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APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE

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    APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE,

      1. Judaism and Hellenism

      2. Political Influences

    INTRODUCTORY APOCALYPTIC

      1. Differences from Prophecy in Content.

      2. Differences from Prophecy in Literary Form

    AUTHORHHIP OF JEWISH APOCALYPTIC WORKS

      1. Pseudepigraphic Authors not Known Individually

      2. Resemblances and Mutual Dependence Show Them as Products of One Sect

      3. Three, Jewish Sects Comprise Whole Literary Class

      4. Not the Product of the Sadducees nor of the Pharisees

      5. Probably Written by the Essenes

    WORKS ENTITLED APOCALYPTIC


[1]

Enoch Rooks:

    (1) History of the Books- (2) Summary; (3) Language; (4) Date; (5) Internal Chronology: The Book of Noah; (6) External Chronology; (7) Slavonic; Enoch; (8)Secrets of Enoch


[2]

Apocalypse of Baruch:

    (1) Summary; (2) Structure; (3) Language; (4) Date; (5) Relation to Other Books; (6); The Host of the Words of Baruch


[3]

The Assumption of Moses:

    (1) Summary; (2) Structure; (3) Language; (4) Date; (5) Relation to Other Books


[4]

The Ascension of Isaiah:

    (1) Summary(2) Structure; (3) Language; (4) Date


[5]

Fourth Book of Esdras:

    (1) Summary; (2) Structure;(3) Language; (4) Date

    LEGENDARY WORKS

[6]

The Book of Jubilees:

    (1) Summary;(2) Structure; (3) Language; (4) Date

    THE PSALMIC PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

[7]

The Psalter of Solomon:

    (1) Summary; (2) Language;(3) Date; (4) Christology


[8]

The Odes of Solomon:

    (1) Relation to Sophia (2) Summary; (3) Date

[9]

Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs:

    (1) Summary: Reuben; Simeon; Dan; Judah: Joseph; Benjamin; Asher: Gad: Issachar; Levi, Naphtali; Zebulun: (2) structure: (3) Language; (4) Date and Authorship; (5) Relation to Other

[10]

Other Testaments:

    (1) Testament of Adam

    (2) Testament of Abraham

    (3) Testament of Job :

    (a) Summary; (b) Structure; (c) Language; (d) Date and (e)Authorship of each;

[11]

SIBYLLINE ORACLES

    CONCLUSION

    NATURE

    THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPEDIA



    BY NEWTONSTEIN, CAMBRIDGE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

    A series of Pseudepigraphical works, mainly of Jewish origin, appeared during the period between 210 BC and 200 AD. They have many features in common. The most striking is the resemblance they all bear to the Book of Daniel.

    Following this model, most of them use "vision" as a literary device by which to introduce their conceptions of the remote future. A side product of this same movement was the composition, mainly in Alexandria, of the Sibylline books. The literary device of "vision" was one used in The Aeneid by Virgil, the classical contemporary of a large number of these works.

    One peculiarity in regard to the majority of these documents is the fact that, while popular among the Christian writers of the first century, they disappeared with the advent of the Middle Ages, and remained unknown until the first, half of the 19th cent, was well on in its course.

    INTRODUCTORY

    [I] Background of Apocalyptic Literature.

    When the Jews came back from Babylon to Palestine, though surrounded by heathen of various Judaism creeds, they were strongly mono and theistic. The hold the Persians had of Hellenism the empire of Southwest Asia, and their religion Zoroastrianism so closely akin to monotheism, prevented any violent attempts at perverting the Jews.

    With the advent of the Roman power a new state of things emerged.

    Certainly at first there does not seem to have been any direct, attempt to force them to abandon their religion, but the calm contempt of the Hellene who looked down from the superior height of his artistic culture on all barbarians, and (he influence that culture had in the ruling classes tended to seduce the Jews into idolatry.

    While the governing orders, the priests and the leaders of the Council, those who came in contact with the generals and governors of the Lagids of Egypt, or the Seleucids of Syria, were thus inclined to be seduced into idolatry, there was a large class utterly uninfluenced by Hellenic culture, and no small portion of t his class hated fanatically all tampering with idolatry.

    When the dominion over Philestina, Canaan-Land passed out of the hands of the Ptolemies into that of the house of Seleucus, this feeling was intensified, as the Syrian house regarded with less tolerance, (lit 1 religion of Israel. The opposition to Hellenism and the apprehension of it naturally tended to draw together those who shared the feeling.

    On the one side was the scribist, legal party, who developed into the Pharisaic sect ; on the other were the mystics, who felt the personal power of Deity. These afterward became first the Hasidim, then later the Essenes.

    These latter gradually retired from active participation in national life. As is natural with mystics their feelings led them to see visions and to dream dreams. Others more intellectual, while they welcomed the enlightenment of the Greeks, retained their faith in the one God. To them it seemed obvious that as their God was the true God, all real enlightenment must have proceeded from Him alone.

    In such thinkers as Plato and Aristotle they saw many things in harmony with the Mosaic law. They were sure that there must have been links which united these thinkers to the current of Divine revelation, and were led to imagine of what sort these links necessarily were.

    The names of poets such as Orpheus and Linus, who survived only in their names, suggested the source of these links these resemblances: Hence the wholesale forgeries, mainly by Jews, of Greek poems.

God’s Law as Given to Moses:

    On the other hand, there was the desire to harmonize Moses and his law with the philosophical ideas of the time.

    Philo the Alexandrian, the most conspicuous example of this effort, could not have been an isolated phenomenon; he must have had many precursors. This latter movement, although most evident in Egypt, and probably in Asia Minor, had a considerable influence in Judaea also.

    Political events aided in the advance of both these tendencies. The distinct favor that Antiochus the Great showed to the Greeks and to those barbarians who Hellenized, became with his son Antiochus Epiphanies a direct, religious persecution.

    This emphasized the protest of the Hasidim on the one hand, and excited (he imagination of the visionaries to greater vivacity on the other.

    While the Maccabees and their followers were stirred to deeds of valor, (he meditative visionaries saw in God their refuge, and hoped for deliverance at the hand of the Messiah. They pictured to themselves the tyrant smitten down by the direct judgment of Jehovah.

    After the death of Epiphanes, the Maccabeans had become a power to be reckoned with, and the visionaries had less excitement from external events till the Herodian family found their way into supreme power. At first the Herodians favored the Pharisaic party as that which supported John Ilyrcanus II, the friend of Antipater, the father of Herod the Great, and the Essenes seem to have taken Herod at first into their special favor.

    However, there was soon a change. In consequence of the compliance with heathen practices, into which their connection with the Romans forced the Herodians, the more religious among the Jews felt, themselves compelled to withdraw all favor from the Idumean usurper, and to give up all hope in him.

    This naturally excited the visionaries to new expectation of Divine intervention. Behind the Herodians was the terrible iron power of Home. The Romans had intervened in the quarrel between John Hyrcanus and his brother Aristobulus.

    Pompey had desecrated the temple by intruding into the Holy of Holies.

    The disastrous overthrow that he suffered at the hands of Caesar and his miserable end on the shores of Egypt seemed (o be a judgment on him for his impiety. Later, Nero was (he especial mark for the Apocalyptists, who by this time had become mainly Christian. Later Rom emperors impressed the imagination of the Apocalyptists, as the Flavians.

II. General Characteristics of Apocalyptic.

    Both in matter and form apocalyptic lit. and the writings associated with it differ

    1. Difference of the prophetic writings of the from preceding periods.

    As already mentioned, while the predictive element Content is present in Apocalypses, as in Prophecy, it is more prominent and relates to longer periods and involves a wider grasp of the state of the world at large. Apocalypse could only have been possible under the domination of the great empires.

    Alike in Prophecy and in Apocalypse there is reference to the coming of the Messiah, but in the latter not only is the Messianic hope more declared, it has a wider reference.

    In the Prophets and Psalmists the Messiah had mainly to do with Israel.

      >> "He will save his people";

      >> "He will die for them";

      >> "His people shall be all righteous."

    All this applies to Israel, but there is no imperial out look.

    In the Apocalypses, however, the imperial outlook is prominent, beginning with Daniel in which we find the Messianic kingdom represented by a "son of man" over against the bestial empires that had preceded (Daniel 7:13) and reaching the acme of Apocalypse, if not its conclusion, in the Rev of St. John:

      "The kingdom of the world is become the kingdom of our Lord, and of his Christ" (Rev 11:11).

    THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPEDIA



    BY NEWTONSTEIN, CAMBRIDGE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

    While the prophet was primarily a preacher of righteousness, and used prediction either as a guarantee, by its fulfilment, of his Divine mission, or us mi exhibition of I he natural result of rebellion against God’s righteous laws, to the Apocalyptist prediction was the thing of most- importance, and in the more typical Apocalypse there is no moral exhortation whatever.

    In the literary form employed there are marked differences between Apocalyptic and Prophecy.

    Both make use of vision, but in Prophecy, in the more restricted sense of the word, these visions are as a rule Prophecy implied, rather than being described. In Literary Although Isaiah calls the greater part Form of his Prophecy "vision." yet in only one instance does he describe what he sees; as a rule he assumes throughout that his audience.- knows what is visible to him.

    The only instance (ch 6) in which he does describe his vision is not at all predictive; the object is exhortation. In the case of the Apocalypses the vision is the vehicle by which the prediction is conveyed.

    In Ezekiel there are visions, but only one of these "the valley of dry bones" is predictive. In it the symbols used are natural, not, as always in Apocalypses, arbitrary. Cf in Daniel’s vision of the Ham and the He-goat (ch 8).

    In Ezekiel in dry-bones naturally suggest death, and the process by which they are revivified the reader feels is the natural course such an event, would take did it come within the sphere of ordinary experience; while in what is told of the horns on the head of the goat, there is no natural reason for the changes that take place, only a symbolical one.

    This is still more marked in the vision of the Eagle in 4 Esdras 11.

    What may be regarded as yet more related to the form is the fact that while the Prophets wrote in a style of so elevated prose that it always hovered on the border of poetry indeed, frequently passed into it and employed the form of verse, as Isaiah 26:1 the Apocalyptists always used pure prose, without the elaborate parallelism or cadenced diction of Hebrew poetry.

    The weird, the gorgeous, or the terrible features of the vision described are thrown into all the higher relief by the baldness of the narrative.

    III. Authorship of Jewish Apocalyptic Works.

    In most cases the question of authorship is one that has to be discussed in regard to

    1. Each work individually.

    A number of Pseudepigraphic characteristics of these works render Authors such a procedure impossible in regard not Known to them. If we put to the one side the Individually two Apocalypses that form part of the canon, they are all pseudonymous, as En and Bar, or anonymous, as the Book of Jubilees.

    Many of them in addition show traces of interpolation and modification by later hands.

    If we had a full and clear history of the period during which they were written, and if its literature had to a great extent been preserved to us we might have been in a position to fix on the individual; but as matters stand, this is impossible.

    At the same time, however, from internal evidence, we may form some idea of the surroundings of those who have written these works. From the striking resemblance in general style which they exhibit, and from the way in which some of them are related to the others, many of these works seem to have been the product of similar circumstances.

    Even those most removed from the rest in product type and general attitude are nearer of One Sect them than they are to any other class of work. All affirmative evidence thus points to these works having been composed by authors that, were closely associated with each other.

    The negative evidence for this is the very small traceable influence these works had on later Jewish thought.

    Many of them are quoted by the Christian Fathers, some of them by NT writers.

    The whole of these works have been preserved to us through Christian means. A large number have been preserved by being adopted into the OT Ccanon of the Ethiopic Church.

    A considerable number have been unearthed from Ambrosian Library in Milan; most of them have been written in Philestina, Canaan-Land by Jewish writers; yet no clear indubitable sign of the knowledge of these books can be found in the Jewish Talmud. The phenomenon hen; noted is a striking one.

    Works, the majority of which are written in Hebrew by Jews, are forgotten by the descendants of these Jews, and are retained Sects by Ggentile Christians, by nations who were ignorant of Hebrew and preserved them in later or Ethiopic translations.

    A characteristic of the Judaism during the period in which these books were appearing was the power exercised by certain recognized sects. If one takes the most nearly contemporary historian of the Jews, Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian), as one s authority, it is found how prominent the three sects, Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes, were.

    To a certain extent this is confirmed by the Gospels and the Acts, with this noticeable exception the Essenes are never mentioned by name. The scribes, the literary class among

    4. Not from the Jews, all belonged to one or other Sadducees of these ruling sects. Consequently these works must have proceeded from members of one of those sects. Their mutual resemblance precludes their authors from belonging some to one sect and some to another.

    We know pretty exactly from Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) and the NT what the character and tenets of the Sadducees were. They were the priestly sacerdotal class, and were above all, political schemers. They received only the Pentateuch as authoritative, and had no share in the Messianic hopes of which the Prophets were overflowing.

    They believed neither in angel nor spirit, and had no hope of immortality (Acts 23 8). Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) compares them with the followers of Epicurus among the (Greeks. Nothing could be farther removed from the spirit and doctrines of the Apocalypses than all this. The Messianic hopes bulk largely; angels are prominent, their hierarchies are described and their names given.

    The doctrine of immortality is implied, and the places of reward and punishment are described. The Apocalypses cannot there fore be attributed to the Sadducees. There is greater plausibility in attributing them to the Pharisees. So far as doctrines are concerned, there is no doubt that the agreement is relatively close. There are, however, difficulties in accepting this view of their origin.

    With the fall of the Jewish state, the Sadducees and appeared when there was no field for Pharisees political activity, and when with the destruction of the temple there were no more sacrifices to require the services of Aaronic priests. Nearly contemporaneously the Essenes disappeared in Christianity. The Pharisees alone remained to carry on the traditions of Judaism.

    We have in the Jewish Talmud the result of Pharisaic literary activity. The Mish is the only part, of this miscellaneous conglomeration which is at all nearly contemporary with the works before us. It has none of the characteristics of the apocalyptic writings. The later Hagadic Midr have more resemblance to some of these, noticeably to the Book of Jub. Still, the almost total want of any references to any of the Apocalypses in the recog nized Pharisaic writings, and the fact that no Jewish version of any of these books has been pre served, seems conclusive; against, the idea that the Apocalypses owed their origin to the Pharisaic schools. The books that form the ordinary Apoc are in a different, position. The majority, if not

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    (he whole of them, were received into the Jewish canon of Alexandria. Some of them are found in Hob or Aram., as Eoolus, Tub and Jth. None of the Apocalypses have been so found. This leads necessarily to the conclusion that the Pharisees did not write 1 hese books.

    By the method of exclusions, we are led thus to adopt, the conclusion of Hilgenfeld, that they are the work of the Essenes. We have, 6. Probably however, positive evidence. We know from from Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) that the Essenes had many

    Essenes secret sacred books. Those books before us would suit this description. Further, in one of these books (4 Esdj we find a story which affords an explanation of the existence of these books. 2 (4) Esdras 14 40-1S tells ho,v to Ezra there was given a cup of water as it were fire to drink, and then he dictated to five men. These men wrote in characters which they did not under stand "for forty days," until they had written "four score and fourteen books" (RV). He is com manded, "The first that thou hast written publish openly, and let the worthy and unworthy read it : but keep the seventy last that thou mayest deliver them to such as be wise among thy people." While the twenty-four books of the ordinary canon would be open to all. these other seventy books would onlv be known by the wise presumably, (ho Essones. This story proceeds on the assumption that all the Biblical books had been lost during the Babylonian captivity, but that after he had his memory quick ened, E/ra was able to dictate the whole of them; but of these only twenty-four were to be published to all; there were seventy which were to be kept by a society of wise men. This would explain how the Books of En and Noah, and the account of (he Asm M could appear upon the scene at proper times, and yet not be known before. In the last- named book there is another device. Moses tells Joshua to embalm (li/ilrinn) the writing which gives an account of what is coming upon Israel. Books so embalmed would be liable to be found when Divine providence saw the occasion ripe. These works art 1 products of a school of associates which could guard sacred books and had prepared hypotheses to explain at once how they had re mained unknown, and how at certain crises they became known. All this suits the Essenes, anil especially that branch of them that, dwelt as Coeno bites beside the Dead Sea. ,Ye are thus driven to adopt Ililgonfeld s hypothesis thai the Essenes were the authors of these books. Those of them (hat formed the Community of Engedi by their very dreamy seclusion would be especially ready to see visions and dream dreams. To them it would seem no impossible thing for one of the brotherhood to be so possessed by the spirit of Enoch or of Noah that what he wrote were really the words of the patriarch. It would not be incon ceivable, or even improbable, that Moses or Joshua might in a dream open to them books written long before and quicken their memories so that what they had read in the night they could recite in the day-time As all the Essenes were not dwellers by the shores of the Dead Sea, or "associates with the palms of Engedi," some of the writings of this class, as we might expect, betray a greater knowl edge of the world, and show more the influence of events than those which proceeded from the Coenobites. As to some extent confirmatory of this view, there is the slight importance given to sacrifice in most of these works.

    WORKS ENTITLED APOCALYPTIC

    In the classification of plants and animals in natural science the various orders and genera pre sent the observer with some classes that have all

    the features that characterize the general class prominent and easily observable, while in others these features are so far from pronii- Classes of nent that to the casual observer they Books arc invisible. This may be seen in the

    apocalyptic writings: there are some that present all the marks of such as the Book of Enoch, the Asm M and the Apoc Bar. They all claim to be revelations of the future a future which begins, however, from the days of some ancient saint and then, passing over the time of its act ual composition, ends wit h the coming of the Messiah, the setting up of the Messianic kingdom and the end of the world. There are others, like the Book of Jnb, in which the revelation avowedly looks back, and which thus contain an amount of legendary matter. One of the books which are usually reckoned in this class, has, unlike most of the Apocalypses, which are in prose, taken the Book of Psalms as its model the Ps Sol. A very considerable number of the works before us take the form of farewell counsels on the part of this or that patriarch. The most famous of these is the XII P. Although the great majority have been written in Hebrew or Aram by Jews resident in Philestina, Canaan-Land, the Sibylline books, composed to a great extent bv Jews of Alexandria, present an exception to this.

    We shall in the remainder of the art. consider these sub-classes in t he order now mentioned: (1) Typical Apocalypses; (2; Legendary Testaments; (3)PsaImic; (4j Testaments; (f Sibylline Oracles.

    /. Apocalypses Proper. As above indicated, all these take the Book of Daniel as their model, and imitate it more or less closely. One peculiarity in this connection must be referred to. While we have already said these later Apocalypses were practically unknown by the Jews of a couple of cents, after the Christian era, the Book of Daniel was universally regarded as authoritative alike by Jews and Christians. In considering these works, we shall restrict ourselves to those Apocalypses that, whether Jewish or Christian by religion, are the production of those who were Jews by nation. The most important of these is the Book, or rather, Books of Enoch. After having been emoted in Jude and noticed by several of the 1. Books Fathers, this work disappeared from of Enoch the knowledge of the Christian church. (1) History of the Ixioks. Fairly copious extracts from this collection of books hail been made by George Syncellus, the 8th cent. chronographer. With the exception of those fragments, all the writings attributed to Enoch had disappeared from the ken of European scholars. In the last quarter of the 18th cent. Bruce, the Abyssinian traveler, brought to Europe three copies of the Book of En in Ethiopic, which had been regarded as canonical by the .Abyssinian church, and had consequently been preserved by them. Of these three copies, one he retained in Kinnaird House, another he presented to the Bodleian Library in Oxford, the third he gave to the Royal Library in Paris. For more than a quarter of a cent, these manuscripts remained as unknown as if they had still been in Abyssinia. In the year 1800 Sylvestre de Sacy published an art. on Enoch in which he gave a translation of the first sixteen chs. This was drawn from the Parisian copy. Twenty-one years after Archbishop Laurence published a translation of the whole work from the MS in the Bodleian. Seventeen years after he published the text from the same MSouth The expedition to Magdala under Lord Napier brought a number of fresh MSS to Europe; the German missionaries, for whose release the advance had been undertaken, brought a number to Germany, while a number came to the British

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    Museum. Some other travelers had brought, from the East MSS of this precious book. Flemming, the latest R of the text, claims to have used 26 MSSouth It needs but a cursory study of the Ethiopia text to see that it is a translation from a Greek original. The quotations in George Syncellus confirmed this, with the exception of a small fragment published by Mai. Until the last decade of last, cent. Syncellus fragments formed the only remains of the Cir text known. In 1S!)2 M. Bouriant published from MSS found in Gizeh, Cairo, the Greek of the first 32 chs. More of the Greek may be discovered in Egypt . Mean time we have the Greek of chs 1-32, aiid from the Vatican fragment a portion of eh 89. A study of the Greek shows it also to have been a translation from a Hebrew original. Of this Hebrew original, however, no part has come down to us.

    As we have it, it is very much a conglomeration of fragments of various authorship. It is impossible to say whether the Greek translator was the collector of these fragments or whether, when the mass of material came into his hands, the interpolations had already taken place. However, the probability judging from the usual practice of translators, is that as he got the book, so he translated it.

    (2) Summary of ihr h<,/.-. The first, chapter gives an account of the purpose of the book, chs 25 an account of his survey of the heavens. With 6 begins the book proper. Chs 6 19 give an account of the fallen angels and Enoch s relation to them. Chs 20-36 narrate Enoch s wanderings through the universe, and give an account of the place of punishment, and the secrets of the West and of the center of the earth. This may be regarded as the First Hook of Enoch, the Book of the Aii -vls With ch 37 begins the Book of Similitudes The first Similitude (chs 37-44; represents the future kingdom ol God, the dwelling of the righteous and Of the angels; and finally all the secrets of the heavens. This last, portion is interesting as reveal ing the succession of the parts of this conglomera tionthe more elaborate the astronomy, the later the simpler, the earlier. The second Similitude Mis 45-57) brings in the Son of Man as a super human it not also superangelic bein-, who is to come to earth as the Messiah. The third Simili tude occupies chs 58-71, and gives an account of the glory ot the Messiah and of the subjugation Of the kings ol the earth under Him. then- is interpolated a long account, of Leviathan and Behemoth. There are also Noachian fragments inserted. The Book of the Courses of the Lumi naries occupies the next eleven chs, and subjoined to these are two visions (chs 83-90), in the latter of which is an account of the history of the world to the Maccabean Struggle. Fourteen chs which follow may be called "The Exhortations of Enoch " The exhortations are emphasized by an exposition of the history of the world in 10 successive weeks It may be noted here that there is a dislocation The passage 91 12 contains the S, !), and 10 weeks while ch 93 gives an account of the previous ? After ch 104 there are series of sections of varying origin which may be regarded as appendices. I here are throughout these books many inter polations. The most observable of these are what are known as "Noachian Fragments," portions in which Noah and not Enoch is the hero and spokes man. There are, besides, a number of universally acknowledged interpolations, and some that are held by some to be interpolated, are regarded by others as intimately related to the immediate con text. The literary merit of the different portions is various: of none of them can it be called high. The Book of Similitude s, with its revelations of heaven and hell, is probably the finest.

    (3) The language. We have the complete books

    only in Ethiopic. The Ethiopic, however is not 3 already observed, the original language of the writings. Ihe numerous portions of it which still survive in Greek, prove that at all events our Ethiopic is a translation from the Greek. The question of how far it is the original is easily settled. The angels assemble oil Matthew Hermon, we are told (ch 6), and bind them selves by an oath or curse: "and they called it Mount Hermon because they had sworn and bound themselves by mutual imprecation upon it " This has a meaning only in Hebrew or Aram., not in Greek A very interesting piece of evidence of the original language is got irom a blunder. In 90 ; we are told that "they all became white bullocks and the first was the Word" (nagara). As for the appear ance ot this term, from its connection it is obvious that some sort of bullocks is intended. In Hebrew the wild ox is called r ein (Aram.rma). The Greek translators, having no Greek equivalent available transliterated as rem or num. This the translators contused , vl th Tcma, "a word." It j. s impossible to decide with anything like certainty which of the two languages, Jl,/ b ,. Aram., was the original though from the sacred character ascribed to Enoch the probability is in favor of its being Hebrew.

    (4) The dateThe quotion of date is twofold Since Enoch is really made up of a collection of hooks and fragments of books, the question of the temporal relation of these , ( , ( , (( ,h ()t j u , r is 1h(1 primary one. The common view is that chs 1 36 and 72 91 are by the same author, and form the nucleus of the whole. Although the weighty authority of Dr. Charles is against assigning these portions to one author, the resemblances are numerous and seem to us by no means so super ficial as he would regard them. He, with most critics, would regard the Book of Similitudes as later. Nevertheless, we venture to differ from this view, for reasons which we shall assign.

    (.~>) Th<- Hunt; of Noah. The fragments of the Book of Noah above alluded to present an intru sive element in the Hook of En. These, though fairly numerous, are not so numerous as Dr. Charles would claim. Those that show clear traces not only of being interpolations, but also of being inter polations from this Book of Noah, an; found onlv in those portions of the Book that appear to be written by the author of chs 37-71. In them and in the Noachian fragments there are astronomical portions, as there are also in the portion that seems to proceed from another hand, chs 1-36, 72-91. When these are compared, the simples) account of the phenomena of the heavens is found in the non- Noachian portions, the first noted chs 37-71, 92 107; the next in complexity is that found in the Noachian interpolations; the most complex is that contained in chs 72-91. This would seem to indicate that the earliest written portion was chs 37 71, 92-107. Our view of the date of this middle portion of En, the Book of Similitudes is opposed by Dr. Stanton (Jeicish and Christian Messiah, 60 li:*, 241-44), who maintains that it is post-Christian. For this decision he rests mainlv on the use of the title "Son of Man. This title he says, as applied to the Messiah, is unknown in rabbinic lit. Rabbinic lit. is all so late as to be of no value. The Mish has few traces of Messianic belief, and was not committed to writing till the end of the 2d cent., when the difference between church and synagogue was accentuated. He further states thai if, was not, understood by the Jews who heard our Lord, and brings as proof -In 12 Ml, The Son of Man must be lifted up Who is thisthe Son of Man?" Dr. Stanton (Jewish <m<l, Christian, Messiah, 2-11) so translates the passage. To us, the last clause is a mistr. The Greek usage in regard to hmitus ho would lead

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    us to translate: "Who is this peculiar kind of Son of Man?" This is the meaning which suits the context. Our Lord had not in all the preceding speech used the title "Son of Man" of Himself. This sentence really proves that the multitude re garded the title as equivalent- to Messiah or Christ. It might be paraphrased, "The Christ abide! h ever; how sayest thouthen, the Christ must be lifted up? Who is this Christ?" In fact, Our Lord s adoption of the title is unintelligible unless it were under stood by His audience as a claim to being Messiah. It had the advantage that it could not be reported 1o the Romans us treasonable. There are supplemen tary portions of En which may be neglected. At first sight 10 1-3 appear to declare themselves as Noachian, but close inspection shows this to be a misapprehension. If we take the Or text of Syn- cellus, Uriel is the angel sent to Noah. The Ethi- opic and Gi/eh Or are at this point clearly corrupt. Then the introduction of Raphael implies that the first portion of this ch and this Raphael section are by the same author. But the Raphael section has to do with the binding of Azazel, a person in timately connected with the earlier history of the Jews. Should it be objected that, according to the Massoretic reckoning, as according to that of the LXX, Noah and Enoch were not living together, it may be answered that according to (he Sam they were for 1M) years contemporaries. In ch 68 Xoah speaks of Enoch as his grandfather, and assumes him to be a contemporary of himself. Moreover, we must not expect precise accuracy from Apocalyptists.

    (6) Ri ldtinn, of external chronology. When the internal chronology of the book is fixed, the way is open for considering the relation of external chronology. Dr. Charles has proved that the Hook of Jub implies (he Noachian portion in the Enoch Books. Ther(> are notices of the existence of a Book of Noah (10 13). There is reference also to a Book of En (21 10). Dr. Charles would date the Hook of Jub between 135 and 10") BC. If, then, the Book of Noah was already known, and, as we have* seen, the Hook of En was yet older, it would be impossible to date En earlier than 160 BC. Personally we are not quite convinced of the correctness of Dr. Charles s reasonings as to the date of the Book of Jub, as will be shown at more length later. There appears to us a reference in En 66 f) to the campaign of Antiochus the Great against the Parthians and the Medes. Early in his reign (220 BC) he had made an expedition to the Kast against- the revolted provinces of Media and Persia, which he subdued. This was followed (217 BC) by a campaign in Philestina, Canaan-Land, which at first suc cessful, ended in the defeat of Raphia. In (he year 212 BC he made a second expedition to the East, in which he invaded India, and subdued into al liance the formidable Parthian and Bactrian king doms. The expectation was natural that now, having gained such an access of power and repu tation, Antiochus would desire to wipe out the dishonor of Raphia. It was to be anticipated that along with the nationalities from which ordinarily the Syr armies were recruited, the Parthians would be found, and the earlier subdued Medes. The description of the treading down of the land of the Elect is too mild for a description of the desecra tion wrought by Epiphanes. If we are right, we may fix on 205 BC, as the probable date of the nucleus. The Book of the Luminaries of the Heavens which we feel inclined to attribute to the same hand as chs 1-36 contains a history of Israel that terminates with the Maccabean Struggle still proceeding. Dr. Charles would date this por tion 161 BC. Personally, we should be inclined to place it a few years earlier. He would place

    chs 1-36 before the Maccabean Struggle. Accord ing to our thinking the genuine Noachian fragments fall between these. The Book of Noah seems to have existed as a separate book in the time when the Book of Jub was written. It is dependent on Enoch, and therefore after it. The use of portions taken from it to interpolate in the En Books must have taken place before the Maccabean Struggle. There are other passages that have every appear ance of being interpolations, the dale* of which it is impossible to fix with any definiteness.

    (7) T/ie Xlaronie Enoch. In the year 1S92 the attention of Dr. Charles was directed to the fact that a Book of En was extant in Slavonic. Perusal proved it not to be a version of the book before us, but another and later pseudepigraphic book, taking, as the earlier had done, the name of Enoch. It is totally independent of the 1 Ethiopic En Book, as is seen by the most cursory consideration. It begins by giving an account of En s instruction to his descendants how he had been taken up to the seventh heaven. Another manuscript adds other three heavens. In the third (?) heaven Enoch is shown the place of the punishment of the wicked. In the description of the fourth heaven there is an account- of (he physical conditions of the uni verse, in which the year is said to be 3651- days; but the course of the sun is stated as a course of 227 days; which appears to be all that is accounted for. Here the independence of the Slavonic En is clear, as the Ethiopic En makes (he year 364 days. There are many points of resemblance which show that the writer of the Slavonic En had before him the book which has come down to us in Ethiopic, but the relationship is not by any means so close as to be called dependence. The definite numbering of the heavens into seven or ten is a proof of its later date. It is related to the XII P, and also to the Asc Isaiah. We cannot quite acknowledge (he cogency of the proofs that any portion of (his Book has been composed in Or: hence we cannot agree with Dr. Charles that it was composed in Alexan dria. The resemblances to Philo are too few and slight to be convincing. That some of it was origi nally Hebrew Dr. ( harles admits. The date Dr. Charles assigns to it 1-50 AD seems reasonable, with this qualification, that it seems nearer the later than the earlier of these dates. A double translation, with the certainty of some interpolations and the probability of many more, makes any decided judgment as to date hazardous, so much has to depend on resemblances between books in cases where it is impossible to decide which is dependent on which. It is at once an interesting and a valuable addition to our knowledge of the mind of the age preceding the publication of the gospel.

