), unmindful of the

    GAMES

    space already past ( T a uiv Man triXariariutixs, Phil. L c), and stretching forward with bent body (roii t< tuxpooBtr iw(Krttv6ntro%), his pmevor- ance (»,' intouorns, Heb. xii. 1), his joy at ths completion of the course intra x°P*'> Acts xx 34), his exultation as be not only receives (fXafior. Phil. iii. 12) but actually grasps (*oTaA<(&*, not » apprehend," as A. V. Phil; (ViAavSou, 1 Tun. vi. 12, 19) the crown which had been sK spari (4»

    w. l. a

    * Dr. Howson devotes the last of his four essays on the << Metaphors of St Paul " (Sunday Mngit ant, 1866-7) to the illustration of Paul's imager j derived from the Greek games (July, pp. 683-689) He reminds us that the athletic games of this Greeks, such as " wrestling, boxing, and especially foot-races, with all the preliminary training, with the assembled and applauding multitudes while the contest was going on, with tb* formality cf the heralds and the strict observance of the rules, with the umpires and prizes and eager eangratulsJ'*>os

    foot-race, adapted from a view of She Obtos Flora at Boms. (Hontssasoa.)

    at the close, with the poems which perpetuated great victories like heir-looms," must have been very familiar to Paul's thoughts. Though a Jew, he was bom in a foreign city, and not only labored for the most part in places where the Creek popu- lation was predominant, but wrote hia letters to Greek Christians or those who spoke the Greek language, in some of these cities, as Ephesus, Phllippi, Athens, Corinth, and Rome, remains of the Gymnasium, for training the body, and of the Stadium, or the ground for running, are still to be seen.

    The foot-race supplied many of the figures which occur in his speeches and epistles. Unfortunately, our ambiguous "course" (A. V.) conceals some of these from the reader. When in his sermon at Antloch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 25)the Apostle speaks of John the Baptist as " fulfilling hia course," he means that the forerunner was hastening to the end of his appointed "race" (ipi/ios), and that this race though brief was energetic while it lasted. So also in Acta xx. 24, the substitution of " race " far " course " brings out a similar allusion in that passage to the struggles of the runner for the crown sf victory. " I count not my life dear unto me," be says, " that 1 may finish my race with joy." The comparison in Heb. xii. 2 gives special prom- bunee to the immense concourse which the Greek '■eetacle called together, as well as the necessity ■J behig free from every hindrance and of straining -in the utmost every nerve, in order to obtain the ■ss' sn ly runner's prixe. (See also 1 Cor. ix. 24 ;

    Gal. ii. 2,v. 7; Phil.li. 16.) There was as office among those employed in the supervision of the games " whose business it was with his voice or with a trumpet to summon the competitors to the exciting struggle." Paul seems to refer to this practice, when, in speaking of the possibility that some who have instructed and warned others may lose their own souls, he says (1 Cor. ix. 27): " I keep under my body and bring it into subjection ; lest that by any means, after having been a herald (" preached " in the A. V.) to others (4AAo<» tcnpHas), I myself should be a cast-away." The metaphor in this passage (taken from the boxer. not the runner) states strongly another significant thought: "So" (•'. t. imitating the earnestness of those who strive for " a corruptible (fading ) crown " ) " fight I, not as one beating the air." What if meant is that if we hare really entered op the Christian warfare, having now to do with defb...* formidable antagonists, we are not to trifle, bnt tt be in earnest, like the pugilist " with whom is no mere striking for striking's sake, no mere pretense no dealing of Lsdws in the air." The apostle referr not to outwaid efforts for the advancement of Christ's kingdom, but (note the context) its triumpl in each one's bosom over his own peculiar sins an- temptations. The " bodily exercise " of which Paul speaks with so much disparagement (1 Tim. iv. 8) was not a species of religious asceticism, against which be would warn the self-righteous, baa ths severe training of the body, to which the a thle tes submitted for the take of the rewards to wstsatjt)

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    OAMMADIMS

    wd contemptible, though coveted so much, in com- psriaou with those of the work* " of godliness," in which we should •'exercise (or tram) ourselves " — i ssrvice " having promise of the life that now is, wd of that which is to come."

    Possibly Paul when at Philippi may have seen the rock seats in the hill-aide there, full of eager specta- tors of combats such as he refers to in his letter to the PhUippians: " Not as though I had already at- tained, either were already perfect : but I follow after. This one thing I do, forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things which are before, I press toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus " (Phil. iii. 13-14). Ibe athlete in the scene which this figure so vividly depicts, forgetting the spaces of the race-course already past, and thinking only of those which lie between him and the goal, runs, is it were, with outstretched neck (iw

    The entire paper of which use hss been so freely made in this account of Paul's agonittic figures, wutains many good hints, both for the preacher ind the general student of the Apostle's speeches wd letters. The subject illustrates the dependence ■A practical exegesis ou a knowledge of arctueology. It reveals also a harmony of language in what is ascribed to Paul as a writer and a speaker, which « not without its value as " one of the small col- stteral proofs of the genuine and honest character both of the Acts and the epistles." H.

    OAMTM AJDIMS P^l). This word oc- curs only in Et. xxvii. 11, where it is said of Tyre '* the Gammadims were in thy towers." A variety of explanations of the term have been offered. (1.) One class turns upon a supposed connection with

    TQ3, a eMt, as though = cvbit-high men, whence the Vulg. has Pggnun. Michaelis thinks that the apparent height alone is referred to, with the in- tention of conveying an idea of the great height of the towers. Spencer (de Ltg. lleb. Rit. ii. cap. 31 ) explains it of small images of the tutelar gods, like the Lares of the Romans. (3.) A second class treats it as a geographical or local term; Grotius Voids Gamad to be a Hebraized form of the name Ancon, a Phoenician town; the Chaldee paraphrase

    baa Cnppadocumt, as though reading D N '79^ ' FuBsr (HUctU. vi. 8) Identifies them as the inhab- ntjts of Gamala (Pliii. v. 14); ana again the word

    ■m been broken up into D^TO D3 =nfso the

    GARDEN 867

    .If ait t. (3.) A third class gives a more genera, sense to the word; Gesenius (Tl.tt. p. 393) con- nects it with 1733, a bough, whet te the sense of brave warriors, hotUt arborum instar eadenie*. llitiig (Comm. in loc.) suggests deserters (Ueber- lauftr) and draws attention to the preposition m as favoring this sense: he inclines, however, to the opinion that the prophet had in view Cant. iv. 4,

    and that the word 0^123 in that passage has

    been successively corrupted into D^TQtP, as read

    by the LXX. which gives

    >////a;

    bbs a

    as aa

    Castle of a maritime people, with (he shields hanging upon the walls. (From a bas-rsllef at Kouyuujlk. Layard.)

    the LXX. furnishes the simplest explanation: the Lutheran translation has followed this, giving Wachter. The following words of the verse, « they banged their shields upon thy walls round about," are illustrated by one of the bas-reliefs found at Koujuiyik (see preceding cut). W. L. B.

    * The best sense is that of " warriors," under (3) above. Thus De Weste's Utbtntttamg (1858) ren- ders the word by " Tapfere," and that of the So- ctiti bibliijut Protettmu* de Parit (1860), by "de» braves." Ki diger supports this signification from the Syrisc use of T SQ^and its derivatives, in his Addit. ad Ge$en. The*., p. 79 f. H.

    GA'MUL (71233 [weaned, Ges.; hence one mature, strong, Flint] : i ra/uiiK; Alex. rapovqA Gamut), a priest; the leader of the 33d course in the service of the sanctuary (1 Chr. xxiv. 17).

    GAR (rdi; [Aid. rd>]: Sanu). "Sons of Qsr " are named among the " sons of the servants of Solomon " in 1 Esdr. v. 34. There are not in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah any names corr* •ponding to the two preceding and the six succeed- ing this name. It does not appear wheree the form of the name in the A. V. is derived. [It was derived from the Aldine edition; see above.]

    GARDEN 03, n^, H|3: rfpns). Gar dens in the East, ss the Hebrew word indicates, are inclosures, on the outskirts of towns, planted with various trees and shrubs. From the allusions in the Bible we learn that they were surrounded by hedges of thorn (Is. v. 5), or walls of stone (Prov. xxiv. 81). For further protection lodges (Is. i. 8; Lam. ii. 6) or watch-towers (Mark xii. 1) were built

    in them, in which sat the keeper pXb, Job xxvii. IS) to drive away the wild beasts and robbers, as is the ease to this day. I-ayard (.Vin.

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    868

    GARDKN

    oar fiat, and the deep silence was only broken by (he sharp report of a rifle fired by the watchful guards to frighten away the wild boars that lurked in the melon beds." The scarecrow also was an invention not unknown (irpofiaoK&rtor, Bar- vi. 70 [or Epist of Jer. 70]).

    The gardens of the Hebrews were planted with flowers and aromatic shrubs (Cant. vi. 2, iv. 16), jesides olives, fig-trees, nuts, or walnuts (Cant. vi. 11), pomegranates, and others for domestic use (Ex. xxiii. 11; Jer. xxix. 5; Am. ix. 14). The quince, medlar, citron, almond, and service trees are among those enumerated in the Mishna as cul- tivated in Palestine (KiUUm, L § 4). Gardens of herbs, or kitchen-gardens, are mentioned in Deut. xi. 10, and 1 K. xxi. 3. Cucumbers were grown in them (Is. i. 8; Bar. vi. 70 [or Epist. of Jer. 70]), and probably also melons, leeks, onions, and garlic, which are spoken of (Num. xi. 5) as the productions of a neighboring country. In addi- tion to these, the lettuce, mustard-plant (Luke xiii. 19), coriander, endive, one of the bitter herbs eaten with the paschal lamb, and rue, are particularized in the precepts of the Minima, though it is not certain that they were all, strictly speaking, culti- vate,! in the gardens of Palestine (KUaim, i. §§ 2, 8). It is well known that, in the time of the Ro- mans, the art of gardening was carried to great perfection in Syria. Pliny (xx. 16) says, "Syria in bortis operosissima est ; indeque proverbium Gnecis, ' Multa Syroruui olera; ' " and again (xii. 54) he describes the balsam plant as growing in Judaea alone, and there only in two royal gardens. Strabo (xvi. p. 763), alluding to one of these gar- dens near Jericho, calls it 6 rov ftoJurA/uiv wapd- ttiaos. The rose-garden in Jerusalem, mentioned in the Mishna (Maa$trolh, ii. § 5), and said to have been situated westward of the Temple mount, is remarkable as having been one of the few gar- dens which, from the time of the prophets, existed within the city walls (Ligbtfoot, Hor. Hub. on Matt. xxvi. 36). They were usually planted with- out the gates, according to the gloss quoted by Lightfoot, on account of the fetid smell arising from the weeds thrown out from them, or from the manure employed in their cultivation.

    The gate Gennath, mentioned by Josephus (B. J. v. 4, § 2) is supposed to have derived its name from the rose-garden already mentioned, or from the fact of its leading to the gardens without the city. It was near the garden-ground by the Gate of the Women that Titus was surprised by the Jews while reconnoitering the city. The trench by which it was surrounded cut off his retreat (Joseph. 8. J. v. 2, § 2). But of all the gardens of Pales- tine none is possessed of associations more sacred and imperishable than the garden of Uethsemane, Mside the oil-presses on the slopes of Olivet. Eight *ged olive-trees mark the site which tradition has connected with that memorable garden-scene, and their gnarled stems and almost leafless branches attest an antiquity as venerable as that which is liumed for them. [Gethsemank.]

    In addition to the ordinary productions of the c-untry, we are tempted to infer from Is. xvii. 10 that in some gardens care was bestowed on the wring of exotics. To this conclusion the descrip- tion of the gardens of Solomon in the Targum on ivccl. ii. 5, 6, seems to point: "I made me well- watered gardens and paradises, and sowed there all lindi of plants, some for use of eating, and some V use of drinking, and some for purposes of med-

    GARDEtf

    icine; all lands of plants of spices. I planted la

    them trees of emptiness (i. e. not fruit- bearhiK) and all trees of spices which the spectres and de- mons brought me from India, and every tree which produces fruit; and its border was from the wall of the citadel, which is in Jerusalem, by the waters of Siloah. I chose reservoirs of water, which be- hold! are for watering the trees and the plants, and I made me fish-ponds of water, some of them also for the plantation which rears the trees to water it."

    In a climate like that of Palestine the neighbor- hood of water was an important consideration ii selecting the site of a garden. The nomencratuxi of the country has perpetuated this tact in tb* name En-gannim — "the fountain of gardens " — the modern Jtnin (cf. Cant. iv. 15). To the old Hebrew poets " a well-watered garden," or " a tree planted by the waters," was an emblem of luxuri- ant fertility and material prosperity (Is. lriii. 11; Jer. xvii. 8, XXxi 12) ; while no figure more graph- ically conveyed the idea of dreary barrenness or misery than " a garden that hath no water " (Is. i. 30). From a neighboring stream or cittern were supplied the channels or conduits, by which the gardens were intersected, and the water was thus conveyed to all parts (P». i . 3 ; Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. xxiv. 30). It is matter of doubt what is the exact meaning of the expression •' to water with the foot " in Deut xi. 10. Niebuhr {Deter, tk lAiab. p 138) descrilies a wheel which is employed for irri- gating gardens where the water is not deep, and which is worked by the hands and feet after the maimer of a treadmill, the men " pulling the upper part towards them with their hands, and pushing with their feet upon the lower part " (Robinson, ii. 226). This mode of irrigation might be described as "watering with the foot." But the method practiced by the agriculturists in Oman, as narrated by Wellsted ( Truv. i. 281 ), answers more nearly to this description, and serves to illustrate Prov. xxi. 1 : " After ploughing, they form the ground with a spade into small squares with ledges on either side, along which the water is conducted . . . . When one of the hollows is filled, the peasant stops the supply by turning up the earth with his foot, and thus opens a channel into another."

    The orange, lemon, and mulberry groves which lie around and behind Jaffa supply, perhaps, the most striking peculiarities of oriental gardens — gardens which Maundrell describes as being "a confused miscellany of trees jumbled together, without either posts, walks, arbors, or anything of art or design, so that they seem like thickets rather than gardens " (Early Trot, in PnL p. 416). The Persian wheels, which are kept era working, day and night, by mules, to supply the gardens with water, leave upon the traveller's ear a most enduring impression (Lynch, Exp. to Jor dtm, p. 441 ; Siddon's Memoir, p. 187).

    The law against the propagation of mixed specie* (Lev. xix. 19: Deut. xxii. 9, 11) gave rise to nu- merous enactments in the Mishna to insure its observance. The portions of the field or garden, in which the various plants were sown, were sepa- rated by light fences of reed, ten palms in height, the distance between the reeds being not more than three palms, so that a kid could not enter ( Kilam . iv. $5 3, 4).

    The kings and nobles had their oormtay-hsraa* surrounded by gardens (1 K. xxi. 1; 2 K. ix. ST and these were used on festal occasions (Oust. v. 1

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    GARDEN

    So IntimaUly, indeed, were gardens associated with festivity that horticulture and conviviality are, in lb* Talmud, denoted by the same term (cf. Bux-

    torf, Ux. Talm. i. t. HTD^H). It ia possible, however, that this may be a merely accidental coincidence. The garden of Ahuuerus was in a court of the palace (Esth. i. 5), adjoining the tmnqueting-hall (Esth. vii. 7). In Babylon the gardens and orchards were inclosed by the city •nils (Layard, Nin. U. 846). Attached to the bouse of Joachim was a garden or orchard (Sus. I) — "a garden inclosed" (Cant. iv. 12) — pro- tided with baths and other appliances of luxury |8us. 15; cf 2 Sam. xi. 2).

    1c bugs cardans the orchard (DT1Q, n^.

    GARDEN

    869

    ■ tturot) was probably, as in Egypt, the incksnn set apart for the cultivation of date and sycamon trees, and fruit-trees of various kinds (Cant. iv. 13 Eccl. ii. 5). Schroeder, in the preface to his Tht- taarm Linyua Armenica, assert* that the word "pardes" is of Armenian origin, and denotes a garden near a house, planted with herbs, trees, and flowers. It is applied by Diodorus Siculus (ii. 10) and Berosus (quoted by Joseph. AnL x. 11, § 1) u> the 6unous hanging gardens of Babylon. Xenophon (Anab. i. 2, § 7) describes the " paradise " at Ce- henae in Phrygia, where Cyrus had a palace, as a large preserve full of wild beasts; and Aldus Gel lius (ii. 20) gives " vivaria " as the equivalent ol waoiiuaoi (cf. Phikntratus, VU. ApolL Tijan i. 38). The officer in charge of such a domus

    tftH'tliWMfMMf>M

    frt^t+Y+i^l^i+frt^f^liYU

    gmrdan, with the

    and other m eh smres , tanks of water, • tasupls or house. (Bosellini.)

    chapel, and isuu

    ww called "the keeper of the paradise" (Neh. ii. I).

    The ancient Hebrews made use of gardens as [laces of burial (John xix. 41). Manasseh and bis mo Amon were buried in the garden of their pal- soe, the garden of Uzza (2 K. xxi. 18, 26; iv rati muToS *apaSfl

    Gardeners an alluded to In Job xxrii. 18 and 'ofcn xx. 15. But how far the art of gardening was oarried among the Hebrews we have few means

    of ascertaining. That they were acquainted with the process of grafting is evident from Kom. xi. 17, 24, as well as from the minute prohibitions of the Mishna;" and the method of propagating plants by layers or cuttings was not unknown (Is. xvii

    10). Buxtorf says that I^TH, drMn (Mishna, Biccurim, i. § 2), were gardeners who tended and looked after gardens on consideration of receiving some portion of the fruit (Lex. Talm. s. v.). But that gardening was a special means of livelihood Is clear from a proverb which contains a warning

    It was fbrUddan to graft trass on tress of a HP Jerent kind, or so graft vegetables on Bess or tress

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    870

    OAREB

    against nah inoculations: "Who hires * garden eats the birds; who Urea gardens, bio. the birds tat" (Dukes, Jiabbm. BlumexUse, p. 141).

    The traditional gardens and pools of Solomon, supposed to be alluded to in Eocl. ii. 5, 6, are shown in toe Wadg L'rtds (i. e. Hortus), about an hour and a quarter to the south of Bethlehem (cf. Jo- seph. Ant nil. 7, $ 3).« The Arabs perpetuate the tradition in the name of a neighboring bill, which they call "Jtbtl-tl-FuradU," or " Mountain of the Paradise" (Stanley, 8. d> P. p. 166). MaundreU is skeptical on the subject of the gardens (AVirfy Trav. in PaL p. 467), but they find a champion in Van de Vetde, who asserts that they " were not confined to the IVadi Urtat ; the hill-slopes to the left and right also, with their heights and hollows, must have been covered with trees and plants, as is shown by the names they still bear, as ' peach-bill,' 'nut-vale,' ' fig-vale,' " Ac (Sgria A PaL ii. 27).

    The " king's garden," mentioned In 2 K. xxr. 4, Neh. iii. 15, Jer. mil. 4, lii. 7, was near the pool of Siloam, at the mouth of the Tyropawn, north of Bir A'ytiA, and was formed by the meeting of the valleys of Jehoshaphat and Ben Hinnom (Wilson, Lands of the BibU, i. 498). Joseph™ places the scene of the (east of Adongah at Kn-rogel, '• beside the fountain that is in the royal paradise " (Ant. vii. 14, § 4; cf. also ix. 10, $ 4). W. A. W.

    GATIEB (2T§ [Uptr, FUret]: [Rom. Vat rtipdfi; Alex. Taptfi; Comp.] rop43: [Gareb]), one of the heroes of David's army (8 Sam. xxiii. 38). He is described as the ( A. V. » an " ) Ithrite, et ipse Jethriten, Vulg. This is generally explained as a patronymic = son of Jether. It may be ob- served, however, that Ira, who is also called the Ithrite in this passage, is called the Jairite in 2 Sam. xx. 26, and that the readings of the LXX. vary in the former passage, "ESpalot, "ZBtpatot, and 'EOcraior- These variations support to a certain extent the sense given in the Syriac version, which

    reads in 2 Sam. xx. 26 v VI»n, t. e. an inhab- itant of Jathir in the mountainous district of Ju- dah. W. L. B.

    GA'REB, THE HILL CTi| H533 [scabbed, leprous, Gesen., Fiirst] : flovrol Tap^$ cvUis Goreb), in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, named only in Jer. xxxi. 39. [Jkkusauui.]

    * The prophet mentions this hill as falling within the circuit of the restored "holy" Jerusalem, which was to be built in the latter times. Ewald, In view of the meaning partly ("scraped off," "bald"), would identify Gareb with Golgotha (kbovIqv) in the history of the Crucifixion (Ge- ickichte Chiistus, p. 485). Gesenius thinks it may have been the later Bezetha (Add. ad Thesaur. p. 90). It is impossible to reconcile these opinions, unless Bezetha was outside of Jerusalem in the time of Christ. The supposed Bezetha is now rithin the city. [Jerusalem.] H.

