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God's Word Is "STILL...INERRANT!"
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    New International Standard

    Dictionary of the Bible


What Is
The WORD of GOD?

BIBLIPEDIA!™ Statement
On INERRANCY of Holy Scripture;

The ‘Truth’ By Which All Knowledge Is Understood;


"IF" there exists any such thing as 'The Word of God'; [and ALL evidence proves such does exist:]

"THEN" by inherent definition - it must be:

    Holy, Inspired, Inerrant, Intrepid, Infallible, Infinitive, Invincible, Indestructible, Inexhaustible, Inalienable, Immutable, Implacable, Impossible-to-Improve: Eternal and Indubitable NEVER FAILING and ALL CONQUERING!

    DEDUCTING from the simple fact - that God equates His Word with Himself:

      "In the Beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God, . . ." John 1:1 (and other Scriptures),
Thus 'GOD'S WORD' can have no lesser standard than stated above;


    As true in history, archeology, geography, Earth science, medical science, nutrition, gerontology, agriculture, botany, astronomy, physics, chemistry, climatology, government, law, psychology, sociology - and every subject it touches - as in Theology, Divinity and Doctrine:

And "IF IT BE NOT" - true in all subjects mentioned above; and And "IF IT BE NOT"

    Holy, Inspired, Inerrant, Intrepid, Infallible, Infinitive, Invincible, Indestructible, Inexhaustible, Inalienable, Immutable, Implacable, Impossible-to-Improve: Eternal and Indubitable in EVERY FIELD OF KNOWLEDGE:
Whatever else it may be, it cannot be ‘The Incomparable Word’ of the Great Creator God!

God's Eternal Guarantee!

"Heaven and Earth Shall Pass Away;
But GOD'S WORDS Shall NOT Pass Away!"

--Jesus the Messiah, AD-33 (Matthew 5:18)


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Letter "A-F" Below

    The reputation of Dr. William Smith's " Dictionary of the Bible " is now too well established to need any special commendation. It contains, by universal content, the fruit of the ripest Biblical scholarship of England, and constitutes a library of itself (superseding the use of many books otherwise necessary) for the study and illustration of the Scriptures.

    As a whole, it is unquestionably superior to any similar Lexicon in our language, and cannot fail to maintain this rank for a long period to come. In this American edition, the Publishers reprint the entire work, without abridgment or change, except the correction of typographical errors, or an occasional verbal inaccuracy, and of mistakes in quotation and reference.

    At the same time, the reprinting of this Dictionary, after the lapse of several years since its first publication, and of a still longer time since the preparation of many of the articles, affords an opportunity to give to it some new features, required by the progressive nature of Biblical science, and adapting it more perfectly to the wants of students of the Bible in our own country.

    Among the characteristics in which the American edition differs from the English, are the following:

    ,ul,1. The content* of the Appendix, embracing one hundred and sixteen pages, and treating of subjects overlooked or imperfectly handled in the first volume, have been inserted in their proper places in the body of the work.

    ,br,2. The numerous Scripture references, on the accuracy of which -he value of a Bible Dictionary so much depends, have all been verified anew. The corrections found necessary in these references, and silently made, amount to more than a thou- sand. Many other mistakes in quotation and reference have been corrected during the revision of the work.

    ,br,3. The system of cross-references from one article to another, so indispensable for enabling us to know what the Dictionary contains on related but separated subjects, bag been carried much further in this edition than in the English.

    ,br,4. The signification of the Hebrew and, to some extent, of the Greek names of persons and places has been given in English, according to the bust authorities (Simonis, Gesenius, Dietrich, Furst, Pape) on this intricate subject. We have such definitions occasionally in the original work, but on no consistent plan.

    The Scripture names reveal to us a striking peculiarity of the oriental mind, and often throw light on the personal history and the geography of the Bible.

    ,br,5. The accentuation of proper names has required adjustment. Dr. Smith's " Concise Dictionary of the Bible" differs here widely from the larger work ; and in both, forms perfectly analogous are differently accented, in many instances, without apparent reason. In the present edition, this subject has received careful attention ;

    and in respect to that large class of names whose pronunciation cannot be regarded as settled by usage, an attempt has been made to secure greater consistency by the application of fixed principles.

    ,br,6. The English edition, at the beginning of each article devoted to a proper name, professes to give " the corresponding, forms in the Hebrew, Greek, and Vulgate, together with the variations in the two great manuscripts of the Septuagint, which are often curious and worthy of notice." But this ( Ian has been very imperfectly earned out so far as relates to the forms in the Septuagint and Vulgate specially in the first volume. The readings of the Vatican manuscript are verified


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    rarely given where they differ from those of the Roman edition of 1587, — a cm* which frequently occurs, though thia edition is, to. a great extent, founded on that manuscript; and those of the Alexandrine manuscript are often ignored. The present edition of the Dictionary seeks to supply these defects ; and not only have the readings of the Roman text (as given by Teschendorf ) been carefully noted, with the variations of the Vatican and Alexandrine manuscripts as edited by Mai and Baber, but also those of the two other leading editions of the Septuagint, the Complutensian and the Aldine, and of the Codex Sinakicus, whenever the forms given in them accord more nearly with the Hebrew, or on other accounts seem worthy of notice. To these last two editions, in the Apocrypha especially, we must often look for the explanation of the peculiar spelling of many proper names in the common English version. Many deviations of the later editions of this version from the first edition (1G11), important as affecting the orthography of Hebrew proper names, have also been detected and pointed out.

    7. The amount of Scripture illustration derived from a knowledge of Eastern customs and traditions, as made known to us so much more fully at the present day by missionaries and travellers in the lands of the Bible, has been largely increased. More frequent remarks also have been made on difficult texts of Scripture, for the most part in connection with some leading word in them, with which the texts are naturally associated.

    8. The obsolete words and phrases in the language of the English Bible, or those which, though not obsolete, have changed their meaning, have been explained, so as to supply, to some extent, the place of a glossary on that subject. Such explana- tions will be found under the head of such words, or in connection with the subjects to which they relate.

    9. On various topics omitted in the English work, but required by Dr. Smith's plan, new articles have been inserted in the American edition, with additions to others which seem not fully to represent our present knowledge or the state of critical opin- ion on the subjects discussed. The bibliographical references have been greatly increased, and care has been taken to mention the new works of value, or new editions of works in geography, philology, history, and exegesis, in our own or other languages, which have appeared since the original articles were written. Further, all the new wood-cuts in the Abridged English edition, illustrating gome of the most important subjects in geography and aruhasology, but not contained in the Una- bridged edition, are inserted in the present work. Many additional views of Scripture scenes and places have been introduced from other more recent publica- tions, or engraved from photographs.

    10. Fuller recognition has been made of the names and works of American schol- ars, both as an act of justice to them as co-workers with those of other lands in this department of study, and still more as due to American readers. It must be useful certainly to our own students to be referred to books within their reach, as well as to those which they are unable to consult, and to books also which more justly represent our own tendencies of thought and modes of statement, than can be true of those prepared for other and foreign communities. References are made not only to books of American writers, but to valuable articles in our Periodicals, which discuss questions of theological and Biblical interest.

    In addition to the aid of Mr. Abbot (who has had special charge of the proof- reading, the orthoepy, and the verification of references to the original texts and ancient versions of the Bible, and has also given particular attention to the bibli- ography), the editor has had the cooperation of eminent American scholars, as will be seen by the list of names subjoined to that of the writers in the English edition It is proper to add that the Arabic words in the Dictionary have been revised b) the Rev. Dr. Van Dyck, one of the translators of the modern Arabic Bible, or b~ Professor Salisbury, of Yale College.


    Newton Centre, December 20, I86i.

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    Tint present work is designed to reader the same service in the study of the Bibb m the Dictionaries of Greek and Soman Antiquities, Biography,' and Geography hare done in the study of the classical writers of antiquity! Within the last few years Biblical studies have received a fresh impulse ; and the researches of modern scholars, as well as the discoveries of modern travellers, have thrown new and unex- pected light upon the history and geography of the East. It has, therefore, been thought that a new Dictionary of the Bible, founded on a fresh examination of the original documents, and embodying the results of the most recent researches and dis- coveries, would prove a valuable addition to the literature of the country. It has been the aim of the Editor and Contributors to present the information in such a form as to meet the wants, not only of theological students, but also of that larger class of persons who, without pursuing theology as a profession, are anxious to study the Bible with the aid of the latest investigations of the best scholars. Accordingly, while the requirements of the learned have always been kept in view, quotations from the ancient languages have been sparingly introduced, and generally in paren- theses, so as not to interrupt the continuous perusal of the work. It is confidently believed that the articles will be found both intelligible and interesting even to those who have no knowledge of the learned languages ; and that such persons will expe- rience no difficulty in reading the book through from beginning to end.

    The scope and object of the work may be briefly defined. It is a Dictionary of the Bible, and not of Theology. It is intended to elucidate the antiquities, biogra- phy, geography, and natural history of the Old Testament, New Testament, and Apocrypha ; but not to explain systems of theology, or discuss points of controversial divinity. It has seemed, however, necessary in a " Dictionary of the Bible," to give a full account of the Book, both as a whole and in its separate parts. Accordingly, articles are inserted not only upon the general subject, such as " Bible," " Apocry- pha," and " Canon," and upon the chief ancient versions, as " Septuagint " and " Vulgate," but also upon each of the separate books. These articles are natu- rally some of the most important in the work, and occupy considerable space, as will be seen by referring to " Genesis," " Isaiah," and " Job."

    The Editor believes that the work will be found, upon examination, to be far more complete in the subjects which it professes to treat than any of its predeces- ors. No other dictionary has yet attempted to give a complete list of the proper ames occurring in the Old and New Testaments, to say nothing of those in the Apocrypha. The present work is intended to contain every name, and, in the case of minor names, references to every passage in the Bible in which each occurs. It is true that many of the names are those of comparatively obscure persons and places ; but this is no reason for their omission. On the contrary, it is precisely for uch articles that a dictionary is most needed. An account of the more important persons and places occupies a prominent position in historical and geographical works ; but of the less conspicuous names no information can be obtained in ordinary Moks of reference. Accordingly many names, which have been either entirely ,,9632;Knit t ed or cursorily treated in other dictionaries, have had considerable space da- 1 to them ; the result being that much curious and sometimes important knows-


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    edge Las been elicited respecting subjects of which little or nothing was previous!) known. Instance* may be seen by referring to the article! " Ishmael, son of Netha niah," « Jareb," " Jedidiah," " Jehosheba."

    In the alphabetical arrangement the orthography of the Authorized Version bat been invariably followed. Indeed the work might be described as a Dictionary of the Bible, according to the Authorized Version. But at the commencement of each article devoted to a proper name, the corresponding forms in the Hebrew, Greek, and Vulgate are given, together with the variations in the two great manuscripts of the Septuagint, which are often curious and well worthy of notice. All inaccura cies in the Authorized Version are likewise carefully noted.

    In the composition and distribution of the articles three points have been espe- cially kept in view — the insertion of copious references to the ancient writers and to the best modern authorities, as much brevity as was consistent with the propei elucidation of the subjects, and facility of reference. To attain the latter object an explanation is given, even at the risk of some repetition, under every word to which a reader is likely to refer, since it is one of the great drawbacks in the use of a dictionary to be referred constantly from one heading to another, and frequently not to find at last the information that is wanted.

    Many names in the Bible occur also in the classical writers, and are therefore in- sluded in the Classical Dictionaries already published. But they have in all cases been written anew for this work, and from a Biblical point of view. No one would expect in a Dictionary of the Bible a complete history of Alexandria, or a detailed life of Alexander the Great, simply because they are mentioned in a few passages of the Sacred Writers. Such subjects properly belong to Dictionaries of Classical Geography and Biography, and are only introduced here so far as they throw light upon Jewish history, and the Jewish character and faith. The same remark applies to all similar articles, which, far from being a repetition of those contained in the preceding dictionaries, are supplementary to them, affording the Biblical information which they did not profess to give. In like manner it would obviously be out of place to present such an account of the plants and animals mentioned in the Scrip- tures, as would be appropriate in systematic treatises on Botany or Zoology. All that can be reasonably required, or indeed is of any real service, is to identify the plants and animals with known species or varieties, to discuss the difficulties which occur in each subject, and to explain all allusions to it by the aid of modern wience.

    In a work written by various persons, each responsible for his own contributions, differences of opinion must naturally occur. Such differences, however, are both fewer and of less importance than might have been expected from the nature of the subject ; and in some difficult questions — such, for instance, as that of the " Brethren of our Lord " — the Editor, instead of endeavoring to obtain uniformity, has consid- ered it an advantage to the reader to have the arguments stated from different points of view.

    An attempt has been made to insure, as far as practicable, uniformity of reference to the most important books. In the case of two works of constant occurrence in the geographical articles, it may be convenient to mention that all references to Dr. Robinson's " Biblical Researches " and to Professor Stanley's " Sinai and Palestine, have been uniformly made to the second edition of the former work (London, 1856, 8 vols.), and to the fourth edition of the latter (London, 1857).

    The Editor cannot conclude this brief explanation without expressing his obliga- tions to the writers of the various articles. Their names are a sufficient guarantee for the value of their contributions ; but the warm interest they have taken in the hook, and the unwearied pains they have bestowed upon their separate departments, Inmand from the Editor his grateful thanks. There is, however, one writer to fehom he owes a more special acknowledgment. Mr. George Grove of Sydenham, besides contributing the articles to which his initial is attached, has rendered th« Editor important assistance in writing the majority of the articles on the nor* ob

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    tcurc ainea in tlie first volume, in the correction of the proofs, and in the revision of the 'hole book. The Editor has also to express his obligations to Mr. William Aldis Wright, Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge, and to the Rev. Charles P. Phinn of Chichester, for their valuable assistance in the correction of the proofs, ai well as to Mr. E. Stanley Poole, for the revision of the Arabic words. Mr. Aldis Wright has likewise written in the second and third volumes the more obscure names to which no initials are attached

    It is intended to publish shortly an Atlas of Biblical Geography, which, it is be- ievod, will form a valuable supplement to the Dictionary.

    WILLIAM SMITH Lorooa, November, 18P3.

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    H. A. Very Rev. Henry Alford, D. D., Dean of Canterbury.

    H. B. Rev. Henry Bailey, B. D., Warden of St Augustine's College, Caa

    terbury ; late Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge. H. B Rev. Horatius Bonar, D. D., Kelso, N. B; Author of "The Land

    of Promise." [Tha geographical trUctea, signed H. B-, an written by Dr. Bonar : theaa en otbar anajaam, atfnad H. B., an written by Mr. BaUay.}

    A B Rev. Alfred Barry, B. D., Principal of Cheltenham College ; late

    Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

    W. L. B Rev. William Latham Bevan, M. A., Vicar of Hay, Brecknock- shire.

    J. W. B. Rev. Joseph Williams Blakbsley, B. D., Canon of Canterbury ; lata Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge.

    T. E. B. Rev. Thomas Edward Brown, M. A., Vice-Principal of King Wil- liam's College, Isle of Man ; late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.

    R W. B. Ven. Robert William Browne, M. A., Archdeacon of Bath, and Canon of Wells.

    E. H. B. Right Rev. Edward Harold Browne, D. D., Lord Bishop of Ely.

    W. T. B. Rev. William Thomas Bullock, M. A., Assistant Secretary of tha Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

    8. C. Rev. Samuel Clark, M. A., Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury,


    FCC Rev. Frederic Charles Cook, M. A, Chaplain in Ordinary to tha Queen.

    G. E. L. C. Right Rev. George Edward Lynch Cotton, D. D., late Lord Bishop of Calcutta and Metropolitan of India.

    J. LI. D. Rev. John Llewelyn Davtes, M A., Rector of Christ Church, Marylebone ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

    G. E. D. Prof. George Edward Day, D. D n Yale College, New Haven, Conn.

    E. D. Emanuel DsuTScn, M. R. A. S., British Museum.

    W. D. Rev. William Drake, M. A., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen.

    EFE Rev. Edward Paroissien Eddrup, M. A., Principal of the Theolog- ical College, Salisbury.

    C J. E. Right Rev. Charles John Ellicott, D. D., Lord Bishop of Glouces- ter and Bristol.

    F. W. F. Rev. Frederick William Farrar, M. A., Assistant Master of Har-

    row School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 1. F. James Fergusbon, F. R S., F. R. A. S., Fellow of the Royal Intti

    tute of British Architects. E. 8. Ff. Edward Salusbury Ffoulxks, M. A., late Fellow of Jesus College.

    Oxford. W. F Right Rev. William Fitzgerald, D. D., Lord Bishop of Killakw.


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    F. O. Rev. Francis Garden, M. A^ Subdean of Her Majesty's Gbapuli


    F. W. 6. Rev. F. William Gotoh, LL. D., President of the Baptist College,

    Bristol ; late Hebrew Examiner in the University of London.

    G. George Grove, Crystal Palace, Sydenham.

    H. B. H. Prof. Horatio Balch Hackett, D. D., LL. D., Theological Institu- tion, Newton, Mass. E. H— B. Rev. Ernest Hawkins, B. D., Secretary of the Society for the Propa- gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. H. H. Rev. Henry Haymak, B. D., Head Master of the Grammar School,

    Cheltenham ; late Fellow of St John's College, Oxford. A. C. H. Yen. Lord Arthur Charles Hbrtet, M. A., Archdeacon of Sod- bury, and Rector of Ickworth. J. A. H. Rev. James Augustus Hesbet, D. C L., Head Master of Merchant

    Taylors' School J. D. H. Joseph Dalton Hooker, M. D., F. R S., Royal Botanic Gardens,

    Kew. J. J. H. Rev. Jambs John Hornby, M. A, Fellow of Brasenose College, Ox- ford ; Principal of Bishop Cosin's HalL W. H. Rev. William Houghton, M. A, F. L. S., Rector of Preston on the

    Weald Moors, Salop. J. S. EL Rev. John Saul Howson, D. D., Principal of the Collegiate Institu- tion, Liverpool. Rev. Edgar Huxtable, M A., Subdean of Wells. Rev. William Basil Jones, M. A., Prebendary of York and of St

    David's ; late Fellow and Tutor of University College, Oxford. Austen Henry La yard, D. C. L., M P. Rev. Stanley Leathes, M A., M. R S. L., Hebrew Lecturer in

    King's College, London. Rev. Joseph Barber Lightfoot, D. D., Hulsean Professor of Divinity,

    and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Bar. D. W. Marks, Professor of Hebrew in University College, London. Bar. Frederick Mbyriok, M. A., late Fellow and Tutor of Trinity

    College, Oxford. Prof Jules Oppbrt, of Paris. Rev. Edward Redman Orger, M. A, Fellow and Tutor of St

    Augustine's College, Canterbury. Yen. Thomas Johnson Ormerod, M. A., Archdeacon of Suffolk.

    late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. Rev. John James Stewart Perowne, B. D., Vice-Principal of SL David's College, Lampeter. T. T. P. Rev. Thomas Thomason Pbrownk, B. D., Fellow and Tutor of

    Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. H. W. P. Rev. Henry Wright Phillott, M. A., Rector of Staunton-on-Wye,

    Herefordshire ; late Student of Christ Church, Oxford. E. H. P. Rev. Edward Hayes Plumptre, M A., Professor of Divinity in

    King's College, London. E. S. P. Edward Stanley Poole, M R A. S., South Kensington Museum. R. S. P. Reginald Stuart Poole, British Museum. I. L. P Rev. J. Leslie Porter, M A, Professor of Sacred Literature, Astern

    bl^s College, Belfast ; Author of " Handbook of 8yria and Palestine," and " Five Years in Damascus."

    Rev. Charles Pritchard, M. A., F. R. S., Hon. Secretary of tha Royal Astronomical Society ; late Fellow of St John's College, Cam- bridge.

    Rev. George Rawlinson, M. A., Camden Professor of Ancient His- tory, Oxford.

    Rev. Henry John Rose, B. D., Rural Dean, and Rector of Houghton Conquest, Bedfordshire.

    Rev. William Selwyn, D. D., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity, Cambridge ; Canon of Ely.

    Rev. Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D. D., Regius Professor of Ecclesias- tical History, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; Chaplain to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

    Prof. Calvin Ellis Stowe, D. D., Hartford, Conn.

    Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D., New York.

    Most Rev. William Thomson, D. D., Lord Archbishop of York.

    Samuel Pridbaux Tregelles, LL. D., Author of " An Introduction to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament," ,c.

    Rev. Henry Baker Tristram, M. A., F. L. S., Master of Greatham Hospital.

    Rev. Joseph Francis Thrupp, M. A., Vicar of Barrington ; late Fel- low of Trinity College, Cambridge.

    Hon. Edward T. B. Twisleton, M. A., late Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford.

    Rev. Edmund Venables, M. A., Bonchurch, Isle of Wight

    Rev. Brooke Fobs Westcott, M. A., Assistant Master of Harrow School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

    Rev. Christopher Wordsworth, D. D., Canon of Westminster.

    William Aldis Wright, M. A., Librarian of Trinity College, Can, bridge.

    B.C. B

    r. j. c

    G. E. D

    G. P. F.

    F. G.

    D. R G


    J. H.

    F. W. H

    A H.


    Ezra Abbot, LL. D., Assistant Librarian of Harvard College,

    Cambridge, Mass. Prof. Samuel Colcord Bartlett, D. D., Theol. Sem., Chicago, HI. Rev. Thomas Jefferson Conant, D. D., Brooklyn, N. Y. Prof. George Edward Day, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn. Prof. George Park Fisher, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn. Prof. Frederic Gardiner, D. D., Middletown, Conn. Rev. Daniel Raynes Goodwin, D. D., Provost of the University of

    Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

    Prof. Horatio Balch Hackett, D. D., LL. D., Theological Sem :

    nary, Rochester, New York. Prof. James Hadley, LL. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn. Rev. Frederick Whitmork Holland, F. R. G. S., London. Prof. Ai.vah Hovey, D. D., Theological Institution, Newton, Mam

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    imUU. HAKEt.

    A C. K. Prof. Asahxl Clark Kkndrick. D. D., University of Rochester, N. 1

    C. M. M. Prof. Charles Marsh Mead, Ph. D., TheoL Sent, Andover, Mass.

    E. A. P. Prof. Edwards Amasa Park, D. D., Theol'. Seminary, Andover, Mam

    W. E. P. Rev. William Edwards Park, Lawrence, Mass.

    A. P. P. Prof. Andrew Preston Pkabodt, D. D n LL. D., Harvard College. Cambridge, Mass.

    G. E. P. Rev. Gkobgk E. Post, M. D., Tripoli, Syria.

    R. D. C. R. Prof. Rensselaer David Chancbford Robbinb, Middlebury Col

    lege, Vt P. 8. Rev. Philip Schaff, D. D., New York.

    EI. B. S. Prof. Henry Boynton Smith, D. D., LL. D, Union Theological

    Seminary, New York.

    C. E. S. Rev. Calvin Ellis Stowe, D. D., Hartford, Conn.

    D. S. T. Prof. Daniel Smith Talcott, D. D., Theol. Seminary, Bangor, Me. J. H. T. Prof. Joseph Henry Thayer, M. A m Theol. Seminary, Andover, Mast J. P. T. Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D., New York.

    C. V. A V. Rev. Cornelius V. A. Van Dyck, D. D„ Beirut, Syria.

    W. H W. Rev. William Hayes Ward, M. A, New York.

    W. F. W. Prof. William Fairfield Warren, D. D., Boston Theological Sew

    inary, Boston, Mass. 8. W. Rev. Samuel WoLCorr, D. D., Cleveland, Ohio.

    T. D. W. President Theodore Dwioht Woolsby, D. D., LL. D., Yale Collegn,

    New Haven, Conn.

    %• The new portions in the present edition are indicated by a star (•), the edi- torial additions being distinguished by the initials H. and A. Whatever is enclosed in brackets is also, with unimportant exceptions, editorial. This remark, however, does not apply to the cross-references in brackets, most of which belong to the origi- nal work, though a large number have been added to this edition.


    Aid. The Aldine edition of the Septuagint, 1518. Alex. The Codex Alexandrinus (5th cent), edited by Baber, 1816-88. A V. The authorized (common) English version of the Bible. Corop. The Septuagint as printed in the Complutensian Polyglott, 1514-17, published 1628.

    FA The Codex Friderico-Augustanus (4th cent), published by Tischendorf in 1846.

    Rom. The Roman edition of the Septuagint, 1587. The readings oi tu-j Septuagint for which no authority is specified are also from this source.

    Sin. The Codex Sinaiticus (4tb cent), published by Tischendorf in 1862. Thif and FA are parts of the same manuscript

    Vat The Codex Yaticanus 1209 (4th cent), according to Mai's edition, published by Vercellone in 1857. " Vat H." denotes readings of the MS. (differing from Mai), given in Holmes and Parsons'* edition of the Septuagint 1798- 1827. " Vat 1 " distinguishes the primary reading of the MS. from " Vat* or " 2. m," the alteration of a later reviser.

    Digitized by





    i ALAR. [Addam.]

    AATtON CfT!*? [perh. = fn£T, mom.

    turner, Ges. ; or from "1HS, enlightened, Fiirst] : ,,9632;

    fiijxiv : Aaron), the son of Amram (D"JQ3,

    ,,9632;.'vilreH of the Highest) and Jochebed ("Q^" 1 ''' dwse ylory is Jehovah), and the elder brother of Xose3 and Miriam (Num. xxvi. 5'J, xxxiii. 39). He was a Levite, and, as the first-born, would naturally lie the priest of the household, even before any special appointment by God. Of his early history we know nothing, although, by the way in which he is first mentioned in Ex. iv. 14, as " Aaron the l-evite," it would seem as if he had been already to some extent a leader in his tribe. All that is definitely recorded of him at this time is, that, in the same passage, he is described as one ,,9632; who could speak well." Judging from the acts of his life, we should suppose him to have been, like many eloquent men, a man of impulsive and comparatively unstable character, leaning almost wholly on his brother ; incapable of that endurance of loneliness and temptation, which is an element of real greatness; but at the same time earnest in* his devotion to God and man, and therefore capable of sacrifice and of discipline by trial.

    His first office was to be the " Prophet," i. e. (according to the proper meaning of the word), the interpreter and " Mouth " (Ex. iv. 16) of his broth- er, who was "slow of speech; " and accordingly he was not only the organ of communication with the Israelites and with Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2), hut also the actual instrument of working most of the miracles of the Exodus. (See Ex. vii. 19, Ac.) Thus also on the way to Mount Sinai, during the battle with Amalek, Aaron is mentioned with Hur, as staying up the weary hands of Moses, when they were lifted up for the victory of Israel (not in prayer, as is sometimes explained, butl to bear the rod of God (see Ex xvii. 9). Through all this period, he is only mentioned as dependent upon his brothel, and deriving all his authority from him. The contrast between them is even more strongly marked on the arrival at Sinai. Moses at once acts as the r-?diator (Gal. iii. 19) for th« people, to come near to God for them, and to

    o • Dietrich «ugg«lt« (Oes. ,,•'. Handtcb. 6U, A 'ill )

    icA. or fluent, Ukr "IJJIS. H.


    •peak His words to them. Aaron only approaches with Nadab, and Abihu, and the seventy elders of Israel, by special command, near enough to see God's glory, but not so as to enter His immediate presence. I.eft then, on Moses' departure, to guide the people, he is tried for a moment on his own responsibility and he fails, not from any direct unbelief on his own part, but from a weak inability to withstand the demand of the people for visible "gods to go before them." Possibly it seemed to him prudent to make an image of .lehovah, in the well-known form of Egyptian idolatry (Apis or Mnevis), rather than to risk the total alienation of the people to false goils ; and his weakness was re- warded by seeing a " feast of the Ixird " (Ex. xxxii. 5) degraded to the lowest form of heathenish sen- suality, and knowing, from Moses' words and deeds, that the covenant with the I,jrd was utterly broken. There can hardly be a stronger contrast with this weakness, and the self-convicted shame of his excuse, than the burning indignation of .Moses, and his stern decisive measures of vengeance; although beneath these there lay an ardent affection, which went almost to the verge of presumption in prayer for the people (Ex. xxxii. 19-34), and gained for- giveness for Aaron himself (Dcut. ix. 20).

    It is not a little remarkable, that immediately after this great sin, and almost as though it had not occurred, God's fore-ordained purjwses were carried out in Aaron's consecration to the new office of the high-priesthood. Probably the fall and the repentance from it may have made hira one " who could have compassion on the ignorant, and thera who are out of the way, as being himself also com- passed with infirmity." The order of God for the consecration is found in Ex. xxix., and the record of its execution in l.ev. viii. ; and the delegated char- acter of the Aaronic priesthood is clearly seen by the fact, that, in this its inauguration, the priestly office is borne by Moses, as God*s truer representa- ] tive (see Heb. vii. ).

    The form of consecration resembled other sacri- ficial ceremonies in containing, first, a sin-offering, j the form of cleansing from sin and reconciliation | [SiN-OKFEHi.,',i]; a burnt-offering, the symbol of entire devotion to God of the nature so purified [] ; and a meat-offering, the .jankful acknowledgment and sanctifying of God'i natural blessings [Mkat-okfehing]. It had, how ever, besides these, the solemn assumption of th»

    Digitized by


    2 AARON

    ,,9632;end rotas (the garb of righteousness), the anoint- ing (the symbol of God's grsee), and the offering of the run of consecration, the blood of which was sprinkled on Aaron and his sons, as upon the altar and vessels of the ministry, in order to sanctify them for the service of God. 1ht f jrmer ceremonies represented the blessings sod duties of the man, the httei the special consecration of the priest-"

    The solemnity of the office, and its entire de- pendence for sanctity on the ordinances of God, were vindicated by the death of Nadab and Abibu, for " offering strange fire " on the altar, and appa- rently (see Lev. x. 9, 10) for doing so in drunken recklessness. Aaron's checking his sorrow, so as at least to refrain from all outward signs of it, would be a severe trial to an impulsive and weak character, and a proof of his being lifted above himself by the office which he held.

    l-'mni lhi« time the histcry of Aaron is almost entirely that of the priesthood, and its chief feature is the great rebellion of Korah and the Levites against his sacerdotal dignity, united with that of Dathan and Abiraui and the Reubenites against the temporal authority of Moses [Korah]. The true vindication of the reality of Aaron's priesthood was not so much the death of Korah by the fire of the Lord, as the efficacy of his offering of incense to stay the plague, by which he was seen to be accepted as an intercessor for the people. The blooming of his rod, which followed, was a miraculous sign, visible to all and capable of preservation, of God's choice of him and his bouse.

    The only occasion on which his individual char- acter is seen, is one of presumption, prompted, as before, chiefly by another, and, as before, speedily repented of. The murmuring of Aaron and Miriam against Moses clearly proceeded from their trust, the one iu his priesthood, the other in her prophetic inspiration, as equal commissions from God (Num. xii. 2). It seems to have vanished at once before the declaration of Moses' exaltation above all proph- ecy and priesthood, except that of One who was to come; and, if we may judge from the direction of the punishment, to hare originated mainly with Miriam. On all other occasions he is spoken of as acting with Moses in the guidance of the people. Leaning as be seems to have done wholly on him, it is not strange that be should have shared his sin at Meribah, and its punishment [Mosks] (Num. xx. 10-12). As that punishment seems to have purged out from Moses the tendency to self-confidence, which tainted his character, so in Aaron it may have destroyed that idolatry of a stronger mind, into which a weaker one, once conquered, is apt to fall. Aaron's death seems to hare followed very speedily. It took place on Mount lior, after the transference of his robes and office to Eleazar, who alone with Moses was present at his death, and performed his burial (Num. xx. 28). This mount is still called the " Mountain of Aaron." [Hon.]

    The wife of Aaron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23); and the two sons who survived him, Eleazar and Itha- mar. The high priesthood descended to the former, and to his descendants until the time of Eli, who, although of the bouse of Ithamar, received the high priesthood (see Joseph. AM. v. 11, ,6, viii. 1, § .11, and transmitted it to his children ; with them A continued until the accession of Solomon, who took

    » It Is noticeable thai the ceremonies of the ronton- Hon of the leper to his place, as one of God's people, osu • strong resemblance to those of (oussiiraHon

    « ,,m x4v 10 «.


    it from Abutthar, and restored it to Zadok (of the house of Eleazar), so fulfilling the prophecy of 1

    Sam. ii. 30. " A.K

    N. B. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 17, « Aaron " ()'~,i^) is counted at onr of the " tribu of Itratl."

    AATtONITES, THE (pHS : , 'Aapir snVps Aaron, Aaronita). Descendants of Aaron, and therefore priests, who, to the number of 3700 fighting men, with Jehoiada the father of Benaiab at their head, joined David at Hebron '1 Chi. xii. 27). Later on in the history (1 Chr. xxvii. 17. we find their chief was Zadok, who in the eultat narrative was distinguished ss ''a young man mighty of valor." They must have been an im- portant family in the reign of David to be reckoned among the tribes of Israel. W. A W.

    AB (2N, father), an dement in the composi- tion of many proper names, of which Abba is a Chaldaic form, the syllable affixed giving the em- phatic force of the definite article. Applied to God by Jesus Christ (Mark xiv. 36), and by St. Paul (Rom. viii. 15; Gal. iv. 6.) [Abba.] R. W B.

    AB. [Months,]

    AB'ACUC, 2 Esdr. i. 40. [Habakkuk.]

    ABADDON, Rer. Ix. 11. [Atoixtov.]

    ABADI'AS CAfiatlas; [Aid. Sailas:] At- diat). Obadiah, the son of Jehiel (1 Esdr. viii 38). W. A. W.

    ABAGTHA (^"^p*?. : [ZaBoKti; Alex. FA. ZiuSotVsto; Comp.' 'KfaryaBi:] Abgat,in), one of the seven eunuchs in the Persian court of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). In the LXX the names of these eunuchs are different The word contains the same root which we find in the Persian names Bigtka (Esth. i. 10), Bit,than (Esth. ii. 21), Big- liana (Esth. vi. 2), and Bagoai. Bohlen explains it from the Sanscrit bagaddta, " given by fortune," from baga, fortune, the sun.

    ABANA (n32h?.: » VW,W; [Vat. H. (Vat* Mai) Ap,Sora; Alex. Niu,3ara; Comp. 'AjiaraC:] Abana), one of the "rivers (.THrO) of Damas- cus-" (2 K. t. 12). The Barada (Xpvvoteias of the Greeks) and the Aanj are now fie chief streams of Damascus, and there can be little doubt that the former of these represents the Abana and the latter the Pharpar of the text As far back as the days of Pliny and Strabo the Barada was, as it now is, the chief river of the city (Rob. iii. 446), flowing through it, and supplying most of its dwellings with water. The Amy is further from Damascus, and a native of the place, if speaking of the two to- gether, would certainly, with Naamsji, name ths Barada first (Porter, i. 276). To this may be ad- ded the fact that in the Arabic version of the pas- sage — the date of which has been fixed by Rjdiger as the 11th century — Abana is rendered by Bar- da, I5«J. Further, it seems to have escaped

    notice that one branch of the Auxg — if Kiepart'i map (in Rob. 1866) is to be trusted — now bears the name of Wady Barbar. There is Lowever ns reference to this in Robinson or Porter.

    The Barada rises in the Antilibarras near Zeb- dAitg, at about 23 miles from the city, and LUt

    e Ths Karl, with the Teheran Jonathan anl she Brrlec version, hss Amman. Sea march) of A. T

    Digitized by





    last above it. In it* course it passes the site of i those regions must remain to a great degree »b- Ihe ancient Abila, and receives the waters of Ain- ' scure." G.

    F,ck, one of the largest springs in Syria. This | »ABBA. The Choldee or Aramaic a P Dend« the was long believed to be the real source of the i article instead of prefixing it as in Hebrew; and Barada, according to the popular usage of the I , ,

    country, which regards the most copious fountain, hence when Abba (N3r;) occurs the exact o iraT^p

    not the most distant head, as the origin of river. We meet with other instances of the same

    follows for the sake of Greek readers. See Winer's Kpist. ail UaliU. p. 90. Abba, as the vernacular

    mistake in the cue of the Jordan and the Orontes j term (a vox solennis from childhood), was of course [Aw]; it la to Dr. Robinson that we are indebted ! more expressive than any foreign word could bo, lor its discovery in the present case (Kob. iii. 477). and came, as it were, first to the lips as the writer After flowing through Damascus the Barada runs or speaker thought of God in the filial relation. across the plain, leaving the remarkable Assyrian ! which the word designated with such fullness ol ruin Tell es-SalMyeh on its lea lank, till it loses ~ '

    itself in the lake or marsh Bnhret el-K'Miyeh. Mr. Porter calculates that 14 villages and 150,000 souls no dependent on this important river. For the aiuise of the Barada see Porter, vol. i. chap, v., Journ. of S. lit. N. 8. viii., Rob. iii. 446, 7. Light- foot (Cent Chor. iv.) and Gesenius (The*. 116)

    quote the name ]V3H~ as applied in the Lexicon Arich to the Amana. G.

    * Gesenius ( The*, p. 116) supposes Abana to be a commutation fur Amana by an interchange of the

    labials J and E : it may be a dialectic or a provin- cial difference. See also Keil's Bli. tier KSnige, p 368. Amana or Abana means " perennial " (comp.

    ?C£Q as said of water in Is. xxxiii. 16 and Jer.

    it. 18) and is especially appropriate to this ever- flowing stream. The only biblical allusion to the name is that in Naaman's scornfid interrogation in 2 Kings v. 12: "Are not Abana and Pharpar. rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel?" There may be something more than pride of country in this; for the waters of Abana (Barada), especially after the confluence of the stream from F,,jeh, its most copious fountain, are remarkably fresh and sparkling, and at the present day proverbially salubrious, while those of the Jor- dan are mixed with clay and tepid, though not unfit for drinking (Kichter's Wallfahrten, p. 157; Hob. Phys. Ueog. p. 161- . H.

    AB'ARIM (so Hilton accents the word), the " mount," or " mountains of " (always with the def.

    article, O^Tjn lil, or *VT, T i, o,os to 'A,8-

    mpifi, [etc ] or «V Tq, trepay toC 'IopSdvou, = the mountains of the further parts, or possibly of the forth), a mountain or range of highlands on the east of the Jordan, in the land of Moab (Deut. xxxii. 49), facing Jericho, and forming the eastern wall of the Jordan valley at that part. Its most ele- rated spot was " the Mount Nebo, ' head ' of ' the ' Pisgah," from which Moses viewed the Prom- Ised Land before his death. There is nothing to prove that the Abarim were a range or tract of any length, unless the Qe-Abarim ("heaps of A.") •anted in Num. xxxiii. 44, and which were on the uuth frontier of Moab, are to lie taken as belong- ing to them. But it must be remembered that a ward derived from the same root as Abarim, namely,

    "Q?! I* lie term commonly applied to the whole •f the country on the east of the Jordan.

    These mountains are mentioned in Num. xxvii. 19, xxxiii. 47, 48, and Deut. xxxii. 49 ; also prob- tbly in Jer. xxii. 30, where the word is rendered in Ae A. T. " passages."

    In the absence of research on the east of the ordsn and of the Dead Sea, the topograf Sy of

    meaning. See Usteri's Com. iiber d. Brief an die Galtit. p. 148. Tholuck (on Koni. viii. 15) reminds us that Luther preferred to translate irari]p iitltt Vitter rather than Vater merely, as the more nat- ural dictate of his childlike feeling toward God. Some others think that Abba passed over from the Aramaean Christians to the Greek-speaking Chris- tians as a sort of proper name, and had merely that force as combined with 6 lrar'tip. To main- tain this view, Meyer has to say (on Gal. iv. 6) that in Mark xiv. M the Evangelist puts " Abba " into the mouth of Jesus as he prayed in the garden in anticipation of a usage which began to exist at a later period. H.

    ABT5A (fc;P3? [tenant, a Chaldee form]: Avttiv ; [Vat. Ecbpa; Alex. A£5,»; Comp. 'A0- Si:] Abda). 1. Father of Adoniram (1 K. iv. 6.)

    2. [*l«;0,),3 ; Comp. 'Aj85(as] Son of Shanumu (Neh. xi. 17), called Obadiah in 1 Chr. ix. 16.

    ABTDEEL (bryT:?]? : [oat. Aid. Rom. Alex. FA. ; Comp. 'A0MA :] Abdeel), father of Shelc- uiiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26). [A. V. eil. 1611 reads Ab- diel.]

    ALVDI O^?? [my servant] : 'A,3af ; [Vat. A,88ei;] Alex. k,Sf. Abdi). 1. A Mcrarite [Mb- K.ucij, and ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44).

    2. OA05L) The father of Kish, a Merarite In- vite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12). From a comparison of this passage with 1 Chr. vi. 44 it would appear either that ancestral names were repeated in Levitical families, or that they be- came themselves the names of families, and not of individuals.

    3. CA,38fa ; FA. A08*.a.) One of the Bene- Elam [sons of Elamj in the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). W. A. W.

    ABDI'AS (AUins). The prophet Obadiah (2 Fjdr. i. 39). W. A. W.

    ABDIEL rtf^yS [servant of God]: 'A£ 5it)A; [Vat. A08eijA'] Abdiel), son of Guni (1 Chr. v. 15).

    * The casual notice here is all that is known to us of this Abdiel from the Bible. The celebrity which the name has acquired arises chiefly from Milton's use of it as applied to that only ons among the hosts of Satan, of whom he could say: —

    " An.. ..v.: the faithless, faithful only ho ; "

    a * For a concise statement of the poniewhat per piexed relation of Abarim, Nubo, nml Pisgah to each ovoer, the reader may consult. Dr. Robinson's Physical Geography of Palestine, p. 62. Kurts (Gfsch. des A B.) has a section (if. § 88) on the " Gebirge Abarim." See also Raumer's Patastina, and Ritters Erdtcundt oc Abarim. Additional iDfbrmatiof , the result of Into discoveries, will be leuou under Naao. U

    Digitized by


    4 ABDON

    sod whom (referring to the etymology) he repre- sents as receiving the lofty praise — "Servant of God, well done; waU but than txsjht" The name corresponds to the Arabic AbdaDah. See Wilkinson's Personal Noma in the Biblt (London, 1865), p. 397. H.

    ABT,ON (]^3? [tervUe]: 'A,JWr; [u, Judg., Alex. Aaktrnti, AofloW:] Abdon). X. A Judge of Israel (Judg. xii. 18, IS), perhaps the same person as Bedan in 1 Sam. zii. 11.

    2. [Vat AgoW] Son of Shashak (1 Chr. riii. 23).

    3. First-born son of Jehiel, son of Gibeon [rath- er, father of Gibeon, i. e. the city or people of Gibeon] (1 Chr. riii 30, bx. 35, 36).

    4. ["A£8,fu; Vat. A,Boooou i Alex. A3»W.] Son of Micah, a contemporary of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxir. 20), called Acbbor in 2 Kings xxii. 12.

    ABTDON (YH3.V [serrifc]: 'K,4v, Ao0- ,,*, *Pa0ctf), a city in the tribe of Asber, given to the Gershonites (Josh. xxi. 30; 1 Chr. vi. 74). No place of this name appears in the list of the towns of Asher (Josh. xix. 24-31); but instead we

    8nd (28) V" 1 ??! "Hebron,"" which is the same

    word, with the change frequent in Hebrew of "•

    tor "T. Indeed many MSS. have Abdon in Josh. xix. 28 (Ges. p. 980; Winer, e. v.); but, on the other hand, all the ancient versions retain the K, except the Vatican LXX. which has 'EA,W (Alex. 'K%fi» [and so Comp.; 17 MSS. have E,3,xw]).

    ABEayNBGO (*Ur"T3]7 : "ABJfwv*}: Ab- dcitago), i. e. urmnt of If ego ,, perhaps the same as Afcio, which was the Chaldean name of the planet Mercury, worshipped as the scribe and iuterpreter of the gods (Geseu.). Abednego was the Chal- diean name given to Azariah, one of the three friends of Daniel, miraculously saved from the burning fiery furnace (Dan. iii.). [Azaiuah, No. 24.] R. W. B.

    A'BEL (^,3S= meadow,' according to Ge- senius, who deri,,-es it from a root signifying mois- ture like that of grass: see, however, in favor of a liferent meaning [lamentation], the arguments of lingerie, Kenanv, i. 368, and Hengstenberg, Pent U. 319) ; the name of several places in Palestine: —

    l a'bkl-beth-ma'achah (nape i"V2 S

    [louse of oppression: 2 S. 'A0*,, wol' B,0,ux,i or ,,9830;,miax,i (Alex. Brjfyiaxa) : Abela el Bethmanclia : 1 K. f) *A,9«A ofirov Maax,(: Abeldomus Afuachn: iK.j) 'A0tK xal fj Bapaaxii Alez - * Ka,9«V Btp,iaaxa- Abel domut if.]), a town of some im- portance (tAkis koI tafrpiwoKu, " a city and a mo- ther in Israel," 2 Sam. xx. 19), in the extreme north if Palestine; named with Dan, Cinneroth, Kedesh; ud as such {tiling an early prey to the invading

    « The Ain Is here rendered by H. The H in the well-known Uebron represents Ch. Elsewhere (as Vaaa, Gomorrah) Am is rendered by In the Author bed Version.

    • * A "dragon " ni worshipped with Bel at Baby. Ion, and Dietrich (Gee. Htb. Hmdwb. 1868) thinks wall of Rodiger's comparison of Nego with the Sanskr. aego, "serpent" H.

    • It Is In fcvor of Qesenius' interpretation that the ThaMne Targum always renders Abel by lkfiaaor, which t, later Hebrew lost its special significance, and was wad ft* a -level spot or plain generally.


    kings of Syria (1 K. xv. 'M) and Assyria (2 K. it

    29). In the parallel passage, 2 Chr. xvi. 4, the name


    is changed to Abel Maim, D^O S = Abel vn (Ac

    writers. Here Sheba was overtaken and besieged by Joab (2 Sam. xx. 14, 15); and the city was saved by the exercise on the part of one of its in habitants of that sagacity for which it was proverb- ial (18). In verses 14 and 18 it is simply AbeL and in 14 Abel is apparently distinguished from Ueth-niaacbah. d If the derivation of Gesenius be the correct one, the situation of Abel a-as probaljv in the Ard et-Iluleh, the marshy meadow coui ' r) which drains into the Sea of Meroni, whether *t Abil (Robinson, iii. 372), or more to the sooth (Stanley, S. and P. p. 390, note). Euwbius and Jerome place it between Panes* and Damascus; but this has not been identified.

    2. A'uel-ma'im (CD VaS : 'Afit,,iufr Abelmaim), 2 Chr. xvi. 4. [Abkl, 1.]

    3. A'bel-mizica'im (Miteraim), C^SO S, ac- cording to the etymology of the text, the' mourning of Egypt, wcVtfof Alyimov [Ptaurtw sEyypti], (this meaning, however, requires a different point- ing, 3S for 'SrO : the name given by the Ca naanites to the floor of Atad, at which Joseph, his brothers, and the Egyptians made their mourning

    for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). It was beyond (~3.? = on the east of ) Jordan, though placed by Jerome at beth-IIogla (now Ain-ffajla), near the river, on its vest bank.* [Atad.]

    4. A'BKrSHrr'TOt (with the article VdS

    -'tSUf H: [BcAo-fi ; Alex. BsAo-amu ; Comp. 'Afiekaurl,i • Abelsatim]), the meadow of the

    acacias, in the "plains" (r£}~,? = the deserts) of Moab: on the low level of the Jordan valley, as contradistinguished from the cultivated " fields " on the upper level of the table-land. Here — their last resting-place before crossing the Jordan — Is- rael " pitched from Bethjesimoth unto A. Shittim," Num. xxxiii. 49. The place is most frequently mentioned by its shorter name of Shittim. [Shit- tim.] In the days of Josephus it was still known as Abila, — the town embosomed in palms, (oVov ¥v¥ wo'Ajv eVrlr *A£tAr,, Qowuctyvroy i* corl re X*plo¥, Ant. iv. 8, § 1), 60 stadia from the river (v. 1, § 1). The town and the palms have disappeared ; but the acacia-groves, denoted by the name Shit- tim, still remain, " markiug with a line of verdure

    d * It Is certain from 2 Sam. xx. 14, that they wert different, and no doubt the roller name signified Abel near Beth-Haechah (Hengsteoberg, Pent. II. 319; Robinson, ill. 872). See Oes. Htb. Or. J 116, 6 a, fat this mode of ex p res si ng local proximity. See Thomson's Land and Boot, 1. 827, for a description of Abel. H.

    * * The Biblical text knows nothing of any connec- tion between Abel-Mlxralm and Beth-Hogla. Whether " beyond the Jordan '* denotes the east or the west side, depends on the position of the speaker, like our Transatlantic, whether used on one side of the watei or the other. Against the supposition of Bltto and others, that Joseph's funeral escort, with the body of Jacob, travelled through the Great Desert, by the way of the Dead Sea and Moab, in going to Canaan, instead of the direct course through PhllisUa, see Thomson's Land and Book, il. 886. H.

    , It was amongst these palms, according to Jose- phus, that Deuteronomy was daUvsrsd by Moses. Ssi the passage anore cited.

    Digitized by



    ;he upper terraces of the Jordan valley '" (Stanley, S. and P. p. 298).

    5. A'bel-meuo'lah (MecAulah, fl^iriQ ^, meadow of the dance : ['A,JfA,itoi,Aii; Alex. Ba- 7f ,,af ouAa ' Abelinehula] ), i n 1 1 ,,,,9632; 1 with Beth-shean (Scythopolis) and Jokneam (1 K. iv. 12), and therefore hi the northern part of the Jordan valley (Eus. iv tiJ, abKiivt)- The routed Bedouin host fled from Gideon (Judg. vii. 22) to " the border (the 'Up' or 'brink') of Abel-meholah," and to Beth- •hittah (the "house of the acacia"), both places being evidently down in the .Jordan valley. Here Elisha was found at his plough by EHjah returning up the valley from Horeb (1 K. xix. 16-19). In Jerome's time the name had dwindled to 'A,leA^iea.

    6. A'BEly-CERA'MIM (Z^w^S S : ['E^eAxap- fiifi; Alex. A,3eA a,iire Atuwoc : Abel qua est vineis consita] ), in the ,,. V. rendered " the plain [niary. * Abel 'J of the vineyards," a place eastward of Jordan, beyond Aroer; named as the point to which Jephthah's pursuit of the lieue-Ainnion [sons of A.] extended (Judg. xi. 33). A Ku,ar) apjrt- kotpipos "A,3eA is mentioned by Eusehius at 6 (Je- rome, 7) miles beyond Philadelphia (liabbah); and another, oivo,pipos KaKov,tivn, more to the north, 12 miles east from Gadara. below the Hieromax. Kuins bearing the name of Abila are still found in the same position (Ritter, Syria, 1038). There were at least three places with the name of Aroer on the further side of the Jordan. [Akokk.]

    7. " The gkeat ' Abel ' [marg. ' or stone,'] in the field of Joshua the Bethshemite " (1 Sam. vi. 18). JJy comparison with 14 and 15, it would

    seem that J has been here exchanged for , and

    that for ^JS should be read ]2S = stone. So the LXX» and the Chaldee Targum. Our trans- lators, by the insertion of " stone of," take a middle jourse. See, however, Lengerke (358) and Herx- heimer (1 Sam. vi. 18), who hold by Abel as being the name subsequently given to the spot in refer- ence to the "mourning" 0n3S,"T) there, ver. 19. In this case compare Gen. 1. 11. G.

    A'BEL, in Hebr. HEBEL (ban : 'a,8«a: Abel; i. e. breath, vapor, transitorincss, probably 10 called from the shortness of his life), a the second ,,9632;on of Adam, murdered by his brother Cain (Gen. iv. 1-16). Jehovah showed respect for Abel's offer- ing, but not for that of Cain, because, according to the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 4), Abel " by Gulh offered a more excellent sacrifice than Cain." The expression "sin," t. e. a sin-offering, "lieth at the door " (Gen. iv. 7), seems to imply that the need of sacrifices of blood to obtain forgiveness was ,,9632;beady revealed. On account of Abel's faith, St. ,,ugugtine makes Abel the type of the new regen- rate man ; Cain that of the natural man (de Civ. Iki, xv. 1). St. Chrysostom observes that Abel rfered the best of his nock — Cain that which was most readily procured (Hum. in Gen. xviii. 5). Jesus Christ spoke of him as the first martyr (Matt, xxiii. 35); so did the early church subse- quently. For Christian traditions see Iren. v. 67; Jhrysost. Horn, in Gen. xix. ; Cedrm. Hist. 8. 'or those of the Rabbins and Mohammedans, Eisen-

    , _ . — .

    " * Or, It may be from the mother's Impression of Jbe brevity and frailty of human life, which she bod ow Begun to understand ; and In that case the child 3v*h. bar* town so named at his btrih. H.


    menger, Entdeckt. Jud. i. 462, 832; Hottingcr, Hist. Or. 24 : Ersch , Gruber, EncyUop. «. v. ; and the Kur-dn V. The place of his murdei and his grave are pointed out near Damascus (Pococke, b. ii. 168); and the neighboring peasants tell a curi- ous tradition respecting his burial (Stanley, 5. and P. p. 413).

    The Oriental Gnosticism of the Saboatns made Abel an incarnate . 1'.. u i , and the Gnostic or Mani - ch'i'iin sect of the Abelitie in North Africa in the time of Augustine (de Uteres. 80, 87), so called themselves from a tradition that Abel, though married, lived in continence. In order U avoid perpetuating original sin, they followed his example, but in order to keep up their sect, each married pair adopted a male and female child, who in their turn vowed to marry under the same conditions

    E. YV. B.

    ATBEZ (V5-?, in pause V2N '• 'V*,h; [Aid. Alex. 'Afue'i Comp. 'Ae,^s : ] Abes), a town in the possession of Issachar, named between Kishion and Remeth, in Josh. xix. 20, only. Gesenius mentions as a possible derivation of the name, that

    the Chaldee for tin is m*2S : [but Fiirst thinks it may be from Y— ft an( i hence height.] Pos- sibly, however, the word is a corruption of ^20i Thebez [which see], now Tubas, a town situated not far from Engannim and Shunem, (both towns of Issachar), and which otherwise has entirely es- caped mention in the list in Joshua. 1 ' G.

    A'BI ("US [father = progenitor] : 'AjSou; [Aid. 'A,ov8i ; Comp. 'A,31] : Abi), mother of king Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 2). The name is writ- ten AbHah (nj^f) in 2 Chr. xxix. 1. Her fa- ther's name was Zechariab, who was, perhaps, thf Zechariah mentioned by Isaiah (viii. 2). R. W. B.

    ABI'A, ABI' AH, or ABI'JAH (nja^ = 1^*3* [whose father is Jehovah] : 'A,W ; [in 1 Chr. vii. 8, Rom. 'A0iou5, Alex. A0iov; Comp Aid. 'Afiii-] Abia). 1. Son of Hecher, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).

    2. Wife of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 24).

    3. Second sou of Samuel, whom, together with his eldest son Joel, he made judges in Beershebn (1 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. vi. 28). The corruptness of their administration was the reason alleged by the Israelites for their demanding a king.

    4. Mother of king Hezekiah. [Abi.]

    B. W. B.

    5. (n*3S : 'AjSu(: Abia, [Abias.]) Abu ah or Abijam, the son of Rehoboam (1 Chr. iii. 10; Matt. i. 7).

    6. Descendant of Eleazar, and chief of the eighth of the twenty-four courses of priests (Luke i. 5) He is the same as Abuah 4. W. A. W.

    For otter persons of this name see Abuah.

    ABI-AI,BON. [Abiei.]

    ABI'ASAPH, otherwise written EBI'A- SAPH (^DS^S, Ex. ft 24, and *19V?S, 1 Or. vi. 8, 22 T [(ifeb.), 23, 37 (E. V.JJ, Is. 19: 'ABuLaap, 'Afrta,tp, 'AfiiAtrutp: Abiasaph; ac- co"ding to Simonis, " cigus patrem abstulit Dens,"

    - * Vr. Porter (Handbook, ii. 647) puts Abes in hii Hat of Scripture place* not yet Identified. Knobal and Kail also regard the name at now lost B

    Digitized by



    with reference to the death of Korah, a* related io Num. xvi.; but according to Fiirst and Geseuius, father of gathering, i.e. the gatherer ; compare

    *KJS, Asaph, 1 Chr. vi. 39). He was the head of one of the families of the Korbites (a house of the Kuhathites), but his precise genealogy i* some- what uncertain. In Ex. vi. 24, he appears at first sight to be represented as one of the sons of Korah, and as the brothel rf Assir and Elkanah. But in 1 Chr. vi. he appeals as the son of Elkanah, the son of Assir, the son of Korah. The natural inference from this would be that in Ex. vi. 24 the expres- sion " the sons of Korah " merely means the fam- ilies into which the house of the Korbites was sub- divided. But if so, the verse in Exodus must be a later insertion than the time of Moses, as in Hoses' lifetime the great-grandson of Korah could not have been the head of a family. And it is re- markable that the verse is quite out of its place, and appears improperly to separate ver. 25 and ver. 23, which both relate to the house of Aaron. If, however, this inference is not correct, then the Ebi- saaph of 1 Chr. vi. is a different person from the Abiasaph of Ex. vi., namely, his great-nephew. But this does not seem probable. It appears from 1 Chr. ix. 19, that that branch of the descendants of Abiasaph of which Shallum was chief were por- ters, " keepers of the gates of the tabernacle " ; and from ver. 31 that Mattithiah, " the first-born of Shallum the Korahite, had the set office over the things that were made in the pans," apparently in the time of David. From Neh. xii. 25 we learn that Abiasaph's family was not extinct in the days of Nehemiah; for the family of Meshnllam (which is the same as Shallum), with Talmon and Akkub, still filled the office of porters, " keeping the ward at the threshold of the gate." Other remarkable descendants of Abiasaph, according to the text of 1 Chr. vi. 33-37, were Samuel the prophet and Elkanah his father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Heman the singer; but Ebiasaph seems to be improperly in- serted in ver. 37." The possessions of those Ko- hathitea who were not descended from Aaron, con- sisting of ten cities, lay in the tribe of Ephraim, the half-tribe of Mananeh, and the tribe of Dan (Josh. xxi. 20-26; 1 Chr. vi. 61). The family of Elkanah the Kohathite resided in Mount Ephraun (1 Sam. i. 1). A. C. H.

    ABI'ATHAB ("V^Stf "• 'A,i4,ap •,,9632; Abi- athar ; but the version of Suites Pagninus has Ebi- alhar, according to the Hebrew points. In Mark ii. M, It is 'AfiidOap. According to Simonis, the name means " (cujus) pater euperstet matutit, mortua icil. matre; " but according to Fiirst and Gese- oius, father of excellence, or abundance). Abia- thar was that one of all the sons of Ahimelech the high-priest who escaped the slaughter inflicted upon his father's house by Saul, at the instigation of Doeg the Edomite (see title to Ps. lii., and the psalm itself), in revenge for his having inquired of the Lord for David, and given him the shew-bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath the Philistine, as b related in 1 Sam. xxii We are there told that when Doeg slew in Nob on ihat day fourscore and Eve persons that did wear a linen ephod, " one of •he sons of Ahimelech the son of Abitub, named Abiathar, escaped and fled after David; " and it is

    a Bee The Genealogies of our lord and Saviour lout Chiit, by Lord Arthur Hovey, p. 210, and p. M, nots.


    added in xxiii. 6, that when he did so "he down with an ephod in his hand," and was thus enabled to inquire of the Lord for David (1 Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 19, 4c). The fact of David having been the unwilling cause of the death of all Abiathar's kindred, coupled with his gratitude to his father Ahimelech for his kind- ness to him, made him a firm and steadfast friend to Abiathar all his life. Abiathar on his part was firmly attached to David. He adhered to him in his wanderings while pursued by Saul; he was with him while he reigned in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-3), the city of the house of Aaron (Josh. xxi. 10-13); he carried the ark before him when David brought it up to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 11 ; 1 K. ii. 2G); he continued faithful to him in Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 24, 29, 35, 36, xrii. 15-17, xix. 11); and " was afflicted in all wherein David was afflicted." He was slso one of David's chief counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). When, however, Adonjjah set himself up for David's successor on the throne in opposition to Solomon, Abiathar, either persuaded by Joab, or in rivalry to Zadok, or under some influence which cannot now be dis- covered, sided with him, and was one of his chief partisans, while Zadok was on Solomon's side. For this Abiathar was banished to his native vil- lage, Anathoth, in the tribe of Benjamin (Josh. xxi. 18), and narrowly escaped with his life, which was spared by Solomon only on the strength of his long and faithful service to David his father. He was no longer permitted to perform the functions or enjoy the prerogatives of the high-priesthood. For we are distinctly told that " Solomon thrust out Abiathar from being priest to the Lord; H and that " Zadok the priest did the king put in the room of Abiathar " (1 K. ii. 27, 35). So that it is difficult to understand the assertion in 1 K. iv. 4, that in Solomon's reign "Zadok and Abiathar were the priests; " and still more difficult in connection with ver. 2, which tells us that "Azariah the son of Zadok " was " the priest : " a declaration confirmed by 1 Chr. vi. 10. It is probable that Abiathar did not long survive David. He is not mentioned again, and he must have been far advanced in years at Solomon's accession to the throne.

    There are one or two other difficulties connected with Abiathar, to which a brief reference must lie made before we conclude this article. (1.) In 2 Sam. viii. 17, and in the duplicate passage 1 Chr. xviii. 16, and in 1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31, we have Ahimelech substituted for Abiathar, and Ahimelech the son of Abiathar, instead of Abiathar the ton of Ahimelech. Whereas in 2 Sam. xx. 25, and in every other passage in the 0. T., we are uniformly told that it was Abiathar who was priest with Zadok in David's reign, and that he was the son of Ahim- elech, and that Ahimelech was the son of Ahitub. The difficulty is increased by finding Abiathar spoken of as the high-priest in whose time David ate the shew-bread, in Mark ii. 26. (See Alford, ad foe.) However, the evidence in favor of David's friend being Abiathar the ton of Ahimelech pre- ponderates so strongly, and the impossibility of any rational reconciliation is so clear, that one can only suppose, with Procopius of Gaza, that the error was a clerical one originally, and was propagated from one passage to another.* The mention of Abi- athar by our Lord, in Mark ii. 26, might perhapa be accounted for, if Abiathar was the person wb,

    » • 8a* addttor. infra-

    Digitized by



    jersuaded hii father to allow David to have the jread, and if, as is probable, the .jAves were Abi- tthar't (Lev. xxiv. 9), and given by him with bU Dwn hand to David. It may also be remarked that our Lord doubtless spoke of Abhidiar as

    )n3n, " the priest," the designation applied to

    Ahimelech throughout 1 Sam. xxi., and equally »pplicable to Abiathar. The expression ipx 16 " otit is the Greek translation of our lord's words.

    (2.) Another difficulty concerning Abiathar is to determine his position relatively to Zadok, and to account for the double high-priesthood, and for the advancement of the line of Ithamar over that of Eleazar. A theory has been invented that Abia- thar was David's, and Zadok Saul's high-priest, but it seems to rest on no solid ground. The facte of the case are these : — Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub, the sou of Phinehas, the son of Eli, was high-priest hi the reign of Saul. On his death his eon Abiathar became high-priest. The first men- tion of Zadok is in 1 Chr. xii. 28, where he is de- scribed as " a young man mighty of valor," and is said to have joined David while he reigned in Hebron, in company with Jehoiada, " the leader of the Aaronites." From this tune we read, both in the book* of Samuel and Chronicles, of u Zadok and Abiathar the priests," Zadok being always named first. And yet we are told that Solomon on his accession put Zadok in the room of Abiathar. Per- haps the true state of the case was, that Abiathar was (In- first, and Zadok the second priest; but that from the superior strength of the house of Eleazar (of which Zadok was head), which en- abled it to furnish 16 out of the 24 courses (1 Chr. xxiv.), Zadok acquired considerable influence with David ; and that this, added to his being the lair of the elder line, and perhaps also to some of the passages being written alter the line of Zadok were established in the high-priesthood, led to the pre- cedence given him over Abiathar. We have al- ready suggested the possibility of jealousy of Zadok being one of the motives which inclined Abiathar to join Adonijah's faction. It is most remarkable how, first, Saul's cruel slaughter of the priests at Nob, and then the political error of the wise Abi- athar, led to the fulfillment of God's denunciation sgainst the house of Eli, as the writer of 1 K. ii. 27 leads us to observe when he says that " Solomon thrust out Abiathar from being priest unto the l,ord, that he might fulfill the word of the Lord which He spake concerning the house of Eli in Shiloh." See also Joseph. Ant. viii. 1, §§ 3, 4.

    A. C. H.

    • Some adhere to the text, without resorting to the supposition of a clerical error. It is deemed oossible that Ahimelech and Abiathar were heredi- tary names in the family, and hence, that the father and the son could have borne these names respectively. It would thus be accounted for that Abiathar is called the son of Ahimelech in 1 Sam. ,xii. 20, bud that Ahimelech is called the son of Abiathar in 2 Sam. viii. 17. The same person consequently could be meant in Mark ii. 26, whether the one name was applied to him or the other; and he reason why the father is mentioned by his name Abiathar, and not that of Ahimelech may be that lie former had become, historically, more familLr m confluence of the subsequent friendship be- ,ween Abiathar. the son, a--.d David. Another txplanation is, that Abiathar was for some un- tnowu reason acting as the father's vicar at the


    time of this transaction with David, and that the citation in Mark follows a tradition of that fact, not transmitted in the 0. T. history. We hart other instances of a similar recognition of events or opinions not recorded hi the 0. T., to which the N. T. writers refer as apparently well known among the Jews; such as e. g. Abraham's first call in Ur of the Chaldees (Acts vii. 3, compared with Gen. xii. 1); the tomb of the patriarchs at Sychem, (Acts vii. 16); the giving of the law by the agency of angels (Gal. iii. 19, Heb. ii. 2), and others lunge's note on Mark ii. 26 (Bibelwerk, ii. 28), deserves to be read. For some very just and thoughtful remarks on the proper mode of dealiug with such apparent contradictions of Scripture, sec Commentary on Mark (p. 53), by Dr. J. A. Alex- ander; H A'BIB. [Mosths.]

    ABITDAH and ABI'DA" (ST?*? [father of knowledge, i. e. wise]: 'AjSeiSd, ['A3i5d; Alex AjSioa, AjSiSa:] Abida), a son of Midian [anil grandson of Abraham through his wife or concubine Keturah] (Gen. xxv. 4; 1 Chr. I 33).

    E. S. P.

    AB1DAN Oy.?t? [father of Vie judge, Ges. ; or Ab, i. e. God, is judge, F'iirst] : ',,0iSiv, [Alex, twice AjSeiSay:] Abidan), chief of the tribe of I '« nj.imiu at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 11, U. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24).

    AT3IEL [as a Christian name in English com- monly pronounced Abi'el] (vS*;3S [father of strength, i. e. strong]: 'AjS'^A: Abiel). 1. The father of Kish, and consequently grandfather of Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1), as well as of Abner, Saul's commander-in-chief (1 Sam. xiv. 51). In the gen- ealogy in 1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, Ner is made the father of Kish, and the name of Abiel is omitted, but the correct genealogy according to Samuel is - —

    Paul Abner

    2. One of David's 30 " mighty men " (1 Chr. xi. 32); called in 2 Sam. xxiii. 31, Abi-albon, a uame which has the same meaning K. W. B.

    ABIE'ZER ("ff? ^S, father of help: 'AjS.- X*Q, 'UQ, [Alex, in Josh., AxttCfP- Abiezer,] Abiezer). 1. Eldest son of Gilead, and de- scendant of Machir and Manasseh, and apparently at one time the leading family of the tribe (Josh. xvii. 2, Num. xxvi. 30, where the name is given in

    the contracted form of Tl^^M, Jeeier). In the

    genealogies of Chronicles, Abiezer is, in the present state of the text, said to have sprung from the sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18). Originally, there- fore, the family was with the rest of the house of Gilead on the east of Jordan ; but when first met with in the history, some part at least of it had crossed tbe Jordan and established itself at Ophrah, a place which, though not yet identified, must have been on Ine hills which overlook from the south the wide pi,oi of Fsdraelon, the field of so many of the battles of Palestine (Stanley, pp. 246-7 ; Judg. vi. 34). Here, when the fortunes of his family

    " * A. V , ed. 1611, and in other early editions, readl Abtla In both passages. A



    inn at the lowest — "mj 'thousand' is , the poor one' in Hanaaaeh" (vi. 15) — m born the greet judge Gideon, destined to raise his own house to si- most royal dignity (Stanley, p. 229) and to achieve for his country one of the most signal deliver- ances recorded in their whole history. [Gideon ; Oi'HRAH.] The name occurs, in addition to the passages above quoted, in Judg. vi. 34, viii. 3.

    2. One of David's " mighty men" (2 Sam. xxiii. 27; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12). G.

    ABIEZTUTE ( S "?T?H ",3h? [the father of

    help] : mrrfy, to5 "E«r8p( in Judg. vi. ; 'A,}1 'Eatpt In Judg. viii.; Alex, varyo Afiiefyt, r. rem U(at, t. AJjuQju: pater famihas Ea-i, familia Ezri). [Joasb, the father of Gibeon, is so termed], a de- scendant of Abiezer, or Jeezer, the son of Gilead (Judg. vi. 11, 24, viii. 32), and thence also called Jkezkrite (Num. xxvi. 30). The feshito-Syriac and Targum both regard the first part of the word " Abi " as an appellative, " father of," as also the LXX. and Vulgate. W. A. W.

    • " Abiezritea " (A. V.) in Judg. vi. 24, and viii. 32, stands for the collective " Abiezrite," which does not occur as plural in the Hebrew. H.

    ABIGAIL [3 syL, Beb. Abigail], (Vyag,

    or ^Itt? [father of exultation, or, ickote faUter rejoice*]: 'Afliyaia: Abigail). X. The beautiful wife of Nabal, a wealthy owner of goats and sheep in CarmeL When David's messengers were slighted by Nabal, Abigail took the blame upon herself, supplied David and his followers with provisions, and succeeded in appeasing his anger. Ten days after this Nabal died, and David sent for Abigail and made her his wife (1 Sam. xxv. 14, «,?.). By her he had a son, called Chileab in 2 Sain. iii. 3; but Daniel, in 1 Chr. iii. 1. For Daniel The-

    nius proposes to read J^JJH, suggested to him by the LXX. AaXovta (Then. Exeg. llmtdb. ad he.).

    2. A sister of David, married to Jether the fih- maeliu, and mother, by him, of Amasa (1 Chr. ii. 17). In 2 Sam. xvii. 25, she is described as the daughter of Nahash, sister to Zeruiah, Joab's mother, and as marrying Ithra (another form oi Jether) an Itraelitt.

    The statement in Samuel that the mother of Amasa " was an hraelUe is doubtless a transcrib- er's error. There could be no reason for recording this circumstance; but the circumstance of David's sister marrying a heathen Ishmaetite deserved nieu- jon (Thenius, Exeg. llandb. Sam. L c).

    B. W. B.

    ABIHATL (VlTag [father of might, 1. e.

    mighty]: 'A0txal,,: [Abihail ; in Num.,] AU- haiel). 1. Father of Zuriel, chief of the Levitical "amily of Herari, a contemporary of Moses (Num. Ji. 35).

    2. Wife of Abuhur (1 Chr. II. 29).

    3. [,Aj3iyoia: Ald.'AtfiYa^; Comp. 'AflrtjA-] Son of Hurl, of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14).

    4. Wife of Kehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 18). She is xUed the daughter, i. e. a descendant, of Eliob, the older brother of David.

    8. pAju»a5,t0; Comp. , A,3iyo*V..] Father of Esther and uncle of Murdecai (Esth. U. 15, ix. 29).

    • • "Mother" must be an inadvertence here for ' attoer of Annua.' The correction Wmattiu tat It itite Is suggested In the margin In later editions of N*A V. H.


    The names of No. 2 and 4 are written la

    MSS. V^TOS QAfii X aia, [Aid. Alex. 'ABryaU

    Comp. AfittK,] 1 Chr. ii. 29; 'AjSiWo, ..Alex,

    A0uuaA, Comp. 'Afloat*,] 2 Chr. xi. 18), wfaiek

    Gesenius conjectures to be a corruption of , 2£

    TV!, but which Shnonis derives from a root Tin, and interprets " father of light, or splendor."

    E. W. B.

    AWHU {Wn^ [Ue (i. e. God) U fath- er]: 11 'A,3iooJ; [Comp. in Num. iii and 1 Chr. xxiv. 'AjSiov:] Abiu), the second son (Num. iii. 2) of Aaron by Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23), who with his father and bis elder brother Nadab and 70 elders of Israel accompanied Moses to the summit of Sinai (Ex. xxiv. 1). Being together with Nadab guilty of offering strange fire (Lev. x. 1) to the Lord, «. e not the holy fire which burnt continually upon the altar of burnt-offering (Lev. vi. 9, 12); they were both consumed by fire from heaven, and Aaron and his surviving sons were forbidden to mourn for them. [Occurs also Ex. xxiv. 9, xxviii. 1 ; Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 60, 61; 1 Chr. vi. 3, xxiv. 1, 2.]

    B. W. B.

    ABI1TUD (TliTi?* [whose father ii Ju-

    dah; or, is renown]: A0wvi: Abiud), son of fiela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3).

    ABI'JAH or ABI'JAM. 1. (H??^,

    C,»», ^njatf, will of Jehovah, 'A0ti, 'Afiuti, LXX.; 'AjSfcu, Joseph.: Abiam, Abia), the son and successor of Kehoboam on the throne of Judah (1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 16). He is called Abijah in Chronicles, Abijam in Kings; the latter name being probably an error in the MSS., since the LXX. have nothing corresponding to it, and their form, 'Afitoi, seems taken from Abijahu, which occurs 2 Chr. xiii. 20, 21. Indeed Gesenius says that some MSS. read Abijah in 1 K. xiv. 31. The supposition, therefore, of 1 ightfoot (Harm. 0. T. p. 209, Hitman's edition), that the writer in Kings, who takes a much worse view of Abyah'i character than we find in Chronicles, altered the last syllable to avoid introducing the holy J ah into the name of a bad man, is unnecessary. But it is not fanci- ful or absurd, for changes of the kind were not un- usual: for example, after the Samaritan schism, the Jews altered the name of Shechem into Syehar (drunken), as we have it in John iv. 5; and Hoeea (iv. 15) changes Bethel, house of God, into Beth- aven, houte of naught. (See Stanley, S. 0} P. p. 222.)

    From the first book of kings we learn that Abi- jah endeavored to recover the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, and made war on Jeroboam. No details are given, but we are also informed that he walked in all the sins of Kehoboam (idolatry and its at- tendant immoralities, 1 K. xiv. 23, 24), and thai his heart » was not perfect before God, as the heart of David his father." In the second book of Chron- icles his war against Jeroboam is more minutelt described, and he makes a speech to the men of Israel, reproaching them for breaking their allegi- ance to the house of David, for worshipping Um

    t, • in such combination!, says k'i'mt (itmrftrs 1. 819), SVT, *, Umietf, refers to God. as c xprearivi of the utmost reverence, Use A* among the I'omUut and avret, hiim, among the Greeks. B

    Digitized by


    ABU AM

    roldeu calves and substituting unauthorized priests for the sons of Aaron and the I-evites. He was successful in battle against Jerobn;ui M and took the cities of Bethel, Jpshanah, and Epnrain, with their dependent villages It is also said that his anny consisted of 40(',lK,0 men, and Jeroboam's of 800,- 000, of whom 500,000 fell in the action : but Ken- nicott (The Hebrew Text of the Old Testament Omsilered, p. S,l) shows that our MSS. are fre- quently incorrect as to numbers, and gives reasons for reducing these to 40,000, 89,000, and 50,000, as we actually mid in the Vulgate printed at Ven- ice in 1486, and in the old l-atin , version of Jose- nhus; while there is perhaps some reason to think that the smaller numliers were in his original Greek text also. Nothing is said by the writer in Chron- icles of the sins of Abijah, but we are told that after his victory he " waxed mighty, and married fourteen wives," whence we may well infer that he was elated with prosperity, and like his grandfather Solomon, fell, during the last two years of his life, into wickedness, as described in Kings. Both rec- ords inform us that he reigned three years. His mother was called cither iMaachah or Michaiah, which are mere variations of the same name, and in some places (1 K. xv. 2; 2 Chr. xi. 20) she is said to be the daughter of Absalom or Abishalom (again the same name); in one (2 Chr. xiii. 2) of Uriel of Gibeab. But it is so common for the

    word i™ 13, daughter, to be used in the sense of

    granddaughter or descendant, that we need not hesitate to assume that Uriel married Absalom's daughter, and that thus Maachah was daughter of Uriel and granddaughter of Absalom. Abijah therefore was descended from David, both on his father's and mother's side. According to Ewald's chronology the date of Abyah's accession was B. c. 068; Clinton places it in B. c. 959. The 18th year of Jeroboam coincides with the 1st and 2d of Abijah.

    2. The second son of Samuel, called Abiaii in our version ('A,ii, LXX.). [ASIA, Abiaii, So. 3.]

    3. The son of Jeroboam I. king of Israel, in whom alone, of all the house of Jeroboam, was found " some good thing toward the I,,rd God of Israel,'' and who was therefore the only one of his family who was suffered to go down to the grave in peace. He died in his childhood, just after Jeroboam's wife had been sent in disguise to seek help for him in his sickness from the prophet Ahijah, who gave her the above answer. (1 K. xiv. )

    4. A descendant of Eleazar, who gave his name to the eighth of the twenty-four courses into which the priest* were divided by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10; 2 Chr. viii. 14). To the course of Abijah or Abia, belonged Zacharias the father of John the Baptist (Luke i. 5).

    5. A contemporary of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 7).

    G. K. L. C.

    ,,9632; 6. A priest who returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Neh. xii. 4, 17.'. A.

    ABI'JAM. [Abuah, ;,o. 1.]

    AB'ILA. [Abilene.]

    ABIXE'NE ('A,3,A7jWj, Luke : ii. 1), a texrar- ,,9632;hy of which Abila was the capit.1. This Abila oust not be confounded with Abila in Peroea, and •ther Syrian cities of the same name, but was sit- uted on the ca.tera slope of Autilibanus, in a dis- »ict fertilized by the river Bands. It is distinctly



    associated with I .demon by Joseph us (Ant. xvili. 6, § 10, xii 5, § 1, xx. 7, § 1; B. J. ii. 11, § 5, Its name probably arose from the green luxuriance of its situation, "Abel" perhaps denoting *»a grassy meadow." [See p. 4, a.] The name thus derived is quite sufficient to account for the tradi- tions of the death of Abel, which are associated with the spot, and which are localized by the tomb called Nebi ff,ibil, on a height above the ruins of the city. The position of the city is very clearly designated by the Itineraries as 18 miles from Da- mascus, and 38 (or 32) miles from ileliopoli* cr Baalbee (I tin. Ant. and Tub. Prut.).

    It is impossible to fix the limits of the Abilene which is mentioned by St. Luke as the tetrarchy of Lysanias. [Lysanias.] Like other districts of the ICast, it doubtless underwent many changes both of masters and of extent, before it was finally absorbed in the province of Syria. Josephus asso- ciates this neighirorhood with the name of Lysaniaa both before and after the time referred to by the evangelist. For the later notices see the passages just cited. We there find " Abila of Lysaniaa," and "the tetrarchy of Lysanias," distinctly men tioned in the reigns of Claudius and Caligula. We find also the phrase 'A,tKa Auaavtov in Ptolemy (v. 15, § 22). The natural conclusion appears to be that this was the Lysanias of St. Luke. It is true that a chieftain l,earing the same name is mentioned by Josephus in the time of Antony and Cleopatra, as ruling in the same neighborhood (Ant. xiv. 3, § 3, xv. 4, § 1 ; B. J. 1, 13, § 1 ; also Dion Cass. xlix. 32): and from the close connection of this man's father with Lebanon and Damascus (Ant. xiii. 16, § 3, xiv. 7, § 4; B. J. I 9, § 2) it is probable that Abilene was part of his territory, and that the Lysanias of St. Luke was the son or grand- son of the former. Evan if we assume (as many writers too readily assume) that the tetrarch men tioned in the time of Claudius and Caligula is to 1)0 identified, not with the Lysanias of St. Luke but with the earlier Lysanias (never called tetrarch and never positively connected with Abila) in the times of Antony and Cleopatra, there is no diffi- culty in believing that a prince bearing this name ruled over a tetrarchy having Abila for its capital, in the Loth year of Tiberius. (See Wieseler, Chro- naloaisvhe Synapse der vier Kvangelten, pp. 174- 183.)

    The site of the chief city of Abilene has been un- doubtedly identified where the Itineraries place it; and its remains have ban described of late years by many travellers. It stood in a remarkable gorge called the Siik Watty Horstfa, where the river breaks down through the mountain towards the plain of Damascus. Among the remains the in- scriptions are most to our purpose. One contain- ing the words Autravtov Terpdpxov is cited by I'o- cocke, but has not been seen by any subsequent traveller. Two l^atin inscriptions on the face of a rock above a fragment of Koman road (first noticed in the Quarterly Review for 1822, No. 52) wer» first published by I,etronne (Journal des Savans, 1827), and afterwards by Orelli (Inscr. Istt. 4997, 4998). One relates to some repairs of the road at the expense of the Abilari ; the other associates the lGth liCgion with the place. (See Hogg ui tht Ti ans. of Ota Royal Geoff. Soc. for 1851 ; I'ortrr, in the Journal of Nncred Literature for July, 1853, and esr^ially his Damjxctts, i. 261-273- aH Robinson, Later Bib. Res. ,,u. 478-484.)

    J. S. H

    Digitized by

    kr ,ok

    E.8. P.

    10 ABIMAEL

    ABIM'AEL ( U SO s jy {father of Mael,,:

    AJ9i,ia,; [Alex. AjBtprqA:] Abimael), a descend- ant of Joktan (Gen. x. 28; 1 Chr. i. 22), and prob- ably [as the name implies] the progenitor of an Arab tribe. Bochart (I'haleg, ii. 24) conjectures that his name is preserved in that of MdAi, a place In Arabia Aromatifera, mentioned by Theophrastus (Hi tt. Plant, ix. 4), and thinks that the MalitjB sn the same as Ptolemy's ManiUe (vi. 7, p. 154), and that they were a people of the Minseans (for whom see Arabia). The name in Arabic would

    probably be written JoLo «j|

    ABIATELECH [Hebrew Abiroelech] ftTJ^'r'S' » fatter «f ,*» *w»J t or father-long : 'AjSt,ilAcx : Abimelech), the name of several Phil- istine kings. It is supposed by many to have been a common title of their kings, like that of Pharaoh among the Egyptians, and that of Casar and Au- gustus among the Montana. The name Father of the King, or Father King, corresponds to Padultah (Father King), the title of the Persian kings, and Atalih (Father, pr. paternity), the title of the Khans of Bucharia (Gesen. Thes.). An argument to the same effect is drawn from the title of Ps. xxxiv., in which the name of Abimelech is given to the king, who is called Achish in 1 Sam. xxi. 11 ; but perhaps we ought not to attribute much his- torical value to the inscription of the Psalm.

    L A Philistine, king of Gerar (Gen. xx., xxi.), who, exercising the right claimed by Eastern princes, of collecting all the beautiful women of their dominions into their harem (Gen. xii. 15; Eetfc. ii. 3), sent for and took Sarah. A similar account is given of Abraham's conduct on this oc- casion, to that of his behavior towards Pharaoh [Abraham].

    2. Another king of Gerar in the time of Isaac, of whom a similar narrative is recorded in relation to Rebekah (Gen. xxvi. 1, srtj.).

    3. Son of the judge Gideon by his Shechemite concubine (Judg. viii. 31). After his father's death he murdered all his brethren, 70 in number, with the exception of Jotham, the youngest, who con- cealed himself; and he then persuaded the She- chemites, through the influence of his mother's brethren, to elect him king. It is evident from this narrative that Shechem now became an inde- pendent state, and threw off the yoke of the con- quering Israelites (Ewald, Getch. ii. 444). When Jotham heard that Abimelech was made king, he addressed to the Shechemites his fable of the trees choosing a king (Judg. ix. 1, teq. ; cf. Joseph. Ant. v. 7, § 2), which may be compared with the well- known fable of Menenius Agrippa (l.iv. ii. 32). After he had reigned three years, the citizens of Shechem rebelled, lie was absent at the time, bat he returned and quelled the insurrection. Shortly after he stormed and took Thebez, but was itruck on the head by a woman with the fragment rf a mill-stone ,,,9632; (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 21); and lest he

    ,• * The expression used in relation to 'his to A. V. ,ed. 1611), as In the Bishops' Bible, Is " all to brake his ,,9632;cull," i. e. "broke completely," or "all to pieces." In many later editions " brake " has been changed to , break," giving the false meaning " and all this In jrder to break." " All to " baa been explained and written by some as a compound adverb, " all-to " « ' attogethei " (see Bobuuon In BM. Sacra, Tt 608),


    should be said to have died by a woman, he bid hh armor-bearer slay him. Thus God avenged tin murder of bis brethren, and fulfilled the curse of Jotham.

    4. fAviii,'x; FA ' A X«,"**Xi •* M - AjJiu- 4,,*X- AchtmtUch.] Son of Abiathar the high- priest in the time of David (1 Chr. xviii. .6) called Abimelech in 2 Sam. viii. 17. [Ahimk- lkch.] R. W. B.

    * The reading Ahimelech in 1 Chr. is supported by about 12 MSS., and by the principal ancient versions, including the Syriac and Chaldee as well as the Sept. and Vulgate. See De Rossi, Var. Led. iv. 182. A.

    * 5. Ps. xxxiv. title. [Ahimelkch 2.] A.

    ABIN'ADAB (313 , 3h« [a father noble or princtM: 'A,urmUfi; [Comp. often 'A,imbdfi:] Abinadtib). 1. A Levite, a native of Kirjathjea- rim, in whose house the ark remained 20 years (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2; [2 Sam. vi. 3, 4;] 1 Chr. xiii. 7).

    2. Second son of Jesse, who followed Saul to his war against the Philistines (1 Sam. xvi. 8, xvii. 13; [1 Chr. ii. 13]).

    3. A son of Saul, who was slain with his broth- ers at the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa (1 Sam- xxxi. 2; [1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, x. 2]).

    4. Father of one of the 12 chief officers of Solo- mon (1 K. iv. 11). R. W. B.

    AB1NER ("l.r?i?: 'Afievvtp; Alex. 'A,9- aurfip [rather, APtmp]: Aimer). This form of the name Abneh is given in the margin of 1 Sam xiv. 50. It corresponds with the Hebrew.

    W. A. W.

    ABIN'OAM [Bet. Abino'am] (C53'2S [a father graeiotu]:'A0ivt4ii; [Aid. Comp. some- times 'A,3,ro,,i:] Abinoem), the father of Barak (Judg. iv. 6, 12; v. 1, 12). R. W. B.

    ABIIiAM (D^3h* [father exalted]: 'Afi- tiprfV : Abiron). 1. A Reubenite, son of Eliab, who with Datlian and On, men of the same tribe, and Korah a Levite, organized a conspiracy against Moses and Aaron (Num. xvi.). [For details, see Kouah.]

    2. ['Afitpdri Alex. AjScipwF.' Abiram.] Eld- est son of Hiel, the Bethehte, who died when his father laid the foundations of Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34), and thus accomplished the first part of the curse of Joshua (Josh, vi 26). R. W. B.

    ABPKON ('A0«u,,*V: Voiron). Abiram (Ecclus. xlv. 18). W. A. W.

    ABISEI (AbUei). Abisiiua, the son of Phinehas (2 Esdr. i. 2). W. A. ,,V.

    but this view Is now regarded by the best scholars as erroneous. In early Engtuu, as In Anglo-Saxon, to was In common use as an Intensive prefix to verbs and verbal nouns, somewhat tikt be in modem English, but stronger. Thus,

    " Be tthbrac the ston, and tb*r flowlden watris." Wyeline, Ps. riv. 41.

    « Mote tbl wicked necks be i« irate .' "

    Chaucei. Cant. Inks, 6859.

    We have It In Shakespeare's " tc-pinch the unclean knight " (Merry Wives, It. 4), at.d perhaps the latest example in Milton's " all to-ntfied " (Comus, 380). " All " is often used to strengthen the expression, but is not essential. See Boucher's glossary, art Ail and Taylor's note ; the Glossary to Forshall and Mad- den's ed. of WyeUnVs Bible ; Eastaond and Wright'i BMe Word-Boot, pp. 21, 22 ; and especially Oorson'i Xhesemrus of Archaic English, art TO- A

    Digitized by



    AB'ISHAO (J^aN [father I e. author •f error, mitdeed, and hence said of man or mm- «n;°] 'Afiuriy' Abitag), a beautiful Shunamniite, taken into David'* harem to comfort him in his sxtremo old age (1 K. i. 1-4). After David's death Adongah induced Bathsheba, the queen- mother, to ask Solomon to give him Abishag in marriage; but this imprudent petition cost Adoni- iah his life (1 K. ii. 13, ««.). [Adonuah.1

    R. W. B.

    ABISHAI » [3 syl.] Ct*?, [•»,,9632; T% father of a gift, Gee.; or Father,' 1. e. God, who exittt, Fiint]: 'h,taa, [also 'A,tanC, 'A,3«rd, etc.] and 'AjSura, : Abitai), the eldest of the three sons of Zeruiah, David's sister, and brother to Joab and Asahel (1 C'hr. ii. 16). It may be owing to his seniority of birth that Abishai, first of the three brothers, appears as the devoted follower of David. Long before Joab appears on the stage Abishai had attached himself to the fortunes of David. He was his companion in the desperate night expedition to the camp of Saul, and would at once have avenged and terminated his uncle's quarrel by stabbing the shaping king with his own spear. But David in- dignantly restrained him, and the adventurous war- riors left the camp as stealthily as they had come, carrying with them Saul's spear and the cruse of water which stood at his head (1 Sam. xxvi. S-U). During David's outlaw life among the Philistines, Abishai was probably by his side, though nothing more is heard of him till he appears with Joab and Asahel in hot pursuit of Abner, who was beaten in the bloody fight by the pool of Gibeon. Asahel fell by Abner's hand: at sunset the survivors re- turned, buried their brother by night in the sepul- chre of their father at Bethlehem, and with revenge !a their hearts marched on to Hebron by break of day (2 Sam. ii. 18, 24, 32). In the prosecution of their vengeance, though Joab's hand struck the deadly blow, Abishai was associated with him in the treachery, and " Joab and Abishai killed Ab- ner" (2 Sam. iii. 30). [Au.nhu.] In the war against Hanun, undertaken by David as a punish- ment for the insult to his messengers, Abishai, as second in command, was opposed to the army of the Ammonites before the gates of Kabbah, and (rove them headlong before him into the city, while . oab defeated the Syrians who attempted to raise the siege (2 Sam. z. 10, 14; 1 Chr. xix. 11, 15). The defeat of the Edoniites in the valley of salt (1 Chr. xviii. 12), which brought them to a state of vassalage, was due to Abishai, acting perhaps under the immediate orders of the king (see 8 Sam. riii. 13), or of Joab (Ps. be. title). On the out- break of Absalom's rebellion and the consequent llight of David, Abishai remained true to the king ; ind the old warrior showed a gleam of his ancient tpirit, as fierce and relentless as in the camp of Saul, when he offered to avenge the taunts of Shimei, and urged his subsequent execution (2 Sam. xvi. 9; xix. 21). — In the battle in the waod of Ephraim Abishai commanded a third part of the army (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12), and in the absence H Amass was summoned to assemble the troops in Jerusalem and pursue after the rebel Sheba, Joab



    « • On the origin and significance of the B'ble ohms, see the article (Amer. ed.) on Num. H

    It • TbJs roller article from tht " Concise DicUon- ,ij " has baen substituted hers tor the article of four- ass) Das* In the larger work. B

    being apparently in disgrace for tbo slaughter of Absalom (2 Sam. xx. 6, 10). — The last act of ser vice which is recorded of Abishai is his timely res- cue of David from the hands of a gigantic Philis- tine, Ishbi-benob [i Sam. xxi. 17). His personal prowess on this, as on another occasion, when he fought single-handed against three hundred, won for him a place as captain of the second three of David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 20). But in all probability this act of daring was achieved while he was the companion of Da,, id's wanderings as an outlaw among the Philistines. Of the end of his chequered life we have no record.

    ABISH'ALOM (nV?tr,3£ [father of peace]: 'A0«ro-aAd,p: Abeurtlom), father of Maa- chah, who was the wife of Reboboam, and mother of Abyah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). He is called Absalom

    (Cl'PHraM) in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21. This person must be David's son (see LXX., 2 Sam. xiv. 27). The daughter of Absalom was doubtless called Ma- achah after her grandmother (2 Sam. iii. 3).

    ABISHU'A (yitthaS: ['Afro-oW, 'A,ia- oui,1 'Afitvoi: Abitue. According to SimonU, patrit talut; i. q. imrlwarpos, and X,rarpot. According to Fiirst, father or lord of happineti. Paler talulit, Gesen.). 1. Son of Beta, of the tribe of Beiyanun (1 Chr. viii. 4).

    2. Son of Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, and the father of Bukki, in the genealogy of the high- priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5, 60, 81 ; Ezr. vii. 4, 5). According to Josephus (Ant. viii. 1, § 3) he execu- ted the office of high-priest after his father Phine- has, and was succeeded by Eli; his descendants, till Zadok, falling into the rank of private persons (iSurrtio-avres)- His name is corrupted into 'l,,njiroi- Nothing is known of hie.

    A. C. H.

    AB'ISHUR ("WnaK [father of the watt at upright] 'Afitooip: Abitur), son of Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 28).

    AB1SUM ('A,Bi,rof; Alex. AjSmtouo.; [AM. 'APuroiu] : Abitue). Abisiiua, the son of Phin- ehas (1 Esdr. viii. 2). Called also Abisei.

    W. A. W.

    AB1TAL (biraN [whote father it dew or protection] : 'AjBitoA ; Abitai), one of David's wives (2 Sam. iii. 4; 1 Chr. iii. 3).

    ABITUB (aV-'JcS [father of goodnetty. 'A,9,t,*,; [Alex. A0,r«,3]: Abitub), son of Shaha- raim by Huahim (1 Chr. viii. 11).

    ABl'UD ('AjSiott: Abiud). Descendant ot Zorobabel, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt i. 13). Lord A. Hervey identifies him with Ho- daiah (1 Chr. iii. 24) and Juda (Luke iii. 26), and supposes him to have been the grandson cf Zerubbabel through his daughter Shetomith.

    W. A. W.

    ABLUTION. [Pcrificatioic.]

    AB'NER ("l?3S, once "W3t», father of

    light. APtrrtipi [Alex, often A,3fvnp or Afrurnp] ,,9632; Abnei ,. X. Son of Ner, who was the brother of Kiah (1 Chr. ix. 36) the father of Saul. Abner therefore, was Saul's first cousin, and was made by him commander-in-chief of his army (1 Sam. xiv. SI ,, He was the person who conducted David into Saul's presence after the death of Goliath (xvii. 57), and aftarwards accompania' His master when t»

    sought Ovid's life at Hachihh(xx,,i. 8-H). From this time we hear no more i.f him till after the death of Saul, when he rises into importance as the main-stay of his family. It would seem that, im- mediate!; alter the disastrous battle of Mount Gil- boa, David was proclaimed king of Judah in Ilebron,


    this there was indeed some pretext, iitumucu as U was thought dishonorable even in battle to kiD s mere stripling like Asahel, and Joab and Abisha! were in this case the rertngert of blood (Num. xxxt. 19), but it is also plain that Abner only killex* the youth to save his own life. This murder caused the old capital of that tribe, but that the rest of i the greatest sorrow and indignation to David ; but the country was altogether in the hands of the ' as the assassins were too (xmerful to be punished. Philistines, and that five years passed before any j he contented himself with showing every public to- native prince ventured to oppose his claims to their ken of respect to Abner' s memory, by following the power. During that time the Israelites were grad- 1 bier and pouring forth a sim|de dirge over the ually recovering their territory, and at length Ab- slain, which is thus translated by Ewald (Dickter ner proclaimed the weak and unfortunate Ishbo- da Altai Butuln, i. 99 : —

    As a villain dies, ought Abner to die ? Thy hands, not fettered ; Thy feet, not bound with chains ; As one tails before the malicious, fellesi thou '

    — t. e. " Thou didst not fall as a prisoner taken in battle, with hands and feet fettered, but by secret assassination, such as a villain meets at the hands of villains" (2 Sam. iii. 83, 34). See also Lowth, Lectures jn Hebrew Poetry, xxii. G. E. I~ C.

    2. Father of JaasieL, chief of the Itenjamites in David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) : probably the same as Aiineb 1. W. A. W.


    (to f},t,,vyfia t?» ipnuAoten, Matt. xxiv. 15), mentioned by our Saviour as a sign of the ap- proaching destruction of Jerusalem, with reference to Dan. ix. 27, xL 31, xii. 11. The Hebrew

    words in these passages are respectively, O^^tT,

    DctH?, coin? viPW. •»,« £?, YTE-

    the LXX. translate the first word uniformly (M~ ,,vypa, and the second ipnpiiafaiv (ix. 27) and ipTlliubatm (xi. 31, xii. 11): many MSS. however have fiQarur,ii'yov In xi. 31. The meaning of the

    first of these words is dear: V W «presues any religious impurity, and in the plural numlier espe- cially idols. Suidas defines p,tAvypa as used by the Jews war tlSasKov cat wav imimcua or BpJrrov. It is important to observe that the ex- pression is not used of idolatry in the abstract, but of idolatry adopted by the Jews themselves (2 K xxi. 2-7, xxiii. 13). Hence we must look for the fulfillment of the prophecy in some act of apostasy on their part; and so the Jews themselves appear to have understood it, according to the traditional feeling referred to by Josephus (B. J. iv. 6, § 3), that the temple would he destroyed Ihv x"?** oukicu Tpo,itAymri to r^,ifyos. With regard to the second word C^l.t£,, which has been variously translated of desolation, of tlie detolatirr, that aston isheth (Marginal transl. xi. 31, xii. 11), it is a par- ticiple used substantively and placed in immediate apposition with the previous noun, qualifying it with an adjective sense astonishing, horrible (Ueseii

    s. v. CEtp, and thai the whole expression signi- fies a horrible abomination. What the object re- ferred to was, is a matter of doubt; it should I* observed, however, that in the passages in Daniel the setting up of the abomination was to be conse- quent upon the cessation of the sacrifice. Thi Jews considered the prophecy as fulfilled in th« profanation of the Temple under Antiochus Epiph- anes, when the Israelites themselves erected ai idolatrous altar (Pupit, Joseph. Ant. xii. 6, § I upon the sacred altar, and offered sacrifice thereon this altar is described as fSSiKvyua tt)» Ipnuiatm

    sheth, Saul's son, as king of Israel in Mahanaim, beyond Jordan — at first no doubt as a place of security against the Philistines, though all serious apprehension of danger from them must have soon passed away — and Ishbosheth was generally recog- nized except by Judah. This view of the order of events is necessary to reconcile 2 Sam. ii. 10, where Ishbosheth is said to have reigned over Israel for two years, with ver. 11, in which we read that Da- vid was king of Judah for seven ; and it is con- firmed by vers. 5, 6, 7, in which David's message of thanks to the men of Jabesb-gilead for burying Saul and his sons implies that no prince of Saul's house had as yet claimed the throne, but that Da- vid hoped that his title would be soon acknowl- edged by all Israel; while the exhortation "to be valiant " probably refers to the struggle with the Philistines, who placed the only apparent impedi- ment in the way of his recognition. War soon broke out between the two rival kings, and a " very sore battle " was fought at Gibeon between the men of Israel under Abner, and the men of Judah under Joab, son of Zeruiah, David's sister (1 Chr. ii. 16). When the army of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's voungest brother Asahel, who is said to l:ave been " as light of foot as a wild roe," pursued Abner, and in spite of warning refused to leave him, so that Abner in self-defence was forced to kill him. After this the war continued, success inclining more and more to the side of David, till at last the im- prudence of Ishbosheth deprived him of the counsels tnd generalship of the hero, who was in truth the only support of his tottering throne. Abner had married Kizpah, Saul's concubine, and this, accord- ing to the views of Oriental courts, might be so interpreted as to imply a design upon the throne. Thus we read of a certain Armais, who, while left viceroy of Egypt in the absence of tho king his brother, "used violence to the queen and concu- bines, and put on the diadem, and set up to oppose Us brother " (Manetho, quoted by Joseph, c. Apion. L 15). Cf. also 2 Sam. xvi. 21, xx. 3, 1 K. ii. 13- 15, and the case of the Pseudo-Smerdis, Herod, iii. S8. fABSAix,M;ADONUAii.] Kightly or wrongly, lihboiheth so understood it, though Abner might rem to lun e given sufficient proof of his loyalty, and 1m even ventured to reproach him with it. Abner, imiensod at his ingratitude, after an indignant reply, npened negotiations with David, by whom he was nost favorably received at Ilebron. He then un- dertook to procure his recognition throughout Is- rael ; but after leaving his court for the purpose was jnticed back by Joab, and treacherously murdered ,,9632;yy him and his brother Abishai, at the gate of the city, partly no dou' t. as Joab showed afterwards in the case of Amasa, from fear lest so distinguished a convert to their cause should gain too high a place bi David's favor (Joseph. Ant. vii. 1, J 5), but os- wudbly in retaliation for the death of Asahel. For


    ,1 Mace, i. 54, vi. 7). The prophecy, however, re- ferred ultimately (as Josephua hinisjlf perceived, AM. x. 11, § 7) to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, and consequently the 35e Krryna must describe some occurrence connected with that event. But it is not easy to find one which meets all the requirements of the case : the introduction of the Koman standards into the Temple would not be a ,8fKvyna, properly speaking, unless it could be shown that the Jews themselves participated hi the worship of them; moreover, this eveut, as well as several others which have been proposed, such as the erection of the statue of Hadrian, fail in regard to the time of their occurrence, being subsequent to the destruction of the city. It appears most prob- able that the profanities of the Zealots constituted the abomination which was the sign of impending ruin." (Joseph. B. J. iv. 3, § 7.) W. L. B.

    A'BRAHAM (arnris, f,the~ of a muhi-

    lude: 'ASpad,x'- Abraham: originally AB RAM, C^2S, futlier of elevation : a A,pafi : Abram), the son of Terah, and brother of Nahor and Haran j and the progenitor, not only of the Hebrew nation, but of several cognate tril,es. His history is re- corded to us with much detail in Scripture, as the very type of a true patriarchal life; a life, that is, in which all authority is paternal, derived ulti- mately from Uod the rather of all, and religion, imperfect as yet in revelation and ritual, is based entirely on that same Fatherly relation of God to man. The natural tendency of such a religion is to the worship of tutelary gods of the family or of the triV' ; traces of such a tendency on the part of the patriarchs are found in the Scriptural History iUelf ; and the declaration of God to Moses (in Ex. vi. 3) plainly teaches that the full sense of the unity and eternity of Jehovah was not yet unfolded U, them. But yet the revelation of the Lord, as the " Almighty God " (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11), and " the Judge of all the earth " (Gen. iviii. 25), the knowledge of 1 Its intercourse with kings of other tribes (Gen. xx. 3-7), and His judgment on Sodom and Gomorrah (to say nothing af the promise which extended to "all nations") must have raised the patriarchal religion far above this narrow idea of God, and given it the germs, at least, of future exaltatiqn. The character of Abraham is that which is formed by such a religion, and by the influence of a nomad pastoral lite ; free, simple, and manly; full of hospitality and family affection ; tiuthful to all such as were bound to him by their ties, though not untainted with Hasten) craft to those considered as aliens ; ready for war, but not a professed warrior, or one who lived by plunder ; free and childlike hi religion, and gradually educated by God's hand to a coutiuually deepening sense of its all-absorbing claims. It stands remarkably "•ontrasted with those of Isaac and Jacob.

    The Scriptural history of Abraham is mainly limited, as usual, to the evolution of the Great Cov- enant in his life; it is the history of the man him- »elf rather than of the external events of his life ; and. except in one or two instances (Gen. xii. 10- iJO, xiv., xx., xxi. 22-34 ) it does not refer to his re- 'ution with the rest of the world. To them he may mly have appeared as a chief of the handier Chal-



    dsean race, disdaining the settled life of the mere luxurious Canaanites, and fit to be hired by plun- der as a protector against the invaders of the NoriV (see Gen. xiv. 21-23). Nor is it unlikely, though we have no historical evidence of it, that liis pas- sage into Canaan may have been a sign or a cause of a greater migration from Haran, and that he may have been looked upon (e. g. by Abimclcch, Gen. xxi. 22-32) as one who, from his position as well as his high character, would be able to guido such a migration for evil or for good (Ewald, Gench. i. 409-413).

    The traditions which Josephus adds to the Scrip- I tural narrative, are merely such as, alter his man- ner and in accordance with the aim of his writings, exalt the knowledge and wisdom of Abraham, mak- ing him the teacher of monotheism to the Chal- deans, and of astronomy and mathematics to the Egyptians. He quotes however Nicolaus of Da- mascus,*' as ascribing to him the conquest and gov- ernment of Damascus on his way to Canaan, and stating that the tradition of his habitation was still preserved there (Joseph. Ant. i. c. 7, § 2; see Gen. xv. 2).

    The Arab traditions are partly ante-Mohamme- dan, relating mainly to the Ivaabah (or sacred house) of Mecca, which Abraham and his son " Is- mail" are said to have rebuilt for the fourth time over the sacred black stone, lint in great meas- ure they are taken from the Koran, which has it- self borrowed from the 0. T. and from the llab- hinical traditions. Of the latter the most remark- able is the story of his having destroyed the idoli (see Jud. v. 6-8) which Terah not only worshipped (as declared in Josh. xxiv. 2), but also manufac- tured, and having been cast by Nimrod into a fiery furnace, which turned into a pleasant meadow. The legend is generally traced to the word Ur

    ("^."J), Abraham's birth-place, which has also the seuse of "light" or "fire." but the name of Abraham appears to be commonly remembered in tradition through a very large portion of Asia, and the title " el-Khalil," "the Friend" (of God) (see 2 Chr. xx. 7; Is. xli. 8; Jam. ii. 23) is that by which he is usually spoken of by the Arabs.

    The Scriptural history of Abraham is divided into various periods, by the various and progressive revelations of God, which he received —

    (1.) With his father Terah, his wife Sand, and nephew Lot, Abram left Ur for Haran (Charran), in obedience to a call of God (alluded to in Acts vii. 2-4). Haran, apparently the eldest brother — since Nahor, and probably also Abram, c married his daughter — was dead already ; and Nahor remained behind (Gen. xi. 31). In Haran Terah died; and Akrani, now the head of the family, received a second call, and with it tire promise. 1 ' His promise

    o • Langp's note (BibHwerk^ 1. 342), es[«eclauy as Miiorged by I,r. ^liaff (Com. on Mat', p. 424), enu- merates the principal explanations of this difficult ex- traction ii.

    b Nicolaus was a contemporary and favorite of Herod the Oreut and Augustus. The quotation is probuoly from an Universal History, - u 1 to hive contained 1 14 books.

    ',,9632;' " 1- ali " i if , Gen. xi. 29) is generally supposed tt. be the same person as Sarai. That Abram calls hex bis " sister " Is not conclusive against it , for see xiv. 16. where Lot is called his " brother."

    d H Is expressly stated in the Acts (vii. 4) that Abram quitted Haran after his father's death. This is supposed to be inconsistent with the statements that Terah was "0 years old at the birth of Abram (Gen. xi. 26); that he died at the age of 205 (Gen. xl. 32-, and that Abram was 75 years old when he left Haran hence it would seem to follow that Abram migrauwl

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    m two-fold, containing both a temporal and spir- itual blessing, the one of which waa the tjpe and ttraeat of the other. The temporal promise was, that he should become a great and prosperous na- tion ; the spiritual, that in him " should all fWmtlion of the earth be blessed" (Gen. xii. 2).