    (8) .SYr/v/.s of Enoch. In imitation of this Book and in some sense in dependence on it was written a rabbinic Book of the Secrets of En. It is attrib uted to Rabbi Ishmael, who was a prominent figure in the rebellion of Barcochba. En is there noted as Metatron. It follows to some extent the course of the Slavonic Book of En. It is this book that is referred to in the Jewish Talmud, not the more important book quoted by Jude.

    Though not without its value in estimating the trend of pre-Christian speculation, the Apocalypse

    of Bar did not influence thought in 2. Apoca- the way that the Books of En have lypse of done. It is neither quoted nor re- Baruch ferred to by any of the Christian

    Fathers. Irenaeus (V, 33) quotes a saying which he attributes to Our Lord on the authority of Papias, who claims to have in this attribution the authority of John behind him. This saying we find in the Apocalypse before us, though Considerably expanded. In regard to this,

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    in the first place we have only the Lat VS of Iren- aeus, not the Greek original. In the next place, even though the Lat may be a faithful ir of the Greek, still it is only a quotation from a lost book, which itself records traditions. The fact that it is in the shortest form in the book before us would seem to indicate that it is the original. If that is so, we may regard it as having a certain vogue among the Essenian school and their sympathizers. In the Syr Apoc rypha published by Lagarde there is a small book entitled The Epistle of Baruch the Scribe." This occurs at the end of our Apocalvpse of Bar. In Cyprian s Teat, contra Jud., Ill, 2!), we have a passage of considerable length attributed to Bar, a few words of which agree with a passage in this Apocalypse. Hippplytus quotes an oath used by certain Gnostics which he says is found in the Book (if Bar. There are features in t he passage thus quoted which seem to be echoes of the book before us. This was all that, was known of the Apocalypse of Bar until the last half-cent., when Ceriani dis covered a Syr version of it. in the Ambrosian Li brary in Milan, nearly complete.

    (1) Summary <>J tin h,,nl;. -It. begins after the model of a prophecy: "The word of the Lord came to Baruch, the son of Neriah, saying." In this he follows the phraseology of Jeremiah. He and Jeremiah emiah are commanded to leave Jems as God is about to pour forth His judgment upon it. Baruch en treats God for his city, and God shows him that tin; punishment will be temporary. Then the Chaldaeans come to fulfil what God has threatened, but Baruch is shown the angel ministers of Divine vengeance saving the sacred vessels by calling upon the earth to swallow them up. Then the angels helped the Chaldaeans to overthrow the walls of Jerus. Not withstanding that in the canonical Book of Jeremiah (43 6.7) and in 2 Kings the prophet goes down to Egypt, Baruch declares that Jeremiah is sent to comfort the captives in Babylon, while he, Baruch, is to remain in Judaea, lie mourns over Jems and denounces woes in Babylon (chs 1 12). While he is standing upon Matthew. /ion lie is called into colloquy with God ;l s to the method of Divine dealing with Judah, and a revelation is promised him (chs 13-20). This rev elation is introduced by a prayer of Baruch followed by a colloquy with the Almighty. Baruch asks, "Will that tribulation continue a long time?" He is answered that there will be twelve successive dif ferent forms of judgment which shall come. Then follows an enigmatic sentence, Two parts weeks of seven weeks" are the measure and reckoning of the time" which probably means that each of the parts ia a jubilee or half_a cent. At the expiry of this period the Messiah is to appear. Here a description is given of the glories of the Messianic kingdom in the course of which occurs the passage already re ferred to as quoted by Papias (chs 21-30). The writer, forgetting what, he has already said of the desolation of Jerus, makes Bar assemble the Elders of Jerus and announce that he is going to retire into solitude. In his retirement he has a vision of a wooded hill, and at the foot of it is a vine growing and beside the vine a spring of water. This fountain swelled and became tempestuous, sweep ing away all the forest on the hill but one great cedar. It, too, falls at length. The interpreta tion is given. The forest is the fourth Empire of Daniel the Rorn the many magistracies being symbolized by the numerous trees of the forest. The Messiah is the vine and 1 lie fountain. It is probable that Pompey is the leader referred to (chs 31-40). Then follows a colloquy of Baruch first with God, then with his son and the Elders of the people. A long prayer with God s answer which includes a de scription of the punishment, of the wicked and the reward of the righteous the latter is next given

    with greater fulness (chs 41-52). Another vision is

    bright and dark and a final torrent blacker than anything else and closed by a bright light. The angel Ramiel comes to Baruch to interpret the vision It represents the history of Israel to the return to Judaea under the decree of Cyrus. The last dark waters represent the Maccabean Struggle. It would seem as if the vision carried the conflict on to the fratricidal conflict between John Hyrcanus II and Anstobulus (chs 53-77). Then follows the epistle to the nine and a half tribes (chs 78-87). _ (2) Xtrucltirc. Preliminary to anything further .s the discussion of the state of the book how far it is one, how far it is composite or interpolated. -I hat it contains different portions is obvious on the slightest careful study. The lirst portion that the reader marks off is the "epistle to the nine tribes and a half." As has already been mentioned this portion appears independently and is preserved by Lagarde in his Lz&n IY/. 7Y.s/. Apocryphi, in which collection it precedes the ordinary apocryphal Book of Bar. The last section, which relates how tins epistle was sent to the nine tribes and ahalt bv an eagle, is omitted. The last section (ch 79) has been added, and has been modified in order to intro duce this epistle. It is not at all in the spirit of the rest ot this Apocalypse that the tribes carried awav captive by "Salmanasser, king of Assyria" have any share in the blessings revealed in the vision. 1 he epistle itself merelv narrates the capture of the city, and the help of the angels who hid the sacred vessels. It is to be noted that in (he earlier portion of this Apocalypse it is the earth that opens her mouth and swallows down the sacred vessels Another division reveals itself on further scrutiny I l-om the beginning to the end of ch 30 the course of the narrative is fairly continuous. A revelation is promised, and in the end we have a picture of the glory and plenty of 1 lie times of the Messiah. The next section begins with an exhortation which has little bearing on what has preceded. Then follows the vision of the forest and the surviving tree. The colloquy and the prayers that follow, to ch 52, are all connected, though not closely. But dose con nection is not to be expected from an oriental and an Apocalyptist. Then follow (he sections con nected with the vision of the twelve showers of rain and its interpret at ion. There are thus five independ ent sections exclusive of interpolations which may be due to different writers.

    (. :>) Language. In the first place it is clear that the Syr in which the work has come down to us is itself a (r from Greek. The MS of Ceriani states this in its title. This is confirmed by Graecisms filter ing through, as ho Man/i.^li in 65 1, where ho represents the Greek article. In some cases the read ings (hat are unintelligible can be explained by translation back into Greek, as shown by Dr. Charles. The most convincing is the use ma.de of this book by the writer of the "Rest of the Words of Bar," who wrote in Greek. Although not, a few scholars have followed Langen in maintaining that Greek was the original tongue, careful investigation proves that behind the Greek was Hebrew. The strongest of these proofs is that the echoes of Scriptural texts are almost invariably from the Hebrew as against the LXX. Thus in 6 8 Jeremiah three times addresses the earth and calls upon it to hear the word of the Lord So it is in the MT and in the Vulg, but not in the LXX, where the word "earth" is only given twice. Then are several other instances. Dr. Charles has care fully compared the idiomatic phrases and sees proof that usages of the MT have been preserved in the Greek, and (hence conveyed to the Syr. The most interesting of these is the peculiar Hebrew idiom of infinitive with finite verb to emphasize the action

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    narrated. This i.s rendered in LXX sometimes by connate noun and verb, and suniet itnes by part iciple and verb. The examples chosen by Dr. Charles have the disadvantage that none of them show the effect- on this idiom of passing through the two languages, C!r and Syr. In Paulus Tellensis there are examples e.g. 2 Kings 18 .M. He is scarcely accurate in saying that this idiom never occurs in the Pesh unless it is in the (ir. See Luke 1 22; .In 13 2 ( J, etc, as examples to the contrary. The proof seems conclusive that Hebrew was the original language of this Apocalypse, and that it was first translation 1 into (!r, and from that, into Syr. From this it follows almost necessarily that its place of origin was Philestina, Canaan-Land. That it has had practically no effect on .Jewish lit., and was potent enough among the Christians to lead a Christian about the middle of the 2:1 Chroniclesristian cent, to compose an addition to it, proves to our thinking its Ksseniaii origin.

    (4) Dale. Although the writer assumes the dest ruct ion of Jems by the army of the Chaldaeans, he evidently lias no conception of what sucli a catastrophe would really mean. He has no con ception of the length of time occupied by a siege, the terrors of famine, or the desolation thai follows the capture of a city. Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) tells us (/> ./, VII, i, 1) that save a portion of the west wall and three towers, the city was utterly ra/ed to the ground "there was nothing left to make those who came there believe that ever it had !>een inhabited." Vet, when endeavoring to realize the similar de struction which had befallen the city under Xeb- uchadnezzar, he speaks of himself sitting "before the gates of the temple" (10 ">), when the gates had wholly disappeared. Again, lie assembles the people and their elders "after these things" in the valley of the Kedron." The Apocalypse must be dated at all events considerably before 70 AD. On the other hand, it is subsequent to 1 he first part of En; it assumes it as known (56 10-K5). But- a closer discriminat ion may be reached. In t he vision of the wood and the one tree that- survives we have Pompey pointed out clearly. The multitude 1 of trees points to the numerous magistracies of Home. (Cf description of Senate of Rome in 1 Mace 8 !.">.) The seer in his vision sees all these swept- away and one remaining. It. could not be an emperor, as that, title was regarded as equivalent <> "king." as Xero in the Ase Isaiah is called "t he, matricide; king." The only other besides Pompey likely to be pointed to would be Julius Caesar. But the fall of the great desecrator of the temple, which the seer foresaw, would not- have failed to be noted as succeeded by that of Caesar who had conquered him. It is diffi cult for us to realize, the position Pompey occupied in the eyes especially of the eastern world before the outbreak of the civil war. Cicero s letters and his oration Pro laje Mnnili/t show the way Pompey tilled the horizon even in repul>lican Home, in a society most of the prominent members of winch claimed a descent that- would have enabled them to look down on Pompey. But in the East- he had enjoyed dictatorial powers. His intervention in the contest between the brothers John Hvrcanus II and Aristobulns could not fail to impress the Jews, and his desecration of the temple would mark him off for a very special destruction. The date is so far before the death of Pompey (48 BC) though after the desecration of the, temple that the possibility of anyone entering into conflict with him is not dreamed of. When we turn to the twelve showers, we are led to the time of this struggle also as that which shall immediately precede the coming of the Messiah. Another note of time is to be found in cli 28 "The measure and reckoning of the time are two parts, weeks of seven weeks." This we regard as two jubilees i.e. approximately

    a cent. The point to be fixed is the time from which this cent, is to be reckoned. To our idea it must be from some event connected with the temple. Such an event was the dedication of the temple by Judas Maccabaeus in the 148th year of the Seleucid era that is, lli. i BC. A cent, brings us exact Iv to the year of Pompey s capture of Jerus and desecration of the temple. Thus three different lines converge in pointing to (i() or o J BC as the date at which this book was written.

    (o) Relation In ol/icr linn/:*. The st range mingling of knowledge of Scripture and ignorance of it is a phenomenon to be observed. The very first clause contains a gross anachronism, whatever ex planation may be given of the statement. Taken with what follows, the statement, is that Jerus was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, "in the 2.">th year of Jeconiah, king of Judah." This naturally ought to mean the 2.">th year of the reign of Jeconiah, but he only reigned three months. Whether the date is reckoned from his life or his captivity, it will not suit the date of the capture of Jerus by the Chaldaeans. Another strange blunder appears in the subjoined "Epistle of liar"; the number of northern tribes who rebelled agr.inst Rehoboam is confused, with that of the tribes settled on the west of Jordan, and that of the tribes following the House of David with that of those on the east of Jordan. ^ et the general course of Biblical history is quite understood. The author seems fairly well acquainted with Jeremiah and Ps, as there are fre quent echoes of these books. Most, marked is the connection between this Apocalypse and the other books of the same class. This connection is not so obvious in quotable sentences as in the general atmosphere. This is very marked in regard to the En books, Ethiopic and Slavonic. In the case of the hitter, of course, the resemblance is not imi tation on the part of the writer of this Apocalypse. One marked distinction, one that- precludes any thought of direct imitation, is the elaborate angej- ology of the En books as compared with the one name which appears in the Apocalypse of Bar. The book with which the present Apocalypse lias closest relation is 2 (4) Esdras. Dr. Charles has given at the end of his translation of the work before us (A/xic of litirnch, 171) a long list of resemblances, not always of equal value. Sometimes the references are inaccurate. The main thing to be observed is that while 2 Esdras as we have it has on the one hand a markedly Christian coloring, which it seems im- possible to attribute to interpolation, and on the other, to have seen the desolation of Jerus under the Romans, there is no Christian element in the genuine Baruch, and the desolation is more senti mental as proved by the inability to realize the conditions consequent on the capture of the city by victorious enemies.

    ((>) The. irnrtlx of Barnch. One of the evidences of the influence our Apocalypse had in the Christian community is the composition by a Christian of "The Rest oftheWordsof Bar" (or Jeremiah). This was found, like so many other treasures, by Ceriani in the Am- brosian Library, Milan. Jeremiah is the principal spokes man in the book. It is revealed to him that Jerus is to be given into the hands of the Chaldaeans, and he announces this to Baruch. lie is desirous to Save Abimelech (Elicdmelech), and prays (lod for him, and Abimelech is sent away out of the city while the angels are overturning if. He goes to the vine yard of Agrippa and falls asleep. His sleep con tinues sixty years. When, arising from sleep, he enters Jerus again he does not recognize it. An angel leads him to Baruch who had made his abode in a tank. Baruch writes to Jeremiah, who has departed to Babylon. His letter is conveyed by an eagle. Jeremiah on receipt of this epistle collects all

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    (he captives and leads them hack to Jerus. Certain of them would not submit to the law in all its strictness, but, turning aside, founded _ Samaria. After some time .Jeremiah dies, rises again on the third day and preaches Christ as the Son of God, and is stoned by the Jews. A noticeable thing is the relatively accurate account of the date of Christ s appearance after the return from the captivity, 477 years, only it must be calculated from the reign of Artaxerxes and to the resurrection. This, however, would make Jeremiah nearly two hundred years old. Such a thing, however, is not a matter that would disturb a Jewish chronologer. "The Rest of the Words of Baruch" seems to have been written by a Christian Jew in Philestina, Canaan-Land before the rebellion of Barcochba.

    In the Epistle of Jude is a reference to a conflict between the archangel Michael and Satan, when they "disputed about the body of 3. The As- Moses." Origen (//< Princii>, iii.2) sumption attributes this to a book he calls A. s- of Moses ci imio jl/o.s/.s. Clement Alexandrinus gives an account of the burial of Moses quoted from the same book. There are several references to the book up to the (>th cent., but thereafter it disappeared till Ceriani found the fragment of it which is published in the Ada Xacra (I Profana (Vol I). This fragment is in Lat. It is full of blunders, some due to transcrip tion, proving that the last scribe had but an im perfect knowledge of the tongue in which he wrote. Some of the blunders go farther back and seem to have been due to the scribe who translation 1 it from (!r. Even such a common word as ///7/ywx ("afflic tion") he did not know, but attempted, by no means with conspicuous success, to transliterate it as r///;.x/.s-. So with alluphuloi "foreigners," the common LXX equivalent of "Philistine," and yet commoner ,s7,r/<r ("a tent ") and several others. It probably was dictated, as some of the blunders of the copyist may be better explained as mistakes in hearing, as fijnicis for Phoenicia, and venicnt for wniel. Some, however, are due to blunders of sight on the part of the translator, as muiixix for ///o//,sc.s. From this we may deduce that he read from a MS in cursive characters, in which v and i- were alike. This Milan MS has been frequently edited. Dr. diaries has suggested with great plausibility that there were two works, a Testament of Moses, and an Assumption, and that these have been combined; and, while Jude ver .) is derived from the Assumption, as also the quota tion in Clement of Alexandria, he thinks that Jude ver 10 is derived from separate clauses of the Testament. It may be observed that in the fragment, which has been preserved to us, neither the passages in Clement nor that referred to in Jude ver Hi are to be found.

    (1) Summary of llic honk. Moses, now in the plain of Moab, calls Joshua to him and gives him commands for the people 1 . He had already blessed them tribe by tribe. Now he calls his successor to him and urges him to be of good courage. He tells him that the world has been created for Israel, and that he, Moses, had been ordained from before the foundation of the world to be the mediator of this covenant. These commands are to be written down and preserved in clay jars full of cedar oil. This sentence is added to explain the discovery and publication. A rapid summary of the history of Israel to the fall of the Northern Kingdom follows. The successive reigns are called years eighteen years before the division of the kingdom, 15 Judges and Saul, David and Solomon, and nineteen after, the kings from Jeroboam to Hoshea. The Southern Kingdom has twenty years or reigns. The Southern Kingdom was to

    fall before Nebuehadnez/ar, the king from the East who would cover the land with his cavalry. When they are in captivity one prays for them. Here follows a prayer modeled on Daniel 9 4-1!) almost a version of it . In this connection it may be noted that of the ten tribes it is asserted they will multiply among the (Jentiles. There is a sudden leap forward to the time of the C.r domination. Singularly, the period of the Maccabees does not appear in this sketch of history. The times of Judas Maccabaeus are not mentioned, but the kings of his house, the descendants of Simon, are referred to as "Kings ruling shall rise from them, who shall be called priests of the Most High Cod." To them follows Herod, r< x pdulatitt, "who will not be of the race of the priests." He will execute judgment on the people like those of Egypt. Herod is to leave children who will reign after him for a short period. The Rom emperor is to put an end to their rule and to burn up Jems. Then comes a mutilated chapter, which, while following in the narrative, may yet be only another aspect of the oppression. The Roman officials figure duly as the source of this, and the Sadducean high-priestly party as their instruments. The resemblance to the terms in which Our Lord denounces the Phari sees leads one to think that they, too, are meant by the Essene authors. We have noted above that the Maccabean period is completely omitted. The persecution under Antioclms appears in chs 8 and 9. With Dr. Charles we are inclined to think they have been displaced. In ch 9 occurs the reference to the mysterious Tayo with his seven sons. Dr. Charles is quite sure the reference 1 is to the seven sons of the widow who suffered before Antiochus Epiphanes as related in 2 Mace 7 (4 Mace 8-17), but the "mother" is the prominent person in all t he forms of the story, while in no form of it is t heir father mentioned. It is to be noted that if T of this mysterious name, represents fl in the II eb ( = 400) , and 3 represents the letter C ( = (10) which occupies the same place in the Hebrew alphabet, and if the O represents "1 ( = (>), adding those numbers together we have the number 4(>f>, which is the sum of the letters of Shimeon. But nothing in the history of the second son of Mattathias resembles the history of the mysterious Taxo. On thissubject the reader is recommended to study Charles, Asxumi>- tion of Moscfi, 32-34. Taxo recommends his sons, having fasted to retire into a cave, and rather to die than to transgress the commands of (Jod. In this conduct, there is a suggestion of the action of several of the pious in the beginning of the An tiochus persecutions. Taxo then breaks into a song of praise to (iod, in the course of which he describes the final discomfit lire of the enemies of (Iod and of His people. The establishment of the Messianic kingdom is to be 2f>0 times after the Assumption of Moses. The interpretation of this is one of the difficulties in regard to this Apoc alypse. Langen takes the times as equivalent to decades, and Dr. Charles as year-weeks. _ The latter seems a more probable meaning of "time 1 ," as more in the line of Jewish thought. It should be noted that Dr. Charles thinks illius athrnlum refers not to the Messiah s corning, but to the last judgment. In answer to the declaration of Moses as to his approaching death, Joshua rends his gar ments and breaks forth into lamentations, wonder ing who will lead on the people when his master has departed. There is one phrase that seems to imply a tincture of classical culture. Joshua says of Moses, "All the world is thy Sepulchre," which seems to be a reminiscence of Pericles funeral oration (Thucyd. ii.4), "The whole earth is the monument of men of renown." He then casts him self at the feet of Moses. His master encourages

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    liiin ;in<l promises him success. At this point the fragment ends. It is to lie expected that shortly after this would occur the passage quoted by Clement of Alexandria, and still later that quoted in Jude.

    ( 2) Structure. It seems to have been united with one, if not t,vo other books, a, "Testament of Moses" and our Hook of .Jub. It would seem that in the present work we have mostly the "Testa ment." The insertion of the word mr/rilo/ic after nwrlc in 10 J2 indicates that when this copy was made the 1 two writings were united. As above remarked, there appears to have been a displace ment of chs 8 and 9; they ought, to have been placed between chs 4 and 5.

    (3) Lutti/niii/i . As already mentioned, the MS found by Ceriani in tin 1 Anibrosian Library is in Lai. No one, however, has maintained that this was the language in which it was originally written. It is evidently ;i translation from the ( !r. A number of (!r words are transliterated, some of them common enough. So clearly does the ( lr shine 1 hrough, t hat llilgenfeld has reproduced what lie imagines the (Ir text to have been. That having been sell led, a further question rises, Is the (!r the original tongue, or was it, too, a translation from a Sem original? The first alternative is that adopted by llilgenfeld. His arguments from the alleged impossibility of certain grammatical constructions being found in Hebrew are due to mistake. The presence of such words as Alloftli and Deuterortomion simply prove that in translating a book which claimed to be writ ten about Moses, t he writer followed t he diet ion used by the I, XX, just as Archbishop Laurence in translating Kn used the diction of the AY of the Bible. These questions have been ably investigated by Dr. Charles in his edition of t he Asm M (42-45). lie shows a number of Sem idioms which have persisted through the Cr some cases in which the meaning can only be got by reconstructing the Hebtext. Again, corruption can only be explained by means of a Sem text. It might be suggested that a fiilxiirinx writing in (!r would naturally employ the diction of the LXX as has been done frequently in English; the diction of the AV is used to cover the imitation of a sacred book. The fact that style was so little regarded as a means of settling dates and authorship renders this unlikely. The more delicate question of which of the two Sem toimues Aram, or Hebrew is employed, is more difficult to settle. There are, however, one or two cases in which we seem to see traces of the I /u- (translation<i translation) conversive a construction peculiar to Hebrew e.g. 8 2, "Those who conceal [their circumcision) he trill torture and Imx delivered up to be led to prison." The ignorance of 1 he scribe may, however, be invoked to explain this. On the other hand, the change of tense is so violent that even an ig norant scribe would not be likely to make it by mistake. Over and above, a narrative attributed to Joshua and asserted to be written down by him at the dictation of Moses, would necessarily be in Hebrew. From this we would deduce that Hebrew rather than Aram, has been the Sem original.

    (4) ])nti . The identification of the r;.r petulant with Herod and the statement that he should be succeeded by his sons who should reign a short time, fix the date of the composition of the work before us within narrow limits. It must have been written after the death of Herod and also after the deposition of Archelaus, G AD, and before it was seen that Antipas and Philip were secure on their thrones. Thus we cannot date it later than 7 or 8 AD. The intense hatred of the Herodians was a characteristic of this time. Later they came to be admired by the patriotic party.

    (5) Relation to other books. The most striking

    phrase is the name given to Moses arl>it< r (CN- Ini/trnli., "the mediator of the covenant," which we find repeatedly used in the Epistle to the lie: ;rx?/rx is the Greek lr of iHukltT h in Job 9 33, but in translating the Epistle to the He into Hebrew De- lit xsch uses ,sv;/-.w/-, a purely rabbinic word. Another rendering is in n<i<;t"h. There are several echoes in this book of passages in the OT, as the address to Joshua (1 1 f f) is parallel with Deuteronomy 31 7 f.

    The prayer in ch 4, as before observed, is modeled on Daniel 9 4-1!*. There are traces of acquaintance with the Psalter of Solomon in ch 5 as compared with Ps 4. In these there appear to be echoes of the present work in Our Lord s description of the Pharisees, when we compare Matthew 23 with ch 6.

    There is a fragment published by Ceriani en titled "History and Life ,i{it(jcxix l:n i polili in] of Adam, Which Was Kevealed by Clod to Moses, His Servant." It is an account of the life of our first parents after the death of Abel to their own death. It has been composed to all appearance in Cr, and really belongs not to Mosaic lit., but to that connected with Adam.

    It is to be noted that to Cain and Abel other names are given besides those so well known. They are called Atlia ]>liotos and Aiilnl>i f<, names of no assignable origin. There are no evidences of Christian influence; from this one would be led to regard it as a .Jewish writing; as the middle of it has been lost, any decision is to be made with caution.

    The Ascension of Isaiah was often referred to by name in the works of early Christian Fathers, espe cially by Origen. It is called by him 4. The "The Apocryphon of Isaiah." Epiph-

    Ascension anes gives it the title by which it is of Isaiah more commonly known. Now that we have the book, we find numerous echoes of it. Indeed, Origen claims that He 11 37 contains a reference to it in speaking of saints who were sawn asunder. Justin Martyr speaks of the death of Isaiah in terms that imply an acquaintance with this book. It had disappeared till Archbishop Laurence found a copy of it in Et hiopic on a London book-stall. The capture of Magdala brought home more 1 manuscripts. A portion of it had been printed in Venice from a Lat version.

    (( ) Xnnittniri/. In the 2lith year of his reign Ilezekiah calls Isaiah before him to deliver certain writings into his hand. Isaiah informs him that the devil Sammael Malkira would take possession of his son Manasseh, and that he, Isaiah, will be sawn asunder by his hand. On hearing this, Ilezekiah would order his son to be killed, but Isaiah tells him that the Chosen One will render his counsel vain. On the death of his father, Manasseh turned his hand to serve Berial Matanbukes. Isaiah retired to Bethlehem, and thence, with certain prophets Mic, Joel and Hab and also Hananiah and his own son Joab, he removed to a desert mountain. Balkira, a Sam, discovered their hiding-place. They are brought before Manasseh, and Isaiah is accused of impiety because he has said that he has seen Cod, yet Cod had declared to Moses, "There shall no flesh see my face." He had also called Jerus, Sodom, and its rulers, those of Comorrah. For Berial (Belial) had great wrath against Isaiah because he had revealed the coining of Christ and the mission of the apostles. At this point there appears to be a confusion between the first coming of Christ and His second. Lawless elders and shepherds are referred to as appearing, and it is assumed (he elders of the church and the pastors are intended, though this is not necessarily so. There certainly was much contention in the churches, as we know, concerning the question of circumcision. The reference, however, may be to the rulers and elders of Israel who crucified Our Lord. Then

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    follows the account of the incarnation of Beliar in Nero, "the matricide monarch," and the persecution of the twelve apostles, of whom one will be delivered into his hand the reference here being probably to the martyrdom of Peter. If it is Paul, then it is a denial of Peter s martyrdom at Rome alto gether; if it is Peter, it means the denial of Paul s apostleship. The reign of the Antichrist is to be "three years, seven months and twenty-seven days," that is, on the Rom reckoning, 1,335 days. This would seem to be calculated from Nero s persecution of the Christians. He makes a singu lar statement: "The greater number of those who have been associated together in order to receive the Beloved he will turn aside after him" a state ment that implies a vastly greater apostasy under the stress of persecution than we have any record of from other sources. A good deal is to be said for the insertion of 1,000 in the number 332 in 4 14, so as to make it read 1,332. At the end of this period "the Lord will come with His angels and will drag Beliar into (lehenna with his armies." Then follows a reference to the descent of the Beloved into >Sheol. The following chapter gives an account of the martyrdom of Isaiah, how he was "sawn in sunder with a wooden saw," and how Balkira mocked him, and strove to get Isaiah to recant. With oh 6 begins the Ascension proper. This oh, however, is merely the introduction. It is in ch 7 that, the account is given of how the prophet is carried up through the firmament and then through heaven after heaven to the seventh. A great angel leads him upward. In the firmament he found the angels of the devil envying one another. Above this is the first heaven where he found a throne in the midst, and angels on the right and the left, the former of whom were the more excellent. So it was in the second, third, fourth and fifth heavens. Each heaven was more glorious than that beneath. In the sixth heaven there was no throne in the midst nor was there any distinction between angels on the right and left; all were equal. He is then raised to the seventh heaven the most glorious of all where he sees not only God the Father, but also the Son and the Holy Spirit. As to the Son we are told that he should descend, and having assumed human form should be crucified through the in fluence of the Prince of this World. Having descended into Sheol, he spoiled it, and ascended up on high. In ch 10 there is a more detailed ac count of the descent of the Son through the suc cessive heavens, how in each He assumed the aspect, of the angels that dwelt therein, so that they did not know Him. In the Firmament, the quarreling and envying appeared at first to hinder Him. In ch 11 we have a semi-docetic account of the mirac ulous birth. With the declaration that it was on account of these 1 revelations that he, Isaiah, was sawn in sunder, the Apocalypse ends.

    (2) Structure. Dr. Charles has maintained that three works are incorporated the Testament of Hozekiah, the Martyrdom of Isaiah and the Vision of Isaiah. The names have been taken from those given to this work in patristic literature, and are not strictly descriptive of the contents, at least of the first. The confused chronology of the work as we have it may to some extent be due to tran scription and translation. From the opening para graph, there appears to have been an Apocryphon attributed to Hezekiah. Manasseh is called into his father s presence in order that here may be delivered to him words of righteousness "which the king himself had seen" "of eternal judgment, the torments of Gehenna and the Prince of this World and his angels and of his principalities and powers" a phrase which implies a knowledge of the Epistle to the Eph on the part of the writer. The contents

    given thus summarily are not further detailed. The Vision of Isaiah does not give any account of the powers and principalities of Satan s kingdom. It would seem better to regard the present work as composed of two the Martyrdom of Isaiah and the Vision or Ascension proper. The references backward and forward seem to imply a similarity of authorship in both parts. This would seem to suggest that the editor and author were one and the same person. There is a knowledge of Rom affairs at the time of Nero s fall so much beyond what anyone living in Philestina, Canaan-Land could attain that Rome would seem to be the place of composition.

    (3) Language. The immediate 1 original from which the translation, Ethiopic, Lat and Sclavonic were made appears to have 1 been (!r. It is clear in regarel to the Ethiopic where the proper name s which e lid in Hebrew in ft and in the 1 CJr transcription e tid in N, as Hezekias, Isaias, the latter is followed, but Manas seh is Manassa. An interesting ease is to be> found in 2 12: Mikayas is called "son of Amiela," where "Amiela" stands for Imlah. In the Ethiopio trans literation dlcph is generally used for the initial yodh as a vowel, as it is in "Israel" (Ethiopic Axmtl); hence "Imiela" might as correctly represent the name. Then as A (//) and A (/) are like each other the change is explained. Although certainly as said above, Greek has boon the immediate original, it is possible if not even probable that behind the Greek there was Hob. The 1 structure of the sentences suggests the same thing (sen 1 2 5 Greek). The mys terious name 1 give-n to Berial, Mattanbukus which, unfortunately, we have not in Greek seems to be intelligible only in the idea that it has a Hebrew etymology, nialtan bukuh, "the 1 gift of emptiness," the latter word being equivalent to "the void," "the abyss." The title 1 given to Sammael, Malkira, seems naturally to moan king of "the watchers"

    trim, the angels who, as related in En (10 5), eliel not continue in their first estate , but denied themselves with women. So Hclkira is "Lord of the fort" hti id klr. There thus seems to be a probability that like so many others of this class, the "Ascension" was originally written in Hebrew.