    GAB1ZIM (rapi&v, Alex. raptCtw, [Tapt- £«:] Garoin), 2 Mace v. 23, vi. 2. [Gerizim.J

    • GARLANDS (or^u/uaTo), wreaths or chap- eta of flowers which the priest of Jupiter at Lyatra drought with oxen to the gates of the city when lhs people were about to offer worship to Paul and

    GARRISON

    Barnabas (Acts xiv. 13). The garlands wen fc aJorn the victims of sacrifice, and perhaps, aa D« Wette suggests, the bead of the priest himself, aal the altar. See Jahn's BibL ArchaoL J 491, 6. That the garlands were not exclusively meant fas the oxen seems probable from the Greek (raipout xal (rriufiara, and not ravpovs irrtpftimt) [Chows; Diadem.] H.

    GARLIC (Cnd: t« o-«too8o: ollia), men- tioned in Num. xi. 6 as one of the Egyptian plants the loss of which was regretted b) thy mixed mul titude at Taberah. It is the Altiu.it sahtum of Linnaeus, which abounds in Egypt (see Celsius, llieroboL pt. ii. p. 52 ft".), a fact evident from He rodotus (it 125), when he states that the allowance to the workmen for this and other regetables war inscribed on the great pyramid. W. D.

    GARMENT. [Duos.]

    •GARMENT, BABYLONISH. [Dbksj,

    Babylonish Garment.]

    GAR'MITE, THE CO"?!? [the stem? Fiirst] : [Rom. Aid.] rwl; [Vat Ara/wi;] Alex Orapiu'- Garmi). Keilah the Garmite, i. e. the descendant of Gerem (see the Targum on this word) Is mentioned in the obscure genealogical lists of tht families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). Keilah is ap- parently the place of that name; but there is no clew to the reason of the sobriquet here given it

    GARRISON- The Hebrew words so rendered in the A. V. are derivatives from the root ndtxib to " place, erect," which may be applied to a variety

    of objects. (1-) Afattz&b and mattzdbak (2^Q,

    njjSS O) undoubtedly mean a " garrison," or for- tified post (1 Sam. xiii. 23, xiv. 1, 4, 12, 15; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14). (2.) Net*b (S" 1 ??) U also used for a "garrison" (in 1 Chr. xi. 16),' but elsewhere for a " column " erected In an enemy's country aa a token of conquest, like the stela erected by Sesos- tris (Her. ii. 102, 106): the LXX. correctly gives ayitrrvfia (1 Sam. x. 6) : Jonathan broke in pieces a column which the Philistines had erected on a hill (1 Sam. xiii. 3). (3.) The same word elsewhere means "officers" placed over a van- quished people (2 Sam. viil. 6, 14; 1 Chr. xviii. 13 , 2 Chr. xvii. 2): the presence of a "garrison" in such cases is implied but not expressed in the word

    (comp. 1 K. iv. 7, 10). (4.) Mattzibih (n^flj) means a "pillar:" in Et. xxvi. 11, reference is made to the beautiful piuirs of the Tynan temples, some of which attracted the attention of Herodotus (ii. 44). W. L. B.

    * There was a garrison at Jerusalem at a later period, variously known as the acropolis or citadel. Bans (Macedonian for arx, see WahTa Claris Ubr. V. T. Apucryph. a. v.), tower of Antonia (Joseph. Art. xv. 11, § 4; B. J. i. 6, § 4), and castle ot barracks (Acta xxi. 34). It was built by the Mac- cabees, and during the Roman occupancy was htld by the Roman troops stationed at Jerusalem, at moved thither from Caisarea to prevent riots dur- ing the festivals. Its military use appears in its N T. name, the Tf/i£oAv) or " camp " (Acts xxi. 84 87). It is especially memorable as having been taw

    a Within a few yean this valley of Ortas has been fat under European cultivation, and though in Its aasWiari state it memed to bo sterile and almost use-

    lea, it exhibits fertility.

    now an extraordinary rtalineas smt

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    GASHMU

    slii^i tad prison of the Apostle Paul (Act* xxiii. 10). It stood on a rock or hill at the nonnwest tag)* of the temple-area. It had a tower at the southeast comer, which waa 70 cubit* high and over- looked the whole temple with it» court*. At a mo- ment'* notice the toldiera in thia garrison could descend bjr flight* of stair* into the incloaure below and instantly suppress any tumult there which might M reported to the officer in command (Joseph. B. J. v. o, § 8). This arrangement explain* how the ehiliarch could interfere with so much promptitude and rescue Paul from the fury of the Jewish mob. It wis from the steps which led up into this castle that the Apuntle addressed the crowd in the adjacent eonrt (Acta xxii. 3 ff.). The Turkish garrison stands at present very ue-irly on the site of the an- cient fortress. If this garrison (as some suppose) was Pilate's pratorhun during hi* visit* to Jerusa- lem, it was then the place where Jesus was ar- raigned before the Soman tribunal, and whence he was led along the Via Dulorom to Golgotha.

    The A. V. in 2 Cor. li. 32 speak* of a "gar- rison " at Damascus a* employed to prevent Paul's escape. But the Greek verb (iQpoipti) states only the fact of the custody, noi the means of it: the governor " watched " or " guarded the city." The watch on this occasion may have belonged to the garrison. H.

    GASH'MU ("tQtpJ: [Comp. Aid. with 7 MSS. ri); FA. S rtosu:] Gossem), Neh. vi. 6. Assumed by all the lexicons to be a variation of the name of Gkshkm (see w. 1, 9). The words " and Gashmu saith " are omitted in both MSS. of theLXX.

    GATAM (DH73 [a valley burnt, Fiint]: ToMil, Tontiii; Alex. [roAut, ToBa,} Totap- Gotham, Galium), the fourth son of Eliphax the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. It; 1 Chr. i. 36), and one of the <• dukes" of Eliphax (Gen. xxxvi. 16). By Knobd (Genesis, ad loc.) the name is compared

    with Jodam (a) J^Sk), a tribe inhabiting a part

    of the mountains of Sherah called Hismak. But in this ease the Am in the original name would have been dropped, which is very rarely the case.

    Rodiger (Gesen. The*, iii. 80) quote* S+AJtat as the name of an Arab tribe, referring to Ibn Duraid, 1864, p. 300.

    OATB- (1.) "I5tt?, from TBW, to dividt, Gesen. p. 1458: wi\\n: porta, introitus. (9.) nnS, from nn^, to open, Gesen. p. 1138: eipa,

    wiKri : ostium, a " doorway." (3.) F)D, a vestibule or gateway: avX4, erai/iit'- timtn, paste*. (4.) XMf-l, Child, only in Ezra and Daniel: alikb,

    tipa: ostium, fores. (6.) fTT-f from nVj, to hang down: Gesen. p. 339, a door: eipa'- valea, ostium, fores, the " door " or valve.

    The gate* and gateway* of eastern cities an- ciently held, and still hold, an important part, not snly in the defense, but in the public economy of the place. They are thus sometimes taken as rep- -vacating the city itself (Gen. xxii. 17, xxiv. 60; Deut xiL 18; Judg. v. 8; Ruth iv. 10; Ps. lxxxvii. i, cxxil. 3). Among the special purposes for which they were used may be mentioned: (1.' As places at* pablie resort, either for business, or wtsre people •at is converse and bear news (Gen xix. 1, xxiii.

    OATB 871

    10, xxxiv. 90, 94; 1 Sam. It. 18; 9 Sam. it. % xvui. 24; Pa. Ixix. 12; Neh. vui. 1,3, IS; Shaw p. 207). (2.) Places for public deliberation, ad- ministration of justice, or of audience for kings awl rulers, or ambassadors (Deut. xvi. 18, xxi. 19, xxv. 7; Josh. xx. 4; Judg. ix. 38; Kuth iv. 1; 9 Sam. xix, 8; IK. xxii. 10; Job xxix. 7; Prov. xxii. 92, xxiv. 7; Jer. xvii. 19, xxxviii. 7; Lam. v. 14; Am. v. 12; Zech. vui. 16; Polyb. xv. 31). Hence cams the usage of the word " Porte " in speaking of the government of Constantinople (F.arly Trar. p. 349). (3.) Public markets (2 K. vii. 1; comp. AristopL. Eq. 1243, ed. Bekk.; Neh. xUL 16,19). [Crnra.] In heathen towns the open spaces near the gatm

    f^vwi sywv|

    (Layard.)

    appear to have l«en sometimes used as place* for sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13; comp. 3 K. xxiii. 8).

    Regarded, therefore, a* position* of great import- ance, the gates of cities were carefully guarded and

    iBjypOaa doors. — fig. 1. Th* upper pa n, en w h to h Ha door turned- Jig- 2- I

    closed at nightfall (Deut. iii. 6; Josh. ii. 5, 7; Judg. ix. 40, 44; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 2 Sam. xL 98, Jer. xxxix. 4; Judith i. 4). They contained cbvr

    An Egyptian folding-door.

    ben -er the gateway, and probably also rhsrnhm or recesses at the si cs for the various Durnoses ts

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    872

    GATE

    I they were applied (2 Sam. iviii. 34 ; Laysrd, Ifi*. 4 Bab. p. 87, and note).

    The gateway* of Assyrian cities were arched or iquare-lieaded entrances in the wall, aornetimea flanked by towers (Layard, Nineveh, ii. 388, 395, Win. 4 Bab. p. 231, Mom. of If in. pt. 2, pi. 49; nee also Assyrian Ins-reliefs in Brit. Hus. Nos. 49, 26, 26). In later Egyptian times the gates of the

    GATB

    fences from the Law were inscribed on and abet* the gates, as in Mohammedan countries sentemsi from the Koran are inscribed over doorways and oa doors (Deut vi. 9; Is. liv. 12; Kev. xxi. 21; Maundrell, Early Trail, p. 488; Lane, Mod. Egypt. i. 29; Kauwolif, Travel*, pt. iii. c 10; Ray, ii 278). The principal gate of the royal palace at Ispahan was in Chardin's time held sacred, and served as a sanctuary for criminal* (Chardin, vii. 368), and petitions were presented to the sovereign at the gate. (See Esth. iv. 2, and Herod, iii. 120, 140.) The gateways of Kimroud and Persepolis were flanked by rnkisaal figures of animals.

    IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHI I

    Modern K&vptlan door (La: c.)

    temples seein to have beeu iuU'nded as places of defense, if not the principal fortifications (Wilkin- son, Ane. Egypt, i. 409, abridgm.). The doors themselves of the larger gates mentioned in Script- ure were two-leaved, plated with metal, closed with locks and fastened with metal bars (l>eut. ill. b: Judg. xvi. 3; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 1 K. iv. 13: 2 Clir. viii. 5; Neh. iii. 3-15; 1"«. cvii. 16; Is. xlv. 1, 2; Jer. xlix. 31). Gates not defended by iron were of course liable to be set on fire by an enemy (Judg. it. 52).

    ancient BxTpitaa door. (Wilkinson.)

    The gates of Solomon's Temple were very mass! re and costly, being overlaid with gold and earrings (1 K. vi. 34, 35; 2 K. xviii. 16). Those of the Holy I'lace were of olive-wood, two-leaved, and over- laid with gold; those of the temple of fir (1 K. v». 31, 32 34; Ez. xli- 23, 24). Of the gates of -he outer court of Herod's temple, 9 were covered «th tcold and silver, as weU as the posts and lintels, but the outer one, the Beautiful Gate (AcU iii. 2), was

    Modern Egyptian door. (lain.)

    Tbe gatcwajs or royal palaces and even of pri- i were often richly ornamented. Sen-

    Anckat Egyptian door. (vVUktaaoo.;

    made entirelv of Corinthian brats, and was eoav sidered to surpass the others fcr In costliness

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    GATE, BEAUTIFUL

    (Jisaph A /. v. 6, § 3). Thu gate, which was m heavy as to require 30 men to dose it, was un- exptctedlv found open on one occasion shortly be- fore the cljee of the tiege (Joeeph. B. J. vi. 5, § 3; c Ap. ii. 9).

    The figurative gates of pearl and precious atones (Is. liv. 13; Rev. xxi. 21) may U regarded as having their types in the massive stone doors which are found in some of the ancient nouses in Syria. These are of single slabs several inches thick, some- times 10 feet nign, and turn on stone pivots above and below (MaundreU, Karly Trav. p. 447 ; Shaw, p. 310; Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 58, 74 ; Porter, Damatau, ii. 22, 192 ; Hay, Coll of Trav. ii. 429)

    Egyptian doorways were often richly ornamented.

    The parts of the doorway were the threshold ("""D, Judg. six. 27: wpitupmr! linen); the side-posts (rfrltp: (rraOixol ■■ uterque pottit), the lintel

    ^HptP5 : Kiis mptrUmtnart, Ex. xil. 7). It was on the lintel and side-posts that the blood of the Passover lamb was sprinkled (Ex. xii. 7, 22). A trace of some similar practice in Assyrian worship wenis to have been discovered at Nineveh (Layard, JVm. ii. 366).

    The camp of the Israelites in the desert appears to have been closed by gates (Ex. xxxii. 27).

    The word "door" in reference to a tent, ex- presses the opening made by dispensing with the cloths in front of the tent, which is *-hen supported only by the hinder and middle poles (Gen. xviii. 3; Burckhardt, Note* on Bed. i. 43).

    In the Temple, Levitet, and in houses of wealthier classes, and in palaces, persons were especially ap- pointed to keep the door (Jer. xxxv. 4; 3 S. xii.

    9, xxv. 18; 1 Chr. ix. 18, 19; Est U. 31 ; D^StP' : Supapoi, »u\\o>po(: portarii, janiioret). In* the A. V. these are frequently called " porters," a word which has now acquired a different meaning. The chief steward of the household in the palace of the Shah of Persia was called chief of the guardians of the gate (Chardin, vii. 369). [Cvrtaim; House; Temple.] H. W. P.

    * GATE, BEAUTIFUL, Acts iU. 2. [Tem- ple (of Herod), Clouten.]

    • GATES OF JERUSALEM. [Jerusa- lem.]

    GATH (na, a wine-prtu: r«'»; [1 Sam. t. 8, rat. r««a, Alex. r«W«; vii. 14, 'A(6$; xvii. 52i *, Alex. Tat: 1 Chr. vii. 31, Alex. ricuous hill now called Tell-tt-Sdfith. This hill stands upon the side of the plain of Philistia, at the foot of the mountains of Judah; 10 miles E. rf Ashdod, and about the same distance S. by E. if Ekron. It is irregular in form, and about 200 •set high. On the top are the foundations of an old wab; and great numbers of hewn stones are built ip in the walls of the teiTacea that run along the

    GATH 878

    declivities. On the N. E is a projecting tcooUer whose sides appear to have Iwen scarped. Hen, too, are tract* of ancient buildings ; and here stands the modern village, extending along the whole northern nice of the hill. In the walls of the houses are many old stones, and at its western extremity two columns still remain on their pedestals. Round the sides of the hill, especially on the S., a-e large cisterns excavated in the rock. Oath occupied a strong position (2 Chr. xi. 8) on the border ot Judah and Philistia (1 Sam. xxi. 10; 1 Chr. xviii 1); and from its strength and resources, forming the key of both countries, it was the scene of fre- quent struggles, and was often captured and recap- tured (2 Chr. xi. 8, xxvi. 6; 2 K. xii. 17; Am. vi. 2). It was near Shocoh and Adullani (2 Chr. xi. 8), and it appears to have stood on the way leading from the former to Ekron ; for when the Philistines fled on the death of Goliath, they went " by the way of Shaaraim, even unto Gath and unto Ekron " (1 Sam. xvii. 1, 52). All these notices combine in pointing to TtU-n-S&fieh as the site of Gath. The statements of most of the early geographers as to the position of Gath are not only confused, but con tradictory, probably owing to the fact that there was more than one place of the same name. But there is one very clear description by Eusebius, translated without change or comment by Jerome. It is as follows : " Gath, from which the Anakim and Philistines wero not exterminated, is a village seen by such as go from Eleutheropolis to Diospolis, at about the fifth milestone" — Kufj.-q ttaoiirritv &w* Tijt "EKtvSipoirikfcit npl AtoVtroAor ittoX rfinrror (rn/uTov rijs 'E\\€u9tpowi\\Ket (Onom. s. v. rcfWd). The road from Eleutheropolis, now Beit Jebrin, to Diospolis or Lydda, must haw passed near Tell-ei-Sifieh, which would be dis- tinctly seen at about the distance indicated. Euse- bius mentions another Gath (Onom. s. v. Geth), a large village between AntipatrU and Jamnia, which he considered to be that to which the Ark was carried (1 Sam. v. 8), but this position, on the western side of the plain of Philistia, does not agree with the descriptions above referred to. Jerome, who, as stated above, translates Eusebius' former notice without change or comment, gives a per- plexing statement in his Comm. on Micah : " Geth una est de 5 urbibus Pahestiiue vicina JudssB con- finio et de FJentheropoli euntibus Gazam, nuno usque vicus vel nuurimus." Yet in his preface tc Jonah, be says that Geth in Opber, the native place of the prophet, is to be distinguished : " Allarura Geth urbium qine junta Kleutheropolim sive Dios- polim hodie quoque monstrantur." On the whok then there is nothing in these notices to contradict the direct statement of Eusebius, and we may therefore, safely conclude that TelUt-SdJlek Is it. site.

    The ravages of war to which Gath ww* exposed appear to have destroyed it at a comparatively early period, as it is not mentioned among the othet royal cities by the later prophet* (Zeph. ii. 4 ; Zeeh ix. 5, 6). It is familiar to the Bible student as the scene of one of the most romantic incidents in the life of king David (1 Sam. xxi. 10-15), when tc 'save his life "he feigned himself mad; scrabbM 1 on the doors of the gate, and let his spittle faf down upon his beard." A few years later he re- turned to the city, was well received by the Philis- tine king, and had Ziklag assigned to him as a residence. He then secured some firm friends amcMi~ his hereditary foes, who were true to him when his

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    S74

    GATH-HBPHER

    nm no lebeDed. We have few mote striking examples rf derated attachment than that of Ittai the Gittite (2 Sam. xv. 19-22). J. L. P.

    GATH-HETHER, or GITTAH-HB'- PHER ("I^Cin *"§» <*« tdne-prut

    GATH-RInTMON 0'W"! H3 [pomt- granait-prtjs : Mpt/quir, exc Josh. xxi. 24, Eon - . Vat. r-Btptft^aiy, and 1 Chr., Vat. TfBvpur- O'etliremmon) ;. 1. A city given out of the tribe of Dan to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr. vi. 89), situated on the plain of Philistia, apparently not far from Joppa (Josh. xix. 45). Kuaebius mentions a rerOA lying between Antipatris and Jamnia, which would answer well to the position of Gath-rimmon ( Onom. s. v. O'eth). But in an- other place he says rtSpt/titity vvv itrrt K&pt) utyltrrn &wo cn/ufvr iff Auxnr6\\fui awidVruy «'i 't\\*vB*pAro\\iv (Onom. s. v.). This, however, would seem to agree better with the. position of (lath, the royal city of Philistia, than of that assigned to Gath-rimmon in the passage above cited. The site of Gath-rimmon is unknown (Ke- land, p. 808).

    2. ['U$a0il; Alex. BoitVa; Aid. with 11 MSS. BaieVaV (7 others BeeVdV); Comp. with 3 MSS. rt0p*tuuiv- Celhremman.] A town of the half tribe of Manasseh west of the Jordan, assigned to the Invites (Josh. xxi. 25). It is only once men- tioned, and the LXX. reading is BaieVsV [see above]. In the parallel passage in 1 Chr. vi. 70, this town is called Bileam. The reading Gath- rimmon is, therefore, probably an error of the tran- scril«rs, and may be merely a repetition ot the same name occurring in the previous verse.

    J. L. P.

    G A'ZA (rWJ, 1. e. Aaah [ttrong, ajbrtras] : r

    GAfcA

    remarkable for its continuous exuaVnoe Lad In portance from the very earliest times. Like Damas- cus, it is mentioned both in the book of Genesis and hi the A"ta of the Apostles: and it it still a place of \\ert considerable size, larger than Jerusalem.

    The secret of this unbroken history is to be found in the situation of Gaza. It is the last towr. in the S- tV. of Palestine, on the frontier towards Egyot, eVrxdrn ixuro &»» eV ASyirrini in ♦oiKdcTjt limn M rn ipxV rij» ipiiuov (Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 26). It lay on the road which must always have been t'je line of communication be- tween the valley of the Nile and the whole region of Syria. Even now its bazaars are belter thuu those of Jerusalem. "Those travelling towards Egypt naturally lay in here a stock of ptorisxws and necessaries for the desert: while those coming from Kgypt arrive at Gaza exhausted, and mint of course supply themselves anew " (Robinson, ii. 40).

    The same peculiarity of situation has made Gaza important in the military sense. Its name means « the strong; " and this wss well elucidated in its siege by Alexander the Great, which, notwithstand- ing all bis resources of artillery, lasted five months. As Van de Velde says (p. 187), it was the key of the country. What had happened in the times of the Pharaohs (Jer. xlvii. 1) and Cambyses (Pomp. Mel. i. 11) happened again in the struggles between the Ptolemies and Seleucida (Polyb. v. 68, xvi. 40). This city was one of the most important military positions in the wars of the Maccabees (see 1 Mace xi. 61, 62, xlii. 43; Joseph. Ant xiii. 5, § 5, and 13, § 3). By the Romans it was assigned to the kingdom of Herod (xr. 7, § 3), and after bis death to the province of Syria (xril. 11, J 4). Nor does the history of Gaza in connection with war end here. In A. D. 634 it was taken by the generals of the first Khalif Abu Bekr, though be did not live to hear of the victory. Some of the most im- portant campaigns of the crusaders took place in the neighborhood. In the 12th century we find the place garrisoned by the Knights Templars. It finally fell into the bands of Saladin, A. D. 1170 after the disastrous battle of Hattin.