    Abram appears to hare entered Canaan, as Jacob afterwards did, along the valley of the Jabbok ; for be crossed at once into the rich plain of Moreh, near Sichem, and under Ebal and Uerizim. There, in one of the most fertile spots of the land, he re- ceived the first distinct promise of his future inher- itance (Gen. xii. 7), and built his first altar to God "The Canaanite" (it is noticed) "was then in the land," and probably would view the strangers cf the warlike north with uo friendly eyes. Ac- cordingly Abram made his second resting-place in the strong mountain country, the key of the various passes, between Bethel and Ai. There he would dwell securely, till famine drove bim into the richer and more cultivated land of Egypt.

    That his history is no ideal or heroic legend, is very clearly shown, not merely by the record of his deceit as to Sarai, practiced in Egypt and repeated afterwards, but much more by the clear description of its utter failure, and the humiliating position in which it placed him in comparison with Pharaoh, and still more with Abimelech. That be should have felt afraid of such a civilized and imposing power as Egypt even at that time evidently was, is consistent enough with the Arab nature as it is now ; that he should have sought to guard hinuelf by deceit, especially of that kind which is true in word and false in effect, is unfortunately not at all incompatible with a generally religious character ; but that such a story should have been framed in an ideal description of a saint or hero is Inconceiv- able.

    The period of his stay In Egypt is not recorded, but it is from this time that his wealth and power appear to have begun (Gen. xiii. 2). If the domin- ion of the Hyksos in Memphis is to be referred to this epoch, as seems not improbable [Egypt], then, since they were akin to the Hebrews, it is not im- possible that Abram may have taken part in then- war of conquest, and so have had another recom- mendation to the favor of Pharaoh.

    On his return, the very fact of this growing wealth and importance caused the separation of Ix,t «nd his portion of the tribe from Abram. Lot's departure to the rich country of Sodom implied a wish to quit the nomadic life and settle at once; Abram, on the contrary, was content still to " dwell In tents" and wait for the promised time (Heb. si. 9). Probably till now he had looked on Lot as his heir, and his separation from him was a Prov- dtntial preparation for the future. From this time oe took up his third resting-place at Mamie, or Hebron, the future capital of Judah, situated in the direct line of communication with Egypt, and opening down to the wilderness and pasture land of Beersheba. This very position, so different from the mountain-fastness of Ai, marks the change in the numbers and powers of his tribe.

    The history of his attack on Chedorbomer, which

    from Haran in his father's lifetime. Various explan- ations have been given of this difficult, ; the most probable is, that the statement In Gen. xl. 26, that Terah was "0 yean old when he begat his three chll- lr»o. applies only to the oldest, Haran, and that the Jlrthl cf his two younger children belonged to a sub- sequent period [CmwieaTl.


    follows, gives us a specimen of the view would be taken of bim by the external world. By the way in which it speaks of him as " Abram thi Hebrew," ° it would seem to be an older document, a fragment of Canaanitish history (as EwaJd calls it), preserved and sanctioned by Moses. The inva- sion was clearly another northern immigration or foray, for the chiefs or kings were of Shinar (Baby- lonia), Ellasar (Assyria?), Elam (Persia), Ac.; that it was not the first, is evident from the vassalage of the kings of the cities of the plain ; and it ex- tended (see Gen. xiv. 6-7) far to the south over a wide tract of country. Abram appears here as the head of a small confederacy of chiefs, powerful enough to venture on a long pursuit to the head of the valley of the Jordan, to attack with success a large force, and not only to rescue Ix,t, but to roll back for a time the stream of northern immigra- tion. His high position is seen in the gratitude of the people, and the dignity with which he refuses the character of a hireling ; that it did not elate him above measure, is evident from his reverence to Melchizedek, in whom he recognized one whose call was equal and consecrated rank superior to his own [Mklchizkdek].

    (II.) The second period of Abram's life is marked by the fresh revelation, which, without further unfolding the spiritual promise, completes the tem- poral one, already in course of fulfillment. It first announced to him that a child of his own should inherit the promise, and that his seed should be at the " stars of heaven." This promise, unlike the other, appeared at his age contrary to nature, and therefore it is on this occasion that his faith is specially noted, as accepted and "counted for right- eousness." Accordingly, he now psased into a new position, for not only is a fuller revelation given as to the captivity of his seed in Egypt, the time of their deliverance, and their conquest of the land, " when the iniquity of the Amorites was full," but after bis solemn burnt-offering the visible appear- ance of God in fire is vouchsafed to bim as a sign, and he tnlert into corenortt with the Ix,rd (Gen. xv. 18). This covenant, like the earlier one with Noah (Gen. ix. 9-17), is one of free promise from God, faith only in that promise being required from man.

    The immediate consequence was the taking of Hagar, Sarai 's maid, to lie a concubine of Abram (as a means for the fulfillment of the promise of seed), and the conception of lshmael.

    (III.) For fourteen years after, no more is re- corded of Abram, who seems during all that period to have dwelt at Manire. After that time, in Abram's 99th year, the last step in the revelation of the promise is made, by the declaration that it should be given to a son of Sarai ; and at the same time the temporal and spiritual elements are dis- tinguished ; lshmael can share only the one, Isaac is to enjoy the other. The covenant, which before was only for temporal inheritance (Gen. xv. 18), is now made "everlasting," and sealed by circum- cision. This new state is marked by the changi of Abram's name to " Abraham," and Sarai's U " Sarah," b and it was one of far greater acquaint-

    ,• 'O irtpanx, LXX. If this sense of the word bt taken, it strengthens the supposition noticed, lo any case, the name is that applied to the Israelites by for eigoers, or used by them of themselves only in speak ing to foreigners : see Hxmasw.

    ' The or*.gtnal name "»^BJ I* uncertain in derin

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    ince and intercourse with God. For, immediately *ft«r, we read of the Lord's appearance to Abraham in human form, attended by two angels, the minis- ters of His wrath against Sodom, of His announce- ment of the coming judgment to Abraham, and acceptance of his intercession for the condemned cities. The whole record stands alone in Scripture for the simple and familiar intercourse of God with him, contrasting strongly with the vaguer and more awful descriptions of previous appearances (see e. g. xv. 12), and with those of later times ((len. xxviii. 17, xxxii. 30; Ex. iii. G, ,c). And corresponding with this there is a perfect absence of all fear oc Abraham's part, and a cordial and reverent joy, which, more than anything else, recalls the time past when " the voice of the Lord God was heard, walking in the garden in the cool of the day."

    Strangely unworthy of this exalted position as the " Friend M and intercessor with God, is the repetition of the falsehood as to Sarah in the land of the Philistines (Gen. xx.). It was the first time he had come in contact with that tribe or collection of tribes, which stretched along the coast almost to the borders of Egypt; a race apparently of lords ruling over a conquered population, and another example of that series of immigrations which ap- pear to have taken place at this time. It seems, from Abraham's excuse for his deceit on this occa- sion, as if there had been the idea in his mind that all arms may l)e used against unbelievers, who, it is assumed, have no "fear of God," or sense of right. If so, the rebuke of Abimelech, by its dig- uity and its clear recognition of a God of ju.itice, must have put him to manifest shame, and taught him that others also were servants of the Ix)rd.

    This period again, like that of the sojourn in Egypt, was one of growth in power and wealth, as the respect of Abimelech and his alarm for the future, so natural in the chief of a race of conquer- ing invaders, very clearly shows. Abram's settle- ment at Ilecrsheba, on the borders of the desert, near the Amalekite plunderers, shows both that he needed room, and was able to protect himself and his flocks.

    The birth of Isaac crowns his happiness, and fulfills the first great promise of God; and the ex- pulsion of Ishmael, painful as it was to him, and vindictive as it seems to have been on Sarah's part, was yet a step in the education which was to teach him to give up all for the one irreat object. The symbolical meaning of the act (drawn out in Gal.

    Uon and meaning. Gewnius renders It " nobility," from the same root m " Sarah " ; Eivald by " quarrol-

    »im" (from the root fT^E2? In dense of rt to fight").

    The name Sarah, TT^tt?. b certainly "princess."

    ,,9632; Tradition still points out the supposed site of this appearance of the Lord to Abraham. About a mile from Hebron is a beautiful and massive oak, which •till bears Abraham's name. The residence of the oatriarch was called " the oaks of Main re," errone- »usiy translated in A. V. B the plain " of Maniro (Gen. till. 18, xviil. 1); but it is doubtful wheth-r this is the exact spot, since the tradition In the time of Jo- fcphus (B. J. iv. 9, § 7) was attached to a terebinth. rh» tree no longer remains ; but there in no doubt iwt it stood within the ancient enclosure, which is «ill callwd "Abraham's House." A fair was held Mneath It In the time of Constantine, and It remained K, the time of Theodotiius. (Robinson, II. 81 *i. 18G6; Stanley, S. ff P. p. 143.)

    ABRAHAM 15

    v. 21-31) could not haie been wholly unfelt ej the patriarch himself, so far as it involved the Bense of the spiritual nature of the promise, and carriHl out the fore-ordained will of God.

    (IV.) Again for a long period (25 years, Joseph Ant. i. 13, § 2) the history is silent: then comes the final trial and perfection of his faith in the command to offer up the child of his affections and of God's promise. The trial lay, firH in the preciousness of the sacrifice, and the perplexity in which the command involved the fulfillment of the promise; secondly, in the strangeness of the com- mand to violate the human life, of which the sa- credness had been enforced by God's special cora maud (Gen. ix. 0, G), as well as by the feelings cr a father. To these trials he rose superior by faith, that u God was able to raise Isaac even from the dead" (Heb. xi. 19), probably through Jie same faith to which our Lovd refers, that God had promised to be the " God of Isaac n (Gen. xvii. 1!J), and that he was not » a God of the dead, but of the living." b

    It is remarkable that, in the blessing given to him now, the original spiritual promise is repeated for the first time since his earliest oil, and in the same words then used. But the promise that u in his seed all nations should be blessed" would be now understood very differently, and felt, to be far above the tMBgHttl promise, in which, perhaps, at first it seemed to be absorbed. It can hardly be wrong to refer preeminently to this epoch the de- claration, that Abraham "saw the day of Christ and was glad " (.John viii. 5G).

    The history of Abraham is now all but over, though his life was prolonged for nearly 00 years. The only other incidents are' the death and burial of Sarah, the marriage of Isaac with Kebekah, and that of Abraham with Keturah.

    The death of Sarah took place at Kirjath Arba, i. e. Hebron, so that Abraham must have returned from lieersheba to his old and more peaceful home- In the history of her burial, the most notable points are the respect paid to the power and char- acter of Abraham, as a mighty prince, and tha exceeding modesty and courtesy of his demeanor. It is sufficiently striking that the only inheritance of his family in the land of promise should be a tomb. The sepulchral cave of Machpelah is now said to be concealed under the Mosque of Hebron (.see Stanley, , ,f P. p. 101). [Hkhkon.]

    The marriage of Isaac, so far as Abraham u concerned, marks his utter refusal to ally his son with the polluted and condemned blood of the Ca- naanites.

    The marriage with Keturah is the strangest rat most unexpected event recorded in his life, Abra- ham having long ago been spoken of as an old man; but his youth having been restored before the birth of Isaac, must have remained to him, and Isaac's

    b The scone of the sacrifice is, according to out present text, and to Joseph us, the land of ° Moriah,"

    or fT^rtO) chosen Vy Jehovah, Oes. (comp. the name ff Jehovah-Jlroh "). The Samaritan Pentateuch ban f * Moreh, 1 ' "TT1Q; theLXX. render the word here by tV u^tjXtji , the phrase u*od for what is undoubtedly "Morah " la xii. 6, whereas in 2 Chr. iii. they render "Moriah" by 'Ajiwpta : they therefore probably read ,,9632; Moreh " also. The fact of the three days' journe? from Beersheha suits Moreh bettor (see Stanley's S. 4 P. p. 261); other considerations seem In fcvor of M, riah. |Mow,,u.|

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    marriage having taken hi* ton comparatively away, nay have induced him to leek a wife to be the tupport of his old age. Keturah held a lower rank ihan Sarah, and her children were sent away, lest they should dispute the inheritance of Isaac, Abra- ham having learnt to do voluntarily in their case what had been forced upon him in the case of Ish- mael.

    Abraham died at the age of 175 years, and his sons, the heir Isaac, and the outcast Ishniael, united to lay him in the cave of Machpelah by the side of Sarah.

    His descendants were (1) the Israelites; (2) a branch of the Arab tribes through Iahmael; (3) the " children of the East," of whom the Midian- iccs were the chief; (4) perhaps (as cognate tribes), the nations of Ammon and Moab (see these names) ; and through their various branches his name is known all over Asia. A. B.

    * On Abraham, see particularly Ewald, Gach. L 409-139, 2e Aufl. ; Kurtz, GescA. da A. BuntUt, 2e Aufl., i. 160-215; and Stanley, Led. an tlie But. of the Jctculi Church, Part I., Lcct i., ii. The Jewish legends respecting him have been col- lected by Beer, Leben Abrahamt nach Aufftutung dcr jmiischen Sagt, Leipz. 1859 ; see also Eiaen- menger's Entdeckttt JudrnUium. A.

    ABRAHAMS BOSOM. During the Ro- man occupation of Jud sea, at least, the practice of reclining on couches at meals was customary among the Jews. As each guest leaned upon his left arm, his neighbor next below him would naturally be described as lying in his bosom ; and such a po- sition with respect to the master of the house was one of especial honor, and only occupied by his nearest friends (John i. 18, xiii. 24). To Ue in Abraham's bosom, then, was a metaphor in use among the Jews to denote a condition after death of perfect happiness and rest, and a position of friendship and nearness to the great founder of their race, when they shall lie down on his right hand at the banquet of Paradise, " with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven " (Matt. viii. 11). That the expression wis in use among the Jews is shown by Lightfoot (,,or. Utb. m Luc xvi. 22), who quotes a passage from the Talmud (KiiiJuiliin, fol. 72), which, according to his interpretation, represents Levi as saying in reference to the death of Kabbi Judali, " to-day he dwelleth in Abraham's bosom." 'Hie future bless- edness of the just was represented under the figure of a banquet, "Die banquet of the garden of Kdi-n or Paradise." See Schoettgen, Hvr. Iltb. in Matt. vin. 11. [Lazarus.] W. A. W.

    ATBRAM. [Abraham.]

    ABROTiAH {np-?V [,««««,], from

    ~2 "J", to cross over), one of the haiting-pLvces of •lie Israelites in the desert, immediately preceding Kzion geber, and therefore, looking to the root, the name may possibly retain the trace of a ford across the head of the Khnitic Gulf. In the A. V. it is given as Kbronab ('E.,paei ; [Vat 2i,i,aya] ffe- Wona) (Num. xxxiii. 34, 35). G.

    ABBOT* AS ('Afyowas; [Comp. 'Ap0au,af; *M. 'Ap,ovdi: Mambri,,), a torrent (x«,,io,of), ipparently near Cilicia [Jud. ii. 34 compared with 15] : if so, it may possibly be the Niihr Abraim, jr ibrahim, the ancient Adonis, which rises in the Lebanon at Aflca, and falls into the sea at Jebtil FByblos). It has, however, been conjectured (Mo-

    ABSALOM vers, Burner ZaU. xiii. 38) that the word is a cor- ruption of "^JU "•?? = beyond the river (Eu- phrates), which has just before been mentioned ; ,,9632; corruption not more inconceivable than many whic, actually exist in the LXX. The A. V. baa Ah bokaj (Jud. ii. 24). G.

    ABSALOM (oVjtr^S, fatlttr «, ptact

    ' K,tcrcrakJiu. • Abtalum), third son of David by Maachah, daughter of Taknai king of Gesliur, s Syrian district adjoining the north-eastern frontier of the Holy Land near the Lake of Meroin. He is scarcely mentioned till after David had committed the great crime which by its consequences embit- tered his old age, and then appears as the instru- ment by whom was fulfilled God's threat against the sinful king, that " evil should be raised up against him out of his own house, and that his neighbor should lie with his wives in the sight of the sun." In the latter part of David's reign, polygamy bore iu ordinary fruits. Not only is his sin in the case of Uathsbeba traceable to it, since it naturally suggests the unlimited indulgence of the passions, but it also brought about the punishment of that sin, by rais- ing up jealousies and conflicting claims between the sons of different mothers, each apparently living with a separate house and establishment (2 Sam. xiii. 8, xiv. 24; cf. 1 K. vii. 8, Ac.). Absalom had a sister Tamar, who was violated by her half- brother Aranon, David's eldest son by Ahinoain, the Jezreelitess. The king, though indignant at so great a crime, would not punish Amnou because he was his first-born, as we leant from the words koI ovk iKirrnat rb rrveufm. 'Auvisv rov viov ovtoO, Sri irydwa avToV, Srt wpwt6tokos aurov ^v, which are found in the LXX. (2 bam. xiii. 21), though wanting in the Hebrew. The natural avenger of such an outrage would be Tamar's full brother Ab salom, just as the sons of Jacob took bloody ven- geance for their sister Dinah (Gen. xxxiv.). He brooded over the wrong for two years, and then in- vited all the princes to a sheep-shearing feast at his estate in Hoal-hazor, possibly an old Canaanitish sanctuary (as we infer from the prefix Uaal), on the. borders of Epbraim and Benjamin. Here he or dered his servants to murder Ainnou, and then Ced for safety to his father-in-law's court at Gesh'ir, where he remained for three years. David was over- whelmed by this accumulation of family sorrows, thus completed by separation from his favorite son, whom he thought it impossible to pardon or recall. But he was brought back by an artifice of Joab, who sent a woman of Tekoah (afterwards known as the birthplace of the prophet Amos) to en- treat the king's interfere! cc in a siipi , sititious cat* similar to Absalom's. Having persuaded David to prevent the avenger of blood from pursuing a young man, who, she said, had slain his brother, she adroitly applied his assent to the recall of Absalom, and urged him, as he had thus yielded the general principle, to "fetch home his banished." David did so, but would not see Absalom for two more years, though he allowed him to live in Jerusalem. At latt wearied with delay, perceiving that his triumph was only half complete, and that his ex- clusion from court interfered with the ambitious schemes which he was forming, fancying too that sufficient exertions were not made in his favor, the impetuous young man sent his servant* to burn a field of corn near his own, bekuiging to Joab, thus doing as Samson had done (Judg. xv. 4). There

    Digitized by



    spoo. Joab, probably dreading some further outrage than his viijence, brought him to his lather, from whom he received the kiss of reconciliation- Ab- salom now began at once to prepare for rebellion, urged to it partly by his own restless wickedness, partly perhaps by the fear lest Bathsheba's child should supplant him in the succession, to which he would feel himself entitled as of royal birth on his mother's side as well as his father's, and as being now David's eldest surviving sou, since we may in- fer that the second son Chileab was dead, from no mention being made of him after 2 Sam. iii. 3. it is harder to account for his temporary success, and the imminent danger which befell so powerful a gov- ernment as his lather's. The sin with Bathsheba had probably weakened David's moral and religious hold upon the people ; and as he grew older he may have become less attentive to individual complaints, and that personal administration of justice which was one of an eastern king's chief duties, tor Ab- salom tried to supplant his father by courting pop- ularity, standing in the gate, conversing with every suitor, lamenting the difficulty which he would find in getting a hearing, " putting forth his hand and kissing any man who came nigh to do him obei- sance." He also maintained a splendid retinue (xr 1), and was admired for his personal beauty and the luxuriant growth of his hair, on grounds similar to those which had made Saul acceptable (1 Sam. x. 23). It is probable, too, that the great tribe of Judah had taken some offense at David's government, perhaps from finding themselves com- pletely merged in one united Israel ; and that they Loped secretly for preeminence under the less wise and liberal rule of his son. Thus Absalom selects Hebron, the old capital of Judah (now supplanted by Jerusalem), as the scene of the outbreak ; Amasa bis chief captain, and Ahithophel of Giloh his prin- cipal counsellor, are both of Judah, and after the rebellion was crushed we see signs of ill-feeling between Judah and the other tribes (xix. 41). But whatever the causes may have been, Absalom raised the standard of revolt at Hebron after forty years, as we now read in 2 Sam. xv. 7, which it seems better to consider a false reading for four (the number actually given by Josephus), than to interpret of the fortieth year of David's reign (see Oerlach, in loco, and Ewald, Getchichte, iii. 217). The revolt was at first completely successful ; David Bed from his capital over the Jordan to Mahanaim in GUead, where Jacob had seen the " Two Hosts " of the angelic vision, and where Abner had rallied the Israelites round Saul's dynasty in the person of the unfortunate Ishbosheth. Absalom occupied Je- rusalem, and by the advice of Ahithophel, who saw that for such an unnatural rebellion war to the knife was the best security, took possession of David's harem, in which he had left ten concubines. This was considered to imply a formal assumption of all his father's royal rights (cf. the conduct oi Adonijab, 1 K. ii. 13 ff., and of Smerdis the Ma- nan, Herod, iii. 68), and was also a fulfillment of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. xii. 11). But David had left friends who watched over his interests. The vigorous counsels of Ahithophel were afterwards rejected through the crafty advice of Hushai, who insinuated himself into Absalom s confidence to work his ruin, and Ahithophel jimself, seeing his ambitious hopes frustrated, and another preferred by the man for whose sake he had turned traitor, Mnt hont 9 to Giloh and committed suicide. At •at, after being solemnly anointed king at Jerusa-



    lem (xix. 10), aud lingering there far luuger than wai expedient, Absalom crossed the Jordan to attack his father, who by this time had rallied round him a considerable force, whereas had Ahithophel' s advice been followed, he would probably have been crushed at once. A decisive battle was fought in Gilead, in the wood of Ephraim, so called, according to Gerlach ( Comm. in loco), from the great defeat of the Ephraimites (Judg. xii. 4), or perhaps from the connection of Ephraim with the trans-Jordanic half-tribe of Manasseh (Stanley, S. and P. p. 323). Here Absalom's forces were totally defeated, and as he bimeetf was escaping, his long hair was entangled in the branches of a terebinth, where he was left hanging while the mule on which he was riding ran away from under him. Here he was dispatched by Joab, in spite of the prohibition of David, who, loving him to the last, had desired that his life might be spared, and when he heard of his death, lamented over him in the pathetic words, my ton Absalom! would God 1 had died for thee ! Absalom, my ion, my ton ! He was buried in a great pit in the forest, and the con- querors threw stones over his grave, an old proof of bitter hostility (Josh. vii. 26).« The sacred historian contrasts this dishonored burial with the tomb which Absalom had raised in the King't dale (comp. Gen. xiv. 17) for the three sons whom he had lost (comp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, with xiv. 27), and where he probably had intended that his own re- mains should be laid. Josephus (Ant. vii. 10, § 3) mentions the pillar of Absalom as situate 2 stadia from Jerusalem. An existing monument in the valley of Jehoshaphat just outside Jerusalem bears the name of the Tomb of Absalom ; but the Ionic pillars which surround its base show that it belongs to a much later period, even if it be a tomb at alL

    G. E. L. C.

    The so-called Tomb of Absalom.

    ABSALOM ('ABt,roi,,uut,s; [Comp. Alex. 'Atf,,aA.»uoi, and so Sin. 1 M. xiii.:] Abtobnuu,

    a • The same custom of heaping up stones as a mark of detestation and Ignominy over the groves of perpetrators of crimes, Is still observed In the land* of the Bible. For Illustrations of this, see Thomsons Land and Book, Ii. 234, aud Bonar's Mfuira of * nury to (Ae Jam, p. 818. B

    Digitized by




    Abmiomut) the father of Mattathias (1 Mace. zL TO) and Jonathan (1 Mace, ziii. 11).

    B. F. W.

    AB'SALON CA,8«,ro-a,,,fy»: Abuafom). An imbassador with John from the Jews to Lysias, :hirf governor of Cols-Syria and Phcenice (2 Mace. xi. IT). W. A. W.

    ABUTBUS (,,A0oii0os: Abobut). Father of Ptoleraeus, who was captain of the plain of Jericho, and son-in-law to Simon Maccabeus (1 Mace. xvi. U, 15). W. A. ,,V.

    • ABYSS. [Dbkp, the.] H. -

    AOATAN ('Ajcord*: EcceUm). Hakkatan (I E8dr.vui.38). W. A. W.

    ACCAD ("T3N [fortreu according to Furst]: A,,x, : Achad), one of the cities in the land of Shinar — the others being babel, Krech, and Cal- neh — which were the beginning of Nimrod's king- dom (Gen. x. 10). A great many conjectures have been formed as to its identification: — 1. Following the reading of the oldest version (the LXX.), the river Argades, mentioned by ,Elian as in the Per- sian part of Sittacene beyond the Tigris, has been put forward (Bochart, Phal. iv. 17). But this is too far east. 2. Sacada, a town stated by Ptolemy to have stood at the junction of the Lycus (Great Zab) with the Tigris, below Nineveh (I,eclerc, in Winer). 3. A district " north of Babylon " called ',,kk4,,tti (Knobel, 6'enesu, p. 108). 4. And per- haps in the absence of any remains of the name this has the greatest show of evidence in its favor, Nisi- bis, a city on the Kknbour river still retaining its name (Nisibin), and situated at the N. E. part of Mesopotamia, about 150 miles east of Or fa, and midway between it and Nineveh. We have the tes- timony of Jerome ( Ononu.utiron, Achnd), that it was the belief of the Jews of his day (,,eorcri cticunt) that Nisibis was Accad ; a belief confirmed by the renderings of the Targums of Jerusalem and Pseu-

    do-jonathan (7^2^*2), and of Ephraem Syrus;

    and also by the fact that the ancient name of Ni- sibis was Acar (Koscumiiller, ii. 29), which U the word given in the early Peshito version i-2j, and

    also occurring in three MSS. of the Onomastkon of Jerome. (See the note to "Achad" in the edition of Jerome, Yen. 1767, vol. iii. p. 127.)

    The theory deduced by Rawlinson from the latest Assyrian researches is, that " Akkad " was the name of the " great primitive Hamite race who in- habited Babylonia from the earliest time," who iriginated the arts and sciences, and whose language was " the great parent stock from which the trunk stream of the Semitic tongues sprang." " In the inscriptions of Sargon the name of Akkad is ap- jlied to the Armenian mountains instead of the vernacular title of Ararat." (liawlinson, in fferod- ottu, i. 310, note.) The name of the city is be- ttered to have been discovered in the inscriptions under the form Kinzi Akkad {ibid. p. 447). G.

    ACCAKON. [Ekhos.]

    4.CCHO ('12?, *o,snnrf(?):»Aicx«.*Airn, Strabo; the Ptolemais of the Maccabees and X. T.), now called Acca, or more usually by Europeans, Saint Jean It Acre, the most important sea-port town on the Syrian coast, about 30 miles S. of Tyre. It was situated on a slightly projecting headland, at the northern extremity of that spacious •ay — the only inlet of any importance along the


    whole sea-board of Palestine — which Li formed bj the bold promontory of Carmel on the opposite side This bay, though spacious (the distance from Acchc to Carmel being about 8 miles), is shallow and ex- posed, and hence Accho itself does not at all timet offer safe harborage; on the opposite side of the bay, however, the roadstead of Haifa, immediately under Carmel, supplies this deficiency. Inland the hills, which from Tyre southwards press close upon the sea-shore, gradually recede, leaving in the imme- diate neighborhood of Accho a plain of remarkable fertility about six miles broad, and watered by the small river Melus (Kahr Namin), which discharges itself into the sea close under the walls of the town. To the S. E. the still receding heights afford access to the interior in the direction of Sep- phoris. Accho, thus favorably placed in command of the approaches from the north, both by sea and land, has been justly termed the " key of Pales- tine."

    In the division of Canaan among the tiibes, Accho fell to the lot of Asher, but was never wrested from its original inhabitants (Judg. i. 81): and hence it is reckoned among the cities of Phoenicia (Strab. ii. 134; Plin. v. 17; Ptol. v. 15). No further mention is made of it in the O. T. history, nor does it appear to have risen to much importance until after the dismemberment of the Macedonian empire, when its proximity to the frontier of Syria made it an object of frequent contention. Along with the rest of Phoenicia it fell to the lot of Egypt, and was named Itolemais, after one of the Ptolemies, probably Soter, who could not have failed to see its importance to his dominions in a military point of view. In the wars that ensued between Syria and Egypt, it was taken by Antiochus the Great (Ptol. v. 62), and attached to his kingdom. When the Maccabees established themselves in Judam, it became the base of operations against them. Simon drove his enemies back within its walls, but did not take it (1 Mace. v. 22). Subsequently, when Alexander Bolas set up his claim to the Syrian throne, he could offer no more tempting bait to secure the co- operation of Jonathan than the possession of Ptol"- mais and its district (1 Mace. x. 39). (Jn the decay of the Syrian power it was one of the few cities of Judeea which established it* mde(,eiidence. Al- exander Jannseus attacked it without success. Cleopatra, whom be had summoned to his assist- ance, took it, and transferred it, with her daughter Selene, to the Syrian monarchy : under her rule it was besieged and taken by Tigranes (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 12, §2; 13, § 2; 10, § 4). Ultimately it passed into the ha'ids nf the Komans, who con- structed a military road along the coast, from Berytus to Sepphoris, passing through it, and ele- vated it to the rank of a colony, with the title Colonia Claudii Cwsaris (Plin. v. 17). The only notice of it in the N. T. is in connection with St Paul's passage from Tyre to (tesarea (Acts xxi. 7 ' Few remains of antiquity are to be found in th, modern town. The original name has alone sur- vival all the changes to which the place has been exposed. W. L. B.

    ACCOS CAk« St; [Alex. A« x ,«, Fielu: l Ja - cob), father of John and grandfather of Eupolemtu the ambassador fron Judas Maccalueus to Home (1 Mace. viii. 17).

    AC'COZ. [Koz.]

    ACEI,DAMA ('AmAtotut; Ivnm |aos

    Digitized by


    ACELDAMA tWh.] ([Sin] B) 'AKeAoo,ufx : Baceklama); x »~ ,w dtparos, "the 6eld of blood; " (Cbdd. ^p_?

    S2^T), the name given by the Jews of Jerusalem to a "field" (x,aplov) near Jerusalem purchased by Judas with the money which he received for the betrayal of Christ, and so called from his violent death therein (Acts i. 10). This is at variance with the account of St. Matthew (xxvii. 8), accord- ing to which the " field of blood " (aypbs aiuarm I was purchased by the Priests with the 30 pieces of silver after they had been cast down by Judas, M a burial-place for strangers, the locality t,eing well known at the time as " the field of the Potter," ,,9632; {rbv itypbv too xepafifus ',,9632; See Alford's notes to Acts i. 1!*. And accordingly ecclesiastical tradition appears from the earliest times to have pointed out two distinct (though not unvarying) spot3 as re- ferred to in the two accounts. In Jerome's time {Onont. Achebi'iina) the "ager sanguinis" was shown " ad australem b plagain montis Sion." A r- culfus (p. 4) saw the u large Jiff-tree where Judas hanged himself," certainly in a different place from that of the "small field (Aceldama) where the ),odies of pilgrims were buried 1 ' (p. 5). Saewulf (p. -42) was shown Aceldama " next" to Gethsem- ane, u at the foot of Olivet, near the sepulchres •,,, Simeon and Joseph " (Jacob and Zacliarias). In the " (Jitez de Jherusalem" (Bob. ii- 500) the place of the suicide of Judas was shown as a stone arch, apparently inside the city, and giving its name to a street. Sir John Maundeville (p. 175) found the " fltler-txea " of Judas "fast by" the ** image of Absalom; " but the Aceldama "on the uther side of Mount Sion towards the south." Maundrell's account (p. 408-9) agrees with this, and so does the large map of Schultz, on which both sites are marked. The Aceldama still retains its ancient position, but the tree of Judas has been transferred to the u Hill of Evil Counsel " (Stanley, S. ,f P. pp. 105, 18G ; and Barclay's Map, 1857, and u CStJL** Ac. pp. 75, 208).

    The u field of blood ' ' is now shown on the steep southern face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern end; on a narrow plateau (Salz- inann, EtwU, p. 22), more than half way up the hill-side. Its modern name is link ed-damm. It Ls separated by no enclosure ; a few venerable olive- bees (sec Salzmann s photograph, " Champ dtt long " ) occupy part of it, and the rest is covered by a ruined square edifice — half built, half excavated — which, perhaps originally a church (Pauli, in RitUr, Pat p. 464), was in Maundrell's time (p. 468) in use as a charnel-house, and which the latest conjectures (Schultz, Williams, and Barclay, p. 207) propose to identify with the tomb of Anauus (Joseph. B. J. v. 12, § 2). It was believed in the middle ages that the soil of this place had the power of very rapidly consuming bodies buried in it (Sandys, p. 187), and in consequence either of this or of the sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the earth wre taken away ; amongst others by the Pisan Cru-



    " The prophecy referred to by St. Matthew, Zecha- rl,h (not Jeremiah) xi. 12, 13, doen no' in the present ttate of the Hebrew text agree with the quotation of he Evangelist. The Syriao Version omits the name altogether.

    , Busebios, from whom Jeromo translated, hits here v fioptiotr. This may be a clerical error, or It may ftdd 'ui'.tt,.r to the many instances existing of the ihange of a traditional site to meet circumstances.

    saders in 1218 for their Campo Santo at Pisa, and by the Empress Helena for that at Home (Kob. i. 355; Raumer, p. 270). Besides the charnel-house above mentioned, there are several large hollows in the ground in this immediate neighborhood which may have t,een caused by such excavations. The formation of the hill is cretaceous, and it is well known that chalk is always favorable to the rapid decay of animal matter. The assertion i it. p. 11*3; Hitter, Pal p. 403) that a pottery still exists near this spot does not seem to be borne out by other testimony. G.

    * There are other views on some of the points embraced in this article, which deserve to be men- tioned. The contradiction said to exist between Matt, xxvii. 8 and Acta i. 19 is justly qualified in the Concise Dictionary as "apparent," and hence not necessarily actual. The difficulty turns wholly upon a single word, namely, iierftaaTO, in Acts i. 18; and that being susceptible of a two- fold sense, we are at lilierty certainly to choose the one which agrees with Matthew's statement, instead of the one conflicting with it. Many un- derstand ^KT^aaro in Acts as having a Hiphil or causative sense, as (ireek verbs, especially in the middle voice, often have (Win. A'. T. (Jr. § 38, 3; Scheuerl. Syntax, p. 298). With this meaning, Luke in the Acts (or Peter, since it may be the latter s remark,) states that Judas by his treachery gave occasion for the purchase of " the potter's field"; and that is precisely what Matthew states in saying that the priests purchased the field, since they did it with the money furnished to them by the traitor. In like manner we read in the Cos- pels that Jesus when crucified was put to death by the Roman soldiers ; but in Acts v. 30, Peter says to the member* of the Jewish Council: — " Whom (Jesus) ye slew, hanging on a tree":'' which all accept as meaning that the Jewish rulers were the means of procuring the Saviour's death. For other examples of this causative sense of verbs, comp. Matt. ii. 10, xxvii. 60; John iv. 1; Acts vii. 21, xvi. 23; 1 Cor. vii. 10; 1 Tim. iv. 10, etc. As explaining, perhaps, why Peter chose this concise mode of expression, Kritzsche'a remark may be quoted: — The man (a sort of acerba irristia) thought to enrich himself by his crime, but only got by it a field where blood was paid for blood {Kvang. Mutt. p. 700). Many of the best critics, as Kuinoel, Olshausen, Tholuck ( J,5, notes), Kbrard (iVusenseh. KrUik, p. 543), Baumgarten, (Ajxwtelgesch. p. 31), Lange {BUwlwark, i. 400), I echler {Drr Ajjost. Gtsch. p. 14), Robinson {Har- mony, p. 227), Andrews {Life of our Lord, p. 511), and others, adopt this explanation.

    It does not affect the accuracy of Matthew or Luke whether "tha field of blood" which they mention was the present Aceldama or not; for they affirm nothing as to its position beyond implying that it was a "potter's field" near Jerusalem.

    c * KmQVs statement is ( Topograpliie Jeriaattms, p. 193) that he saw people cutting or digging up c.ny there (Erde stechen), and not that they worked it up on the ground. Schultz, the Prussian consul (Jerusa- lem, eine VorUsun^, p. 39), and Porter {Giant Cities, p. 147), speak of a bed of clay In that place. See, also, Williams's Holy City, ii. 495. There Is a pottery at Jerusalem at present, for which the clay is obbtined from the hill ore* the valley of Hinnom. Ii.

    ft •The A. V. strangely misrepresents the Greek here, as if the putting to death of Jesus was prior tc the crucifixion. II

    Digitized by LiOO



    Nor dws the existence of traditions which point out different spots as "the field," prove that the first Christians recognized two different accounts, i. e. a contradiction in the statements of Matthew and Luke; for the variant traditions are not old enough (that of Arculf A.D. 700) to be traced to any such source. Yet it is not impossible that the potter's field which the Jews purchased may actually be the present Aceldama, which overlooks the valley of Hinnom. The receptacles for the dead which ap- pear in tile rocks in that quarter show that the ancient Jews were accustomed to bury tiers.

    It is usually assumed that Judas came to his miserable end on the very field which had been bought with his 30 pieces of silver. It was for a I (refold reason, says Ligbtfoot (,,or. Ihbr. p. 690), that the field was called Aceldama ; first, because, as stated in Matt, xxvii. 7, it bad been bought with the price of blood; and, secondly, because it was sprinkled with the man's blood who took that price. Such congruities often mark the retributions of guilt. Yet it should be noted that Luke does not say in so many words that Judas " fell headlong and burst asunder " on the field purchased with his " reward of iniquity " ; but may mean that the field was called Aceldama because the fact of the trai- tor's bloody end, whether it occurred in one place x another, was so notorious (yywrrby iyivtro . . . Sore KA7j0ijra,). Iu either case there is no incon- sistency between the two reasons assigned by Mat- thew and Luke for the appellation : the field could be called Aceldama with a double emphasis, both because it was " the price *f blood," and because the guilty man's blood was shed there by his own hand.

    Further, the giving of the 30 pieces of silver, " the price of him that was valued," for the " pot- ter's field," fulfilled an O. T. prophecy. But why the evangelist (Matt, xxvii. 9) should refer this prophecy to Jeremiah, and not Zechariah (Zech. xi. 12, 13), in whom the words are found, is a question not easy to answer. Possibly as the Jews (according to the Talmudic order) placed Jeremiah at the head of the prophets, his name is cited merely as a general title of the prophetic writings. See Davidson's BibL Ciiticum, I 330. Dr. K. Robinson (Uarmont,, p. 227) agrees with those who think Jii tov irpocWp-ou may be the true reading, but certainly against the external testimony. The view of Heugstenberg is that though Zechariah's prophecy was directly Messianic and that of Jere- miah ante-Messianic and national yet they both really prophesy one truth (namely, that the people who spurn God's mercies, be they his prophets and their warnings or Clirist and his Gospel, shall lie hcmselves spurned); and hence Matthew in effect quotes them both, but names Jeremiah only because be was better known, and because Zechariah incor- porates the older prophecy with his own so as to give to the latter the effect of a previous fulfillment as a pledge for the future : the common truth taught in the two passages, and the part of " the potter " in conspicuous in them, being supposed sufficient to sumoniah the reader of this relation of the proph- ecies to each other. See his Chrutukgy of Uit O. T. ii. 187 ft, § 9 (Keith's trans.). So free a critic •I Grotius {.Annua, ad loc.) takes nearly the same new: — "Cum lulcm hoc dictum Jeremue per £ach. repetitum hie recital Matt., siinul osteudit tacite, ess puyuui imminere Judseis, quas iideui prophetaB olim sui teinporis hominibus prasdix- nnt." For other opinions, which may be thought,


    however, to illustrate rather than solre the diffi culty, see Dr. SchafTs edition of Lange's Commas lory, L 506. II.

    ACHAIA CAxofe) signifies in the N. T. s Roman province, which included the whole of the Peloponnesus and the greater part of Hellas proper with the adjacent islands. This province, with that of Macedonia, comprehended the while of Greece: hence Achaia and Macedonia are frequently mentioned together in the N. T. to indicate all Greece (Acts xviii. 12, 27, xix. 21 ; Kom. xv. 26, xvi. 5 [T. R., but here 'Aalas is the true realirg] : 1 Cor. xvi. 16; 2 Cor. i. 1, ix. 2, xL 10; 1 Theea i. 7, 8). A narrow slip of country upon the northern coast of Peloponnesus was originally calkd Achaia, the cities of which were confederated in an ancient League, which was renewed in B.C. 230 for the purpose of resisting the Macedonians. This League subsequently included several of the other Grecian states, and became the most powerful po- litical body in Greece; and hence it was natural for the Romans to apply the name of Achaia to the Peloponnesus and the south of Greece, when they took Corinth and destroyed the league in n.c. 146. (KoXoSo'i Si ovk 'KWiSo,, ,AA' 'Ax,,tai Tiy((iiya ol 'Poifimoi, tioVi ix*ip,aarro "EAAijkoj 6Y 'Axatiy tots tow 'EAArjvucou wp,hcti)k6t,i»,, Paus. vii. 16, § 10). Whether the Roman province of Achaia was established immediately after the conquest of the League, or not till a later period, need not be discussed here (see Diet, of Geogr. i. 17). In the division of the provinces by Augus- tus between the emperor and the senate in B.C. 27, Achaia was one of the provinces assigned to the senate, and was governed by a proconsul (Strab. xvii. p. 840; Dion. Cass. liii. 12). Tiberius in the second year of his reign (a.d. 16) took it away from the senate, and nude it an imperial province governed by a procurator (Tac. Ann. 1. 76); but Claudius restored it to the senate (Suet. Cloud. 25). This was its condition when Paul was brought be- fore Gallio, who is therefore (Acts xviii. 12) cor- rectly called the "proconsul" (AWfwraxos) of Achaia, which is translated in the A. V. " deputy " of Achaia. [For the relation of Achaia to Hellas. see Ghkkce, ad Jin.]

    ACHA'ICUS fAxalmh), name of a Chris- tian (1 Cor. xvi. 17, subscription No. 26).

    A'CHAN (]?y, (nwWer; written "OS in 1

    Chr. ii. 7 : "Ax** or "^X"P : -^ c * a « or Achar), an Israelite of the tribe of Judah, who, when Jericho and all that it contained were accursed and devoted to destruction, secreted a portion of the spoil in his tent. For this sin Jehovah punished Israel by their defeat in their attack upon Ai. When Achan confessed his guilt, and the booty was discovered, he was stoned to death with his whole family b, the people, In a valley situated between Ai and Jericho, and their remains, together with bis prop- erty, were burnt. From this event the valley re- ceived the name of Achor (i. e. trouble) [Achok]. From the similarity of the name Achan to Achar, Joshua said to Achan, " Why hast thou troubled us? the Lord sliall trouble thee this day " (Josh, vii.). In order to account for the terrible ven- geance executed upon the family of Achan, it ii quite unnecessary to resort to the hypothesis thai they were accomplices in bis act of military insub- ordination. The sanguinary severity of Orient* nations, from which the Jewish people were by nc

    Digitized by



    neans fret, has in all ages involved the ch'ddten in :he punishment of the father. K. W. 3.

    •The name occurs Josh. vii. 1, 18, 19, 2C, 24, ixii. 20. A.

    ACHAR ("135 : ,A x ip- ddutr). A varia- tion of the name of Achan which seems to have irisen from the play upon it given in 1 Chr. ii. 7,

    ' Achar, the troubler (~ IpTJ? 'itch-) of Israel."

    W. A. W.

    ACH'BOR C'lapV [mouse] : 'Axoj3dip [also

    'Ax,tf,3,fy,, 'Afxo,iip] I Achobor). 1. rather of Baal-hanan, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39; 1 Chr. i. .19).

    2. Son of Michaiah, a contemporary of Josiali (2 K. xxii. 12, 14; Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12), called Ahdon in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20.

    A'CHAZ CAxoC : Achoz). Ahaz, king of Judah (Matt. i. 9). W. A. W.

    ACHIACH'ARUS CAx«£x«P»». t FA - and Sin.] AxfiX"*""' [Ax fla X a P 0S ' ^X (tKa Pt •',,9632;•111 t. r. ^""HrOPK = Postumus : Achichants). Chief minister, " cupbearer, and keeper of the sig- net, and steward, and overseer of the accounts " at the court of Sarchedonus or Fsarhaddon, king of Nineveh, in the Apocryphal story of Tobit (Tob. i. 21, 22, ii. 10, xiv. 10). lie was nephew to Tobit, being the son of his brother Anael, and supported him in his blindness till lie left Nineveh. From tiie occurrence of the name of Aman in xiv. 10, it has been conjectured that Achiacharu3 is but the Jewish name for Mordecai, whose history suggested some points which the author of the book of Tobit worked up into his narrative; but there is no rea- son to have recourse to such a supposition, as the discrepancies are much more strongly marked than the resemblances. W. A. W.

    ACHI'AS (Achiat). Son of Phinees; high- •riest and progenitor of F.sdras (2 Ksdr. i. 2), but omitted both in the genealogies of Ezra and 1 Es- dras. He is probably confounded with Ahijah, the sou of Ahitub and grandson of Eli. ,,,,,, A. W.

    A'CHIM ('Axff,i. Matt. t. 14), son of Sadoc, and father of Eliud, in our lord's genealogy; the fifth in succession liefore Joseph the husband of Mary. The Hebrew form of the name would be

    P3,, Jachin (Gen. xlvi. 10; 1 Chr. xxiv. 17), which in the latter place the L.XX. render 'Axfy*. ^Rom. ed.], or 'Ax*'V [V"'- ,, Alex. lax*"", Comp. 'laxcfyi, Aid. 'AxM- ll fa a short form of Je- hoiachin, the ljnrd will establish. The name, per- haps, indicates him as successor to Jehoiachin's throne, and expresses his parents' faith that God would, in due time, establish the kingdom of Da- ri I, according to the promise in Is. ix. 7 (6 in the Hjb Bib.) and elsewhere. A. C. H.

    A'CHIOR ('A x ,cSj,, i. e. "WTIS:, the Mother of light; comp. Num. xxxiv. 27: Achior : ,,9632;enfounded with 'Axidxopoj, Tob. *'• l"'i a gen- eral of the Ammonites in the army of flolofemes, »ho U aftei-wards represented as becoming a prose- yte to Judaism (Jud. v., vi., xiv.). B. K. W.

    A'CHISH C- ,;,, 7S : 'A^oDr: [Alex, in 1 K. KfX's; Comp. 'AkxIs, in 1 K. 'Axlii Arhis), i Philistine king at Gath, son of Maoch, who in lit; title to the 34th Psalm is called Abimelech pmibly corrupted from TjbE tl'*;S,, Daria



    twice found a refuge with him when he fled Irom Saul. On the first occasion, being recognized by the servants of Achish as one celebrated for his victories over the Philistines, he was alarmed for his safety, and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. W- 13). [David.] From Achish he fled to the cav" of Adullam. On the second occasion, David He. to Achish with 600 men (I Sam. xxvii. 2), and remained at Gath a year and four months.

    Whether the Achish [son of Maachah] to whom Shimei went in disobedience to the commands of Solomon (1 K. ii. [39,] 40), be the same person is uncertain. R. W. B.

    • In the title of the 34th Psalm, Abiroek -1. (which see) may be the royal title, and Achish in the history the personal name, as Hengstenberg Ue Wette, I,engerke remark. F'iirst {ffandtnb. s. v.) regards Achish as Philistian and probably = serpent-charmer. The name occurs also 1 Sam. xxvii. 3-12, xxviii. 1, 2, xxix. 2-9. H.

    ACHITOB ('A X it,L, [Vat. - x «-]: Achi- tob). Aiiiti'ii, the high-priest (1 Esdr. viii. 2; 2 Esdr. i. 1), in the genealogy of Ksdrns.

    W. A. W.

    ACH'METHA. [Ecbataxa.]

    A'CHOR, VALLEY OF, C^Cty PS? :

    [,pdpay£ 'Ax,ip,] 'Ep.fxax'ipi [Hos. i™xi, Ax,ip: vallis] Achor) r vilify of trouble, ac- cording to the etymology of the text; the spot at which Achan, the "troubler of Israel," was stoned (Josh. vii. 24, 2C). On the N. lioundary of Judah (xv. 7; also Is. Ixv. 10; Hos. ii. ID). It was known in the time of Jerome ( Oiiom. s. v. ), who describes it as north of Jericho; lint this is at vari- ance with the course of the boundary in Joshua (Keil's .,ashm, p. 131). G.

    * No trace of the name is found any longer Vet Achor " was situated at all events near Gilga. and the West-Jordan heights" (Knobel, Josua, p. 110). It is a valley " that runs up from (iilgal to- ward Bethel " (Thomson's Isind anil Boot, ii. 185). The prophet's allusion in Hos. ii. 1 j is not so much to the place as to the meaning of the

    name. " And [ will give her the valley of

    Achor for a door of hope," i. e. through " trouble," through affliction and discipline, God will prepare His people for greater blessings than they would otherwise be fitted to haw bestowed on them. II.

    ACH'SA (1073? : 'A,rx,»; Alex. A x ,ro; [Comp. 'Oti'] Achsa). Daughter of Caleb, or Chelubai, the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 49)." [Caleb.] W. A. W

    ACH'SAH (nODV [anklet]: 'Ao-x,t; [Alex Comp. in Josh., Ax,ra: Axa), daughter of Caleb the son of Jephunneh, the Kenezite. Her fathci promised her in marriage to whoever should take Debir, the ancient name of which (according to the analogy of Kiiuath-Arba, the ancient name of Hebron) was Kirjath-Sepber (or as in Josh. xv. 49, Kir.jath-Sanna), the city of the book. Othniel, her father's younger brother, took the city, and ac- cordingly received the hand of Achsah as his re- ward. Caleb at his daughter's request added tn her dowry the upper and lower springs, which she had pleaded for as peculiarly suitable to her inher- itance in a south country (Josh. xv. 15-19. See

    a • Achsa Is merely an incorrect form which tn ino4 ern editions of A. V. has been substituted for Aclis»h the rwullng of the first and other e»i I v editions. A

    Digitized by



    Stanley's S. ., P. p. 161). [Gullotii.] Tho story is repeated in Judg. i. 11-15. Achsah is mentioned again, as being the daughter of Caleb, in 1 C'hr. ii. 48. But there is much confusion in the genealogy of Caleb there given. [Achsa; Oalkb.] A. C. H.

    ACHTSHAPH (*B?-M [faKinatim, or

    magic rites]: 'Affy, [Vat. A.(tut,], Kaufy [?] and Kticp; [Alex. Ax,^,, Ax,rtup; Comp. Xaaitp, 'Axov^i AM. 'Ax'^i 'Axo-d^O Achtaplt, Ax- op%), a city within the territory of Asher, named between listen and Alamuielech (Josh. xix. 25); originally the Beat of a Canaanite long (ii. 1, xii. 80). It U possibly the modern Kesaf, ruins bear- ing which name were found by Robinson (iii. 55) on the N. W. edge of the IliUh. But more prob- ably the name has survived in Chaifa [on the sea, at the foot of the north side of Mount Carmel], a town which, from its situation, must always have been too important to have escaped mention in the history, as it otherwise would have done. If this suggestion U correct, the LXX. rendering, K«f4,, exhibits the name in the process of change from the ancient to the modern form. G.

    AOH'ZIB CP?7N [falsehood]: K.00, [Vat. K,£ri0; Alex. AxC,*, ,* P™** "«",,9632;] 'Axf«'l8; [Comp. 'Axf'flO Achab). 1. A city of Judah, in the Shefekh (Seimiela), named with Keilah and Mareshah (Josh. xv. 44, Micah i. 14). Tie latter passage contains a play on the name : " The houses

    of Achab (a H TpS) shall be a lie 0!?S)." It is probably the same with Ciikzib and Chczeba, which see.

    2. [In Josh., 'Zx»(i,, Alex. A(et,p, **AxC«* (so Aid.); Comp. 'Axoff,3; — in Judg. 'A,rx«P [Vat. %«]; Alex. A,rx«»,»«i; Aid. 'Axo^iS; Comp. 'A,rxa£f0.] A town belonging to Asher (Josh. xix. 20), from which the Canaanites were not expelled (Judg. i. 31); afterwards Ecdippa (Jos. B. J. i. 13, | 4, 'EitS(inr«i,). Josephus also (Ant. v. 1, § 22) gives the name as 'Apxj) . ... ^ lea! 'EnStrovs. Here was the Casale Huberti of the Crusaders (Schulz; Kitter, Pal p. 782); and it is now et-Ziby on the sea-shore at the mouth of the Nahr JlerdauU, 2 h. 20 m. N. of Akka (Robinson, iii. 628; and comp. Maundrell, p. 427). After the return from Babylon, Achzib was considered by the Jews as the northernmost limit of the Holy Land. ,•-« the quotations from the Gemara in Reland (p. ,44). G.

    ACITHA ('Axi,3,£ [Vat- -X""] , Alex. Ayj^a; Aid. 'Axupd:] Agtsta). Hakui-ha (1 Ksdr. v. *1). W. A. W.

    ACITHO ([Akx.] 'Acittfr, [Comp. Aid. M«0^,] probably an error for 'Ax'riiP [which is

    Uie reading of Sin.]: Achitob, i. e. 3ieT*J», lind brother), Jud. viii. 1 ; comp. 2 Esdr. i. 1.

    B. F. W. ACRABATTI'NE. [Arabattixe.]

    ACTS OF THE APOSTLES f,pf{«s iaroari,,my, Acta Apostolorum), a second treatise [ttirfpos ,,Ayos) by the author of the third Gos- pel, traditionally known as Lucas or Luke (which tee). The identity of the writer of both books is strongly shown by their great similarity in style ind idiom, and the usage of particular words and tompc-und forms. The theories which assign the wok to otlier authors, or dHde it among several,


    ' will not stand the test of seat ching inquiry. Thej will be found enumerated in Davidson's Inurod. tc the N. T. vol. uu, and Alford's prolegomena to vol ii. of his edition of the Greek Testament. It must be confessed to be, at first sight, somewhat surpris- ing that notices of the author are so entirely want- ing, not only in the book itself, but also, generally in the Epistles of St. Paul, whom he must have accompanied for some years on his travels. But our surprise is removed when we notice the habit of the Apostle with regard to mentioning his com- panions to have been very various and uncertain, and remember that no Epistles were, strictly speak- ing, written by him while our writer was in his company, before bis Roman imprisonment; for he does not seem to have joined him at Corinth (Acts xviii.), where the two Epp. to the Thess. wen written, nor to have been with him at Ephesus, ch. xix., whence, perhaps, the Ep. to the Gal. was written; nor again to have wintered with him at Corinth, ch. xx. 3, at the time of his writing the Ep. to the Rom. and, perhaps, that to the Gal.

    The book commences with an inscription to one Theophilus, who, from bearing the appellation «pcf- rurrot, was probably a man of birth and station. But its design must not be supposed to be limited to the edification of Theophilus, whose name is pre- fixed only, as was customary then as now, by way of dedication. The readers were evidently intended to be the members of the Christian Church, whether Jews or Gentiles ; for its contents are such as are of the utmost consequence to the whole church. They are The fulfillment of the promts' of the Father by the descent of the Holy Spirit and the results of that outpouring, by the disper- sion of the Gospel among Jews and Gentiles. Under these leading heads all the personal and subordinate details may be ranged. Immediately after the Ascension, St. Peter, the first of the Twelve, designated by our Lord as the Rock on whom the Church was to be built, the holder of the keys of the kingdom, becomes the prime actor un- der God in the founding of the Church. He is the centre of the first great group of sayings and do- ings. The opening of the door to Jews (ch. ii.) and Gentiles (ch. x.) is his office, and by him, in good time, is accomplished. But none of the ex- isting twelve Apostles were, humanly speaking, fitted to preach the Gospel to the cultivated Gen- tile world. To be by divine grace the spiritual conqueror of Asia and Europe, God raised up an- other instrument, from among the highly-educated and zealous Pharisees. The preparation of Saul of Tarsus for the work to be done, the progress, ir, his hand, of that work, his joumeyings, preachings, and perils, his stripes and imprisonments, his testi- fying in Jerusalem and being brought to testify in Rome, — these are the subjects of the latter half of the book, of which the great central figure is the Apostle Paul.

    Any view which attributes to the writer as hi« chief design some collateral purpose which is served by the book as it stands, or, indeed, any purpose beyond that of writing a faithful history of sue)* facts as seemed important in the spread of the Gos- pel, is now generally and very properly treated at erroneous. Such a new has become celebrated in modern times, as held by Baur; — that the purpose of the writer was to compare the two great Apostles, to show that St. Paul did not depart from the prm ciples which regulated St. Peter, and to exalt hi, at every opportunity by comparison with St. Petes

    Digitized by



    Hie reader need hardly be reminded how little any iueh purpose is borne out by the contents of the book itself; nay, how naturally they would follow their present sequence, without any such thought having been in the writer's mind. Doubtless many ends are answered and many results brought out by the book as its narrative proceeds: as e. g. the rejection of the Gospel by the Jewish people every- where, and its gradual transference to the Gentiles; and others which might be easily gathered up, and made by ingenious hypotliesizers, such as Baur, to appear as if the writer were bent on each one in its turn as the chief object of his work.

    As to the time when and place at which the hook was written, we are left to gather them en- tirely from indirect notices. It seems most proba- ble that the place of writing was Home, and the time about two years from the date of St. Paid'a arrival there, as related in eh. xxviii., sub fn. Had any considerable alteration in the ApostleV circumstances taken place lielbre the publication, there can be no reason why it should not have been noticed. And on other accounts also, this time was by far the most likely for the publication of the book. The arrival in Home was an important period in the Apostle's life: the quiet which suc- ceeded it seemed to promise no immediate deter- mination of his cause. A large amount of historic material had U-en collected in Judaea, and during the various missionary journeys; or, taking another and not less probable view, Nero was beginning to undergo that change for the worse which disgraced the latter portion of his reign: none could tell how soon the whole outward repose of Roman society might be shaken, and the tacit toleration which the Christians enjoyed he exchanged for bitter per- secution. If such terrors were imminent, there would surely he in the lloman Church prophets and teachers who might tell them of the storm which was gathering, and warn them that the records lying ready for publication must be given to the faithful t,efore its outbreak or event.

    Such d priori considerations would, it is true, weigh but little against presumptive evidence fur- nished by the book itself; hut arrayed, as they are, in aid of such evidence, they carry some weight, when we find that the time naturally and fairly in- dicated in the book itself for its publication is that one of all others when we should conceive that pub- lication most likely.

    This would give us for the publication the year 63 A. d., according to the most probable assign- ment of the date of the arrival of St. Paul at I tome.

    The genuineness of the Acts of the Apostles has ever been recognized in the Church. It is men- 'ioned by Eusebius (,,. A', iii. 25) among the uoKoyovptvat de?ai ypatyat. It is first directly quoted in the epistle of the churches of Lyons and Vienne to those of Asia and Phrygia (a. d. 177); then repeatedly and expressly by Ireineus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and so onwards. It was rejected by the Marcionites (cent, iii.) and Mani- •hn?ans (cent, iv.) as contradicting some of their lotions. In modem Germany, liaur and some others have attempted to throw discredit on it, and fix its publication in the second century, mainly by assuming the hypothesis impugned above, that it Is an apology for St. Paid. Hut the view has 'mini no favor, and would, ere this, have been for- gotten, had it not been for the ability subtlety 4 its chief supporter.

    The text of the Acts of the Apostles is very full


    if various readings; more so than any other book of the N. T. To this several reasons may hau contributed. In the many backward references U Gospel history, and the many anticipations of state meuts and expressions occurring in the Kpisties, temptations alxmuded for a corrector to try his hand at assiuulating, and, as he thought, reconcil- ing the various accounts. In places where ecclesi- astical order or usage was in question, insertions or omissions were made to suit the habits and ,, iows of the Church in aftertimes. Whan the narrative simply related facts, any act or word apparently unworthy of the apostolic agent was modified for the sake of decorum. Where St. Paul repeat * to different audiences, or the writer himself narrate-} the details of his miraculous conversion, the one passage was pieced from the other, so as to produs* verbal accordance. There an in this l,ook an un- usual number of those remarkable interpolations of considerable length, which are found in the Codex Basse (L,) and its cognates. A critic of some em ineuee, Bornemann, believes that the text of the Acts originally contained them all, and has been abbreviated by correctors; and lie has published an edition in which they are inserted in full. But, while some of them l»ear an apj,earance of genuine- ness (as v. ;f. that in ch. xii. 10, where, after i%*,,B6vTts y is added Kar^riaav robs cirri {,a,- pLOi,Sf koI) the greater [tart are unmeaning and ab- surd (e. ff, that in ch. xvi. 31), where we read after l£eA0cIV, — €iir6vT(,, 'Hyvo'hffa.fJLfV t, ko.6' vfiai on 4,tt* ,vtipss JStttatoi' ical 4£ayay6vTfS vape- k4,,40W airrovs ktyovrts *Ek tt)i tt6,,€ws Taurus 4(,Aar4 jttTfirore ird,,tv uvvGTp,.tyitiO'iv rffi.1v heir

    Kpd£oVT€5 KTU9' UfiWv).

    The most remarkable exegetical works and mon- ographs on the Acts, beside commentaries on the whole N. T. [Alford, Wordsworth, 1 ,e,,Vettc, Meyer, Lechler in I-ange's Bibtlurrk], are Baumgarten, Apo,telyeschichte, vder tier fcnttcickthtngsgany der Kirche wn Jerusnltni bis faun, Halle, 1852 [2d ed. 1859, Kng. trans. Kdinb. 1854; Zeller, DU Apostelgesc,nchte wtch ikrem Inhalt u. (Jrspmng krit. untersucht, Stuttg. 1854, first publ. in the Thevt. Jnhrb. 1849-51 ; and] l^kehusch, Die Com- position und EnUtthuntj tier A,*ottelgeschichte von Neuem untersucht, Gotha, 1854.

    The former of these work Is a very complete treatise on the Christian-historical development of the Church as related in the book : the latter is of more value as a critical examination of the various theories as to its composition and authorship. [Zel ler's is the ablest attack on its genuineness and au then t icily.]

    Valuable running historical comments on the Acts are also found in Neander's Pjlanziiny u. Lettung der ChristUchen Kirche durch die AposUl^ 4th ed., Hamburg, 1847 [Eng. trans, by Ryluul in Bonn's Stand. Library, 1851, revised and cor- rected by E. G. Kobinson, N. Y. 18G5]; Cony- !,eare and Howson's Life and Kpistles of St. Paul, 2d ed , Lond. 185G. Professed commentaries have been published by Mr. Humphry, Iond. 1847, [2d ed. 1854], and Professor Hackett, Boston, U. S. 1852 [enlarged ed. 1858, and Dr. J. A. Alex- ander, New York, 1857]. II. A.

    *Add to the collateral helps Paley's Horve Paid- rur Btscoe, The History of the Act* of the Apos- tles confirmed, etc., lata 1742, new ed. Oxf. 1841 ; Meyer, J. A. G., Vtr,ntf. eirter Vertheidig- »ng d. GescK. Jtsu u. d Apostel alltin atu griech. u. row. Profanscribenten, 1805 Metier, fit) tk



    tjueet Htcnriarltf tn tcribendo Actt. Apott. Libra, Hag. Com. 1827; Bi.ttger's BeilrSge air EM. m He PauUnischen Briefe, 1837-38; Birks'a Nora ApottoHca ; Lewin's Life and Kpitllts of it. Paul, I vol.. Lond. 1851; Dr. Howaon on the Claradtr tf SL Paul (Hulsean Lectures for 1802); Luge, ApotU Zeitaller, 1853-54; Dr. SchafTs Hilary ,,9632;,, the Apottokc Church, N. Y. 1854, p. 191 ff.; Lechler, Dai apottvl. u. d. nachapottol. ZcitaUer, 2d ed., 1857; Pressens^, Bittoire det trait premiere ti'eUt de tEglite ChriHenne, Paris, 1858, i. 348 ff.; Ewald, Cetch. d. apatt. Zeitaltert, GUt. 1858 (Bd. vi. of his Cetch. d. YoOta Itratl) ; an art. in the ChrieUan Examiner for July, 1861, on the " Origin and Composition of the Acts of the Apostles"; the AbbV Vidal, Saint Paul, m vie et tee auvret, 2 vol., Paris, 1863; Vaughan, C. A., The Church of the Firtt Dayt, 3 vol., I,md 1864-65; Smith, James, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 3d ed., bond. 1866; and Kloster- mann, Vindtcke Lucana, tea de ,tinerarii in Libra Actt. attervato Auctore, (Jotting. 1866.

    On the chronology, see particularly Anger, Dr Ttmporvm in Artie Apaet. Ratione, Lips. 1833, and Wieaeler, Chronologic det apnttol. Zeitaltert, Gi'tt. 1848. H. and A.

    * Some additional remarks will here be made upon the theory of the Tubingen school respecting the authorship of the book of Acts. This theory proceeds upon the assumption that Peter and the rest of the original disciples of Christ were Judair.- en; t. «., that they insisted npon the circumcision of the Gentile converts to Christianity, as an indis- pensable condition of fellowship. Consequently, according to Dr. Baur, Peter and Paul and the two branches of the church of which they were respec- tively the leaders were placed in a relation of hos- tility to one another. After the death of these Apostles, various attempts were made to produce a reconciliation between the opposing parties. The hook of Acts, it is claimed, is the product of one of these iienical or compromising efforts. A Paul- ine Christian in the earlier part of the second cen- tury composes a half-fictitious history, with the de- sign to present Paul in a favorable light to the Ju- daizers, and Peter in an equally favorable light to the adherents of Paul. Paul is represented as hav- ing circumcised Timothy, and as having in other points conformed to the .ludaizing principles ; whilst Peter, on the other hand, in the affair of Cornelius and on other occasions, and the Jerusalem Church (in the narrative of Apostolic convention, for exam- ple), are made out to agree almost with the tenets of Paul. One feature of Dr. Baur's system was «he rejection of the genuineness of all the Pauline Epistles, save the two Epistles to the Corinthians, the Epistle to the Iiomans and that to the Gaia- tians. The following remarks form the heads of .t conclusive argument against the Tubingen theory.

    1. Paul's general style of reference to the other Apostles, in the Epistles acknowledged to be genu- ine, is inconsistent with that theory. He and they form one company, and are partakers of com- mon afflictions. Ser 1 Cor. iv. 9 tea., 1 Cor. iv. eeq. In the last passage (ver. 9; he styles him- ••lf "the least of the Apostles." When both Epistles were written, he was engaged in cUecting

    contribution for "the saints" at Jerusalem. Die last two chapters of the Epistle to the Komans, which show the friendship of Paul for the Jewish Christians, are, on quite insufficient gmunds. de-


    nied to be genuine by Baur. There is no l able doubt of their genuineness.

    2. Paul's account of his conference with the Apostles at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 1 eeq.) — the pas- sage on which Baur chiefly relies for the establish- ment of his thesis — really overthrows it. The "false brethren" (ver. 4) were not Apostles, but the faction of Judaizers. Of the Apostles Peter, James, and John, he says (ver. 9) when they " per- ceived the grace that wot given unto me, they gave to me and Barnabas the right hand of ' feUomthip." The sincerity of this act of fellowship is proved, if proof were needed, by the arrangement made for the contribution for the poor, to be gathered by Paul from the Gentile Churches (ver. 10). The controversy with Peter (ver. 11 teq.) was not about a principle, but was occasioned by the circumstance that the latter did " not walk uprightly," at was false to his convictions. The circumcision of Tim- othy, as recorded in Acts, is not rendered improb- able by the refusal of Paul (Gal. ii. 3) to circum- cise Titus, since Titus was a heathen by birth, and Timothy was circumcised, not to comply with a demand of Judaizers, but to conciliate Jews. In the latter case, no principle was sacrificed; see 1 Cor. ix. 20. The right interpretation of Gal. ii. removes tie objections brought to the credibility of the narrative, in Acts xv., of the Apostolic conven- tion. In the light of this interpretation, the prin- cipal objections of the Tubingen Bchool to the cred- ibility of the book of Acts, as a whole, vanish. But some of the positive proofs of the genuineness of this book may be here briefly stated.

    1. The testimony of the author, especially when we consider the form in which it is given. It is generally conceded that the third Goepel and Acts are by the same author. This author declare* (Luke i. 2) that be derived his information from eye-witnesses and contemporaries. The passages in Acts (xvi. 11, xx. 5-15, xxi. 1-18, xxvii. 1, xxviii. 17) in which the writer speaks in the first person plural — the so-called » we " passages — prove him to have been a companion of Paul. The theory that Acta is a compilation of documents being un- tenable, we are obliged to suppose either that the writer was a participant in the events recorded, or that he has introduced a document, retaining the pronominal peculiarity on purpote to deceive the reader. This last hypothesis is advocated by Zel- ler. Week's theory that a document from Timo- thy is artlessly introduced without any notice to the reader, is refuted by the circumstance that, in language and style, the passages in question cor- respond with the rest of the book.

    2. The moral spirit of the book is inconsistent with the ascription of it to forgery and intentional deception. See, for example, the narrative of Ana- nias and Sapphire.

    3. The relation of Acta to the Pauline Epistles proves the genuineness and credibility of the for- mer. Both the coincidences and diversities make up this proof. It is exhibited in part in Paley't flora Paulina. The Acts is seen to be an indc- pender.t narrative.

    4. An examination of the contents of the Acts will show the untenable character of the Tiibingen hypothesis. See, for example, Acta i. 21, 22, when? another Apostle is chosen to ftt up tit t number of the. ttcelre, — a passage which an author such u Bum* describes would never have written. Set also Acta xxi. 15 eeq., especially vers. 20, 31 where the believing Jews who are zealous fr* tit

    Digitized by



    »w ire declared to be many thousands " (,.i,p,- di«j). See also Paul's denunciation of the Jews, Acts xxviii. 25 seq.

    The historical discrepancies which the critics find in Acts are such as, if they were made out to exist, prove no «,,9632; tendency " or partisan purpose in the work, but only show tliat the author, like other credible historians, is not free from inaccura- cies. The speeches are doubtless given or repro- duced in (he language of Luke himself. Their his- torical credibility is shown by Tholuck (Theol. Stiulien u. Kritiken, 1839, II.).

    In the defence of the Tubingen hypothesis, see Baur, Dis Christenthum u. die chrutliche Kirch* 'ler drei ersten Johrhunderten, 2e Ausg., 1800; also, his Puidus ; and Zeller, Die. Apostelyeschichte. In the refutation of this hypothesis, see Eduard l^kebusch, Die Composition u. I'.tUstehung (far Apostelyeschichte, 1854; Professor Hackett, Com- mentary on the Acts, revised ed. 1858 (both in the introduction and in the exegesis of the passages pertaining to the controversy); Meyer, Ajxislelye- tchichte ; Lightfoot, lip. to the Galatians, Canib. 1865, Diss. iii. St. Paid and the Three, pp. 276- 346; and Fisher's Essays im the Supernatural Origin of Christianity, New York, 1865.

    G. If. F.

    ACU'A CAkovS; [Aid. 'Akouo:] Accub) Akkub (1 Esdr. v. 30); comp. Wa. ii. 45.

    YV. A. W.

    A'CUB ('Aicofy: Alex. A;cou;a; [AM.'Akou,J:] Accusu). Bakbi'k (1 felr. v. 31; Dump. Ezr. ii. 15). W. A. W.

    AD' AD AH (^7?1? [festival]: 'Apo^A;

    [Alex. Comp. Aid. 'ASoSd 1 :] Adada), one of the cities in the extreme south of Juduh named with Dimonah and Kedesh (Josh. xv. 22). It is not mentioned in the Onomasticon of Eusebius, nor has any trace of it been yet discovered.

    AT) AH (TTJS, ornament, beauty: 'Kl,:

    Adi). 1. The first of the two wives of Lamech, fifth in descent from Cain, by whom were born to him Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 19, [20, 23]).

    2. A Hittitess, daughter of Elon, one (probably the first) of the three wives of Esau, mother of his first-born son Eliphaz, and so the ancestress of six (or seven) of the tribes of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. i, [4,] 10 ff. 15 ff.). In Gen. xxvi. 34, she is called Basiikmath. F. W. G.

    ADA1AH [3 syl.] (HJ75 [«*",,9632; Jehovah

    adorns] : 'Ettii ; [Vat. ESetya ;] Alex. ItSiSa : Hadaia). 1. The matemal grandfather of King losiah. and native of Boscath in the lowlands of •udah (2 K. xxii. 1).

    2. ("ASaf; [Vat. Afcm;] Alex. AScuo: Adaia.) ,,9632; Levite, of the Gershonite branch, and ancestor

    »f Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 41). In ver. 21 he is called (doo.

    3. ('ASofo; [Vat. Aflio;] Alex. AAom: Adtua.) A Beigaminite, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21), jrbo is apparently the same as Sherua in ver. 13.

    4. (Alex. SaStas, Aoam Ad,tins, Adala.) A priest, son of Jerobam (1 Chr. ix. 12; Neh. xi. 12), •rbo returned with 242 of his brethren from Baby- vn.

    6. (' ASofo;: Adaia.) One of the descendants ,,9632;f Bani, who had married a foreign wife after the eturn from Babylon (Ezr. x. 29). He is called Ikdecs in 1 Esdr. ix. 30.



    8. ('ASofo; Alex. ASoios; FA. AJdou: Adilat. The descendant of another Bani, who had also taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 39.)

    7. (Alex. Axaio; [Vat.] FA. AoAco: A'lnla ) A man of Judah of the line of Pharez (Neh. xi. 5)

    8. ff^VfliS. : 'AJloi [Vat. 'Af«io, 2. m. AS- eio ;] Alex. ASaia : JffmffTf ) Ancestor of Maaseiah one of the captains who supported Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). W. A. W

    ADA'LIA (S^IS: BapU; JVt% M. Bop- (7o; Alex. FA. BapfA; Comp. "ASaAui:] Adalia), a son of (Esth. ix. 8).

    * He was massacred by the Jews, together with nine other sons of Haman, in the palace of the Persian king at Shushan, on Haman's downfall and the elevation of Mordecai to his place as chief min- ister of state (Esth. ix. 6-10). The name is Per sian, though the father was probably an Amalek ite. H-

    AD' AM (CIS: 'A8d,: Adam), the name which is given in Scripture to the first man. The term apparently has reference to the ground from which he was formed, which is called Adamah

    ( 1 ^M, Gen. ii. 7). The idea of redness of color

    seems to be inherent in either word. (Cf. D"1M,

    Ijun. iv. 7; D"TM, red, D"TM Edom, Gen. xxv.

    30; D^M, a ruby: Arab. j»J,l. cotore fusco

    ,,9632;aulitm fuit, rubrum tinxit, Ac.) The generic term Adam, man, becomes, in the case of the first man, a denominative. Supposing the Hebrew lan- uagc to represent accurately the primary ideas connected with the formation of man, it would seem that the appellation liestowed by God was given to keep alive in Adam the memory of his earthly and mortal nature; whereas the name by which he preferred to designate himself was ,sit

    I " fc M, a man of substance or worth, Gen. ii. 23). Hie creation of man was the work of the sixth day. HU formation was the ultimate object of the Creator. It was with reference to him that ah things were designed. He was to be the "roof and crown " of the whole fabric of the world. In the first nine chapters of Genesis there appear to be three distinct histories relating more or less to the life of Adam. The first extends from Gen. i. 1 tc ii. 3, the second from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the third from v. 1 to the end of ix. The word at the commence meat of the two latter narratives, which is ren- dered there and elsewhere generations, may also lie rendered history. The style of the second of these records differs very considerably from that of the first. In the first the Deity is designated by the word Khhim; in the second He is generally spoken of as Jehovah Khhim. The object of the first of these narratives is to record the creation; that of the second to give an account of paradise, the orig- inal sin of man and the immediate posterity of Adam: the third contains mainly the history of Noah, referring, it would seem, to Adam and his descendants, principally in relation to that patri- arch.

    The Mosaic accounts furnish us with very few materials from which to form any adequate concep- tion of thf first n.»n. He is said to have beer: created in the imajje and likeness of God, and thii

    Digitized by

    £6 ADAH

    is ccmmonly interpreted to mean some super-ex- jellent and divine condition which was lost at the Fall' apparently, however, without sufficient reason, as the continuance of this condition is implied in the time of Noah, subsequent to the flood (Gen. ix. 6), and is asserted as a feet by St. James (iii. 9), and by St. Paul (1 Cor. xi. 7). It more probably points to the Divine pattern and archetype after which man's intelligent nature was fashioned ; rea- son, understanding, imagination, volition, ,4c. being attributes of God; and man alone of the animals of the earth being possessed of a spiritual nature which resembled God's nature. Man, in short, was a spirit created to reflect God's righteousness and truth and love, and capable of holding direct inter- course and communion with Hiin. As long as bis will moved in harmony with God's will, he fulfilled the purpose of his Creator. When he refused sub- mission to God, he broke the law of his existence and fell, introducing confusion and disorder into the economy of his nature. As much as this we may learn from what St. Paul says of " the new man being renewed in knowledge after the image of Him that created him " (Col. iii. 10), the restoration to such a condition being the very work of the Holy Spirit of God. The name Adam was not confined to the father of the human race, but like homo was applicable to woman as well as man, so that we find it is said in Gen. v. 1, 2, " This is the book of the ' history ' of Adam in the day that God created ' Adam,' in the likeness of God made He him, male and female created He them, and called their name Adam in the day when they were created."

    The man Adam was placed in a garden which the Lord God bad planted "eastward in Eden," for the purpose of dressing it and keeping it. It is of course hopeless to attempt to identify the sit- uation of Eden with that of any district familiar to modern geography. There seems good ground for supposing it to have been an actual locality. It was probably near the source of a river which subsequently divided into four streams. These are mentioned by name: Pison is supposed by some to be the Indus, Gihon is taken for the Nik, Hiddekel is called by the LXX. here, and at Dan. x. 4, Tigris, and the fourth is Euphrates; but how they should have been originally united U unintelligible. Adam was permitted to eat of the fruit of every tree in the garden but one, which was called the "tree of the knowledge of good and evil." What this was it is also impossible to say. Its name would seem to indicate that it had the power of bestowing the consciousness of the differ- erence between good and evil ; in the ignorance of which man's innocence and happiness consisted. The piohibition to taste the fruit of this tree was i nforced by the menace of death. There was also another tree which was called ', the tree of life." Some ruppose it to have acted as a kind of med- icine, and that by the continual use of it our first parents, not created immortal, were preserved from death. (Abp. Whately.) While Adam was in the garden of Eden the beist* of the field and the fowls of the air were brought to him to be named, and whatsoever he called every living creature that was the name thereof. Thus the power of itly designating objects of sense was possessed by the first man, a faculty which is generally considered is indicating mature and extensive intellectual re- sources. Upon the failure of a companion suitable fer Adam among the creatures thus brought to him '« be named, the Lord God caused a deep sleep to


    fall upon him, and took one of his .lbs bum him, which He fashioned into a woman and brought hei to the man. Prof. S. Lee supposed the narrativt of the creation of Eve to have been revealed U Adam in his deep sleep (Lee's Job, Introd. p. 18) This is agreeable with the analogy of similar pas- sages, as Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii. 17. At this time they are both described as being naked without the consciousness of shame.

    Such is the Scripture account of Adam prior to the Fall. There is no narrative of any condition superhuman or contrary to the ordinary laws of humanity. The first man is a true man, with the powers of a man and the innocence of a child. He is moreover spoken of by St. Paul as being "the figure, tvwos, of Him that was to come," the second Adam, Christ Jesus (Rom. v. 14). His human excellence, therefore, cannot have been superior to that of the Son of Mary, who was Himself the Pattern and Perfect Man. By tile subtlety of the serpent, the woman who was given to be with Adam, was beguiled into a violation of the one command which had been imposed upon them. She took of the fruit of the forbidden tree and gave it to her husband. The propriety of its name was immediately shown in the results which followed: self-consciousness was the first fruits of sin; their eyes were opened and they knew that they were naked." The subsequent conduct of Adam would seem to militate against the notion that he was in himself the perfection of mural ex- cellence. His cowardly attempt to clear himself by the inculpation of his helpless wife bears no markt of a high moral nature even though fallen ; it was conduct unworthy of his sons, and such as many of them would have scorned to adopt.'' Though the curse of Adam's rebellion of necessity fell upon him, yet the very prohibition to eat of the tree of life after his transgression, was probably a manifes- tation of Divine mercy, because the greatest male- diction of all would have been to have the gift of indestructible life superadded to a state of wretch- edness and sin. When moreover we find in Prov iii. 18, that wisdom is declared to be a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her, and in Rev. U. 7, xxii. 2, 14, that the same expression is applied to the grace of Christ, we are led to conclude that this was merely a temporary prohibition imposed till the Gospel dispensation should be brought in. Upon this supposition the condition of Christians now is as favorable as that of Adam before the Fall, and their spiritual state the same, with the

    ,• * For an analysis of this firet sin or the race, the nature of the temptation, and its effects on the mind of Adam, the reader will find Aubcrlen's remarks In- structive (Die giilliicJu Offenbarvng, i. 154 If., trans- lated in the BiU. Sacra, xxii. 430 ff.). H.

    A * The better view of interpreters la that Adam meant to cast the blame of his sin not so much on Eve as on bis Maker for having given to him a woman whose example had led him into transgression. And in that disposition certainly he manifested only a trait of human character that has ever distinguished his descendants, namely, a proneness to find the cause of sin not In their own hearts, but in God's relations to them as having ordained the circumstances in whirl they set, and given to them the moral nature whicl they possess. In that remonstrance of the Apoett James (I. 18-15) against this self-exculpatory spirit " Let no man say when be Is tempted, I am tempted rt Qod," fcc, we simply hear again the echo of AdanA defuse in the garden, " The woman whom thou gave* to be with me " (Oen. 111. 12). H

    Digitized by



    tingle exception of the consciousness of sin and the knowledge of good and evil.

    Till a recent period it has been generally believed that the Scriptural narrative supposes the whole human race to have sprung from one pair. It is maintained that the O- T. assumes it in the reason assigned for the name which Adam gave his wife after the Kail, namely, Eve, or Chavvah, ,'. e. a liv- ing woman, u because she was the mother of all Living; " and that St. I'aul assumes it in his sermon at Athens when he declares that God hath made of one blood (ill nations of men ; and in the Epistle to the Itomans, and first Epistle to the Corinthians, when he opposes Christ as the representative of re- deemed humanity, to Adam as the representative of natural, fallen, and sinful humanity. But the full consideration of this important subject will come more appropriately under the article Man.

    In the middle ages discussions were raised as to the period which Adam remained in Paradise in a sinless state. To these Haute refers in the l'aradiso, txvi. 139-142: —

    " Net monte, che si leva piii dall' onda, I'd' io, con vita pura e disonesta, li ii i.i i-i iin' ora a quella ch' e scconda, Come it Sol muta quadra, air ora sesta."

    L'anto therefore did not suppose Adam to have been more than seven hours in the earthly paradise. Adam is stated to have lived 930 years : so it would seem that the death which resulted from his sin was the spiritual death of alienntiou from God. " In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die : M and accordingly we find that this spiritual death began to work immediately. The sons of Adam mentioned in Scripture are Cain, Abel and Seth. It is implied, however, that he had others. S. L.

    AD' AM 07S=e«rtA:,, [Comp. Aid. 'AJ-

    uui :] Adorn), a city on the Jordan " beside ( "It . !2) 1 Zarthan,' " in the time of Joshua (Josh. iii. 16). It is not elsewhere mentioned, nor is there any ref- erence to it in Josephus. The LXX. (both MSS.) [both in the Iioni. ed. and the Alex. MS. | has ear Hfpous Kapiafliapi'u [Vat. Ko9ioipf 0,]. a curious variation, in which it has been suggested (Stanley, S. cf. P. App. § 80, note) that a trace of Adam appears in a f nu, 1) being changed to K according to the frequent custom of the LXX.

    Hole. — The A. V. here follows the Keri, which,

    for CN2 = " by Adam," the reading in the He- brew text or Ghetib, has C7SI? = " from Adam," an alteration which is a questionable improvement i.Keil, p. 51). The accurate rendering of the text is " rose up upon a heap, very far off, by Adam, the city that is beside Zarthan " (Stanley, S. o, P. p. 304, note). G.

    ALyAMAH (npitf [earth]: 'Apuaffl; [Alex. Comp. Aid. VJa^l'] Edenvi), one of the "fenced cities" of Naphtali, named between Chin- aereth and ha-Kamah (Josh. xix. 36). It was jrobably situated to the N. W. of the Sea of Gali- te, but no trace of it has yet been discovered.

    ADAMANT ("l"?;", thdmir: iSo^-ru-os :

    a Can the place have derived Its name from the rat ' ground " (Tip'INn) which was In this -,ry

    anfhboriiood — " between Succottt and Zartoan "

    3 A rti 461?

    ADAMANT 27

    adamas , ,). The word Shamir occurs as act mmop noun eleven tunes in the O. T. In eight of th«s* passages it evidently stands for some prickly plant and accordingly it is rendered " briers " c by the A. V. In the three remaining passages (Jer. xvii. 1; Ez. iii. 9; Zech. vii. 12) it is the representative of some stone of excessive hardness, and is used in each of these last instances metaphorically. In •ler. xvii. 1, Stidmir= "diamond " in the text of the A. V. " The sin of Judah is written with a pen of iron and with the point of a diamond," i e. the people's idolatry is indelibly fixed in I licit affections, engraved as it were on the tablets of their hearU. In Ez. iii. 9, Sham,,r: - •,,9632; adamant" " As an adamant harder than flint have 1 made thy forehead, fear them not." Here the word is intended to signify that firmness of purpose with which the prophet should resist the sin of the re- bellious house of Israel. In Zech. vii. 12, the Hebrew word = " adamant-stone " — " Yea, they made their hearts as an adamant-stone, lest they should hear the Law," — and is used to express the hardness of the hearts of the Jews in resisting truth.

    The LXX. afford us but little clue whereby to identify the mineral here spoken of, for in Ez. iii. 9 and in Zech. vii. 12 they have not rendered the Hebrew word at ill, while the whole passage in Jer. xvii. 1-5 is altogether omitted in the Vatican MS.; the Ale vi i ii hi nr MS., however has the pas- sage, and reads, with the versions of Aquila, Theo- dotion, and Symmachus, " with a nail of ada- mant" ,* " Adamant " occurs in the Apocrypha, in Ecclus. xvi. 16.

    Our English " Adamant " is derived from the Greek, and signifies u the unconquerable," in allusion, perhaps, to the hard nature of the sub- stance, or, according to Pliny (xxxvii. 15), because it was supposed to be indestructible by tin--'' The Greek writers " generally apply the word to some very hard metal, perhaps steel, though they do also use it for a Pliny, in the clutpter referred to above, enumerates six varieties of Adnmm. Dana (Syst. Mineral, art Diamond) says that the word u Adatnas was applied by the ancients to sev- eral minerals differing much in their physical properties. A few of these are quartz, specular iron ore, emery, and other substances of rather high degrees of hardness, which cannot now be identified." Nor does the English language attach any one definite meaning to Adamant ; sometimes indeed we understand the diamond 1 * by it, but it is often used vaguely to express any substance of inn




    9 , ~ 9 | «

    f, Arab. k«w,jLyy et . , ^ A ( t. 7.

    mas. The Chaldee WTWWj,

    c The word U then frequently associated witl

    iTE,, "thorns."

    ,* .'»,,9632; r', M 'v a.--,u.u tiVw, I-VV. Alex.; "In ungiM adamantino,'' Vutg.

    1 a, i-iii ,.

    , It is incorrect to suppose that even cne diant'ind, which is only pure carbon crystallized, is " invincible H by fire. It will burn, and at a temperature of 14* Wedgewood will be wholly consumed, producing car bonlc acid gas.

    a Comp. also Senec. Hercul. Fur. 807 : " Adamant, texto vincire."

    A Our English diamond is merely a corruption of adamant. Comp. the French diamant*.

    Digitized by


    28 ADAMANT

    penetrable hardness. Chancer, Bacon, Shakea-

    rie, nae it in some instances for the lodeetone." modem mineralogy the simple term Aflamant has no technical signification, but Adamantine Spar la a mineral well known, and ia closely allied to that which we have good reason for identifying with the Shamir or Adamant of the Bible.

    That some hard cutting stone is intended can be shown from the passage in Jeremiah quoted above- Moreover the Hebrew root • (Shamar, " to cut," «• to pierce "), from which the word is derived, reveals the nature of the stone, the sharpness of which, moreover, is proved by the identity of the original word with a brier or thorn. Now since, In the opinion of those who have given much at- tention to the subject, the Hebrews appear to have been unacquainted with the true diamond,' 7 it is very probable, from the expression in Ez. iii. 9, of '• adamant harder than flint," d that by Shamir is intended some variety of Corundum, a mineral inferior only to the diamond in hardness. Of this mineral there are two principal groups; one is crys- talline, the other granular ; to the crystalline va- rieties belong the indigo-blue sapphire, the red oriental ruby, the yellow oriental topaz, the green oriental emerald, the violet oriental amethyst, the brown adamantine spar. But it is to the granular or massive variety that the Shamir may with most probability be assigned. This is the modern Kmery, extensively used in the arts for polishing and cutting gems and other hard substances; it is found in Saxony, Italy, Asia Minor, the East Indies, Ac., and " occurs in boulders or nodules in mica slate, in talcose rock, or in granular limestone, associated with oxide of iron; the color is smoke-gray or bluish-gray; fracture imperfect. The best kinds are those which have a blue tint; but many sub- stances now sold under the name of emery contain no corundum." * The Greek name for the emery is Smyris or Smirit, and the Hebrew lexico-

    o Chaucer, Komaunt of the Rose, 1182; Shakes- wan, Ifid. Night Dr. Act ii. sc. 2, and Trail, and Oeu. Act Hi. sc. 2 ; Bacon's Euay on Travel.

    b Font's Conccrdantue, ~,,12iffl, uuidere, impingere.

    tat Gesenlua, Tha. sub too. "1DBJ, 1 9- "1DD,

    T 6» - "DB7, korruil, riguit. Whence Arab. - 1 1(rT Samur,

    « an Egyptian thorn " (see Forekal, FL JBg. Ar. cxxiil. , ,

    176), and ,, »xLw, adamai. See Freytag, La. Arab.

    s. v.

    e Dana says that the method of polishing diamonds was flirt discovered In 1466 by Louis Bergnen, a cit- fcm of Bruges, previous to which time the diamond was only known in its native uncut state. It is quite slsar that Shamir cannot mean diamond, for if it did Use word would be mentioned with precious stones; but this is not the case.

    d "lbO i7t"'. That "IV, though it may some- times be applied to '* rock " generally, yet sometimes =Jttnt. or some other variety of quartz, seems clear from Kx. iv. 25 : — " Then Zipporah took a sharp stone "

    ("1 ), TtSr. That Obit knives were in common use amongst Eastern nations is well known. Compare that very interesting verse of the LXX., Josh. xjdv.


    « Anated's Mineralogy, } 894. So-pvptc, or a-fiipi*, aulpi* sat appov ftAoc fHssychlusi ay '«« Attot itrrl (Woseor. v. 166). Both


    graphera derive this word from the Hebrew Shamir There seems to be no doubt whatever that the twe words are identical, and that by Adamant we an to understand the emery-etone,' or the uncrystal- line variety of the Cortmdatm.

    The word Shamir occurs in the 0. T. three times as a proper name — once as the name of a man* (1 Chr. xxiv. 24), and twice as the name of a town. The name of the town may. have reference to the rocky nature of the situation, or to briert and thorns abundant in the neighborhood.'

    W. H.

    AD* AMI (^BTO ["humanua," human, oi Adamite:] 'Apfxi; [Alex- Aid. 'Appal; Comp.'At e,tuli] Adam), a place on the border of Naphtali, named after Alton bezaanannim (Josh. xix. S3). By some it is taken in connection with the next name, han-Nekeb, but see Belaud, p. 646. In the post-biblical times Adami bore the name of Damin.

    ADAS (accurately Addar, TJS [AetoAt]: iapala; [Alex. AM. Comp. 'ASSapd:] Addar), a place on the south boundary of Palestine and of Judah (Josh. xv. 3) which in the parallel list is called Hazar-addab.

    ADAR. [Mouths.]

    AD'ASA ('AoW, LXX; rl 'AScuri, Joa. : Adarta, Adazer), a place in Judsea, a day's jour- ney from Gazers, and 30 stadia from Bethhoron (Jos. Ant. xii. 10, § 6). Here Judaa Maccabeus encamped before the battle in which Nicanor was killed, Nicanor having pitched at Bethhoron (1 Mace. vii. 40, 45). In the Onomasticon it is men- tioned as near Guphna [the Roman Gophna and present Jufna, 2f miles north-west of Bethel Ses Ophni.]

    AIXBEEL (^,*3TN : Nov83«t)a; [in 1 Chr., Vat No,3Son)A; C«mp. 'ABJirfA; Aid. Av0oir*AO Adbeel; 'AjSSsqAor, Joseph.; "perhaps 'miracle


    of God,' from ...jl, miracle," Gesen. s. v.) a

    son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), and probably the progenitor of an Arab tribe. No sat- isfactory identification of this name with that of any people or place mentioned by the Greek geog- raphers, or by the Arabs themselves, has yet been discovered. The latter have lost most of the names of Ishmael's descendants between that patriarch and 'Adnan (who is said to be of the 21st genera- tion before Mohammed), and this could scarcely have been the case if tribes, or places named after them, existed in the times of Arabian historians or relators of traditions: it is therefore unlikely that

    statements are correct ; the one refers to the pouutrr, the other to the sioiw. The German Smirget, or Sdunirgcl, Is evidently allied to the Hebrew or Greek words. Bohlen considers the Hebrew word to be of Indian origin, comparing asmira, a stone which eats away iron. Doubtless all these words have a common origin.

    o This Is probably the same stone which Herodotus (vii. 69) says the Ethiopians In the army of Xerxes used instead of Iron to point their arrows with, and by means of which they engraved seals.

    * In the Kerl. The Chethib has "fiir, Shamir

    , It will be enough merely to allude to the Rabbin.'

    eal table about Solomon, the Hoopoe, and the worm

    Shamir. See Boohart's Hterozoieon, vol. tti. p. 84S

    ed. BoasomuUer, and Buxtorf, La. Talmud. osL Sifts'

    Digitized by



    Jmm uames are to be recovered from the works of utive authors. But some they have taken, and ipparently corrupted, from the Bible; and among 'hoe is Adbeel, written (in the Mir-dt ez-Zemdn)

    Ja,,|. E. S. P.

    ADDAN (l^JK [•rrono]: 'HJa», LXX-; ' AaAdp [Vat AAAop, Alex. Wop], Apocr. 1 Esdr. : Aden, Vulg. ), one of the places from which some of the captivity returned with Zerubbabel to Judaea who could not show their pedigree as Israelites (EJx.ii.5K). In the parallel lists of Nehcmiah (vii. 61) and Esdras the name is Addon and Aalak.


    * Perhaps the name Aalar in 1 Esdr. t. 36 cor- responds to Immkr in Ezra and Nehemiah. It appears in Esdras as the name of a man. See


    ADDAR (Tjy: 'ASlp; [Vat. AA«; Alex. Ap«J; Comp. ',,tap-] Addar), son of Bala (1 Chr. riii. 3), called Abd in Num. uvi. 40.

    ADDER. This word in the text of the A. V. is the representative of four distinct Hebrew names, mentioned below. It occurs in Gen. xlix. 17 (mar- gin, arrounruiie); Ps. Iviii. 4 (margin, atp); xci. 13 (margin, nap); Prov. xxiii. 32 (margin, cocka- trice); and in Is. xi. 8, xiv. 39, lix. 5, the margin has adder, where the text has cockatrice. Our English word adder is used for any poisonous snake, and is applied in this general sense by the transla- tors of the A. V.o They use in a similar way the synonymous term asp.

    1. Acthub (3W35 ; i^xi s : lupit) is found only in Ps. cxl. 3 : " They have sharpened their tongues like a serpent, adder's poison is under their lips." The latter half of this verse is quoted by St. Paul from the LXX. in Bom. iii. 13. The poison of venomous serpents is often employed by the sacred writers in a figurative sense to express the evil tempers of ungodly men — that malignity which, as Bishop Home says, is '» the venom and poison of the intellectual world" (comp. Deut. xxxii. 33; Job xx. 14, 16).

    It is not possible to say with any degree of cer- tainty what particular species of serpent is intended by the Hebrew word ; the ancient versions do not help us at aD, although nearly all agree in some kind of serpent, with the exception of the Chaldee paraphrase, which understands a spider by Acthub, -iterpreting this Hebrew word by one of somewhat -milar form. 6 The etymology of tbe term is not ascertained with sufficient precision to enable us to refer the animal to any determinate species. Gese- nius derives it from two Hebrew roots, 7 the coin- Dined meaning of which is " rolled in a spire and lying in ambush ; " a description which would ap- ply to almost any kind of serpent.

    The number of poisonous serpents with which the Jews were acquainted was in all probability limited to some five or six species [Serpent], and as there are reasonable grounds for identifying Peihen and Shephlphdn with two well known spe- aes, via. the Egyptian Cobra and the Homed Viper, It is not improbable that the Acthub may be repre- ,,9632;ented by the Toxicoa of Egypt and North Africa.



    • Addtr, In systematic soology, Is generally appuad « than genen which fcrm the family Ttptnda ; — Am. » to* Kpn Atpit of th- Al|s,

    At any rate it is unlikely that the Jews were unac- quainted with this kind, which is common in Egypt and probably in Syria : the £chit arcnicUa therefore, for such is this adder's scientific name may be identical in name and reality with the aiii mal signified by the Hebrew Acthub.

    Toxicoa, of Igypt-

    Colonel Hamilton Smith suggests that the Ac- thub may be the puff or spooch-adder of the Dutch colonists at tbe Cape of Good Hope, or that of Western Africa; but it has never been shown that the Cape species ( Clotho arietant) or the W. Afri- can species ( Clolho laterittrign), the only two hith- erto known, are either of them inhabitants of a dis- trict so far north and east u Egypt

    2. Peihen ()?,). [Asp.]

    3. Ttepha, or Tsiphbni (SS*, Wgs : (xyova iurxlSav, Ktpiirrnt: reaulut) occurs five times in the Hebrew Bible. In Prov. xxiii. 32 it is translated adder, and in the three passages of Isaiah quoted above, as well as in Jer. riii. 17, it is rendered cockatrice. The derivation of the word from a root which means " to hiss " does not help us at all to identify the animal. From Jeremiah we learn that it was of a hostile nature, and from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8, it appears that the 7V ph,mi was considered even more dreadful than the Peihen. Bochart, in his Wurouncon (iii. 182, ed. Rosenmuller), has endeavored to prove that the Tti- phi'mi is the Basilisk of the Greeks (whence Jerome in Vulg. reads Reguhu), which was then supposed to destroy life, bum up grass, and break stories by the pernicious influence of its breath (comp. Pliu. H. If. riii. c. 33); but this is explaining an " igno turn per ignotius."

    The whole story of the Basilisk is involved in fable, and it is in vain to attempt to discover the animal to which the ancients attributed such terri- ble power. It is curious to observe, however, that Forakil (Deter. Animal, p. 15) speaks of * kind of serpent (Coluber B,lleik is the name he gives it) which k s says produces irritation on the spot touched *,y its breath ; he is quoting, no doubt, the

    e Hut sub roe. : — W3V, ntrorsuen u float, and

    - T

    2|2?, buufiatta at. All! Arab, kathaba (fanpstun ttevn), ral etiam gasMnb (venanum)


    Digitized by




    Sjpinlon of the Arabs, Is this a relic of the Htm- kskan fable ? This creature was so called from a mark on its head, supposed to resemble a kingly jrown. Several serpents, however, have peculiar markings on the head — the varieties of the Spec- tacle-Cobras of India, for example — so that iden- tification is impossible. As the LXX. make use of the word Basilisk (P,. xc. 13; id. 13, A. V.j it was thought desirable to say this much on the subject."

    It is possible that the Ttiphutii may be repre- sented by the Algerine adder (Clutho mauritanica) but it must be confessed that this is mere conject- ure Dr. Harris, in his Natural History of the Bible, erroneously supposes it to be identical with the Rajah zephen of Forskil, which, however, is a fish {Trigon zephen, Cut.), and not a serpent.

    Algerine Adder. (British

    4. Shephiphon ()b^jp : fya-aBWoj: ceras- (•«) occur* only in (Jen. xlix. 17, where it is used to characterize th- tribe of Pan: " Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the home's hwla, so that his rider shall fall backward." Various are the reulings of the old versions in this pasxise : the Samaritan interprets Shephiphim by "lying in wait;" the Targums of Jonathan, of Onkeios, and of Jerusalem, with the Syiiac, " a basilisk." » The Arabic interpreters Erpenius [t. e. the anonymous version edited by

    a The Basilisk of naturalists Is a most forbidding- looking yet harmless lizard of the family Iguttnidtr, order Sauria. In using the term, therefore, care most be taken not to confound the mythical serpent with the veritable Saurian.

    6 ]min (WUrman), ptnticiosm, bom DT*, " to

    mercy." " Its R Salom. Chaldamm explicit, Onke- kn autem raddit, SiaU serpens Human, quod est no- men strpenlis cujusdam, eujus morsus est msanabUu ;

    is auum est sasMseus "OW??." (.Oil. Surf, i. 1111.)

    ,,9632; fly ,a».

    [This is not the rendering of

    ,o , the versions referred to, which have j.i ft" A.]

    rfrrora ^Ctt?, P -H tn , maniert, aeeordtef to PBrst and A. Schultsnj ; but Oesenius denies this cussing, and compares 'he Syr. c2j», " to glide," "to creep."


    Erpenius] and Saadias have " the horned snake; ' , and so the Vulg. Cerastes. The LXX., like the Samaritan, must have connected the Hebrew term with a word which expresses the idea of " sitting in ambush." The original word comes from a root which signifies "to prick," "pierce," or "bite."''

    The habit of the Shephiphtn, alluded to in Ja- cob's prophecy, namely, that of lurking in the sand and biting at the horse's heels, r suits the character of a well-known species of veuomous snake, the cel- ebrated horned viper, the asp of Cleopatra ( Ceras- tes Uasstlguishi), which is found abundantly in the sandy deserts of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia. The Hebrew word Shephiphdn is no doubt identical with the Arabic Siffon. if the translation of this Ara- bic word by Uolius be compared with the descrip- tion of the Cerastes in the British Museum, there will appear good reason for identifying the Shephi- phon of Genesis with the Cerastes of naturalists. " Siffon, serpentis genus leve, punctis maculisque disticctum " — "a small kind of serpent marked with dots and spots" (Golius, Arab. Lex. s. v.). " The Cerastes ( Cerastes Hasselquittii), brownish white with pale brown irregular unequal spots" ( Vat. of Snakes in Brit. At. pt. i. 29). It is not pretended that the mere fact of these two animals being spotted affords sufficient ground, when taken alone, for asserting that they are identical, for many serpents have this character in common ; but, when taken in connection with what has been adduced above, coupled with the fact that this spotted char- acter belongs only to a very few kinds common in the localities in question, it does at least form strong presumptive evidence in favor of the identity of the Shephfphdn with the Cerastes. The name of Ce- rastes is derived from a curious hornlike process above each eye in the male, which gives it a for- midable appearance. Bruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, has given a very accurate and detailed account of these animals. He observes that he found tbem In greatest numbers in those parts which were frequented by the jerboa, and that in the stomach of a Cerastes he discovered the remains of a jerboa. He kept two of these snakes in a glass vessel for two years without any food. An- other circumstance mentioned by Bruce throws some light on the assertions of ancient authors as to the movement of this make. ,Elian,? Isidorus,

    ' ivK isUBoLow

    "H KaX aparpoxtjjtri Ktxrk oilfiw Mvaet avet.

    Nlcander, Theriac. 268.

    , The female, however, is supposed sometimes to possess these horns. Hasselqnist (Itiner. pp. 241, 866) has thus described them : — " Tentacula duo, utrinque unum ad latera rertlcls, In margins superior! orbita oculi, crecta, parte arena parum arcuata, eademque parte parum canaliculate, sub-dura, mem brana tenaci vestita, basi squamls minimis, una seris erectis, cincta, brevta, orbital oculorum dimidia longi- tudlne."

    With this description that of Geoflroy St. Hflaln may be compared : — " An dessus des yeux naft df chaqoe cote une petite eminence, on comme on a eou- tume de la dire one petite come, tongue de deux on trols lignes, presentant dans le sens de sa longueur del Billons et dirigee en haut et un pen en arriere, d'od Is nom de Ceraste. La nature des comes du Ctirwte tsi trie peu connne, et lean usages, si touteftds ellet peurent ftre de qnelqua utlUte pour ranimal, son* entterement Ignores."

    o Aolov D ottMr irsoVmr ^MUld, Oc Amm n 181

    Digitized by



    Aetius, have all recorded ot the Cerastes that, whereas other serpents creep along in a straight direction, this one and the ILciaorrhous a (no doubt the same animal under another name) mow tideways, stumbling as it were on either side (and conip. IJochart).'' I,et this be compared with what Bruce says : " The Cerastes moves with great ra- pidity and in all directions, forwards, backwards, sideways ; when be inclines to surprise any one who .is too far from him, he creeps with his side towards the person,' 1 Ac., Ac. The words of Ibn Sina, or Avicenna, are to the same effect. It is right, how- ever, to state that nothing unusual has been ob- served in the mode of progression of the Cerastes now in the gardens of the Zoological Society ; but of course negative evidence in the instance of a specimen not in a state of nature docs uot inval- idate the statement of so accurate an observer as Bruce.



    The ItomeJ C'envtes. iKn.m specimen in British Mumuui.)

    The Cerastes is extremely venomous; Bruce compelled one to scratch eighteen pigeons upon the thigh a* quickly as possible, and they all died nearly in the tame interval of time. It averages 12 to IS inches in length, hut is occasionally found larger. It belongs to the family I "iperida, order Ophidian [Serpent.]

    From the root Sluiphaph are possibly derived the proper names of Siiutiiam, whence the family of the Siiupiiamitks, SiiEriiuniAN, and Snnr- n,. W. H.

    ADTOI ('AJJ.' [Tisch. Treg. 'A8o,f],- t Son of Cotam, and father of Melchi, in our Lord's genealogy (I.ulte iii. 28); the third above Salathiel. The etymology and Hebrew form of the name are doubtful, at it does not occur in the I.XX., but it

    probably represents the Hebrew N lj?, an ornament, and ii a short form of Adiel, or Adaiab. The lat- ter name in 1 Cbr. vi. 41 (26 in Heb. Bib.) is ren- dered in the [Roman edition of the] Septuagint ASoT, which is very close to Addi. A. C. H.

    3. CAM; [Vat. ASSfir:] Addiv.) This name occurs in a very corrupt verse (1 Esdr. ix. 31 ), ap- parently for Adna (Ezra x. 30). W. A. W.

    A1VDO ('ASM; [Vat. £»«»:] Addin). Iddo, the grandfather of the prophet Zechariah (1 Esdr. vi. 1). W. A. W.

    ° Aoxpa A* iirurKa£mv bXiyoy ffVpoc, ota jffp,rnjc (rTlcander, TKtriac. 294). • Boehart (Hicrtn. 1U. 209, Rosenm.) says that tn*

    laotmi derive ]'i.*CtP from *]QID, damdicart,

    •bntai J]1EU7 Is Claudia.

    « The ealebnted John EUls stems to have been th* Irtt Bngttahman who gm an accurate description of IVawnet. 1798).

    ADDON. [Addah.]

    • This varied orthography, says Fiirst (ffandwo p. 17) is owing to a dialectic difference which pro bounced -v as o. 11.

    AD'DUS ('A88oi5j: Addus). L The tons of Addus are enumerated among the children of Solo- mon's servants who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 34); but the name does not occur in the parallel lists of Ezra or Nehemiah.