    (4) Date. No one 1 reading the "Ascension" can fail to fen-l that he has to elo with a Christian docu ment, and one belonging to the very beginning of Christian history. There may have been an ear lier Jewish Apocalypse behind, though to our think ing that does not seem necessary. It is made up of two documents, but the 1 Chroniclesristian element appears to be woven into the structure of both portions. That it is to be dated early in the 1 history of the church may be seen from the expectation of Christ s speedy reappearance in the world in His parousia. The conflict in the church between elders and shepherels gives a picture of the struggle between Judai/ors and the Pauline Christians on the other siele. The emphasis laid on the> tinirc, the 1 omission of all reference to Paul, indicates that it was Juda- izing. The dooetio account of the birth of Jesus, its indepenelence of the canonical Gospels, all speak of an early date. The date, however, it seems to us, can be fixed with great certainty. The reign of Berial, who has come down upon Nero and incar nated himself in him is to be three years, seven months and twenty-seven days, in all 1,335 days (4 12), the number in the end of Daniel (12 12). This number, it may be 1 notoel, is reached by reck oning the years and months according to the Julian Calendar, proving this Apocalypse to have been written in Rome. But the number is sin gularly near the actual duration of Nero s reign after the persecution had begun. From the burning of Rome (July 19, 04) to the death of Nero (June 9, OS) was 1,421 days that is, S6 days more. It was at least a month after the confla-

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    grntion that the persecution began, and longer till the mail orgy of cruelty when Christians wrap! in pitch and set on lire illuminated Nero s gardens. It ;i Christian in Rome saw the persecution, he might hope for the end of this reign of terror, and fix on the number he found in Daniel. It would seem that already the 1,2 , 10 days had been over passed, so lie hopes that the 1, . Wo days will see the end of the tyrant. There is a difficulty in the . W2 days of 4 14. The temptation is great to hold with Liicke, Dillmann and Charles that 1,000 has dropped out, and that the last figure ought to be 5; then we have the same number. In that case, this Apocalypse must have been writ ten after the news of the rebellion of Yindcx hud reached Koine, but before the dentil of Nero. If we may adopt this though the fact that the shorter no. is found in all three Ethiopia AISS makes this method of add ing a figure necessary to an explanation one to be avoided this would point to the time immediately preceding Nero s death. The difficulty is, where did the author get the number? If it is correct, it is probably the arithmogram of some name of Satan. Berial gives o22 by </ci>t(ilrifi. It would seem that another mark of t hue is given in the martyrdom of Peter, which may be dated (>4 AD. Another negative note is the nb.-ence of any reference to the fall of .ferns. Had it happened, Jew though the writer was, his love for his crucified Master would have led him to see the vengeance of heaven on the city which had put Him to death, and exult in it. It must have been written in the course of the year (>South

    I nlike t he books we have been discussing hitherto 4 Esdras has never disappeared from the knowledge of the church. It has, however, come 5. The 4th down to us primarily in a Lnt trans- Book of hit ion of a (!r original. Archbishop Esdras Laurence discovered an Ethiopic ver sion of it. Later an Armenian version with Lnt translation was published in Venice. An Arab, version is also in existence. It was received into the Apocrypha of the Anglican church, though excluded from that of Germany; by the Council of Trent 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras of our Apocrypha, were excluded from the Roman Catholic canon, and placed after Rev, along with Pr Man.

    (1) ^nnininnj.- The first two chs contain a prophecy after the model of Isaiah. Not a few pas sages show t he influence of the NT on it. Cf 2(4) Esdras 1 :>() with Matthew 23 :)7. and 2(4) Esdras 2 45 with Rev 7 Y.,. With ch 3 there is a new begin ning. This opens with a prayer which occupies the whole ch. In answer, I riel is sent from Cod and reveals to E/ra by various symbols the plan of Cod in regard to Israel. This goes on to t he middle of ch 5, and forms the first vision. After fasting seven days, a new communication is made by I riel to Ezra. It begins as the former did with a prayer. Then follows a series of questions intended to bring out the limited understanding of man. ,Ylien these are finished, Uriel gives an account of the his tory of the world from the creation. This vision ends with 6 <>> ). The third vision is very interest ing, as a large 1 section of 70 vs had been lost, and were recovered only comparatively recently. This vision contains an account of Creation as it is in Genesis, only rhetorical expansions occur, and a full description is given of Leviathan and Behemoth. Ezra is shown the heavenly Zion in vision as difficult of access. The portion recently discovered contains an account of the place of punishment, and there is mention of Paradise. The end of this is a prayer of E/ra, which seems an independent composi tion (8 20). The fourth vision begins with 9 26. In it E/ra is shown a woman weeping, who is inter preted to be Zion. She is transformed into a city

    (10 27). The fifth vision is the most important. It begins with an eagle appearing, which has three heads and twelve wings. This is interpreted as referring to the Horn empire, if would seem that this had been added to, as in addition to the twelve wings, eight other wings are spoken of. A lion appears who rebukes and destroys the eagle with the twelve wings. This lion is the Messiah and his kingdom. The sixth vision begins with ch 13 and contains an account of the coming of Christ. In the seventh we have an account of the re-writing of the books at the dictation of Ezra, and the reten tion of the seventy secret sacred books. In what has preceded we have followed the scheme of 1 Yitzsche. The last ch proceeds from the same pen as do the opening chs, and is combined with them by Frit/sche and called the Fifth Book of Esdras.

    (2) Structure. As has been indicated above,

    4 Esdras is marked off into several distinct portions, preceded by Ezra fasting, and introduced by a prayer on the part of the prophet. Kabisch has a more elaborate scheme than Fritzsche. Like him, he recognizes seven visions, and like him he sepa rates off the first ch and the last 17, 15, 16, as by a different hand from the rest of the book. But in addition, he recognizes additions made by a R throughout the book. To us the scheme appears too elaborate.

    ( . >) Linit/Kfit/c. As above mentioned, the immedi ate source of the Lnt text appears to have been Or. There is very little to enable us to settle the ques tion whether Or was the language in which this book was composed, or whether even the Or is a translation from Hebrew or Aram. There are many echoes of the other Scripture s, but no direct quotations, so t here is not hing to show whet her t he author used the Hebrew text or the LXX. The proper names do not supply any clue. Although there are so many versions of the Or, they are all so paraphrastic that the Or in most cases is not by any means cer tain. The few vs quoted in Or by Clemens Alex- andrinus do not afford space enough to discover through them if there is any other language behind. It possibly was written in He 1 !), as it, seems to have been written in Pnl.

    ( ,) Dalf. From the tone of the book then 1 is no doubt that it was written after the capture of Jems by Titus. Had it been due to the later cata clysm, when the rebellion of Barcochba was over thrown, a Christian Jew would not have manifested such sorrow. The break between the church and the synagogue was complete by that time. Further, had t his book been written under Hadrian, the previous disaster would have been referred to. Over and above the distinctly and avowedly Chris tian passage s, there are numerous echoes of the NT Scriptures. The fifth vision affords notes of time which would be more unambiguous if there 1 had not been additiems made. The eagle 1 with the three heads and twelve wings is declared to be the 1 fourth monarchy of Daniel, and by the context this is shown to be imperial Rome. The question that has exercised critics is the portion of the Rom history referred to. Liicke regarded the reference to be to rulers prominent in the- time of Sulla, and the three; heads to be the 1 first triumvirate. This view implies a knowledge- of Rom politics not possessed by any Jew of the pre-Christian period. Further, the echoes of NT language which occur (cf 2 [4] Esdras

    5 1 with Luke 18 S; 2 [4] Esdras 6 f> with Rev 7 3, etc) determine the decision against any idea that it was pre-Christian. The realization of the horrors of the overthrow of Jerus is too vivid to be> the result merely of imagination. Another theory would see in the three heads the three Septimians, Severus and his sons Caracalla and Geta. Tliw

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    would find a place for the eight under-wings, as that is exactly the number of emperors between Domitian and Severus, if one neglects the short reign of Didius Julianus. The destruction of "the two under wings that thought to have reigned" (2[4] Esdras 11 31) would be fulfilled in the defeat and death of Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus. The fact that it is the right-hand head that devours the head to the left fits the murder of Geta the younger son, by Caracalla, the elder. Against this view is the fact that the book is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus. Further, the eight under-wings are said to be kings whose times shall be small, and their years swift" (2 [4] Esdras 12 20). Though this might be said of Nerva, it could not be affirmed of Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius. We are thus restricted to the view which maintains that the three heads are the three Fla vians. The twelve wings are the first emperors, be ginning with Julius Caesar. The reign of Augustus is longer than any of the monarchs that succeeded him, and it is noted that the second wing was to have that distinction (2[4] Esdras 12 1/3). The date then may be placed between the death of Titus and that of Domitian that is, from 81 to 96. The Lion who rebukes the Eagle for his unrighteousness is the Messiah the Christ in His second coming, when He shall come in the glory of His kingdom. The Christians had begun to doubt the speedy coming of the Master; hence He is spoken of as "kept unto the end of days" (2 Esdras 12 32). Such are the Apocalypses, strictly speaking.

    //. Legendary Works. The Book of Jub is the only one which survives of this class of composition. The portion of Asc Lsa which contains Book of the account of his martyrdom has Jubilees much of this character. It, however, has been conjoined to the Apocalyptic "Ascension." It would seem that in some copies the Asm M was added to this work as a supplement. It is frequently cited as leplo Genesis sometimes leptogenesis, and again microgencsis, "the little Genesis." This title cannot be meant to refer to its actual size, for it is considerably longer than the canonical book. It may either mean that this book is to be less regarded than the canonical Genesis, or that it is taken up with Icptd "minutiae." Another, and possibly more plausible explanation is to be found in the Hebrew or Aram. There is a rab binic book known as B Teshilh Rabbd , in which the whole of Genesis is expanded by Midrashic additions, amplifications and explanations, to many times the size of the work before us, which, in comparison, would be B re shlth Zutd "the small Genesis." The main difficulty is that the Jewish work, B. Rabbah, cannot well be dated earlier than 300 AD. We owe the work before us mainly in its complete form like so many others, to its inclusion in the canon of the Ethiopia church. Portions of it in Lat and Syr have been found in the second main source of apocalyptic lit . in recent times, the Ambro- sian Library of Milan. There have been several editions of the Ethiopia text.

    (1) Summary. It is difficult to give anything like a summary of the Book of Jub in the ordinary sense of the word. Roughly speaking, the canonical Book of Genesis is the summary. The writer has omitted many features and incidents, but these have been more than compensated for by additions and expansions. Most of these omissions have an apologetic aim. The acts of deception of which Abraham was guilty in Egypt and toward Abime- lech in regard to Sarah, the similar act of Isaac, would involve matters difficult to palliate. The way Simeon and Levi entrapped the Shechemites into being circumcised and then took advantage of their condition to murder them, is omitted also.

    Jacob s devices to increase his flocks at Laban s expense are also passed over in silence. The most marked omission is the blessing of Jacob in Genesis 49. This is to be explained by the way the writer has praised Simeon and Levi earlier, which Jacob s denunciation of them flatly contradicts. Many of the additions have a similar apologetic intention, as the statement that Dinah was twelve years old at the time of the rape, the presents Jacob gave to his parents four times a year, etc. When Jacob deceives his father, he does not say he is Esau, but only "I am thy son." There are longer additions, chiefly ceremonial. Two incidents narrated at length are the warfare of the Amorites against Jacob (34 1-9), and the war of Esau (37 and 38).

    (2) Structure. The most marked characteristic of the book is that from which it has its most com mon name, "The Book of Jub," the dating of events by successive Jubilees. The whole history of the world is set in a framework of Jubilees and every event is dated by the Jubilee of the world s history in which it had occurred, and the year-week of that Jubilee and the year of that week. The writer has carried his septenary principle into the year and made the days in it, as did the writer of one of the En books, a multiple of seven, 364 = 7X52 days. It does not seem to have been interpolated.

    (3) Language. Like so many more of the pseu- depigrapha, the Ethiopia, from which our modern translation s have been made, has been translation 1 from a Greek original, which in turn has had a Sem source. It is somewhat difficult to form a decision as to which of the two Sem languages in use in Philestina, Canaan-Land was that in which it was composed. Certainly some, as Frankel, have maintained that it was written in Greek first of all. This is contrary to ancient evidence, as Jerome refers to the use of rissah, "a stadium," as used in the Book of Jub. More can be said for an Aram, original. The use of Masteina for Satan, and the plurals in in, point in that direction. Dr. Charles s arguments seem to us to settle the matter in favor of Hebrew. Cf the case of 47 9, in which bath, "a daughter," is confused with bayith, "a house." One of his arguments is not so conclusive: 2 9 wahaba, "gave," appears where "appointed" is the meaning a confusion of meanings only possible from the double meaning of nathan, as the Aram, yaliabh has the same double force: "See I have made thee [ych e bhethakh] a God to Pharaoh" (cf Posh Exodus 7 1). These indications are few, but they seem sufficient.

    (4) Date. The formidable authority of Dr. Charles and that of Littmann are in favor of an early date before the quarrel of John Hyrcanus with the Pharisees. Our reading of the history is different from that of either of these scholars. The Hassidh party had been lukewarm to the Macca- beans from the latter portion of the pontificate of Judas Maccabaeus; the insult offered to Hyrcanus at his own table was the enmity reaching its height. If with Dr. Charles we assume the author to be a Pharisee, then the date is impossible. The Phari saic party were never enthusiastic supporters of the Maccabeans, except when Alexandra threw her self into their arms. Two characteristics of this book strike the reader its apologetic tone, and its hatred of Edom. During the time of John Hyr canus the nation did not assume an apologetic atti tude. It had thrown off the Syrian-Greek domination and repelled the attempt to Hellenize its religion. It would be only Greeks, or those under Greek influ ences, that would necessitate the apologetic atti tude. We are driven to the Herodian period when Romans abounded in the court and Greeks and Graeculi were frequent, when those who, being Jews and knowing Hebrew, yet had imbibed Hellenic culture, and readily saw the points where assault might be made on their faith and its sacred literature.

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    This date would explain the hatred of Edom. We therefore would place it about the death of Herod from f> BC to 6 AD.

    Unlike the other hooks of this class, much of it has been found in the Jewish Talmud; hence, though we still think the author to have been an Essene, we think that he had much sympathy with the Phari saic school in it.s latest development.

    ///. Psalmic Pseudepigrapha. The Ps Sol is the one of all the pseudepigrapha which seems to have hovered most nearly on the 1. Psalter border of deutero-canonicity. Even of Solomon 4 Esdras, as not being found in Greek, scarcely can be counted an exception, as it was never admitted into the canon of Alexan dria. The famous Codex Alexandrinus, as its table of contents proves, originally contained the book before us. In several catalogues of books that were acknowledged, by some at least, to be authoritative, it is named -sometimes to be de clared uncanonical. Like so many other books Jewish and Christian during the Middle Ages, it sank into oblivion. A MS of it was first noticed by Hoeschel the librarian in the Library at Augsburg, in the beginning of the 17th cent ., and published bv de la Cerda in 1(>26. This MS has since been lost. More recently, four other Cr MSS have been brought, to light. From these, with the assistance of de la Cerda s text, it has repeatedly been pub lished. The name given to it, "The Psalter of Solomon," seems purely gratuitous; the writer makes no claim, direct or indirect, to be the Son of David.

    (1) Summary. The present collection consists of IS pss closely modeled as to line of thought and diet ion on t he canonical Pss. The first ps announces the declaration of war, but is occupied with the denunciation of hypocrites. The second describes a siege of .lerus and acknowledges that the distresses of the siege have been deserved, but ends by the description of the death of the besieger on the coast of Egypt. The third ps is one of thanksgiving on the part of the righteous. In the fourth we have the description and denunciation of a hypocrite in terms which suggest strongly Our Lord s words against the Pharisees. It is evidently directed against a prominent, individual member of the San- hedrin. On the generally received date, Antipater may be the person denounced. The fifth ps is a prayer for mercy from Cod and an appeal to His loving-kindness. The sixth is occupied with a description of the blessedness of the righteous. The short ps which follows is a prayer of Israel under chastisement, intreating Cod not to remove His tabernacle from their midst. The eighth ps de scribes the siege of the temple and denounces the sins of the inhabitants of Jems, which had brought the Smiter from afar against them, and a prayer for restoration to favor. Israel, a captive, prays to C.od for forgiveness in the ninth ps. In the tenth we have the blessedness of the man who submits to the chastening of the Lord. The theme of the elev enth is the return of the captives. The idea of the following ps is not unlike the middle stanza of Ps 120 of the canonical Psalter. The next has as its theme the blessedness of the righteous and the evil estate of the wicked. The fourteenth has a similar subject. The next begins with the sentiment so frequent in the canonical Pss: "When I was in trouble I called upon the Lord." The ps which follows is experimental in the sense of the old Puritans. The seventeenth ps is the most im portant, as it is Messianic, and exhibits the hopes prevalent among the Jews at the time when it was written. The eighteenth gives a description of the blessedness of the return of the Jews to Divine favor. Messrs. Rvle and James would divide this

    ps into two, as there seems to be a conclusion at the tenth ver with the sign diapsalma. Moreover, a slightly different theme is introduced at this point, but there is a reference in the Pistis Sophia to the 19th ps, and this is not the one implied. There seems to be some probability that a Lat translation once existed from references, though few, in the Lat Fathers; but no MS of it has yet been discovered. A Syr translation has been discovered by Dr. Rendel Harris, along with a number of other pss also attributed to Solo mon, which he has called "Odes." Of these more will be said below.

    (2) Laityuaye. That the Greek of these pss is a translation from the Hebrew may be proved by what seem to have been errors in translation, as ton eipeln, "to say," where the sense implies "to destroy," from the double meaning of ddbhar, "to say," and later "to destroy"; heos enikese, "till he conquered," where the meaning must, be "forever" or "continu ously," equivalent to *adh, la-tt<-fafi, which might be taken as in Aram., and translation 1 as in the Greek. Further, the general character, the frequent occurrence of en in senses strained in Greek but suiting thoroughly the Hebrew preposition 2, the omission of the substan tive verb, the general simplicity in the structure of the sentences, serve to confirm this. For fuller elucidation the reader is directed to Ryle and James ed of this book (Ixxviii-lxxxiv). Hilgenfeld has urged some arguments in favor of Greek being the origi nal language. These really prove that the trans lator was very much influenced in making his translation by the LXX version of the canonical Psalter.

    (3) Date. While Ewald would place it back in the time of Epiphanes, if not even earlier, and Movers and Delitzsch would place it about the time of Herod, the description of the siege does not suit any siege but that of Pompey. Still more the death of the proud oppressor who besieged the Temple suits down to the minutest detail the death of Pompey, and suits that of no other. This is the opinion of Langen, Hilgenfeld, Drummond, Stanton, Schiircr, Ryle and James. The pss, however, were written at various dates between (54 BC, the year preceding the Pompeian siege, and the death of Pompey 40 BC. The common critical idea is t hat- it is the Psalter of the Pharisees. The singular thing is that though the writer reverences the Temple, he speaks nothing of the sacrifices, and shows no horror at the dishonor of the high priests the attitude one would expect, not from a Pharisee, but, from an Essene.

    (4) Christology.Tihe main interest of this pseudepigraphon is its Christology, which is princi pally to be seen in the 17th ps. The Messiah is to be of the seed of David : He is to come on the down fall of the Asmoneans, to overthrow the Romans in turn. He is to gather the dispersed of Israel, and is to subject the Gentiles to His rule. The character of this rule is to be spiritual, holy, wise and just. All these features indicate a preparation for the coining of Him who fulfilled the expectation of the Jews in a way which they had so little dreamed of.

    The students of Gnosticism in perusing the Pistis Sophia, one of the few literary remains left us by those bizarre heresies, found 2. The repeated quotations from the Ps Sol,

    Odes of not one of which was to be found in the Solomon received collection. There was one numbered reference, but it was to the 19th psalm, whereas only eighteen were known h) exist. Lactantius has a quotation from the Ps Sol which, like those in Pistis Sophia, has no place in the "eighteen." It was obvious that there were more Solomonic writings that were called Psalms than those ordinarily known. In the beginning of 1909 the learned world was startled by the in-

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    formation that Dr. Reridel Harris had found on his (shelves the missing Ps Sol in a Syr translation. The MS was defective both at the beginning and end, but there was, after all, little missing of the whole book. The title and the colophon were of course wanting. It begins with the new Psalms, or, to give them Dr. Harris title, "Odes," which are followed by those till now known.

    (1) Relation to " Pistis Sophia." This cannot have been the order of the time when Pistis Sophia was published, as the first of these odes is quoted as the 19th. There are forty-two of them. They are the work of a Christian. The doctrine of the Trinity is present; very prominent is the miracu lous birth of the Saviour; the descent upon Mary of the Holy (Ihost in the form of a dove; the crucifix ion, and the descent into Hades; and, though less clearly, the resurrection. One striking thing is the resemblance of the account of the virgin birth to that we find in the Asc Isaiah.

    (2) Dale. Dr. Rendel Harris dates these Chris tian odes in the last quarter of the 1st cent., and there seems every reason to agree with this. The relation the 19th ps (Ode .37) bears to the Asc Isaiah is not discussed by him, but to our thinking, the Asc Isaiah seems the more primitive.

    IV. Testaments. Although, strictly speaking, Jewish law had no place for "testamentary disposi tions" by those about to die "the portion of goods" that fell to each being prescribed yet the dying exhortations of Jacob addressed to his sons, the farewell song of Moses, David s deathbed counsels to Solomon, were of the nature of spiritual legacies. I nder Greek and Rom law testaments were the regular ly understood means of arranging heritages; with the thing the name was transferred, as in the Mish, liabha Bathra 15 20 f, >p li r, H , datjylikc, so also in Syr. The idea of these pseudepigrapha is clearly not drawn from the "Last Will and Testament," but the dying exhortations above referred to.

    C!en 49 in which Jacob addresses his sons gath ered round his dying bed furnished the model for a number of pseudepigraphic writings. 1. The Of these the longest known is XII P.

    Testament In it the writer imagines each of the of the sons of Jacob following his father s

    Twelve example and assembling his descend-

    Patriarchs ants in order that he might give his dying charge. While Jacob addressed each of his sons separately, the sons of none of his sons, save those of Joseph, became at all promi nent; so in the case of the sons of Jacob they each address their descendants as a whole. These Testaments are occupied with moral advices mainly. The sin most warned against is incontinence.

    (1) Summary. (a) Reuben: The first Patriarch whose Testament is given is Reuben. While he bewails the sin that deprived him of his birthright, he gives an account of the various propensities that tend to sin, and accommodates each of these with an evil spirit spirits of deceit. He gives details of his sin, which, resembling those given in the Book of Jub, differs in an apologetic; direction. This apologetic effort is carried fart her in theTargof the pseudo-Jonathan. In it Reuben is declared to have disordered the bed of Bilhah because it was put beside his mother s, and he was accused of impurity with her; but the Spirit revealed to Jacob that he was not guilty.

    (/;) Simeon: The next Testament is that of Simeon. The crime that seems to have most affected Jacob, if we may judge by Genesis 49 5-7, was the murder of the Shechemites by Simeon and Levi. That, however, is not touched upon in the Testament; his envy of Joseph is what he most repents of. A stanza, however, is inserted, warning against fornication (ver 3).

    (c) Levi: The Testament of Levi follows. It is mainly apocalyptic. The murder of the Shechem ites is regarded as a wholly estimable action, and is commended by God. The treachery of the cir cumcision is not mentioned at all. He tells how he was admitted in dream to the third heaven. In another vision he is clothed with the garments of the priesthood. After a piece of autobiography followed by general admonitions Levi tells what he had learned from the writing of Enoch. He tells how his descendants will fall away and become corrupt. It is to be noted that fornication becomes very prominent in the picture of the future. The destruction of Jerus is foretold, and the captivity of Judah among all nations. This cannot refer to the setting up of the "Abomination of Desolation" by Epiphanes. The Temple was not laid waste, although it was desecrated; and there did not follow on the desecration by Epiphanes the scatter ing of the Jews unto all nations. It. seems neces sary to understand by this wasting the capture of Jerus by Titus. Consequently, the "new priest" of ch 18 seems to us the priest "after the order of Melchizedek" according to the NT interpretation.

    (<l) Judah: Judah is the next, whose Testament is given. He first declares his own great personal prowess, slaying a lion, a bear, a boar, a leopard and a wild bull. When the Canaanite kings assailed Jacob as related in the Book of Jub, he showed his courage. Several warlike exploits, of which we only learn here, he relates. The assault made by the descendants of Esau upon the sons of Jacob and Jacob s victory is related in the manner and nearly in the terms of the account in the Book of Jub. He mentions with a number of explanatory and excusatory details his sin in the matter of Taniar. He denounces covet ousness, drunkenness and forni cation. Then he commands his descendants to look to Levi and reverence him. Then follows a Mes sianic passage which seems most naturally to bear a Christian int erpretal ion.

    (ft) Issachar: The Testament of Issachar is much shorter than either of the two preceding ones. After telling the story of the mandrakes, he dwells on husbandry. As is noted by Dr. Charles, this is at variance with the rabbinic representation of the characteristics of the tribe. He, too, denounces impurity and drunkenness.

    (/) Zebulun: Zebulun s Testament is little longer than that of Issachar. This Testament is greatly occupied with the history of the sale of Joseph in which Zebulun protests he took only the smallest share and got none of the price.

    (g) Dan: The Testament of Dan also is short. He confesses his rage against Joseph, and so warns against anger. Here also are warnings against whoredom. The Messiah is to spring from Judah and Levi. Dr. Charles thinks the first of these was not in the original, because it would naturally have been "tribes," not "tribe," as it is. This is somewhat hasty, as in 1 Kings 12 23 (LXX) we have the precisely similar construction pros pdntti olkon Inuda kai Beniamin, a sentence which represents the construction of the Hebrew. In this there is a Messianic passage which describes the Messiah as delivering the captives of Beliar.

    (h) Naphtali: The Testament, that follows, that of Naphtali, has apocalyptic elements in it. It opens with the genealogy of Bilhah, his mother, whose father is said to be Rotheus. His vision represents Levi seizing the sun and Judah the moon. The young man with the twelve palm branches seems to be a reference to the Apostles. Joseph seizes a bull and rides on it. He has a further dream in which he sees a storm at sea and the brethren being separated. Again there is a refer ence to the recurrent theme of sexual relation (ch 8),

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    (/) Gad: The subject- of the Testament of Gad is hatred. Gad is associated with Simeon as being most filled with wrath against Joseph.

    (J) Asher: Asher urges whole-hearted obedience to righteousness, as the apostle James does in his epist le.

    (k) Joseph: One of the most important of these Testaments is that of Joseph. The opening is occupied wit h a prolonged descript ion of t he tempt a- tion of Joseph by Potiphar s wife. There is in that connection the unhealthy dwelling on sexual matters which is found in monkish writers. There are not a few resemblances to the language of the Gospels (cf 1 and Alt 25 30). There is a more; important passage (19 S) : "And I saw that from Judah was born a virgin wearing a linen garment, and from her was born a lamb, and on his left hand there was, as it were, a lion: and all the beasts rushed against him, and the lamb overcame them, and destroyed them, and trod them under foot." This to us is clearly Christian. Dr. Charles, without apocalyptic evidence to support him, would amend it and change the reading.

    (1) Benjamin: The Testament of Benjamin is very much an appendix to that of Joseph. It opens with the account Joseph gave Benjamin of how he was sold to the Ishmaelites. He exhorts his descendants against deceit, but , as all his brethren, he warns them against fornication. There is a long Christian passage which certainly seems an interpolation, as it is not found in some of the texts, though others have all vs. The text concerning Paul (11 1.2) appears in varying forms in all VSSouth

    (2) Structure. That these "Testaments" have been interpolated is proved by the- variations in the different texts. Dr. Charles has, however, gone much farther, and wherever there is a Christian clause has declared it an obvious interpolation. For our part, we would admit as a rule those pas sages to be genuine that are present in all the forms of the text. The Greek text was first in, so to say, recent times edited by Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, in the 13th cent. Since then other MSS have been found, and a Slavonic and an Aram, version. We are thus able to check the interpolations. In es sence the Christian passage in T Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) is found in all versions.

    (3) Language. Dr. Charles makes a very strong case for Hebrew being the original language. His numerous arguments are not all of equal value. While some of the alleged Hebraistic constructions may be actually so, not a few may be explained by imitation of the language of the LXX. As an example of the first, cf T Jud (7): ochlox bnrux = hcl kahliedh, "a numerous host." On the other hand T Reub 3 <S: "understanding in the Law," is a turn of expression that might quite well be common among Greek-speaking Jews. Of passages that are only explicable by retranslation, as in T Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) 11 7, "God .... increased him in gold and silver and in work, 11 this last turn is evidently due to the translator s rendering *&bhuddah, "servant," as if it were *dbhodhah, "work." On the whole, we are prepared to amend the decision elsewhere, and admit that the probability is that this book, like so many more of the same class, has been trans lated from Hebrew.

    (4) Date and authorship. Dr. Charles declares the author to have been a Pharisee who wrote in the early part of the reign of John Hyrcanus I. The initial difficulty with this, as with the other pseude- pigrapha in attributing a Pharisaic authorship, is the preservation of the book among the Christian com munities, and the ignorance or the ignoring of it among the Jews. The only sect of the Jews that survived the destruction of Jems was that of the Pharisees. The Sadducees, who were more a politi

    cal than a religious party, disappeared with the cessation of the Jewish state. When Judaism be came merely a religion a church not a nation, t heir funct ion was gone. The third sect, the Essenes, disappeared, but did so into the Christian church. If the writer had been an Essene, as we suppose he was, the preservation of this writing by the Chris tians is easily explicable. If it were the work of a Pharisee, its disappearance from the literature of the synagogue is as inexplicable as its preservation by the Christians. The constant harping on the sin of fornication in T Naph 8 S even marital intercourse is looked at askance indicates a state of mind suitable to the tenets of the Essenes. The date preferred by Dr. Charles, if the author is a Pharisee, appears to us impossible. The Pharisees had, long before the final break, been out of sym pathy with the Maccabcans. The Chasidim de serted Judas Maccabaeus at Elasa, not improbably in consequence of the alliance he had made with the heathen Romans, and perhaps also his assumption of the high-priesthood. Further, the temple is laid waste and the people driven into captivity unto all nations (T Levi 15 1). This does not suit the desecration of the temple under Epiphanes. During that time the temple was not laid waste. The orgies of the worship of Bacchus and of Jupiter Olympius dishonored it, but that is a different thing from its being laid waste. The scattering unto all nations did not take place then. Some were taken captive and enslaved, but this was not general. The description would only apply to destruction of the temple by Titus and the enslaving and captivity of the mass of the inhabitants of Jerus. The "New Priest" cannot refer to the Maccabeans, for they were Aaronites as much as Alcimus or Onias, though not of the high-priestly family. This change of the priesthood only has point if it refers to the priesthood of Christ as in lie 7 12. If Dr. Charles is right in maintaining that 2 Mace in its account of Menelaus is to be preferred to Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian), the change of the priesthood was not un precedented, for Menelaus was a Benjamite, not a Levite. Yet 1 Mace, takes no notice of this enormity. Further, there are the numerous pas sages that are directly and indirectly Christian. Dr. Charles certainly marks them all as interpola tions, but he gives no reason in most of the cases for doing so. That the omission of such passages does not dislocate the narrative arises from the simpler construction of Sem narrative, and is therefore not to be regarded as conclusive evidence of interpola tion. The reference to Paul in T Ben 11, occurring in all the sources, although with variations, also points to a post -Christian origin. For these reasons, we would venture to differ from Dr. Charles and regard the XII P as post -Christian, and to be dated in the first quarter of the 2d cent. AD.