    The Biblical history of Gaza may be traced through the following stages: — In Gen. x. 19 it appears, even before the call of Abraham, as a "border" city of the Canaanites. With this we should compare the descriptive words in Dent. ii. 23, where the name is spelt " Azzah " in the English Version. [Azzah.] In the conquest of Joshua the territory of Gaza is mentioned as one which he was not able to subdue (Josh. x. 41, xi. 22, xiii. 3). It was assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 47), and that tribe did obtain possession of it (Judg. 1. 18); but they did not hold it long; fur soon afterwards we find it in the hands of the rbilistines (Judg. iti 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21); indeed it seems to have been their capital; and notwith standing the gigantic efforts of Samson," who die>! here, Gaza apparently continued through the tinws of Samuel, Saul, and David to be a Philistine city (1 Sam. vi. 17, xiv. 52, xxxi. 1; 2 Sam. xxi. 16) Solomon became master of " Azzah " (1 E. iv. 24)

    " • The A. T Judg. xvi. 8, ImpUs* a proximity of hour southeast Iron Oua ; for it Has In the rl

    ant) .towari Hebron." this may to the hill halt an I

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    GAZA

    Bat in nA T time) the same trouble with the Phil- istines rec r-ed (SC'hr. xxi. lit, xxvi. 8, xxviii. 18). In these p .sgiiges, indeed, Gaza is not specified, Im*. then is little doubt that it is implied. In *2 K. iviii. 8, we are distinctly told that llezekiah " smote the Philistines even unto Gaza, and the borders thereof, frvm the tower of the watchmen to the fenced city." During this period of Jewish history, it setnu tha. some facta concerning the connection of Gaza with the invasion of Sennacherib may I* added from the inscriptions found at Nineveh (La} mi's Nineveh and BtibyUm, p. 144). We ought here to compare certain passages in the prophets where the name of the Philistine city occurs: namely, Am. i. 8, 7; Zeph. ii. 4; Zecb. ix. 6. The period intermediate between the Old and New Testaments has been touched on above.

    Hie passage where Uaza is mentioned in the N. T. (Acta viii. 26) is full of interest. It is the account of the baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch ou "nj ration from Jerusalem to Egypt The words

    GAZA

    875

    in this passage: ' Arise and gc towards the natk, iMitu tlie way that goeth down from JeruasJea K) Gaza, which is desert" (roptiaL kotA iu rd(ar airri <>rlf

    tid .t la prominently noticed in Pliny. Some sup- poet (at Jerome) that the site of Uaza was changed : ai.d this may possibly be true: for Strain* says that it was only seven stadia from the sea, whereas it is now considerably more: and the encroachment of the drifting sands near the coast may have been a motive for the restorers of the city to move it further eastwards. The probability, however, is that

    the words aJrij iarly fpripof refer to the road, and dition having

    BtHriigt, incorporated in the last edition of r'- Palaitinn, also by Robinson in the Appendix t bu second volume. The latter writer suggests • ret) probable place for the baptism, namely, at the witer in the Wady tl-Biuy, between Eleutheropolis and Gaza, not far from the old sites of Lachiah and Eglon. The legendary scene of the baptism is at Beit~t&r, b e t we en Jerusalem and Hebron: the tra

    are used by the angel to inform Philip, who hen in Samariii, on what route he would find the sunuch. Besides the ordinary road from Jerusalem by Kainleh to Gaza, there was another, more fa- vorable for carriaem (Acts viii. SB), further to the south, through Hebron, and thence through a dis- trict comparatively without towns and much ex- isted to the incursion* of people from the desert. Hw matter U discussed by Kaumet in jiie of his

    apparently from the opinion

    that Philip himself was travelling southwards from Jerusalem. But there is no need to suppose thai he went to Jerusalem <\\t all. Lange (ApnU ZtUnk. ii. 109) gives a spiritual sense tu the word (pijfot [See Bktii-zuk, Amer. ed.]

    The modern Ghtazeh is situated partly on as .blong hill of moderate hi ight, and partly on '!» lower ground. Tlie climate of the place is ilnnn: tropical, bat it has deep wells of excellent water

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    876

    GAZARA

    There an a few palm-trees in the town, and its fruit-orchards are very productive. But the chief feature of the neighborhood is the wide-spread olive- grove to the Nl and N. E. Heuce arises a consider- able manufacture of soap, which Ghvtteh exports in large quantities. [Ashes, Amer. ed.] It has also an active trade in com. For a full account of nearly all that has been written concerning the topograph- ical and historical relations of Gaza, Ma Bitter's Erdkunde, xvi. 46-60. Among the travellers who have described the place we may mention especially Robinson (Biblical Researches, ii. 86-43) and Tan de Velde (Syria and Palestine, ii 179-188), from whom we have already quoted ; also Thomson (Land and Book, ii. 331-348). The last writer speaks of the great extent of oom-land near Gaza, and of the sound of millstones in the city. Both these cir- cumstances are valuable illustrations of the acta and sufferings of Samsom, the great hero of Gaza. [On the site and ruins of Gaza, see also Porter's Handb. of Syr. and Palest i. 283 ff.; Sepp's Je- rusalem «. das heiL Land, it 622 ff. ; and Gage's Trans, of Bitter's Geoyr. of Palestine, iii. 206 ff. - II.] J. S. H.

    GAZ'AKA (4 rdfapa, and T 4 rd{apa; [in 1 Mace. xv. 28, 35, Alex. ra(apyrav (gen.;:] '»'»*■ ara), a place frequently mentioned in the wars of the Maccabees, and of great importance in the operations of both parties. Its first introduction is as a stronghold (oxi/m/ia), in which Timothciis took refuge alter his defeat by Judas, and which for four days resisted the efforts of the infuriated Jews (8 Mace. x. 32-36). One of the first steps of Bacchides, after getting possession of Judas, was to fortify Bethsura and Uazara and the citadel (a/tpa) at Jerusalem (1 Mace. ix. 62); and the same names are mentioned when Simon in his turn recovered the country (xiv. 7, 33, 34, 36, xv. 28). So important was it, that Simon made it the residence of his son John as general-in-chief of the Jewish army (xiii. 53, xvi. 1 ).

    There is every reason to lielieve that ( iazara was the same place as the more ancient Gkzkk or Gazer. The name is the same as that which the LXX. use for Gezer in the U. T.; and more than this, the indications of the position of both are very much in accordance. As David smote the Philis- tines from Gibeon to Gezer, so Judas defeats Gorgias at Emmaus, and pursues him to Gazera (1 Mace. iv. 15). Gazara also is constantly men- tioned in connection with the sea-coast — Joppa and Jamuia (xv. 28, 35: iv. 15), and with the Philistine plain, Azotus, Adasa, Ac. (iv. 15, vii. 45, riv. 81). [Gazbra.] G.

    GA'ZATHITES, THE OrWSil, aceor. I** Attalhilt : r«7 ra(at

    GA'ZER (TtJ [dteBritf, precipice] : [I"a- (npi: in 1 Oar. rhr., FA. ra(aptu> : Geter, Casern]), 2 Sam. v. 25; 1 Chr. xiv. 16. The same place as Gezer; the difference arising from the emphatic Hebrew accent ; which has been here stained in the A. V., though disregarded in several ther places where the same form occurs. [G rzer.] From the uniform practice of the LXX.. both in tin O T. and the books of Maccabees, Ewald infers that the original form of the name was Gazer; but Jie pmetnatlor of the & loreta is certainly a*

    GKBA

    often the one as the other. (Ewald, Oesth. H 4SR note.) G.

    GAZE'RA. L (rit rdfapai Alex, roarays Joseph, ra TdSapa- Getrrun, Gazara), 1 Maee iv. 15, vii. 45. The place elsewhere given at Gazara.

    2. [Kafoet; Aid. Alex, rafrpd: Gate.] One of the "servants of the temple," whose sons re- turned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 31). In Ezra and Nehem. the name is Gazzam.

    GA'ZEZ (TT| [sAearer]: i Ts(ov4; [Comn. ra(b(, r«C«>; AW. rafffi] Gettx), a name which occurs twice in 1 Chr. ii. 46; (1) ss son of CsJefc by Ephah his concubine; and (2) as son of Haran, the son of the same woman : the second is possibly only a repetition of the first. At any rate there is no necessity for the assumption of Houbigant, that the second Gazez is an error for Jahdai. In some MSS. and the Peshito the name is given Gases The Vat. LXX. omits the second occurrence.

    GA'ZITES, THE (DVVJ?n : T oh rofofou : PMUsthiim), inhabitants of Gaza (Judg. xvi 8). Elsewhere given as Gazathttks.

    GAZ'ZAM (D$ [aVnw-tria]: Tsdjlfi, r»C«V ! Gaum, [Getem]). The Bene-Gazzam were among the families of the Kkthinim who returned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 48; Keh. vii. 51). In 1 Esdr. [v. 31] the name is altered U Gazbra.

    GETJA (55Si often with the definite article = the hill: Tafiad, [etc.: Gabna, Geba,] Gabai, Gabee), a city of Benjamin, with " suburbs," allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17; 1 Chr. ri. 60). It is named amongst the first group of the Benjamite towns, apparently those lying near to and along the north boundary (Josh, xviii. 24). Here the name is given as Gaba, a change due to the emphasis required in Hebrew before a pause ; and the same change occurs in Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neh. vii. 80 and xi. 81; 2 Sam. v. 26; 2 K. xxiii. 8; the last three of these being in the A. V. Geba. Ir. one place Geba is used as the northern landmark of the kingdom of Judah and Benjamin, in the ex- pression "from G. to Beer-eheba " (2 K. xxiii. 8). and also as an eastern limit in opposition to Gazer (2 Sam. v. 26). In the parallel passage to this last in 1 Chr. xiv. 16, the name is changed to Gibeon During the wars of the earlier part of the reign of Saul, Geba was held as a garrison by the Philis- tines (1 Sam. xiii. 3), but they were ejected by Jonathan, a feat which, while it added greatly tc his renown, exasperated them to a more overwhelm- ing invasion. Later in the same campaign we find it referred to to define the position of (be two rockn which stood in the ravine below the garrison of Michmash, in terms which fix Geba on the south and Michmash on the north of the ravine (1 Sun. xiv. 6; the A. V. has here Gibeah). Exactly in accordance with this is the position of the modern village of Jeba, which stands picturesquely on the top of its steep terraced hill, on the very edge of toe great Wady Stiweinil, looking northwards to the opposite village, which also retains its old name of MikhmAs. The names, and the agreement of the situation with the requirements of the story of Jonathan, make the identification all but certain; but it is still further confirmed by the invaluable list of Benjamite "owns visited by the Assyria* army on their road through the country soulbwsat;

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    GEBAL

    to Jerusalem, which we hare in It. x. 28-82; when tie minute details — the stoppage of the heavy baggage (A. V. " carriagea "), which eoold not be got acroas the broken ground of the wad; at Mich- mash; then the passage of the ravine by the lighter portion of the army, and the subsequent bivouac

    ("lodging," Pvjp =re,t for tne ""gn') at Geba on the opposite side — are in exact accordance with tne nature of the spot Standing as it does on the south bank of this important wady — one of the most striking natural features of this part of the country — the mention of Geba as the northern boundary of the lower kingdom is very significant Thus commanding the pass, its fortification by Asa (1 K. iv. 22; 2 Chr. xvi. 6) is also quite intelligible. It continues to be named with Michmath to the very last (Neh. xi. 31).

    Geba is probably intended by the " Gibeah-in- the-field " of Judg. xx. 31, to which it* position is very applicable. [Gibbah, 6. J The " fields " are mentioned again as late as Neh. xii. 29.

    It remains to notice a few places in which, from the similarity of the two names, or possibly from some provincial usage," " Geba " is used for " Gib- eah." These are: (1.) Judg. xx. 10: here the A. V., probably anxious to prevent confusion, has "Gibeah." (2.) Judg. xx. 33: "the meadows," or more probably " the cave of Geba." Geba may be here intended, but Gibeah — at in the A. V. — teems almost necessary. Owing to the word oc- curring here at a pause the vowels are lengthened, and in the Hebrew it stands as iliba. (3.) 1 Sam. xiii. 16 : here the meaning is evident, and the A. V. has again altered the name accordingly. Jc- •ephus (Ant. vi. 6, § 2) has ra/Jouy, Gibeon, in this place; for which perhaps compare 1 Chr. viii. », ix. 35.

    2. The Geba (r' between Geba and Scythopo- lis " — mult be the place of the same name, Jebn, on the road between Samaria and Jtmtn, about three miles from the former (Bob. i. 440). The Vulgate has a remarkable variation here — "venit ad Idunueos in terrain Gabaa." G.

    GE'BAL (bj?, Cbat, from bj$, Gibed, la

    twist ; hence TO?, G'btt, a Hne ; thence <}**■!*■■ Gtbal, a line of mountains at a natural boundary : pn Pa.,] r<0

    « as with us, Berkshire fcr Berkshire, Darby ft* •trey, *c

    GEBEU 87?

    this psalm and these events; and hence the con- texts both of the psalm and of the historical records will justify our assuming the Gebal of the Psalms to be one and the same city with the Gebal oi Ezekiel (xxvii. 9), a maritime town of Phieuicia and not another, as some have supposed, in thi district round about Petra, which is by Josephiu, Eusebius, and St. Jerome called Gebakne. Jeho&b apbat had, in the beginning of his reign, humbled the Philistines and Arabians (2 Chr. xvii. 10-11), and still more recently had assisted Ahab again-rt the Syrians (Md. ch. xviii.). Now, according to the poetic language of the Psalmist, there were symptoms of a general rising against him. On the south the Edomites, I|hmaeUtet, and Haga renes ; on the southeast Moab, and northeast Am- nion. Along the whole line of the western coast (and, with Jehoshaphat 's maritime projects, this would naturally disturb him most tee 2 Chr. xx 36) the Amalekites, Philistines, and Phoenicians, or inhabitants of Tyre, to their frontier town Ueual , with Assur, i. e. the Syrians, or Assyrians, from the more distant north. It may be observed that the Ashurites are mentioned in connection with Gebal no less in the prophecy (rer. 6) than in the psalm. But, again, the Gebal of Ezekiel was evi- dently no mean city. From the fact that its in- habitants are written "Gibliant" in the Vulg. and " Bibliant " in the LXX., we may infer their identity with the Giblites, spoken of in connection with Lebanon by Joshua (xiii. 5), and that of their city with the " Biblns " (or Byblus) of profane lit- erature — so extensive that it gave name to the surrounding district (See a passage from Lucian, quoted by Keland, Palast. lib. 1. c. xiii. p. 26'J.) It was situated on the frontiers of Phoenicia, some- what to the north of the mouth of the small river Adonis, to celebrated in mythology (comp. Ex. viii. 13). Meanwhile the Giblites, or Biblians, seem to have been preeminent in the arts of stone- carving (1 K. v. 18) and ship-caulking (Ex. xxvii. 9); but, according to Strabo, their industry suffered greatly from tne robbers infesting the sides of Mount Lebanon. Pompey not only destroyed the strongholds from whence these pests issued, but freed the city from a tyrant (Strab. xvi. 9, 18). Some have confounded GehaL or Biblut, with the Cabala of Strabo, just below Laodicea, and conse- quently many leagues to the north, the ruins and site of which, still called Jebitee, are so graphically described by Maundrell (Early Travels in Pales- tine, by Wright P- 494). By Moroni (Vision. Ecetes.) they are accurately distinguished undar their respective names. Filially, Biblus beams a Christian see in the patriarchate of Antioch, sub- ject to the metropolitan see of Tyre (Ketand'd Palast. lib. i. p. 2U ff). It shared the usual vi- cissitudes of Christianity in these parts; and even now furnishes episcopacy with a title. It is called Jtbail by the Arabs, thus reviving the old Biblical name. E. S. If.

    GET5ER (*13| [man, Aeru]), a name occur "*ng twice in the list of Solomon's commissariat officers, and there only. 1. (Uafitf, [Vat Alex. ra$tp- Bengabtr].) The ton of Geber (Ben- Gtber) resided in the fortress of Kamoth-Gilead and had charge of Havotb-Jair, and the district or Argob (1 K. iv. 13). Josephiu (Ant. viii. t, ) 8) gives the name as ra/Morir.

    2. (ratfep; [Vat M. omits: J Gaber.) Gaits Urn ton of (Jri had a district south of Urn (

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    878 GEBIM

    Die " land of Gilead," the country oriirinnBy pon. MMwd by Sihon and Og, probably the modern Attn, the great pasture-ground of the tribes east sf Jordan (1 K. ir. 10). The eonclusiuii of Uiix raree a* reudered in the A. V. is rery unsatisfactory — " tuid be was the only officer which ni in the UikI," when two others are mentioned in 13 and 14. A more accurate interpretation is, "and une officer who was in the land," that is, a superior

    (3^5, a word of rare occurrence, but used again for Solomon's "officers" in 9 Chr. viii. 1(1) over the three. Josephus has twl Si tovtky tXs s-aAiv Hpxuv aroMtwcTO, the woAir referring to a similar statement just before that there was also one general superintendent over the'comniissaries of the whole cf L'pper Palestine. G.

    KHIM (Caan, with the article = probably Vie ililchtt [cisterns, tprinyt, Fiirst] ; the word i« uaed in that sense in 2 K. iii. 16, and elsewhere : ViftSftp; [Comp. r

    GEDALIAH (HJVTJ, Mid VT 1 ?!?. <• '• GedahVhu [Jehovah is 'great] t Tetoklat'' Gatlo- titu). L Gedaliah, the sou of Ahikain (Jere- miah's protector, Jer. xzvi. 24), and grandson of Shaphan the secretary of king Josiah. After the destruction of the Temple, B. c. 688, Nebuchad- nezzar departed from Judaea, leaving Uedaliah with a Chaldiean guard (Jer. xl. 6) at Mizpah, a atront; (1 K. xv. 22) town, six miles N. of Jerusalem, to govern, as a tributary (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 1) of the king of Babylon, the vine-dressers and hus- bandmen (Jer. Iii. 16) who were exempted from captivity. Jeremiah joined Uedaliah ; and Mizpah became the resort of Jews from various quarters (Jer. xl. 6, 11), many of whom, as might be ex- ported at the end of a long war, were in a demor- alized state, unrestrained by religion, patriotism, or prudence. The gentle and popular character of Gedaliah (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 1, 3), his hereditary piety (Rosenmuller in Jer. xxvi. 24), the prosperity of his brief rule (Jer. xl. 12), the reverence which revived and was fostered under him for the ruined Temple (ill. 5), fear of the Chaldiean conquerors ■those officer he was, — all proved insufficient to secure Gedaliah from the foreign jealousy of Raalis king of Amnion, and the domestic ambition of Ishmad, a member of the royal family of Judah (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 3). This man [Isbmael, 2 %. xxv. 25] came to Mizpah with a secret purpose to destroy Gedaliah. Gedaliah, generously refus-

    • • (Jelled the "Cut or the seventh," 1. 1. month viH. 19 with 2 K. xxv. 25. See Few 's feat-Sufi. Iv. 867). for toe

    GEDERATHTTB, THE

    iin? tn believe a friendly warning which he reeehec' of the intended treachery, was murdered, with hi> Jewish and Chaldean followers, two months after his appointment. After his death, which is stil commemorated in the Jewish calendar (Pridestrx, Cimuxim, anmt 688, and Zech. riii. 19) « as a national calamity, the Jews, in their native land, anticipating the resentment of the king of Baby- lon, gave way to despair. Many, forcing Jeremiah to accompany them, tied to Egypt under Johanan.

    2. [Vat. rows, roAovia.] Gkdaua'hc; a 1-evite, one of the six sons of Jedutbun who played the harp in the service of Jehovah (1 Ohr. xxv. 3 9).

    3. [roSoAfa; Vat. -Asia: FA. raAaoW: Oo- tlutia.] Gedaliah; a priest in the time of Ezra

    (KXT. X. 18). [JoADANUH.]

    4. [FA. 1 roAiaj: GedeUae.] Gedai.ia'IIU; son of Fashur (Jer. xxxviii. 1 ), one of those who caused Jeremiah to be imprisoned.

    6 Gedaliah; grandfather of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). W. T. B.

    GEDTDUR XrtfSoip; [Vat. Ktttovp :) OeiiJu), 1 Esdr. v. 30. [Gahab.]

    GELVEON ([Alex.] r«»W; [Sin. r«JV<»»:] Gtiitou). L The son of Baphaim; one of the ancestors of Judith (Jud. viii. 1). The name it omitted in the Vat. LXX.

    2. The Greek form of the Hebrew name Giimum (Heb. xi. 32); retained in the N. T. by our trans- lators, in company with FJias, Eliseus, Usee, Jesus, and other Grecized Hebrew names, to the confusion of the ordinary reader.

    GE'DER CVja [walled place], r«o*>; [Vat. Ae-«i ] Under). The king of Getter was one of the 31 kings who were overcome by Joshua on the west of the Jordan (Josh. xU. 13), and mentioned in that list only. Being named with Debir, llor- nub, and Arad, Geder was evidently in the extreme south : this prevents our identifying it with Gedor (Josh. it. 68), which lay between Hebron and Bethlehem ; or with ha-Gederah in toe low country (xv. 36). It is possible, however, that it may be the same place as the Gedor named in connection with the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 39). Q.