    2. ('IaSSou; [Vat. laSSous;] Alex. lotSovr; [Aid. 'fiSiovs'] Addin.) A priest whose descend- ants, according to 1 Esdr., were unable to establish their genealogy in the time of Ezra, and were re moved from their priesthood (1 Esdr. v. 38). He is said to have married Augia, the daughter of Berzelus or Barzillai. In Kzra and Nehemiah he is called by his adopted name Uarzillai, and it is not clear whether Addus repiesenU his original name or is a mere corruption. ,,V. A. ,,V.

    ADER ("TTS ['» ,*™« "'I?. ,, ft**]' 'ESep; [Vat. oSirS;] Alex. -n««p: Heeler). A Benjamite, son of Beriah, chief of the inhabitants of Agalon (1 Chr. viii. 15). The name is, more correctly, Eder. W. A. W.

    AD1DA ('ASiJii; [Sin. AoV.Jo, Atom or -voi,] Joseph. "A8J180: Addus, Adicida), a town on an eminence (Ant. xiii. 6, § 4) overlooking the low country of Judah ('A. ir tj StdtrJAa), forti- fied by Simon Maccabaeus in his wars with Try- phon (1 Jlacc. xii. 38, xiii. 13). Alexander was here defeated by Aretas (Ant. xiii. 15, § 2); and Vespasian used it as one of his outposts in the siege of Jerusalem (B. J. iv. 9, § 1). Probably identical with Hadid and Adi th aim (which see)


    ADIEL CS"?!? [ornament of Gott,, : '!»*,. i),,; [Vat. corrupt;] Alex. EJitia; [Comp. 'ASri),,:J Adiel). 1. A prince of the tribe of Simeon, de- scended from the prosperous family of Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). He took part in the murderous raid made by his tribe upon the peaceable llamite shep- herds in the valley of Gedor, in the reign of Heze- kiah.

    2. ('AMA.) A priest, ancestor of Maaaiai (1 Chr. ix. 12).

    3. OOJit}*.; [Vat. Comp.] Alex. , as t *),,.) An- cestor of Azmaveth, David's treasurer (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). W. A. W.

    ADIN (riV [delicate]: 'ASSb,ASlr [Vat AJif, Attir] in Ear., ['AStnoi, ASfrin 1 Esdr.;] HJ.V [Vat. HStiv] in Neb.; Adin, Adan in Err. viii. 6). Ancestor of a family who returned with Zerubbabel to the number of 454 (Ezr. ii. 15 [1 Esdr. v. 12] ), or ti 55, according to the parallel list in Neb., vii- 20. Fifty-one more [251 according tc 1 Esdr. viii. 32] accompanied Ezra in the second caravan from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 6). They joined with Nehemiah in a covenant to separate themselves from the heathen (Neh. x. 16). W. A. W.

    ADINA (r«*"T3? [plinn(,,: AoW; [Comp. Vat. FA. 'AJsim.:]' Adina). The son of Sbiza, one of David's captains i«:yond the Jordan, and chief of the Reubenites (1 Chr. is. 42). According to the A. V. and the Syriac, he had the command of thirty men ; bat the passage should be rendered "and over him were thirty," that is, the thirty be- fore enumerated were his superiors, just as Benaiab was " above the thirty " (1 Chr. xxvii. 6).

    W. A. W

    Digitized by


    82 A»INO

    ABTCNO, THE EZNITE, 2 Sam. xxviii. 8. See Jashobeam.

    AiyiNUS ('l«oW»; [Vat. USsiros; AM. 'AHii'iff:] Jad,mu*). Jam in the Levite (1 E»dr. ix. 48;oomp. Neh. viii. 7). W. A. W.

    ADITHA1M (with the article, D^TOPI [tAe douofe booty]; Comp. 'A-ysMaTp; Aid. A8- ,,9632;srycMai,t: ^i,tAin'm]), a town belonging to Ju- dah, lying in the low country (Shefdah), and named, between Sharaim and Gederah (with the article V, in Josh. xv. 36 only. It is entirely omit- ted oy the [Vat. and Alex. MSS. of the] IJCX. At a later time the name appeari to have been changed to Hadid ,,9632; (CbadidJ and Adida. For the dual termination, comp. the two names occurring in the same verse ; also Eglaim, Horonaim, etc.


    ADJURATION [Exorcism.]

    ADXAI [dissyl.] C^IV O PP^IJ, jus- tice of JaK,,: 'A8Ai; [Vat.] Alex. ASai; [Comp. 'A5,,aJ:] Adli). Ancestor of Shaphat, the overseer of David's herds that lied in the broad valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). W. A. W.

    AIKMAH (npiW ifortreu, Fttrst]: 'A8- aai: Adama), one of the "cities of the plain," always coupled with Zeboim (Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2 8; Deut. xxix. 23; Hos. xi. 8). It had a king of its own.

    ADTHATUA (SnO"^ : [MoA«™d,; Vat Alex. FA. KaX-naeap; Comp. 'ASuofitC:] Admt- Iha), one of the seven princes of Persia (Esth. i. U).

    ADTJA (N3,1J7 [pUature]: 'E8W; [Vat. H. EoWe, Mai Aitaire •,,9632;] Edna). 1. One of the family of Pahath-Moab who returned with Ezra, and married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30).

    2. (Morris; [Vat. Alex, om.: Comp. 'EoWi.]) A priest, descendant of Harim, in the days of Joi- akim, the son of Jeshua (Neb. xii. 15).

    W. A. ,,V.

    A1VNAH (HJiy [pleature]: 'E»V,i: Ed- na*}. 1. A Manassile who deserted from Saul and joined the fortunes of David on his road to Ziklag from tlie camp of the Philistines (1 Chr. xii. 20).

    2. ("EftVas; [Vat.] Alex. ESrau.) The com- mander-in-chief of 300,000 men of Judah, who were in Jebosbaphat's army (2 Chr. xvii. 14).

    W. A. W.

    ADO'NI-BE'ZEK (PJ3r?'"T**, lord of Be- tek: ' A8Wi,8«f eV : Adonibettc), king of Bezek, a city of the Canaanites. [Bezek.] This chieftain was vanquished by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 3- 7), wbo cut off his thumbs and great lues, and brought him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he died, lie confessed that he had inflicted the same cruelty upon 70 petty kings whom he had conquered.

    R. W. B. * Cassel in his note on Judg. i. 6 (Richter u. Ruth, p. 6), mentions some parallels to this barbar-

    ty, -vhich show that it was not uncommon in an- cient times. The form of the mutilation was not arbitrary, but chosen in order to render those wbo suffered it unfit for warlike service : henceforth they tould neither wield the bow, nor stand firm in bat-

    te, or escape by flight. When the inhabitants of

    a If so, it is an Instance of Am changing to OuUi m Osr p 486).


    jEgina were conquered b. c. 466, the Athenians ordered their right thumbs to be cut off so that they might not be able to handle the spear, though as slaves they might pull the oar (.,Elian, lor. Hut. ii. 9). The confession of the savage chief (Judg. i. 7) testifies to the natural sentiment that the wicked deserve to experience the sufferings which they themselves have inflicted on others (comp. Ps. vii. 15, 16). Adoni-bezek had humili- ated as well as maimed his victims : " they hac gathered their meat under his table " (Judg. i. 7, and comp. Matt. xv. 2, ). It is said of some of the Parthian kings that at table they threw food to their famished vassals, who would catch it up like dogs, and like dogs were beaten till blood flowed from them (Athen. Beipn. lib. iv. p. 152 d). Adoni-bezek is obviously not so much a proper name as a title. H.

    •ADON1CAM, ADON1CAN. [Adok-


    ADONI'JAH (H'a'TK, Tlja^g, my Lord is Jehotah : 'ASarias ,,9632; Adonitu). 1. The fourth son of David by Haggith, born at Hebron, while his father was king of Judah (2 Sam. iii. 4). After the death of his three brothers, Amnon, Chi- leab, and Absalom, he became eldest son; and, wlh'n his father's strength was visibly declining, put forward his pretensions to the crown, by equip- ping himself in royal state, with chariots and hone- men, and fifty men to run before him, in imitation of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 1 ) whom he also resembled in personal beauty, and apparently also in charac - ter, as indeed Josephus says (Ant. vii. 14, § 4). For this reason he was plainly unfit to be king, and David promised Bathsheba that her son Solo- mon should inherit the crown (1 K. i. 30), for there was no absolute claim of primogeniture in these Eastern monarchies. Solomon's cause was espoused by the liest of David's counsellors, the illustrious prophet Nathan; Zadok, the descendant of Eleazar, and representative of the elder line of priesthood ; lienaiah, the captain of the king's body-guard ; to- gether with iShilnei and Itei, whom Ewald (Get- cliichte, iii. 266) conjectures to be David's two sur- viving brothers, comparing 1 Chr. ii. 13, and iden- tifying TCU7 with nyCtt? (Shimmah in our

    version), and *j?n with *T1 (our Jtaddai). From 1 K. ii. 8, it is unlikely that the Shimei of 2 Sam. xvi. 5 could have actively espoused Solomon's cause. On the side of Adonijah, who when be made his attempt on the kingdom was about 35 years old (2 Sam. v. 5), were Abiathar, the representative of Eli's, i. e. the junior line of the priesthood (de- scended from lthamar, Aaron's fourth son), and Joab, the famous commander of David's army; the latter of whom, always audacious and self-willed, probably expected to find more congenial elements in Adonijah's court than in Solomon's. His name and influence secured a large number of followers among the captains of the royal army belonging to the tribe of Judah (comp. 1 K. i. 9 and 25); and these, together with all the princes except Solomon were entertained by Adonijah at a great sacrificial feast held "by the stone Zoheleth, which is bj Enrogel." 'flic meaning of the stone Zoheleth i* very doubtful, being translated rock of the watch- tower in the Chaldee; great rock, Syr. and Arab, and explained " rock of the stream of water " lij R. Kimchi. En-rogel is mentioned in Josh. xv. 7 as a spring on the border of Judah and Benjamin

    Digitized by



    S. of Jerusalem, and may be the same as that afterwards called the Well of Job or Joab (Ain Ayub). It is explained spriny of the fuller by the Chaldee Paraphrast, perhaps because he treads his

    ;lothes with his feet ( £l see Gesen. *. v.); but comp. Deut. xi. JO, where "watering with the feet M refers to machines trodden with the foot, and such possibly the spring of Rogel supplied. [En- m ,oel.] A meetuig for a religious pur-pose would Ik- held near a spring, just as in later times sites for Tpoffevx,l were chosen by the waterside (Acts xvi. 13).

    Nathan and Bathsheba, now thoroughly alarmed, apprised David of these proceedings, who immedi- ately gave orders that Solomon should be conducted on the royal mule in solemn procession to Gihon, a spring on the west of Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii. 30). JGuiON.] Here he was anointed and pro- claimed king by Zadok, and joyfully recognized by the people. This decisive measure struck terror into the opposite party, and Adonijah fled to the sanctuary, but was pardoned by Solomon on con- dition that he should "shew himself a worthy man," with the threat that "if wickedness were found in him he shonld die" (i. 52).

    The death of David quickly followed on these events; and Adonijah begged Bathsheba, who as "king's mother" would now have special dignity and influence [Asa], to procure Solomon's consent to his marriage with Abishag, who had been the wife of David in his old age (1 K.. i. 3). This was regarded as equivalent to a fresh attempt on the throne [Absalom; Auxf.k]; and therefore Solo- mon ordered him to be put to death by Kenaiah, in accordance with the terms of his previous pardon. Far from looking upon tliis as "the most flagrant act of despotism since Doeg massacred the priests at Saul's command " (Newman, Hebrew .Uon'irchy, ch. iv.), we must consider that the clemency of Solomon in sparing Adonijah till he thus again re- vealed a treasonable purpose, stands in remarkahle contrast with the almost universal pnictice of Eastern sovereigns. Any one of these, situated like Solomon, would probably have secured his throne by putting all his brothers to death, whereas we have no reason tio think that any of David's sons suffered except the open pretender Adonijah, though all seem to have opposed Solomon's claims; and if his execution l)e thought an act of severity, we must remember that we cannot expect to find the principles of the Gospel acted upon a thousand years before Christ came, and that it is liard for ua, in this nineteenth century, altogether to realize the position of an Oriental king in that remote age.

    2. [Aid. Vat. Alex. *A5«Way.] A Invite in tne reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8).

    3. ['ASoWa; Alex. Aovaa; Vat. FA. ESawo; Aid. 'Aai-iV. Comp. 'ASiciav: Adonia.] One of the Jewish chiefs in the time of Nehemiah (x. 16").

    He is called Adouikam (Ep^DTS !: ,,9632; Kfwucdp ' Adonicfim) ui Ezr. ii. 13. Comp. Ezr. viii. 13; Nch. vii. 18. G. E. L. C

    ADON'IKAM (2^:'*TW r W of the enemy, Ge8. ; or Unil who fittlfft, Flint]. WtjwvtKdu. [or -K,*', Vat. varies in each place] : Adonicam). The ions of Adonikam. 666 in number, were among those who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. U- 13; Neh. vii. 18; 1 Esdr. v. 14). In the Mt two passages the number is 667. The r*nain-



    dcr of the family returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13 1 Esdr. viii. 3D). The name Ls given as Adoni- jah in Neh. x. 16. [In 1 Esdr. v. 14, A. V. ed. 1611, etc. reads Adonkan, and viii. 39, Adonicam — A.] W. A. W.

    ADONIHAM (E^'-IS [lord of exalta- tion], 1 K. iv. 6; by an unusual contraction Ado kam, CH^W, 2 Sam. xx. 24, and 1 K. xii. 18 also Hadoham, CV1H, 2 Chr. x. 18: * ASwvtp,fi,

    [Vat. -vsi-, in I K. xii. Apa,j.'] Adoniram, Ada- ram). Chief receiver of the tribute during the reigns of David (2 Sam. xx. 24), Solomon (1 K. iv. 6) and Kehoboam (1 K. xii. 18). This last monarch sent him to collect the tribute from the rebellious Israelites, by whom he was stoned to death. [See also 1 K. v. 14.] R. ,,V. B.

    ADO'NI-ZE'DEC (P7V" S ?*TS, lord of jus- tice: 'ASwi,tjSe^eV; [Comp. 'AoWio-eSeV] Adon- isedec), the Amorite king of Jerusalem who organ- ized a league with four other Amorite princes against Joshua. The confederate kings having laid siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched to the relief of his new allies and put the besiegers to flight. The five kings took refhge in a cave at Makkki,ah, whence they were taken and slain, their bodies hung on trees and then buried in the place of their concealment (Josh. x. 1-27). [Joshua.]

    R. W. B.

    * Adoni-zedek (note the meaning) was no doubt the official name of the Jebusite kings at Jerusalem, as l'haraoh was that of the Egyptian kings, Agag that of the Amalekites, Jabin that of the Hazor- ites, and the like. See Hengsteul»erg*s Beitraye, ni. 306, and Keil's Bach Jostia, p. 171. II.

    ADOPTION (vlodtffia), an expression meta- phorically used by St. Paul in reference to the pre- sent and prospective privileges of Christians (Rom. viii. 15, 23; Gal. iv. 5; Eph. i. 5). lie probably alludes to the Roman custom of adoption, by which a person not having children of his own might adopt as his son one born of other parents. It was a formal act, effected either by the process named adroyntio, when the person to be adopted was in- dependent of his parent, or by adopt'io, specifically so called, when in the power of his parent (See Diet, of (Jr. and Horn. Ant. art. Adoitio.) The effect of it was that the adopted child was entitled to the name and sucra privatn of his new father, and ranked as his heir-at-law; while the father on his part was entitled to the property of the son, .and exercised towards him all the rights and priv- ileges of a father. In short the relationship was to all intents and purposes the same as existed between a natural father and son. The selection of a per- son to be adopted implied a decided preference and love on the part of the adopter; and St. Paul aptly transfers the well-known feelings and customs con- nected with the act to illustrate the position of tin Christianized Jew or Gentile. The Jews them- selves were unacquainted with the process of adop- tion: indeed it would have been inconsistent with the regulations of the Mosaic law affecting the inheritance of property. The instances ©occasion- ally adduced as referring to the custom (Gen. xv. 3, xvi. 2, xxx. 5-tt) are evidently not cases of adoption proper. W. L B.

    ADO'RA or AT)OR. [Adouaim.] ADORA1M (D^VrW: 'ASipof ; [Ate. **

    Digitized by



    agoal^O Aduram), a fortified city built by Reholo- am (3 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah " (Jos. Ant. viii. 10, ,1), apparently in or near tbe Shrftltth, since, al- though omitted from the lists in Josh. xv. it is by Josepbus (Ant. xiii. 9, § 1, 15, f 4; R. J. i. 2. § 6, i. 8, § 4) almost uniformly coupled with Mareshah, which was certainly situated there. For the dual terminatiou compare Adilhaim, Gederothaim, etc. By Joseph lis it is given as'ASvpo, 'ASiiptos; and in Ant xiii. 6, § 5, he calls it a " city of Idumrea," under which name were included, in the later times of Jewish history, the southern parts of Judrea it- self (Keland, p. 48; Robinson, ii. 69). Adoraim is probably tbe same place with *A8wpa (1 Mace. xiii. 30), unless that be Dor, on the sea-coast below Car- rael. Robinson identifies it with ,,iirn, a "large vil- lage " on a rising ground west of Hebron (ii. 215).

    G. * Dura " is one of the largest villages in the dis- trict of Hebron, and is properly the chief place "

    (Rob. ii. 214). The name (from "HS, to be great) intimates that Adoraim hod a similar importance : and the dual (Fiirst, i. 22) implies that there was an upper and lower town, as there might so easily be, since the top of the hill overlooks tbe present Dura on its slope. H.

    ADO'RAM. [Aponiram.]

    ADORATION. Tbe acts and postures by which the Hebrews expressed adoration bear a great similarity to those still in use among Oriental na- tions. To rise up and suddenly prostrate the body, was the most simple method ; but generally speak- ing, tbe prostration was conducted in a more formal manner, the person falling upon the knee and then gradually inclining the body until the forehead tcuched the ground. The various expressions in

    Adoration. Modem Egyptian. (I*ne.) •

    Hebrew referring to this custom appear to have their specific meaning: thus - 5? 3 Orhrra*, I.XX.) describes the sudden fall; 7?~ (Kd,rrs,, LXX.) bending the knee; TTP (nrr«, LXX.) tbe in-

    tlination of the head and body; and lastly TIPX? (rpotTKuvur, LXX.) complete prostration. The term TJ~ (Is. xliv. 15, 17, 19, xlvi. 6) was intro- duced at a late period as appropriate to the worship paid to idols by the Babylonians and other eastern nations (I 'an. lii. 5, 6). Such prostration was usual in tl e worship of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3 ; Ps.

    « Even without this statement of Joeephns, it Is tla!i u»t r ' Judah and Benjamin," in 2 Chr. xi. 10,


    lev. 6;. but it was by no means ex.lnsi.ely lues) for that purpose; it was tbe formal mode of re- ceiving visitors (Gen. xviii. 2), of doing obeisance to one of superior station (2 Sam. xiv. 4), and of showing respect to equals (1 K. ii. 19). (,eea- sionally it was repeated three times (1 Sam. xx. 41), and even seven times (Gen. xxxiii. 3). It *vat accompanied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. xviii. 7 ). laying hold of the knees or feet of the person to whom the adoration was paid (Matt xxviii. 9), and kissing the ground on which he stood (Ps. Ixxii. y : Mic. vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid to idols (IK. xix. 18; sometimes, however, prostration was omitted, and the act consisted simply in kissing the hand to the object of reverence (Job xxxi. 27) in the manner practiced by the Romans (l'liny xxviii. 5: see Diet, of Ant. art. Adokatio), in kissing the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 2). Tbe same cus- toms prevailed at Uie time of our Saviour's min- istry, ax appears not only from the numerous occasions on which they were put in practice to wards Himself, but also from the parable of the unmerciful serrant (Matt, xviii. 20), and from Cor- nelius's reverence to St. Peter (Acts x. 25), in which case it was objected to by tbe Apostle, as implying a higher degree of superiority than be was entitled to, especially as coming from a Roman to whom prostration was not usual. ,,V. L. B.

    ADRAJVTMELECH {Beb. Adrammelech]

    1 ('n 1 ^'! 1 "^? : 'AJpojuA^x; [A 1 "- AtyofMAsitO ,,9632; Adramt Itch]. 1. The name of an idol worshipped by tbe colonists introduced into Samaria from Se- pharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He was worshipped with rites resembling those of Molech, children being burned in bis honor. In Gesenius (tub voce) the word is explained to mean qtlendor of the king, being

    a contraction of tj 7,H "lit*. But Winer, quot- ing Reland, Dt ret. lingud Pert. ix. interprets the first part of tbe word to mean fire, and so regards this deity as the Sun-god, in accordance with the astronomical character of the Chaldrean and Per- sian worship. Sir II. Kawlinson also regards Adrammelech as the male power of tbe sun, and Anajimfi.i t ii, who is mentioned with Adramme- lech, as a companion-god, as the female power of the sun. (Rawlinson's lltraduhu, i. 611.)

    2. [Alex, in 2 K. AJ«f»«A«x.] Son of the Assyrian king Sennacherib, whom he murdered in conjunction with his brother Sbarezer in the temple of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the failure of thj As- syrian attack upon Jerusalem. The parricides escaped into Armenia (2 K. xix. 37 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 21 ; Is. xxxvii. 38 ). The date of this event vnu u. C. 680. G. E. L. C.

    ADRAMYTTIUM (occasionally Atbamyt. Tll'M : and some cursive MSS. have 'Arpafun-nyf; instead of 'AtpanvTTnyy in Acts xxvii. 2), a sea- port in the province of Asia [AsiaJ, situated in the district anciently called ,Eolis, and alio Mysia (see Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttiuin gave, and still gives its name to a deep gidf on this coast, opposite li- the opening of which is the island of Lesbos [M'- tyvenk]. St. Paul was never at Adramyttium, except, perhaps, during his second missionary jour ney, on his way from Galatia to Troas (Acts xvi.), and it has no Biblical interest, except as illustrat- ing his voyage from Ctesarea in a ship belonging tc

    is a form of expression for tbe new kingdom, and th» none of the towns named are necessarily in tb* Hard* of Benjamin proper.

    Digitized by



    his place (Acts xxvii. 2). The reason is given in tfhat follows, namely, that the centurion and his prisoner* would thus be brought to the coasts of Asia, and therefore some distance on their way towards Rome, to places where some other ship bound for the west would probably be found. Ships of Adramyttium must have been frequent m this coast, for it was a place of considerable traffic. It lay on the great Koman road ltd ween Assos, Troas, and the Hellespont on one side, and Pergainus, Ephesus, and Miletus on the other, and was connected by similar roads with the interior of the country. According to tradition, Adramyttium was a settlement of the Lydians in the time of Ocesus. It was afterwards an Athenian colony. Under the kingdom of Pergainus it became a sea- port of some consequence; and in the time of St. Paul Pliny mentions it as a Koman assize-town. The modern Adramyti is a poor village, but it is iit ill a place of some trade and shipbuilding. It is described in the travels of Pococke, Turner, and Fellows. It is hardly worth while to notice the mistaken opinion of Grotius, Hammond, and others, that Hadrunietum on the coast of Africa is meant in this passage of the Acts. J. S. II.

    A1)RIA, more properly A'DRIAS (6 'ASptas I [Adria]). It is important to fix the meaning of this word as used in Acts xxvii. 27. The word seems to have been derived from the town of Adria, near the Po; and at first it denoted that part of the gulf of Venice which is in that neighltorhood. Afterwards the signification of the name was ex- tended so as to embrace the whole of that gulf. Subsequently it obtained a much wider extension, and in the uixtstolic age denoted that natural divi- sion of the Mediterranean, which Humboldt names the Syrtic basin (see Acts xxvii. 17), and which had the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Africa for its boundaries. This definition is explicitly given by almost a contemporary of St. Paul, the geographer Ptolemy, who also says that Crete is bounded on the west by Adrias. !.ater writers state that Malta divides the Adriatic sea from the Tyrrhenian sea, and the isthmus of Corinth the ,Egean from the Adriatic. Thus the ship in which Joseph us started for Italy About the time of St. Paul's voyage, foundered in Adrias (Life, .'!), and here he was picked up by a ship from Gyrene and taken to Puteoli (see Acts xxvii i. 13). It is through ignorance of these facts, or through the want of attending to them, that writers have drawn an ar- gument from this geographical term in favor of the £tlse view which places the Apostle's shipwreck in the Gulf of Venice. [Mkmta.J (Smith's Vuy. and Shipwreck of St. Paul. Diss, on the Island Htliia.) J. S. H.

    A'DRIEL (V^-Hy ,,Jock of God] : [Comp.] ,,ZpHiK,, [Rom. 'Etftyt^A, Vat. 2 e pei (om. in 1 Sam.); Alex. Io-porjX, Eotyi; Aid. TrtfHJa. 'E,r- 6pi:,, Hadriel)) a son of Barzillai the Meholathite, to whom Saul gave his daughter Merab, although he had previously promised her to David (1 Sam. xviii. 19). His five sons were amongst the seven descendants of Saul whom David surrendered to the Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 8, 9) in satisfaction for the endeavors of Said to extirpate the latter, although Ibe Israelites had originally made a league with them (.Josh, ix- 15). In 2 Sam. xxi. they are called ,,9632;he sons of Michal [the daughter of Saul and wife rf Davidj; but as Michal had no children (2 Sam r 43), the A. V., in order to surmount the diffi



    culty, erroneously translates HIT " brought up,' instead of "lore." This accords with the opinion ol the Targnni and Jewish authorities. The mar- gin also gives " Michal's sister " for " Miehal." l J robably the error is due to some early transcri- ber.

    ABU'EL CMoviiK [Alex. FA. Naur)],

    i. e. ^WIVj I Cfcr. "",,9632; a6 CUMfc)j ix. 12

    CASi^A), the ornament nf God). A Naphtalite, ancestor of Tobit (Tob. i. 1).

    B. V. W. and W. A. W.

    ADULXAM (Apocr. Odollam, dVjS [justice of the people, Ges. ; but according to Si- monis from TTX9 and D^P, hence hiding-piice] : 'OSoAAa^: [OdoUam, Odullam, AdulUun]), a city of .ludah in the lowland of the Shefelah, .Josh. xv. 35 (comp. Gen. xxxviii. 1, H .ludah icejil douni" and Mieah i. 15, where it is named with Mareshah and Achzib); the seat of a Canaanite king (Josh, xii. 15), and evidently a place of great antiquity (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20). fortified by Keliolioam (2 Ohr. xi. 7), one of the towns reoecupied by the Jews after their return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 30), and still a city ("O. TrdAis) in the times of the Mac- cabees (2 Mace. xii. 38).

    The site of Adnllam has not yet been identified, but from the mention of it in the passages quoted above in proximity with other known towns of the Shefeldiy it is likely that it was near Delr Ihtbl*tn, 5 or miles N. of Kleutheropolis. (By Kusebius and Jerome, and apparently by the LXX. it is con- founded with EOUUH: see that name.) The lime- stone cliffs of the whole of that locality are pierced with extensive excavations (Robinson, ii. 23, 51-53), some one of which is possibly the "cave of Adul- Iam," the refuge of David (1 Sam. xxii. 1; 2 Sam. xxiii. 13; 1 Ohr. xi. 15; Stanley, .S. ,f P. p. 259 j Monastic tradition places the cave at Kh,rtitun, at the south end of the W'ody Urtds, between Beth- lehem and the Dead Sea (Robinson, i. 481). G.

    * No one who has seen the cave at Kh,reitun can have any doubt of its fituess to l,e such a place of refuge as the cave of Adullain evidently was to David and his followers. For a description of this cavern see Tkkoa. 1 ,r. Thomson {hmd mui Hook, ii. 424 f.) pleads still for the correctness of the popular opinion. David, who lived in the neigh- iioring Bethlehem and had often driven his flocks over those hills, must have known of the existence of the cave and been familiar with the entrances to ,it. It was in a desert remote from the haunts of Saul, or if approached by him was incapable of any effectual assault. It was in the direction of Moab whither David, shortly before betaking himself U, this retreat, had sent his parents and the women of his train. Stanley decides (S. , P. p. 254, note) that the cave mint have been in the Shefelah, be- cause the family of David " went down " to him there from Bethlehem (1 Sam. xxii. 1); but the expression may be used also of Khureitun, which is nearly 2 hours S. E. of Bethlehem and over a path which descends rapidly almost the entire distance. Tha' the town and the cave of Adullam are not near each other would be only an instance of the fact that the same name is often appUed to different localities.

    ,• *So also Thenius (Die Bucher Samuels, p. 230}. accounts for the inconsistency. Sea furtl er undel Merab. H

    Digitized by




    David ma certainly in the care of Adullam when the "three chiefs" brought watei to him from Bethlehem ; and aa it is said that the Philis- tines, through whom they forced their way for that purpose, were encamped at the time near Beth- lehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, 14), we must infer that the care itself was near Bethlehem, and not so far iff aa the border of the plain of Philistia.," H.

    ADULXAMTTE Ctblg [tee Adul- lam] : 'OioWafJiTT)s ; Alex. OooAAeuurmjv ',,9632; Odo,amita). A native of Adullam: applied to Hirah, the friend (or " shepherd " as the Vulgate

    has it, reading WO'l for ^Hjn) of Judah (Gen. xxxvili. 1, 12, 20). W. A. W.

    ADULTERY. The parties to this crime were a married woman and a man who was not ber hus- band. The toleration ot polygamy, indeed, renders it nearly impossible to make criminal a similar offence committed by a married man with a woman not his wife. In the patriarchal period the sanc- tity of marriage is noticeable from the history of Abraham, who fears, not that his wife will be se- duced from him, but that he may be killed for her sake, and especially from the scruples ascribed to Pharaoh and Abimelech ((Jen. xii., xx.). The woman's punishment was, as commonly amongst eastern nations, no doubt capital, and probably, as in the case of Tamar's uuchastity, death by fire (xxxviii. 24). The Mosaic penalty was that both the guilty parties should be stoned, and it applied as well to the betrothed as to the married woman, provided she were free (Deut. xxii. 22-24). A bondwoman so offending was to be scourged, and toe man was to make a trespass offering (Lev. xix. 20-22).

    The system of inheritances, on which the polity of Moses was based, was threatened with confusion by the doubtful offspring caused by this crime, and this secured popular sympathy on the side of moral- ity until a far advanced stage of corruption was reached. Yet from stoning being made the penalty we may suppose that the exclusion of private re- venge was intended. It is probable that, when :hat territorial basis of polity passed away — as it did, after the captivity — and when, owing to Gen- tile example, the marriage tie l,ecame a looser bond of union, public feeling in regard to adultery changed, and the penalty of death was seldom or never inflicted. Thus in the case of the woman brought under our Lord's notice (John viii.), it is likely that no one then thought of stoning her in fact, but there remained the written law ready for the purpose of the caviller. It is likely, «lso, that a divorce in which the adulteress lost ber lower and rights of maintenance, Ac. (Otnutra Ihftlttiboth, cap. vii. 6), was the usual remedy t jggested by a wish to avoid scandal and the ex- citement of commiseration for crime. The word rofiattiynwrtaat [ttiyimrlirtu 1-achm., Tisch., Treg.] (Matt. i. 19), probably means to bring the case before the local Sanhedrim, which was the usual course, but which Joseph did not propose to take, preferring repudiation (Buxtorf, de Sporu. tt Dirort. iii. 1-4), because that could be managed frivately (Adtya).

    Concerning the famous trial by the waters of jealousy (Num. v. 11-29), it has been questioned

    « • Since writing the above note, we Hod that Dr. staqley is either not consistent with himself or has manned his opinion. In his article on Da tup In this


    whether a husband was, in case of certain facta hound to adopt it. The more likely view is, that it was meant aa a relief to the vehemence of impla- cable jealousy to which (frientals appear prone, but which was not consistent with the laxity of the nuptial tie prevalent in the period of the New Tes- tament. The ancient strictness of that tie gave room for a more intense feeling, and in that inten- sity probably arose this strange custom, which no doubt Moses found prevailing and deeply seated ; and which is said to be paralleled by a form of ordeal called the " red water " in Western Africa (Kitto. C'yc4y,. s. v.). The forms of Hebrew jus tice all tended to limit the application of this test. 1. By prescribing certain facts presumptive of guilt, to l« established on oath bv two witnesses, or a preponderating but not conclusive testimony to the fact of the woman's adultery. 2. By tech- nical rules of evidence which made proof of those presumptive facts difficult (Soliili, vi. 2-5; 3. By exempting certain large classes of women (all In- deed, except a pure Israelitess married to a pure Israelite, and some even of them) from the liability. 4. By providing that the trial could only lie before the great Sanhedrim (Sotah, i. 4). 5. lly invest- ing it with a ceremonial at once humiliating and intimidating, yet which still harmonized with the spirit of the whole ordeal as recorded in Num. v. ; but 6. Above all, by the conventional and even mercenary light in which the nuptial contract was latterly regarded.

    When adultery ceased to be capital, aa no doubt it did, and di»orcc became a matter of mere conve- nience, it would be absurd to suppose that tliis trial was continued. And when adultery became com- mon, as the Jews themselves confess, it would have been impious to expect the miracle which it sup- posed. If ever the Sanhedrim were driven by force of circumstances to adopt this trial, no doubt every effort was used, nay. was prescribed (Sotiih i. 5, 6) to overawe the culprit and induce confes- sion. Nay, even if she submitted to the trial and was really guilty, some rabbis held that the effect on her might be suspended for years through the merit of some good deed (Svttili, iii. 4-0). Be- sides, however, the intimidation of the woman, the man was likely to feel the public exposure of his suspicions odious and repulsive. Divorce was a ready and quiet remedy; and the only question was, whether the divorce should carry the dowry, and the property which she had brought; which was decided by the slight or grave character of the suspicions against her (SvUti, vi. 1; Oenutra Clir- thihotli, vii. 6; L'gol. Uxor J,tb. c. vii.). If the husband were incajiable through derangement, im- prisonment, ,c., of acting on his own behalf in the matter, the Sanhedrim proceeded in his name aa concerned the dowry, but not as concerned the trial by the water of jealousy (Sotah, iv. 0). H. H.

    ADUM'MIM, " the going up to " or « or "

    (S^IST** nHp^; Ttftnfa,,,, 'Ata^ilp, [h,i-

    tkurts AlBaulv; Alex, wfixrarafiatris Aoouiu, avafi. Eoctiur :] ascefuio or oscensus Aihmmim) = the " pass of the red ; " one of the landmarks of the boundary of Benjamin, a rising groiuid or past "over against Gilgal," and "on the south side of the ' torrent ' " (Josh. xv. 7, xviii. 17), which is

    Dictionary ({ li. 3), and in his Lectures on the JeteiM OiwcA (li. B9), he speaks r*,hc«t hesitation tf tat cave Dear KhUreitLn aa David -, *,f Adullam H

    Digitized by



    the position still occupied by the road leading up from Jericho and the .Jordan vallej to Jerusalem ;Rob. i. 558"), ou the south face of the gorge of the Watty Kelt. Jerome ( Oiumi. Ath-iinmln) as- cribes the name to the blood shed there by the rob hers who infested the pass in his day, as they still (Stanley, pp. 314, 424; Martiiieau, p. 481 , Stewart) continue to infest it, as they did in the middle ages, when the order of Knight* Templars arose out of an association for the guarding of this road, and as they did iu the days of our Lord, of whose parable of the Good Samaritan this is the scene. But the name is doubtless of a date and significance far more remote, and is proltably derived from some tribe of t4 red men ' of the earliest inhabitants of the country (Stanley, p. 424. note). The sugges- tion of Keil that it refers to the " ri.thlichen Karbe des Felsen," is the conjecture of a man who has never been on the spot, the whole pMi being of the whitest limestone. [Fiirst derives the name in the first instance from the color (rtd-bnmm) of the earth in the hills.] G.

    ASDI'AS ('AiSias; [Vat. AijStiar, Aid. Alex. 'A7)5,os:] Uetiai). 1 Esdr. ix. 27. Probably a corruption of Ei.iam.

    jE'GYPT. [Egypt.]

    -iE'NEAS [so, correctly, A. V. ed. 1611, etc.; Eneas, later eds.] (AiVe'aj: jEnta»), a paralytic at Lydda, healed by St. Peter (Acts ix. SS, 34).

    * The name shows that, he was either a Greek or a Hellenistic Jew. It is uncertain whether he was a believer or not {,.v8putirov riva) ; but it was usual to require faith of those who received such benefits.


    ^E'NON 'Aiiw: Simon), a place "near to Salirn," at which John baptized (John iii. 2.1). It was evidently west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22 with 26, and with i. 28), and abounded iu water. This is indicated by the natne, which is merely a

    Greek version of the Chaldee 7} 1 ,,7 = " springs.' .-Knoii is given in the Onomnstimn as 8 miles south of Scytho[iolis, "juxta Salem et Jordanem." Dr Robinson's most careful search, on his second visit, however, failed to discover any trace of either name or remains in that locality (iii. 3.33). But a Salim has been found by him to the east of and close to X,bulus, where there are two very copious springs (U. 279; iii. 298). This position agrees with the requirements of Gen. xxxiii. 18. [Sai.icm.] In favor of its distance from the Jordan is the consid- eration that, if close by the river, the Kvangelist would hardly have drawn attention to the " much irater" there.

    The Latest writer on Jerusalem, Dr. Barclay (1858), reports the discovery of ,Enon at WaJy Farnli, a secluded valley about 5 miles to the N. Ii. rf Jerusalem, runiung into the great Warty Power Immediately above Jericho. The grounds of this novel identification are the very copious springs and pools in which W. Farali abounds, and also the presence of the name SeUim or Seleim, the appel- lation of another Watty close by. But it requires nore examination 'Jian it has yet received. (Bar- day, City of Hit Gnat King, pp. 558-570.) See Ihe curious speculations of I -ightfoot ( "horog. In- quiry, ch. iii. S§ 1, 2, 3, 4). G.

    ,,9632; Robinson's words, r ' On the south

    ibore, 1 ' are the more remarkable, because the identitj f the place with the HmMkM— tn docs not neem ban occurred to him.



    * The later observations tend to narrow th* limits of the question: they indicate at least the region if they do not fix the site of Mnon. Je- rome's testimony (Reland's PaltEstina, p. 480) that it was 8 miles south of Seythopolis (still shown there in his day, "ostenditur usque nunc '*) agrees with the ascertained condition of that neighbor hood. Dr. Thomson {Land awl Book, ii. 176), who visited Beisdn (Seythopolis) and the neighbor- hood, represents the valley there as alwunding in fountains and brooks, which make it one of the most fertile places in Palestine. Though find- ing no traces of the names still current, he says that ^Enon and Salim were no doubt in this (Shor Btisan. Dr. Robinson's Salim lies too far inward to agree with the "juxta Jordanem " of Eusebius and Jerome; indeed, he gives up tliat po- sition and fixes on a different one. The name merely of Salim would not he decisive, as it seems to have been, and is still, not uncommon in Pales- tine. [Salim.] We have the more reason for adhering to the traditionary site, that Mr. Van de Velde reports his finding a Mussulman oratory ( IVely) called Shtykh Salim near a heap of ruins, about six English miles south of Bt?i,t'tn, and two west of the Jordan (Syr. awl Pal. ii. 34W). Bleek (Brit, an die Ihbr. vol. ii. pt. 2. p. 28o ft".) main- tains that tliis Salim was not only the one where John baptized, but of which Melchizcdek was king ((Jen. xiv. 18). As to ,Enon, which is descriptive rather than local, the existence itself of fountains, "deep waters" (DSoto iroAAtO, is all the identifi- cation that the term requires. H

    .(ERA. [Chbosolooy.]

    ETHIOPIA. [Ethiopia.]

    •^THIOPIC VERSION. [Version*,,

    A NCI EST.]

    AFFINITY. [Marriage.]

    AG'ABA ('AK«a,£ ; [Vat. niarg. AyyojSo; Alex. ra,a; Aid. *A,a04:] Aygab), 1 Esdr. v. 30. [Hawaii.]

    AG'ABUS 6 CAya,os- Ayabm),*. Christian prophet in the apostolic age, mentioned in Acts xi. 28 and xxi. 10. The same person must ,,m meant in both places ; for not only the name, but the office (,,9632;Kpo,p4,,Tr,,s) and residence (ojt6 'UpoaoXv^ajv^ anl tTjs 'IouSoiaj), are the same in both instances. He predicted (Acts xi. 28) that a famine would take place in the reign of Claudius " throughout all the world " (2,p' o,,t]v r^v olKovpLtrnv). This ex pression may take a narrower or a wider sense, either of which confirms the prediction. As (Jreek and Roman writers used tj otKovfte vt,, of the (Jreek and the Roman world, so a Jewish writer could use it naturally of the Jewish world or Palestine. Jo- sephus certainly so uses it (Ant. viii. 13, § 4) when speaking of the efforts of Ahab to discover the prophet Ebjah, he says that the king sought him Kari TTurrar t)jv oiKOVfLtirnv, i- ,« throughout Palestine and its lx,rders. (See Auger, Dc Tempo- rum in ActU App. ratione, p. 42.) Ancient writers give no account of any universal famine in the reign of Claudius, but they speak of several local famines which were severe in particular countries. Josephus (AiU. xx. 2, § € ib. 5, § 2) mentions one which prevailed at that time in Judaea, and swept I away many of the inhabitants. Helena, queen of i Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte who was then at Je-

    b • TuU article (not accrsditeJ In the Sof Ilia ed) ,,9632; Bon) has been re-written hen by the author II

    Digitized by


    38 AOAO

    -usalem, imported provisions from Egypt and Cy- prus, which the distributed among the people to »ve them from starvation. This, in all probability. is the famine to which Agabus refers in Acta xi. 28. The chronology admits of this supposition. According to Joeephus, the famine which he de- scribes took place when Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander were procurators ; i. e. as Lardner com- putes the time (Credibility, P. I. b. i. ch. xi.), it may have begun about the close of A. D. 44, and lasted three or four years. Fadus was sent into Judaea on the death of Agrippa, which occurred in August of the year a.d. 44; and it was about the time of the death of Agrippa (Acts rii. 1) that Paul and Barnabas carried the alms of the Christians at Antioch to Jerusalem. If we attach the wider sense to olicovfitrrir, the prediction may import that a famine should take place throughout the Roman empire during the reign of Claudius (the year is not specified), and not that it should prevail in all parte at the same time. We find mention of three other famines during the reign of Claud- ius: one in Greece (Euseb. Chron. 1. 79), and two in Rome (Dion Cass. lx. 11; Tac. Arm. xii. 43). For the facte concerning these families, see Walch, De Agabo vote (DiuerU. ad Ada Apod. ii. 131 ff.). At Csesarea, Agabus foretold to Paul, who was then going up to Jerusalem for the last time, that the Jews there would cast him into prison and bind him hand and foot The prophet accompanied this prediction with a symbolic act (that of binding his own hands and feet with Paul's girdle), which served to place the event foretold more vividly be- fore them. The scene, being thus acted out before their eyes, was rendered present, real, beyond what any mere verbal declaration could possibly have made it

    " Segnins irritant animoa demises per aurem Quam quas sunt oculls sutjecta ndelibus, at que Ipse sibl tradit spectator."

    Instances of such symbolism, though rare in the N. T., are frequent in the Old.; Is. xx. 1 ff.; Jer. xiii. 1 ff.; Ezek. iv. 1 ff., etc.

    The name Agabus is variously derived : by Dru-

    sius, from 23^, " ^ oc,ut ' °7 Grotius, Witeiut, and Wolf, from 235, he loved. See Wolf *s Cora Philologiae, ii. 1167. Walch {id supra) adopts 'he latter derivation, and compares the name with he Greek Agape, Agapetus, Agapius, and the like. Walch, in his Ditirrtatio. treats (a) of the name of Agabus; (A) of his office as prophet; (c) of bis prophecies; and (d) of their fulfillment. He illustrates these topics fully, but adds nothing important to the results stated in this article. The .ncidente in which Agabus appears are noticed at ength in Baumgarton's Apoetelyetchichte, I. 270 it. and li. 113 ff. H. B. H.

    A'G AG (33N, from an Arabic root " to bum," Uesen.: 'ATtty and rc4v: Agag), possibly the title jf the kings of Amalek, like Pharaoh of Egypt One king of this name is mentioned in Num. xxiv.


    7, and another in 1 Sam. xv. 8, 9, Sal, 39. Tbs latter was the king of the Amalekites, whom Sao) spared together with the best of the spoil, although it was the well-known will of Jehovah that the Amalekites should be extirpated (Ex. xvii. 14 Deut xxv. 17). For this act of disobedience Sam- uel was commissioned to declare to Saul his rejec- tion, and he himself sent for Agag and cut him ir. ' was. [Samuel.]

    Hainan is called toe AoAorre in Esther (Bov- •muos, iii. 1, 10, viii. 3, 5, [MontWr, U. 84]). The Jews consider Haman a descendant of Agag, the Amalekite, and hence account for the hatred with which he pursued their race (Joseph. Ant. xi. 6, § 5; Targ. Esth.). R. W. B.

    A'GAGITE. IAcac]

    A'GAR. [Haoar.]

    AGARE'NES (viol 'Ayap: JUS Agar), Bar. iii. 23. [Haoakenes.]

    AGATE (i2tr, Aebt; 13"!?, cadctdt ox«tT7|»: ackatet) is mentioned four times in the text of the A. V.; viz. in Ex. xxviil. 19, xxxix. 12; Is. liv. 12; Ex. xxvii. 10. In the two former passages, where it is represented by the Hebrew word sheb,,, it is spoken of as forming the second stone in the third row of the high-priest's breast- plate ; in each of the two latter places the original word is cadc6a,, by which no doubt is intended a different stone. [Ruby.] In Ex. xxvii. 16, where the text has agate, the margin has chrg,oprnte, whereas in the very next chapter, Ex. xxviii. 13, chrywpra,t occurs in the margin instead of em- erald, which is in the text, as the translation of an entirely different Hebrew word, niphec; « this will show how much our translators were perplexed as to the meanings of the minerals and precious stones mentioned in the sacred volume ; b and this uncer- tainty which belongs to the mineralogy of the Bi- ble, and indeed in numerous instances to its botany and zoology, is by no means a matter of surprise when we consider how often there is no collateral evidence of any kind that might possibly help us, and that the derivations of the Hebrew words have generally and necessarily a very extensive significa- tion; identification, therefore, in many cases be- comes a difficult and uncertain matter.

    Various definitions of the Hebrew word skebi have been given by the learned, but nothing defi- nite can be deduced from any one of them. Gese- nius places the word under the root ih,bahe " to take prisoner," but allows that nothing at all can be learned from such an etymology. Fiirst d with more probability assigns to the name an Arabic Origin, th,ba, " to glitter."

    Again, we find curiously enough an interpreta- tion which derives it from another Arabic root, which has precisely the opposite meaning, viz. " to be dull and obscure." • Another derivation traces the word to the proper name Sheba, whence pre- cious stones were exported for the Tyrian mer- chants. Of these derivations, it is difficult to see any meaning at all in the first,, while a contrary


    , See " Translators' Preface to the Seeder," which 1 1* to be regretted is never now printed in editions ,,9632; she Bible.

    • 1*007, oofXtmim ,tat, fleam. Thaaar. a. v.

    d Oomp. OoUua, Arab. Ltx.

    ' 1387 ; of. Frertag, Arab. Ltr.. KiXmS (,,9660;", * * * eonj. of K Juw), otuevra, ambig*afltU ru akemi.

    ,"Bed ban null fccrant ad dXageodam ejne oat* rem." — Brans. T. 8. n. xv. I.

    Digitized by


    AGE, OLD

    •ne to what we should expect is giver, to the third, jr»r a dull-looking stone is surely out of place amongst the glittering gems which adorned the sa- cerdotal breastplate. The derivation adopted by Fiirst is perhaps the most probable, yet tuere is nothing even in it which will indicate the stone in- tended. That she-bo, however, does stand for some variety of agaie seems generally agreed upon by commentators, for, as Kosenmuller " has observed (Schd. in Exod. xxxviii. 19). there is a wonderful agreement amongst interpreters, who all under- stand an agtte by the term.

    Our English agate, or achat, derives its name from the Achates, the modern Dirillo, in the Val di Noto, in Sicily, on the banks of which, accord- ing to Theophrastus and Pliny, it was first found ; b but as agates are met with in almost every coun- try, this stone was doubtless from the earliest times known to the Orientals. It is a silicious stone of the quartz family, and is met with generally in rounded nodules, or in veins in trap-rocks ; speci- mens are often found on the sea-shore, and in the l,eds of streams, the rocks in which they had been imbedded having been decomposed by the elements, when the agates have dropped out. Some of the principal varieties are called chalcedony, from Chal- cedon in Asia Minor, where it is found, carntUtm, cttrysoprasr, an apple-green variety colored by ox- ide of nickel, Mocha-stones, or moss agate, which owe their dendritic or tree-like markings to the imperfect crystallization of the coloring salts of manganese or iron, onyx-stones, bUnnl-stimes, ,c., Ac. Beautiful s],ecimens of the art of engraving on rtiaicttk,ny are still found among the tombs of Egypt, Assyria, Etruria, ,c. c W. II.

    AGE, Ot*D. In early stages of civilization, when experience is the only source of practical knowledge, old age has its special value, and con- sequently its special honors. The Spartans, the Athenians, and the Romans were particular in showing respect to the aged, and the Egyptians had a regulation which lias its exact parallel- in the Bible (Herod, ii. 80; Lev. xix. 83). Under a pa- triarchal form of government such a feeling was Ktill more deeply implanted. A further motive was superadded in the case of the Jew, who was taught to consider old age as a reward for piety, and a sig- nal token of God's favor. For these reasons the aged occupied a prominent place in the social and political system of the Jews. In private life they were looked up to as the depositaries of knowledge (Job xv. 10); the young were ordered to rise up in their presence (Lev. xix. 32); they allowed them to give their opinion first (Job xxxii. 4); they were taught to regard grey hairs as a " crown of glory *' ind as the "beauty of old men" (Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 2J). The attainment of old age was regarded as a special blessing (Job v. 2ti) not only on ac- count of the prolonged enjoyment of life to the ir dividual, but also because it indicated peaceful and prosperous times (Zech. viii. -t; I Mace. xiv. 9; Is. kv. 20). In public affairs age carried weight with



    ^2*J* "esse atJtatem, satis probabile est, quum minu in noc l,pide interpretum ait consensus." Vld. 3n»an. di Vest. Haeerd. Hebraor. II. c. xv. Hi.

    " KaAos M Atflov tot b o.,,aTrfi b otto tov *Ai -itov DTofioC tov iv StK^Ain, *ai moActTat rifuoc . — Theoph. *V. U. 81, ed. Schneider, and FUn. xxxvii. 54 ; Utho%- mphu SUUienne, Naples, 1777, p. 16.

    ,,9632; Compare with this Ex. xxxviii. 23: "And with »tm wm Aholiab, son of Ahisamach, of the tribe a }an,

    it, especially in the infancy of the state : it formet under Moses the main qualification of those whe acted as the representatives of the people in all matters of difficulty and deliberation. The old men or Elders thus became a class, and the title gradually ceased to convey the notion of age, and was used in an official sense, like Patres, Senatores, and other similar terms. [Eldkks.] Still it would be but natural that such an office was gen- erally held by men of advanced age (1 K. xii. 8).

    ,,V. L. 13. * The distinction between irpeafivrns and irpta- fiuTcpos should be remarked. Though the for- mer refers always to age, the latter refers occa- sionally to age (Acts ii. 17; 1 Tim. v. 1; 1 Pet. v. 5), but usually to rank or office. The point is of some interest as regards the age of Paul at the ~ time of his Roman captivity. In Pbilein. ver. 9. the apostle alludes to himself "as an old man" (u,s irpeafivTTis) for the purpose of giving effect by that reminiscence to his entreaty in behalf of Ones- inius. Paid is supposed to have been, at the time of writing to Philemon (converted about 30 a. i,., at the age of 30, and at Kome 02-4 a. i,.), about 60 years old. According to Hippocrates, a man was called vpcafivT-ns from 49 to 56, and after that was called yipwv. But there was another estimate among the Greeks which fixed the later period (yripas) at 69. Coray treats of this question in his Xuytictiripos 'UpariKd'y, p. 167 (Paris, 1831 ). d Our most impressive image of old age in the X. T., as represented by its appropriate word, is that which occurs in the Saviour's touching description of what was to befall the energetic Peter in his last days {orav ynpiiavs)- See John xxi. 18. The term applied to Zacliarias (Luke i. 18) is vpev ,VT7IS- The patriarch Jacob's characterization of a long life, as he looked back upon it from the verge of the grave, has hardly its parallel for truthfulness and pathos in all extant literature. See Gen. xlvii. 8, 9. H.

    A'GEE [dissyl.] (S3S [fugitive]: "Acra ; Alex. A-yoa; [Camp. 'Ayd'] Age). A Hararite, father of Shammah, one of David's three mightiest heroes (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). In the Peshito-Syriac he is called " Ago of the king's mountain."

    AGGE'US ('AyyaTos: Aggceus), [1 Esdr. vi. 1, vii. 3; 2 Esdr. i. 40.] [IIaggai.]

    AGRICULTURE. This, though prominent in the Scriptural narrative concerning Adam, Cain and Noah, was little cared for by the patriarchs more so, however, by Isaac and Jacob than by Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxvii. 7), in whose time, probably, if we except the lower Jordan valley (xiii. 10), there was little regular culture in Canaan. Thus Genu: and Sheehem seem to have been cities where pastoral wealth predominated. The herds - BUB strove with Isaac about his wells; alwut his crop there was no contention (xx. 11, xxxiv. 28). In Joshua's time, as shown by the story of the " Eshcol" (Num. xiii. 23-4), Canaan was found in

    an engraver and a cunning workman ; " and ch. xxxix 8: " And he made the breastplate of cunning work.'

    • Occasional specimens of agate occur along the coast north of Tortosa, and it Is very abuudant ntni Antloch {Antakia), Kob. Phys. Gro«r. p. 376. II.

    '' • Ot. the Mngte word *' aged " in Phileui. v»*r. 9, the celobratod I. i;.u-t preached two of his 39 set wont on the Epistle ;o Philemon ( Predi^ten tttn d. Brief an d. Pkiltmof *t Oallen, 1785-6;. H

    Digitized by VaOO



    • much more advanced agricultural state than Jacob had left it in (Deut. viii. 8), resulting prob- ably from the severe experience of (amines, and the example of Egypt, to which its people were thus led. The pastoral life was the means of keeping the sacred race, whilst yet a family, distinct from mixture and locally unattached, especially whilst in Egypt. When, grown into a nation, they con- quered their future seats, agriculture supplied a similar check on the foreign intercourse and speedy demoralization, especially as regards idolatry, which commerce would have caused. Thus agriculture became the basis of the Mosaic commonwealth (MichaeJis, xxxvil.-xli.). It tended to check also the freebooting and nomad life, and made a numer- ous offspring profitable, as it was already honorable by natural sentiment and by law. Thus, too, it indirectly discouraged slavery, or, where it existed, made the slave somewhat like a son, though it made the son also somewhat of a slave. Taken in connection with the inalienable character of inher- itances, it gave each man and each family a stake in the soil and nurtured a hardy patriotism. " The land is Mine " (Lev. xxv. 23) was a dictum which made agriculture likewise the basis of the theocratic relation. Thus every family felt its own life with intense keenness, and had its divine ten- ure which it was to guard from alienation. The prohibition of culture in the sabbatical year formed, under this aspect, a kind of rent reserved by the Divine Owner. Landmarks were deemed sacred (Deut. xix. 14), and the inalienability of the heri- tage was ensured by its reversion to the owner in the year of jubilee; so that only so many years of occupancy could be sold (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 23-35). The prophet Isaiah (v. 8) denounces the contempt of such restrictions by wealthy grandees who sought to " add field to field," erasing families and depop- ulating districts.

    A change In the climate of Palestine, caused by increase of population and the clearance of trees, must have token place before the period of the N. T. A further change caused by the decrease of skilled agricultural labor, e. ,?., In irrigation and terrace-making, has since ensued. Nut only this, but the great variety of elevation and local charac- ter in so small a compass of country necessitates a partial and guarded application of general remarks (Robinson, 1. 607, 553, 554, iii. 595; Stanley, S. ,f P. pp. 119, 124-6). Yet wherever industry is secure, the soil still asserts its old fertility. The llaur,n (Pereea) is as fertile as Damascus, and its bread enjoys the highest reputation. The black and fat, but light, soil about Gaza is said to hold •o much moisture as to be very fertile with little .'sin. Here, as in the neighborhood of Bryt-it, is a vast olive-ground, and the very sand of the shore is said to be fertile if watered. The Israelites probably found in Canaan a fair proportion of woodland, which their necessities, owing to the dis- couragement of commerce, must have led them to reduce (Josh. xiii. 18). Hut even in early times timber seems to have been far less used for building material than among western nations ; the Israel- ites were not skillful hewers, and imported both be timber and the workmen (1 K. v. 6, 8). No itore of wood-fuel seems to have been kept; ovens were heatrd with such things as dung and hay (Ez. y. 12, 15; Mai. iv. 1); and, in any case of sacrifice sn an emergency, some, as we should think, unu- raal source of supply is constantly mentioned for he won) (1 Sam. vi. 14; 9 Sam. xxiv. 29; 1 K.


    xix. 21 ; comp. Gen. xxii. 3, C, 7). .411 this li.clf cates a non-abundance of timber.

    Its plenty of water from natural sources mads Canaan a coutrast to rainless Egypt (Deut. viii. 7 xi. 8-12). Nor was the peculiar Egyptian method alluded to in Deut xi. 10 unknown, though less prevalent in Palestine. That peculiarity seems tc have consisted in making in the fields square shal- low beds, like our salt-pans, surrounded by a raised border of earth to keep in the water, which was then turned from one square to another by pushing aside the mud to open one and close the next with the foot. A very similar method is apparently de- scribed by Robinson as used, especially for garden vegetables, in Palestine. There irrigation (includ- ing under the term all appliances for making the water available) was as essential as drainage in our region ; and for this the large extent of rocky sur- face, easily excavated for cisterns and ducts, was most useful. Even the plain of Jericho is watered not by canals from the Jordan, since the river lies below the land, but by rills converging from the mountains. In these features of the country lay its expansive resources to meet the wants of a mul- tiplying population. The lightness of agricultural labor in the plains set free an abundance of hands for the task of terracing and watering; and the result gave the highest stimulus to industry.

    The cereal crops of constant mention are wheat and barley, and more rarely rye and millet (?). Of the two former, together with the vine, olive, and fig, the use of irrigation, the plough and the harrow, mention is found in the book of Job (xxxi. 40, xv. 33, xxiv. 6, xxix. 0, xxxix. 10). Two kinds of cummin (the black variety called " fitches," Is. xxviii. 27), and such podded plants as beans and lentiles, may be named among the staple prod- uce. To these later writers add a great variety of garden plants, e. g., kidney-beans, peas, lettuce, endive, leek, garlic, onion, melon, cucumber, cab- bage, Ac. (Milium, Ctfoim, 1. 1, 2). The produce which formed Jacob's present was of such kinds as would keep, and had kept during the (amine (Gen. xliii. 11).

    The Jewish calendar, as fixed by the three great festivals, turned on the seasons of green, ripe, and fully-gathered produce. Hence, if the season was backward, or, owing to the imperfections of a non- astronomical reckoning, seemed to be so, a month was intercalated. This rude system was fondly re- tained long after mental progress and foreign inter- course placed a correct calendar within their power; so that notice of a Vtadar, i. e., second or inter- calated Adar, on account of the lambs being not yet of paschal size, and the barley not forward enough for the Abib (green sheaf), was sent to the Jews of Babylon and Egypt (L'gol. de Re RutL v. 22) early in the season.

    The year ordinarily consisting of 12 months wai divided into 6 agricultural periods as follows (To taphta Taamth, ch. 1): —

    I. Sowing Toot.

    ! beginning about autumnal equinox ^Barly rate las


    Kaaleu, former half . . .

    H. Umurr

    Kasleu, latter naif.


    Shebath, former half.

    Digitized by





    IH. Cold Season.

    B •bath, latter half


    [Veedar] .... NImh, former half .

    Latter rain doe.

    IT. HiavuT Too.

    Wnan, latter half


    31van, former half

    iii van, latter half.


    Ab, former half.

    Beginning about vernal equinox. Barley green. Passover.

    VI Mat ripe.


    VI. Sclt»t Siasoh.

    Ab, latter half.


    Tisri, former half

    . . Ingathering of fruits.

    Thus the 6 mouths from mid Tisri to mid Nisan were mainly occupied with the process of cultiva- tion, and the rest with the gathering of the fruits. Kain was commonly expected soon after the autum- nal equinox or mid Tisri; and if by the first of Kasleu none had fallen, a fast was proclaimed (Mishna, Taantih, ch. i.). The common scriptu- ral expressions of the "early" and the •'latter rain " (Dent- xi. 14; Jer. v. 24; Hos. vi. 3; Zech. x. 1 ; Jam. v. 7) are scarcely confirmed by modern experience, the season of rains being unbroken (Robinson, i. 41, 429, iii. 96), though perhaps the fall is more strongly marked at the beginning and the end of it. The consternation caused by the fail- ure of the former rain is depicted in Joel i., ii. ; and that prophet seems to promise that and the latter rain together " in the first month," •'. e. Nisan (ii. 23). Hie ancient Hebrews had little notion of green or root-crops grown for fodder, nor was the lung summer drought suitable for them. Barley supplied food both to man and beast, and the plant,

    called in E*. iv. 9, " Millet," J?'T, holms dochmi, linn. (Gesenius), was grazed while green, and its ripe grain made into bread. In the later period

    of more advanced irrigation the ]i"1 s*,, "Fenu- greek," occurs, also the HPU7, a clover, appa- rently, given cot (Peak, v. 5). Mowing (*3, Am. vii. 1; Pa. Uarii. 6) and haymaking were familiar p ro cess e s, but the latter had no express word,

    TSP standing both for grass and hay, a token it a hot climate, where the grass may become hay as it stands.

    The produce of the land besides fruit from trees, was Technically distinguished as nHIDH, tnclud

    ing apparently all cereal plants, 71 V3Bp (quicquia in tiliquit naseUur, Buxt Lex.), nearly equivalent to the Latin kgumen, and CJiyiT or "WIT

    nj^J, tamaa nortensia, (since the former word alone was used also generically for all seed, includ- ing all else which was liable to tithe, for which purpose the distinction seems to have existed. The plough probably was like the Egyptian, and the process of ploughing mostly very light, like that called scar,,ficaHo by the Romans (" Syria tenui sulco ant," Phn. xviii. 47), one yoke of oxen mostly sufficing to draw it. Such is still used in Asia Minor, and its parts are shown in the accom- panying drawing: a is the pole to which the cross beam with yokes, 0, is attached ; c, the share ; d, the handle; e represents three modes of arming the share, and, is a goad with a scraper at the other


    Fig. 1. — Plough, fee., as still used In Asia Minor. - (From Fellowe's Asia Minor.)

    end, probably for cleansing the share. Mountains and steep places were hoed (Is. vii. 26 ; Maimon. ad Muhn. vi. 2; Robinson, iii. 59S, 602-3). The breaking up of new land was performed as with the Romans rere novo. Such new ground and fal- lows, the use of which latter was familiar to the Jews (Jer. iv. 3; Hos. x. 12), were cleared of stones and of thorns (Is. v. 2; Gemara Ilitrosvl. ad toe.) early in the year, sowing or gathering from " among thorns" being a proverb for slovenly husbandry (Job v. 5; Prov. xxiv. 30, 31; Robinson, ii. 127) Virgin land was ploughed a second time. The

    proper words are nP.5, proscindere, and 1T0,, offringere, •'. e., iterare ut frangantw gteba (by cross ploughing), Varr. de R. R. i. 32; both are distinctively used Is. xxviii. 24. Land already tilled was ploughed before the rains, that the moist- ure might the better penetrate (Maimon. ap. UgoL de Re Rust. v. 11). Rain, however, or irrigation (Is. xxxii. 20) prepared the soil for the sowing, as may be inferred from the prohibition to irrigate- tiB


    Hj. % — Kgrpttan ploughing and sewing. — (WTildneoo, Tombs of tht Kings. — Thrbes.)

    fce gleaning was over, lest the poor sbo-ild suffer ' abb of the sower, being scattered broadcast, ana Peak, t. I); and inch sowing often took place ploughed in afltrwards, the roots of the late crop silhout previous ploughing, the seed, aa ii. the pa.-- being so far decayed as to serve for manure (Pel-

    Digitized by




    lit- , — Goats treading In the gain, whan town in the Held, alter the water hat subsided.

    TbfMi*, near the Pyramid*.)


    low», Ana tfmor, p. 72). The soil ni then I gathered to seed sown was often vast; a hundred- brushed over with a light harrow, often of thorn | fold is mentioned, but in aneh a way as to signify bashes. In highly Irrigated spota the seed was I that it was a limit rarely attained (Gen. xxri. 19 trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 90), as in Egypt by I Matt. xiil. 8).

    goaU (Wilkinson, i. 39, 2d Ser.). Sometimes, however, the sowing was by patches only in well

    manured spots, a process called ",Wfi, der. "12?, pardut, from its spotted appearance, as represented in the accompanying drawing by Surenhusius to Illustrate the Minima. Where the soil was heavier,

    .^3k BL^%,*

    "^ , **JS^--.

    -iRWiew- -

    fig. 4. — Corn growing In patches. — (Surenhusiiui.)

    the ploughing was best done dry (" dum sicca tel- lure licet," Virg. Uevry. i. 914); and there, though

    not generally, the tarritio (yn"5, der. "I"TO| to cleanse), and even the Emtio of Roman husbandry, performed with tabula affixed to the aides of the share, might be useful. But the more formal rou- tine of heavy western toils must not be made the standard of such a naturally fine tilth as that of Palestine penerally. " Sunt enim regionum propria munera, sicut i£gypti et Africa?, in quibus agricola post sementem ante messem segetem non attingit .... in iis autem locis ubi dtndtratur srcmVio," Ac., Columella, ii. 12. During the rains, if not too heavy, or between their two periods, would be the best time for these operations; thus 70 da) s be- fore the passover was the time prescribed for sowing for the " wave-sheaf," and, probably, therefore, for that of barley generally. The oxen were urged on by a goad like a spear (Judg. iii. 31 ). Tne custom of watching ripening crops and threshing floors against theft or damage (Robinson, i. 400, ii. 18, 83, 99) is probably ancient. Thus Boar, slept on Le floor (Ruth iii. 4. 7.)° Barley ripened a week it two before wheat, and as fine harvest weather *as certain (Prov. xxvi. 1; 1 Sam. xil. 17; Am. iv. 7), the crop chiefly varied with the quantity of timely rain. The neriod of harvest must always have differed according to elevation, aspect, Ac. .Robinson, i. 430, 551. ) The proportion of harvest

    The rotation of crops, familiar to the Egyptians


    Fig. 6. — Sowing. — (Sunmhustas.1

    Pig. 6. — Sowing. — (Samnhnaius.)

    - • This practice continues to the present day. •peaking or a night spent near Hebron, Robinson (ii. 148, ed. 1841) says : " The owner* of the crops came rrary night and slept upon the^ thrashing floors to

    7. — Sowing. — (Surenhasras.)

    guard them ; and this we bad found to be unlversa. Ii all the region of Qasa." Thomson (Land ami Boo* U. 548) notes to the same custom. See Rom, Bool or. H

    Digitized by



    (Wilkinson, ii. p. 4), can nardly have been un- known to the Hebrews. Sowing a field with divers iceds was forbidden (Deut. xxii. 9), and minute directions are given by the rabbis for arranging a seeded surface with great variety, yet avoiding jux- taposition of heterogenea Such arrangements are shown in the annexed drawings. Three furrows'



    Fig. 8. — Sowing. — (Suranhuslus.)

    interval was the prescribed margin (Celaim, ii. 8). The blank spaces in fig. 5, a and 6, represent such margins, tapering to save ground. In a vineyard wide spaces were often left between the vines, for

    e «^-S-,^- ,

    Pig. 9. — Com-field with Olives. — i.Sureuhusius.)

    whose roots a radius of 4 cubits was allowed, and the rest of the space cropped : so herb-gardens itood in the midst of vineyards (Penh, v. 5.) Kig. 9 shows a corn-field with olives about and cmidst it.

    in Jer. and .loel), either the ears merely in tht " Picenian " method (Varr. de Re Bust. i. 50), or stalk and all, or it was pulled by the root* (Peak, v. 10). It was bound in sheaves — a process prom- inent in Scripture, and described by a peculiar

    word, ~I!3S — or heaped, tfXSSqh, in the

    form of a helmet, rVMDfiVS of a turban (of which, however, see another explanation, Buxt. Lex. s. v. n'lDD-IS), or rrnnb of a cake. The

    Fig. 12. — Heaping. — (Surenhusius.)

    sheaves or heaps were carted (Am. ii. 13) to the floor — a circular spot of hard ground, probably, as now, from 50 to 80 or 100 feet in diameter. Such floors were probably permanent, and became well known spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18). On these the oxen, ,,c., forbidden to be muz- zled (Deut. xxv. 4), trampled out the grain, as we

    Fig. 13. — Threshing-floor. The oxen driven round the heap ; contrary to the usual custom. — (Wilkin son, Thebfs.)

    find represented in the Egyptian monuments. At a later time the .lews used a threshing sledge called !,.',,9632;! ,,9632;", (Is. xli. 15; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22; 1 Chr. xxi. 23), probably resembling the n6reg, still employed

    lig 10 — Heaping wheat. — (Wilkinson, Tombs of tki Kings — Thrbrs |

    The wheat, Ac., was reaped by the sickle (the

    *jrd f-,t which is tTQin in Deut., and bjr

    (T«. It - tailing up the doom by the i kiojOD ul ttipra.)

    ,,9632; (,,,, ii-

    Fig 14. — The JViiw a machine used by the modern Egyptians lor tfireslUBtf com.

    Digitized by




    hi Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 190) — a stage with three rotten ridged with iron, which, aided by the driver's weight, crushed out, often injuring, the grain, as

    Fig. 15. — Thrashing Instrument. — (From Fellows'* Asia Minor.)

    well as cut or tore the straw, which thus became lit for fodder. It appears to have been similar to the Roman tribulum and the plosttihm Pnsnicum


    (Varr. de R. R. i. 52). Lighter grains were beater, out with a stick (Is. xxviii. 27). Barky was some- times soaked and then parched before treading out which got rid of the pellicle of the grain. See further the AntiqvitaU* Tritura, Ugolini, vol. 29 The use of animal manure is proved frequent by such recurring expressions as "dung on the face of the earth, field," Ac (Ps. lxxxiii. 10 ; 2 K. ix. 37 ; Jer. viii. 2, Ac.). A rabbi limits the quantity to three heaps of ten half-core, or about 380 gal- lons, to each PSD (=J of ephah of grain, Gesen.), and wishes the quantity in each heap, rather than their number, to be increased if the field be' large (Sheviith, cap. iii. 2). Nor was the great usefulness of sheep to the soil unrecognized {ibid. 4), though, owing to the general distinctness of the pastoral life, there was less scope for it Vegetable ashes, burnt stubble, Ac. were si

    Fig. 16. — Treading out the grain by oxen, and winnowing. 1. Baking up the «ara to the centre. 2. The driver. 8. Winnowing, with wooden shovels. — (Wilkinson, Thtbtt.)

    The "shovel" and "fan" (PCP and P??2, Is. xxx. 24, but their precise difference is very doubtful) indicate the process of winnowing — a conspicuous part of ancient husbandry (Ps. xxxv. 5 ; Job. xxi. 18 ; Is. xvii. 13), and important owing to the slovenly threshing. Evening was the fa- vorite time (Kuth iii. 2) when there was mostly a

    breeze. The P?!?? (,TTY, to scatter = rrior',

    (Matt. iii. 12; Horn. Iliad, xiii. 588), was perhaps a broad shovel which threw the grain up against

    the wind; while the PIT} (akin to PTI?) may have been a fork (still used in Palestine for the same purpose), or a broad basket in which it was tossed. The heap of produce rendered in rent was sometimes customarily so large as to cover the

    PPP {Bata itehda, ix. 2). This favors the lat- ter view. So the -trior was a corn-measure in Cyprus, and the hlitruw — l a lUttpros (Uddell and Scott, Lex. s. v. Trior). The lost process was

    tiie slaking in a sieve, i '7 ! 3T, fi,rtim, to sep- arate dirt and refuse (Am. Ix. 9). [See t-uke xxil. 31]

    1 ields and floors were not commonly enclosed ; vineyards mostly were, with a tower and other buildings (Num. xxii. 24 ; Ps. lxxx. 13 : Is. v. 5 : Matt. xxi. 83; comp. Judg. vi. 11). Banks of mud from ditches were also used.

    With regard to occupancy a tenant might nay

    a fixed moneyed rent (Cant. viii. 11) — In which case he was called 13127, and was compellable to keep the ground in good order for a stipulated share of the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10; Matt. xxi. 34), often a half or a third ; but local custom was the only

    rule: in this case he was called D^C and was more protected, the owner sharing the loss of a short or spoilt crop; so, in case of locusts, blight, Ac., the year's rent was to be abated ; or he might ' receive such share as a salary — an inferior position

    1 — when the term which descrilied him was "'-IP. It was forbidden to sow flax during a short occu- pancy (hence leases for terms of years would seem I to have been common), lest the soil should be un- • duly exhausted (comp. Gtorg. i. 77). A passer-by [ might eat any quantity of corn or grapes, but not I reap or carry off fruit (Ueut. xxiii. 24-5; Matt Ixii. 1).

    ! The rights of the comer to be left, and of glean- ing [Corner; Gleaning], formed the poor man's ' claim on the soil for support. For his benefit, too a sheaf forgotten in carrying to the floor was to he left; so also with regard to the vineyard and the olive-grove (Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut xxiv. 19).°

    o * The beautiful custom has survived to the present time (Thomson's Land and Book, U. 828, fill). On several topics In this article (as climate, seasons, fcrttt Ity, productions) further Id formation will be fauns' under Paimnrs. H.

    Digitized by



    Besides then Menu a probability that wery third fear a eecond tithe, besides the priest* , wai paid fcr the poor (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12; Am. iv. 4; lob. i. 7; Joseph. Ant. It. 8). On this doubtftil

    point of the poor man's tithe ('337 "IWVO) tee a learned note by Surenhusins, ad Peak, nil. 8. These rights, in ease two poor men were partners in oosupmney, ought be conveyed by each to the other for half the field, and thus retained between them (Haimon. ad Peak, v. 5). Sometimes a char- itable owner declared his ground common, when Its fruits, as those of the sabbatical year, went to the poor. For three years the fruit of newly- planted trees was deemed uncircumcised and for- bidden; in the 4th it was holy, as first-fruits; in toe 5th it might be ordinarily eaten (Mithna, Or- tek, patrim). For the various classical analogies, see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiq. a. v. H. H.

    AGRIPTA. [Herod.]

    A'GUR ("W [coBector]: Congregant). The sod of Jakeh, an unknown Hebrew sage, who ut- tered or collected the sayings of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. Ewald attributes to him the author- ship of Prov. xxx. 1-xxxi. 9, in consequence of the similarity of style exhibited in the three sections therein contained ; and assigns as his date a period not earlier than the end of the 7th or beginning of the 6th cent. b. c. The Rabbins, according to Bashi, and Jerome after them, interpreted the name symbolically of Solomon, who "collected under- standing " (from "US Agar, he gathered), and is alsewherecaUed"Koheleth." Bunsen (BHxlwerk, i. p. clxxviii.) contends that Agur was an inhabitant of Masea, and probably- a descendant of one of the 500 Simeonites, who, in the reign of Hezekiah, drove out the Amalekites from Mount Seir. Hit- sig goes further, and makes him the son of the queen of Massa and brother of. Lemuel (Die SprOche 8aL p. 311, ed. 1858). [Massa.] In CasteU's

    Lex. Beptag. we find the Syriac word J'^^l,

    ig,rd, denned as signifying " one who applies him- self to the studies of wisdom." There is no au- thority given for this but the Lexicon of Bar BahluL and it may have been derived from some tradi- tional interpretation of the proper name Agur.

    W. A. W.

    A'HAB (SNTTrjl [father' , brother] : ',L X euifi; Achat), son of OmrL seventh king of the separate kingdom of Israel, and second of his dynasty. The great lesson which we learn from his life is the depth of wickedness into which a weak man may tall, even though not devoid of good feelings and amiable Impulse*, when he abandons himself to the guidance of another person, resolute, unscrupulous and de- praved. The cause of his ruin was his marriage with Jezebel, daughter of EthbasL or EithobaL king of Tyre, who had been priest of Astarte, but bad usurped the throne of bis brother Pballes (compare Joseph. Ant. viii. 13, 2, with c Apion. L 18). If aha resembles the Lady Macbeth of our y-eat dramatist, Ahab has hardly Macheth's energy and aetermination, though ne was probably by nature a better man. We have a comparatively full account of Ahab's reign, because it was distinguished by the ministry of the great prophet HyaL, who was srouqht into direct collision with Jezebel, when she auliuvu to introduce into Israel the impure wor- ,,9632;tip of Baal and her other's goddess Astarte. In



    obedience to her wishes, Ahab caused a temple ta be built to Baal in Samaria itself, and an oracular grove to be consecrated to Astarte. With a fixed determination to extirpate the true religion, Jezebel hunted down and put to death God's prophets, some of whom were concealed in caves by Obadiah, the governor of Ahab's house ; while the Phoenician rites were carried on with such splendor that we read of 450 prophets of Baal, and 400 of Asherah. (See 1 K. xviii. 19, where our version follows the LXX. in erroneously substituting "the groves" for the proper name Asherah, as again in 2 K. rxi. 7, xxiii. 6.) [Asherah.] How the wurship of God was restored, snd the idolatrous priests slain, in consequence of " a sore famine in Samaria," will be more properly related under the article Elijah. But heathenism snd persecution were not the only crimes into which Jezebel led her yielding husband. One of bis chief tastes was for splendid architect- ure, which he showed by building sn ivory house and several cities, and also by ordering the restore tion and fortification of Jericho, which seems to have belonged to Israel, and not to Judah, as it is said to have been rebuilt in the days of Ahab, rather than in those of the contemporary king of Judah, Jeboshaphat (1 K. xvi. 34). But the place in which he chiefly indulged this passion was the beautiful city of Jezreel (now Zerin), in the plain of Esdraelon, which he adorned with a palace and park for his own residence, though Samaria re- mained the capital of his kingdom, Jezreel standing in the same relation to it as the Versailles of the old French monarchy to Paris (Stanley, 8. 4 P- p. 244). Desiring to add to his pleasure-grounds there the vineyard of his neighbor Naboth, he pro- posed to buy it or give land in exchange for it; and when this was refused by Naboth, in accordance with the Mosaic law, on the ground that the vine- yard was " the inheritance of his fathers " (Lev. xxv. 23), a false accusation of blasphemy was brought against him, and not only was he himself stoned to death, but his sons also, as we team from 2 K. ix 28. Elijah, already the great vindicator of religion, now appeared as the assertor of morality, and declared that the entire extirpation of Ahab's house was the penalty appointed for his long course of wickedness, now crowned by this atrocious crime. Tie execution, however, of this sentence was delayed in consequence of Ahab's deep repent- ance. The remaining part of the first book of Kings is occupied by sn account of the Syrian wars, which originally seems to have been contained in the last two chapters. It is much more natural to place the 20th chapter after the 21st, snd so bring the whole history of these wars together, than to interrupt the narrative by interposing the story of Naboth between the 20th and 22d, especially as the beginning of the 22d seems to follow naturally from the end of the 20th. And this arrangunent is actually found in the LXX. and confirmed by the narrative of Josephus. We read of three cam- paigns which Ahab undertook against Benhadad U. king of Damascus, two defensive and one offen- sive. In the first, Benhadad laid siege to Sama- ria, and Ahab, encouraged by the patriotic counsels of God's prophets, who, next to the true religion, valued most deeply the independence of His chosen people, made a stti-jn attack on him whilst in the ptentitude of errogant confidence he was banquet- ing in his test with his 32 vassal kings. The Syrians wen totally rooted, and fled to Dams*

    Digitized by




    Next yew Benhadad, bettering that his failure mi owing to some peculiar power which the God of brad exercised over the hills, invaded Ianel by way of Aphek, on the E. of Jordan (Stanley, S. ,f P. App. § 6). Yet Ahab's victory wai so com- plete that Benhadad himself fell into his banda; bat was releaaed (contrary to the will of God aa announced by a prophet) on condition of restoring all the cities of Israel which be held, and making "streets" for Ahab in Damascus; that is, admit- ting into his capital permanent Hebrew commis- sioners, in an independent position, with special dwellings for themselves and their retinues, to watch over the commercial and political interests of Ahab and his subjects. This was apparently in retali- ation for a similar privilege exacted by Benhadad's predecessor from Omri in respect to Samaria. After this great success Ahab enjoyed peace for three years, and it is difficult to account exactly for the third outbreak of hostilities, which in Kings is briefly attributed to an attack made by Ahab on Ramoth in GQesd on the east of Jordan, in con- junction with Jehoahaphat king of Judah, which town he claimed as belonging to Israel But if Ramoth was one of the cities which Benhadad agreed to restore, why did Ahab wait for three years to enforce the fulfillment of the treaty? from this difficulty, and the extreme bitterness shown by Benhadad against Ahab personally (1 K. xxii. 31), it seems probable that this* was not the case (or at all events that the Syrians did not so understand the treaty), but that Ahab, now strengthened by Jehoah- aphat, who must have felt keenly the paramount importance of crippling the power of Syria, origin- ated the war by assaulting Ramoth without any im- mediate provocation. In any case, God's ble ss i n g did not rest on the expedition, and Ahab was told by the prophet Micaiah that it would fail, and that the prophets who advised it were hurrying him to his ruin. For giving this warning Micaiah was im- prisoned; but Ahab was so far roused by it as to take the precaution of disguising himself, so as not to oner a conspicuous mark to the archers of Ben- hadad. But be was slain by a "certain man who drew a bow at a venture; " and though staid up in his chariot for a time, yet he died towards even- ing, and his army dispersed. When he was brought to be buried in Samaria, the dogs licked up his blood as a servant was washing his chariot ; a partial ful- fillment of EUjah's prediction (1 K. xxi. 19), which was more literally accomplished in the case of his son (9 K. ix. 26). Josephus, however, substitutes Jezreel for Samaria in the former pa s sag e (Ant. fill. 15, 6). The date of Ahab's accession is 919 B. c; of his death, b. o. 897.

    8. pA*idj8: Heb. in Jer. xxix. 23, 3PS]. A lying prophet, who deceived the captive Israelites m Babylon, and was burned to death by Nebuchad- osnar, Jer. xxix. 91, 99. G. E. L. C.

    AH AR'AH (rnnH [after the brother, but

    ,,9632;neertain]: 'Aapi; [Vat. la,avK:] Ahara). The third son of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 1). See Abeb, Ahibam. W. A. W.

    AHAIt,HEL (VlTTJB [as above]: o8«Aa%ot Vnx'O' [Gomp. U. *Pi,xdA:] Aharehel). A same occurring in an obscure fragment of the genealogies of Judah. " The families of Aharhel" apparently traced their descent through Cos to Ashur, the posthumous son of Herron. The Tar- pon of K. Joseph on Chronicles identifies him with


    "Hur the firstborn of Miriam" (1 Chr. k. •) The LXX. appear to have read 3TI TIM " brother of Rechab," or according to the Compaa- tensian editkn Vn TW, "brother of Rachel.'

    W. A. W. AHA'SAI [8 syL] (^ITS [=Ahaaah] : on in LXX. [but Comp. *urxioj] : Ahan). A priest, ancestor of Msasisi or Amsshai (Neh. xL 18). He is called Jahzebah in 1 Chr. ix. 19.

    W. A. W.

    AHAS'BAI [8 syL] OSpCH : i 'Ao-jWrBt [Vat. -,tt-] ; Alex, o Atrovc; [Comp. 'AxorjBaf :] AtubaS). The father of Eliphelet, one of David's thirty-seven captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). In the corrupt list in 1 Chr. xi. 36, Eliphefet appears as " Eliphal the son of Ur." The LXX. regarded the name Ahaabai as denoting not the father but the family of Elipbelet. [According to Uesenius the name signifies , have taken refuge in Jehovah.]

    W. A. W.

    • AHASHVE'ROSH. Noted in Ezra iv. • in the margin of the A. V. aa the Hebrew form of AHA8UBBVS. A.

    AHASUBTIU8 (WVnitpny : -Ao-o-o^pos, [Vat. AffOnooi ,] LXX. [in Ezra iv. 6] ; but 'Aa^a- poj, [Alex. Kownpot, Comp. Aid. 'Aeaovnpot,} Tob. xiv. 15: Auuenu, A. V. [in Tob.], Vulg.), the name of one Median and two Persian kings mentioned in the Old Testament. It may be de- sirable to prefix to this srticle a chronological table of the Medo-Peraian kings from Cyaxares to Ar- taxerxes Longimanus, according to their ordinary classical names. The Scriptural names conjectured to correspond to them in this srticle and Abta- xerxes are added in italics.

    1. Cyaxares, king of Media, son of Phraortes, grandson of Deioces and conqueror of Nineveh, began to reign B. c. 684. Ahatuerut.

    2. Astyages his son, last king of Media, B. c. 694. Darius the Mtdc.

    3. Cyrus, son of his daughter Mandane and Cambyses, a Persian noble, first king of Persia, 569. Cyrui.

    4. Cambyses his son, 629. Ahasumu.

    5. A Magian usurper, who personates Smerdis, the younger son of Cyrus, 521. Artaxerxu.

    6. Darius Hystaspis, raised to the throne on the overthrow of the Magi, 621. Dariut.

    7. Xerxes, bis son, 485. Ahamttnu.

    8. Artaxerxes Longimanus (Macrocbeir), his son, 465-495. Artaxerxu.

    The name Ahssuerus or Achashverosh is the same as the Sanscrit kthatra, a king, which appears as kthtnhe in the arrow-headed inscriptions of Per-

    sepolis, and to this in its Hebrew form t*' prosthetic

    is prefixed (see Gibbs's Gesenius, S). This nam* in one of its Greek forms is Xerxes, explained by Herod, (vi. 98) to mean iftfiot, a signification suf- ficiently near that of king.

    L In Dan. ix. 1. Ahasuenu [LXX. Xipfys, Theodot. 'Aaoinpos] i* eaid to be the father of Darius the Mede. Now it is almost certain that Cyaxares is a form of Ahasoems, gredxed into

    ,• •This Ibrm In A. V. ed. 1611 may haw ban ,» tended to bs nad Abartarus, a bahaj aaad lor *, • •lsswhsn. A

    Digitized by



    Axares with the prefix Cy- or Kai-, common to the gniani»n dynasty of kings (Malcolm's Persia, ch. lii . ), with which may be compared Kai Khosroo, the Persian name of Cyrus. The son of this Oyaxares was Astyages, and it is no improbable conjecture that Darius the Mede was Astyages, set over Baby- lon as viceroy by his grandson Gyrus, and allowed to live there in royal state. (See Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. Essay iii. § 11.) [Dakius.] This first Ahasuerus, then, is Cyaxares, the con- queror of Nineveh. And in accordance with this view, we read in Tobit, xiv. 15, that Nineveh was taken by Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus, i. e. Cy- axares.

    2. In Ezra iv. 6, the enemies of the Jews, after the death of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate the build- ing of Jerusalem, send accusations against them to Ahasuerus, king of Persia. This must be Cam- byses. For we read (v. 5) that their opposition continued from the time of Cyrus to that of Darius, and Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes, i. e. Cambyses and the Pseudo-Smerdis, are mentioned as reigning be- tween th,".m. [Artaxek.yks.] Xenophon (Cyr. viii.) calls the brother of Cambyses, Tanyoxares, i. e. the younger Oxares, whence we infer that the elder Oxares or Axares. or Ahasuerus, was Cam- byses. His constant wars probably prevented him from interfering in the concerns of the Jews. He was plainly called after his grandfather, who was not of royal race, and therefore it is very likely that he also assumed the kingly name or title of Axares or Cyaxarcs which had been borne by his most illus- trious ancestor.

    3. The third is the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther. It is needless to give more than the heads of the well-known story. Having divorced his queen Vashti for refusing to appear in public at a banquet, he married four years afterward the Jewess Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecai. Five years after this, Hanian, one of his counsellors, having been slighted by Mordecai, prevailed upon him to order the destruction of all the Jews in the empire. But before the day appointed for the massacre, Esther and Mordecai overthrew the influence which Hainan had exercised, and so completely changed his feelings hi the matter, that they induced him to put Hainan to death, and to give the Jews the right of self-defense. This they UBcd so vigorously that they killed several thousands of their opponents. Now from the extent assigned to the Persian em- pire (Esth. i. 1), " from India even unto Ethiopia," it is proved that Darius Hystaspis is the earliest possible king to whom this history can apply, and it is hardly worth while to consider the claims of any after Artaxerxes Longimanus. But Ahasuerus cannot be identical with Darius, whose wives were the daughters of Cyrus and Otanes, and who in name and character equally differs from that foolish tyrant. Neither can he be Artaxerxes I-ongiraanus, although as Artaxerxes is a compound of Xerxes, there is less difficulty here as to the name. But in the first place the character of Artaxerxes, as given by Plutarch and by Diodorus (xi. 71), is also very unlike that of Ahasuerus. Besides this, in Ezra rii. 1-7, 11-2G, Artaxerxes, in the seventh year of to- »eigii, issues a decree very favorable to the Jews snd it is unlikely, therefore, that in the twelfth 'Esth. iii. 7) I Inn in n could speak to him of them ,,9632; if he knew nothing about them, and persuade dim to sentence them to an indiscriminate niag- acre- We are therefore reduced to the belief that ihaeoerui b Xerxes (the name* being, m wa have

    AHA, 47

    seen, identical); and this conclusion : a fortified by the resemblance of character, and by certain chron- ological indications. As Xerxes scourged the sea, and put to death the engineers of his bridge be- cause their work was injured by a storm, so Ahas- uerus repudiated his queen Vashti because she would not violate the decorum of her sex, and ordered the massacre of the whole Jewish people to gratify the malice of Hainan. In the third year of the reign of Xerxes was held an assembly to ar- range the Grecian war (Herod, vii. 7 ff.). In the third year of Ahasuerus was held a great feast and assembly in Shusban the palace (Esth. i. 3). In the seventh year of his reign Xerxes returned de- feated from Greece, and consoled himself by the pleasures of the harem (Herod, ix. 108). In the seventh year of his reign " fair young virgins were sought " for Ahasuerus, and he replaced Vashti by marrying Esther. The tribute he u laid upon the land and upon the isles of the sea (Esth. x. 1) may well have been the result of the expenditure and ruin of the Grecian expedition. Throughout tho book of Esther in the LXX. ' ' Kpra^ep^-ns is writ- ten for Ahasuerus, but on this no argument of any weight can be founded. G. E. L. C.

    AHAVA (NinM {water, Ges.]: i EM [Vat. Eueiji, Alex. Emi], [in Ezr. viii. 21, 31] I, 'Aoue [Vat. ,ove, Aous] : Ahava), a place (Ezr. viii.

    15), or a river C"»"0) (viii. 21, 31), on the banks of which Ezra collected the second expedition which returned with him from Babylon to Jerusalem. Various have been the conjectures as to its locality ; e. a. Adiaba (Le Clerc and Mannert); A I. eh or Aveh (Hiivernick, see Winer); the Great Zab (RosenmiiUer, Bib. Gtoyr.). But the latest re- searches are in favor of its being the modern Hit, on the Euphrates, due east of Damascus, the name | of which is known to have been in the post-biblical

    times Ihi, or Ihi da-kira (Talm. S~l , pi NTT), " the spring of bitumen." See Rawlinson's Herod- otus, i. 316, note.

    In the apocryphal Esdras [1 Esdr. viii. 41, 61] the name is given ef ,as. Josephus (Ant. xi. 5, j 2) merely says eij to rtpay rov Ewppdrou. G.

    AHAZ (TPS, possessor: 'Ayaf; Joseph. T T i ' Ax^fni : Achaz). 1. Ahaz, eleventh [twelfth ?] j king of Judah, son of Jotham, ascended the throne I in the 20th year of his age, according to 2 K. xvi. 2. I But this must be a transcriber's error for the 25th, which number is found in one Hebrew MS., the LXX., the Peshito, and Arabic version of 2 Chr. xxviii. 1 ; for otherwise, his son Hezekiah was bom when he was eleven years old (so Clinton, Fasti HtU., vol. i. p. 318). At the time of his accession, Kezin king of Damascus and Pekah king of Israel had recently formed a league against Judah, and they proceeded to lay siege to Jerusalem, intending to place on the throne Ben Tabeal, who was not a prince of the royal family of Judah, but probably a Syrian noble. Upon this the great prophet Isaiah, full of zeal for God and patriotic loyalty to the house of David, hastened to give advice and encouragement to Ahaz, and it was probably owing to the spirit of energy and »*eligious devotion which he poured into his counsels, that the allies failed .. their attack on Jerusalem. Thus much, together with anticipations of danger from the Assyrians, and a general picture of weakness and unfaithf li- nos both in the king and the people, we find it

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    18 AHAZIAH

    the famous prophecies of the 7th, 8th, and 9th chapters of Isaiah, in which be seeks to minute snd Ripport them by the promise of the Messiah. From 2 K. xvi. and 2 Chr. xxviii. we learn that the allies took a vast number of captives, who, however, were restored in virtue of the remon- strances of the prophet Oded ; and that the; also inflicted a most severe injur}' on Judah by the capture of Hath, a flourishing port on the Red Sea, in which, after expelling the Jews, the; reestab- lished the Kdomites (according to the true reading

    of 2 K. xvi. 6, D^Vltf for D^DYTN), who attacked and wasted the £. part of Judah, while the Philistines invaded the W. and S. The weak- minded and helpless Abas sought deliverance from these numerous troubles by appealing to Tiglath- pileser kins of Assyria, who freed him from his most formidable enemies by invading Syria, taking Damascus, killing Kezin, and depriving Israel of its Northern and Transjordanic districts. But Abac had to purchase this help at a costly price. He became tributary to TigkUh-pileser, sent him all the treasures of the Temple and his own palace, and even appeared before him in Damascus as a vassal. He also ventured to seek for safety in heathen cere- monies; making his son pass through the fire to Moloch, consulting wizards and necromancers (Is. rill. 19), sacrificing to the Syrian gods, introducing a foreign altar from Damascus, and probably the worship of the heavenly bodies from Assyria and Babylon, as he would seem to have set up the horses of the sun mentioned in 2 K. xxiii. 11 (cf. Tac. Ann. xii. 13); and ', the altars on the top (or roof) of the upper chamber of Abas " (2 E. xxiii. 12) were connected with the adoration of the stars. We see another and blameless result of this inter- course with an astronomical people in the *, sundial of Ahaz," la. xxxviii. 8.° He died after a reign of 16 years, lasting n. c. 740-724. G. E. L. C.

    2. (Ahaz.) A son of Micah, the grandson of Jonathan through Meribbaal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 85, 36. ix. 42). W. A. W.

    ahaziah (n;ynw, innc* 9 . «*«» J«-

    hovah sustains.- 'Oxotias [Vat. -£«-]: Ochorias.) L Son of Ahab and Jezebel, and eighth king of Israel. After the battle of Ramoth in Gikad [Ahab] the Syrians had the command of the coun- try along the east of Jordan, and they cut off all xnnmunication between the Israelites and Moab- xes, so that the vassal king of Moab refused his yearly tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams with their wool (comp. Is. xvi. 1). Before Ahaziah xrald take measures for enforcing his claim, he was seriously injured by a foil through a lattice in his palace at Samaria. In bis health be had worshipped his mother's gods, and now he tent to inquire of the tracle of Baalzebub in the Philistine city of EJtron whether he should recover his health. But Elijah, who now for the last time exercised the prophetic office, rebuked him for this impiety, and announced to him his approaching death. He reigned two •ears (B. c. 896, 896). The only other recorded transaction of his reign, his endeavor to join the king of Judah in trading to Ophir, is more fitly re- lated under Jehosrafhat (1 K. xxii. 60 ff. ; 2 K. i.; 2 Chr. xx. 35 ft*.).

    2. Fifth [sixth] king of Judah, son of Jehoram md Athaliah, daughter of Ahab, and therefore Mpbew of the preceding Ahaziah. He is called

    « * For aba" sun dial "of Abas, sas Dui, II.


    Asariah, 2 Chr. xxii. 6, probably by a copyist's ( and Jehoahaz, 2 Chr. xxi. 17. Ewald (GaduekU dtt VoOcn IfratL, ill. 636) thinks that his name was changed to Ahaziah on his accession, but the LXX. read 'OxoQas for Jehoahaz, and with this agree the Peshito, ChaM., and Arab. So too, while in 2 K. viii. 26 we read that he was 22 years ok) at his accession, we find in 2 Chr. xxii. 2, that hit age at that time was 42. The former number is certainly right, as in 2 Chr. xxi. 5, 20, we see that his father Jehoram was 40 when he died, which would make him younger than his own son, so that

    a transcriber must have confounded 2.3 (22) and

    aO (42). Ahaziah was an idolater, " walking in

    all the ways of the bouse of Ahab," and he allied himself with his uncle Jehoram king of Israel, brother and successor of the preceding Ahaziah, against Hazael, the new king of Syria. The two kings were, however, defeated at Ramoth, where Jehoram was so severely wounded that he retired to his mother's palace at Jezreel to be healed. The union between the uncle and nephew was so close that there was great danger lest heathenism should entirely overspread both the Hebrew kingdoms, but this was prevented by the great revolution carried out in Israel by Jehu under the guidance of Elisha, which involved the house of David in calamities only leas severe than those which exterminated the house of Omri. It broke out while Ahaziah was visiting his uncle at Jezreel. As Jehu approached the town, Jehoram and Ahaziah went out to meet him, either from not suspecting his designs, or to prevent them. The former was shot through the heart by Jehu ; Ahaziah was pursued as far as the pass of Gur, near the city of Ibleam, and there mortally wounded. He died when he reached Me- giddo. But in 2 Chr. xxii. 9, it is said that Aha- ziah was found hidden in Samaria after the death of Jehoram, brought to Jehu, and killed by his orders. Attempts to reconcile these account* may be found in Pole's Synoptu, in Lightfoot's Harm, of Old Tett. (in be.), and in Davidson's Text of the OU Tettament, part ii. book ii. ch. xiv. Ahaziah reigned one year, B. c. 884, called the 12th of Je- horam, king of Israel, 2 K. viii. 26, the 11th, 2 K. ix. 29. His lather therefore must have died before the 1 1th [year] of Jehoram was concluded (Clinton, FatH HelL 1. 324). O.E.LC.

    * It being possible that the two accounts, taken singly, are fragmentary, they may supplement each other. Ahaziah escaping "by the way of the garden house," Jehu ordered his men to pursue and slay him in his chariot (2 K. ix. 27); but being too swift for his pursuers, he reached Samaria and then concealed himself for a time, till Jehu, " executing judgment upon the house of Ahab," sought him out, and had him put to death (2 Chr. xxii. 8, 9). For the fuller circumstances of the death we turn again to 2 K. ix. 27. Jehu ordered his captive to be taken (perhaps under some pretense of a friendly object) to "the going up (ascent) to Gur near Ibleam," and there he was slain in his chariot (i. e received the deadly blow there, though he e.capw" and actually died at Megiddo). According a an- other slightly varied combination, Ahaziah may have managed, after being brought before Jehu frort his place of concealment, to escape again, and in- stead of being decoyed to Gur for execution, ma) have been overtaken there as he fled in his chariot and put to death as before stated. It is worts

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    noticing (see the Hebrew text and rne italics in the A V.: "Aud they did so") that the slaying of Ahaziah at Gur (2 K. ix. 27) stands loosely related to what precedes, as if his being slab: there was the final execution of Jehu's urder after various delays had intervened. See Keil, Comm iib. die Biicher der Kdniije, p. 402; and Zeller's Bibl Worterb.

    r 42. [AZABIAH 12.] H.

    AITBAN C?2nS [brother of the wise, or

    brotherly]: 'Ax,*Mp', ,,9632;*^ e1, OC '' [ AM . 'O^SS; .'on i p. 'Afloy:] Ahobban). Son of Abishur, by his wife Abihail (1 Chr. ii. 29). He was of the tribe of Judah. W. A. W.

    A'HER(~!PS {another]: 'kip; [V* M. Atp, H. Afp; Comp. 'Ax«'p : ] Aher). Ancestor of Hushim, or rather " the Hushim," as the plural form seems to indicate a family rather than an in- dividual. The name occurs in an obscure passage in the genealogy of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 12). Some translators consider it as not a proper name at all, and render it literally " another," because, as Hashi says, Kzra, who compiled the genealogy, was uncertain whether the families belonged to the tribe of Beinamin or not. It is not improbable that Aher and Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38) are the same; unless the former belonged to the tribe of Dan, whose genealogy is omitted in 1 Chr. vii.; Hushim being a Danite as well as a Beivjamite

    W. A. W.



    A'HI C'rS, brother: i8,,,,po0: fratret). 1. A Gadite, chief of a family who lived in Gilead in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15), in the days of Jotham, king of Judah. By the LXX. and Vulgate the word was not considered a proper name. [But for Boiif i£t,,,f,ov of the Roman edition, Vat. M. has Zu- ,Soi,xa.u ',11. 7.a,i,w,,au. ] . and Alex, with 7 other MSS. Ax,0ouC- — A ,,T

    2. ('Ax'; L Vat ' M - Axiouia, H. Ax",ui,,:] AM.) A descendant of Shanier, of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 34). The name, according to Gesenius, is a contraction of Ahijah.

    AHI'AH. [Ahijah.]

    AHI'AM (CS^nK, for 2!^™ [fatlier's brother], Gesen.: [in 2 S.] 'A,wdv; [Aid. 'Ax'oV; Comp. 'Ax"»^; in 1 Chr. 'Axfa; Vat - Ax«iu; Comp. Alex. 'Ayid,* : 1 Allium), son of Sharar the Hararite (or of Sacar, 1 Chr. xi. 35), one of David's 30 mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33).

    AHI'AN 0;nN: 'ai^; [Vat. iooi M i Alex. Aciy:] Ahin). A Manassite of the family of She- mida (1 Chr. vii. 19). , W. A. W.

    AHIE'ZER C"*yT4J: [brother of help, or God ii help] : ' Ax'((f p ,,9632; Ahiezer). 1. Son of Am- mishaddai, hereditary chieftain of the tribe of Dan under the administration of Moses (Num. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 66, [71, x. 25]).

    2. The Beiyamite chief of a body of archers at the time of David (1 Chr. xii. 3). R. W. B.

    AHIHUD ("HiTPN [brother = friend, of the Jews, or of renown] : 'Axidp ; [Alex. Axi»)3 :] Ahind.) 1. The son of Shelomi, and prince of the tribe of Asher, selected to assist Joshua and Eleazar in the division of the Promised Land ^Nura. txxiv. 27).

    *• OHT'S [brother =bimi of union]: 'l«. VX*i IT* 4 - iax«X«*i Atac «X'X«Ji Oamp.

    'Ax'OvSO Aland), chieftain of the tribe of Benja- min (1 Chr. viu. 7). R. W. B.

    AHI'JAH, or AHI'AH (n»n^ and

    :,,n»nS [friend of Jeho-mh] : 'Ax'i [Vat. -x«i-] I Achiat). 1. Son of Ahitub, Ichabod's brotlier, the son of Phinehas, the son of Eli (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18). He is described as being the Lord's priest in Shi loh, wearing an ephod. And it appears that the ark of God was under his care, and that he inquired of the Lord by means of it and the ephod (comp. 1 Chr. xiii. 3). There is, however, great difficulty in reconciling the statement in 1 Sam. xiv. 18, con- ccrning the ark being used for inquiring by Ahijah at Saul's bidding, and the statement that they in- quired not at the ark in the days of Saul, if we un- derstand the latter expression in the strictest sense. This difficulty seems to have led to the reading in the Vatican copy of the LXX., of to lipoiS, in 1 Sam. xiv. 18, instead of tV ki0utoV, or rather

    perhaps of "P-S, instead of ^"^S, in the He- brew codex from which that version was made- Others avoid the difficulty by interpreting ]VnN to mean a chest for carrying about the ephod in. But all difficulty will disappear if we apply the ex- pression only to all the latter years of the reign of Saul, when we know that the priestly establishment was at Nob, and uot at Kiijath-jearim, or Baale of Judah, where the ark was. But the narrative in 1 Sam. xiv. is entirely favorable to the mention of the ark. For it appears that Saul was at the time in Gibeah of Beinamin, and Gibeah of Benjamin seems to have been the place where the house of Ahinadab was situated (2 Sam. vi. 3), being prob- ably the Benjamite quarter of Kirjath-jearim, which Lay on the very borders of Judah and Ben- jamin. (See Josh, xviii. 14, 28.) Whether it was the encroachments of the Philistines, or an in- cipient schism between the tribes of Beinamin and Judah, or any other cause, which led to the disuse of the ark during the latter years of Saul's reign, is difficult to say. But probably the last time that Ahyah inquired of the Lord before the ark was on the occasion related 1 Sam. xiv. 36, when Saul marred his victory over the Philistines by his rash oath, which nearly cost Jonathan his life. For we there read that when Saul proposed a night-pursuit of the Philistines, the priest, Ahijah, said, " Let ut draw near hither unto God," for the purpose, namely, of asking counsel of God. But God re- turned no answer, in consequence, as it seems, of Saul's rash curse. If, as is commonly thought, and as seems most likely, Ahijah is the same person as Ahimelech the son of Ahitub, this failure to obtain an answer from the priest, followed as it was by a rising of the people to save Jonathan out of Saul's hands, may have led to an estrangement between the king and the high-priest, and predisposed him to suspect Ahimelech's loyalty, and to take that terrible revenge upon him for his favor to David. Such changes of name as Ahi-melech and Ahi-jah are not uncommon. (See Genealogies, p. 115- 118.) ,,9632; However, it is not impossible that, as Ge- senius supposes, Ahimelech may have been brother to Ahi juh.

    2. [Achia.] Son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 7) [Probably the same as Ahoah, 1 Chr. viii. 4. — A.]

    » Wban wt h»v. to* fortho «nor af JMmdUck tm JUumtluk.

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    9. [LXX . UMupbt abrov: Actio.] Son of Je- mhmeel (1 Chr. u. 26).

    4. [Atio.] One of David's n ighty men, a Pe- lonite (1 Chr. xi. 36).

    6. [LXX. iStAfol airtV: -rfKa*.] A Lerite in David's reign, who was over the treasure of the bouse of God, and over the treasures of the dedi- cated things (1 Chr. xzvi. 30).

    6. [Ahia.] One of Solomon's princes, brother of Euboreph, and son of Shisha (1 K. iv. 3).

    7. [Ahitu.] A prophet of Shiloh (1 K. sir. 2), hence called the Shilonite (xi. 29) in the days of Solomon and of Jeroboam king of Israel, of whom we have two remarkable prophecies extant: the one in 1 K. xi. 81-39, addressed to Jeroboam, announ- cing the rending of the ten tribes from Solomon, in punishment of his idolatries, and the transfer of the kingdom to Jeroboam : a prophecy which, though delivered privately, became known to Solomon, and excited his wrath against Jeroboam, who fled for his life into Egypt, to Shishak, and remained there till Solomon's death. The other prophecy, in 1 K. xiv. 6-16, was delivered in the prophet's extreme old age to Jeroboam's wife, in which he foretold the death of Abyah, tho king's son, who was sick, and to inquire concerning whom the queen was come in disguise, and then went on to denounce the destruction of Jeroboam's house on account of the images which he had set up, and to foretell the captivity of Israel " beyond the river " Euphrates. These prophecies give us a high idea of the faith- fulness and boldness of Ahgah, and of the eminent rank which he attained as a prophet. Jeroboam's speech concerning him (1 K. xiv. 2, 3) shows the estimation in which he held his truth and prophetic powers. In 2 Chr. ix. 29 reference is made to a record of the events of Solomon's reign contained in the "prophecy of Ahyah the Shilonite." If there were a larger work of Ahyah's, the passage in 1 K. xi. is doubtless an extract from it.