    (5) Relation to otln r book*.- -From the decision we have reached in regard to the date of these Testaments, it follows that all the many resem blances which have been noted between them and the books of the NT are due to imitation on the part of the Testaments, not the reverse. A case in point is T Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) 1 6 where the resemblance to Matthew 25 31-30 is close; only, whereas in the Gospel the judge approves of the righteous on account of their visiting the sick and the imprisoned, and condemns the wicked because they did not do so, in T Josephus, (Jewish-Roman Historian) God ministers to His servants. The Testament is really an imitation of the passage in the Gospel. The direct visiting of the afflicted, whatever the form of the affliction, was a thing of everyday occurrence. To think of the Almighty doing so is the result of a bold metaphor. One familiar with the Gospel narrative might not unnaturally think of God s dealings with the saints in terms drawn from

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    Apocalyptic Lit.

    Our Lord s description of the Last Judgment. In T Naph 2 2 the hgure of the potter and the clay is, as in Rom 9 21, applied to God s power over His creatures. The passage in the T Naph is expanded, and has not the close intimate connection with the argument that the Pauline passage has. While none of the other resemblances give one any ground to decide, these instances really carry the others with them. We may thus regard the resem blances to the NT in XII P as due to the latter s copying of the former.

    The Testament of Adam survives merely in a

    group of fragments published first by Renan in the

    Journal Asiatique (1853). A Greek frag-

    2. The ment was published by M. R. James. Testament A portion of it is apocalyptic, and of Adam gives an account of the adoration

    offered by all the different classes of God s creatures. More strictly of the nature of a Testament is a Syr fragment entitled "More of Adam Our Father." It contains a prophecy of the incarnation, and appears to be of late date. It was used by the Set hit es.

    The Testament of Abraham is a late document. It opens with representing Abraham at his tent- door. One recension declares his age

    3. The then to be 995 years. Michael comes Testament to him. The purpose for which of Abraham Michael has been sent is to reveal to

    Abraham that he must die. He hesi tates to do this. When, however, the fatal message is revealed, Abraham will not yield up his spirit at first. He is after a while persuaded, and as a reward, before his death he has a revelation: there is given to him a vision of the whole world in the widest sense the world of spirits as well. Seeing a soul, which, weighed in the balance, is nearly being found wanting, by his intercession the soul is ad mitted to Paradise. There are several traces of Christian influence; many of the thoughts and phrases are similar to those to be found in the Gos pels. At the same time, although to one who had read John s Gospel the statement of Our Lord that Abraham had seen His day "and was glad" (John 8 f)f).5(>) would inevitably have led a Christian writer to have exhibited Abraham as seeing in vision the day of Christ. The writer s failure to do so seems to show that he was not a Christian. The echoes of t he ( lospel in the language and the want of that dis tinctive Christian mark is to be explained if we regard the translator as a Christian, while the orig inal Midr was the work of a Jew. The language was probably Aram. There are two Greek recensions, one longer than the other. There is an Arab, version which appears to be a translation direct from Aram. As there is no reference to the corning of Christ, this Testament is probably pre-Christian. The translation may be dated early in the 2d cent., as Origen knew it.

    In Arab, there is a MS of the Testaments of Isaac and Jacob. They are late and Christian. The latter is founded on the last eh of Genesis.

    More interesting is the Testament of Job pub lished in Anecdota Apocrypha by M. R. James in 1897. It purports to be an account 4. Testa- of his sufferings related by Job himself, ment of It appears to be the work of a Jew, Job translation a by a Christian. The position of

    Satan in the Midr is not so subordinate as in the drama. Elihu, when not confused with Eliphaz, is regarded as inspired by Satan.

    (1) Summary. It begins with Job, "who is called Jobab," summoning his seven sons and three daughters. The list of the sons forms a singular assemblage; of names, most probably of Sem origin. Most of them arc certainly Greek words, though not Greek proper names Chords and Nike,

    "dance" and "victory," Huon, "of pigs," Phoros, "tribute." The other names are Tarsi, Phiphi, Phrouon. He tells his descendants how he had been called in the night and had had it revealed to him that the sacrifices that had been offered previously in the great temple near him were not offered to God, but to Satan. He was ordered to destroy the temple thus devoted to false worship. He did so, but knew that Satan would seek him, to take his revenge. Satan came disguised as a beggar, and Job, recognizing him, ordered his porteress to give him a burned cake of bread, all ashes. Satan reveals himself and threatens Job. With ch 9 begins an account of Job s wealth and lordly beneficence founded on the canonical book. It continues to ch 16. This portion is an expansion of the canonical Job. In some portions there are marked variations. Job is a king, and since this is so, the power of Persia is invoked to overthrow him. After twenty years his friends come to con dole with him. They also are kings. Sitis his wife is bemoaning her children. Job declares he sees them crowned with heavenly beauty. On learning this, Sitis dies, and so rejoins her children. The speeches of the friends are much condensed, and scarcely of the same character as those in the canonical book. Lyric passages are introduced. The most singular difference from the canonical book is the role assigned to Elihu. Job says, "Klihu inspired by Satan addressed to me rash words" (ch 42). God then speaks to Job in the whirlwind and blames Klihu. Job sacrifices for the three friends, and Eliphaz in a lyric piece con gratulates himself and his friends, and declares that the lamp and glory of Elihu will be quenched (ch 43). By a second wife we are told Job had the seven sons and three daughters who are sum moned to his bedside. Closing his narrative (ch 44) Job exhorts kindness to the poor. In the end of the book his successive daughters speak. He had divided his property, now double what it had originally been, among his seven sons and had left the daughters unprovided for. He, however, bestows upon them other gifts. Three golden vessels arc brought him and given them, three cords besides, and each one has a several endowment. The first daughter, called, as in LXX, Hemera, (Jemima in the canonical Job), had another heart given her, and she spoke in the tongue of the angels. Casia (Keziah), the second daughter, also had a changed heart, and it was given to her to speak in the dialect of the principalities (drchdn). Then the third daughter girded herself, and with the changed heart it was given her to speak in the language; of the Cherubim. This daughter is called Amaltlii iux Keras, the rather strange translation of Keren Iltipfnikh adopted by the LXX. All the names are transferred from that source. A brother of Job named N ere us (or Nereias) is introduced, who records further gifts to these daughters a lyre to the first, a censer to the second and a drum to the third. This brother is a relative of whose existence we have no hint elsewhere. He is introduced to supply the con clusion to the narrative.

    (2) Structure. It would appear that from chs 1 to 45 is the original Testament in which Job is the speaker. In chs 46-51 a new state of matters comes into prominence, in which Nereus is the speaker. The last two chs seem decidedly to be additions: the new gifts to the daughters seem un explained. Of course, oriental authors do not look so strictly to the unity of parts as do Occidentals.

    (3) Language. The dependence on the LXX would suggest that Greek was the original tongue. One or two phenomena point to a Sem tongue being behind the Greek. The names of Job s daughters are taken from the LXX; those of the seven eons

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    have been invented. As we have seen, they are not Or mimes, but are probably really Hellenized VSS of some Sem appellations. At the same time, they do not seem to be Hebrew, but rather Aram. It would seem to have been translation ci by one familiar with the NT.

    (4) Date and authorship. It has no direct refer ences to Christian doctrines or the facts of Christian history. This seems conclusive against its having a Christian origin. The reason that would lead a Christian to compose such a document would be to give a further prophetic evidence for the mission of his Master. He would have no object in making Job out to be a connection of Israel, unless he were so himself. Dr. .lames thinks the writer to have been a Jewish Christian of the 2d cent, resident in Egypt. By the 2d cent, few Jews passed from Judaism to the faith of Jesus: the break between church and synagogue had become complete. That Job is made king of all Egypt (ch 28) may indicate some relationship to that country, as if the writer had identified Job with Psammeticus, the Egyp king overthrown by Cambyses. This, however, may have been due to the translator. If the original language were Sem Aram, or Hebrew the probability is that the author wrote in Philestina, Canaan-Land. There are no direct signs to indicate the date. There is no appearance of knowledge of Rome. The fire of the opposition to the Seleucids had died down. It may have been written in the reign of Alexander.

    V. The Sibylline Oracles. The burning of the Capitol (83 BC) and the destruction of the famous Sibylline books led Sulla to search in Italy and Greece for any Oracles that might replace 1 the con tents of the vols which had been burnt. About half a cent, later Augustus revived the search for Oracles. Such a demand would naturally produce a supply. It would seem that certain Jews of Alexandria, eager to propagate the faith of their fathers, in vented vs in the shape in which these Oracles had been preserved, as we learn from Herodotus i.e. in hexameter lines and in the epic dialect in which Homer and Hesiod had written. Those in Herodo tus are mainly from the Oracle of Delphi. From Pausanias, who quot.es several of them, we learn that the Oracles attributed to the various Sibyls were delivered in a similar style. Hence these Jewish forgeries were written in epic hexameters. Later, this industry was pursued with even greater zeal by Christians. These have been collected into several books some 15 are named of which some have been lost. The books are made up of frag ments of different ages. The first book begins with the creation, and narrates the history of the race to the flood and the going out of Noah from the ark. Then the history of Our Lord is given suc cinctly, the miracle of the loaves, the crucifixion, and the destruction of Jems. In it Hat/ex is de rived from "Adam." Reference is made to the sin of the watchers, as in En, and an arithmograph is given which seems to be fulfilled in Theos Xo/cr. The second book is modeled largely on Our Lord s eschatological discourses, many passages bearing a distinct echo of it. It may be noted that the four archangels of the Book of En Michael, Gabriel, Raphael and I riel are introduced. The third is by much the longest, but, it is a confused mass of fragments. There is early reference to the con quest of Egypt by Rome; the building of the tower of Babel, the siege of Troy, the conquest of Alex ander and many other events appear. The fourth book is Christian throughout. After praise to the Christians, there is a sketch of the history of the great empires, beginning with the Assyrians and ending with Alexander; then an account of Nero appearing from the East and doing evil fills the end of all things. The fifth book begins with

    an account of the successive emperors from Julius Caesar to the Antonines. Then a new song begins with Egypt, and wanders off indefinitely, referring to Xerxes crossing the Hellespont, the impurities of Rome, and ending with Egypt and the burning up of all things. The sixth is short 28 lines in praise of the Cross; and the seventh is fragmentary. In the eighth is the; arithmogram and acrostic: IHCOYC XPICTOC 0EOY YIOC CCOTHP CTAYPOC, If sous christos thcou huios sottr slafi- ro.x. The remaining books have similar charac teristics. The place of composition is evidently Egypt, as, whatever the immediate context may be, the writer gravitates to Egypt; and the authors are Jews or Jewish Christians. The dates of tin- various fragments of which this collection is com posed fall between the first triumvirate and the age of Diocletian.

    VI. Conclusion. There are many points in which the theology of the Apocalyptic prepared the way for that- of Christ ianity. These, however, are more naturally taken up under their special headings. Angelology is much more developed in certain apocalyptic writings than it. is in Christian ity, if we except the writings published under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite. Most of them are occupied with the coining Messiah. The Christ ology of these writings is decidedly in advance of that of the OT. That question, however, is discussed under its appropriate heading. Closely connected with this is the doctrine of God, or theology proper. In this, too, there is an approxi mation to the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. With these writers the doctrine of the Last Things is always brought into close relationship to that of the Messiah. His coming is the signal for the end of the world, the last judgment, the punishment of the wicked and the reward of the righteous. What we have just said applies mainly to the strictly Jewish and pre-Christian Apocalypses. In the Christian Jewish Apocalypses the place the incarna tion and the miraculous birth hold is worthy of special note. The re-presentation in regard to the latter of these subjects is independent of the gospel narrative. Connected with this independence of the written Scriptures are the variations these writings introduce into history. Many of these are due to apologetic reasons, not, a few to the de-sire to e-nhance the national glory. The- reverence for the le-tter e>f Scripture, so markedly characteristic e>f the rabbinic teachings found in the Jewish Talmud, is not, found in the apoe-alyptic writings. Apocalyptic thus pre-sents a stage in the doctrine of Scripture.

    LITERATI-Heast On Apocalyptic generally: Doano. Pxeudepiijrti pita; DeremboUTg, Histoirr <lr la 1 alextine; Drummond, Jewish Messiah; Ewalel, History of Israel,

    translation V; Gratz, (lexrhiflitr der Juden, Ill, Hilgenfeld,

    Af mains J inlneornni; Jiidisrhe A por.alyptik; Kautz.sch, l>- Apocryphen und Pseudepigraphen dcs Allen Testaments; Langen, Pnliistinn zur 7. fit Christi; Renari, Histoire dn I m pit <rixrtit l; Schiirer, Jnrish People, translation V; StantOll, .leirish and Christian Messiah; Thomson, Hooks Which Influenced Our Lord. On special books: Enoch (Text. Kthiopir) : Laurence, IMIlmann, Flemming; (English): Laurence, Sc-hoddo. Charles. Slavonic Book of Enoch: Mortill. Baruch (Text, Syriac): Ooriani; (English): Charles, The Assumption of Moses (Text, Latin): Ceriani; (English): Charles, Tin- Ascension of Isaiah (Text. Ethi- opic) : Laurence. Dillmann; (English): Charles, Fourth Hook of Esdras (Text, Latin): Vulg; (English): Apnc RV Hook of Jubilees (Text. Ethiopic) : Dillmann, Charles; (English): Sohodde, Charles, Pxalter nf Solomon (Text, eireck): Pick, Kyle and James; (English): Whiston, Pick, Kyle and James. Kendol Harris (from Syriac). Odes ojf Solomon (English): Rendel Harris, Testaments of the XII Patriarchs (Text, Greek): Sinker, Charles; (English): Sinker, Charles. Testaments of Abraham and Job; Texts and Studies; Sibylline Oracles (Text): Alexandre, Rzach.

    J. east H. THOMSON APOCRYPHA, a-pok ri-fa:

    I. II.

    DEFINITION

    THE NAME APOCRYPHA

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    Apocalyptic Lit. Apocrypha

    1. Original Meanings

    (1) Classical

    (2) Hellenistic (:j) in XT

    (4) Patristic

    2. "Esoteric" in (Jr Philosophy, etc

    III. I s.uii-: AS TO APOCRYPHA

    1. Early Christian Usage 1

    " Apocalyptic" Literature

    2. The Eastern Church

    (1) " Esoteric" Lite-rat lire lenient of Alex., (-to

    (2) Change to " Religious" Hooks (Origen, etci

    (3) " Spurious" Books (Athanasius, Nicephorus. etc)

    (4) " List of Sixty"

    3. The Western Church

    (1) The. Drcrt lum Cehtxn

    (2) "Non-Canonical" Books

    4. The Reformers

    Separation from Canonical Hooks

    5. Hebrew Words for " Apocrypha " (1) Do Such Exist .

    (2; Views of Zahn. Schiirer. I orter. etc (ytinaz,

    U riiizi i I

    (:i) Kc.asons for Rejection f>. Summary

    IV. CONTKNTS OF THI: APOCRYPHA

    1. List of Books

    2. Classification of Hooks

    V. OniyiNU. L.,vca A<;Ks 01- THI: APOCRYPHA VI. DATE OF THI: AI-OCKYPHAL WHITINGS LITERATURE

    I. Definition. The word Apocrypha, as usually understood, denotes the collection of religious writings which I he LXX and Vulg (with trivial differences) contain in addition to the writings constituting the Jewish and Protestant canon. This is not the original or the correct sense of the word, as will he shown, hut it is that which it hears almost exclusively in modern speech. In critical works of the present day it is customary to speak of the collection of writings now in view as "the Old Testament Apocrypha," because many of the hooks at least were written in Hebrew, the language of the OT, and because all of them are much more closely allied to t lie OT than to the NT. But then- is a "New" as well as an "Old" Testament Apoc consisting of gospels, epistles, etc. Moreover the adj. "Apocryphal" is also often applied in modern times to what are now generally called "Pseudepi- graphical writings," so designated because ascribed in the titles to authors who did not and could not have written them (e.g. Enoch, Abraham, Moses, etc). The persons thus connected with these books are among the most distinguished in the traditions and history of Israel, and there can be no doubt that the object for which such names have been thus used is to add weight and authority to these writings.

    The. late Professor east Kautzsch of Halle edited a (iennan translation of the Old and New Testament Apocrypha, and of the Psoudepigraphical writings, with excellent introductions and valuable, notes by the best Cerman scholars. Dr. Edgar Hennecke has edited a similar work on the New Testament Apocrypha. Nothing in the Rng. language can be compared with the works edited by Kautzsch arid Hennecke in either scholarship or usefulness. [A similar Eng. work to that edited by Kautzsch is now passing through the (Oxford i press, Dr. K. H. Charles being the editor, the writer of this art. In-ing one of the contributors.]

    //. The Name Apocrypha. -The investigation which follows will show that when the word "Apoc ryphal" was first used in ecclesiastical writings it bore a sense virtually identical with "esoteric": so that "apocryphal writings" were such as appealed to an inner circle and could not he understood by outsiders. The present connotation of the term did not get fixed until the Protestant Reformation had set in, limiting the Bib. canon to its present dimensions among Protestant churches.

    (1) Cliixxictil. The (ir adjective a7r6/cpu</>os, 07)0- kruphox, denotes strictly "hidden," concealed," of a material object (Eurip. If err. Fur. 1. Original 1070). Then it came to signify what Meanings is obscure, recondite, hard to under stand ( Xen. Mi in. :>.."), 14). But it never has in classical fir anv other sense.

    (2) Hellenistic. In Hellenistic Greek as represented by the LXX and the NT there is no essential departure from classical usage. In the LXX (or rather Theodot ion s version) of Daniel 11 43 it stands for "hidden" as applied to gold and silver stores. But the word has also in the same text the meaning "what is hidden away from human knowledge and understanding." So Daniel 2 20

    Theod.) when- the tipo/cmplm or hidden things are the meanings of Nebuchadnezzar s dream re vealed to Daniel though "hidden" from the wise- men of Babylon. The word has the- same sense in Sir 14 21; 39 3.7; 42 lit; 48 2:>; 43 32.

    (3) In (lie ,T. In the NT the word occurs but thrice, viz. Mark 4 22 and the Luke 8 17; Col 2 3. In the last passage Bishop Light foot thought we have in the word apokruphoi (treasures ot Christ liitliltn) an allusion to the vaunted esoteric knowl edge of the- false- teachers, as if Paul meant to say that it is in Christ alone we have 1 true wisdom and knowledge and not in the secret books of these teachers. Assuming this, we have in this verse the first example of a i>/>kru />lu>x in the sense "eso teric." But the evidence is against so early a use of the term in this soon to be its prevailing sense. Nor does exegesis demand such a meaning here, for no writings of any kind seem intended.

    (4) I titrixtic.- In patristic writings of an early period the adj. aool / Hulioft came to be applied to Jewish and Christian writings containing secret knowledge- about the future, e tc. intelligible only to the small number of disciples who read them and fe>r whom they were believed to he- specially provided. To this class of writings belong in par ticular those- designated Apocalyptic (see ATOCA- LVPTIC LITKRATI HK), and it will be- se-e-n as thus employed that apokruphos has virtually the mean ing of the (Ir esoterikos.

    A brief statement as te> the doctrine in early (Ir philosophy will be found helpful at this point. From quite early times the philoso- 2. "Esoter- pliers of ancient (I recce distinguished ic" in Greek between the doctrines and rites which Philosophy, could be taught to till their pupils, etc and tlmse- which could profitably be

    communicated only to a select cire-le- ealled the initiated. The two classes of doctrines and rites they were mainly the- latter- were designated respectively "exoteric" and "esoteric." Luciaii (d.312; see , it. Auct. 2i,) followed by many others referred the- distinction to Aristotle, but as modern scholars agree-, wrongly, for the- t&repi- KOL ,oyoi ! exdterikoi l<>(/<>i, of that philosopher denote popular t realises. The- Pythagoreans recogni/ed and observed these two kinds of doctrines and duties and t he-re- is good reason feir believing that they created a corresponding double lit. though unfortunately no explicit examples of such lit. have come down te> us. In the (!r mysterie-s (Orphic, Dionvsiac, Eleusinian, etc) two classes of hearers and readers are implied all through, though it is a pity that more e>f the- lit. bearing on the- question lias not been preserved. Among the Buddhists the- Xinmjti forms a close 1 society open originally te) monks eir hhiklnis admitted only after a most rigid examination; but in later years nuns (hhi/cxfninixi also have been allowed aelmission. though in their case- te>e> after careful testing. The- , intu/ti fitdkn or "Basket of Discipline" contains the- rule s for (Mi- trance and the- regulations te> be observed after entrance. But this and kindred lit. was and is still held te> be- caviare te> outsiders. See translation in the- Sticretl /west .s of (he Entil, XI (Rhys Davids and Oldenberg).

    ///. Usage as to Apocrypha. It must be borne in mine! that, the 1 word aoticri/plni is really a (Ir adj. in the neuter pi., denoting strictly "things hidden."

    Apocrypha

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    But almost certainly the noun biblia is understood, so that the real implication of the word is "apocry phal hooks" or "writings." In this article apocry pha will be employed in the sense of this last, and apocryphal as the equivalent of the Greek apokruphos. Apocalyptic literature. The word apocrypha was first used technically by early Christian writers for the Jewish and Christian writings

    1. Early usually classed under "Apocalyptic" Christian (see APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE). In Usage this sense it takes the place of the

    classical Greek word exalt rika and bears the same general meaning, viz. writings intended for an inner circle and capable of being understood by no others. These writings give intimations regard ing the future, the ultimate triumph of the kingdom of ( lod, et c, beyond, it was thought , human discovery and also beyond the intelligence of the uninitiated. In this sense Gregory of Nyssa (d. 395; l)e Onlin., II, 44) and Epiphanius (d. 403; Iltierex, 61 3) speak of the Apocalypse of John as "apocryphal."

    Christianity itself has nothing corresponding to

    the idea of a doctrine for the initiated or a lit. for a

    select few. The gospel was preached

    2. The in its first days to the poor and ig- Eastern norant, and the reading and studying Church of the sacred Scriptures have been

    urged by the churches (with some exceptions) upon the public at large.

    (1) Esoteric literature. The rise of this con ception in the eastern church is easily understood. When devotees of Greek philosophy accepted the Christian faith it was natural for them to look at the new religion through the medium of the old philosophy. Many of them read into the canonical writings mystic meanings, and embodied those meanings in special books, these last becoming esoteric lit. in themselves: and as in the case of apocalyptic writings, this esoteric lit. was more revered than the Bible itself. Irt a similar way there grew up among the Jews side by side with the written law an oral law containing the teaching of the rabbis and regarded as more sacred and authori tative than the writings they profess to expound. One may find some analogy in the fact that among many Christians the official lit. of the denomination to which they belong has more commanding force than the Bible itself. This movement among Greek Christians was greatly aided by gnostic sects and the esoteric lit. to which they gave rise. These Gnostics had been themselves influenced deeply by Babylonian and Persians mysticism and the corresponding lit. Clement of Alexandria (d.220) distinctly men tions esoteric books belonging to the Zoroastrian (Mazdean) religion.

    Oriental and esp. Greek Christianity tended to give to philosophy the place which the NT and western Christianity assign the OT. The preparation for the religion of Jesus was said to be in philosophy much more than in the religion of tho OT. It will be remembered that Marcian (d. end of 2d cent. AD), Thomas Morgan, the Welsh 18th-cent. deist (d. 1743) and Friedrich Schleiermacher (d. 1834) taught this very same thing.

    Clement of Alexandria (see above) recognized 4(2) Esdras (to be hereafter called the Apocalypse of Ezra), the Asm M, etc, as fully canonical. In addition to this he upheld the authority and value of esotcrical books, Jewish, Christian, and even heathen. But he is of most importance for our present purpose because he is probably the earliest Greek writer to use the word apocrypha as the equiva lent of esoterika, for he describes the esoteric books of Zoroast nanism as apocryphal.

    But the idea of esoteric religious lit. existed at an earlier time among the Jews, and was borrowed from them by Christians. It is clearly taught in the

    Apocalyptic Esdras (2 or 4 Esdras) ch 14, where it is said that Ezra aided by five amanuenses produced under Divine inspiration 94 sacred books, the writings of Moses and the prophets having been lost when Jerus and the temple were destroyed. Of this large number of sacred books 24 were to be pub lished openly, for the unworthy as well as the worthy, these 24 books representing undoubtedly the books of the Hebrew OT. The remaining 70 were to be kept for the exclusive use of the "wise among the people : i.e. they were of an esoteric character. Perhaps if the Greek original of this book had been preserved the word "apocrypha" would have been found^as an epithetic attached to the 70 books. Our Eng. VSS are made from a Lat original (see 2(4) EZRA or the APOCALYPTIC ESD. Modern scholars agree that in its present form this book arose in the reign of Domitian 81-96 AD. So that the conception of esoteric lit. existed among the Jews in the 1st cent, of our era, and probably still earlier.

    It is significant of the original character of the religion of Israel that no one has been able to point to a Hebrew word corresponding to esoteric (see below). When among the Jews there arose a lit. of oral tradition it was natural to apply to this last the Greek notion of esoteric, esp. as this class of lit. was more highly esteemed in many Jewish circles than the OT Scriptures themselves.

    (2) Non-canonical religious books. The next step in the history of the word "apocrypha" is that by which it came to denote religious books inferior in authority and worth to the Scriptures of the OT and NT. This change of attitude toward non- canonical writings took place under the influence of two principles: (1) that no writer could be in spired who lived subsequent to the apostolic age;

    (2) that no writing could be recognized as canonical unless it was accepted as such by the churches in general (in Lat the principle was quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus). Now it was felt that many if not most of the religious writings which came in the end of the 2d cent, to be called "apocryphal" in a disparaging sense had their origin among heretical sects like the Gnostics, and that they had never commanded the approval of the great bulk of the churches. Origen (d. 253) held that we ought to discriminate between books called "apocryphal," some such having to be firmly rejected as leaching what is contrary to the Scrip tures. More and more from the end of the 2d cent., the word "apocrypha" came to stand for what is spurious and untrustworthy, and esp. for writings ascribed to authors who did not write them: i.e. the so-called "Pseudepigraphical books."

    Irenaeus (d. 202) in opposition to Clement of Alexandria denies that esoteric writings have any claims to credence or even respect, and he uses the Greek word for "apocryphal" to describe all Jewish and Christian canons. To him, as later to Jerome (d. 420), "canonical" and "apocryphal" were an tithetic terms.

    Tertullian (d. 230) took the same view: "apocry phal" to him denoted non-canonical. But both Irenaeus and Tertullian meant by apocrypha in particular the apocalyptic writings. During the Nicene period, and even earlier, sacred books were divided by Christian teachers into three classes: (1) books that could be read in church; (2) books that could be read privately, but not in public;

    (3) books that were not to be read at all. This classification is implied in the writings of Origen, Clement of Alexandria, Athanasius (d. 373), and in the Muratorian Fragments (about 200 AD).

    (3) "Spurious" books. Athanasius, however, re stricted the word apocrypha to the third class, thus making the corresponding adj. synonymous with

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    "spurious." Nicephorus, patriarch of Constanti nople (806-15 AD) in his chronography (belonging essentially to 500 AD according to Zahn) divides sacred books thus: (1) the canonical books of the OT and NT; (2) the Antilegomena of both Testa ments; (3) the Apocrypha of both Testaments.

    The details of the Apoc of the NT are thus enu merated: (1) Enoch; (2) The 12 Patriarchs; (3) The Prayer of Joseph; (4) The Testament of Moses;

    (5) The Assumption of Moses; (6) Abram; (7) Eldad and Modad; (8) Elijah the Prophet; (9) Zephaniah the Prophet; (10) Zcchariah, father of John; (11) The Pseudepigrapha of Baruch, Ha- bakkuk, Ezekiel and Daniel.

    The books of the NT Apoc are thus given: (1) The Itinerary of Paul; (2) The Itinerary of Peter; (3) The Itinerary of John; (4) The Itinerary of Thomas; (5) The Gospel according to Thomas;

    (6) The Teaching of the Apostles (the Didactic);

    (7) and (8) The Two Epistles of Clement; (9) Epistles of Ignatius, Polycarp and Hennas.

    The above lists are repeated in the so-called Synopsis of Athanasius. The authors of these so-called apocryphal books being unknown, it was sought to gain respect for these writers by tacking onto them well-known names, so that, particularly in the western church, "apocryphal" came to be almost synonymous with "pseudepigraphical."

    Of the OT lists given above nos. 1, 2, 4, 5 are extant wholly or in part. Nos. 3, 7, 8 and 9 are lost though quoted as genuine by Origen and other eastern Fathers. They are all of them apocalypses designated apocrypha in accordance with early usage.

    (4) "List nf Sixty." In the anonymous "List of Sixty," which hails from the 7th cent., we have represented probably the attitude of the eastern church. It divides sacred books into three classes: (1) The sixty canonical books. Since the Protestant canon consists of but 57 books it will lie seen that in this list books outside our canon are included. (2) Books excluded from the (50, yet of superior authority to those mentioned as apocry phal in the next class. (3) Apocryphal books, the names of which are as follows: (a) Adam; (b) Enoch; (c) Lamech; (d) The 12 Patriarchs; (e) The Prayer of Joseph; (/) Eldad and Modad; (g) The Testament of Moses; ()i) The Assumption of Moses; (i) The Psalms of Solomon; (j) The Apocalypse of Elijah; (k) The Ascension of Isaiah; (I) The Apocalypse of Zephaniah (see no. 9 of the OT Apoc books mentioned in the Chronography of Nicephorus); (m) The Apocalypse of Zechariah; (n) The Apocalyptic Ezra; () The History of James; (p) The Apocalypse of Peter; (q) The Itin erary and Teaching of the Apostles; (r) The Epis tles of Barnabas; (s) The Acis of Paul; (/) Apoc alypse of Paul; 00 Didascalia of Clement ; (r) Didascalia of Ignatius; ( ) Didascalia of Polycarp; (x) Gospel according to Barnabas; (y) Gospel ac cording to Matthew.