    GEDE-RAH (ITTIjn, with the articles the thtepcvte : rdlvpa' (iedero), a town of Judah in the Shtfelnh or lowland country (Josh. xv. 86), apparently, from the near mention of Azekah, Socoh, Ac , in its eastern part, near the " valley of the Terebinth." [Klail] This position sgrees passably with that assigned by Eusebius ( Onomat- ticon) to >' Gedour," which he says was in his time a very large village 10 miles from Eleutbeiopolis, on the road to Diospolis (I.ydda); and also with an- other which he gives as Gidora, in the boundaries of Jerusalem (/Elia), near the Terebinth. Nc town bearing this name has however been yet dis- covered in this hitherto little explored district. The name (if the interpretation given be correct), and the occurrence next to it of one so similar as Gkd- ekoth aim, seem to point to a great deal of sheep- breeding in this part. u.

    GEDBTRATHITB, THB 00733?? [set above]: i raoapatfuV; [Vat -m^;] Alex. roSw

    eaamcter of Gedaliah and the tragical seem of hfc death, the reader may sss Stanley's Jewiek Bhu~*. t 616 a. m.

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    GKDERITB, THIS

    mtti (FA. r«Sapa :] Gaaerathite*), the Dative of s nam called Gederah, but not of that in the Sktftlak of Judah, for Josaaad the Gederatbite (1 Chr. xii. 4) was one of Saul's own tri'-e — hi* "brethren of Benjamin" (ver. 2). Mo otner U named. U.

    GKDERITB, THE 0"?!!?!? : i TOvplrvt [Vat. -pci-] ; Alex, o Tttup • Gederita), L e. the na- tive of aoiue place named Geder or Gederah. Baal- hanan the Gederite had charge of the olive and ijrcamore graves in the low country (Shtfeljh) for king David (t Chr. xxvii. 28). He possibly be longed to Gki'Krah, a place in this district, the very locality for sycamores. G.

    GEDETIOTH (iTm? = iheep-cottt, but in Chr. with the article: Tttidp, raAqpti; Alex. Ta- tip*e: Gidemth, Godervth), a town in the Shef- tinh or low country of Judah (Josh. it. 41 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 13). It is not named in the tame group with 'JLDKRAH and Gkdkhuthaim in the list in Joshua, but lay apparently a little more to the north with Makkedah. The notice in Chronicles shows, however, that ill the towns of these groups were comparatively close together. G.

    GEDEROTHAIM (DVfYT?=:

    GETJOR CIVT? [o fat] ■• Gedor). 1. (r«»- Sdf, Alex. rtSttp-) A town in the mountainous part of Judah, named with Halhul and Bethzur (losb. xv. 58), and therefore a few miles north of Hebron. Eusebius (Onom. "Gasdur") places it at ten miles south of Diospolis, the modern Ltkkl; but this does not agree with the requirements of the passage. On the other hand, Kobmson (iii. 283) has discovered a Jedir half way between Bsth- lebem and Hebron, about two miles west of the road, which very probably represents the ancient site. The Gaadur of Eusebius is more likely.

    2. [r«o>p; FA. rttSttp.] The town — appar- ently of Benjamin — to which "Jehoram of Ge- dor" belonged, whose sons Joelah and Zebuiiah ■ere among the mighty men, " Saul's brethren of Benjamin,'' who joined David in his difficulties at Zikhtg (1 Chr. xii. 7). The name has the definite

    article to it in this passage HVT^iT^B : of tou r

    3. (Tttoip: [in 1 Chr. viii. 31, Vat. Aovp; in ix. 37, Vat. Sin. USoup.]) A man among the ancestors of Saul; son of Jebiel, the "father of Gibeon " (1 Chr. viii. 31; ix. 37).

    4. The name occurs twice in the genealogies of Judah — 1 Chr. iv. 4, and 18 — (in both shortened

    to "ITS : Ftt&p). In the former passage Penuel is said to be " father of Gedor," while in tb-> latter Jered, son of a certain Ezra by his Jewish wife lA. V. •' Jehudijai "\\ has the same title. Tn the Targum, Jered, Gedor, and other names in this passage, are treated as being titles «i Moses, con- ferred on him by Jehudijah, who is identified with the daughter of Pharaoh.

    ft. Id the records of the tribe of Simeon, in 1 «lr. It. 39, certain chiefs of the tribe an said to tsve gone, in the reign of Ilesekiah, " to the en-

    GBHKNNA 879

    trance of Gedor, unto the east side of the vsaVty " (H?jn), in search of pasture grounds, and to hart expelled thence the Hamites who dwelt there is tents, and the Maonites (A. V. "habitations") Simeon lay in the extreme south of Judah, and therefore this Gedor must be a different place from that noticed above — No. 1. If what is told in ver. 42 was a subsequent incident in the same expedi- tion, then we should look for Gedor between the south of Judah and Mount Seir, t. e. Petra. No place of the name has yet been met with in that direction. The LXX. (both MSS.) read Gerar for Gedor (i«j toS i\\9fiy Tipapa; which agrees well both with the situation and with the mention of the " pasture," and is adopted by Ewald (i. 322. note). The " valley " ( Gni, i. e. raiher the " rav ine"), from the presence of the article, would ap- pear to be some well-known spot; but in our pres- ent limited knowledge of that district, do conjecture can be made as to its locality. It may be noticed that Nachat (== wady), and not Got, is the word elsewhere applied to Gerar. G.

    GEHA'ZI (?*r$ [usually = ^rpj toffee of virion, Ges. ; Fttrst suggests from another ru*, letsener, denier]: TuOl [Vat. Alex. -f«:] Giea), the servant or boy of Elisha. He was sent as the prophet's messenger on two occasions to the good Shunammite (2 K. iv.); obtained fraudulently in Elisha's name money and garments from Naauiau was miraculously smitten with incurable leprosy, and was dismissed from the prophet's service (2 K. v.). Later in the history he is mentioned as being engaged in relating to King Joram all the great things which Elisha had done, when the Shunam- mite whose son Elisha had restored to life appeared before the king, petitioning for her house and land of which she had been dispossessed in her seven years' absence in Philistia (2 K. viii.).

    W. T. R

    GEHEN'NA (r««Wa), the Greek represents,

    live of DbiT"^, Josh. xv. 8, Neh. xi. 30 (rendered by LXX. rcutVya, Josh, xviii. 16; more fully

    nbrnj •% or 'ma? "% 2 k. am. 10, 2

    Chr. xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 8, Jer. xix. 2), the " valley of Hinnom," or " of the son," or " children of H." (A. V.), a deep narrow glen to the S. of Jerusalem, where, after the introduction of the worship of the fire-gods by Ahaz, the idolatrous Jews offered their children to Molech (2 Chr. xxviii. 3; xxxiii 6; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 2-6). In consequence of these abominations the valley was polluted by Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 10); subsequently to which it became the common lay-stall of the city, where the dead bodies of criminals, and the carcases of animals, and every other kind of filth was cast, and, according to late and somewhat questionable authorities, the com- bustible portions consumed with firo. From tht depth and narrowness of the gorge, and, perhaps, its ever-burning fires, as well as from its being the receptacle of all sorts of putrefying matter, and all that defiled the holy city, it became in later times the image of the place of everlasting punishment. " where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched ; " in which the Taliuudists placed the mouth of hell : " There are two palm-trees in tht V. of H., between which a smoke ariseth . . and this is the door of Gehenna." (Talmud, quo- ted by Barclay, City of Grtnl King, p. 90' Light foot. Center. Chorugraph. Matt, praam. U. 200.)

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    OEBENSA

    In this now the word h> used by oar Ha we d Lord, Matt t. 29, 30, x. 28, xxiii. 16, 38; Milk x. 43, 46; Luke xii. 5; and with the addition tov wooit, Matt v. 22, xviii. 9; Mark ix. 47; and by St. James, Hi. 6. [Hell; Hi.n.nom, Valley ok; Tophet.] K. V.

    * There is a remarkable passage in the book of Enoch which deserve* notice here, as perhaps the earliest example in Jewish writings of the represen- tation of Gehenna or the Valley of lliunom as a place of punishment fur the wicked. The valley is not namtd in the passage referred to, but it is so minutely described in connection with Jerusalem and Mount Zion that its identity is unmistakable. After the description, the passage continues thus: —

    "Then I said: ' What means this blessed land which la full of trees, and this accursed valley in the midst '! ' ("ben Uriel, one of the holy angels with me, answered and said: * This accursed valley is for those who shall be accursed to eternity : here must assemble all those who utter with their mouths unseemly sjietvhes a^aihst God, and blaspheme his glory; here they are to be gathered, and this is the place of their punishment. And in the last times will the spectacle be given to the righteous of a just judgment on these for ever and ever ; for which those who have found mercy will praise the Lord of glory, the eternal king.' " (Enoch, c 37, Dill- maun; 26, Laurence.)

    " This," remarks a writer in the NiUvmal Re- new (xviii. 663, 564), " is the earliest expression of the Jewish belief respecting the scene and mode of the Messianic crisis. . . . The Judgment, it is plain, was to take place near Jerusalem : and while the temple hill was to be the citadel of reward to the pious, the punishment of the wicked, in order to be withii: sight [comp. Is. lxvi. 24], would take place in the valley of Iiinnom below. This spot, it is quite evident, is not figuratively referred to, as furnishing merely a name and symbol for the invis- ible penalties of another world, but literally desig- nated as their real topographical seat; precisely as the neighboring heights are taken to be the proper metropolis of the elect, both physical and his- torical causes inclined the Jewish imagination to select this paiticular valley fur the fatal purpose. Stretching towards the volcanic district to the south, t is said to have emitted at times a smoke which ortrayed subterranean fires, and which would re- ceive from the Jew the same penal interpretation that bis Scriptures had already put on the convul- sions of the Asphaltite basin. Ajid as the frequent scene of the rites of Moloch, it was associated with many horrors, and had received the curse of the prophet* (comp. 2 K. xxiii. 10; Jer. vii. 31-33, tix. 5-7, xxxii. 35; Is. xxiv. 15, 23)."

    For a fuller illustration of the subject, see Dill- maun'i note (Dae Buck Henoch, pp. 131, 1-12), and romp. AnocA, cc. xc. 20, 27, liv. 1, 2. Ivi. 3, 4 (or Ixxxix. 34-37, liii. 1, 2, liv. 7, 8, in Ijuireuce's translation). The conception of the writer appears to have been, that at the time of the Messianic judgment the wicked would be gathered in the Valley of Hinnora in the presence of the rurbteous. where the earth would open, as in the case of the fullowers of Korab (Num. xvi. 30). and receive them into the fiery lake beneath. Krom this con- ception of " the accursed valley " as the gate of bJL the transfer of the name Gehenna to the place •f punishment itself (comp. the Latin Avernut) wis easy and natural. Jahnnnatn is the current Arabic name for hell, as tiehinnam is in the Tar-

    OKMABIAH

    gumj and the Talmud (see Buxt- Lex. Tahm. eoi 395, and Lightfoot and Wetatein on Matt. v. 88k See also Jkhoshapiut, Value* or. A

    GELTLOTH (rtW?l [circle, orcWi] Ta\\i\\46; Alex. A-vaAAiAatf, as if the definite artich had been originally prefixed to the Hebrew word ad lumulot), a place named among the marks of the south boundary line of the tribe of Benjaniii (Josh, xviii. 17). The boundary went from Kn- sbemeah towards Gelikith, which was "ova

    against" (1*123) the ascent of Aut'MMlaf. !■ the description of the north boundary of Judah. which wis identical at this part with the south of Benjamin, we find Gilgal substituted for Geliloth with the same specification as " over against "

    (njj) the ascent of Adummim (Josh. xv. 71. The name Geliloth never occurs again in this lo- cality, and it therefore seems probable that Gilgal is the right reading. Many glimpses of the Jor- dan valley are obtained through the hills in the latter part of the descent from Olivet to Jencno, along which the boundary in question appears to have run; and it hi very possible that, from the ascent of Adummim, Gilgal appeared through one of these gaps in the distance, " over against " the spectator, and thus furnished a point by which to indicate the direction of the line at that part.

    But though Geliloth does not again appear in the A. V., it is found in the original bearing a pe- culiar topographical sense. The following extract from the Appendix to Professor Stanley's 8. <* P (1st edit.) § 13, contains all that can be said on the point : " This word is derived from a root

    Vb|, ' to roll ' (Gesen. Thee, p. 287 *.). Of the five times in which it ocean in Scripture, two are in the general sense of boundary or border: Josh, xiii. 2, • All the bordert of the Philistines ' (tput); Joel iii. 4, ' All the coajft of Palestine ' (raAiWa a\\\\o

    It will not be overlooked that the place Geliloth, noticed above, is in the neighborhood of the Jor- dan. G.

    GEMAI/LI OyPJI [camel-owner or cnmeJt- kteptr}: CafiaKi; [Vat. Tafiaf] Cematli), the father of Ammiel, who was the " ruler " (A'tui) of Dan, chosen to represent that tribe among the spiel who explored the land of Canaan (Num. xili. 12).

    GEMAKI'AH (iT^D? [Jehovah ,**r*ittt\\. ra/iopias; [Vat w. 10, 11,' -»«-:]: (jnmanae) 1. Son of Shaphan the scribe, and father of Mi chaiah. He was one of the nobles of Judah, and had a chamber in the bouse of the Lord, froe which (or from a window in which, Prideaux, Mi chaelis) Barueh read Jeremiah's alarming prophecy in the ears of all the people, n. c. 606 (Jer. xxxri [10-12, 85]). Gemariah with the other, print*

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    GESEALOGY

    I the Divine message with terror but witnout * sign of repentanc* though Gemariah joined two others in intreatiug king Jehoiakim to forbear de- stroying the roll which they had taken from Baruch.

    2. Son of Ililkiah, being sent u. c. 697 by king Zedekiah on an embassy to Neliuchadnezzar at Babylon, was made the bearer of Jeremiah's tetter to the captive Jews (Jer. xiix.). W. T. B.

    OEMS. [Stones, Prkciouh.J

    GENEALOGY (rwtaKoyla), literally the act x art of the ytyta\\6yas, •'■ e. of him who treats of birth and family, and reckons descents and gen- erations. Hence by an easy transition it is often (like larofla.) used of the document itself in which such series of generations is set down. In Hebrew

    tho term for a genealogy or pedigree is "^9P

    B?n*rj, and finVvi 155, "the book of the generations; " and because the oldest histories were, usually drawn up on a genealogical basis, the ex- pression often extended to the whole history, as is the cose with the Gospel of St. Matthew, where '• the book of the generation of Jesus Christ " in- cludes the whole history contained in that Gospel. So Gen. ii. 4, " These are the generations of the heavens and of the earth," seems to be the title of the history which follows. Gen. v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 97, xxv. 12, 19, xxxvi. 1, 9, xxxvii. 2, are other examples of the same usage, and these pas- sages seem to mark the existence of separate histo- ries from which the book of Genesis was compiled. Nor is this genealogical form of history peculiar to the Hebrews, or the Semitic races. The earliest Greek histories were also genealogies. Thus the histories of Acusilaus of Argos and of Hecatasut of Miletus were entitled FtptaJurylcu, and the frag- ments remaining of Xanthus, Charon of Lampsacus, and HeUanicus, are strongly tinged with the same genealogical element, 11 which is not lost even in the pages of Herodotus. The frequent use of the pa- tronymic in Greek, the stories of particular races, as Ileraclidee, AlcmtBonidm, Ac., the lists of priests, and kings, and conquerors at the Games, preserved at Elis, Sparta, Ulympia, and elsewhere; the hered- itary monarchies and priesthoods, as of the Bran- chidte, Eumolpide, Ac., in so many cities in Greece and Greek Asia; the division, as old as Homer, into tribes,/ra

    ° r O

    * Jil. Africanus, !n his Ep. to A ittulrx, expres s ly namiNM that the ancient genealogical neotft at Jeru- i taal ndsa those who ware demoded from prom M

    GENEALOGY 88}

    separation of the Israelites from the Gentile worn; the expectation of Messiah as to spring from tax tribe of Judah; the exclusively hereditary priest- hood of Aaron with its dignity and emoluments; the long succession of kings in the line of David ; and the whole division and occupation of the lai.d upon genealogical principles by toe tribes, families, and houses of fathers, gave a deeper importance to the science of genealogy among the Jews than per- haps any other nation. We have already noted the evidence of the existence of family memoirs even before the flood, to which we are probably in- debted for the genealogies in Gen. iv., v. ; and Gen x., xi., Ac., indicate the continuance of the same system in the times between the flood and Abra- ham. But with Jacob, the founder of the nation,

    the system of reckoning by genealogies (tDITJ^in,

    or in the language of Moses, Num. i. 18, Iv^nn)

    was much further developed. In Gen. xxxv. 22-36 we have a formal account of the sons of Jacob, the patriarchs of the nation, repeated in Ex. i. 1-5. In Gen. xlvi. we ha.*, m exact genealogical census of the house of Israel at the time of Jacob's going down to Egypt. The way in which the former part of this census, relating to Reuben and Simeon, is quoted in Ex. vi., where the census of the tribe of Levi is all that was wanted, seems to show that it was transcribed from an existing document. When the Israelites were in the wilderness of Si- nai, in the second month of the second year of the Kxodus, their number was taken by Divine com- mand, " after their families, by the house of their fathers," tribe by tribe, and the number of each tribe is given "by their generations, after their families, by the house of their fathers, according to the number of the names, by their polls," Num. i., iii. This census was repeated 38 years afterwards, and the names of the families added, as we find in Num. xxvi. According to these genealogical divis- ions they pitched their tents, and ra&rched, and offered their gilts and offerings, and chose the spies. According to the same they cast the lots by which the troubler of Israel, Achan, was discovered, as later those by which Saul was called to the throne. Above all, according to these divisions, the whole land of Canaan was parcelled out amongst them. But now of necessity that took place which always has taken place with respect to such genealogical arrangements, namely, that by marriage, or servi- tude, or incorporation as friends and allies, persons not strictly belonging by birth to such or such a family or tribe, were yet reckoned in the census as belonging to them, when they had acquired prop erty within their borders, and were liable to the various services in peace or war which were per formed under the heads of such tribes and fani lies. Nobody supposes that all the Cirnelii, or all the Campbells, sprang from one anc estor, and it is in the teeth of direct evidence from Scripture, as well as of probability, to suppose that the Jewish tribes contained absolutely none but such ss were de scended from the twelve patriarchs. 6 The tribe of Levi was probably the only one which had no ad- mixture of foreign blood. In many of the Script ure genealogies, as e. g. those of Caleb, Josh,

    lytes, and yciwpcu, as well as those who sprang from the patriarchs. The registers In Esra and Nehemtah Include the Nethlnim, and the children of 8o otana'r

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    GENEALOGY

    Began, and the son* of Rephaiah, Ik., in 1 Chr. iu. SI, it is quite clear that birth wa* not the ground of their incorporation into their respective tribes. [Bkciikb; Calkb.] However, birth was, and continued to be throughout their whole na- tional course, the Jimsidntum of all the Jewish organisation, and the reigns of the more active and able kings and rulers were marked by atten- tion to genealogical operations. When David estab- lished the temple services on the footing which con- tinued till the time of Christ, he divided the priests and Invites into courses and companies, each under the family chief. The singers, the porters, the trumpeters, the players on instruments, were all thus genealogically distributed. In the active stir- ring reign of Kehoboam, we have the work of Iddo concerning genealogies (2 Chr. xii. 15). When Hezekiah reopened the temple, and restored the temple services which had Mien into disuse, be reckoned the whole nation by genealogies. This appears from the fact of many of the genealogies in Chronicles terminating in Uezekiah's reign [Az- akiaii, 5], from the expression " So all Israel were reckoned by genealogies " (1 Chr. ix. 1), immedi- ately following genealogies which do so terminate, and from the narrative in 2 Chr. xxxi. 16-19 prov- ing that, as regards the priests and Levites, such a complete census was taken by Hezekiah. It Is in- dicated also in 1 Chr. It. 41. We learn too inci- dentally from i'rov. xxv. that Hezekiah bad a staff of scribes, who would be equally useful in transcrib- ing genealogical registers as in copying out Prov- erbs. So also in the reign of Jotham king of Judah, who among other great works built the higher gate of the house of the Lord (2 K. xv. 35), aiid was an energetic as well as a good king, we find a genealogical reckoning of the Keulienites (1 Chr. v. 17), probably in connection with Jotham's wars against the Ammonites (2 Chr. xxvii. 5). When Zerubbabel brought back the Captivity from Babylon, one of his first cares seems to have been to take a census of those that returned, and to settle them according to their genealogies. The evidence of this is found in 1 Chr. ix., and the duplicate passage Neh. xi. ; in 1 Chr. iii. 19 ; and yet more distinctly in Neb. vii. 5, and xii. In like manner Nehemiah, as an essential part of that na- tional restoration which he labored so zealously to promote, gathered " together the uobles. and the rulers, and the people, that they might be reckoned by genealogy," Neh. vii. 5, xii. 26. The abstract of this census is preserved in Ezra ii. and Neh. vii., and a portion of it in 1 Chr. Ul. 21-24. That this system was continued after their times, as far at least as the priests and Levites were concerned, we learn from Neb. xii. 22; and we have incidental evidence of the continued care of the Jews still later to preserve their genealogies, in such passages of the apocryphal books as 1 Mace ii. 1-5, viii. 17, xiv. 2:), and perhaps Judith viii. 1 ; Tob. i. 1, Ac. Passing on to the time of the birth of Christ, we have a striking incidental proof o f the continuance of the Jewish genealogical economy in the fact that ■vhen Augustus ordered the census of the empire to lie taken, the Jews in the province of Syria immedi- ately went each one to bis own city, •'. e. (as Is (tear from Joseph going to Bethlehem the city of OaridS to **» cil > to which bis tribe, family, and fatlier'a house belonged. So that the return, if eomnleted, doubtless exhibited the form of the old •Misuses taken by the kings of Israel and Judah. Anotha proof is the existence of our Lord's gen-