    8. fAhiai.] Father of Baaaha, king of Israel, the contemporary of Asa, king of Judah. He was of the tribe of Issachar (1 K. xv. 27, 33). [Occurs also 1 K. xxi. 22; 2 K. ix. 9.] A. C. H.

    ». CAfai [Vat. A»«:] Echata.) One of the heads of the people who sealed the covenant with Sehemiah (Neb. x. 26). W. A W.

    AHJ,KAM (Ei^PS {brother of the enemy]:

    Ax'*4" [Vat, -*««-] : Miami), a son of Shaphan the scribe, an influential officer at the court of Jo- iiah (2 K. xxii. 12), and of Jehoiakim his son (Jer. xxvl. 24). When Shaphan brought the book of the law to Josiah, which Hilkiah the high priest had found in the temple, Ahikam was sent by the king, together with four other delegates, to consult Hul- dah the prophetess on the subject. In the reign of lehoiakim, when the priests and prophets arraigned Jeremiah before the princes of Judah on account of sis bold denunciations of the national sins, Ahikam niccessfully used his influence to protect the prophet. His son Uedaliah was made governor of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar, the Chaldean king, and to his charge Jeremiah was entrusted when released from prison (Jer. xxxix. 14, xL 5). B. W. R

    AHIIiUD CwVPhJ [brother of one born, Jes.; or Ach, 1. e. God, who originatti, Fiirst: Jtom.] 'AYtXott; 'AyiAoiSfl [Tat. ~ x «-] in 2 Sam. ,x. 24; [Vat. Aycm in 2 Sam. viii. 16 and 1 Chr.; toll. It. 8, Tat M. Ay«A,o8, H. A X «iAo»:] AJtx AvumA«x 8 Sam. vfll. 16, ,, X W* 1 K - iv -


    8: AhOud). 1. Father of Jeboshaphat, the r» oorder or chronicler of the kingdom in the reigns of David and Solomon (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24; ] K. hr. 3; 1 Chr. xviii. 16).

    8. ('Ax*ofc; [Vat. Ax«v«xi] ,*,*,,9632; EA008.) The father of Baana, one of Solomon's twelve com- missariat officers (1 K. iv. 12). It is uncertain whether he is the same as the foregoing.


    AHIM'AAZ rtfe*. Ahima'az] (V?PTW {brother of anger, I. e. trasctWe]: 'AyuasW; [Vat. Axtwwu:] Achimaat). L Father 0? Saul's wife, Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 60).

    3. [Vat. Arcipaat, etc.] Son of Zadok, the priest in David's reign. When David fled from Jerusalem on account of Absalom's rebellion, Za- dok and Abiathar, accompanied by their sons Ahim- aaz and Jonathan, and the Levites, carried the ark of God forth, intending to accompany the king. But at his bidding they returned to the city, a* did likewise Hushai the Archite. It was then ar- ranged that Hushai should feign himself to be a friend of Absalom, and should tell Zadok and Abi- athar whatever intelligence he could obtain in the palace. They, on their parts, were to forward the intelligence through Ahimaaz and Jonathan. Ac- cordingly Jonathan and Ahimaaz stayed outside the walls of the city at En-Kogel, on the road towards the plain. A message soon came to thetn from Zadok and Abiathar through the maid-servant, to say that Ahithophel had counselled an immediate attack against David and his followers, and that, consequently, the king must cross the Jordan with- out the least delay. They started at once on their errand, but not without being suspected, for a lad seeing the wench speak to them, and seeing them immediately run off quickly — and Ahimaaz, we know, was a practiced runner — went and told Ab- salom, who ordered a hot pursuit. In the mean time, however, they had got as far as Bahurim, the very place where Shimei cursed David (2 Sam. xvi. 6), to the house of a steadfast partizan of David's. Here the woman of the bouse effectually hid them in a well in the court- yard, and covered the well's mouth with ground or bruised corn. Absalom's servants coming up searched for them in vain ; and as soon as they were gone, and returned on the road to Jerusalem, Ahimaaz and Jonathan hasted on to David, and told him Ahithophel's counsel, and David with his whole company crossed the Jordan that very night. Ahithophel was so mortified at seeing the failure of his scheme, through the un- wise delay in executing it, that be went home and hanged himself. This signal service rendered to David, at the hazard of his life, by Ahimaaz, must have tended to ingratiate him with the king. We have a proof how highly he was esteemed by him, as well as an honorable testimony to his diameter, in the saying of David recorded 2 Sam. xviii. 27. For when the watchman announced the approach of a messenger, and added, that his running was like the running of Ahimaaz, the soli of Zadok, the king said, "He is a good man, and conwth with good tidings."

    The same transaction gives us a very curious specimen of the manners of the times, and a singu- lar instance of oriental or Jewish craft in Ahimaaz. For we learn, first, that Ahimaaz was a professed runner — and a very swift one too — which ons would hardly have expected in the ion of the high priest. It belongs, however, to a sbnnle stare of

    Digitized by



    KMiotjr tliat bodily powers of any kind should be highly rained, and exercised by the possessor of them in the most natural waj AhinM« waa probably natuially swift, and to became famous ft* his running (2 Sun. xviii. 27). So we are told of Asahd, Joab's brother, that "he was as light of foot as a wild roe" (2 Sam. ii. 18). And that quick running was not deemed inconsistent with the utmost dignity and parity of character appears from what we read of Eujah the TUhbite, that " he girded up his loins and ran before Ahab (who was in his chariot) to the entrance of Jezreel" (1 K. xviii. 46). The kings of Israel had running foot- men to precede them when they went in their char- iots (2 Sam. xv. 1; 1 K. i. 5), and their guards

    were called O' 1 ?'?' runnen - I' appears by 2 Chr. xxx. 6, 10, that in Hezekiah's reign there was an establishment of running messengers, who were

    also called D" 1 ?^. The same name is given to the

    Persian posts in Esth. Ul. 13, 15, nil. 14; though it appears from the latter passage that in the time if Xerxes the service was performed » 1th mules and eamels. The Greek name, borrowed from the Per- sian, was iyyapoi- As regards Ahimaas's crafti- ness we read that when Absalom waa killed by Joab and his armor-bearers Ahimaax was very urgent with Joab to be employed as the messenger to run and carry the tidings to David. The politic Joab, well knowing the king's fond partiality for Absalom, and that the news of his death would be anything but good news to him, and, apparently, having a friendly feeling towards Ahimaax, would not allow him to be the bearer of such tidings, but em- ployed Cushi instead. But after Cushi had started, Ahimaaz was so urgent with Joab to be allowed to run too that at length he extorted his consent Taking a shorter or an easier way by the plain he managed to outrun Cushi before he got in sight of the watch-tower, and, arriving first, he reported to the king the good news of the victory, suppressing his knowledge of Absalom's death, and leaving to Cushi the task of announcing it. He bad thus the merit of bringing good tidings without the alloy of the disaster of the death of the king's son. This ,,9632; the last we hear of Ahimaaz, for the Ahimaaz of 1 K. iv. 15, who was Solomon's captain in Naphtali, was certainly a different person. There is no evidence, beyond the assertion of Josephus, hat he ever filled the office of high-priest; and Jo~ ,,9632;ephus may hare concluded that he did, merely be- cause, in the genealogy of the high-priests (1 Chr. ri. 8, 9), be intervenes between Zadok and Azariah. Judging only from 1 K. iv. 2, compared with 1 Chr. vL 10, we should conclude that Ahimaax died before his father Zadok, and that Zadok was suc- ceeded by his grandson Asariah. Josephua's state- Kent that Zadok was the first high-priest of Solo- jiocrs temple, seeing the temple was not finished tiD the eleventh year of his reign, is a highly im- probable one in itself. The statement of the Seder (Ham, which makes Ahimaaz high-priest in Reho- xui'i reign, is still more so. It is safer, there- fore, to follow the indications of the Scripture nar- ative, though somewhat obscured by the appar- ently corrupted passages, 1 K. ir. 4, and 1 Chr. ri. 9, 10, and conclude that Ahimaaz died before fee attained the high-priesthood, leaving as his heir lis son Azarias

    3. Solomon's officer in Naphtali, charged with yovtding victuals for the king and his household



    for one month in the year. He was probably of the tribe of Naphtali, and was the king's son In law, having married his daughter Basmath (1 K iv. 7, 15). A. C. H.

    AHI,MAN (HPT*} [»rot»ero,omyr,Ges.] 'Ax'ftsV, ['AXV40, Vat -xtf, in Judg., Vat.' Axiraay; Alex. Axucau, Ayi,uupO AcMmoM, [Ahiman]). L One of the three giant Anakbst who inhabited Mount Hebron (Num. xiii. 22, 88; [Josh. xr. 14]), seen by Csleb and the spies. The whole race were cut off by Joshua (Josh. xi. 21), and the three brothers were slain by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 10). R. W. B.

    2. (AiudV; [Vat H. Alport, H. Ai,utu; Aid.] Alex. AtpdV, [Comp. 'AxipdV:] Ahuwrn.) One of the porters or gatekeepers, who had charge of the king's gate for the " camps " of the sons of Levi (1 Chr. ix. 17). W. A. W.

    AHIM'ELEOH [Htb. -melech] On^PJJ [brother of the liny] : 'AriulAtx and 'A,9i,u,«x, [Vat. - X e«- and -£«-; Alex. A,up-, A0in~, Ax,p- cA«Xi Ax,M,Xf«:] Achimelech, [Ahimekch]). L Son of Abitub (1 Sam. xxii. 11), and high-priest at Nob in the days of Saul. He gave David the show- bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath ; and for so doing was, upon the accusation of Doeg the Edom- ite, put to death with his whole house by Saul's order. Eighty-five priests wearing an ephod wen thus cruelly slaughtered; Abiathar alone escaped. [Abiathak.] The LXX. read three hundrea and five men, thus affording another instance of the frequent clerical errors in transcribing numbers, of which Ezr. ii. compared with Neh. vii. is a re- markable example. The interchange of D,,3Dip, or nibtT, with D^Q??!?? and tPbtP, is very

    common. For the question of Ahimelech's iden- tity with Atujah, see Ahijah. For the singular confusion [or apparent confusion] between Ahime- lech and Abiathar in the 1st Book of Chronicles see Abiathar. [The name occurs 1 Sam. xxL 1, 2, 8, xxii. 9, 11, 14, 16, 20, xxHi. 6, xxx. 7; 9 Sam. viii. 17; 1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31; Ps. Hi. title.] 2. pAeV,«Yi Vatl A0«jmA«x, *• m. Ax«i,««A«y : Achimelech.] One of David's com- panions while he was persecuted by Saul, a Hittite; called in the LXX. Abimeiech; which is perhaps the right reading, after the analogy of Abimeiech, king of Gerar (1 Sam. xxri. 6). In the title of Pi

    xxxhr. "n7!?' , 3M [Abimbxech, Achish] seams

    to be a corrupt reading for .13 TI^p nJ , ? T , See 1 Sam. xxi. 18 (12, in A. V.). X C. H. AHI-MOTH (."iHOTW [brother of dtatk,,:

    'K X iiuUi [Vat AA«pa«:] Aehimoth), a Levitt of the bouse of the Korbites, of the family of the Kohathitea, apparently in the time of David (1 Chr. vi. 25). In ver. 85, for Ahimoth we find Ua-

    hath (nrre). Mail, as in Luke til. 26. For* correction of these genealogies, see Genealogiet of our Lord and Saviour Jetut Christ, p. 214, note.

    A. C. H.

    AHIN'ADAB (^TV [noAfe brother]:

    'AjpraSdjS; [Vat Ayiwu^; Alex. AXraSa0:] Ahtnadab), son of Iddo, one of Solomon's twelve commissaries who supplied provisions for the royal household. The district entrusted to Ahinadafc

    Digitized by




    Mi tint rf Mahanaim, situated on the east of the Jordan (1 K. Iv. 14). E. W. B.

    AHIN'OAM [fled, -no'am] (t33» s Pijl [brother of grace or beauty; according to Furst's theory, Ach, i. e. God, it grace] : ' Ay iro6,i; Alex. Axuroo,i; [Comp. 'Ayikh^i:] JcUnoam). 1. Daughter of Ahimaai and wife of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. W.) W. A, W.

    2. TAxotCcut, 'Ax'^ifoMi Vat - Ax«t»OMi etc A woman of Jezreel, whoae mwruline name ma; be compared with that of Ahigsi], father of joy. It was not uncommon to give women name* com- pounded with 2M (father) and Tgl (brother). Ahinoam was married to David during his wander- ing life (1 Sam. xxv. 43), lived with him and his other wife Abigail at the court of Achiah (xxvii. 3), was taken prisoner with her by the Amalekites when they plundered Ziklag (xxx. 5), but was res- etted by David (18). She is again mentioned as living with him when he was long of Judah in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 2); and was the mother of his eldest son Amnon (iii. 2 [also 1 Chr. iii. 1]).

    G. E L. C.

    AHI'O (Vn^ [brotherly]: l atsAipol oi- roS: Ahio, 2 Sam. vi 3, 4; ,rater ejus, 1 Chr. xtti. 7). JL Son of Abinadab who accompanied the ark when it was brought out of his lather's house (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4; 1 Chr. xiii. 7).

    8. (VPN [brotherly]: ,St,,,phs abrovi Alex, oi aSt,,,pot aurov: Ahio.) A Benjamite, one of the sons of Beriah, who drove out the inhabitants of Oath (1 Chr. viii. 14). According to the Tat.

    MS. the LXX. must have read VPH, according

    to the Alex. MS. VPtf.

    3. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, father or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37). In the last quoted passage the Vatican HS. [as aho Sin.] has iStK,p6s and the Alex. oSc AaW- W. A. W.

    AHITtA (Vyrtfi [brother of evil]: 'A x , f 4 [Vat. generally -y«i-] : Ahira), chief of the tribe of NaphUli when Moses took the census in the year sfter the Exodus (Num. i. 15, ii. 29, viL 78, 83, x. 17). B. W. B.

    AHITtAM (C"VPP [brother exalted]: 'i axr tpir [Vat. -x«-] ! [Alex. Ax'fxw:] Ahiram), son if Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 38), called Ehi in Gen. dvi. 21, [and perhaps the same as Areb, which


    ahi'bamites, the Op^rjiin :

    i 'laxyatri; [Vat. oIcmuMrm;] Alex, o Ayipai ; [Aid. 6 'Artipavl-] Ahtramita). One of the branches of the tribe of Benjamin, descendants of Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38). W. A. W.

    AHIS'AMACH [Heb. -ea'maeh] "!T1Dip' , P£ [brother of support]: 'Ax«rop4x : Achisamech). A Danite, father of Aholiab, one of the architects tf the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 84, xxxviiL W). W. A. W.

    AHISH'AHAB [Heb. -shaTiar] (intCT, ^brother of 'the dawn]: 'Avi,rad,,; [Vat Ax«e*- aoofi:] Ahuahar). One ofthe sons of Bilhan, the pandaon of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 10).


    A HI "SHAH pfpPB [brother ofthe singer


    or upright]: 'Axtcif, [Vat Ave.:] Ahi~,, tfcs eontroOer of Solomon's household (1 K. r». 6).

    AHITH'OPHKL [Hebrew Ahitho'phdl] (b^fTPN [brother of foolishness]: 'Ax,r«Vf, [Vat -x»r]i Joseph. 'Ax«t»,€Xoi: Achitophel) a native of Glloh, in the hill country of Judas (Josh. xv. 51), and privy councillor of David, whose wisdom was so highly esteemed, that his advice had the authority of a divine oracle, though his name had an exactly opposite signification (2 Sam. xvi. 23). He was the grandfather of Bath- sheba (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 3 with xxiii. 34). She la called daughter of Ammiel in 1 Chr. iii. 6; bat

    bM s E? U only the anagram of Ct^r*. Absa- lom Immediately [as soon as] he had revolted sent for him, and when David heard that Ahlthophel had joined the conspiracy, he prayed Jehovah to turn his counsel to foolishness (xv. 31), alluding possibly to the signification of his name. David's grief at the treachery of his confidential friend found expression in the Messianic prophecies (Pa. xli. », lv. 12-14).

    In order to show to the people that the breach between Absalom and his father was irreparable, Ahithopbel persuaded him to take possession of the royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. 21). David, in order to counteract his counsel, sent Huahai to Absalom. Ahithopbel bad recommended an itnm^Jljt^ par. suit of David; but Hushai advised delay, his object being to send intelligence to David, and give to him time to collect his forces for a decisive engage- ment When Ahithopbel saw that Hushai's advice prevailed, he despaired of success, and returning to his own home " put his household in order and hung himself" (xvii. 1-23). (See Joseph. Ant vii. 9, § 8; Niemeyer, CharaH. iv. 454; EwaM, Geschich. ii. 652.) B. W.B.

    • Ahlthophel is certainly a very singular nam* for a man who had such a reputation for sagacity ; and it is very possible it was derisively applied to him after his death in memory of his infamous ad- vice to Absalom, which the result showed to be so foolish, while it was utterly disastrous to himself. For other conjectures on this point see Wilkinson's Persontd Names of the Bible, p. 384 (London, 1865). This caw of Ahithopbel is the only instance of suicide mentioned hi the Old Testament (except in war) as that of Judas is the only one in the New Testament H.

    AHITTJB OIBTS [brother of goodness ; or, God is good, Filrst]: 'Axyri,: Achitob). i. Father of Ahimelech, or Ahyah, the son of Phin- ehsa, and the elder brother of Ichabod (1 Sam. xhr. 3, xxii. 9, 11 ), and therefore of the bouse of Eli and the family of Ithamar. Tftere is no record of his high-priesthood, which, if he ever was high-priest, must have coincided with the early days of Samael's judgeship.

    2. [Vat Ax«t*,0; in Neh. xi. 11, Rom. At- t«W, Vat Am»0ax, FA - A»o,3«x, AM. Ales AMP, Comp. 'AxtrA,.] Son of Amariah and father of Zadok the high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7, 8, 63, xviii. 16; 2 Sam. viii. 17), ofthe house of FJeazar. From 1 Chr. ix. 11, where the genealogy of Aznnan, the head of one of the priestly families that returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel, is traced, througk Zadok, to "AhHub, the ruler of the bouse of God," it appears tolerably certain that Ahitub was high priest And so the LXX. version unequivocal) renders It ulov 'Axnitfi iryoviUrou Atov revAtai

    Digitized by



    Hn expression 'SH3 TJ? is applied to Aaarlih he high-priest in Hezekiah's reign in 3 Chr. xzxi. 18. The passage u repeated in Neh. xi. 11, bat

    the LXX. hare spoilt the sense by •rendering "T,,0

    ,,9632;Wrorn, as if it wen TJ3. If the Sne is cor- rectly given in these, two passages, Ahitub was not the father, but the grandfather of Zadok, hii father being Meraioth. Kit in 1 Chr. vi. 8, and in Ezr vil. 2, Ahitub U represented as Zadok's father. This uncertainty makes it difficult to determine the exact time of Ahitub's high-priesthood. If he was father to Zadok he must hare been high-priest with Ahimelech. But if he was grandfather, his age would hare coincided exactly with the other Ahi- tub, the son of Phinehas. Certainly a singular co- incidence.

    3. [Vat. Ax«t«»,3.] The genealogy of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 11, 12, introduces another Ahitub, son of another AmanaL, and father of another Zadok. At p. 387 of the Geneabgiei will be bund reasons for believing that the second Ahitub and Zadok are spurious. A. C. H.

    AHIiAB O^TO [,«,,9632;*%]: AaUp:

    [Comp. *Ax^,0 : ] Achalab), a city of Asber from which the Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 81). Its omission from the list of the towns of Aaher, in Josh, xix., has led to the suggestion (Ber- tbeiin on Judg.) that the name is but a corruption of Achshaph ; but this appears extravagant. It is more probable that Achlab reappears in later his- tory as Gush Chaleb, sbn U713, or Giscala, (Re- land, pp. 813, 817), a place lately identified by Rob- inson under the abbreviated name of eUith, near Snfcd, in the hilly country to the N. W. of the Sea of Galilee (Rob. ii. 446, iii. 73). Gush Chaleb was in Rabbinical times famous for its oil (see the citations in Reland, p. 817), and the old olive-trees still remain in the neighborhood (Rob., iii. 72). From it came the famous John, son of Levi, the leader in the siege of Jerusalem (Jos. VU. J 10; B. J. ii. 21, § 1), and it had a legendary celebrity as the birthplace of the parents of no leas a person than the Apostle Paul (Jerome, quoted by Reland, p. 813). [Gischala.] G.

    AHXAI [2 syU] (*2TV [0 that, a wish]: total [Vat. Axot], 'Axa,C; Alex. AaSat, OXi; [Camp. OiAaf, 'AXaf ; Aid. Aojol, "OoAi:] Oholai, OkoU). Daughter of Sheshan, whom he gave in marriage to his Egyptian slave Jarba (1 Chr. ii. 31, 85). In consequence of the failure of male issue, Ahlai became the foundress of an important branch it the family of the JerahmeaUtes, and from her •ere descended Zabad, one of David's mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 41), and Azariah, one of the captains of hundreds In the reign of Joash (2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ; somp. 1 Chr. Ii. 38). W. A. W.

    AHCAH (niny, probably another form of

    'TFte LA**" * °f ,How*] i 'Ax,^; [domp. As»»:J Ahoe), son of Bela, the son of Benjamin (1 Off. viii. 4). The patronymic Aiuhite ('"IPS) '• found in 2 Sam. xxiiL 9, 28; 1 Chr. xu 12, 29, avB. 4). [Em.]

    AHCHITE. [Ahoah.]

    AHOT.AH (H^nW [her tent]: _«,,d' i ,,9660;at. OoAAo, Ooab; Alex. OKXa] OoUa), a lu.--


    lot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol of Samaria (E* xxiii. 4, 5, 36, 44).

    AHOXIAB (a^VrtS {tent of hit ,otter] i

    "EAuO: OoUab), a Danite of great skill aa a weaver and embroiderer, whom Moses appointed with Bezaleel to erect the tabernacle (Ex. xxrv. 80-35 [xxxi. 6, xxxvi. 1, 2, xxxviii. 2]).

    AHOI,IBAH (HybnN [my tabernacle in

    her]: 'OoKtfiii [Alex. 0,,t,a-] OoUba), a harlot, used by Ezekiel aa the symbol of Judah (Ex. xxiii. 4, 11, 22, 36, 44).

    AHOLIBA'MAH (n^b™? [tent of An height or lofty tent]: 'OXi,Sc,ul [etc.; Alex. EXi- 0t)ta, etc. :] OoHbama), one (probably the second) of the three wives of Esau. She was the daughter of Amah, a descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 25). It is doubtless through this con- nection of Esau with the original inhabitants of Mount Seir that we ire to trace the subsequent occupation of that territory by him and his de- scendants, and it is remarkable that each of hi* three sons by this wife is himself the head of a tribe, whilst all the tribes of the Edomites sprung from his other two wives are founded by his grand- sons (Gen. xxxvi. 15-19). In the earlier narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34) Aboh'bamah is called Judith, daughter of Beeri, the Hittite. The explanation of the change in the name of the woman seems to be that her proper personal name was Judith, and that Aholibamah was the name which she received as the wife of Esau and foundress of three tribes of his descendants ; she is therefore in the narrative called by the first name, whilst in the genealogical table of the Edomites she appears under the second. This explanation is confirmed by the recurrence of the name Aholibamah in the concluding list of the genealogical table (Gen. xxxvi. 40-43 [comp. 1 Chr. i. 52]) which, with Hengstenlwrg (Die An- thentie d. Pent. il. 279, Eng. transl. ii. 228), Tueb ( Kornm. Ob. d. Gen. p. 498), Knobd ( Genet, p. 258), and others, we must regard as a list of names of places and not of persons, as indeed is expressly said at the close of it: " These are the chiefs (heads of tribes) of Esau, according to their settlements in the land of their possession." The district which received the name of Esau's wife, or perhaps rather from which she received her married name, was no doubt (aa the name itself indicates) situated in the heights of the mountains of Edom, probably therefore in the neighborhood of Mount Hor and Petra, though Rnobel places it south of Petra, having been misled by Burckhardt's name Betma, which, however, according to Robinson (ii. 155), is it a sandy tract with mountains around it ... . but not itself a mountain, as reported by Burck hardt." It seems not unlikely that the three tribes descended from Aholibamah, or at least two of them, possessed this district, since there are enumer- ated only eleven districts, whereas the number of tribes is thirteen, exclusive of that of Korah, whoa* name occurs twice, and which we may further con- jecture emigrated (in part at least) from the dis- trict of Aholibamah, and became associated with the tribes descended from EUphaz, Esau's first-born son.

    It is to be observed that each of the wives of Esau is mentioned by a different name in (he genealogi- cal table from that which occurs in the history. This U joticed under Babhkkatr. With i

    Digitized by


    54 AHTJMAI

    lo the tame and race of the father of AhoHbamah, an Amah and Bekri. F. W. G.

    AHU'MAI [8 syL] P,TVl : 'Axv«at; [Vat. Ax«iM"0 Ahumai). Son of Jahath, a descendant m Judah, and head of one of the families of the Zorathitej (1 Chr. It. 9). W. A. W.

    AHU'ZAM (DjnM [their pouamon] : 'nxo,a ;

    Alex. OxaCoMi [AM. 'Ax,tCi Comp. *o£d,:] Ootam). Properly Aiiuzzam, ion of Ashur, the father or founder of Tekoa, by hit wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). W. A. W.

    AHTJZ'JZATH ('-Wrt? [poutuim:] 'Oxo- (A8-. Ochozath), one of the friends of the Philistine king Abimelech who accompanied him at his inter- riew with Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 96). In LXX. he is called i yvu,ayaybs airrov —proiwbut, or brides- man, and his name is inserted in ni. 22, 23. St. Jerome renders the word "a company of friends," as does also the Taigum.

    For the termination "-ath " to Philistine names eomp. Gath, Goliath, Timnath. H. W. B.

    AI [monosyL] ( s ? = A«uj ofrmu, Gea.). 1.

    (Always with the def. article, TS? H (see Gen. xii. 8, in A. V.), To,, * To,, 'AM, 'At; Jos. "Awo; Bat), a royal city (comp. Josh. viii. 23, 29, x. 1, xii. 9) of Canaan, already existing in the time of Abraham (Gen. xii. 8) [Hai], and lying east of Bethel (comp. Josh. xii. 9), and " beside Bethaven " (Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9). It was the second city taken by Israel after their passage of the Jordan, and was "utterly destroyed" (Josh. vii. 3, 4, S; viii. 1, 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 26, 26, 28, 29; ix. 3; x. 1, 2; xii. 91. (See Stan- ley, 5. 4 P. p. 202.) However, if Aiath be Al- and from its mention with Migron and Michmash it is at least probable that it was so — the name was still attached to the locality at the time of Sennacherib's march on Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). (Aiath.] At any rate, the " men of Bethel and Ai," to the number of two hundred and twenty- three, returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ext. ii. 28; Neb. vii. 32, "one hundred and iwenty-three " only); and when the Benjaminites again took possession of their towns, " Michmash, Aya and Bethel, with their ,,9632;daughters,'" are among the places named (Neh. xi. 31). [Aija.]

    Eusebius remarks (Onom. 'Ayyai) that though Bethel remained, Ai was a t6toi fpn,aot, alrrhs ,,9632;iivov Sfixnmu : but even that cannot now be said, and no attempt has yet succeeded in fixing the site of the city which Joshua doomed to be a " heap uid a desolation forever." Stanley (S. ,* P. p. 102) places it at the head of the Wady ffarith ; Williams and Van de Velde (8. ,f P. p. 204, uote) apparently at the same spot as Robinson (i. 443, 575; and Kiepert's map, 1856), north of Mukhmiit, and between it and Dcir Duwav. For Krafft's identification with Kirbet eUIIaiyth, see Rob. iii. 288. It is the opinion of some that the

    yords Avim (E s -V?) in Josh, xviii. 23, and Gaza

    a The put of the country in which A|jalon was slt- satsd — the western slopes of the main central table- land leading down to the plain of Sharon — must, If lie derivation of the names of its towns Is to be trusted, have abounded in animals. Besides A|)alon idewr), hen lay Bhaalbun (foxes or Jackals), and not hi off the valley of ZebUm (hyenas). 8w Stanley, •.162. note.


    (,T}5) in 1 Chr. vii. 28, are corruptions of AI [Arm; Azzah.]

    S. ("5 : rofand [Alex. FA.] Kai iVat omits:] Hai), a city of the Ammonites, apparently attached to Heshbon (Jer. xlix. 8). G.

    A1AH [8 syL] (njK [prg, cfaawr]: «A» Alex. Aw; [in Gen. 'AXi,,, Ala). L Son of Zibeon, a descendant of Seir, and ancestor of on* of the wives of Esau (1 Chr. i. 40), called in Gen. xxxvi. 24 Ajaii. He probably died before his father, as the succession fell to his brother Amah.

    2. (f, 2 Sam. iii.,] ',,,b,,, [Vat M. IoJ, Alex.* IoX, Comp. 'An; in 2 Sam. xxi.,] 'AtS.) Father of Rizpah, the concubine of Saul (2 Sam. iii. 7, xxi. 8, 10, 11). W. A. W.

    AIATH [8 syL] (n»? [fern, of?, At}: ,U t*j» wihur 'Ayvol: Aiath), a place named by Isaiah (x. 28) in connection with Migron and Michmash. Probably the same as Ai. [At; Aija.]

    AI'JA [2 syL] (VFB : [om. Aid. Bom. Alex. FA.; Comp. y t t. c N for Tof; FA.V A,a,:] Hai), like Aiath, probably a variation of the name ii. The name is mentioned with Michmash and Bethel (Neh. xi. 31). [Ai.]

    AI'JALON [3 syl.] 0'V^N, place of our* or gaztUtt, Gesen. p. 46, Stanley, p. 208, note; AlaXiv [? AiXaV), and AlXai,a, [etc.:] Ajalon). L A city of the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr. vi. 69), originally allotted to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 42; A. V. "Ajalon"), which tribe, however, was unable to dispossess the Amorites of the place (Judg. i. 36). Ajjalon was one of the towns fortified by Reboboam (2 Chr. xi. 10) dur- ing his conflicts with the new kingdom of Ephraim (1 K. xiv. 30), and the last we hear of it is as being in the hands of the Philistines (2 Chr. xxviii. 18, A. V. "Ajalon").

    Being on the very frontier of the two kingdoms, we can understand how Ayalon should be spoken of sometimes (1 Chr. vi. 69, comp. with 66) as in Ephraim,'' and sometimes (2 Chr. xi. 10; 1 Sam. xiv. 31) as in Judah and Benjamin.

    The name is most familiar to us from its men- tion in the celebrated speech of Joshua during his pursuit of the Canaanites (Josh. x. 12, "valley

    (PCS) of Ay'alon; " see Stanley, p. 210). There is no doubt that the town has been discovered by Dr. Robinson in the modern YAlof a little to the N. of the Jaffa road, about 14 miles out of Jerusa- lem. It stands on the side of a long hill which forms the southern boundary of a fine valley of corn-fields, which valley now bears the name of the M erj Ion Omar, but which there seems no rea- son for doubting was the valley of Ayalon which witnessed the defeat of the Canaanites (Rob. 11. 263, iii. 146).

    2. [AlxA,ii Aid. Alex. AiXcf,a.] A place in Zebulun, mentioned as the burial-place of Ekm

    CpVtf),* one of the Judges (Judg. xii. 12). G.

    b Perhaps this may suggest sn explanation of th* allusion to the " house of Joseph " in the difficult passage, Judg. I. 84, 86.

    ' 'loAu, In Kpiphaniua ; ass Behind, p. 668.

    ,' It will be observed that the twt words dlflet teUr fat their vowel-points

    Digitized by



    " It may have been also hit birth-place, and pos- ibly took its name from him. [Eton.] Van de Vdde (.Went. p. 383) report* hit finding a Joiin, a place of rains, In northern Galilee, inland from Aleka, which (if this be reliable) might aniwer mil snough to the A'yulon in Zebulun.

    l*be Ayalon mentioned as lying in the tribe of Benjamin (2 Chr. zi. 10), one of "the lanced cities" fortified by Kchoboam, some regard as a third town of this name. But it was probably the Danite Atfalon (Josh. xix. 48), which, after the Danites had extended their territory further north (Judg. xvlLU 1 IT.), was assigned to Benjamin, and hence at different times was held by different tribes. See Bertheau's note on 3 Chr. xi. 10 (Exeg. Handouch, it. 308). H.

    AI'JELETH [3 syL] 8BLSVHAR, more

    correctly ATEurrn Has-srachar (i"V;*H

    "inWH, the hind of the morning dawn), (bond

    once only in the Bible, in connection with Ps. xxii., of which it forms part of the introductory verse or title. This term has been variously interpreted. Kaabi, Kimcbi and Aben-Ezra attest that it was taken for the name of a musical instrument. Many of the modern versions have adopted this interpretation ; and it also seems to have been that of the translators from whom we have the Author- ized Vernon, although they have left the term it- self untranslated. Some critics speak of this instrument as a "flute;" and J. I). Michaelis, Mendelssohn, Knapp, and others, render the He- brew words by " morning Bute." Michaelis admits the difficulty of describing the instrument thus named, but he conjectures that it might mean a " flute " to be played on at the time of the " morn- ing " sacrifice. No account is rendered, however, by Michaelis, or by those critics who adopt his view, of the etymological voucher for this transla- tion. Mendelssohn quotes from the Sltilte Hag- aeborim a very fanciful description of the " Ayeleth Hasshachar" (see Prolegomena to Mendelssohn's Paahns); but he does not approve it: he rather seeks to justify bis own translation by connecting

    the name of the "flute" with D s 3nH H^JH,

    Ayeleth Ahabim (Prov. v. 19), and by endeavoring to make it appear that the instrument derived its appellation from the sweetness of its tones.

    The Chaldee Paraphrast, a very ancient author- ity, renders ""IHtPn fl^*r* "the power of the

    continual morning sacrifice," implying that this term conveyed to the chief musician a direction respecting the time when the 33d psalm was to be

    abanted. In adopting such a translation, H j'hf

    must be received as synonymous with ."VH'H

    (ttrength, force) in the 30th ver. (A. V. 19th ver.) of the same psalm.

    According to a third opinion, the " hind of the morning " e*pi e asts aUegorically the argument of the 33d psalm. That this was by no means an mcommon view is evident from the commentaries «f Rashi and Kimchi ; for the latter regards the 'Hind of the Morning " as an allegorical appeDa- fon of the house of Jndah, whose captivity in Baby- lon is. agreeably to his exegesis, the general burden if the psalm. TOolnck, who imagines the 33d saahn to treat primarily of David, and of the Mes- 4ah arcundarUy, make* David allude to himself



    under the figure of « the hind of the morning." He speaks of himself as of a hind pursued even from the first dawn of the morning (Thohiek oe the Ps. m loco).

    The weight of authority predominates, however, in favor of the interpretation which assigns to

    "inU?n i""P*S the *ole purpose of describing tc the musician the melody to which the psalm was to be played, and which does not in any way con- nect " Ayeleth Hasshachar " with the arguments of the psalm itself. To Aben-Ezra this interpreta- tion evidently owe* it* origin, and his view has been received by the majority of grammarians and lexicographers, as well as by those commentators whose object has been to arrive at a grammatical exposition of the text. Amongst the number, Buxtorf, Boehart, Gesenius, Kosenmiiller, and M. Sachs (in Zunz's Bible), deserve especial mention. According to the opinion, then, of this trustworthy

    band of scholars, "'ntPn i"V?'N described a lyr- ical composition no longer extant; but in the age of 1 tavid, and during the existence of the Temple of Solomon, when the Paahns were chanted for public and private service, it was so well known as to convey readily to the director of the sacred music what it was needful for him to know. That this was not an unusual method of describing a melody may be satisfactorily proved from a variety of analogous instances. Ample evidence is found in the Talmud (JeruthnL Berach.) that the ex- pression "hind of the morning" was used figura- tively for ,,9632;' the rising sun; " and a similar use of the Arabic "Gesalath" may be adduced. (See RosenmiUIer'a Scholia, in loco, and Flint's Con- cordance.) Aben-Ezra is censured by Boehart (Uierotoicon, book iii. ch. 17) for describing the poem "inB?n n„*M as an amorous song

    (-3.1 -pi bv naroa bvq nbnn, Kin

    CanN nVw 1D3 pU7P), a term considered too profane to be employed in reference to a compo- sition used for public worship. But if for the ob- noxious epithet "amorous" the word "elegiac'' be substituted (and the expression used by the rabbi will readily admit of this change in the translation) the objection is removed.

    Cahnet understands ""int,n dV.H to mean a '- band of music " ; and he accordingly translate* the introductory verse, "A Psalm of David, ad- dressed to the music master who presides over the Band called the Morning Hind." D. W. M.

    A1N (IV.'), "an eye," and also, in the simple but vivid imagery of the East, a spring or nat- ural burst of living water, always contradistin- guished from the well or tank of artificial formation, which latter is designated by the words Beer

    (-,K3), Bor (ik? and ~nS). Ain (till retain?

    e ~ its ancient and double meaning in Arable, mWIC-

    Such bring springs abound in Palestine even mors than il. other mountainous districts, and apart from their natural value in a hot climate, form one of the most remarkable features of tht country. Professor Stanley (S. d- P. pp. 147, 609) has called atten- tion to the accurate and persistent use of the word in the orurkjl text of the Bible, and has well ex- pressed ue inconvenience arising from the confuakm

    Digitized by


    56 AIN

    In the A. V. of words and things ao radically distinct u Ain and Beer. " The importance of distin- guishing between the two U illustrated by Ex. xr. 87, in which the word Ainoth (translated 'wells') ia used for the springs of fresh water at Elim, al- though the rocky soil of that place excludes the •apposition of dug wells." [Fountain.]

    Ain oftenest occurs in combination with other words, forming the names of definite localities. These will be found under En, as En-gedi, En-gan- nim, Ac. It occurs alone in two cases : —

    L (With the def. article, f^il.) One of the landmarks on the eastern boundary of Palestine as described by Moses (Nam. xxxiv. 11), and appar- ently mentioned, if the rendering of the A. V. ia accurate, to define the position of Riblah, namely, "on the east side of 'the spring'" (LXX. «V1 rrrydr)- By Jerome, in the Vulgate, it is rendered contra fonUm Daphnm, meaning the spring which rose In the celebrated grove of Daphne dedicated to Apollo and Diana at Antioch." But Riblah hav- ing been lately, with much probability, identified (Rob. iii. 542-6; Porter, ii. 335) with a place of the same name on the N. E. slopes of the Hermon range, "the spring" of the text must in the present state of our knowledge be taken to be 'Ain et-'Aty, the main source of the Orontes, a spring remarkable, even among the springs of Palestine, for its force and magnitude. The objections to this identification are the distance from Riblth — about 9 miles ; and the direction — nearer K. E than E. (see Rob. iii. 634; Porter, ii. 335-6, 358). [Rib- lah; Hamath.]

    2. ['A,r,£, etc.; Alex. Mr, etc: Ain, Ain.] One of the southernmost cities of Judah (Josh. xr. 39), afterwards allotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 7; 1 Chr. iv. 32 'J and given to the priests (Josh. xxi. 16). In the list of priests' cities in 1 Chr. vi.

    Ashan ()WT?) takes the place of Aiu. [Ashan.] In Nell. xi. 29, Ain is joined to the name which in the other passages usually follows it, and appears as En-rimmon. So the LXX., in the two earliest of the passages in Joshua, give the name as 'Epo»- uM and 'Epcp+uiv. [En-rimmon.] (See Rob.

    uTaM.) g.

    •The reader should not overlook, under this head, Dr. Robinson's admirable account of the Ayins or Fountains of Palestine in his Physical Geog- raphy (pp. 238-264). Me enumerates and de- scribes the principal of them under the classes of (a), those of the western plain along the Mediter- ranean; (6) those of the hill-country west of the Jordan ; (c) those in the Ghdr or valley of the Jordan ; (d) those of the hill-country east of the Jordan ; and (e) the warm and mineral fountains. In the comparative frequency of such living springs of water, he finds the characteristic difference be- tween Palestine and Egypt, and a perfect justifica- tion of the language of Moses in his description of the Promised Land to the children of Israel : " For

    a That this, and not the spring lately identified at Dt,iuft, near the source of the Jordan at Tel tl-Kady 'Rob. Iii. 398 ; Bitter, Jordan, p. 216), is the Daphne referred to In the Vulgate, is clear from the quota- tions from Jerome given in Reland (Pol., oap. xxv. ». 120). In the Targums o." Jonathan and Jerusalem, Ublah b rendered by Dophne, and Ain by 'Invatha

    'KnWV) [or 'Ayenutha, tOIVS, Jerus.]. sshwaa (29) would place Alii at " Hn-ol-Malcha " Uoubtleai Am- Vtllahali) ; to be consistent with which

    A IB

    the Lord thy God bringeth the* into a good land, a land of brooks of water, of fountains and depths that spring out of valleys and hills " (Pent. viii. 7). The English explorer, Mr. Tristram, in his LoM of Itrael, has given special attention to this im- portant branch of sacred geography ; and Dr. Sepp has done the same in his two volumes (Jerusalem u. dot BtiHge Land, 1863). The subject neon again under Fountains. H.

    • AIR (in the N. T. U,p, also obpa*6,). The Greeks generally used the word Hip to denote thai lower portion of the atmosphere, the region of vapors, clouds and mist, in opposition to aMip, the pure upper air or ether, though the former term also included the whole space between the earth and the nearest of the heavenly bodies. The Romans borrowed the words and adopted the con- ceptions connected with them. It appears to have been a common opinion, both among the Jews and heathens, that the air was filled with spiritual be- ings, good and evil, the region nearest the earth being regarded as, in particular, the abode of the latter class. Thus Pythagoras taught, according to Diogenes Larrtius (viii. 32), "that the whole air was full of souls," namely, deemons and heroes; Plutarch says that " the sir beneath the ether and the heaven, top SraiBpor kip* koX rev inrovpdviov, is full of gods and daemons " ( Qwest Rom. c. 40, p. 274 b); and he ascribes to Xenocrates the doc- trine " that there are beings in the region surround- ing us, great and powerful indeed, but evil-disposed and malignant" (De h. et Gar. e. 26, p. 361 b). Varro, in a curious passage preserved by Augustine (De Cm. Dei, vii. 6), r ep r e sents the space between the moon and the lower part of our atmosphere as full of "heroes, lares, and genii," aeria attune, that is, souls inhabiting the aer in distinction from the other. Philo says that " an- gels, which the philosophers call demons, are souls flying about in the air," ^uval xari. rhv aipa rer6- ufvai (De Gigant. c. 2. Opp. i. 263 ed. Mang.); and similar passages repeatedly occur in his writ- ings (De Plant. Noe, c. 4, p. 331; De Con,, ling, c. 34, p. 431; De Somn. i. 22, p. 641). In a Rabbinical commentary on Pirke Amth, foL 83, 2, it is said that " from the earth upward the whole space is filled with beings divided into bands with rulers; and that below [«. e. in the lower region of the air] there are many creatures employed in in- juring and accusing." (See Drusius on Eph. vi. 12, or Koppe on Eph. ii. 2.) The TetU XI I. Patriarch., Btnj. e. 3, speaks of Beliar or Belial as tepioy rytvua, a " spirit of the air." (Fabric. Cod. pteudep. V. T. p. 729.) These passages may serve to illustrate Eph. ii. 2, where Satan is desig- nated as 6 b,,p,,tev r V s ^ovfflas rod aJpos, *• *» " the ruler of the powers of the air," l^ovaia being used in a collective sense for i(avo~lai (comp. Eph. vi. 12, Col. ii. 15), as we say "force" for "foroes," and denoting the evil spirits which make the air

    he la driven to assume that the Daphne near Paulas had also the name of Riblah.

    b There Is a curious expression la this verse which has not yet been explained. After enumerating tba

    " cities " (*"W) of Simeon, the text proceeds, u and

    their villages O^VW were Ktam, Ain D,

    dttea" 0"iy). Considering the strict (Hstkation at generally observed in the uaa of those two wards tba above is at least worthy of note. [Hasob..

    Digitized by



    their;. 1 1 ,u So, substantially, Roh.nihin, Bretechne'tder, ai.d (jriinm in tibv lexicons, with 1 ,e Wette, Meyer, liieek, Alford, Ellicott, and sther eminent commentators. Tor further quota- tions illustrating the opinion referred to, see I)m- lius (in the CWfc Sacri), (Jrotius. Wetstein, and Meyer in he. ; Eisner, Obss. Sucr. ii. 205-7, and Windet, De ,,1la j'unctarwn Statu, sect. xiii. pp. 2tH-266, 3d ed., Und. 1677. The elaborate note of Harless aLso deserves to be compared.

    Prof. Stuart, in his Sketches of Angeloht,y {Bibl. Sacra for 18-43, p. 139), translates the ex- pression in Eph. ii. 2, " prince of the aerial host," and remarks that "no other exegesis which has been given of this text seems capable of abiding the test of philological examination.'' Hut he understands the language used here and elsewhere in reference to the locality of evil spirits as si,riir- bolical. « Their airy nature (to speak as the an- cients did), their invisibility, their quick and easy access to men, are all shadowed forth in assigning them an aerial aliode " (p. 144).

    The Greek oupavos, " heaven," is the word rendered "air" in the expression " the birds " or "fowls of the air," Matt. vi. 20, viii. 20, etc., and "sky" in Matt. xvi. 2, 3, "the sky is red and lowering," and not unfrequently denotes the lower heaven, the region of clouds and storms. (See the X. T. Lexicons.) In accordance with this use of the primitive word, ra lirovpdvia in Eph. vi. 12 may be understood as essentially synonymous with 6 ,Xfo in Eph. ii. 2, or at least as including it. The expression t£ •Kv^v^ariKh t,js irovnplas iv rots i-novpaviois in the passage referred to (A. V. "spiritual wickedness in high places," but see the margin) is accordingly translated by Stuart "evil spirits in the aerial regions" {Bibl. Sacra, 1843, pp. 123, 139), and by Ellicott "the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly regions." Substan- tially the same view is taken of the passage by the best commentators, as De Wette, Meyer, Week, Alford. In illustration of the use of ivovpdvtos, see the account of the seven heavens in the Ttst. XII. Patriarch., Levi, c. 3, and the Ascension of Isiiah, vii. 9-13, and x. SO, cited by Stuart, ut supra, p. 139. So, where the so-called Epistle of Ignatius to the Ephesians in the shorter form (c. 13) reads iv rj (sc. fipijvr}) iras ir6Ktpos Karapyftrat iirovpaviojv tcaX tirtyelatv, the longer recen- sion has d( pirn y nai trrtyeiuv irvevfA,rwv.

    The superstitious notion, widely prevalent in later times, that evil spirits have the power of raising storms and tempests, appears to have been connected with this conception of their place of it,ode. The sorcerer Ismenu is represented by Tasso as thus invoking the daemons, " roving in- habitants of the air " : —

    ,,9632;'Vol che le t«m|*.'f*te e le procelle Movete, abitator tttir aria errantt."

    Gerus. Lib. xiii. 7.

    The proverbial phrases ds ktpa ,,a,,ctv, 1 Cor. liv. 9, " to talk to the winds" (vcjitts verba pro- fun,fere, Lucret. iv. 929), and atpa ftipciv, 1 Cor. x. 26, " to beat the air" (verberare xciibus auras, Virg. •*,,9830;£*». v. 377), hardly need illustration. A.

    AI'RUS Clatpos; [Vat. Uctpos; Aid. 'Atpof-]

    « The Alex- MS. In this place reads 'Iov,u? for liovftntff, nT, d Ewald (G«cA. It. 91, 368) endeavors to How toenirwo that titv AcMbtUtiue there mention d toa that between Samaria and Judeea, in support o to opinion thmt a targe P«t of Southern Palestfn"



    Ait). One of the " servants of the Temple," or Nethiuira, whose descendants returned with Zuro babel (1 Esdr. v. 31). I'trhaps the same as Re- aiaii. W. A. W.

    A'JAH, Gen. xxxvi. 24. [AtAH.] AJ'ALON (Josh. x. 12, xix. 42; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18). The same place as Aualon (1) which see. The Hebrew being the same in both, there is no reason for the inconsistency in the sjielling of the name in the A. V. G.

    A'KAN (VJP [perh. slmrpsighled, Furst] 'louxifi; [Alex. Iaju,ca^; Aid. 'loundv] Aeon), descendant of Esau (den. xxxvi. 27, called Jaka. in 1 Chr. i. 42. [ISkne-Jaakan.]

    AK'KUB (aV;V [iim,m]i 'Akou,3; [Vat Iokouv : ] Alex. AkkuvB ',,9632; Accub). L A descend- ant of Zerubbabel, and one of the seven sons of Elioenai (1 Chr. iii. 24).

    2. {'Axoifi in 1 Chr., 'Akw,3; Alex. A,cou,3 in I Chr., AKoufi in Ezr. and Neh. ; [Vat. Akouu in I Chr. and Kzr., Akou in Neh. vii.] ) One of the porters or doorkeepers at the east gate of the Temple. If is descendants succeeded to his office, and appear among those who returned from llabylon (1 Chr. ix. 17; Ezr. ii. 42; Neh. vii. 45, xi. lu, xii. 25) Also called Dacom (1 Esdr. v. 28).

    3. CAkou0; [Vat. A,co0tofl.]) One of the Nethinim, whose family returned with Zerubbabel (Kzr. ii. 45). The name is omitted in Neh. vii., but occurs in the form Acun in 1 Esdr. v. 31.

    * It rather corresponds to Acua ('AicoiiS) in 1 Esdr. v. 30. Acub in 1 Esdr. v. 31 answers to Hakhuk, Ezr. ii. 51. A.

    4. (on. in LXX. [but Comp. 'Akov,]-) A Invite who assisted Ezra in expounding the Law to the people (Neh. viii. 7). Called Jacubus in 1 Esdr. ix. 48. W. A. W.

    AKRAB'BIM [scorpions], "tiik ascent of," and "tiik r.oixo up to"; also " Ma a leu -

    acbabbim " ( ran":v rr^p = the »,»,•

    l,ion~pass; ai'dHcurts 'AxpaPli, [Alex. -3«vJ Ascensw scwj)itnwm). A pass between the south end of the Dead Sea and Zin, forming one of the landmarks on the south boundary at once of Judah (Josh. xv. 3) and of the Holy I^uid (Num. xxxiv. 4). Also the north (? ) boundary of the Amorites (Judg. i. 36).

    Judas Maccaha'iis had here a great victory over the iMomites (1 Mace. v. 3," " Arabattine," which see; Jos. Ant. xii. 8, § 1).

    De Saulcy (i. 77) would identify it with the long and steep pass of the Wtuly rs-Zwctirah. Scor- pions he certainly found there in plenty, but this w;tdy is too much to the north to have been Akrab him, as the boundary went from thence to Zin and Kadesh-barnea, which, wherever situated, were cer tainly many miles further south. Hobinson's con- jecture is, that it is the line of cliffs which cross the Ghor at right angles, 11 miles south of the Dead Sea, and form the ascent of separation between the Ghor and the Arabali (ii. 120). Hut this would be a descent and not an ascent to those who were entering the Holy I -a ,il from the souths Perhapa the most feasible supposition is that Akrabbim is

    was *,i "i i in possession of the Euomites. But this readlag does not agree with the context, and it is at taut certain that Jo^ephus had the text as it now stands.

    6 • In his Ply*, txqfr. p. 58, l,r. Robinson asyi tb,~

    Digitized by




    Jhe steep pass a-Sufah, by which the final step is made from the desert to the level of the actual land of Palestine. As to the name, scorpions abound Lit the whole of this district.

    This place must not be confounded with Acra- battene, north of Jerusalem. [Arbattis.] G.

    ALABASTER (i,,i,eurrpot- alabastrum) occurs in the N. T. only, in the notice of the alabaster box of ointment which a woman brought to our Lord when He sat at meat in the bouse of Simon the leper at Bethany, the contents of which she poured on the head of the Saviour. (See Matt. xxvi 7; Mark xiv. 3; Luke vii. 37.) By the English word alabaster is to be understood both that kind which is also known by the name of gypsum, and the oriental alabaster which is so much valued on account of its translucency, and for its variety of colored streamings, red, yellow, gray, Ac., which it owes for the most part to the admixture of oxides of iron. The latter is a fibrous carbonate of lime, of which there are many varieties, satin tpar being one of the most common. The former is a hydrous sulphate of lime, and forms when calcined and ground the well-known substance called piaster of Parit. Both these kinds of ala- baster, but especially the latter, are and have been long used for various ornamental purposes, such as the fabrication of vases, boxes, Ac. The ancients considered alabaster (carbonate of lime) to l« the best material in which to preserve their ointments (Pliny, B. N. xiii. 3). Herodotus (iii. 20) men- tions an alabaster vessel of ointment which Cam- byges sent, amongst other things, as a present to the ^Ethiopians. Hammond (Annntat. ad Matt. xxvi. 7 ) quotes Plutarch, Julius Pollux, and Athen- ieus, to show that alabaster was the material in which ointments were wont to be kept.

    In 2 K. xxi. 13, " I will wipe Jerusalem as a man wipeth a dish" (Heb. tsallachath), the Vat. and Alex, versions of the LXX. use alabattron in the rendering of the Hebrew words." The reading of the LXX. in this passage is thus literally trans- lated by Harmer ( Observations, iv. 473) : — "I will unanoint Jerusalem as an alabaster unanointed box is unanointed, and is turned down on its face." Pliny 6 tells us that the usual form of these alabas- ter vessels was long and slender at the top, and round and full at the bottom. He likens them to the long pearls, called eUnclii, which the Homan Indies suspended from their fingers or dangled from their ears. He compares also the green pointed cone of a rose-bud to the form of an alabaster oint- ment-vessel (H. N. xxi. 4). The onyx — (cf. Hor. Od. iv. 12, 17), "Nardi parvus onyx" — which Pliny says is another name for alnbastrites, must not be confounded with the precious stone of that name, which is a sub-species of the quartz family of minerals, being a variety of agate. Perhaps the name jf onyx was given to the pink-colored variety jf the jalcare-jua alabaster, in allusion to its resem-

    thls line of elms crosses the GhCr 6 or 8 miles south of the Dead Sea. The Akrabbhn (scorpion cliffs) would be

    tn " ascent " (H^JJQ) justly so called, without any reference to the direction In which the traveller might pproach them in a given instance. We need not suppose them to have received their name from the tci that the Hebrews crossed theiu from the south iu omuig out of Egypt II.

    ° siroAft^w ttji* 'IfpovtraAiiji icalwf iwaXtifctrat o BAa£aoTpoc dn-aAct^Ofirvof, KaX «araoTp«,«Tal etri mtmr avmv, LXX. The Complutenstaui version


    Ming the finger-nail (onyx) in color or else because the calcareous alabaster bears some resemblance tc the agate-onyx in the characteristic lunar-shape*, mark of the last-named stone, which mark remindec the ancients of the whitish semicircular spot at the base of the finger-nail.

    Alabaster Vessels. From the British Museum. The inscription on the centre vessel denotes the quantity it holds.

    The term alnbastra, however, was by no means exclusively applied to vessels made from this ma- terial. Theocritus' speaks of golden alabasters. That the passage in Theocritus implies that the alabasters were made of gold, and not simply gilt, as some have understood it, seems clear from the words of Plutarch (in Alexandra, p. 676), cited by Kypke on Mark xiv. 3, where he speaks of alabas- ters " all skillfully wrought of gold." ** Alaltasters, then, may have been made of any material suitable for keeping ointment in, glass, silver, gold, Ac. Precisely similar is the use of the English word box ; and perhaps the Greek ™£ot and the Latin buxvs are additional illustrations. Bex is doubt- less derived from the name of the shrub, the wood of which is so well adapted for turning loxes and such like objects. The term, which originally was limited to boxes made of the box-wood, eventually extended to boxes generally; as we say, an iron box, a gold box, Ac.

    In Mark xiv. 3, the woman who brought "the alabaster box of ointment of spikenard " is said to break the box before pouring out the ointment This passage has l,een variously understood; but Warmer's interpretation is probably correct, that breaking the box implies merely breaking the seat which kept the essence of the perfume from evap- orating.

    The town of Alabastron in Middle Egypt received its name from the alabaster quarries of the adjacent hill, the modern Mount St. Anthony. In this town

    and the Vulgate understand the passage In a very dff ferent way.

    ,, "Et procerioribus sua gratia est: elenchos appel- lant fastigata longitudlne, alabastrorum flgura In plent orem orbem desinentes " (H. N. Ix. 66).

    e 2vp«'w Si fnvpt xpvavC aAa0aorpa (Id. XT. 114) '' Mvpov xpv,nui«Aa|Wrpa non sunt vsna unguentaru ex Hjahaj»trite lapide enque auro ornata, red shnpU clter vaaa unguentarin ex auro facta. Cf. Hchleust Lex. N. T. s. v. iXAfrurrpor." (KlessUnc, it Iheot 1. e.)

    ** xpwov tprmpKt'va ireotTTiic.

    Digitized by




    fM a manufactory of vases and .essel* for holding mrfuniea, Jtc. W. H.

    * Layard found vase* of white alabaster ajiong the minis at Nineveh, which were used for holding ointments or cosmetics (Babylon anil Ninevth, p. 197). The alabasters often had a long, narrow neck, and it not only accords best with the Greek (avvrpfyaaa) to suppose that the woman broke this in two, but makes the act more expressive. She would reserve nothing for herself, but devote the whole to her Lord. • See Meyer and Lange on Mark xiv. 3. H.

    ALA-METH (,""IBb)7 [covering]: 'EAir*- U9; [Vat r«ju««;' All.] Alex. ,,9632;EA,.ffl^.; [Comp. 'AAopstt:] Almath). Properly Alk- meth ; one of the sons of Becher, the son of Ben- jamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). W. A. W.

    ALAM'MEIiECH [fleirew Alammelech] CH^. 1 *? = *%'• oak; 'VMptKixi [Vat -A«i-; Aid. 'AXi,i.t,,ex ',,9632;] Ebnelech), a place within the limits of Asher, named between Achshaph and Annul (Josh. xix. 26, only). It has not yet been identified; but Schwarz (191) suggests a connec- tion with the Nahr tt-MeSk, which falls into the Hlshon near Haifa. 0.

    AL'AMOTH (n'lD^V : Ps. xlvi., title; 1 Chr. xv. 20), a word of exceedingly doubtful mean- ing, and with respect to which various conjectures prevail. Some critics are of opinion that it is a kind of lute brought originally from Elam (Per- sia); others regard it as an instrument on which

    young girls (H n ?V) used to play (comp. the old English instrument "the Virginal"): whilst some again consider the word to denote a species of lyre, with a tourdme (mute) attached to it for the purpose of subduing or deadening the sound,

    and that on this account it was called TO J,

    from C 7 ?, to conceal Lafage speaks of ~ IB ;?J as " chant suplrieur ou chant a 1' octave." Some German commentators, having discovered that the lays of the medieval minstrels were chanted to a melody called " die Jungfrauenweise," have trans- ferred that notion to the Psalms; and Tkoluck, for

    instance, translates 7" IIO^P by the above German

    term. According to this notion .115^5 would not be a musical instrument, but a melody. (See Mendelssohn's Introduction to his Vtrsion of the Ptalnu; Forkel, Getchkhte der Mutik; Lafage, Bitt. Gen. de la Mmique ; and Gesenius

    rr,v.) a w. m.

    AI,CIMUS ('AAjciuoj, valiant, a Greek name, assumed, according to the prevailing fashion, as

    representing BOJ^ 'EAiOKcfp, God hath tet up), called also Jac'ewus (A K ol 'Idxciuos all. IaniKfiuof, Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, 6, t. e. BPJ, efc . ud. iv. 6, varr. lectL), a Jewish priest (1 Mace. •Hi. 12) who was attached to the HeDenizing party (2 Mace. xiv. 3)." On the death of Menelaus he vat tppointod to the high-priesthood by the influence if Lysiaa, though not of the pontifical family (Joseph. . c; xx. 9; 1 Mace. vii. 14), to the exclusion of ,oias, the nephew of Menelaus. When Demetrius

    ,,9632; Aesordrag to a Jewish tradition (BtraUth R. 66), Sauhsdrlm. whom he afterwards pot far im'it. he was " ««'i son of Joss ban Jower," chkf of the | all, Xtt. ,,,9632;' *nw, L 245, 808.


    Soter obtained the kingdom of Syria he paid court to that monarch, who confirmed him in his office, and through his general Bacchides [Bacchides] established him at Jerusalem. His cruelty, how- ever, was so great that, in spite of the force left in his command, he was unable to withstand the op- position which he provoked, and he again fled to Demetrius, who immediately took measures for his restoration. The first expedition under Nicanor proved unsuccessful; but upon this Bacchides marched a second time against Jerusalem with a large army, routed Judas, who fell in the battle (161 b. c), and reinstated Alcinms. After his res- toration, Alcimus seems to have attempted to mod- ify the ancient worship, and as be was engaged in pulling down " the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary " (i. e., which separated the court of the Gentiles from it; yet see Grimm, 1 Mace. ix. 54) be was "plagued" (by paralysis), and "died at that time," 160 b. c. (Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, 6, xii. 10; 1 Mace, vii., ix. ; cf. 2 Mace, xiv., xv. Ewald, Getch. da Volkct Itr. iv. 365 ff.) B. F. W.

    AI,EMA (iv 'AA,pois; [Alex, tr AAopoij:] in Alimit), a large and strong city in Gilead in the time of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 26). Its name does not occur again, nor have we yet any means of identifying it. [Grimm (in foe.) conjectures that it may represent Beer-dim (Is. xv. 8, comp. Num. xxi. 16). — A.] G.

    ALETtfETH (nB^7 [covering] : SoAot- fidi, Ta,,tfU9; Alex. raA,po0, [-,M0; Aid. ToAc- u49, 'AAtp; Comp. 'AAculg:] Alamalh). A aenjamite, son of Jehoadah, or Jarah, and de- scended from Jonathan the son of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42). The form of the name in Hebrew is different from that of the town Alemeth with which it has been compared. W. A. W.

    ALETKETH (accurately, Allemeth: HB^S: ra,,i,iiB; [Alex. roAqucO:] Almntli), the form under which Almon, the name of a city of the priests in Benjamin, appears in 1 Chr. vi. 60 [46]. Under the very similar form of 'Almll or Almuth, it has been apparently identified in the present day at about a mile N. K of Anata, the site of Ana- thoth; first by Schwarz (128) and then by Mr. Finn (Rob. xii- 287). Among the genealogies of Benjamin the name occurs in connection with A«- maveth, also the name of a town of that tribe (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42; compared with Ezr. ii. 24). [Al- mon.] In the Targum of Jonathan on 2 Sam xvi. 5, Bahurim is rendered Alemath. ,i

    ALEXANDER III., king of Macedon, sur- named The Great ('A,,4(avSpos, the helper of men: Alexander : Arab, the two-horned, Gohi Lex Arab. 1896), "the son of Philip " (1 Mace. -A. 3) and Olympias, was born at Pella B. c. 356. On his mother's side he claimed descent from Achilles; and the Homeric legends were not without influence upon his life. At an early age he was placed under the care of Aristotle; and while still a youth he turned the fortune of the day at Chwroneia (33* B.C.). On the murder of I'hiUp (B.C. 330) Alex - an d?r put down with resolute energy the disaftec- tior vaf hostility by which his throne was men- aced ; and in two years he crossed the Hellespont (b. a 334) to carry out the plans of his father, and execute the mission of Greece to the civilized world.


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    He battle of the Granicus m followed by the sub- jugation of western Alia; and in the following year the fate of the East was decided at Issus (b. c. 333). Tyre and Gaza were the only cities in Western Syria which offered Alexander any resist- ance, and these were reduced and treated with un- usual severity (b. c. 332). Egypt next submitted to him; and in B. c. 331 he founded Alexandria, which remains to the present day the most charac- teristic monument of his life and work, [n the tame year he finally defeated Darius at Gaugamela ; and in n. c. 330 his unhappy rival was murdered by Bessus, satrap of Bactria. The next two years were occupied by Alexander in the consolidation of his Persian conquests, and the reduction of Bactria. In n. c. 3*27 he crossed the Indus, penetrated to the Hydaspes, and was there forced by the discon- tent of his army to turn westward. He reached Susa B. c. 325, and proceeded to Babylon b. c. 324, which he chose as the capital of bis empire. In the next year he died there (b. c. 323) in the midst of his gigantic plans ; and those who inherited bis conquest* left his designs unachieved and unat- teinpted (cf. Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3).

    The famous tradition of the visit of Alexander to Jerusalem during his Phoenician campaign (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, 1 ff.) has been a fruitful source of con- troversy. The Jews, it is said, had provoked his anger by refusing to transfer their allegiance to Kim when summoned to do so during the siege of Tyr-,, and after the reduction of Tyre and Gaza (Jowph. 1. c.) he turned towards Jerusalem. Jad- dua (Jaddus) the high-priest (Neh. xii. 11, 22), who had been warned in a dream how to avert the king's anger, calmly awaited his approach; and

    when he drew near went out to Sapha (HSS, he

    Kaiched), within sight of the city and temple, clad In his robes of hyacinth and gold, and accompanied by a train of priests and citizens arrayed in white. Alexander was so moved by the solemn spectacle that he did reverence to the holy name inscribed jpon the tiara of the high-priest ; and when I'ar- menio expressed surprise, he replied that " he had jeei) the god whom Jaddua represented in a dream at Dium, encouraging him to cross over into Asia, tnd promising him success." After this, it U said chat he visited Jerusalem, offered sacrifice there, beard the prophecies of Daniel which foretold his rictory, and conferred important privileges upon the Jews, not only in Judaea but in Babylonia and Me- dia, which they enjoyed during the supremacy of lis successors. The narrative is repeated in the Talmud (Joma f. 69; ap. Otho, Lex. Rabb. s. v. Alexander ; the high-priest is there said to have been Simon the Just), in later Jewish writers Vajikra R. 13; Joseph ben Gorton, ap. Ste. Croix, . 553), and in the chronicles of Abulfeda (Ste. Croix, p. 555). The event was adapted by the Sa- maritans to suit their own history, with a corre- sponding change of places and persons, and various embellishments (Aboul'lfatah, quoted by Ste. Croix, pp. 209-12) ; and in due time Alexander was en- i oiled among the proselytes of Judaism. On the ther hand no mention of the event occurs in Ar- •jan, Plutarch, Diodorus, or Curtius ; and the con- .ection m which it is placed by Josephus is alike inconsistent with Jewish history (Ewald, Gesch. d VoOces Isr. iv. 124 ff.) and with the narrative of fcrrian (iii. 1 c0So,tn V^P? 4"* ""J* rdfi-* 4Sjxi- mv f,Ktv is n-jAownoi - ). But admitting the incorrecti-ess of the details of


    the tradition as given by Josephus, there are I points which confirm the truth of the main fact Justin says that " many kings of the East came tt meet Alexander wearing fillets" (lib. xi. 10); anc* after the capture of Tyre " Alexander himself visited some of the cities which still refused to submit U him " (Curt. iv. 5, 13). Even at a later time, ac- cording to Curtius, he executed vengeance person- ally on the Samaritans for the murder of his gov- ernor Andmmachus ((^urt. iv. 8, 10). Besides this, Jewish soldiers were enlisted in his army (Hecat. ap. Joseph, c. Apiun. i. 22); and Jews formed an important element in the population of the city which he founded shortly after the supposed visit. Above all, the privileges which he is said to have conferred upon the Jews, including the remiasioi: of tribute every sabbatical year, existed in later times, and imply some such relation between the Jews and the great conqueror as Josephus describes. Internal evidence is decidedly in favor of the story, even in its picturesque fullness. From policy or conviction Alexander delighted to represent him- self as chosen by destiny for the great act which he achieved. The siege of Tyre arose professedly from a religious motive. The battle of Issus was pre- ceded by the visit to Gordium ; the invasion of Per- sia by the pilgrimage to the temple of Amnion. And if it be impossible to determine the exact cir- cumstances of the meeting of Alexander and the Jewish envoys, the silence of the classical historians, who notoriously disregarded (e. g. the Maccabees) and misrepresented (Tac. Hut. y. 8) the fortunes of the Jews, cannot be held to be conclusive against the occurrence of an event which must have ap- peared to them trivial or unintelligible (Jahn, Ar- cliavi. iii. 300 ff. ; Ste. Croix, Examen critique, Ac., Paris, 1810; Thirlwall, Hut. of Greece, vi. 206 f.; and on the other side Ant. van Dale, Divert, super Aritlea, Amstel. 1705, pp. 69 ff.)

    The tradition, whether true or false, presents an aspect of Alexander's character which has been fre- quently lost sight of by his recent biographers. He was not simply a Creek, nor must he be judged by a Greek standard. The Orientalism, which was a scandal to his followers, was a necessary de- duction from his principles, and not the result of caprice or vanity (cotnp. Arr. vii. 29). He ap- proached the idea of a universal monarchy from the side of Greece, but his final object was to establish something higher than the paramount supremacy of one people. His purpose wag to combine and equalize, not to annihilate: to wed the East and West in a just union — not to enslave Asia to Greece (Plut. de Alex. Or. 1, § 6). The time in- deed, was not yet come when this was possible, but if he could not accomplish the great issue, he pre- pared the way for its accomplishment

    The first and most direct consequence of the policy of Alexander was the weakening of nation- alities, the first condition necessary for the dissolu- tion of the old religions. The swift course of his victories, the constant incorporation of foreign elements in his armies, the fierce wars and chang- ing fortunes of his successors, broke down the bar- riers by which kingdom had been separated from kingdom, and opened the road for larger concep- tions of life and faith than had hitherto been pos- sible (cf. Polyb. iii. 59). The contact of the East and West brought out into practical forms, thoughts and feelings which had been confined to the schools iPaganism was deprived of life as soon as it was transplanted beyond the narrow limits in which

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    look ita shape. The spread of commerce followed the progress of arms; and 'ie Greek language and literature vindicated their -laim to be conaiJeied the moat perfect expression of human thought by becoming practically universal.

    The Jews were at once most exposed to the pow- erful influences thus brought to bear upon the East, and most able to support them. In the ar- rangement of the Greek conquests which followed the battle of Ipsus, b. c. 301, Judsa was made the frontier land of the rival empires of Syria and Egypt, and though it was necessarily subjected to the constant vicissitudes of war, it was able to make advantageous terms with the state to which it owed allegiance, from the important advantages which it offered for attack or defense [Antiochls, ii.-vii.]. Internally also the people were prepared to with- stand the effects of the revolution which the Greek dominion effected. The constitution of Ezra had obtained its full development. A powerful hierar- chy had succeeded in substituting the idea of a church for that of a state; and the Jew was now able to wander over the world and yet remain faithful to the God of his fathers [The Disper- sion]. The same constitutional change had strengthened the intellectual and religious position of the people. A rigid " fence " of ritualism pro- tected the course of common life from the license of Greek manners ; and the great doctrine of the unity of God, which was now seen to be the divine centre of their system, counteracted the attractions of a philosophic pantheism [Simon the Just]. Through a long course of discipline in which they had been left unguided by prophetic teaching, the Jews had realized the nature of their mission to the world, and were waiting for the means of fulfilling it. The conquest of Alexander furnished them with the occasion and the power. But at the same time the example of Greece fostered personal as well as popular independence. Judaism was



    Tetmdrechm (Attic talent) of Lystmschus, King of Threes. Ubv Used of Alexander the Great, as a young Jupiter Amnion, to right. Rev. BASIAEOX AYSIMAXOY. In Meld, monogram and S, Pallas seated to left, holding a Victory.

    speedily divided into sects, analogous to the typical forms of Greek philosophy. But even the rude analysis of the old faith was productive of good. The freedom of Greece was no less instrumental in forming the Jews for their final work than the con- templative spirit of Persia, or the civil organization of Rome ; for if the career of Alexander was rapid, Ita effects were lasting. The city which he chose to bear his name perpetuated in after ages the office which he providentially discharged for Judaism and mankind; and the historian of i Christianity

    ,,9632; The attempt of Bertholdt to apply Uik description of the third monarchy to that of Alexander has uuae to am—and It [Duns,].

    must confirm the judgment of Arrian, that Alexan- der, " who was like no other man, could not liavs been given to the world without the special design of Providence " (*{» tov itiov, Arr. vii. 30). And Alexander himself appreciated this design bet- ter even than his great teacher; for it is said (Plut. tie Ale j. Or. 1, § 6) that when Aristotle urged him to treat the Greeks as freemen and the Orien- tals as slaves, he found the true answer to this counsel in the recognition of his " divine mission to unite and reconcile the world " (icotvit *,« •» 8t68*v aptuxrriii vol SioAAojcttji rw ,,,ur nop-

    In the prophetic visions of Daniel the influence of Alexander is necessarily combined with that of his successors." They represented with partial ex- aggeration the several phases of his character; and to the Jews nationally the policy of the Syrian kings was of greater importance than the original conquest of Asia. But some traits of " the first mighty king" (Dan. viii. 21, xi. 3) are given with vigorous distinctness. The emblem by which he

    is typified H , SV', a he-yoat, fr. ~,P2 he leapt, Ges. Thet. s. v. ) suggests the notions of strength and speed ; 6 and the universal extent (Dan. viii. 5, . . . from the toeit on the fact of the whole earth), and marvellous rapidity of his conquests (Dan. 1. c. he touched not the. groiutd) are brought forward as the characteristics of bis power, which was directed by the strongest personal impetuosity (Dan. viii. 6, in the fury of hi» poioer). He ruled with great dominion, and did according to his will (xi. 3); " and there was none that could deliver . . . out of his hand (»iii. 7)." B. F. W.

    ALEXANDER BATAS (Joseph. Ant. xiii.

    4, § 8, 'AAf^artpoi i BdAat ,,ty6iurot ; Strab.

    xiv. p. 751, to» B,,,ar 'AAc^aropor; Just. xxxv.

    1, Subornant pro eo Balam quendam . . . et

    . . . noineu ei Alexandri iuditur. Balas possibly

    represents the Aram. N,372, lord: oe likewise assumed the titles Ari^arr,t and ttnpytrfo, 1 Mace. x. 1). He was, according to son,e, a (natu ral) son of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes (Strab. xiii Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2, 1), but he was more generally regarded as an impostor who falsely assumed the connection (App. Syr. 67 ; Justin 1. c. cf. Polyb. xxxiii. 16). He claimed the throne of Syria in 152 B. c. in opposition to Demetrius Soter, who hud provoked the hostility of the neighboring longs and alienated the affections of his subjects (Joseph. 1. c). His pretensions were put forward by Herac- lides, formerly treasurer of Antiochus Epiphanes, who obtained the recognition of his title at Rome by scandalous intrigues (Polyb. xxxiii. 14, 16) After landing at Ptolemais (1 Mace. x. 1) Alexin der gained the warm support of Jonathan, who was now the leader of the Jews (1 Mace. ix. 73); and though his first efforts were unsuccessful (Just. xxxv. 1, 10), in 150 B. c. be completely routed the forces of Demetrius, who himself fell in the retreat (1 Mace x. 48-50; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2, 4; Str. xvi. p. 751). After this Alexander married Cleo- patra, the daughter of Ptolemaus VI. Philometor; and in the arrangement of his kingdom appointed Jonathan governor (,icptSd* yqs ; « Mace. x. 65) of a province (Judsea : cf. 1 Mace, xi. 67). But his

    There ma* be also some allusion In the word t» the .egeud of Oamnna, the founder of uw Argtn dynasty in Macedonia, who was guided to vie jrj br " a tloak of goats " (.-vttn. t. 71.

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    triumph was of abort duration. After obtaining power he gave himself up to a life of indulgence (Liv. Kp. 50; cf. Athen. v. 211); and when Deme- trius Nicator, the son of Demetrius Soter, landed in Syria in 147 B. c., the new pretender found powerful support (1 Mace. z. (17 ff.). At first Jon- atnan defeated and slew Apollonius the governor of Ode-Syria, who had joined the party of Deme- trius, for which exploit he received fresh favors from Alexander (1 Mace. x. 69-89); but shortly afterwards (b. c. 146) Ptolemy entered Syria with a large force, and after he had placed garrisons in the chief cities on the coast, which received him according to the commands of Alexander, suddenly pronounced himself in favor of Demetrius (1 Mace, xi. 1-11 : Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4, 5 ff.), alleging, prob- ably with truth, the existence of a conspiracy against his life (Joseph. 1. c. cf. Diod. ap. Muller. fragm. ii. 16). Alexander, who had been forced to leave Antioch (Joseph. I.e.), was in Cilicia when he heard of Itokmy's defection (1 Mace. xi. 14). He hastened to meet him, but was defeated (1 Mace. xi. 15; Just. xxxv. 2), and fled to Aba? in Arabia (Diod. 1. c.), where he was murdered u. c. 146 (Diod. 1. c; 1 Mace. xi. 17 differs as to the manner; and Euseb. Chron. Arm. i. 349 represents him to have been slain in the battle). The narra- tive in 1 Mace, and Joaephus shows clearly the partiality which the Jews entertained for Alexan- der " as the first that entreated of true peace with them " (1 Mace, x- 47); and the same feeling was exhibited afterwards in the zeal with which they supported the claims of his sou Antiochus. [Ak- tiochus VI.] a F. W.

    rstradmchm (Ptolemaic talent) of Alexander Bala*.

    ibv. Bust of King to right. Rev. BASIAEflZ AA- EEANAPOY. fiigle, upon rudder, to left, and palm-branch. In field, the monogram and symbol of Tyre J date THP (163 JEr. Seleucid), Ac.

    ALEXANDER ('AA,{avopai), in N. T. 1. Son of Simon the Oyrenian, who was compelled to bear the cross for our Lord (Mark xv. 21 ). From •Jbe manner in which he is there mentioned, to- gether with his brother Rums, they were probably persons well known in the early Christian church. [C'omp. Rom. xvi. 13.]

    2. One of the kindred of Annas the high-priest (Acts iv. 6), apparently in some high office, as he is among three who are mentioned by name. Some suppose him identical with Alexander the Alabarch at Alexandria, the brother of PhDo Juda-us, men- tioned by Josephus {Ant. xviii. 8, § 1, xix. 6, § 1) in the Utter passage as a d,(Aoj oy, x,uoi of the Emperor Claudius: so that the time is not incon- sistent with such an idea.

    « The Alexandrine corn-Teasels (Acts xxrit. 6, uriH. 11) were large (Acta xxvil. 87) and handsome (Luc Navig. p. 668. ed Bened.) ; and even Vespasian made a voyage in one (Joseph. S. J. vii. 2). They tanarally sailed direct to PutaaU (fliamrrsin, Sarah.


    3. A Jew at Epheaus, whom his country men put forward during the tumult raised by Demetrius the silversmith (Acts xix. 33), to plead their cause with the mob, as being unconnected with the attempt U overthrow the worship of Artemis. Or he may have been, as imagined by Calvin and others, a Jewish convert to Christianity, whom the Jews were willing to expose as a victim to the frenzy of the mob.

    4. An Ephesian Christian, reprobated by St Paul in 1 Tim. i. 20, as having, together with one Hymemeus, put from him faith and a good con- science, and so made shipwreck concerning the faith. This may be the same with

    5. Alexander the coppersmith ('AA. 6 xaA- mis), mentioned by the same apostle, 2 Tim. iv. 14, as having done him many mischiefs. It is quite uncertain where this person resided ; but from the caution to Timotheus to beware of him, prob- ably at Epbesus. H. A.

    ALEXANDRIA [Gr. -dri'a] (, 'AAf{dV- Spew, 3 Mace. iii. 1 ; Mod., El-]skenderteyeh ; Kthn., 'AAegaropevi, 3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21; Acts xviii. 24, vi. 9), the Hellenic Roman and Christian capital of Egypt, was founded by Alexander the Great n. c. 332, who traced himself the ground- plan of the city which he designed to make the metropolis of his western empire (Plut. AUx. 26). The work thus begun was continued after the death of Alexander by the Ptolemies; and the beauty (Athen. i. p. 3) of Alexandria became proverbial. Every natural advantage contributed to its prosper- ity. The climate and site were singularly healthy (Strab. p. 793). The harbors formed by the island of Pharos and the headland Lochias, were safe and commodious, alike for commerce and for war; and the lake Mareotis was an inland haven for the mer- chandise of Egypt and India (Strab. p. 798). Un- der the despotism of the later Ptolemies the trade of Alexandria declined, but its population (300,000 freemen, Diod. xvii. 52: the free population of At- tica was about 130,000) and wealth (Strab. p. 798) were enormous. After the victory of Augustus it suffered for its attachment to the cause of Antony (Strab. p. 792); but its importance as one of tije chief com-porta of Rome ,,9632; secured for it the gen- eral favor of the first emperors. In later times the seditious tumults for which the Alexandrians had always been notorious, desolated the city (A. D. 260 ff. Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. x.), and relig- ious feuds aggravated the popular distress (Dionys. Alex. Kp. iii., xii.; Euseb. H. E., vi. 41 ff.; vii. 22). Yet even thus, though Alexandria suffered greatly from constant dissensions and the weakness of the Byzantine court, the splendor of "the great city of the West " amazed Amrou, its Arab con- queror (a. d. 640; Gibbon, c. Ii.): and after cen- turies of Mohammedan misrule it promises once again to justify the wisdom of its founder (Strab. xvii. pp. 791-9; Frag. ap. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7, 2: Plut. Alex. 26; Arr. iii. 1; Joseph. B. J. iv. 6 Comp. Alexander the Great.)

    The population of Alexandria was mixed from' the first (comp. Curt. iv. 8, 6) ; and this fact formed the groundwork of the Alexandrine character. The three regions into which the city was divided (Regit) Judaorvm, Brvchehm, Rhacotu) corre-

    p. 798) ; Senec. Ep. 77, 1 ; cf. Suet Aug. 93, Act! xxvili. 18) ; but, from stress of weather, often saUss under the Astatic court (Acts xxrU. ; cf. Lue 1. e. a 670 f. ; Smith. Veyag, of St fW, pp 70 «•

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    tponded to the three chief classes of its inhabitants, I Jews, Greeks, Egyptians;" but in addition to these! principal races, representatives of almost every na- j Hon were found there (Dion Chrys. Ornt. xxxii.). According to Josephus, Alexander himself assigned IB the Jews a place in his new city; "and ihey ob-l tained," he adds, "equal privileges with the Mace-j donians " [c Ap. ii. 4) in consideration "of tlieir ; services against the Egyptians" (B. J. ii. 18, 7). Ptolemy I. imitated the policy of Alexander, and, after the capture of Jerusalem, he removed a con- siderable number of its citizens to Alexandria. Many others followed of their own accord ; and all .•eeeived the hill Macedonian franchise (Joseph. Ant. xii. 1; cf. c. Ap. i. 22), as men of known and tried fidelity (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 4). Already on a former occasion the Jews had sought a home in the land of their bondage. More than two centuries and a half before the foundation of Alexandria a large body of them had taken refuge in Egypt, after the murder of Gedaliah; but these, after a general apostasy, were carried captive to ltabylon by Nebuchadnezzar (2 K. xxv. 20 ; Jer. xliv. ; Jo- seph. Ant. x. 9, 7).

    The fate of the later colony was far different. The numbers and importance of the Egyptian Jews were rapidly "ncreased under the Ptolemies by fresh immigrations and untiring industry. Philo esti- mates them in his time at little less than 1,000,000 (In Flacc. § 6, p. 971); and adds that two of the five districts of Alexandria were called " Jewish dis- tricts: " and that many Jews lived scattered in the remaining three (id. § 8, p. 973), Julius Ciesar (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, § 1) and Augustus confirmed to them the privileges which they had enjoyed before, and they retained them with various interruptions, of which the most important, a. d. 39, is descril,ed by Philo (I. c), during the tumults and persecu- tions of later reigns (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 4; B. J. xii. 3, 2). They were represented, at least for some time (from the time of Cleopatra to the reign of Claudius; Jost, Gesch. d. Judtnth. i. 353) by their own officer {40ydpxys* Strab. ap. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7, 2; aKa,dpxy,t Joseph. Ant. xviii. 7, 3; 9, 1; xix. 5, 1; cf. Hup. ad Juv. Sat. i. 130; yt vdpxys* Philo, fn Flacc. § 10, p. 975), and Au- gustus appointed a council (ytpovffia, i- *• SnnJie- drin : Philo ,. c. ) "to superintend the affairs of the lews," according to their own laws. The estab- lishment of Christianity altered the civil position of the Jews, but they maintained their relative prosperity; and when Alexandria was taken by Amrou 40,000 tributary Jews were reckoned among the marvels of the city (Gibbon, cli.).

    For some time the Jewish Church in Alexandria was in close dependence on that of Jerusalem, (loth were subject to the civil power of the first Ptolemies, and both acknowledged the high-priest m their religious head. The persecution of Ptol- emy Phibpator (217 b. c.) occasioned the first political separation between the two Inxlies. Prom that time the Jews of Palestine attached themselves to the fortunes of Syria [Antiociius the Great]; and the same policy which alienated the Palestin- ian party gave unity and decision to the Jews of Alexandria. The Septuagint translation which •trengthened the larrier of language between Pai-



    estine and Egypt, and the temple at IjontopoUa (LB1 n. c.) which subjected the Egyptian Jews to the charge of schism, widened the breach whict was thus opened. But the division, though marked, was not complete. At the beginning of the Chris- tian era the Egyptian Jews still paid the contribu- tions to the temple-service (Kaphall, I Int. of Jews, ii. 72). Jerusalem, though ite name was fashioned to a Greek shape, was still the Holy City, the me- tropolis not of a country but of a people ('IepoVo- Kis. Philo, In Fliicc. § 7; Ley. atl Cni. § 30), and the Alexandrians had a synagogue there (Acts vi. (I). The internal administration of the Alexan- drine Church was independent of the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem ; but respect survived submission.

    There were, however, other causes which tended to produce at Alexandria a distinct form of the Jewish character and faith. The religion and phi- losophy of that restless city produced an effect upou the people more powerful than the influence of pol- itics or commerce. Alexander himself symbolized the spirit with which he wished to animate his new capital by founding a temple of Isis side by side with the temples of the Grecian gods (Arr. Hi. 1). The creeds of the East and West were to coexist in friendly union ; and in after-times the mixed wor- ship of Serapis (oorop. Gibbon, c. xxviii. ; Diet, of O'eot,r. i. p. 98) was characteristic of the Greek kingdom of Egypt (August. De Cir. Dei, xviii. 5; S. maximus jKijyptiortim Devs). This catholicity of worship was further combined with the spread of universal learning. The same monarchs who fa- vored the worship of Serapis (Clem. Al. Protr. iv. § 48) founded and emljellished the Museum and library ; and part of the Library was deposited ir. the Serapeum. The new faith and the new litera- ture led to a common issue ; and the Egyptian Jews necessarily imbibed the spirit which prevailed around them.

    The Jews were, indeed, peculiarly susceptible of the influences to which they were exposed. They presented from the first a capacity for Eastern or Western development. To the faith and conserva- tism of the Oriental they muted the activity and energy of the Greek. The mere presence of Hel- lenic culture could not fail to call into play their powers of speculation, which were hardly repressed by the traditional legalism of I^destine (comp. Jost, Gesch. d. Judtnth. i. 293 fl' ) ; and the un- changing element of divine revelation which they always retained, enabled them to harmonize new thought with old lielief. But while the intercourse of the Jew and Greek would have produced the game general consequences in any case, Alexandria was peculiarly adapted to insure their full eflect. The result of the contact of Judaism with the many creeds which were current there must have been speedy and powerful. The earliest (ireek fragment of Jewish writing which has lieen pre- served (about 100 B. c.) [AnisToucu's] contains large Orphic quotations, which had been already moulded into a Jewish form (comp. Jost, Scant, i. Jwl'ith. i. 870*; and the attempt thus made to connect the mos* ancient Hellenic traditions with the I M was often repeated afterwards. Nor wai this done in the spirit of bold forgery. Orpheus, Musii'ii s, and the Sibyls appeared to stand, in some

    ,• Polybius (xxxiv. 14 ; ap. Btrab. p. 787) speaks of receive the title of " mercenaries," from the servici he population as consisting; of " three races (rpux yeVij) ' wblch they ortjrinally rendered to Alexander (Joseph a* nairr* Egyptian ... the mennmry . . . and the ' V. J. H. 18, 7) and tha tint PtotamiM (Joseph e. Ap . of Greek detmnt." The Jowi might «. 41.

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    remote period anterior to the corruption! of poly- theism, as the witnesses of a primeval revelation and of the teaching of nature, and thus it seemed excusable to attribute to them a knowledge of the Mosaic doctrines. The third book of the Sibyllines (a b. c. 150) is the most valuable relic of this pseudo-Hellenic literature, and shows how 6u- the conception of Judaism was enlarged to meet the wider view of the religious condition of heathen- dom which was opened by a more intimate knowl- edge of Greek thought; though the later Apoca- lypse of Ezra [Esdras ii.] exhibits a marked reaction toward* the extreme exciwaveness of former

    But the indirect influence of Greek literature and philosophy produced still greater effects upon the Alexandrine Jews than the open conflict and com- bination of religious dogmas. The literary school of Alexandria was essentially critical and not cre- ative. For the first time men labored to collect, revise, and classify all the records of the past Poets trusted to their learning rather than to their imagination. Language became a study ; and the legends of early mythology are transformed into philosophic mysteries. The Jews took a vigorous share in these new studies. The caution against writing, which became a settled law in Palestine, found no favor in Egypt. Numerous authors adapted the history of the Patriarchs, of Hoses, and of the Kings, to classical models (Euseb. Prop. Ev. ix. 17-39) [as] Eupolemus, Artapanus ( ? ), De- metrius, Aristieus, Cleodemus or Malchas, "a prophet.** A poem which bears the name of Phocylides, gives in verse various precepts of Le- viticus (D.rnitl tec. LXX. Apohg. p. 612 f. Rome, 1772) ; and several large fragments of a " tragedy ' ' in which Kzekiel (c. n. c. 1 10) dramatized the Ex- odus, have been preserved by Kusebius (L c), who also quotes numerous passages in heroic verse from the elder i'hilo and Thcodotus. This classicalism of style was a symptom and a cause of classicalism of thought. The same Aristobulus who gave cur- rency to the Juds?o-Orphic verses, endeavored to show that the Pentateuch was the real source of Greek philosophy (Euseb. Prop. Ev. xiii. 12; Clem. Al. Strom, vi. 98).

    The proposition thus enunciated was thoroughly congenial to the Alexandrine character; and hence- forth it was the chief object of Jewish speculation to trace out the subtle analogies which were sup- posed to exist between the writings of Moses and the teaching of the schools. The circumstances under which philosophical studies first gained a Sooting at Alexandria favored the attempt. For some time the practical sciences reigned supreme; and the issue of these was skepticism (Matter, Ifitl. ,U tEeoU ttAkx. hi. 162 if.). Then at length the clear analysis and practical morality of the Peripatetics found ready followers; and in the strength cf the reaction men eagerly trusted to those splendid ventures with which Plato taught them to be content till they could gain a surer knowledge (Phad. p. 85). To the Jew this surer knowledge seemed to be already given ; and the be- lief in the existence of a spiritual meaning under- 'ying the letter of Scripture was the great principle ,n which nil his investigations rested. The facts rat supposed to be essentially symbolic : the lan- guage the veil (or sometimes the mask) which partly disguised from common sight the truths which it enwrapped. In this way a twofold object was gained. It became possible to withdraw the


    Supreme Being (to iv, i ,v) from immediate eon tact with the material world ; and to apply the oar rativea of the Bible to the phenomena of the will It is impossible to determine the process by which these results were embodied; but, as in paralla cases, they seem to have been shaped gradually in the minds of the mass, and not fashioned at once by one great teacher. Even in the LXX. then are traces of an endeavor to interpret the anthro- pomorphic imagery of the Hebrew text [Skptua- gixt] ; and there can be no doubt that the Com- mentaries of Aristobulus gave some form and consistency to the allegoric system. In the time of Philo (h. c. 20 — A. D. 50) the theological and interpretative systems were evidently fixed, even in many of their details, and he appears in both cases only to bare collected and expressed the popular opinions of his countrymen.

    In each of these great forms of speculation — Uw theological and the exegetical — Aleundrianism has an important bearing upon the Apostolic writings. But the doctrines which are characteristic of the Alexandrine school were by no means peculiar to it. The same causes which led to the formation of wider news of Judaism in Egypt, acting undej greater restraint, produced corresponding results is Palestine. A doctrine of the Word (Memra), and a system of mystical interpretation grew up within the Habbinic schools, which bear a closer analogy to the language of St. John and to the "allegories" of St. Paul than the speculations of Philo.

    But while the importance of this Habbinic ele- ment in connection with the expreuion of Apostolic truth is often overlooked, there can lie no doubt that the Alexandrine teaching was more powerful in furthering its reception. Yet even when the function of Alexandrianism with regard to Chris- tianity is thus limited, it is needful to avoid exag- geration. The preparation which it made was indi- rect and not immediate. Philo's doctrine of the Word (Logos) led men to accept the teaching of St. John, but not to anticipate it; just as his method of allegorizing fitted them to enter into the arguments of the Epistle to the Hebrews, though they could not have foreseen their application.

    The first thing, indeed, which must strike the reader of Philo in relation to St. John, is the sim- ilarity of phrase without a similarity of idea. His treatment cf the Logos is vague and inconsistent. He argues about the term and not about the real- ity, and seems to delight in the ambiguity which it involves. At one time he represents the Logos a* the reason of God in which the archetypal ideas of things exist (,,iyos ivtiiStros), at another time as the Word of God by which he makes himself known to the outward world (,,iyot rpcxpopiK6t), bat he nowhere realizes the notion of One who is at once Kevealer and the Revelation, which is the essence of St. John's teaching. The idea of the active l,ogos is suggested to him by the necessity of with- drawing the Infinite from the finite, God from man, and not by the desire to bring God to man. Not only is it impossible to conceive that Philo could have written as St. John writes, but even to sup- pose that he could have admitted the possibility of the Incarnation of the Logos, or of the personal unity of the Logos and the Messiah. But while it is right to state in its full breadth the opposition between the teaching of Philo and St. John," it if

    a The closest analogy to the teaching of I'hilo if ths Logos occurs to the Bptstle to the Hebrews, wblek

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    impossible not to feel the important office which the mystic theosophy, of which Philo is the repre- sentative, fulfilled in preparing for the apprehension of the highest Christian truth. Without any dis- tinct conception of the perscuality of the Logos, the tendency of Philo's writings was to lead men to regard the Logos, at least in some of the senses of the term, as a person; and while he maintained with devout earnestness the indivisibility of the di- vine nature, he described the Logos as divine. In Jiis manner, however unconsciously, he prepared the way for the recognition of a twofold personality in the Godhead, and performed a work without which it may well appear that the language of Christianity would liave been unintelligible (comp. Donier, Die Lthre rvr, dtr Ptrsim. Christi, i. 93 if).

    The allegoric method stands in the same relation to the spiritual interpretation of Scripture as the mystic doctrine of the Word to the teaching of St. John. It was a preparation and not an anticipation of it. Unless men had been familiarized in some such way with the existence of an inner meaning in the Law and the Prophets, it is difficult to under- stand how an Apollos "mighty in the Scriptures" (Acts xviii. 24-2S) could have convinced many, or how the infant Church could have seen almost un- moved the ritual of the Old Covenant swept away, strong in the conscious possession of its spiritual antitypes. But that which is found in Philo in isolated fragments combines in tbe New Testament lo form one great whole. In the former the truth is affirmed in casual details, in the latter it is laid down in its broad principles which admit of infinite application; and a comparison of patristic inter- pretations with those of Philo will show how pow- erful an influence the Apostolic example exercised in curbing the imagination of later writers. Nor is this all. While Philo regarded that which was positive in Judaism as the mere symbol of abstract truths, in the Epistle to the Hebrews it appears as the shadow of blessings realized (Ilebr. ix. 11, ytvo- fLtywv [so I-u.'lim. j ) in the presence of a personal Saviour. History in the one case is the enunciation of a riddle , in the other it is the record of a life.

    The speculative doctrines which thus worked for the general reception of Christian doctrine were also embodied in a form of society which was afterwards transferred to the Christian Church. Numerous Iwlies nf ascetics (Therapeufa), especially on the ttorders of lake Mareotis, devoted themselves to a life of ceaseless discipline and study. Unlike the Kssenes, who present the corresponding phase in Palestinian life, they abjured society and labor, and open forgot, as it is said, the simplest wants of na- ture in the contemplation of the hidden wisdom of the Scriptures (Philo, De Vit. Conttvipl. through- wit). The description which Philo gives of their occupation and character seemed to Eusebius to present so clear an image of Christian virtues that he claimed them as Christians; and there can be no doubt that some of the forms of monasticism were shaped upon the model of the Therapeuta; (Kuseh. ,,• A*, ii. 16).

    Acc*»rding to the common legend 'Euseb. ,. c.) St. Mark first " preached the GosikU in Egyp f , and founded the first Church in Alexandria." At the beginning of tbe second century tnts number of



    to (nnroftThout Hellenistic mther than Babblolo. ' W pare H*b. I*. 12 with Polio, Qmi ~*rum div. nmrrs %

    Christians at Alexandria must have been very large, and the great leaders of Gnosticism who arose there (Basilides, Valeutinus) exhibit an exaggeration of the tendency of the Church. Hut the later form" of Alexandrine speculation, the strange varieties of Gnosticism, the progress of the catechetical school, the development of Neo-I'latonism, the various phases of the Arian controversy, belong to the history of the Church and to the history of philos- ophy. To the last Alexandria fulfilled its mis- sion; and we still owe much to the 6pirit of its great teachers, which in titer ages struggled, not without success, against the sterner systems of thn West.

    The following works embody what is valuable ill the earlier literature on the subject, with copious references to it: Matter, Histoire de tA'cole ,," Alexandrie, 2d ed., Paris, 1840. Diihne, A. ¥ Geschichtliche Darsteltuny tier jivlisch-idexandrin ischen ReUijionsphilosophie, Halle, 1834. Gfrorer, A. F., Philo, und die jiitlisch-aUxandrinische The- osophie, Stuttgart, 1835. To these may be added, Ewald, H., Oesch. dts Yolkes ,trot I, Giittingen, 1852, iv. 250 ff., 393 ff. Jost, J. St, Oesch. dot Jwhnlhums, Leipzig, 1857, i. 34-1 ff., 388 ff. Ne- ander, A., History of Christian Church, i. 66 ff., Eng. Tr. 1847 [i. 49 ff., Amer. ca.]. Prof. Jowett, Philo and St. Paul. St. Paul's Kpistles to the Thes- salonians, ,}c, London, 1855, i. 363 ff. [Vacherot Hist. ml. de tEcole ,jf Alexnivlrie, 3 vol., Paris 1846-51.] And for the later Christian history: Guerike, H. F., De Schola Alexund,-ina Catechet- ical, Ilalis, 1824-25." B. F. W.

    ALEXANDRIANS, THE (of 'AAe£ay !pe,j). 1. The Greek inhabitants of Alexandria (3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21).

    2. (Alexundrini.) The Jewish colonists of that city, who were admitted to the privileges of citizen ship, and had a synagogue at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 9). [Alexandria, p. 63 n.] W. A. W.


    alfptmmlm ; D^2Q ,W, almugyhn : |i5x,a OTrtAc- K-nra, Alex., {. weAc,cnri, Vat., in 1 K. x. 11, 12; £. vtvKiva: Uyna thyina, liyna pintn). There can l,e no question that these words are identical, although, according to Celsius (llierob. i. 173), some doubted it. The same author enumerates no fewer than fifteen different trees, each one of which has been supposed to have a claim to represent thi altpim or almuy-tree of Scripture. Mention of tht nlmug is made in 1 K. x. 11, 12, 2 Chr. ix. 10, 11. as having been brought in great plenty from Ophir, together with gold and precious stones, by the fleet of fliram, for Solomon's Temple and house, and for the construction of musical instruments. " The king made of the almug-trees pillars for tbe house of the Lord, and for the king's house, harps also and psalteries for singers; there came no such almug-trees, nor were seen unto this day." In 2 ( !hr. ii. 8, Solomon is represented as desiring Hiram to send him M cedar-trees, fir-trees, and algiun-trees (marg. almuijgim) out of Lebanon." From the passage in Kings, it seems clear almug-trees came from Ophir; and as it is improbable that l,ebanon should also have been a locality for them, the pas- sage whMi appears to ascribe the growth of the

    " Alexandria occurs 1b the Vulgate by au error fof No-Ammon [No-AmiosJ, Jer. xlrt. 26; to. xxz. H IS, id: Nan. III. 8.

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    shnug-tree to the mountains of Lebanon most be considered to be either an interpolation of some tran- scriber, or eke it must bear a different interpreta- tion. The former view is the one taken by Kosen- muUer (Bibl. Bot. p. 245, Morren's translation), who suggests that the wood had been brought from Ophir to Tyre, and that Solomon's instructions to Hiram were to send on to Jerusalem (rid Joppa, perhaps) the timber imported from Ophir that was lying at the port of Tyre, with the cedars which had been cut in Mount Lebanon (see l-ee's ffeb. Lex. a. v. " Almuggim "). No information can be deduced from the readings of the LXX., who explain the Hebrew word by " hewn wood " (1 K. x. 11, Vat.), "unhewn wood" (ibid. Alex.), and "pine-wood" (2 Chr. ii. 8, and ix. 10, 11). The Vulg. in the passages of Kings and 2 Chr. ix. reads Hgna thyina ; but in 2 Chr. ii. 8 follows the LXX., and has liynn pinea. Interpreters are greatly per- plexed as to what kind of tree is denoted by the words nlyummim and almuggim. The Arabic and the Chaldee interpretations, with Munster, A. Mon- tanus, Deodatus, Noldius, 'figurinns, retain tlie original word, as does the A. V. in all the three passages. The attempts at identification made by modern writers have not been happy. (1.) Some maintain that the thyina" wood ( Thuya articulata) u signified by algum. This wood, as is well known, was highly prized by the Romans, who used it for doors of temples, tables, and a variety of purposes ; for the citron-wood of the ancients appears to be identical with the thuya. (The word occurs in Rev. xviii. 12.) Its value to the Romans accounts for the reading of the Vulgate in the passages quoted above. But the Thuya articulata is indig- enous to the north of Africa, and is not found in Asia ; and few geographers will be found to identify the ancient Ophir with any port on the N. African coast. [OrntR.] (2.) Not more happy is the opinion of Dr. Kitto, that the deodar is the tree probably designated by the term almug (PicU BibL, note on 2 Chr.). On this subject Dr. Hooker, in a letter to the writer, says, " The deodar is out of the question. It is no better than cedar, and never could have been exported from Himalaya." (3.) The late Dr. Royle, with more reason, is inclined to decide on the white sandal-wood (Fantalum al- bum; see Cycl. Bib. Lit. art. "Algum.") This tree is a native of India, and the mountainous parts of the coast of Malabar, and deliriously fragrant in the parts near to the root. It is much used in the manufacture of work-boxes, cabinets, and other or- naments. (4.) The rabbins 6 understand a wood cemmonly called bratil, in Arabic albacram, of a deep red color, used in dyeing.' This appears to be the bukhan ( Catalpima lap,xm), a tree allied to the Brazil-wood of modem commerce, and found in India; and many of the Jewish doctors under- stand coral (»". e. coral-wood) by the word almug, the name no doubt having reference to the color of

    « Thttja appears to be a corr upti on of Thya, from ,vm, " I sacrifice,' 1 the wood having been used ro sac- rifices Thuja ociridmlalu is the well-known evergreen, "arbor vitas."

    6 K. Salomon Ben Melek, 1 K. x. 11, and R. Dav. Khnehl, 2 Chr. ii. 8. " Algummim set quod almyggim, arbor rubrls coloris dicta Arabum lingua atbateam, vulgo foutfta." See Celsius, who wonders that the term " Brazil-wood " (Lignum brarilimu) should be named br one who lived 800 years before the discov- ery of America ; but the word troja also ™ red color. OX Rosenm. AM. of BO*, p. 248, Morren's note.


    the wood. (5.) If any reliance is to la placed on these rabbinical interpretations, the most probable of all the attempts to identify the almug is that first proposed by Celsius (Ilicrob. i. 172), namely that the red sandal-wood (Pterocarput tantaunus may be the kind denoted by the Hebrew word. But this, after aD, is mere conjecture. " I have often," says Dr. Hooker, " heard the subject of the almug-tree discussed, but never to any purpose The Pterocarput tuntalinut has occurred to me, but it is not found in large pieces, nor is it, I be- lieve, now used for musical purposes."

    This tree, which belongs to the natural order Legumimmt, and sub-order PapUionacea, is a na- tive of India and Ceylon. The wood is very heavy, hard, and fine-grained, and of a beautiful garnet color, as any one may see who has observed the medicinal preparation, the compound tincture of lavender, which is colored by the wood of the red sandal-tree. Dr. Lee (Lex. ffeb. s. v. " Algum- mini") identifying Ophir with some seaport of Ceylon, following Bocbart (Chanaan, i. 46) herein, thinks that there can be no doubt that the wood in question must be either the Kalanji id of Ceylon or the sandal-wood (Pterocarput tanL f ) of India. The Kalanji ad, which apparently is some species of Pterocarput, was particularly esteemed and sought after tor the manufacture of lyres and mu- sical instruments, as Dr. Lee has proved by quota- tions from Arabic and Persian works. In fact be says that the Eastern lyre is termed the id, perhaps because made of this sort of wood. As to the de- rivation of the word nothing certain can be learnt. Hiller (ffierophyt. p. i. 106) derives it from two words meaning " drops of gum," a as if some res- inous wood was intended. There is no objection to this derivation. The various kinds of pines are for the most part trees of a resinous nature; but the value of the timber for building is great. Nor would this derivation be unsuitable to the Ptero- carpida generally, several species of which emit resins when the stem is wounded. Josephus (Ant viii. 7, § 1) makes special mention of a tree not un- like pine, but which he is careful to warn us not to confuse with the pine-trees known to the merchants of his time. " Those we are speaking of," he says, " were in appearance like the wood of the fig-tree, but were whiter and more shining." This descrip- tion is ton vague to allow us even to conjecture what be means. And it is quite impossible to arrive at any certain conclusion in the attempt to identify the algum or almug-tree. The arguments, bow- ever, are more in favor of the red sandal-wood than of any other tree. W. H.

    ALI'AH. [Alvah.]

    ALIAN. [Alvah.]

    6 «- c i*AJ, lignum arboris magna, foliis amygdalims,

    cojus decocto ttngitur color rublcundus sen pseudo- purpureus — lignum bresUlum — ettom, color ejus tine- tunun referens (Golius, Arab. Lex. s. v. Oakham).

    ,t For the various etymologies that have been gives to the Hebrew word see Celsius, Hieroo. i. 172, sq. Salmssius, Hyt. Iatr. p. 120, B. ; Oastell. Ltx. Hep

    s. t. C^^K. Lee says " the word is apparently *» eign." Geeraras gives no derivation. Flint refers tin

    words to JSfif , Jhurt, red tandal+oood. He mothtt*.

    It Is, he says, tbs me Sanskrit SMr*a

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    • ALIEN. [Strangek.]

    * ALL TO. On the expression (Judg. ix. 53) 4 all to brake his scull," see note to the art. Abim- ilkch. A.