    The greater number of these books come under the designation "apocryphal" in the early sense of "apocalyptic," but by this time the word had taken on a lower meaning, viz. books not good for even private reading. Yet the fact that these books are mentioned at all show that they were more highly esteemed than heathen and than even heretical Christian writings. The eastern churches down to the present day reject the meaning of "apoc rypha" current among Protestants (see definition above), and their Bible includes theOT Apoc, mak ing no distinction between it and the rest of the Bible.

    (1) The. "Dccretum Cclnsii." In the western church the word apocrypha and the corresponding adj. had a somewhat different history. In general it may be said that the western church did not

    adopt the triple division of sacred books prevalent

    in the eastern church. Yet the Dccretutn Gelasii

    (6th cent, in its present form) has

    3. Western a triple list which is almost certainly Church that, of the Rom synod of 382 under

    Damasus, bishop of Rome, 366 to 384. It is as follows: (1) the canonical books of both Testaments; (2) writings of the Fathers ap proved by the church; (3) apocryphal books re jected by the church. Then there is added a list of miscellaneous books condemned as heretical, including even the works of Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Eusehius, these works being all branded as "apocryphal." On the other hand Gregory of Nyssa and Epiphanius, both writing in the 4th cent., use the word "apocrypha" in the old sense of apocalyptic, i.e. esoteric.

    (2) h an-canonicid books. Jerome (d. 420) in the Prolog us (lalcalHs (so called because it was a de fence and so resembled a helmet ed warrior) or preface to his Lat version of the Bible uses the word "Apoc" in the sense of non-canonical books. His words are: Qnid<ji<id extra has (i.e. the 22 canonical books) inter Apocrypha poncndani: "Any thing outside of these must be placed within the Apocrypha" (when among the Fathers and rabbis the OT is made to contain 22 [not 24) books, Ruth and Lam are joined respectively to Judges and Jeremiah). He was followed in this by Ruh nus (d. cir 410), in turns Jerome s friend and adversary, as he had been anticipated by Irenaeus. Tin 1 western church as a whole departed from Jerome s theory by includ ing the antilcgomena of both Testaments among the canonical writings: but the general custom of western Christians about this time was to make apocryphal mean non-canonical. Yet Augustine (d. 430; DC Cirittttc Dei, XV, 23) explained the "apocrypha" as denoting obscurity of origin or authorship, and this sense of the word became the prevailing one in the West.

    S ( partition from canonical hoolcs. But it is to the

    Reformers that we are indebted for the habit of

    using Apoc for a collection of books ap-

    4. The pended to the OT and generally up to Reformers 1S27 appended to every printed English

    Bible. Bodenstein of Carlstadt, usu ally called Carlstadt (d. 1541), an early Reformer, though Luther s bitter personal opponent, was the first modern scholar to define "Apoc" quite clearly as writings excluded from the canon, whether or not the true authors of the books are known, in this, going back to Jerome s position. The adj. "apocryphal" came to have among Protestants more and more a disparaging sense. Protestant ism was in its very essence the religion of a book, and Protestants would be sure to see to it that the sacred volume on which they based their religion, including the reforms they introduced, contained no book but those which in their opinion had the strongest claims to be regarded as authoritative. In the eastern and western churches under the influence of the Greek (LXX) and Lat, (Vulg) VSS the books of the Apoc formed an integral part of the canon and were scattered throughout, the OT, they being placed generally near books with which they have affinity. Even Protestant Bibles up to 1827 included the Apoc, but as one collection of distinct writings at the end of the OT. It will be seen from what has been said that notwithstanding the favorable attitude; toward it of the eastern and western churches, from the earliest times, our Apoc was regarded with more or less suspicion, and the suspicion would be strengthened by the general antagonism toward it. In the Middle Ages, under the influence; of Keuchlin (d. 15:52) great scholar and Reformer TIeb came to be studied and the OT read in its original language. The fact that

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    the Apoc is absent from the Hebrew canon must have had some influence on the minds of the Reformers. Moreover in the Apoc there are parts inconsistent with Protestant principles, as for example the doc trines of prayers for the dead, the intercession of the saints, etc. The Jews in the early Christian cents, had really two Bibles: (1) There was the Hebrew Bible which does not include the Apoc, and which circulated in Philestina, Canaan-Land and Babylon; (2) there was the Or version (LXX) used by Greek-speaking Jews everywhere. I ntil in quite early times, instigated by the use made of it by Christians against them selves, the Jews condemned this version and made the Hebrew canon their Bible, thus rejecting the books of the Apoc from their list of canonical writings, and departing from the custom of Christian churches which continued with isolated remonstrances to make the Greek OT canon, with which the Vulg agrees almost completely, their standard. It is known that the Reformers were careful students of the Bible, and that in OT matters they were the pupils of Jewish scholars there were no other competent teachers of Hebrew. It might therefore have been expected that the OT canon of the Reformers would agree in extent with that of the Jews and not with that of the Greek and Lat Chris tians. Notwithstanding the doubt which Ryle (Canon of (he OT-, 156) casts on the matter, all the evidence goes to show that the LXX and therefore the other great Greek VSS included the Apoc from the first onward.

    But how comes it to be that the Greek OT is more extensive than the Hebrew OT? l~p to the final destruction of Jerus in 71 AD the temple with its priesthood and ritual wa.s the center of the religious thought and life of the nation. But with the destruction of the sanctuary and the disbanding of its officials it was needful to find some fresh bind ing and directing agency and this was found in the collection of sacred writings known by us as the OT. By a national synod held at Jamnia, near Jaffa, in 90 AD, the OT canon was practically though not finally closed, and from that date om> may say that the limits of the OT were once and for all fixed, no writings being included except those written in Hebrew, the latest of these being as old as 100 BC. Now the Jews of the Dispersion spoke and wrote Greek, and they continued to think and write long after their fellow-countrymen of the homeland had censed to produce any fresh original lit. What they did produce was explanatory of what had been written and practical.

    The Greek Bible the Sept is that of the Jews in Egypt and of those found in other Greek-speaking countries. John Wycliffe (d. 13X4) puts the Apoc together at the end of the OT and the same course was taken by Luther (1546) in his great German and by Miles Coverdale (d. 156X) in his Eng. translation.

    Is it quite certain that there is no Hebrew word or

    expression corresponding exactly to the word

    "apocrypha" as first used by Chris-

    6. Hebrew tian writers, i.e. in the sense "esoteric"?

    Words for One may answer this by a decisive

    Apocrypha negative as regards the OT and the

    Jewish Talmud. But in the Middle Ages

    kabbalah (lit. "tradition") came to have a closely

    allied meaning (cf our "kabbalislic").

    (1) Do such exist? Is there in Hebrew a word or expression denoting "non-canonical," i.e. having the secondary sense acquired by "apocrypha"? This question does not allow of so decided an answer, and as matter of fact it has been answered in different ways.

    (2) Vieics of Zahn, et al. Zahn (Cesch. des nentest. Kanons, I, i, 123ff); Sehiirer (RE 3 , I, 623); Porter (HDB, I) and others maintain that the Greek word "Apocrypha (Biblia)" is a translation of the

    Hebrew S phdrlm g nuzwi, lit. "books stored away."

    If this view is the correct one it follows that the

    distinction of canonical and non-canonical books

    j originated among the Jews, and that the Fathers

    i in using the word apocrypha in this sense were

    simply copying the Jews substituting Greek words for

    the Hebrew equivalent . But there are decisive reasons

    for rejecting this view.

    (3) Reasons for rejection. (a) The verb ganaz of which the passive part, occurs in the above phrase means "to store away," "to remove from view" of things in themselves sacred or precious. It never means to exclude as from the canon.

    (b) When employed in reference to sacred books it is only of those recognized as canonical. Thus after copies of the Pentatuch or of oilier parts of the Hebrew Bible had, by age and use, become unfit to be read in the home or in the synagogue they were "buried" in the ground as being too sacred to be burnt or cut up; and the verb denoting this burying is ganaz. But those buried books are without excep tion canonical.

    (r) The Hebrew phrase in question does not once occur in either the Babylonian or the Jerus Jewish Talmud, but only in rabbinical writings of a much later date. The Greek apocrypha cannot therefore be a rendering of the Ilel) expression. The Hebrew for books defi nitely excluded from the canon is S e phdnm hl- fdnim = "outside" or "extraneous books." The Mish (the text of the Gemara, both making up what we call Jewish Talmud) or oral law with its additions came to be divided analogously into (1) The Mish proper; (2) the external (hlgdnah) Mish: in Aram, called Baraiythd .

    What has been said may be summarized:

    (1) Among the Protestant churches the word Apoc is used for the books included in the LXX and

    Vulg, but absent from the Hebrew Bible. 6. Sum- This restricted sense of the word can- mary not be traced farther back than the

    beginning of the Reformation.

    (2) In classical and Hellenistic Greek the adj. apokruphoa denotes "hidden" of visible objects, or obscure, hard to understand (of certain kinds of knowledge).

    (3) In early patristic Greek this adj. came into use as a synonym of the classical Greek esoterikos.

    (4) In later patristic Greek (Irenaeus, etc) and in Lat works beginning with Jerome, Greek apokruphos meant non-canonical, implying inferiority in sub ject-matter to the books in the canon.

    (4) By tin 1 Protestant Reformers the term "apoc rypha" ("apocryphal" "books" being understood) came to stand for what is now called the "OT Apoc." But this usage is confined to Protestants, since in the eastern church and in the Rom branch of the western church the OT Apoc is as much an integral part of the canon as Genesis or Kings or Psalms or Isaiah.

    (5) There are no equivalents in Hebrew for apok ruphos in the sense of either "esoteric" or in that of "non-canonical."

    IV. Contents of the Apocrypha. The following is a list of the books in the Apoc in the order in which

    they occur in the Eng. VSS (AV and 1. List of RV): (1) 1 Esdras; (2) 2 Esdras (to Books be hereafter called "The Apocalyptic

    Esdras"); (3) Tobit ; (4) Judith ; (5) The Rest of Esther; (6) The Wisdom of Solomon;

    (7) Ecclesiasticus (to be hereafter called "Sirach");

    (8) Baruch, with the Epistle of Jeremiah; (9) The Song of the Three Holy Children; (10) The History of Susanna; (11) Bel and the Dragon; (12) The Prayer of Manasses; (13) 1 Maccabees; (14) 2 Maccabees.

    No. 5 in the above, "Addition to Esther," as it may be called, consists of the surplusage (107 out

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    of 270 verses) of the Book of Esther as it occurs in the best AISS of the LXX and in the Vulg over the text in the Hebrew Bible. These additions are in the LXX scattered throughout the book and are intelligible in the context thus given them, but not when brought together as they are in the collected Apoc of our Eng. VSS and as they are to some extent in Jerome s Lat version and the Vulg (see Century Bible, Ezra, Neh and Esther, 294 fj. Nos. 9-11 in the above enumeration are additions made in the Greek LXX and Yulg VSS of Daniel to the book as found in the AIT. It will be well to name them "Additions to Daniel." The bringing together of the writings of the Apoc into an apart collection was due in a large measure to Jerome, who separated many of the apocryphal additions from their original context because lie suspected their gen uineness. His version influenced the Vulg, which follows Jerome s version closely.

    Though it is generally true that the Apoc is the excess of the Or (LXX) and Lat (Jeremiah, Viily) over the Hebrew (MT) Bibles, the statement needs qualification. 2 (4) Ezra, i.e. the Apocalyptic Ezra (Esdras), is absent from the LXX, from Jerome s version, and also from Luther s Bible, but it occurs in the Vulg and in the Eng. and other modern VSS of the Apoc. On the other hand 3 and 4 Mace occur in the best AISS of the LXX, but the Vulg, following Jerome s version, rejects both as do modern VSS (Eng. etc) of the Apoc. Moreover it has to be pointed out that, in the Vulg proper the Prayer of Manasses and 1 (3) Esdras and the Apocalyptic Esdras are appended to the NT as apocryphal.

    (Ij Historical. The books of the Apoc proper

    may be thus classified: (a) 1 and 2 (i.e. 3) Esdras;

    (b) 1 and 2 Alaccabees; (c) Additions

    2. Classifi- to Daniel (nos. 9-11 in the above list );

    cation of (</) Additions to Esther; (<) The

    Books Epistle of Jeremy (usually appended

    to Baruch); (/) Prayer of Manasses.

    (2) Lcijf Hilary. (<i) Book of Baruch (sometimes classed with prophetic books, sometimes with Apocalypses); (6) Tobit; (c) Judith.

    (3) A i>oc(ili//>tic. The Apocalyptic Esdras or 2 (4) Esdras.

    (4) Diilnclic. (o) The Wisdom of Solomon; (h) Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) .

    H. H. Charles, our greatest living authority on the Apocalyptic and Apocryphal writings, embraces the following under the heading "Hellenistic Jew ish Literature," the rest coming under the heading "Palestinian Jewish Literature" (Fine Jirit, 11th ed, II, 177): (1) The Additions to Daniel and Esther (2) The Epistle of Jeremy; (3) 2 Alacc; (4) The Wisdom of Solomon.

    V. Original Languages of the Apocrypha. The bulk of the Apoc was written originally in the Or language and existed at the first in that language alone. The following books wen- however written in Hebrew: Tobit, Judith, Sirach, Baruch (part prob ably in Or), and 1 Alacc. In these cases some pre fer regarding Aram, as the original language in at least parts of the above books. For detailed infor mation see under the several books.

    VI. Date of the Apocryphal Writings. The question of date as it applies to the separate books of the Apoc will be discussed in connection with the arts, dealing with the several books. But a general statement regarding the extreme limits between which all the books were completed may safely be mafic. The oldest apocryphal book is Sirach, which in its original Hebrew form belongs to between 190-170 BO. In its Or form the best, modern scholars agree infixing it at between 130-120 BC. None of the books can well belong to a date later than 100 AD, though some (2 Esdras, etc) may be as late as that.

    The whole of the Apoc may with more than average certainty be said to have been written some time between 200 BC and 100 AD. It will be seen that it is an inaccurate assumption that the Apoc was in all its parts of later date than the latest parts of the OT. The canonical Book of Daniel and many of the Psalms are of later date than Sirach and 1 Esdras, and there are cogent reasons for giving the canonical Esther a later date than any of the books named and perhaps than Judith as well (see, how ever, DAMKL; ESTHER], But it is quite certain that by far the greater part of the Apoc is of later date than the OT: it is therefore 1 of the utmost impor tance as reflecting the state of the Jews and the character of their intellectual and religious life at the various periods represented. And in later years much use has been made of it.

    LITKRATVHK. The Greek text of the Apoc is given in the various editions of the, LXX (except the Apocalyptic Esdras, not extant in Greek). The best editions of the LXX are those, by Tischendorf revised by east Nestle (1SS7): and Swete (lS .). r >-!) .) and later edit ions). Critical edi tions of the Apoc have been issued by A. Fabricius (Ham burg, 1722 2:5); A pel lib 1S04) and a very valuable 1 edition by <>. T. Frit/sehe (Leipzig, 1S71) which includes the Lat version of the Apocalyptic Ksdras without the missing fragment. There are several modern transla tions, far the best being that in German edited by east Kautzsch. containing Introductions, general and special. and valuable notes by the best German scholars. In English besides the KV there is the useful Variorum ed. edited by C. .). Hall. An Eng. critieal edition of the Apoc edited by R H Charles, with introd. notes, is now being printed at Oxford and will be very valuable.

    The best commentary is that by (). ! . Eritsehe and C . L. west Grimm. Kurzyef. />,,/. Handburh, isr>l-<>0; but the commentary by Hissell in Lange s Series of Commen taries and that edited by ,Vace. in the Speaker s Bible Series, are meritorious.

    Introductory matter will be found in the various Hible Dictionariess.v.: see esp. IT. K. Kyle in .DB (1893), Schiirer (lfK :> ). but esp. in the valuable 1 ntro l<> tin- OT in (Ir. by H. B. Swete i I <)()() i, II I>H (C. I ". Porter), and K. II. Charles (Km- /<///"). See also the Kinli-itunueu by Konig, Budde (A. Bcrtholct has written the part dealing with the Apoc), and Schiirer. Geschichte, 111. is .i.s t Kng. translation. II, hi). where much lit . is specified. Eor monographs on the several books of the Apoc or discussing special points, sec the

    special articles. THOMAS WITTON DAVIES

    APOCRYPHAL ACTS, a-pok ri-fal akts:

    A. GKNKKAI. I , TKOIH CTIU ,

    I. Tin Mmntiitj oj "Apocryphal"

    1. Secret

    2. False and Heretical >. Extra-canonical

    II. deneral Characteristics

    1. Romance

    2. The Supernatural :?. Sexual Asceticism

    4. Here! ical Teaching

    5. Keligious Finding

    III. Origin

    1. Reverence for Apostles

    2. Pious ( uriosity

    :i. Apostolic Authority Desired 1. Interests of Local Churches

    IV. .Sources

    1 . ( anonical Acts

    2. Traditions

    H. Romances of Travel V. Ecclesiastical Testimnnij

    1. Eastern

    2. Western :<. I hotius

    4 Ecclesiastical Condemnation VI. Authorship

    VII. lf,l,ilionx/iiii of Different Acts VIII. Value

    1. As History

    2. As Records of Earlv Christianity

    IX. Influence Literature

    B. THK SKI>ARATK ACTS

    I. Act* of I n a!

    II. Acts nf 1 etrr

    III. Acts of John

    IV. Acts <>f Andrew

    V. Act* of Thomas

    A. OKNKIIAL I vruomTTiox

    /. The Meaning of "Apocryphal." As applied to early-Christian writings the term "apocryphal" has the secondary and conventional sense of "extra- canonical."

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    Originally, as the etymology of the word shows

    (Or apokrupto : ="h,de"), it denoted what was

    "hidden" or "secret." In this sense

    1. Secret "apocryphal" was, to begin with, a

    t itle of honor, being applied to writ ings vised by the initiated in esoteric circles and highly valued by them as containing truths miraculously revealed and kept secret from the outside world. Just as there were writings of this kind among tin- Jews, so there were- in Christian circles, among gnostic sects, (IIHHTI//I/KI, which claimed to em body the deeper truths of Christianity, committed as a secret tradition by the risen Christ to His apostles.

    When tin- conception of a catholic church began

    to take shape, it was inevitable that these secret

    writ ings should have been regarded wit h

    2. False suspicion and have been ultimately t or- and bidden, not only because they fostered Heretical the spirit of division in the church, but

    because they were favorable to the spread of heretical teaching. By a gradual and in telligible transference of ideas "apocryphal," as applied to secret writings thus discredited by the church, came to have the bad sense of x/>iiri<nix and heretical. In this sense the word is used both by Irenaeus and Tertullian.

    Short of being stigmatized as false and heretical

    man} books were regarded as unsuitable for reading

    in public worship, although they might

    3. Extra- be used for purposes of private edi- Canonical iication. Chiefly under the influence

    of Jerome the term "apocryphal" received an extension of meaning so as to include writings of this kind, stress now being laid on their non-acceptance as authoritative Scriptures by Un church, without any suggest ion that the ground of non-acceptance lay in heretical teaching. It is in this wide sense that the word is used when we speak of "Apocryphal Acts." Although the Acts which bear this name had their origin for the most part, in circles of heretical tendency, the description of them as "apocryphal" involves no judgment as to the character of their contents, but simply denotes that they are Acts which were excluded from tin- NT canon because their t it ie or claims to recognition as authoritative and normative writings were not admitted by the church. This definition limits the scope of our investigation to those Acts which belong to the 2d cent., the Biblical Acts having securei 1 their place as an authoritative scripture by the end of that cent. See further, APOCRYPHA.

    //. General Characteristics. Tin- Apocryphal Acts purport to give the history of the activity of

    the apostles in fuller detail than the 1. Romance canonical Acts. The additions to the

    NT narrative found in them an- highly flavored with romance and reveal an extravagant and unhealt hy taste for the miraculous. Wonderful tales, the product of an exuberant fancy, often devoid of delicacy of feeling and always out of touch with reality, are freely heaped one upon the other. The apostles are no longer conceived as living on the ordinary levels of humanity; their human frailties, to which the canonical writers arc- not blind, have almost entirely disappeared; they walk through the world as men conversant with tin 1 mysteries of heaven and earth and possessed of powers to which no limit can be set. They have the power to heal, to exorcise demons, to raise the dead; and while marvelous deeds of that nature constantly recur, there are other miracles wrought by the apostles which remind one of the bizarre and non-moral prodigies of (lie Childhood Gospel of Thomas. A smoked fish is made to swim; a broken statue is made whole by the use of consecrated water; a child of seven months is enabled to talk

    with a man s voice; animals receive the power of human speech.

    The romantic character of the Apocryphal Acts

    is intensified by the frequent introduction of

    the supernatural. Angelic messengers

    2. The appear in vision and in dream; heaven- Super- ly voices are heard; clouds descend natural to hide the faithful in the hour of

    danger and lightnings smite their foes; the terrifying forces of Nature, earthquake, wind and fire, strike dismay into the hearts of the ungodly; and martyrs die transfigured in a blaze of unearthly glory. Especially characteristic of these Acts are the appearances of Christ in many forms; now as an old man, now as a comely youth, now as a child; but most frequently in the likeness of this or that apostle. (It is interesting to observe that Origen is familiar with a tradition that Jesus during His earthly life could change His appear ance when and how He pleased, and gives that as a reason for the necessity of the traitor s kiss. Cf also Mark 16 <U2.)

    One must not suppose from the foregoing that the Apocryphal Acts with their profusion of roman tic and supernatural details were de-

    3. Sexual signed merely to exalt the personality Asceticism of the apostles and to satisfy the preva lent desire for the marvelous. They

    had a definite practical end in view. They were intended to confirm and popularize a type of Chris tianity in strong reaction against the world, in which emphasis was laid on the rigid abstinence from sexual relations as t he chief moral requirement. This sexual asceticism is the dominant motif in all the Acts. The "contendings" of the apostles, their trials and their eventual martyrdom are in almost every case due to their preaching the sinfulness of conjugal life and to their success in persuading women to reject the society of their husbands. The Acts are penetrated throughout by the convic tion that abstinence from marriage is the supreme condition of entering upon the highest life and of winning heaven. The gospel on its practical side is (to use t In- succinct expression of the Acts of Paul) "the word of Cod regarding abstinence and the resurrect ion."

    Besides inculcating an ascet ic moralit y t he Apocry-

    phal Acts show traces more or less pronounced of

    dogmatic heresy. All of them with

    4. Heretical the exception of the Acts of Paul Teaching represent a docetic view of Christ;

    that is to say, the earthly life of Jesus is regarded merely as an appearance, phantasmal and unreal. This docetic Christology is most prominent in the Acts of John, where we read that when Jesus walked no footprints were discernible; that sometimes when the apostle attempted to lay hold of the body of Jesus his hand passeil through it without resistance; that when the crowd gathered round the cross on which to all appearance Jesus hung, the Master Himself had an interview with His disciple John on the Mount of Oliyes. The cruci fixion was simply a symbolical spectacle; it was only in appearance that Christ suffered and died. Allied with the docetic Christ ology is a naive Modalism, according to which there is no clear distinction between the Father and the Son.

    In spite of the unfavorable impression created by

    the flood of miraculous and supernatural details,

    the pervading atmosphere of sexual

    5. Religious asceticism and the presence of dog- Feeling matic misconception, it is impossible

    not to feel in many sections of tin- Apocryphal Acts the rapture of a great spiritual enthusiasm. Particularly in the Acts of John, Andrew and Thomas there arc passages (songs, prayers, homilies), sometimes of genuine poetic

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    beaut} , which are characterized by religious warmth, mystic fervor and moral earnestness. The mystical love to Christ, expressed though it fre quently is in the strange language of gnostic thought, served to bring the Saviour near to men as the satisfaction of the deepest yearnings of the soul for deliverance from the dark power of death. The rank superstition and the traces of uncon- q uered heathenism should not blind us to the fact that in the Apocryphal Acts we have an authentic if greatly distorted expression of the Christian faith, and that through them great masses of people were confirmed in their conviction of the spiritual pres ence and power of Christ the Saviour.

    ///. Origin. The Apocryphal Acts had their origin at a time when the canonical Acts of the Apostles were not yet recognized as alone authori tative. Various motives contributed to the appear ance of books dealing with the life and activity of the different apostles.

    Behind every variety of motive lay the profound

    reverence for the apostles as t he authoritative deposi-

    taries of Christian truth. In apostolic

    1. Rever- times the sole authority in Christian ence for communities, outside OT Scripture, Apostles was "the Lord." But as the creative

    period of Christianity faded into the past, "the apostles" (in the sense of the college of the Twelve, including Paul) were raised to a pre eminent position alongside of Christ with the object of securing continuity in the credentials of the faith. The commandments of the Lord had been received through them (2 Pet 3 2). In the Ig- natian epistles they have a place of acknowledged supremacy by the side of Christ. Only that which had apostolic authority was normative for the church. The authority of the apostles was uni versal. They had gone into all the world to preach the gospel. They had, according to the legend referred to at the beginning of t he Acts of Thomas, divided among themselves the different regions of the earth as the spheres of their activity. It was an inevitable consequence of the peculiar reverence in which the apostles were held as the securities for Christian truth that a lively interest should everywhere be shown in traditional stories about their work and that writings should be multiplied which purported to give their teaching with fulness of detail.

    The canonical Acts were not calculated to satisfy

    the prevailing desire for a knowledge of the life

    and teaching of the apostles. For one

    2. Pious thing many of the apostles are there Curiosity ignored, and for another the informa tion given about the chief apostles

    Peter and Paul is little more than a meager outline of the events of their life. In these circumstances traditions not preserved in the canonical Acts were eagerly accepted, and as the actual history of the individual apostles was largely shrouded in ob scurity, legends were freely invented to gratify the insatiable curiosity. The marvelous character of these inventions is a testimony to the supernatural level to which the apostles had been raised in popu lar esteem.

    As in the case of the apocryphal Gospels, the

    chief motive in the multiplication of apostolic

    romances was the desire to set forth

    3. Apostolic with the full weight of apostolic Authority authority conceptions of Christian life Desired and doctrine which prevailed in certain

    circles. (1) Alongside the saner and catholic type of Christianity there existed, espe cially in Asia Minor, a popular Christianity with perverted ideals of life. On its practical side the Christian religion was viewed as an ascetic disci pline, involving not only abstinence from animal

    food and wine but also (and chiefly ) abstinence from marriage;. Virginity was the Christian ideal. , Poverty and fastings were obligatory on all. The Apocryphal Acts are permeated by this spirit, and their evident design is to confirm and spread con fidence in this ascetic ideal by representing the apostles as the xealous advocates of it. (2) The Apocryphal Acts were also intended to serve a dogmatic interest. Heretical sects used them as a means of propagating their peculiar doctrinal views and sought to supplement or supplant the tradition of the growing catholic church by another tradition which claimed to be equally apostolic.

    A subsidiary cause in the fabrication of apostolic- legends was the desire of churches to find support for the claims which they put forward 4. Interests for an apostolic foundation or for of Local some connection with apostles. In Churches some cases the tradition of the sphere of an apostle s activity may have been well based, but in others there is a probability that stories ot an apostolic connection were freely in vented for the purpose of enhancing the prestige of some local church.

    IV. Sources. ~ In general it may be said that the Apocryphal Acts are full of legendary details. In the invention of these everything was 1. Canoni- done to inspire confidence "in them as cal Acts historically true. The narratives ac cordingly abound in clear reminis cences of the canonical Acts. The apostles are cast into prison and are marvelously set at libertv. Converts receive the aposiles into their houses. The description of the Lord s Supper as "the break ing of bread" (Acts 2 42.40) is repeated in the Apocryphal Acts and is strictly apposite to the ritual there set forth in which there is frequently no mention of wine in the celebration of the sacra ment. In the Acts of Paul the author evidently used the canonical Acts as the framework of his narrative. This dependence on the canonical Acts and the variety of allusions to details in them served to give an appearance of historical truthful ness to the later inventions and to secure for them a readier acceptance. The fact that the canonical Acts were so used clearly shows that they had a position of exceptional authority at the time when the Apocryphal Acts were written.

    The legendary character of the Apocryphal Acts

    does not preclude the possibility of" authentic

    details in the additions made to the

    2. Tradi- canonical history. There must have tions been many traditions regarding the

    apostles preserved in Christian com munities which had a foundation in actual fact. Some of these would naturally find a place in writings which were designed in part at least to sat isfy the popular curiosity for a fuller knowledge of the apostles. It is certain that there is some sub stratum of historical fact in the episode of Paul s association with Thecla (Acts of Paul). The de scription of Paul s appearance given in the same connection is in all likelihood due to trustworthy historical reminiscence. But it must be confessed that the signs of the presence of reliable traditions are very scanty. The few grains of historical fact are hidden in an overwhelming mass of material whose legendary character is unmistakable.

    Although a formal connection with the canonical

    Acts is recognizable and reliable traditions are to a

    slight extent incorporated in the Apoc-

    3. Ro- ryphal Acts, it is unquestionable that mances of as a whole they are the creation of Travel the Hellenic spirit which reveled in

    the miraculous. A noteworthy type of popular literature whose influence is apparent on almost every page of the Apocryphal Acts was that

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    of I lie travel-romance. The most famous example of this romantic literature is the Life of the neo- Pythagorean preacher, the great wonder-worker Apollonios of Tyatia, who died about the end of the 1st cent. AD. The marvelous deeds reported to have been wrought by him on his travels were freely transferred in a somewhat less striking form to other teachers. It is in the atmosphere of these romances that the Apocryphal Acts had their birth. In particular the Acts of Thomas recall the history of Apollonios. For just as Thomas was a missionary in India, so "Apollonios as a disciple of Pythagoras had traveled, a peaceful Alexander, to the Indian wonderland and there preached his master s wisdom" (( lel fcken, C/trifttlic/tt .,i>t>kry- p/u n, o(>).

    V. Ecclesiastical Testimony. - -From the nature of his reference to the canonical Acts it is probable that the writer of the Muratoriaii Canon (cir I .K) AD) had t he exist once of other Acts in mind. "The Acts of all the apostles," he says, "are written in a single book. Luke relates them admirably to Theophilus, confining himself to such as fell under his o,vn notice, as he plainly shows by the omission of all reference either to the martyrdom of Peter or to the journey of Paul from Koine to Spain." During the - ><! cent, there are slight allusions to certain of the Apocryphal Acts, but it is only in the 4th cent, that distinct references are frequent in ,vritersbnthofthe Fast and of the West . A few of the more important references may be given here, i For a lull account of the ecclesiastical testimony see Harnack, Gesch. der altchr. Lit., 1, lltiff.)