    GENEALOG*

    ealogy In two forms as given by St Mstlhan mi St. Luke. [Gkmkalooy of Christ.]. The nxat tioo of Zacharias, as " of the course of Abia," o* Elizabeth, as " of the daughters of Aaron," and of Anna the daughter of PhanueL as " of the tribe of Aser," are further indications of the same thing. And this conclusion is expressly confirmed by the testimony of Josephus in the opening of his Lift. There, after deducing his own descent, " not only from that race which is considered the noblest among the Jews, that of the priests, but from the first of the 24 courses " (the course of Jehoiarib) and on the mother's side from the Asmonean so* ereigns, he adds, " I have thus traced my genealogy as I have found it recorded in the public tables ' ■ (eV rats iiifioclait SiXrott iraryrypaitftinfr); and again, Omtr. AjAor 1. § 7, he states that the priests were obliged to verify the descent of their intended wives by reference to the archives kept at Jerusalem; adding that it was the duty of the priests after every war (and be specifies the wan of Antiochus Epiph., Pompey, and Q. Tarns), to make new genealogical tables from the old ones, and to ascertain what women among the priestly families had been made prisoners, as all such were deemed improper to be wives of priests. As a proof of the care of the Jews in such matters he farther mentions that in his day the list of suc cessive high priests preserved in the public records extended through a period of 2000 years. From aU this it is abundantly manifest that the Jewish genealogical records continued to be kept till near the destruction of Jerusalem. Hence we are constrained to disbe- lieve the story told by Afrieanus concerning the destruction of all the .Jewish genealogies by Herod the Great, in order to conceal the ignoUeness of his own origin. His statement is, that op to that time the Hebrew genealogies had been preserved entire, and the different families were traced up either to the patriarchs, or the first proselyte*, or the yaiptu or mixed people. But that on Herod's causing these genealogies to lie burnt, only a few of the more illustrious Jews who had private pedi- grees of their own, or who could supply the lost genealogies from memory, or from the books ot chronicles, were able to retain any account of their own lineage — among whom be says were the Desposyni, or brethren of our Lord, from whom wss said to be derived the scl.eme (given by Afri- eanus) for reconciling the two genealogies of Christ But there can be little doubt that the registers of the Jewish tribes and families perished at the de- struction of Jerusalem, and not before. Some par- tial records may, however, have survived that event, as it is probable, and indeed seems to be implied in Josephus's statement, that at least the priestly families of the dispersion had records of their own genealogy. We learn too from Benjamin of Tudesa, that in his day the princes of the Captivity pro- fessed to trace their descent to Dnvid, and be ab> names others, t. g. K. (.'alonymos, "a descendant of the house of David, as proved by his pedigree.' vol. i. p. 32, and K. FJeazar Ben Tsemach, •• wbe possesses a pedigree of bis descent from the prophe' Samuel, and knows the melodies which were song in the temple during its existence," ib. p. 100, As. He also mentions descendants of the tribes of Dan. Zabulon, and Xaphteli, among the moun'ains of Khasvm, whose prince was of toe tribe f Levi The patriarchs of Jerusalem, so called from tin

    Hebrew /TQ£ tPrh, claimed descent from Hill*

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    G«NKAt.O«Y

    aW Barjytoolan, of whom it it said that a genealogy, bund »t Jerusalem, declared hit descent from David and Ahital. Others, however, traced bis descent from Benjamin, and from. David only through a laughter of Shephatiah" (Wolf, B. II. ir. :>»>). Bat however tradition may nave preserved for a while true genealogies, or imagination and pride have coined fictitious ones, after tbe destruction of Jerusalem, it nay be safely affirmed that tbe Jewish genealogical system then came to an end. Essen- tially connected as it was with the tenure of the land on tbe one hand, and with the peculiar priv- ileges of the houses of David and Levi on the other, it naturally failed when the land was taken away from tbe Jewish race, and when the promise to David was fulfilled, and the priesthood of Aaron superseded by the exaltation of Christ to the right hand of God. Tbe remains of the genealogical t/Mi-U among the later Jews (which might of coarse oe much more fully illustrated from Kabbinical literature) has only been glanced at to show how deeply it had penetrated bito the Jewish national mind." It remains to be said that just notions of tbe nature of the Jewish genealogical records are of great importance with a view to the right inter- pretation of Scripture. Let it only be remembered that these records have respect to political and ter- ritorial divisions, as much as to strictly genealogical descent, and it will at once be seen how erroneous ' a conclusion it may be, that all who are called '• sons " of such or such a patriarch, or chief father, must necessarily be his very children. Just as in the very first division into tribes Manasseh and Ephraini were numbered with their uncles, as if they had been sons instead of grandsons (Gen. xlviii. 5) of Jacob, to afterwards the names of per- sons belonging to different generations would often stand side by side as heads of families or houses, and be called the sons of their common ancestor. For example, Gen. xlvi. 91 contains grandsons as well aa sons of Benjamin [Bklaii], and Ex. vi. 24 probably enumerates the son and grandson of Asan- as beads, with their father, of tbe famines of the Korhltes. And so in innumerable instances. If any one family or house became extinct, some other would succeed to its place, called after its own chief father. Hence of course a census of any tribe drawn up at a later period would exhibit different divisions from one drawn up at an earlier. Compare, e. g., the list of courses of priests in Zerubbabel's time (Net. xii.), with that of those in David's time (1 Chr. xxiv.).c The same principle must be borne in mind 'in interpreting any particular genealogy. The sequence of generations may represent the suc- cession to such or such an inheritance or headship of tribe or family, rather than the relationship of father and son.*' Again, where a pedigree was abbreviated, it would naturally specify such genera- tions as would indicate from what chief houses the

    OaSKKALOOY

    838

    « Some further Information on these modern Jewtah genealog'aa Is given in a note to p. 82 of Asber's &nj. •/" Tudria, vol. U. p. 6.

    e Thus in the Targom of Either we have Hainan'* tedlgree traced through 21 generations to tbe " Impious dsau ; " and Mordecai'a through 42 generations to abraharo- The writer makes 88 generations from tbmban. to King Saul !

    c The Jews say that only 4 courses came >wck with ueiabbabel, ana that tbey were subdlvlaed into 24, taring tbe rights of such oourses as should return ton captivity. See Selden, Opp. V. i. t. i. p. X.

    -* " The term ' son of ' appears to have been used

    person descended. In cues where a ratine was common the father's name would be added for di» Unction only. These reasons would be well under stood at the time, though it may be difficult no* to ascertain them positively. Thus in the pedigret of Ezra (Kzr. vii. 1-6), it would seem that lwth Seraah and Axariah were beads of bouses (Neb. x. 2); they are both therefore named. Hilkiab is named as having been high-priest, and bis identity is established by the addition "the son of Shallum" (I Chr. vi. 18); the next named is Zaiok, the priest in David's time, who was chief of the 16 courses, sprang from Eleazar, and then follows a complete pedigree from this Zadok to Aaron. But then as regards the chronological use of the Script- ure genealogies, it follows from the above view that great caution U necessary in using them as meas- ures of time, though they are invaluable for this purpose whenever we can be sure that they are complete. What seems necessary to make them trustworthy measures of time is, either that they should have special internal marks of being com- plete, such as where tbe mother as well as the father is named, or some historical circumstance defines tbe several relationships, or, that there should be several genealogies, all giving the same number of generations within the same termini. When these conditions are found it is difficult to overrate tbe value of genealogies for chronology. In determining however the relation of generations to time, some allowance must be made for the station in life of tbe parsons in question. From the early marriages of the princes, the average of even 30 years to a generation will probably be found too long for the kings.'

    Another feature in the Scripture genealogies which it is worth while to notice is the recurrence of the tame name, or modifications of the same name, such is Tobias, ToUt, Nathan, Mattatha, and even of names of the same signification, in the same family. This it an indication of the careful liens with which the Jews kept their pedigrees (as otherwise tbey could not have known tbe names of their remote aucestors); it also gives a clew b« which to judge of obscure or doubtful genealogies.

    The Jewish genealogies have two forms, one giving the generations in a descending, the other in an ascending scale. Examples of the descend- ing form may be seen in Ruth ir. 18-22, or 1 Chr. iii. Of tbe ascending, 1 Chr. vi. 33-43 (A. V.)i Ear. vii. 1-6. The descending form is exp r es sed by the formula A begat B, and B begat C, am., or, the tons of A, B hit ton, C hit ton,

    throughout tbe nut in those days, as V. still Is, to denote connection generally, either by dap-rut or so* cession '* (bayard's JVm. f Bat. p. 818). Tne observa- tion Is to explain the Inscription " Jehu the son ot Omrl."

    * Mr. J. W. Bosanqnet, in a paper read before the " Chrooolog. InstiL," endeavors to show that a gen- eration in Scripture language — 40 yean ; and that SI Matthew's three dJ H «tona of 14 generations, conse- quently, equal each 660 years; a calculittcn wblcb suite hie chronological aeheme exactly, by placing tha Captivity n the year t. o. 688.

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    084 GENEALOGY

    10 enumerate the heirs of the pertoa at the bead •f the item ; and if direct belli (ailed at an; point, collateral one> would have to be inserted. In all am, too, where the original document waa pre- served, when the direct line failed, the heir would naturally place his own name next to hia immediate predeceaaor, though that predecessor waa not hia father, but only hia kinsman. Whereas in the ascending scale there can be no failure in the nature of things. But neither form is in itself more or Ins fit than the other to express either proper or imputed filiation.

    Kennies are named in genealogies when there is any thing remarkable about them, or when any right or property is transmitted through them. See Gen. xi. 89, zxil. 23, xxv. 1-4, xxxv. 23-86; Ex. vi. 83; Num. xxvi 33; 1 Chr. ii. 4, 10, 50, 36, ox*

    The genealogical lists of names are peculiarly liable to corruptions of the text, and there are many such hi the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Ac. Jerome speaks of these corruptions having risen to a fearful height in the LXX. : " Sylvan, nominum qua) scriptorum vitio confuaa sunt." " Ita in Grrec. et Lat. Codd. bio nominum liber vitioaua est, ut non tam Hebnea quam barbara quedsm et Sarmatica nomina conjecta arbitrandum sit" " Sa?pe tria nomina, subtractia e medio syllable, in unum vo- cabulum coguut, vel . . . unum nomen ... in duo vel tria vocabula dividunt " (PraifaL in Para- hip.). In like manner the lists of high-priests in Josephus are so corrupt that the names are scarcely recognizable. This must be borne in mind in deal- ing with the genealogies.

    The Bible genealogies give an unbroken descent of the house of David from the creation to the time of Christ The registers at Jerusalem must have supplied the same to the priestly and many other families. They also inform us of the origin of most of the nations of the earth, and carry the genealogy of the Edomitish sovereigns down to about the time of Saul. Viewed as a whole, it is a genealogical collection of surpassing interest and accuracy. (Rawlinaon'a Herod, vol. i. ch. 2; Bur- riugton's GeneaL Tab.; Seidell's Works, passim; Brm. of Twltla'i Itm., by A. Asher.)

    A. C. H.

    * The late Prof. Auberlen has some thoughts on this subject of the " genealogies," particularly those in the book of Genesis, of which it may be well to remind the reader. He calls attention especially to the uses of such registers among the Hebrews, in whose minds it was so important to keep alive a aonsciousness of their mission aa a national family, set apart for peculiar religious purposes. Such register* are "without doubt the oldest medium through which history was handed down among men. . . . Those in the first eleven chapters of Genesis are perhaps the most ancient examples, •irst of an oral, and then of a written tradition, that there are on earth. . . . They furnish the casting or framewora of history, in the names and num- bers of which they largely consist; but such data, it ia to be remarked, are to the Oriental living things; they are to him aa a gallery of family ictures, with which an ever fresh remembrance and oral tradition may connect many particulars which arc not recorded. Of the transmission of rocb accessory facts, we have a remarkable instance in Gen. v. 21-24. The ease of the Table of Na- .lutM. so called, in the tenth chapter of Genesis, I now readily the genealogical register expand.)

    GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHJilST

    itself to historiography, genealogy to ethnograjph) and ethnography to history (see Acts xvii. 24) This Table contains notices of the gemiinant or- ganization of states and kingdoms with which his- tory in its narrower sense begins." It is remarked as disclosing the msin object sud interest of " the genealogies," that they attach themselves almost exclu-dvelv to the line of descent from Adam, which contains the progenitors of the chosen race, of which in the fullness of time Christ waa to be bom, while as to Cain a few names only are mentioned, and soon the succession in that line ia broken off altogether. Thus in Gen. xi. 10, the Messianio genealogy becomes distinct from the general or human genealogy ; or, in other words, the human genealogy derives its importance from the Messianic. The significance of these registers, it is maintai led, ia to be mainly found in the recognition of this Messianic element which pervades them. See tie full discussion in Auberlen's Gdtiiiche Offenbaruuj : tin apohgetuther Vtrtach, pp. 123-131 (trans, in the BibL Sacra, 1868, pp. 395-405). H.

    GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHRIST. The New Testament gives us the genealogy of but one person, that of our Saviour. The priesthood of Aaron having ceased, the possession of the land of Canaan being transferred to the Gentiles, there being under the N. T. dispensation no difference between circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian * and Scythian, bond and free, there is but One whose genealogy it concerns us as Christiana to be acquainted with, that of our Lord Jesus Christ. Him the prophets announced as the seed of Abra- ham and the son of David, and the angel declare! that to him should be given the throne t f his father David, that he might reign over the house of Jacob for ever. His descent from David and Abraham being therefore an essential part of his Messiahship, it was right that his genealogy should be given aj a portion of Gospel truth. Considering, further, that to the Jews first he was manifested and preached, and that his descent from David and Abraham was a matter of special interest to them, it seems likely that the proof of his descent would be one especially adapted to convince them; - other words that it would be drawn from document* which they deemed authentic. Such were the ge- nealogical records preserved at Jerusalem. [Gkkk alocy.] And when to the above considerations we add the fact that the lineage of Joseph waa actually made out from authentic records for the purpose of the civil census ordered by Augustus, it becomes morally certain that the genealogy of Jesus Christ waa extracted from the public registers. Another consideration adds yet further conviction. It has often excited surprise that the genealogies of Christ should both give the descent of Joseph, and not Mary. But if these genealogies were those con- tained in the public registers, it could not be other- wise. In them Jesus, the son of Mary, the es- poused wife of Joseph, could only appear as Joseph's son (romp. John i. 45). In transferring them to the pages of the Gospels, the evangelists only added the qualifying expression " ss waa supposed " (Luks iii. 2=1, and its equivalent, Mntt. i. 16).

    Hut now to approach the lifficulties with whiek the genealogies of Christ are thought to be beset Them difficulties have seemed so considerable in al ages as to drive commentators to very strange shifts. Some, as early as the second century, broached tat nition, which Julius Africanus vigorously repod.

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    GENEALOGY OF JESUa Uauil

    385

    •is, that the genealogies are imaginary lists de- ligrvM only to set forth the union of royal and priestly descent in Christ. Others, on the contrary, to silence this and similar solutions, brought in a " Deus ex machina," in the shape of a tradition derived from the Desposyni, in which by an ingen- ious application of the law of Lerirate to uterine brothers, whose mother had married first, into the house of Solomon, and afterwards into the house of Nathan, some of the discrepancies were recon- ciled, though the meeting of the two genealogies in Ztrubbabel and Salathiel is wholly unaccounted for. Later, and chiefly among l'rotestant divines, the theory was invented of one genealogy being Joseph's and the other Mary's, a theory in direct contradiction to the plain letter -if the Scripture narrative, and leaving untouched as many diffi- culties as it solves. The fertile invention of An- nius of Viterbo forged a book in Pbilo's name, which accounted ibr the discrepancies by asserting that all Christ's ancestors, from David downwards, had two names, lite circumstance, however, of one line running up to Solomon, and the other to Nathan, was overlooked. Other fanciful sugges- tions have been offered ; while infidels, from I'or- phyry downward*, have seen in what they call the contradiction of .Matthew and Luke a proof of the •puriousness of the Gospels: and critics like Pro- fessor Norton, a proof of such portions of Scripture being interpolated. Others, tike Alford, content tlietnselve* with saying that solution is impossible, without further knowledge than we possess. But it is not too much to say that after all, in regard to the main points, there is no difficulty at all, if only the documents in question are dealt with rea- aunably, and after the analogy of similar Jewish documents in the O. T. — and that the clews to a right understanding of them are so patent, and so strongly marked, that it is surprising that so much diversity of opinion should have existed. The fol- lowing propositions will explain the true construc- tion of these genealogies : —

    1. They are both the genealogies of Joseph, i. e. of Jesus Christ, as the reputed and legal son of loseph and Mary. One has only to read them to oe satisfied of this. The notices of Joseph as being of the bouse of David, by the same evangelists who give the pedigree, are an additional confirmation (Matt. i. 80; Luke i. 27, ii. 4, Ac.), and if these pedigrees were extracted from the public archives, they must have been Joseph's.

    2. Hie genealogy of St Matthew is, as Grotius most truly and unhesitatingly asserted, Joseph's genealogy as legal successor to the throne of David, *■ e. it exhibits the successive heirs of the kingdom ending with Christ, as Joseph's reputed son. St. Luke's is Joseph's private genealogy, exhibiting his real birth, as David's son, and thus showing why he was heir to Solomon's crown. This is capable of being almost demonstrated. If St. Matthew's Etmealogy had stood alone, and we had no further Information on this subject than it affords, we might indeed have thought that it was a genealogical steiu in the strictest sense of the word, exhibiting Jo- seph's forefathers in succession, from David down- wards. But immediately we find a second genealogy of Joseph — that in St. Luke's Gospel— inch is no Innger a reasonable opinion. Because if St. Mat- thew's geiiealogy, tracing as it does the successive fenerations through the long line of Jewish kings, lad been Joseph's real paternal stem, there could lot possibly have been room for a seoond genealogy.

    The steps of ancestry coinciding with the step* of succession, oi:e pedigree only could in the nature cf things be proper, ITie mere existence, therefore, o. a second pedigree, tracing Joseph's ancestry througl private persons, by the side of one tracing it through kings, is in itself a proof that the latter is not the true stem of birth. When, with this clew, we examine St. Matthew's list, to discover whether it contains in itself any evidence as to when the lineal descent was broken, we fix at once upon Jechonias, who could not, we know, be literally the father of Salathiel, because the word of God by the mouth of Jeremiah had pronounced him cMUlttt, and declared that none of his seed should sit upon the throne of David, or rule iu Judah (Jer. xxii. 30). The same thing had been declared concerning hi* father Jehoiakim in Jer. xxxvi. 30. Jechonias, therefore, could not be the father of Salathiel, nor could Christ spring either from him or his father. Here then we have the most striking confirmation of the justice of the inference drawn from finding a second genealogy, namely, that St. Matthew gives the succession, not the strict birth ; and we con- clude that the names after the childless Jechonias are those of his next heirs, as also in 1 Chr. iii. 17. One more look at the two genealogies convinces us that this conclusion is just; for we find that the two next names following Jechonias, Salathiel and Xoroliabel, are actually taken from the other gene- alogy, which teaches us that Salathiel's real father was Neri, of the house of Nathan. It becomes, therefore, perfectly certain that Salathiel of the bouse of Nathan became heir to David's throne on the failure of Solomon's line in Jechonias, and that as such he aud his descendants were transferred as " sons of Jeconiah " to the royal genealogical table, according to the principle of the Jewish law laid down Num. xxvii. 8-11. The two genealogies then coincide for two, or rather for four generations, as will be shown below. There then occur six names in St. Matthew, which are not found in St. Luke; aud then once more the two genealogies co- incide in the name of Matthan or Matthat (Matt i. 15; Luke iii. 2-4), to whom two different sons, Jacob and Heli, are assigned, but one and the same grandson and heir Joseph, the husband of Mary, and the reputed father of Jesus, who is called Christ. The simple and obvious explanation o! this is, on the same principle as before, that Joseph was descended from Joseph, a younger son of Abiuil (the Juda of Luke iii. 26), but that ou the failure of the line of Abiud's eldest son in Eleazar, Jo- seph's grandfather Matthan became the heir; that Matthan had two sons, Jacob and Heli ; that Jacob bad no son, and consequently that Joseph, the soi. of his younger brother Heli, became heir to his uncle, and to the throne of David. Thus thi simple principle that one evangelist exhibits that genealogy which contained the rnccessive heirs to David's and Solomon's throne, while the othet exhibits the paternal stem of him who waa the heir, explains all the anomalies of the two pedigrees, their agreements as well as their discrepancies, anr the circumstance of there being two at all. II must be added that not only does this theory ex- plain all the phenomena, but that that portion of it which asserts that Luke gives Joseph's paternal stem receives a most remarkable confirmation from the names which compose that stem. For if ajt begin with Nathan, we find that his son, Mattatha, and four others, of whom the last was grandfather to Joseph, had names which are merely modlfiea-

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    GENEALOGY OF JESUS CUBIST

    liooa jf Nathan (Hatthat twice, and Mattathias twice); or, if we begin with Joeepb, we shall find uo lea than three of hij name between him and Nathan: an evidence, of the moat convincing kind, that Joseph was lineally descended from Nathan in die waj St. Luke represents him to be (eomp. Zech. xii. 13).