    ALLEGORY, a figure of 'speech which has been defined by Bishop Marsh, in accordance with its etymology, as u a representation of one thing which is intended to excite the representation of another thing; " the first representation being con- sistent with itself, but requiring, or being capable of admitting, a moral and spiritual interpretation over and above its literal sense. An allegory has been incorrectly considered by some as a lengthened or sustained metaphor, or a continuation of meta- phors, as by Cicero, thus standing in the same rela- lion to metaphor as parable to simile. Hut the two figures are quite distinct; uo sustained meta- phor, or succession of metaphors, can constitute an allegory, and the interpretation of allegory diners from that of metaphor, in having to do not with words but things. In every allegory there is a twofold sense; the immediate or historic, which is understood from the words, and the ultimate, which is concerned with the things signified by the words. The allegorical interpretation is not of the words but of the things signified by them; and not only inay, but actually does, coexist with the literal in- terpretation in every allegory, whether the narrative in which it is conveyed he of things possible or real. An illustration of this may be seen in Gal. iv. 24, where the apostle gives an allegorical inter- pretation to the historical narrative of Hagar and Sarah ; not treating that narrative as an allegory in itself, as our A. V. woidd lead us to suppose, but drawing from it a deeper sense than is conveyed by the immediate representation.

    In jmre allegory no direct reference is made to the principal object. Of this kind the parable of the prodigal son is an example (Luke xv. 11-32). In mixed allegory the allegorical narrative either contains some hint of its application, as Vs. lxxx., or the allegory and its interpretation are combined, as in John xv. 1-8; but this last passage is, strictly speaking, an example of a metaphor.

    The distinction between the parable and the allegory is laid down by Dean Trench (On the Parables, chap. i.J as one of form rather than of essence. " In the allegory," he sayB, B there is an interpretation of the tiling signifying and the thing signified, the qualities and properties of the first being attributed to the last, and the two thus blended together, instead of l,eing kq,t quite dis- tinct and placed side by side, as is the case in the parable." According to this, there is uo such thing as pure allegory as above defined.

    W. A. W.

    ALLELUIA ('AAATjAotSm: Alleluia), so written in Rev. xix. 1 ff. [and Tob. xiii. 18], or

    wore properly Hallelujah (JSP T7,P), "praise ye Jehovah," as it is found in the margin of Pa. civ. 35, cv. 45, cvi. 1, cxi. 1, cxii. 1, cxiii. 1 (comp. Ps. cxiii. ft, cxv. 18, cxvi. 19, cxvii. 2). The Psalms from cxiii. to cxviii. were called by the Jews the HahVl, and were sung on the first of the month, at the ftast of Dedication, and the feast of Tal,er- nacles, the feast of Weeks, and the feast of the ^aseover. [IIosaxxa.] On the last occasioa .'in. cxiii. and cxiv., according to the school of Millel (the former only according to the school of Shammai), were sung before the feast, and the if uinder at ita termination, after drinking the hut


    cup The hymn (Matt. xxvi. 30), sung by Christ and his disciples after the last supper, is supposed to have been the great llallel, which seems to have varied according to the feast. The literal meaning of u Hallelujah " sufficiently indicates the character of the Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of praise and thanksgiving. They are all found in the last book of the collection, and bear marks of be- ing intended for use in the temple-service; the words " praise ye Jehovah " being taken up by the full chorus of Invites. In the great hymn of tri- umph in heaven over the destruction of Babylon, the apostle in vision heard the multitude iu chorus like the voice of mighty thunderings burst forth, " Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth," responding to the voice which came out of the throne saying " Praise our God, all ye his servants, and ye that fear him, both small and great" (Rev. xix. 1-6). In this, as in the- offering of incense (Rev. viii.), there is evident allusion to the service of the temple, as the apostle had often witnessed it in its fading grandeur. W. A. W.

    ALLIANCES. On the first establishment of the Jews in Palestine, no connections were formed between them and the surrounding nations. The geographical position of their country, the pecu- liarity of their institutions, and the prohibitions against intercourse with the Canaanites and other heathen nations, alike tended to promote an exclu- sive and isolated state. Hut with the extension of their power under the kings, the Jews were brought more into contact with foreigners, and alliances beams essential to the security of their commerce. Solomon concluded two important treaties exclu- sively for commercial purposes: the first with Hiram, king of Tyre, originally with the view of

    | obtaining materials and workmen for the erection of the Temple, and afterwards for the supply of slup-builders and sailors (1 K. v. 2-12, ix. 27); the second with a Pharaoh, king of Egypt, which was cemented by his marriage with a princess of the royal family; by this he secured a monopoly of the trade in horses and other products of that country (1 K. x. 28, 2J). After the division of the king- dom, the alliances were of an offensive and defen- sive nature. They had their origin partly in the internal disputes of the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, and partly in the position which these countries held relatively to Egypt on the one side, and the great eastern monarchies of Assyria and Babylonia on the other. The scantiness of the historical records at our command makes it prob- able that the key to mauy of the events that oc- curred is to be found in the alliances and counter alliances formed between these peoples, of which u*, mention is made. Thus the invasion of Shishak in KeholKKim's reign was not improbably the result of an alliance made with Jeroboam, who had pre- viously found an asMum in Egypt (IK. xii. 2, xiv. 25). Each of these monarchs sought a connection with the neighboring kingdom of Syria, on which side Israel was particularly assailable (1 K. xv. 19); but Asa ultimately succeeded in securing the active cooperation of Henhadad against Baasha (1 K . xv. 16-20). Another policy, induced probably by the encroaching .-.pint of Syria, led to the formation of an alliance between the two kingdoms under Ahal and Jehosh,i,hat. which was maintained until the end of Allah's dynasty. It occasionally extended to commercial operations (2 Chr. xx. 36). Th«

    | alliance ceased in Jehu's redan: war broke out

    Digitized by




    shortly after between Anariih and Jeroboam II. : •ach nation looked for foreign aid, and a otttBUon waa formed between Renin, king of Syria, and Pe- kab on the one aide, and Ahaz and Tiglatb-Pileser, king of Assyria, on the other (2 K. xvi. 6-9). 3y thia means an opening waa afforded to the ad- vances of the Assyrian power; and the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, as they were successively at- tacked, sought the alliance of the Egyptians, who were strongly interested in m«intjjning the inde- pendence of the Jews as a barrier against the encroachments of the Assyrian power. Thus Hoshea made a treaty with So (Sabaco or Se- vochus), and noelled against Shalmaneter (2 K. xvii. 4): Ilezekiah adopted the same policy in op- position to Sennacherib (Is. xxx. 2). In neither case was the alliance productive of much good : the Israelites were abandoned by So. It appears probable that his -successor Sethos, who had of- fended the military caste, was unable to render Hezekiah any assistance ; and it was omy when the independence of Egypt itself was threatened, that the Assyrians were defeated by the joint forces of Sethos and Tirhakah, and a temporary relief af- forded thereby to Judah (2 K. xix. 9, 36 ; Herod, ii. 141 ),,9632; The weak condition of Egypt at the be- ginning of the 26th dynasty left Judah entirely at the mercy of the Assyrians, who under Esarhaddon subdued the country, and by a conciliatory policy I secured the adhesion of Manasseh and his succes- sors to his side against Egypt (2 Chr. xxziii. 11- 13). It was apparently as an ally of the Assyrians that Josiah resisted the advance of Necho (2 Chr. xxxv. 20). His defeat, however, and the downfall of the Assyrian empire again changed the policy of the Jews, and made them the subjects of Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition against Jerusalem was contemporaneous with and probably in conse- quence of the expedition of Necho against the Babylonians (2 K. xxiv. 1; Jer. xlvi. 2); and lastly, Zedekiah's rebellion was accompanied with a re- newal of the alliance with Egypt (Ez. xvii. 15). A temporary relief appears to have been afforded by the advance of Hophrah (Jer. xxxvii. 11), but it was of no avail to prevent the extinction of Jewish independence.

    On the restoration of independence, Judas Mac- cabteus sought an alliance with the Romans, who were then gaining an ascendency in the East, as a counterpoise to tie neighboring state of Syria (1 Mace, rill.) Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, § 6). This alli- ance was renewed by Jonathan (1 Mace. xii. 1 ; Ant xiii. 5, § 8), and by Simon (1 Mace. xv. 17; Ant riii. 7, { 3). On the last occasion the indepen- dence of the Jews was recognized and formally notified to the neighboring nations b. c. 140 (1 Mace. xv. 22, 23). Treaties of a friendly nature were at the same period concluded with the Lace- demonians under an impression that they came of a xmimon stock (1 Mace. xiiW, xiv. 20; Aid. xii. 4, § 10, xiii. 5, § 8). The Roman alliance was again renewed by Hyrcanus, n. c. 128 (Ant. xiii. 9, § 2), after his defeat by Antiochus Sidetes, and

    o * Though this usage happens to be mentioned only in the transaction between Jacob and Laban (Qen. xxxi. 52), it was evidently not uncommon among the wstern races. Sir Henry C. TUwlinson mentions the nterestlng and Illustrative feet that he has found In iw Assyrian inscriptions frequent examples of this aune practice of raising a tmnulus for the purpose of commemorating and ratifying a compact. See Ath- mman, April 19, 1882 The erection of a stone as a


    the losses he had sustained were repaired. Tbfa alliance, however, ultimately proved fatal fo tilt independence of the Jews. The rival claims of Hyrcanus and Aristobulus having been referred U Pompey, b. c. 63, he availed himself of the opportu- nity of placing the country under tribute (Ant. xiv. 4, § 4). Finally, Herod was raised to the sov- ereignty by the Roman Senate, acting under the advice of M. Antony (Ant. xiv. 14, § 5).

    The formation of an alliance waa attended with various religious rites. A victim was slain and divided into two parts, between which the contract. ing parties passed, involving imprecations of a sim- ilar destruction upon him who should break th» terms of the alliance (Gen. xv. 10; cf. Lir. i. 34),

    hence the expression n v "], t"T^3 ( = SpKia rifMtv, fcdui icere) to make (lit. to cut) a treaty ; hence also the use of the term 71 S (lit. imprecation) for a covenant. That thia custom was maintained to a late period appears from Jer. xxxiv. 18-20. Generally speaking, the oath alone is mentioned in the contracting of alliances, either between nations (Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen. xxvi. 28, xxxi. 53; 1 Sam. xv. 17; 2 K. xi. 4). The event was celebrated by a feast (Gen. ,. c; Ex. xxiv. 11; 2 Sam. iii. 12, 20). Salt, as sym- liolical of fidelity, was used on these occasions; it was applied to the sacrifices (Lev. ii. 13), and prob- ably used, as among the Arabs, at hospitable enter tainmenU ; hence the expression " covenant of salt " (Num. xviii. 19; 2 Chr. xiii. 6). Occasionally a pillar or a heap of stones was set up as a memorial of the alliance (Gen. xxxi. 52).« Presents were also sent by the party soliciting the alliance (1 K. xv. 18; Is. xxx. 6; 1 Mace. xv. 18). The fidelity of the Jews to their engagements was conspicuous at all periods of their history (Josh. ix. 18), and any breach of covenant was visited with very se- vere punishment (2 Sam. xxi. 1 ; Ez. xvii. 16).

    W. L.,

    AI,LOM CAAX«Vi F" 1 - M - AAA**;] Alex. ASXaiy: Malmon). The same as Ami or Amon (1 Esdr. r. 34; comp. Ear. ii. 57; Neb. vii. 59).

    W. A. W.

    AI,LON (i'lVs or yi 1 *!), a large strong tree of some description, probably an oak (see Ges. Tha. 51, 103; Stanley, App. § 76). The word is found in two names in the topography of Palestine.

    L Asajos, more accurately Em,n (] "?N

    (D,a3S?3»): M»A,(; [Alex. MwAs.,:] Eton), a place named among the cities of Naphtali (Josh, xix. 33). Probably the more correct construction is to take it with the following word, i. e. " the oak by Zaanannim," or "the oak of the loading of tents " [" tents of the wanderers," according to Flint], as if deriving its name from some nomad tribe frequenting the spot. Such a tribe were the Kenites, and in connection with them the place is again named in Judg. iv. 11," with the additional

    rsUglous memorial or as the sign of a covenant bst wssa God and man («. g. by Jacob at Bethel, Gen. xxviil 18) was a similar proceeding, but not altogether anal ogons* JBL

    • pbrf, Mon, is the reading of V.d.Booght, sot of Walton's Polrglott; but mon MSB. have as abovi (Davidson's Httr. Tact, p. 46).

    c It must h» —marked that the Targmn Jonathar

    Digitized by



    laflnition of " by Kedcsh (Xaphtali)." Here, now iver, the A. V., following the Vulgate, renders the irordi "the plain of ',. van aim. [I'.i.on.] (See Stanley, p. 340, note.)

    2. Al'lou-ba'chuth (.~l : l'D2 fv. S ,• = oak of tceepiny; and so ,3,£,,aros TreVflouv: quercut flttm), the tree under which Kebekah's nurse Deb- orah, was buried (Gen. xxxv. 8,. Kwald ((letch. iii. 39) believes the "oak of Talxir " (1 Sam. x. 3, A. V. " plain of T." ) to lie the same as, or the successor of, this tree, "Tabor" being possibly a merely dialectical change from " Deborah," and he would further identify it with the " palm-tree of Deborah " (Judg. iv. D). See also Stanley, pp.

    143, aao.» G.

    3. Al,u» (TlVM [an oak]: 'Ak,ii,,, [Vat. M. Kfiar, H. A,i,usri] Alex. AUw: Alton). A Simeonite, ancestor of Zirza, a prince of his tribe in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 37). W. A. W.

    ALMODAD (TITabs [po8sibly=«Af,,ro-

    gemlor, FUrat]: 'EXfwHS: h'.tmodad), the first, in order, of the descendants of .loktan (Gen. x. 26; 1 Chr. i. 20), and the progenitor of an Arab trilie. His settlements must l»e looked for, in common with those of the other descendant of Joktan, in the Arabian peninsula; and his name appears to be preserved in that of Mudad (or El-Mudad, the word being one of those proper names that admits »f the article being prefixed), a famous personage In Arabian history, the reputed father of Ishmael's Arab wife (Afir-at et-Zeman, ,fcc.), and the chief if the Joktanite tribe Jurhum (not to be confounded with the older, or first, Jurhum), that, coming from ihe Yemen, settled in the neighborhood of Mek- teh, and intermarried with the Iahmaelites. The tame of Mudad was peculiar to Jurhum, and orne by several of its chiefs (Caussin de Perceval, t.wii tar t Hut, det Aniiet tminl t Ishmisme, .,,,9632;('., t. 33 ff., 168, and 104 S.y Gesenius (Lex. ed. Tregelles, in loc.) says, " If there were an ancietit

    error in reading (for "111*2 *S), we might com- pare Aforad, O'yC or t,|y( . — *J, the name of a

    tribe living in a mountainous region of Arabia Felix, near Zabid." (For this tribe see Abulfeda; HitL Anteulamka, ed. Fleischer, p. 190.) Others

    have suggested -, -ft* but the well-known tribes

    if this stock are of Ishmaelite descent. Bochart (Pkateg, ii. 16) thinks that Almodad may be traced *n the name of the 'AWou,uuincu of Ptolemy (vi.



    random this passage by words meaning " the plain of she inmp " (see Schwan, p. 181). This is Ewald's ex- planation also (Gexk. U. 492, note). For other inter- vntaooos see First (Hatidwb. p. 91).

    • The Sam. Version, according to Its customary

    raftering of Allon, has here HiTD:: "111173, " the .torn of BaUth." See this suhject more fully ex- unined under Sunt.

    • * The place of the first Deborah's " oak " and that af the second Deborah's " palm-tree," may possibly ttfl been the same; but in order to identify the one toe with the other, Bwald has to assume that the text has miscalled the tree Intended in one of the passages

    Got*, ill. 29, note). In Geo. xxxr. 8, we are tc read r under the oak,'' f • «. the original one or its representa- e^aa aim well known, and not "an oak "(A. V.). If.

    e DM''WP, **o»l !,,,9632;**• Vi-, from

    7, § 24) a people of the interior of Arabia Felix, near the sources of the river Lar [Arabia].

    E. S. P.

    AI,MON CpQ^?? [hidden]: rduxtka; [Alex.

    AA^ttc: Comp. *Z,,^,iiv,, Aid. *AA,u£:] Almon), a city within the tribe of Benjamin, with " suburbs'* given to tbe priests (Josh. xxi. 18). Its name does not occur in the list of the towns of Benjamin in .Tosh, xviii. In the parallel list in 1 Chr. vi. it is found as Alemeth — probably a later form, and that by which it would appear to have descended to us [Ai.kmeth.] G.

    AL'MON-DIBLATHA'IM (accurately Dib- lathamah, nS,,Hbn^~]b7? : reA,t,e Ae£ KaBaiLLi IIelmon-,Mbiathairn), one of the latest stations of the Israelites, between Dilwti-gad and the mountains of Abarim (Num. xxxh'i. 46, 47). Dibon-gad is doubtless the present JJhiMn, just to the north of the Anion ; and there is thus every probability that Alnion-diblathaim was identical with lieth-diblathaim, a Moabite city mentioned by Jeremiah (xlviii. 22) in company with both Dibon and Nebo, and that its traces will be discovered on further exploration. [For the etymology see DtsV lathaim.] G-

    ALMOND (lt7; ; , shdked (nb) : d M £yoo- Kov, KapvoVf Kopi,'ivos, Kapvurd' amyydalus, fimyffdaktj in nueis nvxlum, instar nucls^ BtVflfl viydins). This word is found in Gen. xliii. 11; Ex. xxv. 33, 34, xxxvii. 19, 20; Num. xvii. 8; Eccles. xii. 5; Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V. It is invariably represented by the same Hebrew word (shdh'd), which sometimes stands for the whole tree, sometimes for the fruit or nut; for in- stance, in Gen. xliii. 11, Jacob commands his sons to take as a present to Joseph " a little honey, spices and myrrh, nuts and almonds;" here the fruit is clearly meant. In the passages out of the book of Exodus the " bowls made like unto al, monds," c which were to adorn the golden candle- stick, seem to allude to the nut also.** Aaron's rod, that so miraculously budded, yielded alnumd nuts. In the two passages from Ecclcsiastes and Jere mull, t,dsw is translated almond tree, which from the context it certainly represents. It is clearly then a mistake to suppose, with some writers, that »hdked stands exclusively for "almond-nuts," and that luz signifies the "tree."' Kosenmiiller con jectures that the latter word designates the mkt, the former the cultivated tree. This may be so, but it appears more probable that this tree, con- spicuous as it was for its early flowering and useful fruit, was known by these Uoo different names.

    int? , , always used in Heb. text in reference to the golden candlestick: LXX. «TtTTvira,ficVoi KapvitrKovs, al. ,apvt(?KO,.s ; Aquila, t'f^v-ySciAwfAtrrji*.

    d TJW, " est amy^dalus et amygdalum, arbor et fructns ; hie autem fructus potius quarn arboris forma designari videtur " (RoseumulL Schol. in Kxod. xxv. 3S; That sKak,d =* tree and fruit t see also Ftirst,

    Concord. IpV-, " amygdala et amygdaium t de arbors

    ei fructu ; " and Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., "T31T, " »ig nincac arborem et fructum.'' Htcnaeli^ (Sitppl. s, t 17*02) understands the almond-shaped bowls to reftT to *he tkecsom, 1. e. the calyx and the corolla.

    e Harris, Nat. Hist, of the Bible, art. * Almond," and Dr. Bo-'* In Kltto, art "Sualcsd."

    Digitized by




    n» etymology of the Hebrew Mr is uueerUln; and ilthough the word ocean only in Gen. xxx. 37, where it ia translated hazel in the text of the A. V., yet there can be little or no doubt that it is an- other word for the almond, for in the Arable this identical word, tot, denote* the almond. [Hazeu] The early appearance of the blossoms on the almond- tree (Amygdalut communis) waa no doubt regarded by the Jewa of old as a welcome harbinger of spring, reminding them that the winter was pass- ing away — that the flowers would soon appear on the earth — and that the time of the singing of birds and the roice of the turtle would soon be heard in the land (Song of Sol. ii. 11, 12). The word shiied, therefore, or the tree which hastened to pot forth its blossoms, was a very beautiful and fitting synonym for the toz, or almond-tree, in the language of a people so fond of imagery and poetry as were the Jews. We have in our own language instances of plants being named from the season of the year when they are flowering — may for haw- thorn ; pasque flower for anemone ; tent My for daffodil; winter cress for hetlge mutant. But perhaps the best and most exact illustration of the Hebrew ihiied is to be found in the English word apricot, or apricoct, as it was formerly and more correctly called, which is derived from the Latin pracoqua, pracoeia ; this tree was so called by the Romans, who considered it a land of peach which ripened earlier than the common one; hence its name, the precocious tree (comp. Plin. xv. 11 ; Mar- tial, xiii. 46). Shaied, therefore, was in all prob- ability only another name with the Jews for ha.

    ShdJtfd it derived from a root which signifies "to be wakeful," "to hasten,"" for the almond- tree blossoms very early in the season, the flowers appearing before the leaves. Two species of Amyg- dalus — A. peraca, the peach-tree, and A. com- munis, the sh,ked — appear to be common In Pal- estine. They are both, according to Dr. Kitto (Phys. Hist Palest, p. 211), in blossom in every part of Palestine in January. The almond-tree has been noticed in flower as early as the 9th of that month: the 19th, 23d, and 26th are atoo re- corded dates. The knowledge of this interesting fact will explain that otherwise unintelligible pas- sage in Jeremiah (i. 11, 12), " The word of the Lord came unto me, saying, Jeremiah, what seest thou ? And I said, I see the rod of an almond- .ree (shiked). Then said the Lord unto me, Thou hast well seen, for I will hasten (shiked) my word to perform it"

    In that well-known poetical representation of old age in Eccles. xii. it is said, '• the almond-tree shall Sourish." This expression is generally understood as emblematic of the hoary locks of old age thinly scattered on the bald head, just as the white blos-

    "Tpt» (1) deeabmU, (8) vicilani- Arab.


    hu om m is . The Chaldee Is yHJB 1 ', "J^TfJO? i

    TQIP' HTjtCi 3 and p bsing Interchanged. The rrrUc word la similar.

    • The general color of the almond blossom is pink, tat the flowers do vary from deep pink to marly •hit*.

    * 1|7tt, Vr^3,, Osssnlus makes the verb


    soma appear on the yet leafless boughs of this tan Gesenius, however, does not allow such an inter- pretation, for he says, with some truth, 6 that the almond flowers are pink or rose-colored, not waste. This passage, therefore, is rendered by him — " the almond is rejected." c Though a delicious fruit yet the ok) man, having no teeth, would be obliged to refuse if If, however, the reading of the A V. is retained, then the allusion to the almond-tree is intended to refer to the hastening of old age in the case of him who remembereth not " his Creator in the days of his youth." As the almond-tie* ushers in spring, so do the signs mentioned in the context foretell the approach of old age and death. It has always been regarded by the Jews with rev- erence, and even to this day the Kngliuli Jews on their great feast-days carry a bough of flowering almond to the synagogue, just as in old time they used to present palm-branches in the Temple, to remind them perhaps, as Lady Callcott has observed (Script. Herb. p. 10), that in the great famine in the time of Joseph the almond did not fail them, and that, as it " failed not to their patriarchs in the days of dearth, it oometh to their hand in this day of worse and more bitter privation, as a token that God forgetteth not his people in their distress, nor the children of Israel, though scattered in a foreign land, though their home is the prey of the spoiler, and their temple is become an high place for the heathen."

    A modern traveller in Palestine records that, at the passover, the Jews prepare a compound of almonds and apples in the form of a brick, and baring the appearance of lime or mortar to remind the people of their hard service in the land of Egypt and boure of bondage (Anderson's Wander- ings in Ute Land of Israel, p. 250).

    The almond-tree, whose scientific name is Amyg- dakis communis, belongs to the natural order Rosa- cea, and sub-order Amygdala. This order is s large and important one, for it contains more than 1000 species, many of which produce excellent fruit. Apricots, peaches, nectarines, plums, cher- ries, apples, pears, strawberries, Ac., Ac., are all in- cluded under this order. It should be remembered, however, that the seeds, flowers, bark, and leaves, of many plants in the order Rosacea! contain a deadly poison, namely, prussic or hydrocyanic acid. The almond-tree is a native of Asia and North Africa, but it is cultivated in the milder parts of Europe. In England it is grown simply on ac- count of its beautiful vernal flowers, for the fruit scarcely ever comes to maturity. The height of the tree is about 12 or 14 feet; the flowers an pink, and arranged for the most part in pairs ; the leaves sre long, ovate, with a serrated margin, and an acute point. The covering of the fruit is downy

    YKP to b* HiphU future, from yi^, to dmtte, to tsxpist i yKS^ would then be alter the Syrlac farm

    Instead of VN£. But all the old versions agree with the translation of the A. V., the verb being formed reg ularly from the root ^3, flam.

    d « When the grinders cease because they an few ' (Seeks, xii. 8). For some other curious Interprets Hon* of this passage, see that of B- Salomon, quotst

    by Santas Pagnlnus in his nssoarw, sub voce T,13 and Vatablus, Annoutta ad BaUsiasttn, xB. 6 (O* Bat. ill. 2861.

    Digitized by



    oid nueculeut, enclosing the hard shell which eon- *m» the kernel. The bitter almond U only a


    Almond-tree and bloeeom.

    variety of this species. The English Almond, Spanish Almendra, the Provencal Amindola, the French Amande, are all apparently derived from the Greek afivySd,,ri, Latin Amygdala. It u curious to observe, in connection with the almond- bowls of the golden candlestick, that pieces of rock- cryxtal used in adorning branch-candlesticks are still denominated by the lapidaries "Almonds."

    W. U.

    ALMS (Chald. NiTTS), beneficence towards the poor, from Anglo-Sax. almeste, probably, as well aa Germ, almoten, from «,,,-qno,rvvr),, eleemo- iy»n, Vulg. (but see Bosworth, A. S. Diet.). The word " alms " is not found in our version of the canonical books of O. T., but it occurs repeatedly in N. T., and in the Apocryphal books of Tobit

    and Eccleaiasticus. The Heb. n|TJ3, righteout- nett, the usual equivalent for alms in 0- T., is ren- dered by LXX. in Dent. xziv. 13, Dan. iv. 24, and elsewhere, tKri)!UxrivT,,, whilst some MSS., with Vulg. and Rhera. Test., read in Matt. vi. 1, JV tmutawn. [This reading is adopted by Griesb., Lachm., Tiach., Tregelles, and Alford. — A.]

    The duty of almsgiving, especially in kind, con- sisting chiefly in portions to be left designedly from produce of the field, the vineyard, and the olive- yard (Lev. rix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22; Deut. xv. 11, xxiv. 19, xxri. 2-13; Ruth ii. 2), is strictly enjoined by (he Law. After his entrance into the land of promise, the Israelite was ordered to present yearly tho first-fruits of the land before the Lord, in a manner significant of his own previously destitute condition. Every third year also (Deut. xiv. 28) each proprietor was directed to share the tithes of his produce with "the Levite, the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow." The theological esti- mate of almsgiving among the Jews is indicated by the following passages : — Job xxxi. 17 ; Prov. x. 2, si. 4; Eath. ix. 22; Pa. cxii. 9; Acta ix. 36, the saseof Dorcas; x. 2, of Cornelius : to which may be idded, Tob. iv. 10, 11, xiv. 10, 11; and Ecclus. iii. 30, xl. 24. And the Talmudista went so far as u nterpret rigkUoumeu by almsgiving in such pas- lages as Gen. xviii. 19 ; Is. liv. 14 , ?a. xvii. 15.

    In the women's court of the Temple there were .3 receptacles for voluntary offerings (Hark xii. II), one of which was devoted to alms for education af poor children of good family. Before the Cap-

    ALOE8 71

    tivity there is no trace of permUsiot. sf niendii ancyi but it was evidently allowed in later times (Matt xx. 30; Mark x. 46; Act* iii. 2).

    After the Captivity, but at what time it cannot 1* known certainly, a definite system of almsgiving was introduced, and even enforced under penalties. In every city there were three collectors. The col- lections were of two kinds: (1.) Of money for the poor of the city only, made by two collectors, re- ceived in a cheat or box (HQIp) in the synagogue on the Sabbath, and distributed by the three in the evening ; (2. ) For the poor in general, of food and money, collected every day from house to house, re- ceived in a dish OVTQn), and distributed by the three collectors. The two collections obtained the names respectively of " alms of the cheat," and " alms of the dish." Special collections and dis- tributions were also made on fast-days.

    The Pharisees were zealous in almsgiving, bat too ostentatious in their mode of performance, for which our Lord finds fault with them (Matt. vi. 2). But there is no ground for supposing that the ex- pression fi)j vuHwitrns is more than a mode of denouncing their display, by a figure drawn from the frequent and well-known use of trumpets in re- ligious and other celebrations, Jewish as well as heathen. Winer, ». v. Carpxov. Eletm, Jud. 32. Vitringa, Dt Syn. Vet. iii. 1, 13. Elsley, On Go*- pel*. Maimonidea, Dt Jure Pauperis, vii. 10; ix. 1, 6; x. (Prideaux.) Jahn, Arch. Bibl. iv. 371. . (Upborn.) Lightfoot, Hone Hebr., on Matt, vi. 2, and Deter. TempU, p. 19. Diet, of Antxq. s. v. " Tuba." [See Offkbimgs; Poor; Tithes; Temple.]

    The duty of relieving the poor was not neglected by the Christians (Matt. vi. 1-4; Luke xiv. 13; Acts xx. 35; Gal. ii. 10.) Every Christian was exhorted to lay by on the Sunday in each week some portion of his profits, to be applied to the wants of the needy (Acta xi. 30; Rom. xv. 25-27; 1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). It was also considered a duty specially incumbent on widows to devote them- selves to such ministrations (1 Tim. v. 10).

    H. W. P.

    ALMUG-TREE. [Aujum.]

    ALTfATHAN ('AAvoedV; [Vat. Zmarcwi] Alex. EAraeW: Enaathan). ELxathan 2 (1 Esdr. viii. 44; comp. Exr. viii. 16). W. A W.

    ALOES, LIGN ALOES (D^n**, AkiUm, rnbrTR AhiUth: cfKnni (in Num. ixiv. 6), oTurH) (in Pa. xiv. 8); aAaM, Aquila and Aid. oAaW); Comp. iXiS; Sym. Bvfiiaua (in Cant, iv 14): tabemacula, gutta, aloe: in N. T. ixii), aloe) the name of some costly and sweet-smelling wood mentioned in Num. xxiv. 6, where Balaam com- pares the condition of the Israelites to " trees of lign-aloes which the Lord hath planted;" in Ps. xiv. 8, "All thy garments smell of myrrh, and aloes, and cassia; " in Prov. vii. 17, "I have per fumed my bed with myrrh, aloes, and cinnamon." Iii Cant. iv. 14, Solomon speaks of "myrrh and aloes, with all tie chief spices." The word occurs once in the N. T. (John xix. 39), where mention is made of Nicodemus bringing "a mixture of my— h and aloes, about an hundred pound weight," lur the purpose of anointing the body of our Lord. Writers generally, following Celsius (Hierob. 1. 135), who devotes thirty-five pages to this subject, suppose that the Aquilaria agaUoekum b the test

    Digitized by




    n queation. The trees which belong to the natu- ,,9632; al order AquUariacea, apetalous dicotyledonous flowering plants, are for the most part natives of tropical Asia. The species Aq. agallochum, which supplies the aloes-wood of commerce, is much valued In India on account of its aromatic qualities for fumigations and incense. It was well known to the Arabic physicians. Ibn Sina ° (Avicenna), in the Latin translation, speaks of this wood under the names of AgaUocImm, Xtjlakt, or Ligmim-AIoti. In the Arabic original a description is given of it under the names of Aghlajoon, Aghalookhi, Ood b (Dr. Royle, in Cyc. Bib. lit. s. v. " Ahalim "). Dr. Koyle {J that, of HimmaUiynn Bitany, p. 171) men- tions three varieties of this wood as being obtained in the bazaars of Northern India.

    The Aquilarin secundaria of China has the char- acter of being the most highly scented. But it is a singular fact that this fragrancy does not exist in any of this family of trees when in a healthy and growing condition ; it is only when the tree is dis- eased that it has this aromatic property. On this account the timber is often buried for a short time in the ground, which accelerates the decay, when the utter or fragrant oil, is secreted. The best aloe-wood is called calamine, and is the produce of Aqttilaria agallochum, a native of Silhet, in Northern India. This is a magnificent tree, and grows to the height of 120 feet, being 12 feet in girth: "The bark of the trunk u smooth and ash-

    Aqullnrim Agallochum.

    solortd; that of the branches gray and lightly striped with brown. The wood is white, and very

    o Abdallah ibn Sina. a celebrated Aimbian physi- rian and natural philosopher, born a. d. 980. The lews abbreviated the name into Abeusina, whence the Ihrlattans call It Avicenna.

    ft *^- tt ,,,, r-| i ayaAAoxor, AquHaria orala, Sprsn-

    sat, iSu. Rri He*. I. p. 281 tt. ; Avicenna, 1. H. p. 182 ;


    light and soft. It is totally without s.nett; aid th* leaves, bark, and flowers are equally inodorous; " (Script, Herb. p. 238). The £xaecaria agattn. chum, with which some writers have confused the Aq. agall., is an entirely different plant, being a small crooked tree, containing an acrid milky poi- son, in common with the rest of the Kuphorblacea. Persons have lost their sight from this juice getting into their eyes, whence the plant's generic name, Kxcacaria. It is difficult to account for the spe- cific name of this plant, for the agallochum is cer- tainly not the produce of it.

    It must -be confessed, however, that, notwith- standing all that has been written to prove the identity of the Ala 'mi-trees with the alotucood of commerce, and notwithstanding the apparent con- nection of the Hebrew word with the Arabic Aghla- joon and the Greek Agallochon, the opinion is not clear of difficulties. In the first place the passage in Num. xiiv. 6, " as the Ahalim which Jeho- vah hath planted, is an argument against the identification with the Aquilaria agallochum. The I .XX. read ataival (tents) ; and they are followed by the Vulg., the Syriac, the Arabic, and some other versions. If Ohalbn (tents) is not the true reading — and the context is against it — then if Ahalim = Aq. agallochum, we must suppose that Balaam is speaking of trees concerning which in their growing state he could have known nothing at all. Kosenmiiller {SchoL in V. T. ad Num. xxiv. 6) allows that this tree is not found in Ara- bia, but thinks that Balaam might have become acquainted with it from the merchants. Perhaps the prophet might have seen the wood. But the passage in Numbers manifestly implies that he bad seen the Ahalim gi owing, and that in all probabil- ity they were some kind of tree sufficiently known to the Israelites to enable them to understand the allusion iu its full force. But if the AlidUm = the Agallochum, then much of the illustration wouiu have been lost to the people who jrere the subject of the prophecy ; for the Aq. agallochum is found neither on the banks of the Euphrates, where Ba- laam lived, nor in Moab, where the blessing was enunciated.

    Michaelis {Supp. pp. 34. 35) beb'eves the LXX. reading to be the correct one, though he sees no difficulty, but rather a beauty, in supposing that Balaam was drawing a similitude from a tree of for- eign growth. He confesses that the parallelism of the verse is more in favor of the tree than the tent ; but he objects that the lign-aloes should be men- tioned before the cedars, the parallelism requiring, he thinks, the inverse order. But this is hardly a valid objection ; for what tree was held in greater estimation than the cedar V And even if Ahdlbn = Aq. agall., yet the latter clause of the verse does no violence to the law of parallelism, for of the two trees the cellar "m,ijor est et auguttior." Again, the passage in Ps. xlv. 8 would perhaps be more correctly translated thus: " The myrrh, aloes, and cassia, perfuming jll thy garments, brought from the ivory palaces of the Aftnm, shall make thee glad." c The Miur.i, or Minsei, were inhab-

    3 ' ** 13 *

    lignum Aloft, Kam. Id. Avlc. Can. 1. H. p. 281 ; conf SprengeJ, Hut. Rti JJtr). tip. 2,1 (Fnytag, La s. v.).

    c See Bosenmuner's note on *t« passage ;,,!.«.

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    tints of spicy Arabia, and carried on a great trade .n the exportation of spices and perfumes (Plin. xii. 14, IB; liochart, Phnley, ii. 22, 135. As the myrrh and cassia are mentioned as coming from the Minni, and were doubtless natural productions of their country, the inference is that nines, lieing named with them, was also a production of the same country.

    The Scriptural use of the Hebrew word applies both to the tree and to its produce; and although some weight must be allowed to the opinion which identifies the Ahdlim with the Agallnrhuin, sup- ported as it is by the authority of so eminent a botanist as the late Dr. Koyle, yet it must lie con- ceded that the matter is by no means proved. Hiller {llierophyt. i. 394) derives the won! from a root which signifies " to shine," u to be splendid," and believes the tree to be some species of cedar ; probably, he says, the Cedrw mayn ,, or Cedrelate. What tbe C. magna may be, modern botanical sci- ence would lie at a loss to conjecture, but it is quite possible that some kind of odoriferous cedar may i,e the tree denoted bv the term Ahalim or AJialoth.

    W. H.

    ALOTH (t"lV?2 : Baa,,,i,[ [Alex. MaaA.- mri] Baloth), a place or district, forming with Asher the jurisdiction of the ninth of Solomon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 16). It is read by the LXX. and later scholars as Mealoth, thcugh the

    A. V. treats the 3 as a prefix.' 1 In the former case see Bealoth. Joscphus has tV w«pl 'Ap- *f)K Trapa,,lav, 'A-pK-fi being the name which he elsewhere gives to Ecdippa (Achzib) on the ,ea- coast in Asher. G.

    AI,PHA. the first letter of the Greek alphabet, as Omega is the last. Its significance is plainly indicated in the context, u I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end, the first and the last " (Rev. xxii. 13; comp. i. 8, 11 [rec. text], xxi. 0), which may be compared with Is. xli. 4, xliv. 6, " I am the first and I am the last, and beside me there is no Sod." So Prudentius (Cathemer. hymn. ix. 11) explains it:

    "' Alpha et O cognorainatur : ipse fons et clausula Omnium quae sunt, fuerunt, quiequo post futura sunt."

    The expression "I am Alpha and Omega" is illustrated by the usage in Rabbinical writers of Aleph and Tau, the first and last letters of the He- brew alphabet. Schoettgen (f,or. llebr. i. 1080) quotes from Jalhit Rubeni, fol. 17, 4, " Adam

    transgressed the whole law from S to H," that is, from the beginning to the end. It is not neces- *ary to inquire whether in the latter usage the meaning is so full as in the Revelation : that must l,e determined by separate considerations. As an illustration merely, the reference is valuable. Both (Ireeks and Hebrews employed the letters of the slphabet as numerals. In the early times of the Christian Church the letters A and n were com- bined with the cross or with the monogram of l-'hrist (Maitland, Church in die Catacombs, pp. lHtf-8). One of the oldest monuments on which .lii- occurs is a marble tablet fount in the cata- combs at Melos, which belongs, if not to the first "entury, to t he first half of the second. [Citoss]

    W. A. W.



    T. ad Ps. xlT. 9), and tee's Heb. Lex. (s. t.

    • The declaration " I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end," taken in its most general sense^ appears to represent God as the being from whom all thing* proceed and to whom they tend, — the creator and ruler of the universe, directing all events to the accomplishment of his purposes In special reference to the subject of the Apocalypse, it gives assurance that he will carry on to its con- summation the work which he has begun; "the kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ" (Rev. xi. 15). As Hengstenherg remarks (on Kev. i. 8), " in this dec- laration the Omega is to be regarded as emphatic ft is equivalent to saying, As I am the Alpha, so am I also the Omega. The beginning is surety for the end." See also IJengel's note. Comp. 2 ICsdr. vi. 8; Rom. xi. 36. Joseph, c. Apion. ii. 22, 6 6tbs . . . ainbs kavrQ teal iraffiv aindp- terjSj 6-pxh xal fxtca «ol t4,,os mUTOV* Ant. viii. 11, § 2, itpxh fol TtKos rwv atrdyratv. I'lato, Dt Leyg. iv. 7, p. 715 e, 6 Oats. ,,nr(p koX 6 -ttoAcuo? ,,6yos, ,pX"h y Te koI re,,evr)}v KO.I fl4' cra T,av aTraVrtw tx ,av *• T - ^ l'ra-'dicatio Petri ap. Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 5, eh Bt6s 4crTiv y bs apx^v irdvTwv 4iro{-q,X(V, tcaX t(,,ovs t*£ov,rtay Vxaw, ror examples and illustrations of this phraseology, see Lobeck's Aghuyh. pp. 529- 531. A.

    ALPHABET. [Writing.] ALPHiE'US [or Alphe'us, A. V. 10H, and

    most eds.] ('AX^cum' s ? ,P [pwh* exchange]), the father of the lesser St. James the Apostle (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13), and huslwnd of that Mary (called in Mark xv. 40, mother of James the less and of Joses) who, with the mother of Jesus and others, was standing by the cross during the crucifixion (John xix. 25). [Mary.] In this latter place he is called Clopas (not, as in the A. V«, Cleophas); a variation aris- ing from the double pronunciation of the letter P : and found also in the LXX. rendering of Hebrew names. Winer compares *Ayya7os from *3P. 'Ejuctfl from T,,0, 9 tpcurttc from PDB (2 Chr.

    xxx. 1), TajScic from P3T3 (Gen. xxii. 24), and says that although no reliable example appears iii

    the LXX. of the hardening of P at the beginning of a word, yet such are found, as in KtAiKta from ^ vP. Whether the fact of this variety existing gives us a further right to identify Alphaeus with the Cleopas of Luke xxiv. 18, can never be satisfac- torily determined. If, as commonly, the ellipsis in 'lovdas 'loK(ij8ou in Luke vi. 15, Acts i. 13, is t« be filled up by inserting a,e,,,p,fc, then the apostW St. Jude was another son of Alphreus. And ha Mark ii. 14, Levi (or Matthew) is also said to have been the son of Alphneus. Nor can any satisfac- tory reason be given why we should suppose this to have been a different person, as is usually done. For further particulars, see James the Less, and Brethren of Jesus. H. A,

    * The Alphseus who was the father of Levi or Matthew (Mark ii. 14). and the Alphaeus who was the father of T ames the I,ess (Matt. x. 3), in al. probability, w»re different persons. In the listi

    a • It does so in 1 K iv. 16, but not U Jotfi. xv

    a*. *

    Digitized by




    If the apostles (Matt x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Ada i. 13), those of them known to be related to each other are usually mentioned in pairs, whereas Matthew (or l,evi) and James the jounger are never placed thus together. Alphams was a com- mon name among the Jews (see Lightfoot on Acta L 13), and need not be appropriated to one perxon. Fritzsche, Winer, De Wette, Okhausen, Meyer, Lange, and most of the leading critics, recognize two men of this name in the Gospels. Bleek re- marks (St,HopL EvanyeUen, i. 386) that it is only on the supposition that Levi and Matthew were dif- ferent persons, and that I.*vi was a disciple only and not an apostle, that he could be the son of the Al- ptueua who was the father of the younger James.

    H. AI,TANETJS ('AATanubt; [Vat MaVrew- roios;] Alex. AArwrcuor : Carianeut). The same as Mattenai (Ezr. x. 33), one of the sons of Haahum (1 Esdr. ix. 33). W. A. W.

    ALTAR (HSTO: Ovcuurrhptor, ,3«^(s: aL tare). (A.) The first altar of which we have any account is that built by Noah when he left the ark (Gen. Tiii. 90). The Targumists indeed assert that Adam built an altar after he was driven out of the garden of Eden, and that on this Cain and Abel, and afterwards Noah and Abraham, offered sacrifice (Pseudo-Jonath. Gen. Tiii. 30, xxiL 9). According to the tradition the Fust Man was made upon an altar which God himself had prepared for the purpose, and on the site of this altar were reared both those of the Patriarchs and that in the Temple of Solomon. This tradition, if no other way valuable, at least shows the great importance which the Jews attached to the altar as the central point of their religious worship (Btihr, Symbol, ii. 360).

    In the early times altars were usually built in certain spots hallowed by religious associations, e. g. where God appeared (Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 18, xxvi. 35, xxxv. 1). Generally of course they were erected for the offering of sacrifice; but in some in- stances they appear to have been only memorial. Such was the altar built by Moses and called Jeho- vah Nissi, as a sign that the Lord would have war with Amulek from generation to generation (Ex. xvii. 15, 16). Such too was the altar which was built by the Reubenites, Gaditee, and half-tribe of Manasseh, " in the borders of Jordan," and which was erected " not for burnt-offering nor for sacri- fice," but that it might be "a witness" between them and the rest of the tribe* (Josh. xxii. 10-29). Altars were most probably originally made of earth. The I-aw of Moses allowed them to be made either of earth or unhewn stones (Ex. xx. 36): any iron tool would have profaned the altar — but this could only refer to the body of the altar and that part on which the victim was laid, as directions were given to make a casing of shittim-wood overlaid with brass for the altar of burnt-offering. (See below).

    In later times they were frequently built on high places, especially in idolatrous worship (Dent. xii. i; for the pagan notions on this subject, see Tae. Ann. xiii. 57). The altars so erected were them- selves sometimes called "high places" (miD"J, 8K. xxiii. 8;2Chr. xiv. 3, Ac.). By the Law of Moses all altars were forbidden except those first

    a Knobs! (tn toe.) is of opinion that the object of in* net-work was to protect the altar from being In- land by the feet and knees of the officiating priests,


    in the Tabernacle and afterwards in the Tempt* (Lev. xvii. 8, 9; Dent xii. 13, Ac). This prohi- bition, however, was not strictly observed, at least till after the building of the Temple, even by piout Israelite*. Thus Gideon built an altar tfudg. vi. 34). So likewise did Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 9, 10), David (3 Sam. xxiv. 25), and Solomon (1 K. Hi


    The sanctity attaching to the altar led to its be- ing regarded as a place of refuge or asylum (Ex. xii. 14; IK, i. 50).

    (B.) The Law of Moses directed that two altars should be made, the one the Altar of Burnt offer- ing (called also the Altar kut' i(orhy, •*• Haver- nick in fit. xliii. 13 ff.) and the other the Altar of Incense.

    I. The Altar of Burnt -offering (n2Tp nVl?ri), called in MaL i. 7, 13, "the table of the Lord," perhaps also in Es. xliv. 16. This dif- fered in construction at different times. (1.) Id the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 1 ff., xxxviii. Iff.) it was comparatively small and portable. In shape it

    i square. It was five cubits in length, the same in breadth, and three cubits high. It was made of planks of shittim (or acacia) wood overlaid with brass. (Josephus says gold instead of onus, Ant.

    iii. 6, § 8.) The interior was hollow (."Tib 3!C*f, Ex. xxvii. 8). But as nothing is said about a cov- ering to the altar on which the victims might be placed, Jarchi is probably correct in supposing that whenever the tabernacle for a time became station- ary, the hollow case of the altar was filled up with earth. In support of this view be refers to Ex. xx. 24, where the command is given, " make me an altar of earth," ,c, and observes: " Altare terreum est hoc ipsum seneum altare cujut concavum terra implebatur, cum caetra metarentur."

    At the four comers were four projections called horns, made, like the altar itself, of shittim-wood overlaid with brass. It is not quite certain how

    the words in Ex. xxvii. 2, TfftT^yyPQ 13gO,

    should be explained. According to Mendelssohn they mean that these boms were of one piece with the altar. So also Knobel (Comm. in loc.). And this is probably right By others they are under- stood to describe only the projection of the horns from Ule altar. These probably projected upwards ; and to them the victim was bound when about to be sacrificed (Ps. cxviii. 27). On the occasion of the consecration of the priest* (Ex. xxix. 13) and the offering of the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 7 ff.) the blood of the victim was sprinkled on the horns of the altar. (See the symbolism explained by Baum- garten, Commtmtar zum Pentateuch, ii. 63.) Round the altar midway between the top and bot- tom (or, as others suppose, at the top) ran a pro- jecting ledge (33"13, A. V. "Compass") on which perhaps the priests stood when they officiated. To the outer edge of this, again, a grating or net- work of brass (ntr'r- nr- njppn "","?•»:

    was affixed, and reached to the bottom of the altar which thus presented the appearance of being largei below than above." Others have supposed thk grating to adhere closely to the boards of whlcl

    The 23*13, he thinks, was manly an , way of finish at the top of thai.

    Digitized by



    -lie attar was composed, or even to hare been sub- stituted for them half-way up from the bottom.

    At any rate there can be little doubt that the grating was perpendicular, not horizontal as Jona- than supposes (Targum on Ex. xxvii. 5). Accord- ing to him it was intended to catch portions of the sacrifice or coals which fell from the altar, and which might thus be easily replaced. But it seems improbable that a net work or grating should have been constructed for such a purpose (cf. Joseph. Ant. iii. 6, § 8). At the four corners of the net- work were four brazen rings into which were in- serted the staves by which the altar was carried. These staves were of the same materials as the altar itself. As the priests were forbidden to ascend the altar by steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been conjectured that a slope of earth led gradually up to the

    S'S - !?, or ledge from which they officiated. This must have been either on the north or south side; for on the east was " the place of the ashes " (Lev. i. 16), and on the west at no great distance stood the laver of brass. According to the Jewish tra- dition it was on the south side. The place of the altar was at " the door of the tabernacle of the tent of the congregation" (Ex. xl. 29). The various utensils for the service of the altar (Ex. xxvii. 3)

    were: (a) fH 10, pans to clear away the fat

    (l3R7T 7 ) and ashes with: elsewhere the word is used of the pots in which the flesh of the sacrifices was put to seethe (cf. Zech. xiv. 20, 21, and 2 Chr.

    xxxv. 13, with 1 Sam. ii. 14). (A) O^, shovels, Vulg. forcipes, Gesen. pales cineri removendo. (c) mp^TQ, batons, LXX. ,pta,,al, vessels in which the blood of the victims was received, and from which it was sprinkled (r. p~N). (rf)

    n3^T!3, flesh-hooks, LXX. .Kpiiypat, by means of which the flesh was removed from the caldron or pot (See 1 Sam. ii. 13, 14, where they are de- scribed as having three prongs.) (e) ."" li-lltO, fire-pans, or perhaps censers. These might either be used for taking coals from the fire on the altar (Lev. xvi. 12), or for burning incense (Num. xvi. 6, 7). There is no reason to give the word a dif- ferent meaning in Ex. xxv. 38, where our version, following the Vulgate, translates it " snuff-dishes." All these utensils were of brass.

    (2.) In Solomon's Temple the altar was consider- kbly larger in its dimensions, as might have been expected from the much greater size of the building in which it was placed. like the former it was square; but the length and breadth were now twenty cubits, and the height ten (2 Chr. iv. 1). (t differed, too, in the material of which it was cade, being entirely of brass (1 K. viii. 64; 2 Ohr. vii. 7). It had no grating; and instead of a tingle gradual slope, the ascent to it was probably nade by three successive platforms, to each of which it has been supposed that steps led (Surenhus. Mishna, vol. ii. p. 261, as in the figure annexed). Against this may be urged the fact that the Law jf Moses positively forbade the use of steps (Ex. xx. 86) and the assertion of Josephus that in Herod's temple tbe ascent was by an inclined plane. On the other hand steps are introduced in the ideal, or symbolical, temple of EceJoel (xliit. 17), and the Inhibition in Ex. xx. has been interpreted as ap- •Jyiog to a amtimunu flight of stairs and not to •

    ALTAR 75

    broken ascent. But the biblical account is so brief that we are necessarily unable to determine the

    Altar of Burnt Offering, from Surenhusius's Mishua.

    question. Asa, we read, renewed (2?^in , 5) this altar (2 Chr. xv. 8). This may either mean that he repaired it, or more probably perhaps that he reconsecrated it, after it had been polluted by idol- worship ( [iveKalvure, LXX.). Subsequently Ahaz had it removed from its place to the north side of the new altar which Ur^jah the priest had made in accordance with his direction (2 K. xvi. 14). It was "cleansed" by command of Hezekiah

    (,,9632;i:~)ntD, 2 Chr. xxix. 18), and Manasseh, after renouncing his idolatry, either repaired (Chetib, P*)) or rebuilt it (Keri, J3* ,,,, It may finally have been broken up and the brass carried to Baby- lon, but this is not mentioned (Jer. Hi. 17 tl.v According to the Rabbinical tradition, this altar stood on the very spot on which man was originally created.

    (3.) The Altar of Bumt-offering in the second (Zeruhbabel's) temple. Of this no description is given in the Bible. We are only told (Ezr. iii. 2 that it was built before the foundations of the Teui pie were laid. According to Josephus (Ant. xi. 4, § 1) it was placed on the same spot on which that of Solomon had originally stood. It was con- structed, as we may infer from 1 Mace. iv. 47, of unhewn stones (klSovs oXokA^oouj). Antiochus Epiphanes desecrated it (tfiKooofnjtrav Qh(,,vyua tpn,iaoews i-w) to BvfftatrTJjptov, 1 Mace. i. 54) and according to Josephus (AM. xii. 5, § 4) re- moved it altogether. In the restoration by Judas Maccahseus a new altar was built of unhewn stone in conformity with the Mosaic Law (1 Mace. iv. 47).

    (4.) The altar erected by Herod which is thus described by Josephus (B. J. v. 5, § 6) : " In front of the Temple stood the altar, 15 cubits in height, and in breadth and length of equal dimensions, viz. 50 cubits : it was built foursquare, with hora-like corners projecting from it; and on the south side a gentle acclivity led up to it. Moreover it was made without any iron tool, neither did iron ever touch it at any time." Rutin, has 40 cubits square in- stead of 50. The dimensions given in the Mishna are different. It is there said (Middoth, 3, 1) that tiie altar was at the base 32 cubits square ; at the height of a cubit from the ground 30 cubits square;

    at 6 cubits hignec (where was the circuit, N231C) it was reduced to 28 cubits square, and at tat

    Digitized by




    bonis still farther to 98. A space of a aubit each way was ben allowed far the officiating priests to walk, so that 24 cubits square were left for the fire

    on the altar (n^TQil). This description is not very clear. But the Rabbinical and other in- terpreters consider the altar from the N231D upwards to have been 28 cubits square, allowing at the top, however, a cubit each way for the horns, and another cubit for the passage of the priests. Others, however (as L'Empereur in foe), suppose the ledge on which the priests walked to have been 2 cubits lower than the surface of the altar on which the fire was placed.

    The Mishna further states, in accordance with Jojephus (Bee above), and with reference to the law already mentioned (Ex. xx. 25), that the sknes of which the altar was made were unhewn ; ai. 1 that twice in the year, viz. at the Feast of the Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles they were whitewashed

    afresh. The way up (tf3~) was on the south

    side, 32 cubits long and 16 broad, constructed also of unhewn stones. In connection with the horn on the south-west was a pipe intended to receive the blood of the victims which was sprinkled on the left side of the altar : the blood was afterwards car- ried by means of a subterranean passage into the brook Kidron. Under the altar was a cavity into which the drink-offerings passed. It was covered over with a slab of marble, and emptied from time to time. On the north side of the altar were a number of brazen rings, to secure the animals which were brought for sacrifice. Lastly, round

    the middle of the altar ran a scarlet thread (tMn H"1? , 3 bt£) to mark where the blood was to be sprinkled, whether above or below it.

    According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, a perpetual fire wrs to be kept burning on the altar. This, as Biil.r (Symbol, ii. 350) remarks, was the symbol and to- ken of the perpetual worship of Jehovah. For in- asmuch as the whole religion of Israel was concen- trated in the sacrifices which were offered, the ex- tinguishing of the fire would have looked like the extinguishing of the religion itself. It was there- fore, as he observes, essentially different from the perpetual fire of the Persians (Curt. iii. 3; Amm. Hare, xxiii. 6; Hyde, ReL Vet Pert. viii. 148), or the fire of Vesta to which it has been compared. These were not sacrificial fires at all, but were sym- bols of the Deity, or were connected with the belief which regarded fire as one of the primal elements of the world. This fire, according to the Jews, was the same as that which came down from heaven (tS,j oijxuwrrWr) "and consumed upon th, altar the burnt-offering and the fat" (Lev. ix. 21 .. It couched upon the altar, they say, like a lion; it was bright as the sun; the flame thereof wna solid and pure ; it consumed things wet and Jry alike; and finally, it emitted no smoke. This was one of the five things existing in the first tem- ple which tradition declares to have been wanting in the second ( Tract. Joma, c. i. sub fin. fol. 21, sol. k). The fire which consumed the sacrifices

    rat kindled from this: and besides these there was the fire from which the coals were taken to burn

    ncenxe with. (See Carpxor. Apparat. But. CrU.

    imtot. p. 286.)

    U. The Altar of Incense (rnbfln n3»n and


    JTTCp ~,CpC, Ex. xxs, 1 ; 8vo-uurri)piov 0v,a ipirrot, LXX.), called also the golden altai (2mn r"!2Tn, Ex. xxxix. 38; Num. iv. 11) U distinguish it from the Altar of Burnt-offering which was called the brazen altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30). Probably this is meant by the "altar of wood" spoken of Esek. xll. 22, which is further described the " table that is before the Lord," precisely the expression used of the altar of incense. (See Delitzsch, Brief an die Bebr. p. 678.) The name

    nilTC, " altar," was not strictly appropriate, as no sacrifices were offered upon it ; but once in the year on the great day of atonement, the high-priest sprinkled upon the horns of it the blood of the sin- offering (Ex. xxx. 10).

    (a.) That in the Tabernacle was made of acacia- wood, overlaid with pure gold. In shape it was square, being a cubit in length and breadth, and 2 cubits in height. Like the Altar of Burnt-offering it had horns at the four corners, which were of one piece with the rest of the altar. So Rabb. Levi ben Gerson : " Discimus inde quod non conveniat facere cornua separatim, et altari deinde apponere, sed quod cornua del,eant esse ex corpora altaris." (Comment, in Leg. fol. 100, col. 4).

    It had also a fop or roof ( J2 : tcxipa, LXX. ), on which the incense was laid and lighted. Many, following the interpretation of the Vulgate cratic- ulam ejut, have supposed a kind of grating to be meant; but for this there is no authority. Round

    the altar was a border or wreath ("TJ : arpcirriiw o~rt,pdirt)y xp","jy, LXX.). Josephus says: Irf,y iffx,pa ,,9632;xpwria inrtpavtffrwau, fxov,ra Kara yvvla»iKac^reT4,l,ayoi,(Ant.iii.9,S8). "Erat itaque cinctorium, ex solido conflatum auro, quod tecto ita adhsrebat, ut in extremitate Ulud cingeret, et prohiberet, ne quid facile ab altari in terram de- volveretur." (Carpzov. Appar. Bui. Crit. Annot p. 273.) Below this were two golden rings which were to be " for places for the staves to bear il withal." The staves were of acacia-wood overlaid with gold. Its appearance may be illustrated by the following figure: —

    Supposed term of the Altsr of I:

    This altar stood in the Holy Place, •' before to* rail that is by the ark of the testimony " (Ex. xxx 6. xl. ft). Philo too speaks of it as tVm tou wpore^

    Digitized by



    tou Ktmartrdur,ueros, and as standing between the candlestick and the table of shew bread. In ap- parent contradiction to this, the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews enumerates it among the objects which were within the second vail {fieri to Sf irtpav »araw4raafia), «,,9632; e. in the Holy of Holies. It is true that by Suixmrtipiov in this passage may be meant " a censer," in accordance with the usage of the LXX., but it u better understood of the Altar of Incense which by Philo and other Hel- lenists is called Sufjjarfipiay. It is remarkable also that in 1 K. vi. 21, 22, this same altar is said to

    belong to » the oracle" ("PSf* ""l^H nSTEn) or most Holy Place. This may perhaps be ac- counted for by the great typical and symbolical importance attached to this altar, so that it might be considered to btlmg to the ttvripa ,ricrirl,,. (See Bleek on Heb. ix. 4, and Delitzsch in loc.)

    (4.) The Altar in Solomon's Temple was similar (1 K. vii. 48; 1 Cbx. xxviii. 18), but was made of cedar overlaid with gold. The altar mentioned in Is. vi. 6, U clearly the Altar of Incense, not the Altar of Burnt-offering. From this passage it

    would seem that heated stones (i"lSS~]) were laid upon the altar, by means of which the incense was kindled. Although it is the heavenly altar which is there described, we may presume that the earthly corresponded to it.

    (e.) The Altar of Incense is mentioned as having been removed from the Temple of Zerubbabel by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 21). Judas Maccabeus restored it, together with the holy vessels, Ac. (1 Mace. iv. 49). On the arch of Titus no Altar of Incense appears. But that it existed in the last Temple, and was richly overlaid, we learn from the Minima ( Chngign, iii. 8). From the cir- cumstance that the sweet incense was burnt upon it every day, morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8), as well as that the blood of atonement was sprinkled upon it (v. 10), this altar had a special importance attached to it. It is the only altar which appears in the Heavenly Temple (la vi. 6; Rev. viii. 3,

    (C.) Other Altai. (1.) Altars of brick. There teems to be an allusion to such in Is. lxv. 3. The

    words are- rVaaVn b? CHEi^E, "offering in-



    Various Allan.

    J, 1 Sgypthn, from ban-relief*. ( V Aaryrlsu, (bund at Khonabad. (Layart ,

    4. Babylonian, Bibtiolhtipu National: (i,» Turd.)

    5. Assyrian, from Khonabad. (Layard.)

    •rote on the brich," generally explained as referring ,,9632;o altars made of this material, and probably sit-

    uated in the "gardens" mentioned just before Rosenmuller suggests, however, that the allusion ia to some Babylonish custom of burning incense on bricks covered over with magic formulas or cunei- form inscriptions. This is also the view of Gesen- ius and Maurer.

    (2. ) An Altar to an Unknown God (' kyvdxrry 8«,j,, Acts xvii. 23). What altar this was has been the subject ef much discussion. St. Paul merely mentions in his speech on the Areopagus that he had himself seen such an altar in Athens. Hia as sertion, as it happens, is confirmed by other writers, Pausanias says (i. § 4), irravBa *al fjafiol 8tmr tc bvopa.fop.ivw ayv,trrwy Kal tipdwy jval wai twv Taiv hiiattts KM taXijpov. And Philostratus ( Vii. Apollun. vi. 3), ett+poriartpov to wrpl irrtVrwy fft,v d Aeycir, Kal ravra 'AHfynaiy oo Kal aypuHTTvy Sat,jt6vwv fiotpoi XSpvyrat. This as Winer observes, need not be interpreted as if the several altars were dedicated to a number of tryvaoroi Btol, but rather that tach altar had the inscription 'Ayviiar,? 6ey. It is not at all prob- able that such inscription referred to the God of the Jews, as One whose Name it was unlawful to utter (as Woif and others have supposed). As to the origin of these altars, Eichhorn suggests that they may have been built before the art of writing was known (f3a,iol an,mpot), and subsequently inscribed iyy. 0«,j,. Neander's view, however, is probably more correct. He quotes Diog. Laertius, who, in his Life of Epimenides, says that in the time of a plague, when they knew not what God to propitiate in order to avert it, he caused black and white sheep to be let loose from the Areopagus, and wherever they lay down to be offered to the respective divinities (t£ rpooiiKovri 8t,). 'Oity, adds Diogenes, tri axil yvy tariy tuptly Kara, roin Mjfiovs r,y 'A0. fktltovs atmyvfiovt. On which Neander remarks that on this or similar occasions altars might be dedicated to an Unknown God, since they knew not what God was offended and required to be propitiated. J. J. S. P.

    * If the import of the inscription on the Athen- ian altar (hryy,GT,p fay) was simply that the wor- shippers knew not any longer to what particular heathen god the altars were originally dedicatod, it is not easy to see what proper point of connection the apuetle could have found for his remark (Acts xvii. 23) with such a relic of sheer idolatry. In that case their ignorance related merely to the identity of the god whom they should conciliate. and implied no recognition of any power additional to that of their heathen deities. A more satisfac tory view would seem to be that these altars had their origin in the feeling of uncertainty, which was inherent after all in the minds of tie heathen, whether their acknowledgment of the superior power* was sufficiently full and comprehensive; in then distinct consciousness of the limitation and imper lection of their religious views, and their consequent desire to avoid the anger of any still unacknowl- edged god who might be unknown to them. That no deity might punish them for neglecting his wor ship, or remain uninvoked in asking for blessings, they not only erected altars to all the gods named or known among them, but distrustful still lest they might not comprehend fully the extent of their subjection and dependence, they erected them also to any other god or power that might exist, although as yet unrepealed to them. It is not to be objected thit this explanation ascribes too much discernment to 'be heathen. (See Psalm six. 1-4. and Bom.

    Digitized by




    . 18-91.; Not to insist on other proofs furnished »y confession of the heathen themselves, such ex- nrearioni as the comprehensive address, — At o de- mon qincquitl in ado regit (Horat. Epod. v. 1); the ofUused formula in the prayers of the Greeks and Romans, Si deo, » dta ; and the superstitious dread, which they manifested in so man; ways, of omitting an; deity in their invocations, prove the existence of the feeling to which reference has been made. For ample proof of this more enlightened consciousness among the heathen, see especially Planner, Syttema Theologia Genttiit Pttriorii (Cap. ii. and viii.). Out of this feeling, therefore, these altars ma; have sprung, because the supposition is so entirely consistent with the genius of polytheistic heathenism; because the many-sided religiousness of the Athenians would be so apt to exhibit itself in some such demonstration; and especially be- cause Paul could then appeal with so much effect to such an avowal of the insufficiency of heathen- ism, and to such a testimony so borne, indirect, yet significant, to the existence of the one true God. Under these circumstances an allusion to one of these altars by the apostle would be equiv- alent to his saving to the Athenians thus: — " You are correct in acknowledging a divine «H«t«n»» be- yond any which the ordinary rites of your worship recognize; there is such an existence. You are correct in confessing that this Being is unknown to you; you have no just conceptions of his nature and perfections." He could add then with truth, Or oh .... KtrrayyiXKw fyxiV, Whom, theie- fore, not knowing (where ayroovvrti points back evidently to aVyyeWrraOt ye uxrihiji, this one I an- nounce to you.

    The modem Greeks point out some niches in the rocks at Phaleron as remains of the sanctuary and altar of the " Unknown God " ; but these, though ancient, cannot be shown to have any claim to this distinction. It may be added that if the so-called Bijfia at Athens, which is in sight (torn the Are- opagus, be in tact not the famous platform from which the orators spoke, but a fko,uij, an altar of sacrifice, as many archaeologists now maintain," it then was unquestionably one of the objects of re- ligious veneration (tA o-cjStUr,wrra) which Paul so carefully scrutinised (byoBmpiy) as he wandered through the city. H.

    AL-TAS'CHITH (iTTttfi? bs, Al Taeh- chith), found in the introductory verse to the four following Psalms: — lvii., lviii., lix., lxxv. liter- ally rendered, the import of the words is " destroy not"; and hence some Jewish commentators, in- cluding Rashi O'ttf'-I) and Kimchi (p Y"l), have regarded HntTPI •,, as a compendium of the

    argument treated in the above-mentioned Psalms. Modem expositors, however, have generally adopted the view of Aben-Ezra ( Comment, on Psalm lvii.), agreeably to which " Al Tashcheth " is the begin- ning of some song or poem to the tune of which those psalms were to be chanted. D. W. M.

    a * The question b argued with that result by 15. Junius In his Altisdu Saufitn (Ootungen, 1862). He bad excavations made, under bis personal supervision, around the "bona of the Pnyx," as It has bam thought to be, and concludes that It must have been sot the bema " but an altar sacred to Jupiter, and, as Indioated Ly the style of the work, dating from the ,,9632;erttett Athenian antiquity ."' It would be prematura


    AXUSH (g'ilbtt [pert, wild place, Funt

    or turba hommum, Ges.], Sun. tC'br* : Ai,,oh [Vat. AlAcip:] Abu), one of the stations of the Is- raelites on their journey to Sinai, the last befors Rephidim (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14). No trace of it has yet been found. In the Seder Olam (Kitto, Cye. a. v.) it is ctated to have been 8 miles from Rephidim. G.

    AI,VAH ("V?5 [reickedneu, Hos. x. 9] r«Xd : Alva), a duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 40) written Aliah (^P 1 ?? [Rom. r«Xn8d; Vat Alex. r»Xn; Comp. Aid! 'AAovd:]) in 1 Chr. i. 51.

    •The "duke" in this and other passages is from the Vulg. "dux " ; in the Sept rry,n,i,r- Al- vah is the name of a place as well as of a chief, like the other associated names in the above passage. See Tuch, Utter die Genesis, p. 498. U.

    AI,VAN C,,f?V [tall, thick, Ges.]: r«Ad, : [Alex. r»Aar:] Ahxm), a Horite, son of Shobal (Gen. xxxvi. 23), written Alian O^V ['A*.,ir; Vat. XoAeuii Alex. toAsyi; Comp. ',,Aow(y: ^oan])in 1 Chr. i. 40.

    ATKAD (l^P? [perh.oa»t,starJbn]: 'A,u^A; [AM. Alex. ',,ftaS; Comp. 'A,uutS:] Amaad), an unknown place in Asher between Alammelech and Misheal (Josh. xix. 28 only).'

    AMADATHA (Esth. xvi. 10, 17); and AMADATHUS (Esth. xii. 6). [Hahmeu-


    A-MAL, (^S}? [labor, sorrow]: 'A,idA; [Vat. M. A,iaa, H. AnAa.:] Amal), name of a man (1 Chr. vii. 35) [who is unknown except as one of the descendants of Ashur, the son of Jacob, and as one of the heads of his tribe.]

    AM'ALEK (p^fi?: 'A,uM}« : Amaleck, [Amalec]), son of FJiphaz by his concubine Tim- nah, grandson of Esau, and one of the chieftains ("dukes" A. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 12, 16; 1 Chr. i. 36). His mother came of the Horite race, whose territory the descendants of Esau had seized , and, although Amalek himself is represented as of equal rank with the other sons of Eliphaz, yet his posterity appear to have shared the fate of the Horite population, a " remnant " only being mentioned a* existing in Edom in the time of Hezekiah, when the; were dispersed by a band of the tribe of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 43). W. L. B.

    AMALEKITES (C-pb^J : 'A^HKlro.; [Vat -««-:] Amaledta), a nomadic tribe, which occupied the peninsula of Sinai and the wilderness intervening between the southern hill-ranges of Pal- estine and the border of Egypt (Num. xiii. 29 ; 1 Sam. xv. 7, xxvii. 8). Arabian historians represent them as originally dwelling on the shores of the Persian Gulf, whence they were pressed westward by the growth of the Assyrian empire, and spread over a portion of Arabia at a period antecedent to its

    to adopt this conclusion at present. Such Greek sr- chssologiats at Athens as Raugabes and such Hellenists as Flnlay (as the writer hsa learned by correspondence stul adhere to the old opinion. H

    b • Knobel (Jiuuo, p. 463) thinks that Haifa, ths claimant for so many biblical places (see AcBsura may be the present sits. Ketl (Jena. p. 146) rrfutn


    Digitized by


    AM AM

    jeeupation by the descendants of Joktan. This loeoant of ttjir origin harmonizes with Gen xiv. 7, where the " country " (" princes '' according to the reading adopted by the LXX.) of the Amalekites ii mentioned several generations before the birth of the Fdomite Amalek: it throws light on the traces of a permanent occupation of central Pales- tine in their passage westward, as indicated by the names Amalek and Mount of the Amalekites (Judg. v. 14, xii. 15) : and it accounts for the silence of Scripture as to any relationship between the Am- alekites on the one hand, and the Edomites or the Israelites on the other. That a mixture of the two former races occurred at a later period, would in this case be the only inference from Gen. xxxvi. 16, though many writers hare considered that pas- sage to refer to the origin of the whole nation, ex- plaining Gen. xir. 7 as a case of proleptit. The physical character of the district which the Amal- ekites occupied [Arabia], necessitated a nomadic life, which they adopted to its fullest extent, taking their families with them, even on their military expeditions (Judg. vl. 5). Their wealth consisted in flocks and herds. Mention is made of a "town" (1 Sam. xr. 5), and Josephus gives an exaggerated account of the capture of several towns by Saul (Ant. vi. 7, § 9); but the towns could have been little more than stations or nomadic enclosures. The kings or chieftains were perhaps distinguished by the hereditary title Agag (Num. xxiv. 7; 1 Sam. xv. 8). Two important routes led through the Amalekite district, namely, from Palestine to Egypt by the Isthmm of Suez, and to southern Asia and Africa by the iElanitic arm of the Ked Sea. It has been conjectured that the expedition of the four kings (Gen. xiv.) had for its object the opening of the latter route; and it is in connection with the former that the Amalekites first came in contact with the Israelites, whose progress they at- tempted to stop, adopting a guerilla style of war- fare (Deut. xxv. 18), but were signally defeated at Kkphidim (Ex. xvii.). Ill union with the Ca- naanites they again attacked the Israelites on the borders of Palestine, and defeated them near Hor- mah (Num. xiv. 46). Thenceforward we hear of them only as a secondary power, at one time in league with the Moabites (Judg. iii. 13), when they were defeated by Ehud near Jericho; at another time in league with the Midianites (Judg. vi. 3) when they penetrated into the plain of Esdraelon, and were defeated by Gideon. Saul undertook an expedition against them, overrunning their whole district " from Havilah to Shur," and inflicting an immense loss upon them (1 Sam. xv.). Then- power was thenceforth broken, and they degenerated into a horde of banditti, whose style of warfare

    is well expressed in the Hebrew term TT73

    (Geeen. ,.ex.) frequently applied to them in the description of their contests with David in the neighborhood of Ziklag, when their destruction was completed (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx.; comp. Num. txrv. 90). W. L. B.

    AMAM (a»S [fatheringvlace] : %4,,; [Aid.

    Uomp. 'AftifUl Amass), a city in the south of Jodah, named with Shema and Moladab (el-Milk) in Josh. xr. 98 only. In the Alex. LXX. the name is joined to the preceding — oVwmiiuIm- Nothing s known of H. G.

    iViH CAjasVi [m ToMt, Vat ASou; Sin.



    Nateg:] Amm). Hamax (Too. xit. 10; Esth x. 7, xii 6, xiii. 3, 12, x v. 17, xvi. 10, 17).

    AM ANA (nj£M [perennial]), apparent!} a mountain in or near Lebanon, — " from the head of Amana " (Cant. iv. 8). It is commonly assumed that this is the mountain in which the river Abana (9 K. v. 12; Keri, Targum Jonathan, and margin of A. V. "Amana") has its source, but in the absence of further research in the Lebanon this is mere assumption. The LXX. translate iarb apyrjs witrrsm. G.

    * If Amana and Abana be the same (Abana), and consequently the name of a river, the moun- tain so called, as the etymology shows (see above), must have taken its name from the stream; and further, if this river be the Barada, which has its sources in a part of Anti-Lebanon near Herman, that part of Anti-Lebanon near Hermon must be the part that was anciently called Amana. Sec BibL Sacra, vi. 371 ; and Handb. for Syria, U. 568. There is no proof that Amana still exists as the n mie of any part of this range." If, as above suggested, the name of the mountain was derived from the river, and not the leverse, it is less sur- prising that the name of the region should fade away as in the lapse of time Amana, the river-name, gave place to Barada. H.

    amariah (h;-,ch and in;-,Dy : -a^

    apla and [Alex.] 'Afutplas : Amaria* ; whom God promised, Sim., Gesen., «. q. ,ti,ppatrrut)- Father of Ahitub, according to 1 Chr. vi 7, 59, and son of Meraioth, in the line of the high-priests. In Josephus's Hist (Ant. viii 1, § 3) be is trans- formed into 'tuxxpcuoi.

    3. The high-priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 11). He was the son of Azariah, and the fifth high-priest who succeeded Zadok (1 Chr. vi. 11). Nothing is known of him beyond bis name, but from the way in which Jehoshaphat mentions him he seems to have seconded that pious king in his endeavors to work a reformation in Is- rael and Judah (see 9 Chr. xvii. xix.). Josephus, who calls him 'Kpaalar rb* Upia, " Amaziah the priest," unaccountably says of him that he was of the tribe of Judah, as well as Zebadiah, as the text now stands. But if tKaripavs is struck out. this absurd statement will disappear (Ant. ix. 1, , 1). It is not easy to recognize him in the won- derfully corrupt 'list of high-priests given in the Ant. x. 8, § 6. But he seems to be concealed un- der the strange form AHIAPAM02, Axioramus The syllable AH is corrupted from A3, the termi- nation of the preceding name, Azarias, which has accidentally adhered to the beginning of Amariah, as the final 3 has to the very same name in the text of Nicephorus (ap. Seld. tie Suceeu. p. 103), producing the form Za,iopfai. The remaining 'Ii£iKU40t is not far removed from 'Apaplas. The successor of Amariah in the high-priesthood must have been Jehoiada. In Josephus viSeos , which is a corruption of 'IvSsai, follows Axioramus. There is not tiie slightest support in the sacred history for the names Ahitub snd Zadok, who are made to follow Amariah in the genealogy, 1 Chr. vi. 11, 19.

    3. [In 1 Chr. xxiv. 93, Rom. Aid. 'AiiolUt-j The head of a Levitical house of the Kohathites in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 93).

    4. pAjisyfos, -fa; in 9 Chr., Vat. Alex. Mapias :

    a • Dr. HoMnson's remark (Hi. 4471 Is understood Is be an ratmnea bom Oant. iv. 8. II

    Digitized by




    Anuria*, -io.] The head of one of the twenty-fan tourses of priests, which iu named after turn, in the time of David, of Hezekiah, and of Nehemiah (1 Chr. xxiv. 14; 2 Chr. xzxi. 15; Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, 13). In the first passage the name U written

    ^gK, Jpaner, but it aeemi to be the same name.

    Another form of the name is "^CN, Imri (1 Chr. ix. 4), a man of Judah, of the aona of Bani. Of the aame family we find,

    6. [In Neh., iaftapla, Vat. -ptf, in Err., Rom.' 'Aftaptla, Vat. Mafia; Alex. FA. Comp. Aid. 'Aftaplas ',,9632; Amaria.] Amariah in the time of Ezra (Ear. x. 42; Neh. li. 4).

    0. ['Apopias, Alex, -nasi Aid. 'Aftaplas.] An ancestor of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1 ).

    A. C. H.

    7. CXauapia [Vat. -pti-].) A descendant of Pharez, the ton of Judah (Neh. xi. 4). Probably

    , the same as Imm in 1 Chr. ix. 4. W. A. ,,V.

    AMAKI'AS {'AfutpUt; [Vat. ApapStuis:] Ameri, Amelias). An aiuah 1 (1 Eadr. viii. 2; 2 Emir. L 8). W. A. W.

    AM'ASA (HETJ3?, a burden: 'Afumrat, [etc. ; Vat. Alex. Aiuaaati, etc. :] Amatn). X. Son of Ithra or Jether, by Abigail, David's sinter (2 Sam. xvii. 25). He joined Absalom in his rel«llion, and was by him appointed commander-in-chief in the place of Joab, by whom he was totally defeated in the forest of Ephraim (2 Sam. xviii. 6). When Joab incurred the displeasure of David for killing Absalom, David forgave the treason of Amasa, rec- ognized him as his nephew, and appointed him Juab's successor (xix. 13). Joab afterwards, when they were both in pursuit of the rebel Sheba, pretended to salute Amasa, and stabbed him with his sword (xx. 10), which he held concealed in his left hand.

    Whether Amasa be identical with "WpJ? who is mentioned among David's commanders (1 Chr. xii. 18), is uncertain (Ewald, Gesch. Israel, ii. 544).

    2. [A,uurlasi Vat. Afuurtias.] A prince of Ephraim, son of Hadlai, in the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). K. W. B.

    AMA'HAI [8 syl.] Ott^?, in pause "(^J? [burdensome]: 'A,ucai, 'A,laBl; [Vat. Apuaatt, A,uiBtias ;] Alex. Alios in 1 Chr. vi. 25 : Amasal). 1. A Kohathite, father of Mahath and ancestor of Samuel and Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35).

    3. ('Aiuural; FA. Afuurt) Chief of the cap- tains (LXX. "thirty") of Judah aud Beujainin, who deserted to Duvid while an outlaw at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 18). Whether he was the same as Amasa, David's nephew, is uncertain.

    3. CApoo-at; FA. Apatrc) Oue of the priorte who blew trumpets before the Ark, when l.inid brought it from the house of Obed -edom (1 1 hr. it. 21).

    4. ('Aiuurl; [Vat. Mao*i.]) Another Kohath- ite, father of another Mahath, in the reign of Heze- k'ah (2 Chr. xxix. 12), unless the name is that of a family. W. A. W.

    AMA'SHAI [3 syL] CDtfOS ,,9632; 'A^iarls; [Vat. -trciaO Alex. A,wo*a? : Amassai). Son of ,,xareel, a priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 13) ; apparently the same as Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 12). TT»e name is properly " Amashsai."

    W. A. W.

    AMASIAH (n;ipn J? [whom Jehiwah •ears] :


    Apmrtas; [Vat Moovuu;] Alex. Mao-oifes: Ama sias). Son of Ziohri, and captain of 200,000 war riora of Judah, in the reign of Jeboshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 16). W. A. W.

    A'MATH. [Hamath.]

    AM'ATHEIS [3syL] ('AuaBlas; [Vat J,a* fit; Aid. Alex. 'EjiofMs; Wechel 'AiioBtif. Emeus), 1 Esdr. ix. 28. [Athlai.]

    AM'ATHIS (in some copies Amaihas) "the land OF " (i, 'Apathis x,*,°)i * district to the north of Palestine, in which Jonathan Macca- buus met the forces of Demetrius (1 Mace. xii. 26). From the context it is evidently Hamath. G.

    AMAZIAH (n;?PS or in^KS, strength of Jehovah: 'Ajievvlas [Vat -est-], 'Auavias- Amasias), son of Joaab, and eighth king of Judai. succeeded to the throne at the age of* 25, on the mur- der of his father, and punished the murderers; spar- ing, however, their children, in accordance with Deut xxiv. 16, as the 2d book of Kings (xiv. 6, expressly informs us, thereby implying that the pre- cept had not been generally observed. In order to restore his kingdom to the greatness of Jehoaha- phat's days, he made war on the Edomites, defeated them in the valley of Salt, south of the Dead Sea (the scene of a great victory in David's time, 2 Sam. viii. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 12; Ps. Ix. title), and took their capital, Selab or Petra, to which be gave the name of Jokteel, i. e. praim'unt Vet (Geseniu. in voce), which was also borne by one of his own Jew- ish cities (Josh. xv. 38). We read in 2 Chr. xxv. 12-14, that the victorious Jews threw 10,000 Edomites from the cliffs, and that Amaziah per- formed religious ceremonies in honor of the gods of the country ; an exception to the general charac- ter of his reign (cf. 2 K. xiv. 3, with 2 Chr. xxv. 2). In consequence of this he was overtaken by misfortune. Having already oflended the Hebrews of the northern kingdom by sending back, iu obedi- ence to a prophet's direction, some mercenary troops whom he had hired from it, he had the fool- ish arrogance to challenge Joash king of Israel to battle, despising probably a sovereign whose strength bad been exhausted by Syrian wars, and who had not yet made himself respected by the great suc- cesses recorded in 2 K. xiii. 25. But Judah was completely defeated, and Amaziah himself was taken prisoner, and conveyed by Joash to Jerusa- lem, which, according to Josephus (Ant. ix. 9, 3), opened its gates to the conqueror under a threat that otherwise he would put Amaziah to death. We do not know the historian's authority for this statement, but it explains the fact that the city was taken apparently without resistance (2 K. xiv. 13). A portion of the wall of Jerusalem on the side towards the Israelitish frontier was bioken down, and treasures and hostages were carried oft' to Samaria. Amaziah lived 15 years after the death of Joash; and in the 29th year of his reigr was murdered by conspirators at Lachish, whither he had retired for safety from Jerusalem. The chronicler seems to regard this as a punishment for his idolatry in Edom, though his language is not very clear on the point (2 Chr. xxv. 27 ) ; and doubt- less it is very probable that the conspiracy was s consequence of the low state to which Judah must have been reduced in the latter part of his reign after the Edomitlsh war and humiliation iuflicter by Joash king of Israel. His reign lasted from h c. 837 to 809. (Clinton, Fasti UeUenki, i 820.

    Digitized by



    8 ['Anurias.] Priest of the golden calf at Bethel, who endeavored to drive the prophet Amoa from Israel into Judah, and complained of him to king Jeroboam II. (Am. vii. 10).

    3. ['Afuurla, Vat. -o*«io.] A demandant of Simeon (1 Chr. It. 34).

    4. ['A,tearta, Tat. -o*«a , Alex. Macro-ia ; Comp. Aid. A,uurla.] A Levite (1 Chr. vi. 45).

    G. E. L. C.

    AMBASSADOR. Sometimes 1*5 and

    sometimes TJS,? U thus rendered, and the oc- currence of both terms in the parallel clauses of Pidt. xiii. 17 seems to show that they approximate to synonyms. The office, like its designation, was not definite nor permanent, but pro re natih merely. The precept given Deut. xx. 10, seems to imply some such agency; rather, however, that of a mere nuncio, often bearing a letter (2 K. v. 5, xix. 14) than of a legate empowered to beat. The inviola- bility of such an officer's person may perhaps be in- ferred from the only recorded infraction of it being followed with unusual severities towards the van- quished, probably designed as a condign chastise- ment of that offense (2 Sam. x. 2-6; cf. xii. 26- 31). The earliest examples of ambassadors em- ployed occur in the cases of Edom, Moab, and the Amorites (Num. xx. 14, xxi. 21; Judg. xi. 17-19), afterwards in that of the fraudulent Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 4, Ac.), and in the instances uf civil strife mentioned Judg. xi. 12, and xx. 12. (See Guine- as de Hep. Hear. ii. 20, with notes by .1. Nico- kuis. Ugol. iii. 771-4.) They are mentioned more frequently during and after the contact of the great adjacent monarchies of Syria, Babylon, Ac., with those of Judah and Israel, e. y. in the inva- sion of Sennacherib. They were usually men of high rank ; as in that case the chief captain, the chief cupbearer, and chief of the eunuchs were deputed, and were met by delegates of similar dig- nity from Hezekiah (2 K. xvilt. 17, 18; see also Is. xxx. 4). Ambassadors are found to have been employed, not only on occasions of hostile challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. 8; 1 K. xx. 2, 6), but of friendly compliment, of request for alliance or other aid, of submissive deprecation, and of curi- ous inquiry (2 K. xiv. 8, xvi. 7, xviii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxii. 31). The dispatch of ambassadors with ur- gent haste is introduced as a token of national gran- deur in the obscure prophecy Is. xviii. 2. H. H.

    AMBER (baTO chathmal; TT^,TTl, thashm-dih : fj,,ticrpor: elect,rum) occurs only hi Ex. i. 4, 27, viii. 2. In the first passage the prophet compares it with the brightness ji which he beheld the heavenly apparition who gave him the divine commands. In the second, " the glory of the God of Israel" is represented as having, " from the appearance of his loins even downward, fire; and from his loins even upward as the appear- ance of brightness, as the color of amber." It is by no means a matter of certainty, notwithstand- ing Bochart's dissertation and the conclusion he somes to (ffieroz. iii. 876, ed. Rosenmiill.), that the Hebrew word chaehmal denotes a metal, and jot the (mail resin called amber, although perhaps the probabilities are more in favor of the metal. Dr. Harris (Not. Bin. Bib. art. " Amber " ) asserts that the translators of the A. V. could oot mean amber, "for that being a bituminous substance, nerorom dim as soon as it feels the fire, and soon dissolves and consumes." But this is founded un

    a misconstruction of the words of the prophet, whe does not say that what he saw was amber, but of the color of amber (Pict. Bib. note on Ez. viii. S). The context cf the passages referred to above is clearly as much in favor of amber as of metal. Neither do the LXX. and Vulg. afford any certain clew to identification, for the word electron was used by the Greeks to express both amber and a certain metal, composed of gold and silver, and held in very high estimation by the ancients (Plln. ,,. N. xxxiii. 4). It is a carious fact, that in the con- text of all the passages where mention of electron is made in the works of Greek authors (Horn, see below; Hes. Be. Here. 142; Soph. Antig. 1038; Aristoph. Eq. 632; Ac.), no evidence is afforded to help us to determine what the electron was. In the Odyssey (iv. 73) it is mentioned as enriching Menelaus's palace, together with copper, gold, sil - ver, and ivory. In Od. xv. 460, xviii. 296, a neck lace of gold is said to be fitted with electron. Pliny, in the chapter quoted above, understands the electron in Menelaus's palace to be the melnt. But with respect to the golden necklace, it is worthy of note that amber necklaces have been long used, as they were deemed an amulet against throat dis- eases. Beads of amber are frequently found in British barrows with entire necklaces (Fosbr. An- tiq. i. 289). Theophrastus (ix. 18, § 2; and Fr. ii. 29, ed. Schneider), it is certain, uses the term electron to denote amber, for he speaks of its at- tracting properties. On the other hand, that elec- tron was understood by the Greeks to denote a metal composed of one part of silver to every four of gold, we have the testimony of Pliny to show; but whether the early Greeks intended the metal or the amber, or sometimes one and sometimes the other, it is impossible to determine with certainty. Passow believes that the metal was always denoted by electron in the writings of Homer and Hesi.d, and that amber was not known till its introduction by the Phoenicians ; to which circumstance, as he thinks, Herodotus (iii. 116, who seems to speak of the resin, and not the metal) refers. Others again, with Buttmann (ifythol ii. 337 ), maintain that the electron denoted amber, and they very reasonably refer to the ancient myth of the origin of amber. Pliny (H. N. xxxvii. cap. 2) ridicules the Greek writers for their credulity in the fabulous origin of this substance; and especially finds fault with Sophocles, who, in some lost play, appears to have believed in it.

    From these considerations it will be seen that it is not possible to identify the chathmal by the help of the I. XX., or to say whether we are to under- stand the metal or the fossil resin by the word. There is, however, one reason to be adduced in favor of the cluuhmal denoting the metal rather than the resin, and this is to be sought in the ety- mology of the Hebrew name, which, according to Gesenius, seems to be compounded of two words which together = polished copper. Bochart ( Hit- rot, iii. 885) conjectures that chathmal is com- pounded of two Chaldee words meaning cojtper — gold-ore, to which he refers the aurichakum. Rut aurichaieum is in all probability only the Latin form of the Greek orichalcon (mountain copper). (See Smith's LaU-Engl Diet. s. v. "Orichslcum.") hudorus, however (Orig. xvi. 19), sanctions the etymology which Bochart adopts. But the electron, according to Pliny, Pausaniaa (v. 12, § 6), and the numerous authorities quoted by Bochart, was com- posed of gold and silver, not of gold and oqsr*-

    Digitized by



    The Hebrew word may denote either the metal electron or amber ; but it mint (till be left as a question which of the two cnbstancei is realty in- tended. W. H.

    • AMEDATHA, Beth. in. 1, A. V. ed. 1611, for Haxmbdatha. A.

    A-MEN (JCtf), literally, « firm, true ;" and, used u a substantive, "that which it true," " truth " (I*, lxr. 16) ; a word need in strong as- severations, fixing as it were the stamp of truth upon the assertion which it accompanied, and mak- ing it binding as an oath (comp. Num. v. 22). In the LXX. of 1 Chr. xvi. 36, Nell. v. 13, viii. 6, the word appears in the form 'A,x^r, which is used throughout the X. T. In other passages the Heb. is rendered by yirotro, except in Is. lxr. 16. The Vulgate adopts the Hebrew word in all cases ex- cept in the Psalms, where it is translated fiat. In Deut xxvii. 16-26, the people were to say " Amen," as the Levites pronounced each of the curses upon Mount Ebal, signifying by this their assent to the conditions under which the curses would be in- licted. In accordance with this usage we find that, among the Rabbins, " Amen " involves the ideas of swearing, acceptance, and truthfulness. The first two are illustrated by the passages already quoted; the last by 1 K. i. 36; John iii. 8, 5, 11 (A. V. " verily "), in which the assertions are made with the solemnity of an oath, and then strength- ened by the repetition of "Amen." "Amen" was the proper response of the person to whom an oath was administered (Neh. v. 13, viii. 6; 1 Chr. xvi. 36 ; Jer. xi. 6, marg.) ; and the Deity, to whom appeal is made on such occasions, is called "the God of Amen" (Is. Ixv. 16), as being a witness to the sincerity of the implied compact With a sim- ilar significance Christ is called " the Amen, the faithful and true witness" (Rev. iii. 14; comp. John i. 14, xiv. 6; 3 Cor. i. 90). It is matter of tradition that in the Temple the " Amen " was not uttered by the people, but that, instead, at the conclusion of the priest's prayers, they responded, " Bleated be the name of the glory of his kingdom for ever and ever." Of this a trace is supposed to remain in the concluding sentence of the Lord's Prayer (comp. Rom. xi. 36). But in the syna- gogues and private houses it was customary for the people or members of the family who were present to say " Amen " to the prayers which were offered by the minister or the master of the house, and the custom remained in the early Christian church (Matt. vi. 18; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). And not only pub- He prayers, but those offered in private, and doioi- ogiet, were appropriately concluded with " Amen " (Rom. ix. 5, xi. 86, xv. 33, xvi. 27; 2 Cor. xiii. 14 113), Ac). W. A. W.

    * The ' Aidjr of the received text at the end of most of the books of the N. T., is probably genuine only in Rom., Gal, Heb. (?), 9 Pet. (?), and Jude. A.

    AMETHYST (n^V^ achUmih: «,*,,9632;

    Suotoj: ameihyttui). Mention is made of this

    precious stone, which formed the third in the third

    row of the high-priest's breastplate, in Ex. xxviii.

    19, xxxix. 12, " And the third row a ligure, an

    agate, and an amethyst." It occurs also in the N.

    T. (Rev. xxi. 90) as the twelfth stone which gar-

    . ushed the foundations of the wall of the heavenly

    '. Jerusalem. Commentators generally are agreed

    ; that the ametkutt is the stone indicated by the


    Hebrew word, an opinion which it sbuiilantry sarp ported by the ancient versions. The Targmn of Jerusalem indeed reads emaragdm (tmaragdut) those of Jonathan and Onkelos have two words which signify "cslf's-eye" (ocaJut vituli), which Braunius (ofe VeztxX Sacerd. Heb. ii. 711) conject- ures may be identical with the Beti ocuiu of the Assyrians (Plin. H. If. xxxvii. 10), the Cafe eye Chalcedony, according to AJasson and Desfontainea ; but as Braunius has o bs e rved , the word acblaman according to the best and most ancient authorities signifies amtihutL

    Modern mineralogists by the term amethyst usu- ally understand the amethystine variety of quarts, which is crystalline and highly transparent: it is sometimes called Rote quartz, and contains alumina and oxide of manganese. There is, however, an- other mineral to which the name of Oriental ame- thynt is usually applied, and which is far more val- uable than the quartz kind. This is a crystalline variety of Corundum, being found mere especially in the E. and W. Indies. It is extremely hard and bright, and generally of a purple color, which, how- ever, it may readily be made to lose by subjecting it to fire. In all probability the common Ametkp- tme quartz is the mineral denoted by ackldmih ,- for Pliny speaks of the amethyst being easily cut (tcalpturie facUit, B. If. xxxvii 9), whereas the Oriental amethyzt is inferior only to the diamond m hardness, and is moreover a comparatively rare gem.

    The Greek word amethuttm, the origin of the English amethytt, is usually derived from ,, " not," and fitSim, " to be intoxicated," this stone having been believed to have the power of dispelling drunk- enness in those who wore it. (Dionys. Perieg. 1122; AntkoL PalaL 9, 752; Martini, Excurt. 168.) Pliny, however (H. N. xxxvii. 9), says, '• The name which these stones have is to be traced to their pe- culiar tint, which, after approximating to the oolor of wine shades off into a violet." Theophrastns also alludes to its wine-like color.' W. H.

    A"MI (""C^ [orenifect, FiirstJ: , Hit«t: Ami), name of one of "Solomon's servants" (Ear. ii. 67),

    called Amon (p£? pHi,i,; Vat. Alex. FA Huetu; Comp. 'ApoV: Amon]) in Neh. vii. 69 Ami is probably a corrupted form of Amon.

    AMIN'ADAB ('A,juraSdfi: Ammadab). Am- minadab 1 (Matt i. 4; Luke iii- 83).

    W. A. W.

    AMITTAI [8syL] ("PICK [true, J o*Vwl): 'Aiioflf; [Vat Sin.^«:] Amathi), father of the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25; Jon. i. 1).

    • AMIZ'ABAD, 1 Chr. xxvii. 6. So the A V. ed. 1611, etc. following the Vulgate, the Gene- van version, and the Bishops' Bible, for the correct form Ammuabad. A.

    AM'MAH, the hill of (HS N np23 [motter

    cubit; but here, according to Fttrst, aqueduct*, site) an Aramaean and Talmudic usage] : b 0ew,bt ' Au air; [Alex. Comp. 'Kfuti; Aid. 'EiytdV:] colBi aqua thtctit), a hill " facing " Giah by the way of the wilderness of Gibeon, named as the point U which Joab's pursuit of Abner after the death of Asahel extended (2 Sam. ii. 34). Josephus (Ant vii. 1, § 3) roVot T«», 6k 'kupirar Kakoooi (comp


    Digitized by





    rarg. Jon. SntStf ). Both Symnuchua (ram,), ind Theodotion ,,t8payay6s), agree with the Vul- gate in an allusion to aome watercourse here. Can this point to the " excavated fountain," " under the high rook," described as near Gibeon (EUtb) by Kobineon fi. 466)? G.

    •AMMEDATHA, Esth. iii. It, A V. ed. 1611, for Hammkdatha. A

    AMTtfl OS"?: Aaifipou: jwpuAa mem), i. e., aa explained in the margin of the A. V., "my people " ; a figurative name applied to the kingdom of Israel in token of God's reconciliation with them, and their position as " sons of the living God," in contrast with the equally significant name Lo-am- mi, given by the prophet Hosea to bis second son by Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. ii. 1). In the same manner Riihamah contrasts with Lo- Ruhamah. W. A. W.

    AMTWXDOI, in aome copies [c. g. ed. 1611] Ammid'ioi ("Ap,uSm or 'A,ipfSioi), named in 1 Esdr. r. 30 among those who came up from Baby- lon with ZorobabeL The three names Pira, Cha- dias, and A are inserted between Beeroth and Ramah, without any corresponding words in the parallel lists of Ezra or Nehemiah.

    * Fritzache (in foe.) identifies 'A,ipiSioi with the Inhabitants of Humtah, Josh. xv. 64. There ap- pears to be no authority for the form 'A,j^uJoi.

    AM'MIEX (^S? I people of God]: Ajut}a; [Vat A,i«n)A.:] Ammiel). 1. The spy selected by Hoses from the tribe of Dan (Num. nil. 18).

    S. (Alex. A,utip, Vulg. Ammihel in 9 Sam. xviL 97; [Vat. in 9 Sam. ix., Afianp, AptiqA.].) The lather of Machir of Lodebar (2 Sam. ix. 4, 6, xvii. 37).

    3. The frther of Bathshua, or Bathsheba, the wife of David (1 Chr. iii. 6), called Eliam in 2 Sam. xi. 3; the Hebrew letters, which are the same in the two names, being transposed. He was the son of Ahithophel, David's prime minister.

    4. [Vat. Apt irjA.] The sixth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. fi), and one of the doorkeepers of the Temple. W. A. W.

    AMMT,HCD (-niTa» [people of Judak]: 'tiuoia in Num., 'A,uovt [Vat Apuoutit] in 1 Chr.: Ammiud). L An Ephrainute, father of Hishama, the chief of the tribe at the time of the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 63, x. 29), and through him ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 26).

    8. (ttfuoiS; Alex. EpiovS.) A Simeonite, lather of ShemueL chief of the tribe at the time of the division of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 90).

    3. flauiovo'; [Vat BtvuuiftovS;] Alex. Apr tw3.) The father of Petlahel, chief of the tribe of Naphtali at the same time (Num. xxxiv. 98).

    A (-BirPISTJ, Keri TVT«35: 'fyuit.) Acunihod, or "Ammichur," as the written text Sas it, was the lather of Talmai, king of Geshur |S Sam. xUL 37).

    5. (2,uuotit; [Vat Xaumov or -or;] Alex, kiuout.) A descendant of Pharex, son o* Judah 1 Chr. ix. 4). W. A W.

    AMMIN'ADAB (aTya? ' Aiura,faB [Vat -fuir-] : Aimaadab ; one of the people, i. e. koaily, of the p'vtce (famuhu prindpu), Geaan.;

    man of generosity, Fliret, who ascribes to D"£ the sense of "homo" as its primitive m ea n i n g. The passages, Pa. ex. 3, Cant vL 19, margin, seem however rather to suggest the sense my people u willing). L Son of Ram or Aram, and father of Nahshon, or Naaaaon (as it is written, Matt L 4; Luke iii. 38), who was the prince of the tribe of Judah, at the first numbering of Israel in the second year of the Exodus (Num. i. 7, ii. 3; Ruth iv. 19, 90; 1 Chr. ii. 10). We gather hence that Am- minadab died in Egypt before the Exodus, which ac- cords with the mention of him in Ex. vi. 23, where we read that " Aaron took him Elisheba daughter of Amminadab, sister of Nahshon, to wife, and she bare him Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar." This also indicates that Amminadab must have lived in the time of the most grievous oppression of the Israelites in Egypt He is the fourth gen- eration after Judah the patriarch of his tribe, and one of the ancestors of J sacs Christ. Nothing more is recorded of him ; but the marriage of his daughter to Aaron may be marked as the earliest instance of alliance between the royal fine of Judah and the priestly line of Aaron. And the name of bis grandson Nadab may be noted as probably given in honor of Ammi-uadab his grandfather.

    2. The chief of the 112 sons of Uzziel, a junior Levitlcal house of the family of the Kohathites (Ex. vi. 18), in the days of David, whom that king sent for, together with Uriel, Asaiah, Joel, Shem- aiah, and Eliel, other chief fathers of Levities! houses, and Zadok and Abiathar the priests, to bring the ark of God to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 10- 12), to the tent which he had pitched for it The passage last quoted is instructive as to the mode of naming the houses; for besides the sons of Kohath, 190, at v. 6, we have the sons of Elizaphan, 900, at v. 8, of Hebron, 80, at v. 9, and of Uzziel, 119, at v. 10, all of them Kohathites (Num. iii. 27, 30).

    3. [Alex. Itnroop.] At 1 Chr. vi. 29 (7, Heb. B.) Izhar, the son of Kohath, and father of Korah, is called Amminadab, and the Vatican LXX. has the same reading. (The Alexandrine has Izhar.) But it is probably only a clerical error.

    4. In Cant vi. 19 it is uncertain whether we

    ought to read 3 , 7? , '??i Amminadib, with the

    A. V., or 2**72 ""J?"?! my wiBmg people, aa in

    the margin. If Amminadib is a proper name, it is thought to be either the name of some one famous

    for his swift chariots, .""VQ"3""l"?i or that then is an allusion to Abinadab, and to the new cart on which they made to ride OD'Sn;) the ark of God (9 Sam. vi. 3). But this iaat, though per- haps intended by the LXX. version of Cant, which hat 'KfuvaSdff, is scarcely probable. In vii, 9 (I

    A. V.) the LXX. also render a v "T3*ri3, «oh! prince's daughter," by eAyartp Natifi, and hi the Cod. Alex, eiyartp 'AfuraXifi. A C. H.

    AMMIN'ADIB (Cant vi. 19). [Ammina- dab 4.]

    AMMI8HADDAI [4 syL] CTC**?; [people of the Almighty]: 'Kpuratati [Vat -Msi-i exc. in Num. x. 25;] Alex. AfwraSat, exc. Num. ii. 26, Jaiuaabai, and Num x. 95, Muroocu: AmUaddai, AmmuaddaX). The father of Ahieznr, chief of the tribe of Dan at the time of the Exodus (Num 19 'I. 96, vii. 66, 71, x. 26). His name

    Digitized by




    ,,9632; one of the few which we find at this period com- pounded with the ancient name of God, Shaddai; Zuriahaddai, and possibly Shedeur, an the only Other instances, and both belong to thia early time.

    W. A. W.

    AMMIZ'ABAD (T^B? [people of the

    Giver, i. e. God: Rom. Aid.] Zafiii; [Vat. AmfaCttS; Alex. A,uoafa0; Comp. 'A,MifajSdA:] Amizabad). The son of Benaiah, who apparently acted as his father's lieutenant, and commanded the third division of David's army, which was on duty for the third month (1 Chr. xxVii. 6). [Am- izabad.] W. A. W.

    AMTKON, AMTMONITK8, CHIL- DREN of AMMON" Y«£V (only twice),

    ,,9632;oHay, caiap: yyz? »33: 'i^to, v-

    tuunrai, LXX. in Pent.; elsewhere 'AuuSr, viol 'Afifi,v, Joseph. ' Aftfuwirat ',,9632; Ammon[Ammm- tin], Vulg.), a people descended from Ben-Ammi, the ton of Lot by bis younger daughter (Gen. xix. 38; comp. Ps. Ixxxiii. 7, 8), as Moab was by the elder; and dating from the destruction of Sodom.

    The near relation between the two peoples indi- cated in the story of their origin continued through- out their existence: from their earliest mention (Deut. ii.) to their disappearance from the biblical history (Jud. v. 2), the brother-tribes are named together (comp. Judg. x. 10; 2 Chr. xx. 1; Zeph. ii. 8, Ac.). Indeed, so close was their union, and so near their identity, that each would appear to be occasionally spoken of under the name of the other. Thus the " land of the children of Ammon " is said to hare been given to the '* children of Lot,'* i. e. to both Ammon and Moab (Deut. ii. 19). They are both said to have hired Balaam to curse Israel (Deut. xxiii. 4), whereas the detailed narrative of that event omits all mention of Ammon (Num. xxii., xxiii.). In the answer of Jephthah to the king of Ammon the allusions are continually to Moab (Judg. xi. 15, 18, 25), while Chemosh, the peculiar deity of Moab (Num. xxi. 29), is called ••thy god" (24). The land from Arnon to Jab- bok, which the king of Ammon calls " my land " (13), is elsewhere distinctly suited to have once be- longed to a " king of Moab " (Num. xxi. 26).

    Unlike Moab the precise position of the territory of the Ammonites is not ascertainable. In the ear- liest mention of them (Deut. ii. 20) they are said to have destroyed those Kephaim, whom they called the Zamxummim, and to have dwelt in their place, Jabbok being their border * (Num. xxi. 24; Deut. Ui. 16, ii. 37). " Land " or "country " is, how- ever, but rarely ascribed to them, nor is there any reference to those habits and circumstances of civ- ilization — the " plentiful fields," the " bay," the " summer-fruits," Uw '• vineyards," the " presses," and the " songs of the grape-treaders " — which so constantly recur in the allusions to Moab (Is. xv., xvi.; Jer. xlviii.); but on the contrary we find everywhere traces of the fierce habits of marauders In their incursions — thrusting out the right eyes of whole cities (1 Sam. xi. 2), ripping up the women with child (Am. i. 13), and displaying a very high degree of crafty cruelty (Jer. xli. 6, 7;

    « Tbe expression most commonly employed for this aatloo l» "Bene-Ammon"; nut In frequency comes

    • R Aimuool " or " Ammonira " ; and least often " Am-

    • Bon." The translator* of tbe Auth. Version have, as Swusl, wfixctad these minute dlfhrencss, ani bars


    Jud. vii. 11, 12) to their enemies, as well as a aus- picious discourtesy to their allies, which on one occasion (2 Sam. x. 1-5) brought all but extermi- nation on the tribe (xii. 31). Nor is the contrast less observable between tbe one city of Ammon, the fortified hold of Rabbah (2 Sam. xi. 1; Ez. xxv. 5: Am. I 13), and the " streets," the •' house-tops," and the "high-places," of the numerous and bus; towns of tbe rich plains of Moab (Jer. xlviii. ; b XT., xvi.). Taking the above into account it is hard to avoid the conclusion that, while Moab was the settled and civilized half of the nation of Lot. the Bene-Ammon formed its predatory and Bedouin section. A remarkable confirmation of this opin- ion occurs in the fact that the special deity of the tribe was worshipped, not in a bouse or on a high place, but in a booth or tent designated by the very word which most keenly expressed to the Israelite* the contrast between a nomadic and a settled life (Am. v. 26 ; Acts vii. 43) [Succora]. (See Stan- ley, App. § 89.)