    Among eastern writers Kusebius (d. . -J40) is the

    first to make any clear reference to Apocryphal

    Acts. lie speaks of "Acts of An-

    1. Eastern drew, of John and of the other apos- Testimony ties, which were of such a character

    that no ecclesiastical writer thought it proper to invoke their testimony. Their si vie and their teaching showed them to be so plainly of heretical origin thai lie would not put them even among spurious Scriptures, but absolutelv rejected them as absurd and impious (HE, III, 25.6.7). Kphraem (d. o7. >) declares thai Acts were written by the Bardesanites to propagate in the name of the apostles the unbelief which the apostles had de stroyed. Epiphanius (cir :!7">) repeatedly refers to individual Acts which were in use among heretical sects. Amphilochius of Iconium, a contemporary of Epiphanius, declares that certain writings emanating from heretical circles were "not Acts of the apostles but accounts of demons." The Second Synod of Nicaea (7S7 AI)i, in the records of which those words of Amphilochius are preserved, dealt with apocryphal literature and had under special consideration the Acts of John to which the Icono clasts appealed. In the synod s finding these Acts were characterized as "this abominable book," and on it the judgment was passed: "Let no one read it ; and not only so, but we judge it worthy of being committed to the flames."

    In the West from the 4th cent, onward refer ences are frequent. Philastrius of Brescia (cir :is7) testifies to the use of Apocryphal Acts

    2. Western among the Manichaeans, and declares Testimony that although they are not suitable

    for general reading they may be read with profit by mature Christians (De Haeres,88). The reason for this favorable judgment is to be found in the pronounced ascetic tendency of the Acts, which was in line with the moral ideal preva lent at that time in the West. Augustine refers repeatedly to apocryphal Acts in use among the Manichaeans and characterizes them as the work of "cobblers of fables" (sutnrihux fah/tlariun). The Manichaeans accepted them as true and genuine;

    and in respect of this claim Augustine says: "They would in the time of their authors have been counted worthy of being welcomed to the authority of the Holy Church, if saintly and learned men who were then alive and could examine such things had acknowledged them as speaking the truth" (Con tra Faux/inn, XXII, 79). The Acts of John and the Acts of Thomas are mentioned by Augustine by name. He also refers to Leucius as the author of Apocryphal Acts. Turribius of Astorga (cir 4f>0) speaks of Acts of Andrew, of John, of Thomas, and attributes them to the Manichaeans. Of the heretical teaching in the Acts of Thomas, Turri bius singles out for special condemnation baptism by oil instead of by water. Leucius is mentioned as the author of the Acts of John. The Acts of Andrew, Thomas, Peter, and Philip are condemned as apocryphal in the ( ielasian Decree (4 ( .K) AD) and in the same condemnation are included "all books written by Leucius, a disciple of the devil."

    The fullest and most, important reference to the Apocryphal Acts is found in Phot ins, the Patriarch of Constantinople in the second half 3. Photius of the Uth cent. In his Jiibl-iotlura, which contains an account of 2S() different books which he had read during his ab sence on a mission to Bagdad, we learn that among these ,vas a volume, "the so-called Wanderings of the Apostles, in which were included Acts of Peter, John, Andrew, Thomas, Paul. The author of these Acts, as the book itself makes plain, was Leucius Charinus." The language had none of the grace which characterized the evangelic and apostolic writings. The book teemed with follies and contra dictions. Its teaching was heretical. In particular it was taught that Christ had never really become man. Not Christ but another in His place had been crucified. After referring to the ascetic doc trine and the absurd miracles of the Acts and to the part which the Acts of John had played in the Iconoclastic Controversy, Photius concludes: "In short this book contains ten thousand things which are childish, incredible, ill-conceived, false, foolish, inconsistent, impious and godless. If anyone were to call it the fountain and mother of all heresy, he would not be far from the truth."

    There is thus a consensus of ecclesiastical testi mony as to the general character of the Apocryphal Acts. They were writings used by a 4. Ecclesi- number of heretical sects but regarded astical by the church as unreliable and harm-

    Condemna- ful. It is probable that the corpus of tion the Acts in five parts referred to by

    Photius was formed by the Mani chaeans of North Africa, who attempted to have them accepted by the church in place of the canoni cal Acts which they had rejected. These Acts in consequence were stamped by the church with a heretical character. The sharpest condemnation is that pronounced by Leo I (cir 450) who declares that "they should not only be forbidden but should be utterly swept away and burned. For although there are certain things in them which seem to have the appearance of piety, yet they are never free of poison and secretly work through the allurements of fables so that they involve in the snares of every possible error those who are seduced by the narra tion of marvelous things." The Acts of Paul, which show no trace of dogmatic heresy, were included in the ecclesiastical censure owing to the fact that they had received a place at the end of the corpus. Many teachers in the church, however, made a distinction between the miraculous details and the heretical doctrines of the Acts, and while they rejected the latter they retained the former. Wit ness the words of an orthodox reviser in regard to his heretical predecessor: "Quaedam de virtutibus

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    quidem et miraculis quae per eos Dominus fecit, vera dixit ; de doctrina vero multa mentitus est."

    VI. Authorship. In the notice of Photius (Bibliotheca cod. 114) all the five Acts are ascribed to one author, Leueius Charinus. Earlier writers had associated the name of Leueius with certain Acts. In particular he is, on the witness of several writers, declared to be the author of the Acts of John. As these Acts show, the author professes to be a follower and companion of the apostle, and Epiphanius (Hams, 51 G) mentions one named Leueius as being in the entourage of John. This notice of Epiphanius, however, is of doubtful value, as it probably rested on the association in his mind of the name of Leueius with the Acts of John. Whether or not there is any truth in the ascription of these Acts to a disciple of John must be left undecided, but the probabilities are against then- being any. Be that as it may, when the different Acts were collected, the name of the reputed author of the Acts of John was transferred to the whole collection. This probably happened not later than the 4th cent. Although all the Acts are certainly not from one hand (the difference of style is sufficient proof of this), there are so many st riking similarit ies between some of them as to suggest a possible com mon authorship in those cases or at least a relation of literary dependence.

    VII. Relationship of Different Acts. That some connection existed between the different Acts was clearly recognized in early times, and it was doubt less due to this recognition that they were gathered together in a corpus under the name of one author. It is acknowledged that there is a close relationship between the Acts of Peter and the Acts of John, some holding that they are the work of the same author (James, Zahn), others that the former are dependent on the latter (Schmidt, Hennecke), while others again believe that their origin in the same theological school and in the same ecclesiastical atmosphere sufficiently explains all similarities (Kicker). The Acts of Andrew, too, reveal a near kinship to the Acts of Peter. But however the matter may stand in regard to literary dependence, the affinity between the different Acts in a material sense is manifest. All are pervaded by the ascetic spirit ; in all Christ, appears in the form of the apos tle; in all women visit the apostle in prison. In respect of theological doctrine the Acts of Paul stand by themselves as anti-gnostic in tendency, but the others agree in their docetic view of Christ s person; while in the Acts of John, Peter and Thomas, there is a similar mystical doctrine of the cross.

    VIII. Value. As a source for information about the life and work of the apostles the Apocryphal

    Acts are almost entirely worthless.

    1. As A possible exception in this respect

    History is the section of the Acts of Paul

    dealing with Paul and Thecla, although even there any historical elements are almost lost in the legendary overgrowth. The spheres of the apostles work, so far as they are mentioned only in these Acts, cannot be accepted without question, although they may be derived from reliable tradi tion. Taken as a whole the picture given in the Apocryphal Acts of the missionary labors of the apostles is a grotesque caricature.

    The Apocryphal Acts, however, though worthless as history, are of extreme value as throwing light

    on the period in which they were 2. As written. They belong to the 2d cent.

    Records of and are a rich quarry for information Early about the popular Christianity of that

    Christianity time. They give us a vivid picture of

    the form which Christianity assumed in contact with the enthusiastic mystery-cults and gnostic sects which then flourished on the soil of

    Asia Minor. We see in them the Christian faith deeply tinged with the spirit of contemporary pa ganism ; the fait h in Christ the Saviour-Cod, which satisfied the widespread yearning for redemption from the powers of evil, in association with the as yet unconquered elements of its heathen environ ment. (1) The Acts show us popular Christianity under the influence, of gnostic ideas as contrasted with the Gnosticism of the schools which moves in a region of mythological conceptions, cold abstrac tions and speculative subtleties. At the basis of Gnosticism lay a contempt for material existence; and in the Christianity of the Apocryphal Acts we see the practical working up of the two chief ideas which followed from this fundamental position, a docetic conception of Christ s person and an ascetic view of life. In this popular religion Christ had few of the features of the historic Jesus; He was the Saviour-God, exalted above principalities and powers, through union with whom the soul was delivered from the dread powers of evil and entered into the true life. The manhood of Christ was sub limated into mere appearance; and in particular the sufferings of Christ were conceived mystically and symbolically, "sometimes in the form that in the story of His sufferings we see only the symbol of human sufferings in general; sometimes in the form that Christ who is present in His church shares in the martyr-sufferings of Christians; sometimes, again, in the form that the sin, weakness and un faithfulness of His people inflict upon Him ever- renewed sufferings" (Pfleiderer, Prim. Christianity, III, LSI). The ethical influence of Gnosticism is apparent in the spirit of strict asceticism which is the most characteristic feature of these Acts. It is true that- the ascetic ideal obtained not only in gnostic but also in orthodox church circles, as we gather from the Acts of Paul as well as from other sources. The prominence of the strict ascetic ideal in early Christianity is intelligible. The chief battle which the Christian faith had to fight with Hellenic heathenism was for sexual purity, and in view of the coarseness and laxity which prevailed in sexual relations it is not surprising that the Christian protest was exaggerated in many cases into a demand for complete continence. This ascetic note in primitive Christianity was emphasized by the spirit, of Gnosticism and finds clear expression in the Acts which arose either in gnostic circles or in an environment tinged with gnostic ideas. It goes without saying that the influence of these romances which are so largely concerned with sexual morality and occasionally are unspeakably coarse, was to preoccupy the mind with unhealthy thoughts and to sully that purity of spirit which it was their intention to secure. There are, how ever, other ethical elements in these Acts which are in complete harmony with a true Christian morality.

    (2) The Apocryphal Acts are an invaluable source for information about early-Christian forms of worship. The ritual of the sacraments is fully described in the Acts of Thomas. Some of the prayers found in the Acts are pervaded by a warm religious spirit and are rich in liturgical expression.

    (3) The beginnings of Christian hymnology may be traced in the Acts of Thomas, in which occur gnostic hymns breathing the fantastic oriental spirit. (4) Apparent in the Acts throughout is the excessive love for the supernatural and the religious enthusiasm which flourished in Asia Minor in the 2d cent, (cf especially the dance of the dis ciples round Jesus in the Acts of John: eh 94 ff).

    IX. Influence. The Apocryphal Acts had a remarkable influence in the later history of the church. After the establishment of Christianity under Constantine men turned their eyes to the earlier years of struggle and persecution. A deep

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    interest was awakened in the; events of the heroic age- of the fail li--t lie age of martyrs and apostles. Ads of martyrs were eagerly read, and in parlicular the; Apocryphal Acts were drawn upon to satisfy the desire for a fuller knowledge of the apostles than was afforded by the canonical hooks. The heretical teaching with which the apostolic legends were associated in these Acts led to their condemna tion by ecclesiastical authority, but the ban of the church was unavailing to eradicate the taste for the vivid colors of apostolic romance. In these circumstances church writers set themselves the task of rewriting the earlier Acts, omitting what was clearly heretical and retaining the miraculous and supernatural elements. And not only so, but the material of the Acts was freely used in the fabrica tion of lives of other apostles, as we find in the collection of the so-called Abdias in the Cnh cent. The result, was that from the -Ith to the llth cent, literature of this kind, dealing with t he apostles, grew apace and "formed the favorite reading of Chris tians, from Ireland to the Abyssinian mountains and from Persia to Spain" (llarnackj. Apostolic legends were reproduced in religious poems; they appeared in mart yrologies and calendars; t hex- formed the subject of homilies on the feast-days of the apostles, and incidents from them were depicted in Christian art. New cycles of legends arose; in the Syrian and Coptic churches; and the Coptic legends were translated into Arab, and from Arab, into Kthiopio ((iadla Hawaryai --The Cont endings of the Apostles). Literature of this kind was the fruitful mother of every kind of superstition. "Whole generations of Christiana [as Harnack says], yes, whole Christian nations were intellectually blinded by the dazzling appearance of these tales. They lost the eye not only for the true light of his tory but also for the light of truth itself" (C/VxrA. dcr altcltr. Lit., 1, xxvi). It is noteworthy that the apocryphal correspondence with the Corinthians in the Acts of Paul was received as canonical in the Syrian and Armenian churches.

    LITKHATI-UK. The, Apocryphal Acts form the sub ject of a voluminous literature. The earlier editions of the available texts by Kabricius (1703) and Tisclicndorf (1X51) have been completely superseded by l.ipsius- Boime.t, Ad <i ApoxtoliH-um d /inrri/ />/ni (1891-1903), which contains texts not only of the earlier bill, also of many of the later Acts. Translations of earlier Acts with valuable! introductions are to be found in Ilermecke, XT Apokryphen (1904), while critical discussions and elucidation of the text, are given in Hennecke, ll<itnl/ii-/i zu dfii XT Apokryphen (1904). These two works an; indispensable to the student. English translation* of earlier Acts with short introductions in Pick, A iim-ru/ilml A<-tx (l .K)O). The critical work of Lipsius on these Acts was epoch-making: Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden (1883-90). l- ull lists of literature may bo found in Henneeke and Pick. Tin; following may be mentioned here: Zahn, (lexchichtc das XT KHH<IH.< II 832 If (1892); Forschungen zur Gesch. des XT Kanons, VI, 14 translation, 194 If (1900); Harnack. Geschichte dcr alt- rhristlickcn Literatur, 1, 11011 (lx<.)3); II, 493 ff. 541 translation (1897); James, Apocrypha An<:c<lta (Texts and Studies, V, 1, 1897); Ehrhard. Die altr/iristliche Littrratur u. i. Erforxrli. (1900); C. Schmidt, "Die Alton Petrusakten" (? (". IX, 1, 1903). Useful as setting forth the religious significance of the Acts are Pfleiderer, Primitive Chris tianity, III, 170 fF (translation!910); Liechtenhahn, Die Offcn- linrunij im (! nnxticix/it us ( 1901 ). The chapter in .Salmon s Intro to the XT (325 ff) may be consulted. A short account of the Acts written with full knowledge is given in Greffcken, Christliche Apokryphcn (lleligionsgeschicht- liche VolksbUcher, 1908).

    B. THE SEPARATE ACTS

    The Apocryphal Acts dealt with in this article are the Leucian Acts mentioned by Phot i us in his Bibliotheca. As we now have; them they have 1 undergone revision in the interest of ecclesiastical orthodoxy, but in their original fe>rm they belonged to the 2d cent. It is impossible to say how much the Acts in their present form differ from that in which the,v originally appeared, but it is evident at many points that the orthodox revision which was

    meant to eliminate heretical elements was ne)t by any means thorough. Passages which an; distinctly gnostic we re; preserved probably because the reviser eliel not understand their true meaning.

    /. Acts of Paul. Origen in two passages of his

    extant writings emotes the Acts of Paul with

    approval, and it was possibly due to

    1. Eccle- his influence that these Acts were held siastical in high regarel in the East. In the Testimony Codex Claromontanus (3d cent.), which

    is of eastern origin, the Acts of Paul are treated as a catholic writing and take rank with the Shepherel of Hernias and the Apocalypse of Peter. Eusebius, who utterly rejects "The Acts of Andrew, John and the rest of the apostles," puts the Acts of Paul in the lower class of debated writings alongside Hennas, Epistle of Barnabas, Did, the Apoe-alypse of John, etc (HE, 111, 25. 4j. In the West, where Origen was viewed with sus picion, the Acts of Paul we re- apparently discredited, the only use of them as a reliable; source being found in Hippolytus, the frie tiel of Origen, who however does not mention them by name . (The reference by Ilippolytus is feiund in his commentary on Daniel. He argues from Paul s conflict with the wild beasts to the credibility of the story of Daniel in the lions den.)

    Of the- Acts of Paul only fragments remain. Little was known of them until in l ,K)4 a trans lation from a badly preserved Coptic

    2. Contents versiem was published by C. Schmidt,

    and the discovery was made that the well-known Acts of Paul and Thecla were in reality a part eif the Acts of Paul. From the notes regard ing the extent of the- Acts given in the Cod. Claro montanus and in the Stichometry of Nicephorus we gather that the fragments amount to about one- fourth of the- whole.

    (1) Of these fragments the longest and the most important is the section which came to have a separate- existene-e uneler the name The Acts of Paid and Thee-la. When these were separated from the; Acts of Paul we; cannot tell, but this had happened before the time of the Celasian Decree (491) AD), which without making mention of the Acts of Paul condemns as apocryphal the Acts of Paul and Thecla. (a) An outline of the narrative is as follows: At Iconiurn, Thecla, a betrothed maiden, listeneel to the preaching of Paul on vir ginity and was so fascinated that she refused to have anything further to de) with her lover. On account of his influence over her, Paul was brought be>fore the proe-onsul and was east into prison. There Thecla visit eel him with the result that both were brought to juelgment. Paul was banished from the city and Thee-la was condemned to be burned. Having been miraculously delivered at the pile, Thecla went in search of Paul and when she had found him she accompanied him to Antie>e!h. (There is confusion in the narrative of Antioch of Pisidia and Syrian Antioch.) In Antioch an influential citizen, Alexander by name, became enamored of her and openly embraced her on the street. Thecla, resenting the familiarity, pulled off the crown which Alexander wore and in consequence was cemelenmed to fight with the wild beasts at the games. Until the day of the games Thecla was placed under the care of Queen Tryphaena, then living in Antioch. When Thecla was exposed in the amphitheater a lioness died in defending her against attack. In her peril Thecla cast herself into a tank containing seals and declared: In the name of Jesus Christ I baptize myself on my last day." (It was with reference partly to this act of self-baptism that Tertullian gave the information about the authorship of these Acts: infra 3.) When it was proposed to have Thecla

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    torn asunder by maddened bulls Queen Tryphaena fainted, and through fear of what might happen the authorities released Thecla and handed her over to Tryphaena. Thecla once again sought Paul and having found him was commissioned by him to preach the Word of God. This she did first at Iconium and then in Seleucia where she died. Various later additions described Thecla s end, and in one of them it is narrated that she went under ground from Seleucia to Rome that she might be near Paul. Finding that Paul was dead she re mained in Rome until her death. (6) Although the Thecla story is a romance designed to secure apostolic authority for the ideal of virginity, it is probable that it had at least a slight foundation in actual fact. The existence of an influential Thecla- cult at Seleucia favors the view that Thecla was a historical person. Traditions regarding her asso ciation with Paul which clustered round the temple in Seleucia built in her honor may have provided the materials for the romance. In the story there are clear historical reminiscences. Tryphaena is a historical character whose existence is established by coins. She was the mother of King Polemon II of Pont us and a relative of the emperor Claudius. There are no grounds for doubting the information given us in the Acts that she was living at Antioch at the time of Paul s first visit. The Acts further reveal striking geographical accuracy in the men tion of the royal road" by which Paul is stated to have traveled from Lystra on his way to Iconium a statement which is all the more remarkable because, while the road was in use in Paul s time for military reasons, it was given up as a regular route in the last quarter of the 1st cent. In the Acts Paul is described as "a man small in stature, bald-headed, bow-legged, of noble demeanor, with meeting eyebrows and a somewhat prominent nose, full of grace. lie appeared sometimes like a man, and at other times he had the face of an angel." This description may quite well rest on reliable tradition. On the ground of the historical features in the story, Ramsay (The Church in the l,iinnin, Em [tire, 375 IT) argued for the existence of a shorter version going back to the 1st cent., but this view has not been generally accepted, (c) The Acts of Paul and Thecla were very widely read and had a remarkable influence owing to the wide spread reverence for Thecla, who had a high place among the saints as "the first female martyr." References to the Acts in the Church Fathers are comparatively few, but the romance had an ex traordinary vogue among Christians both of the East and of the West. In particular, veneration for Thecla reached its highest point in Gaul, and in a poem entitled "The Banquet" (Caena) written by Cyprian, a poet of South-Gaul in the 5th cent., Thecla stands on the same level as the great char acters of Biblical history. The later Acts of Xan thippe and Polyxena are entirely derived from the Acts of Paul and Thecla.

    (2) Another important fragment of the Acts of Paul is that containing the so-called Third Epistle to the Corinthians. Paul is represented as being in prison at Philippi (not at the time of Acts 16 23 f f, but at some later time). His incarceration was due to his influence over Stratonice, the wife of Apollophanes. The Corinthians who had been disturbed by two teachers of heresy sent a letter to Paul describing their pernicious doctrines, which were to the effect that the prophets had no author ity, that God was not almighty, that there was no resurrection of the body, that man had not been made by God, that Christ had not come in the flesh or been born of Mary, and that the world was not the work of (Jod but of angels. Paul was sorely distressed on receipt of this epistle and,

    "under much affliction," wrote; an answer in which the popular gnostic views of the false teachers are vehemently opposed. This letter which abounds in allusions to several of the Pauline epistles is chiefly remarkable from the fact that it found a place, along with the letter which called it forth, among canonical writings in the Syrian and Ar menian churches after the 2d cent. The corre spondence was strangely enough believed to be genuine by Rinck who edited it in 1 Samuel23. The original Greek version has not been preserved, but it exists in Coptic (not quite complete), in Armenian and in two Lat translation s (both mutilated), besides being incor porated in Ephraem s commentary (in Armenian translation). The Syr version has been lost.

    (3) Besides the two portions of the Acts of Paul mentioned above there are others of less value, the Healing of a Dropsical Alan at Myra by the apostle (a continuation of the Thecla-narrative), Paul s conflict with wild beasts at Ephesus (based on the misunderstanding of 1 Cor 15 32), two short citations by Origen, and a concluding section describing the apostle s martyrdom under Nero, to whom Paul appeared after his death. Clement of Alexandria quotes a passage (Strom., VI, 5, 42 f) a fragment from the mission-preaching of Paul which may have belonged to the Acts of Paul; and the same origin is possible for the account of Paul s speech in Athens given by John of Salisbury (cir 1151) in the I olicraticus, IV, 3.

    From a passage in Tertullian (De Iht/ilismo, ch

    17) we learn that the author of the Acts of Paul

    was "a presbyter of Asia, who wrote

    3. Author- the book with the intention of increas- ship and ing the dignity of Paul by additions Date of his own," and that " he was removed

    from office when, having been con victed, he confessed that lie had done it out of love to Paul." This testimony of Tertullian is sup ported by the evidence 1 of the writing itself which, as we have seen, shows in several details exact knowledge of the topography and local history of Asia Minor. A large number of the names occur ring in these Acts are found in inscriptions of Smyrna, although it would be precarious on that ground to infer that the author belonged to that city. It is possible that he was a native of a town where Thecla enjoyed peculiar reverence and that the tradition of her association with Paul, the preacher of virginity, was the chief motive for his writing the book. Along with this was linked the motive to oppose the views of some Gnostics (the Bardesanites). The date of the Acts of Paul is the latter half of the 2d cent., probably between 160 and ISO AD.

    The Acts of Paul, though written to enhance the dignity of the apostle, clearly show that both in

    respect of intellectual equipment and

    4. Charac- in breadth of moral vision the author, ter and with all his love for Paul, was no Tendency kindred spirit. The intellectual level

    of the Acts is low. There is through out great poverty in conception; the same -motif occurs without variation; and the defects of the author s imagination have their counterpart in a bare and inartistic diction. NT passages are frequently and freely quoted. The view which the author presents of Christianity is narrow and one sided. Within its limits it is orthodox in sentiment ; there is nothing to support the opinion of Lipsius that the work is a revision of a gnostic writing. The frequent occurrence of supernatural events and the strict asceticism which characterize the Acts are no proof of gnostic influence. The dog matic is indeed anti-gnostic, as we sec; in the corre spondence with the Corinthians. "The Lord Jesus Christ was born of Mary, of the Seed of David,

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    the Father having sent the Spirit from heaven into her." The resurrection of the body is assured by Christ s resurrection from the dead. Resurrec tion, however, is only for those who believe in it, in this we have the OIK; thought which betrays any originality on the; part of the author: "they who .say that there is no resurrection shall have no resurrection." With faith in the resurrection is associated the demand for strict sexual abstinence. Only they who are pure (i.e. who live in chastity) shall see God: "Ye have no part in the resurrection unless ye remain chaste and defile not the flesh." The gospel which the apostle preached was "the word regarding self-control and the resurrection." In the author s desire to secure authority for a prevalent form of Christianity, which demanded sexual abstinence as a condition of eternal life, we recogni/e the chief aim of the book. Paul is represented us the apostle of this popular concep tion, and his teaching is rendered attractive by the miraculous and supernatural elements which satis fied the crude 1 taste of the time.

    LITKKATIKK. Books mentioned under "Literature" (p. 1SS); ( . Schmidt, "Die! Paulusakton " (Xeue Jahr- i,iicl t *r, 217 If, is<)7), Ada 1 anll (1904); dealing with Acts of Paul and Thecla: Ramsay, Tin- Church in. the Hi, mn a E mi>ir<- (tth (id, 1S!)5); Oonybeare, Tin- Ai><>l,, U!l and Acts of Apollotuua .... (1S94); C&brol, La legende ,i,> salute T/,erli- (1SU5); Orr. The XT Apc UV/7, m/,s (introd. translation, and notes, 100:{j. For further lit. see Hen- necke. llmnlhurli, etc, .S5.S ff; Pick, Apoc Acts, 1, 8 t .

    II. Acts of Peter. A large portion (almost two- thirds) of the Acts of Peter is preserved in a Ivftt translation the Aetna Vercettenses, so 1. Contents named from the town of Vercelli in Piedmont, where the MS containing them lies in the chapter-library. A Coptic frag ment discovered and published (1903) by C. Schmidt contains a narrative with the subscription I raxis I ctrou, (Act of Peter). Schmidt is of opinion that this fragment formed part of the work to which t he Actus Vercellenses also belonged, but this is some what doubtful. The fragment deals wit h an incident in Peter s ministry at Jerus, while the Act. Vercell., which probably were meant to be a continuation of the canonical Acts, give an account of Peter s con flict with Simon Magus and of his martyrdom at Rome. References in ecclesiastical writers (Philas- trius of Brescia, Isidore of Pelusium and Photius) make it practically certain that the Act. Ycrcell. belong to the writing known as the Acts of Peter, which was condemned in the rescript of Innocent 1 (4().j AD) and in the Gelasian Decree (496 AD).

    (1) The Coptic Fragment contains the story of Peter s paralytic daughter. One Sunday while Peter was engaged in healing the sick a bystander asked him why he did not make his own daughter whole. To show that God was able to effect the cure through him, Peter made his daughter sound for a short time and then bade her return to her place and become as before. He explained that the affliction had been laid upon her to save her from defilement, as a rich man Ptolemy had been enam ored of her and had desired to make her his wife. Ptolemy s grief at not receiving her had been such that he became blind. As the result of a vision he had come to Peter, had received his sight and had been converted, and when he died he had left a piece of land to Peter s daughter. This land Peter had sold and had given the proceeds to the poor. Augus tine (Contra Adimantum, 17.5) makes a reference to t his story but does not mention Acts of Peter. There are also two references to the incident in the Acts of Philip. In the later Acts of Nereus and Achil- leus the story is given with considerable changes, the name of Peter s daughter, which is not men tioned in the fragment, being given as Petronilla.

    (2) The contents of the Actus Vercellenses fall into three parts: (a) The first three chapters which

    clearly are a continuation of some other narrative and would fitly join on to the canonical Acts tell of Paul s departure to Spain, (b) The longest sec tion of the Acts (4-32) gives an account of the con flict between Peter and Simon Magus at, Rome. Paul had not been gone many days when Simon, who claimed to be the great, power of God," came to Rome and perverted many of the Christians. Christ appeared in a vision to Peter at Jerus and bade him sail at once for Italy. Arrived at Rome Peter confirmed the congregation, declaring that he came to establish faith in Christ not by words merely but by miraculous deeds and powers (allu sion to 1 Cor 4 20; 1 Thess 1 5). On the en treaty of the brethren Peter went to seek out Simon in the house of one named Marcellus, whom the magician had seduced; and when Simon refused to see him, Peter unloosed a dog and bade it go and deliver his challenge. The result of this marvel was the repentance of Marcellus. A section follows describing the mending of a broken statue by sprinkling the pieces with water in the name of Jesus. Meantime the dog had given Simon a lect ure and had pronounced on him the doom of unquenchable fire. After reporting on its errand and speaking words of encouragement, to Peter, the dog expired at the apostle s feet. A smoked fish is next made to swim. The faith of Marcellus waxed strong at the sight of the wonders which Peter wrought, and Simon was driven out of his house with every mark of contempt. Simon, enraged at this treatment, came to challenge Peter. An infant of seven months speaking in a manly voice denounced Simon and made him speechless until the next Sabbath day. Christ appeared in a vision of the night encouraging Peter, who when morning was come narrated to the congregation his triumph over Simon, "the angel of Satan," in Judaea. Shortly afterward, in the house of Marcel lus which had been "cleansed from every vestige of Simon," Peter unfolded the true understanding of the gospel. The adequacy of Christ to meet every kind of need is shown in a characteristic passage which reveals docetic traits: "He will comfort you that you may love Him, this Great, and Small One, this Beautiful and I gly One, this Youth and Old Man, appearing in time yet utterly invisible in eternity, whom a human hand has not grasped, who yet is now grasped by His servants, whom flesh had not seen and now sees," etc. Next in a wonderful blaze of heavenly light blind widows received their sight and declared the different forms in which Christ had appeared to them. A vision of Marcellus is described in which the Lord appearing in the likeness of Peter struck down with a sword "the whole power of Simon," which had come in the form of an ugly Ethiopian woman, very black and clad in filthy rags. Then follows the conflict with Simon in the forurn in presence of the senators and prefects. Words were first exchanged between the combatants; then from words it came to deeds, in which the power of Peter was signally exhibited as greater than Simon s in the raising of the dead. Sirnon was now discredited in Rome, and in a last attempt to recover his influence he declared that he would ascend to God. Before the assembled crowd he flew up over the city, but in answer to Peter s prayer to Christ he fell down and broke his leg in t hree places. He was removed from Rome and after having his limb amputated died, (c) The Actus Vercellenses close with an account of Peter s martyrdom (33-41). Peter had incurred the enmity of several influential citizens by persuading their wives to separate from them. Then follows the well-known "Quo vadis?" story. Peter being warned of the danger he was in fled from Rome; but meeting Christ and learning that He was

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    going to the city to he crucified again, Pot or re turned and was condemned to death. At the place of execution Peter expounded the mystery of the cross. He asked to be crucified head downward, and when this was done he explained in words betraying gnostic influence why he had so desired it. After a prayer of a mystical nature Peter gave up the ghost. Nero was enraged that Peter should have been put, to death without his knowledge, be cause he had meant to heap punishments upon him. Owing to a vision he was deterred from a rigorous persecution of the Christians. (The account of Peter s martyrdom is also found in the Greek original.) It is plain from the account given of these Acts that they are entirely legendary in character. They have not the slightest value as records

    2. Histori- of the activity of Peter. They are cal Value in reality the creation of the ancient

    spirit which delighted in the marvelous and which conceived that the authority of Chris tianity rested on the ability of its representatives to surpass all others in their possession of supernatural power. The tradition that Simon Magus exercised a great influence in Rome and that a statue was erected to him (10) may have had some basis in fact. Justin Martyr (Apol, I, 2(5, 5(5) states that Simon on account of the wonderful deeds which he wrought in Rome was regarded as a god and had a statue set up in his honor. But grave doubts are thrown on the whole story by the inscription SEMONI SANCO DEO FIDIO SACRUM which was found on a stone pedestal at Rome in lo~4. This refers to a Sabine deity Semo Sancus, and the misunder standing of it may have led to Justin s statement and possibly was the origin of the whole legend of Simon s activity at Rome. The tradition that Peter died a martyr s death at Rome is early, but no reli ance can be placed on the account of it given in the Acts of Peter.