    3. Mar;, the mother of Jesus, was in all prob- ability the daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to Joseph her husband." So that in point of fact, though uot of form, both the genealogies are as much hers as her husband's.

    But besides these main difliculties, as the; have been thought to be, there are several others which sannot be passed over in any account, however eon- use, of the genealogies of Christ The most start- ling is the total discrepancy between them both and that of Zerubbabel in the O. T. (1 Chr. Ui. 10-04). In this last, of seven sons of Zerubbabel not one bears the name, or any thing like the name, of Khesa or Abhid. And of the next generation not one bears the name, or any thing like the name, of FJiakim or Joanna, which are in the corresponding generation in Matthew and Uike. Nor can any iubaequent generations be identified. But this difference will be entirely got rid of, and a remark- able harmony established in its place, if we suppose Rhea*, who is named in St. I.uke's Gospel as Zerub- babel's son, to have slipped into tbe text from the margin. Rhatt is in fact not a name at all, but it is tbe Chaldee title of the princes of the Captivity, who at tbe end of the second, and through the third century after Christ, rose to great eminence in the East, assumed the state of sovereigns, and were considered to be of the house of David. (See preceding article, p. 882 A.) These princes then were exactly what Zerubbabel was in his day. It

    is very probable, therefore, that this title, Nyi! Hliem, should have been placed against the came of Zerubbabel by some early Christian Jew, and thence crept into the text. If this be «, St. Luke will then give Joanna, 'laxwrat, as the «on of Zerubbabel. But 'luavvas is the very same nar.ie

    ss Hnnaniah, n^53CT- the son of Zerubbabel ac- cording to 1 Chr. "iil. 19 [Hahaniah.] In St. Matthew this generation is omitted. In the next generation we identify Matthew's Ab-jud (Abiud),

    "BITPa^, with Luke's Juda, in the Hebrew of that day TBT (Jud), and both with Hodaiah, WTJYTin, of 1 Chr. iii. 34 (a name which is act- ually interchanged with Juda, fTJ'wT'J, Ear. iii. 9; Neh. xi. 9, compared with Ear. u. 40*; 1 Chr. ix. 7), by the simple process of supposing tbe Shemaiah,

    ITT&tp, of 1 Chr. Iii. 22 to be the same person

    as the Sbimei, '^'QB?, of ver. 19: thus at the same time cutting off all those redundant genera- tions which bring this genealogy in 1 Chr. iii. do»n sonu 200 years later than any other in the book, and long after the close of the canon.

    Ihe next difficulty is the difference in the num- her of generations between tbe two genealogies. St. Matthew's division into three fourteens gives m.} 42, while St. Luke, from Abraham to Christ

    « Mpporjrtns of Thebes, In the 10th century, a*. »rari that Mary was granddaughter of Matthan, but

    inclusive, reckons 66, or, which is .note ti the point (since the generations between Alraham and Datja are the same in both genealogies), while St. Mat tbew reckons 38 from David to Christ, St. l.ulu reckons 43, or 42 without Khesa. But the gene- alogy itself supplies the explanation. In tbe sec ond tessarodecad, including the kings, we know that three generations are omitted — Ahanah, Jo- ash, Amaziah — in order to reduce the generations from 17 to 14: the difference between then 17 and the 19 of St. Luke being very small. So in like manner it is obvious that the generations have been abridged in the same way in the third division to keep to the number 14. Tbe true number would be one much nearer St Luke's 23 (22 without Khesa), implying the omission of about seven gen- erations in this last division. Dr. Mill has shown that it was a common practice with the Jews to distribute genealogies into divisions, each contain- ing some favorite or mystical number, and that, in order to do this, generations were either repeated or left out. Thus in Philo the generations from Adam to Moses are divided into two decads and one hebdomad, by the repetition of Abraham. But in a Samaritan poem the very same aeries is divided into two decads only, by the omission of six of the least important names ( VnuSentim, pp. 110-118).

    Another difficulty is the apparent deficiency in the number of the last tessarodecad, which seems to contain only 13 names. But the explanation of this is, that either in the process of translation, or otherwise, the names of Jeboiakim and Jehoiacbin have got confused and expressed by the one name Jecbonias. For that Jechonias, in ver. 11, means Jeboiakim, while in ver. 12 it means Jehoiachin, n quite certain, as Jerome saw long ago. JehoiachiD had no brothers, but Jeboiakim had three brother*, of whom two at least sat upon the throne, if not three,'' and were therefore named in the genealogy The two names are very commonly considered at the same, both by Greek and I^ttin writers, e . ;/. Clemens Alex., Ambrose, Africanus, Epiphanhw, as well as the author of 1 Eadr. (i. 37, 43), and others. Irenaeus also distinctly asserts that Jo- seph's genealogy, as given by St Matthew, expresses both Joiakim and Jechonias. It seems that this identity of name has led to some corruption in Ihe text of very early date, and that the clause *I*xo- rf« ti iyirtrrtat rhr 'U%oria» has fallen out between airrov and trl rfjs iter- Bafi-, in ver. 11. The Cod. Vat. B contains the clause only after Ba&vkaros in ver. 12, where it seems less propes (see Alford's Creek TetL).

    The last difficulty of sufficient importance to bs mentioned here is a chronological one. tn both the genealogies there are but three names between Salmon and David — Boaz, Obed, Jesse. But, according to the common chronology, from tht entrance into Canaan (when Salmon was come to man's estate) to the birth of David was 405 years, or from that to 600 years and upwards. Now for about an equal period, from Solomon to Jehoiachin St I dike's genealogy contains 20 names. Obvi- ously, therefore, either the chronology or the gene- alogy is wrong. But it cannot be the genealogy (which is repeated four times over without any vari ation), because it is supported by eiykt other gen»

    by her mother (Parrlttus, Dismt. tx. ire.. IV »*■« J $. Oiriui).

    t> See Jar. xxH. 11.

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    GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHRIST

    387

    atosji** « which mil contain about the avne nnmbgr jf a-anerations from the Patriarchs to David aa David's own line does: except that, u waa to be •expected from Jodah, Boas, and Jesse being all advanced in years at the time of the birth of their torn, David'a line U one of the shortest. Hie number of generationa in the genealogies referred to ia 14 in five, 15 in two, and 11 in one, to corre- tpond with the 11 in David'a line. There are other genealogies where the aeriea is not complete, but r.ot one which contains mora generations. It is the province therefore of Chronology to square its calculations to the genealogies. It must suffice here to assert that the shortening the interval be- tween the Exodus and David bj about 200 years, which brings it to the length indicated by the gene- alogies, does in the most remarkable manner bring Israelitish history into harmony with Egyptian, arith the traditional Jewish date of the Kxodut, with the fragment of Edomitish history preserved in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, and with the internal evi- dence of the Israelitish history itself. The follow- ing pedigree will exhibit the successive generations is given by the two Evangelists : —

    Adein I

    I Saraeh (Strug)

    I Nxhor

    Enoe |

    I TW»(T«mh) Colusa

    ht-Jeleel

    m.lmt*.

    to Mult. mdLntrn.

    I

    JwUh I

    Nosh J

    Arshued

    Exrom

    AnundUm)

    Amlaedsb I

    *-.

    U.k.

    FholM (Pslef)

    Bacau(Baa)

    Selmona-Bach*: Boo »- Bath Obld

    >»Tld-A*thihebt

    JTSSlt*

    Solomon

    Roboaun

    Nathan

    JoaWphftt

    Jmrnm (Ahaiiah,

    OlLtf

    Joatham

    I

    achas

    Esellaa

    i

    ieebonlM (C «. J«-

    hotaklra) and hli brother. (•. e. Je- hoaha*, Zedeklab . and Shall nm)

    Mela*

    EUaVio.

    •Toojui

    «loMph

    Juda fllnwon

    Jv,

    Matthal

    Jorim SU«Mr

    • Tbtas of Zsdok, He-nao Ahluioth, Asaph, sXian, :n 1 One. vi. ; tost of Abiatbar. suds up from dtf- e-mt doHcw of his aoeiston in 1 8am. : that of Saul,

    Jechonla* «. «. Js- hotaeun), shlld-

    r

    IBMOM

    UtalL mdlMU) I

    . Bslsthlel

    Zorobebel (Um Prlacs or Bans)

    Joanna (Henanlah, In 1 Chr. til. a) omitted bj Matthew, i. IS)

    Tads, or Ab-lad (Hodiiah. 1U.H)

    111.

    EUsLun As, Bsdoe

    ACBlSB

    Eu'od I

    flemei J.

    Nun Amos Mituthlu JoMph Jsnna Melekl Levi

    JfcrJ. Htoaslrwsa

    Mstthin

    or Matthat

    iwob lleU

    I (Mull, mil Lute.) |

    Star/ — Jacob** heir wse Joeeph

    Jaatra, celled Christ.

    Thus it will be seen that the whole nunilwr ol generations from Adam to Christ, both inclusive, ia 74, without the second Cainan and Kheaa. In- cluding these two, and adding the name of Goi>, Augustine reckoned 77, and thought the number typical of the forgiveness of all sine in baptism by Him who was thus born in the 77th generation, alluding to Matt, xviii. 22; with many otLer won- derful speculations on the hidden meaning of the numbers 3, 4, 7, 10, 11, and their additions and multiplications (Quest. Kmng.,] ii.e. 6). Iremvnt, who probably, like Africanus and Eusebius, omitted Matthat and l^evi, teckoned 72 generations, which he connected with the 72 nations, into which, ac- cording to Gen. x. (LXX.), mankind was divided, and so other fathers likewise.

    For an account of the different explanations that have been given, both by ancient and modern com- mentators, the reader may refer to the elaborate Dissertation ot Patritius in his 2d vij. Dt Jivim- yeliie ; who, however, does not contribute much to elucidate the difficulties of the case. The opinions advanced in the foregoing article are fully discussed in the writer's work on the Utntalogia <>f oir h>rd Jam Chritt ; and much valuable matter will be found in T>. Mitts' Vindication of the Gene

    from 1 Chr. rill., ix . and 1 9am. Ix. sad taat a in 1 Chr. ii.

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    GENERATION

    GENERATION. 1. Abstract — Tim.,eltber Mlnite or indefinite. The primary meaning of the

    Heb. ^1"T is revolution; faenoe period of time: comp. rtplotot, 4ruwrit, and annut. From (he reneral idea of a period comes the more special notion of an age or generation of men, the ordi- nary period of human life. In this point of view the history of the word seems to be directly con- trasted with that of the Lat. seculum; which, starting with the idea of breed, or race, acquired the secondary signification of a definite period of time (Ceiuorin. de Die Nat. c 17).

    In the long-lived Patriarchal age a generation seems to have been computed at 100 years (Gen. zv. 16;' comp. 13, and Ex. xil. 40); the later reckoning, however, was the same which has been adopted by other civilized nations, namely, from thirty to forty years (Job xlii. 16). For genera- tion in the sense of a definite period of time, see Gen. xv. 16; Deut. xxiii. 3, 4, 8, &c.

    As an indefinite period of time: for time post see Deut. xxxii. 7; Is. lviii. 12; for time future see Ps. xlv. 17, Ixxii. B, Ac.

    2. Concrete — The men of an age, or time. So generation = cvntemporariei (Gen. vi. 9; Is. liii. 8; see I-owth ad toe.; Ges. Lex.; better than '•Kterna generatio," or "multitudo creditura"); posterilg, especially in legal formula) (Lev. iii. 17, *c.): fathers, at ancestors (Ps. xlix. 19; Rosenm. £chol. ad loc. ; comp. 2 Chr. xxxiv. 28). Dropping the idea of time, generation comes to mean a race, or cinu of men ; t. g. of the righteous (Ps. xiv. 6, ice.): of the wicked (Dent, xxxii. fi; Jer. rii. 29, where "generation of his wrath " = against which God is angry).

    In A. V. of N. Test three words are rendered by generation : —

    (1.) rivto-it, properly generatio; but in Matt.

    i. 1 $l0\\os y«Wo-M»=3 JTnVvi "l5P=a ge- nealogical scheme. (2.) iVrvTJfWTa, pi of yivrqua. Matt. iii. 7, Ac., A. V. generation ; more properly brood [of vipers], as the result of generation in its primary sense (3.) Tmi in most of its uses

    corresponds with the Heb. *WT [see above].

    For the abstract and indefinite, see Luke i. 50; Eph. iii. 21 (A V. "ages"), future: Act* xv. 21 (A. V. "of old time"), F.ph. iii. 5 (A. V. "ages"), past. For concrete, see Matt. xi. 16.

    For generation without reference to time, see Luke xvi. 8, "in their generation " [A. V.], i. e. in their disposition, "indoles, ingenium, et ratio homi- num," « (Schleusn.): in Matt. i. 17, "all the gen- erations;" either concrete use, sc. "famUue abi invicem succedentes; " or abstract and definite, ac- cording to the view which may be taken of the difficulties connected with the genealogies of our Ijord. [Genealogy.] T. E. B.

    • GENERATION or GENERATIONS,

    is the translation of fllT/Vl or ytrtait, has these secondary meanings in the A. V. : first, a gen- ealogical register (as Gen. v. 1); second, a family aistory (Gen. vi. 9, xxv. 19, etc.), since early his- tory among the Orientals is drawn so much from

    ■> • Meyer (in let.) takes the Greek expression as (Mining " In respect to their own nice," i. «. their Uodredshlp In a morel sense. The worldly In their isaliiigs with each other are wiser In worldly things Jus tin children of Iteht Id spiritual thins*. B.

    GENESIS

    geoealogical registers; and third, a history at* tfcs origin of things as well as persons, e. g. of th» earth (Gen. ii. 4). H.

    GENE8ARETH. In this form the nami appears in the edition of the A. V. of 1611, ia Mark vi. 63 and Luke v. 1, following the spelling of the Vulgate. In Matt, xii . 34, where the Vulg. has Oenesnr, the A. V. originally followed the Re- ceived Greek Text — Genesaret. The oldest MSS have, however, rWncapeV in each of the three places. [Gknnesarbt!]

    GEN'ESIS OTttfta? : Tinea: Gtnem;

    called also by the later Jews ITT^ ItyQ), the first book ef the Law or Pentateuch.

    A. The book of Genesis has an interest and an importance to which no other document of antiquity can pretend. If not absolutely the oldest book in the world, it Is the oldest which lays any claim to being a trustworthy history. There may be some papyrus-rolls in our Museums which were written in Egypt about the same time that the genealogies of the Semitic race were so carefully collected in the tents of the Patriarchs. But these rolls at best contain barren registers of little service to the historian. It is said that there are fragments of Chinese literature which in their present form date back as tar as 2200 years b. c, and even more.' But they are either calendars containing astronom- ical calculations, or records of merely local or tem- porary interest. Genesis, on the contrary, is rich in details respecting other races besides the race to which it more immediately belongs. And the Jewish pedigrees there so studiously preserved are but the scaffolding whereon is reared a temple of universal history.

    If the religious books of other nations make any pretensions to vie with it in antiquity, in all other respects they are immeasurably inferior. The Man* tras, tbe oldest portions of the Vedas, are, it would seem, as old ss the fourteenth century u. c. c The Zendavesta, in the opinion of competent scholars, is of very much more modern date. Of tbe Chi- nese sacred books, tbe oldest, the Yih-king, is un- doubtedly of a venerable antiquity, but it is not certain that it was a religious book at all; while the writings attributed to Confucius are certainlv not earlier than the sixth century n. c. d

    But Genesis is neither like the Vedas, a coDse tion of hymns more or less sublime; nor Eke the Zendavesta, a philosophic speculation on the origin of all things, nor like tbe Yih-king, an unintel- ligible jumble whose expositors could twist it from a cosmological essay into a standard treatise on ethical philosophy.* It is a history, and it is a religious history. Tbe earlier portion of the book, so far as the end of the eleventh chapter, may be property termed a history of the world ; the latter is a history of the fathers of the Jewish race. But from first to last it is a religious history: it begins with the creation of the world and of man; it tell" of tbe early happiness of a Paradise in which God spake with man : of the first sin and its conse- quences: of the promise of Redemption; of the gigantic growth of sin, and tbe judgment of the Flood ; of a new earth, and a new covenant witt

    » Qfrorer, OrgesckUku, I. s. 215. c SeeColebrooke, Asial. Hit. vIL 283, sod I Wilson's preface to his tnnslattau of the Hip rnta

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    GENESIS

    ngeableness typified by the oo« ir the heavens; of the dispersion of the humau race mt the world. And then it panes to the »tory ;f Kedeinption; to the promise given to Abraham, and renewed to Isaac and to Jacob, and to all that chain of circumstances which paved the way for the great symbolic act :' Redemption, when with a mighty hand and a stretched ont arm Jehovah brought his people out of Egypt.

    It Is very important to bear in mind this relig- ious aspect of the history if we would put our- selves in a position rightly to understand it. Of course the facta must be treated like any other his- torical (acta, sifted in the same way, and subjected to the same laws of evidence. But if we would judge oi the work as a whole we must not forget the evident aim of the writer. It is only in this way we can understand, for instance, why the his- tory of the Fall is given with so much minuteness of detail, whereas of whole generations of men we have nothing but a bare catalogue. And only in this way can we account for the fact that by far the greater portion of the book is occupied not with the fortune* of nations, but with the biographies of the three patriarchs. For it was to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob that God revealed himself. It was to them that the promise was given, which was to be the hope of Israel till " the fullness of the time " should come. And hence to these wander- ing sheikhs attaches a grandeur and an interest .neater than that of the iiabels and Nimrcds of the world. The minutcxt circumstances of their lives are worthier to be chronicled than the rise and fall of empires. And this not merely from the patriotic feeling of the writer as a Jew, but from his religious feeling as one of the chosen race. He lived in the land given to the fathers; he looked for the seed promised to the fathers, in whom himself and all the families of the earth should be blessed.

    It. Unity ami Design. — That a distinct plan and method characterize the work is now generally .admitted. This is acknowledged in fact quite as much by those who contend for, as by those who ■leuy the existence of different documents in the look. Ewald and Tuch are no less decided advo- cates of the unity of Genesis, so far as its plan is oncerned. than Itanke or Hetigstenberg. Ewald it deed (in bis Cwnpotilitm

    What, then, is the plan of the writer? First. ice must bear in mind that Genesis is after all but » portion of a larger work. The five books of the Pentateuch form a consecutive whole: they are not merely a collection of ancient fragments loosely strung together, but, as we shall prove elsewhere, a well^iigested and connected composition. [Pen- tateuch.]

    The great subject of this history is the establish- ment of the Theocracy. Its central point is the gl zing of the \\aw on Sinai, and the solemn cov- enant there ratified, whereby the Jewish nation was constituted " a kingdom of priests and a holy na- tion to Jehovah." With reference to this great Mntral fact all the rest of the nanative is grouoed.

    Israel is the people of God. God rules ii the midst of them, having chosen them to himself. But a nation must have laws, therefore He cives hem a law; and, in virtue of their peculiar rela- ibuship to God, this body of laws is both religious lad political, defining their duty to God as well as Mr duty to their neighbor. Further, a nation

    6KNB81S

    88S

    must have a land, and the promise of tin hut mi the preparation for its possession are all along kept in view.

    The book of Genesis then (with the first chap- ters of Exodus) describes the steps which led to the establishment of the Theocracy. In reading it we must remember that it is but a part of a more ex tended work ; and we must also bear in mind these two prominent ideas, which give a characteristic unity to the whole composition, namely, the people *- of God. and the promised land.

    We shall then observe that the history of A bra ham holds the same relation to the other portions of Genesis, which the giving of the Law does to. the entire Pentateuch. Abraham is the father of the Jewish Nation ; to Abraham the Land of Ca- naan is first given in promise. Isaac and .'raob, though also prominent figures in the narratiie, yet do but inherit the promise as Abraham's children, and Jacob especially is the chief connecting link in the chain of events which leads finally to the pos- session of the land of Canaan. In like manner the former section of the book is written with the same obvious purpose. It is a part of the writer"s plan to tell us what the divine preparation of the world was in order to show, first, the significance of the call of Abraham, and next, the true nature of the Jewish theocracy. He does not (as Tuch asserU) work backwards from Abraham, till be comes in spite of himself to the beginning of all things. He does not ask, Who was Abraham ? answering, of the posterity of Shem; and who was Shem? a son of Ncah ; and who was Noah ? etc. But he begins with the creation of the world, because the God who created the world and the God who re- vealed himself to the fathers is the same God. Je- hovah, who commanded his people to keep holy the seventh day, was the same God who in six days created the heavens and the earth, and rested on the seventh day from all his work. The God who, when man had fallen, visited him in mercy, and gave him a promise of redemption and victory, is the God who sent Moses to deliver his people out of Egypt. He who made a covenant with Noah, and through him with "all the families of the earth," Is the God who also made himself known as the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob In a word, creation and redemption are eternally linked together. This is the idea which in fact gives its shape to the history, although its distinct enunciation is reserved for the N. T. There we learn that all things were created by and for Christ, and that in him all things consist (CoL 1. 16, 17). and that by the church is made known unto prin cipalities and powers the manifold wisdom of God It would be impossible, therefore, for a book which tells us of the beginning of the church, not to tell as also of the beginning of the world.