    On tbe west of Jordan they never obtained a footing. Among the confusions of the times of the Judges we find them twice passing over; once with Moab and Amalek seizing Jericho, the "city of palm-trees " (Judg. iii. 13), and a second time '• to fight against Judah and Benjamin, and the house of Epbraim;" but they quickly returned to the freer pastures of Gilead, leaving but one trace of their presence in the name of Chephar ha-Ammo- nai, •' Tbe hamlet of the Ammonites " (Josh, xviii. 24), situated in the portion of Benjamin somewhere at tbe head of the passes which lead up from the Jordan-valley, and form the natural access to tbe table-land of the west country.

    The hatred in which tbe Ammonites were held by Israel, and which possibly was connected with the story of their incestuous origin, is stated to have arisen partly from their opposition, or, rather, their want of assistance (Deut. xxiii. 4), to the Is- raelites on their approach to Canaan. But it evi- dently sprang mainly from their share in the affair of Balaam (Deut. xxiii. 4; Neh. xiii. 1). At the period of Israel's first approach to the south of Pal- estine the feeling towards Ammon is one of regard. The command is then " distress not the Moabitee

    distress not the children of Ammon, nor

    meddle with them " (Deut. ii. 9, 19; and comp 37); and it is only from the subsequent transaction that we can account for the fact that Edom, who had also refused passage through his land but had taken no part with Balaam, is punished with the ban of exclusion from the congregation for three generations, while Moab and Ammon is to be kept out for ten generations (Dent xxiii. 3), a sentence which acquires peculiar significance from iU being the same pronounced on " bastards " in the preced- ing verse, from its collocation amongst those pro- nounced in reference to the most loathsome physi- cal deformities, and also from the emphatic recapit- ulation (ver. 6), " thou shalt not seek their peace of their prosperity all thy days forever."

    But whatever its origin it is certain that the an- imosity continued in force to the latest date. Sub- dued by Jephthah (Judg. xi. 83) and scattered with great slaughter by Saul (1 Sam. xi. 31) — and that not once only, for he "vexed" then;

    employed the three terms, Children of Ammon, Am momtes, Ammon, uidiaorimlnately.

    * Jossphus says In two places (Ant. 1 11, , 6, saw «t 6, S 8), that Moab and Ammon wen In Cole-Si ris

    Digitized by



    whithersoever he turned" (xiv. 47} — they en- joyed under his successor a short respite, pnbably :he result of the connection of Moab with band (I Sam. xxii. 8) and David's town, ISethlehem — where the memory of Ruth must have lieen still fresh. But this was soon brought to a close by the ,,9632;luuneful treatment to which their king subjected the friendly messengers of David (2 Sam. x. 1 ; 1 Chr. xix. 1 ), and for which he destroyed their city and inflicted on them the severest blows (2 Sam. xii.: 1 Chr. xx.). [Kabbah.]

    In the days of Jehoshaphat they made an incur- sion into Judah with the Moabitcs and the Maon- ites," but were signally repulsed, and so many killed that three days were occupied in spoiling the bodies (2 Chr. xx. 1-25). In Uzziih's reign they made incursions and committed atrocities in Gilead (Am. i. 13); Jotham had wars with them, and ex- acted from them a heavy tribute of " silver (comp. "jewels,'' 2 Chr. xx. 25), wheat, and barley" (2 Chr. xxvii. 5). In the time of Jeremiah we find them in possession of the cities of (lad from which the Jews had been removed by Tiglath-l'ileser (Jer. xlix. I -6); and other incursions are elsewhere al- luded to (Zeph. ii. 8, 9). At the time of the cap- tivity many Jews took refuge among the Amnion- 1 ites from the Assyrians (Jer. xl. 1 1 ), but no better feeling appears to have arisen, and on the return from Babylon, Tobiah the Ammonite and Saubal- Lit a Moabite (of Cboronaim, Jer. xlix.), were foremost among the opponents of Nehemiah's restoration.

    Amongst the wives of Solomon's harem are in- cluded Ammonite women (1 K. xi. 1), one of whom, Naamah, was the mother of Rehoboam (1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and henceforward traces of the presence of Ammonite women in Judah are not wanting (2 Chr. xxiv. 26; Neh. xiii. 23; Kzr. ix. 1; see Geiger, Urschrift, Ac., pp. 47, 49, 2'J9).

    The last appearances of the Ammonites in the biblical narrative are in the books of Judith (v., vi., rii.) and of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6, 30-41), and it has been already remarked that their chief characteristics — close alliance with Moab, hatred of Israel and cunning cruelty — are maintained to the end. By Justin Martyr (DitiL c. Tngili.) they are spoken of as still aumerous (vvv tro,,v 7r,,rr- 8oj); but, notwithstanding this they do not appear again.

    The tribe was governed by a king (Judg. xi. 12, tic.; I Sam. xii. 12; 2 Sam. x. 1; Jer. xl. 14) and

    by " princes," , ~K7 (2 Sam. x. 3; 1 Chr. xix. 3). It has been conjectured that Nahash (1 Sam. xi. 1; 2 Sara. ^. 2) was the official title of the king, as Pharaoh was of the Egyptian mouarchs; but this Is without any clear foundation.

    The divinity of the tribe was Molech, generally named in the 0. T. under the altered form of Mil torn — ' the abomination of the children of Am mon ; " and occasionally as Malcham. In more ^.han one passage under the word rendered " their ting " in the A. V., an allusion is intended to this dol. [Moi.kch.]

    The Ammonite names preserved in the sacred 'ext are as follow. It is open to inquiry whether these words have reached us in their original form 'icertainly those in Greek have not), or whether



    they have been altered in transference to the lie- brew records.

    Achior, 'Ax«ip, ( l ua8 ' "" 1f * T^i broth** of light, Jud. v. 6, ,c.

    Baalis, ,1 ??2, joyful, Jer. xl. 14. Ilaaun, ^H, pitiable, 2 Sam. x. 1, 4c. Molech, TT^b, king.

    Naamah, HOV^i pleasant, 1 K. xiv. 21, Ac. Xachash, tiTO, serpent, 1 Sam. xi. 1, ,c

    Shobi, ^37, return, 2 Sam. xvii. 27. Timotheus, Tt,iiSeos, 1 Mace. v. 6, ,c. T.bijah, n»2'ltt, good, Neh. ii. 10, Ac.

    Zelek, p^S, icarfi 2 Sam. xxiii. 37.

    The name Zamzummim, applied by the Ammon- ites to the Kephaim whom they dispossessed, should not be omitted. G.

    AMTKONITESS (.TObSrT: VA^mu in 1 K., if Ajuun-iris, 2 Chr. xii. 13, t A,jLfiar- Itvs, 2 Chr. xxiv. 26; Alex. Auayirts in 1 K. ; [Vat. n AfiifiavtiTis, o A,j-fiaverrns'-] Ammanitis). A woman of Ammonite race. Such were Naamah, the mother of Keholioam, one of Solmnou's foreign wives (1 K. xiv. 21, 31: 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Shi- meath, whose son Zahad or Jozachar was one of the murderers of king Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26). For allusions to these mixed marriages see 1 K. xi. 1, and Neh. xiii. 25. In the Hebrew the word has always the definite article, and therefore in all

    cases should lie rendered '

    the Ammonitess.' W. A.


    ,,9632; There can be no doubt that instead of " Amu. :n- tos ! Ja 2 Chr. xx. 1, and xxri. 8, we should read, rttb the VXX., "Meonites" or , Mehunim." Hie ,,9632;moos 8* tale will be given under Mihchx.

    AM^NON 013ES, once fO^ [faithful]: 'Auviif, [Alex, sometimes A,i,iav:] Amnon). L I'Udest son of David by Aliinoam the Jezreelitess, born in Hebron while his father's royalty was only acknowledged in Judah. He dishonored his half- sister Tamar, and was in consequence murdered by her brother (2 Sam. xiii. 1-29). [Absai-oji.] [See also 2 Sam. iii. 2, xiii. 32, 33, 39 ; 1 Chr. iii

    2. Son of Shimon (1 Chr. iv. 20). G. E. L. C.

    ATtfOK (plOS [deep or incomprehensible] ,,9632; 'A,i4k; [Vat. om.; Comp. 'A,wiic] Amoc). A priest, whose family returned with Zerubbabel, and were represented by Ebcr in the days of Joiakim (Neh. xii. 7, 20). W. A. W.

    •AMOMUM (,uw,ioy- amomum). In the description of the merchandise of Babylon (Rome) in Rev. xviii. 13, the best critical editions read Kivydfioffiov k a,, a u a- ,i n v, " cinnamon and amomum," for the Kivdfuofwv of the received text. Under the name Huaifnov or amomum Dioscorides and Pliny describe an aromatic plant growing in India, Armenia, Media, and Pontus, which modern botanists have found it difficult to identify with any known species. (See Dioscor. i. 14; Plin. ,,. N. xii. 13, xiii. 1, 2, xvi. 32; Theophr. ,list. Plant. ix. 7; Fr. iv. 32.) Fee {Flore de Virgile, pp. 16, 17) supposes it to be the Amomum rncemosum, Lam., Am. enrdttmomum, Lin.; BUlerbeck (Flora Classica, p. 2) makes it the Amomum grana Par- adisi; Sprengel (Hist. Rei Herb. i. 140 ft"., 947 f.), F-ias, ard others identify it with the Cisms

    Compere the sobriquet of " U, BalerX "

    Digitized by




    afiffmo* of Linnaeus. See alio Sahnasms, Bomtm. flji latr. c. 91; Pirn. £xere. i. 284 ,E From the trait of the amoiiwn a precious oil or balsam was obtained, which waa used in funeral ritei (Pen. Ui. 104; Ovid. Pont L 9, 51 ; see also Tritt. iii. 3, 89, where we hare amomi ,mint), ai d especially u a perfume for the hair (Ovid. Htr. xxi. 166;

    -ucan, x. 164 ff.; Mart. v. 64, 3, viii. 77, 3; Sil.

    tal. xi. 403). See Wetatein's note on Rev. xviii. (3. A.

    AlIONO'lEN: 'Awuti-; [Sin. 1 in Nah., Ap,u»rj). 1. An Egyptian divinity, wboae name Mean in that of I'lC^ rfe (Nah. iii. 8), or Thebes,

    also called r^3 [No]. It haa been supposed that Amon U mentioned in Jer. xlvi. 25, but the A. V.

    U moat probtMy correct in rendrring S3^1 1^-*"' " the multitude of No," as in the parallel paaaage, Kz. xxx. 15, where the equivalent "i^ttn ii em- ployed. Comp. also Ex. xxx. 4, 10, for the use of the latter word with reference to Egypt. These eases, or at least the two former, seem therefore to be instances of paronomasia (comp. Is. xxx. 7, Ixv. 11, 12). The Greeks called this divinity *A«u»k, whence the Latin Amnion and Hammon ; but their writers give the Egyptian pronunciation as 'Aji- povv (Herod, ii. 42), 'Apovr (I'lut. dr. lnd. tt Ottr. 9), or 'Afi,r (Iambi, de Mytt. viii. 3). The an- cient Egyptian name is Amen, which must signify " the hidden," from the verb amen, " to enwrap, eonceal " (Champollion, lHctiinmnirt Egi,ptirn. p.

    197), Copt. ,J.ULOrtl. This interpretation agrees with that given by Plutarch, on the authority of a supposition of Manetho. (MariSiis ,iir o 2f fitrvim)t to KticpvpLntroti dttrai itol tV KoHfir vwb rairTrS StiKovaiai ttji cWktjj, de lid. el Oar. I. c.) Amen was one or the eight gods of the first order, and chief of the triad of Thebes. He waa worshipped at that city as Amen-Ra, or ' Amen the sun," represented as a man wearing a

    The g",d Amon. (Wilkinson.?

    tup wi Ji two high plumes, and Amen-Ra ka mut-ef, ,,9632;' Amen-Ra, who is both male and female," repre- iented as the generative principle. In the latter farm he is accompanied by the figures of trees or sther vegetable products, like the ', grove* " inen- ioind in the Bible [Egypt], and is thus c mnected


    with Baal. In the Great Oasis, and the famous onr named after him, he was worshipped in the form of the ram-headed god Num, and called either Amen, Amen-Ra, or Amen-Num, and thus the Greeks came to suppose him to be always ram-headed whereas this was the proper characteristic of Num (WiUinson, Modern Eyypt and Thibet, vol. ii. pp. 367, 375). The worship of Amen spread from the Oasss along the north coast of Africa, and even penetrated into Greece. The Greeks identified Amen with Zeus, and he was therefore called Zeus Amnion and Jupiter Ammon. R. S. P.

    A'MON O'lDN [mu,We, or arehilect] .

    Afuii, Kings [Jer., and so Laebm., Tiach., Treg., in Matt.] ; 'A,uic, Chr., [Zeph., where Sin. reads Amimr; Vat.' in 1 Chr. Aurar, Vat. in 2 Chr. Afuts; Alex. A,i,utr in 1 K., elsewhere Aium:] Joseph. "Ajuwoj: Amon). 1. Ring of Judan, son and successor of Hanasseh. The name may mean

    tldtlful in kit art, or child (verbal from ]OS, to tnirar ). Yet it sounds Egyptian, as if connected with the Theban god, and possibly may have been given by Hanasseh to his son in an idolatrous spirit. Following his father's example, Amon devoted him- self wholly to the service of false gods, but was killed in a conspiracy after a reign of two years. Prob- ably by insolence or tyranny he had alienated his own servants, and fell a victim to their hostility, for the people avenged him by putting all the conspir- ators to death, and secured tie succession to his too •losiah. To Anion's reign we must refer the terrible picture which the prophet Zephaniah gives of the moral and religious state of Jerusalem: idolatry supported by priests and prophets (i. 4, iii. 4), the poor ruthlessly oppressed (iii. 3), and shameless in- difference to evil (iii. 11). According to Clinton (F. If. i. 328), the date of his accession is B. c 642; of his death, r». c. 640 (2 K. xxi. 19; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 20). [Occurs 2 K. xxi 18-25; 1 Chr. iii. 14; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 20-25; Jer. i. 2, xxv. 3; Zeph. i. 1; Matt. i. 10.] G. E. L. C.

    2. (]'£,», I'lCH: 2,^,, 'E^p: Alex, a?

    ,iar, 2fpfMM,; [Aid. 'Afip,r, 'Epp^p; Comp. 'Apu,y, 'A,ip,£r:] Amon). Prince or governor of Samaria in the reign of Ahab (1 K. xxii. 26; 2 Chr. xviii. 25). What was the precise nature of his office is not known. Perhaps the prophet Mi- eaiah was intrusted to his care as captain of the citadel. The Vat. MS. of the LXX. has to. fiwriKta rqt vikttn in 1 K., but tpxoma in 1 Chr. Josrphus (Ant. viii. 15, § 4) calls him 'Ar- ifun W. A. W.

    3. See Ami.


    N 1CMTI (always in the singular), accurately "the

    Emorite " — the dwellers on the summits — moun- taineers: 'Aitofktuoi. Amorrhcd), one of the chief nations who possessed the land of Canaan before its conquest by the Israelites.

    In the genealogical table of Gen. x. " the Amo rite " is given as the fourth son of Canaan, with "Zidon, Heth [Hittite], the Jebusite," 4c The interpretation of the name as " mountaineers " c " highlanders " — due to Simonia (see his Onomat- tieon), though commonly ascribed to EwaW — is quite in accordance with the notices of the text which, except in a few instances, speak of the Am orites as dwelling on the elevated portions of ths

    Digitized by



    wnntry. In this raped they are contrasted with the Canaanites, who were the dwellen in the low- Smds; end the two thai formed the main broad divisions of the Holy Land. "The Hittite, and the Jebusite, and the Amorite, dwell in the moun- tain [of Judah and Ephraim], and the Canaanite dwells by the aea [the lowlands of Philistia and Sharon] and by the 'side' of Jordan" [in the Talley of the Arabah], — was the report of the first Israelites who entered the country (Num. xiii. 99; and see Josh. ». 1, x. 6, li 3; Dent. i. 7, 90; "Mountain of the A.," ver. 44). This we shall find borne out by other notices. In the very earliest times (Gen. xiv. 7) they are occupying the barren heights west of the Dead Sea, at the place which afterward* bore the name of En-gedi; hills in whose f astn e s se s , the "rocks of the wild goats," David afterwards took refuge from the pursuit of Saul (1 Sam. xziii. 39; xxir. 2). [Hazkzon-Tamab]. From this they stretched west to Hebron, where Abrun was then dwelling under the " oak- grove" of the three brothers, Aner, Kshcoi, and Mamre (Gen. xiv. 13; eomp. xiii. 18). From this, their ancient seat, they may hare crossed the valley of the Jordan, tempted by the high table-lands on the east, for there we next meet them at the date of the invasion of the country. Sibon, their then king, had taken the rich pasture-land south of the Jabbok, and had driven the Moabites, its former possessors, across the wide chasm of the Arnon (Num. xxi. 36; 13), which thenceforward formed the boundary between the two hostile peoples (Num. xxi. 13). The Israelites apparently ap- proached from the south-east, keeping "on the other side " (that is, on the east) of the upper part of the Arnon, which there bends southwards, so as to form the eastern boundary of the country of Moab. Their request to pass through his land to the fords of Jordan was refused by Sihon (Num. xxi. SI; Deut. ii. 36); he "went out" against them (xxL 33; ii. 33), was killed with his sons and bis people (ii. 33), and his land, cattle, and cities taken possession of by Israel (xxi. 34, 25, 81, ii. 34-6). This rich tract, bounded by the Jabbok on the north, the Arnon on the south, Jordan on the west, and " the wilderness " on the east (Judg. xi. U, 33) — in the words of Josephus " a land lying etwean three rivers after the manner of an island " (AM. iv. 5, § 2) — was, perhaps, in the most special sense the "land of the Amorites " (Num. xxi. 31; Josh. xu. 2, 8, xiii. 9; Judg. xi. 31, 23); but their possessions are distinctly stated to have extended to the very feet of Hermon (Deut iii. 8, iv. 48), embracing "all Gilead and all Bashan" (iii. 10), with the Jordan valley on the east of the river (iv. 48), and forming together the land of the " two kings of the Amorites," Sihon and Og (Deut. xxxi. 4; Josh, ii. 10, ix. 10, xxhr. 19).

    After the passage of the Jordan we again meet with Amorites disputing with Joshua the conquest of the west country. But although the name generally denotes the mountain tribes of the centre of the country, yet this definition is not always strictly m ai nt a in ed, varying probably with the au- thor of the particular part of the history, and the time at which it was written. Nor ought we to ex- pect that the Israelites could have possessed very ac- curate knowledge of a set of small tribes whom they were called upon to exterminate — with whom they were forbidden to hold any intercourse — and, more- »ver, of whose general similarity to each other »4 tave convincing proof in the confusion in question.



    Some of these differences are as follows: — Ht, bron is "Amorite" in Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 13, though "Hittite" in xxiii. and "Canaanite" in Judg. i. 10. The '• Hivites " of Gen. xxxhr. 9, are Amorites " in xiviii. 32; and so also in Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19, as compared with 2 Sam. xxi. 9. Jeru- salem is " Amorite " in Josh. x. 5, 6, a but in xv. 63, xviii. 38; Judg. i. 31, xix. 11; 3 Sam. v. 6, 4c, it is " Jebusite." The "Canaanites" of Num. xiv. 46 (eomp. Judg. 1. 17), are "Amorites" in Deut. i. 44. Jarmuth, larliish, and Egkm, were in the low country of the Skefdah (Josh. xv. 85, ",, but in Josh. x. 5, 6, they are " Amorites that dwell in the mountains; " and it would appear as if the " Amorites " who forced the Danites into the mountain (Judg. i. 84, 35) must have themselves remained on the plain.

    Notwithstanding these few di ffer e n ces, however, from a comparison of the passages previously quoted it appears plain that " Amorite" was a local term, and not the name of a distinct tribe. This is con- firmed by the following facta. (1.) The wide area over which the name was spread. (3.) The want of connection between those on the east and those on the west of Jordan — which is only once hinted at (Josh. ii. 10). («.) The existence of kings like Sihon and Og, whose territories wen separate and independent, but who are yet called " the two kings of the Amorites," a state of things quite at vari- ance with the habits of Semitic tribes. (4.) Be- yond the three confederates of Abram, and then two kings, no individual Amorites appear in the history (unless Araunah or Oman the Jebusite be one). (5.) There are no traces of any peculiar gov- ernment, worship, or customs, different from those of the other " nations of Canaan."

    One word of the " Amorite " language has sur vived — the name Senir (not " Shenir " ) for Mount Hermon (Deut. iii. 9); but may not this be the Canaanite name as opposed to the Phoenician (Sirion) on the one side snd the Hebrew on the other?

    All mountaineers are warlike; and, from the three confederate brothers who at a moment's no- tice accompanied "Abram the Hebrew" in his pursuit of the five kings, down to those who, not d epres s e d by the slaughter Inflicted by Joshua and the terror of the name of Israel, persisted in driv- ing the children of Dan into the mountain, the Amorites fully maintained this character.

    After the conquest of Canaan nothing is heard in the Bible of the Amorites, except the occasional mention of their name in the usual formula for designating the early inhabitants of the country


    A,MOS (3'lBV, a burden: 'A^iV Amt»,, a native of Tekoah in Judah, about six miles 8. of Bethlehem, originally a shepherd and dresser of sycamore-trees, was called by God's Spirit to be a prophet, although not trained in any of the regular prophetic schools (1. 1, vii. 14, 15). He travelled from Judah into the northern kingdom of Israel or Ephraim. and there exercised his ministry, appar- ently not for any long time. His date cannot be later than the 15th year of Uzxiah's reign (h. c. 808, according to Clinton. F. H. i. 825); for he tells us that he prophesied " in the reigns of Usziah king ,f Judah, and Jeroboam the son of Joaaa ling of Israel, i«o yean before the earthquake-"

    a The LXX. has hswyaw TaJsswWas

    Digitized by




    Thk earthquake (tin mentioned Zech. xJv. 5) een- oot have oc cur re d titer the 17th year of UtzUh, vice Jeroboam II. died in the 15th of that king'* reign, which therefore ii the latest year fulfilling the three chronological indications furnished by the prophet himself. But his ministry probably took plaice at an earlier period of Jeroboam's reign, perhaps about the middle of it; for on the one hand Amos speaks of the conquests of this warlike king u completed (vi. 13, cf. 2 K. xir. 25), on the other the Assyrians, who towards the end of his reign were approaching Palestine (Hoe. x. 6, xi. 5), do not seem as yet to have caused any alarm in the country. Amos predicts indeed that Israel and other neighboring nations will be punished by cer- tain wild conquerors from the North (i. 5, v. 27, vi. 14), but does not name them, as if they were still unknown or unheeded. In this prophet's time Israel was at the height of power, wealth, and security, but infected by the crimes to which such a state is liable. The poor were oppressed (viii. 4), lb* ordinances of religion thought burdensome (viii. 5), and idleness, luxury, and extravagance were general (iii. 15). The source of these evils was idolatry, of course that of the golden calves, not of Baal, since Jehu's dynasty occupied the throne, though it seems probable from 2 K. xiii. 6, which passage must refer to Jeroboam's reign [Bkmiauat* III.], that the rites even of Astarte were tolerated in Samaria, though not encouraged. Calf-worship was specially practiced at Bethel, where was a principal temple and summer palace for the king (vii. 13; cf. iii. 15), also at Gilgat, Dan, and Beersbeba in Judah (iv. 4, v. 5, viii. 14), and was offensively united with the true worship of the Lord (v. 14, 21-23; cf. 2 K. xvii. 33). Amos went to rebuke this at Bethel itself, but was compelled to return to Judah by the high-priest Amaxiah, who procured from Jeroboam an order for his expulsion ftcm the northern kingdom."

    The book of the prophecies of Amos seems di- i*ided into four principal portions closely connected together. (1) Krom i. I to ii. 3 he denounces the sins of the nations bordering on Israel and Judah, as a preparation for (2), in which, from U. 4 to vi. 14, he describes the state of those two kingdoms, especially the former. This is followed by (3), vii. 1-ix. 10, in which, after reflecting on the previous prophecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and sketches the impending punishment of Israel which be pre- dicted to Amaxiah. After this, in (4), be rises to i loftier and more evangelical strain, looking for- ward to the time when the hope of the Messiah's Kingdom will be fulfilled, and His people forgiven and established in the enjoyment of God's blessings to all eternity. The chief peculiarity of the style consists in the numlier of allusions to natural ob- jects and agricultural occupations, as might be ,xpected from the earlv life of the author. See 1. 3, ii. 13, iii. 4, 5, iv. i, 7, !), v. 8, 19, vi. 12, vii. 1, is. 3, 9, 13, 14. The book presupposes a popular ac- quaintance with the Pentateuch (see Hengstenberg, BeitrSge air Kinltitung in* AUe T filament, i. 83-125), and implies that the ceremopies of religion, except where corrupted by Jeroboam I., were in ircordancc with the law of Hoses. The references ,, it in the New Testament are two: v. 25, 26, 27

    n 'Tow* was a later Jewish tradition, says Stanley, " that he was beaten and wounded by the Indignant aJsrerehy of Bethel and carried back half dead to his satin place— the att* which such a rough, plain-spoken


    is quoted by St. Stephen in Acta vii. 43, and ix. II by St- James in Acts xv. 18. Aa the book is eri- dently not a series of detached prophecies, but log- ically and artistically connected in its several parts, it was probably written by Amos as we now have it after his return to Tekoah from hi* mission U Bethel. (See Ewald, P -ophcten da Allen Bmtdet, i. 84 ff.) G. E. L. a

    * Among the later commentators on Amos may be mentioned J. A. Iheiner, Klein. Prcpheten, 1828; Hitxig, Kltm. Piqpk.erkUrt,im,3eAvA. 1863; Maurer, Com, Gram. But OH. in Prop* Minora, 1840; Ewald, Prop*, d. Allen Bunda. 1840; Umbrdt, Pratt Com, iber die Praph, TV. i., 1844; Henderson, Minor Prophet*, Lond. 1845, Amer. ed. 1860; Baur, Dtr Proph, Amot erkl,rt, 1847; and Pusey, Minor Prophet*, 1861. Then is a rapid but graphic sketch of the contents of the prophecy, as well as of the career of the prophet, by Stanley (Jewuh Church, ii. 396 ff. Amer. ed.). For a list of the older writers and their character- istics, the reader is referred to Baur's EMeittmg to his commentary named above (pp. 149-162).


    2. CApaff : Amot.) Son of Naum, in the gen- ealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 25). W.A.W.

    ATWOZ (V'l~y : 'KpAs :Amot), father of the prophet Isaiah (9 K. six. 2, 90, xx. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 90, 32; b. i. 1, ii. 1, xiii. 1, xx. 3 [xxxvii. 2, 21, xxxviii. 1.]

    AMPHIP'OLISfApd,rroAis: Amphyolii), a city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas passed in their way from Philippi to Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). It was distant 33 Roman miles from Philippi (Itin. Anion, p. 320). It was called Am- phipolis, because the river Strymon flowed almost round the town (Thuc. iv. 102). It stood upon an eminence on the left or eastern bank of this river, just below its egress from the lake Cercinitis, and at the distance of about three miles from the sea. It was a colony of the Athenians, and waa memor- able in the Peloponnesian war for the battle fought under its walls, in which both Hraaidas and Cleon were killed (Thuc. v. 6-1 1 ). Its site is now occu- pied by a village called Neokhdrio, in Turkish Jeni- Keui. or " New-Town."

    • The reader will notice from the wood-cut (taken from Cousinfry) the singular position of this apos- tolic place. Ntolchdrio is the modern Greek N««- Xtbpiov. Though the name is changed, the identi- fication is undoubted, since the position answers so perfectly to the ancient name and to the notices of ancient writers (^w* ifup,ripa wepipVitorror to» XrpvpdW, Thuc. iv. 102). CousinCry inserts a plan of the ruins still found on the spot in his Voyage dan* Macedoine (i. 134), among which are parts of the city wall, symbolic figures, inscriptions, tumuli, Ac See also Leake's Northern Greece, iii. 181 ff. At the point here where Paul crossed the Strymon on his mission of philanthropy (^ AiAar- t,pcewla. rov cttrfipos qu£r Otov, Tit. iii. 4), Xerxes, on his invasion of Greece, " offered a sacrifice of white bones to the river, and buried alive nine youths and maidens." See Herod, vii. 113, 114 and Rawlinson's note there. It was not till after the great sacrifice on Golgotha that human aacri-

    preaeher would naturally Invite ; and it would almost seem as if faint allusions to It transpire in mors tha.' one place in the N. T." (eomp. Beb. x, 86; Hatf an 86). See Jiwiat Church, II. 400, Ana ed. H

    Digitized by






    ices ceased generally, even among the Gieeks mid Romans. See I .asaulx's interesting monograph en- titled Sulctto,iJ'cr der Grieclien u. Romer «. ihr Verhattniss zu dem Einem auf Golgotha (tr. in the Biiil. Sacra, i. 368-408). For the classical interest of Amphipolis, the reader is referred to Grote's History of Greece, vi. 625 ff., and Arnolds 7'Aw- tyil'ules, ii. (at the end). [Apollonia.] H.

    AM'PLIAS ('A,iirAfat, [I-ichm. inarg. Sin. AKG, 'ApTtkiaTof. Ampliatiuf]), a Christian at Rome [whom Paul salutes and terms his " beloved ill the Ix,rd "] (Rom. xvi. 8).

    AMTtAM (CTpV [people of the exalted, i. e. God]: 'Ap,pdp, ['Appip; Vat. in Ex. vi. 2(1, ApHpav'.] Antrum). 1. A Levite, father of Moses, Aaron, and Miriam (Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. iii. 19. [xxvi. 58, 59; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 18, xxiii. 12, 13, xxiv. 20]). R. W. B.

    2. Cl^On: 'E M epci»; Alex. Apata ; [Aid. 'Apatdp; Corap. 'AjuaSdV:] Humram.) Properly Hamran or ( 'hamran ; son of Dishon and descend- ant of Orl (1 Chr. i. 41). In Gen. xxxvi. 2« he is called Hkmdan, and this is the reading in 1 Chr. in many of Kenuicott's MSS.

    3. (,,9633;-J^V: 'Appip; [Vat. Apapu;] Alex. hpfSpap'- Arnram.) One of the sons of Bani, in the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Eur. x. 34). Called Omakkxs in 1 Esdr. ix. 31.

    AM'RAMITES, THE 0^-pV : ,', A M - m(u, o 'ApPpip; Alex, o Ap.,paap, o Appapi: Amramita). A branch of the great Kohathite family of the tribe of Levi (Num. iii. 27; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23); descended from Amran., the father of Moses. W. A. V.

    AM'KAPHEL (^^ES : A pap,pdK: 4m- •vphet), perhaps a Hamite king of Shinar or Baby- onia, who joined the victorious incursion of the Qunite Chedorlaomer against the kings of Sodom . ind Gomorrah and the cities of the plain (Gen. . dr. 1.9). The meaning of the name is uncertain; ,

    some have connected it with the Sanskrit aiimra- pain, "the guardian of the immortals." (Conip.

    Uawlinson's Herodotus, i. 146.)

    S. L.

    AMULETS were ornaments, gems, scrolls, Ac, worn as preservatives against the power of en- chantments, and generally inscribed with mystic forms or characters. The "ear-rings" in Gen.

    xxxv. 4 (D N p*3 : eYu'na: inaures) were obvi- ously connected with idolatrous worship, and were probably amulets taken from the bodies of the slain Shechemites. They are subsequently mentioned among the spoils of Midian (Judg. viii. 21), and jierhaps their objectionable character was the reason why Gideon asked for them. Again, in Hos. ii. 13, "decking herself with ear-rings" is mentioned as one of the signs of the "days of Baalim."

    Hence in Chaldee an ear-ring is called Stt ,, ^w.

    But amulets were more often worn round the neck, like the golden bulla or leather lonim of the Roman boys. Sometimes they were precious stones, sup|,osed to be endowed with peculiar virtues. In the " Mirror of stones " the strangest properties are attributed to the amethyst, Klnoeetus, Alectoria, Ceraunium, ,c. ; and Pliny, talking of succina, says " Infantibus alligari amuleti ratione prodest " (xxxvii. 12, s. 37). They were generally suspended as the centre-piece of a necklace, and among the Egytians often consisted of the emblems of va» rious deities, or the symbol of truth and justice ("Thmei"). A gem of this kind, formed of sap- phires, was worn by the chief judge of x^gypt (Diod. i. 48, 75), and a similar one is represented as worn by the youthful deity Harpovratcs (Wilkinson, An. Egypt, iii. 364). The Arabs hang round theii children's necks the figure of an open hand ; a cus- tom which, according to Shaw, arises from the un- luckiness of the number 5. This principle is often found in the use of amulets. Thus the basilisk is constantly ensrraved on the tauamanic scanboi of Egypt, and according to Jahn (^4rcA. BibL § 131.

    Engl, tr.), the - ,f "nH of It. Hi. 91, wen «n»

    Digitized by




    ,,9632;ra of serpents carried in the hand " (mora prob- »bly worn in the ears) " by Hebrew women." The*

    word is derived from tPrO, tibilatit, and means both " enchantments " (of. Is. iii. 3), and the mag- ical gems and formularies used to avert them (Gesso. «. r.)- It is doubtful whether the LXX. intends repiStyia as a translation of this word ; " pro voce wepiS, nihil est in textu Hebraieo" (Schleusner's Thtmui-us). For a like reason the phallus was among the sacred emblems of the Vestals (Did. of Ant., art. '• Fascinum ")•

    'Hie commonest amulets were sacred words (the tetragranininton, Ac.) or sentences, written in a pe- culiar manner, or inscribed in some cabalistic figure like the shield of David, called also Solomon's Seal. Another form of this figure is the pratanele (or pentack, r. Scott's •da,tyuory), which '• coi.nistn of three triangles intersected, and made of five lines, which may be so set forth with the body of man as to touch and point out the places where our Saviour was wounded " (Sir Thos. Brown's Vulg. Error*, i. 10). Under this head fall the 'EdxVio ypdfiftara (Acts xix. 19), and in later times the Abraxic gems of the Basilidians; and the use of the word " Ab- racadabra," recommended by the physician Serenus Samonicus as a cure of the hemitritieus. The same physician prescribes for quartan ague

    " Mkodjjo niados quartum suppone timeoti."

    Charms "consisting of words written on folds of papyrus tightly rolled up and sewed in linen," have been found at Thebes (Wilkinson, I. c), and our English translators possibly intended something of the kind when they rendered the curious phrase

    (in Is. iii.) B?9?n "fia by "tablets." It was the danger of idolatrous practices arising from a


    1© : i,,y r G,,,-**,,

    Amulet Modem Bjyptum. (From Lane's Modem


    knowledge of this custom that probably induced the sanction of the use of phylacteries (Deut. vi.

    8: xL 18, rV1~rjV'). The modern Arabs use scraps of the Koran (which they call "telesmes " or " alakakirs ") in the same way.

    A very large class of amulets depended for then- value on their being constructed under certain as- tronomical conditions. Their most general use was to avert ill-luck, Ac., especially to nullify the effect of the ,xpSaXftbt ,a,,rKat,ot, a belief in which is found among all nations. The Jews were partic- ularly addicted to them, and the only restriction placed by the Kabbis on their use was, that none tut approved amulets («'. e. such as were known to nave cured three persons) were to be worn on the Sabbath (Mghtfbot's Bar. Btbr. in Matt xxiv. 24). It was thought that they kept off the evil spirits vho caused disease. Some animal substances were xmsidered to possess such properties, as we see from Ibblt. Puny (xxviii. 47) mentions a fox's tongue Mm on an amulet as a charm against blear eyes,

    AX AH

    and says (xxx. 15) " Scarabeorum annua alligats amuleti naturam obtinent; " perhaps an Egyptian fancy. In the same way one of the Roman em- perors wore a seal-akin as a charm against thunder Among plants, the white bryony and the Hypericon, or Fuga Dtemcnam, are mentioned as useful (Sit T. Brown, Vulg. Error*, i. 10. He attributes the whole doctrine of amulets to the devil, but still throws out a hint that they may work by "im- ponderous and invisible emissions "),,9632;

    Amulets are still conuuun. On the Hod. Egyp- tian " Hegab " see Lane, Hod. Egypt, c. 11, and on the African "pieces of medicine," a belief in which constitutes half the religion of the Africans, see Livingstone's Travels, p. 285, tt patrim. [Tebaphim; Tausman.] F. W. F.

    AM'ZI ("irtiy lUrong]: 'AfMTtrla; [Vat. -ovi-] Alex. Maf,ra-ia: Amatol). L A Levite of the family of Herari, and ancestor of Ethan the minstrel (1 Cbr. vi. 46).

    8. ('A,uurl [Vat. -v«i] : Attm.) A priest, whose descendant Adaiah with his brethren did the ser- vice for the Temple in the time of Kehemiah (Neb. xi. 13). W. A. W.

    ATSAB (3^? [grapt-town, Gesen.] : 'AxoJ3«W, 'Arif, Alex. Atw,3: [Anab]), a town in the mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 60), named, with Debir and Hebron, as once belonging to the Ana- kim (Josh. xi. SI). It has retained its ancient name ['Anib], and lies among the hills about 10 miles S. S. W. of Hebron, close to Sboco and Eshtemoa (Rob. i. 494). The conjecture of Eus. and Jerome (Onom. Anob, Anab) is evidently inad- missible. G.

    AN'AEL CAvo^x). The brother of Tobit (Tob. L 21).

    ATSAH (H33? [perb. antuxrmg, 1. e. a re- qwt] ; 'a«[; [Gen. xxxvi. 24, Alex. Omsi 1 Chr. i. 40, 41, Rom. SvydV, Alex. Hvoui, Ana'-] Ana), the sou of Zibeon, the son of Seir, the Horite (Gen. xxxii. 20. 24), and father of Aholibamah, one of the wives of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14). We are no doubt thus to understand the text with Winer, Heng- stenberg, Tuch, Knobel, and many others, though the Hebrew reads " Aholibamah, daughter of Anah,

    daughter of Zibeon (pSay-Tia nSV-nS);" nor is there any necessity to correct the reading In accordance with the Sam., which has ]2 instead of the second ilS ; it is better to refer the second

    Ha to Aholibamah instead of to its immediate antecedent Anah. The word is thus used in the wider sense of descendant (here granddaughter), as it is apparently again in this chapter, v. 39. We may further conclude with Hengstenberg (PttU. ii. 280; Eng. transl. ii. 229) that the Anah mentioned amongst the sons of Seir in v. 20 in connection with Zibeon, is the same person as is here rcferrwi to, and is therefore the grandson of Sen*. The in- tention of the genealogy plainly is not so much to give the lineal descent of the Seirites as to enum- erate those descendants who, being heads of tribes, came into connection with the Edomites. It wo-ild thus appear that Anah, from whom Esau's wife sprang, was the head of a tribe independent of hii father, and ranking on an equality wit*- that tribe. Several difficulties occur in regard to the race ,uw name of Anah Br his dement from Seir he is

    Digitized by



    Horitc [which see] (Gen. xxxvi. 30), whilst in r. i he is called a Hivite, and again in the narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34) he is called lieeri the Hittite. Hengstenberg's explanation of the first of these difficulties is far-fetched ; and it is more probable

    that the word Hivite O'l.nn) is a mistake of tran- scribers for Horite O^nn). With regard to the identification of Anah the Horite with Beeri the Hittite, see Beehi. F. W. G.

    ,,9830;In Gen. xxxvi. 24 (A. V.), we .read: " This was that Anah that found the mules in the wilder- ness, as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father."

    The word D'O* is here rendered mules, according to the Jewish explanation (Targ. of Jonathan, the Talmud, Saadias, Rabbinic commentators), followed in Luther's and other modern versions. With this

    rendering of 2" , Q^, the statement is altogether in- significant, unless SVO is taken (as by the Tal- mudist) in the sense of invent, as in Luther's ver- sion; meaning that Anah found out the way of producing mules, by coupling animals of different species. But this sense the Hebrew word will not bear. The explanation is evidently drawn from the connection merely, without any support from ety- mology. Equally baseless is the interpretation in the Targ. of Onkelos, and the Samaritan Codex,

    taking U'LjJ in the sense of giant* (as if =

    CraS, Deut. ii. 11).

    Another and probably older exegetical tradition, transmitted through Jerome and the Vulgate, ren- ders 2 s p* by icarm springs (Vulgate aquas cali- dns). This has the support of etymology (Gesenius, Thes., CV), as well as of the ancient tradition, and is corroborated by the frequent occurrence of warm springs in the region referred to, as observed both bv ancient writers and by modern travellers."

    T. J. C.

    ANAHA'RATH (n^TOS [hollow way or pass, Fiirst]: 'Araxfo^fli [Alex. Appavtf: Ana- karath]). a place within the border of lasachar, named with Shichon and Kabbith (Josh. xix. lfl). Nothing is yet known of it. G.

    * Some think it may be the present Araneh, near the foot of Gillioa, about 2 miles east of Jenin (En- Itannim). See Zeller's Bibl. Worlerb. p. 60, 2te Aufl. Robinson mentions the place twice (ii. 316, 319), but does not suggest the identification. H.

    ANA'IAH [3 syL] (PPJV : 'Amvlas; [Vat. M- Avovia:! Ania). 1. Probably a priest; one of those who stood on Ezra's right hand as he read the Law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). He is called Amaxias in 1 Esdr. ix. 43.

    2. ('Arafo: [Vat. Aeaeaia; Aid. 'AKovfoO Anajn.) One of the "heads" ci the people, who igned the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 22).

    w. A. w.

    ATiAK.. [Anakjm.]

    ANAKIM (a"|73V : ,,9632; E « uc f M , [Vat -„, M , ,,9632;id so Alex, in Dent. :] Enactm), a race of giants (so



    « • It may hare been from the discovery of these firings as tlengetenberg suggests, that Anah received the other name which he bore, namely, Bust, ,,9632;,,9632; of HUs," «- ',,9632; » maa concerned with them. 8» ado I (ftwofeue*, 1. 100). H.

    called either from their stature (longicolli,', Gesen.), or their strength (Kiirst), (the root p27 being identical with our word neck), descendants of Arl.a (J jsh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling in the southern part of Canaan, and particularly at Hebron, which from

    their progenitor received the name of 373~1S i"Vir?i city of Arba. Besides the general designation An- akim, tlief are variously called P3V ^Z!2, sons of Anak (Num. xhi. 33), ^3Vn *3TyrJ, descendants

    of Anak (Num. xiii. 22), and D'fMJ *2,, sons of Anakim [LXX. m'ol ,,9632;yiyimuiv] (Deut. i. 28). These designations serve to show that we must re- gard Anak as the name of the race rather thin that of an individual, and this is confirmed by what la said of Arba, their progenitor, that he "was a great man among the Anakim " (Josh. xiv. 15). The race appears to have been divided into three tribes or families, bearing the names Sheshai, Ahi- man, and Tain mi. Though the warlike appearance of the Anakim had struck the Israelites with ter- ror in the time of Moses (Num. xiii. 28; Deut. ix. 2), they were nevertheless dispossessed by Joshua, and utterly driven from the land, except a small remnant that found refuge in the Philistine cities, Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod (Josh. xi. 21). 'Then- chief city, Hebron, became the possession of Caleb, who is said to have driven out from it the three sons of Anak mentioned above, that is, the three families or tribes of the Anakim (Josh. xv. 14, Judg. i. 20). After this time they vanish from history." F. W. G.

    AN'AMIM (a" 1 !??? : Mnpm^l [Alex, in Gen. AiyeyufTtci,u, in 1 Chr. Ara,ui,au: Comp. in 1 Chr. AiVoui'u; 7 MSS. 'Ayo,il,iO Anamim), a Mizraite people or tribe, respecting the settlements of which nothing certain is known (Gen. x. 13; I Chr. i. 11). Judging from the position of the other Mizraite peoples, as far as it has been deter- mined, this one probably occupied some part of Egypt, or of the adjoining region of Africa, or pos- sibly of the south-west of Palestine. No name bearing any strong resemblance to Anamim hai been pointed out in the geographical lists of the Egyptian monuments, or in classical or modern geography. [The name may be Egyptian and refer to the region of the tribe. Gcs., Fiirst.] K. S. P.

    ANAM'MELECH [,7e6reio Anammelech]

    OH ??3S : 'AnwteAf'x : [Alex, hfunufhtx; Aid. 'Kvtixthix '1 An,imelech), one of the idols wor- shipped by the colonists introduced into Samaria from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31 ). He was wor- shipped with rites resembling those of Moloch, children being burnt in his honor, and is the com- panion-god to AnuAMMKLECii. As Adrammelech is the male power of the sun, so Anammelech it the female power of the sun (Rawlinson's Hervdo- tus, i. 611). The etymology of the word is un certain. Rawlinson connects it with the name Anutiit. Gesenius derives the name from words meaning idol and king, but Reland ( d* vet. ting. Pers. ix.) deduces the first part of it from the Persian word for grief. Winer advocates a deriva- tion connecting the idol with the constellation Ce-

    b • The A. V. adds J to this name, adkd thus nudul it (Anakhns) doubly plural, as In the ease of Kmim, Cherubim, aoif similar term*. EL

    Digitized by




    pheus, some of the ,,9632;tan in which are called by the Arab* " the ahepherd and the sheep."

    G. E. L. C.

    AlfAN (]3y [o cloud]: H»a,, Alex. [Comp.] 'H»aV: ^nan). 1. One of the "heads" of the people, who signed the covenant with Nehe- mlah (Neh. x. 26).

    2. ('AydV; Alex. Ay ray- Anani.) Hanan 4 (1 Eedr. v. 30; comn. Ezr. it 46). W. A. W.

    ANA'NI ("93,*? [Jehovah protects]: 'Awfe-i [Vat Mavci;j a^x. Avon: Anani). The sev- enth son of Elioeuai, descended through Zerub- babel from the line royal of Judah (1 Cbr. iii. 24).

    W. A. W.

    ANANI'AH (rrjay [whom Jehovah pro- tect*]: 'Araria'- Ananias). Probably a priest; wcestor of Azariah, who assisted in rebuilding tbe city wall after the return from Babylon (Neh. iii. 23). W. A. W.

    ANANI'AH (r^?35 [whom Jehovah pro- iiclt]), a place, named between Nob and Hazor, in which the Benjamites lived after their return from captivity (Neh. xi. 32). The LXX. [in most MSS.] omit* all mention of this and the accompanying names [but Comp. has 'Aria, and FA* Aroma].


    ANANI' AS (~;???, or f"P33n [Jehovah it gracious] : 'Aravlai). L A high-priest in Acta xxUi. 2 ft*, xxiv. 1, [before wbom Paul attempted to defend himself, in the Jewish Council at Jerusa- lem, but was silenced with a blow on the mouth for asserting that he had always " lived in all good conscience before God." See, in regard to that incident, Paul]. He was the sou of Nebedsus (Joseph. AnL xx. S, § 2), succeeded Joseph son of Camydus (Ant. xx. 1, § 3, 5, § 2), and preceded Iamael son of Phabi (AnL xx. 8, §§ 8, 11). He was nominated to the office by Herod king of Chal- cis, in A. D. 48 (Ant. xx. 5, § 2); and in A. D. 52 sent to Rome by the prefect Ummidius Quadratus to answer before tbe Emperor Claudius a charge of oppression brought by the Samaritans (AnL xx. 6, § 2). He appears, however, not to have lost his office, but to have resumed it on his return. This has been doubted ; but Wieseler ( ChronoL d. Apos- tol ZeiUdttrs, p. 76, note) has shown that it was to in all probability, seeing that the procurator Cu- mulus, who went to Rome with him as his adver- sary, was unsuccessful, and was condemned to ban- ishment. He was deposed from his office shortly before Felix left the province (AnL xx. 8, § 8; but still had great power, which he used violently and lawlessly (AnL xx. 9, § 2). He was at last ataas- linated by the Sicarii (B. J. ii. 17, § 9) at the be- ginning of the last Jewish war.

    2. A disciple at Jerusalem, husband of Sapphira (Ajta v. 1 ff.). Having sold his goods for the eneflt of tbe church, he kept back a part of the ,irioe, bringing to the apostles the remainder, as if it were the whole, his wife also being privy to the scheme. St. Peter, being enabled by the power of the Spirit to see through the fraud, denounced him as having lied to the Holy Ghost, i. e. having at- tempted to pass upon the Spirit resident in the ipostlx an act of deliberate deceit. On hearing this, Ananias fell down and expired. That this Incident was no mere physical eonsequenee of St. Peter's severity of tone, as some of the German nttera hare maintained, distinctly appears by the


    direct sentence of a similar death pronooued by the same apostle upon his wife Sapphira a few hoars after. [Sapphika.] It is of course possible thai Ananias's death may have been an act of divins justice unlooked for by the apostle, as there is no mention of such an intended result in his speech ; but in the case of the wife, such an idea is out of the question. Niemeyer ( Charakteristik der Bibel i. 574) has well stated the case as regards the blame which some have endeavored to cast on St. Peter in this matter, when he says that not man, but God, is thus animadverted on. Tbe apostle is but the organ and announcer of the divine justice, which wss pleased by this act of deserved severity to protect tbe morality of the infant church, and strengthen its power for good.

    3. A Jewish disciple at Damascus (Acts ix. 10 ff.), of high repute, "a devout man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews which dwelt there" (Acts xxii. 12). Being ordered by the Lord in a vision, he sought out Saul during the period of blindness and dejection which followed his conversion, and announced to him his future com- mission as a preacher of the Gospel, conveying to him at the same time, by the laying on of his hands, the restoration of sight, and commanding him to arise, and be baptized, and wash away his sins, calling on the name of the Lord. Tradition makes him to have been afterwards bishop of Damascus, and to have died by martyrdom ( Men- clog. Orascorum, I. 79 f.). " H. A.

    ANANIAS CArrfo; [Vat Arrcu;] Alex. Ar- riat;] Aid. 'Arvwlas'-] Ananias). L The sons of Ananias to the number of 101 (Vulg. 130) enu- merated in 1 Esdr. v. 16 as having returned with Zorobabd. No such name exists in the parallel lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.

    2. ('Arm-las'- om. in Vulg.) Hanani 3 (1 Esdr. ix. 21 ; oomp. Ear. x. 20).

    3. (Ananias.) Hanajniah 9 (1 Esdr. ix. 29; comp. Ezr. x. 88).

    4. (Ananias.) Axaiah 1 (1 Esdr. ix. 43; comp. Neh. viii. 4).

    6. ['Avavlas; Vat. Arvua] Hanam 5 (1 Esdr. ix. 48; comp. Neh. viii. 7).

    6. Father of Azarias, whose name was assumed by the angel Raphael (Tob. v. 12, 13). In the LXX. be appears to be the eldest brother of Tobit.

    7. (Jamnor.) Ancestor of Judith (Jud. viii. 1). The Cod. Sin. [with Alex.] gives Araruu, though the Vat. MS. omits the name.

    8. ('Aroriot: Ananias.) Shadrach (Song of •I Ch. 66; 1 Mace ii. 59). [Haxakiau 7.]

    ,,9632;VT. AW. ANAN1EL OArorriJA; AnaHst n forefather of Tobias (Tob. i 1).

    A'NATH {."135 [aw-*-, i. e. to prayer]: Aivrfxi 'Awlfl; [Vat. L«u«X; Aratfcr; Alex. Arat, Kt vat):] Anath), lather of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 31, v.6).

    AN ATH'EMA (irdBtna, in LXX., the equiv alent for D"",P, a thing or person devoted: in JS. T. generally translated accursed. The more usual form is IwAthma (lurarUhuu), with the sense of an offering suspended in a temple (Luke xxi. 5; ! Mace. ix. 16). The Alexandrine writers preferred the short penultimate in this and other kindred words (e. g. cVfttaio, ovrStua); but occasi on al ly both forms occur in the MSS., as in Jed. xri 19 l2Maocxiii. 16; Iukexxi.5: no dlitinchv 'Jer*

    Digitized by



    fore existed originally in the meanings ,f the words, as has been supposed by many early writers. The

    Hebrew D~?n is derived from a verb signifying primarily to ihut up, and hence to (1) rontecrate or devoir, and (2) exterminate. Any object so de- voted to the Ixird was irredeemable : if an inanimate object, it was to be given to the priests (Num. xviii. 14); if a living creature or even a man, it was to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 28, S9)j hence the idea of extermination as connected with devoting. Generally speaking, a vow of this description was taken only with respect to the idolatrous nations who were marked out for destruction by the special decree of Jehovah, as in Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 17 ; but occasionally the vow was made indefinitely, and involved the death of the innocent, as is illustrated in the cases of Jephthah's daughter (Judg. xi. 31), and Jonathan 1 Sam. xiv. 24) who was only saved by the interposition of the people. The breach of such a vow on the part of any one di- rectly or indirectly participating in it was punished with death (Josh. vii. 25)- In addition to these cases of spontaneous devotion on the part of indi- viduals, the word D^TI is frequently applied to the

    extermination of idolatrous nations : in such cases the idea of a vow appears to be dropped, and the word assumes a purely secondary sense (^o,,o8pevtu, I.W.I: or, if the original meaning is still to he retained, it may be in the sense of Jehovah (Is. xxxiv. 2) sliutting up, i. e. placing under a ban, and so necessitating the destruction of them, in order to prevent all contact. The extermination being the result of a positive command (Ex. xxii. 20), the idea of a vow is excluded, although doubt- less the instances already referred to (Num. xxi. 2; Josh. vi. 17) show how a vow was occasionally superadded to the command. It may be further noticed that the degree to which the work of de- struction was carried out, varied. Thus it applied to the destruction of (1) men alone (Deut. xx. 13); (2) men, women, and children (Dent. ii. 31); (3) virgins excepted (Num. xxxi. 17; Judg. xxi. 11); (4) all living creatures (l)eut. xx. 1G; 1 Sam. xv. 3); the spoil in the former cases was reserved for the use of the army (Deut. ii. 35, xx. 14; Josh, xxii. 8), instead of being given over to the priest- hood, as was the case in the recorded vow of Joshua (Josh. vi. III.) Occasionally the town itself was utterly destroyed, the site rendered desolate (Josh. vi. 26), and the name Hormah ('AyiSe,xa, LXX.) applied to it (Num. xxi. 3).

    We pass on to the Rabbinical sense of Q"^rT as referring to excommunication, premising that an approximation to that sense is found in Ezr. x. 8. where forfeiture of goods is coupled with separation from the congregation. Three degrees of excom- munication are enumerated (1) * 1"T ), Involving va- rious restrictions in civil and ecclesiastical matters for the space of 30 days : to this it is supposed that the terms a,popi(,ttv (Luke vi. 22) and Ajrocruva- yuryos (John fab 22) refer. (2) 0~)H, a more pub-

    te and formal sentence, accompanied with curses tad involving severer restrictions for an indefinite



    " There are some variations in the orthography if this name, both in Hebrew and the A. V., which nun be noticed. 1 . Hebrew : In 1 K. ii. 26, and Jei .

    axil. 9, it Is nfW, and similarly in 2 Sam. xalll.

    period. (3) SHOtT, rarely, if ever, used — eo»n-

    plete and irrevocable excommunication. E3~]n was occasionally used in a generic sense for any of the three (Carpzov. Apjxir. p. 557). Some expos- itors refer the terms iyeiStfcti, xal itcH,Wfii' (Luke vi. 22) to the second species, but a comparison of John ix. 22 with 34 shows that sV-fjaA ,,tu, is synon- ymous with an nTuvcLywyin 1 ttotuv, and there ap- pears no reason for supposing the latter to be of a severe character.

    The word aviBefta frequently occurs in St. Paul's writing [five times], and many expositors have re- garded his use of it as a technical term for judicial excommunication. That the word was so used in the early Church, there can be no doubt (Bingham, Anth,. xvi. 2, § 16); but an examination of the passages in which it occurs shows tiiat, like the cognate word avaBeuarlfa (Matt. xxvi. 74; Mark xiv. 71 ; Acts xxiii. 12, 21), it had acquired a more general sense as expressive either of strong feeling (Rom. ix. 3; cf. Ex. xxxii. 32), or of dislike and condemnation (1 Cor. xii. 3, xvi. 22; Gal. i. 8, 9)

    W. L. B.

    AN'ATHOTH (."OTlJJj [see Mm]: 'Av aSiiB: Anathotli). 1. Son of Becher, a son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8), probably the founder of the place of the same name.

    2. One of the heads of the people, who signed the covenant in the time of Nelicmiah (Neh. x. 19) ; unless, as is not unlikely, the name stands for " the men of Anathoth " enumerated in Neh. vii. 27

    W. A. W.

    AN'ATHOTH (."Tin;]?, « possibly = echoes [or inclinations, declivity, Dietr.] ; plur. of

    ,,9632;^3?, by which name the place is called in the Talmud, Jama, p. 10: 'Ava,t,d~- Anathoth), a city of Beiuamin, omitted from the list in Josh, xviii., but a priests' city ; with "suburbs" (Josh. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 60 (45)). Hither, to his "fields," Abi- athar was banished by Solomon after the failure of his attempt to put Adonijah on the throne (1 K. ii. 26). This was the native place of Abiezer, one of David's 30 captains (2 Sara, xxiii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12), and of Jehu, another of the mighty men (1 Chr. xii. 3); and here, "of the priests that were in Anathoth," Jeremiah was bom (Jcr. i. 1; xi. 21, 23; xxix. 27; xxxii. 7, 8, 9).

    The "men " (*tT3S not ,,33. as in most of the other cases; corap. however, Netophah, Michmash, Ac.) of Anathotli returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 23; Neh. vii. 27; 1 Esdr. v. 18.)

    Anathoth lay on or near the great road from the north to Jerusalem (Is. x. 30); by Eusebius it In placed at three miles from the city ({Mom.), and by Jerome (turris Awithoth) at the same distance contra septentrionem Jerusalem {ad Jerem. cap. i.). The traditional site at Knriet tUEnab does not ful- fill these conditions, being 10 miles distant from the city, and nearer W, thai N. But the real position has no doubt been a. x,vered by Robinson at 'Andta, on a broad riage 1 hour N.N.E. from Jerusalem. The cultivation of the priest* survives

    27, '"llp^n. 2. English: Anethothlte, 2 Sam xxiii. 27; Anetothite, 1 Chr. xxvii. 12; Antothitt-, 1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 8. "Jeremiah of A.," Itr xxii T should be. "J. the AnathottUte."

    Digitized by




    in tilled Adds of grain, with figs ud olivet. There ,,9658;re the remains of walla and atrong foundations, and the quarries still supply Jerusalem with build- ing stone (Rob. i. 437, 488). G.

    * The present An,ta is a little hamlet of 12 or IS houses, where, as of old on roofs of this humble class, the grass still grows on the house-tops; the striking image of the Hebrew writers (Ps. cxxix. 6, 7, and Is. xxrrii. 37) of man's immaturity and frailty. The 100 1,auter in Beaser's Bibl WSrtb. p. 61, should certainly be 100 inhabitants (or less), and not " houses." It is worth remarking, too, that porta of the Dead Sea and its dismal scenery are distinctly visible from this ancient home of the puisne, heart-burdened Jeremiah. Dr. Wilson {Lamb of the Bible, i. 483) represents Anita as within sight from the Mount of Olives. H.

    ANCHOR. [Ship.]

    ANDREW, St. CA»ojw'a»: Andre-u; the name Andreas occurs in Greek writers ; e. g. Athen. Tii. 312, and zr. 675; it is found in Dion Cass. Ixriii. 32, as the name of a Cyrenian Jew, in the reign of Trajan), one among the first called of the Apostles of our Lord (John i. 40, 41; Matt iv. 18); brother (whether elder or younger is uncer- tain) of Simon Peter (ibid.). He was of Beth- aaida, and had been a disciple of John the Baptist On hearing Jesus a second time designated by him as the I -amb of God, he left his former master, and iu company with another of John's disciples at- tached himself to our Lord. By his means his brother Simon was brought to Jesus (John i. 41 ). The apparent discrepancy in Matt. iv. 18 ff. Mark iii. 16 ff., where the two appear to have been called together, is no real one, St. John relating the first introduction of the brothers to Jesus, the other Evangelists their formal call to follow Him in his ministry. In toe catalogue of the Apostles, An- drew appears, in Matt. x. 2, Luke vi. 14, second, next after his brother Peter; but in Mark iii. 16, Acts i. 13, fourth, next after the three, Peter, James, and John, and in company with Philip. And this appears to have been his real place of dig- nity among the apostles; for in Mark xiii. 3, we find I'eter, James, John, and Andrew, inquiring privately of our Lord about His coming; and in John xii. 22, when certain Greeks wished for an interview with Jesus, they applied through Andrew, who consulted Philip, and in company with him made the request known to our Lord. This last circumstance, conjoined with the Greek character of both their names, may perhaps point to some slight shade of Hellenistic connection on the part jf the two apostles; though it is extremely improb- able that any of the Twelve were Hellenists in the rper sense. On the occasion of the fire thousand the wilderness wanting nourishment, it is An- drew who points out the little lad with the five barley loaves and the two fishes. Scripture relates nothing of him beyond these scattered notices. Except in the catalogue (i. 13), his name does not Xcur once in the Acts. The traditions about him are various Eusebius (iii. 1) makes him preach in Scythia; Jerome (Ep. 148, ad Marc.) and The-

    « * It Is evident from Mark i. 29 that Andrew as well » Peter lived at Capernaum at the tune of Christ's sealing the mother-in-law of the latter. At that time {according to the best scheme of harmony) a year or nore had elapsed since Jeeus had called the brothers to be bis disciples at Bethany beyond the Jordan (John I. 28, 41 ff.). It b to be Inferred that, during this ln-


    odoret (ad PtaJbn. cxvi.), in Achaia (Greece); Nl cephorus (ii. 89), in Asia Minor and Thrace. He it said to have been crucified at Paine in Achaia, or. a ena decuaata (X); but this is doubted by Lip- sins (de Cruet, i. 7), and Sagittarius (de Crudati- but Martyrum, viii. 12). Eusebius (,,. £. iii. 25; speaks of an apocryphal Acts of Andrew; and Epiphanius (,far. xlvi. 1) states that the Encra- tites accounted it among their principal Scriptures; and (briii. 2) he says the same of the Origeniani. (See Fabric. Cod. Apoer. i. 456 ff. [Tiachendorf, Acta Apost. Apoc p. xl. ff., 105 ff.] Menolog. Grot- cor. i. 221 f. ; Perion. ViL ApottcL L 82 ff.)

    H. A. ANDRONI'CUS ('Ar*p«Woi ["son of vic- tory]). ,,. An officer left as viceroy (StaSexi,ifros, 2 Mace. iv. 81) in Antioch by Antiochus Epiphanea during his absence (B. c. 171). Menelaus availed himself of the opportunity to secure his good offices by offering him some golden vessels which he had taken from the temple. When Onias (Onias in.) was certainly assured that the sacrilege had been committed, be sharply reproved Menelaus for the crime, having previously taken refuge in the sanc- tuary of Apollo and Artemis at Daphne. At the instigation of Menelaus, Andronicus induced Onias to leave the sanctuary and immediately put him to death in prison (aWxAf urer, 2 Mace. Iv. 34?). This murder excited general indignation ; and on the return of Antiochus, Andronicus was publicly degraded and executed (2 Mace. iv. 30-38). Jose- phus places the death of Onias before the high- priesthood of Jason (Ant. xii. 6, 1,) and omits all mention of Andronicus ; but there is not sufficient reason to doubt the truthfulness of the narrative, as Wemsdorf has done (De fide libr. Mace. pp. 90 f.)

    2. Another officer of Antiochus Eplphanes who was left by him on Garizim (it Tap. 2 Mace v. 23), probably in occupation of the temple there. As the name was common, it seems unreasonable to identify this general with the former one, and so to introduce a contradiction into the history (Wems- dorf, I c; Ewald, Uetch.d. Volktt ltr iv. 335 n.; conrp. Grimm, 2 Mace. iv. 38). B. P. W.

    ANDRONI'CUS ('ArSooWos: Andromau), a Christian at Rome, saluted by St Paul (Rom. xvi. 7), together with Junias. The two are called by him his relations (ovyytrits) and fellow-cap- tives, and of note among the apostles, using that term probably in the wider sense ;* and he de scribes them as having been converted to Christ before himself. According to Hippolytus he waa bishop of Pannonia; according to Dorotheas, of Spain. " H. A.

    * Luke, as the companion of Paul's life for so many years, exmld hardly fail to have met with An- dronicus and Junias (rather than Junia) in his travels, and, according to his habit (Luke i. 1), could have learnt much from them as personal wit- nesses, concerning the earlier events of Christianity, before Paul himself had been brought into the ranks of Christ's followers. As regards the means

    terval, they had removed to the neighboring Capernaum from Bethsatila, their original home (John 1. 44). H.

    e 'The sense may be (as Meyer, PhlllppI, De Wetta Stuart, prefer) that the two were so famous (jirwsui as to have become well known among the apostles. I Is uncertain when or where they shared Paul's cap tMty. B

    Digitized by



    (thus illustrated) of the early Christiana for obtain- ing and diffusing such knowledge among themselves lee Tholuck's itriking remarks in his (jlaubtou)iUg. kdt de» emng. Gesch., p. 149 ff. H.

    A'NEM {SZV [two fou-Uaint] : t))v AMi , Alex. Aran: (,lnem]), a city of Issachar, with "suburbs," belonging to the Gershonites, 1 Oir ri. 7.3 (Heb. 58). It is omitted in the lists in Josh. xix. and xxi., and instead of it we find En-gannim. Possibly the one is a contraction of the other, as KarUn of Kirjathaim. G.

    ATfER (•,}'} [perh.= "TO, boy, Ges.]: f, 'Avip; [Vat. A,tap; Aid. Alex. "EWjp; Comp. 'Arfjp'-] Aner), a city of Manasseh west of Jor- dan, with "suburbs" given to the Kohathites (1 Chr. vi. 70 (55)). By comparison with the parallel list in Josh. xxi. 25, it would appear to be a cor- ruption of Taanach ("133 for ""[3j7i~l).

    • Kaumer distinguishes Aner from Taanach, regarding the former merely as omitted in Josh, xxi. 25 (Palasdna, p. 120, 4te Aufl.). H.

    A'NIOIt ("l.?V [perh. boy]: AwdV; [Comp. in Gen. xiv. 24, 'Ar4p.] Aner), one of the three He- bronite chiefs who aided Abraham in the pursuit after the four invading kings (Gen. xiv. 13, 24).

    R. W. B.


    'AfwSi'ttjs [Vat. -flei-] ; Alex, o Aya9u,Btrn)f- de Anntlutlh.) An inhabitant of Anathoth of the tribe r,f Benjamin (2 Sam. xxiii. 27). Galled also An- etothite and Antotiiitk. W. A. W.

    AlfETOTHITE, THE (,,Tn??n : [Vat. om.] o M 'AvaBiO: AnaUiothites). An inhab- itant of Anathoth (I Chr. xxvii. 12). Called also Awillill III I ,,9632; and Antotiiitk. W. A. W.

    ANGAREU'O ('Ayyapeva: Angaria, Vulg., Matt v. 41, Mark xv. 21), simply translated " compel " in the A. V., is a word of Persian, or rather of Tatar, origin, signifying to compel to serve as an fiyyapoy or mounted courier. The words ttnknric or anghirii, in Tatar, mean com- puLsory work without pay. Herodotus (viii. 98) describes the system of the ayyaptia- He says that the Persians, in order to make all haste in carrying messages, have relays of men and horses at intervals, who hand the despatch from one to another without interruption cither from weather or darkness, in the same way as the Greeks in their Kauxatntyopia- This horse-post the Per- sians called to iiinftnr In order to effect the object, license was given to the couriers by the gov- rament to press into the service men, horses, and i •en vessels- Hence the word came to signify " press," and ayyaptia is explained by Suidas o-n^ocria Kal avayxata Sov,,eia, and ayyapevetr- 6ai, lis (poprnylai, iyioSai- Persian supremacy Introduced the practice and the name into Paies- :me; and Lightfoot says the Talmudists used to

    'all any oppressive service W^?13^ Among tn© ttroposaU ma,le by Demetrius Soter to Jonathan the high-priest, one was ^ ayyapt varihv. ra t,v 'Iot-ScoW ujro(vyta- The system was also adopted by the Unmans, and thus the word •'angario" «me into use in later Latin. Iliny alludes to the •notice, " festinationem tabeU,rii diplomats ad- jaii." Sir J. Chardln and other travellers make ae ntl o t of it. The iyyapoi were also called io~

    ANGELS i»ft

    rivSai- (Liddejl and Scott, and Stephens', ana Scheller, Lex. s. w.; Xen. Cyrop. viii. 0, §§ 17, 18; Athen. iii. 94, 122; .Esch. Ag. 282, Pert. 217 (Dind.); Esth. viii. 14; Joseph. A. J. xiii. 2, § 3; Pliny, Ep. x. 14, 121, 122; Lightfoot, On Afatt. v. 41 ; Chardin, Travel*, p. ,57 ; Plut. De Alex. Mag. p. 32B.) H. W. P.

    ANGELS (CSS^?? : „! SyyeAoi; often witl

    the addition of rPiT, or DTlbs. In latet

    books the word D'Si'lf?, ol fi-yioi, is used as an

    equivalent term). By the word "angels" (». e. " messengers " of God) we ordinarily understand a race of spiritual beings, of a nature exalted fai above that of man, although infinitely removed from that of God, whose office is " to do Him ser- vice in heaven, and by His appointment to succor and defend men on earth." The object of the present article is threefold: 1st, to refer to any other Scriptural uses of this and similar words; 2dly, to notice the revelations of the nature of these spiritual beings given in Scripture ; and 3rdly, to derive from the same source a brief description of their office towards man. It is to lie noticed that its scope is purely Biblical, and that, in con- sequence, it does not enter into any extra-Scriptu- ral speculations on this mysterious subject.

    I. In the first place, there are many passages in which the expression the "angel of God," "the angel of Jehovah," is certainly used for a manifes- tation of God himself. This is especially the case in the earlier books of the Old Testament, and may be seen at once, by a comparison of Gen. xxii. 1 1 with 12, and of Ex. iii. 2 with 6, and 14; where He, who is called the " angel of God " in one verse, is called "God," and even "Jehovah" in those which follow, and accepts the worship due to God alone. (Contrast Uev. xix. 10, xxi. 9.) See also Gen. rvi. 7, 13, xxxi. 11, 13, xlviii. 15, 16; Nmn. xxii. 22, 32, 35, and comp. Is. lxiii. 9 with Ex. xxiii. 14, ,c, ,c. The same expression (it seems) is used by St. Paul, in speaking to heathens. See Acta xxvii. 23 comp. with xxiii. 11.

    It is to be observed also, that, side by side with these expressions, we read of God's being manifested in the form of mm ,,,9632; as to Abraham at Mamre (Gen. xviii. 2, 22 comp. xix. 1), to Jacob at Penuel (Gen. xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal (Josh, v 13, 15), Ac. It is hardly to be doubted, that both sets of passages refer to the same kind of manifes- tation of the Divine Presence.

    This being the case, since we know that " no man hath seen God " (the lather) "at any time," and that " the only-begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, He hath revealed Him" (John i. 18), the inevitable inference is that by the " Angel of the I^ord " in such passages is meant He, who is from the beginning the " Word," t. e. the Manifestcr or Rcvealer of God. These appear- ances are evidently " foreahadowings of the Incar- nation." By these (that is) God the Son mani- fested Himself from time to time in that human nature, which He united to the Godhead forever in the Virgin's womb.

    This conclusion is corroborated by the fact, that the phrases used as equivalent to the word " Angels " in Scripture, viz. the " sons of God," or even in poetry, the "gods" (Elohim), the "holy ones," die., are names, whicl .. their full and proper aaoM are applicable only to the Ixird Jesus Christ. Ai He is « the Son of God," r, ibo is lie «*« « Angel '"

    Digitized by




    or " messenger " of the Lord. Accordingly it is lv His incarnation that all angelic ministration is distinctly referred, as to a central truth, by which alone its nature and meaning can be understood. (See John i. 51, comparing it with Gen. xxviii. 1 1- 17, and especially with v. 13.)

    Besides this, which is the highest application of the word "angel," we find the phrase used of any messengers of God, such as the prophets (Is. xlii. 19; Hag. i. 13; Hal. ill. 1), the priests (Mai. ii. 7), and the rulers of the Christian churches (Rot. i. 80); much as, even more remarkably, the word " Elohim " is applied, in Ps. Ixxxii. G. to those who judge in God's name.

    These usages of the word are not only interesting in themselves, but will serve to throw light on the nature and the method of the ministration of thuse whom we more especially term " the angels."

    II. In passing on to consider what is revealed in Scripture as to the angelic nature, we are led at once to notice, that the Bible deals with this and with kindred subjects exclusively in their practical bearings, only so far (that is) as they conduce to our knowledge of God and of ourselves, and more particularly as they are connected with the one great subject of all Scripture, the Incarnation of the Son of God. little therefore is said of the na- ture of angels as distinct from their office.

    They are termed " spirits " (as e. y. in Heb. i. 14), although this word is applied more commonly, not so much to themselves, as to their power dwelling in man (e. o. 1 Sam. xviii. 10; Matt. viii. 16, Ac., Ac.). The word is the same as that used of the soul of man, when separate from the body (e. rj. Matt. xiv. 2;i; Luke xxiv. 37, 39; 1 Pet iii. 19); but, since it properly expresses only that supersen- suous and rational element of man's nature, which is in him the image of God (see John iv. 24), and by which he has communion with God (Rom. viii. 16); and since also we are told that there is a " spiritual body," as well as a " natural (itrvxiitoV) body " (1 Cor. xv. 44), it does not assert that the angelic native is incorporeal. The contrary seems expressly implied by the words in which our l,wd declares that, after the Resurrection, men shall be " like the angels " (lairrytKoi) (Luke xx. 36) ; be- cause (as is elsewhere said, Phil. iii. 21) their bodies, as well as their spirits, shall have been made entirely like His. It may also be noticed that the glorious appearance ascribed to the angels in Scripture (as in Dan. x. 6) is the same as that which shone out in our Lord's transfiguration, and in which St. John saw Him clothed in heaven (Rev. i. 14-16); and moreover, that, whenever angels have been made manifest to man, it has always jeen in human form (as e. g. in Gen. xviii., xix. ; Luke xxiv. 4; Acts i. 10, Ac., Ac.). The very fact that the titles " sons of God " (Job. i. 6, xxxviii. 7 ; Dan. iii. 25 coinp. with 28"), and "gods" (Ps. riii. 5: xcvii. 7), applied to them, are also given to nen (see Luke iii. 38 ; Ps. 'xxxii. 6, and comp. our word's application of this last passage in John x. 14-37), points in the same way to a difference only of degree, and an identity of kind, between the human and the angelic nature.

    The angels arc therefore revealed to us as beings,


    such as man might be and will be when me point of sin and death is removed, partaking in theii measure of the attributes of God, — Truth, Purity and Love, — because always beholding His fact (Matt, xviii. 10), and therefore being " made like Him " (1 John Ul. 2). This, of course, implies flnlteneaa, and therefore (in the strict sense) "im- perfection " of nature, and constant progress, both moral and intellectual, through all eternity. Such imperfection, contrasted with the infinity of God, is expressly ascribed to them in Job iv. 18; Matt xxiv. 36; 1 Pet. i. 12; and it is this which emphat- ically points them out to us as creatures, fellow- servants of man, and therefore incapable of usurp- ing the place of gods.

    This flniteness of nature implies capacity of temptation (see Butler's Anal, part i. ch. 5); and accordingly we hear of "fallen angels." Of the nature of their temptation and the circumstances of their fall, we know absolutely nothing. All that is certain is, that they " left their first estate " (tV sovran' ifxh') ,, and that they are now " an- gels of the devil" (Matt. xxv. 41; Rev. xii. 7, 9), partaking therefore of the falsehood, uncleanness, and hatred which are his peculiar characteristics (John viii. 44). All that can be conjectured must be based on the analogy of man's own temptation and fall.

    On the other hand, the title especially assigned to the angels of God, that of the " holy ones " (see e. g. Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13; Matt. xxv. 31), is precisely the one which is given to those men who are renewed in Christ's image, but which belongs to them in actuality and in perfection only here- after. (Comp. Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, xii. 23.) Its use evidently implies that the angelic probation is over, and their crown of gkiry won.

    Thus much, then, is revealed of the angelic na- ture as may make it to us an ideal of human good- ness (Matt. vi. 10), or beacon of warning as to the tendency of sin. It is obvious to remark, that in sucb revelation is found a partial satisfaction of that craving for the knowledge of creatures, higher than ourselves and yet fellow-servants with us of God, which in its diseased form becomes Poly- theism." Its full satisfaction is to be sought in the Incarnation alone, and It is to lie noticed, that after the Hevelation of God in the flesh, the angelic ministrations recorded are indeed fewer, but the references to the angels are far more frequent — as though the danger of polytheistic idolatry had, comparatively speaking, passed away.

    III. The most important subject, and that on which we have the fullest revelation, is the office of the angels.

    Of their office in heaven, we have, of course, only vague prophetic glimpses (as in 1 K. xxii. 19 ; Is. vi. 1-3; Dan.vii. 9, 10; Rev. v. 11, Ac.), which show us nothing but a never-ceasing adoration, proceeding from the vision of God, through the " perfect love, which casteth out fear."

    Their office towards man is far more fully de- scribed to us. They are represented as being, in the widest sense, agents of God's Providence, nat- ural and supernatural, to the body and to the souL Thus the operations of nature are spoken of as

    » Gen. vi. 2. to omitted here and below, as being a controverted Damage ; although many MSS. of the LXX. have oi iyyt,,oi Instead of o, vioi here.

    s The Inordinate subjectivity of German plilloftophy m into Fubjsvt ,Kra, '. jr., Winer's Rta'wi. of course.

    hasten* to the conclusion that the belief to angels If a mere consequence of this craving, never (It would seem) no entering Into the analog- of God's provt deuce as to suppose It possible that this inward erav log should correspond to some outward reality.

    Digitized by



    under angelic guidance fulfilling the will of God. Not only is this the case in poetical passages, such as Ps. civ. 4 (commented upon in Heb. i. 7), where the powers of air and fire are referred to them, but tn the simplest prose history, as where the pesti- 'ences which slew the firstl,orn (Ex. xii. 38; Heb. a. 28), the disobedient people in the wilderness (1 ,'or. x. 10), the Israelites in the days of Uavid (2 Sam. xxiv. 16; 1 Chr. xxi. 10), and the army of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 35), as also the plague which cut off Herod (Acts xii. 23) are plainly i*I,oken of as the work of the M Angel of the Lord." Nor can the mysterious declarations of the Apoc- alypse, by far the most numerous of all, be resolved by honsst interpretation iuto mere poetical imagery. (See especially Rev. viii. and ix.) It is evident tliat angelic agency, like that of man, does not ex- clude the action of secondary, or (what are called) •' natural " causes, or interfere with the directness and universality of the Providence of God. The personifications of poetry and legends of my- thology are obscure witnesses of its truth, which, however, can rest only on the revelations of Script- ure itself.

    More particularly, however, angels are spoken of :«« ministers of what is commonly called the "su- pernatural," or perhaps more correctly, the "spir- itual " l*rovidence of God; as agents in the great scheme of the spiritual redemption aud sanctifica- tion of man, of which the Bible is the record. The representations of them are different in different books of Scripture, in the Old Testament and in the New: but the reasons of the differences are to be found in the differences of scope attributable to the books themselves. As different parts of God's Providence are brought out, so also arise different views of His angelic ministers.

    In the Book of Job, which deals with " Natural Religion,*' they are spoken of but vaguely, as sur- rounding God's throne above, and rejoicing in the completion of His creative work (Job i. 0, ii. 1, xxxviii. 7). No direct and visible appearance to man is even hinted at.

    In the book of Genesis, there is no notice of an- gelic appearance till after the call of Abraham. Th en, as the book is the history of the chosen fam- ily so the angels mingle with and watch over its family life, entertained by Abraham and by Lot (Gen. xviii., xix.), guiding Abraham's servant to 1'adan-Aram (xii v. 7, 40), seen by the fugitive Jarob at Itethel (xxvii. 12), and welcoming his return at Mahanaim (xxxii. 1). Their ministry hallows domestic life, in its trials and its blessings alike, a-.d is closer, more familiar, and less awful than in after times. (Contrast Gen. xviii. with Jmlg. ,,t 21, 22, xiii. 10, 22.)

    In the subsequent history, that of a chosen nn- b*'»t, the angels are represented more as ministers »f wrath and mercy, messengers of a King, rather thi n common children of the One Father. It is, moreover, to be observed, that the records of their appearance belong especially to two periods, that Of the Judges and that of the Captivity, which were transition periods in Israelitish history, the former one destitute of direct revelation or onjphetic guid- 1 .HiM.,, the Latter one of special triaj and unusual xwtact with heathenism. During the Uvea of



    •- The ooticn of special guardian angels, watching •nr individuals, is consistent with this passage, but not Mu mitrUj deduced from it. The belief of It the early Christians to shown by Act* xU. 16. 7

    Moses and Joshua there is no record of the appeal ance of created angels, and only obscure reference to angels at all. In the I took of Judges angels ap- licar at once to rebuke idolatry (ii. 1-4), to call Gideon (vi. 11, Ac.), and consecrate Samson (xiii. 3, Ac.) to the work of deliverance.

    The prophetic office begins with Samuel, and immediately angelic guidance is withheld, except when needed by the prophets themselves (1 K. xix. 5; 2 K. vi. 17). During the prophetic and kingly period, angels are spoken of only (as noticed above) as ministers of God in the ojierations of nature. But in the captivity, when the Jews were in the presence of foreign nations, each claiming its tute- lary deity, then to the prophets Daniel and Zech- ariah angols are revealed in a fresh light, as watch- ing, not only over Jerusalem, but also over heathen kingdoms, under the Providence, and to work out the designs, of the I,,rd. (See Zech. passim, and Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 13, 2:), 21, Ac.) In the whole period, they, as truly as the prophets and kings themselves, are seen as God's ministers, watching over the national life of the subjects of the Great King.

    The Incarnation marks a new epoch of angelic ministration. "The Angel of Jehovah," the Lord of all created angels, having now descended from heaven to earth, it was natural that llis servants should continue to do Him service fhere. Whether to predict and glorify His birth iUelf (Matt. i. 20; Luke i. ii.) to mhugter to Him after His tempta- tion and agony (Matt. iv. 11; Luke xxii- -13), or to declare His resurrection and triumphant ascension (Matt, xxviii. 2; John xx. 12; Acts i. 10, 11) — they seem now to be indeed " ascending and de- scending on the Son of Man," almost as though transferring to earth the ministrations of heaven. It is clearly seen, that whatever was done by them for men in earlier days, was but typical of and flowing from their service to Him. (See 1*8. xei. 11, comp. Matt. iv. 6.)

    The New Testament is the history of the Cltureh of Cliritl, every member of which is united to Him. Accordingly, the angels are revealed now as " ministering spirits " to each individiuil memifer of Christ for his spiritual guidance and aid (Heb. i. 14). 'Hie records of their visible appearance are but unfrequent (Acts v. 19, viii. 20, x. 3, xii. 7, xxvii. 23); but their presence and their aid are re- ferred to familiarly, almost as things of course, ever after the Incarnation. They are spoken of as watch- ing over Christ's little ones (Matt, xviii. 10)," as rejoicing over a penitent sinner (Luke xv. 10), as present in the worship of Christians (1 Cor. xi 10)," and (perhaps) bringing their prayers before God (Hev. viii. 3, 4), and as bearing the souls of the redeemed into Paradise (Luke xvi. 22). In one word, they are Christ's ministers of grace now, as they shall be of judgment hereafter (Matt. xiii. 39, 41, 49, xvi. 27, xxiv. 31, Ac.). By what method they act we cannot know of ourselves, nor are we told, perhaps lest we should worship them, instead of Him, whose servants they are (see Col. ii. 18; Kev. xxii. 9); but of course their agency, like that of human ministers, depends for its efficacy on the aid of the Holy Spirit.

    Such is the action of God's angels on earth, as disclosed to us in the various stages of Revelation ;

    o The difficult)- or the passage has led to its being questioned, but the wording of the original and the of toe N. T. seem almost decisive on the point

    Digitized by


    38 ANGELS

    that of the nil angels may be better spoken of elsewhere [Satan] : here it is enough to say that It b the direct opposite of their true original office, but permitted under God's overruling providence |o go until the judgment day.

    That there are degrees of the angelic nature, fallen and unfaHen, and special titles and agencies belonging to each, is clearly declared by St. Paul (Eph. i. 21; Rom. viii. 38), but what their general nature is, it is needless for us to know, and there- fore useless to speculate. For what little is known of this special nature see Cherubim, Seraphim, Michael, Gabriel. A. D.

    * On angels the most exhaustive work is Ode, Jac, Commentarius de Angelis, Traj. ad Rben. 1739, a large quarto rolume of more than 1100 pages. See, further, Kritik uber die Lehre ton den Engebi, in Henke's Magazin, 1795, ill. 300-355, and 1796, vi. 15-2-177; Beck, C. D., Commentarii kistorici, etc Lips. 1801, pp. 303-343; Schmidt, F., Oistoria Dogm. de Angelis tutelaribus, in Ill- gen's Denkschrift, u. s. w. No. 2, Leipz. 1817, (Valuable) ; Gramberg, Grundzuye einer Engellthre de* Allen Test, in Winer's Zeuschr. f. toss. TheoL, 1827, ii. 157-310; De Wette, Bibl Dogmatic, 3e Aufl.,' 1831, pp. 80 ff., 143 ff., 313 ff., 235 if.; Schulthess, Engelaelt, u. s. w. Zurich, 1833; Von COln, Bibl TheoL, 1836, i. 187 IT., 410 ff., ii. 66 ff., 322 ff.; Twesten, Dogmata, 1837, ii. 305-383, trans, in Bibl Sacra, i. 768-793, and ii. 108-140; Bretschneider, Dogmatik, 4e Aufl., 1838, i. 727- 794; Mayer, Lewis, Scriptural Idea of Angels, in Amer. Bibl Repot. Oct. 1838, xii. 356-388 ; Stuart, Sketches of Angetology m the Old and New Test., in Robinson's BibL Sacra, 1843, pp. 88-154, abridged in his Comm. on the Apocalypse, ii. 397- 409; Timpson, The Angels of God, their Nature, Character, Hanks, etc., 2d ed., Lond. 1847; Whately, Scripture Revelations concerning Good and Evil Angels, new ed., Lond. 1851, reprinted Phils. 1856 ; Rawson, James, Nature and Ministry of the Holy Angels, N. Y. 1858; Schmid, C. F., Bibl. Theol. des N. T., 2e Aufl. 1859, pp. 41, 272, 413, 576; Haae, Erang.-prot. Dogmatik, 5e Aufl., 1860, pp. 166-187, and Bi hmer in Herzog's Real- Encykl iv. 18-32.

    For the Jewish notions, see Eisennienger, Ent- deckles Judenthum, ii. 370-468; Allen, Modem Judaism, 2d ed., Lond. 1830, pp. 149-172; Gfrii- rer, Jahrh. d. Heils, 1838, i. 352-424; Nicolas, Doctrines reKgieuses des Juift, tie., Paris, 1860, pp. 216-265, and Kohut, Veber die jOdische An- gelologie u. Dammologie m ihrer Abhangiijkeit com Parsitmus, Leipz. 1866, in the AbhandU. f. d. Kunde d. Morgenl. Bd. iv. Nr. 3.

    For the opinions of the Christian fathers, see Suicer, Thes. art. 5yy,Aoi; Petavius, Theol Dogm., Antv. 1700, fbl., iii. 1-116; Cudworth's Intel System, ch. v. sect. iii. (vol. iii. pp. 346-381 of Harrison's ed.), with Mosheim's notes; and Kcil, Opuscula, ii. 531-618.

    On their representation in Christian art, see Piper, Mythol u. Symbolik der Christl Kmst, 1847-51; Menzd, Christl SymboUk, 1854, art Engelt and Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art, 3d ed., Lond. 1857, i. 41-131.

    On the " Angel of Jehovah," see J. P. Smith's Scripture Testimony to the Messiah, 6th ed., Kdin.

    « From «, not, and rutim, to emjuer. It should be »teJ mat WcseorUes nets ,Mmrrw tot aut, and not


    1869, i. 396 ff.; Hengstenberg's CA wto,yj, I 1« ff (Keith's trans.); Noyes, G. R. in the Christ Examiner for May and July 1836, xx. 207-840 329-342 (in opposition to Hengstenberg); Kurtr. Der Engeldes Herrn, in Tholuck's Anzeiger, 1846 Not. 11-14, reproduced essentially in his Gesch. des Alien Bundts, i. 144-159; Trip, C. J., Dit Theophanien in den Geschichtsb. des A. T., Leiden, 1858, a prize essay.

    On the literature of the whole subject, one ma) consult Bretschneider, System. Entwtckehmg, n. * w. 4e Aufl., 1841, §§ 81, 82, and Grease's BibU otheca magica et pneumatica, I Apt. 1843.

    A. and IT.

    ANGLING. [Fishing.]

    ANI'AM (ay3h? [sighing of the people] 'Arid*; [Vat. AAJoAsip;] Alex. Aviaut: Aniam) A Manassite, son of Shemidsh (1 Chr. vii. 19).

    W. A. W.

    ATJIM (QXiy [fountains]-. A i,rd,; [Alex. Avci,i; Comp. 'Ayfp:] Atom), a city in the moun- tains of Judah. named with Eshtemoh (Es-Semueh; and Goshen (Josh. xv. 50;. Eusebius and Jerome (Onom. 'Ayovj,i, Anim) mention a place of this name in Daroma, 9 miles south of Hebron (comp also Anea, s- v. Anab). G.

    • Anim is a contraction for D" , ?^5, and might be the plural form of Ayin (which see) ; but the {act that Ayin was "toward the coast of Edon. southward" (Josh. xv. 31, 32) while Anim was in the mountain district (Josh. xv. 48, 50) indicates that they were different places. Dr. Wilson insists on the difference, And would identify Anim with the present Ghuwein (which though singular in Arabic may by a frequent permutation stand for a Hebrew plural) near Anab and Semu'a, and therefore in the territory of Judah (Wilson's Lands of the Bible, i. 354). Dr. Robinson adopts this suggestion in the second edition of his Bibl Res. (ii. 204), though be had previously declared himself for the other view. See also Raumer, Polastina, p. 171 (4tb ed.). H.

    ANISE (ftVjjfW: anethum). This word occurs only in Matt, xxiii. 23, " Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe of mint and anise and cummin." It is by no means a matta of certainty whether the anise (Pimpinelln ani- sum, Lin.), or the dill (Anethum grareolens) is here intended, though the probability is certainly more in favor of the latter plant. Both the dill and the anise belong to the natural order Umbel* lifera, and are much alike in external character; the seeds of both, moreover, are and have been long employed in medicine and cookery, as condiments and carminatives. Celsius (Hierob. i. 494, ff.) quotes several passages from ancient writers to show that the dill was commonly so used. Pliny uses th term anisum, to express the PimpineUa anisum, an L anethum to represent the common dill He enu merates as many as sixty-one remedies [diseases ? that the anisum is al'le to cure, and says tha* on this account it is sometimes called anicetum. The best anise, he adds, comes from Crete; anr next to it that of Egypt is preferred (Plin. H. N. xx. 17). Fontil (Descript. Plant, p. 154) includes the anise ( Tanuvn, Arabic' 1 ) in the Materia Medics

    .. y * « v anisum, v. Ool. Arab Lex. a. v°

    Digitized by



    if Egyi J. Dr. Boyle U decidedly In favor of the iffla being the proper translation, and says that the ane,Jium * ia more especially a genua of Eastern cultivation than the other plant The strangest argument in favor of the dill, is the fact that the Talmuds (Tract. Maateroth, c W. § 5) use the word ihab,th to express the dill, " The seeds, the leaves, and the stem of dill are, according to Rabbi Eliezer, subject to tithe;" and in connection with this it should be stated, that ForskaJ several times alludes to the Anet,utm gractdtnt as growing both in a cultivated and a wild state in Egypt, and he oaea the Arabic name for this plant, which is iden- tical with the Hebrew word, namely, Sjotbet, or Schibt {Ducr. Plead. 65, 109). Celsius remarks upon the difference of opirlon



    amongst the old authors who hare noticed this plant, some maintaining that it has an agreeable taste and odor, others quite the opposite; the so- lution of the difficulty ia clearly that the matter is simply one of opinion.

    There is another plant very dissimilar in external character to the two named above, the leaves and capsules of which are powerfully carminative. This is the amteed-tret (JIUcium amtatum), which be- longs to the natural order Magnotiacta. In China this is frequently used for seasoning dishes, Ac.; but the species of this genus are not natives of the Bible lands, and must not be confused with the umbeUtfonm plants notieed in this article.

    W. H.

    ANKLET (npumAiStt, iAsi wtprftft, am. Alex.). This word only occurs In It. ill. 18,

    D"P?5 (and as a proper name, Josh, xfitt. It);

    i such ornaments are included in HTUV^!, Num. xxxt. 60, which word etymologicaLy would mean rather an anklet than a bracelet. Indeed, the same word is used in Is. iii. 20 (without the ,,leph prosthetic) for the " stepping-chains worn by Mental women, fastened to the ankle-band of each leg, so that they were forced to walk elegantly with short steps " (Gesen. i. v.). They were as com- mon as bracelets and armlets, and made of much the ssawennteriala; the pleasant jingling ind Unk- ing which they made as they knocked against each rther, was no doubt one of the reasons why they ,,9632;ere admired (Is. iii. 16, 18, " the bravery of their

    • Dill, so called from tin old Noise word, the •SOS's lullaby, to dill — to ,ootlu. Hence the name if the carminative plant, the dUlmf or iMilnf krr* ,m Weogw. Dirt. Bitf . Bitmil ,.

    Common Dili. [Aiuthum pavtoltm.)

    tinkling ornaments "). To increase this ,, sound pebbles were sometimes enclosed in them (Calroet, s. v. PerucelU and BtlU). The Arable name " khulkhal " seems to be onomatoponn, and Une ( Mod. tlgypL App. A.) qnotee from a song, in allusion to the pleasure caused by their sound, "the ringing of thine anklets has deprived me of rea- son." Hence Mohammed forbade them in public " let tbem not make a noise with their feet, that their ornament* which they hide may [thereby] be discovered" (Kornn, xxiv. 31, quoted by Lane). No doubt Tertullian discountenances them for sim- ilar reasons : " Nescio an cms de periacelio in ner- vum se patiatur arotari. . . . Pedes doml flgite et plus quam in auro phteebunt " (Dt eOLftrnm. II M).

    They were sometimes of great value. Lane . aaks of them (although they are getting uncom- mon) as ,, made of soUd gold or silver " (Mod.

    » eVaSor: wai to bm fcfr.fca vk» h- ^w a t fa ew (Rim. Mat. •» OaWbiw).

    Digitized by




    Egypt L c); bnt he says that the poorer village jhttdren wear them of iron. For their uae among the ancient Egyptian* see Wilkinson, Ui. 374, and among the ancient Greeki and Romans, Diet, of Ant. art " Periacetta." They do not, we believe, occur in the Nineveh sculptures.

    Livingstone writes of the favorite wife of an African chief, "she wore a profusion of iron rings on her ankles, to which were attached little pieces of sheet iron to enable her to make a tinkling as she walked in her mincing African style " (p. 273). On the weight and inconvenience of the copper rings worn by the chiefs themselves, and the odd walk it causes them to adopt, see id p. 276. F. W. F.

    AN'NA (njn [grace or prayer]: 'Arm: Anna). The name occurs in Punic aa the sister of Dido. 1. The mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i. 2 A*.). [Hannah.]

    2. The wife of Tobit (Tob. i. 9 «.).

    3. The wife of Raguel (Tob. vii. 2 ff.).»

    4. A "prophetess" in Jerusalem at the time of our Lord's birth (Luke ii. 36). I). F. W.

    AN'NAAS (SoraW; [Vat. fepa; AM. 'Amis-] Anaas), 1 Esdr. v. 23. [Senaah.]

    AN'NAS ("Aran, in Josephus "Ararat), a Jewish high-priest. He was son of one Seth, and was appointed high-priest iu his 37th year (A. D. 7), after the battle of Actium, by Quirinus, the imperial governor of Syria (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 2, § 1 ) ; but was obliged to give way to IsmaeL son of Phabi, by Valerius Gratua, procurator of Judaea, at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, A. D. 14 (ib. xviii. 2, § 2). But soon Ismacl was suc- ceeded by Eleazar, son of Annas; then followed, after one year, Simon, son of Camithus, and then, after another year (about A. D. 25), Joseph Caia- phas, son-in-law of Annas (John xviii. 13 ; Joseph. Lc). He remained till the passover, A. D. 37, and is mentioned in Luke iii. 2, as officiating high-priest, hut after Annas, who seems to have retained the title, and somewhat also of the power of that office. Our Lord's first bearing (John xviii. 13) was before Annas, who then sent him bound to Caiaphas. In Acts iv. 6, he is plainly called the high-priest, and Caiaphas merely named with others of his family. It is no easy matter to give an account of the seemingly capricious applications of this title. Wi- ner supposes that Amu» retained it from his former enjoyment of the office; but to this idea St. Luke's expressions seem opposed, in which he clearly ap- pears as bearing the hiyh-priest's dignity at the time then present in each case. Wieseler, in his Chronology, and more recently in an article in Herzog's SeaUjLncythjmiir, maintains that the two, Annas and Caiaphas, were together at the head of the Jewish people, the latter as actual high- priest, the former as president of the Sanhedrim

    [N^DTj)); and so also Selden, De Synedriu ttpra- fectttrit jttridicu rtterum Ebrmorvm, ii. 655: ex- .-ept that this latter supposes Caiaphas to have been the second prefect of the Sanhedrim. Some again

    suppose that ,,nnas held the office of ] 3D, or sub- stitute of the high-priest, mentioned by the later ralmudists. He lived to old age, having had Ave tons high-priests (Joseph. Ant xx. 9, , 1).

    H.A. AN'NASCAraV; [AId.]Ak«.'A»ra.: iv**).

    • • liars the I,,X. has'KIro, and the A, T. Kdsa.



    A corruption of Habzh (1 Esdr. ix. 82; eotnp. Fa x. 31). W. A. W.

    ANNUTJ8 CAwwot; Alex. AmtMt Amml, 1 Esdr. viii. 48. Probably a corruption ol

    the Hebrew VIS (A. T. "with him") of Ear

    viii. 19. The translator may have read T3S.

    W. A. W. ANOINT (ntPp: ^plm: mgo). Anointing in Holy Scripture Is either (I.) Material, with oil [Oil], or (II.) Spiritual, with the Hcly Ghost.

    1. Material. — 1. Ordinary. Anointing the body or head with oil was a common practice with the Jews, as with other Oriental nations (Drat. xxviB. 40; Kuth Ui. 3; Mic. vi. 15). Abstinence from it was a sign of mourning (2 Sam. xiv. 2; Dan. x. 8; Matt. vi. 17). Anointing the head with oil or ointment seems also to have been a mark of respect sometimes paid by a host to his guests (Luke vii. 46 and Pa xxiii. 5), and was the ancient Egyptian custom at feasts. Observe, however,

    that in Ps. xxiii. the Hebrew Is TOB?"?, "thou hast made fat;" I.XX., i,,iraras{ Vulg., im- pinywuti; and in Ijike vii. aXeiQv is used as it is in the similar passages (John xi. 2, xii. 3). The word " anoint " (*,,tl,u) also occurs in the sense of preparing a body with spices and unguents fU burial (Mark xvi. 1. Also xiv. 8, ,uipl(a). From the custom of discontinuing the use of oil in times of sorrow or disaster, to be anointed with oil comei to signify metaphorically, to be in the enjoyment of success or prosperity (Ps. xcii- 10; conip. Eecl. ix. 8).

    2. Official. Anointing with oil was a rite of inauguration into each of the three typical offices of the Jewish commonwealth, whose tenants, as

    anointed, were types of the Anointed One (rPH^p, Xpurris). (",,9632;) Prophet* were occasionally anointed to their office (1 K. xis. 16), and are called mea- siahs, or anointed (1 Chr. xvi. 22; Ps. cv. 15). (o.) Prieitt, at the first institution of the Levities] priesthood, were all anointed to their offices, the sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself (Ex. xl 15; Num. iii. 3); but afterwards anointing seems not to have been repeated at the consecration of ordinary priests, but to have been especially reserved for the high-priest (Ex. xxix. 29 ; Lev. xvi. 32) ; so that " the priest that is anointed " (Lev. iv. 3) is generally thought to mean the high-priest, and is rendered by the LXX. t ipxupfv* ° xiXfuritirn (rPtr^n in'srt). See also w. 6, 16, and c. vi. 22 (vi. 15, Heb.). (c.) Kinyt. The Jews were familiar with the idea of making a king by anoint- ing, before the establishment of their own mon- archy (Judg. ix. 8, 15). Anointing was the principal and divinely-appointed ceremony in ths inauguration of their own kings (1 Sam. ix. 16, x. 1; 1 K. i. 34, 89); indeed, so preeminently did it belong to the kingly office, that "the Lord's anointed " was a common designation of the theo- cratic king (1 Sam. xii. 3, 5; 2 Sam. i. 14, 16) The rite was sometimes performed more than once David was thrice anointed to be king: first, pri- vately by Samuel, before the death of Saul by waj of conferring on him a right to the throne (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13); again over Judah at Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 4), and finally over the whole nation (2 Sam r. 3). After the separation into two kingdoms the kings both of Judah and of Israel seem stil

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    ,, have been anointed (9 K. fat. 3, jd. IS). So Me as the time of the Captivity the king if called "the anointed of the Lord " (Pa. lxxxix. 38, 61; Lam. i». 90). Some persona, however, think that, after Darid, subsequent kings were not anointed except when, as in the cases of Solomon, Joaah, and Jehu, the right of succession was disputed or transferred (Jahn, ArchaoL Bibl. § 223). Beside Jewish kings, we read that Hazael was to be anointed king over Syria (1 K. rii. 16). Cyrus also ia called the Lord's anointed, as haring been raised by God to the throne for the special purpose of delivering the Jews out of captivity (Is. xlv. 1). (,f) Inanimate objects also were anointed with oil in token of their being set apart for religious service. TTius Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. xxxi. 13) ; and at the introduction of the Mosaic econ- omy, the tabernacle and all its furniture were con- secrated by anointing (Ex. xxx. 26-28). The expression " anoint the shield " (Is. xxi. 6) (tVoi,tdVar* Ovptois, LXX.; arripitt dupam, Vulg. ) refers to the custom of rubbing oil into the hide, which, stretched upon a frame, formed the shield, in order to make it supple and fit for use.

    3. Ecclesiastical. Anointing with oil in the tame of the Lord ia prescribed by St. James to be used together with prayer, by the elders of the church, for the recovery of the sick aAshjouTU (James v. 14). Analogous to this is the anointing with oil practiced by the twelve (Mark vi. 13), and our Lord's anointing the eyes of a blind man with clay made from saliva, in restoring him miracu- lously to sight {Mxfurt, John ix. 6, 11).

    II. Spiritcal. — 1. In the 0. T. a Deliverer is promised under the title of Messiah, or Anointed •(Ps. «. 2; Dan. ix. 26, 28); and the nature of his anointing is described to be spiritual, with the Holy Ghost (Is. lxi. 1; see Luke iv. 18). As anointing with oil betokened prosperity, and produced a cheer- ful aspect (Ps. civ. 16), so this spiritual unction ia figuratively described as anointing " with the oil of gladness" (Ps. xlv. 7; Heb. 1. 9). In the N. T. Jesus of Nazareth ia shown to be the Messiah, or Christ, or Anointed of the Old Testament (John i. 41; Acts ix. 22, xvii. 2, 3, xvili. 6, 28); and the historical fact of his being anointed with the Holy Ghost is recorded and asserted (John i. 32, 33; Acts iv. 27, x. 38). 9. Spiritual anointing with the Holy Ghost is conferred also upon Chris- tians by God (9 Cor. i. 21), and they are described as having an miction U^a) from the Holy One, by which they know all things (1 John ii. 20, 27). To anoint the eyes with eye-salve ia used figuratively to denote the process of obtaining spiritual percep- tion (Rev. ili. 18). T. T. P.

    ATIOS ('Arm: Jonas), 1 Esdr. ix. 34. .Vabiah.]



    ANT ('"l!?93, nemiiih: utpprit formkmt, This insect is mentioned twice in the 0. T. ; it Prov. vi. 6, " Go to the ant, thou sluggard con- sider her ways and be wise;" hi Prov. xxx. 25. " The ants are a people not strong, yet they pre- pare their meat in the summer." In the former of these passages the dUiycnce of this insect ia in- stanced by the wise man as an example worthy of I imitation; in the second passage the ant's wisdom is especially alluded to, for these insects, " though they be little on the earth, are exceeding wise.' It is well known that the ancient Greeks and Ko mans believed that the ant stored up food, which it collected in the summer, ready for the winter's con- sumption. Bochart (llicroz. iii. 478) has cited numerous passages from Greek and Latin writers, as well as from Arabian naturalists and Jewish rabbis, in support of this opinion. Such wisdom was this little insect believed to possess, that, in order to prevent the corn which it had stored from ger min at ing , it took care to bite off the head of each grain ; accordingly some have sought for the derivation of the Hebrew word for ant, nemdidi," in this supposed fact. Nor is the belief in the ant's biting off the head of the grains unsupported by some modern writers Addison, in the Guar- dian (No. 166, 157), inserts the following letter "of undoubted credit and authority," which was first published by the French Academy: "The corn which is laid up by ants would shoot under ground if these insects did not take care to prevent it. They therefore bite off all the germs before they lay it up, and therefore the com that has lain in their cells will produce nothing. Any one may make the experiment, and even see that there is no germ in their corn." N. I'luche, too [Mature DispL i. 128), says of these insects, " Their next passion is to amass a store of corn or other grain that will keep, and lest the humidity of the cells should make the com shoot up, we are told for a certainty that they gnaw off the buds which grow at the point of the grain."

    It ia difficult to see how this opinion originated, for it is entirely without foundation. Equally er- roneous appears to be the notion that ascribes to the ant provident foresight in laying up a store of corn for the winter's use; 6 though it is an easy matter to trace it to its source. No recorded species of ant is known to store up food of any kind for provision in the cold seasons, and certainly not grains of corn, which ants do not use for food. The European speck's of ants are all dormant in the winter, and consequently require no food; and although it is well still to bear in mind the careful language of the authors of Introduction to £,,9632;*, mohgy (ii. 48), who say, "till the manners of exotic

    ,• Iram 703, atseisnu (Simon. La. Htb. ed. ft,bur). The derivation of the word la uncertain. Qe-

    ,,9632;trios Is Inrlinad to derive it from the Arabic A ,*,, 'eoaseendlt, pee. proraptando, arboram." TkL Got. *n». La. s. v. T. conj. " mott Inter ssss psrmistiqu* mMttJsnniearumreptantiummor*." lurst says, ll fot-

    Stu pottos dlmlnutlvum est n. 33, ansa ;")}, t

    rt 7"33, tfcut n»Q3, ad bastJolam pusDjam slgnm- vttbmfoetameea* potest." Cf. Mlcbaalti, Sap. Lex. Mb. ii. 1844, and RoaenmuU. not. ad Bochart, 111. 480.

    m Ii uot probable mat ths name ntmalah (from boj,

    " to cut ") was given to the ant from Its extreme ten- uity at the Junction of the thorax and abdomen ? If the term insect Is applicable to any one living creatun mora than to another, it certainly Is to the ant. Itema- lak la the exact equivalent to inject. [Since the above was written it has been found that Pukhurst — t. v.