    Nothing can be said with any certainty as to the

    authorship of the Acts of Peter. James (Apocrypha

    Aix cijota, II) believes them to be

    3. Author- from the same hand as the Acts of ship and .John, and in this he is supported by Date Zahn (Gesch. den NT Kanons, II, 861).

    But all that can definitely be said is that both these Acts had their origin in the same religious atmosphere. Both are at home on the soil of Asia Minor. Opinion is not unanimous on the question where the Acts of Peter were written, but a number of small details as well as the general character of the book point to an origin in Asia Minor rather than at Rome. There is no knowl edge of Rom conditions, while on the other hand there are probable reminiscences of historical per sons who lived in Asia Minor. The date is about the close of the 2d cent.

    The Acts of Peter were used by heretical sects and were subjected to ecclesiastical censure. That

    however does not necessarily imply a

    4. General heretical origin. There are traces Character in them of a spirit which in later

    times was regarded as heretical, but they probably originated within the church in an environment strongly tinged by gnostic ideas. We find the principle of gnosticism in the stress that is laid on understanding the Lord (22). The gnostic view that the Scripture required to be supplemented by a secret tradition committed to the apostles is reflected in several passages (20 in particular). At the time of their earthly fellowship with Christ the apostles were not able to understand the full revelation of God. Each saw only so far as he was able to see. Peter professes to communicate what he had received from the Lord "in a mystery." There are slight traces of the docetic heresy. The mystical words of Peter as he hung on the cross are

    suggestive of gnostic influence (33 f). In these Acts we find the same negative attitude to creation and the same pronounced ascetic spirit as in the others. "The virgins of the Lord" are held in special honor (22). Water is used instead of wine at the Eucharist. Very characteristic of the Acts of Peter is the emphasis laid on the boundless mercy of God in Christ toward the backsliding (especially 7) . This note frequently recurring is a welcome revela tion of the presence of the true gospel-message in communities whose faith was allied with the grossest superstition.

    LITERATUReast Books mentioned under "Literature" (p. 188). In addition. Ficker, Die Petrusakten, Beitn iue zu ihremVer&tdndnis (1903) ; Harnack, " Patristische Mis- cellen" (T U , V, 3, 1900).

    ///. Acts of John. According to the Stichom-

    etry of Nicephorus the Acts of John in their com plete state formed a book about the 1. Contents same length as t he ( lospol of Matthew. A number of sections which show links of connection with one another are extant about two-thirds of the whole. The beginning of the Acts is wanting, the existing narrative commencing at 18. What the contents of the earlier chapters were we cannot surmise. In Bonnet s reconstruct ion the first fourteen chapters deal with John s journey from Ephesus to Rome and his banishment to Patmos, while 15-17 describe John s return to Ephesus from Patmos. The sect ions given by Bonnet may contain material which belonged to the original Acts, but it is improbable that they stood at the beginning of the work, as it seems clear that the narrative com mencing at 18 describes John s first visit to Ephesus. The first extant port ion of the Acts (18-25) narrates that Lycomedes "the commander-in-chief of the Ephesians" met John as he drew near the city and besought him on behalf of his beautiful wife Cleo patra, who had become paraly/od. When they came to the house the grief of Lycomedes was so great, that he fell down lifeless. After prayer to Christ John made Cleopatra whole and afterward raised Lycomedes to life again. Prevailed upon by their entreaties John took up his abode with them. In 26-29 we have the incident of the pic ture of John which played so prominent a part in the discussion at the Second Council of Nicaea. Lycomedes commissioned a friend to paint a picture of John and when it was completed he put it in his bedroom with an altar before it, and candlesticks beside it. John discovering why Lycomedes re paired so frequently to his room, taxed him with worshipping a heathen god and learned that the picture was one of himself. This he believed only when a mirror was brought that he might see him self. John charged Lycomedes to paint a picture of his soul and to use as colors faith in God, meekness, love, chastity, etc. As for the pict ure of his body it was the dead picture of a dead man. Chs 30-36 narrate the healing of infirm old women, and in the theater where the miracles were wrought John gave an address on the vanity of all earthly things and on the destroying nature of fleshly passion. In 37-45 we read that in answer to the prayer of John the temple of Artemis fell to the ground, with the result that many people were won to the worship of Christ. The priest of Artemis who had been killed through the fall of the temple was raised to life again and became a Christian (46 f). After the narration of further wonders (one of them the driving of bugs out of a house) follows the longest incident of the Acts, the inexpressibly repulsive story of Drusiana (62-86), which was used as the theme of a poem by the nun Hroswitha of Gan- dersheim (10th cent.). The following section gives a discourse of John on the life, death and ascension of Jesus (87-105) which is characterized by distinct

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    docetic traits, a long passage dealing with Christ s appearance in many forms and with the peculiar nature of His body. In this section occurs the strange hymn used by the Priscillianists, which purports to be that which .lesus sang after supper in the upper room (Matthew 26 30), the disciples dancing round Him in a ring and responding witli Amen. Here too we find the mystic doctrine of the Cross revealed to John by Christ. Chs 106 15 narrate the end of John. After addressing the brethren and dispensing the sacrament of the Lord s Supper with bread alone, John ordered a grave to be dug; and when this was done, he prayed, giving thanks that he had been delivered from "the filthy mad ness of the flesh and asking a safe 1 passage through the darkness and dangers of death. Whereupon he lay down quietly in the grave and gave up the ghost .

    The Acts of John, it need hardly be said, have not

    the slightest historical value 1 . They are a tissue of

    legendary incidents which by their

    2. Histori- miraculous character served to insin- cal Value uate into the popular mind the dog matic conceptions and the ideal of life;

    which the author entertained. The Acts however are in harmony with the well-founded tradition that Ephesus was the scene of John s later activity. Very remarkable is the account of the destruction of the Artemis-temple by John a clear proof that the Acts were not written in Ephesus. The Ephe- sian temple of Artemis was destroyed by the (Joths in _>(>_> AD.

    The Acts of John are the most clearly heretical of

    all the Acts. The docetic traits have already been

    referred to. The unreality of Christ s

    3. General bodily existence is shown by the Character changing forms in which He appeared

    (88-90), by His ability to do without food (93) and without sleep ("1 never at any time saw His eyes closing but only open," 89), by His leaving no footprint when He walked (93), by the varying character of His body when touched, now hard, now soft, now completely immaterial (89, 93). The crucifixion of Jesus, too, was entirely phantasmal (97, 99). The ascension followed immediately on the apparent crucifixion; there was no place for the resurrection of One who had never actually died. (Inostic features are further dis cernible in the disparagement of the Jewish Law (94), in the view which lays emphasis on a secret tradition committed by Christ, to the apostles (96) and in the contempt for those who were not en lightened ("Care not for the many, and them that are outside the mystery despise," 100). The historical incidents of Christ s sufferings are sub limated into something altogether mystical (101); they are simply a symbol of human suffering, and the object of Christ s coming is represented as being to enable men to understand the true meaning of suffering and thus to be delivered from it (96). The real sufferings of Christ are those caused by His grief at the sins of His followers (106 f). lie is also a partaker in the sufferings of His faithful people, and indeed is present with them to be their support in every trial (103). The Acts of John also reveal a strong encratite tendency, although that is not so pronounced as in the Acts of Andrew and of Thomas. Nowhere however do we get a more horrifying glimpse into the depths of corrupt sexualism than in these Acts. The writing and circulation of the story of Drusiana cast a lurid light on the gross sensual elements which sur vived in early Hellenic Christianity. Apart from this there are passages which reveal a warm and true religious feeling and some of the prayers are marked by glow and unction (112 ff). The Acts show that the author was a man of considerable

    literary ability; in this respect they form a striking contrast to the Acts of Paul.

    The author of the Acts of John represents him self as a companion of the apostle. He has par ticipated in the events which he

    4. Author- describes, and in consequence the ship and narrative possesses a certain lively Date quality which gives it the appearance

    of actual history. The author accord ing to testimony which goes back to the 4th cent, was Leucius, but nothing can with any cer tainty be said of him (see above A, I"/). It is possible that in some part of the Acts which is lost the author mentioned his name. The early date of the Acts is proved by a reference in Clement of Alexandria (cir 200) to the immaterial nature of Christ s body, the passage plainly indicating that Clement was acquainted with I he Acts or had heard another speak of them (Hypotyposeis on 1 John 1 1). The probable date is between l."JO and ISO and Asia Minor is the place of origin.

    The Acts of John exerted a wide influence. They are in all probability the earliest of the Apocryphal

    Acts and those written later owe much

    5. Influence to them. The Acts of Peter and of

    Andrew sho,v so close affinities with the Acts of John that some have regarded them as being from the same hand; but if that be not so, there is much to be said for the literary dependence of the former on the latter. ,Ye are probably right in stating that the author of the Acts of John was the pioneer in this sphere of apostolic; romance and that others eagerly followed in the way which lie had opened up. That the Acts of John were read in orthodox circles is clear from the reference in Clement of Alexandria. In later days however they were regarded with suspicion. Augustine quotes part, of the hymn (95) which he read in a Priscillianist work sent him by a bishop Ceretius and makes severe animadversions on it, and on the claim advanced regarding it that it had been revealed in secret, to the apostles. The second Synod of Nicaea (7*7 AD) passed judgment on the Acts of John in words of great severity (see above A, 1", 1). The stories found in the Acts had, however, before this time pa>sed into orthodox tradition and had been used by Prochorus (f>th cent. , a supposed disciple of John, in the compo sition of his travel-romance dealing with t he apostle, as well as by Abdias ((5th cent.) whose work con tains material from t he older Acts which is not other wise preserved.

    LITERATUKK. Soo under "Literature" (p. 1SS); also Zahn, Acta Joannis (ISSO).

    IV. Acts of Andrew. The first mention of these

    Acts which arc 1 referred to frequently by ecclesias tical writers is in Eusehius (HE, III, 2"), (}). They arc there, along with other Acts, rejected as absurd and impious. Epiphanius refers to them in several passages (//c/r/v.s, 47, 61, 68) as being in use among various heret ical sect s which pract ise< 1 a st rict ascet ic morality. Early writers attribute them to Leucius, the author of the Acts of John.

    Of the Acts of Andrew only small portions remain. A fragment is preserved by Euodius of I zala (d. 424),

    a contemporary of Augustine, and a 1. Contents longer piece, found in a MS of the 10th

    or llth cent., containing lives of saints for November, was identified by Bonnet as belong ing to the Acts of Andrew. The account of the death of Andrew is preserved in many forms; that which has the most appearance of retaining the form of the original Acts being found in a letter of the presbyters and deacons of the churches of Achaia. (1) The fragment of Euodius gives two short pas sages describing the relations of Maximilla with her husband Egetes, whose claims she resisted. (2) The

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    longest section of the Acts deals with Andrew s im prisonment because he had induced Maximilla to separate from her husband "Aegeates" and to live a life of chastity. ("Aegeates," which occurs as the name of Maximilla s husband, denotes in reality "a native of Aegae," Aegae being a town in the vicinity of Patrae, where Andrew was described as carrying on his work.) The section opens in the middle of au address spoken to the brethren by Andrew in prison, in which they were enjoined to glory in their fellowship with Christ and in their deliverance from the baser things of earth. Maximilla with her com panions frequently visited the apostle in prison. Aegeates expostulated with her and declared that if she did not resume relations with him he would subject Andrew to torture. Andrew counseled her to resist the importunity of Aegeates, and delivered an address on the true nature of man and stated that torture had no terrors for him. If Maximilla should yield, the apostle would suffer on her ac count. Through her fellowship with his sufferings she would know her true nature and thus escape from affliction. Andrew next comforted Stratocles, the brother of Aegeates, who declared his need of Andrew, the sower in him of the "seed of the word of salvation." Andrew thereafter announced his crucifixion on the following day. Maximilla again visited the apostle in prison, "the Lord going before her in the form of Andrew." To a company of the brethren the apostle delivered an address, in which he discoursed on the deceit fulness of the devil, who first had dealt with men as a friend but now was manifest as an enemy. (3) When brought to the place of crucifixion Andrew addressed the cross which he joyfully welcomed. After being bound to the cross he hung smiling at, the miscarriage of the vengeance of Aegeates, for (as he explained) "a man who belongs to Jesus because he is known of Him is armed against every vengeance." For three days and nights Andrew addressed the people from the, cross, and they, moved by Immobility and eloquence, went to Aegeates, demanding that he should be delivered from death. Aegeates, fearing the wrath of the people, went to take An drew down from the cross, but the apostle refused deliverance and prayed to Christ to prevent his release. After this he gave up the ghost. He was buried by Maximilla, and Aegeates soon afterward cast himself down from a great height and died.

    The encratite ideal in its most pronounced form is exhibited in the Acts of Andrew. (In view of this, and of Andrew s association else- 2. General where in ecclesiastical tradition with a Character strict asceticism, there is a curious irony in the fact that in some parts of Germany Andrew is the patron saint of maidens seeking husbands. In the Harz and in Thuringcn St. Andrew s Night [November 30] is considered by maidens the most favorable time for the vision of their future husbands.) The gnostic spirit is re vealed in the feeling for the preeminent worth of the spiritual man (6). The true nature of man is pure; the weakness and sin are the work of the "evil enemy who is averse to peace." In seducing men he did not come out openly as an enemy but pretended friendship. When the light of the world appeared the adversary of man was seen in his true colors. Deliverance from sin comes through enlightenment. The mystical view of sufferings (9) reminds us of the similar view in the Acts of John. The addresses of the apostle are charac terized by religious earnestness and warmth (words flow from his lips "like a stream of fire" 12), and by a profound sense of the Divine pity for sinful and tempted men.

    The only detail in the Acts of Andrew which has a claim to be considered historical is his activity at

    Patrae on the Corinthian Gulf. (Patrae is not actually mentioned in the fragmentary Acts, but

    that the scene of the imprisonment and 3. Histori- martyrdom of Andrew is laid in that cal Value city may be inferred from the name

    "Aegeates" see above 1 [2J.) Ecclesi astical tradition speaks with great uncertainty of the sphere of Andrew s missionary labors, Scythia, Bithynia and Greece being all mentioned. It may be regarded as probable that Andrew came to Greece and suffered martyrdom at Patrae, although one must reckon with the possibility that the account of his work and crucifixion there was in vented for the purpose of representing the church at Patrae as an apostolic foundation. The cruci fixion of the apostle on the so-called St. Andrew s cross is a later tradition.

    V. Acts of Thomas. These Acts exist in a complete state and their great popularity in church circles is shown by the large number of MSS which contain them. It is probable that they were written originally in Syr and that they were later freely 1 ranslat ed into Greek and worked over from the Catholic point of view.

    In the Stichometry of Nicephorus the Acts of Thomas are mentioned as containing 1,000 stictim

    (lines of about sixteen syllables), one- 1. Contents fifth fewer than the Gospel of Mark.

    If this notice is correct, the form in which we have the Acts is very much more extended. In the Greek versions the Acts are divided into thirteen "deeds" followed by the martyrdom of Thomas. Some idea of the contents may be given as follows: (1) At a meeting of the apostles in Jerus, Thomas had India allotted to him as his sphere of service. He was unwilling to go, but at last consented when the Lord .sold him to a messenger from King Gunda- forus in India. On the journey to India, Thomas came to the city of Andrapolis where the nuptials of the king s daughter were being celebrated. In these the apostle took part and sang a hymn in praise of the heavenly wedding. The king asked Thomas to pray for his daughter and after he had done so the Lord appeared in the form of Thomas and won the newly married pair to a life of sexual abstinence. The king incensed at this sought Thomas, but the apostle had departed. (2) Ar rived in India Thomas undertook to build a palace for King Gundaforus. He received money for this purpose but gave it away in alms. The king discovering this cast Thomas into prison, but afterward released him when he learned from his brother who came back from the dead that Thomas had built a heavenly pala.ce for him. Gundaforus and his brother became Christians. (3) Traveling farther east Thomas found a youth who had been slain by a dragon because of a woman whom both desired. The dragon at the command of Thomas sucked the poison from the youth s body and itself died. The young man, restored to life, embraced the ideal of sexual abstinence and was counseled to set his affections on Christ. (4) The story of a speaking colt. (5) Thomas delivered a woman from the power of a filthy demon. An account is given of the celebration of the Eucharist (with bread alone) which includes a gnostic prayer. _ (6) A youth partaking of the Eucharist was convicted of sin and confessed that he had killed a maiden who refused to live with him in unchaste intercourse. The maiden was raised to life and gave an account of her experience in hell. (7) Thomas was besought by a commander named Sifor to deliver his wife and daughter from a demon of uncleanness. (8) While they were on their way to the commander s house the beast which drew the carriage became exhausted and four wild asses allowed themselves to be quietly yoked. One of the wild asses was

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    instructed by Thomas to exorcise the demons which dwelt in the women. (it) A woman, Mygilonia, married to Charis, a near relative of King Misdai, listened to a discourse of the apostle and was led to reject the society of her husband. Charis complained to t he king about the magician who had put a. spell upon his wife and Thomas was cast into prison. At the request of his fellow-prisoners Thomas prayed for them and recited a hymn (known as "the hymn of the soul") which is entirely gnostic in character. (10) Mygdonia received the seal of Jesus Christ, being first anointed with oil, then being bapti/ed, then receiving the Eu charist in bread and water. Thomas was released from prison, and Sifor, his wife and his daughter all received the seal. (11) Tertia the queen was sent by Misdai to reason with Mygdonia and as a result she herself was won to the new life. Thomas was then brought to the place of judgment. (12) There Va/an, the king s son, talked with the- apostle and was converted. The king gave orders that Thomas should be tortured with hot plates of iron, but when these were brought water gushed forth from the earth and submerged them. Then follow an ad dress and prayer of Thomas in prison. (13) The apostle was visited in prison by the women and by , a/an and thereafter Va/an along with others was bapti/ed and received the Eucharist, Thomas coming from prison to Va/an s house for this pur pose. (14) Thomas was put to death by the com mand of the king, being pierced with lances, but afterward he showed himself to his followers. Later a son of Misdai was cured of an unclean spirit bv dust taken from the apostle s grave and Misdai him self became a Christian.

    The Acts of Thomas are in reality a treatise in the form of a travel-romance whose main design was to set. forth abstinence from sexual 2. Charac- intercourse as the indispensable con- ter and dition of salvation. In the addresses

    Tendency of Thomas, however, positive Christian virtues are emphasi/ed; and in par ticular the duty and the recompense of compassion are strikingly exhibited in the story of the building of the heavenly palace. The Acts clearly had their origin in gnostic circle s and were held in high estimation by various encratite sects. The original Acts underwent revision in the interest of ortho- doxv. The hymns and dedication-prayers which showed marked gnostic features were probably retained because their meaning was not understood. As Lipsius says, speaking of the hymn of the soul": The preservation of this precious relic of gnostic poetry we owe to the happy ignorance of the Catholic reviser, who had no idea what heretical serpent lurked beneath the beautiful flowers of this poem." The hymn, probably written by Barde- sanes, the founder of agnostic sect, narrates in the form of an allegory the descent of the soul into the world of sense, its forget fulness of its heavenly origin, its deliverance by the Divine revelation which awoke it to a consciousness of its true dig nity, and its return to the heavenly home from which it came. In the opinion of some, however, the hymn is falsely called "the hymn of the soul." As Preuschcn says: "It describes rather the descent of t he Saviour to the earth, Mis deliverance of the soul which languishes there in the bondage of evil, and His return to the heavenly kingdom of light. One may characterize the whole as a gnos tic embellishment and extension of Phil 2 5-11" (Hennecke, Haiulbuch,eic,587). In whichever way the hymn is to be interpreted, it is a poem of great beauty and rich in oriental imagery. The ascrip tions of praise to Christ in the addresses of the apostle are sometimes couched in noble language and always suffused by great warmth of feeling. Throughout

    the Acts we have miraculous and supernatural elements in abundance. Christ frequently appears in the likeness of Thomas who is represented as his twin-brother. The full name of the apostle is Judas Thomas Judas the Twin. In 66 ff there is a graphic account of the tortures of the damned, which remind one of the Apocalypse of Peter.

    It goes without saying that the Acts of Thomas, which are a romance with a purpose, are in no sense a historical source for informa- 3. Histori- tion about the apostle. The author cal Value however has made use of the names of historical persons. King (lundaforus (, indafra) is known from other sources as an Indo- Parthian ruler in the 1st cent. AD. It is very doubtful whether the tradition preserved in the Acts as to the activity of Thomas in India is trust worthy. The earliest tradition with which we arc acquainted places the sphere of his missionary labors in Parthia. Syrian tradition states that he died at Edessa, where in the 4th cent, there was a church dedicated to him. Thomas is also indi rectly associated with Edessa in the Abgar Legend, in which we read that Thaddaeus who founded the church at Edessa was sent by Thomas. In the existing form of the Acts of Thomas we have a combination of the traditions regarding India and Edessa; we read (170) that- some time after the apostle s death his bones were carried "into the regions of .the ,Vest." Early tradition knows nothing of Thomas as a martyr; according to a statement of the Valentinian Heracleon (cir 170) quoted by Clement of Alexandria (titrom, IV, {) the apostle died quietly in his bed. The name of the apostle is given in the Acts as Judas Thomas, and this we also find in the Doctrine of Addai and elsewhere. The statement in the Acts that, the apostle was a twin-brother of Jesus was no doubt suggested by the meaning of the name Thomas ( = "twin") and by the desire to enhance 1 he dig nity of the apostle. In 110 (in the Hymn of the Soul) there is a reference to the still existing Par thian kingdom, and as that kingdom came to an end in 227 AD, the poem must have been written before that date. The hymn, however, does not seem to have belonged to the original Acts, which probably were in existence before the end of the 2d cent.

    LITERATUReast Besides hooks mentioned under"IJtora-

    ture" fp. IXXi Thilo. Arta Sanrli Thnmiir apoxtoli (182:<); Hoffman, Z ., T W (100:<, 27:5-:<09); Preusehim. Zu-ei ,//>.>,- tische ll>itn>-n (1!(M); Hilgenfeld. /. ,,"l (1904. 220-41). The Syrian Acts of Thomas were ed and tri by west Wright .

    Apnrntphnl Act* ,if tin- Apostle (1X71); also Bovan, in

    Te.rt.1 an, I S/ii,lir*. V. :< (1X07). The later Kthiopir ver sion is found in Malan, The Conflicts of the. I loin Apnxtlex (1871), and in Undue. The Conteiidint/s of the Apostles (2 vols containing Kthiopic text and translation, 1800-1001).

    A. F. FlNDLAY

    APOCRYPHAL EPISTLES, a-pok ri-fal r-pisTs: A few epistles have been attributed to the Virgin Mary, but these are very late and without value. The following epistles fall to be noted as apocryphal:

    The letter attributed to Our Lord is given in Eusebius (HE, I, 13) who records that in his day a copy of the letter was to be found 1. Letter among the archives of Edessa. Ab- Attributed garus, king of Osroene, which was a to Our Lord small country in Mesopotamia, writes from Edessa, the capital, to Our Lord, asking for healing and offering Him protection. Our Lord sends back a short letter saying that lie cannot leave Palestine, but that, after His as cension, a messenger will come and heal Abgarus. The letters are obviously spurious. Osroene was actually Christianized about the beginning of the 3d cent., and the legend took shape and received official sanction in order to show that the country

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    had received the Gospel at a much earlier date. See ABGAR.

    Tho Clementine Homilies is a work of fiction

    attributed to Clement of Rome; it was actually

    written about the end of the 2d cent.

    2. Letter or the beginning of the 3d. At the Attributed beginning of it there is set a letter of to Peter Peter to James. In it Peter counsels

    James not to show the book containing Peter s preaching except to a limited circle, and makes a violent attack upon the apostle Paul. It is thus evidently Ebionitic in tendency, and is, like the homilies to which it is prefixed, spurious.

    (1) The Epistle from Laodicea. The mention of such an ep in Col 4 16 evidently tempted some one to forge a letter. It is written

    3. Letters in Latin, and consists of 20 vs; it is a Attributed mere cento of Pauline phrases strung to Paul together. It is mentioned in the

    Muratorian Fragment (170 AD); and by the end of the 4th cent, it had a wide circula tion. It is now almost universally rejected as spurious. See COLOSSIANS; EPHESIANS; EPISTLE TO LAODICEAXSouth

    (2) Lost Epistle to the Corinthians. In 1 Cor 5 9 a letter to the Corinthians is mentioned which appears to have been lost. In a 5th cent. Armenian VS of the Scriptures there is inserted after 2 Cor a short letter from the Corinthians to Paul, and one from Paul to the Corinthians. These are also found in Syr, and were evidently accepted in many quarters as genuine at the end of the 4th cent" They formed a part of the Apocryphal Acts of St". Paul, and dale from about 200 AD. Sec CORINTHIANSouth

    ( . >) An Epistle to tin Alexandrines. This is men tioned only in the Muratorian Fragment, and has not come down to us.

    (4) Letters of Paul to Seneca. This is a corre spondence in Latin, six of the letters being attributed to Paul and eight to Seneca. Regarding this correspondence Light foot says: "This correspond ence was probably forged in the 4th cent., either to recommend Seneca to Christian readers, or to rec ommend Christianity to students of Seneca." It had a wide circulation in the Middle Ages.

    LITERATUReast See art. "Apocrypha" in Eli and Reast For text, of Peter s letter to .James, see Roberts and Donaldson s Ante-Xi -rne Christian. Library, XVII. For tho Paulino letters consult Zalm, (.iexcliichte des NT Kn- WOH.V-, II. For Paul s Laodicean letter, see Lightfoot s Cnmm. <>n <"<>/ (where tho text of tho letter is given); and for tht; letters to Seneca, Lightfoot s Co mm. <>n. I hil, Dis sertation II, with Appendix.

    JOHN MACARTNEY WILSON

    APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS, a-pok ri-fal gos pels:

    I. [ ,TK01>r< TORY

    1. Karly < iospels

    2. Canonical (iospels :}. Apocryphal (iospels

    4. Gospel according to the Hebrews II. HERETICAL GOSPKI.S

    1. (iospel of the Ebionites

    2. (iospel of the Egyptians :5. (iospel of Marc-ion

    4. (iospel of Peter

    5. (iospel of tho Twelve Apostles

    ( ). (lospols of Barnabas and Bartholomew III. SUPPLEMENTARY OR LE<;EVI>AHY GOSPELS

    1. (iospols of the Nativity

    (a) Protevangeliuni of James

    (b) Pseudo-Matthew

    (c) The Nativity of Mary

    (d) (iospol of Joseph the Carpenter

    (e) The Passing of Mary

    2. Gospels of tho Infancy or Childhood

    (a) Gospel of Thomas

    (b) Arabic (iospel of the Childhood

    3. Gospels of the Passion and Resurrection

    (a) Gospel of Peter (as above)

    (b) (iospol of Nicodeinus, containing

    (1) Acts of Pilate,

    (2) Descent of Jesus into the Lower World (r) Other Fabrications

    LITERATURE

    The apocryphal gospels form a branch of the apocryphal literature that attended the formation of the NT canon of Scripture. Apocryphal here means non-canonical. Besides gospels, this litera ture included acts, epistles and apocalypses.

    /. Introductory. The introduction to the third

    canonical Gospel shows that in the days of the

    writer, when the apostles of the Lord

    1. Early were still living, it was a common Gospels practice to write and publish accounts

    of the acts and words of Jesus. It has even been maintained (South Baring-Gould, Lost and Hostile Gospels, xxiii, London, 1874) that at the close of the 1st cent., almost every church had its own gospel with which alone it was acquainted. These were probably derived, or professed to be derived, from the oral reports of those who had seen, heard, and, it may be, conversed with Our Lord. It was dissatisfaction with these composi tions that moved Luke to write his Gospel. Whether any of these ante-Lukan documents are among those still known to us is hardly longer doubtful. Scholars of repute Grotius, Grabe, Mill were in earlier times disposed to place the Gospel of the Hebrews, the Gospel of the Ebionites, and the Gospel of the Egyptians among those alluded to by Luke, some holding the Gospel of the Hebrews to be as early as just after the middle of the 1st cent. More recent criticism does not allow so early an appearance for those gospels, though a fairly early date is still postu lated for the Gospel of the Hebrews. The Prot- evangelium of James (noticed below) is still held by some as possibly falling within the 1st cent. (EB, I, 259).

    However this may be, there can be no doubt that by the close of the 1st cent, and the early part of

    2d, opinion was practically unani-

    2. Canoni- mous in recognition of the authority cal Gospels of the four Gospels of the canonical

    Scriptures. Irenaeus, bishop of Lvons (ISO AD), recognizes four, and only four Gospels, as "pillars" of the church. The Harmonies of Theoph- ilus, bishop of Antioch (1(58-80 AD), and of Tatian, and the Apology of Justin Martyr carry back the tradition to a much earlier period of the cent., and, as Liddon proves at considerable length (Hampton Lectures, 2d ed, 210-19), "it is scarcely too much to assert that every decade of the 2d cent, fur nishes its share of proof that the four Gospels as a whole, and St. John s in particular, were to the church of that, age what they are to the church of the present." The recent attempt of Professor Bacon of Vale to get rid of the important authority of Irenaeus (The Fourth (lospel in Research and Debate, New York, 1910) will not succeed; it has been shown to be merely assertive where there is no evidence and agnostic where evidence is ap parently demonstrative. During the last cent, the Gospels, as regards their composition, credibility and historicity, were subjected to the most searching and unsparing criticism which, though intimations of it were previously not wanting, may be said to have begun when Strauss, to use Liddon s words, "shocked the conscience of all that was Christian in Europe" by the publication of his first. Life of Jesus. The methods pursued in this work consisted largely in the application to the sacred books, and especially to the Gospels, of the principles of criti cism that had for forty years previously been used in estimating the structure and composition of some of the literary products of antiquity; and the controversy excited by this criticism can hardly yet be said to have subsided. This is not the place for entering upon an account of the controversy; it may be sufficient here to say that the traditional positions of the church have been ably defended,

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    and in particular, that the claims of the canonical Gospels have been abundantly maintained.