    The book of Genesis has thus a character at once special and universal. It embraces the world ; it speaks of God as the God of the whole human race. But as the introduction to Jewish history, it makes the universal interest subordinate to the national. Its design is to show how God revealed himself to tne first fathers of the Jewish race, in order that he might make to himself a nation who should be his witnesses in the midst of the earth. This is the inner principle of unity which pervades the book. Its external framework we are now to ex amine. Five principal persons are the pillars, at to speak, on which the whole superstructure rntr A' -aja, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. ^

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    890

    GENESIS

    l Mum — The creation of the world, and tse •truest history of mankind (ch. i.-iii.). A* yet, do divergence of the different families of man.

    II. Ifcah. — The history of Adam 'a descendant* to the death of Noah (iv.-ix.). — Here we hare (1 ) the line of Cain branching off while the history follows the fortunes of Seth, whose descendants are (2) traced in genealogical succession, and in an unbroken line as far as Noah, and (3) the history of Noah himself (vi.-ix.), continued to his death.

    III. Abraham. — Noah's posterity till toe death of Abraham (z.-zxv. 18). — Here we have (1) the peopling of the whole earth by the descendants of Noah's three sons (li. 1-9). The history of two of these is then dropped, and (2) the line of Sbem only pursued (xi. 10-32) as Ear as Terah and Abra- ham, where the genealogical table breaks off. (3) Abraham is now the prominent figure (xii.-xxv. 18). But as Terah had two other sons, Nahor and Haran (il. 27), some notices respecting their fam- ilies are added, loot's migration with Abraham into the land of Canaan is mentioned, as well as the fact that he was the father of Moab and Am- nion (mix. 37, 38), nations whose later history was ultimately connected with that of the posterity of Abraham. Nahor remained in Mesopotamia, but his family is briefly enumerated (xxii. 20-24), chiefly no doubt for Kebekah's sake, who was after- wards the wife of Isaac. Of Abraham's own chil- dren, there branches off first the line of Ishmael (xxi. 9, Ac.), and next the children by Keturah; and the genealogical notices of these two branches of his posterity are apparently brought together (utv. 1-9, and xxv. 12-18), in order that, being here severally dismissed at the end of Abraham's life, the main stream of the narrative may flow in the channel of Isaac's fortunes.

    IV. Isaac. — Isaac's life (xxv. 19-xxxv. 23), a Hfe in itself retiring and uneventful. Itut in his sons the final separation takes place, leaving the field clear for the great story of the chosen seed. Even when Nabor's family comes on the scene, as It does in ch. xxix., we hear only so much of it as Is necessary to throw light on Jacob's history.

    V. Jacob. — The history of Jacob and Joseph (xxxvL-1.). — Here, after Isaac's death, we have (1) the genealogy of Esau, xxxvi., who then drops out of the narrative in order that (2) the history of the patriarchs may be carried on without inter- mission to the death of Joseph (xxxvii.-I.).

    Thus it will be seen that a specific plan is pre- served throughout. The main purpose Is never forgotten. God's relation to Israel holds the first place in the writer's mind. It is this which it is his object to convey. The history of that chosen seed who were the heirs of the promise, and the guardians of the divine oracles, is the only history which interprets man's relation to God. By its Ught all others shine, and may be read when the time stall come. Meanwhile, as the different fam- Jes drop off here and there from the principal stock, their course is briefly indicated. A hint is given of their parentage aid their migrations; and then the narrative returns to its regular channel. Thus the whole book may be compared to one of thore vast American rivers which, instead of being fed by tributaries, send off here and there certain tenser streams or bayous, ss they are termed, the main current meanwhile flowing on with its great mass of water to the sea.

    Beyond all doubt then, we may trace in the book sf Genesis in its present form a systematic plan.

    GENESIS

    It is no hasty compilation, no mere ooBscMan at ancient fragments without order or arrangement It coheres by an internal principle of unity. 1st whole structure presents a very definite and dearly marked outline. But does it follow from this thai the book, as it at present stands, is the work of a single author?

    C. InUgriiy. — This is the next question we have to oensider. Granting that this unity of design, which we have already noticed, leads to the conclusion that the work must have been by the same hand, are there any reasons for supposing that the author availed himself in its compositiou of earlier documents? and if so, are we still able by critical investigation to ascertain where they have been introduced into the body of the work?

    1. Now it is almost impossible to read the book of Genesis with anything like a critical eye without being struck with the great peculiarities of style and language which certain portions of it present. Thus, for instance, chap. ii. 3 — Hi- 24 is quite dif-J ferent both from chap. i. and from chap. iv. Again, chap. xiv. and (according to J ami) chap, xxiii. an evidently separate documents transplanted in then- original form without correction or modification into the existing work. In fact there is nothing like uniformity of style till he come to the history of Joseph.

    2. We are led to the same conclusion by the inscription* which are prefixed to certain sections, as ii. 4, v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 27, and seem to indicate so many older documents.

    3. Lastly, the distinct use of the Divine names. Jehovah in some sections, and Klohim in others, is characteristic of two different writers; and other peculiarities of diction, it has been observed, fall u. with this usage, and go far to establish the theory. All this is quite in harmony with what we might have expected a priori, namely, that if Moses or any later writer were the author of the book be would have availed himself of existing traditions either oral or written. That thev might hmt been written is now established beyond all doubt, the art of writing having been proved to be much earliei than Moses. That they icvre written we infer from the book itself.

    Astruc, a Belgian physician, was the first who broached the theory that Genesis was based on • collection of older documents. [Pkxtatxucii.] Of these be professed to point out a* many m twelve, the use of the Divine names, however, hav- ing in the first instance suggested the distinction. Subsequently Kichhorn adopted this theory, so far as to admit that two documents, the one Klohistie, and the other Jehovistic, were the main sources of the book, though he did not altogether exclude others. Since his time the theory has been main- tained, but variously modified, by one class of critics, whilst another class has strenuously opposed it. De Wette, Knolwl, I'uch, Delitzscb, Ac., think that two original documents may be traced through- out tbe work, the Jehovist, who was also probably the editor of the book in its present form, having designed merely to complete the work of the Klohist. Hengstenberg, Keil, liaumgarten, and Havemick contend for a single author. The gieat weight of probability lies on the side of those who argue for tbe existence of different documents. The eridenof already alluded to is strong ; and nothing can be more natural than that an honest historian shook* seek to make his work m ire valuable by enilodyim in it the most ancient rccoids of his race: tk»

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    the value whlcn they possesjed m hb eyes, the more anxious would he be to preserve them In their original form. Tnoae particularly in the earlier portion of the work were perhaps simply transcribed. In one instance we have what looks like an omission, ii. 4, where the inscription seems to promise a larger cosmogony." Here and there throughout the book we meet with a later remark, intended to explain or supplement the earlier mon- ument. And in some instances there seems to hare been so complete a fusion of the two principal docu- ments, the Klohistic and the Jebovistic, that it is no longer possible accurately to distinguish them* The later writer, the Jehovist, instead of tran- scribing the Klohistic account intact, thought fit to blend and intersperse with it his own remarks. We have an instance of this, according to Hupfeld ( Die Quellen der Genesis), in chap. vii. : w. 1-10 are usually assigned to the Jehovist ; but whilst he ad- mits this, he detects a large admixture of Klohistic phraseology and coloring in the narrative. But this sort of criticism it must be admitted is very doubtful. Many other instances might be men- tioned where there is the same difficulty in assign- ing their own to the several authors. Thus in sections generally recognized as Jehovtstic, chaps, xii., xiii., xix., here and there a sentence or a phrase occurs, which seems to betray a different origin, as xll. 6, xiii. 6, xix. 23. These anomalies, however, though it may be difficult to account for them, can hardly be considered of sufficient force entirely to overthrow the theory of Independent documents which has so much, on other grounds, to recom- mend it. And certainly when Keil, Hengstenberg ai.d others, who reject this theory, attempt to ac- rount for the use of the Divine names, on the hypothesis that the writer designedly employed the one or tho other name according to the subject of which he was treating, their explanations are often of the most arbitrary kind. As a whole, the docu- mentary character of Genesis is so remarkable when we compare it with the later books of the Penta- teuch, and is so exactly what we might expect, supposing a Mosaic authorship of the whole, that, whilst contending against the theory of different documents in the later portions, we feel convinced that this theory is the only tenable one in Genesis. Of the two principal documents, the Elohistie is the earlier. So far as we can detach its integral portions, they still present the appearance of some- thing like a connected work. This has been very

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    " * This remark is unnecessary. In Gen. II. 4 IT. (hen Is a further account of creation, more particular so far as relates to the Bret human pair and the pro- visions made for them. The superscription, n These are the generations of the heavens and of the earth," U specially adapted to such an account. We should not expect from It an account of the creation of the heavens an J the earth, or " a larger cosmogony " in any sense. The Hebrew word rendered " generations " properly means births, and by metonymy a record of births, a family record. [OsifSALOOT ; Gesiiutiojs, Amer. ed.J In such a record Incidents of family bls- Vwy would naturally be Interwoven (as to eh. v , ejpe- dally tv. 24, 29, and in xL 27-82, xxx-L l-ti„ and crance the word came to express simply a record of ruoh incident*. Thus in vi 91. and under the heading * These are the generations of Noah," Instead of a list jf births we find only the chief events of his own life sod times. In xxv. 19 this heading Is prefixed to the ! erief family history of Isaac, and in xxxvt 1 to that sfasaa, and In xxzrlL 2 to that of Jacob, '.he berth!

    wefl argued by Tuch (Die Genetie, AUg.wt. BUL li.-lxv.), as well as by Hupfeld (Die UaeaVa dm O'eucais), hjiobel, and Delitzeoh.

    Hupfeld, however, whose analysis is very careful, thinks that be can discover traces of three original records, an earlier Elohist, a Jehovist, and a later Elohist. These three documents were, according to him, sulieequeutly united and arranged by a fourth person, who acted as editor of the whole. His argument is ingenious and worthy of consid- eration, though it is at times too elaborate to be convincing.

    The following table of the use of the Divine Names in Genesis will enable the reader to font his own judgment as to the relative probability of the hypotheses above mentioned. Much as com mentatore differ concerning some portions of the book, one pronouncing passages to be Klohistic, which another with equal confidence assigns to the Jehovist, the fact is certain that whole sections an characterized by a separate use of the Divine names.

    (1.) Sections in which Elohim is found exclu- sively, or nearly so: Chap. i. — ii. 3 (creation of heaven and earth); r. (generations of Adam, except ver. 99, where Jehovah occurs); vi. 9-23 (genera- tions of Noah); vii. 9-24 (the entering into the ark), but Jehovah in ver. 16; viii. 1-19 (end of the flood); ix. 1-17 (covenant with Noah); xvii. (covenant of circumcision), where, however, Jehovah occurs onoe in ver. 1, as compared with Elohim seven times; xix. 29-38 (conclusion of Lot's his- tory); xx. (Abraham's sojourn at Gerar), where again we have Jehovah once and Klohim four times, and ha-Elohim twice; xxi. 1-21 (Isaac's birth and Ishmael's dismissal), only xxi. 1, Jehovah; xxi. 22-34 (Abraham's covenant with Abimeleeh ), where Jehovah is found once; xxv. 1-18 (sons of Keturah, Abraham's death and the generations of Ishmael), Elohim once; xxriL 46-xxviii. 9 (Jacob goes to Haran, Esau's marriage), Elohim once, and El Shaddaionce; xxxi. (Jacob's departure from I-aben), where Jehovah twice [namely, w. 3 and 49] ; xxxiii.- xxxvii. (Jacob's reconciliation with Esau, Dinah and the Shechemites, Jacob at Bethel, Esau's family, Joseph sold into Egypt). It should be observed, however that in large portions of this section the Divine name does not occur at alL (See below.) xL-1. (history of Joseph in Egypt) : here we have Jehovah once only (xlix. 18). [Ex. i.-ii. (Israel's oppression in Egypt, and birth of Moses as deliv- erer)].

    or origin of the one whom name standi as the subject of this word la Mldotn included.

    Accordingly, we should ezpeet hen, under tht superscription, " These are the generations of the heavens and of the earth, 11 not an account of their origin, but a continuation and farther development of their history, in event* connected with them as parts of the same divine plan. And this is what we And. The account of creation is here continued, buv with special reference to man, for whom the heavens and the earth were made and in whose history the design of their creation la fully unfolded. Hence ill the facts here related are presented from a point of view which has him for its object, and hence the order of sequence here observed In narrating them.

    The words, " when they were created," etc., show that the following account belongs to the same periot* of time as the preceding one, and is a continuation I it In ver. 6, where the account commeooer *#■ should translate : " And there was yet no plant a. *Jm field m the earth, and no herb of the field htJ jet sprung up." T J.

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    (8.) Sections In which Jehovah ocenn exclusively, jr in preference to Klohim ; iv. (Cain and Abel, •nd Cain's posterity), where Jehovah 10 time* and Eloliim only once; vi. 1-8 (the sons of God and the daughters of men, etc.); rii. 1-8 (the entering into the ark), bat Efohini once, ver. 9; viii. 20-22 (Noah's altar and Jehovah's blessing); iz. 18-27 (Noah and his sons); z. (the families of mankind as descended from Noah); zi. 1-9 (the confusion of tongues); xii. 1-20 (Abram's journey first from llaran to Caanan, and then into Egypt); xiii. (Abraham's separation from Lot); zv. (Abram's (aitb, sacrilice, and covenant); xvi. (Hagar and

    Ishniael), whsre ^Wl vS once; zviii.-zix. 28 (visit at the three angels to Abram, Lot, destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah) xxiv. (betrothal of Kebekah and Isaac's marriage); xxv. 19-xxvi. 35 (Isaac's sons, his visit to Abimelech, Esau's wives); xxvii. 1-40 (Jacob obtains the blessing), but in ver. 28 ha- Elohin); xxx. 25-43 (Jacob's bargain with Laban), where however JeLovah only once; xxxviii- (Judah's incest); xxxix. (Jehovah with Joseph in Potiphar'a house and in the prison); [Ex. iv. 18-31 (Moses' return to Egypt); v. (Pharaoh's treatment of the messengers of Jehovah).]

    (3.) The section Gen. ii. 4-iii. 24 (the account of Paradise and the Fall) is generally regarded as Jehovistic, but it is clearly quite distinct. The Divine name as there found is not Jehovah, but Jehovah Klohim (in which form it only occurs once beside in the Pentateuch, Ex. ix. 30), and it occurs 20 times ; the name Elohim being found three times in the same section, once in the mouth of the woman, and twice in that of the serpent.

    (4.) In Gen. xiv. the prevailing name is H-Elyon (A. V. " the most high God "), and only once, in Abram't mouth, " Jehovah the most high God," which is quite intelligible.

    (5.) Some few sections are found in which the names Jehovah and Elohim seem to be used pro- miscuously. This is the case in xxii. 1-19 (the offering up of Isaac); xxviii. 10-22 (Jacob's dream at Bethel): xxix. 31-xxx. 24 (birth and naming of the eleven sons of Jacob): and xxxii. (Jacob's wrestling with the angel); [Ex. Hi. 1-iv. 17 (the call of Moses).]

    (C.) It is worthy of notice that of the other Divine names Adonai is always found in connection with Jehovah, except Gen. zx. 4; whereas El, Kl- Shaddai, etc., occur most frequently in the Etohistic sections.

    (7.) In the following sections neither of the Divine names occur: — Gen. xi. 10-32, xxii. 20-24, txtii., xxv. 27-34, xxvii. 40-45, xxix. 1-30, xxxiv., txxvi., xxxvii., xl., Ex. ii.' 1-22.

    D. Authenticity. — Luther used to say, " Nihil pulerius Genesl, nihil utilius." But hard critics have tried all they can to mar its beauty and to Jetrnct from it* utility. In fact the bitterness of the attacks on a document so venerable, so full of undying interest, hallowed by the lore of many generations, mokes one almost suspect tlint a secret aaalevuknce must have been the mainspring of vowuk atticism. Certain it is that no book has met with more determined and unsparing assailants. To enumerate and to reply to all objections would

    « This Is capable of proof, not from the meaning 9f the root tOD, which doe* not necessarily mean iruttion out of nothing (though It is never used but ■ a Divine act), but from the whole structure of the

    GENESIS

    be impossible. We wiB only refer k most important.

    (1.) The story of Creation, a* given in the fint chapter, has been set aside in two ways: first by placing it on the same level with other cosmogonies which are to be found in the sacred* writings of al nations; and next, by asserting that it* statement* are directly contradicted by the discoveries of modem science.

    Let us glance at these two objections.

    (n.) Now when we compare the Biblical with all other known cosmogonies, we are immediately struck with the great moral superiority of the former. There is no confusion here between the Divine Creator and hi* work. God is before all things, God creates" all things; this is the sublime asser- tion of the Hebrew writer. Whereas all the cos- mogonies of the heathen world err in one of two directions. Either they are Dualistic, that is, they regard God and matter as two eternal co-existent principles ; or they are Pantheistic, i. e. they eon- found God and matter, making the material universe a kind of emanation from the great Spirit which informs the mass Both these theories, with their various modifications, whether in the more subtle philosophemes of the Indian races, or in the rougher and grosser systems of the Phoenicians and Baby- lonians, are alike exclusive of the idea of creation. Without attempting to discus* in anything like detail the point* of resemblance and difference be- tween the Biblical record of creation and the myths and legends of other nations, it may suffice to mention certain particulars in which the superiority of the Helrew account can hardly be called in question. First, the Hebrew story alone clearly acknowledges the personality and unity of God. Secondly, here only do we find recognized a distinct act of creation, by creation being understood the calling Into existence out of nothing the whole material universe. Thirdly, here only is there a clear intimation of that great law of progress which we find everywhere observed. The ortkr of creation as given in Genesis is the gradual progress of all things from the lowest and least perfect to the highest and most completely developed forms. Fourthly, there is the fact of a relation between the personal Creator and the work of his fingers, and that relation is a relation of Love : for God look* upon hi* creation at erery stage of its progress and pronounces it very good. Fifthly, there is through- out a sublime simplicity, which of itself is charac- teristic of a history, not of a myth or of a phllo sophical speculation.

    (4.) It would occupy too large a space to discuss at any length the objections which have been urged from the results of modern discovery against the literal truth of this chapter. One or two remarks of s general kind must suffice. It is argued, for instance, that light ooidd not have existed before the sun, or at any rate not that kind of light which would be necessary for the support of vegetable life; whereas the Mosaic narrative makes light cre- ated on the first day, trees and plant* on the third, and the sun on the fourth. To this we may reply, that we must not too hastily build an argument upon our ignorance. We do not knvc fiat the existing laws of creation were in operation woer.

    sentence. In the beginning — put that beghnuaf when you will — Ood, already existent, ereatut, B*J at the time of the Divine act, nothing but (1 -d, assort tog to the sacred writer, existed.

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    Ae creative fiat waa first put forth. The very act jf Creation must hare been the introducing of laws; bat when the work was finished, those laws ma/ have suffered some modification. Men are not dow created in the full stature of manhood, but ire born and grow. Similarly t'.ie lower ranks of being might have been influenced by certain neces- sary conditions during the first stages of their ex- istence, which conditions were afterwards removed without any disturbance of the natural functions. And again it is not certain that the language of Genesis can only mean that the sun was created on the fourth day. It m iy mean that then only did that luminary become visible to our planet.

    With regard to the six days, no reasonable doubt can exist that they ought to be interpreted as six periods, without defining what the length of those periods is. No one can suppose that the Divine rest was literally a rest of 24 hours. On the con- trary, the Divine Sabbath still continues. There has been no crt'iiiim since the creation of man. This is what Genesis teaches, and this geology con- firms. But God, after six periods of creative ac- tivity, entered into that Sabbath In which his work has been not a work of Creation but of Re- demption."

    Xo attempt, however, which has as yet been made to identify these six periods with correspond- ing geological epochs can be pronounced satisfac- tory.* On the other hand, it seems rash and pre- mature to assert that no reconciliation is possible.'' What we ought to maintain is, that no reconcilia- tion is necessary. It is certain that the author of the first chapter of Genesis, whether Moses or some one else, knew nothing of geology or astronomy. It is certain Uiat he made use of phraseology con ■ cerning physical {acta in accordance with the limited range of information which he possessed. It is also certain that the Bible was never intended to reveal to us knowledge of which our own faculties rightly used could put us in possession. And we have no business, therefore, to expect anything but popular . language in the description of physical phenomena. Thus, for instance, when it is said that by means of the firmament Ood divided the waters which were above from those which were beneath, we admit the fact without admitting the implied explanation. The Hebrew supposed that there existed vast reservoirs above him correspond- ing to the " waters under the earth." We know that by certain natural processes the rain descends from the clouds. But the ftct remains the same tliat there are waters above as well as below.

    Further investigation may perhaps throw more light on these interesting questions. Meanwhile it may be safely said that modern discoveries are in iio way opposed to the great outlines of the Mosaic cosmogony. That the work) was created in six periods, that creation was by a law of gradual ad-

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    893

    <■ lleuce the force of our Lord's argument, very generally misunderstood, In John T. 17.