    "7J3 (Iv.)— gives a similar derivation.]

    * "Parvula (nam exemplo est) magnl formica laborif Ore trahit quodcunque potent, atque addlt acervt Quern strait, baud Ignara ao non lncauta ra, turl." Hot. Sal. L 1, 88.

    Ct also Ovid, Mel. vH- 624; Vlrg. Gmt. I. 186, M, I, 409 pii„. xi. 80; JOIao, H A. II. 26, vl. 48, fco

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    and an mote accurately explored, It would be rash to affirm that no ant* have magazines of provis- ions; for although during the cold of our winters in this country they remain in a state of torpidity, and bare no need of food, yet in warmer regions daring the rainy seasons, when they are probably confined to their nests, a store of provisions may be nec es s a ry for them," — yet the observations of modern naturalists who have paid considerable at- tention to this disputed point, seem slmost con- clusive that ants do not lay up food for future con- sumption. It is true that Col. Sykes has a paper, voL li. of Trcauactiont ofEntomoL Soc. p. 103, on a species of Indian ant which he calls Atta proadent, so called from the fact of his having found a large store of grass-seeds in its nest; but the amount of that gentleman's observations merely goes to show that this ant carries seeds underground, and brings them again to the surface after they have got wet during the monsoons, apparently to dry." " There is not," writes Mr. F. Smith, the author of the Catalogue of the Formiada in the British Museum, in a letter to the author of this article, " any evi- dence of the seeds having been stored for food ; " be observes, Catalog** of Formiada (1868), p. 180, that the processkraary ant of Brazil ((Ecodoma ccphaloUt) carries immense quantities of portions of leaves into its underground nests, and that it was supposed that these leaves were for food ; but that Mr. Bates quite satisfied himself that the leaves were for the purpose of lining the channels of the nest, and not for food. Ants are carnivorous in their habits of living, and although they are fond of saccharine matter, there is no evidence at all to prove that any portion of plants ever forms an article of their diet The fact is, that ants seem to de- light in running away with almost any thing they find, — small portions of sticks, leaves, little stones, — as any one can testify who has cared to watch the habits of this insect. This will explain the erroneous opinion which the ancients held with respect to that part of the economy of the ant now under consideration ; nor is it, we think, necessary to conclude that the error originated in observers mi«taHng the cocoons for grains of corn, to which they bear much resemblance. It is scarcely cred- ible that Aristotle, Virgil, Horace, Ac., who all speak of this insect storing up graintof corn, should have been so far misled, or have been such bad observers, as to have taken the cocoons for grains. Ants do carry off grains of corn, just as they carry off other things — not, however, as was stated, for food, but for their nests. "They are great rob- bers," says Dr. Thomson {Land and Book, p. 337), " and plunder by night as well as by day, and the fanner must keep a sharp eye to his floor, or they will abstract a large quantity of grain in a single night."

    It is right to state that a well-known entomol- ogist, the Bev. F. W. Hope, in a paper " On some doubts respecting the economy of Ants" (TVans. Enlom. Soc. 11. 811), Is of opinion that CoL Sykes's observations do tend to show that there are species sf exotic ants which store up food for winter con- sumption; but it must be remembered that Mr. Bates's investigations are subsequent to the publi- jation of that paper.

    * further point in the examination of this sub-

    * This fact corroborates what the ancients have srlttsn on this particular point, who have record*! xtat the ant brines up to dry in the sun the corn,


    Jeet remains to be considered, which is this: Does Scripture assert that any species of ant stores up food for future use? It cannot, we think, be main- tained that the words of Solomon, in the only tw« passages where mention of this insect is made, nee- manly teach this doctrine; but at the same time it must be allowed, that the language used, ana more especially the context of the passage in Prov. xxx. 26, do seem to imply that such an opinion was held with respect to the economy of this insect. There are four things which are Ittie upon the earth, but they are exceeding wise; the ants are s people not strong, yet they prepare their meat ir the summer." In what particular, it may bt asked, are these insects so especially noted for theii wisdom, unless some allusion is made to their sop- posed provident foresight in " preparing their meat in the summer." If the expression here used merely has reference to the fact that ante are able to provide themselves with food, how is their wis- dom herein more excellent than the countless host of other minute insects whose natural instinct prompts them to do the same? If this question is fairly weighed in connection with the acknowl- edged fact, that from very early times the ancients attributed storing habits to the ant, it will appeal at least probable that the language of Solomon im- plies a similar belief; and if such was the general opinion, is it a matter of surprise that the wist man should select the ant as an instance whereon he might ground a lesson of prudence and fore- thought?

    The teaching of the Bible is accommodated tc the knowledge snd opinions of those to whom iti language is addressed, and the observations of nat- uralists, which, as far as they go, do certainly tend to disprove the sasertion that ants store up food foi future use, are no more an argument against th, truth of the Word of God than are the ascertained laws of astronomical science, or the facts in the mysteries of life which the anatomist or physiolo- gist has revealed.

    The Arabians held the wisdom of the ant in such estimation, that they used to place one of these in- sects in the hands of a newly-born infant, repeat- ing these words, " May the boy turn out clever and skillful." Hence in Arabic, with the noun nem- leh, "an ant," is connected the adjective nemiL "quick," "clever" (Bochart, Hitroz. lii. 494). The Talniudists, too, attributed great wisdom to this insect. It was, say they, from beholding tht wonderful ways of the ant that the following ex pression originated: " Thy justice, God, readier to the heavens " (0,%dm, 63).* Ants live togetba in societies, having " no guide, overseer, or ruler.' See LatreUle's Histoirt Naturtlh da Fourmit Paris, 1802; Huber's Trait* da Mauri det F Indig.l EncycL Brit. 8th ed. art. "Ant;" Kirbj and Spenee, Introd. to Enlom. Ants belong to tht family Formicida, and order ffymenoptera. Then is not in the British Museum a single specimen uf an ant from Palestine. W. H.

    ANTICHRIST (i irrtxpurros)- The word Antichrist is used by St. John in his first and second Epistles, and by him alone. Elsewhere it does not occur in Scripture. Nevertheless, by an

    fcc, which bad baooms wet. See Instances In Be chart, Bt 490.

    b Our BngUih word ant appeals to ba an abbraV atlon of the form tmmtt (8ax. mrnnut).

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    Umost universal consent, the term naa been applied to the Man of Sin of whom St Paul tpealu in the Second Epistle to the Thessaloniani, to the Little Horn and to the fierce-countenanced King of whom Daniel propheaiea, and to the two Beasts of the Apocalypse, aa well as to the bin Christs whoae appearance our Lord predicts in his prophetic dis- course on the Mount of Olives. Before we can arrive at any clear and intelligent view of what Scripture teaches us on the subject of Antichrist, we must decide whether this extension of the term is properly made; whether the characteristics of the Antichrist are those alone with which St. John makes us acquainted in his Epistles, or whether it is his portrait which is drawn, darker, fuller, and larger, in some or all of the other passages to which we have referred.

    (A.) The following are the passages in Scripture which ought to be carefully compared for the elu- cidation of our subject: — I. Matt. xxiv. 3-31. II. 1 John ii. 18-33; iv. 1-3; 2 John 6, 7. III. 2 Theas. ii. 1-12; 1 Tim. iv. 1-3; 2 Tun. iil 1-fi. IV. Dan. viii. 8-25; xi. 36-39. V. Dan. vii. 7- 27. VI. Rev. xiii. 1-8; xvii. 1-18- VII. Rev. xiii. 11-18; xix. 11-21. The first contains the account of the false Christs and false prophets pre- dicted by our Lord ; the second, of the Antichrist aa depicted by St. John; the third, of the Adver- sary of God aa portrayed by St. Paul; the fourth and fifth, of the fierce-countenanced King and of the Little Horn foretold by Daniel; the sixth and the seventh, of the Beast and the False Prophet of the Revelation.

    I. The False Christs and False Prophets of MntL xxiv. — The purpose of our Lord in his pro- phetic discourse on the Mount of Olives was at once to predict to his disciples the events which would take place before the capture of Jerusalem, and those which would precede the final destruction of the world, of which the fall of Jerusalem was the type and symbol. Accordingly, his teaching on the point before us amounts to this, that (1 ) in the latter days of Jerusalem there should be sore distress, and that in the midst of it there should arise impostors who would claim to be the promised Messiah, and would lead away many of their coun- trymen after them ; and that (2) in the last days of the world there should be a great tribulation and persecution of the saints, and that there should arise at the same time false Christs and false proph- ets, with an unparalleled power of leading astray. In type, therefore, our Lord predicted the rise of the several impostors who excited the fanaticism of the Jews before their (all. In antitype He predicted the future rise of impostors in the last days, who should beguile all but the elect into the belief of their being God's prophets or even his Christs. We find no direct reference here to the Antichrist. Our Lord is not speaking of any one individual 'or polity), but rather of those forerunners of the Intichrist who are his servants and actuated by his spirit. They are if ci,Sox,uirroi, and can deceive almost the elect, but they are not i arrlxpurros ; they are ituSowpo^rjreu, and can show great signs and wonders, but they are not 6 tytvtowpoffmi. Rev. xvL 13). However valuable, therefore, the trophecy on Mount Olivet is, aa helping us U pict- ure to ourselves the events of the hist days, iv don not elucidate for us the characteristics of the Auti- jhrict, «ud must not be allowed to mislead us as Bough it gave information which it does not pn— •as to give.



    H. The Antichrist of St. John's Epistles. — The first teaching with regard to the Antichrist sod to the antagonist of God (whether these art the same or different we leave aa yet uncertain) waa oraL "Ye have htt,rd that the Antichrist cometh," says St John (1 Ep. ii. 18); and again, « This la that spirit of Antichrist whereof ye nave heard that it should come " (1 Ep. iv. 3). Simi- larly St. Paul, "Remember ye not, that when I was yet with you ,told you these things " (2 Theas. ii. 5) ? We must not therefore look for a full state- ment of the "doctrine of the Antichrist" in the Apostolic Epistles, but rather for allusions to some- thing already known. The whole of the teaching of St. John's Epistle with regard to the Antichrist himself seems to be confined to the words twice re- peated, " Te have heard that the Antichrist shall come." The verb tpxtrai here employed has a special reference, as used in Scripture, to the first and second advents of our Lord. Those whom St. John waa addressing had been taught that, as Christ was to come (foxtrot), so the Antichrist was to come likewise. The rest of the passage in St John appears to be rather a practical application of the doctrine of the Antichrist than a formal state- ment of it He warns his readers that the spirit of the Antichrist could exist even then, though the coming of the Antichrist himself was future, and that all who denied the Messiahship and Sonahip of Jesus were Antichrists^ aa being types of the final Antichrist who was to come. The teaching of St John's Epistles therefore amounts to this, that in type, Cerinthus, Basilides, Simon Magus, and those Gnostics who denied Christ's Sonahip, and all subsequent heretics who should deny it, were Antichrists, as being wanting in that divine principle of love which with him is the essence of Christianity ; and he points on to the final appear- ance of the Antichrist that was " to come " in the last times, according as they had been orally taught, who would be the antitype of these his forerunners and servants.

    III. The Adversary of God of Su Pauls Epis- tles. — St Paul does not employ the term Anti- christ, but there can be no hesitation in identifying his Adversary (t hvriictlutvot) of God with the Antichrist who was "to come." Like St John, he refers to his oral teaching on the subject, but as the Thessalonians appeared to have forgotten it, and to have been misled by some passages in hla previous Epistle to them, he recapitulates what he had taught them. Like St John, he tells them that the spirit of Antichrist or Antichriatianisni, called by him "the mystery of iniquity," was already working; but Antichrist himself he char- acterizes as " the Man of Sin," "the Son of Per- dition," " the Adversary to all that is called God," " the one who lifts himself above all objects of wor- ship; " and assures them that he should not be revealed in person until some present obstacle to his appearance should have been taken away, and until the predicted awoaraaia should have oc- curred.

    From St John and St Paul together we learn (1) that the Antichrist should come; (2) that he should not come until a certain obstacle to his coming was removed; (3) nor till the time of, or rather till after the time of the ixmrraola; (4« that hi* characteristics would be (a) open oppo- sition to God and religion, (0) a chum to the in- comnranicible attribute, of God, (y) iniquity, sin, and lawlessness, (3) a power of working lyiug mfa

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    seisa, («) marvellous capacity of beguiling souk; (5) that be would be actuated by Satan; (6) that lib spirit was already at work manifesting itself partially, incompletely, and typically, in the teach- ers of infidelity and immorality already abounding In the Church.

    IV. Tlitferce-axmlttumced King of Daniel — This passage is universally acknowledged to be pri- marily applicable to Antiochus Epiphanes. Anti- ochus Epiphanes is recognized as the chief proto- type of the Antichrist. The prophecy may there- fore be regarded as descriptive of the Antichrist. The point is fairly argued by St. Jerome*: — "Down to this point (Dan. zi. 21) the historical order is preserved, and there is no difference be- tween Porphyry and our own interpreters. But all that follows down to the end of the book he applies personally to Antiochus Epiphanes, brother of Seleucus, and son of Antiochus the Great; for, after Seleucus, he reigned eleven years in Syria, and possessed Judaea; and in his reign there oc- curred the persecution about the Law of God, and the wars of the Maccabees. But our people con- sider all these things to be spoken of Antichrist, who is to come in the last time. .... It ia the custom of Holy Scripture to anticipate in types the reality of things to come. For in the same way our Lord and Saviour is spoken of in the 72d Psalm, which is entitled a Psalm of Solomon, and yet all that is there said cannot be applied to Sol- omon. But in part, and as in a shadow and image of the truth, these things are foretold of Solomon, to be more perfectly fulfilled in our Lord and Sa- viour. As, then, in Solomon and other saints the Saviour has types of His coming, so Antichrist is rightly believed to have for his type that wicked king Antiochus, who persecuted the saints and de- filed the Temple." (S. Hieron. Op. torn. i. p. 523, Col. Agr. 1616; torn. iii. p. 1127, Paris, 1704).

    V. The LUUe Horn of Daniel. — Hitherto we have I een dealing with a person, not a kingdom or a polity. This is evident from St. John's words, and still more evident from the Epistle to the Thes- sakmians. The words used by St. Paul could not well have been more emphatic, had he studiously made use of them in order to exclude the idea of a polity. « The Man of Sin," " the Son of Perdi- tion," " the one who opposeth himself to God," " the one who ezalteth himself above God," "the one who represents himself as God," " the wicked one who was to come with Satanic power and lying wonders: " if words have a meaning, these words designate an individual. But when we come to Daniel's prophecy of the Little Horn this is all changed. We there read of four beasts, which are explained as four kings, by which expression is meant four kingdoms or empires. These kingdoms represented by the four beasts are undoubtedly the Assyrian empire, the Persian empire, the Grecian empire, and the Roman empire. The Roman Em- pire is described as breaking up into ten kingdoms, amongst which there grows up another kingdom which gets the mastery over nearly a third of them (three out of ten). This kingdom, or polity, is he little horn of the fourth beast, before which three of the first ten bornB are plucked up. If the bur "kings" (vii. 17) represented by the four •easts sre really empires, if the ten " kings " (vii. H) are monarchies or nationalities, then the other ' kins " who rises after them is, in like manner, ,,9632;nt an individual but a polity. It follows that the

    Uttla Horn " of Daniel cannot be identified with


    the Antichrist of St Joan sod St. Paid. Tot former is a polity, the latter is an individual.

    VI. The Apocalyptic Beatt of St. John. —A further consequence follows. For the Beast , f tbi Apocalypse is clearly identical with the Little Hon of Daniel The Beast whose power is absorbed into the Little Horn has ten horns (Dan. rii. 7i and rises from the sea (Dan. vii. 3): the Apoca- lyptic Beast has ten horns (Rev. xiii. 1 ) and rises from the sea (ibid.). The Little Horn has a mouth speaking great things (Dan. vii. 8, 11, 20); the Apocalyptic Beast has a mouth speaking great things (Rev. xiii. 5). The Little Horn makes war with the saints, and prevails (Dan. vii. 21): the Apocalyptic Beast makes war with the saints, and overcomes them (Kev. xiii. 7). The Little Horn speaks great words against the Most High (Dan. vii. 25): the Apocalyptic Beast opens his mouth in blasphemy against God (Rev. xiii. 6). The Little Horn wears out the saints of the Most High (Dan. vii. 25) : the woman who rides on, i. e. d ! . recta, the Apocalyptic Beast, is drunken with the blood of saints (Rev. xvii. 6). The persecution of the Little Horn is to last a time and times and a dividing of times, i. e. three and a half times (Dan. vii. 25) : power is given to the Apocalyptic Beast for forty-two months, i. e. three and a half times (Rev xiii. 5). These and other parallelisms cannot be accidental. Whatever was meant by Daniel's Little Horn must be abo meant by St. John's Beast. Therefore St. John's Beast is not the Antichrist. It is not an individual like the Antichrist of St- John's and St. Paul's Epistles, but a polity like the little Horn of Daniel.

    But, though not identical, it is quite evident, and it has been always recognized, that the Anti- christ of the Epistles and the Beast of the Apoca- lypse have some relation to each other. What is this relation? and in what relation to both does the second Apocalyptic Beast or False Prophet stand V To answer this question we must examine the imagery of the Apocalypse. Shortly stated, it is, so far as concerns our present purpose, as follows. The church is represented (Rev. xii.) as a woman bringing forth children to Christ, perse- cuted by Satan, and compelled to fly from him into the wilderness, where she remains for 1260 days, or three and a half times. Satan, being unable to destroy the woman, sets himself to make war with her seed (xii. 17). At this time the Beast arises from the sea, and Satan gives to him his power, and bis seat, and great authority. The length of time during which the Beast prevails is three and a half times, the same period as that during which the suffering* of the woman last. During a cer- tain part of this three and a half times the Beast takes upon its back, as its guide and rider, a har- lot, by whom, as it is explained, is figured " that great city which reigneth over the kings of the earth" (Rev. xvii. 18) from her seven hills (xvii. 9). After a time Babylon the harlot-rider falls (eh. xriii.), but the Beast on whom she bad ridden still survives, and is finally destroyed at the glori- ous coming of Christ (xix. 20).

    Can we harmonize this picture with the predic- tion of St. Paul, always recollecting that his Mas of Sin is an individual, and that the Apocalyptic Beast is a polity ?

    As we have here reached that which coustitutet the great difficulty in mastering the oonceptim o. the Antichrist as revealed by the inspired writes we shall now turn from the text ,if Scripture U

    Digitized by



    .he comments of annotators and esiivUta to see trhat assistance we can derive iron. them. We ihall then resume the consideration of the Script- ural passages at the point at which we now leave them. We shall classify the opinions which have been held on the Antichrist according as he is re- garded as an individual, or os a polity, or as a principle. The individualists, again, must be sub- divided, according as they represent him as one to come or as one already come. We have, therefore, four classes of writers on the Antichrist: — (1) those who regard him as an individual yet future ;

    (2) those who regard him as a polity now present;

    (3) those who regard him as an individual already past away; (4) those who consider that nothing is meant beyond antichristian and lawless principle, not embodied either in an individual or in a special polity.

    1. The first opinion held in the Church was that the Antichrist was a real person who would appear in the world when the time of his appear- ance was come. The only point on which any question arose was, whether lie should be a man armed with satanic powers or Satan himself. That he would be a man armed with satanic powers is the opinion of Justin Martyr, a. d. 103 {Dial. 371, 20, 21, Thirlbii, 1722); of Irenreus, A. D. 1+0 (Op. v. 25, 437, Grabii, 1702); of Tertul- lian, A. D. 150 (De Res. Cam. c. 24; ApoL c. 32); of Origen, A. I). 184 (Op. i. 6G7, Delarue, 1733); of his contemporary, Uippolytus (De Anti- christo, 57, Fabricii, Hamburgi, 1710); of Cyprian, A. D. 250 (Ep. 58; Op. 120, Oxon. 1682); of Victorinu8, A. D. 270 (Bibl. Pair. Magna, iii. p. 136, Col. Agrip. 1618); of Lactantius, A. D. 300 (Did. lint. vii. 17) of Cyril of Jerusalem, A. D. 315 (Catech. xv. 4); of Jerome, A. D. 330 (Op. iv. pars i. 20!), t'arisiis, 1693); of Chrysostom, A. D. 347 (Comm. in II. Tkess.); of Hilary of 1'oictiers a. d. 350 (Comm. in Halt.); of Augustine, A. D. 354 (De Civit. Dei, xx. 19); of Ambrose, A. D. 380 (Comm. in Luc.).,* The authors of the Sibyl- line Oracles, A. D. 150, and of the Apostolical Con- stitutions, Celsus (see Orig. c. Celt. lib. vi.), Eph- rein Syrus, a. d. 370, Theodoret, a. D. 430, and a few other writers seem to have regarded the Anti- christ as the Devil himself rather than as his min- ister or an emanation from him. But they may, perhaps, have meant no more than to express the identity of his character and his power with that of Satan. Each of the writers to whom we have referred gives his own judgment with respect to some particulars which may lie expected in the An- tichrist, whilst they all agree in representing him M a person about to come shortly before the glori- ous and final appearance of Christ, and to be de- stroyed by His presence. Justin Martyr speaks of him as the man of the apostasy, acd dwells chiefly ,n the persecutions which he would cause. Iremeus describes hira as summing up the apostasy in him- self; as having his seat at Jerusalem ; as identical with the Apocalyptic Beast (c. 28), as foreshad- jwed by the unjust judge; as being the man who

    should come in his own name: " and as belonging o the tribe of Dan (c. 30). Tertullian identifies lira with the Beast, and supposes him to be about a) arise on the fall of the Roman Empire (De Res.



    Cam. c. 25). Origen describes bim in Eastern phrase as the child of the Devil and the counterpart of Christ. Hippolytus understands the Uoinan em- pire to be represented by the Apocalyptic Beast and the Antichrist by the False Prophet who would restore the wounded Beast by his craft and by the wisdom of his laws. Cyprian sees him typified in Antiochus Epiphanes (Exhort, ad Mart. c. 11). Victorinus, with several others — misunderstanding St Paul's expression that the mystery of iniquity was in his day working — supposes that the Anti- christ will be a revivified hero ; lactantius that he will be a king of Syria, born of an evil spirit ; Cyril that he will be a magician, who by his arts will get the mastery of the Roman empire. Jerome de- scrilies him as the son of the Devil sitting in the Church as though he were the Son of God ; Chrys- ostom as Ai'TiPeo's tii sitting in the Temple of God, that is, in all the churches, not merely in the Temple at Jerusalem : St. Augustine as the adver- sary holding power for three and a half years — the Beast, perhaps, representing Satan's empire. The primitive belief may be summed up in the words of St. Jerome. In his Commentary on Daniel he writes — " I^et us say that which all ecclesiastical writers have handed down, viz., that at the end of the world, when the Roman empire is to be destroyed, there will be ten kings who will divide the Roman world amongst them ; and there will arise an eleventh little king, who will subdue three of the ten kings, that is, the king of Egypt, of Africa, and of Ethiopia, as we shall hereafter show. And on these having been slain, the seven other kings will also submit. ' And behold,' he says, ' in the ram were the eyes of a man.' This is that we may not suppose him to be a devil or a demon, as some have thought, but a man in whom Satan will dwell utterly and bodily. ' And a mouth speaking great tilings,' for he is ' the man of sin, the son of perdition, who sitteth in the temple of God, making himself as God ' " (Op. vol. iv. p. 511, Col. Agrip. 1616). In his Comment, on l,an. xi., and in his reply to Algasia's eleventh question, he works out the same view in greater detail. The same line of interpretation continued. Andreas of Caesarea, a. i,. 550, explains him to lie a king act- uated by Satan, who will reunite the old Roman empire and reign at Jerusalem ( In Apoc. c. xiii. ) ; Aretas, A. D. 660, as a king of the Romans who will reign over the Saracens in Bagdad ( ,n Apoc. c. xiii.); John Damascene, A. i,. 800 [fl. 730], repeats the primitive lielief (Orth. F'ui. 1. iv. c. 26). A,1,", A. D. U50 [980], says that a Frank king will reunite the Roman empire, and that he will abdicate on Mount Olivet, and that, on the dissolution of his kingdom, the Antichrist will be revealed. The same writer supposes that he will be bom in- Baby- lon, that he will lie educated at Bethsaida and Cho- i-.i,.in. and that he will proclaim himself the Son of God at Jerusalem ( Tract, in Antichr. apod Au- gust. Opera, torn. ix. p. 454, Paris, 1637). The- ophylact, A. D. 1070, speaks of him as a man who will carry Satan about with him. Albert the Great, Cardinal Hut'i, and Alexander de Hales repeat the received tradition in the thirteenth century. Sc also Thomas Aquinas, A. n. 1260, who recurs to the tradition with regard to the birth of Antichrist

    • *Tue dads ben given In connection with th«|"wi» Um-ysostom, and Augustine, thejr denote tot juim of many of the Christian Git hers are likely to , supposed time of their birth; in the case of the others ,,9632;Mu d the reader. In the case of Jnetto Martyr, mentioned above and below, they mpreeent the tun* Ternxlnao, Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem. Je- 1 when they Jtouruhtd. *

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    it Babylon, laying that he will be instructed in | the Magian philosophy, and that his doctrine and miracles will be a parody of (hose of the Lamb. The received opL-Jon of the twelfth century is brought before us in a striking and dramatic man- ner at the interview between King Richard I. and the Abbot Joachim at Messina, as the king was on his way to the Holy Land. " I thought," said the king, " that Antichrist would be born in Antioch or in Babylon, and of the tribe of Dan : and would reign in the temple of the Lord in Jerusalem ; and would walk in that land in which Christ walked ; and would reign in it for three years and a half; and would dispute against EUjah and Knoch, and would kill them; and would afterwards die; and that after his death God would give sixty days of repentance, in which those might repent which should have erred from the way of truth, and hare been seduced bv the preaching of Antichrist and his false prophets." This seems to have been the view defended by the archbishops of 1'ouen and Auzerre and by the bishop of Bayonne, who were present at the interview ; but it was not Joachim's opiniou. lie maintained the seven heads of the Beast to be Herod, Nero, Constantius, Mohammed, Mekcmut, who were past; Sabdin, who was then living; and Antichrist, who was shortly to come, being already born in the city of Rome, and about to be derated to the Apostolic See (Roger de "love- den in Kielutrd ,., anno 1190). a In his own won on the Apocalypse Joachim speaks of the second Apocalyptic beast as lieing governed by "some great prelate who will be like Simon Magus, and as it were universal pontiff throughout the world, and be that very Antichrist of whom St. Paul speaks.'' These are very noticeable words. Gregory I. had long since (A. i,. 590) declared that any man who held even the shadow of the power which the popes of Rome soon after his time arrogated to themselves, would be the precursor of Antichrist. Arnulphus bishop of Orleans (or perhaps Uerbert), in an invec- tive against John XV. at the Council of Kbeims, a. n. 991, had declared that if the Roman pontiff was destitute of charity and puffed up with knowledge, he was Antichrist — if destitute both of charity aud of knowledge, that be was a lifeless stone (Mansi, torn. ix. p. 139, Ven. 1774); but Joachim is the first to suggest, not that such aud such a pontiff was Antichrist, but that the Antichrist would be a Ctnremli* Ptmtiftx, and that be would occupy the Apostolic See. Still, however, we haw no hint of an order or succession of men being the Anti- christ. It is an actual, living, individual man that Joachim contemplates.

    The master had said that a Tope would be the Antichrist; his followers began to whisper that it was At Pope- Amalric, professor of logic and theology at Paris at the end of the 12th century, appears to haw been the first to have put forth the idea. It was taken up by three different classes : by the moralists, who were scandalised at the laxity of the Papal Court; by the Imperialists, in then- temporal struggle with the Papacy; and, perhaps independently, by the Waldenses and their followers in their spiritual struggle. Of the first class we

    ,,,9632; The BollandJrts reject the story of this Interview m an tnnmttoo. It has aha bssn suggested (an «. Stuart) that Joachim's works have beao toter-

    • " K assar mot avis*, out rsnra V Antentst, (bassos son email, ni a son feat, ai a son alt:


    may find examples in the Franciscan enthusiast* Peter John of Olivi, Telespborua, Ubertinus, and John of Paris, who saw a mystic Antichrist at Rome, and looked forward to a real Antichrist in the future; and again in such men as GrosuSte whom we find asking, as in despair, whether the name of Antichrist has not been earned by the Pope (Matt. Par. in An. 1233, p. 875, 1640). Of the second class we may take Eberhard archbishop of Salzburg as a specimen, who denounces HOoV brand as "having, in the name of religion, bud the foundation of the kingdom of Antichrist 170 years before his time." He can even name the ten horns. They are the " Turks, Greeks, Egyp- tians, Africans, Spaniards, French, English, Ger- mans, Sicilians, and Italians, who now occupy the provinces of Rome; and a little born has grown up with eyes and mouth, speaking great things, which is reducing three of these kingdoms — i. r. Sicily, Italy, and Germany — to subserviency, is persecuting the people of Christ and the saints of God with intolerable opposition, is conro-inding things human and divine, and attempting things unutterable, execrable" (Aventinus, Aimal Bat- oram, p 651, lips. 1710). The Waldenses eagerly grasped at the same notion, and from that time it has never been lost sight of. Thus we slide from the individualist view, which was held unanimously in the Church for upwards of a thousand years, to the notion of a polity, or a succession of rulers of a polity, that polity being the Church of Rome. The hitherto received opinion now vanishes, and does not appear again until the excesses and ex- travagances of the new opinion produced a reaction against itself.

    2. The Waldenses also at first regarded the Antichrist as an individual The " Noble Lesson," written in the 12th century, teaches the expecta- tion of a future and personal Antichrist;" but the Waldensian treatise of Antichrist in the 14th cent- ury identifies Antichrist. Babylon, the Fourth Beast, the Harlot, and the Man of Sin, with the system '£ Popery. WicklifStrs and Haxsites held the same language. Lord Cobham declared at his trial that the Pope was Antichrist's head (Bede's U'orH, p. 38, Cambridge, 1849). Walter Brute, brought before the Bishop's Court at Hereford at the end of the 14th century, pronounced the Anti- christ to be " the high Bishop of Rome calling him- self God's sen-ant and Christ's chief vicar in this world" (Foxe, iii. 131, Lond. 1844). Thus we reach the Reformation. Walter Brute (A. i, 1393), Bullinger (1504). Chytneus (1571), Aretii* (1573), Foxe (1586), Napier (1593), Mede (1632; Jurieu (1685), Bp. Newton (1750), Cunninghame (1813). Fader, (1814). Woodnouse (1828), Ha- bersbon (1843). identify the False Prophet, or Second Apocalyptic Beast, with Antichrist and with the Papacy; Martorat (a. p. 1574), King James I. (1603), Daubuz (1720), Galloway (1802), the Fust Apocalrptic Beast; Brightman (A. D. 1600) Parens (1615), Viu-inga (1705), Gill (1776). Bachmair (1778), Fraser (1795), Croly (1828) Fran (1837), Elliott (IBM), both the Beasts That the Pope and his system are Antichrist, was

    Car, sagont I'eacripcnra. son an kit mod Intexnrt ; Car Antexrist son tult aquuh qua eonbastan a Xrist'

    La NoHa Lryrzon, 1. 457. Sas Baynouard'a Own

    da Points Origin*' ts drs Troubadour*, IL 100; Apt UL to toL HL of Elliott's Bora Apocalyptic*, Loss 1846; HaUam-i Lit. Europe, i. 28 (note), Load. 186*

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    taught by Luther, Calvin, Zwingli, Melancthon, ,,9632; Bucer, Beza, Calixtus, Bengel, Michaelis, aud by ' Umost all Protestant writers on the Continent. | Xor was there any hesitation on the part of Eng- lish theologians to seize the same weapon of offense. I Bp. Bale (a. u. HUD, like Luther, Bucer, and Melanethon, pronounces the Pope in Europe and Mohammed in Africa to be Antichrist. The Pope is Antichrist, say Cranmer ( Works, vol. ii. p. 46, Camb. 1844), Latimer (Work*, vol. i. p. 149, Camb. 1844), Ridley (Works, p. 53, Camb. 1841), Hooper (Works, vol. ii. p. 44, Camb. 1852), Hutchinson ( Works, p. 304, Camb. 1842), Tyn- dale ( Works, vol. i. p. 147, Camb. 1848), Sandys ( Works, p. 11, Camb. 1841), Philpot ( Works, p. 152, Camb. 1842), Jewell ( Works, vol. i. p. 109, Camb. 1845), Rogers ( Works, p. 182, Camb. 1854), I'ulke ( Works, vol. ii. p. 269, Camb. 1848), Brad- ford ( Works, p. 435, Camb. 1848). Nor is the opinion confined to these 16th century divines, who may be supposed to have been specially in- censed against Popery. King James held it (ApoL pro Juram. Fhiel. London, 1609), as strongly as Queen Elizabeth (see Jewell, Letter to Bulling. May 22, 1559, Zurich Letters, First Series, p. 33, Camb. 1842); and the theologians of the 17th century did not repudiate it, though they Less and less dwelt upon it as their struggle came to be with Puritanism in place of Popery. Bp. Andrewes maintains it as a probable conclusion from the Epistle to the Thessalonians (Jiesp. ad Gellann. p. 304, Oxon. 1851); but he carefully explains that King James, whom he was defending, had expressed his private opinion, not the belief of the Church, on the subject (ibid. p. 23). Bramhall introduces limitations and distinctions ( Works, iii. 520, Oxf. 1345); significantly suggests tliat there are marks of Antichrist which apply to the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland :is much as to the Pope or to the Turk (ib. iii. 287); and declines to make the Church of England responsible for what individual preachers or writers had said on the subject in moments of exasperation (id. ii. 582). From this time forward the Papal-Antichrist theory is not to be found in any theologians of name in the Eng- lish Church, nor indeed in the sixteenth century does it seem to have taken root in England. Hard names were bandied al,out, aud the hardest of all being Antichrist, it was not neglected. Rut the idea of the Pope being the Antichrist was not the idea of the English Reformation, nor was it ever applied to the Pope in his Patriarchal or Archi- episcopal, but solely in his distinctively Papal char- acter. But the more that the sober and learned divines of the seventeenth century gave up this application of the term, the more violently it was insisted upon by men of little charity and con- tracted views. A string of writers followed each Jther in succession, who added nothing to the inter- pretation of prophecy, but found each the creation of his own brain in the sacred book of the Rev- elation, grouping history in any arbitrary nunner that they chose around the central figure of the Papal Antichrist.

    3. A reaction followed. Some returned to the indent idea of a future individual Antichrist, as LuMui,n or Benezra (a. t,. 1810), Burgh, Samuel Newman ( Tracts for the Times, N^, i3), Charles Maitland (Prophetic Interpretation), jiism pr e fer re d looking upon him a* long past, md fixed upon one or another persecutor or heresi- ircn as I be nun in whom tie predictions as to



    Antichrist found their fulfillment. There, seems tc be no trace of this idea for more than 1600 yean in the Church. Hut it has been token up by two opposite classes of expounders, by Romanists who were anxious to avert the application of the Apoc- alyptic prophecies from the Papacy, and by others, who were disposed, not indeed to deny the pro phetic import of the Apocalypse, but to confine the seer's ken within the closest and narrowest limiU that were possible. Alcasar, a Spanish Jesir.t. taking a hint from Victorinus, seems to have bueu the first (a. d. 1604) to have suggested that the Apocalyptic prophecies did not extend further than to the overthrow of Paganism by Constantino This view, with variations by Grotius, is taken up and expounded by Bossuet, Calmet, De Sacy, Kich- horn, Hug, Herder, Ewald, Moses Stuart, David- son. The general view of the school is that the A()ocalypse describes the triumph of Christianity over Judaism in the first, and over Heathenism in the third century. Mariana sees Antichrist in Nero; Bossuet in Diocletian and in Julhm; Gro- tius in Caligula; Wetstein in Titus; Hammond in Simon Magus ( Works, vol. iii. p. 020, Lond. 1631); Whitby in the Jews (Coram, vol. ii. p. 431, Lond. 1760); Le Clerc in Simon, son of Giora, a leader of the rebel Jews; Schijttgen in the Pharisees; X(sseltand Krause in the Jewish zealots; Harduin in the High Priest Ananias; F. D. Maurice in Vitellius (On the Apocalypse, Camb. 1860).

    4. 'The same spirit that refuses to regard Satan as an individual, naturally looks upon the Anti- christ as an evil principle not embodied either in a person or in a polity. Thus Koppe, Storr, Nitzsch, Pelt. (See Alford, Gk. Test. iii. 69.)

    We do not gain much by a review of the opin- ions of the commentators. In the case of prophecy, partially at least unfulfilled, little is to be expected. Of the four opinions which we have exhibited, the Lost is in accordance neither with St. Paul nor St. John, for St. Paul describes the Adversary as being distinctly a man; St. John speaks of the coming of Antichrist in terms similar to those used for the coming of Christ, and describes Antiehristianism as to rov (urixpiffToi,, thereby showing that Anti- ehristianism is Antiehristianism because it is the spirit of the concrete Antichrist. The third opin- ion is plainly refuted by the fact that the persona fixed upon as the Antichrist have severally passed away, but Christ's glorious presence, which is im- mediately to succeed the Antichrist, has not yet been vouchsafed. The majority of those who maintain the second opinion are shown to be in the wrong because they represent as a polity what St. Paul distinctly describes as a man. The ma- jority of those who hold the first opinion are in like manner shown to be in the wrong, because the) represent as an individual what the Apocalypse de- monstrably pictures as a polity. We are unable to follow any one interpreter or any one school of interpreters- The opinions of the two last schools, we are able to see, are wholly false. The two first appear to contain the truth between them, but sc divided as to be untrue in the mouth of almost any individual expositor who has entered into details. We return to Scripture.

    St. Paul says that there are two tilings which are tc precede the Day of Christ, the aa-ooTotrfo and the revelation of the Adversary, but he (km not say that these two things are con temporal) . On the contrary, though he dots not directly ex- press it, he implies that there was to be a suecessi*

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    if event*. Bint, it would seem, an unnamed and to na unknown obstacle baa to be removed : tben wag to follow the " Apostasy ; " after this, the Ad- versary was to arias, and then was to come his de- struction. We need hardly say that the word " apostasy," as ordinarily used, does not give the exact meaning of A iarooraalct. The A. V. has most correctly rendered the original by "falling wray," having only failed of entire exactness by omitting to give the value of the article." An open and unblushing denial and rejection of all be- lief, which is implied in our " apostasy," is not im- plied in ivaarcuria. It means one of two things: (1) Political defection (Gen. xiv. 4; 3 Ohr. xiii. 6; Act* v. 37); (3) Religious defection (Acts xxi. 31;, 1 Tim. iv. 1; Heb. lit. 13). The first is the com- mon classical use of the word. The second is more usual in the N. T. Cyril of Jerusalem seems to understand the word rightly when he says in ref- erence to this passage : Nvv 8} iariy f) aroarcuria- aWorvrow y,p ol ArOpwrai tt)j ipdrjs rfarcwf . . . ixi,m,,aat, y,p of ,v,poxoi a,b tt)» AAij- 8ttas . . . Atrrri rolyvy itrrXv t) ixoirrcurla • ,tal f»«XAf i vpaaSoKwytiai i (xfyos (St Cyril. Catec,i. xv. 9, Op. p. 328, Paris, 1720). And St. Am- brose, " A vera religione plerique lapsi errore descis- cent" (Comm. in Luc. xx. 30). This "falling away " implies persons who fall away, the krmrra- trta consists of as-oVrarai. Supposing the exist- ence of an organized religious body, some of whom should fall away from the true faith, the persons so falling away would be awoVroroi, though still formally ucsevered from the religious body to which they belonged, and the religious body itself, while from one side and in respect to its faithful members it would retain it* character and name as a relig- ous body, might yet from another side and in respect to its other members be designated an oWoorawfa. It is such a corrupted religious body as this that St. Paul seems to mean by the Awoa- raaia which he foretells in the Epistle to the Thee salonians. In the Epistles to Timothy he describes this religious defection by some of its peculiar characteristics. These are, seducing spirits, doc- trines of demons, hypocritical lying, a seared con- science, a forbidding of marriage and of meats, a form of godliness without the power thereof (1 Tim. iv. 1; 2 Tim. iii. 6). It has been usual, we have seen, to identify the Beast of the Apoo- nlypse with St. Paul's Han of Sin. It is impos- sible, as we have said, to do so. But it is possible, and more than possible, to identify the Beast and the airooTwrfa. Can we find any thing which will serve as the antitype of both ? In order to be the antitype of St. John's Beast it must be a polity, arising, not immediately, but shortly, after the dissolution of the Roman Empire, gaining great influence in the world, and getting the mas- tery over a certain number of those nationalities which like itself grew out of that empire (Dan. vii. •4). It must last three and a half times, t. e. nearly twice as long as the empire of Assyria, or Persia, or Grecia, to which only two times seem to


    be allotted (Dan. vii. 12). It must buumaenM against God, i. e . it must arrogate to itself or claim for creatures the honor due to God alone. 6 It must be an object of wonder and worship to the world (Rev. xiii. 6). It must put forward unblush- ing claims in behalf of itself, and be full of its own perfections (Rev. xiii. 5). At a certain period in it* history it must put itself under the guid- ance of Rome (Rev. xviii. 8), and remain ridden by her until the destruction of the latter (Her xviii. 2); it* own existence being still prolonged until the coming of Christ in glory (Rev. xix. 20). To satisfy the requirements of St- Paul's descrip- tion, its essential features must be a railing away from the true faith (2 Thcss. ii. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 1), and it must be further characterized by the specific qualities already transcribed from the Epistles to Timothy.

    The antitype may be found in the corrupted Church of Christ, in so far as it was corrupted. The same Ludy, in so far as it maintained the faith and love, was the bride and the spouse, and, in so far as it " fell away " from God, was the iwoo- Tavfa, just as Jerusalem of old was at once Sion the beloved city and Sodom the bloody city — the Church of God and the Synagogue of Satan. Ac- cording to this view, the three and a half times of the Beast's continuance (Rev. xiii. 5), and of the Bride's suffering in the wilderness (Rev. xii. C), would necessarily be conterminous, for the perse- cuted and the persecutors would be the faithful and the unfaithful members of the same body. These times would have commenced when the Church lapsed from her purity and from her first love into unfaithfulness to God, exhibited especially in idol- atry and creature-worship. It is of the nature of a religious defection to grow up by degrees. We should not therefore be able to lay the finger on any special moment at which it commenced. St. Cyril of Jerusalem considered that it was already existing in his time. "Note," he says, "is the kroaraaia, for men have fallen away (aWo-rno-ay) from tbe right faith. This then is the inroaraaia, and we must begin to look out for the enemy ; already he has begun to send bis forerunners, that the prey may be ready for him at his coming " ( Catech. xv. 9). It was at the Second Council of Nice that the Church formally committed itself for the first time (a. d. 787) by the voice of a General Council to false doctrine and idolatrous practice. Tbe after acquiescence in the Hildebrandine theory of the Papal supremacy would be typified by the Beast taking the woman who represents the seven-hilled city on its back as its guide and director. From the twelfth to the sixteenth century, and partially to the present day, this Hildebrandine idea has reigned over and ha* been the governing spirit of the Corrupted Church. The fall of Babylon, t. e. of Rome, would be as yet future, as well as the still subsequent destruction of the Corrupted Church, on the day of the coming of Christ. The period of the three and a half times would continue down to the final moment that this destruction takes place.

    o for the force of tbe article, an Bp. Mlddleton in K. ,«*. Art. p. 882, Camb. 1888).

    6 The word " blasphemy " has come to bear a seo- uidary meaning, which it does not bear in Scripture. Sohleusner (in voc.) rightly explains it, Dieere et,acere ptSnu majfUas Dti violator. The Jews accused our bard of blasphemy because He claimed divine power md the dlvhM attributes (Matt. tx. 2, xxvi. 64 ; John

    x. 88). There was nothing in our Lord's words which tbe most bitter malignity could have called blasphe- mous in the later sense which the word has come tf bear. It Is of course In the Scriptural, not in tht modem, sense that St. John attributes blasphemy tt the Beast. (See Wordsworth, On the Apocttlypm, * 528.)

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    VH. The Apocalyptic False PfOphet. -There ,,9632; a second Apocalyptic Beast : the Beast from the Earth (Rev. xiii. 11), or the False Prophet (Rev. six. 20). Can we identify this Beast either with Ihe individual Antichrist of the Epistles or with the corrupt polity of the Apocalypse ? We were compelled to regard the First Beast as a polity by its being identical with that which clearly is a pol- ity, the Little Horn of Daniel. There is no such necessity here, and there is no reason for regarding the Second Beast as a polity, beyond the fact of its being described under a similar figure to that by which a polity had been just previously described. This presumption is more than counterbalanced by the individuuiizing title of the False Prophet which be bears (Kev. xvi. 13, xi,,. 20). His character- istics are — (1) "doing great wonders, so that he maketh fire to come down from heaven on the earth in the sight of men " (Rev. xiii. 13). This power of miracle-working, we should note, is not attributed by St. John to the First Beast ; but it is one of the chief signs of St. Paul's Adversary, "whose coming is with all power and signs and lying wonders'' (2 Thess. ii. 9). (2) "He de- ceiveth them that dwell on the earth by the means of those miracles which he had power to do in the light of the Beast" (Rev. xiii. 14). " He wrought miracles with which he deceived them that received the mark of the Beast and worshipped l he image •i the Beast" (Rev. xlx. 20). In like manner, no special power of beguiling is attributed to the First Beast; but the Adversary is possessed of "all de- leivobleness of unrighteousness in them that perish because they received not the love of the truth that they might be saved" (2 Thess. ii. 10). (3) He has horns like a lamb, i. e. he bears an outward resemblance to the Messiah (Rev. xiii. 11); and the Adversary sits in the temple of God showing him- self that he is God (2 Thess. ii. 4). (4) His title is The False Prophet, o Vcv,oicpo,pJiTris (Rev. xvi. 13, xix. 20); and our Lord, whom Antichrist counterfeits, is emphatically 6 Upoipi)T-ns, The b(vhQirpo,pT)Tcu. of Matt. xxiv. 24 are the forerun- ners of ,J Wtv,oirpo,f,7}TTi,) as John the Baptist of the True IVophet. On the whole, it would seem that if t lit.- Antichrist appears at all in the Book of the Revelation it is by this Second Beast or the False Prophet that he is represented. If this be so, it follows that he is an individual person who will at some future time arise, who will ally himself with the Corrupted Church, represent himself as her minister and vindicator (Rev. xiii. 12), compel men by violence to pay reverence to her (xiii. 14), breathe a new life into her decaying frame by his an of the secular arm in her behalf (xiii. 15), for- bidding civil rights to those who renounce her au- thority and reject her symbols (xiii. 17 ), and putting them to death by the sword (xiii. 15), while per- Lonally he is an atheistical blasphemer (1 John ii. 22) and sums up in himself the evil spirit of un- belief which has been working in the world from St. Paul's days to his (2 Thess. ii. 7). That it is possible for a professed unbeJibver and atheist to nake himself the champion of a corrupt system of ,,9632;eligion, and to become on political grounds as

    riolent a persecutor in its behalf as • most

    knatical bigot could be, has oeen proved by events *hich have already occurred, and which might train occur on a more gigantic and terrible scale. Ine Antichrist would thus combine the forces, gen- Tally and happily anttgonistic, of infi^lity and tapentitkm In this would consist the special


    ho.ror of the reign of the Antichrist Hence also the special sufferings of the faithful ielievers until Christ himself once again appeared to vindicate the cause of truth and liberty and religion.

    The sum of Scripture teaching with regard to the Antichrist, then, appears to be as follows. Al- ready in the times of the Apostles there was the mystery of iniquity, the spirit of Antichrist, ai work. It embodied itself in various shapes — in the Gnostic heretics of St. John's days, in the Jewish impostors who preceded the fall of Jerusalem, in all hcresiarchs and unbelievers, especially those whose heresies had a tendency to deny the incar- nation of Christ, and in the great persecutors who from time to time afflicted the Church. But tins Antichristian spirit was then, and is still, diffused It had not, and it has not yet, gathered itself into the one person in whom it will be one day com- pletely and fully manifested. There was something which prevented the open manifestation of the Antichrist in the Apostles' days which they spoke of by word of mouth, but were unwilling to name in letters. What this otwtacle was, or is, we can- not now know. The general opinion of the early writers and fathers is that it was the power of secular law existing in the Roman Empire. The Roman Empire fell, and upon its fall, and in con- sequence of its fall, there arose a secularization and corruption of the Church, which would not have been so secularized and corrupted had it been kept in check by the jealousy of the imperial power. The secularization and corruption increasing, the Church, which from one point of view and in re- spect to some of its members was considered as the Church of Christ, from another point of view and in respect to others of its members, came to be regarded as no better than an iLKocraaia. Time passing on, the corrupt element, getting still more the mastery, took the Papacy on its back and gave itself up to I".' directed from Rome. So far we speak of the past. It would appear further that there is to l,e evolved from the womb of the Cor- rupt Church, whether after or before the fall of Rome does not appear, an individual Auticlirist, who, being himself a scoffer and contemner of all religion, will yet act as the patron and defender of the Corrupt Church, and compel' meu to submit to her sway by the force of the secular arm and by means of bloody persecutions. He will unite the old foes su|,erstition and unbelief in a combined attack on liljerty and religion. He will have, finally, a power of performing lying miracles and beguiling souls, being the embodiment of Satanic as distinct from brutal wickedness. How long his power will last we are wholly ignorant, as the three and a half times do not refer to his reign (as it usually imagined), but to the continuance of Um an -htt atria. We only know that his continuance will l,e short. At hist he will be destroyed to- gether with the Corrupt Church, in so far as it is corrupt, at the glorious appearance of Christ, which will usher in the millennial triumph of the faithful and hitherto persecuted members of the Church.

    (B.) There are points which require further elu- cidation : —

    1. The meaning of the name Antichrist. Mr. Greswell atgues at some length that the only cor- rect reading of the word is Counterfeit-Christ or Pi-v-Christo^ and denies that the idea of Adversary to Christ is involved in the word. Mr. GresweU't authority U great; but he has been in this case too hasty In drawing his conclusion from the instances

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    which be has cited. It is true that " 4W is not «ynon) mom with xard ," but it U impossible to re- list the evidence which any Greek lexicon supplies that the word M, both in composition and by itself, will bear the sense of " opponent to." It is probable that both senses are combined in the word Antichrist, as in the word Antipope, which is very exact in its resemblance, but the primary notion which it conveys would seem rather to be that of antagonism than rivalry. See Greswell, Exposition of the Parable*, vol. i. p. 872 ff.; Wordsworth, On Ae Apocalypte, p. 512.

    2. The meaning of T o xaWyor. What is that thing which witbholdeth (2 Thess. ii. 6)? and why is it apparently described in the following verse as a person (, Karix"') ',,9632; There is a remarkable unanimity among the early Christian writers on this point. They explain the obstacle, known to the Thessalonians but unknown to us, to be the Roman Empire. Thus Tertullian, De Reeur. Cam., c. 24, and ApoL, c. 32; St Chrysostom and The- ophylact on 2 Thess. ii. ; Hippolytus, De Antichritto, c. 49; St. Jerome on Dan. vii. ; St. Augustine, De Cm. Dei, xx. 19; St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. xv. 6 (see Dr. H. More's Works, bk. ii. c. 19, p. 690; Made, bk. iii. ch. xiii. p. 656; Alford, Gk. Te*L iii. 57; Wordsworth, On the Apocalypse, p. 520). Theodoret and Theodore of Mopsuestia hold it to be the determination of God. Theo- doret' s view is embraced by Pelt; the Patristic in- terpretation is accepted by Wordsworth. EUicott and Alford so far modify the Patristic interpreta- tion as to explain the obstacle to be the restraining power of human law (rb Karix°») wielded by the Empire of Rome (t mr^w) when Tertullian wrote, but now by the several governments of the civilized world. The explanation of Theodoret is untenable on account of St Paul's further words, "until he be taken out of the way," which are ipplied by him to the obstacle. The modification of EUicott and Alford is necessary if we suppose the iroaraata to be an infidel apostasy still future, for the Roman Empire is gone, and this apostasy is not come, nor is the Wicked One revealed. There is much to be said for the Patristic interpretation in its plainest acceptation. How should the idea of the Roman Empire being the obstacle to the revelation of Antichrist have originated? There was nothing to lead the early Christian writers to such a belief. They regarded the Roman Empire as idolatrous and abominable, and would have been more disposed to consider it as the precursor than as the obstacle to the Wicked One. Whatever the obstacle was, St Paul says that he told the Thessa- lonians what it was. Those to whom he had preached knew, and every time that his Epistle was publicly read (1 Them, v 27), questions would have been asked by those who did not know, and thus the recollection must b,,ve been kept up. It is very difficult to see whence the tradition could have arisen except from St. Paul's own teaching. It may be asked, Why then did be not express it in writing as well as by word of mouth? St. Je- rome's answer is sufficient : " If be had openly and unreservedly said, ' Antichrist will not come unless •he Roman Empire be first destroyed,' the infant Dhurcb would have been exposed in consequence o persecution " (ad Algr j. Qu. xi. vol. iv. p. 209, "aria, 1706). Remigiiw gives the same reason, ' He spoke obscurely for tear a Roman should per- ups read the Epistle, and raise a persecution •gainst him and the other , Christians, for they held


    that they were to rule forever in the world ' (Bs» Pair. Max. viii. 1018; see Wordsworth, On At Apocalypte, p. 343). It would appear then that the obstacle urns probably the Roman Empire, and on its being taken out of the way there did occur the " falling away." Zion the beloved city became Sodom the bloody city — still Zion though Sodom, still Sodom though Zion. According to the view given above, this would be the description of the Church in her present estate, and this will con- tinue to be our estate, until the time, times and half time, during which the evil element is allowed to remain within her, shall have come to their eLd.

    3. What it At Apocn,iff,tic Babyhmt There is not a doubt that by Babylon is figured Rome. The "seven mountains on which the woman sit- teth" (Rev. xvii. 9), and the plain declaration, " the woman which thou sawest is that great city which reigneth " (i. e. in St. John's days) " over the kings of the earth " (Rev. xvii. 18), are too strong evidence to be gainsaid. There is no com- mentator of note, ancient or modern, Romanist or Protestant, who does not acknowledge so much. But what Rome is it that is thus figured ? There are four chief opinions: (1) Rome Pagan; (2) Rome Papal; (3) Rome having hereafter be-»me infidel; (4) Rome as a type of the world. That it is old Pagan Rome is the view ably contended for by Bossuet and held in general by the prateritt school of interpreters. That it is Rome Papal was held by the Protestants of the sixteenth century, and by those who preceded and have followed them in their line of interpretation. That it is Rome having lapsed into infidelity is the view of many of the futw-ittt. That it is Rome as the type of the world is suggested or maintained by Tichonius, Pri- masius, Aretas, Albert the Great, and in our own days by Dr. Arnold (On At Interpretation of Prophecy) and Dr. Newman ( Tract* for Ae Time*, No. 83). That the harlot-woman must lie an un- faithful Church is argued convincingly by Words- worth (On Ae Apocalypte, p. 376), and no less decisively by Isaac Williams ( The Apocalypte, p. 335). A close consideration of the language and import of St. John's prophecy appears, as Mr. Williams says, to leave no room for doubt on this point. If this be so, the conclusion seems almost necessarily to follow that the unfaithful Church spoken of is, as Dr. Wordsworth argues, the Church of Rome. And this appears to be the case. The Babylon of the Apocalypse is probably the Church of Rome which gradually raised and seated herself on the back of the Corrupted Church — the Har- lot-rider on the Beast. A very noticeable conclu- sion follows from hence, which has been little marked by many who have been most anxious to identify Babylon and Rome. It is, that it is im- possible that the Pope or the Papal system can he Antichrist, for the Harlot who rides on the Beast and the Antichrist are wholly distinct. After Babylon is fallen and destroyed (Rev. xviii.) the Antichrist is still found (Rev. xix.). Indeed there is hardly a feature in the Papal system which is similar in its lineaments to the portrait of Anti- christ as drawn by St John, however closely it may resemble Babylon.

    4. What are tee to understand by Ae tico Wit- nesses t The usual interpretation given iu tb» early Church is that they are Enoch and EujaL, who are to appear in the days of Antichrist, ant by him to be killed. Victorious substitutes Jere- miah for Enoch. Joachim would suggest Mosea

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    mil Elijah taken figurci t n el ,, for some persona, or j perhaps orders, actuated by their spirit. Huhin | ijer, Jiale, Chytneus, I'areus, Mede, Vitringa un- derstand by them the line of Antipapal remon- it rants, ran takes them to be Huss and Jerome of Prague; Bossuet, the early Christian martyrs- Herder and Eichhorn, the chief priest Ananus and Jesus slain by the Zealots; Moses Stuart, the sick and old who did not fly from Jerusalem on its cap- ture by the Romans; Maurice, the priest Jeshua and the judge Zerubbabel as representing Iaw and Sacrifice; I^ee understands by them the Law and the Gospel; Tichonius and IJcde, the two Testa- nients; others the two Sacraments. All that we are able to say is this: The time of their witness- ing is 1260 days, or a time, times, and half a time. This is the same period as that during which the avo,Tatria and the power of the Beast continue. They would seem therefore to represent all those who in the midst of the faithless are found faithful throughout this time. Their being described as "candlesticks" would lead us to regard them per- haps as Churches. The place of their temporary death, " the great city, which spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt, where also our I^ord was cru- cified," would appear to be Jerusalem, as typifying the Corrupted Church. The Heart that kills them is not Antichrist, but the faithless Church.

    5. The Nwnbtr of the Btm,t. Nothing what- ever is known about it. No conjecture that lias been made is worth mentioning on the ground of its being likely in any the least degree to approx- imate to the truth. The usual method of seeking the solution of the difficulty is to select the name of an individual and to count the numerical values of its constituent letters. The extravagant con- clusions which have been made to result from this system have naturally brought it into disrepute, but it is certain that it was much more usual, at the time that St. John wrote, to make calcula- tions in this manner than most persons are now aware. On this principle Mercury or llnuth was invoked under the name of 1218, Jupiter under that of 717, the Sun of 608 or XH. Mr. Elliott motes an enigma from the Sibylline verses in some *ay expressing the name of God, strikingly illus- trative of the challenge put forth by St. John, and {perhaps formed in part on its model :

    1 r: .:i - ,f ' ,","""' , yu) ,,9632; T«TpacTUAAa£6s t'lfLl ' liKi ,)(. Hi Tp€ is ai -pwrat ,vo ypdfi-fiaT i,,ov,TiV tKaonj,

    H Aotrri) Si ra Aoftrd. • teal t,,,r,,v afyutva. ra nivrt. Tov Tracrbt S' api,nov iKaTovrdSes eiffi 5i« oktui Kai t,xis TpitrdeKa,f, truv y iirrd • yvous Si t« «i,ai, Qvk OfLVlfTOs eaj) 0u'iff trap ifioC ye uo,,,(,tj,.

    Sibyll. Char. p. 171, Paris, 1599.

    luppOMd by Mr. Clarke to be ©«£, oarr-qp. The only conjecture with respect to the number of the Heast, made on this principle, which is worthy of uicjition is one which dates as early as the time of Irenxus, and has held its ground down to the time 'f Dean Alford and Canon Wordsworth Irenreus uggesta, though he does not adopt, the word AaritKoi. Dr. Wordsworth (I860* thinks it possible, and Dean Alford (1861) has "the strong- wt persuasion that no other can be found approach- ing so near to a complete solutiop " Of ;ther lunes the chief favorites have been Tf ITS*



    (Irenaeus), Apvou,xe (Hippolytus), Aa^ire- tii, Apt* ft os (Tichonius), Veyerjf. iko , (Rupertus), Kukos 'O 87770,, 'A At? 77s BAajSfpo?, flaAai Boir,tacoi, 'Ajuvoj attKos (Arethas), Oii,,vio, (Grotimu. Ma- opens, 'Awoo"TaTi7J, DlOCMM AciiUaTC* (IJossuet): l.waiil constructs " the Koniau Ctesar" in Hebrew, and lienary " tlie CttMf Nero " in the same language. Any one who wishes to know the many attempts that have been made to solve the difficulty — attempts seldom even relieved by in- genuity — may consult Wollius, Cutmct, Clarke, Wrangham, Thorn [Thorn ?]." Probably the prin- ciple on which the explanation goes is false. Men have looked for Antichrist among their toes, and have tortured the name of the person fixed upon into being of the value of 666. Hence hi Li n uj under the Roman Emperors, Mohammed at the time of the Saracenic successes, Luther at the Reforma- tion, Bonaparte at the French Revolution. The name to be found is not that of Antichrist, but the name of the Beast, which, as we hlJP" argued, is not the same as Antichrist. It is prohJJe that a sounder method of interpretation is adopted by Mr. Isaac Williams, Dr. Wordsworth, and Air. Maurice. There is clearly a symbolical meaning in the num- bers used in the Apocalypse; and they would ex- plain the three sixes as a threefold declension from the holiness and perfection symbolized by the num- ber seven. We will add an ingenious suggestion by an anonymous writer, and will leave the subject in the same darkness in which it is probably des- tined to remain: "At his first appearance," he writes, "he will be hailed with acclamations and hosannahs as the redeemer of Israel, another Judas Maecabteus: and either from the initials of his name, or from the initial letter of some scriptural motto adopted by him, an artificial name will be formed, a cipher of his real name. And that ab- breviated name or cipher will be ostentatiously dis- played as their badge, their watchword, their shib- boleth, their * Maccahi,' by all his adherents. This artificial name, this mark or symbol of the real name, will be equal by Geinatria to 66fi (Jewish Missionary, p. 52, 1848).

    (C.) Jewish and Afohammethn traditions re xptcting Antichrist. The name given by the Jews

    to Antichrist is (0*1 ;^pHS) Armillus. There are several Rabbinical books in which 1 circumstantial account is given of him, such as iie " Book of Zerubbabel," and others printed at Constantinople. Buxtorf gives an abridgment of their contents in his Lexicon, under the head " Armillus," and in the fiftieth chapter of his Syrtayot,a Judtiica (p. 717). The name is derived from Isaiah xi. 4, where the Targum gives " By the word of his mouth the wicked Armillus shall die," for "with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked." Then will, say the Jews, be twelve [ten] signs 0! the coming of the Messiah: — 1. The appearance of three apostate kings who have fallen away from the faith, but in the sight of men appear to be worshippers of the true God. 2. A terrible heat of the sun. 3. A dew of blood (Joel . 30), 4. A healing dew for the pious. 5. A darkness will be cast cpon the sun (Joel ii. 31) for thirty days (Is xxiv. 22). 6. God will give universal power U

    « • Dr. Darli Tbom, of Liverpool, Is the author of a ; 398), which may wel» be regarded as a curiosity of Irt •oris entitled « The Number and Name* of the Apoca- ,, erature. a

    Tptte Beasts, Part I." (Lond. 1848, 8vo, pp. xuix.. |

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    the Romans for nine month*, during which time the Roman chieftain will afflict the Israelites; at the end of the nine months God will nice up the Messiah Hen-Joseph, that U, the Meaaiah of the tribe of Joseph, named Nehemiah, who will defeat the Roman chieftain and slay him. 7. Then there will ariae Armillua, whom the Gentiles or Cnris- tiant call Antichrist. He will be bom of a marble statue in one of the churches in Rome. He will fro to the Romans and will profess himself to be their Messiah and their God. At once the Romans will believe in him and accept him for their king, and will love him and cling to him. Having made the whole world subject to him, he will say to the Iduinjeans (i. e. Christians), " Bring me the law which I have given you." They will bring it with tneir book of prayers; and he will accept it us his jwn, and will exhort them to persevere in their lielief of him. Then he will send to Nehemiah, ,uid command the Jewish to be brought him, and proof to be given from it that he is God. Nehe- miah will go before him, guarded by 30,000 war- riors of the tribe of Ephraim, and will read, " I am the Lord thy God : thou shalt have none other gods but me." Armillua will say that there are no such words in the Law, and will command the Jews to confess him to be God as the other nations had con- fessed him. But Nehemiah will give orders to his followers to seize and bind him. Then Armillus in rage and fury will gather all his people in a deep valley to fight with Israel, and in that battle the Messiah Ben-Joseph will fell, and the angels will bear away his body and carry him to the resting- place of the Patriarchs. Then the Jews will be cast out by all nations, and suffer afflictions such as have not been from the beginning of the world, and the residue of them will fly into the desert, and will remain there forty and five days, during which time all the Israelites who are not worthy to see the Redemption shall die. 8. Then the great angel Michael will rise and blow three mighty blasts of a trumpet. At the first blast there shall appear the true Messiah Ben-David and the prophet Elijah, and they will manifest themselves to the Jews in the desert, and all the Jews throughout the v»rld shall hear the sound of the trump, and those that have been carried captive into Assyria shall be gathered together; and with great gladness they shall come to Jerusalem. Then Armillus will raise a great army of Christians and lead them to Jeru- salem to conquer the new king. But God shall say to Messiah, " Sit thou on my right hand," and to the Israelites, " Stand still and see what God will work for you to-day." Then God wiU pour down sulphur and fire from heaven (Ez. xxxviii. 33), and *he impious Armillus shall die, and the impious Idumaeans (i. ,-. Christians), who have destroyed the house of our God and have led us away into cap- tivity, shall perish in misery, and the Jews shall avenge themselves upon them, as it is written: " The bouse of Jacob shall be a fire, and the house of Joseph a Same, and the house of Esau (i. e. the Christians) for stubble, and they shaU kindle in them and devour them: there shall not be any re. maining of the house of Esau, for the Lord hath spoken it" (Obad. 18.) 9. On the second blast of he trumpet the tombs shall be opened, and Messiah Hen-David shall raise Messiah Ben-Joseph from the dead. 10. The ten tribes shall be led to Paradise, utd shall celebrate the wedding-feast of the Messiah. ,,rd the Messiah shall choose a bride amongst the surest of the daughters of Israel, and children and


    children's children shall he boru to him, and ther he shall die like other men, and his sons shall reign over Israel after him, as U is written, " He shall prolong his days" (Is. liii. 10), which Rambaxc explains to mean " He shall live long, but he too shall die in great glory, and his son shall reign it his stead, and his son's sons in succession " (Bux- torfii Synayoga Judaica, p. 717, Basil. 1661 [and Eisenmenger, Knldecktf Judtnthtm, ii. 698-717]).

    The Mohammedan traditions are an adaptation of Christian prophecy and Jewish legend without any originality or any beauty of their own. They too have their signs which are to precede the final consummation. They are divided into the greater and leaser signs. Of the greater signs the first is the rising of the sun from the west (cf. Matt. xxiv. 3!)). The next is the appearance of a Beast from the earth, sixty cubits high, bearing the "taff of Moses, and the seal of Solomon, with which be wu inscribe the word " Believer" on the face of the faithful, and " Unbeliever " on all who have not accepted lulamism (comp. Rev. xUL). The third sign is the capture of Constantinople, while the spoil of which is being divided, news will come of the appearance of Antichrist (Al Dajjal), and every man will return to his own home. Antichrist will be blind of one eye and deaf of one ear, and will have the name of Unbeliever written on his forehead (Kev. xiii.). It is be that the Jews call Messiah Ben-David, and say that he wiU come in the last times and reign over sea and land, and restore to them the kingdom. He will continue forty days, one of these days being equal to a year, another to a month, another to a week, the rest being days of ordinary length. He will devastate all other places, but wiU not be allowed to enter Mecca and Medina, which wiU be guarded by angels. lastly, be will be killed by Jesus at the gate of Lud. For when news is received of the appearance of Antichrist, Jesus will come down to earth, alighting on the white tower at the east of Damascus, and wiU slay him : Jesus wiU then embrace the Mohammedan re- ligion, marry a wife, and leave children after him, having reigned in perfect peace and security, after the death of Antichrist, for forty years. (See Po- cocke, Porta Motu, p. 358, Oxon. 1655; and Sale, Koran, Preliminary DUcoune.)

    literature. — On the subject of the Antichrist and of the Apocalyptic visions the following is a condensed list of the writers most deserving of at- tention: — S. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. xv. 890, Paris, 1790. S. Jerome, fcxplan. in Daniel, v. 617, Veron. 1734. These two writers are expounders of the Patristic view. Andreas, Comm. in Apoe. Bibl. Patr. Max. v. 590. Aretas, Comm. in Apox BibL Patr. Max. ix. 741. Abbas Joachim (founder of the Antipapal school), J-.rj). Apoc. Venet. 1519. ltibeira (founder of the later school of Futurists), Comm. in Apoc. Salam. 1591. Alcasar (founder of the Pneterist school), VetHgatio Arcani Setuut in Apoc. Antv. 1614. Parens, Comm. in Apoc. Heidelb. 1618. Cornelius a I-apide, Comm. in Apoc. Antv. 1697. Mede, Clavit Apocnlypt. Can- tab. 1632. Bossuet, V Apocalypte, avec me Expli- cation, tEuvres, vol. xxiii. Vitringa, Anacrisu Apocalxgn. Amst. 1719. Daubuz, Ciinm. on Rev Lond. 1730. Hug, KinUitung in die Sckriflen da Neuen Tett. Stuttg. 1831. Bengel, ErklSrte Of enbarung Johatmu, Stuttg. 1834. Herder, Johan. nit Of enbarung, Werke, xil. Stuttg. 1897. Kieh- horn, Comm. tn Apoc. Getting. 1791. Ewald Comm. m Apoc. Lips. 1838. Locke, VoUtUbtdigi

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    Emlettung in die OJI'enbarung und die apocatypt. Uttratui; Comm. iv., Bum, 1832, [2c Aufl. 1852.] Tracts for the Times, v. No. 8 ; 1, l.oiid. 183!). Lireswell, Exposition of .he Parables, vol. i. Oxf. 1834. Moses Stuart, Comm on the Apor. [Ando- »er, 1845, ifpr.] 1,linb. 1847. Wordsworth, CM the Apocalypse Load. 184!' ; and Ok. Test. Lond. 1860. Elliott Norm ApocalyjAtae, Lond. 1851. Clissold Apocalyptical Interpretation (Swedenbor- ;ian), Lond. 1845. C. Maitland, Prophetic Inter- pretation, Lmd. 1849. Williams, The Apocalypse, Lond. 1852. AJford, Ok. Test. (Proley. in Tlitss. et in Apoc.), Lond. 185tj and 18U1. Kllicott, Comm. in Thess. Lond. 1858. 1". II.

    * ()n this important topic the reader may con- jidt also the following writers: Corrodi, Krit.Oesch. des Chiliasmus, ii. 400-444, 1'rankf. u. I,eipz. 1781 ; Neander, Pflanzung, u. s. w. i. 340, ii. 030, 040, 4te Aufl. llainb. 1847, or pp. 200, 366, 372 of K. G. Kobinson's revised ed. of Ryland's trans., N. Y. 1865 ; also his Uer erste Brief Johannis, on ch. ii. 18, 22, 23, iv. 1-3, trans, by Mrs. Conant, N. V. 1852; Dtistcrdieck, Johan. Brief e, i. 308-332, Giitt. 1852; Maurice, Unity if the If, T., Camb. 1854, pp. 600-614; Lange in Ilerzog's HeaLEncyklopiidie, i. 37 1 ; Lechler, Dot npost. u. d. nachnpost. ZeiUtUer, 2e Aufl. Stuttg. 1857, pp. 132 ff., 227 If., 207; Kwuld, Sendschreiben des Apostels Paidns, pp. 25- 31, Gott. 1857; Liineroami on 2 Thess. ii. 1-12, and Huther on 1 John ii. 18, in Meyer's Komm. iiber das N. T. ; Jowett, lCxcursus on " The Man of Sin," in his Epistles of St. Paul, i. 178-104, 2d ed., l.'nj.l. 1850; Uoehmer, Ed., Zur Lehre vom Antichrist, nach ScJineckenburger, in Jahrb. f. ileulsche TheoL, 1859, iv. 403-467; Noyes, G. K., The Apocalypse analyzed ami explained, in the Christian Examiner for Mav, I860, lxviii. 325-357 ; Meek, KinL in das N. 7'., r pp. 015-618, and I'oc- lesungen uber die Ajtokdypse, Berl. 1862; Ewidd, Die Johan. Scliriften iibersezl u. erkUirt, Bd. ii., (jCtt. 1862; Volkmar, Comm. zur OJfenbarung Johannes, Zurich, 1862. H. and A

    ANTIOCH CA^rioxf(o). 1. In Syhia. The

    : ij,it-d of tlie Creek kings of S,, ria, and afterwards ihe residence of the Koman governors of the prov- ince which liore the same name. This metropolis was situated where the chain of lj I anon, rumiing northwards, and the chain of Taurus, running east- wants, are brought to an abrupt meeting. Here the Orontes breaks through the mountains; and Antioch was placed at a bend of the river, partly .•ii an island, partly on the level which forms the left bank, and partly on the steep and craggy as- cent of Mount Silpius, which rose abruptly on the south. In the immediate neighborhood was Daphne, the celebrated sanctuary of Apollo (2 Mace. iv. 33); whence the city was sometimes called Antioch uy Da punk, to distinguish it from other cities of the same name.

    No city, after Jerusalem, is so intimately con- nected with the history of the apostolic church. Certain points of close association between these two cities, as regards the progress of Christianity, may lie noticed in the first place. One of the seven deacons or almoners appointed at Jerusalem, was Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch (Acts vi. 5). The Christians, who were dispersed from Jerusalem at the death of Stephen, preached the gospel at An-



    tioch (ibid. xi. 19). It was from Jerusalem thai Agabus and the other prophets, who foretold the famine, came to Aiitiocb (ibid. xi. 27, 28): and liarnabas and Saul were consequently sent on a mission of charity from the latter city to the former (ibid, xi. 30, ,,ii. 25). It was from Jerusalem again that the Judaizers came, who disturbed the church at Antioch (ibid. xv. 1); and it was at Antioc* that St. Paul rebuked St. Peter for conduct into which he had been l,etrayed through the influence of emissaries from Jenisalem (Gal. ii. 11, 12).

    The chief interest of Antioch, however, is con- nected with the progress of Christianity among the heathen. Here the first Gentile church was founded (Acts xi. 20, 21); here the disciples of Jesus Christ were first called Christians (xi. 26): here St. Paul exercised (so far as is distinctly re- corded) his first systematic ministerial work (xi 22-2iJ; see xiv. 26-28; also xv. 35 and xviii. 23)- hence he started at the beginning of his first mis sionary journey (xiii. 1-3), and hither he returned (xiv. 26). So again after the apostolic council (the decrees of which were si»ecially addressed to the Gentile converts at Antioch, xv. 23), he Itegan and ended his second missionary journey at this place txv. 36, xviii. 22). This too was the starting-point of the third missionary journey (xviii. 23), which was brought to a termination by the imprisonment at Jerusalem and ( asarea." Though St. Paid was never again, so far as we know, at Antioch, it did not cease to lie an buportftfit centre for Christian progress; hut it does not belong to this place to trace its history as a patriarchate, and its connec- tion with Ignatius, Chrysostom, and other eminent names.

    Antioch was founded in the year 300 b. c, by Seleucus Nicator, with circumstances of consider- able display, which were afterwards embellished by fable. The situation was well chosen, both for mil- itary and commercial purposes, .lews were settled there from the first in large numl,ers, were governed by theii own ethnarch, and allowed to have the Bame political privileges with the Greeks (Joseph. Art, xii. 3, § 1 ; e. Ap. ii. 4). Antioch grew under the successive Seleucid kings, till it became a city of great extent and of remarkable beauty. Some of the most magnificent buildings were on the island. One feature,' which seems to have been characteristic of the great Syrian cities — a vast street with colonnades, intersecting the whole from end to end — was added by Antioehus Kpiphanes. Some lively notices of the Antioch of this period, and of its relation to Jewish history, are supplied by the books of Maccabees. (See especially 1 Mace Ui. 37, xi. 13; 2 Mace. iv. 7-0, v. 21, xi. 36.)

    It is the Antioch of the Roman period with which we are concerned in the N. T. By Pompcy it had l,een made a free city, and such it continued till the time of Antoninus Pius. The early Emper ors raised there some large and important struct- ures, such as aqueducts, amphitheatres, and baths Herod the Great contributed a road and a colon nade (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, § 3; B. J., i. 21, § 11; Here should be mentioned that the citizens of An tioch under the Kmpire were noted for scurrilous nit and the invention ot nicknames. This perhaps was the origin of the name by which the disciples of Jesus Christ are designated, and which was

    a • It illustrates signally the contrasts of history, that the Antioch of the N. T. from which the first to the heathen were sect forth, la Itself

    now one of the foreign fields to which niisstonartoi an sent by the jhurches of America. aft

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    probably given by Romans to the despised sect, tnd not by Christians to themselves.

    The great authority for all that is known of ancient Antioch is C. 0. MuUer's Anliifuitalet Antiiicliena (Gctt. 1839). Modern Anlnkin is a shrunken and miserable place. Some of the walls, shattered by earthquakes, have a striking appear- ance on the crags of Mount Silpius. ITiey are de- scribed in Chesney's account of the Ev,ih inlet Ex- pedition, where also U given a view of a gateway which still bears the name of St Paul. One error, however, should be pointed out, which has found lu way into these volumes from Calniet, namely, Jerome's erroneous identification of Antioch with the Riblah of the Old Testament.

    Oats of St. Paul, Antioch.

    S. Antioch in Pisidia (Acta xiii. 14, zir. 19, U: 9 Tim iii. II). The position of this town is

    clearly pointed out by Strabo in the following words (iii. 577): — "In the district of Phrygia called Paroreia, there is a certain mountain-ridge, stretching from E. to W. On each side there is a large plain below this ridge; and it has two cities in it* neighborhood: Philomelium on the north, and on the other side Antioch, called Antioch near Pisidia. The former lies entirely in the plain ; the latter (which has a Roman colony) is on a height." The relations of distance also between Antioch and other towns are known by the Peutingerian table. Its site, however, has only recently been ascertained. It was formerly supposed to be Ak~ther y which is now known to be Philomelium on the north side of the ridge. Even Winer (1847) gives this view, the difficulties of which were seen by I-eake, and previously by Mannert. Mr. Arundell, the British chaplain at Smyrna, undertook a journey in 1838 | for the express purpose of identifying the Pisidian Antioch, and he was perfectly successful (Arundell'f Asia Miiun; ch. xii., xiii., xiv.). The ruins are very considerable. This discovery was fully con- finned by Mr Hamilton {Ret. in Asia Minor, vol. I. ch. 27). Antioch corresponds to Yalubalek, which is distant from Ak-fher six hours over the mountains.

    This city, like the Syrian Antioch, wis by Seleucus Nicator. Under the Romans it became a colonia, and was also called Caesarea, as we learn from Pliny (v. 24). The former fact is confirmed by the Ijitin inscriptions and other features of the coins of the place; the latter by inscriptions dis- covered on the spot by Mr. Hamilton.

    The occasion on which St. Paul visited the city for the first time (Acts xiii. 14) was very interest- ing and important. His preaching in the syna- gogue led to the reception of the gospel by a great number of the Gentiles: and this resulted in violent persecution on the part of the Jews, wht first, usine the influence of some of the wealth] female residents, drove him from Antioch to Ion

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    sium (ib. 50, 51), and subsequently followixi jim tven to I.ystra (Acts xiv. 19). St. Paul, on hi» eturn from Lystra, revisited Antioch for the pur- pose of strengthening the minds of the disciples (ib. 21). These events happened when !:e was on his first missionary journey, in company with Bar- nabas. He proliably visited Antioch again at the beginning of his second journey, when Silas was bis associate, and Timotheus, who was a native of this neighborhood, had just been added to the party. The allusion in 2 Tim. iii. 11 shows that Timotheus was well acquainted with the sufferings which the apostle had undergone during his first visit to the Pisidian Antioch. [Piikygia; Pi- sidia.] J- S. H.

    ANTIOCHI'A fAmtVaai [FA.] Alex. AjtioX'O exc - '" ^ Mace. iv. 33: Antiochia). Antioch 1 (1 Mace. iv. 35, vi. 63; 2 Mace. iv. 33, v. 21). W. A. W.

    ANTIO'CHIANS ('A*tiox«« : Antiocheni). Partisans of Antiochus Epiphanes, including Jason uid the Helleuizing faction (2 Mace. iv. 9, 19). In the latter passages the Vulgate has vims ptccatoit*.

    ,,V. A. W.

    ANTI'OCHIS ('Avrloxif- AntioehU). The roncubine of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mace. iv. 30).

    W. A. W.

    ANTI'OCHUS ('Akti'oxos; Alex. Avrifia- vos in 1 Mace. xii. 10: Anlioclim). Father of Xumenius, one of the ambassadors from Jonathan to the Romans (1 Mace. xii. 10, xiv. 22).

    W. A. W.

    ANTI'OCHUS II. ('A^ti'oyos, 'be irilh- ttander), king of Syria, sumar-.ed the. Cud (0e,iy), " in the first instance by the Milesians, liecause he overthrew their tyrant Timarchus " (App. Syr. 651, succeeded his father Antiochus (2wr^p, ,*« Savior) in B. C. 261. During the earlier part of his reign he was engaged in a fierce war with Ptol- emteus Philadelphia, king of Egypt (totis riribus ilimicant, Hieron. ml Dm. xi. 6), in the course of which l'arthia and Bactria revolted and became in- dependent kingdoms. At length (B. c. 250) peace was made, and the two monarebs "joined thetn-



    of forces " against Ptol. Philopator the sen of Ever- getes, and "one of them " (Antiochus) threatened to overthrow the power of Egypt (Dan. xi. 9, 10; Hieron. i c). »• R W.

    ANTI'OCHUS III., surnamed the Great fLtyas), succeeded his brother Seleucus Keraunos, who was assassinated after a short reign in B. c. 223. He prosecuted the war against ltol. Plulo- pator with vigor, and at first with success. In b. c. 218 he drove the Egyptian forces to Sidon, conquered Samaria and Gilead, and wintered at Ptolemais, but was defeated next year at h'aphia, near Gaza (b. c. 217), with immense loss, and in consequence made a peace with Ptolemy, in which he ceded to him the disputed provinces of Code- Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine (Dan. xi. 11, 12; 1'olyb. v. 40 If., 53 ft'.). During the next thirteen years Antiochus was engaged in strengthening his position in Asia Minor, and on the frontiers of l'arthia, and by his successes gained his surname of the Ureal. At the end of this time, B. c. 205, Ptolenueus Philopator died, and left his kingdom to his son Ptol. Epiphanes, who was only five years old. Antiochus availed himself of the opportunity which was offered by the weakness of a minority and the unpopularity of the regent, to unite with Philip III. of Macedon for the purpose of conquer- ing and dividing the Egyptian dominions. The Jews, who had been exasperated by the conduct of ltol. Philopator both in Palestine and Egypt, openly espoused his cause, under the influence of a short-sighted policy ("the factions among thy people shall rise," i. e. against Ptolemy : Dan. xi. 14.) Antiochus succeeded in occupying the three dis- puted provinces, but was recalled to Asia by a war which broke out with Attalus, king of Pergamos; and his ally Philip was himself embroiled with the Romans. In consequence of this diversion Ptol- emy, by the aid of Seopas, again made himself master of Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, 3) and recovered the territory which he had lost (Hieron. ad Din. xi. 14). In b. c. 198 Antiochus reap- peared in the field and gained a decisive victory " near the sources of the Jordan " (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, 3; Hieron. I. c. ubi Pantos nunc condita est); and afterwards captured Seopas and the rem- aelves together" (Dan. xi. 0), and Ptolemy ("the | nan t of his forces who had taken refuge in Sidon

    king of the south ") gave his daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus ("the king of the north") who set aside his former wife, Ijwdice, to receive her. After some time, on the death of Ptolemy

    (Dan. xi. 15). The Jews, who had suffered se- verely during the struggle (Joseph. I. c), welcomed Antiochus as their deliverer, and " he stood in the glorious land which by his hand was to be con-

    (b. c. 247), Antiochus recalled Ijiodice and bar sumed" (Dan. xi. 18). His further designs against children Seleucus and Antiochus to court. Thus J F-gypt were frustrated by the intervention of the Berenice was "not able to retain her power;" and i |{ ( ,maiis; and his daughter Cleopatra (Polyb. Laodice, in jealous fear lest she might a second time xxv iii. 17), whom be gave in marriage to PtoL lose her ascendency, poisoned Antiochus (him '• that j Epiphanes, with the Phoenician provinces for hei supported her," i. e. Berenice), and caused Berenice dower (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, 1), favored the interests and her infant son to be put to death, B. c. 246 1 f Der husband rather than those of her frtthei

    (Dan. xi. 6; Hieron. ad Dm. 1. c. ; App. Syr. 65). After the death of Antiochus, Ptolenueus Ever- i'.'tr*. the brother of Berenice (" out of a branch of Scrroot"), who succeeded his father Ptol. Phila- lejrhus, exacted vengeance for his sister's death by

    (Dan. xi. 17; Hieron. ,. c). From Egypt Anti. ochus turned again to Asia Minor, and after vari ous successes in the .^gsean crossed over to (ireece, and by the advice of Hannibal entered on a war with Rome. His victorious course was checked

    ui invasion of Syria, in which Ijiodice was killed, [ a j Thermopybe (b. c. 191), and after subsequent her son Seleucus CaUinicus driven for a time from reverses he was finally defeated at Magnesia in the throne, and the whole country plundered (Dan. | I.ydia, B. c. 190." By the peace which was col- li. 7-9 ; Hieron. (. c. ; hence his surname " the ken- j c l u ded shortly afterwards (b. c. 188) he was forbid efactor"). The hostilities thus renewed continued to cede all his possessions "on the Roman side of

    tor many years: and on the death of Seleucus i .

    D. c. 226, after his "return into his iwn land , . The statement in 1 Mace, viii 6, that Vntlnchui {••an. xi. 9 1, his sons Alexander 'Seleu'.us) Kerau . was taken prisoner by the Romans, ,,9632; Dot supports*" WM and Ax tiochus " assembled a great m»'*itade ' try any other testimony.

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    cut; to Antlochua the price of his office, nip planted Jason by offerins; the king a larger bribe and was himself appointed high priest, while Jaaoa waa obliged to take refuge among the Ammonite* (2 Mace. iv. 33-26). From these circumstance! and from the marked honor with which Antioctnu waa received at Jerusalem very early iu his reign (c B. c. 173; 2 Mace. iv. 22), it appears that be found no difficulty in regaining the border prov- inces which had been given as the dower of his sis- ter Cleopatra to Ptol. Epiphanes. But his ambition led him still further, and he undertook four cam paigns against Egypt, B. c. 171, 170. 169, 168 with greater success than had attended his prede cesaor, and the complete conquest of the country was prevented only by the interference of the So- and gave various immunities to the priests and mans (Dan. xi. 24; 1 Mace. i. 16 ff. ; 2 Mace, v other inhabitants of Jerusalem. At the same time 11 ff.). The course of Antiochus was everywhere

    Mi. Taurus," and to pay in successive) installments in enormous sum of money to defray the expenses sf the war (16,000 Euboie talents: App. Syr. 38). This last condition led to his iipitminious death, in b. c. 187 he attacked a rich temple of Beius in Elymais, and was slain by the people who rose in it* defense (Strab. xvi. 744; Just, xxxii. 9). Thus u be stumbled and fell, and was not found " (Dan. xi. 19).

    The policy of Antiochus towards the Jews waa liberal and conciliatory. He not oidy assured to them perfect freedom and protection in the exercise of their worship, but according to Josephus {Ant. xii. 3, 3), in consideration of tAeir great sufferings and services in his behalf, he made splendid contri- butions towards the support of the temple ritual,

    imitating the example of Alexander and Seleucus. and appreciating the influence of their fidelity and unity, he transported two thousand families of Jews from Mesopotamia to Lydia and Pbrygia, to repress the tendency to revolt which was manifested in those provinces (Joseph. Ant. I. c).

    Two sons of Antiochus occupied the throne after him, Seleucus Philopator, his immediate successor, and Antiochus IV., who gained the kingdom upon the assassination of his brother. B. F. W.

    Tetradraohm (Attic talent) of Antiochus IU. Obv.: Head of King, to right Rev. : BASIAEOI ANTIoXoY ... .. , ,,,,., .... „ . . , In neld, two monograms. Apollo, naked, seated on cortina, f tee ; th J , J, 0, _ °^f .[*?,. ?™ n, ].f t , ??.

    marked by the same wild prodigality as had sig- nalized his occupation of the throne (Dan. L c). The consequent exhaustion of his treasury, and the armed conflicts of the rival high priests whom he had appointed, furnished the occasion for an assault upon Jerusalem on his return from his second Egyptian campaign (a. c. 170), which he had prob ably planned in conjunction with Ptol. Philometoi, who was at that time in his power (Dan. xi. 26) The temple was plundered, a terrible massacre took place, and a Phrygian governor was left with Menelaus in charge of the city (2 Mace. v. 1-22; 1 Mace. i. 20-28). Two years after- wards, at the close of the fourth Egyptian expedition (Polyb- xxix. 1, 11; App. Syr. 66 ; cf. Dan. xi. 29, 30), Antiochus detached a force under Apollonius to occupy Jerusa- lem and fortify it, and at this time he availed himself of the assistance of the ancestral en. emies of the Jews (1 Mace. iv. 61, v. 3 ff. ; Dan. xi. 41). The decrees then followed which have rendered his name infamous. The Temple was desecrated, and the obser- vance of the law was forbidden. " On the

    to left.

    ANTI'OOHUS IV. BPIPH'ANBS CEa-i- a^arris, '*« lUiutrium, also called Bio's, and in mockery irtfiay^s, the frantic: Atlien. x. 438; i'olyb. xxri. 10) was the youngest son of Antiochus the Great- He was given as a hostage to the Ro- mans (b. c. 188) after his father's defeat at Mag- nesia. In B. c. 175 he was released by the inter- vention of bis brother Seleucus, who substituted his own sou Demetrius in bis place. Antiochus was at Athens when Seleucus was assassinated by Heliodorus- He took advantage of his position, and. by the assistance of Eumenes and Attalus, easily expelled Heliodorus who had usurped the ;rown, and himself " obtained the kingdom by flat- teries" (Dan. xi. 21; cf. Liv. xli. 20), to the ex- clusion of his nephew Demetrius (Dan. viii. 7).

    The accetuinn of Antiochus was immediately fol- lowed by des|ierate efforts of the Hellenizing party It Jerusalem to assert their supremacy. Jason

    (Jesus: Jos. Ant. xii. 5, 1, see Jason), the brother , the Maccabees in restoring the temple-worship at rf Onins 111., the high priest, persuaded the king Jerusalem (1 Mace. ri. 1-16; cf. 2 Mace. i. 7-17 ',) to transfer the high priesthood to him, and at the " He came to his end and there was none to heli same time bought permission (2 Mace. iv. 9) to him" (Dan. xi. 46). Cf. App. Syr. 45; Liv. xli aury out his design of habituating the Jews to 24-5, xlli. 6, xliv. 19, xlv. 11-13 ; Joseph. Ant. xii 3reck customs (2 Mace. iv. 7, 20). Three years 6, 8.

    afterwards Menelaus, of the tribe of Benjamin I The reign of Antiochus, thus shortly traced, was '8tMo»), who was commissioned by Jason to I the last great crisis in the history of the Jews bt

    the abomination of desolation (». e. an idol altar: v. 59) on the altar" (1 Mace. i. 54). Ten days afterwards an offering was made upon it to .Pi piter Olympius. At Jerusalem all opposition a|,|ears to have ceased; but Mattathias and his sons organized a resistance (" holpen with a little help," Dan. xi. 34), which preserved inviolate the name and faith of Israel. Meanwhile Antiochus turned his arms to the East, towards Parthia (Tar. llitt. v. 8) and Armenia (App. Syr. 46; Diod. ap. Miiller, Fragm. ii. p. 10; Dan. xi. 40). Hearing not long afterwards of the riches of a temple of Nansea ("the desire of women," Dan. xi. 87) in Elymais, bung with the gifts of Alexander, he re- solved to plunder it- The attempt was drfeated ; and though be did not fall like his father in the ad of sacrilege, the event hastened his death. He re- tired to Babylon, and thence to Tabse in Persia, where he died B. c. 164, the victim of superstition, terror, and remorse (I'olyb. xxxi. 2; Joseph. Ant. xii. 8, 1 ff.), having first beard of the successes of

    Digitized by


    ant.ochxjs rv.



    xi. 38 ff. ; Ewald, Gtsch. da VoOcti ttr. !v. 340) Confronted with such a persecutor the Jew realized the spiritual power of his faith. The evils of hea- thendom were seen concentrated In a pemoiial shape. The outward forms of worship became iu-

    fcre the coming of oar Lord. The prominence which is given to it in the book of Daniel fitly accords with its typical and representative character (Dan. vii. 8, 25, riii. 11 ft*.). The conquest of Alexander had introduced the forces of Greek thought and life into the Jewish nation, which was already prepared for their operation [Ai.kxahdeu]. For mure than a century and a half these forces bad acted powerfully both upon the faith and upon the habits of the people; and the time was come when an outward struggle alone could decide whether Judaism was to be merged in a rationalized Paganism, or to rise not only victorious from the conflict, but more vigorous and more pure. There were many symptoms which betokened

    !h* approaching struggle. The position which ^.tradnehm (AWc tatant) of Amine I ud.Ta occupied on the borders of the conflict- ing empires of Syria and Egypt, exposed obT - : H '» d of Kln *' to "« ht KeT - : BASIABQS ANTI. equally to the open miseries of war andthe oXoY » EoY BllI*ANoY2 N1KH4»P.V. Jupiter seat* * to left, holding a Victory. Iu field monogram.

    vested with

    treacherous favors of rival sovereigns, rendered its national condition precarious from the first, though these very circumstances were favorable to the growth of freedom. The terrible crimes by which the wan of " the North and South " were stained, must have alienated the mind of every faithful Jew from his Grecian lords, even if perse- cution had not been superadded from Egypt first and then from Syria. Politically nothing was left for the people in the reign of Antiochus but inde- pendence, or the abandonment of every prophetic hope. Nor was their social position less perilous. Thr influence of Greek literature, of foreign travel, of extended commerce, had made itself felt in daily life At Jerusalem the mass of the inhabitants seem to have desired to imitate the exercises of the Greeks ; and a Jewish embassy attended the games of Hercules at Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 9-20). Even their religious feelings were yielding; and before the rising of the Maccabees no opposition was of- fered to the execution of the king's decrees. Upon the first attempt of Jason the " priests had no cour- age to serve at the altar " (2 Mace. iv. 14 ; cf. 1 Mace. i. 43); and this not so much from willful apostasy, as from a disregard to the vital principles involved in the conflict. Thus it was necessary that the final issues of a false Hellenism should be openly seen, that it might be discarded forever by those who cherished the ancient faith of Israel.

    The conduct of Antiochus was in every way suited to accomplish this end ; and yet it seems to have been the result of passionate impulse rather than of any deep-laid scheme to extirpate a strange creed. At first he imitated the liberal policy of bis predecessors; and tbe occasion for bis attacks was furnished by the Jews themselves. Even the notives by which he was finally actuated were per- sonal, or at most only political. Able, energetic, (Polyb. xxvii. 17) and liberal to profusion, Anti- ochus was reckless and unscrupulous in the execu

    something of a sacramental dignity Common life was purified and ennobled by heroic devotion. An independent nation asserted tbe integrity of its hopes in the face of Egypt, Syria, and Rome. B. F. W.

    ANTI'OCHUS V. EUTATOR (Eirsl- rvp, of nubU detcenl), succeeded his father Anti- ochus IV. b. «'. 164, while still a child, under the guardianship of Lysias (App. Syr. 46; 1 Mace, iii. '42 f., vi. IT), though Antiochus had assigned this office to Philip his own foster-brother on his death-bed (1 Mace. vi. 14 f., 55; 2 Mace. ix. 29). Shortly after his accession he marched against Jerusalem with a large army, accompanied by Ly- sias, to relieve the Syrian garrison, which was hard pressed by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. vi. 19 ff.). He repulsed Judas at Bethzacharia, and took Beth- sura ( Hethzur) after a vigorous resistance (1 Mace, vi. 31-50). But when the Jewish force in the tem- ple was on the point of yielding, Lysias persuaded the king to conclude a hasty peace that he might advance to meet Philip, who had returned from Persia and made himself master of Antioch (I Mace. vi. 51 ff. ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, 5 f.). Philip was speedily overpowered (Joseph. ,. c.) ; but in the next year (n. c. 162) Antiochus and Lysias fell into the bands of Demetrius Soter, tbe son of Seleucus Philopator, who caused them to he put to death in revenge for the wrongs which he had himself suf fered from Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. vii. 2-4; 2 Mace. xiv. I, 2; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 1; lM,,b xxxi. 19). B. F. W."

    ANTI'OCHUS VI. CKKiitwtpos AXctd. Spov tov v6,ovi App. Syr. 68; surnamed 0e,Jj Joseph. Ant. xiii. 7, 1; and twuptudis Aierwrti on coins), was the son of Alexander Balas and C!r- opatra (App. Syr. 1. c). After his father's deatb (146 n. c.) he remained in Arabia; but though lion of his plans. He had learnt at Rome to court ' still a child (wattlor, App. I. c, mutdptor yt,rt- powet and to dread it. He gained an empire, and por, 1 Mace. xj. 54), he was soon afterwards brought te remembered that he had been a hostage, he- forward (c. 145 b. c.) as a claimant to the throne girdles* himself of the gods of his fathers (Dan. of Syria against Demetrius Nicatnr by Tryphon or a. 87), he was incapable of appreciating the power Diodotua (1 Mace. xi. 39; App. Syr. 68; Strab. if religion in others; and like Nero in later times xiv. p. t,68; svi. p. 752), who had been an officer ae became a type of the enemy of God, not as the j of his father. Tryphon succeeded in gaining An- Koman emperor by the perpetration of unnatural j tioch (i Mace xi. 56); and afterwards the greater Times, but by the disregard of every higher feel- j part of Syria submitted to the young Antiochus. jig. " lie magnified himself above all." The real [ Jonathan, who was confirmed by him in the high ieity whom he recognized was the homan war-god, j priesthood (I Mace. xi. 57) and invested with the *id fortresses were his most sacred temples (Dan. j government of Judssa, contributed greatly to hir

    Digitized by




    TMadnehm (Attic talent) of Antiochus VI.


    defcaUd by Phraortes IX iAnuei Til.). and fell in the battle c b. v. 137-6 (Jo- seph. L c; Just, xxxri., xxxviii. 10; App. Syr. 68, tirrtirtr cavroV. For the yen of bis death cf. Niebuhr, KL Schrtfl. i 261 fc; Clinton, F. H. ii. 332 ff.).

    B.F. W.

    ANTIPAS ('Arrfnr: AiUjpas). A martyr at I'ergamos, and, aeecrding k tradition, bishop of that place (Rev. ii. 13). He is said to hare suffered martyr- dom in the reign of Domitian by being cast into a burning brazen bull (MemoL Or. iii. 51). His day in the Greek cri-

    •Jbr. : dart'of King, radiate, to right Iter. : BASIAEOS AN- "*' b AprU "' W " ** W '

    TIoXoY ETJ[I«ANo]Y2 AIoNYSoY. In Held, TPY* (Try- ANTIPAS. [HkBOD.] phon;, aod date SEP (169 Si. Seleocld.).

    success [Alexander Balas], occupying Ascalon ,,9632;nd Gaza, and reducing the country as tar as Da- mascus (1 Mace xi. 60-2). He afterwards defeated the troops of Demetrius at Haxor (1 Mace. xi. 67 ) near Cadesh (v. 73); and repulsed a second attempt which he made to regain Palestine (1 Mace. xii. 21 ff.). Trypbon having now gained the supreme power in the name of Antiochus, no longer con- cealed his design of usurping the crown. As a first step he took Jonathan by treachery and put him to death, b. c. 143 (1 Mace. xii. 40 ff); and afterwards murdered the young king, and ascended the throne (1 Mace. xiii. 31 ; J( sepb. AM. xiii. 5, 6; App. Syr. 68. IJvy (f-',nt. 55) says incorrectly decern aimot admodum linbtm .... Diod. ap. Miiller, Fraym. ii. 19. Just, xixvi. 1).

    B. F. W- ANTI'OCHUS VII. 8IDETBS (SiMirwt, of Hide, in Pamphylia: not from * J**, a hunter: Plut. Apopkili. p. 34; called also Etae,M);, the pioai, Joseph. AM. xiii. 8, 2; Kuseh. Chron. Ann. i. 349), king of Syria, was the second son of De- metrius I. When his brother, Demetrius Nicator, was taken prisoner (c. 141 n. c.) by Mithridates I. (Arsaces VI., 1 Mace. xiv. 1) king of Parthia, he married his wife Cleopatra (App. Syr. 68; Just. xxxri. 1), and obtained possession of the throne (137 B. a), having expelled the usurper Trypbon (1 Mace. xt. 1 ff; Strab. xiv. p. 668). At first he made a very advantageous treaty with Simon, who was now " high-priest and prince of the Jews," I ut when he grew independent of his help, he with- drew the concessions which he had made and de- frauded the surrender of the fortresses which the Jews held, or an equivalent in money (1 Mace. xv. 26 ff; Joseph. AM. xiii. 7, 3). As Simon was unwilling to yield to h j demands, he sent a force under Cendebseus against him, who occupied a for- tified position at Cedron ( V 1 Mace. xv. 41 ), near Azotus, and harassed the surrounding country. After the defeat of Cendelueus by the sons of Si- mon and the destruction of his works (1 Mace. xvi. 1-10), Antiochus, who hail returned from the pur- suit of Tryphon, undertook an expedition against Judva in person. He laid siege to Jerusalem, but tccording to Josephus granted honorable terms to John Hyrcanus (b. c. 133), who had made a vig- orous resistance (Joseph. AM. xiii. 8; yet comp. Porphyr. ap Euseb. Chron. Arm. I. 349, murot Irbu demolitur atque eledurimut ecrttm truddat). Antkichua next turned his arms apainst the Par- truant, and Hyrcanus accompanied him in the cam- aslgn. But, after some successes, lie was entirely

    ANTIP'ATER CArrlmpos : A*- tipater), son of Jason, ambassador from the Jews to the Lacedaemonians (1 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 23).

    ANTIP'ATRIS ('ArrfiroTpit). Our means of identifying this town are due, partly to the for- tunate circumstance that the old Semitic name of the place has lingered among the present Arabic population, and partly to a journey specially under- taken by Dr. Eli Smith, for the purpose of illus- trating the night march of the soldiers who con- veyed St Paul from Jerusalem to Cttsarea (Acts xxiii. 31). Dr. Robinson was of opinion, when be published his first edition, that the road which the soldiers took on this occasion led from Jerusa- lem to Csesarea by the pass of Beth-Uoron, and by Lydda, or Diospolis. This is the route which was followed by Cestius Gallus, as mentioned by Jo- sephus (B. J. ii. 19, § 1); and it appears to be identical with that given in the Jerusalem Itiner- ary, according to which Antipatris is 42 miles from Jerusalem, and 26 from Csesarea. Even on this supposition it would have been quite possible for troops leaving Jerusalem on the evening of one day, to reach Casarea on the next, and to start thence after a rest, to return to (it is not said that they arrived at) their quarters at Jerusalem before nightfall. But the difficulty is entirely removed by Dr. Smith's discovery of a much shorter road, lead- ing by Gophna direct to Antipatris. On this route he met the Roman pavement again and again, and Indeed says " he does not remember observing any- where l,efore so extensive remains of a Roman road." (See Bibl. Sacra, vol. i. pp. 478-498; life and Eputlet of St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 330-334, 3d ed.)

    It may be difficult to fix the precise spot where the ancient city stood, but the Arabic name, Kefr- Saba, determines the general situation. Josephus tells us that the old name was Capharsaba (Kodrnp- ,ri0a or XafSapCifia), and that Herod, when he re- built the city, changed it to Antipatris, in honor of his father Antipater (AM. xiii. 15, § 1, xvi. 5, §2; B.J.I 21, § 9). The position of Kefr-Saba is in sufficient harmony with what the Jewish his- torian says of the position of Antipatris, which he describes as a well-watered and well-wooded plair., near a hilly ridge, and with his notices of a trench dug from thence for military purposes to the sea near Joppa, by one of the Asmonean princes (Ant. xiii. 15, § 1; B. J. i. 4, § 7). At a later perioci he mentions the place again in connection with a military movement of Vespasian from Ccsarea to- wards Jerusalem (B. J. ix. 8, § 1). No remain! of ancient Antipatris have been found; hat th» ground has not been fully explored. J S. H.

    Digitized by



    A-NTO'NIA, a fortress built by Herod on the lite of the more ancient Maris, on the N. ,,V. of the Temple, and so named by him after his friend An- '.onius. [Jerusalem.] The word nowhere occurs in the liible. [The fortress is referred to, however, .n AcU xxi. 31 If. J

    ANTOTHTJAH (njnrD? [tmsuxr, of

    Jthomh,,: 'AvaBuii KaX'laBlv, [Vat. AvaBtuB koi laSeiyi] Alex. Acaftatha: Analholhia). A lien- jainite, one of the sons of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. '24 ).

    W. A. W.

    ANTOTHITE, THE frTTOTp : 6 'Ava-

    9u0l [Vat. -0« ; Comp. A 'Avadaifl,njs : ] An .,- Uflhitts, Annlhotiles). A native of Anatiiotii (1 Chr. li. 28, xU. 3). W. A. W.

    A1TUB (3WJ [bound together]: 'Ey,i, ; [Vat. ErM;] Alex. E-yew,3; [Coiup. 'Av,i,-] Anub). Son of Coz, and descendant of Judah, through Ashur the father of Tekoa (1 Chr. iv. 8).

    W. A. ,,V.

    A'NTJS ('Awioifl; [Alex. Avrout ; Aid. 'Amis-] B.tnmu), a Levite (1 Ksdr. ix. 48). [Ba.n-1.]

    APA'ME ('Aint^nj: Apeme), concubine of Da- rius [and daughter of liartacusj (1 Esdr. iv. 28).

    APEI,LES ('ATeAArjj), a Christian saluted by St. I'aul in Rom. xvi. 10, and honored by the designation SoKi,tos iv Xpurnp- Origen (m luc) suggests that he may have been identical with Apollos; but there seems no ground for supposing it, and wc learn from Horace (flat i. 5, 100) that Apella was a common name among the Jews. Tra- dition makes him bishop of Smyrna, or Heracles (Fabric. Lux Evangel, p. 110). 11. A.

    APES (CSIp, Kbphim: t(07jicoi: Atom) occur in 1 K. i. 22, ,,9632; once in throe years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks," and in the parallel pas- sage of 2 Chr. ix. 21. The Vat. version [edition] of the LXX. in the first-mentioned passage omits the words "ivory, and apes, and peacocks," while the Alex, version [edition] has them ; but both these versions have the words in the passage of the book of Chronicles.

    Kr some attempts to identify the various kinds of Quadrumana which were known to the ancients, see A. A. H. Lichtenstein's work, entitled Gmtiuen- Uttio pit iloloyica de Su,uttra,n mutquat vtrterUntu formit (I lamb. 1791); and Kd. Tyson's Homo syfoestru, or the Anitomy of o Plgmie (Land. I6U0), to which he has added a Philosoph- ical Essay concerning the Cynocephali, the Satyrs, and Sphinges of the ancients. Aristotle ( De Anini. But. ii. 5, ed. Schneider) appears to divide the Quadrumana order of Mammalia into three trilies, which he characterizes by the names, wttrpcoi, K0,oi, and KovoKtcttaKoi. The last-named family are no doubt identical with the animals that form the African genus Uyn,*'tphnlus of modem zoi 1- ogists. The tcTtfloi ArisU,tle distinguishes from the tLBijkoi, by the fact of the former possessing a tail. This name, perhaps, may stand for the whole trilie if tailed monkeys, excludi-ig the Cynocephnli and he LemurLlte, which latter, since thev belong to Jie island of Madagascar, were probably wholly utknown to the ancients.