    Whatever was the fate of the ante-Lukan and other possible Ist-cent. gospels, it is with the 2d cent, and the formation of an author- 3. Apocry- itativc canon that the apocryphal phal Gos- gospels, such as we now have, for the pels most part, begin to appear. In the

    days of the reproduction of documents by manuscript, of restricted communications be tween different localities, and when the church was only as yet forming and completing its organiza tion, the formation and spread of such gospels would be much easier than now. The number of such gospels is very considerable, amounting to about fifty. These exist mainly in fragments and scattered notices; though some, as pointed out below, are either entire or nearly so. The apparent number has probably been increased by the use of different names for the same document. Thirty are named by Hofmann with more or less explana tion in RE, I, 51 1 ; a complete list is given in Kabricius (Cod. A />c, XT, 1, . 5.").") ff). Ebionis- tic and gnostic; circles were specially prolific of such gospels. "It would be easy," says Salmon (Intro, 1st ed, 2W) "to make a long list of names of gospels said to have been in use in different gnostic sects; but very little is known as to their contents, and that little is not such as to lead us to attribute to them the very slightest historical value." Of many indeed no more is known than the names of the authors, such as the gospels of Basilides, of Cerinthus, of Apelles, of Matthias, of Barnabas, of Bartholomew, of Eve, of Philemon and many others. The scholars and authorities of the early church were quite well aware of the existence and aims of these productions. It is noteworthy also that they had no hesitation in characterizing them as they deserved. The Mar- cosians, according to Irenaeus, adduced "an un speakable number of apocryphal and spurious writings, which they themselves had forged, to bewilder the minds of the foolish"; and Eusebius (HE, III, 25) gives the following list of spurious and disputed books: "That we have it in our power to know both these books [the canonical] and those that are adduced by the heretics under the name of the apostles such, viz., as compose the gospels of Peter, of Thomas, and of Matthew, and certain others beside these or such as contain the Acts of Andrew and John, and of the other apostles, of which no one of those writers in the ecclesiastical succession has condescended to make any mention in his works: and, indeed, the character of the style itself is very different from that of the apostles, and the sentiments, and the purport of these things that are advanced in them, deviating as far as possible from sound orthodoxy, evidently prove they are the fictions of heretical men: whence they are not only to be ranked among the spurious writings but are to be rejected as altogether ab surd and impious." In the appendix to Westcott s Intro to the Study of the (Vrw/wests will be found, with the exception of those recently discovered in Egypt, a complete list of the non-canonical sayings and deeds ascribed to Our Lord as recorded in the pa tristic writings; and also a list of the quotations from the non-canonical gospels where these are only known by quotations.

    The aim of the apocryphal gospels may be re garded as (1) heretical or (2) supplemental or legendary: that is to say, such as either were framed in support of some heresy or such as assume the canonical gospels and try to make additions largely legendary to them. Before considering these it may be well to take separate account of the Gospel according to the Hebrews.

    The undoubted early date of this gospel, the character of most of its not very numerous quota tions, the respect with which it is 4. The uniformly mentioned by early writers,

    Gospel Ac- and the esteem in which it is at present cording to held by scholars in general, entitle the He- the Gospel according to the Hebrews brews to special notice. Apart from the

    tradition, to which it is not necessary to attach too great importance, that represented Our Lord as commanding His disciples to remain for twelve years in Jerus, it is reasonable to suppose that for the Christian communities resident in .Jerus and Philestina, Canaan-Land a written gospel in their own language (Western Aram.) would soon be a necessity, and such a gospel would naturally be used by Jewish Christians of the Diaspora. Jewish Christians, for example, settled in Alexandria, might use this gospel, while native Christians, as suggested by Harnack, might use the Gospel of the Egyptians, till of course both were superseded by the four Gospels sanctioned by the church. There is no proof however that the gospel was earlier than the Synoptics, much less that it was among the ante- Lukan gospels. Harnack, indeed, by a filiation of documents for which there seems hardly suflicient warrant, placed it as early as between (>5 and 100 AD. Salmon, on the other hand (Intro, Lect X) concludes that "the Nazarene gospel, so far from being the mother, or even the sister of one of our canonical four, can only claim to be a grand daughter or grand-niece. Jerome (400 AD) knew of the existence of this gospel and says thai he translated it into Greek and Lat ; quotations from it are found in his works and in those of Clement of Alex andria. Its relation to the Gospel of Matthew, which by almost universal consent is declared to have been originally written in Hebrew (i.e. Aram.), has given rise to much controversy. The preva lent view among scholars is that it was not the original of which Matthew s Gospel was a Greek translation, but still that it was a fairly early composition. Some, like Salmon and Harnack, are disposed to regard Jerome s Hebrew Gospel as to all intents a fifth gospel originally composed for Palestinian Christians, but which became of comparatively insignificant value with the development of Chris"- tianity into a world-religion. Besides two refer ences to the baptism of Jesus and a few of his sayings, such as "Never be joyful except when ye shall look upon your brother in love"; "Just now my Mother, the Holy Spirit, took me by one of my hairs and bore me away to the great mountain Thabor" it records the appearance of Our Lord to James after the resurrection, adduced by Paul (1 Cor 15 7) as one of the proofs of that event; but of course Paul might have learned this from the lips of James himself as well as from ordinary tradition, and not necessarily from this gospel. This indeed is the principal detail of importance which the quotations from this gospel add to what we know from the Synoptics. In other divergences from the Synoptics where the same facts are re corded, it is possible that the Gospel according to the Hebrews may relate an earlier and more reliable tradition. On the other hand, the longest quotation, which gives a version of Christ s in terview with the Rich Young Ruler, would seem to show, as Westcott suggests, that the Synoptics give the simpler and therefore the earlier form of the common narrative. Many scholars, how ever, allow that the few surviving quotations of this gospel should be taken into account in con structing the life of Christ. The Ebionites gave the name of Gospel of the Hebrews to a mutilated gospel of Matthew. This brings us to the heretical gospels.

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    Apocryphal Gsp.

    //. Heretical Gospels. The Ebionites may be

    described generally as Jewish Christians who

    aimed at maintaining as far as possible

    1. Gospel the doctrines and practices of the OT of the and may be taken as representing Ebionites originally the extreme conservative

    section of the Council of Jerusalem mentioned in Acts 15 1-29. They arc frequently mentioned in patristic literature from the 2d to the 4th cents., and the prolonged gnostic con troversies of those times may well have founded among them different sects or at least parties. Accordingly Jerome, a writer of the 4th cent., states (Ep ad August. 122 13) that he found in Philestina, Canaan-Land Jewish Christians known as Nazarenes and Ebionites. Whether these were; separate sects or simply supporters of more liberal or narrower views of "the same sect cannot well be determined. Some, such as Harnack and I lilhorn, have held that the two names are general designations for Jewish Christians; others regard the Ebionites as the most retrograde and the narrowest of Jewish Christians, while the Nazarenes were more tolerant of difference of belief and practice. The ( Jospel of the Ebionites or the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles, as it was also called, represented along with the Gospel of the Hebrews (noticed above) this Judaeo-Christian spirit. Some fragments of the ( Jospel of the Kbionites are preserved in Epiphanius (d. 376). He speaks of the Nazarenes as "having the Gospel according to Matthew in a most complete form, in Hebrew" (i.e. Aram.), though he immediately adds that he does not know whether "they removed the genealogies from Abraham to Christ," that is to say, whether they accepted or rejected the virgin birth of Christ. In contrast, with this statement he says that, the Ebionites had a gospel "called the Gospel according to Matthew, not entire and per fectly complete, but falsified and mutilated, which they call the Hebrew gospel." The extant frag ments from the gospel are given in Westcott (Intro, 437 f). They "show thai, its value is quite secondary and that the author has simply compiled it from the canonical, and especially from the Synoptic Gospels, adapting it at the same time to the views and prac tices of gnostic Ebionism" (!)( (!, I, 505).

    Three short and somewhat mystic verses are all

    that are left of what is known as the Gospel of the

    Egyptians. They occur in Book III

    2. Gospel of the StmKil<-ix of Clement of Alex- of the andria, who devoted that book to a Egyptians refutation of Encratism, that is, the

    rejection, as absolutely unlawful, of the use of marriage, of flesh meat and of wine. Already in the Pauline Epistles are met parties with the cry (Col 2 21) "Handle not, nor taste, nor touch," and (1 Tim 4 3) "forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats." The vs in Clement read as follows: "When Salome asked how long will death prevail? The Lord said, As long as ye women bear children: for I have come to destroy the function of women. And Salome said to him: Did 1 not well then in not bearing children? And the Lord answered and said, Eat of every herb, but do not eat of that which is bitter. And when Salome asked when the things would be known about which she had enquired, the Lord said, When ye trample on the garment of shame, and when the two shall be one, and the male with the female neither male nor female." The words assuredly vary much from the usual character of those of Our Lord. Modern writers vary as to their cncratite tendency and as to how far the Gospel of the Egyptians was practical. With so little to go upon, it is not easy to form a conclusion. It may have contained other passages on account of which Origen deemed it heretical. It was used by

    the Naassenes and Sabellians. The date of the (.Jospel is between 130 and 150.

    The (Jospel of Marcion would seem to have been

    intended as a direct counteractive to the Aram.

    gospels. A native of Pontus and the

    3. Gospel son of a bishop, Marcion settled at of Marcion Rome in the first half of the 2d cent.

    and became the founder of the anti- Jewish sect that acknowledge! 1 no authoritative writings but those of Paul. This work forms a striking example of what liberties, in days before the final formation of the canon, could be taken with the most authoritative and the most revered documents of the faith, and also as showing the free and practically unlimited nature of the con troversy, of which the canon as finally adopted was the result. He rejected the OT entirely, and of the NT retained only the Gospel of Luke, as being of Pauline origin, with the omission of sections de pending on the OT and ten epistles of Paul, the pastoral epistles being omitted. The principal Church Fathers agree upon this corruption of Luke s Gospel by Marcion; and the main importance of his gospel is that- in modern controversy it was for some time assumed to be the original gospel of which Luke s Gospel was regarded as merely an expansion. The theory was shown first in Germany and afterward independently in England to be quite untenable. It was lately revived by the author of Judges/icrniiliinil Rilii/ion; but Dr. Sanday s work on Tin 1 d ox/xlx in t/ic ^< cond Ci titi/ri/ (ch viii) maybe said to have closed the controversy. (Cf also Sal mon s I nt n>, Lect XI.)

    I ntil about a quarter of a cent, ago no more

    was known of the Gospel of Peter than of the

    crowd of heretical gospels referred to

    4. Gospel above. From Eusebius (UK, VI, of Peter 12, 2) it was known that a Gospel of

    Peter was in use in the church of Rhossus, a town in the diocese of Antioch at the end of the 2d cent., that controversy had arisen as to its character, and that after a careful examina J. Ill TCHISONhad condemned it as docetic. Origen (d. 253 AD), in his commentary on Matthew 10 17, refers to the gospel as saying that "there are certain brothers of Jesus, the sons of Joseph by a former wife, who lived with him before Mary." Eusebius further in HE, III, 3, 2 knows nothing of the Gospel according to Peter being handed down as a catholic writing, and in HE, III, 25, (> he includes the Gospel of Peter among the forged heretical gospels. Theodoret, one of the Greek ecclesiastical historians (31)0-451), says that the Xazarenes used a gospel called according to I eter." The gospel is also referred to in -Jerome (Dr. I // 1 /* /// /*//., ch 1) and it is condemned by the Decretum Gelasianum (40(5?). Salmon (Intro, 231) remarks: "Of the book no extracts have been preserved, and appar ently it never had a wide range 1 of circulation." These words were written in 1SS5. In the follow ing year the French Archaeological Mission, work ing in upper Egypt, found in a tomb, supposed to be a monk s, at Akhmim (Panopolis), a parchment con taining portions of no less than t hree lost Christian works, the Hook of Enoch, the Gospel of Peter and the Apocalypse of Peter. These were published in 1S92 and have given rise to much discussion. The gospel has been carefully reproduced in fac simile and edited by competent scholars. The fragment, is estimated to contain about half of the original gospel. It, begins in the middle of the history of the Passion, just, after Pilate has washed his hands from all responsibility and ends in the middle of a sentence when the disciples at the end of the Feast, of I nleavened Bread were betaking themselves to their homes. "But I [Simon Peter,

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    the ostensible writer] and Andrew my brother took our nets and went to the sea; and there wa.s with us

    Lcvi the son of Alphaeus whom the Lord "

    Harnaek (Texle unit Untersuchangen, IX, 2, 2d ed, 76) exhibits about thirty new traits contained in tin- Pet rine account of the Passion and burial. These are given in detail in an additional volume of the Ante-Nicene Library: Recently Discovered M SS , etc, Edinburgh, 1S97. But Dr. Swete (Compel of Peter, xv, London, ISO. i) shows that "even details which seem to be entirely new or which directly contradict the canonical narrative, may have been suggested by it"; and he concludes that notwithstanding the large amount of new matter which it contains, there is nothing in this portion of the Petrine Gospel which compels us to assume the use of source s other than the canonical gospels." To Professor Orr (A"/ Apocryphal Writinys, xix f) the gnostic origin of the gospel seems clear in the story given of the Resur rection; and its docetic character that is, that it proceeded from those who held that Christ had only the semblance of a body from t he statement that on the cross Jesus was silent as one who felt no pain, and from the dying cry from the cross, "My power, my power, thou hast forsaken me," the really Divine Christ having departed before the crucifixion. The date of the gospel has been placed by some in the first quarter, and by others in tin; third quarter, of the Jdcent. For the other newly discovered "Sayings of Jesus," see LOCIA.

    A Gospel of the Twelve is mentioned by Origen (Hoin. I, in. Lite}, and a few fragments of it are preserved by Epiphanius (Ifacrcx, 39 13 Hi, 2 2). It commenced with the baptism, and was used by the Ebionites. It was written, Zahn thinks, about 170 AD. A (lospel of Barnabas and Gospel of Bartholomew are condemned in the decree of Pope Gelasius. The latter is mentioned by .Jerome (I roocm ail AI(ill).

    III. Supplemental or Legendary Gospels. In all of the gospels of this class it is noteworthy that considering the desire of the writers of non-canonical gospels to multiply miracles, no notice is taken of the period in the life of Christ that intervened be tween his twelfth year and his thirtieth. The main reason for the omission probably is that no special dogmatic end was to be served by the narra tive of this period of the Saviour s life, Where access cannot be had to these documents in their original languages, it may be useful to point out that a good and full translation of them may be found in Vol XVI of Clark s Ante-Nicene Library, Edin burgh, 1X70.

    1. Gospels of the Nativity: (/;) The earliest of these documents is the Protevangelium of James. James is supposed to -be the Lord s 1. The brother. The title "Protevangelium"

    Protevan- or First Gospel a catching title which gelium of assumes much and suggests more James was given to this document by Pos-

    tellus, a Frenchman, who first pub lished it in Latin in the year 1552. In the Greek and Syr MSS, it is known by various other titles, such as, The History of J dines concerning (he Birth of the All- Holy anil Erer-Viryin Mother of (io/l and of Her Son Jeaun Christ. Tisehendorf in the notes to ch i of his Erany. Apoc gives a long list of the names descriptive of it in the various MSSouth In the Gelasian Decree depriving it of canonical authority it is simply styled Emnyeliitnt nomine Jacobi minor is apocryphum. In this document the birth of Mary is foretold by angelic; announcement to her parents, Joachim and Anna, as was that of Jesus to Mary. It contains in twenty-five chs ( In- period from this announcement to the Massacre of the Innocents, including accounts of the early training of Mary in the temple, the Lukan narra

    tive of the birth of Christ, with some legendary additions, and the death of Zacharias by order of Herod for refusing to give information regarding the place of concealment of Elisabeth and the child John who, in their flight during the massacre, are miraculously saved by the opening of a moun tain. At ch 18 a change takes place in the narra tive from the third to the first person, which has been taken (NT Apoc Writings by Professor Orr, D.D., London, I M):-!) to suggest an Ksse-nian- Ebionitic origin for the document, and at least to argue for it a composite character, which again may account for the great variety of view taken of its date. It has been assigned (EB, I, 2o9) to the 1st cent. Zahn and Kriiger place it in the first decade, many scholars in the second half of the 2d cent.; while others (e.g. Harnaek) place it in its present form as late as the middle of the 1th cent, (iood scholars (Sanday, The (lospels in the. Second Cent.) admit references to it in Justin Mar tyr which would imply that possibly in some older form it was known in tin- first half of the 2d cent. In its latest forms the document indicates the ob vious aim of the writer to promote the sanctity and veneration of the Virgin. It has been shown to contain a number of unhistorieal statements. It was condemned in the western church by Popes Damasus (3S2), Innocent 1 (40") and by the De- cretum Gelasianum (4W?). It would seem as if the age thus deprived of the Protevangelium de manded some document of the same character to take its place.

    (li) A forged correspondence between .Jerome and

    two Italian bishops supplied a substitute- in the

    Gospel of the Pseudo-Matthew, which

    2. Gospel Jerome was falsely represented to have of Pseudo- rendered in Lat from the original Hebrew Matthew of Matthew. The gospel is known only

    in Latin and, as already indicated, is not earlier than the 5th cent. The Protevangel ium is freely used and supplemented from some unknown (probably gnostic) source, and further miracles especially connected with the sojourn in Egypt have been wrought into it with others added from t he.( Ihildhood ( lospel of Thomas. Some of t he miracles recorded of Egypt are represented as fulfilments of ( >T prophecy, as when (eh 18) tin- adoration of the infant Jesus by dragons recalls the fulfilment of what was said by David the prophet: "Praise the Lord from the earth, ye dragons: ye dragons and all ye deeps"; or as when (ch 19) lions and panthers adored them, showing the com pany the way in the desert, "bowing their heads and wagging their tails and adoring Him with great reverence." which was regarded as a fulfilment of the prophecy: "Wolves shall feed with lambs and the lions and the ox shall eat straw together." In this gospel, too, appears for the first time the notice of the ox and the ass adoring the child Jesus in the manger, of which much was made in Christ ian art. The gospel is further eked out by the relation of several of the miracles connected with tin 1 Gospel of the Childhood.

    (c) The Gospel of the Nativity of Mary was

    written in Lat. It goes over much the same ground

    as the earlier portion of the Pseudo-

    3. Nativity Matthew, but so differs from it as to of Mary indicate a later date and a different

    author. It includes more of the mirac ulous element and daily angelic visits to Mary during her residence in the temple. This gospel makes Mary leave the temple in her 14th year; according to the gospel next described, whore the narrator is represented as the Son of Mary Himself, she 1 left the temple in her 12th year, having lived in it nine years. It was for long held to be the work of Jerome, and from this gospel was almost

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    BY NEWTONSTEIN, CAMBRIDGE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

    Apocryphal Gsp.

    entirely formed the "Golden Legend" which largely took the place of the Scriptures in the 13th cent, throughout Europe before the invention of print ing. It was among the books early printed in some countries where (as in England) it might not be safe to print the Scriptures. Its services to mediaeval literature and art should not blind us to the fact that it was a forgery deliberately introduced into the service of the church about the 6th cent., when the worship of Mary was specially promoted in the church.

    (d) To the same class of compositions belongs the Gospel of Joseph the Carpenter. Originally

    written in Coptic, it was translated 4. The into Arab., in which language with a

    Gospel of Lat VS it was published in 1722. Joseph the The composition is devoted to the Carpenter glorification of Joseph, a cult which

    was specially favored by the niono- physite Copts. It dates from the 4th cent. It contains in 22 chs the whole history of Joseph and relates in the last part the circumstances of his death at the age of 111 years. These are of some importance for the history of dogma.

    (e) Transitus Marine: although not strictly a gospel of the Nativity notice may here be taken of

    the account of St. John the Theologian 6. The of the Falling Asleep (koimesis) of the

    Passing of Holy Mother of God or as it, is more Mary commonly called "the Passing of

    Mary" (transitus Alariac). It was originally written in Greek, but appears also in Lat and several other languages. Two years, it seems, after the ascension of Jesus, Mary, who paid fre quent visits to the "Holy tomb of our Lord to burn incense and pray" was persecuted by the Jews and prayed her Son that He would take her from the earth. The archangel Gabriel brings an answer to her prayers and announces that after three days she shall go to the heavenly places to her Son, into true and everlasting life. Apostles from their graves or from their dioceses are summoned to her bedside at Bethlehem and relate how they were occupied when thesummons reached them. Miracles of healing are wrought round the dying bed; and after the instantaneous transportation of Mary and the attendant- apostles to Jerus, on the Lord s Day, amidst visions of angels Christ Himself appears and receives her soul to Himself. Her body is buried in Gethsemane and thereafter trans lated to Paradise, .bulged by its contents which reveal an advanced stage of the worship of the Virgin and also of church ritual, the document cannot have been produced earlier than the end of the 4th or the beginning of the fith cent., and it, has a place among the apocryphal documents condemned by the Gelasian Decree. By this time indeed it appears as if the writers of such documents assumed the most unrestricted license in imagining and embellishing the facts and situations regarding the gospel narrative.

    2. The Gospels of the Childhood: (a) Next to the Protevangelium the oldest and the most widely

    spread of the apocryphal gospels is the 1. The Gospel of Thomas. It is mentioned

    Gospel of by Origen and Irenaeus and seems to Thomas have been used by a gnostic sect of the

    Nachashenes in the middle of the 2d cent. It was docetie as regards the miracles re corded in it and on this account, was also acceptable to the Manichees. The aut hor was one of the Mar- cosians referred to by Irenaeus. Great variations exist in the. text, of which (here are only late catholic recasts, two in Greek, one in Lat- and one in Syr. One of the Greek versions is considerably longer than the other, while the Lai is somewhat, larger than either. They are very largely concerned with a record of

    miracles wrought by Jesus before He was 12 years of age. They depict Jesus as an extraordinary but by no means a lovable child. Unlike the miracles of the canonical Gospels those recorded in this gospel are mainly of a destructive nature and are whimsical and puerile in character. It rather shocks one to read them as recorded of the Lord Jesus Christ . The wonder-worker is described by Kenan as "un gamin omnipotent et omniscient," wielding the power of the Godhead with a child s waywardness and petulance. Instead of being subject to His parents He is a serious trouble to them; and instead of growing in wisdom He is represented as forward and eager to teach His instructors, and to be omniscient from the beginning. The parents of one of the children whose death He had caused entreat Joseph, "Take away that Jesus of thine from this place for he cannot dwell with us in this town; or at least teach him to bless and not to curse." Three or four miracles of a beneficent nature are mentioned; and in the Lat gospel when Jesus was in Egypt and in his third year, it, is written (ch 1), "And seeing boys playing he began to play with them, and he took a dried fish and put it into a basin and ordered it to move about. And it began to move about. And he said again to the fish: Throw out the salt which thou hast, and walk into the water. And it so came to pass, and the neighbors seeing what, had been done, told it to the widowed woman in whose house Mary his mother lived. And as soon as she heard it she thrust them out of her house with great haste." As ,Vestcott points out in his Intro to the Xtmh/ of the (ioxjx IK, 444, "In the apocryphal miracles we find no worthy conception of the laws of providential interference; they are wrought to supply present wants or to gratify present feelings, and often are positively immoral; they are arbitrary displays of power, and without any spontaneity on our Lord s part or on that of the recipient ." Possibly the compilers of the 1st- cent. narratives above mentioned had in many cases deemed it expedient to make the miraculous an essential even a too prominent part of their story; and this may be the reason why John in the opening of the Fourth Gospel declared all the re ported miracles of the Childhood to be unauthorized by the statement that the first miracle was that performed, after the beginning of the public min istry, at the marriage at Cana of Galilee. "This beginning of his signs did Jesus in Cana of Galilee, and manifested his glory; and his disciples believed on him" (John 2 11).

    (b) The Arab. Gospel of the Childhood is a com posite production. Though first published in Arab, with a Latin translation in 1697, 2. Arabic its Syr origin may be inferred from the Gospel of use of the era of Alexander the Great, the Child- in ch 2, from the acquaintance of the hood writer with oriental learning, and from

    that of the child Jesus, when in Egypt, with astronomy and physics. The popularity of the book among the Arabs and Copts in Egypt may also be explained by the fact that the most important of its miracles take place during the Sojourn in Egypt. It is noteworthy also that according to this gospel (ch 7) it was on the ground of a prophecy of Zoroaster regarding the birth of the Messiah that the Magi undertook their journey to Bethlehem. Some of its stories also appear in the Koran and in other Mohammedan writings. Chs 1 9 are based on the canonical Gospels of Matthew and Luke and on the Protevangelium of James, while chs 26 to the end are derived from the Gospel of Thomas. The intermediate portion of the work is thoroughly oriental in character and reads like extracts from the Arabian Nights. It is not, easy to treat seriously the proposal to set productions

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    BY NEWTONSTEIN, CAMBRIDGE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

    200

    like these on anything approaching equality with the canonical Gospels. Tin- gospel also has inucli to do with the growth of the veneration of the Virgin.

    3. Gospels of the Passion and Resurrection: The principal documents in this connection arc 1 the (Jospel of Nicodenius and to some 1. Gospel extent, as above shown, the Gospel of of Nico- Peter. The Clospel of Nicodenius is a demus name given not earlier than the 13th

    cent, to a duplicate, composition the two parts of which were (1) the Ada J iluti or Acts of Pilate and C- j the Descent of Christ to the Lower World. The document professes to be a translation into Cir from the 1 Hebrew, and to have been made in the 17th year of the emperor Theo- dosius and the (>th of Valentinian. It exists in six forms, two (ir and one Lat of the Acts of Pilate, and two Lat and one Greek of the Descent to the Lower World. The general consensus of scholars places the composition in t he ~>1h cent ., though Tischendorf, reiving upon references in Justin and Tertullian, places it in the 2d, a date by which it is quite possible for the legend to have arisen. Possibly there has been some confusion between the report on the proceedings connected with the trial and crucifixion of Jesus that had to be furnished to the emperor, as required by the rules of the Rom civil service, and the extended record of the proceedings contained in t he Gospel of Nicodenius. The writer was obviously a Jewish Christian. He wrote for this class and was anxious to establish his record by evidence from the mouths of the enemies of Jesus and especially of the officials connected with the events before and after the death of Jesus. Pilate in particular is shown to be favorable to Jesus and a gap that must have struck many readers of t he canonical narrat ives -several of t hose on whom miracles of healing had been wrought come forward to give evidence in favor of Jesus a most natural step for a late narrator to suppo.-e as having taken place in a regular and formal trial, but one which, as may be gathered from the silence of the canonical writers, was omitted in the tur bulent proceedings of the priestly conspiracy that ended with the crucifixion. With all the writer s acquaintance with Jewish institutions "he shows himself in many points ignorant of t he topography of Philestina, Canaan-Land; thinks, e.g. that Jesus was crucified in the garden in which he was sei/.ed (ch 9) and places Alt. Mamilch or Malek (South of Jems) in Galilee, and confounds it with the Mount of Ascension" (Orr, op. eit., xix). The second part of the gospel The Descent of Christ to the Lower World -is an ac count of an early and widely accepted tradition not mentioned in any canonical Gospel but based upon 1 Pet 3 19: "He went and preached unto the spirits in prison." Two saints who were raised at His resurrection relate how they had been confined in Hades when the Conqueror appeared at its ent ranee, how the gates of brass were broken and the prisoners released, Jesus taking with Him to Paradise the souls of Adam, Isaiah, John the Baptist and other holy mm who had died before Him. The docu ment is purely imaginary: its only importance is in showing how this article of the creed was regarded in the 4th cent.

    Of even less importance are some late fabrications referring to Pilate sometimes in the MSS attached to the Gospel of Nicodenius, such as Pilate s Letter to the emperor Tiberius; Pilate s Official Report, above referred to; the Paradoses of Pilate and the Death of Pilate, who, after condemnation to the most disgraceful death, is represented as dying by his own hand. In the Narrative of Joseph of Arimathea the writer gives a loose rein to his imagi nation.

    The study of the documents above described

    fully justifies the observation of the editors of the Ante-Nicene Library that while they afford us "curious glimpses of the state of the Christian con science, and of modes of 1 hought in the first centuries of our era, the predominant impression which they leave on our minds is a profound sense of the im measurable superiority, the unapproachable sim plicity and majesty, of the Canonical Writings."

    LITKKATURF.. In addition to the books quoted above may bo mentioned tin; following: Fabricius, Codex Ai><>rryi>liun, ITl .l; the collections and prolegomena of Thilo (1832); Tischendorf, (Vox ;/.,, is. r >:{; Ellicott, " ( )il the Apocryphal (iospols" in Cu mhri<l<ic K.--*n>i*, lSf>(>; Lipsius, art. "Gospels (Apoe) " in Dirt, of Christ. Bio,/.; Dr. ,V. Wright, in Journal of Sacred Lit. (January and April, is<i.~>; on the Syr VSS of the Protevangclium, The; (iospol of Thomas, and the Transitus Mariae: Studia Sinaitica (No. XI, l J()2) giving now Syr toxts of the Protevangelium and Transitus Mariae. A. F. Findlay, art.. " Acts (Apoc) ," whore will be found a very copious body of references to works, British and foreign, dealing with all brunches of the subject.

    tion of it Serapion, bishop of Antioch (11)0-203),




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"God's Goals"

For This World!

Does God Achieve His Goals?
OR, does Satan achieve his goals?

(All Teaching- and Commentary is from "INSPIRED-INERRANT!" View of Scripture!)

The most IMPORTANT "3-QUESTION QUIZ" you'll ever Take?


The Adversary’s Goals:

    SCRIPTURE: "The ‘Devil’ ... walketh about seeking whom he may DEVOUR." I Pet 5:8

    SCRIPTURE:"The ‘Thief’ (Devil) cometh not, but for to steal, to kill and to DESTROY." John 10:10

      QUESTION: Do you Believe Satan the Adversary Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___


God the Father’s Goals:

    SCRIPTURE: "For God sent NOT His Son into the world to condemn the world, but that the world though Him might be SAVED! See John 3:16 John 3:17

    SCRIPTURE: "Beloved, be not ignorant of this one thing, ... The Lord is ... NOT willing that any should perish, but that ALL should come to repentance. II Pet 3:9

      QUESTION: Do you Believe God the Father Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___


God the Son’s Goals:

    SCRIPTURE: "For the Son of Man is come to seek and to SAVE that which is lost!" Luk 19:10 "For I came NOT to judge the world, but to SAVE the world. John 12:47

    SCRIPTURE: "And I, if I be lifted up from the Earth, I WILL DRAW ALL men unto Me." Joh 12:32

      QUESTION: Do you Believe God the Son (Jesus Christ): Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___ center>


God the Spirit’s Goals:

    SCRIPTURE: Jesus declares: "'I ’WILL’' send Him (Holy Spirit) unto you, and when He is come 'He ’WILL’' testify of Me: John 14:26

    SCRIPTURE: "He ’WILL’ reprove the world [convict, convince, correct] of sin, of righteousness, and of judgment: John 16:7

    SCRIPTURE: (1) Of sin, because they believe not on me; ... (2) Of righteousness, because I go to my Father; ...(3) Of judgment, because the 'Prince of this World' IS JUDGED![A] John 16:8-10

      QUESTION: Do you think God the Spirit Succeeds?___ Or Fails?___


      ULTIMATELY, WHO,ACHIEVES THEIR STATED GOALS? GOD or Satan?

      If you believe
        God the Father,




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