    * One of the most elaborate of theao U by the late Hugh MlHor. in his Testimony of lie Roela. No man jud a hettor right to be heard, both as a profound {ech^lsl and as a sincere Christian. And it U impos- •bl« not to admire the eloquence and Instnuity with which be attempts to reconcile the story of Genesis with the story of the rocks. But his argument Is au- toes convincing. And he only attempts to reconcile iar« of the Mosaic days with the three great periods ■4 geology. Another writer, Mr. M'Caualand, who iaa adopted hk vtaw. and tried to extend It to the are

    ranee beginning with inorganic matter, and then advancing from the lowest organisms to the high- est, that since the appearance of man upon the earth no new species have come into being; these are statements not only not disproved, but the two last of them, at least, amply confirmed by geolog- ical research. 1 '

    (2.) To the description of Paradise, and the his- tory of the Fall and of the Deluge, very similar remarks apply. All nations have their own version of these facts, colored by local circumstances and embellished according to the poetic or philosophio spirit of the tribes among whom the tradition hat taken root. But if there be any one original source of these traditions, any root from which they di- verged, we cannot doubt where to look for it Tut earliest record of these momentous facts is that preserved in the Bible. We cannot doubt this, because the simplicity of the narrative is greater than that of any other work with which we are acquainted. And this simplicity is an argument at once in favor of the greater antiquity and also of the greater truthfulness of the story. It ii hardly possible to suppose that traditions so widely spread over the surface of the earth as are the tra- ditions of the Creation, the Fall, and the Deluge, should have no foundation whatever in fact. And it is quite as impossible to suppose that that version of these facts, which iu its moral and religious as- pect is the purest, is not also, to take the lowest ground, the most likely to be true.

    Opinions hare differed whether we ought to take the story of the Fall in Gen. iii. to be a litem statement of facta, or whether, with many exposi- tors since the time of Philo, we should regard it as an allegory, framed in childlike words as befitted the childhood of the world, but conveying to us a deeper spiritual truth. But in the latter case we ought not to deny that spiritual truth. Neither should we overlook the very important bearing which this narrative has on the whole of the sub- sequent history of the world and of Israel. De~ litxsch well says, *' The story of the Fall, like that of the Creation, has wandered over the world. Heathen nations have transplanted and mixed it up with their geography, their history, their my- thology, although it has never so completely changed form and color and spirit, that you cannot recog- nize it- Here, however, in the Law, it preserves the character of a universal, human, world-wi.le fact : and the groans of Creation, the Redemption that is in Christ Jesus, and the heart of every man, conspire in their testimony to the most literal truth of the narrative."

    The universality of the Deluge, it may be proved, is quite at variance with the most certain iac!; 3f geology. But then we are not bound to contend for a universal deluge. The Biblical writer himself, it is true, supposed it to be universal, but that was

    days, does not seem entitled to speak with authority on the geological question.

    e As Professor Powell does, In his Order of Nature.

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    wtj because it covered what was then the known •Olid: there mo be no doubt that it did extend to •9 that part of the world wlikh wa$ then inhabited: and this is enough, on the one hand, to satisfy the terms of the narrative, and on the other, the geo- logical difficulty, as well as other difficulties concern- ing the ark and the number of animals, disappear with this interpretation. [See Noah.]

    (8.) When we come down to a later period in the narrative, where we hare the opportunity of testing the accuracy of the historian, we find it in many of the most important particulars abundantly eorroliorated.

    Whatever interpretation we may be disposed to pr.i on the story of the confusion of tongues and th» subsequent dispersion of mankind, there is do good ground for setting it aside. Indeed, if the reading of a cylinder recently discovered at Bin MmrQd" may be trusted, there is independent evi- dence corroborative of the Biblical account. But at any rate the other versions of this event are far less probable (see these in Joseph. Antiq. i. 4, § 3; EuseK Prop. Ev. ix. 14). The later myths con- cerning the wars of the Titans with the gods are apparently based upon this story, or rather upon perversions of it. But it is quite impossible to suppose, as Kalisoh does (.GenttU, p. 313), that ** the Hebrew historian converted that very legend into a medium for solving a great and important problem." 'Here is not the smallest appearance of any such design. The legend is a perversion of the history, not the history a comment upon the legend. One of the strongest proofs of the bond fit historical character of the earlier portion of Genesis is to be found in the valuable ethnologies! catalogue contained in chup. x. Knobel, who has devoted a volume » to the elucidation of this docu- ment, has succeeded in establishing its main accu- racy beyond doubt, although, m accordance with his theory as to the age of the Pentateuch, he as- signs to it no greater antiquity than between 1200 and 1000 u. c.

    (4.) As to the fsct implied in this dispersion, that all languages bad one origin, philological re- search has not as yet been carried far enough to lead to any very oertain result. Many of the greatest philologists c contend for real affinities be- tween the Indo-European and the Semitic tongues. On the other hand, languages like the Coptic (not to mention many others) seem at present to stand out in complete isolation. And the most that has been effected is a clsssification of languages in three great families. This classification, however, is in aact accordance with the threefold division of the rase in Shem, Ham, and Japhet, of which Genesis Idhus.

    (b.) Another fact which rests on the authority of the earlier chapters of Genesis, the derivation of (he whole human race from a single pair, has been abundantly onnfirmed by recent investigations. For the full proof of this it is sufficient to refer to Prichard's Physical IliUory of Mankind, in which lbs subject is discussed with great care and ability.

    (0.) It is quHe impossible, as has already been ssld to notice all the objections made by hostile tcitics at every step as we advance. But it may be

    • As given by M. Oppert In a paper read betas the loyal Society of Mkwatun.

    * Dir YSUurtafel drr Onutu.

    « As Bopp, Lnprius, Burnout, fte. Sas fsslowroVf Lmgvn oVtmhjx'a, 1. v. e. t, 8.

    GENESIS

    well to refer to one more instance in whisk •*» picioo has been cast upon the credibility of the nar- rative. Three stories are found in three distinct portions of the book, which in their main features no doubt present a striking similarity to one another. See xii. 10-90, xx., xxvi. 1-11. These, it is said besides containing certain improliabilities of state- ment, are dearly only three different veisions «/ the same story.

    It is of course poaHle that these are only differ- ent versions of the same story. But is it psycho- logically so very improbable that the same incident should happen three timet in almost the same man- ner? All men repeat themselves, and even repeal their mistakes. And the repetition of circumstances over which a man has nc control, is sometimes as astonishing as the repetition of actions which hs can control. Was not the state of society in those days such as to render it no way improbable that Pharaoh on one occasion, and Abimeiecb on another, should have acted in the same selfish and arbitrary manner? Abraham too miyht have been guilty twice of the tame sinful cowardice; and Isaac might, in similar circumstances, have copied his father's example, calling it wisdom. To say, as the most recent expositor of this book has done, that the object of the Hebrew writer was to repre- sent an idea, such as " the sanctity of matrimony," that " in his hands, the facte are subordinated to ideas," etc, is to cut up by the very roots the histor- ical character of the book. The mythical theory ia preferable to this; for that leaves a substratum of fact, however it may have been embellished or par- baps disfigured by tradition.-'

    There is a further difficulty about the age of Sarah, who at the time of die first occurrence mast have been 65 years old, and the freshness of her beauty, therefore, it is said, long since faded. In reply it has been argued that as she lived to the sge of 137, she was only then in middle life; that consequently she would have been at 65 what a woman of modem Europe would be at 35 or 40, an age at which personal attractions are not neces- sarily impaired.

    But it ia a minute criticism, hardly worth an- swering, which tries to cast suspicion on the veracity of the writer, because of difficulties such as these. The positive evidence is overwhelming in favor of his credibility. The patriarchal tent beneath the shade of some spreading tree, the wealth of nocks and herds, the free and generous hospitality to strangers, the strife for the well, the purchase of the cave of Machpekth for a burial-place, — we fed at once that these are no inventions of a later writer in more civilized times. So again, what can be more life-like, more touchingly beautiful, than the picture of Hagsr and Ishmael, the meeting of Abra- ham's servant with Kebekah, or of Jacob with Rachd at the well of Haran? There is a fidelity in the minutest incidents which convinces us that we are reading history, not fable. Or can anything more completely transport us into patriarchal times than the battle of toe kings and the interview be tween Abraham and Melchisedec? The very open- ing of the story, " In the days of Amraphd," etc, reads like the work of some old chronicler snap

    d If the view of Delitascb is comet, that xH. 10-V It Jahovistic ; xx., KohlntJc (with a JehovLoc teas boo, ver. 18) ; xxvi. 1-18, Jebovisuc, but ta*en eras, written documents, this may to some n> ndi •spaas the mpettuoa of the Starr

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    GENESIS

    Ivad not fa from the time of which he speak*. Tl* archaic forms of names of places, Bela fa Soar; Chatzntam Tamarfa En-gedi; Eniek SBn- reh for the King's Vale; the Vale of Siddim as descriptive of the spot which was afterwards the Dead Sea; the expression " Abram the Hebrew;" are remarkable evidences of the antiquity of the narrative. So also are the names of the different tribes who at that early period inhabited Canaan ; the Rephaint, for instance, of whom we find in the time of Joshua but a weak remnant left (Josh. zlii. 19), and the Susim, Emlm, Chorim, who are only mentioned beside in the Pentateuch (Deut ii. 10, 12). Quite in keeping with the rest of the picture is Abraham's " arming his trained servants " (xiv. 14) — a phrase which occurs nowhere else — and above all the character and position of Melehisedec. - " Simple, calm, great, comes and goes the priest- king of the divine history." The repr e s e ntations af the Greek poets, says Creuzer (8gmb. Iv. 878), (all very fa short of this. And as HSvemiek justly remarks, such a person could be no theocratic invention ; for the union of the kingly and priestly offices in the same person was no part of the theo- cracy Lastly, the name by which he knows God, " the most high God, possessor of heaven and earth," occurs also in the Phoenician religions, but not amongst the Jews, and is again one of those slight bnt accurate touches which at once distin- guishes the historian from the fabulist.

    Passing on to a later portion of the book we find the writer evincing the most accurate knowledge of the state of society in Egypt. The Egyptian jealousy of foreigners, and especially their hatred of shepherds ; the use of in terpr e ters in the court (who, we learn from other sources, formed a distinct caste); the existence of caste; the importance of the priesthood; the means by which the land «hich had once belonged to free proprietors passed into the hands of the king; the fact that even at that early time a settled trade existed between Egypt and other countries, are all confirmed by the monuments or by later writers. So again Joseph's priestly dress of fine linen, the chain of gold round his neck, the chariot on which he rides, the body- jruard of the king, the rites of burial and embalming (though spoken of only incidentally) are spokm of with a minute accuracy, which can leave no doubt en the mind as to the credibility of the historian.

    E. Author and date of composition. — tt wtU be seen, from what has been said above, that the book of Genesis, though containing different documents, owes its existing form to the labor of a single author, who has digested and incorporated the materials he found ready to his hand. A modern writer on history, in the same way, might some- times transcribe passages from ancient chronicles, sometimes place different account* together, some- times again give briefly the substance of the older document, neglecting its form- But it is a distinct inquiry who this author or editor wus. This question cannot properly be dis- cussed apart from the general question of the authorship of the entire Pentateuch. We shall therefrre reserve this subject fa another article. [Pkxtateuch.] J. J. S. P.

    * The older works on Genesis, and some of the suet', are mentioned at the dose of the ar*ide t->N- rA raucii. The principal later works on Genesis ire the following: Schumann, Genesis, 1899; TWe, Do* crtte Bach Uote't, 1836; Tuch, Die Genetit, lit*; Dreohsler, Die Fiahrit und jEchthtit dtr

    GENNESARET, LAND OF 895

    g e nesi s , 1838; Hengstenberg, Die Montr Jfose's und Mgypten, 1641, trans, by it. D. C. Bobbins Egypt aud the Book* of Motet, Audover, 184* BaumgarUn, Theolog. Commentar turn Penta- teuch, 1843; Schroder, Das erttt Buck Hose, 1844; De Sola and Lindenthal, lleb. Scriptures with Net Translation and Note*, 1844; Knobel, Die VSIktr- tafel der Genesis, 1850; Keil, Qbtr Or*, vi. 1-1 (in Ztittchrift fir huh. TheoL u. Kirehe, 1856); Kalisch, Hit. and CriL Commentary on the Old Tett., Exodut, Genetit, Levittrxt, 1855-1867) Wright, The Book of Genetit tn Hebrew, letited text, etc., 1859; Reinke, Die Sckipfung afar Wet. 1859; Knobel, Die Genetit erktarl (lief. jd. jf the Kurzgef. exeget. Handbuch), 3t» Aufl. 1880; As berlen, Die gdUliche Ofenbarmg, 1861 (the por- tion relating to the first eleven chapters trans, in the BibL Sacra, 1865, pp. 396-439); Detttxeth Comm. ibrr die Genetit, 3te Ausg. I860; Murphy Critical and Exegtliad Cotnmentiiry, wkh a next translation. Genesis, 1863, Exodus, 18G6; Botteher, Ifeut exeget-kriL AVhrentese, Abth. i. 1868, Lange, Die Genetit, 1864 (Aroer. ed. by Prof. Tay- ler Lewis, in press, 1867); Boshrio, Dot B i im mmt ron und die Gtobgie, 1866; Schults, Die Schcp- fungtgetchichte nock Naturwitsenstehaft und Bibei, 1865; KeU (in Kefl snd Delitissch's BibL Comm.), Genetit und Exodut, Ste Aufl. 1866; Quarry, Genetit and ill Authorship, 1816; Hiraeh, Die Genetit ibertetxt und erUutert, 18U7; Conant, The Book of Genetit, rented English version, with explanatory and philological notes (in press, 1867).

    T. J. C.

    GENNE'SAR, THE WATER OF (rt

    SSup Ttrrnaip; [Alex. Sin." rev T.\\ Sin. 1 tod Tennfo-ai:] Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5, § 7, tA ttara tw Ttvrna&po, Key. ■ Aqua Genetar), 1 Maoc. xi. 67. [Gbxnkbakct.]

    GENNES'ARET, LAND OF (A. yn Up-

    rnaaoir- terra Genetar, terra Genes treth). After the miracle of feeding the five thousand, our Lord and his disciples crossed the Lake of Gennesaret and came to the other side, at a place which is called "the land of Gennesaret" (Matt. xi*. 34; Mark vi. 53). It is generally believed that this term was applied to the fertile crescent-shaped plain on the western shore of the lake, extending from A'soa Minyeh on the north to the steep bill behind ttejutl on the south, and called by the Arabs et-Ukuwar " the little Ghor." The description given by Jo- sephus (5. J. Hi. 10, { 8) would apply admirably to this plain, lie says that along the lake of Gen nesaret there extends a region of the same name, of marvelous nature and beauty. The soil was so rich that every plant flourished, and the air as temperate that trees of the most opposite natures grew side by side. The hardy walnut, which de- lighted in cold, grew there luxuriantly; there were the palm-trees that were nourished by heat, and fig-trees and olives beside tbeni, that required a more temperate climate. Grapes and figs was* found during ten months of the year. The plain was watered by a most exoeDetit spring catted by the natives Caphamaum, which was thought by some to be a vein of the Nile, because a fish was found there closely resembling the coracmut of tha lake of Alexandria. The length of the plain along the shore of the lake was thirty stadia, and Ha breadth twenty. Making every allowance fa the coloring given by the historian to his description, and fa the neglected condition of tLOkuwm at

    Digitized by

    GoOgte

    S96 GENNESARET, LATH) OF

    the present day, there in •HO left sufficient pointi jf resemblance between the two to justify their being identified. 'Hie dimeniioni given by Josephus an sufficiently correct, though, u Dr. Thomson remark* (/stntl and Book, p. 348), the plain " ia a little longer than tbirty, and not quite twenty fur- longs in breadth." Mr. Porter (Handb. p. 439) gives the length as three miles, and the greatest breadth as about one mile." It appears that Pro- fessor Stanley either assigns to " the land of Gen- nesaret " a wider signification, or his description of its extent must be inaccurate; for, after calling attention to the tropical vegetation and climate of the western shores of the lake, he says: "This fertility . . . reaches its highest pitch in the one spot on the western shore where the mountains, suddenly receding inland, leave a level plain of five miles wide, and six o* seven miles long. This plain is 'the land of Gennesareth '" (S. r* P. p. 374). Still his description goes far to confirm in other respects the almost exaggerated language in which Josepbus depicts the prodigality of nature in this region. "No less than four springs pour forth their almost full -grown rivers through the plain; the richness of the noil displays itself in magnificent corn-fields; whilst along the shore rises a thick jungle of thorn and oleander, abounding in birds of brilliant colors and various forms." Burckhardt tells us that even now the pastures of Khan Mint/eh are proverbial for their richness (Syria, p. 319.

    In the Journal of' truncal and Sacred Philobiyy (ii. 290-308) Mr. Thrupp has endeavored to snow that the land of Gennesaret was not eZ-GAuwetr, but the fertile plain el- BaShah on the northeastern side of the lake. The dimensions of this plain and the character of its soil and productions correspond so far with the description given by Josephus of the land of Uennesaret as to afford reasonable ground for such an identification. But it appears from an examination of the narrative in the Gos- pels, that, for other reasous, the plain el-Batihalt ia not the land of Gennesaret, but more probably the scene of the miracle of feeding the five thousand. After delivering the parable of the Sower, our Lord and his disciples left Capernaum, near which was the scene of the parable, and went to Nazareth (Matt. xiii. 54; Mark vi. 1). It was while he was here, apparently, that the news was brought him by the Apostles of tbe death of John the Baptist (Matt. xiv. 13; Mark vi. 30). He was still, at any j rate, on the western side of the lake of Tiberias. ' On hearing the intelligence " he departed themv by ship into a desert place apart" (Matt. xiv. II; Mark vi. 32), the "desert place" being the scene »f tbe miraculous feeding of the five thousand, and 1 belonging to the city called Bethsaida " (Luke ix. 10). SU John (vi. 1) begins his account of the miracle by saying that " Jesu» went orer the sea of Galilee " — an expression which be could not have used hail the scene of the miracle lain on the western shore of the lake, as Mr. Thrupp supposes. at el-tlliumir. It seems much more probable that it was on tbe eastern or northeastern side After Jie miracle Jesus sent his disciples in the boat to the other side (Matt xiv. 22), towards Bethsaida (Mark vi. 45), in order to go to Capernaum (John . n. 17), where he is found next day by the multi- 1

    a •This is also Dr. Boblnsoo's estimate (PAy Qssfr. p. 78). U

    • • Yet a fcw others also (m «. jr. Wilson's Land*

    Gennesaret

    hides whom he bad fed (John vi. 24, 951 beat came to shore in the land of Onrmneai seems, therefore, perfectly clear, whatever actual positions of Capernaum arid the ecen< miracle, that they were on opposite side* lake, and that Capernaum and the land of < aret were close together on the vtme aide- Additional interest is given to the land o neasret, or tl- (Jnuweir, by the probability l! scenery suggested the parable of the Sower, admirably described by Professor Stanley. " wss the undulating corn-field descending water's edge. There was the trodden pe running through tbe midst of it, with no fe hedge to prevent the seed from falling her there on either side of it, or upon it; iteeh with the constant tramp of horse and mill human feet. There was the ' good ' rich soil, distinguishes the whole of that plain and U* I borhood from tbe bare hills elsewhere deuce into the lake, and which, where there is no ruption, produces one vast mans of corn. was the rocky ground of the hillside protr bere and there through the corn-fields, as else' through the grassy slopes. There were the bushes of thorn — the ' Kabk,' that kind of i tradition says that the Crown of Thorns was s — springing up, like the fruit-trees of the moi land parts, in the very midst of the waving wh {.S. <* P. p. 426). W. A. ^

    * The interest of this plain arises especially its connection with the life and ministry of our I Ebrard discusses anew the question whether O nauni was situated here or not, in the Theci. dim and Kritiken for 1867, pp. 723-741. Head that the fountain of Capernaum (Kafapraov/t ) I tioned by Josephus (B. J. iii. 10, § 8) is no d> the Hound Fountain ('Am Mudauwarah) near south end of the plain, but maintains that the of Capernaum itself, which be identifies with Kf^apniun of Josephus ( Vil. 72), was at Tell B at the north end of the lake and beyond tbe pi He replies very pertinently to Dr. Robinson's jections to regarding the Hound Fountain as one intended by the Jewish historian. But on other hand, this concession as to the situation the fountain of Capernaum has been supposed most writers to determine the situation of the to of Capernaum; b tor it is not easy to believe lbs fountain and a town, both known by the same oc mon name, would be at such a distance from ea other. Ebrard lays special stress era the termii lion of the ancient name as still heard in Hi and al*> on the fact that important rniiis ire fbu at Tr U Him, which are not found at 'Am .!/«/< uarah. These are points worthy of considenuk lie urges also that Josephus, in speaking of t fountain (Kaipapraoin) as " so called by the pro] of that region," means to express a doubt wbeth it was rightly so called. It is not a necessary inn- etice, for Josephus might very naturally rxpre himself in that manner because be wss writing i a distant land for foreign readers. The articl aside from its more direct object, is rateable for th incidental information which it furnishes retpectiit . tbe topography of the western shore of tbe last I [See Capf.hsaum, Amer. ed.] II.

    tf Uv Bible, ii. 189 IT.) bars throws out tins Has of ••juration of the fountain and tat ton (tea saa



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