    The -wlBriKoi, therefore, would stand is the ref wHotative of the tailless apes, such as the Chim-



    panzee, Ac. Although, however, Aiistotle i,erhapt used i in'-' terms respectively in .1 definite sense, it by no means follows that they are so employed hi other writers. The name h-iO^ko., for instance. seems to have been sometimes used to denote some species of Cynocephdus (see a Fragment of Simon- ides in Schneider's Annot. ml Aritt, Hist. Arum. iii. 76). The LXX. use of the word was in all probability used in an extended sense as the repre- sentative of the Hebrew word AVyVi, to denote any species of Quadrumanous Mammalia; lichtenstein conjectures that the Hebrew word represents some kind of Diana monkeys, perhaps, Cevcopitkectut fti'itui; but as this species is an inhabitant of Guinea, and unknown in Eastern Africa, it in not at all probable that this is the animal denoted.

    In the engraving winch represents the Iitho- strutum Prwnestinum (that curious mosaic pave- ment found at l'rumeste), in Shaw's Truvtln (ii 2:*4, 8vo ed.), is to be seen the figure of some animal 1 in a tree, with the word KHinEN over it. Of this animal Dr. Shaw says (31*2), ,,9632; [1 is » beautiful little creature, with a shaggy neck like thf CtUl'tthrix, and shaped exactly like those monkey., that are commonly called Marmosets. The KHHTEf may therefore l,e the Ethiopian monkey, calleil hj the Hebrews K,,u,,li, and by the Greeks KHflOS, KH*OS, or KEIfI02, from whence the ,,Mw


    Monkey from the Pnencstim* Mosaic.

    name Cephus^' This description will l,c found U apply letter to the figure in the 4to ed. of Dr Shaw's Travels than to that in the 8vo ed. Per- haps, as Cot. Hamilton Smith has suggested, the K ripen of the l'rasnestine mosaic may Ik* the CV,TO* ,ritfiecus gri,ett-riridU) Desmar., which is a native of Nubia, the country represented in that part of the mosaic where the figure of the keipen occurs It cannot represent any species of mrrnusrf, since the members of that group of Quadrumana are |»e- culiar to America. In all probability, as ha* been stated Above, the koph of the Bible is not intende! to refer to any one particular species of ape."

    Solomon was a naturalist, and collected WHLy thing that was curious and beautiful; and if, it* Sir K. Tennent has very plausibly argued, the ancient Tarshish is identical with l't de (lab, or some seaport of Ceylon, it is not improbable that the kAphim- which the fleet brought to Solomon were some of the monkeys from that country, which, according to Sir E. Tennent, are comprised, with the exception of the graceful rilawa (Si icncus pi- Ie,itus), under the Wanderer group of Quadrumana There can be little doubt but that the kvphun were brought from the same country which supplied ivory and peacocks; both of which are common in

    - The use of the word apt is generally now under ,,9632;tood In a i-ettrlctad mqk to apply to tb* mill** Quadnnnruus.

    Digitized by



    Ceylon; ,nd Sir E. Tennent baa drawn attention to the fact that the Tamil names for apex, ivory, and peacocks are identical with the Hebrew."

    Dr. Krapf (Trat. in E. Africa, p. 518), be- Beving Ophir to be on the E. African coast, thinks Solomon wished to obtain speciment of the Guresa iColotmt).

    It is very probable that some species of baboons ire signified by the term Satyrs, which occurs in the A. V. in the prophet Isaiah. [Satyr.] The English versions of 1550 and 1574 [Bishops' Bible] read (is. ziii. 21), where the A. T. has "satyrs shall dance there," — " apes shall daunce there." The ancients were no doubt acquainted with many kinds of Quadrumaua, both of the tailed and tailless lands (see Plin. viii. c. 19, xi. 44; Mlita. Nat. An. xrii. 85, 39; Stnb. xrii. p. 827; Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 398); cf. Mart. Epig. iv. 12: —

    " 81 mlhl cauda font eercopithacus era."

    W. H.


    K , .9"??^. M^D-l^M: •A^yxro»ox««'f 'Afef- vaun. 'Aipapo-oxoibi ; [Vat. in Ezr. iv., +apt,r- 0aY,uoi, A,ppaxraioi; Ezr. T., ,,,pap,rcuc'] Aphar- wthachcri, [Arphatai,] Arphamchai, [Aphar- tnchai] ), the names of certain tribes, colonies from which had settled in Samaria under the Assyrian leader Asnappar (Ezr. iv. 9, v. 6, [vi. 6] ). The first and but are regarded as the same. Whence these tribes came is entirely a matter of conjecture; the

    initial S is regarded as prosthetic: if this be re- jected, the remaining portion of the first two names bears some resemblance (a very distant one, it must be allowed) to Panetacse, or Paraetaceni, significant of mountaineers, applied principally to a tribe liv- ing on the borders of Media and Persia; while the second has been referred to the Parrhasii, and by (resenius to the Persse, to which it certainly bears a much greater affinity, especially in the prolonged form of the latter name found in Dan. vi. 28

    (typi?). The presence of the proper name of the Persians in Ezr. i. 1, iv. 3, must throw some doubt upon Gesenius's conjecture; but it is very possible that the loent name of the tribe may have undergone alteration, while the official and general lame was correctly given. ,,V. L. B.

    ATHEK (P?, from a root signifying te- nacity or firmness, Ges.; 'kqiic- [Aphec]), the name of several places in Palestine.

    1. [Rom. 'OoWk; Vat. om.] A royal city of the Canaauites, the king of which was killed by Joshua (Josh. xii. 18). As this is named with Tappuah and other places in the mountains of Judith, it is very probably the same as the Aphekah of Josh. zv. 53.

    9. [In .lush, xiii., Vat To«J,«; Aid. Alex. ',,,p- (k£,, Comp. 'K,pfKK,i: Apheca.) A city, appar- ently in the extreme north of Asher (Josh. xix. 30), mu which the Canaanites were not ejected (Judg.

    3t; though here it is Aphik, p^N). This is jrobably the same place as the Apbek (Josh, xiii. I), on the extreme north " border of the .Vmorites,"

    • Fpp appears to be a word of foreign origin, allied jo the 8anskrlt and Malabar kapi, which perhaps =. wifl. nimkU, wheoce the Oerman afft and the Idx-


    and apparently beyond Sidou, and which is idtoti fied by Geaenius ( Thes. 140 a) with the Aphaca of classical times, famous for iu temple of Venus, and now Afka (Hob. ill. 606 ; Porter, ii. 295-6). Afka however, lies beyond the ridge of I^banon, on the north-western slopes of the mountain, and conse- quently much further up than the other towns of Asher which have been identified. On the other hand it is hardly more to the north of the known limits of the tribe, than Kadesh and other places named as in Judah were to the south ; and Apbek may, like many other sanctuaries, have had a rep- utation at a very early date, sufficient in the days of Joshua to cause its mention in company with the other northern sanctuary of Baal-gad.

    8. (With the article, pCJfrt), a paw* at which the Philistines encamped, while the Israelites pitched in Eben-ezer, before the fatal battle in which the sons of Eli were killed and the ark taken (1 Sam. iv. 1). This would be somewhere to the N. W. of, and at no great distance from, Jerusalem.

    4. The scene of another encampment of the Philistines, before an encounter not less disastrous than that just named, — the defeat and death of Said (1 Sam. xxix. 1). By comparison with ver. 11, it seems as if this Apbek were not necessarily near Sbunem, though on the road thither from the Philistine district. It is possible that it may be the same place as the preceding; and if so, the Philistines were inarching to Jezreel by the present road along the " backbone " of the country.

    5. [In 1 K. 'A,pf(td.] A city on the military road from Syria to Israel (1 K. xx. 26). It was tailed (30), and was apparently a common spot for engagements with Syria (2 K. xiii. 17; with the

    article). The use of the word "lltP^en (A. V. " the plain ") in 1 K. xx. 25, fixes the situation of A. to have been in the level down-country east of the Jordan [Mishoh] ; and there, accordingly, it is now found in Flic, at the head of the Wady FVc, 6 miles east of the Sea of Galilee, the great road between Damascus, NabiJta, and Jerusalem, still passing (Kiepert's map, 1857), with all the perma- nence of the East, through the village, which is remarkable for the number of inns that it contains (Hurckh. p. 280). By Josephus (viii. 14, § 4) the name is given as 'Aapcxd. Eusebius (Onom. 'h,pfK,) says that in his time there was, beyond Jordan, a mbpn ptyi,,i) (Jer. castellum grande) called Apheca by (wtpl) Ilippes (Jer. Hippos) ; but he apparently confounds it with 1. Hippos was one of the towns which formed the Decapolis. File, or Feik, has been visited by Burckbardt, Seet- sen, and others (Hitter, Pal pp. 348-353), and is the only one of the places bearing this name thai has been identified with certainty. G.

    APHE'KAH(nj7?t?:,airow£; [Alex. Aid. Comp. 'fi,pwti-] Apheca)', a city of Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 53), probably the some as Aphek 1.

    APHErVEMA ('Apolo^a; [Alex. As,cp«- pa;] ' ,upepfipd, Jos.), one of the three "govern, inents" (yofuwr) added to Judaea from Samaria (and Galilee, x. 30) by Demetrius Soter, and con- firmed by Nicanor ,1 Mare. xi. 34) (see Jos. Ant. xiii. 4, | 9, and ,tdand, p. 178). The word ii

    Ush ape, the Initial aspirate being drooond. Illustrates this derivation by comparing the Utif amort from Sanskr. term.

    Digitized by



    imitted In the S'ulgate. It ia probaDiy the same u Uphraim (Ophrah, Taiyibeli).

    APHERTiA (' ,,,t,tj)pA: Eura) one of the [sons of the] " servants of Solomon " [who returned with Zerubbabel] (1 Esdr. v. 34). [His name is not found in the parallel lists of Ezra and Nehe- miah.]

    APHI'AH dTiaJ [re,reded] . A,f,6c ; [Alex. Atfitx:] Aphia), name of one of the fore- fathers of rung Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1).

    A'PHIK ("''Sy: [Not; Vat. No«; Alex. Vafeic; Aid. Comp. 'A^f'ic:] Aphec), a city of Asher from which the Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31). Probably the same place as

    Al'IIKK 2.

    APHTtAH, the house of (t^^S ,T2) [the ,uwii], a place mentioned in Mie. i. 10, and supposed by some (Winer, 172) to be identical with Ophrah. But this can hardly be, inasmuch as all the towns named in the context are in the low country to the west of Judah, while Ophrah would appear to lie K. of Bethel [Ophrah]. The LXX. translate the word i{ oIkou KaT, ye'Aarra [Vulg. in domo pulvtris], G.

    * According to the analogy of other similar com- pound names the translators of the A. V. might lia.e written Beth Leaphrah for Aphrah. The *~ here is sign of the genitive. If the name be the •ame as Ophrah (it may be diflereut as there is some evidence of an Aphrah aear Jerusalem) it ia

    written n^T* m Jlic. i. 10, instead of fTIM,

    so as more readily to suggest "153?, dust, in con- formity with the expression which follows: "In Ashe" (as we should say in English) "roll thyself in ashes." See Fusey's Minw PivpheU, ill- 300.


    APH'SES (Y'-ZB? [the dorsum]: 'K,p«rh: [Aid. Alex. 'Aipfatrrj:] Aphtfs), chief of the 18tli of the 21 courses in the service of the Temple ( I l.'hr. xxiv. 15).

    APOCALYPSE. [Rkvklation.]

    APOCRYPHA (B.flA.'o ' ,,*6ki,v,P*)- The collection of Books to which this term is popularly Applied includes the following. The order j;iven : s that in which they stand in the English version.

    I. 1 Esdras.

    II. 2 Esdras.

    III. Tobit.

    IV. Judith.

    V. The rest of the chapters of the Book of Esther, which are found neither in the Hebrew nor in the Chaldee.

    VI. The Wisdom of Solomon.

    VII. The Wisdom of Jesus tho Son of Sirach, 'i Ecclesiasticus.

    VIII. Baruch.

    IX. The Song of the Three Holy Children.

    X. The History of Susanna.

    XI. The History of the destruction of Be! and be Dragon.

    XII. The I'rayer of Manasseh, king of Juiah.

    XIII. 1 Maccabees.

    XIV. 2 Maccabees.

    The separate books of this collection are treated ,,9632;4 in distinct articles. Their relation to the ?anor ml books of the Old Testament U discussed under J* low In tho present article it ia proposed to '



    consider: — I. The meaning and history if tbf word. [I. The history and character of the eollec tion an a whole in its relation to Jewish literature. I. The primary meaning of aTr6tcpv,pos, " hidden, secret" (in which sense it is used in Hellenistic as well as classical Greek, cf. Ecclus. xxiii. 19 ; Luke viii. 17; Col. ii. 3), seems, towards the close of the 2d century, to have been associated with the sig- nification " spurious," and ultimately to have settled down into the latter. Tertullian (de Anim. c. 2) and Clement of Alexandria (Strom, i. 19, G9, iii. 4, 29) apply it to the forged or spurious books which the heretics of their time circulated as au- thoritative. The first passage referred to from tho Stromata, however, may be taken as an instance of the transition stage of the word. The followers of Prodicus, a Gnostic teacher, are said there to boast that they have ,tfi,,ov, airoKpvtpovs of Zoroaster. In Athanasius (Ep. Ftst. vol. ii. p. 38; Synop- sis Sac. Script, vol. ii. p. 154, ed. Colon. 1686), Augustine (c. Faust, xi. 2, de Civ. Dei, xv. 23), Jerome (Ep, ad Lcet'im, and Prat, GaL) the word is used uniformly with the l,ad meaning which had l,ecome attached to it. The writers of that period, however, do not seem to have seen clearly how the word had acquired this secondary sense ; and hence we find conjectural explanations of its etymology. The remark of Athanasius (Synops. S. Script. L c.) that such books are ,iroKpv,p%s ,xaWov fj avayvdr Tew; a;ia is probably meant rather as a play upon the word than as giving its derivation. Augustine is more explicit : *' Apocrypha* nuncupantur eo quod earum occulta origo non claruit patribuj " (de Cir. Dei, 1. a). " Apocryphi non quod habendi sunt in aliqua auctoritate secreta sed quia nulla testifica- tionis luce declarati, de nescio quo secreto, nescio quorum pnesumtionc prolati sunt " (c. Faust. 1. a). i^ater conjectures are (1), that given by the trans- lation of the English Bible (ed. 1539, Pref. to Apocr.), « because they were wont to be read not openly and in common, but as it were in secret and apart;" (2) one, resting on a misapprehension of the meaning of a passage in Kpiphanius (de iVrm. ac Pawl. c. 4) that the Ixwks in question were so called l,ecause, not being in the Jewish canon, they were excluded fab t?Js Kp,,nrrr,,s from the ark in which the true Scriptures were pre- served; (3) that the word k-n6Kpupa answers to

    the Ileh E'T-12., Ubri aOscondUi, by whicii the

    later Jews designated those books which, as of doubtful authority or not tending to edification, were not read publicly in the synagogues; (4) that it originates in the Kptnrrd or secret books of the Greek mysteries. Of these it may be enough to say, that (1) is, as regards some of the book.? now bearing the name, at variance with fact; that (2), as has been said, rests on a mistake; that (3) wants the support of direct evidence of the use of aw6Kpvipa as the translation for the Hebrew word, and tliat (4), though it approximates to what U probably the true history of the word, is so far only a conjecture. The data for explaining the transi- tion from the neutral to the bad meaning, are to be found, it is believed, in the quotations already given, and iu the facts connected with the books to which the epithet was in the first instance applied. The language of Clement implies that it was not alto- gether disclaimed by those of whose books he uses it- That of Athanasius is in the tone of a man who is convicting bis opponents out of their owr mouth. Augustine implicitly admits that a "as-

    Digitized by




    acta aaKtoritas" lad been chimed for the writing! to which be ascribes merely in " occulta origo." AB these beta barmonixe with the belief that the nee of the word aa applied to special booka origi- nated in the claim common to nearly all the aecta thet participated in the Gnostic character, to a secret eaoteric knowledge depoaited in booka which were tuadr known only to the initiated. It eeernt not anL_J j that then ia a refer e n o e in CoL ii. 3 to the pretensions of nch teachers. The books of oar own Apocrypha bear witness both to the feel- ing and the way in which it worked. The inspi- ration of the Pseudo-Esdras (2 Esdr. xiv. 40-47) leads him to dictate 304 books, of which the TO last are to be " delivered only to such as are wise imottg the people." Assuming the far. lect. of 94 in the Arabic and Ethiopian versions to be the true reading, this indicates the way in which the secret books, in which was the " spring of under- standing, the fountain of wisdom, and the stream of knowledge, ' were set up as of higher value than 'at twenty-four books acknowledged by the Jewish canon, which were for " the worthy and unworthy alike." It was almost a matter of course that these secret book* should be pseudonymous, ascriled to the great names hi Jewish or heathen history that had become associated with the reputation of a mysterious wisdom. So books in the existing Apoc- rypha bear the names of Solomon, Daniel, Jeremiah, Ezra. Beyond its limits the creation of spurious documents took a yet bolder range, and the list given by Athanasius' 1 (Synopi. S. Script.) shows at once the variety and extent of the mythical litera- ture which was palmed off upon the unwary as at once secret and sacred.

    Those whose faith rested on the teaching of the Christian Church, and who looked to the 0. T. Scriptures either in the Hebrew or the LXX. col- lection, were not slow to perceive that these produc- tions were destitute of all authority. They applied in scorn what had been used sa a title of honor. The secret book (libri lecretioret, Orig. Comm. in if ait. ed. Lomm. iv. p. 237) was rejected as ipu- rious. The word Apocryphal was degraded to the position from which it has never since risen. So far as books like the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Assumption of Moses were con- cerned, the task of discrimination was comparatively easy, but it became more difficult when the question affected the books which were found in the LXX. translation of the Old Testament and recognized by the Hellenistic Jews, but were not in the He- brew text or in the Canon acknowledged by the Jews of Palestine. The history of this difficulty, And of the manner in which it affected the recep- tion of particular books, belongs rather to the sub- ject of Canon than to that of the present article, but the following facta may be stated as bearing on the application of the word. (1.) The teachers of the Greek and Latin Churches, accustomed to the Me of the Septuagint or versions resting on the •sine basis, were naturally led to quote freely and reverently from all the books which were incorpo- rated in it. In Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Athanasius, e. g., we find citations from the books rf the present Apocrypha, as " Scripture," " divine Scripture," " prophecy." Tbey are very far from


    applying the krm ttimfos to these writings. H they are conscious of the difference between then and the other books of the O. T., it is only so far as to lead them (cf. Athan. Sjaqps. , Say*. I c, to place the former in the bat of » nannCcyura, cum,,ty6fura, books which were of more use for the ethical instruction of catechumens than for the edification of mature Christians. Augustine, in like manner, applies the word "Apocrypha" only to the spurious books with false titles which were in circulation among heretics, admitting the others, though with some qualifications, under the title of Canonical (dt doctr. Ckr. ii. 8). (2.) Wherevf r, on the other hand, any teacher came in contact with the feeling! that prevailed among the Christians of Palestine, there the influence of the rigorous limi- tation of the old Hebrew canon is at once conspic- uous. This is seen in its bearing on the history of the Canon in the list given by Melito, bishop of Sardis (Euseb. ff. K. iv. 26), and obtained by him from Palestine. Of its eflects on the application of the word, the writings of Cyril of Jerusalem and Jerome give abundant instances. The former (Caltch. iv. 33) gives the canonical list of the 22 books of the O. T. Scriptures, and rejects the introduction of all " apocryphal " writings. The latter in his Epistle to Lteta warns the Christian mother in educating ber daughter against " omnia apocrypha." The Prologiu Galeatm shows that he did not shrink from including under that title the books which formed part of the Septuagint, and were held in honor in the Alexandrian and ljUin Churches. In dealing with the several books he discusses each on its own merits, admiring some, speaking unhesitatingly of the " dreams," " fables " of others. (3.) The teaching of Jerome influenced, though not decidedly, the language of the Western Church. The old spurious heretical writings, the "Apocrypha" of Tertullian and Clement, fell more and more into the background, and were almost utterly forgotten. The doubtful books of the Old Testament were used publicly in the service of the Church, quoted frequently with reverence as Script- ure, sometimes however with doubts or limitations as to the authority of individual books according to the knowledge or critical discernment of this or that writer (cf. Bp. Cosin's Scliolntlic History of tht Canon). During this period the term by which they were commonly described was not "apocry- phal" but " ecclesiastical." So they had been de- scribed by Kufinus (Kxpot. in Symb. Apott. p. 26), who practically recognized the distinction drawn bv Jerome, though he would not use the more oppro- brious epithet of books which were held in honor: " libri qui non canonici sed Ecclesiaatici a majoribus appellati sunt "...." qua? omnia (the contents of these books) legi quidem in Ecvlesiis voluerunt non tamen proferri ad auctoritatem ex his fidei con- firmandam. CKteras vero scriptures apocryphaa nomiuarunt quas in Ecclesiis legi noliierunt: " and this offered a mezzo (ermine between the language of Jerome and that of Augustine, and as such founi favor. (4.) It was reserved for the age of the Reformation to Btamp the word Apocrypha with its present signification. The two views which hao hitherto existed together, side by side, concerning which the Church had pronounced no authoritativt

    « Tha books enumerated by Athanasius, besides trldnsa falsely ascribed to authors of canonical books, is foptuuuah, Babskknk, Ihektol, and Darnel, Included 'Itar-s vhteh have toe names of Knoeh, of the Patri-

    archs, of Zechariah the lather or the Baptist, u» Prayer of Joseph, the Testament ({taSVl) and A* sumption of Moses, Abraham. Kldad and Modad, an Xlijah

    Digitized by



    ,asMfln, stood out in sharper contrast. The Coon- til of Trent clused the question which had bees left open, and deprived its theologians of the liberty they had hitherto enjoyed — extending the Canon of Scripture so as to include all the hitherto doubt- ful or deutero-canonical books, with the exception of the two books of Eadras and the Prayer uf Manas- seh, the evidence against which seemed too strong to be resisted (Sett. IV. ck Can. Script.). In ac- cordance with this decree, the editions of the Vul- gate published by authority contained the books which the Council had pronounced canonical, as standing on the same footing as those which had never been questioned, while the three which had been rejected were printed commonly in smaller type and stood after the New Testament. The Reform- ers of Germany and England on the other hand, influenced in part by the revival of the study of Hebrew and the consequent recognition of the au- thority of the Hebrew Canon, and subsequently by the reaction against this stretch of authority, main- tained the opinion of Jerome and pushed it to its legitimate results. The principle which had been asserted by Carlstadt dogmatically in his " De Ca- nonicis Scriptoria libellus " (1590) was acted on by Luther. He spoke of individual books among those in question with a freedom as great as that of Je- rome, judging each on hs own merits, praising Tobit as a " pleasant comedy" and the Prayer of Manas- sen a* a "good model for penitents," and rejecting the two books of Esdras as containing worthless fables. The example of collecting the doubtful books in a separate group had been set in the Stras- burg edition of the Septuagint, 1598. in Luther's complete edition of the German Bible accordingly (1534) the books (Judith, Wisdom, Tobias, Sirach, 1 and 9 Maccabees, Additions to Esther and Daniel, and the Prayer of M,nasseh) were grouped together under the general title of "Apocrypha, i. e. Books which are not of like worth with Holy Scripture, yet are good and useful to be read." In the his- tory of the English Church, Wicliffb showed him- self in this as in other points the forerunner of the Reformation, and applied the term Apocrypha to all but the " twenly-Jvm " Canonical Books of the Old Testament. Toe judgment of Jerome wag formally asserted in the sixth Article. The dis- puted books were collected and described in the same way in the printed English Bible of 1539 (Cranmer's), and since then there has been no fluc- tuation as to the application of the word. The books to which the term is ascribed are in popular speech not merely apocryphal, but the Apocrypha. II. Whatever questions may be at issue as to the authority of these hooks, they have in any case an Interest of which no controversy can deprive them as connected with the literature, and therefore with the history, of the Jews. They represent the period of transition and decay which followed on the re- turn from Babylon, when the prophets who were then the teachers of the people had passed away and the age of scribes succeeded. Uncertain as may be the dates of individual books, few, if any, w be thrown further back than the commence- ment of the 3d century b. c. The latest, the 2d Book of Esdras, is probably not later than 31 b. a, 9 Esdr. viL 98 being a subsequent interpolation. The alterations of the Jewish character, the differ- ent phases which Judaism presented in Palestine and Alexandria, the good and the evil which were sailed forth by contact with idolatry in Egypt and if the struggle against it in Syria, all these present



    themselves to the reader of the Apociypha with greater or less distinctness. In t!ie midst of the diversities which we might naturally expect to find in books written by different authors, in different countries, and at considerable Intervals of time, it is possible to discern some characteristics which be- long to the collection as a whole, and these may be noticed in the following order.

    (1.) The absence of the prophetic dement. From first to last the books bear testimony to the assertion of Josephus (c. Ap. i. 8), that the kicpifMn ttatoxh of prophets had been broken after the close of the 0. T. canon. No one speaks because the word of the Lord had come to hiiu. Sometimes there is a direct confession that the gift of prophecy had departed (1 Mace. ix. 97), or the utterance of a hope that it might one day return {ibid. iv. 48 xiv. 41). Sometimes a teacher asserts in words the perpetuity of the gift (Wisd. vii. 27), and showi in the act of asserting it how different the illumina- tion which he had received was from that bestowed on the prophets of the Canonical Books. When a writer simulates the prophetic character, he repeat* with slight modifications the language of the older prophets, as in Baruch, or makes a mere prediction the text of a dissertation, as in the Epistle of Jej ,,9632; emy, or plays arbitrarily with combinations of dreams and symbols, as in 2 Esdras. Strange and perplexing as the last-named book u, whatever there is in it of genuine feeling indicates a mind not at ease with itself, distracted with its own Bufferings and with the problems of the universe, and it Is accordingly very far removed from the utterance of a man who speaks as a messenger from God.

    (9.) Connected with this is the almost total dis- appearance of the power which had shown itself in the poetry of the Old Testament. The Song of the Three Children lays claim to the character of a Psalm, and is probably a translation from some liturgical hymn; but with this exception the form of poetry is altogether absent. So far as the writers have come under the influence of Greek cultivation they catch the taste for rhetorical ornament which characterized the literature of Alexandria, fic- titious speeches become almost indispensable addi tions to the narrative of a historian, and the story of a martyr is not complete unless (as in the later Acta Martyrum of Christian traditions) the sufferer declaims in set terms against the persecutors. (Song of the Three Child., 3-22; 2 Mace. vi. vii.)

    (3. ) The appearance, as part of tho current lit- erature of the time, of works of fiction, resting or purporting to rest on a historical foundation. It is possible that this development of the national genius may have been in part the result of the Captivity. The Jewish exiles brought with them the reputation of excelling in minstrelsy, and were called on to sing the " songs of ,ion " (Ps. exxxvii.). The trial of skill between the three young men in 1 Esdr. iii. iv implies a traditional belief that those who were promoted to places of honor under the Persian kings were conspicuous for gifts of a some- what similar character. The transition from this to the practice of story telling was with the Jews, as afterwards with the Arabs, easy and natural enough. The period of the Captivity with its strange adventures, and the remoteness of the scenes connected with it, offered • wide and attrac- tive field to tin imagination of such narrators. Sometimes, — in Bel and the Dragon, the motive of such stories would be the love of the marvellous mingling itself with the fee; from Amphipolis to Apul- lonia 32 miles; from ApoUonia to Theasalonica 36 miles." Luke's record of Paul's journey through these places (Acts xvii. 1 ) almost reminds us of a leaf from a traveller's note-book. Paul spent a night probably at ApoUonia as well as at Amphip- olis; for be was hastening to Thessakmica, and could make the Journey between the places in a single day. Pliny mentions ApoUonia (Hist. Nat iv. 10): "regio Mygdonia; subjacent, in qua re- cedentes a mari ApoUonia, Arethuaa." At tl,e present day the site has not been ascertained with lertalnty. There is known to be a little village, I'ollona, with ruins, just south of Lake Beohii (Bo'AjBn, jEsch. Pert. 490) which possibly perpet- uates the ancient name. Both Cousinlry ( Voynet dam la Macedoine, p. 116) and Leake (Northern Greece, i. 368) saw the village at a distance, and incline to place ApoUonia there. Tafel would place it further to the northwest (see his De ,,!a MiU itari Homanornm Egnitin), at Klitali, a post- station 7 hours from SaloniU, on the road to Con- stantinople (Murray's Handbook of Greece, p. 432). The position may be correct enough in either case, as there is some uncertainty respecting the line of the Egnatian Way in parts of its course. See Am- phipous. H.

    APOLLCNIUS ('AwaAAoWs : [Apotto- w'us]), the son of Tbraateus governor of Code- Syria and Phonier, under Selkucus IV. Philo- Patob, s. c. 187 ff., a bitter enemy of the Jews 9 Mace. iv. 4), who urged the king, at the insti- jatioi of Simon the commander (errpemryit) of tie temple, to plunder the temple at Jerusalem (2 Mace tax. A ff.). The writer of the Declamation an the Maccabees, printed among the works of Jo- asphua, relates of ApoDoolus the circumstances


    which are commonly referred to his mileaaij Heft odorus (De Mace 4; cf. 9 Mace. iii. 7 ff).

    S. An officer of Antiochus Epiphanes, governs* of Samaria (Joseph. Ant. xii. 6, , 6; 7, , 1), who led out a large force against Judas Maccabeus, but was defeated and slain B. c. 166 (1 Mace. iii. 10-12, Joseph. Ant. xii. 71). He is probably the same person who was chief commissioner of the revenue of Judasa (,?%,•' ,opo,,oylas, 1 Mace i. 29; e". 2 Mace. v. 24), who spoiled Jerusalem, taking ad- vantage of the Sabbath (2 Mace. v. 24-26), and occupied a fortified position there (b. C. 168' (1 Mace i. 80 ff).

    3. The son of Menestheus (possibly identical with the former), an envoy commissioned (b. c 173) by Antiochus Epiphanes to congratulate Ptol - emssus Phikunetor on his being enthroned (2 Msec hr. 21). An ambassador of the same name was at the head of the embassy which Antiochus sent to Borne (Liv. xlil. «).

    4. The son of Getuurus (6 roB rVnwiov, it seems impossible that this can be da edlen Apott. Sohn, Luth.), a Syrian general under Antiochus V. Eupator c B. c 163 (2 Mace. xii. 2).

    5. The Daiam (Adoj, Joseph. Ant. xiii 4, § 8, i. e. one of the Dahas or Dai, a people of Sogdiana), a governor of Ccele-Syria (to» trro «V1 (.11 Mace x. 69) under Alexander Baku, who embraced the cause of his rival Demetrius Nicator, and was appointed by him to a chief command (1 Mace. L c Kariarno-t, Vulg. conttittdt ducem). If ha were the same as the ApoUonius wbom Polybius mentions as foster-brother and confidant of Deme- trius I. (probably a son of (3) tvoir inrapxirrotp atcAaWr, HrKtirypov KaDHtrtatiott, Polyb. xxxi. 21, , 2), his conduct is easily intelligible. ApoUonius raised a large force and attacked Jona- than, the aUy of Alexander, but was entirely de- feated by him (B. c. 147) near Azotus (1 Mace. x. 70 ff.). Joeephus (Ant xiii. 4, § 3 f.) represents ApoUonius as the general of Alexander at the time of his defeat; but this statement, though it has found advocates (Wemsdorf, dejide Ubr. Mace a. 136, yet doubtfully), appears to be untenable on internal grounds. Cf. Grimm, 1 Mace. x. 69.

    B. F. W.

    APOLLOPH'ANES ('AxoXAwpaVijt: 4*»- lophana), % Syrian, killed by Judas Maccabeus (2 Msec. x. 37).

    APOLXOS CAwoAArff, ». «. 'Ai-oAAtVioi [belonging to Apollo], as the Codex Bene actuaUy gives it, or perhaps 'AiroAAooupos ,,jgijl of Apollo] ), a Jew from Alexandria, eloquent (,,6yios, which may also mean learned), and mighty in the Script- ures: one instructed in the way of the Lord (Christ) according to the imperfect view of the disciples of John the Baptist (Acts xviii. 25), but on his coming to Ephesus during a temporary ab- sence of St. Paul, a. D. 54, more perfectly taught by Aquila and Priscilla. After this he became a preacher of the gospel, first in Achaia, and then in Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, xix. 1), where be watered that which Paul bad planted (1 Cor. iii. 6). When the apostle wrote his first Epistle to the Corinthians. ApoUos was with or near him (1 Cor. xvi. 12), probably at Ephesus in a. D. 67. We bear of him then that he was unwilling at that ,,9830;ime to journey to Corinth, but would do so when be should hart convenient time. He is mentioned but once mora in the N. T., in Tit iii. 13, where Titus is desired to "bring Zenas the lawyer and ApoUos on then

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    ny diUscentlv, that t.-.thiug may be wanting to them." Aftci this nothing is known of him. tradition makes him bishop of Csesarea ( ifenolog. time. ii. b. 17). The exact part which Apollos took in the missionary work of the apostolic age •an never be ascertained ; and much fruitless con- 1 jecture has been spent on the subject. After the sutire amity between St. Paul and him which appears hi the first Epistle to the Corinthians, it is hardly possible to imagine any important difference in the doctrines which they taught. Certainly we cannot accede to the hypothesis that the ffotpia against which the apostle so often warns the Cor- inthians, was a characteristic of the teaching of s.poUos. Thus much may safely be granted, that there may have been difference enough in the out- ward character and expression of the two to attract the lover of eloquence and philosophy rather to Apollos, somewhat, perhaps, to the disparagement of St. Paul.

    Much ingenuity has been spent in Germany in defining the four parties in the church at Corinth, supposed to be indicated 1 Cor. i. 12; and the Apollos party has been variously characterized. See Neander, Pflanz. u. Leitung, p. 378 ff. 4th ed. ; Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of Si. Paul, vol. i. p. 526, vol. ii. pp. 6-11, 2d ed.; Winer refers to Pfizer, Diss, de Apollone doctore. apottol., Altorf, 1718; Hopf, Comm. de Apolkme pseuilo-doctore, Hag. 1782; and especially to Hey- Miaiiii. in the Saxon Exegetische Studien, ii. 213 ft". H. A.

    • The conjecture of Luther, that Apollos was the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, has been fa- vored by many eminent scholars, among whom may be named Osiander, Beausobre, ,,jt Clerc, Heu- mann, Ziegler, Semler, Dindorf, Bertholdt, Schott, Bleek. Norton, r'eilmoser (Cath.), Credner, Lutter- beck (Cath.), De Wette (without confidence), Tho- luck, Reuss, Bunsen, Liineraann, and Afford. See Bleek, Brief an die Hebr. i. 423-430; Norton in the Christian Examiner for July 1829, vi. 338- 343; and Alford's Prolegomena to the Epistle, ch. i. sect. i. §§ 180-191. [Hebrews, Epistle to the.] A.

    APOLI,YON ('AiroWtW: ApoUyon), or, as it is literally in the margin of the A. V. of Rev. ix. 11, "a destroyer," is the rendering of the He- brew word Abaddon, " the angel of the bottom- less pit" The Vulgate adds, " Latine haliens nomen Eiterminans." The Hebrew term is really abstract, and signifies "destruction," in which sense it occurs in Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22 ; Prov. xv. 1 1 ; and other passages. The angel ApoUyon is further described as the king of the locusts which rose from the smoke of the bottomless pit at the lounding of the fifth trumpet. From the occur- rence of the word in Ps. bixxviii. 11, the Rabbins have made Abaddon the nethermost of the two regions into which they divided the under world. But that in Rev. ix. 11 Abaddon is the angel, and lot the abyss, is perfectly eviden 1 in the Greek. ITiere is no authority for connecting it with the destroyer alluded U. in 1 Cor. x. 10 ; and the ex- planation, quoted by Bcngel, that the name is given in Hebrew and Greek, to show that the locusts would be destructive alike to .lew and Gentile, is hr-fetebed :uid unnecessary. The etymology of

    • » for a pwd discussion of this topic, sm a dlsnr- '.ooo on th» " Mama and (Mat of an Apostle," by



    Aamodeus. the king of the demons in Jewish mythology, seems to point to a connection with ApoUyon, in his character as " the destroyer,' or the destroying angel. See also Wisd. xviii. 22. 25. [Asmode'us.] W. A. W.

    APOSTLE (otoVtoAos, one sent forth), the official name, in the N. T., originally of those Twelve of the disciples whom Jesus chose, to send forth first to preach the gospel, and to be with Him during the course of his ministry on earth. After- wards it was extended to others who, though nc! of the numlier of the Twelve, yet wen equal with them in office and dignity. The word also lppears to have been used in a non-official sense to desig- nate a much wider circle of Christian messct.geni and teachers (see 2 Cor. viii. 23; Phil. u. S»V It is only of those who were officiaUy designated Apostles that we treat in this article.™

    The original qualification of an apostle, as stated by St. Peter, on occasion of electing a successor to the traitor Judas, was, that he should have l,eeii personally acquainted with the whole ministerial course of our l,ord, from the baptism of John till the day when He was taken up into heaven. He himself describes them as " they that had continued with Him in his temptations " (Luke xxii. 28). By this close personal intercourse with Him they were peculiarly fitted to give testimony to the facta of redemption ; and we gather from his own words in John xiv. 26, xv. 26, 27, xvi. 13, that an especial bestowal of the Spirit's influence was granted them, by which their memories were quickened, and their power of reproducing that which they had heard from Him increased above the ordinary measure of man. The Apostles were from the lower ranks of life, simple and uneducated ; some of them were related to Jesus according in the flesh; some had previously been disciples of John the Baptist. Our I,,rd chose them early in his public career, though it is uncertain precisely at what time. Some of them had certainly partly attached themselves to Him before ; but after their caU as apostles, they appear to have been continu- ously with Him, or in his service. They seem to have been aU on an equality, both during and after the ministry of Christ on earth. We find one indeed, St. Peter, from fervor of personal charac- ter, usually prominent among them, and distin- guished by having the first place assigned him in founding the Jewish and Gentile churches [Peter] ; but we never find the slightest trace in Scripture of any superiority or primacy lieing in consequence accorded to him. We also find that he and two others, James and John, the sons of Zebedee, are admitted to the inner privacy of our Lord's acta and sufferings on several occasions (Mark v. 37; Matt. xvii. 1 ff., xxvi. 37); but this is no proof of superiority in rank or office. Early in our lord's ministry, He sent them out two and two to preach repentance, and perform miracles in his name (Matt, x.; Luke ix.). This their mission was of the nature of a solemn call to the children oi israel, to whom it was confined (Matt. x. 5, 6). There is, however, in his charge to the Apostles on this occasion, not. a word of their proclaiming his own mission as the Messiah of the Jewish people. Their preaching was at this time strictly of a pre- paratory kind, resembling that of John the Baptist, the Lord's iV.rerunner.

    Prof. Ughtfoot, SI. PamTs B°. f Uu Oalatima, w 89-07 a.

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    The Apostles were earl; warned by their Master of the solemn nature and the danger of their call- ing (Matt. z. 17 ). but were not intrusted with any ssoteric doctrines of which indeed his teaching, being eminently and entirely practical, did not ad- mit. They accompanied Him in his journeys of teaching and to the Jewish feasts, saw his wonder- ful works, heard his discourse* addressed to the people (Matt. t. 1 ff., xxiii. 1 ff.; Luke ir. 13 ff. or those which He held with learned Jews (Matt. xix. 13 ff. ; I -uke i. 25 ff. ). made inquiries of Him on religious matters, sometimes concerning his own sayings, sometime) of a general nature (Matt, xiii. 10 ff., it. 15 ff, zviii. 1 ff.; Luke nil. 9 ff, xii. 41, xvii. 5; John ix. 2 ff., xiv. 5, 22 a!.): some- times they worked miracles (Mark vi. 13; I.uke ix 8), sometimes attempted to do so without success (Matt. xrti. 16). They recognized their Master as the Christ of God (Matt. xvi. 16 ; Luke ix. 20), and ascribed to Him supernatural power (Luke ix. 54), but in the recognition of the spiritual teaching and mission of Christ, they made very slow progress, held back as they were by weakness of apprehension and by natural prejudices (Matt. xr. 16, xvi. 22, xvii. 20 f.; Luke ix. 54, xxiv. 25; John xvi. 12). They were compelled to ask of Him the explanation of even bis simplest parables (Mark viii. 14 ff.; Luke xii. 41 ff), and openly confessed their weakness of faith (Luke xvii. 5). Even at the removal of our Lord from the earth they were yet weak in their knowledge (Luke xxiv. 21 ; John xvi. li), though He had for so long been carefully pre- paring and instructing them. And when that hap- pened of which He had so often forewarned them, — his apprehension by the chief priest* and Phari- sees. — they all forsook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi. 56, Ac.). They left his burial to one who was not of their number and to the women, and were only convinced of his resurrection on the very plainest proofs furnished by Himself. It was first when this fact became undeniable that light seems to have entered their minds, and not even then without his own special aid, opening their understandings that they might understand the Scriptures. Even after that, many of them returned to their common oc- cupations (John xxi. 3 ff), and it required a new direction from the Lord u, recall them to their mis- sion and reunite them in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4). Before the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Church, Peter, at least, seems to have been specially inspired by Him to declare the prophetic sense of Scripture respecting the traitor Judas, and direct his place to be filled up. On the Feast of Pentecost, ten days after our Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit came down on the assembled church (Acts ii. 1 ff.); and from that time the Apostles became altogether dif- ferent men, giving witness with power of the life and death and resurrection of Jesus m, he bad de- clared they should (take xxiv. 48 ; Acts i. 8, 22, ii. 32, iii. 15 v. 32, xiii. 31). First of all the mother-church at Jerusalem grew up under then- bands (Acts iii. -vii.), and their superior dignity and ower were universally acknowledged by the rulers and the people (Acts v. 12 ff). F.ven the persecu- tion which arose about Stephen, and put the first check on the spread of the Gospel in Judtea, does not seem to have brought peril to the A postles (Acts viii. 1). Their first mission out of Jerusalem was to Samaria (Acta viii. 5 ff 14), where the Lord himself had, during his ministry, sown the seed of the Gospel. Here ends, properly speaking (or ,,9632;saber pwhapa with the general visitation hinted at


    in Acts ix. 32), the first period of the Apostles agency, during which its centre is Jerusalem, an** the prominent figure is that of St. Peter. Agree- ally to the promise of our Lord to bim (Matt. xvi. 18), which we conceive it impossible to understand otherwise than in a personal sense, he among the twelve foundations (Kev. xxi. 14) was the stone on whom the Church was first built; and it was his privilege first to open the aYor* of the kingdom of heaven to Jews (Acts ii. 14, 42) and to Gentiles (Acts x. 11). The centre of the second period of the apostolic agency is Antioch, where a church soon was built up, consisting of Jews and Gentiles; and the central figure of this and of the subsequent period is St. Paul, a convert not originally belong- ing to the number of the Twelve, but wonderfully prepared and miraculously won for the high office [Paul]. This period, whose history (all that we know of it) is related in Acts xi. 19-30, xiii. 1-5, was marked by the united working of Paul and the other apostles, in the coi peration and intercourse of the two churches of Antioch and Jerusalem. From this time the third apostolic period opens, marked by the almost entire disappearance of the Twelve from the sacred narrative, and the exclusive agency of St. Paul, the great apostle of the Gen- tiles. The whole of the remaining narrative of the Acts is occupied with his missionary journeys; and when we leave him at Rome, all the Gentile churches from Jerusalem round about unto fllyrieum owe to him their foundation, and look to him for supervision. Of the missionary agency of the rest of the Twelve, we know absolutely nothing from the sacred narrative. Some notices we have of their personal history, which will be found under their respective names, together with the principal legends, trustworthy or untrustworthy, which have come down to us respecting them. See Peter, James. John especially. As regards the npottoHe o^fcf , it seems to have been preeminently that of founding the churches, and upholding them by supernatural power specially bestowed for that pur- pose. It ceased, as a matter of course, with its first holders — all continuation of it, from the very conditions of its existence (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 1), being impossible. The MaKowot of the ancient churches coexisted with, and did not in any sense succeed, the Apostles; and when it is claimed for bishops or any church officers that they are tbeir successors, it can be understood only chronologically, and not officially.

    The work which contains the fullest account of the agency of the Apostles within the limits of the N. T. history is Neander's treatise, llnrk. tier PJUnamg uni Leitung der cwrunVrsVw Kircht durch die Apoetel, 4th edition, Hamburg, 1847. More ample, but far less interesting, notices may be found in Cave's Aniig. Apost., or History of the Apostles, Lond. 1677. H. A.

    * The older works of Benson, Hist, of Ike t'iret Phnring of the Christian RtUgitm, 2d ed., 8 vol.. Lond. 1766, 4to, and Lardner, Hist, of the Apot- tU, and Evangelists, deserve mention here. See also Stanley, Sermons and h'ttagt on the Apottolit Age, 2d ed., Oxford, 1852, Renan, ,.e» Apitrts, Paris, 1866, and the literature referred to under the art. Acts or the Apostles. A

    • APOTHECARIES occurs in Neh. iii. I (A. V.) for DVTjv"2, supposed to mean "pedum era" or "makers of ointment*" (in the Sept strangely *Pvx«f,i, ** * r ro P er name), in th»

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    craft belonged (^2) Hananinh, one of the builders of the wall of Jerusalem (Nell. iii. 8), where the A. V., with a misapprehension of the idiom, ren- ders " a son of one of the apothecaries." H.

    APPAIM (C^3S [the nostrils]: 'Air,paii,; [Vat. E,p,,aj«;] Alex. AMdl! Apphaim). Son of V i, lib. and descended from Jerahmeel, the founder of an important family of the tribe of Ju- dah (1 Chr. ii. 30, 31). The succession fell to him, m his elder brother died without issue.

    W. A. W.

    APPEAL. The principle of appeal was recog- nized by the Mosaic law in the establishment of a court under the presidency of the judge or ruler for the time being, before which all cases too difficult for the local courts were to be tried (l)eut. xvii. 8-9). Winer, indeed, infers from Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, § 14, AyairciiireTaaav, sc. of !i,coo- rai ) that this was not a proper court of appeal, the local judges and not the litigants being, according to the above language, the appellants: but these words, taken in connection with a former passage in the same chapter (*f tis • ,,9632; • tip, oItIcw Tp,xp4- pot) may be regarded simply in the light of a gen- eral direction. According to the above regulation, the appeal lay in the time of the Judges to the judge (Judg. iv. 5), and under the monarchy to the king, who appears to have deputed certain persons to inquire into the facts of the case, and record his decision thereon (2 Sam. xv. 3). Jehoshaphat dele- gated his judicial authority to a court permanently established for the purpose (2 Chr. xix. 8). These courts were reestablished by Ezra (Ezr. vii. 25). After the institution of the Sanhedrim the final appeal lay to them, and the various stages through which a case might pass are thus described by the Talmudists : from the local consistory before which the cause was first tried, to the consistory that sat in the neighboring town ; thence to the courts at Jerusalem, commencing in the court of the 23 that sat in the gate of Shushan, proceeding to the court that sat in the gate of Nicauor, and concluding with the great council of the Sanhedrim that sat in the room Gazith (Carpzov. A,par. p. 571).

    A Koman citizen under the republic had the right of appealing in criminal cases from the de- cision of a magistrate to the people; and as the emperor succeeded to the power of the people, there was an appeal to him in the last resort. (See Diet, nf Ant. art. Awellatio).

    St. Paul, as a Roman citizen, exercised a right of appeal from the jurisdiction of the local court at Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11). But u no decision had been given, there could be no »f )eal, properly speaking, in his case: the lan- guage used (Acts xxv. 9) implies the right on the part of the accused of electing either to be tried by the provincial magistrate or by the emperor. Since the procedure in the Jewish courts at that period was of a mixed and undefined character, the Roman and the Jewish authorities coexisting and carrying on the course of justice between them, Paul availed himself of his undoubted privilege to be tried by tb t pure Koman law. W. L. B.

    •The appeal of Paul to Caesar (AcU xxv ll)was



    ,,9632;- *Ihla Is not strict]; correct. 'Amrta does not at .or in Acts xxrnl. 16, or elsewhere In tb* N. T. In U», pmfls referred to by AJfbrd w ban 'Ajnrfa. fax Aim fowm). m

    peculiar as laying claim not to the revision of a sentence, but to a hearing at Rome before judg- ment had been rendered elsewhere. The point i* not without its difficulty, and deserves a more so- cial notice.

    Appeal in Roman law under the emperors (foi this alone concerns us) proceeded on the principle that the emperor was the supreme judge, and all other judges, the provincial magistrates, for in- stance, his delegates. Such appeal from a decision in a province, when allowed, was authenticated by apostoli or ,fVerre dimissorice, which contained a notice of the appeal to the higher court, and were accompanied by the necessary documents, evidence, etc. The appeal did not necessarily come before the emperor in the first instance, but he delegated the matter to subordinate persons, as to consular men, to the prefect of the city, and particularly to the pnefect of the pnetorium. Appeal was al- lowed in all sorts of cases, when a decision valid in form had been given by the inferior court. Where the judgment was furmally invalid, a que- rela null'Untis was necessary.

    The apostle Paul, a Roman citizen, was brought to trial lefore the procurator of Judnsa on the charge of having profaned the temple and of having been " a mover of sedition among all the Jews through- out the world;" and to these offenses it was sought to attach political importance (Acts xxv. 8). If he had consented, a trial might have been held at Jerusalem before the procurator Festus. Hut Paul, fearing that he would be sacrificed to the malice of his enemies, if such a trial were held, made an appeal to the emperor, and Festus, after consulting with his consilium or asse,sores, allowed the appeal to take effect, glad, doubtless, to be freed from the responsibility of either irritating the Jew- ish leaders by acquitting Paul, or of pronouncing an innocent man guilty.

    The peculiarity of this case consisted in this: that an appeal was taken before any condemnatory decision had been made, whereas an appeal implied a verdict. It is not easy to explain this aspect of Pauls trial, or to illustrate it by analogous in- stances. The emperors, however, " were wont, and sometimes from the best motives, to prevent the initiation or the continuance of a judicial proceed- ing " (Geib, Gesch. d. riim. Criininnlprocess, p. 424). And Walter in his Gesch. d. rom. Rtchu, ii. 347, says that a case was " sometimes sent to the emperor by the proconsul for bis settlement of it without a previous verdict," in support of which he cites Pronto, KpitU ad Marcum, ii. 15, but there is a mistake in the citation. The emperors' tribuni- cian power could easily involve such a kind of appeal, which would be no stranger than to quash proceed- ings before a verdict (see Geib, as above). For appeal see the two writers referred to, and Rein in Pauly's ReaUEncycU s. v. Appellntio.

    T. D. W.

    APTHIA ('Ainpfa, a Greek form of the I-itiu Appia, written 'AinrIa, Acts xxviii. 15"), a Christian woman addressed jointly with Philemon and Ar- chippus in Philem. 2, apparently a member of the former's household, seeing that the letter is on a family matter, and that the church that is in her house is mentioned next to these two, and not im- -roliably his wife (Chrys., Theodoret). Nothing more is said or known of her. b 11. A

    I * 8m, man folly, on Philem. Tar. 2, In Behalf's «B tkm of lamto's OmwuMary (N. Y. 1867). B

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    APTHTJ8 CAt^oBj; [Alex. Zabfout. Sb.i iawfovi-] Apphut), surname of Jonathan Ham. bssus (1 Mace li. 6).

    AFTII FOTIUM ('Anrlov tioor, Acts xiviii. 15; wss a very well known station (as we learn from Hot. 8aL I 5, and Cic ad Att. il. 10) on the Appian Way, the great road which led from Rome to the neighborhood of the Bay of Naples. St. Paul, having landed at Puteoli (ver. 13) on his arrival from Malta, proceeded under the charge of the centurion along the Appian War towards Home, and found at Appii Forum a group of Christiana, who had gone to meet him. The position of this place is fixed by the ancient Itineraries at 43 miles from Rome (,As. Ant. p. 107; Bin. Bier, p. 611). The Jerusalem Itinerary calls it a mulatto. Horace describes it as full of taverns and boatmen. This arose from the circumstance that it waa at the northern end of a canal which ran parallel with the road, through a considerable part of the Pomptine Marshes. There is no difficulty in identifying the site with some ruins near Treponti ; and in fact the 43d milestone is preserved there. The name is probably due to Appius Claudius, who first con- structed this part of the road; and from a passage in Suetonius, it would appear that it was connected in some way with his family, even in the time of St Paul [Tbbkb Tavebks.] J. S. H.

    APPLE-TREE, APPLE (JVSF,, * tap- ptach: ntjAor; un,,ia, Sym. in Cant Till 6:

    malum, mahu). Mention of the apple-tree occurs in the A. V., in the following passages. Cant ii. 3 : " As the apple-tree among the trees of the wood, so Is my beloved among the sons. I sat down un- der his shadow with great delight, and his fruit was sweet to my taste." Cant viii. 6: " I raised thee up under tie apple-tree: there thy mother brought thee forth." Joel i. IS, where the apple-tree is named with the vine, the fig, the pomegranate, and the palm-trees, as withering under the desolating ,,9632;rfffecta of the locust, palmer-worm, ,e. The fruit of this tree is alluded to in Prov. xxv. 11: "A word fitly spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of sil- ver." In Cant ii. 5: "Comfort me with apples, for I am sick of love; " vii. 8, " The smell of thy rose [shall be] like apples."

    It is a difficult matter to say with any degree of certainty what is the specific tree denoted by the Hebrew word tapp,ach. The LXX. and Vulg. afford no due, as the terms ufjAor, malum, have a wide signification, being used by the Greeks and Romans to represent almost any kind of tree-fruit ; at any rate, the use of the word is certainly gen- eric; - • but Celsius (Hierob. i. 956) asserts that the quince tree (Pynu cydimia) was very often called ly the Greek and Roman writers mahu, as being, from the esteem in wbich it was held (" primaria roalorum species ") the malm, at nrjKov tear' i£o- xti*. Some therefore, with Celsius, have endeav- ored to show that the tapp,ach denotes the quince; id certainly this opinion has some plausible argu- uients in its favor. The fragrance of the quince was held in high esteem by the ancients; and the fruit " was placed on the heads of those images in the sleeping apartments which were reckoned among the household gods " (RosenmuUer, Botany of Bible, Bib. Cab. p. 314; Toss, On VtrgO. Eclog. ii. 61).

    • rasri. a v. n£3, apnea, In allusion to the ksrramsor tot fruit.

    • Bam the act sxun ssid by the term antU0oX«»


    The Arabians make especial allusion to tie resUra Uve properties of this fruit; and Celsius (p. Ml Quotes Abu'l Fadli in illustration of Cant ii. 5 " Comfort me with apples, for I am sick of love.' " Its scent," says the Arabic author, " cheers m; soul, renews my strength, and restores my breath." Phylarchus (Hutor. lib. vi.), Rabbi Salomon (in Cant ii. 3), Pliny (H. N. xv. 11), who uses ths words odoru prattantiwmi, bear similar testimony to the delicious fragrance of the quince. It is well known that among the ancients the quince was sa- cred to the goddess of kne ; whence statues of Venus sometimes rep res en t her with the fruit of this tret in her hand, the quince being the ill-fated " apple of discord " which Paris appropriately enough pre- sented to that deity.*

    Other writers, amongst whom may be mentioned Dr. Royle, demur to the opinion that the quince is the fruit here intended, and believe that the citron (Q'trut medica) has a far better claim to be the tapp,ach of Scripture. The citron belongs to the orange family of plants (Aurantiaeta), the fruit of which tree, together with the lemon ( C. Umonium) and the lime ( C. Hmetta), is distinguished from the orange by its oblong form and a protuberance at the apex. The citron, as its name imports, is a na- tive of Media (Tbeophrast Plant. Hi*, iv. 4, § 8); and according to Josephus (Ant. xdii. 13, § 6), branches of the citron-tree were ordered by law to be carried by those persons who attended the Feast of Tabernacles, and to this day the Jews offer cit- rons at this feast; they must be " without blemish and the stalk must still adhere to them " (Script' Herb. p. 109). "The boughs of goodly trees' (Lev. xxiii. 40) are by several of the Jewish rabbis understood to be those of this tree (Celsius, Hierob. i. 251 ) ; and the citron-tree is occasionally repre- sented on old Samaritan coins. " The rich color, fragrant odor, and handsome appearance of the tree, whether in flower or in fruit, are," Dr. Royle asserts, "particularly suited to the passages of Scripture mentioned above." Dr. Thomson (Land axd Book, p. 645), on the other hand, is in favor of the trans- lation of the A. V., and has little doubt that applet is the correct rendering of the Hebrew word. He says, " The whole area (about Askdon) is especially celebrated for its apples, which are the largest and best I have ever seen in this country. When I waa here in June, quite a caravan started for Jerusalem loaded with them, and they would not have dis- graced jeven an American orchard. . . .The Arabic word for apple is almost the same as the Hebrew, and it is as perfectly definite, to say the least, ss our English word — as much as the word for grape, and just ss well understood ; and so is that for cit- ron : but this is a comparatively rare fruit Citrons are also very large, weighing several pounds each, and are so hard and indigestible, that they cannot be used except when made into preserves. The tret is small, slender, and must be propped up, or the fruit will bend it down to the ground. Nobody ever thinks of sitting under its shadow, for it Is too small and straggling to make a shade. I cannot believe, therefore, that it is spoken of in the Canti- cles. It can scarcely be called a tree at all, much less would it be singled out as among the choice trees of the wood. As to the smell and color, all the demands of the Biblical allusions are fully met

    (SrsoJ. ad Artatoph. M*. p. 180; Thaocr. Id. M. 10 t. 83, tto. ; Tlrg. Ett. Hi. 64) wm a token of lore, fw numerous testimonial see UaMu*. Hutrtb. L SSI.

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    by these apple« of Askelon ; and 110 doubt, in an- sient times and in royal gardens, their cultivation was In' superior to what it is now, aim the fruit larger and more fragrant. Let Uippuach therefore itand for apple, as our translation has it."

    Neither the quince nor the citron nor the apple, however, appears fully to answer to all the script- ural allusions. The tappuach must denote some tree which is sweet to the taste, and which pos- sesses some fragrant and restorative properties, in or Jer to meet all the demands of the Biblical allu- sions. Both the quince and the citron may satisfy the last-named requirement; but it can hardly be ,,9632;aid that either of these fruits are sweet to the taste. Dr. Thomson, in the passage quoted above, says that the citron is " too straggling to make a shade; " but in Cant. ii. 3 the tappuach appears to be asso- ciated with other trees of the wood, and it would do no violence to the passage to suppose that this tree was selected from amongst the rest under which to recline, not on account of any extensive ,,9632;hade it afforded, but for the fragrance of its fruit. The expression " under the shade n by no means necessarily implies any thing more than " under its branches." But Dr. Thomson's trees were no doubt •mall specimens. The citron-tree is very variable u regards its size. Dr. Kitto (Pict. Bib. on Cant, ii. 3) says that it "grows to a fine large size, and affords a pleasant shade; " and Kisso, in his Ifistoire Naiwelh (Its Oranges, speaks of the citron-tree as having a magnificent aspect.

    The passage in Cant. ii. 3 seems to demand that the fruit of the tappuach in its unprepared state was sweet to the taste, whereas the rind only of the citron is used as a sweetmeat, and the pulp, though it is less acid than the lemon, is certainly far from tweet. The same objection would apply to the fruit of the quince, which is also far from being sweet to the taste in its uncooked state. The oranyt would answer all the demands of the Scriptural passages, and orange-trees are found in Palestine; but there does not appear sufficient evidence to show that this tree was known in the earlier times to the inhabitants of Palestine, the tree having been in all probability introduced at a later period. As to the apple-tree being the tap,much, most travel- lers assert that this fruit is generally of a very in- ferior quality, and Dr. Thomson does not say that he tasted the apples of Askelon." Moreover the apple would hardly merit the character for excellent fragrance which the tappuach is said to have pos- teeed. The question of identification, therefore, must still be left an open one. The citron appears to have the best claim to represent the tappuach, but there is no conclusive evidence to establish the *,mion. As to the Apples of Soimjm, see Vise )V Sodom.

    The expression " ftpp,e of the eye " occurs in



    a Since the above was written Dr. Hooker has re- turned from a tour in Palestine, ami remarks in a letter to the author of thia article — ft I procured a great many plant*, but veiy little information of service to too, though I made every inquirr about the subject •f your notes. You would hardly believe the diffi- culty in getting reliable information about the simplest «utyect? ; t. g. three, to all appearance unexceptionable Knglinh resident authorities, including a consul and a medical gentleman, assured me that the finest apples -n Syria grew at Joppa and Askelon. The lact ap- peared so improbable that, though ooe authority Hd i them. I could not w i st fi,,mt mlliis, Um inquiry, la gentleuum who bad property then,

    Deut. xxxii. 10: Ps. xvii. 8; Prov. vii. 2; Lam. 11 18; Zech. ii. 8. The word is the representative of an entirely differeiit name from that considered above: the Hebrew word being foA,5», 6 " little mnn " — the exact equivalent to the Kuglish pupil, the Latin pnpilh, the Greek ic6pjj- It is curious to observe how common the image (" pupil of the eye") is in the languages of different nations. Gescnius ( Thts. p. 86) quotes from the Arabic, the Syriac, the Ethiopic, the Coptic, the Persian, in all of which tongues an expression similar to the Knglish "pupil of the eye" is found. It is a pity that the same figure is not preserved in the A. V., which invariably uses the expression ,,9632; apple of the eye" (in allusion to its shape), instead of giving the literal translation from the Hebrew. ,,V. H.

    * APPREHEND (as used in Phil. iii. 12, 13, of the A. V.) meant formerly u to take in the hand, or by the hand," (a I-atin sense of the word). Thus Jeremy Taylor (Holy Living, ii. 6) says: " There is nothing but hath a double handle, or at least we have two hands to apprehend it." Hence a more correct rendering now would be : " If that I may lay hold (ieaTa,,df,to) on that (*. e. the victor's crown, ver. 14) for which also I was laid hold upon" ( aarsA^ ftay)' "Brethren, I count not myself to have laid hold," ,c. The language U evidently figurative, derived from the contests of runners in the stadium. See Gamks. H.

    AQ1JILA CActfov. Wolf. Cur*, on Act*, xviii. 2, believes it to have been Grecised from the L;it in Aquila, not to have any Hebrew origin, and to have been adopted as a Liiin name, as Paulus by Saul ), a Jew whom St. Paul found at Corinth on his arrival from Athens (Acts xviii. 2). He is there described as Tlovrucbs t,£ yivti, from the connection of which description with the fact that we find more than one Pontius Aquila in the Pon- tian gens at Home in the days of the Republic (see Cic. adFam.x. 33; Suet. Cos. 78; Diet, of Bioyr. art. Aquila and Pontius), it has been imagined that he may have been a freedman of a Pontius Aquila, and that his being a Pontian by birth may have been merely an inference from his name. But besides that this is a point on which St. Luke could hardly be ignorant, Aquila, the translator of the O. T. into Greek, was also a native of Pontus. At the time when St. Paul met with Aquila at Corinth, he had fled, with his wife Priscilla, from Rome, i ,,9632; consequence of an order of Claudius commanding all Jews to leave Rome (Suet. Claud. U — " Judaea* impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma ex- pulit:" see Claudius). He became acquainted with St. Paul, and they alxide together, and wrought at their common trade of making the Cilician tent or hair-cloth [Paul], On the departure of the apostle from Corinth, a year and six months after,

    and knew a little of horticulture, who assured me they were all Quinces, the apples being abominable."

    * In like manner Mr. Tristram says (Land of Israel p. 604} that he scarcely ever saw the apple-tree in the Holy Land except on a few high situations in Lebanon and in the region of Damascus. The question does not affect at all the accuracy of Scrip* tire, but the

    maaning of ITlS-Pl which the A. V. renders "apple." Mr. Trirtram concludes that it cannot be " the ap, p.. " that is intended, but is " the apricot." II.

    6 ftth, homimattus, ]^n ff6far% homun cuius ocr—, t. e, pupllls, in qua tsjvqnarn in specoU hominls tmagunonlam oonsnldmns (flss, 1%*,, i. *.).

    Digitized by;


    182 AB

    Priaeilk and Aquila accompanied him to Ephesus M hit way to Syria. There they remained ; end when Apollos came to Ephesus, knowing only the baptism of John, they took him and taught him the way of the Lord more perfectly. At what time they became Christiana is uncertain: had Aquila lieen converted before Mi first meeting with St. Paul, the word ,io0irH), would hardly have been omitted (aee against this view Neander, Pfl. h. Lett. p. 888 t, and for it Herzog, Encykl. a. v.). At the time of writing 1 Cor., Aquila and his wife were still in Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19); but in Rom. rvi. 8 ff., we find them again at Home, and their house a place of assembly for the Christians. They are there described as having endangered their lives for thai of the apostle. In 2 Tun. iv. 19, they are saluted as being with Timutbaus, probably at Ephesus. In both these latter places the form Prisca and not Priscilla is used.

    Nothing further is known of either of them. The MtnoUig. Gmcorum gives only a vague tradi- tion that they were beheaded ; and the Martt,roL Rom. celebrates both on July 8. H. A.

    * We must advert here to the question whether Luke mentions the Nazarite vow (Acts xviii. 18) trf Aquila or the apostle Paul. The passage, gram- matically viewed, no doubt should be understood of Aquila; and so much the more, it is urged, be- cause Luke places Priscilla's name before Aquila's at if for the very purpose of showing that Kapiu.- tros belongs to 'AxuAaj, and not TlavAor- So Grotius, KuinoeL Wieseler, Meyer, and others. On the contrary, Neander, Olshausen, Hansen, De Wette, Winer, Wordsworth, Lechler (Lange's Bibthetrk, p. 261), with others, refer the vow to the apostle, and not Aquila. UavKos is the leading subject, and the reader connects the remark spon- taneously with him. It is only as an act of re- flection, on perceiving that 'Aki,Xoj stands nearer, that the other connection occurs to the mind as a possible one. The intervening words (zeal abr aery .... 'Aieikas) may separate Kiipdptyos and UavKos from each other, because the clause is to evidently parenthetic, and because l{«V,,«i has a tendency to draw its several subjects towards itself. That no stress can be laid upon Luke's naming Priscilla before Aquila, is clear from Rom. xvi. 3 and 2 Tim. iv. 19, where the names follow each other in the same manner. Some principle of as- sociation, as possibly that of the relative superiority if Priscilla, seems to have made it customary to speak of them in that order. Dr. Howson (lift and Episdei of St. Paul, 1. 498) maintains that Aquila assumed the vow; but in his Iltdsean Lect- nre, (p. 16, note) recedes from that opinion and ascribes the act to Paul H.

    AE OS) tod AB OF MOAB (OHIO -)y,"

    Sam. Vert. nimN: [Num. nd. 15] *Hp; [Dent. ,j. 9, 18, Rom. Alex. 'Apotp, Vat. inup; 29, Rom. Vat 'Apofy, Alex. ApojjA, Comp."A»:] Ar), toe of the chief places of Moab (Is. xv. 1 ; Num. txi. 28).* From the Onomasticon (Moab), and


    from Jerome's Com. on b. xv. 1, it appears that h that day the place was known as Areopolis « am Rabbath-Moab, "trf t,t, orandis Moab" (Retand p. 677; Rob. ii. 166, note).' The site is stil called Rnbba ; it lies about half-way between Ktrtt and the ll'arfy Mojtb, 10 or 11 miles from each, the Roman road passing through it. The remaina are not so important as might be Imagined (Irbv. p. 140; Burckh. p. 877; De Saulcy, ii. 44-46, and map 8).

    In the books of Motet Ar appears to be used as s representative name for the whole nation of Moab ; see Deut. ii. 9, 18, 29; and also Nam. rri. 16, where it is coupled with a word rarely if ever used

    iu the same manner, i"QTi " f* dwtKng of Ar."

    In Num. xxil. 36 the almost identical words "TO

    C are rendered "a city of Moab," following tht Sam. Vers., the LXX., and Vulgate. 6.

    * Ritter's view (referred to in the note' 1 ) that Ar was not the present Rabba, but was situated near Aroer on the Anion, is held also by Hengstenberg (Gescli. Biltam, p. 234 0*.), Keil (Pentateuch iii. 146), and Kurtz (Getch. dti A. Bunda, ii. 448). Among the reasons on which tbey rely for this opinion, are that Ar formed the northern boundary of Moab (Num. xxii. 36, oomp. xxl. 16), whereas Rabba it 3 or 4 hours further south in tht interior of Moab, and that Ar was in the Wady of the Anion (Deut. ii. 36; Josh. xiii. 9) whereat Rabba is not in that valley, but 10 miles or more distant from it. Burckhardt (Syria, ii. 636) found " a fine green pasture-land in which is a hill with important ruins," near the confluence of Wady JJjum and Wady Mdjib (the Amon) which may well be supposed to be the site of the ancient Ar. It it true, the name Areopolis, which was the Greek name of Ar, was applied also to Rabba ; but then is no proof that this wit done till after the destruc- tion of Ar by an earthquake in the 4th century (Jer. ad J a. xv. 1), and hence the name may have designated different places at different times. It is possible, as Ritter argues, that after the overthrow of Ar, the capital of the region, the name was transferred to Rabba, which was the next in rank and became then the seat of the episcopate, which had previously been at Ar. Dr. Robinson identifies Ar with Rabba, but without specially noticing the objections to that view. The argument against that identification, and for supposing Ar to have been on the Amon, is well stated in Zeller's BibL WSrtb. p. 96. Raumer held at first a different opinion, but changed it in view of Hengstenberg'i arguments (Paldstina, p. 271, 4te Aufl.). Diet- rich also agrees with Ritter, and distinguishes At from the present Rabba in Moab (Htbr. u. Chald. Handw. p. 680). H.

    A'RA.(Vn, [p«™- Son^TNl: 'A^et: An). One of the sons of Jether, the head of a family of Asheritet (1 Chr. vU. 88). W. A. W.

    A-RAB (3"?^ [ambmh]: Alptp.; [Comp.

    o According to Gesenlus (Juma, p. 616), an old, probably Moabite, term of the word "IV?, a "dtj."

    6 Samaritan Codex and Version, "as tar as Moab,"

    •lading 11? fcr IV ; and so also LXX. ** M.

    e W a have Jerome's testimony that AreopoUs was

    I to be quasi *Apnt i,us, " the etty of Arts "

    it). This Is a ford Instance of the tandener which

    Is noticed by Trench (Bnglitk Pan and front, pp 218, 220) as existing m language, to tamper with On derivations of words. He gives another example of I In "Blerosolytta," quari Uptt, "holy."

    d Ritter (Syrien, p. 1212. 18) trha hard to mats out that Areopolis and Ar-Moab were not Identical, and that the latter was the "city In the mMttof tb wady " [Aaosm]; but he ttttt to tttabUah his poms.

    Digitized by



    41d.] Alts. Zpt,: Arab), a city of Judah in the joountainoiu district, probably in the neighborhood if Hebron. It ia mentioned only ir Josh, xv. 88, and has not yet been Idontifled. [Antra.]

    AK'AJBAH (P^T}V : 'Apafiai [BatBdpafia in Josh, xviii. 18; see also note a;] camptitria, ptanitUi), Josh, xviii. 18. Although this word appears in the Auth. Ten. in its original shape only in the verse above quoted, yet in the Hebrew text it ia of frequent occurrence.

    1. If the derivation of Gesenius (Tha. p. 1066) la to be accepted, the fundamental meaning of the term is "burnt up" or "waste," and thence "sterile," and in accordance with this idea it is employed in various poetical parts of Scripture to sVirignntr generally a barren, uninhabitable district, — "a desolation, a dry land, and a desert, a land wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth any son of man pais thereby" (Jer. ii. 43: see a striking re- mark in Martineau, p. 395; and amongst other passages, Joli xxiv. 6, xxxix. 6 ; Is. xxxiii. 9, xxxv.

    8. But within this general signification it is plain, from even a casual examination of the topographical records in the earlier books of the Bible, that the word has also a more special and local force. In these esses it is found with the definite article

    (n^VPt, ha-Arabah). "the Arabah," and is also so mentioned as clearly to refer to some spot or dis- trict familiar to the then inhabitants of Palestine. This district — although nowhere expressly so de- fined in the Bible, and although the peculiar force of the word " Arabah " appears to have been dis- regarded by even the earliest commentators and interpreters of the Sacred Books » — has within our own times been identified with the deep-sunken valley or trench which forms the most striking among the many striking natural features of Pal- estine, and which extends with great uniformity of formation from the slopes of Hermon to the FJan- hUe Gulf of the Red Sea; the most remarkable de- pression known to exist on the surface of the globe (Humboldt, Cotmo,, i. 150, ed. Bohn; see also 301). Through the northern portion of this extraordinary fissure the Jordan rushes through the lakes of Huleli and Gennesareth down its tortuous course to the deep chasm of the Dead Sea. This portion,



    a The early commentators and translators seem to jve overlooked or neglected toe tact, that the Jordan valley and Its continuation south of the Dead Sea bad s special name attached to them, and to them only. By Josephns the Jordan valley Is always called the UymwMar; but he applies the same nam* to the plain of Esdraelon. Jerome, In the Oasmashem, states As name by which It was then known was Anion, sr*-' - (i. 4. channel) ; but he preserves no such distinc- tion in the Vulgate, and randeri Arabah by planum, stUludo, campestria, drjtrium, by one or all of which be translates mducruninatelj Miihor, Bekaa, Mldbar, thawtla, Jeshimon, equally unmindful of the special force attaching to several of there words. Even the accurate Aqnila has tailed In this, and una his favorite h,, hfirnXf Indiscriminately. The Talmud, If we may trust the single reference given by Belaud (p. 886), mantlona the Jordan valley under the name Beksah, a word at that tune of no special Import. The Samar- itan Version and the Targums apparently confound all words for valley, plain, or low country, under the one arm Mlshor, which ra originally confined strict!) to in high smooth downs east of Jordan on the upper tnl [Misaoa]. Ia the LXX we frequently And the words 'ApoBi

    about 150 miles in lengtt, is known amongft ths

    Arabs by the name of el-Ghor ( y«*JI ), «" »t,

    peuation which it has borne certainly since the dayi of Abutted*.' The southern boundary of the Gbot has been fixed by Robinson to be the wall of cliffl which u ousts the valley about 10 miles south of the Dead See, Down to the foot of them cuffs the Ghor extends; from their summits, southward to the Gulf of Akabah, the valley changes its name, or, it would be more accurate to say, retains its old

    name of Wady el-Arabah (jbj*J1 ^gdlj).

    Looking to the indications of the Sacred Text there can be no doubt that in the times of the con- quest and the monarchy the name " Arabah " was applied to the valley in the entire length of both its southern and northern portions. Thus in Deut. i

    1, probably, and in Deut. ii. 8, certainly (A. V. " plain " in both cases), the allusion is to the south- ern portion, while the other passages in which the name occurs, point with certainty — now that the identification has been suggested — to the northern portion. In Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49; Josh. iii. 16, xi.

    2, xii. 3; and 2 K. xiv. 25, both the Dead Sea and the Sea of Cinneroth (Gennesareth) are named in close connection with the Arabah. The allusions in Dent. xi. 30; Josh. viii. 14, xii. 1, xviii 18; 2 Sam. ii. 29, iv. 7; 2 K. xxv. 4; Jer. xxxix. 4, Iii 7, become at once intelligible when the m eani n g of the Arabah ia known, however puzzling they may have been to former commentators." In Josh. xi. 16 and xii. 8 the Arabah takes its place with " the mountain," " the lowland " plains of Philistia and Esdraelon, " the south " and " the plain " of Ccehv Syria, as one of the great natural divisions of the conquered country.

    3. But further the word is found in the plural

    and without the article (."TO~l5, Arboth), always in connection with either Jericho or Moab, and therefore doubtless denoting the portion of the Ara- bah near Jericho; in the former case on the west, and in the latter on the east aide of the Jordan ; the Arboth-Moab being always distinguished from the Sede-Moab — the bare and burnt-up soil of the sunken valley, from the cultivated pasture or corn- fields of the downs on the upper level — with all

    and 'KpafiM i but It Is difficult to say whether this has been done Intelligently, or whether It is an In- stance of the favorite habit of these translators of transferring a Hebrew word literally into Greek when they were unable to comprehend Its force. (Sea some curious examples of this — to take one book only — in 14, i44~; lit. 4, vuxtfi lT - 89, *,•*; v. IS (comp. Gen. xxxv. 16), 6fflpa0a ; vl. 8, cAjunrf; Ix. 18, yap«,, ,e. Ac.) In the latter esse it Is evidence of an equal ignorance to that which has rendered the Word by ,vo?uU, itajf iondpav, and 'Apafiia.

    » By Abulfeda and Ibn Haukal the word el-Ghor Is used to denote the valloy from the lake of Gennesareth to the Dead Sea (Bitter, Sinai, pp. 1059, 1060). Thus each word was originally applied to the whole extent, and each has been since restricted to a portion only (see Stanley, App. p. 487). The word Qhor Is Inter- preted by freyuig to mean "locus depress! nr Inter montsa."

    e See the mistakes of Mlchsella, Marius, and others, who Identified the Arabah with the Bekaa (i. «. the plain of Ccala-Syria, the modern elSakia), or with the Mk'ior. the level down « intry en the east if Jordar 'KaJ, pp. 9)6, 228).

    Digitized by


    184 ARABAH

    Ike precision which would naturally follow from the mentis! difference of the two spots. (See Num. oil. 1, xxri. 3, 63, xxxi. 12, xxxiii. 48, 48, SO, hxy. 1, xxxri. 13; Deut- xxxiv. 1, 8; Joth. iv. 13, v. 10, xiii. 33; 3 Sam. xv. 88, zrii. 16; 2 K. txv. 5 ; Jer. mil. 6, lii. 8. )

    The word Arabah does not appear in the Bible until the book of Numbers. In the allusions to the valley of the Jordan in Gen. xiii. 10, Ac. the curious term Ciccar is employed. This word and the other words used in reference to the Jordan valley, as well as the peculiarities and topography of that region — in fact of the whole of the Ghor — will be more appropriately considered under the word Jordan. At present our attention may be con- fined to the southern division, to that portion of this singular valley which has from the most remote date home, as it still continues to bear, the name of "Arabah."

    A deep interest will always attach to this re- markable district, from the fact that it must have been the scene of a large portion of the wanderings of the children of Israel after their repulse from the south of the Promised Land. Wherever Kadesh and Hormah may hereafter be found to lie, we know with certainty, even in our present state of ignorance, that they must have been at the north of the Arabah; and therefore "the way of the Red Sea," by which they journeyed " from Mount Hot to compass the land of Edom," after the refusal of the king of Edom to allow them a passage through bis country, must have been southwards, down the Arabah towards the head of the Gulf, till, as is nearly certain, they turned up one of the wadies on the left, and so made their way by the back of the mountain of Seir to the land of Moab on the east of the Dead Sea.

    More accurate information will no doubt be ob- tained before long of the whole of this interesting country, but in the mean time as abort a summary as possible is due of what can be collected from the reports of the principal travellers who have visited it.

    The direction of the Ghor is nearly due north and south. The Arabah, however, slightly changes its direction to about N. N. E. by S. S. W. (Rob. i. 163, 3). But it preserves the straightness of its course, and the general character of the region is not dissimilar from that of the Ghor (Bitter, Sinai, p. 1132 ; Irby, p. 134) except that the soil is more sudy, and that from the absence of the central river and the absolutely desert character of the Ughland on its western side (owing to which the jradies bring down no fertilizing streams in sum- mer, and nothing but raging torrents in winter), there are very few of those lines and " circles " of verdure which form so great a relief to the torrid . lunate of the Ghor.

    The whole length of the Arabah proper, from the cliffs south of the Dead Sea to the head of the Gulf of Akabah, appears to be rather more than 100 miles (Kiepert's Map, Bob. i.). In breadth it va- ries. North of Petra, that is, about 70 miles from (he Gulf of Akabah, it is at its widest, being per- haps from 14 to 16 miles across; but it contracts gradually to the south till at the gulf the opening to the sea is but 4, or, according to some travellers, I miles wide (Bob. i. 163; Martineau, p. 393).

    The mountains which form the walls of this vast ndley or trench are the legitimate successors of Jbose which shut in the Ghor, only in every way pander and more desert-like. On Vie west are the


    long horixoutal lines of the limestone langes of tht Tlh, " always faithful to their tabular outline and blanched desolation " (Stanley, pp. 7, 84; also MS Journal; and see Laborde, p. 362), mounting ui from the valley by huge steps with level barren tracts on the top of each (Bob. ii. 126), and crowned by the vast plateau of the "Wilderness of the Wanderings." This western wail ranges in height from 1500 to 1800 feet above the floor of the Ara- bah (Rob. i. 163), and through it break in the wadies and passes from the desert above — unimpor- tant towards the south, but further north larger and of more permanent character. The chief of thaw wadies is the W. eUemfeh, which emerges about 60 miles from Akabah, and leads its waters, when any are flowing, into the IF. el-Jab (Rob. ii. ISO, 135), and through it to the marshy ground under the cliffs south of the Dead Sea.

    Two principal passes occur in this range. First, the very steep and difficult ascent close to the Aka- bah, by which the road of the Mecca pilgrims be- tween the Akabah and Suez mounts from the valley to the level of the plateau of the Tlh. It bean apparently no other name than en-Nikb, "the Pass" (Rob. i. 176). The second — et-Sufah— has a more direct connection with the Bible history, being probably that at which the Israelites were repulsed by the Canaanites (Deut. i. 44; Num. xtv. 43-46). It is on the road from Petra to Hebron, above Ain el- Weibeh, and is not like the farmer, from the Arabah to the plateau, but from the plateau itself to a higher level 1000 feet above it. See the descriptions of Robinson (ii. 178), Lindsay (ii. 46), Stanley (p. 85).

    The eastern wall is formed by the granite and basaltic (Schubert in Bitter, Sinai, p. 1013) moun- tains of Edom, which are in every respect a contrast to the range opposite to them. " At the base are low hills of limestone and argillaceous rock like promontories jutting into the sea .... in some places thickly strewed with blocks of porphyry; then the lofty masses of dark porphyry constituting the body of the mountain ; above these, sandstone broken into irregular ridges and grotesque groups or cliffs, and further back and higher than all, long elevated ridges of limestone without precipices" (Bob. ii. 123, 154; Laborde, pp. 309, 310, 363; Lord Lindsay, ii. 43), rising to a height of 3000 to 3300 feet, and in Mount Hor reaching an elevation of not less than 5000 feet (Ritter, Sinai, pp. 1139, 40). Unlike the sterile and desolate ranges of the Tih, these mountains are covered with vegetation, in many parts extensively cultivated and yielding good crops; abounding in "the fatness of the earth " and the " plenty of corn and wine " which were promised to the forefather of the Arab race as a compensation for the loss of his birthright (Bob. ii. 154; Laborde, pp. 303, 363). In these moun- tains there is a plateau of great elevation, from which again rise the mountains — or rather ths downs (Stanley, p. 87) —of Sherah. Though this district is now deserted, yet the ruins of towns and villages with which it abounds show that at ana time it must have been densely inhabited (Buickh. pp. 435, 436).

    The numerous wadies which at onoe drain and give access to the interior of these mountains are in strong contrast with those on the west, partaking of the fertile character of the mountains from v,hict they descend. In almost all cases they oontaii streams which, although in the beat of summet small and losing themselves in their own beds, w

    Digitized by



    n the sand of the Arabah, "in a few paces" jfter Ihey forsake the ihadow of their native ravines (Laborde, 141), an yet sufficient to keep alive a I sertain amount of vegetation, rushes, tamarisks, palms, and even oleanders, lilies, and anemones, while they form the resort of the numerous tribes of the children of Esau, who still "dwell (Stanley, p. 87, also MS. Journal; Laborde, a. 141; Mart, p. 398) in Mount Seir, which is Edom" (Gen. rxxvL 8). The moat important of these wadies are the Wady Mm (Jetoum of Laborde), and the Wtiag Abu Kutheibeh. The former enters the mountains close above the Akabah and leads by the back of the range to Petra, and thence by Shobek and Tufileh to the country east of the Dead Sea. Traces of a Roman road exist along this route (La- borde, p. 203; Rob. ii. 161); by it Laborde returned from Petra, and there can be little doubt that it was the route by which the Israelites took their leave of the Arabah when they went to " compass the land of Edom " (Num. xxi. 4). The second, the W. Abi Kutheibeh, is the most direct access from the Arabah to Petra, and is that up which Laborde" and Stanley appear to have gone to the city. Resides these are Wady Tubal, in which the traveller from the south gains his first glimpse of the red sandstone of Edom, and W. Uhirundcl, not to be confounded with those of the same name north of l'etra and west of Sinai.*

    To l)r. Robinson is due the credit of having first ascertained the spot which forms at once the south- ern limit of the Uhor and the northern limit of the Arabah. This boundary is the line of chalk clifls which sweep across the valley at about 6 miles be- low the S. W. corner of the Dead Sea. They are from 60 to ISO feet in height; the Ghor ends with the marshy ground at their feet, and level with their tops the Arabah begins (Rob. ii. 116, 118, 190). Thus the clifls act as a retaining wall or buttress supporting the higher level of the Arabah, and the whole forms what in geological language might be idled » ufiudt" in the floor of the great valley.

    Through this wall breaks in the embouchure of the great main drain of the Arabah — the Wady eUab — in itself a very large and deep water-course which collects and transmits to their outlet at this point the torrents which the numerous wadies from both sides of the Arabah pour along it in the win- ter season (Rob. ii. 118, 120, 125). The furthest •aint south to which this drainage is known to teach is the Wady Ghurundel (Rob. ii. 126), which Cebouches from the eastern mountains about 40 miles from the Akabah and 60 from the clifls just spoken of. The Waif tl-Jeib also forms the most nirect road for penetrating into the valley from the north. On its west bank, and crossed by the road bom Wadg Alusa (Petra) to Hebron, are the

    • Hardly raeognlaable, though doubtless to be re- sinislsi 1, under lbs Poboudun of Laborde (p. 144), or (he thou OaeWftf of Lindsay- s' The various springs occurring botb on the east

    sad wast skies of the Arabah an enumerated by Hob- kasao (HL 184).

    * Ths wind m the Banloe arm of the Red Sea is very violent, constantly blowing down the Arabah ,om the North. Ths navigation of these waters Is SB that account almost proverbially dangerous and ttAValt. (See the notice of this to the Win. Rn ML ehl. p. MS).

    d The bass whose hum so charmed him (p. 1017) ansa) from bis fcsetlpslon have ban In a side wadr, •mt ha the Arabah Itself.

    ARABAH 186

    springs of Am eU Weibth, maintained by Robinson to be Kadash (Rob. ii. 176; but sea Stanley, pp. 03, 95).

    Of the substructure of the floor of the Arabah very little is known. In his progress southward along the Wady eUeib, which is during part ot its course over 100 feet in depth, Dr. Robinson (ii. 119) notes that the sides are " of chalky earth or marl," but beyond this there is no information.

    The surface is dreary and desolate in the extreme. " A more frightful desert," says Dr. Kobinson (ii. 121) " it had hardly been our lot to behold . . . loose gravel and stones everywhere furrowed with the beds of torrents . . . blocks of porphyry brought down by the torrents among which the camels picked their, way with great difficulty . . ,,9632; a lone shrub of the ghudah, almost the only trace of vegetation." This was at the ascent from the Wady tl-Jeib to the floor of the great valley itself. Further south, near Ain tU Wtibeh, it is a rolling gravelly desert with round naked hills of consid- erable elevation (ii. 173). At Wady Ghunmdet it is " an expanse of shifting sands, broken by in- numerable undulations and low bills" (Burckh. p. 442), and " countersected by a hundred water- courses" (Stanley, p. 87). The southern portion has a considerable general slope from east to west quite apart from the undulations of the surface (Stanley, p. 85), a slope which extends as far north as Petra (Schubert, p. 1097). Nor is the heat less terrible than the desolation, and all travellers, almost without exception, bear testimony to the difficulties of journeying in a region where the sirocco appears to blow almost without intermission (Schub. p. 1016; Burckh. p. 444; Mart. p. 894; Rob. ii. 123 ).«

    However, in spite of this heat and desolation, there is a certain amount of vegetation, even in the open Arabah, in the driest parts of the year. Schubert in March found the Aria (Calligonum com.), the Anihia variegata, and the Cvloqvinia (Hitter, p. 1014), also tamarisk-bushes {tar,a) lying thick in a torrent-bed d (p. 1016) ; and on Stanley's road " the shrubs at times had almost the appear- ance of a jungle," though it is true that they were so thin as to disappear when the " waste of sand " was overlooked from an elevation (85, and see Rob i. 163, 176).

    It is not surprising that after the discovery by Burckhardt in 1812* of the prolongation of the Jordan valley in the Arabah, it should have been assumed that this had in former times formed the outlet for the Jordan to the Red Sea., Lately, however, the levels of the Jordan and the Dead Sea have been taken, imperfectly, but still with suffi- cient accuracy ' to disprove the possibility of such a theory; and in addition there is the universal testimony of the Arabs that at least half of the dis-

    « See Burckhardt, pp. 441, 442. The sagacity of Bitter had led him earlier than this to Into Its exist •nee from the remarks of the andant Mohammedan historians (Bob. U. 187).

    , This theory appears to have been first announced by Col. Leake in ths prelacs to Burckbardt's Travail (aw p. vi.). It wee afterwards espoused and dilated on amongst others, by Lord Undsay (II. 28), Dean atlknan (Huf. of Jncs, Allen, p. 241), and Stephens -jki',,«ui of Trav. U. 41).

    a These observations will be stated In detail in the account ,, *,• Jordan. Those of Lynch seem on ths wr "» the moat reliable: they give as the lewis of the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea below the Ned} tarreaean respective)* «8 and 1316 i aa*.

    Digitized by




    Met drains northward to the Dead Sea — a testi- mony fully confirmed by all the recorded observa- tions of the conformation of the ground. A series of accurate levels from the Akabah to the Dead Sea, up the Arabah, are necessary before the question can be set at rest, but in the mean time the follow- ing may be taken as an approximation to the real state of the case.

    1. The waters of the Red Sea and of the Medi- terranean are very nearly at one level."

    3. The depression of the surface of the Sea of Galilee is 652 feet, and of the Dead Sea 1316 feet, below the level of the Mediterranean, and therefore of the Bed Sea. Therefore the waters of the Jor- dan can never in historical times have flowed into the Gulf of Akabah, even if the formation of the ground between the Dead Sea and the Gulf would admit of it But,

    3. All testimony goes to show that the drainage of the northern portion of the Arabah is towards the Dead Sea, and therefore that the land rises southward from the latter. Also that the south portion drains to the gulf, and therefore that the land rises northward from the gulf to some point between it and the Dead Sea. 6 The watershed is said by the Arabs to be a long ridge of hills run- ning across the valley at 2J days, or Bay 40 miles, from the Akabah (Stanley, p. 85), and it is probable that this is not far wrong. By M. de Bertou it is fixed as opposite the entrance to the Wady TaOi, apparently the same spot G.

    ARABATTI'NE (jj , A*-paj3aTT(vri; [Alex. Sin.i AKpajSamjirn :] Acrabattane), in Idunuea (1 Mace t. 3). [Akbabbui; and see the note to that article.] G.

    ARABIA ('Apafila, Gal. i. 17, iv. 35), a coun- try known in the 0. T. under two designations : —

    1. DTI? Y"3, ** e tatt country (Gen. xxv. 6); or

    perhaps Oli?. (Gen. x. 30; Num. xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii.

    6); and D^.^S YTM (Gen.xxix. 1); gentn.

    D7i?.V).9, torn of At East (Judg. vi. 3 ft; 1 K.'iv. 30; Job i. 3; Is. xi. 14; Jer. xlix. 28; Ez. xxv. 4). (Translated by the LXX. and in Tulg., and sometimes transcribed (KcS,,i) by the former.) From these passages it appears that

    0"J(7 VTW "^ E7j? ,,J3 indicate, primarily, he country east of Palestine, and the tribes de- fended from Ishmael and from Keturah ; and that Jts original signification may have become gradu- ally extended to Arabia and its inhabitants gener- ally, though without any strict limitation. The ihird and fourth passages above referred to, as Ge- senius remarks {Lex. ed. Tregelles, in toe.), relate to Mesopotamia and Babylonia (comp. fj araroA^, Matt. ii. 1 If.). Winer considers Kedem, Ac., to signify Arabia and the Arabians generally (Real, uxrrterbucfi, in roc.); but a comparison of the pas- sages on which his opinion is founded has led us to consider it doubtful. [Bene-Kedem.] 2.

    3"JS (9 Chr. ix. 14) and 3?? (Is. xxi. 13; Jer.

    ,,9632; 8e, the Report of Mr. Robert Stephenson, and of *L Bourdalooe, quoted in Allen's Dead Sea.

    Schubert's barometrical observations are not very Intelligible, but they at least show this : at the end sf the 2d day bis halting-place was 496 ft. above the watsr of the Gulf; 3d day, 1017 ft. ; 4th day, 2180 t. Than, after leaving Petra, his halting-place ( ? In


    xxv. 84; Ez. xxvii. 21); gent n. "O^B (•»• tlk

    90; Jer. iii. 2); and ^3")? (Neh. iL 19); pi

    D^a")? (2 Chr. xxi. 10, xxB. 1), and D^a^S (8 Chr. xvil. 11, xxvi. 7). (LXX. 'Apo,Jfo, Ac. Vuhj. Arabia, Ac.) These seem to have the same geographical reference as the former names to th« country and tribes east of me Jordan, and chiefly north of the Arabian peninsula. In the N. T. 'Apaflta cannot be held to have a more extended signification thin the Hebrew equivalents in the

    O. T.« 2.-V2 (Ex. xii. 38; Neh. xiu. 3) and

    3"TO (1 K. x, 16; Jer. xrv. 80, 1. 87; Ee. «xx. 6), rendered in the A. V. " a mixed multitude " (Ex. xii. 88, here followed by 31), " the mixed multitude," kings of " Arabia " (so in Vulg., and in Heb. in corresponding passage in 2 Chr. ix. 14), and (in the last two instances) " the mingled peo- ple," have been thought to signify the Arabs. The people thus named dwelt in the deserts of

    Petra. By the Arabs the country is called O^Ls

    - -•• I.

    iO»,)t (Bilad El- Arab), "the country of the

    Arabs," and o**JI S_jy,. (JeseeretEt-'Arab), " Me peninsula of the Arabs," and the people la,*£ ('Arab); "Bedawee" in modem Arabic,

    and Aarab (,,9632; r'-. ,*,, ) in the old language, being

    applied to people of the desert, as distinguished from townspeople. They give no satisfactory deri- vation of the name 'Arab, that from Yaarub being puerile. The Hebrew designation, 'Ereb, has been thought to be from 'Arabah, " a desert," Ac., which, with the article, is the name of an extensive district in Arabia Petrsea.

    Geographical Divisions. — Arabia was divided, by the Greeks, into Arabia Felix (r) eftooiuew 'Apaffla), Arabia Deseria (f, tfrtyws 'Apafiia), (Strab. xvi. p. 767 ; Plin. vi. 28, § 32; Diod. Sic ii. 48 ff.), and Arabia Petran (rj rtrpala 'Apafita, Pt. t. 17, § 1). The first two divisions were those of the earlier writers ; the third being introduced by Ptolemy. According to this geographer's arrange- ment, they included, within doubtful limits, 1, the whole peninsula; 2, the Arabian desert north of the former; and, 3, the desert of Petra, and the peninsula of Sinai. It will be more convenient in this article to divide the country, agreeably to the natural divisions and the native nomenclature, ink. Arabia Proper, or Jezeeret El-'Arab, containing the whole peninsula as far as the limits of the north- ern deserts; Northern Arabia, or El-Bediyeh, bounded by the peninsula, the Euphrates, Syria, and the desert of Petra, constituting properly Ara- bia Deserta, or the great desert of Arabia; and Western Arabia, the desert of Petra and the pen- insula of Sinai, or the country that has been called Arabia Petnea, bounded by Egypt, Palestine, Northern Arabia, and the Red Sea.

    the Arabah) was H7 ft. below the water of the Gulf (Schutvrt ; Bitter, SVnoi, p. 1097). c * See In Paul respecting hk Journey to Asaeh

    (Gal. i. 17). at

    Digitized by



    Arabia ,Viper, or the Arabiac peninsula, cou- nt* of high table-land, declining towards the north ; its most derated portions being the chain it mountains running nearly parallel to je Red Sea, and the territory east of the southern part of this chain. The high land is encircled from the 'Akabah to the head o f the Persian (T.ilf by a belt of low littoral country ; on the watt and southwest the mountains fall abruptly to this low region ; on the opposite side of the peninsula the fall is gener- slly gradual. So far as the interior has been ex- plored, it consists of mountainous and desert tracts, relieved by large districts under cultivation, well- peopled, watered by wells and streams, and enjoy- ing periodical rains. The water-shed, as the con- formation of the country indicates, stretches from the high land of the Yemen to the Persian Gulf. From this descend the torrents that irrigate the western provinces, while several considerable streams — there are no navigable rivers — reach the sea in the opposite direction : two of these traverse 'Oman ; and another, the principal river of the peninsula, enters the Persian Gulf ou the coast of El-Bahreyn, and is known to traverse the inland province called Yemameh. The geological formation is in part vol- canic; and the mountains are basalt, schist, granite, as well as limestone, 4c. ; the volcanic action being especially observable about El-Medecneh on the northwest, and in the districts bordering the In- dian Ocean. The most fertile tracts are those on the southwest and south. The modern Yemen is especially productive, and at the same time, from its mountainous character, picturesque. The set- tled regions of the interior also appear to be more fertile than is generally believed to be the case; and the deserts afford pasturage after the rains. The principal products of the soil are date-palms, tamarind-trees, vines, fig-trees, tamarisks, acacias. the banana, Ac., and a great variety of thorny shrubs, — which, with others, afford pasture for the camels, — the chief kinds of pulse and cereals (ex- cept oats), coffee, spices, drugs, gums and resins, cotton and sugar. Among the metallic and mineral products are lead, iron, silver (in small quantities), sulphur, the emerald, onyx, Ac. The products mentioned in the Bible as coming from Arabia will be found described under their respective heads. They seem to refer, in many instances, to mer- chandise of Ethiopia and India, carried to Palestine by Arab and other traders. Gold, however, was perhaps found in small quantities in the beds of torrents (oomp. Diod. Sic. ii. 93, iii. 45, 47); and the spices, incense, and precious stones, brought from Arabia (1 K. x. 2, 10, 15; 2 Chr. ix. 1, 9, 14; Is. Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20; Ez. xxvii. 22), probably were the products of the southern provinces, still celebrated for spices, frankincense, ambergris, Ac., as well as for the onyx and other precious stones. Among the more remarkable of the wild animals of Arabia, besides the usual domestic kinds, and of c arse (be camel and the horse, for both of which it is famous, are the wild ass, the musk-deer, wild goat, wild sheep, several varieties of the antelope, the hare, monkeys (in the south, and especially in the Yemen); the bear, leopard, wolf, jackal, hyena, fox; the eagle, vulture, several kinds of hawk, the pheasant, red-legged partridge (in the peninsula of Su»ai), sand-grouse (throughout the country), the utricb (abundantly in Central Arabia, where it is imrtad by Arab tribes) ; the tortoise, serpents, lo- susts, Ac lions were formerly numerous, as the sasaaa of places testify. The sperm-whale ia found

    ARABIA 187

    off the coasts bordering the Indian Ocean. Greek and Roman writers (Herod., Agatharch. op. Mullet Strab., Diod. Sic., Q. Curt., Dion. Perieg., Helio* jEthiop., and Plin.) mention most of the Biblical and modern products, and the animals, above enu- merated, with some others. (See the Dictionary of Geography.)

    Arabia Proper may be subdivided into five prin- cipal provinces: the Yemen; the districts of Hadra- mawt, Mahreh, and 'Oman, on the Indian Ocean and the entrance of the Persian Gulf; El-Bahreyn, towards the head of the Gulf just named ; the great central country of Nejd and Yemameh; and the Hyiiz and Tihameh on the Red Sea. The Arabs also have five divisions, accenting to the opinion most worthy of credit (Maratid, ed. JuynboU, in toe. Hjjaz; amp. Strata), Tihameh, the Hyiiz, Nejd, El-'Arood (the provinces lying towards the head of the Persian Gulf, including Yemameh), and the Yemen (Including 'Oman and the inter- vening tracts). They have, however, never agreed either as to the limits or the number of the divis- ions. It will be necessary to state in some detail the positions of these provinces, in order to the right understanding of the identifications of Bib- lical with Arab names of places and tribes.

    The Yemen embraced originally the most fertile districts of Arabia, and the frankincense and spice country. Its name, signifying " the right hand " (and therefore " south," contp. Matt. xii. 42), is sup posed to have given rise to the appellation tuSaifuer (Felix), which the Greeks applied to a much more extensive region. At present, it is bounded by the Hyaz on the north, and Hadramawt on the east, with the sea-board of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean; but formerly, as Fresnel remarks (amp. Sale, Prelim. Due.), it appears to have extended at least so as to include Hadramawt and Mahreh (Ibn-El-Wardee MS.; Yakoot's Miulitarak, ed. Wustenfield, and Maratid, patrim). In this wider acceptation, it embraced the region of the first set- tlements of the Joktanites. Its modern limits include, on the north, the district of Khawlan (not, as Niebuhr supposes, two distinct districts), named after Khawlan (Kdmoot), the Joktanite (Maratid, in roc., and Caussin de Perceval, Ktttri tur tHut. dea Arnbtt atant tlsiamume, i. 113); and that of Nejran, with the city of that name founded by NejrAn the Joktanite (Caussin, i. 60, and 113 ff.), which is, according to the soundest opinion, the Negra of ^Elius Gallus (Strab. xvi. 782; see Jomard, jUtudet geogr. it hiit. tur tArabie, ap- pended to Mengin, HitL de tEgypte, Ac, iii. 385-6).

    Hadramawt, on the coast east of the Yemen, is a cultivated tract contiguous to the sandy deserts called El-Ahkaf, which are said to be the omginnl •eats of the tribe of 'A'd (Ibn-H-Wardee, and oth ers). It was celebrated for its frankincense, which it still exports (El-Idreesee, ed. Jaubert, i. 64), and formerly it carried on a considerable trade, its prin- cipal port being Zaffiri, between Mirbi'it and Rat Siyir, which is now composed of a series of villages (Fresnel, 4« Leitre, Journ. AriaL iii* Sene, r. 621). To the east of Hadramawt are the districts of Shihr, which exported ambergris (Maratid, in voe.), and Mahreh (so called after a tribe of Kurta'ah (Id. in noc.), and therefore Joktanite), extending iron Seyhoot to Karwan (Fresnel, *, Lettrt, p. 510). 'Oman forma the easternmost corner of the south coast, lying at the entrance of tin Persian pulf It present* the same natural t

    Digitized by




    (eristics a* the preceding district*, being partly desert with large fertile trwrt* . It abo contains some considerable lead-mine*.

    The highest province on the Persian Gulf is H- Bahreyc, between 'Oman and the head of the Gulf, of which the chief town is Hejer (according to some, the name of the province also) (K,moot, Marasid, m voce.) It contains the towns (and districts) of Kateef and H-Ahsa (H-Idreesee, i. 371; Maririd, in roec. ; Mtuhtarak, in me. H-Ahss ), the latter not being a province, as has been erroneously sup- posed. The inhabitants of El-Bahreyn dwelling on the coast are principally fishermen and pearl-divers. The district of H-Ahsa abounds in wells, and pos- sesses excellent pastures, which are frequented by tribes of other parts.

    The great central province of Nejd, and that of Yemameh, which bounds it on the south, are little known from the accounts of travellers. Nejd sig- nifies " high land," and hence its limits are very doubtfully laid down by the Arabs themselves. It consists of cultivated table-land, with numerous wells, and is celebrated for its pastures ; but it is intersected by extensive deserts. Yemameh appears to be generally very similar to Nejd. On the south lies the great desert called Er-Ruba el-Khalee, unin- habitable in the summer, but yielding pasturage in the winter after the rains. The camels of the tribes inhabiting Nejd are highly esteemed in Ara- bia, and the breed of horses is the most famous in the world. In this province are said to be remains of very ancient structures, similar to those east of the Jordan.

    The Hyiiz, and Tihameh (or H-GWr, the " low land "), are bounded by Nejd, the Yemen, the Red Sea, and the desert of Petra, the northern limit of the Hyaz being Eyleh (El-Makreezee's Khitat, in toe Eyleh). The Hijaz is the holy land of Ara- bia, its chief cities being Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh ; and it was also the first seat of the Ishmaelites in the peninsula. The northern portion is in general sterile and rocky ; towards the south it gradually merges into the Yemen, or the district called El- 'Aseer, which is but little noticed by either east- ern or western geographers (see Jomard, p. 845 ff.). The province of Tihameh extends between the mountain-chain of the Hyiiz, and the shore of the Red Sea; and is sometimes divided into Tihameh of the Hyaz, and Tihameh of the Yemen. It is a parched, sandy tract, with little rain, and fewer pasturages and cultivated portions than the moun- tainous country.

    Northern Arabia, or the Arabian Desert

    (jboLJI) is divided by the Arabs (who do

    not consider it as strictly belonging to their coun- try) into Badiyet Egh-Sham, " the Desert of Syria," B,diyet El-Jezeereh, " the Desert of Mesopotamia "

    (not " of Arabia," as Winer supposes), and

    Badiyet H-'lnik, "the Desert of El 'Irak." It U, w far as it is known to us. a high, undulating, Nrched plain, of which the Euphrates forms the natural boundary from the Persian Gulf to the frontier of Syria, whence it is bounded by the latter country and the desert of Petra on the north- west ai.d west, the peninsula of Arabia forming its southern limit. It has few oases, the water of the veils is generally either brackish or unpotable, and t is visited by the sand-wind called Samoom, of •hieh however the terrors have been much exag-


    gerated. The Arabs find pasture fcr their Seeks and herds after the rains, and in the more depressed plains; and the desert generally produoes prickrj shrubs, Ac., on which the camels feed. The in- habitants were known to the ancients as amir,rcu, " dwellers in tents," or perhaps so called from then town al Xrnraf (Strab. xvi. 747, 767; Diod. Sic ii. 34; Amm. Hare, xxiii. 6; amp. Is. xiii. 20 Jar. xlix. 31; Ezek. xxxviii. 11); and they extended from Babylonia on the east (comp. Num. xxiii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 16 ; Is. ii. 6, xiii. 20), to the borders of Egypt on the west (Strab. xvi. 748; Plin. v. 12; Amm. Marc. xiv. 4, xxii. 15). These tribes, principally descended from Ishmael and from Ke- turah, have always led a wandering and pastoral life. Their predatory habits are several times men- tioned in the O. T. (2 Chr. xxi. 16 and 17, xxvi. 7 ; Job i. 15 ; Jer. iii. 2). They also conducted a considerable trade of merchandise of Arabia and India from the shores of the Persian Gulf (Ezek. xxvii. 20-24), whence a chain of oases still forms caravan stations (Burckhardt, Arabia, Appendix vi.); and they likewise traded from the w e stern portions of the peninsula. The latter traffic ap- pears to be frequently mentioned in connection with Ishmaelites, Keturahite